PhD thesis Joana Dhiamanti

CHAPTER 1_ INTRODUCTION 1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE THESIS Bektashi Shrines -tekke- are popular pilgrimage destinations among the Sufi Muslims in modern Turkey and Balkans. This research explores the earliest stages of the process through which these shrines became the "emblems" of Bektashi community. Bektashi is a term that today owns a social identity as much as a "religious denomination". The individual histories of the shrines go back to the thirteenth century, but they were culturally and socially connected under the Ottomans from the late fifteenth century onwards.

By the sixteenth century, they had become the principal centers of a social Bektashi network, and which constitute the basis of today’s Bektashism. The development of this social network was accompanied by an extensive evolution of the body of the shrine, which is the central theme here.

Bektashi shrines are challenging to study because their significance is not immediately apparent. What makes them special is what people think of them than what it is seen. The Bektashi shrines "share a unique approach to how an Islamic place of worship can be constructed; the shrine it has become recognized as a unique prototype of the mosque architecture in the Persian tradition that was the first to embrace the Sufi ideology in the transformation of the mosque" (Pirnia, 2004). ​‘’Responded to the never-ending need of spirituality is a unique solution which fits perfectly into the culture of the Persian-Islamic world. The composition of forms, functions, and patterns has created spaces that when one enters, he unwillingly sentence requests for more ​(Oleyki, 2009)”. Many scholars have praised Bektashi as a ​"unique package among Islamic Shrines architecture. It contains many of the patterns and archetypes of an Islamic house of worship, and in many cases, it has introduced them to this particular type of architecture itself "​. (Hojjat, 2009).

Bektashi tekke ​"has been designed on well-established principles which have been recognized by Muslim architects as an appropriate approach to creating a place in which the act of worship can take place in its optimal form. The application of prescribed principles, rules or elements has resulted in the creation of several archetypes or patterns in the body of the tekke architecture. In other words, these patterns are the ensuing experiences of generations dealing with several forces or aspects of the human existence that have influenced the design of the place of worship in Islamic societies. Their function is not only to fulfill the physical needs of man but also to nurture his soul (Nasr, 1987)”.

"The early designed shrines of Islamic societies, however, were not built following a specific pattern and did not include specific features (Hillenbrand, 2000)”. Indeed it is believed that the first examples of “Sufi shrines are equipped with patterns such as the dome, the minaret and elaborated decorations that have been built in Persia at the Razi era after a 300 year long period of copying the first mosque prototype built by the Prophet (Pirnia, 2004)”.

"Several studies done by scholars including Hillenbrand (2000) Creswell (1914) Pirnia (2004) Nasr (1987) Ardalan & Bakhtiar (1979) and many others, focusing on the actual time these patterns appeared in Islamic Architecture, and also the Sufi-Bektashi Islamic history reveals that the introduction of some of these six patterns was primarily a result of the advent of an esoteric tradition of Sufism from the 4 influences of its teachings and practices which had a significant impact on how Sufi Muslims viewed the shrine as an embodiment of divine presence. It is necessary to mention that Sufism, as known in the Islamic world, it is,

in fact, Islamic mysticism, a more in-depth view of Islamic teachings and practices. Sufism is not a sect of Islam; it is more accurately described as an aspect or dimension of Islam (Karamustafa, 2007)”.

In Albania the first evidence of the Sufi Ideology and architecture dates from the 13th-century with the trip of Sari Saltik, "a semi-legendary Turkish dervish, venerated as a saint by the Bektashis in the Balkans", while the architectural articulation that takes place in Albanian can be identified by its diverse and minimal application of the Sufi patterns that have been evident in the Middle East.

1.2 RESEARCH PROBLEMS AND LIMITATIONS "According to Doja, religious studies specialized in Bektashism, have been primarily the domain of either orientalists or religious scholars, remain stuck somewhere between ethnocentrism, empiricism, historicism, and literalism, and thereby have brought little distinctively anthropological and sociological analysis to bear, successfully, on the practical realities related to the local character of the Albanian context". The primary objective of this research is to give an illustration and evaluation of the Bektashi building typology in Albania and by understanding its design elements and patterns and how this configuration has being evolved according to each specific place and time.

The lack of illustrative material and archive is one a primary challenge of this Ph.D. dissertation since this provides us with an excellent opportunity for the Bektashi Community, to document appropriately a part of crucial historical building highlighting their values and importance. It is in necessary in order to create a base and trace this building typology to have a deeper understanding. View on its Islamic architecture's origin and to start an analysis of the patterns and elements that we can recognize there. "Islam initially proposes the place of worship is as simple as possible. A simple wall oriented towards the direction of Qibla, which is the cubic Kaaba within the city of Mecca, having no roof, no minimum size, no enclosed walls, and no additional accessories. Indeed it might probably be argued that the single wall can even be removed and the direction can be noticed with some other monument. After all, it is believed that wherever you pray, that place is a mosque and in the case of Bektashi, a Shrine. All these facts show that a more hidden pattern composes the Bektashi building synthesis. Therefore the term tekke does not address any specific building of any kind. But since the Prophet defined the arrangement of worship and the ceremonies, the Bektashi constructed tekkes as a result of the need to facilitate these rituals. The architectural evolution of the tekke started on the 14th century. And when the simple pattern of the Prophet’s house was selected and put into use as the first and only example of a gathering area in the Arab lands (Hillenbrand, 2000)”.

"Building the first mosque in Medina was carried out with a straightforward outline that merely had a covered area and a courtyard. As the new religion was developed, mosques were built usually initiating the concept of the Prophet’s mosque. This process was followed for almost 800 years, but gradually the appearance of the Bektashi shrine changed and transformed into buildings that were no longer similar to the early shrine examples. These changes first appeared in the Razi style of Persian architecture and later spread to other Islamic nations (Pirnia, 2004)”.

"In other words the mosque built and introduced by the Prophet is an example of how Mosques should look like, but indifference with the evolution of the Sufi-bektashi shrine the cases of Seyyit and Haci Bektashi was so different from the Islamic Sufi shrines which were built in later years, where the palatial features and

civic characteristic are more evident (Yurekli Z., 1988​)”. ​“However, it must be mentioned that creating a glorious Shrines at the beginning of the Golden Islamic era and now in Albania, the case of the Global Headquarters was not a direct process; never does any scholar or expert question the way and the approach that had used to build and created a place of worship as it was indeed the proper place for that time, place and available resources.’’ “​ ​The question that emerges why the Bektashi shrines we have today which are publicly accepted and used and include several patterns and a dome, arch, tomb, courtyard and so on, are so different from the prototypes given or the cases from the other Bektashi Tekkes in Albania?

Furthermore, this pattern has now also been accepted by the majority of architects as part of the language that the Bektashi architecture offers, without this to be a proven articulated architectural expression​”​.

Therefore the first fascination and question that appears at this stage are, which is the pattern presented in the Albanian Bektashi tekke, why and how it was initially changed during time and space comparing to the original? What qualities of this pattern are added to the tekke and the act of worship? How this pattern reflects social, economic factors of the contexts that this applied?

From this initial question, the main research question of this research is formulated as follows: Is there an use of a specific pattern in the design of the Bektashi tekke in Albania?

"If we look a bit deeper at what has happened in this process, we will see a fascinating historical overlap.

According to Pirnia and Hillenbrand, the Sufi pattern started to appear in Islamic Architecture by the year 300 (A.H – After the prophet’s Hijrat from Mecca to Medina which is the base for the Islamic Calendar.)

This is the time that Islam had been to a certain extent established in the new countries, in which Islam was adopted. Thus cultural influences started to have an Influence on Islamic Architecture began to change based on the cultural and local beliefs of the countries (Pirnia, 2004), (Hillenbrand, 2000)”​. But the first buildings built in order to facilitate the first institutionalized Sufi-Shite groups were made during the Classic Era of Islamic architecture. Since in its origins, Sufism implied detachment from worldly concerns, in the early modern Islamic world. This included the dervishes of even the most extremist ‘renunciatory’ orders whose founding fathers had considered a complete detachment from worldly concerns to be an essential component of the Sufi path. The hagiographies of a patron saint and his disciples played an important role in the process of institutionalization of Bektashi order; they were the ‘classics’ of the Sufi community that was affiliated with the shrine of the saint but was dispersed across a vast geography. In the name of two important hagiographic figures of the Sufi-Bektashi community two important shrines were built in Turkey. It is important to mention here that it was not easy for a Sufi community in the Ottoman empire to survive the scrutiny of religious scholars. The patronage of power brokers was crucial in this respect. Architectural patronage was particularly desirable because it enabled the Sufi community to promote high-status protection.

The two shrines maintained separate existences within the territories of different polities until the fifteenth century. Accordingly, ​“the early legends of the warrior and the Sufi, at least in their written forms, evolved independently. Seyyid Gazi’s feats of holy war are recounted in the updated Turkish legend Baṭṭālnāme which was written from oral accounts at some point before 1436–37, the date of its earliest extant manuscript (Dedes, 1996)”.​ Hacı Bektaş is mentioned in the Turkish and Persian hagiographies of two of his contemporaries which were written in the fourteenth century. Both complexes have palatial aspects.

The composition of separate buildings which include massive cooking and ritual facilities around courtyards

is a reflection of the multifunctional role of both shrines. These complexes were apparently not intended to serve solely as mystical retreats. This problem of functional categorization has prompted Baha Tanman to single out these two Bektashi shrines and the Mevlevi shrine of Celaleddin Rumi (d. 1273) in Konya as multifaceted institutions that cannot be easily classified within a typology of Ottoman Sufi architecture because they are ‘cumulative and organic ensembles of buildings (Tanman, 2003)”. Each shrine was shaped primarily as a pilgrimage center, which not only provided a dignified setting for rituals such as tomb visitation, prayer, animal sacrifice and distribution of food and largesse but also supplied the amenities required of a travelers’ way station.

This change was also marking the birth of Sufism architecture; Declaring Sufi centers as social welfare institutions. ​“ELisa Golombek has described several shrines as ‘little cities of God,’ this ingenious but vague appellation never made it into the canon of Islamic building types (Golombek, 1990)”​. Turkish and Persian sources distinguish Sufi shrine complexes from tombs (meşhed/Mashhad, türbe/turbat) and Sufi convents (zāviye/zāviya, ḫānḳāh) by referring to them as gates (dergāh/dargāh) and thresholds (āsitāne/āsitān); both metonyms are also used of palatial complexes.

The problems of architectural terminology and categorization are compounded by the difficulty of dating the various parts of a shrine complex and understanding its development in time. This, of course, hinders the contextual treatment of these complexes; the historical circumstances of the construction of many shrines remain vague because of the problems of dating. As a result, the general history of Islamic shrines is fraught with lacunae. The perceived proliferation of mausolea from the tenth century onwards has been linked to the rise of Sufism, which has generated a body of contending interpretations, particularly concerning Fatimid mausoleum (Williams, 1992). Although it remains unclear exactly when and where mausolea developed into multifunctional complexes, (Leisten Thomas, 1998) there is clear evidence of a proliferation in the eastern Islamic world after the Mongol conquests of the thirteenth century, yet only a few essential shrines have been studied in detail (Golombek, 1990) For the early modern period, crucially, May Farhat (2002) and Kishwar Rizvi have produced studies of the two most prominent Safavid shrines, which have facilitated the comparative treatment of Bektashi shrines in this research. Though saintly cults can be found throughout the Islamic world from North Africa to South Asia, (Henri Chambert–Loir and Claude Guillot, 1999) shrine complexes seem to have enjoyed an exceptional status in the Turco-Mongol world.

Royal shrines had sacred status in Turco-Mongol culture and were venerated with ancient customs and rituals which were adapted to Islamic shrines. The attribution of divine status to rulers seems to have worked to blur the lines between shrine and palace. This had a profound impact on how early modern Muslims perceived shrines. Primary sources which often mention rulers and their courtiers humbling themselves as ‘servants’ (ḫādim) of shrines.

Not surprisingly, the architectural patronage of Bektashi shrines, which represented the different subjects of the empire, did not come from the ruling elite in the capital. It was the patronage of raider commanders from the distant frontiers that transformed shrines to be examined in this research. However different they might appear from each other in terms of architectural style, their roughly simultaneous transformation in the imperial age was no coincidence. The two aforementioned shrines provided the settings for new rituals and ceremonies that characterized the Bektashi network. These annual festival and gathering ceremonies also contributed to the circulation of legends. With individual buildings, but also regulated the ideas and practices related to the Sufi institutions in these buildings. They were creating ‘interpretive communities’ that agreed on the meaning of their own buildings (Leisten Thomas, 1998).

This spiritual and esoteric approach to the "teachings of Islam for extreme wisdom, to cultivate and explore inner life, an inward awareness manifesting as stages of spiritual development leading to love, light and union with God" (Karamustafa, 2007) together with the patronage of the master and their need to facility their politic militants and rebellions are reflected in a building model that creates metaphorical associations between saint and ruler, and between shrine and palace. The shrines are in some ways a smaller replica of a Palace. They have many things in common: the succession of courtyards leading to the core of the complex, which was a suitable layout for ceremonial, with rules governing conduct in each courtyard and when moving from one to the other; the diffuse, fragmented layout of the complex as if it was a stone version of a military camp consisting of individual tents; and the importance of the kitchens (Necipoğlu Gülru, 1991).

Similar features we can find in the case of the Asim Baba Tekke in Gjirokastra, with a smaller scale of expansion and dimension but with the same multifunctional nature of the shrines, that has an emphasis on cooking facilities and the palatial layout but within an appearance that has embedded aspects of the local architectural tradition.

Bektashi shrines signal the increasing social cohesion of the marginalized segments in the Ottoman society, most significant elements can be considered the tomb chambers with large foyers for pilgrims, kitchens with nearby bakeries, and ritual spaces, all of which are arranged around paved courtyards supplied with water. Bektashi culture in general, which became imbued with numerous references to military apparel is an organization phenomenon in Albania with a close relation the Bektashi Community had in the renaissance of the country and the state of independence.

By understanding the models and analyzing the evolution and the pattern of the shrines which will be studied in case studies, we expect to uncover an approximate historical evaluation and answers the main research question. ​“​The possibility to evaluate the main body of the Bektashi Shrine and the main patterns introduced in its content with the influence of the local context can help us draw the design principles that are reflecting the Sufi ideology on the architecture addressing the needs of the contemporary prayer including local features​”​. If this expectation could be confirmed, we will be able to show how these patterns could have created a better space for worship.

1.2 RESEARCH QUESTIONS Is there an application of a specific pattern in the design of the Bektashi tekke in Albania?

Does the subsequent research question follow logically from the overall research question?

1.2.1 RESEARCH QUESTION 1: Which pattern of the tekke can be discovered in Albanian Bektashi Shrines, and how can such pattern be explained? Which is the reason behind the creation of this building typology in Albania?

If we can demonstrate, the existence of a pattern of the Bektashi Shrine architecture sentences was designed considering the adaptation of elements from the Islamic architecture we can draw conclusions regarding the Sufi-Bektashi Ideology, that is has been transformed according to the local and contextual conditions that introduced a different pattern. Answering to this question will help to understand the elements of the Bektashi Shrine as typology whether the aspects of physical, emotional, mental, spiritual,

contextual, social-economic conditions existed in the design process.

1.2.2 RESEARCH QUESTION 2: Which is the evolution of this pattern in the Albanian Bektashi Tekke?

This study explores the evolution of the Bektashi typology and spatial form in the context of Albania. An answer to this two-second question will lead us to answer the first. ​“​The typological index will help the present and future generation to learn history through the trend of Bektashi Tekke design evaluation”, an attempt to envision future solutions. The ​"​evolution of contemporary tekke designs makes one wonder on the real focus of intention on having this religious purpose building which leads to more questions regarding the existence of tekke components and their importance regarding social, cultural, political and historical values. This research aims to disclose the answers for the queries regarding​"​: 1. How the location of the tekke in Albania is defined in relation with the landscape and the origin of existing traces. Why is the landscape essential in tekke architecture?

2. How can we classify the Bektashi Shrine-Tekke architecture in Albania on time and place?

3. Which are the main types of Bektashi Tekke according to their spatial arrangement, and origin?

4. How the liturgical section is defined on this building typology and which is the ambiance of worship inside the building?

5. Examine how the Bektashi Architecture is a result of the local vernacular architecture and elements assimilated from the architectural context of its area.

6. Which are the internal components of the Bektashi Tekke in Albania: ​"Many studies found out that tekkes in Albania are said to be simplified versions of the Middle-East shrines with features of the vernacular architecture of Albania”.​“​This notion is stated based on the physical look of small shrines or the monumental and gigantic modern shrine of Tirana. Will this conception be different if the tekkes are studied through their internal components and layouts?​” 1.3 PURPOSE AND OBJECTIVES OF THE RESEARCH The objectives of this thesis will be as following: 1-Analyze the socio-spatial organization of the Bektashi Tekke, the chosen type for this study, to contribute to the knowledge of this building typology.

2- ​“​Explore the physical, emotional, mental and spiritual patterns and elements of the Albanian Bektashi Tekke; and the quality to create a worship space​”​.

3-To evaluate on time and place the evolution of the Bektashi building typology on the Albanian Territory.

Focused on Bektashi Religion, this research aims to investigate the means and the tools needed to articulate the space and the place of the divine in the material world. By understanding the revolution of this religion on time, the process of re-evaluation of the sacred space/typology starts as a need to be re-contextualized on the contemporary and in particular Albanian context, by enforcing its identity.

The expected result of this research is a clear and scholar documentation of the architectural materialization of specific in Albania, and Albanian speaking territories in the region. In this documentation, a focus would target in the listing of the spatial typologies, the mapping of the typologies In the territory and a distinctive understanding of the spatial and symbolic vocabulary of this philosophy in the material world.

Design activities that relate roles, attitudes and fundamentals will be a clear, direct and subtle process

focused on the spiritual dimension of architecture implementable to the contemporary design practice. The research examines phenomenological, symbolic and design methodologies in which the Bektashi religious concept of sacred gets fixed and experienced through architecture, landscapes, and forms, and not just in institutionally defined holy or sacred places.

This research, "limited to the development of Bektashism in Albania, is part of a larger academic quest that aims to reveal that these specific variations in the course of history make Bektashism the mystical order of Islam that probably best exemplifies a transformational pattern involving all its theological, ideological, cultural, social aspects. A heterodox religious movement and the institution of new forms of religion and space, as in the case of mystical orders of Islam like the Bektashis, are decisive for understanding the history of religions in Albania that could create a design language that can work related to the landscape".

The shrines mostly located in non-urban areas are showing a close relationship with the landscape and reveals its pantheistic character.

"Bektashism deserves special attention as a religion incorporating so many archaic traits, developed in Albania with an independent character, which serves as a paradigmatic example for the forces of inertness and resistance". Tirana and Albania are the global centers of this religion. And even though Bektashism t is the smallest religion regarding numbers, in Albania, Bektashism is one of the main elements that brings the religious balance in Albania, a spiritual balance which connects Islam and Christianity as a result of a harmonious coexistence between Albanian citizens. It is valuable to explore the characteristics of this unique and deeply spiritual religion, which relates closely to landscape and territory creating a fantastic link with architecture.

1.4 METHODOLOGY "This part is a short description of the research methodology. The complete method is available in detail in chapter 4. The process in which the research problem has been formed and the nature of the research questions requires exploration and interpretations which mostly are connected to a system of beliefs, its practices, and influences on the Bektashi architectural pattern. The study of the building type of the tekke requires a qualitative research approach. To study the impacts of such a belief system in the creation of actual shrines, a case study methodology is the most appropriate method of data collection".

Related cases will be studied in order to understand the model of the Bektashi building typology; in order to document and analyze (16) sixteen case studies in Albania; ​“​explore the physical, emotional, mental and spiritual functions of the identified pattern, understanding their place, position, and function as parts of a more significant system​”​. This process will lead to the identification of in-depth guidelines for the future implementation of this building typology in Albania. These cases are the shrines of Seyyid Gazi, and the shrines of Hacı Bektaş which are of the first examples of a Bektashi Shrine established as independent institutions in the thirteenth century but became part of the Bektashi network in the classical Ottoman period (ca. 1453-1600). The two shrines examined here were the chief centers of that Bektashi network and also some of the most significant examples of Bektashi design worldwide. “​To gather the required data and information on two methods of data gathering will be employed:​” 1- ​“​The primary method will be an in-depth structured interview to propose a general idea and outline for

the future observations of the 16 case studies from Albania. These interviews will be designed in a way to help answer the first research question which will focus on the Sufi-Bektashi Ideology has been the main reason behind the Bektashi pattern and typologies.​” 2- ​“​The second method is one of data collection and direct observations. The researcher will observe, and document sixteen (16) case studies of Bektashi shrines in Albania to understand the pattern of these shrines and evaluate their original content. This part thus will be majorly focused on the second research question and will deploy the analyses from a typological way of research of sixteen (16) Bektashi case studies in Albania. Specifically, it will look at the form and spatial variety which leads to the functionality of the space. Apart from that, this typological research will also show clearly the evolution of tekke architecture from the beginning of Islamic embracement in Albania​”​. “​The classification of types of Tekke design will be defined by analyzing the inner spatial composition and not just by looking at the external built forms.The typological index will help the present and future generation to learn history through the trend of Bektashi Tekke design evaluation that is shown in the classified images.​” 1.5 CHAPTERS OVERVIEW The research is organised in 8 chapters as follows: Chapter One (1) "is the introduction of this study. It shows the background of this research and its research gaps, research questions, research aims, and objectives. It also introduces the bases of research structure where the overall representation of this thesis is simplified into a flow chart".

Chapter Two (2) is mainly on historical literature such as Michail Keil, Pirnia; I am focused on the philosophical and theological background of the Bektashi Formation. The relation between the political and legal status in Albanian and an in-depth overview of the spiritual and syncretic character of the formation.

Chapter Three (3) looks into the origin and architecture of the Bektashi Shrine illustrating two case studies the two important models to understand the elements and component of the Bektashi sacred articulation.

After the description of the two case studies, an overall evaluation is given in the Bektashi Shrine formation in Albania. Courtyard, Tomb, and gate are then proven to be some of the most critical elements in a Bektashi Shrine. ​“​The overall scenario of tekkes in Albania is also revealed in this chapter. A historical time chart of Albania marks essential events in Albanian history is done in a simplified table that helps the research in tracing possible influences gained by tekke architecture in Albania.​” Chapter Four (4) "​is where a detail explanation is done on the Research Methodology used to carry out the case study research, samplings and visits made to selected tekkes of Albania are elaborated. The first sample of 179 tekkes is then screened down to 16. This screening process is explained in the Research Methodology chapter.​" Chapter Five (5) "provides the extracted Research Findings from the visits and detail observation of the 16 shrines, which has been selected to be Case Studies for this thesis. Should further explanation and

elaboration needed whilst going through the findings in this chapter, then Chapter Six and Seven shall be referred to".

Chapter Six (6) is the elaboration and detailed analysis of the 16 case studies, according to two sections.

Typological classification according to the followed mention categories: ● “​The relationship between shrines’ built dates and shrine’s floor plan analysis. This will show how the tekkes were taken into consideration by previous builders over a certain period​”​. ● Chronological evolution of Tekke in form, giving a general idea of the types of Tekkes built in Albania. ● Location in the landscape Chapter Seven (7) analyze the findings obtained from the Chapter Five and Six, trying to conclude to specific guidelines and recommendation for the future implementation of the Bektashi Shrine following the pattern that serves to the act of worship.

Chapter Eight (8) “​elaborates the conclusion of the overall thesis where the contributions to knowledge are defined. Limitations of study and proposals for future undertakings are also listed in this chapter.​” 1.7 SCOPE OF STUDY This ​“​research began with a broad exploration, to define all functions of the Bektashi Shrine and place of worship. After this broad exploration, the study was focused on the definition, of their existence in the Islamic architecture where they are believed to be generated from. Later on, the research directed its attention on how these patterns had become culturally relevant from the Bektashi architecture style when the Sufi beliefs were common in the Balkan context​”​.

The research focused on spiritual reasons behind the architectural pattern. "Sufis-Bektashi divides the functional aspects of all creations into the four categories of physical, emotional, mental and spiritual and believes that architecture should carry all these functional aspects since it is a creation of the human being who is a representative of God. Since the first three functional aspects in Bektashi practice has been thoroughly examined and explained by previous scholars, the spiritual interpretation is the knowledge gap that this research aims. Of course, all physical, emotional, mental and spiritual levels of Sufi practices were studied - a spiritual interpretation cannot be disconnected from the other three elements, but the focus was on the spiritual aspects".​ On the last phases, the study was giving in importance in case studies in Albania “​among many other tekkes in different Balkan cities since they are known as same the most important tekkes of Ottoman architecture in the Balkan Region.​”​The selection was among the tekkes those were constructed in the four periods: First Period, 14th -16th century, defined in the timeframe from Murat the first (1360-1389) till Selim the first (1512-1520).

Second Period, 17th – 19th century, that includes the timeframe from the reign of Suleyman the 2nd (1520-1566) till Mahmud the 2nd (1808-1839).

Third Period, 19th – 20th century, includes the timeframe from the National Rebirth/ Renaissance till 1920 and the years of the Independent Albanian nation.

The last period of Bektashi architecture starts in the contemporary era after the fall of the Communist

Regime where a chaotic and without any standard of reconstruction of many old tekkes were poorly restored, with a result erasing parts of the historical values of the building creating confusion of the architectural style.

1.8 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY “​The findings of this research are significant to both the architects and the users and are essential in academic as well as professional communities. Even though have been studies that describe the philosophical and theological background of the Bektashi community, there are no studies that explain the relationship between the spiritual and material world of this formation by analyzing the physical interpretation.​"​In the academic community, mostly orientalists generally have little understanding when it comes to the case of Albanian that very little information existent regarding the Bektashi architecture has conducted the current studies on the Bektashi Tekke. Some other researches has also been done by Dutch scholars who have mainly studied the mosque and the Ottoman architecture in the Balkan Region without considering the elements of the design of this particular formation. Therefore there is an apparent lack of research which combines the physical achievements and the spiritual beliefs which in fact are considered to be much more critical according to some scholars. This thesis aims to fill the existing gap​” in knowledge in academic community about what is Bektashi and its architecture.​”“​To understand the reason behind the creation of specific pattern and features in tekke architecture, rooted in Sufi beliefs and practices; shows clearly how Bektashi Tekke evolve in shapes and forms, over time and to fill the current gaps in the studies done on the subject that are not able to present the spiritual reason behind the creation of such complex forms and pattern​"​. "​To the professional community, the findings of the research will provide a framework or a guideline for the Bektashi Tekke architecture. It means that, by presenting the significant patterns of Bektashi Tekke, which are the reason behind their success through history, the architects will be able to follow these pattern and principles to create such places with a high spiritual ambiance. The significance of the present study to the community of architects is to understand the different aspects of designing the Bektashi place of worship, and to use the common pattern according to their correct functions in order to prevent future deformations". "​This study is significant, as it will enrich the literature about Bektashi Tekke by showing how it was evolved on time and had been influenced by social and contextual factors​"​. "​Moreover, the study has a significance to the broader public too. As time passes, the public is losing interest in the place of worship, and the holy ceremony is turning into a symbolic act since there is no spiritual ambiance in the contemporary tekke. If the place of worship is designed in a way that functions correctly and the participants could experience the spiritual uplifting that this formation should help to achieve, they may be encouraged to join this spiritual journey once again​"​.

CHAPTER 2_ HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF BEKTASHI FORMATION Historical background Demographic data and sources Political context and discourses in Albania Islam theory and system of belief constituting the syncretic character of Bektashi formation Syncretism and landscape

The Aim of This Chapter “​The point of this chapter is to acquaint the peruser with authentic occasions that happened in the Bektashi world and prompted the region embracing Islam as confidence and thus working of Tekkes and sacred places. As the title of this thesis may infer; in a perfect world, the emphasis is on the holy combination of the building space that occurred from the eighth until the 21st century. Be that as it may, our restriction on occasions of those hundreds of years and our sharp concentrating on Java alone would not be adequate to illustrate existing conditions around them​”​. ​“​The study to this period would also risk the loss of understanding many collaborating factors that had shaped the settings and the history of the region in adopting the new religion. It is, therefore, the intention here to widen the geographical scope to include the wide Balkan region, and deepen the historical era to cover events which start from the 8th century A. D. when the Alevi arrived on this peninsula. Later on into the chapter, the Albanian Territory will be the primary focus of events, and as the year progress, the Bektashi Tekke itself will be the primary focus of this thesis​”​.

Historical background The history of the Bektashi is not entirely known. This is because relatively limited historical records are to be found regarding this religion. "Bektashism was named after one of the most significant Anatolian (Turkish) Sufi saints, Hadjî Bektashi Veli, lived in the 13th century (1209/1210-1270/1271)" (Mélikoff, 1998:57). Even though there is minimal solid recorded data about him, Hadjî Bektashi has turned into a nonentity that is revered today by a great many adherents to “Azerbaijan and Iraq, just as in Central Europe, the Balkans, and Egypt. By and by, Albania is a focal point of the first adherents, the Turkish Sufi fraternity of the Bektashis. Nonetheless, the connection between Albanian Bektashism and different types of Bektashism isn't clear”. As also stated by the historiographer “Achikpachazâde (m.1481) chronicle written in 1478, Hadjî Bektashi was initially from Khorassan, a region in northeastern Iran (Mélikoff, 1998:55). Hadjî Bektashi left his country for Anatolia where he became a follower of a famous prophet known as Baba Ilyas-i Horasânî or ‘Baba Resûl.’ He settled in the village of Solucakaraöyük (southeast of

Ankara), which later made his name, Haji Bektash Koy. There, Hadjî Bektashi soon obtained popularity.

After his death, the shrine of Hadjî Bektashi eventually turned into a pilgrimage for followers”.

To several historians, “Hadjî Bektashi did not find any order and did not have followers (Mélikoff, 1998:39; Clayer, 1996:468)”. ''Conversely, other scholars claim that during his lifetime, Hadjî Bektashi gathered a significant number of dervishes, planned the expansion of the order, and acquired the reputation of being a saint. Following his death, a cult devoted to him developed and was named on him. ​The cult, the Bektashi order, which was formed after the fourteenth century, became an organized Sufi order with its specific features only in the early sixteenth century​”.

The first Bektashis originated from Anatolia and had a place with nearby Turkish tribes, primarily the Kizilbach. The tribes joined the Ottoman Gazi in the fourteenth century, in the success of ​“​Thrace and the Balkans. Often, they settled in the conquered areas abandoned by the locals and established Bektashi of Tekke (‘centers’). With the progression of time, they lost contact with the Turkish clans of Anatolia and framed fraternities that later transformed into a prominent magical request with inception ceremonies for adherents. Their focuses were worked close to the populated territories and seen as common focuses. In the Christian-commanded Balkans and Thrace, Bektashism embraced the nearby customs and beliefs. The Bektashis, who stayed in Anatolia, were individuals from the Turkish Kizilbash clans, which were near the first Safavids. The Anatolian Bektashi kept their roaming lifestyle, yet dynamically received an inactive way of life. Today, they are as yet joined to their genealogical traditions and conventions. Two types of Bektashism, Bektashism, and Alevism were made, and both case a similar beginning from Hadjî Bektashi. (see Mélikoff, 1998: xv)”. “​The distinction between those who call themselves Bektashis and those to be Alevi-Bektashi is based on the different ethnic influences - the Balkan influence on the Bektashis and the influence of the East Anatolian population on the Kizilbash-Alevis​ (see Mélikoff, 1998: xv)”.

Demographic data and sources Territory and Population Bektashi are​“​mainly spread in south Albania (Gjirokastër, the villages of Sarandë-Delvinës; Tepelen, Përmet, Kolonjë, Skrapar, Korçë, Devoll, Mallakastër, Vlorë, Leskoviku, Ersekë), there are some Bektashis in central Albania (Krujë, Tiranë, Kavajë, Durrës, Lushnjë, Elbasan etc.) and a small number of the minority in the north (Martaneshi, Dibër, Bulqizë, Shkodër)​”​. "​There are no recent official figures. In old statistics, we found the number of 150,000" (Kingsley, 1994:85) “​up to 200,000” (Tomor, Interview, 1994) “Bektashi households between 1912 and 1967 representing around 15 percent of the Albanian population”.

"The Bektashi populace is packed permanently in Albania. Be that as it may, Bektashi people group exist in neighboring domains, for example, Greece, Hungary, Bulgaria, Romania, Macedonia, Kosovo, and Bosnia (Bardhi, Interview, 1998; Clayer, 1996:469; Mélikoff, 1998:51)”. “​Bektashism also exists in its country of origin, Turkey (20 percent) Alevi-Bektashis (Clayer, 1996:469)”. The Albanian Kryegjysh (‘Chief

Grandfather’), “Reshat Bardhi, claims that the Bektashi population in Turkey is about 7 million people, or one-third of the Turkish population (Mélikoff, 1998:51). Bektashis also live above the Iranian border in Azerbaijan (Mélikoff, 1998:51)”.​ ​“Albanians who migrated to western countries founded small Bektashi communities in the Detroit of United States, Canada, Germany, Australia, and England (Rexhebi, 1995:3; Lakshman-Lepain, 1996a)”. We have no reliable statistics, in the case Turkey the population of Bektasi is “​7 million and Macedonia around 20,000, according to the Bektashi authorities​”​.

Economic and demographic data "There are no official statistic and financial information on the Bektashi people group. Without a doubt, extremely old figures can be found, and the majority of them are not believable. A few insights somewhere in the range of 1912 and 1967 referenced from 150,000 to 200,000 Bektashi families (Kingsley, 1994: 85)". “​They speak to around 15 percent of the whole Albanian populace. The pioneer of the Bektashi people group guarantees that 45 percent of the entire Albanian Muslim populace is Bektashis. In any case, a figure around 30 percent appears to be progressively conceivable​”​.​"Since 1991, the Albanian religious scene has changed much, and the present Bektashi populace has most presumably diminished definitely. As per the figures are given by the Bektashi experts, the Bektashi establishments today have twenty-five babas (pioneers) and dervishes and have six principle working focuses. These focuses, gjyshata, will be Gjyshata e Turanit-Korçë, Gjyshata e Gjirokastrës, Gjyshata e Prishtës-Skrapar, Gjyshata e Vlorës, Gjyshata e Elbasanit, Gjyshata e Krujës; and three different ones outside Albania (in the USA and FYROM) (Tomor, 1994: 18-19)"​.

No official and organized financial investigations have been held on the Bektashi populace. To the extent the religious request is concerned, its otherworldly focuses (of Tekke) used to have some monetary exercises for self-bolster, for example, cows raising and cultivating. Amid the Communist routine, nonetheless, this financial foundation was pulverized. After the fall of Communism, the horticultural grounds, which used to have a place with the of Tekke were privatized by the administration and disseminated to the workers. "​Bektashis don't have serious issues identified with the barrier of their personality. In any case, they have a few challenges with the Sunni Muslim people group of Albania, which regularly denies them the direction to have a different religious personality . Sunnis, for the most part, think about both customary Muslims and Sufis as a significant aspect of a similar network. Since the Sunnis think about the Bektashis as primarily a group of Islam, they don't feel that the Bektashis ought to have a delegate of their locale at the state level, not at all like the Orthodox Christians, the Catholics, and the Sunni Muslims. "​The Sunni agent inside the State Secretariat on Religion used to manage questions concerning the Bektashi people group. ​"​The Sunnis frame the biggest religious network in Albania. That is the reason they have had enough capacity to

impact the administration on different issues. All transactions on this issue embraced by the Bektashis were futile​"​.

"The Bektashis do not have any important means of action although they have their magazine, center, and educational institutions. They hold their feast for Bajram and have their religious monuments. If old statistics are to be trusted, with 15 percent of the Albanian population, while the Bektashis are the third largest religious group of the country after the Sunni Muslims (55 percent) and the Orthodox Christians (20 percent), and Catholics, (10 percent) of the Albanians (Clayer, 1996:471)".​ ​"​However, the Bektashi authorities claim 45 percent of the population as part of their community. In any of the aforementioned cases, these figures show that the Bektashis constitute a significant religious minority in the country​"​.

"This can be cleared up by the route that in Albania people make refinement between regular religions and associations. On the idea of these ideas, Lekë Tasi, the Orthodox Christian delegate inside the State Secretariat on Religion, gives an unmistakable clarification (​ Fuga, 1998:91)". The population considers this characteristic of their nation as part the national proudness.

"Albanians make a difference between the old religions that have long been established in Albania with other religious developments which have been made as of late or which spread to our territory in the not so distant past. These distinctions showed in the emotions and memory of the Albanians, just as in the exceptional regard and compassion toward religions that are customary for Albania. This is very much regular: it originates from the certainty which something recognizable rouses, something that as of now has its very own position in our brain research, though the new religions which enter our domains are new and summon different emotions … Only the instance of the Bektashis is distinctive because they guarantee to be not quite the same as the Sunni Muslims ​(Lakshman-Lepain, 1996b: 13-14)​". ​“​Having a long-standing nearness in the nation, Bektashis are viewed as one of the customary religions of Albania be that as it may, because it is seen as an organization of Islam, they are not viewed as an equal balance from the Sunni Muslims, the Orthodox Christians, or the Catholics. In any case, a few years prior, the previous president Sali Berisha chose for political motivations to enhance their status. He perceived the devourer of Nevruz as the national Bektashi devour celebrated on March 22 (the day of the triumph of the decisions by the Democratic party in 1992) rather than 21 (the official day of Nevruz)​”​. “​Today, the Bektashis have their religious foundations: the World Bektashi Center in Tirana and a couple of working of Tekke. They give their spiritual guidance to the dervishes either at the World Bektashi Center or at the Sunni medrese and outside the country. The Bektashis don't have specific religious cases. They are permitted to hold their religious administrations and eats up. They express their aberrations with the Sunni Muslims through a less comprehensive method to manage Islam. The Bektashis are the first diverse religious get-together to be invited with the three guidelines arranges (the Sunni Muslims, the Catholics, the Orthodox Christians, and) to official national capacities or get-togethers​”​.

Religious freedom and network "As indicated by the Kryegjysh Reshat Bardhi, the pioneer of the Bektashi people group, the relations between his request and the overwhelming Sunni people group are great (Lakshman-Lepain, 1996a-1998a)”. The arrangement of the Bektashis, be that as it may, is to deny any issue in its association with different religions. Even though, there are visit clashes that occasionally turned out to be open. “​The Bektashi people group needs to continually affirm its particularity and freedom from the Sunni Muslim people group, whose point is to ingest this minority and make a bound together Albanian Muslim people group. In one of his talks in Brussels, the pioneer of the Sunni Muslim people group of Albania, Mr. Hafiz Sabri Koçi (Drita Islame, October 1992: 4)”​, ​“​gave a genuine case of this propensity. When discussing the Muslims of Albania, he contended that 70-75 percent - an overestimated number-of the entire Albanian populace is Muslim, without making qualification among Sunnis and (Shiite) Sufi requests. In a leaflet displaying the Organization of the (Sunni) Muslim Community in Albania, it is expressed, "the Organization of the Muslim people group is made of the considerable number of Muslims of Albania.​”​Sunnis frequently treat Bektashis as inferior Muslims, since they consider the Bektashis as an order of Islam​”​.

The Bektashis can't exist without at least participation with the Sunnis. For instance, the Bektashis don't have a medrese (religious school). Applicant dervishes are required to go to a Sunni medrese for quite a long while. At the same time, they practice 'mental limitation' (ketman), a Shiite practice which enables an adherent to cover up or to deny his confidence to ensure himself or the network. Recovering responsibility for property frequently relies upon the generosity of the Sunni Muslims. Notwithstanding these contentions, there is a sort of agreement between the Bektashi people group and the Sunni, the Christian Orthodox, and the Catholic people group, since they are the most seasoned religions in the nation and are not in rivalry among themselves​".​ ​"As the biggest Shiite minority, the Bektashis are likewise resistant of other Shiite gatherings. They didn't join the Shiite association ('Sekte Alevian'), which regrouped all other Shiite Sufi requests and is going by the Halveti pioneer, Muamer Pazari. These competitions have not prompted serious clashes. The pioneer of the Bektashi people group has a few troubles with a negligible religious development, the development of Saint Eleonora. The Chief of this development, Eleonora Bregu, cases to have a place with the most abnormal amount of the Bektashi arrange. Nonetheless, Kryegjysh Reshat Bardhi does not perceive the status of this development, guaranteeing that the Saint Eleonora religious gathering has acquired the Bektashi teachings to confound some clueless Bektashi individuals (Rraxhimi, Dita, July 23, 1995:6)”.

Since the crumple of the ​“​Communist routine in 1991, the Bektashi people group has been allowed to carry on its religious exercises. It doesn't experience the ill effects of any confinement concerning the experts.

The State has not embraced any activity to either ensure or obstruct the Bektashi religious exercises. They had the directly to revamp they're of Tekke (focus), their principal focus in Tirana and different religious landmarks like the türbe. They have the straight to purchase arrive for such reason and to rebuild their locale and chain of command unreservedly. The agent of the Sunni Muslim people group, who is likewise

the Chairman of the State Secretariat of Religion, speaks to the Bektashis at the state level. This circumstance does not fulfill the Bektashi​”​people group pioneers.

The ​“​Bektashis are not precluded most from securing the favorable circumstances delighted in by the three primary networks in the nation (which have agents at the state level): the Sunnis, the Catholics, and the Orthodox Christians. Like these different religions, the Bektashis could participate in authority state functions and advantage from media inclusion of their exercises. Until the new Constitution, the state had permitted the four religions, as opposed to the next minority religious gatherings, to maintain a strategic distance from the state of enrolling as a "not-revenue driven relationship" for them to secure lawful status​”​. “​Under the previous legislature of the Democrats (1992-1997), the Bektashis did neither expect nor get money related help from the experts for the remaking of their locale. Be that as it may, they were guaranteed under the Meksi government to have returned them a lot of their property (arrive, vakuf, structures) lost amid the Communist routine. Just a little part has been restored​”​. “​The great relations the Bektashis have created with the previous administration of the Democrats enabled them to thrive. While under the Socialist government, new arrangements on the status of the religious networks don't compromise the Bektashi religious exercises. The Bektashi people group has requested that the present government pass a particular announcement on the arrival of religious property. Another asks for will be for the exchange of the graves of the notable Frashëri Brothers - nineteenth-century Albanian erudite people to the patio of their inside since they were entirely identified with Bektashism. The Albanian experts have declined to do that yet concurred on the working of a landmark for them. Close to these solicitations, Bektashis don't have explicit grumblings (Laksman-Lepain, 1998a)”.​ "Before 1912, Bektashis in the Albanian vilayets were a piece of the Turkish Sunni millet (Kitsikis, 1994: 22-24)”.​ ​“​Even though the Bektashi mother-foundation was in Anatolia, the dervishes were under the expert of the Sunni Sheik-ul-Islam in Istanbul. They were not perceived as a self-governing foundation​”​.

"After the autonomy of Albania in 1912, the network attempted through a long and testing procedure to sort out itself free from the Sunni mosque and Turkey. Various congresses were held in this regard. The Albanian Constitution of December 13, 1928, announces regard for all religions. Practically speaking, be that as it may, all religions were exposed to the specialist of the State, even though it should be a mainstream state. These logical inconsistencies were carried on into the 1929 Statute of the Sunni people group, which was endorsed by the administration. It announced that the Muslim people group is made out of every Muslim Albanian paying little respect to the different partisan divisions among them and that the race of the Great Mufti must be approved by the King (Della Rocco, 1994: 33)”.​ In any case, ​“around the same time, the Bektashis were perceived as a profoundly and operationally independent network inside the Sunni Muslim people group. Official autonomy from the Sunnis was proclaimed just at the Fourth Congress of May 1945. Starting there on, the Bektashi establishment was under the firm control of the new routine. In 1950, another Congress was sorted out under the supervision of the Communists to adjust the Bektashi

establishments to the Party's strategy (Rado, Rilindja, August 13-16, 1996)”. ​“​The Bektashis, just as all different religious associations, were prohibited in 1967​”​.

“In 1991, when the Communist routine has fallen, there were no laws identified with religion. In August of that year, a State Secretariat on Religion under the Ministry of Culture was made by an announcement of previous President Ramiz Alia. Its principle movement was to enlist the distinctive religious networks of Albania, which began mushrooming following the political change. Later on, enlistment of the religious elements was exchanged to the courts of equity and, in 1993 the State Secretariat on Religion turned out to be straightforwardly mindful to the Prime Minister (Lakshman-Lepain, 1996b: 13 - 14)”.​ “​The same number of constitutionalists would contend, the presence of the State Secretariat on Religion is in logical inconsistency with the standard of the partition of Church and State, as characterized in the central sacred arrangements of Albania (a practical bundle of laws utilized until the new Constitution of 1998 was embraced). The Secretariat has delegates of the three focal religious networks of Albania: the Sunni Muslims, the Catholics, and the Orthodox Christians​”​.

“Even though the Bektashis have a bigger network than the Catholics, they were not approved to include their agent inside the organization. They are set under the ward of the Sunni delegate. On the Constitution of 1998, the three religious networks of the State Secretariat on Religion were getting a charge out of an accepted acknowledgment. They were not obliged to enlist in court as "not-revenue driven affiliations, something that was requested of all minority religions that needed to see because of Article 39 of the Albanian Civil Code (Lakshman-Lepain, 1996 e: 12-13)”.​ An exemption was made for the Bektashis, who were likewise not obliged to experience a by law enrollment. ​“Without getting a charge out of the considerable number of benefits of the three fundamental religious networks, the Bektashis were all things considered given extraordinary treatment, particularly for access to the media. They were likewise welcome to official state services. In a few meetings (Lakshman-Lepain, 1994, 1996a, 1998a)”​, “​the pioneer of the Bektashi people group, the Kryegjysh Reshat Bardhi, and the editorial manager in the head of the Bektashi magazine Urtësia, M. Kujtim Ahmataj, announce that their locale has been formally enrolled. Have the Bektashis been enrolled, the status of affiliation would not have been helpful to them. Such status does not enable them to have money-related or business exercises they normally have (Lakshman-Lepain, 1996d: 19)”. “​In November 1998, the Albanian State received another Constitution. Out of the blue, an increasingly critical number of arrangements allude to religious rights​”​.

- The Republic of Albania has no official religion; - the State is nonpartisan on religious issues; - correspondence between the "religious networks" is perceived;

- the state and the "religious networks" regard each other's freedom and participate for the prosperity of everyone; - The "religious networks" are legitimate enterprises.

"The new Constitution contains some questionable arrangements. For instance, the Constitution stipulated that every single religious gathering profit by a legitimate acknowledgment without the commitment of earlier enrollment at the common courts. This implies even the gatherings, which have not been enlisted under the steady gaze of the law was passed, would be viewed as enrolled now. In this manner, the Bektashis, appreciating as of not long ago a true acknowledgment, are lawfully perceived (Lakshman-Lepain, 1999)”​.

A brief history of the education system There is next to no exploration on the instructive arrangement of the Bektashis. ​“​Under the Ottoman principle, the Bektashis were viewed as a blasphemer arrange and were incorporated into the Turkish Sunni millet. Their dervishes considered for the most part at the Sunni medrese (and in some of Tekke).

Some non-started individuals even went to Christian schools. Others could contemplate in of Tekke in Istanbul or at the Center of Bektashism in the town of Hadjî Bektashi (southeast of Ankara). After the autonomy of Albania in 1912, the Bektashis who had begun to isolate themselves from the Turkish Bektashis since 1908 proceeded with their instruction at the Sunni medrese, and for part of their training they went to the nearby of Tekke. It is indeterminate whether the instructive connections with Turkey were separated at the time. This was the point at which the administration built up a common instructive framework, which the dervishes needed to​”​pursue. ​"The Bektashis endured substantial misfortunes amid the Communist routine in Albania. As indicated by the Kryegjysh Reshat Bardhi, the greater part of their showing material, old books, sonnets in Turkish-Osmanli, Persian or Arabic were decimated. The World Center of Bektashi has made an intrigue for gifts for its library. The Bektashis today rely upon Sunni Muslim schools and Arab and Iranian preachers' assistance (Lakshman-Lepain, June 1994; 1996c)”.​ As​”​a religious minority, the devotees of the Bektashi people group pursue the typical instructive arrangement of the Albanian state. As their profound focuses used to be bolstered by religious enrichments (vakuf) made of farming area and steers, which have not been restored yet, these days they are not in a situation to help their religious schools. Teaching new dervishes involves survival for the Albanian Bektashis because there are only a couple of old dervishes left from pre-Communist time. Not approaching state sponsorships, they rely upon​”​outside help.

“For fundamental preparing, youthful dervishes go to Sunni medrese where they disguise their Bektashi character. For college level investigations a couple of them go to the USA at the middle in Detroit. The Iranian government currently gives the biggest wellspring of financing for higher Bektashi training.

Authoritatively, as indicated by the Kryegjysh Reshat Bardhi, fifteen Bektashi understudies are considering Shiite religious philosophy (Lakshman-Lepain, 1998a)”.​

“​In 1999, the Bektashi people group wanted to open a private Bektashi school, yet it confronted some money related troubles. It isn't sure yet if they would have the capacity to anchor the essential approvals from the administration in power. The issue of higher religious instruction is a critical issue, which will condition the survival of Bektashism in its present frame. Some Arab nations and Iran are contending to offer help, every one of them with the possibility that it could be a way to convey Bektashism back either to standard Sunni Islam or to customary Shiite Islam​”​.

Political Background and Discourses of Contemporary Albania “Before the finish of the sixteenth century, Bektashism was set up in the Balkans and began to root amid the Ottoman principle "gently, gradually and without genuine restriction (Norris, 1993:124)”. “Bektashi evangelists in little gatherings - one baba and two dervishes - left the focal point of Dimotika (on the fringe between the present Turkey, Greece, and Bulgaria) and propelled teacher campaigns in Albania, Crete, Thessaly, Bulgaria, and so on. (Norris, 1993:125)”​.

“By the fifteenth century, the Albanian-possessed zones were completely incorporated into the Ottoman Empire. There were vast scale transformations of Albanians to Bektashism because of the special connection they had with the acclaimed Janissary military troops of the Ottoman Sultans. The troopers were set under the otherworldly specialist of Hadjî Bektashi and received services and components of the Bektashi clothing, for example, the couvre-gourmet expert (Clayer, 1996:469)”.​ ​“​The Janissaries were enrolled primarily from the youthful Balkan Christians and the Albanians, whose military abilities were valued by the Ottomans.​” Amid the ​“late eighteenth and mid-nineteenth hundreds of years, Bektashi Tekke was quickly settled in numerous Albanian vilayets. The first of Tekke was made in the southern Albanian district of Tosk in the seventeenth century. Around the most recent decade of the eighteenth century, Xhefaj Ibrahim Baba built up of Tekke in Elbasan and Shemini Baba in Krujë. These were trailed by the set-up of-of Tekke in urban communities, for example, Kuç, Melçani, Devoll, Korçë, Devoll, Prishtë, Skrapar, Koshtan, and Gllva.

Progressively striking of Tekke are in the towns of Frasher, Krujë (close Tirana) and in Gjirokastër, which was established in 1800 by Asim Baba and was for quite a long time considered as the 'inside for Bektashi engendering and abstract exercises" (Norris, 1993:134)”​. ​“As per Albanian history specialists Ali Tepeleni, Pasha of Yanina in northern Greece, assumed a fundamental job in spreading Bektashism in the southern Albanian vilayets. Different antiquarians appear that the insubordinate Tepeleni was nearer in conviction to other Sufi requests, for example (Clayer, 1999)”​. “​Sultan Mahmud II in 1826 disbanded the Janissary corps since they were a consistent danger to the Ottoman position of royalty. Therefore, the Bektashi arrange, because of its connection with the Janissaries, was formally prohibited in the Empire. Oppression of the Bektashi started in numerous Turkish urban areas. A large number of Tekke were crushed or were assumed control by the Nakchibendiye arrange (Clayer, 1996:469)”.​ “In the Albanian vilayets, be that as it may, the Bektashis protected their status, which was additionally animated by the abuse of the Bektashi in Turkey (Akimushkin, 1991)”​. ​“They were viewed as a major

aspect of the 'Turkish Sunni millet' and not perceived as an autonomous development (Kitsikis, 1994: 22-24)”. ​“Like alternate Muslims - Sunnis or Sufis-the Bektashis were submitted to the expert of the Sheih-ul-Islam, and their wakf was set under the Sunni purview, even though, with exceptional treatment.

Statutes, orders, and firmans from the Sultan or the Sheik-ul-Islam, which are referenced in the Sheriat court's registers, verified the designation of Sheikhs as heads of Tekke (Lakshman-Lepain, 1996g: 147-175)”​. ​“History specialists talk about a halfway restoration of Bektashism under Sultan Abdu'l-Medjîd (1839-1861). Effectively affected by remote components and customs, amid the Tanzîmât Reforms Bektashism received a liberal, reformist, and (Young-Ottoman and) Young-Turk shading (Clayer, 1996:470). In Istanbul, the Bektashis moved toward becoming individuals from the Franc-Masons and after the Young-Turk Revolution of 1908, an edified Turkish Sufism developed in which Bektashis played an essential job (Clayer, 1996:470)”.

“It is guessed that Bektashism pursued an alternate development in Albania, accordingly making an Albanian Bektashism, of sorts. Its explicitness lies in its new religious advancement, political patterns, and association. Albanian intelligent people were in charge of the change. In the nineteenth century, the Frashëri Brothers - the main activists behind the 'Albanian Renaissance' (1844-1912) - attempted to modernize Bektashism by conveying it closer to Iranian Shi'ism (Xholi, 1987:165-286; 287-352). Naim Frashëri made an authority Bektashi writing in the Albanian dialect (Frashëri, 1886:203-229)”​. ​“He composed a ballad about the saint of Husain in Karbela, which is an astounding Shiite universality. He likewise composed the Book of Bektashism (Fletore e Bektashinjet), which was meant to wind up a sort of Catechism for the remodeled type of Bektashism (Frashëri, 1886:203-212)”​. Aside from the philosophical change, he attempted to change Bektashism into an instrument of Albanian patriotism.

In every Albanian gjyshata exists nearby committee that capacities as indicated by the resolutions of the network (Statusi dhe Rregullore e Brendshme të Komunitetit Bektashi). ​“​To the extent, the outer gjyshata are worried, in 1994 the of Tekke of Tetova was as yet shut by the Macedonian specialists. Nonetheless, adherents from Tetovo, Gostivar, Kërçovë and different districts did not hold on to set up their own Bektashi gatherings (in the same place, February 1994: 18-19). Just the of Tekke of Kërçovë was opened and worked as the primary Bektashi focus of Macedonia​”​.

As to the eventual fate of the ​“Albanian Bektashi people group, a few students of history trust that Albania could turn into the last stronghold of Bektashism on the planet. Bektashi community of Kosovo, Macedonia, USA, Australia, Turkey, and Western Europe look towards the otherworldly authority of the Bektashi people group in Albania (Clayer, 1996:472)”.​ The little Bektashi people group in Turkey, in any case, is by all accounts less slanted to acknowledge this circumstance.

“When all is said in done, specialists concede to the possibility that since its appearance in the thirteenth-century Bektashism has experienced along ideological and basic advancement. They concur that the first type of Bektashism was identified with Turkish heterodox Islam and attempted to exhibit the development as an image of famous Sufism (Mélikoff, 1998:51)”.​ Like other ​“extraordinary heterodox

groups, for example, the Haydariyya, the Hurufiyya, the Nurbakhshiyya, or the Qyzyl-Bash, Bektashism is depicted by Fuad Köprülü as a mixed and syncretic framework, heterogeneous and some of the time even unintelligible, a sort of combination of Muslim obscurity, of indigenous convictions of Anatolia and Iran, with a penetration of various dissident types of Christianity and philosophical and Sufi thoughts (1935:123)”.​ The ​“​unpredictable structure of Bektashism can be found in the decent variety of impacts to which the development has been oppressed. It was affected by the development of Baba Ilyas, by old Turko-chamanist rehearses, by the magical arrangement of Ahmet Yesevi (the organizer to the main Turkish request), by Hurufism, by the Akhis organizations (in the late thirteenth century), by Safavide Kizilbachism, by Shiite conventionality (Twelver Islam), and by Ghuluw Shiites (radicalism) in the sixteenth century​”​. Scientists don't concede to what are the dominating impacts on the Bektashi development. In this manner, the meaning of Bektashism is today risky.

“A few students of history talk about Kalenderism-Bektashism, and that bektashism is a syncretic development, the beneficiary of Kalenderism (Clayer, 1996:468)”. “Researcher A. Y. Ocak shares this perspective (1995), while different researchers, for example, I. Mélikoff discuss Hurufism as impacting Bektashism (1998:55)”.

One ​“​of the troubles in characterizing Bektashism is on the grounds that the request has taken distinctive structures on various occasions and places. This is especially valid for the post-socialist Albanian Bektashism, which is in a general sense not the same as Anatolian Bektashism or Alevism or even the post-socialist Albanian Bektashism. Today, Albanian Bektashis can be described as a Shiite minority inside a Sunni populace, as a Sufi request, or as an Albanian religious development​”​. In spite of debates on the inquiry, a few researchers keep up that ​“the Baktashiyya, in contrast to other Sufi requests in the Balkans, however authoritatively Sunni, is basically Shiite (Norris, 1993:89)” ​and can even be contrasted and extraordinary Shiite organizations (Ghulat) ​“(Norris, 1993:98)”. This pattern is for the most part created in Albania”. “​As Shiites, Albanian Bektashis perceive the amazingness of Ali as Imam over the caliphs. All the more explicitly, they are the Twelver Shiite, the part of Shiite Islam now dominating in Iran. This implies they acknowledge as Imams after Ali his two youngsters, Husayn and Hassan, and their relatives, up to the twelfth Imam, who is said to have gone to a heavenly place from where he would return before restoration happens. Like different Shiites, Bektashis, amid the festival of Ashura, celebrating the Battle of Karbela and the affliction of Imam Husayn.​” ​They additionally observe Nevruz, the Persian New Year, and by and large, pursue the Persian-Shiite schedule. ​“​On the off chance that a portion of their regulations and practices demonstrate an obvious adherence to Twelver Shiite Islam, a more intensive look to their convictions shows that they separate themselves from this present pattern. They do that through their inclination toward what conventional Iranian Shiites consider as gholow (or ghulat), i.e., some 'radicalism,' which raises Ali to the status of 'Godhood' as a major aspect of a Trinity including God, Ali, and Muhammad. They even offer priority to Ali over Muhammad. They likewise adore 'the heavenly family,' including Ali, his

significant other, Fatima who is the little girl of Muhammad, and their two youngsters - Husayn and Hasan.

These realities have created through reverential practice; notwithstanding, the religious philosophy behind them has been obscured. None of the Bektashi pioneers have possessed the capacity to express in exact religious terms the different places of the Imams and their families. It is conceivable that the present type of Bektashism is advancing and drawing nearer to a progressively customary type of Shiite Islam​”​.

Albanian ​“​Bektashism has likewise held a portion of the attributes of a Sufi request. Though Shiites achieve God just through Muhammad and the Imams, Sufis trust that one can achieve God only through the Spiritual Master. In Shiite Sufism, the sheykh is a middle person between the Imam and the adherent.

Subsequently, Bektashis are genuine Sufi Shiites since the Baba (or sheykh) is likewise ago between the eternality and the disciples through the Imams. The Imams are as of now so 'divine' that there is little explanation behind them to speak to God, and the babas are accepted to have built up an uncommon association with the Imams in the otherworldly world, which they access through dreams and dreams. In Albania, the Sheykh is in excess of a profound ace versed in elusive lessons. He is a heavenly individual; a chose pioneer who has the ability to perform supernatural occurrences and to fix ailments. He appreciates magic powers, for example, the ability to make himself imperceptible or to change himself into a creature.

Youthful Albanian Bektashi dervishes trust that such power would be given to them when they complete their preparation and move toward becoming baba​”​.

Therefore, ​“​Bektashi and non-Bektashi Albanians alike visit the sacred holy places of the babas - türbe.

The reason for these journeys isn't to request pardoning of sins and for profound affirmations, the manner in which it is in customary Shiite Islam, however, to request favors and marvels. For this to occur, it is fundamental for a blessing to be conveyed to the living baba and for a gift to be made for the keeping of the türbe. Various ex-voto communicates the way that numerous guests trusted their supplications had been replied. The date normally is composed on the ex-voto - a training most likely acquired from the Catholics-verify that these practices are still very alive in present Albania. One of the components that describe the Bektashis as a Sufi request is the inward association and order of their of Tekke. Bektashis share numerous principles with other Sufi requests like the convention of the Mürshit (Master accountable for inception), the Four Paths to God, the Tasavvuf (elusive regulations, etc. Regardless of the normal teachings and practices, Bektashis hold with other Sufi requests, Bektashis have some specific convictions and mystery precepts that can't be referenced in this report. Here once more, as Sufis, Bektashis can be considered as 'radicals.' For them the insignificant actuality that a person who is Bektashi is sufficient for the individual to be 'spared.'​” Nonetheless, numerous individuals don't acknowledge the conviction that ​“​Albanian Bektashism is a Sufi request. The majority of Bektashism don't have any entrance to the elusive information of the request. They don't have any religious thoughts that would enable them to help an unmistakable character from standard Islam. It is through the acknowledgment of the otherworldly specialist of a baba that the adherent will distinguish him/herself as Bektashi. Bektashism is certifiably not a Sufi request in the conventional sense as it's anything but an open fellowship to which anybody is allowed to follow. The nature of Bektashi is

procured essentially through birth to a Bektashi family. It is essential for just a single individual from the family to be started by a baba for the entire family to be considered Bektashi, with no requirement for individual adherence. The issue of confidence here isn't critical and the comprehension Bektashis have of their character is more sociological than otherworldly. They recognize themselves essentially with the estimation of their locale. Bektashis view themselves as progressively 'tolerant' than different Muslims.

They are glad for imploring in Christian places of worship and feel that they have an extraordinary association with Christians that different Muslims don't have.​”​They consider themselves increasingly 'dynamic,' on the grounds that their religion endeavors to oblige its.

Turkish Beliefs “As in every society, the early beliefs of the Central Asian Turks were formed by their living conditions, which is the nomad steppe life and the culture they experienced. The foundational feature of this life is a horse. The horse has been disseminated in every domain of the nomad steppe cultured life. Although since 19th century various researchers have focused on Shamanism as the oldest belief of Turks it has been cleared that a triple religious understanding formed the belief systems of the primal Turk societies in Central Asia: the cult of ancestors, the cults of nature, and the cult of Sky-God (Gök-Tanrı) (Ocak, Islam Öncesi Temelleri 56-61)”.

The Cult of Ancestors: ​“The cult of ancestors is observed in almost every North and Central Asia tribes. It is interpreted as the consequence of the matriarchal family structure and has existed since the oldest Turk society, the Huns’ time. The foundation of this belief is based on the religious respect to the ancestors who passed away. While the person is not being worshiped while he is alive, this belief is structured on this person’s protection against his family from evil and aiding them after his death (Ocak, Islam Öncesi Temelleri 62-63)”​.

The Cults of Nature: The cults of nature in old Turk societies are in a dual appearance as land and sky cults. In every existence in nature, there are certain powers that their essential character cannot be comprehended. Consequently, some objects like mountain, hill, stone, rock, tree, and water are considered as living beings.

“The nature of physical conditions affects a particular community. However, the cults of nature in Turks were never deified and nor seen as divine. It is believed that the whole nature comprises dark spirits –powers-. Mountains, hills, trees, and rocks are beings that can feel, hear and make goodness and badness. In other words, what is capable of doing these is the secret power within them. Consequently, the sacrificial ceremonies do not represent worshiping the natural objects, but the secret powers within them (Ocak, Islam Öncesi Temelleri 64-66)”.

The Cult of Mountain and Hill: ​“Since the oldest periods due to their height and closeness to the sky mountains and hills were the symbols of sublime and divine. It is believed that the transcendental and divine beings inhabited in mountains and hills. The superior powers or spirits that resided on mountains or

hills were transformed into saints (evliya) in the Islamic period. In folk epics like Köroğlu, mountains are being called out and mentioned. When the mountains have no passage Köroğlu calls for the evliyas on the mountains that they open a passage for him. These are the reflections of the cult of mountain and hill on the folk tales (Ocak, Islam Öncesi Temelleri 114-122)”.​ The Cult of Stone and Rock: ​“There are many myths about how Hacı Bektaş Veli had divided a rock into two when someone did not believe that he was an evliya, but most importantly Eliade states that people did not worship the substance of the stones or rocks. They worshipped the existence of the ‘thing’ within them that would cause the goodness or badness. In this case, the subject of the cult is not the substance of the stone or the rock but the ‘thing’ within them (Ocak, Islam Öncesi Temelleri 122-123)”​.

The Cult of Tree: ​“A similarity is found between the life courses of a human being and a tree concerning their both gradually growing from a small sprout and finally decaying. Because of this reason, since the archaic times, people connected every place they considered sacred with trees. This attitude is mainly seen in Bektashi-Alevi culture where there is the tradition of planting trees to the surroundings of a tomb or building the tomb beside a tree that is considered as sacred. Mainly, it can be seen that trees that have a single trunk, like pine trees and plane trees, have a significant role within the Alevi community due to the belief that they are sacred. Also, some evliyas were named after trees as if they are the trees like ‘Çınar Dede’ (Plane Dede) and ‘Ağaç Dede’ (Tree Dede) (Ocak, Islam Öncesi Temelleri 128-123)”.​ “As in other cults of nature, Eliade indicates that it is not the substance that is worshipped at, it is the feature of the tree and powers that it represents makes the tree the subject of the cult. The researchers demonstrate that particularly fruitless and grand trees are considered as sacred (Ocak, Islam Öncesi Temelleri 129)”​ .

“This cult is observed in Shamans as well. Notably, the beech tree and juniper (ardıç) tree have a significant role. When a Shaman is born a beech tree is being planted and he grows gradually with the tree, and when he dies they remove the tree too. This phenomenon indicates the bond between a Shaman and a tree. Seeing such an involvement between two lives is based on tree’s being able to revive, and it's representing spreading or carrying life (Ocak, Islam Öncesi Temelleri 133)”.​ Also, in ​“Alevis, the seed’s potentiality of life and human’s has been expanded concerning ...just as a seed is thought to contain within itself a tiny tree, so a man, at least in his ideal state, contains within himself the macrocosm (Birge 118)”​.

“This universe is a tree; Man became its fruit. That which was intended is the fruit; Do not think it was the tree (Birge 118)”. “It has to be added that the importance of the juniper (ardıç) tree in Shamans is because of juniper’s being a means for trance. By the smoke of the juniper tree Shaman contacts with supernatural beings and enables them to come down to the earth (Mélikoff 127-128)”.

The Cult of Sky-God: ​“The term Gök, in Anatolian Turkish means blue, and tanrı is a word derived from tengri or tangri, which means" god (Bazin 109)”​.

“Since the cult of Sky-God does not involve land, it is considered that this cult would exist in nomad communities. The studies of Eliade have revealed that this belief did not only exist in Turks, but also it was common in the North and Central Asia communities. However, Turks were not interested in the sky matter, but moreover, they were focused on the sky itself. It is natural for the ones living in Asian steppes in ancient times to understand sky, which is above and dominating all, as God (Ocak, Islam Öncesi Temelleri 66-70)”.

“There is no detailed information on the cult of Sky-God but what is known is that the nomadic Turks worshipped the sky by intermingling it with the cults of the moon, stars, and sun. Thus, the cult of Sky-God also comprised all the features within the sky (Eröz 108)”.

Buddhism “According to reincarnation (tenasüh), which is the fundamental belief of Buddhism, after their death, the living creatures return to the earth in various forms until they reach nirvana (eternal happiness). A similar belief has survived among Turkic tribes until the acceptance of Islam. After Turks become Muslim, to some extent, they adapted this understanding to saints like Ahmed Yesevi and transformed them into saint epics (menkabe) (Ocak, Islam Öncesi Temelleri 82)”​.

“The belief of the human soul’s transition to another body and even in some understandings transmigration to animals, plants or inanimate creators is mostly observed in India. Buddhism has made this belief the fundamental feature of its doctrine. Even though the monotheist religions do not accept this belief it has been endured in beliefs like Alevism- Bektashism (Ocak, Islam Öncesi Temelleri 183- 184)”​. ​“The change of shape is mostly an award for goodness or punishment for malice delivered by a higher power –God, sorcerer, witch, saint-. In many instances, it has been tried to explain how the inanimate object becomes the way it is (Ocak, Islam Öncesi Temelleri 206-207)”.

“This tradition has been transmitted into Turkmen culture. The expression of ‘donuna girmek,’ which refers to ‘getting in the shape of’ or ‘transmigration’ has been used in Turkish epics, folk tales, and legends.

Particularly, transfiguring into dear and bird has a significant place in these stories (Ocak, Islam Öncesi Temelleri 207)”.

“With the influence of Buddhism, Turkmens attempted to build a temple for Buddha, but Vizier Tonyukuk rejected the attempt by a temple’s being monopolistic. This understanding is one of the reasons why later there will not be any specific place of worship in Alevis, and any place can become a place of worship (Birdoğan 177)”.

Persian Religions

“Central Asia culture has been in an intense cultural exchange with Iran. In the 7th century in Persia during the Sassanian Empire, the official religion was Zoroastrianism. Mazdakism and Manichaeism, which were in strife with Zoroastrianism, could not reside in Iran and consequently took refuge in Turkish areas in Central Asia. Due to these circumstances, Turks were influenced initially by Zoroastrianism and later by Mazdakism and Manichaeism (Ocak, Islam Öncesi Temelleri 85)”.

“To suppress the uprising that initiated due to such circumstances, China asked Turkish Uygur dynasty’s help. Even though Uygurs did suppress the uprising, in consequence of staying with Manicheans for a while, they were influenced by Manichaeism. This situation even carried forward regarding Manichaeism’s becoming the official religion of a state for the first time (Ocak, Islam Öncesi Temelleri 92-93)”. “Underneath the acceptance of a foreign religion there lies some similar beliefs like accepting the holiness of various cults of nature (Bazin 99,109)”. “Although this Persian religion was intense in Uygurs, it endured its presence from the 8th century until the 13th century (Ocak, Islam Öncesi Temelleri 95)”. “During the interaction with Buddhism, Manichaeism’s syncretism became an articulation of Buddhism, Zoroastrianism and Gnostic Christianity (Bazin 100)”​.​”​As in Buddhism in Manichaeism too there is the belief of reincarnation (transmigration) (tenasuh). However, even the soul constantly transfigures in Manichaeism, in Bektashism this alteration (don değiştirmek) takes place in the name of devir (cycle) as starting with an inanimate creature, later with plants, from plants 13 Gnosis is the Greek word for knowledge. Later Valentinus interpreted the word as “privileged ‘knowledge of the heart’ or ‘insight’ about the spiritual nature of the cosmos. The Turkish word for ‘gnosis’ is ‘irfan​”​.​“To animals, and from animals to humans. This alteration follows the path of developing through the higher created form (Ocak, Islam Öncesi Temelleri 197)”. “​The primary transference of belief practices between Manichaeism and Alevism is the understanding of ‘controlling mouth, tongue, and loins.’ In Alevism, this trinity has been interpreted as ‘controlling hand, tongue and loins’ (eline, diline, beline sahip olmak) (Birdoğan 136). ‘Hand’ represents the actions, ‘tongue’ speech, and ‘loins’ sexuality. But in Alevism, some other restrictions were interpreted differently like not placing any limitations for alcoholic beverages and meat or any particular sexual prohibition (Bazin 113).

Controlling these three represents controlling nefs (self) in other words, the excessive demands, and not harming anyone​”​.

Following Christianity, the Bektashi put stock in the Holy Trinity, which for them is formed by God, Muhammad, and Ali, and as per their confidence, those three examples are unbreakable solidarity. They additionally regard and have faith in the twelve Imams, in correspondence with the twelve witnesses of Christianity.

Also, they put stock in the Holy quintet, comprising of Muhammad, Fatme, Ali, Hassan, and the Hussein.

They likewise trust in the resurrection, while a focal position in their showing hold abhorrence (temperra) and fellowship (tevella). The essential standards of Bektashi, which ought to be the guide of the lives of its devotees are submission, quietude, certainty, tolerance, balance, and comicalness.

“Alevis interpret the Quran in an esoteric, allegoric and symbolic (batıni) manner, rejecting literal interpretations (Zeidan)”. Unlike the understanding of orthodox Islam, Man as the most beautiful sign of God knows how to behave and does not need to learn it from Koran. According to ​“Esoterism beyond the word meanings of the sentences written in Koran, there are hidden deeper meanings (Dierl 24-25)”.​ ​“Nejat Birdoğan explains this ‘inner’ (batın) meanings of religious texts; esoterism, as the United root of Anatolian Alevism, which is instead of being Islam it is a belief system based on the reaction towards orthodox Islam (31). In other words, it is a reaction to the orthodoxy of Islam or exoteric meanings of it. Ismet Zeki Eyuboğlu explains that this esoteric movement, which is formed by foundations like neo-Platonism, Alevism and Polytheism beliefs, has been reorganized by Hasan Sabbah (1049-1134)” a​ nd gained a political characteristic. According to ​“Eyuboğlu, esoterism is both a political foundation and the resistance of an accumulation, formed by the former beliefs, to the thought of Islam (Tarikatlar 314-316)”​. Unlike conventional religion, there is no afterlife and judgment day.

Polytheism “Polytheism is believing in or worshipping to multiple Gods or divinities; unlike Monotheist religions assert that it supernaturally calls into being from absence. It has no judging feature (Eyuboğlu, Tarikatlar 315)”.​ “According to the legend, Hacı Bektaş Veli has two lives; his actual life and the mythical one. In his mythical life, he becomes a falcon or a pigeon and flies. If necessary, he shakes himself and becomes human again.

At the same time, he can be in different places. He can dominate animals, stones, fire, etc. (Şener 103)”.

“In every story, there is the interpretation of the public. This interpretation comprises one’s wish, though, understanding, expression, and there is a real ground of the story that it is the basis. Which is why in some cases the real becomes a folk tale and a saying. This feature is common in all religions. A Christian saint kills a dragon as well as a Muslim and a Buddhist one; all transmigrates to an animal and all walk on the water, fly, etc. These supernatural events do not arise from religions or sects, but the polytheist religions’ period. These are the wishes of prosperity and peace. They are the feeling of wanting to reach the unreachable (Şener 104)”. “​Many researchers have examined various documents to give specific information about Hacı Bektaş Veli’s life and thoughts. However, in addition to not being able to be certain on his lineage, who he met, got in contact with, and if he wrote any of the texts that are considered as his, they also could not give definite information on what his goal was or what he wanted to teach, etc. The reason underneath such a lack of or incomplete information is most probably because he neither initiated his sect nor wanted to become a mürşit (guide, teacher). Even though some necessary information can be acquired about his actual life still about what lies underneath his becoming such an essential character in Alevi-Bektashi community stays blur. Among some information, it is known that he thought his understanding to Kadıncık Ana, his adopted daughter, and even according to some researchers his disciple. This fact indicates his understanding of the equality of the sexes​”​.

“​Leaving the judgment of what is right and wrong to the person can be interpreted as another proof of Hacı Bektaş Veli’s reluctance to become a spiritual guide and make an effort to constitute his disciples. People are encouraged to make their judgments​”​. ​“Hacı Bektaş Veli has removed sünnet (sayings of Hz. Mohammed that has to be fulfilled) and religious law, which are regulations of Islam, and made the worshipping language Turkish. Three basic principles for Bektashis: using the main language for worshipping, the Cem Ceremony and a life without religious law (şeriat), which would mean that fasting and pilgrimage to Mecca are not mandatory and that there is no sexual discrimination and no forbiddance of alcoholic beverages. Dierl explains Hacı Bektaş Veli’s approach as a symbolic expression of harmonizing and uniting the former beliefs of Turks including the ones besides Anatolia (Dierl 45-47)”.

Islam “Alevis’ gradually adapting themselves to Islam cannot be examined without considering their former religions, traditions, and practices because, as mentioned earlier, their acceptance of Islam is not in literal terms. This acceptance is based on adapting their former beliefs’ features to Islam. On the way of this adaptation babas, who were popular saints, as Islamized versions of the old Turkish (Köprülü 5)” play an important role. These babas “were surrounded by an aura of holiness inherited from the old wandering minstrels, among the Turkmen clans. These babas controlled their simple, primitive souls (Köprülü 11)”.

“These nomadic Turkmen clans were the only active element that could carry out a religious or political movement against the multi-factional armies of the Seljuk emperors, who followed a policy of pursuing the form of Sunnism that was the official creed of the state in Anatolia. We therefore constantly find these Turkmen clans at the center of all the religio-political uprisings that occurred in Anatolia from the first instance until the later periods of the Ottoman sultanate (Köprülü 11)”. “Although Anatolian Alevism was submitted to Islam, it was influenced by it as much as it was by all other religions in Anatolia and Central Asia like Shamanism, Zoroastrianism, and Manichaeism, which made it possible to become heterodoxy after entering to Islam. The same interaction made what is now called Anatolian Alevism syncretism. In another aspect, it can be said that interacting and synthesizing the features of former beliefs before the infiltration of Islam already made this belief syncretism, however particularly after Islam this attitude has been forwarded as heterodoxy as opposing orthodoxy (Selmanpakoglu, 2007)”.​ “The two main branches in Islam, Sunnism, and Shiism, reciprocally accused each other with perversion by the literary, verbal and political references of religion and competed about the same dogma religious law practices (Aydın 308)”​. ​“The Sunni-Shia division has shown its signs in Anatolia starting with the Ottoman-Safevi clash at the beginning of the 16th century (Mélikoff 107)”. As “Claude Cahen states before this period Shia features have infiltrated Anatolian Islam, however, the ones who accepted these features were not conscious about whether they were part of Shiism or Sunnism. Before Safevis officially organized Shiism, the distinction between Shiism and Sunnism was not known within the communities (Cahen 218)”.​ “Erdoğan Aydın states that Alevism is distant to Shiism as much as to Sunnism. While in both Shiism and Sunnism Koran, in other words, religious law, is fundamental, Anatolian Alevism in an esoteric approach prioritizes human as its foundation. In Alevism Mohammed, Ali, Hasan, Hüseyin, twelve imams, etc. have

always symbolically taken place. The actual leaders were considered as Baba Ishak, Baba Ilyas, Sheikh Bedrettin, Hacı Bektaş Veli, Balım Sultan, Nesimi, Hallac-ı Mansur, Pir Sultan Abdal, etc. (307-308)”.

"To endure to the Sunni pressure Alevi society has defined themselves within Islam. They possessed all suppressed leaders in Islam history, foremost Ali, and used them as a legitimization base, but never bound or obligated themselves with what these characters have experienced and done like worshipping in mosques, pilgrimage to Mecca, practicing Koran and esteeming Ramadan, separate seating of men and women, religious penal code, forbiddance of alcoholic beverages, belief of hell, cihat (holy war) or any other. Aydın explains this understanding as accepting seventy-two nations, in other words, seventy-two beliefs as one and equal, rejecting servitude to God and creating an image of a humanist God by making it identical with itself. Alevism produced itself by becoming an association by Dedes, discipleship and Cem Ceremonies opposing the traditional Islam foundations of Sunnism and Shiism (Aydın 308-309)”.​ “In Alevism-Bektashi, there is a tolerance for all beliefs including Christianity. However, only Sunnism is not included in this tolerance because of the pressure and torture applied by the Sunnis for centuries (Mélikoff 290)”.​ As conclusion, the ​“Shaman based incongruous features within the Bektashi belief have become clear by conjoining with the influence of Ahi guilds, the anthropomorphic pantheism of Hurufism, the Shia heterodoxy of Turkmen Kızılbaşs and western effects of Christianity, and in Mélikoff’s words became accumulation of consciousness and irfan (gnosis) (211-212)”.​

Sufism _ Theory and Doctrines “Bektashism is considered within the Sufi tariqas established in the Ottoman period, as a representative of others tarrikats of sufi movement, Mevlevism (13th century) will be compared briefly with Bektashism (Celebi)”.​ While Mevlevis’ main feature is surrounded by the notion of “reaching the love of God” or “submission to the Divine” Bektashis’ come up on the agenda by their oppositional acts in addition to their requests on their belief practices. ​"Both orders are Suf or otherwise called Dervishes. Their primary difference to Sunni Muslims is the fact that the latter believe that during their lives they are on their pathway to God and that after the ‘Final Judgment’ they will finally be closer to Him, while Sufis believe that it is possible to be close to God and to fully embrace the Divine Presence in this life, living a primarily acetic life (analogously to monastic orders of Christianity and Buddhism).The beliefs of the Alevis and Bektashis are syncretic and received in scenes from the people they were in contact. These religious cultures share a lot in common with other Islamic mystical movements, such as the need or an experienced spiritual guide called a baba as well as the doctrine of the four gates that must be traversed: Shari’ah(sacred law), Tariqah (the spiritual path), Ma’rifah (true Knowledge) and Haqiqah (Divine Reality) (Kressing,2002)”.

FOUR DOORS First step: the Sharia Second step: the order is entered into passing the Gate « cult « Third step: Hakikat reached by passing the Gate «truth « But if you can not see that imagination is the fourth step

of Gnosticism can be accessed by going through the ingenuity Gate District is located in the heart of the truth and Fourth step: in the Core / Knowledge of core -forming [ Wisdom of / Gnosis ] “The key characteristics of Sufi are: • love and respect for all people • tolerance towards other religions and ethnic groups • respect for working people • equality of men and women who pray”​ ​together, and the practice of monogamy (Leaman and Nasr, 2001)”.

The Bektashi worship takes place in Tekkes, not mosques. The hierarchical structure of the orders consists of the grades of ashik, muhip (novice), dervish, baba and dede.

“Since the order mystic, only initiated members are allowed to participate in the ceremonies (Zeginis, 2001)”. “In the sixteenth century, an emblematic personality and great reformer of the Bektashi order, Balim Sultan, initiated a series of reformations that further favored syncretism. In an attempt to survive and spread, Bektashism incorporated a number of Christian influences,such as the conception of the triadic God-Muhammad-Ali that is non-existent in the Qur’an, the prohibition of divorce, the correlation of the worship of the 12 imams with the worship of the 12 Disciples, the use of wine and bread, as in the Christian holy communion and many others (Zeginis, 2001)”. “Turkish scholars, however, have heavily criticized the influences between the two faiths and support the Turkish origins of Bektashism (Doja, 2006b)”.

Chapter 3

. THE ORIGIN OF BEKTASHI TEKKE AND ARCHITECTURE

What makes them unique is what people think of them. ​“​Recording the historical values of Bektashi Tekke architecture on certain culture or country is imperative to understand the evolution of religion and cultural paradigm​”​. From ​“"trace records, the intensity of adoption and adaptation from external values and changes towards modernization could be responded to", according to Alsamija (2005)”,​ pointed out also that this "exercise would be able to set a point of reference in overcoming the issues on contemporary islamic shrine" and specifically of the Bektashi tekke art and architecture.

3.1.

BEKTASHI TEKKE ARCHITECTURE

The study inside the limits of the Bektashi art and architecture very recent need in the field of Islamic Art and Architecture since not very many researchers and scholars have been investigating this subject and topic.The necessity of this research is risen however the absence of proper documentation on time and place of this topic. Different philosophies have been embraced and henceforth important data was caught and utilized for the upgrade and evolvement of Bektashi religious shrines. In pretty much every examination, clarification on the capacities and significance of tekke would be over every other substance.

Therefore, “types” of tekke architecture will not be observed and interpreted only as courtyard typology, single dome sanctuaries, and cave sanctuaries but these observations will be a result of their built form, physical appearance and internal and external components. Accordingly, "types" of tekke design won't be watched and deciphered just as patio typology, single dome sanctuaries, and surrender sanctuaries yet these perceptions will be an aftereffect of their assembled shape, physical appearance and inside and outer segments. ​“​This will enable extractions to the nature of new tekke and recapture the missing estimations of the past that could be incorporated into the future plan of Tekke in Albania and even could be fill in as a model for the Bektashi Tekke in locale​”​.

3.2. ARCHITECTURE AS AN EXPRESSION OF IDEOLOGY AND RELIGION "Religious Ideologies have always emphasized the fact that the world is made from both physical and spiritual realities, from both visible and invisible entities. Islam talks about the seen and the unseen worlds, and about God as the knower of them all which to him belongs the unseen heavens and the earth. The Quran describes that there are in fact some keys to reveal the unseen and are kept with his majesty (Akkach, 2005)”.​ “Kuban’s research in 1974, believed that the original islamic shrine built by the Prophet Muhammad ( (including its compound) were made up of four main components namely the entrance, hujra (apartments for the prophet’s wives), suffa (for the visitors or the poor to rest for the night), zulla and the sahn (courtyard)”. “Zulla is a covered rectangular space where solah (prayers) were performed, and one of the longer walls in this area is called the Qibla wall. After the demise of Prophet Muhammad, the administration of the Muslims and Islam in general, including the mosques were taken over by his four companions and then by some Islamic". Even though the "leadership of Islam and the architecture of

mosques and Bektashi Shrines changed over time, the core components inside remained the same with a few components being added following the needs of the believers during the period of that particular the shrines were built. This thesis determines the basic components of Bektashi Tekke and their liturgical roles similar to the time of the Prophet Muhammad and the late sample of the first Bektashi Shrines of Haci Bektasi and Seyitgazi shrines that will be examined Furthermore in this chapter. Then added and transformed components from the mosque to the Bektashi Shrine components are discussed to understand their roles and functions to the believers, their cultures, and tekkes".

“Architecture is understood as the art or practice of designing and erecting buildings, or in other words it is ‘the combination of building and art (Conway & Roenish 1984)”. “Architecture by itself is acknowledged as a self referential object due to the basic generic elements such as volume, line, plane, surface, mass, material, and structure that constitute it. These fundamental elements become important in themselves when combined, interacting and united they make up the physical and visual form that helps to define the existing context and space (Luecking 2002)”. “Architecture occupies and shapes the physical social context as well as influencing the perceptual nature of human behavior (Rapoport 1990)”​. This is possible as architecture’s aesthetic manifestation satisfies and motivates the human emotion. ​“Architecture’s physical appearance and visual impression not only help engage the user to its content, similar to the reaction of a picture- object that engages our disposition to the world, but also allows the user to use physical senses to recognise the architectural function (Matravers 1998)”​. Due to this interactive situation, communication between users and the built environment therefore exists, as architectural function helps organise the space of human actions. Stated by Umberto Eco, ​“we commonly do experience architecture as communication, even while recognizing its functionality (1997:182)”.​ Since architecture is capable of being used to communicate and of being understood, it is perceived by many scholars to transmit messages when building users invest the building with meaning.

“The assumption that architecture is invested with meaning and is a means of conveying meaning is not a new one. Throughout history, architects and writers in the architectural field have argued and discussed this subject. Many contend that architecture is more than utilitarian since architecture is the evidence of social life. Architecture is capable of conveying social and intellectual meaning including expressing the religious belief and political practice of society through its physical and visual form (Rappoport 1990; Vitruvius 1991; Morris 1998)”.​ “Preziosi (1979) adds that architecture may also be understood from another aspect, which involves the structured relationship that exists between the building with its immediate and wider surrounding environment: both at the time it was built and thereafter.” “Architecture by itself is a self contained sign system, with its own grammar and syntax, most scholars in the field of architecture have attempted to import structuralist methodology to understand architecture, as they believe that architecture can be read as ‘text’ (Whyte 2006)”. “This approach of understanding of architecture was based upon the assumption that architecture was a ‘sign system,’ a means of communication that was analogous to verbal or written language. Examples of this approach are seen in the work by Broadbent (1980), Eco (1997), Hersbeger (1988), Jencks (1997) and Whyte (2006) where they state that architecture can be understood by analogy to language; as a ‘code’ capable of being used to communicate the intentions of the patron to the building user. The physical manifestations of architectural ‘form’ and ‘space’ can be read through a recognised code, to be interpreted by the user (Jencks 1997; Eco 1980)”. In Boffrand’s words (1972:2), “form including spatial layout’ through their disposition, their structure, and the manner in which they are decorated, announces their purpose to the spectator”. ​“This is because the dynamic qualities of ‘form’ and

‘spatial layout’ help translate the building function into a non verbal coding system which makes communication with the user possible (Arnheim 1977:263)”​. As described by “Jencks (1980:20-21): ​If we observe the architectural form - windows on the façade of the building, our attention may be turned to a window as an opening for viewing the outside world - meaning that is based on function, but in which the function has receded to the extent that we may even forget it, for the moment concentrating on relationships through which the windows become elements of architectural rhythm.” “​ Windows in their form, their number, their disposition on a façade (portholes, loopholes, curtain walls, etc) - may, besides denoting function , refer to a certain inhabitation and use; they may connote an overall ideology that has informed the architect’s operation. Since the works of Jencks, Eco, Boffrand and Arnheim have shown that architecture can be described as a communication system, capable of communicating its function when the user decodes the building’s physical attributes of ‘form’ and ‘space,’ It will be explained that these two attributes separately for the benefit of this study. This distinction is important to provide a comprehensible format to analyse and understand how both of these attributes - ‘form’ and ‘space’ - are being organised by the creators to potentially transmit meaning and acts as a political symbol”.

3.2.

SUFI-BEKTASHI SPATIAL PATTERN AND COMPONENT “Islam originally observes the place of worship as simple as possible. A simple wall oriented towards the direction of Qibla, which is the cubic Kaaba within the city of Mecca, having no roof, no minimum size, no enclosed walls and no additional accessories. Indeed it might probably be argued that the single wall can even be removed and the direction can be noticed with some other monument. After all it is believed that wherever you pray, that place is a mosque or a bektashi shrine. Therefore the term mosque does not address any specific building of any kind. But since the arrangement of worship and the ceremonies were defined by the Prophet, Muslims constructed mosques from the very early days of Islam. The architectural revolution of the mosque started when the simple pattern of the Prophet’s house was selected and put into use as the first and only example of a gathering area in the Arab lands (Hillenbrand, 2000)”.​ “Building the first mosque in Medina was carried out with a very simple outline that merely had a covered area and a courtyard. As the new born religion developed, mosques were built usually initiating the concept of the Prophet’s mosque. This process was performed for close to 300 years, but gradually the appearance of the mosque changed and transformed into buildings that were no longer similar to the early example. These changes first appeared in the Razi style of the Persian architecture and later spread to other Islamic nations (Pirnia M. K., 2004)”.Persian architecture was the first to embrace the Sufi Ideology in the pattern of the mosque. In other words the “mosque built and introduced by the Prophet as an example of how Mosques should look like, was so different from the Persian mosques and later from the Bektashi Shrine which were built in later years, and so different from what is recognized by professionals and scholars and even the public today as an ordinary Persian mosque. The model that now is used as models for the creation of the contemporary bektashi shrine comes from the Ottoman Empire in the Classic Age. This models are the Seyyit Gazi Shrine and Haci Bektasi shrine even though each of them has its one architectural and unique features both of the a pattern of design and components that facilitates and satisfied the ideological, spiritual, social and political need of the Bektashi Community. However it must be mentioned that creating a glorious shrines at the beginning of the Islamic era was not a logical process; never does any scholar or expert question the way and the approach the Prophet had used to build and created a place of worship as it was indeed the proper place for that time, place and resources. (Zargar, 2007) (Nadimi, 2010)”. ​“​In fact the real question is why do the Bektashi Shrines we have today include several patterns including the

dome, gate/portal, mihrab, ritual hall/meydani, tyrbe, courtyard and so on are so different from the prototype that the Prophet had left us?​” “Furthermore these patterns have now also been accepted by the majority of architects as parts of the language which the Bektashi Tekke architecture offers. Ordinary people easily can recognize the tekke while it is dressed in these mentioned patterns (Pirnia, 2004) (Hillenbrand, 2000) (Petersen, 1999)”.​ ​“The architect of the place of worship as the representative of God has to follow the ultimate goal of creation, which is unity, along with its path which is evolution or alchemy. When creating a place of worship, man is creating nature or the key means of remembering the human nature in order to make himself remember his nature (Ardalan & Bakhtiar, 1979)”.

3.2.1 ELEMENTS OF DESIGN This part will discuss the major elements in any common architectural creation. With the application of these elements a specific being will be called architecture since a unique action is done and an identity is given to it. In other words the forthcoming elements are in fact the tools, which the architect uses in order to bring his intuitive understanding, his imagination or his inner experiences into being. These elements are the tools that the architect has, so that he can image the symbols or signs for others to be transformed.

There are varieties of discussions on what these fundamental elements should be and how they should be categorized. According to Unwin (1997) ​"these elements are actually some conditions that the architect makes in favor of identifying a place called architecture. For example a piece of ground that principally is the area where an architectural object has to be based upon"​.

"The covering surface is another element which indicates the spatial borders of the architectural object; and furthermore there is gravity, light and time. He further introduces some specific objects as the ingredients of any building which with the help of them a building can be constructed, such as a raised area or platform, lowered area or pit, a marker, a barrier and other similar objects. He explains that these are the conceptual materials for the architect to work with, and while analysing any building these materials can be recognized.

With the correct relation between these conditions and objects, a place is identified and thus the act of architecture has occurred (Unwin, 1997)”​. What Unwin (1997) is discussing here is in fact a "categorization of the elements of design". He has made two sets; the first dealing with the abstract idea of place, and the other dealing with the qualities that a place can receive. ​“According to Ardalan and Bakhtiar (1979) the elements, or what they call concepts, are manifestations of the images of the inner spirit of the architect.

These elements are actually the transformational machines that one might not be aware of, and might not even understand its inner message, yet he is still transformed by them. They introduce these elements as space, shape, surface, colour and matter (Ardalan & Bakhtiar, 1979)”.​ The five elements introduced by Ardalan and Bakhtiar (1979) also have two aspects. The first aspect is how they look at these elements geometrically; since mathematics, arithmetic and geometry themselves are abstract and are not visible.

They do not exist in the world of physical phenomena unless and until they are suited with physics. The second aspect of their elements is the aspect of quality; colour and matter are sensible phenomena.

(Ardalan & Bakhtiar, 1979). Furthermore “Von Meiss (1990) adds the element of order to the former list of the elements of design and explains that order is indeed the most fundamental and permanent rule which governs the independence of all the other elements of architectural design (Von Meiss, 1990)”. The element introduced here is not an abstract element; neither is it a quality; yet it is the connection of these two aspects that is indeed the act of what is called architecture. What is absolutely obvious in comparing these perspectives together is that the architect is a means of creating a symbol or a sign known as the

identity.

In creating this identity some scholars point to detailed structures, which affect the whole construction, and some observe it as a manifested abstract idea which itself is a home for abstract concepts. What is common in the ideas of all scholars is that this “identity changes according to the function of the building with the means of its elements. According to Akkach (2005)” referring to “Ikhwan, every manifested object whether man made or god made, necessarily comes from two fundamental components; form and matter”.

These components are actually two sets of effects commonly known as the elements of architecture which one set influence the idea to manifest directly and the other indirectly. “Since different objects are created from similar matters, it is indeed the form which makes the differences. These two sets of elements can be regarded as the quantity and the quality of the act of creation (Akkach, 2005)’’. Architecturally speaking the first set of elements known as forms are in fact the same elements of geometry. They do not exist physically unless they have a matter to admit, thus they are abstract ideas and are categorized as the point, the line, the surface and the volume. The geometry itself is the quantitative aspect of architecture dealing with width, depth and height. They are the concept of the universe or architecture yet without any quality, and thus influence the whole concept directly, and bring it one step into being since the physical world can understand it but not manifest it. Then there are the qualitative elements which however are connected to the whole concept, do not directly affect it yet materialize it. These are the matter elements of creation that give the concept its cloth and bring the concept another step into the physical reality. Now the concept has materialized since it has a quality to be sensed by the physical world. (Akkach, 2005) (Ardalan & Bakhtiar, 1979)”.

“Practical art on the other hand, is in fact bringing into being what there is in the creator's mind and placing it in matter since every single object is a whole of form and matter together. This part is creating physically and giving it the divine identity (Akkach, 2005)”. In the original source everything is observed as a totality and all forms and matters are in fact related in a chain of relations thus nothing is independent. “The shirt is a form with regard to the cloth, and the cloth is matter for the shirt; the cloth is a form with regard to the yarn, and the yarn is matter for the cloth; the yarn is a form with regard to the cotton, and the cotton is matter for the yarn; the cotton is a form with regard to the plant, and the plant is matter for the cotton; the plant is a form with regard to the arkan (elements), and the arkan are matter for the plant; the arkan are a form with regard to the [Absolute] Body, and the Body is matter for the arkan; the Body is a form with regard to the [Prime] Substance, and the Substance is matter for the Body. Likewise, the bread is a form with regard to the dough, and the dough is matter for the bread; the dough is a form with regard to the flour, and the flour is matter for the dough; the flour is a form with regard to the grain, and the grain is matter for the flour; the grain is a form with regard to the plant, and the plant is matter for the grain . . . This is the way in which form relates to matter and matter to form [in a sequential manner] until they terminate with the Prime Matter (al hayula al ula), which is nothing but the form of existence that includes neither quality nor quantity. It is a simple Substance – without any kind of synthesis whatsoever – that is susceptible of all forms in a sequential order, as we showed, and not randomly. For instance, the cotton does not take on the form of the cloth until it has received the form of the yarn; and the yarn does not take on the form of the shirt until it has received the form of the cloth; likewise, the grain does not take on the form of the dough until it has received the form of the flour; and the flour does not take on the form of the bread until it has received the form of the dough. In this order matter takes on forms one after the other (Akkach, 2005, p.

37)”.

3.3.1 SPACE Space is a three-dimensional feature of quantity. In a worldly manner space is consisted of six directions of north, south, east, west, up and down as a primary coordinate system where every single object is situated.

“Every object or body is also an extension of length, breadth and depth; thus there is no particular difference between space and a corporeal object. This body is however raw and without a substance since its quantity is only distinguished and is regarded only as an empty being or an abstract idea with numbers.

(Descartes, Cottingham, & Stoothoff, 1935)”. “It does not have a tangible existence yet exists in the consciousness of its beholder who imagines boundaries and marks it as a place. The concept of place in fact rises when there is an actual object which is being contained (Ardalan & Bakhtiar, 1979)”. “A space can further be edited, decorated, materialized, coloured, timed and ordered in order to create a specific experience for the contained; whether physical relating to a sensible aspect like visual, smellable, hearable, touchable or tasteable; emotional creating a feeling of love, passion, anger or stress; mental recalling a memory or activating the imagination faculty of one person; or divine. What this experience is actually, is related to what is going to go on into a created place (Tuan, 2001)”.

Definition of space There have been various definitions given by philosophers, designers, sociologists on the concept of ‘space’. The term ‘space’ according to Ching (1996:98) is defined “as a three dimensional field in which objects and events occur and have relative position and direction”. Here, space is related to the physical object and it stands for the shape of void these objects create. In other words, space is defined, bounded and articulated by the form (Certeau 2002). Leucking (2002:82) states that “space is more than just perception but it is configured by society’s social and cultural activities, where the spatial pattern and organization are determined by the human behavior”. “Arnheim (1977:9), on the other hand, considers that space is “conceived as a self contained entity, infinite or finite, having the capacity to be filled with things.

Notion of space comes into being, when the subject physically place his body into space, or mentally projected himself into it. For that matter, space is considered as a property of intellect, involving human aesthetic judgment and perceptions”. ​“​Generally, most scholars in the field of architecture agree that architectural space is defined by ‘form’, thus it may also act as an enclosure or provide an extension to the space. Apart from that, architectural space is also a perceptual and experience space that is significantly linked to human activities. Therefore, the inhabitant behavior assigns the characteristic, dimensions and spatial patterns of the space and provides meaning. To understand the concept of ‘space’ in architecture, many theoretical studies and work has been undertaken by past sociologist and architectural scholars.

Some of the principles of space are summarized below in Table 2.​” Table 2. Architectural space and principles Figure 2. Spatial Typologies according to Francis Ching “​In the aforementioned section were briefly explained the basic principles and elemental features that constitute the architectural ‘form’ and ‘space’. These design principles are important, as they are the main reference for conducting the analysis in the methodology section in Chapter 4.0, on how to investigate the state mosque architectural design as the focus of the study. Adding to that, the study of these architectural principles may provide guidelines on built form generic elements and as aspects to be considered during the analysis process. The next section will explain architectural ‘form’ and ‘space’ as a recognised ‘system of signs’, as an agent for expressing meaning to the user and community of users including their role and contribution in the service of sacred​”​.

3.3.2 SURFACE “​Within the hierarchy of spatial definitions, surface stands after the three-dimensional space. Surface can physically delimit shapes and thus is capable of making spaces, yet it is not present in the physical world.

In fact physically speaking, the point, line and surface do not exist and whatever there is as an object it is introduced as in volumes. Regarding this argument however surfaces carry a symbolic dimension in the architectural world​”​. ​Figure 3 within the “surface patterns and shapes link places together and portrait desired stories and secrets. Man has always wished to express his ultimate love for the creator and through patterns, designs and color he has drawn the creation to do so (Ardalan & Bakhtiar, 1979)”.

Figure 3. Ornamental mosaic, inside the Main Odeon of the Global Headquarters (source: photo made by the author) “Ardalan and Bakhtiar (1979) stated that surface is represented symbolically in three areas; the floor, the wall and the roof. The floor is the horizontal extension of architecture that symbolizes the earth; the wall symbolizes the third dimension of space where the vertical direction meets the ontological axis; and the roof symbolizes the heavenly aspects where the spirit reaches its zenith and takes his journey back home (Ardalan & Bakhtiar, 1979)”.

“The presence of numbers on the surface creates shapes and patterns, which bring a qualitative value for the quantitative geometry. Geometry in general deals with pure form; it is a way that the creation is rendered visibly. Numbers however are not separate phenomena. Numbers and forms are ideally one, yet numbers must be understood in their very special manner. According to Lawlor referring to Pythagoras, everything is arranged in numbers. This statement does not simply imply the quantity of continuous numbers and actually possesses the ideal level of quality. Numbers are relations no matter what quantity is applied, their relation will always remain and this relation is the hidden quality which is neither small nor big, yet is universal. Thus within every single number their lies a universal power, sometimes known as the esoteric or internal aspect of numbers which defines their qualities in comparison to their external or qualitative aspects which are just countable digits (Lawlor, 2002)”. “Let us look at the first four primary numbers in this spirit. The number one can of course define a quantity; as, for example, one apple. But in its other sense, it perfectly represents the principle of absolute unity, and as such has often been used as the symbol to represent God. As a statement of form it can in one sense represent a point – It has been called the pointal number, the bindu or seed in the Hindu mandala – or in another sense it can represent the perfect circle. Two is a quantity, but symbolically it represents, as we have already seen, the principle of Duality, the power of multiplicity. At the same time it has its formal sense in the representation of a line, in that two points define a line. Three is a quantity, but as a principle it represents the Trinity, a vital concept…

Its formal sense is that of the triangle, which is formed from three points. With three a qualitative transition is made from the pure, abstract elements of point and line to the tangible, measurable state which is called a surface. In India the triangle was called the mother, for it is the membrane or birth channel through which all the transcendent powers of unity and its initial division into polarity must pass in order to enter into the manifest realm of surface. The triangle acts as the mother of form. But three is yet only a principle of creation, forming the passage between the transcendent and the manifest realms, whereas four represents at last the first born thing, the world of nature, because it is the product of the procreative process, that is of multiplication: 2 × 2 = 4. As a form, four is the square, and represents materialization (Lawlor, 2002, p. 12)”

.This concept has been graphically illustrated in F ​ igure 4.

The symbolic side of numbers and geometry owns an universal truth. According to ​“Balliett (1996) six centuries before the birth of Jesus Christ, Pythagoras introduced a concept known as the Music of the Spheres where he gave the world the fundamental principles of music that are now in use. He argued that every single being from a non-living object to the human itself is vibrating at its own specific rate or speed.

This rate of vibration is the key of understanding both the seen and the unseen aspects of the universe, since every visible object as well as every activity in the universe or perception, notion, sensation and emotion also vibrates in a certain rate that in fact flow as a part of the one single rhythm of the whole universal pattern (Balliett, 1996)”.

“Music is a useful tool in order to understand the different levels of vibration. The tones and keys of music are demonstrated by numbers thus carry a complex definition composed of a sensual, emotional, mental and sometimes even spiritual understandings. This simultaneous interrelatedness is a reflection of the interior and exterior dimensions of numbers in the cover of music. Quite similarly, geometry was the tool that the Pythagoreans introduced as a unique transition to bring these vibrations into seen forms. The essential spirit of the perception of harmony was in fact transferred through the use of geometrical patterns.

(Lawlor, 2002)”.​ According to ​“Ardalan and Bakhtiar (1979) geometrical patterns including the ones shown in figure 2.4 to 2.7 were actually used by the traditional man as an aspect of the multiplicity of creation and numbers were used in accurate symmetry in order to symbolize the universe. In this way, the concept is related to the universal process of extension in all directions, or in other words vibration in all directions.

(Ardalan & Bakhtiar, 1979)”.

3.3.3. TIME “​The second group of variables deals with the qualitative aspect of the creation in comparison to the geometrical quantities of it. These variables do not directly influence the creation yet they cause influences on the manifested form. One of the very most important aspects of quality in architecture is the time of construction. In this definition time actually does not refer to duration, yet it points to an exact moment when construction has to be carried out​”​.

3.3.4 COLOUR "The world is born in light and colour springs from this colourless being. The world of colours thus has been introduced as the manifested world of multiplicity or the concept of physical life; and just as the being of color is totally dependent on the being of light, creation is dependent on the being of the God. (Ardalan, 1974)”."The difficulty of knowing God is therefore due to brightness; He is so bright that men's hearts have not the strength to perceive it. There is nothing brighter than the sun, for through it all things become manifest yet if the sun did not go down by night, or if it were not veiled by reason of the shadow, no one would realize that there is such a thing as light on the face of the earth. Seeing nothing but colors, they would say that nothing more exists. However, they have realized that light is a thing outside colors, the colors becoming manifest through it; they have comprehended light through its opposite. . . He is hidden by His very brightness (Ardalan, 1974, p. 169)”​. ​"Colors are divided in ranges according to their manifested values. Esoteric approaches to the varieties of color have been developed in almost all traditional cultures including ancient Iran. “Haft Rang” or “Seven Colours” is a system of art developed in the Persian lands

which was developed according to the seven stages of spiritual development, and was symbolized by the seven colours of rainbow. These colors are simultaneously related to numbers and numerological qualities as well, like the seven visible planets, the seven days of the week, the seven metals, the seven climates, the seven notes of music, the seven major centers of the human body and so on (Ardalan, 1974)”​. ​“As the human soul evolves, it gradually awakes to a higher level of consciousness which means higher centers of the body get more involved in the process of evolution. Every single center of the human body is related to a specific color as mentioned before. Thus it is also related to a specific rate of vibration according to the laws of physics. Furthermore, every center and color indeed, is related to a musical note of an octave, and thus as the vibration of the color or center increases the note has a higher vibration as well. Many psychological phenomena including the commonly known psychologies of color can be interpreted in this case and by comparing the color to its related center, the exact produced qualities of color and tones of music (Ceren Selmanpakoglu, 2007)”.

3.3.5 MATTER / MATERIALS "The matter of artificial work is everybody (jism) out of and in which an artificer works his art, such as the timber for carpenters, the iron for ironsmiths, earth and water for builders, the yarn for weavers, and the flour for bakers. Accordingly, it is necessary for every artificer to have a body to work his art from and in it.

This body is the matter of artificial work… Natural matter is the four elements (arkan). All that is found in the sublunary sphere, the animals, plants, and minerals, come from the elements and by corruption return to them. The active nature responsible for this process is one of the forces of the celestial Universal Soul…

Universal Matter is the Absolute Body, from which is drawn the entire world, that is, the celestial spheres, the stars, the elements, and all beings. These are all bodies whose diversity derives from their diverse forms. As for Prime Matter, it is a simple, intelligible substance that cannot be sensed, for it is the form of being proper. It is the Original Identity (al huwiyya) (Akkach, 2005, p. 38)". ​“Form manifests with matter, it brings bodies into being and begins its physical existence. All bodies on the physical world are made from matter. All bodies are in fact comprised of four Arkan or Bases which are combined in different amounts.

The four are the fundamental conditions of matter and four modes of materializing qualities. Fire is hot and dry and has the ability to bring beings into harmony. Fire is made from heat and light and the sun is its symbol. Air is hot and humid and it has the ability to image beings in their absolute manner. Its closest Symbol is wind. Water is cold and humid and is the giver of life on the physical plane. Its symbol is rain as a great gift from the Supreme God. Earth is cold and dry with a dense and heavy character. Its symbol is mountain which is the generation of life and the means of reaching the heavens. (Ardalan & Bakhtiar, 1979) (Nasr, 1993)”.

3.3.6 PLACE “The correct direction and the accurate direction of buildings have been important during history. It is not appropriate to focus on the concept of location in this research since the idea of vortex energetic points on the earth is not yet a scientific issue. Yet there are some possibilities that the earth, the same as the human body, is consisted of specific lines of energy which create a unique geometrical pattern on its surface.

These lines were in many cases discovered and great buildings were built on their intersections (Sulivan, 2005)”.​ The concept of directions however is an ancient concept used in architecture where specific directions were known to create specific colours, vibrations or energies. The buildings were thus oriented towards a direction in order to use specific energies according to its architectural functioning. Thus the islamic religious buildings, like mosques and bektashi tekke were oriented towards the Mecca.

3.3.7 ORDER “​There is a deep connection between the divine act of creation and the human act of designing which indeed lies in the Nizam or Order of the universe; a threat that ties together whatever there is in any dimension. This is when there is no time between will and creation since it is a divine act that breaths into his beings; thus the architect similarly has to breathe the identity into his buildings. When the building has this fire, it becomes part of the nature, since their identity is now from a single source. Exactly like the waves of an ocean or the movements of a grass, the building lives as a created scene in the natural world.

Its features are ordered by an endless play of motion and variety, exactly like a tree with its various leaves and branches. This is the quality itself, which represents itself as a wonderful act of beauty with a unique sense of order​”​. “What creates nature is actually a series of patterns. Each pattern or feature is a unique solution responding to a system of forces in the universe. Yet the forces are never the same. These created patterns and features are repeated to create architecture, as they are to create nature. What makes these unlived patterns become a brilliant scene of nature is the breath of God. It is indeed the identity or order which is given to these unlimited objects that makes them follow the invisible rules of beauty. The role of the architect is indeed the same in bringing the quality without a name or the breath of God for the buildings. Thus the character of nature cannot arise within the buildings unless the architect has understood the character of God (Alexander, 1979)”.

3.4 PATTERNS OF DESIGN "Architecture, similarly, is the procedure of combining patterns, which is created by man for specific reasons. In his architecture the man creates patterns and places them in their orderly position. Every single pattern is generated with a defined purpose responding to specific universal forces and they indeed come in a hierarchy like natural patterns (Alexander, 1979)”. “The creation of physical patterns is actually the practical art carried out by the architect. In other words the physical patterns are the manifested form of the internal concepts. Thus they serve as bridges between the abstract imagination of the architect and the qualitative limitations of the physical world. Bringing together all the relevant and required patterns of a specific living creates a larger pattern in the hierarchy of architecture commonly known as a building or architecture itself. In the Bektashi Tekke for example is a pattern within the pattern of the city, consisted of various patterns including the dome, the minaret, the portal, the courtyard and so on. The study of these generic patterns can both explain the purpose of them and the pattern they have created since they allow detailed observations (Ardalan & Bakhtiar, 1979)”.

The ​“​6 patterns of Bektashi shrine architecture have been articulated to the body of Islamic shrine in the era of the Classic Age of the Ottoman Empire. They were introduced at the same time in which the esoteric Islamic ideology was being widely accepted and applied; it was known as Sufism. When creation began, the human was created in the image of the supreme god. Being created after God’s image means that a person is carrying an essence which is called the Divine Spark. Therefore many religions and schools of thought have introduced the human as the son of the most high in which each person there exists a divine essence or a divine spark. The human is given four vehicles in his worldly journey along with his visible physical body which are the Etheric, Astral, Mental and Causal bodies. Through these he is able to express himself on the various dimensions of physical, emotional, mental and spiritual. The architect as a representative of God must have been reached a great level of human perfection and developed in all the four faculties of the human being in order to create a building responding to all directions of the human living; in order to create a building to uplift the human to a higher stage of living​”​.

In the Prophet’s mosque, “Kuban, (1974), lists eight important components in mosques namely the Haram, Qibla wall, Courtyard, Riwaq (arcades), Mihrab, Mimbar, Minaret and Maqsura”. Twenty years later, “Frishman (1994) added Dikka (a tribune for the leaders), Kursi (Al-Quran holder), and Maida (for ablution) and left out Riwaq from Kuban’s (1974) list, while in the architecture of a Bektashi Shrine, the main noticeable patterns are the dome, the meydani, the mihrab, the gate/portal, the courtyard and the tyrbe showing the transform pattern of the Islamic shrine due to the Sufi Ideology”. “The study of components is crucial to determine the overall mosque designs as stated by Hasan-uddin, (1994; 247-248) who believes that mosque design in different time and regions, evolves in creating new expressions in various terms and the terms include the national identity.” “Changes in shrine design are an important indicator in understanding Muslim Society today.” He believes that Islamic shrine in different time and regions, evolves in creating new expressions in various terms, which include national identity. Hasan-uddin, (1994; 247-248)” o prayer hall/meydani “​Most of the islamic shrines built in the Middle-east have two sections of prayer hall i.e. a covered area called the haram or zulla and a courtyard called the sahn. Surrounding the three sides of this courtyard is the arcade called riwaq (Frishman 1994;32-41).In the Bektashi case (with some expcections) the prayer hall dedicated for the ritual of the mystic group is the Meydani​”​.

Figure 8. The Tekke of Haci Bektasi-Meydani space, (source:Museum of Bektashi Community) “​Congregational and individual prayers could be performed there worship in the tyrbe.The maximum area of the rituals does not have specific spatial requirements but according to the tarikat in the ceremony do not participate more than 30-40 men and and women at the same time in the room, in order to keep the mysticity of the ceremony. Therefore it is imperative to take into consideration the three aspects listed below when designing the meydani to optimize its usage​”​. o “​The meydani is designed to be rectangle where the longer sides lay parallel to the Qibla wall. This designed had been practised in medieval shrines but had not been accepted as a compulsory guideline for tekke design in Albania. o There should not be any obstruction in the prayer hall especially in the haram. The clarity of the prayer hall will complement the maximum usage of space. This will lead to the continuity of the safs (praying lines in congregation) and maximize the visibility of the makmum (congregation) to see the imam (preacher) presenting the khutba (sermons). o The number of worshippers is limited since only a small group of endorsed believers have access to the mystic ritual of Sufi mysticism. Meydani should be able to expand when the congregation gets larger according to future prayer endorsements.The size of the prayer hall is normally the yardstick of the tekke extent​”​. “​Most contemporary tekke in Albania fail to adapt these aspects in their design. Instead, the roof over meydani is always given the most emphasis and strongest personality from the external feature. The meydani are often covered by a big dome which has to be supported by series of columns erected in the

prayer hall. The number of columns is 12 as a symbol of the twelve imams​”​. o qibla wall, mihrab Every meydani must include a Qibla wall to show the direction to prostrate upon entering the tekke. Qibla is the direction to face when pray at all times. “Initially, the direction of the Qibla was towards the Al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem. The Qibla was then directed towards Ka’aba in Mecca after about two years after Hijra when the Prophet Muhammad received a revelation from Allah the Almighty (Fehervari 1970; 702-707)”. The Prophet Muhammad receives a lot of revelations from Allah the Almighty including the command to perform Friday prayers at the mosque replacing the Zohr prayers every Friday. This command is compulsory for men and is optional for women. Mosques that offer these Friday prayers are sometimes referred to as Jami’. Inside each of these Jami’ mosque is a Mimbar or pulpit, positioned at the right side of the Mihrab. The Mihrab is normally a semi circular niche located at the center of the Qibla wall .

o portal (entrance) “​The entrance of tekke ​plays the role of concealing the interior from the external view. This gives the feeling of being enclosed in one place free from the hustle and bustle of the outside activities and thus acts as the threshold. Medieval islamic shrines always have tall and monumental main portal and this is in contrast with the entrance to vernacular Albanian tekkes which looks more humble and open. A study conducted by​” “Salamah (2001), found that the impression made by the entrances of public buildings is more than a mere welcoming space. Building entrances can evoke a strong image that includes non-verbal messages to the visitors on the activities happening inside. Consequently, emotional effect could be felt by the visitors either inviting or repelling”.

o ablution pool/fountain Performing ablution should be the first activity to take place before a devotee enters an islamic religious building and especially in the Bektashi Tekke. The ablution area is an important component in any tekke and must be placed at a point which could easily be seen and reached. According to the space syntax research made by “Aazam, (2007); based on the analysis of the visual points and prostration points segment, the three elements that are considered the most active areas are the entrance, the meydani and the courtyard. Therefore, the ablution pool/fountain area has a tendency to have similar spatial syntactic qualities. It is probably the most used space because it is always positioned adjacent to the verandah and the praying area. Investigating the spatial arrangement of all these spaces must be taken into serious consideration as they complement all the important activities” in the tekke.

o Courtyard “​The sahn or courtyard is the most common component found not only in the tekke but also in other Islamic buildings. It serves to accommodate large crowd of worshippers during congregational prayers especially Friday prayers and special prayers such as Eid. Most of the Bektashi Shrines positioned the ablution pool/fountain in the middle of the sahn (court yard). From the explanations above, it is quite clear that some

of the components of shrine are vital and some are less significant. Components like the dikka and the kursi used to have some important roles on the overall performance of a mosque but their existence is fading towards extinction. Apart from the importance of its components, the overall performance of a tekke lies on the devotees to glorify it. The more believers come to prostate and iqtikaf, the more glorious the mosque will be. Hence designers should take serious consideration in building a mosque that is most welcoming to the believers and provide the most comfort for them to do ibadah. For example, entering a mosque without a signified Qibla wall will cause confusion to the users especially in complex hypostyle mosques that are extensively built contemporarily. Therefore, the Qibla wall must project itself to the visitors at any point of entry​”​.

o Tyrbe /Makami The Arabic word turba means tomb, tombstone. “Outside cities such burial structures are called in Arabic maqam (place, stop, stand), if a sheikh, imam or someone very important is buried there; or more generally – kabr (grave). Note also that the word turba, when used with a proper name of a person or a place, is used in the form of turbat (McCown, 1922)”. “​The shape of the tyrbe varie, most of them are polygonal in shape. In different context the shape was a combination of the square and circle with the plan being square in shape and a hemispherical dome placed over it, or even more pentagonal or hexagonal with a hemispherical dome. The plan changed from square to octagonal to a combination of square and octagon as it may have been easier to construct the dome over an octagon than a square. The tomb architecture is part of a complex and indigenous system; in different dynasties the scale of the tomb was monumental, set in landscaped gardens and had Persian in uence. The Mughal rulers were powerful and wealthy giving importance to landscaping, with the monument being placed in the Char-bagh (or four gardens). The tomb of Islamic rulers was generally lavishly decorated and had expensive materials like marble and sandstone clad over it. In spite of poor economic conditions in the Albania the practice of tomb building continued with the builders resorting to inexpensive materials like rubble covered with plaster. Each of the tomb evolved blending features of the earlier tomb with new ideas. The tomb can be classified in two types the single elements and multiple tombs, the open consisting mostly of the octagonal type with pillared verandahs and the square tombs being closed type with the entrance in the form of a central archway​”​. “​Makam on the other hand are small buildings of a cubic shape with white domes located on the top of the hills are part and parcel of the landscape. At least, so it was until 1948. According to J. Geikie, “There is, however, in nearly every village, a small whitewashed building with a low dome — the mukam, or place, sacred to the eyes of the peasants. In almost every landscape such a landmark gleams from the top of some hill, just as, doubtless, something of the same kind did in the old Canaanite ages; or you meet it under some spreading tree covered with offerings of rags tied to the branches, or near a fountain; the trees overshadowing them being held so sacred that every twig falling from them is reverently stored inside the mukam. Anything a peasant wishes to guard from theft is perfectly safe if put within such a holy building.

No one will touch it, for it is believed that every structure of this kind is the tomb of some holy man, whose spirit hovers near, and would be offended by any want of reverence to his resting-place. (​1888 I 578​)”​”

o

Cafe oxhaku/fireplace

o Verandah/Corridor “​This element is one of the extensions from the basic form of mosque, tekkes and other islamic buildings resulting from cultural diversity. In tropical climate buildings, the verandah is introduced as an outdoor shaded space to cool off before entering the building. In Albania, verandah and corridor is an important component in a building design including tekke design appeared in most cases of the Bektashi Tekkes. In most of the traditional Albanian houses, the verandah acts as the transitional space between the public area (the entrance) and the private area (the living room and other parts of the house)​”​.

3.5. MODELS OF THE BEKTASHI TEKKE ARCHITECTURE Bektashi Tekke, in the case of Albania are influenced from famous tekkes all over the Islamic world.

"Taking the medieval middle-east as the main basis mosque architecture is assumed to be an unwise decision to be made (Tajuddin 1998)”​. ​“​This action, on the other hand, if studied deeper, must be done with extra detail by taking only qualities that are suitable for our climate and culture. Apart from considering practical arrangement of tekke floor plan, this public building must also be erected with great consideration on the appropriate ornamentation to the interior. From the way the components are designed and materialized, their origin could be determined. Even though the dome of a particular tekke could be from Ottoman generation, the interior might say differently so, is it fair to call it as an Ottoman/ Gigantic external look most likely gives complex floor plan leaving the users in confusion when entering the tekke. Internal aesthetics of tekke that follows the strict regulation of Islamic arts and patterns has the characteristics of turning off one’s attention from the outside environment to the inside environment that one is in. This will give all the concentration that one needs while performing prayers​”​.

As children of modern era, we are easily frustrated when we find ourselves in a realm where everything is subjective. One visitor to a shrine might not see anything but a few run-down buildings. Another might visit the same shrine and see a lofty palace. A tourist’s day out might be a life-changing experience for a devout pilgrim. A ‘pilgrim’ (from the Latin peregrines, literally ‘person from abroad’ or ‘foreigner’) was merely a ‘wayfarer’ until the word acquired the most special meaning of travel to a sacred place in the Middle Ages.

Similarly, the Arabic word ziyāra in fact only denotes an act of visiting but was used specifically for tomb visitation from medieval times onwards. One could visit many people or things: a friend or relative, a place, a museum, a shrine. Any sacred connotations attached to the otherwise mundane actions of traveling and visiting depend on the pilgrim’s perspective. Moreover, this is often shaped, as those of us visiting a shrine today may still observe, by the established rituals at the shrine, and the numerous stories about it told and occasionally fixed in written accounts in the form of legends and hagiographies.

For historians trying to uncover the perspective of the traveler/visitor to a shrine, few sources can offer as much insight as hagiographies. Not only in the Islamic world but also in Byzantium and medieval and early modern Europe, there was a close relationship between the development of sacred sites associated with

saints and the writing of their hagiographies. Scholarship has made it increasingly clear that not only the architectural patronage of a shrine but also the writing of a hagiography can be seen as a political act. What Omid Safi has demonstrated for Iran under the Seljuks, namely that hagiographers ‘bargained’ the blessing of saints for the patronage of rulers, is true in many other contexts, each process of writing down a legend and constructing a shrine is a rewarding topic in itself for historians who are seeking to understand the sociopolitical dimensions of religion and culture. ​Both of them are also included in the ‘Bektashi pantheon’, but there is no evidence to suggest that their shrines underwent an extensive remodeling process in the sixteenth century; the extant buildings are from the seventeenth century and later. Take the example of Saru Saltuk (see the figure 3 below), a saint closely associated with Hacı Bektaş in the Saltuknāme and the velāyetnāmes of Hacı Bektaş. Among several shrines ascribed to Sari Saltuk, the one near Babadag (Romania), (Kruja) is associated with a legend with Bayezid II, who is said to have visited it during his Moldavian campaign in 1484. Evliya Çelebi relates that having dreamt that Saru Saltuk predicted his victory over Moldavia, the sultan ordered the construction of the tomb and a mosque next to it. Then on the way back from the victorious campaign, he ordered other buildings to be constructed in Babadag. None of these structures has survived.

Figure 3. Map of the travels of Sari Salltiku The legendary connections established between various saints in the time of Bayezid II provided a basis for institutional ties between their shrines, which we start seeing from the seventeenth century onwards. The incorporation of the shrine of Sayyid Gazi into the Bektashi order is a case in point. We have seen that legendary accounts linking Hacı Bektaş and his disciples to the shrine of Sayyid Gazi go back to the late fifteenth century, and we know of dervishes and poets who traveled between the two shrines in the sixteenth century.

The velāyetnāmes, as well as the 'Bektashi pantheon', linked the shrines on a mythical level. However, their endowments were independent, and any institutional ties that they may have had were not supported by legal documents. It would be centuries before the shrines that guard in Bektashi hagiographies, such as those of Sayyid Gazi and Abdal Musa, would be officially acknowledged as Bektashi, which means that the appointment of their leaders came under the jurisdiction of the current head of the shrine of Hacı Bektaş.

During the seventeenth and the eighteenth century, Bektashi network seems to have been held together mainly through the mediation of myths, which proved to be bonding elements of the strongest kind. As socially constructed versions of reality, myths define how a social group sees the world and compel others to see it in the same way. Indeed the Bektashi network was shaped by myths. Stories that were not only written in hagiographies but were also disseminated by word of mouth, enacted in rituals and recounted at festivals, linked shrines which had no institutional connection with each other. Accounts of genealogy, spiritual lineage, and miraculous encounters were more compelling than official documents for most pilgrims and adherents. By paying homage to their ancient heroes, Bektashi hagiographers provided such disparate groups as warriors, nomads, and dervishes with a shared identity, encouraging them to visit the shrines and contribute to them as pilgrims, donors, and architectural patrons. Eventually, the myths they recorded would compel even the highly bureaucratic Ottoman state to recognize the existence of an empire-wide web of over a hundred shrines connected to that of Hacı Bektaş. Bektashi hagiographies and

shrines examined here, which by no means constitute a unique case. We find shaykhs, or community leaders, of several Sufi orders – in particular Vefaʾi, Zeyni, Mevlevi, Bayrami, Nakshbendi and Halveti orders – who were actively involved in politics during the course of the establishment and consolidation of the empire. Although in its origins Sufism implied detachment from worldly concerns, in the early modern Islamic world, many Sufi groups became institutionalized. This included the dervishes of even the most extremist ‘renunciatory’ orders whose founding fathers had considered a complete detachment from worldly concerns to be an essential component of the Sufi path. Under the Ottomans, hagiographers had a crucial function as propagators of the interests of their communities in the face of hardening orthodoxy from the late fifteenth until the late seventeenth century, which resulted in episodic attacks of hardliners targeting Sufis despite periods of relative concord.

The cultural association of the Gazis with the Bektashi order is a well-known concept in Ottoman studies.

The notion of the cultural fusion of raider commanders and antinomian dervish groups was later put into the context of Ottoman imperial consolidation by Kafadar. The exact relation of the social network formed by these groups to its cultural products has yet to be fully explored. Of these cultural products, architecture deserves as much scholarly attention as hagiographic literature. The two other salient components of Bektashi culture, namely poetry and ritual music, are outside the scope of this study.

This thesis is not about Bektashi doctrine, a subject about which a number of studies already exist. It is about the architectural articulation of this beliefs on the of the Bektashi belief in the Albanian context. The two other salient components of Bektashi culture, namely poetry and ritual music, are outside the scope of this research.

The general picture that emerges is one of interrelated hagiographic and architectural endeavors in a complex and rapidly changing political climate. A commitment to the moral order of the waning medieval frontier culture was the overriding theme in this narrative cycle, which created an interpretive community that reached a relatively homogeneous consensus on the significance of the shrines. This community included social groups whose mode of existence was threatened by the imperial social order. The emerging social network protected ways of life that did not conform to the orthodox procedures of the state, making the shrines social and political venues for dissidents of various backgrounds.

The Bektashi network started during the reign of Bayezid II when the legacy of Hacı Bektaş was embraced by various marginal groups among the Ottomans’ subjects. Though we cannot prove the sultan’s direct involvement in the shrines of Hacı Bektaş and Seyyid Gazi, the chronological overlap of the arrival of new leaders with two further processes suggests an adaptation to an imperial context. One is the setting down of legends claiming Bektashi support of the Ottoman dynasty. The other is the architecture of the shrines.

LEGENDS OF THE TWO SHRINES The shrines of Seyyid Gazi and Hacı Bektaş are popular pilgrimage destinations among the Shifite Muslims in modern Turkey, who are known as Alevis and Bektashi. The individual histories of the two shrines go back to the thirteenth century, but they were culturally and socially connected under the Ottomans from the late fifteenth century onwards. By the sixteenth century, they had become the two principal centres of a social network which, for lack of a better term. The development of this social network was accompanied by

an extensive remodelling of both shrines, which is the central theme here.

The hagiographers’ intended readership included patrons who could provide their community with protection. This is why they highlighted narratives of patronage in their accounts, and particularly one of its most expensive and visible forms, namely architectural patronage. Writing at a time of mounting tension between Sufis and hardliners, he stated that by acknowledging the recent architectural patrons he hoped to defend the cult of the saints against allegations of unorthodoxy. He designated hagiography and architectural patronage as the two principal ways of expressing devotion to a saint. In order to express belief in, and affiliation to, the blessed souls of the prophets of God, the saints of God, and the holiest of the holy men at any given time among the believers, and in order to express faith in the works of God emanating from their lightlled tombs, the religious scholars and the mystics, the sultans and the viziers, and other prominent and rich men of every era opted for one of these two desirable actions: ● First, religious scholars and mystics compiled and composed the saints’ biographies and hagiographies in Arabic, Persian, and Turkish, in order to inform loving disciples and loyal sympathizers about the spiritual conditions, perfection, friendship with God, and miracles of these personages, so that their beautiful stories may be disclosed to the world. ● Second, sultans and rich men built illuminated mausolea consisting of splendid buildings and remarkable domes over their light- lled graves.

It was not easy for a Sufi community in the Ottoman empire to survive the scrutiny of religious scholars.

The patronage of power brokers was crucial in this respect. Architectural patronage was particularly desirable because it enabled the Sufi community to advertise high- status protection. It was the shaykh’s job to attract the patronage of powerful men and women. What better way of doing this than writing a hagiography emphasizing all the good that the saint had bestowed on previous patrons?

THE HAGIOGRAPHIC FRAMEWORK Legends and hagiographies had a profound impact on the formation of the Bektashi network, and on the recognition of our two shrines as its leading centres. After summarizing the portrayal of Seyyid Gazi and Hacı Bektaş in medieval sources, Hacı Bektaş and other antinomian dervishes, associated them with medieval Gazis and particularly with the early Ottomans and their allies, they established links through mythical narratives, both between the social groups that made up the Bektashi network, and between the two shrines.

All the elements of the imperial social order seemed to be falling into place: social groups were adapting to the new system, the sultan was responding to their concerns, pacts were being formed and political positions were clarified. It was also a formative period for many aspects of what we now know as ‘classical’ Ottoman culture. This is especially true of Ottoman historiography. Multiple versions of Ottoman history were written from the 1480s onwards and they shaped the later perceptions of the dynasty’s past. The intensity and variety of this historiographic activity was unprecedented. The Bektashi hagiographers took part in the process and produced their own versions of the Ottoman past. It was in this specific historical context that the Gazis of the Balkans were drawn as readers to the legends of their forefathers recast in

Bektashi hagiographies, and eventually as patrons to the two shrines in central Anatolia.

The sources examined in this chapter is mostly extracted from the research of Zeynep Yurekli, ‘’Architecture and Hagiography in the Ottoman Empire:The Politics of Bektashi Shrines in the Classical Age’’, that demonstrates an extended overview of the social political and historical background on the first consolidation of the Bektashi network in the Ottoman Empire during the Classical Age. In the late fifteenth century the boundaries between Ottoman dynastic historiography and Bektashi hagiography were extremely porous. This is because the interpretive community of both types of texts included the Gazis.

They were one of the groups most actively involved in the Bektashi network. This is evident not only from the legends examined in this chapter and from the architectural patronage of raider commanders which will be examined in the next part of this chapter, but also from Bektashi culture in general, which became imbued with numerous references to military apparel and organization. The abundance of the banners and standards, swords, daggers and axes that decorated Bektashi shrines, and the fact that these were widely used symbols in Bektashi art. These military images function as symbols of sanctity, while also reinforcing Bektashi claims to have supported the early Ottoman conquests and established the Janissary corps. The circulation of Bektashi poetry, legends, anecdotes and jokes was facilitated by the mobility of the groups involved, and enhanced by yearly gatherings in the two shrines. Over the centuries, many other shrines became the sites of annual festivals and contributed to the dissemination of the same Bektashi classics, which included hagiographies as well as Gazi legends.

THE COMPOSITION OF THE TWO SHRINES The composition of ​“​Bektashi hagiographies was soon followed by the extensive modelling of the shrines of Seyyid Gazi and Hacı Bektaş, which transformed them into monumental building complexes. The modelling seems to have been initiated by raider commanders in the late fifteenth century, at roughly the same time that a new leader of the shrine was appointed. The shrine of Seyyid Gazi was completed by the end of the reign of Bayezid II. That of the shrine of Hacı Bektaş, however, was interrupted, presumably by the political turmoil that culminated in the rebellion of Kalender Çelebi in 1526 and the shrine’s closure after it, and resumed after its reopening around the time of Süleyman’s third Safavid campaign in the 1550s. The final part of this chapter seeks to understand the motives and patterns of the Bektashi shrines starting from the creation of the first models till the transformation of this typology on the Albanian context​”​.

Figure 9.Shrine of Seyyid Gazi, thirteenth- century madrasa, drawings and photograph circa 1911 (Wulzinger).

Figure 10.Shrine of Seyyid Gazi, east wing, reused baptismal font at the corner of the entrance corridor, photograph by G. Görkay.

Figure 11.Shrine of Seyyid Gazi, elevation of the north wing from the courtyard (Wulzinger).

Figure 12.Shrine of Seyyid Gazi, 1537, Matrakçı Nasuh, Beyān-ı Menāzil-i Sefer-i ʿIrākeyn, ms. Istanbul university Library, T. 5964, fol. 119a.

Figure 13.Entrance to the tomb chamber of Hacı Bektaş with sixteenth-century stucco work surrounding fourteenth-century carved stone decoration, photograph by G. Görkay.

Figure 14.Sketch plan of burials in the Hall of the Forty, ms. Hacıbektaş Library, 168 / Konya Region Manuscripts Library.

Figure 15.Shrine of Hacı Bektaş, view of the kitchen and bakery in 1958, Archive of the General Directorate of Endowments, Ankara.

Figure 16.Shrine of Hacı Bektaş, ritual hall (meydān), photograph by G. Görkay.

Figure 17.Print of the shrine of Hacı Bektaş dated 1881–82, Hacı Bektaş Veli Museum.

SEYIT BATTAL GAZI KÜLLIYESI “The ​“​complex dedicated to Seyyid) Battal Gazi, the epic hero based on a warrior who fought with the Umayyad army against Byzantium and who is believed to have been martyred on the site. It is built into the eastern slopes of Üçler Hill overlooking Seyitgazi, a Turcoman village near the Roman-Byzantine settlement of Nicolea, which grew in size and in importance during the Ottoman period​”​. “The complex as it appears today consists of domed masonry structures enveloping three sides of a terraced courtyard. The funerary madrasa of Ümmühan Hatun is located at the southwest corner, while the tomb of Battal Gazi, khanqah mosque and semahane form a cluster at the southeast corner. The latter are joined with an L-shaped portico to dervish cells enclosing the shorter east side of the courtyard. A row of domed halls housing the kitchens, bakery and ceremonial rooms (Meydani) constitute the northern wing. The main entrance is located at the basement level of dervish cells and reached by a road from the town below. An inscription above the door of the single-domed mosque dates its foundation to 1207-1208 during the second reign of Seljuk Sultan Giyaseddin Keyhüsrev I. While lacking foundation inscriptions, the tomb of Ümmühan Hatun and its adjoining madrasa are also thought to have been built at this time. The Seljuk complex was renovated and enlarged during the rule of Ottoman Sultan Bayezid II (1448-1512), establishing it as a convent (khanqah) of the Kalenderi sect. The tomb of Battal Gazi bears two plaques from this period, crediting renovations in 1500 and 1511 by Mustafa Hizir and Ahmed bin Mihal; the latter is commemorated in a second plaque above the madrasa portal and buried inside the complex. Revered by the larger Alevi, Bektasi and Ahi communities, the khanqah functioned as a Bektasi khanqah from the 17th century until its demise in the early 19th century. It was brought to our day with restorations conducted in 1967 by the General Directorate of Religious Endowments and is currently maintained by the Seyyid Battal Gazi Vakfi”.

THE MADRASA “​The madrasa is located at the southwest corner of the precinct and is aligned north-south. It is roughly rectangular in plan, measuring about twenty-five meters at the widest and twenty-two meters at its longest.

The tomb chamber extends an additional six meters beyond its northern wall. A simple, south-facing portal leads into the domed madrasa court, which is flanked by arcades containing three student cells and an iwan on either side. There are two shallow basins near the entrance. The large iwan to the north is the tomb chamber; it is raised half a story from the court with separate sets of stairs leading up to the iwan and into the crypt below. The cells and arcade, and the tomb chamber are all covered with pointed barrel-vaults; the walls of the latter have three semicircular buttresses on the exterior. The open court was enclosed with one small and two large domed during the rule of Bayezid II. The arcade walls were raised, and a grand arch was built between the central pillars of the arcade to support the new roof. The courtyard is now lit solely with clerestory windows above the arcade. The madrasa walls are constructed of rough-hewn stone and lack decoration except for the Greco-Roman moldings embedded into the cut stone paneling of the

tomb's exterior. The small, rectangular tomb of Ayni Ana ad joins the crypt of the Ümmühan Hatun Tomb inside the khanqah courtyard​”​.

THE MOSQUE, SEMAHANE AND BATTAL GAZI TOMB “​Is quit common that inside a Bektashi Tekke to found the existence of a mosque and of it elements like the minaret.In the case of Seyyid) Battal Gazi the semahane, ceremonial hall used for the whirling ritual (sema) is located at the southwest corner of the courtyard, preceded by a portico. It consists of three domed halls aligned north-south and separated by grand archways. The large octagonal tomb of Battal Gazi adjoins the western wall of the semahane and is entered from a portal inside the southernmost hall. The tomb-keeper's room (formerly a cellar) and three isolation chambers flank the semahane halls to the east. An arched portal at the at the southern end of these mahane leads into the mosque, a square domed hall that measures twelve meters per side on the exterior. It has a tall cylindrical minaret with a muqarnas balcony and conical crown. The dervish cells and halls on the east and north sides of the courtyard are all equipped with furnaces; their numerous domes and chimneys dominant a dynamic skyline of the khanqah complex​”​.

HACI BEKTASI SHRINE “You approach the shrine via a gateway leading into a courtyard graced by a fountain with three water spouts and a carving of a six-sided star, the seal of Solomon. From this first courtyard a small gate leads to the main part of the complex, a cloistered space containing a large (and currently empty) pool.

Immediately to the right is a second lovely fountain, presided over by a carving of an amiable-looking marble lion which arrived from Egypt in 1853.

Two important buildings stand to the right of the courtyard. The first is the Aş Evi, or Cookhouse, which contains a number of outsize cooking pots, the most gigantic of them the Kara Kazan (Black Cauldron), which became very important to the Ottoman Janissaries, who would signal displeasure with a sultan by overturning a similar cauldron. The second is a small mosque with a stubby minaret which was built in 1834 after Sultan Mahmud II had got rid of the Janissaries and closed the Alevi/Bektaşı lodges. On the left-hand side of the courtyard stand a guesthouse, bathhouse and laundry. However, the most important room is the Meydan Evi, an Alevi ​cemevi​ (gathering house) where initiation and other ceremonies were carried out.

Focal point of this room is a stove with a 15th-century painting of Hacı Bektaş Veli on the wall above it and a huge wooden throne beside it. Most impressive is the fine wooden ceiling whose nine separate layers represent the nine levels of the heavens. A fine new museum explains Bektaşı beliefs and rituals and shows off costumes and religious paraphernalia. A small corridor leads to the third courtyard where a bust of Atatürk commemorates the visit of the first president of the Turkish Republic to the town in 1919, on the eve of the War of Independence. The third courtyard acts as a ceremonial approach to the heart of the complex, the shrine of Hacı Bektaş Veli. Here, steps lead down to a corridor whose floor is said to cover the remains of the architect Yanko Medyan, who became an adherent of Bektaşism after falling from the roof and calling out to Veli for help. To the immediate right of the steps is the oldest part of the complex, a small cell called a çilehane, or place of suffering, where the saint is thought to have spent long periods in seclusion.

An elaborately carved Selçuk-style portal leads through into the Kırklar Meydanı (Area of Forty Saints), a huge domed space which serves as a small museum, showcasing items associated with the Bektaşı dervishes, including fierce-looking earrings worn by unmarried men, begging bowls and a traveling picnic

set. On the wall hang some fine examples of the sort of calligraphy that turns writing into pictures; in one particularly fine example a human face has been created out of the words for “Ya Allah, Mohammed, Ali”.

The finest item on display is a 40-branched candlestick which was used in Bektaşı ceremonies.

A strikingly beautiful marble portal on the right-hand side of the door opens onto the room containing the shrine of Hacı Bektaş Veli, otherwise known as Huzur-u Pir (the Presence of the Master), a particularly holy place where pilgrims will usually be praying. To the left of the main entrance and up some stairs is the tomb of Güvenç Abdal, described in the ​Velayetname,​ the biography of Veli, as the most beautiful girl in the world. Also in the third courtyard, tucked away behind an ancient mulberry tree, is the tomb of Balım Sultan (1462-1516), who became the second most important leader of the Bektaşı order. It’s worth popping your head in here if only to see a second, even finer 40-branched candlestick, its base supported on brass lions, its body decorated with brass pigeons and dragons (Pat Yale, 2013)”.

ARCHITECTURE AND MEANING “​The shrines of Seyyid Gazi and Hacı Bektaş produced two architectural ensembles that into a long-established tradition in the Turco- Mongol world. The most significant elements are tomb chambers with large foyers for pilgrims, kitchens with adjacent bakeries, and ritual spaces, all of which are arranged around paved courtyards supplied with water. (Zeynep, 1988) suggest that in order to recognize the significance of the Bektashi Shrines, one has to see the shrines not merely as architecture but as a backdrop of Bektashi life. He gives a narration of the normal day, while the stream of pilgrims move towards the saint’s tomb and away from it, passing by the other buildings that constitute the shrine without necessarily paying attention to them, their eyes fixed on the tomb. As the ultimate destination for pilgrims, the tomb chambers, and their foyers became depositories of objects which were brought to the shrine by pilgrims or donated by wealthy devotees. The donors of these objects included the most powerful men of late medieval and early modern Asia like Timur (r. 1369–1405), Akbar (Mughal, r. 1556–1605) and Abbas I (Safavid, r. 1587–1626) just to name a few, alongside many less powerful men and women who donated whatever they could afford. No object was considered too precious for a shrine, but no object was found to be too cheap either, these objects may have contributed to the atmosphere in the buildings​”​.

Figure 18. Photo of the gifts. “​The foyer of the tomb of Hacı Bektaş (Hall of the Forty) is the main display area of what is now the Hacı Bektaş Veli Museum, and contains works of calligraphy, paintings, candle stands, nials, banners, hangings, pieces of headgear, dervish bowls and musical instruments accumulated over the centuries. These objects were taken to the Ethnography Museum in Ankara after the shrine’s closure in 1925 but were then brought back before its reopening as a museum in 1964. The same sorts of objects used to decorate the tomb chamber of Seyyid Gazi ​(Figure 19) and its antehall. Many of the objects in this shrine were taken to museums in Istanbul and Ankara in the early twentieth century and were never returned​”​. “​Visitors were profoundly impressed by the objects in the tomb chamber of Seyyid Gazi. Ludwig van Rauter mentioned a candle stand and a Roman statue of a lion sitting next to the sarcophagus of Seyyid Gazi, which he saw during his visit in 1568. In the seventeenth century, Eliya Çelebi was particularly impressed by the multitude of the objects​”​. “​Any visitor entering from that door would tremble, as one is overtaken by awe. It is an amazingly long sarcophagus of ten feet length. On four sides it is decorated with layer after layer of various kinds of gilded lamps, incense boxes, rose-water asks, and candle stands. The surfaces [of the sarcophagus] are

decorated with seventy beautifully written glorious words. At the head side of the sarcophagus there are various kinds of banners and arrows and bows. [...] And it is a domed structure decorated on all walls with tambourines, small drums, horns, large double headed drums, bells, stringed instruments, battle-axes, dervish belts, sta s, slings, begging bowls, Muslim battle-axes, and various kinds of other objects that constitute the humble dervish apparel​”​. “​With all the attention on the tomb chamber and its foyer, what were the other buildings in the shrine for?

They meant little to the relatively small number of visitors on a normal day. However, they provided the setting for commemorative rituals on special days, when the shrine was packed with pilgrims. This explains the two distinguishing features of the shrines: the arrangement around courtyards, and the prominence of kitchens and bakeries. Following a stylistic comparison of our two shrines, we will explore the meaning of these architectural characteristics​”​.

STYLE AND DECORATION: A COMPARISON OF THE SHRINES OF SEYYID GAZI AND HACI BEKTAŞ While the two shrines developed in similar ways, they are different in style. Unlike the Seyyid Gazi complex, which is dominated by hemispherical domes sheathed with lead, which is typical of Ottoman imperial architecture, the Hacı Bektaş complex reacts a regional style. The buildings are covered on the outside usually by at or pitched roofs. A late nineteenth-century print shows a lead-covered dome over the mosque (Figure 20), but as explained in the previous chapter this mosque was constructed in the nineteenth century on earlier foundations. The same print also shows lead sheathing on the pyramidal roof of the tomb of Balım Sultan, which today is bare (Figure 21). At any rate, the general appearance of the shrine complex comes closer to the vernacular architecture of the region. The pointed arches, the prevalence of pitched and at roof proles, the polychrome masonry around the gates, and the pedimented facade of the Hall of the Forty, which is the ultimate destination for the pilgrims, stamp the shrine with a distinctively regional identity. None of the buildings in these shrines, which are overall very sparsely decorated, has a program of architectural inscriptions. In the shrine of Hacı Bektaş, Shiite beliefs were expressed subtly through the medium of architectural decoration. In the second phase of the shrine’s remodelling from the 1550s onwards, the Bektashi emblem of a twelve-sided stone known as the ‘submission stone’ (teslīm taşı) (Figure 22), was used consistently on important gates, including those leading into the ritual hall (meydān), the kitchen, the third courtyard, and the porch in front of the Hall of the Forty. As each Bektashi dervish received a submission stone during an initiation ceremony and wore it as a token of submission to the order, it was a well-known, readily recognizable emblem. The twelve sides of the teslīm taşı are seen as an expression of homage to the line of Twelve Imams which starts with the Prophet Muhammad’s cousin and son-in-law Ali b. Abi Talib and his sons Hasan and Husayn born from Muhammad’s daughter Fatima, and thus of Twelver Shihite identity. The claim in the late fifteenth-century velāyetnāmes of Hacı Bektaş that he was descended from the seventh Imam leaves no doubt that the cult of the Twelve Imams was embraced in the shrine by the time of its remodelling in the sixteenth century.

Another reference to the Prophet’s family is found in the representations of three celestial bodies emblazoned above the teslīm taşı in the pediment of the porch in front of the Hall of the Forty (Figure 23).

The one on the right is clearly the moon. The other two are less clear, but the central motif is almost certainly a representation of the sun. The three motifs are laden with a multiplicity of connotations that depend on the background of the viewer. For those who are familiar with Bektashi doctrine, they hark back to the Makālāt of Hacı Bektaş, which compares certain key concepts of his doctrine to three celestial

bodies: gnosis is like the sun, while the intellect is to the moon and knowledge is a star.

The constructions here would have been closely monitored by the local religious scholars. The buildings may have been stripped of any overtly Shiʿite motifs in the late 1550s when the judge of the township of Seyyid Gazi. Still, two elements of the shrine contain hints of the veneration of the Prophet’s family: one of them is the trinity of ‘Allah– Muhammad–ʿAli’ in the foundation inscription of the tomb dated 1493–94, and the other is the silver-plated door dated 1509–10, which as noted in the previous chapter is inscribed with the names of the Twelve Imams. Perhaps the most striking feature of architectural decoration in the shrine of Seyyid Gazi is the conspicuous use of spolia ​(Figure 24). Though spolia were commonly displayed on medieval Anatolian buildings, in the Ottoman imperial age reused pieces were generally integrated into the buildings so that they were not readily recognizable. For example, the mosque of Mahmud Pasha in Istanbul (1462–63) was built on the site of a church according to Ottoman sources, but the remains of this church were used so inconspicuously in the building that they were discovered only during modern restorations. This tendency subsisted throughout the ‘classical age’ of Ottoman architecture. The same is true also of the mosque complex of Sokollu Mehmed Pasha and his royal wife Ismihan in Istanbul (1571–72), whose foundation inscription boasts of the demolition of a church which stood on the site; nothing is to be seen of it in the buildings. The conspicuous use of spolia in the Mihaloğlu buildings of the shrine of Seyyid Gazi is a remarkable departure from the dominant architectural culture of the time. The use of spolia is more pronounced around the entrance of the complex, on the outer walls of the building commissioned by Mihaloğlu Mehmed. The row of marble spolia protruding from its east facade includes Byzantine decorated frieze blocks and the head of a Roman lion statue. On the north facade, at the main entrance of the complex, is a complete Roman lion statue. It was placed on a corbel high up in the wall (Figure 25). This feature, though very unusual for the sixteenth century, has medieval precedents in Anatolia. Şükri, who was the shaykh of the shrine of Seyyid Gazi in the early twentieth century and the author of the rest monograph on the complex, noted that the lion had been placed at the gate as ‘an emblem of the Seljuk sultans,' ignoring the fact that the building was built much later.The lion statue does indeed hark back to a Rum-Seljuk practice; the city walls and inner citadel of the Rum-Seljuk capital Konya, which were constructed by Alaeddin Keykubad I in 1220–21, displayed lion statues similarly placed on corbels near the gates ​(Figure 26).​ Also, a royal tower kiosk which was constructed at the inner citadel was adorned by a pair of reused lion statues on the exterior.In the shrine of Seyyid Gazi, the seated lion statue sitting on a corbel, an element that is out of place in the Ottoman context, links the shrine to the medieval Anatolian past. The architectural reference to the time of Alaeddin, generally regarded as the golden age of the Rum-Seljuk sultanate, may have been inspired by the legend of the discovery of the shrine by his mother.

Palatial Symbolism, Gates and Courtyards In Persian and Ottoman Turkish architecture, the same language is used of shrines and palaces.

Metonyms such as ‘gate’ and ‘threshold’ are often used for shrines as well as palaces. Similarly, royal titles an order to Sufi saints are not unusual. They are considered to be the rulers of the supernatural realm. The frequent reference in Ottoman texts to Hacı Bektaş and Celaleddin Rumi as hünkār is an indication of distinction in that realm and being the ruler. The metaphorical associations between saint and ruler, and between shrine and palace, and a clear architectural expression in the arrangement of the shrine of Hacı Bektaş. The shrine is in some ways a smaller replica of the Topkapı Palace (1459–73). They have many

things in common: the succession of courtyards leading to the core of the complex, which was a suitable layout for ceremonial, with rules governing conduct in each courtyard and when moving from one to the other; the diffuse, fragmented layout of the complex as if it were a stone version of a military camp consisting of individual tents; and the importance of the kitchens.The second courtyards are almost identical in arrangement: each one is surrounded by cooking facilities to the right and an assembly hall to the left, and is connected through a gateway to the third, innermost courtyard, which is the sacred and protected realm of the ‘’ruler’’ (that is, Hacı Bektaş in the case of the shrine, the Ottoman ruler in the case of the palace). 4The buildings around the rest, an outermost courtyard of the shrine of Hacı Bektaş have not survived, and the entrance gate was rebuilt in the twentieth century. According to an Ottoman vizier who visited the complex in the 1880s, the main building that was accessed from the rest courtyard contained the stables.Their inclusion as a prominent component of the shrine has a parallel in Ottoman palaces; the royal stables of the Topkapı Palace are on the left-hand side of the second courtyard and are also connected to the rest courtyard through a subsidiary gate.

Since the Topkapı Palace was built as an expression of the new imperial order of Mehmed II which was contested by the Gazis, perhaps a more likely model for the Hacı Bektaş shrine was the Edirne Palace (Figure 27),​ which only had two courtyards but a similar placement of kitchens. The city was the traditional starting point of campaigns into Europe. The raider commanders certainly had their small palaces in the Balkans, which were in all likelihood modeled after the Edirne Palace, but none has survived.

The layout is the shrine’s only architectural claim to monumentality and grandeur. Unlike the ‘warlike and imperious’ shrine of Seyyid Gazi perched on a hilltop, that of Hacı Bektaş is a decidedly modest and earth-bound cluster of buildings. Only by walking through it can visitors gain an impression of its architecture. For the pilgrims, the impression is heightened by anticipation: passing through gateways, they enter increasingly sacred realms culminating in the tomb chamber. Here again the shrine of Hacı Bektaş is similar to Ottoman palaces. Necipoğlu notes that although European visitors have regarded the Topkapı Palace as surprisingly modest and haphazardly arranged, ‘Ottoman sources do not regard the Topkapı as at all modest; on the contrary, without exception they look upon it as a symbol of imperial grandeur and a source of pride.' The grandeur of the palace stems from the theatrical quality of successive courtyards where the architecture became a setting for ceremonial which emphasized the linear progression towards the innermost part of the palace, the secluded realm of the Sultan.

The shrine of Hacı Bektaş assumed a similar quality. It was transformed into a setting designed primarily for the ritual of visitation performed by pilgrims. Although its architectural and decorative features are extremely modest compared to that of palaces, the following remarks by Taşköprizade indicate that Ottoman visitors perceived it as a magnificent architectural achievement: His honorable tomb, famous in the Turcoman lands, maybe in the entire world, having acquired fame due to travellers, is the goal of the small and the great. [...] An elevated dome was built above his honoured grave, and a heavenly convent next to it. even an architect with excessive intelligence would fall short of reaching the beauty of the craftsmanship of this convent.

Just as ceremonies conducted through the succession of courtyards that make up the otherwise relatively modest surroundings of the Topkapı Palace created an impression of imperial grandeur and monumentality, so too did the rituals of pilgrimage that were enacted in the shrine of Hacı Bektaş. The pilgrim’s route leads through the courtyards and culminates in the sacred nucleus which is the tomb of the saint. Pilgrims today honour the gates of the three courtyards with kisses, prayers and prostration. The names of these gates, and a fourth one leading into the Hall of the Forty, ​(Figure 28),​ emphasize the gradual progression from an external realm into an esoteric core. They are known as the gates in reference

to the four stages of the path to esoteric knowledge.

A relationship between ceremonial and the linear arrangement of architecture is also evident in the shrine of Shaykh Sa adding in Ardabil. According to a description of the shrine written in 1570, the visitor proceeded into the shrine through a series of courtyards and gateways. In front of the main entrance to the shrine, there was an open space marked by a pool on a raised platform and surrounded by a madrasa, shops and a river which was crossed by a bridge. The shrine’s main gateway led the visitors from this open space into a large, elongated courtyard, ranked on two sides by structures which were primarily associated with the charitable distribution and ritual consumption of food, as well as oces, baths, and storehouses. On the left side of the courtyard was the shrine’s kitchen, which was supported by a separate endowment, and a bakery attached to it. On the right side was the sharbathāna, where sugared rose water was produced from roses grown in a special garden next to the shrine so that it could be distributed in porcelain jugs during festivals such as the commemoration of the Karbala tragedy. Another gateway at the end of the elongated courtyard opened into a smaller courtyard ranked on both sides by retirement cells. The gate at the end of the small courtyard led into the innermost courtyard which was the heart of the shrine. The royal aspect of the shrine was enhanced by the extensive patronage of ʿAbbas I, who not only commissioned its renovation but also instituted new ceremonies. The shrine was thus transformed, in Kishwar Rizvi’s words, into ‘an imperial edifice, associated primarily with the Safavid dynasty’.

The linear arrangement of courtyards and gateways is an indication of the ceremonial aspect of the building complex, reminiscent of the Topkapı Palace and of the shrine complex of Hacı Bektaş, although the similarity in the arrangement of functions around the courtyards is much greater between the latter two.

A photograph of the Seyyid Gazi shrine which was taken around 1935 ​(Figure 29) shows traces of ruined buildings to the west of the complex, which suggests that it used to be arranged in multiple courtyards like the shrines of Shaykh Sauddin and Hacı Bektaş. However, it is impossible to determine the construction date of these buildings. At any rate, as the most significant buildings were grouped around a single courtyard, the layout probably did not have the same effect on linear progression as in the shrines of Sauddin and Hacı Bektaş. Ottoman authors still referred to the shrine of Seyyid Gazi using expressions which are commonly employed for the palace of the Ottoman Sultan. For instance, the historian Celalzade calls it not only a ‘threshold’ – using the same Persian and Arabic words that were commonly used for the Ottoman palace– but also an army headquarters thus alluding to the military character of Seyyid Gazi. The hilltop silhouette of the shrine with its prominent chimneys and multiple lead-covered domes has an entity with the image of the Topkapı Palace from a distance. By contrast, the external impression of the shrine of Hacı Bektaş lacks an Ottoman labor, although its spatial arrangement replicates Ottoman palaces.

The destructive effects of time and human intervention have reduced most other Bektashi shrines to mere tombs surrounded by modern constructions, but in two exceptional cases, we have evidence of an earlier multiple-courtyard scheme. The rest complex near the shrine of Seyyid Gazi, was built under Malkoçoğlu patronage in the sixteenth century. The extant buildings are arranged around two courtyards, but a plan published in 1913 shows a third one. The second example is the shrine of Abdal Musa in elmalı, of which only the tomb has survived. Eliya Çelebi described the shrine as consisting of several guesthouses, meydāns (ritual halls), mosques, a cellar and a kitchen, which were arranged within two enclosures, one of which surrounded the tomb and the gardens around it. The outer enclosure was compared by Eliya to a castle. İlhan Akçay saw the remains of the complex in the late 1930s and recorded that the shrine consisted of several clusters of buildings. By combining Akçay’s description with the information provided in a list of buildings from 1826 and the verbal testimony of villagers who are old enough to remember the locations of the buildings which are now lost, we can reconstruct the shrine schematically. Pilgrims used to go through seven gates in a succession until they reached the tomb of Abdal Musa. The distance from the

location of the demolished rest gateway, as remembered by villagers, to the tomb demonstrates the gigantic size of the shrine. This gateway led to a courtyard providing access to facilities for visitors. These included a caravanserai, a two-storey guest house with guest rooms on the upper door and stables below, public kitchens, a bathhouse, a mosque and a well. By contrast, the second courtyard was reserved for the use of the inhabitants of the shrine complex. Its buildings included a ritual space, lodging spaces for the dervishes and their leaders, a laundry and a water depot. This second courtyard was located o -centre so that pilgrims would not have to pass through it on their way to the tomb. A path led the visitors past this courtyard to the inner enclosure in the middle of which the tomb of Abdal Musa still stands, surrounded by gardens and a graveyard.

The significance of gateways, evident in references to shrines (as well as palaces) as ‘gate’ and ‘threshold’ by way of synecdoche, is augmented in the case of Bektashi shrines by the prevalence of gate symbolism in Sufism. Mosque and shrine portals in Safavid Iran were decorated with inscriptions containing references to Imam ​“Ali as ‘the key to the gates” and a saying attributed to the prophet Muhammad by Shiʿite traditionalists: ​“I am the city of knowledge, and Ali is its gate.” T ​ hough Ottoman Bektashi shrines do not have such inscriptions, the significance of Gates is evident. In Bektashi practice today in Anatolia and the Balkans, the progression of a pilgrim through a shrine is a ritual where each gateway becomes a stage to be passed on the way to the saint’s tomb. The pilgrim venerates each door and threshold, and takes care never to step on thresholds.

Under the Ottomans, in the shrines of Hacı Bektaş, Seyyid Gazi and Celaleddin Rumi, the importance of the tomb gate was emphasized by silver-plated doors, the earliest being the one at Seyyid Gazi’s tomb chamber. The silver-plated door of Celaleddin Rumi was given to the shrine by the Vizier Sokollu Hasan Pasha in 1599–1600. That of Hacı Bektaş was granted by the governor of the county of Kırşehir in 1610. In the seventeenth century, this pattern of patronage had a parallel in Safavid Ardabil. A number of silver-plated doors were gifted to the shrine of Shaykh Sauddin; the earliest known example dates from 1602–1603 and was given to the shrine by Zulkar Han Karamanlı, the governor of Ardabil at the time.

Having been sent by ʿAbbas I to the Ottoman capital as an envoy in 1596–97,42 he may have passed by the shrine of Seyyid Gazi, which was a regular place of rest en route. It may have been then and there that he got the inspiration for gifting a silver-plated door to the shrine of Sauddin a few years later.

In the shrine of Seyyid Gazi, the multitude of inscriptions referring to doors and gateways demonstrates their importance to the patrons. Evliya’s description of the tomb of Seyyid Gazi reveals that the attention paid by patrons to the decoration of gateways did not go unnoticed by visitors: In a part of this holy threshold Battal Gazi rests within a monumental domed structure. It is a gate of felicity decorated with silver and gold-inlaid discs, and silver locks and keys on his threshold and his door.

The door jambs and voussoirs of many tombs have accumulated grating written by visitors. The apparently common practice (both in Anatolia and in Iran) of writing poems, prayers and notes at the gates of saints’ tombs was also noted by Eliya Çelebi.

Kitchens and Bakeries The Ottomans advertised their power through the distribution of food to masses, which as Rhoads Murphey demonstrates was a tradition rooted in the social and economic conditions of the Central Asian steppe. The kitchen was a crucial element in a Turco-Mongol palace or camp, and symbolized the generosity and philanthropy of the ruler. Moreover, group identities were articulated in the form of belonging to one particular hearth or another, which adds to the symbolic associations of kitchens. In the late medieval and

early modern Islamic world, rulers and grandees endowed monumental public kitchens in order to demonstrate their ability to gather their subjects under a single hearth and to provide them with food. This was a very important concept in Turco-Mongol rulership, which Amy Singer aptly calls ‘feeding power’. In popular shrines rituals of sacri ce and mass food distribution obtained immense dimensions at certain times of the year. Monumental kitchens (with adjacent bakeries in the case of Seyyid Gazi, Hacı Bektaş and shaykh Sa uddin) as well as enormous cauldrons and water basins were endowed to the shrines by patrons who wanted to emphasize their benevolence, their devotion to the shrine, and their loyalty and sense of belonging to the hearth of that particular saint.

The Timurid historian Yazdi, in his Żafarnāma completed in 1424–25, relates that Timur ordered the repair of the tomb of Ahmed Yesevi and the construction of a ‘well regarded edi ce’ during his pilgrimage to the tomb in 1396–97. This building, which still stands today, was meant to cater primarily to pilgrims and travellers. The ruler also gave to the shrine a gigantic water basin made of cast bronze, which according to legend had been presented by a Turcoman family to Timur. Its inscription de nes it as a water basin for pilgrims. With a diameter of nearly two and a half metres, the basin could hold six hundred litres of water. It shows the significance of providing the masses with water besides feeding them. The shrine of Hacı Bektaş continued this Turco-Mongol tradition. As shown in the previous chapter, both tasks were assumed there by Malkoçoğlu Balı, who not only sponsored the kitchen, where a large cauldron inscribed with the name of Sersem Ali Baba was installed, but also channelled water to the shrine.

Kitchens and gigantic cauldrons were salient elements also in Safavid and Mughal shrine complexes, indicating the importance of food-related rituals. In the shrine of shaykh Sa uddin in Ardabil, the kitchen established by Ismail I was a key element as it provided daily food to the poor. “Abbas instituted additional regular meals to be distributed from the shrine. These meals were cooked in ‘great cauldrons set in a row’, which Adam Olearius (Oehlschlaeger, d. 1671)’’ saw during his visit in 1637,51 and their distribution was announced ceremonially by the beating of kettle drums at the shrine’s main gate. In India, the Mughal emperor Akbar presented a gigantic cauldron to the shrine of Muinuddin Chishti in Ajmer on the occasion of a pilgrimage which he undertook in fulfilment of a vow after his conquest of Chittorgarh in 1568. In 1614, his son Jahangir gave the same shrine a cauldron which was even larger than his father’s, and a meal cooked in it was distributed to more than ve thousand people.

The wealth of meanings associated with kitchens and food was also re ected in military culture. In the Ottoman empire, this is most clearly discernible in the Janissary corps, which according to Halil İnalcık was ‘symbolically organized on the model of a kitchen’. The Janissaries’ ‘noble cauldron’ represented the allegiance of the soldiers to the sultan. They ascribed it to their patron saint Hacı Bektaş, held important meetings around it and turned it over whenever they rebelled in order to show that they were rejecting the food provided by the sultan.

In Bektashi shrines, the kitchen is inextricably associated with ritual. The communal consumption of the cooked meat of sacrificed animals (kurbān) is the most common form of ritual gathering in Bektashi shrines still today. The architectural prominence of the kitchens in the shrines of Seyyid Gazi and Hacı Bektaş con rms that this was the case also in the sixteenth century. The annual sacri cial festival in the shrine of Seyyid Gazi, as noted in Chapter 1, included meals served to masses of people. The list of o cers in the register of circa 1530 highlights the importance of food-related rituals in the shrine complex: the kitchen and bakery constructed by Mihaloğlu patrons must have been overseen by the chief cook and the chief baker, while the cellar and depot underneath were probably under the care of the keeper of the larder and the quartermaster. The list also includes an o cer in charge of animal sacri ce, a coordinator of shepherds, and a butcher, revealing the institutional background of the sacrificial rituals. The particulars of the annual commemoration of the Karbala tragedy in the shrine of Hacı Bektaş, which is mentioned in his

hagiographies, are unknown, but the activities may have resembled contemporary Safavid ceremonies of mourning for the martyrs of Karbala, as well as modern Alevi ceremonies in Turkey. Typically, ten days of fasting are followed by a communal meal taken at a shrine on the day of ʿAshūra (10 Muharram, which was the day Imam Husayn was martyred), which includes a special dish named after this day. An appendix to the Risāle-i Merġūbe describes the cooking of the Ashūra dish in ‘great convents’. It thus provides a glimpse into the ceremonial use of the kitchens in Bektashi shrines, which accounts for the sheer size of their buildings as well as the equipment in them. The enormous size of the items of kitchenware which were used in the ceremony does not go unnoticed in the text. It relates that a crowd gathered in the kitchen for the ceremony, which was directed by the chief cook. The attendants took turns mixing the Ashūra dish with the big ladle to the accompaniment of the crowd exclaiming ‘Ya Hüseyn’ with each turn of the ladle until the dish was ready for consumption. Of course, kitchens were not only used for ceremonies. They were meant to provide daily food for a large number of people, including the poor of the village as well as pilgrims and travellers. The symbolic connotations of the kitchen in Turco-Mongol shrines, which include hospitality, generosity, and philanthropy, were continued in the Ottoman empire particularly in Mevlevi and Bektashi shrines, where the kitchen was a salient element of the institution and the cook was among the highest ranking leaders of the community. In the shrine of Hacı Bektaş, the chief cook, whose quarters were located between the kitchen and the bakery in the second courtyard, occupied the position of Seyyid Ali Sultan during the rituals. His rank was second only to the dede bābā, the supreme leader of the Bektashi order.

In each Bektashi shrine that evliya Çelebi visited in the seventeenth century, he found the monumental kitchen noteworthy. He typically described it as ‘the kitchen of Keykavus’ (the legendary king of Persia mentioned in the Shāhnāma), a term which he used also for the kitchens in the Old Palace (1454–57, now lost) and the soup kitchen in the mosque complex of Mehmed II (1463–70) in Istanbul, in order to convey their royal status and large size. His description of the shrine of Baba Sultan near Aydın illustrates how impressed he was by the output of these kitchens: Many bountiful dishes are cooked in its kitchen of Keykavus with the alms that are collected. And bread which is given unconditionally, lots of soup, and tables which are set impeccably are extended to the rich and the beggar, whoever they are, to the dervishes wearing dervish cloaks who choose this convent as a retreat, to the travellers who visit the saint, to the royal and the ordinary, to men and women, to the old and the young, and to the wandering dervishes, in the name of God, and consumed in this place day and night. [...] This is how this pilgrimage site has always been. From the time Baba Sultan built this āsitāne, for almost four hundred years, the re in its kitchen has never been extinguished and the cauldrons have never been taken down from the hearths. even if only two people come to visit, they are o ered some of the saint’s soup and a piece of bread, saying ‘the best meal is the ready one’. For the renown of the renowned dervishes rests on such Bektashi rituals.

Evliya’s concluding sentence is particularly important because it con rms that the provision of food was considered to be a quintessential component of Bektashi ritual. This indicates that the massive kitchens and bakeries of the shrines of Seyyid Gazi and Hacı Bektaş had a religious signi cance. The messages that their architectural patrons could convey to the pilgrims were not only about philanthropy, wealth, power and allegiance, but also about the endorsement of a certain form of piety, which had roots in medieval Anatolia and the Turco- Mongol east and was now de ned as Bektashi in the Ottoman empire.

Character of a Bektashi Architectural Complex

The shrines of Seyyid Gazi and Hacı Bektaş, having won the support of raider commanders in the Balkans, developed into quasi-palatial ensembles in the sixteenth century. Both shrines suggest imperial models in different ways: the shrine of Seyyid Gazi resembles royal complexes in edirne and Istanbul due to its imposing position on a hill as well as its lead-covered domes and chimneys, and the shrine of Hacı Bektaş was arranged around at least two and possibly three courtyards just like the Ottoman palaces.

However, the imperial references are misleading. Just as the antinomian dervishes who inhabited the shrines were the marginal elements of Ottoman society (the hippies, punks and anarchists of the age of empires, as it were), so too their shrines were on the fringes of the imperial architectural idiom. Their architectural quality depends largely on the eye of the beholder. Today as in the past, devotees consider them quintessential works of architectural genius. However, many others would disagree, which is understandable because both complexes are unusual and low-key by the standards of ‘Ottoman classical architecture’, and would already have been considered somewhat old- fashioned in their day.

These shrines are in fact part of a pilgrimage tradition that extends eastwards all the way to Iran, Central Asia and India. Their perceived architectural backwardness is perhaps simply a difference from the dominant culture in the Ottoman empire. This difference may be explained in part by the fact that the resources of the patrons were more limited than those of the imperial cadre. But there is one other possible explanation. When one reads between the lines of certain anecdotes in the velāyetnāmes, which idealize the medieval lore of holy war and invest it with saintliness, the architectural marginality of the shrines becomes imbued with political meaning. This is the story of how warriors living on the distant fringes of an empire became the patrons of dervishes on the fringes of its society, many of whom lived and died below the historical and hagiological radar. The shrines they built became the centres of an empire-wide social network which came to control more than a hundred and fty shrines and convents by 1827.

BEKTASHI TEKKE TIMELINE IN ALBANIA According to Sulejman Dashi the history Of Tekke in Albania has started very early, initially in Mount Sari Saltik Kruje and Berat in Mount Tomor. Rise of Bektashi Tekkes are related to Bektashi missionaries that took place in these areas during their missionary journeys decades appeared before the Ottoman armies in these areas. (Dashi, 2006).The earliest serious efforts that addressed this matter of the documentation of the ottoman architecture and part of it Bektashi Heritage started by the Dutch researcher and orientalists in Michail Kiel in the first half of the 20th century. Machiel Kiel traveled to Balkans in 1959. In 1958-76 he worked on several architectural restoration works focusing on the Ottoman architecture in Balkans.

In this chapter we will not focus in detail in the critical analysis, but it is necessary to cite what is linked with architecture and the history of the of Tekke’s of Albania, which is the focus of this thesis.

In the book “History of Albanian Architecture” is written that, with the islamisation of the country, an important role was played with the spread of different mystic doctrines, through the missionaries that came from abroad, which constructed/ erected, firstly in cities and then in villages, tekkes and pilgrimage areas.

The Tekkes were formed by the building foundations. The ones that have survived till today, are relatively new/ recent or rebuilt because of the materials that was used and haven’t resisted in time.

A more broaden vision is presented in the work of the Dutch author mentioned above, supported with a rich bibliography and in the visits/ oversights made in place and mainly in Kosovo. Rightfully he poses that the products of the Islamic art like the Mosques, Tekkes, Medreses but also the churches and the monasteries that can be found throughout the whole Balkans that are inhabited historically by Albanians along the

course of its long history, inside and outside the artificial borders, but with all the notable influenced, are in this direction, a product of a true international art.

In particular for the tekke architecture, the author, after he points out the widespread of the Islamic religion, in the Albanian population during the 17​th and 18​th century, (mainly from the socio-economical conditions_, after he points out the role of the mystical orders in this process. He numbers the Rufaj Tarikat and the branch of “Axhizije of Saadive” in the gege population of the North and the Bektashi of the the “Halveti Hajat” branch in the Tosk population of the South. After the religious belief status of the Albanians was changed – an unique attribute for the other Balkan citizens – the author attributes the large campaign of Islamic constructions that took a lot of attention/importance in these two centuries. He acknowledges without any doubt the authorship/ownership to the Albanian chief master/ craftsmen, highlighting the credits that belong to the citizens, the wise men and the local feuds. Among them he mentions the “Bushatllinjte’ with residence the city of Shkodra, the “Tepelenjte” in Ioannina, the Toptani and the ancestors of “Abdurrahman Pasha” in middle Albania, in Tirana and in Peqin, the “Vrijonet” in Berat and the “Rotullat” in Prizren.

Historic Classification according to time period, as stated by Sulejman Dashi: Let’s expand our point of view for the history and art of construction of Tekke’s in Albania. According to Sulejman Dashi it is divided in three periods: ● First Period, 14th -16th century, defined in the timeframe from Murat the first (1360-1389) till Selim the first (1512-1520). ● Second Period, 17th – 19th century, that includes the timeframe from the reign of Suleyman the 2nd (1520-1566) till Mahmud the 2nd (1808-1839). ● Third Period, 19th – 20th century, includes the timeframe from the National Ribirth/ Renessaince till 1920 and the years of the Independent Albanian nation.

FIRST PERIOD According to the historic records of Evliya Celebiu, ​“the dervish lodge was built in the first half of the century XIV and had continued without interruption its mission and Islamic life had begun continued without interruption in Kruje” and had gathered around him many fans and believers, which can be implied from other sources historical, as well as physical evidence stored up today. Nine (9) of these are fountains near the gate of the fortress of Kruje built by Grand Vizier in 815 Gazi Evrenos attributable H. 1412 (the date can be read 850 H = 1446-47). A time to tap the gas and water supply Evrenos are hammam fortress that supplied water from the same pipeline. Other evidence are a Venetian document of the year 1395, according to which the rulers of Kruje Helena and Marko Barbadigo Topia brought in Kala Ottoman garrison, but rather speak mufasalë records, the oldest we possess today. It contained notes for local residents Kruje, who had their hands decrees of temesuqe of not paying taxes, they were freed from the obligations from the time of Sultan Murad I, issued by viziers Yaqut Pasha and Hoxha Firuz Pasha and other signed by Beylerbeyi of Rumelia in the reign of Bayezid the first (1389-1402).

As in Kruje, Islamic life phenomena encountered in the South East Albania, which was set timars regime were by this time. In these regions recognized the old mosque in Përmet Built between 1402-1421, the mosque in Kardhiq (1400) and a mosque in Vlora built in the first period of the reign of Murad II (1421).

Contemporary these were Tekke mosque in Mount Melesini, Bektashi initially and then used as the summer residence of the shaykhs Halveti. In the second half of the XV century also witnessed other Tekke as Pasha Sinan Tekke in Elbasan, which according to a 1012 mylknameje H. imperial year (1602-3) was dominant income of the 8 villages. Another Bektashi tekke was first raised at least 1422, when a clergyman

coming from Ysqydari was buried in a mausoleum of the tekke. The text of the inscription is: Commander of Bektashi Community Asim father, grandson of Hashim, came from Ysqydari had taken place in Gjirokastra.

There were dead and had been buried in 822 Hexhires (1419-1429) .

Another important Tekke and almost as old as that of Mount Kruje was a dervish lodge in Tomor, dedicated Abbas Ali, which have not graduated. Others were dervish lodge of Kuci near Bilishti established by Kasem father, mystic of the XV century, where is the shrine with his own truth, of cenotaph his name was found in Kastoria in Elbasan in the tekkes established by him. One other Bektashi Tekke was in Konicë and Bektashism can say that until the end of the fifteenth century had attained a perfect organization having large empire of six (6) main centers. Dimotekës center in Bulgaria led to the progress of Tekkes in Balkan countries, including Albania. Known as Seid Ali Sultan Tekke it is accepted as the cradle of bektashi culture, where annually prepare about 400 dervishes. There have emerged many philosophers, poets and writers among which many Albanians who opened next or of Tekkes headed home.

Besides the Bektashi in the second half of the fifteenth century it had spread of Khalwati order. We do not know when halvetiane dervish lodge was built in Albania or in the years know that the chapel was built a Mevlevi Order, whose supporters Sultan Murad was second. (Murad had been a student of Sheikh Bukhari).

Mehmet also know little period and it seems that in this interval had the liberation wars, more attention was paid to the construction of mosques, mainly through castles owned by the Ottomans. Here will we noted special policy pursued high gate of the city of Berat. Self Sultan Mehmed II to respect the mother Sit Hatun and women Gjylbehare Hatun born in these regions of Albania and provided the town with an imperial edict titled Hatti-Eman, whom she knew forever inhabitants freedom of customs, rites and privileges other special, excluding taxes on imported goods and spending on philanthropic work. The only obligation he appoint them, the protection of the castle and the city of Vlora, from Sultan. Unlike Mehmeti his son Bajeziti II also known as Veli Bajezit, his enthronement, the policy changed quite Gate in Albania.

Rumelia generally recognized in a period of peace, which was significantly reflected in the architecture and urban planning of our cities. Besides the mosque, which was built by viziers and dignitaries of other Albanians who constitute an estimated weight in the state and the command of the Ottoman army of the time, a large number teqesh built the cities, already out castles, becoming the core of Varosha and different neighborhoods.

An old Tekke of this period was that posed by Iliaz Mirahorit in Korca together with the mosque, imaretin, Hammam, in the historic area of ​the city today, where it seems that there threw seven more after this new urban. Other Tekkes helvetian have attached all the mosques of the last decade of the century XV named royal, as she Përmet, in Elbasan, Shkodra and in Skopje, Tetovo and Berat.

End of the XV century, is a historical moment, first, here ends early period of construction of Islam in our country, but also because at this time in the whole empire had begun the liberation wars and rebellions against authority Porte (first in Rumeli with the Skanderbeg Hunyadi then in Asia with Uzun Hasan and Shah Ismail). Shah Ismail, a descendant of Ali, announced in 1502 shihizmin official religion of Persia.

Military conflict with the Ottoman dynasty had started, but did not give battle Bayezid. Many historians believe that this conflict was not just a military matter but something more complex implications for religion, which forced Bayezid II to abdicate in favor of Selim, his son, who enjoyed at that time supported the janissaries and that he was a follower of Bektashi Order. Clash of the ulama so-called heresy was not already an isolated phenomenon that happened for the first time in 921 when he was executed for heresy and blasphemy, a man named Mansur al Hallaj. Since that time the mystical movements have followed two paths that the "orthodox" and near the Sunnis (schools of Baghdad) and extreme (Khurasan school), but now taking pronounced national character.

SECOND PERIOD - CENTURY. XVI-XVIII During these three centuries the Ottoman Empire marks its peak and decline. In the field of classical Ottoman architecture with art formed Sinan's masterpieces on the monumental architecture of the mosque and the creation of a centralized school based in Istanbul. Excel in the art of painting masters of Persian, Turkish and Albanians and Albanians in architecture occupy a place of honor by replacing each other in the high office of chief architect. Mehmeti Sasefqarr of them from Elbasan and Kasem Ali from Grëmshi of Tomorricë, except in Istanbul bequeathed beautiful works in their native Albania, where we will mention a passage of kasemi vakëfnamesë stating: ... From my properties I leave the temple proper Grëmsh village is my home in the kazaše Tomorricë nahiye of Berat, mosque, imaretin and public bath, which I built myself. A native village mosque to bequeath the Grand Vizier of Berat Roshniku ​and close friend of Mrk. Qasemi, Muhamet Qypryli.

The crisis of religion in the early sixteenth century between the gate and to the Islamic empire on the other side of the Bosphorus, almost not felt in Albania where of Tekkes continued to rise not only those orders Bektaşi Halveti, but they Saadi Kadiri, Rufai, and Saadive other ramifications of Halvet (of them mentioned the axhizi sinani ramifications, but we find traces of Gjylshenive in Gjirokastra and Hajative in Këlcyrë). For the first case we have a tombstone in Shtufit Bektashi Tekke, where it appears that, Fadil Hurufiu (founder of this order) were worshipers two benefactors who had made the Hurufiutqë abdalli tomb was buried there.

Regarding Hajative, have some data quoted researcher Hezllëk, which counts as a Tekke of this order (founded by Hasan of Basra) to the Këlcyrë that 1211H.-1796 dated another in Tepelenë, Korca, Bilisht in Progër and Ohrid, which we have not been able to verify. Offset Sinani had set up since 1551 in a small mosque in Prizren neighborhood of flip charts; It was also in Prizren and a branch of Saadive had raised Tekke, whose founder was Sulejman Efendi from Shkodra known Axhize Baba or Ottoman sources as Pir'i Sani. Attention is also paid to have data that gives his Sajahatnamenë Evliya, as he traveled in these parts and has seen the flowering period of traditional Albanian architecture. Besides mosques and other religious buildings he mentions social describes and defines very Tekke Albanians in several cities loyal to the doctrines of mystical speaking Persian sang beautifully. The most prominent of Tekkes he writes, were Uskurliut Of Tekke, and mosque near the lead in Berat (1553), the Bektashi Tekke in Elbasan Gazi Sinan Pasha, the Order Halveti etc.; these will add the Tekke other was thrown stature or later enlarged and was rebuilt as a dervish lodge Saadi sees Rada in Tirana and she Zerqani hanging from it, a dervish lodge kadri of Khurasan and she sees Kadri Dyrrit in Tirana , Bektashi of Tekke in Tetovo, Fushe-Kruje of Frasher established by Bersem Ali Dede, Baba and Baba Nasibu Shemimiu, halveti shopping dervish lodge in Tirana and xhevleti dervish lodge of Ahmet Kurt Pasha in Berat. We will not mention all of Tekkes, which we have listed by date and name of the founder in a comprehensive overview, but will give the general characteristics of their architecture for these two historical periods.Religious Tekkes in Albania plan was built with the canonical requirements of each mystic order, taking no exception prayer hall called "ex-President", which in the qibla wall has prominent necessarily the mihrab niken any Islamic shrine. The second period is a continuation of the first. The architecture of mosques followed the model of classic Ottoman kullijve system where the madrassa along with bathrooms, also imaretet of Tekkes. Bektashi already have functions kullijve no mosque near (except a case in Velabisht) in any case have the glass facing the Tekke as she Rufaive in the neighborhood Murat Çelepie Berat or two Tekke of various orders Rufai of Xhevleti (dervish lodge Sheh Qerimit near that of Ahmet Kurt Pasha also in Berat). In XVII-XVIII centuries we have in general a cultural flowering of Islamic art in Albania, mainly conditioned by two main factors, socio-economic and organizational. First, decentralization of imperial architecture office and establishment in all the cities of offices of architecture and urban planning of the crafts guilds that design

implement housing projects themselves, mosques, Tekke and other works of public charakter. Another factor is religion-based national movement that differentiates the imperial metropolis sense of nationality, first to the Arabs, who were in possession Ulemanë, Albanians in their own hands and the Turkish army who inherited dynasty. Religious works in all provinces and cities in the country associated with Albanian names of all spheres, military, art and culture and Muslim clergy. Of Tekkes various Albania in this period are included in the fund the most precious of our inheritance, architectural and artistic, like a dervish lodge Harabati established by Sersem Ali Dede in Tetovo and completed by Koxha Recep Pasha, a dervish lodge xhelveti of Ahmet Kurt Pasha in Berat, Tekke Of Sheh Dyrrit in Tirana, the dervish lodge in Zerqan shehelerëve Saadi, Tekke Of Dollmës in Kruja. Besides values ​architectural of Tekkes this period are rich with decorations in stone, wood and in the art of mural painting decorative Similar motives of our costumes popular, but also with expressionist the composition east that unites them with Islamic art in general in which gave the Albanians took masters.

THIRD PERIOD XIX century constitutes the third period of the history of bankruptcy. It is high time the Albanian feudal lords attempting to disconnect from the Sublime Porte, that was followed by political-cultural movement of the Renaissance, which led to the formation of an independent Albanian state, the autocephalous religious communities, in particular the creation of the Bektashi World Headquarters in Tirana, etc. New Tekkes built and especially partial and comprehensive restorations that took place after the damage from the Balkan wars later, we have another store in a paper we hope to communicate in the future. Now in this time period of tekke’s construction we should add the years after the fall of the communist regime (1990-till) sine many tekke have reconstructed, rebuilt. Is difficult to give a critical approach to this period.

OVERVIEW ON TEKKE COMPONENTS IN ALBANIA Entrance Unlike the medieval shrines in Middle-East which have tall and monumental portal, vernacular Albanian tekke’ entrance looks humble and open. Its entrance is similar to the traditional house.The entrance of the Bektashi tekke is a threshold between outside and inside. Whereas in traditional and contemporary tekke’, there are varieties of entrance styles following the portals from the middle-east tekkes such as, arched entrance gate and raised entrance by gigantic staircase.

Figure 30.Entrance case of three Bektashi Tekke “Ablution Pool, Tapped Ablution and Ablution Fountain Traditional Albanian Bektashi Tekke use ablution fountain and water from taps. Most of the old traditional tekke was built by a riverside and verandah verandah Thick stone walls the ablution water is taken from the river and collected in a fountains. Some of the traditional and vernacular tekkes collected rain water in their pools and thus reduces water wastage from ablution. Alternative such as tapped water system had been applied”.

Prayer Hall/Meydani “Traditional tekkes in Albania are covered of central pitch roof structure and thus the positioning of columns (normally four) inside the tekke is easily controlled. Normally, the shape of its meydani is either square or rectangle. If it is rectangle, the sides parallel to the Qibla wall. It is mentioned in the Hadith (below) that performing congregation; Tekke are sometimes hybrids between Christian churches and great medieval mosques, like the case of Tekke of Melan. (​ Figure 32 below). The tekke of Dollma is another classic example with its beautiful and picturesque facade promoted as tourist attraction. The main building shape of eight pointed star leaves the prayer hall in octagonal shape which allows the praying lines to be uneven in lengths. The prayer halls of contemporary tekke vary in shapes and designs. The Circular shaped meydani-prayer hall is not advisable and used because it does not ensure regularity of prayer progression (Khattab, 2002; 140)” and in the case of the Odeon the shape of the meydani is polygonal with the 12 columns that its of them symbolised the 12 imams.

Figure 31.Various Shapes of Prayer Hall - Author’s Own Diagrams Mihrab and Qibla Wall “​External Features Traditional Albanian Tekkes do not employ only the dome as their physical feature. There are three types of roofs is the traditional pitched roof (as in the traditional albanian houses), the tiered pyramidal roof and the regular spherical dome. Domes covering tekke’s roofs of Mihrab and Qibla wall is and the center of the tyrbe that on the case of Mustafa Dollma Tekke the prayer hall and the tyrbe are constituting one space.

The domes of Bektashi Tekke in Albania feature a handful of roof styles and materials. There are multiple domes, central dome and umbrella dome​”​.

Figure 32.Diagram of Roof Types Tyrbe/Mausoleum “​It can be assumed that green as the colour of the domes of Bektashi, Albanian shrines arose under the influence of ​The Green Dome​ built above the tomb of the Prophet Muhammad in Medina, which was painted green in 1837. Masses of domes of the Albanian tekkes were repainted green at the beginning of this century​”​.

Figure 33.Pictures of the Albanian Tyrbe and Makam Figure 34.Types of tyrbe (authors diagram) o

Cafe oxhaku/fireplace

Verandah, Terrace and Courtyard “​This element is an the extension from the basic form of the tekke resulting from cultural diversity.

Verandah is introduced as a provision of shaded space to cool off (whilst still out door) before entering a tropical building. In traditional and vernacular tekke design, verandah mostly functions as a place for informal religious classes or sometimes used as a meeting place for informal discussion before or after congregational prayers. Verandah will also act as extra praying area and when the need arise, similar to the function of courtyards. In some traditional te​kkes, verandah is almost non-existence as it had been replaced with intermediate terrace between external and internal. Courtyards in tekke architecture in Albania have two designs; one is to be the extra praying area and the other is meant for landscaping area and garden. Both designs actually give a cooling effect to the prayer hall adjacent to the courtyards​”​.

ARCHITECTURAL FEATURES OF A TEKKE Architectural elements that creates the pattern of the Bektashi Tekke have been discussed in the previous sections through the non-Albanian examples and its building types; in this section, the focus will be on the generic features of the tekke found to demonstrate the relationship of the shrine with the sufi ideology.

There are three generic features which explain how the architectural features may express the ideology and need to state the position of the shrine within territory. These elements are i)size; ii) spatial organisation and treatment; iii) setting. i.

Size: Initially a tekke that stands as a recognisable image from its surrounding context, built in complexes with multiple spaces and levels to accommodate a large capacity of worshipper in a single covered built area may signify the government’s status and achievements in a particular country. An example is the tekke of Seyitgazi. The grandiose scale of the tekke as concept was not applied in the Albanian territory, due to the political reasons that were related with the history of this community. In Albania the size of a Tekke is modest, with small covering area. This tekke reflects the multiple use of space in one massive complex such as a separate entrance and multiple gateways, kitchens, open courtyards, conference centers and administrative offices. Through its size, the tekke plays a central role in symbolizing Bektashi identity as both a progressive and modern Muslim country in the Balkan region. ii.

Spatial organisation and treatment: S ​ patial organisation of a tekke may also express the ruling body’s power and status in two main ways. The first is from the configuration layout and movement patterns within the building spaces. The second way is from the expression of the interior design treatment and features. In addition, the shrine also portrays a singular entry point from the main entrance to other spaces along a dominant axial path. “Due to the constricted movement of the user, a pattern exists within the spatial structure and organisation (Figure 37). This form of spatial control not only shows that the practice of power is mediated through the spatial order (as understood through Foucault and Dovey’s work)”, but also “indicates that the patrons intended to portray their position in the community (Holod & Khan 1997)”.

Figure 35. Spatial layout of Global Headquarters in Tirana(made by the author) iii.

Setting ​There are three main tekke settings which can symbolise the relationship with the territory and landscape. First, a tekke may be constructed on a palatial site, located on higher ground or stand as a distinct object in a large open site. Second, the tekke location may be dictated by formal orientation requirements, in which the built form is placed along a straight axial line or at the terminus of an axis. This strong axial line hence determines the approach and entrance to the

tekke, which is visible from far. Kuzum Baba tekke is placed on top of a concrete elevated platform by the open sea, on a reclaimed embankment to ensure its visibility from far. Due to its strategic location, the building can be seen from a considerable distance on two main axial approaches to highlight its importance in the city. In the third type of setting, the tekke may be positioned within caves of the baba’s residence, heremits that lived early period of Bektashi in Albania during the 14th century. This is seen at the case of Sari Saltik. In all of these tekkes, its placement is not in a high density area and originally built in distance from the city settlement. The location of a tekke according to Cuni was concepted as chain of places of 8 walking hours distance for traveler, so the travelers could have a place to rest during their journey.

Figure 36. Spatial layout of Global Headquarters in Tirana(made by the author) CONCLUSION AND ONTOLOGY OF THE BEKTASHI TEKKE The pattern of the 6 components of the Bektashi tekke architecture have been evolved and transformed the body of Islamic Shrines in the ​“​era which also saw a vast development in the Classic age of the ottoman empire. They were introduced at the same time in which the esoteric Islamic ideology of Sufism was being widely accepted and applied. When creation began, the human was created in the image of the supreme god. Being created after God’s image means that a person is carrying an essence which is called the Divine Spark. Therefore many religions and schools of thought have introduced the human as the son of the most high in which each person there exists a divine essence or a divine spark. The human is given four vehicles in his worldly journey along with his visible physical body which are the Etheric, Astral, Mental and Causal bodies. Through these he is able to express himself on the various dimensions of physical, emotional, mental and spiritual. The architect as a representative of God must have been reached a great level of human perfection and developed in all the four faculties of the human being in order to create a building responding to all directions of the human living; in order to create a building to uplift the human to a higher stage of living. Every manifested object whether man made or god made, necessarily comes from two fundamental components; form and matter. These components are actually two sets of effects commonly known as the elements of architecture. One set influences the idea to manifest directly and the other indirectly.​” Architecturally speaking ​“the first set of elements known as forms are in fact the same elements of geometry and are space, surface, line and point; while the qualitative elements which do not directly affect it and are time, colour, matter and place. The combination of these two in an orderly manner which not every being is capable of performing is the act of creation which creates patterns. Each pattern or feature is a unique solution responding to a system of forces in the universe. These created patterns and features are repeated to create architecture as they are to create nature. What makes these unlived patterns become a brilliant scene of nature is the breath of God. It is indeed the identity or order which is given to these unlimited objects that makes them follow the invisible rules of beauty. The role of the architect is indeed the same in bringing the quality without a name or the breath of God for the buildings. Thus the character of nature cannot arise within the buildings unless the architect has understood the character of the typology need for this sanctuary. Tekkes architecture should be categorized under socially inspired type and this type is like residential where it should be studied together with its relationship to social factors such as users’ needs physically and psychologically (Tice 1993)”​. In the architecture of a Bektashi Tekke, the main noticeable patterns that are a direct expression and translation of the philosophical pattern in the physical

and architectural articulation are the dome, the meydani, the mihrab, the gate/portal, the courtyard and the tyrbe.

Figure 38. Ontology of the Bektashi Tekke Architecture “​This is the starting point where most of the ottoman tekkes, for example the Tekke of Dollma,the Global Headquarters on Albania, put forward their aesthetics feature of motifs and design pattern, which portrayed the Paradise garden symbolically. On the later erections of ottoman and islamic shrines for example Seyyit Gazi Shrine under Classic Age of the Ottoman Empire those features from paradise are then simplified to be in structured geometrical designs that are pleasing to the eyes of whoever witnessing them. Everyone in this world would not oppose to be in a beautiful place and this is shown clearly when we opted for beautiful houses for us to live in.​”​“Abdel Rahman (2002) has in deep consideration this theory and he called the scheme of beauty as the grand tradition of Islamic architecture. This so called beauty emerged through the manifestation of floral and geometrical motifs. Where else is the most suitable place to instill all those precious artistic and ornamental values other than in a shrine.” ​“The overall decoration of a Bektashi Tekkes is sparsely decorated, has a programme of architectural inscriptions. In the shrines, Shiite beliefs were expressed subtly through the medium of architectural decoration, the Bektashi emblem of a twelve-sided stone known as the ‘submission stone’ (teslīm taşı) is used consistently on important gates, including those leading into the ritual hall (meydān), the kitchen, the courtyard, and the porch. As each Bektashi dervish received a submission stone during an initiation ceremony and wore it as a token of submission to the order, it was a well-known, readily recognizable emblem. The twelve sides of the teslīm taşı are generally seen as an expression of homage to the line of Twelve Imams which starts with the prophet Muhammad’s cousin and son-in-law Ali b. Abi Talib and his sons Hasan and Husayn born from Muhammad’s daughter Fatima, and thus of Twelver Shiite identity (Zeynep, 1988)”​.

A Bektashi Shrine similar with the mosque towards Mecca, the direction in which all Bektashi pray, the Bektashi Tekke symbolizes unity in the diverse world. Apart from this strongly agreeable notion the tekke, for all the believers of Sufism, must act as a welcoming element despite the physically simple look of the shrine. Typological study of the patterns and shape, (Figure 39), shows that in the ottoman tekke, the tyrbe consists the first trace of a sacred/Holy place. In difference with mosque the Mihrab is located inside the Meydani, the prayer hall for the devoted group of Bektashi believers who follow the mystic ritual of Sufi. The importance of Turkish Islamic architecture and Bektashi Tekkes in the Balkans of today is evaluated very differently in the various successor states of the Empire and Middle East. This is closely related to the manner in which the particular state came into being and with present-day politics and economic conditions. ​“In countries which have not yet accepted and digested their past as it was, countries still in search for their own identity, Tekke architecture is often interpreted as being the product of their own creative genius: thus in fact as the work of Albanian, Bulgarian or Greek architects and master builders (Keil, 1990)”. ​Upon standing at the portal of tekke, visitors will readily face the symbol of the Bektashi Community. While the Mihrab of the tekke is oriented toward Mecca the tyrbe/tomd of the tekke is always oriented towards east. Study of sixteen selected tekke concludes that in designing the tekke interior, attention must be given to the four aspects as listed: ● ●

Architectural and spatial qualities that define typologies of the Bektashi Tekke Overall floor plan of the shrines and the relationship with orientation location territory and shape .

● Understanding the relationship and sequence from the entrance point/points by having liturgical axis that leads believers to the ritual hall upon entering the shrine. ● Designing the appropriate shape and form of the Tekke ● Ornamenting and symbolic of the shrine as one of the patterns of the teleological articulation upon the surfaces of the shrines.

The layout is the shrine’s only architectural claim to monumentality and grandeur. Unlike the ‘warlike and imperious’ shrine of Seyyid Gazi perched on a hilltop, that of Hacı Bektaş is a decidedly modest and earth-bound cluster of buildings. Only by walking through it can visitors gain an impression of its architecture. For the pilgrims, the impression is heightened by anticipation: passing through gateways, they enter increasingly sacred realms culminating in the tomb chamber. Here again the shrine of Hacı Bektaş is similar to Ottoman palaces. Necipoğlu notes that although European visitors have regarded the Topkapı Palace as surprisingly modest and haphazardly arranged, ‘Ottoman sources do not regard the Topkapı as at all modest; on the contrary, without exception they look upon it as a symbol of imperial grandeur and a source of pride.' The grandeur of the palace stems from the theatrical quality of successive courtyards where the architecture became a setting for ceremonial which emphasized the linear progression towards the innermost part of the palace, the secluded realm of the Sultan. Therefore, is also important to recognize the true meaning behind the existence of the design components of the shrine and understand the local features that transform or enrich the pattern of this shrine. The tekke unlike a mosque is the heart of the social of the Albanian Community and also acts as a symbol of Islamic faith that needs to survive with some preservation of its unique identity and dignity for Islam globally.

CHAPTER 4_RESEARCH METHODOLOGY This thesis employs historical research by using typological analysis of Bektashi Tekkes from the 14th century till present. These Tekkes were built during the period of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkan Region.

This study also focuses on looks at the evolution Bektashi Tekke in Albania and will attempt to define standard criteria and the inner synthesis of the architecture. According to Lewcock (1998), studying the precedents from history provides a solid foundation for future undertakings. This component at the end of this research thesis will give guidelines to used In architectural building services and landscape design for the Bektashi Tekkes, to ensure that aesthetic and, spiritual design requirements are met. The methodology

“​should be mandatory and must be used to ensure consistency across the Bektashi Community in Albania.

At the end of this dissertation, will be provides recommendations and guidelines which are in line with local regulations to determine the optimal design for the future tekke​”​.

Supporting the statement made by Rafique (1982) that in historical values that could keep the secrets of glory in the past especially when dealing with mosque, (similarly we can state the same for the Bektashi tekke) architecture where people keep on re-evaluating their tradition to find adaptations to meet current needs. Therefore, about history, this study outlines the suitability and appropriateness of form and organization with regards to landscape by looking at the precedents from the earliest period to the contemporary tekke in Albania. The construction of the Bektashi Tekke and the Islamic worship places are an important architectural heritage from the Ottoman occupation. Albania was included into the ottoman empire at the beginning of the 5th century. For strategic reasons. Throughout the 15th and 16th century, a minimal number of mosques was built in Albania because the need of the small Ottoman garrisons for such buildings was modest. Since the last part of the 17th century and especially in the 18th century the Albanian nation became converted to Islam. In this period, however, Ottoman art had already entered its state of decay. It, therefore, happened that the many mosques built during these centuries showed the uninspired — clumsy forms of the I7th-century provincial art of Macedonia, which was imported to Albania.

Ottoman art in Albania thus lacked solid roots. It was an art, introduced by a thin "Herrenschicht" of alien governors and administrators, as only patrons. Models and masters were taken from the thoroughly Ottomanised Balkan hinterland; Be the reason why the art of the 18th and 19th century showed hardly any typological development. Forms and aesthetics remained something alien and hence showed no natural growth. In these ages, the Albanian lands were so isolated from the chief centers of the empire that not the slightest echo of the great art of the Lale Devri in the capital was heard. It is essential to understand how the ethnic composition of an area has determined the nature of its taste for Ottoman art and some of the Bektashi Tekkes. It is necessary therefore that as much attention as possible is devoted to unraveling such situations. Only an adequate survey of the ethnic situation in an area in which a particular phenomenon is detected, as well as all information concerning the background and motives of those who ordered the various buildings to be erected, will give us the chance to understand this problem entirely.

We should mention that Ottoman architecture came into being in a land with no tradition of Islamic culture.

Buildings such as mosques, tekkes, baths or khans were virtually unknown in the Balkans; the institution of Khans in towns or caravanserais along the main roads was a novelty, not to speak of the Bedesten or the Zawiya-Mosque (T-Plan), which are typical Ottoman creations. After the southern Balkans had been included into the emerging empire in the second half of the 14th century, Muslim-Turkish administrators, soldiers, and civilians settled in and alongside the old walled towns, and masses of peasants and Yi.ir is cattle breeders came over from Anatolia to resolve the land where ever there was room. In the Balkans, no equivalent of the Alhambra of Granada or the Taj Mahal of Agra was ever produced.

This analysis looks into the Bektashi Tekke plans came from Anatolia, the overall shape and proportions show Turkish taste, but the masonry is often in the local Balkan tradition: cloisonne, or, in the cheaper buildings, broken stone, plastered over and with imitation cloisonne painted and cut in the plaster (Keil, 1990) .

The documentation preparation process includes collecting information which can further be used to assist with conservation works. According to Yahaya, in any conservation activity on the historical buildings and site, proper research requires systematic inventory, structured documentation, and detailed plan analysis.

In this context, the study covers the shape, form, position, visibility, and proportion of the components and elements related to each other. According to Kiel (1990) the architecture of tekkes, in Albania, we see a related kind of conservatism. What we find is an excellent provincial architecture, with specific features of its own in the first phase but dominated by the art of the capital cities in the classical phase. Hence, no enormous tekkes should be expected in Albania, because there was no imperial city, no need for grand representative. The only imperial Bektashi buildings were recently built in Tirana, in 2012 starting the new era of Bektashi Shrines. Additional external components such as domes and luxurious physical appearance are beginning to be added in the last decade to the Bektashi shrines to give extra attention and fulfill the overall composition of the plan following the models of the monumental and glorious models form Anatolia.

Models that are elaborated in the previous chapter of the thesis. Primary attention should be given to the tekkes' internal components instead of its external features since most spiritual activities are held inside the building. This research examines the existence of variations to these elements due to the variety of influences from different periods. The topic needs to be clarified to avoid any wrong assumptions been made. Therefore this study is time to identify the balance so that the intention of Bektashi doctrines and contextual needs and factors could be one of the agreed guidelines towards Bektashi art and architecture of Tekke design.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY Research gaps are first settled through an intensive writing study done in the library, from recorded books, diaries, and gathered information. This examination likewise inspected distributed and unpublished, finished surveys concerning Bektashi craft and design, space investigation, mental impacts of spaces and Muslim religious considerations. With the aim of noting research questions and accomplishing research destinations, this examination is finished by following the means and clarifications beneath; and as appeared in Figure 1 Figure 4.1. Diagram showing how epistemology, theoretical perspective, methodology & methods have been used in this thesis leading to the selection of the approaches & the design process. (Creswell, 2003, p.5) Identification of Bektashi Tekke (a) All historical tekkes are taken into account, and they are divided into two: (i) Vernacular built between 14th -16th century and (ii) Ottoman built between 1728 up to 1912 (b) Post Independence built from 1913 – present.

Before wandering into chronicled examine, take note of that all the data and learning worried past occasions and conditions must be extricated from a confided in the source as proof (Robinson 1904 pp 1-13). To get the inventiveness of proof, verifiable research is done with essential sources, which is said to

be its soul. Auxiliary sources should supplement or go about as an enhancement to the essential information close by (Cohen et al. 2001).

Being in the contemporary world, essential and optional information as are effectively open as there are efficient and state-of-the-art libraries and web offices where all the composition, matured postulation, and books have been cautiously digitized and republished with respect to hard or delicate duplicates for the cutting edge and high innovation researchers.

The qualitative method has been adopted to obtain first-hand information or primary data through actual visits. Before visiting, identification of these tekkes needs to be done thoroughly. Even though Albania received Islam and Bektashism since the 14th century and had achieved her independence from the Ottomans in 1912 and the fall of the Communist Regime in 1990, there is still no central body appointed to document the characteristics of Bektashi Architecture or even the built dates. Bektashi Tekkes in Albania were not correctly updated and documented. In achieving excellent historical research, three courses of action were taken: Firstly, website visits were made to all the states’ Islamic and Bektashi authorities. These websites provide a list of 179 tekkes (Appendix A) managed separately by each state government in Albania. However, these are very raw data as they are without photographs and built dates. Thus, more information was needed to proceed with the research. In cases where built dates could not be obtained, verbal information via telephone conversations was gathered from Imams, Bektashi Community office bearers and the users.

Secondly, further information on the 179 tekkes stated above was retrieved from other websites, books, journals, conservation bodies, local universities’ research, Bektashi Museum and Institute of Cultural Heritage of Albania. As a result, a new shorter list of 126 Bektashi Tekke (Appendix A: shortlisted column) is created because some of the information on built dates and photographs were not available on the other 53 tekkes. This shorter list carries more information on its 126 tekkes such as physical appearances from photos and built dates; a small number with historical backgrounds and architectural drawings; and some with measured drawings.

Thirdly, the shortlisted 126 tekkes are then prioritized concerning historical tekkes (based on a list produced by the National Heritage Authority), declared as monuments of culture.

These tekkes are then tabulated and mapped into four zones according to their states and built dates following the information from second-hand data. ∙ Northern Part: Kruja and Shkodra ∙ Central Part: Tirana, Elbasan, Bulqize, Fushe-Kruje ∙ Southern Part: Gjirokastra, Permet, Skrapar, Korca, Devoll ∙ West- Coast Part: Vlora, Delvina

These tekkes are then located on a map to ensure they (apart from the national, states and historical tekkes) are spread out fairly across all country; and are well distributed across the country.

4.1.2 Site Visits and Field Work On sites, observational survey and interview sessions were carried out. First-hand data were recorded and analyzed resulting in Typological analysis. After all the three courses of action were done, the research has come to the stage of onsite building surveys and analysis. Visits were made from zone to zone between October 2015 and June 2016 to all the 126 tekkes listed. At every visited tekke, a prepared checklist was filled in on site (Figure 4) and photos were taken. The checklist was created to record on-site findings of the visited tekke. The items recorded are consist of 88 components regarding the tekke like the Mihrab the fountain, tomb and the typology of the space. This observational checklist is essential because photographs do not show the entire picture of the condition within the tekke. The information obtained is recorded in the observation column of written explanation and sketches of the tekke floor plans together with significant factors such as ornamentation and founding dates and original inscriptions. During this first site visit, the focus was put on the form, overall plan and orientation of the architectural complex and tekke floor plan. Some old/historical tekke have already been renovated, and clues to the original look/built had been entirely abolished.

Gathering information on the dates and sequence of renovations is almost impossible since the activities were not recorded. Thus, interviews and discussions were conducted with Dervishes, historians, and users.

This verbally gathered information gathered has been Included in the data of the research. After completing the field survey to the 126 tekkes, classification of tekke types are made by looking at the influences gained by the locations and the landscape. These 126 tekkes consist of 37 historical vernacular/traditional tekkes, 14 historical tekkes, and 75 tekkes or tombs built after the independence of Albania was declared - or independent tekkes; a lot of repetitions are seen to the tekkes overall layouts.

The list was then screened again, and this time, tekke with similar floor plan shape and design are reduced to avoid too many repetitions in the shape of tekke floor plans. Another screening was done of the tekke with the same influences. Moreover, there are cases whereby historical tekkes are replaced by new tekkes, and the historical tekkes are no longer active. Those historical tekkes are also screened out.

As a result, the gross list of tekkes to be studied was reduced from 126 to 75.

The sampling procedure that had been taken into account is through a purposeful sampling which gives the flexibility in choosing the samples out of the whole territory. This research had opted for a large number of territory sampling in the first stage to avoid sampling errors and distortions that could arise in qualitative research. There are three common errors regarding the sampling procedure explained by Patton (1990): firstly distortions resulted by insufficient breadth in sampling; secondly distortions affected by changes over time; and thirdly distortions caused by superficial data collection at each site. All the data gathered from the visits were classified in a table format to see the evolution of the Bektashi Tekke design of the 75 shrines.

The shapes of shrines are arranged to be analyzed as typological research and using typological study classification of Tekke formations throughout the years can be seen clearly. The report made by ​“Gulgonen (1982) states that typology is termed as the classification of objects; therefore type is an abstract that could

only be identified by the person carrying the classifying activity, which is mostly determined by material and cultural production of the designers, builders, users, and societies”​.

Typological Analysis As a result of the typological analysis, the variation of floor plan Bektashi Tekke could be seen through a chronological matrix. This analysis gives a conclusion of the evolution of the Bektashi Tekke design. At the same time, it provides a general idea whether the three categories, i.e. Vernacular Tekke, Ottoman Tekke and Tekke inside natural elements; have their architectural styles on forming and design. There is a possibility that each period has different ways of synthesis of the Tekke having different styles and external features.

The next step is the selection of the Bektashi Tekke. The typological analysis is derived from the purposeful sampling showed different as well as repeating designs and forms. Tekkes with little or insignificant ornamentation at all are screened out. After this selection process, the list is reduced to 16 tekkes. A case study analysis of the 16 tekkes is then carried out in great detail. In short, these 16 tekkes have been selected considering four significant factors; 1. These particular tekkes show varieties of organizational variations.

2. These particular tekkes show varieties of Prayer Hall/overall tekke layout.

3. These particular tekkes have traditional vernacular ornamentation and construction techniques.

4. These particular tekkes have specific design and ornamentation.

The tabulation of the 16 chosen tekkes responds to the third objective of this research where the types of tekke design in Albania are classified according to their typological synthesis. The final tabulation and classification of the 16 Bektashi Tekkes are resulting in the classification of 6 Historical Traditional/Vernacular Tekkes, 10 Historical Tekkes and seven after 1993 Independence tekkes. The tekkes are tabulated across Albania in Figure 8.

Chapter 5_

case studies of 16 historical Bektashi tekke

“This chapter has as aim to convey the essence of the Bektashi Tekke concerned by this study in a descriptive method; it will therefore not address the hypothesis of the dissertation; since analysis and comparison are set in the fifth chapter. Nevertheless, commentary will be provided for clarification where it is necessary. Factual information is the primary emphasis will be given in this chapter, but legends and common beliefs will also be reported wherever is related”.

SELECTED CASE STUDIES OF TEKKE “The selected Tekke for this study represents the earliest surviving examples of the Bektashi Tekke. The Tekke as a whole is not necessarily authentic; when original parts are found, the monument is still qualified to be considered as a Tekke. The monuments underwent several recorded and unrecorded restorations and renovations. The total renewal of a building or some of its components or decorations would discard that part from this study. However, most of restorations or renovations that haven’t respected in most of the cases the original designs or replaced parts are accepted. Careful examination of several old photos and restoration reports is decisive in accepting or rejecting the renovated parts. In many cases, eye examination of the building would distinguish original parts from later additions. In several chases, archeological reports proved valuable, especially for parts of the building that are hidden such as the foundations or are already relatively old to be judged merely by sight.”

METHOD OF DESCRIPTION “​For each case study the following order of writing will be observed: After the historical overview of each Tekke, the position and setting of the architecture in the relationship with the landscape and the territory will be precisely determined. Second, the overall site and spatial arrangement order will be briefed, attempting to give even a description of the site elements such as gates, courtyards, and auxiliary buildings as one proceeds from the main entrance towards the prime attraction of the site either being the prayer hall or the Tyrbe (mausoleum of the Baba). Subsequently, the building will be described regarding its architectural qualities like the size and proportion in direct relationship with the landscape and the courtyard itself. Lastly, the access and the approach to each site will be taken into account and consideration. The sixteen cases covered in this dissertation represent the earliest Tekke examples surviving in the Albanian Territory from the 14th until the 20th century. These Tekkes are pilgrimage sites that are visited and highly revered. The list is as follows​”​: Tekke of Baçka

Tekke of Frashëri Tekke of Ballëm Efendise Tekke of Melçan (original state) Tekke of Melani Tekke of Sari Salltiku Tekke of Asim Baba Tekke of Ballem Sultan Martanesh Tekke of Abaz Aliu Tekke of Mustafa Dollma Tekke of Fushe Krujë Tekke of Turan Tekke Of Tirana - World Bektashi Headquarters Tekke of Kuzum Baba Tekke of Baba Maksuri The Tyrbe of Ali Abaz in Mount Tomorr

TEKKE OF SARI SALLTIKU HISTORICAL OVERVIEW

ARCHITECTURAL ELEMENTS The Tekke of Sari Saltiku was strategically located in Central Albania, in a considerable distance from the control of the Ottoman Empire’s administration. Historical sources indicate that Haxhi Bektash Veli was sent to Albania and Sarisalltik. In the cave of the Mountain ridge of Kruje, he had created a Tekke. The real name of Sari Salltek is Mehmed poses Evlia Celebi, that lived in the 17th century and traveled in many places around the world, Sari Salltek was considered as a “christian monk,” that build the foundations of Bektashi by solitary life. The Tyrbe of Sari Salltek nearby Fushë-Kruja is not known as a Tyrbe. This fact is known only by few, that the Tyrbe is the one of Haxhi Bektashi, the founder of Bektashism.

Later legends tell that when Sarisalltik was gone, on his way to return stopped in Fushë Krujë, and filled the area with Tekke at that time. In many legends, Sari Salltik is identified with a Christian saint either Saint George or Saint Elijah and Saint Nicola of Pogradec. ​“​According to the legend his body was buried in seven coffins that were hidden in seven different places in the Balkans were in his honor seven Tyrbe were erected that exist even till today. One can be found in the village Blagaj, one in Mostar, one in Kruja, one in Kaliakra, one in the Western Anatolia, one in Anatolia and one in Izmir of Turkey. In this case, Sari Salitik is comprised of seven Tyrbe​”​.

The Tekke of Sarisalltik consists of three simple buildings connected, which were distinguished by function.

One was reserved for special events (it seems that there was battlefield), and each of them served as a residence for Dervishes, Craftsmen, and other served as a hospice for occasional travelers which were able to drink water from a rock nearby the Tekke.

TEKKE OF ASIM BABA

HISTORICAL OVERVIEW ARCHITECTURAL ELEMENTS The foundation of the Tekke of Asim Baba is well known from the tradition as the Tekke of Zalli, up to this date we still don’t have an exact establishment date which is estimated in 829H (1422). The historical Vexhi Buharaja excludes this year as the date of death of the Baba in the chronogram, since the language used is of another and later linguistic phase. He used to think that the Baba of Tekke could never be that old without giving any other explanation. Xhevat Kallajxhi writes that in the 15th century, in some cities in the country Bektashi missionaries were sent from Ali Horasani in Kruja, Dylgjer Hyseini in Elbasan and Arshi Baba in Gjirokastra. They, further the author explains, had tried to open a Tekke intensively but they couldn’t open a Tekke. An opportunity was created only to Asim Baba.

Returning to the dating inscription, we step in the analysis of the names mentioned above, Asim Baba was also called as Muhamed, also highlighted that he was the nephew of Arshi Baba that must have been a well-known personality in Gjirokastra since there is no other reason to be mentioned there. Without stretching a lot in this direction, there is an indication that the Tekke was firstly constructed from Baba Ashim in the 17th century. From the other side, an inscription that is dated in 1625 located in the other Tekke of Gjirokastra mentions indirectly that the Tekke dedicated was to Ashim Baba as its founder, was existing before the 17th century.

Clearly considered as one of the most important tekkes for the Albanian Bektashism the study states that almost the whole continuance of the Tekke direction is known since its foundation to Sejid Muhamed Asim Baba from the family of Bandermall Zade Ysqydar who was named as a “Gjysh” from the Tekke of Haxhi Bektashi that constructed this Tekke two (2) years after his arrival in Gjirokastra. He was buried in one of the Tyrbe inside the Tekke. The Tekke was reconstructed during 1860-70 with the addition of a new building for housing and hotel with a lot of restoration in the existing accessories. These other works are acknowledged to Baba Haxhi Aliu (Haqi) as the second founder of the Tekke, match with the art of construction of that time from the resemblance in technique and technology with the houses of Gjirokastra.

Converted in barracks and stripped from the decorations during the Italian occupation it was possible to draft only its appearance during the 60s.

The Tekke represents a typical ensemble for the Bektashi architecture. Comprised from 6 building units in the architectural style of Gjirokastra, were needs for monumentality and more particularly composition of holy graves is required. The entrance to the Tekke is realized from two monumental Tyrbe that are covered with cupolas. The inside garden allows the separated communication with each building. Like all the Bektashi Tekke, social, cultural and religious functions are grouped, but it wasn’t possible yet to discover the water supplying network which was a requirement quite sensitive for every Tekke. The value of water and hydrologic works is evident also from the two inscriptions that were found. Analyzing the water supply system of the Tekke of Melani, conceived and realized with the care of the Teke of Asim Baba.

TEKKE OF FRASHER HISTORICAL OVERVIEW ARCHITECTURAL ELEMENTS “The Tekke of Frasheri was founded at the time of Ali Pasha Tepelena, from Nasibi Tahir Babai, in 1815 in Frashër (H. T. Norris,1993)”.​ ​“Having been studied in Persia, and traveled in Arab East, contributing also on the spread out Bektashism in all surrounding areas as well, and the Tekke became well known in Southern Albania. On the era of Baba Alushi (1846-1902), the Tekke would become not only a center of Sufi mysticism but also a stronghold of Albanian nationalism. Affecting also the work of future figures of the Albanian National Awakening as of the Frasheri brothers Sami, Naim, and Abdyl. As an as a counteraction for the decisions of the Treaty of San Stefano, on the 30th of May 1878, the Albanian Committee of Janina held a meeting led by Baba Alushi and Abdyl Frashëri. While the Tekke back then served as a basis during the League lifespan (1878-1881), and many follow up meetings were held there (H. T. Norris (1993)”.

“During 1909-1910, the Tekke contributed to spreading the Albanian schools and education in the area, while it was demolished by the Greek andarts of Zografos in 1914. (Robert Elsie (2010)”. “In 1923 was reconstructed with the contribution of Albanian-Americans, and it gained the status Gjyshatë in 1933. The Tekke was Bektashi center for the area of Përmet in 1942, and center for the region of Vlora in 1945, Gjyshatë Nderi (Honorific Gjyshatë) in 1962 (H. T. Norris (1993)”. “During the prohibition of religions from 1967 till 1991 in Communist Albania, all religious institutions ceased to function. The Tekke operation restarted in 1995. (H. T. Norris (1995)”.​ Frasher was part of the administrative organization of the prefecture of Gjirokastra, but the Tekke according to the Bektashi regulations was reserved to a specific location. It didn’t remain dependant on the “Gjysheri” of Gjirokastra which covered the prefecture of Gjirokastra and sub-prefectures of Delvina, Libohova, Tepelena, Permeti and the prefecture of Vlora, but a special status of independence was given to it. The 200th year of Hexhire responds to 1785, but from another writing that writing is located in the surrounding wall near the front entrance the year 1781 is written, together with the name of a benefactor, Sulejman Beu that had constructed previously this Tekke, that leaves to be understood that it existed before the arrival of Baba Nasibiu as its director. Maybe Sulejman, a well-known member of the patriotic family of Sulejmanbellinj, would have invited Baba Nasibiu to come thereafter he completed one of the buildings of the Tekke complex.

The Frashëri Tekke is comprised of two separate buildings. They are connected by a linking wall with the main door in the center, which lead to the interior garden. Also, the Tekke has a door directed with the outside garden. The buildings are evidenced as the upper and lower, on which the upper building is developed in two directions, one from the front and the other is connected to the first with an “L” shape structure with five corners that communicate through a large Hajat, paved with stone blocks. To the carved

stone walls, constructions from wood in the floor and ceiling are added, one of which contains a carved Rosetta. The alcoves have fireplaces, cupboards inside the walls and windows made by carved and decorated wood. A large number of windows with decorative arcs that from the outside offer a lot of light inside the space. On the walls, we can notice reliefs that are carved with floral motives. The left side facilitates the oven while a water source with two funnels is located in the square in front, elevated from the Tekke with five stairsteps. On the left side, the storage areas and the cellar are located. The lower building shows a similar technique applied but has only one connecting Hajat in the form of a triangle. In this side, the Hall of Meydan is located which indicates that it comprises the oldest area constructed or the central nucleus of the worship area. The water which is potable is secured from a deep well in the inside garden of the Tekke. The foundation of the Tekke is acknowledged to Baba Nasibiu, and on his respect, a Tyrbe was erected in the year 1322H (1903).

TEKKE OF BALLEM SULTAN MARTANESH HISTORICAL OVERVIEW ARCHITECTURAL ELEMENTS The Tekke of Ballëm Sultan Martanesh was declared as a monument of culture, but not restored and rehabilitated with the methodology of restoring monuments of culture. It was burned for the first time from the Serbs, during the Balkan Wars and for the second time from the Italians in 1942. The Tekke was reconstructed partially in 1955. The building maintains most of its original forms, like the ​konakas​ of housing, the inn that is hosting the travelers, the cereal depot, and the windmills for the oil, the cereal, the rice and a hydroelectric system, the first of its kind during the 20th century.

The Tekke of Martanesh is a monument of cultural heritage in Peshk in the area of Bulqiza, in the Dibra region, Albania.

In the rocky mountain of Grand Balle, a holy place (“Vendi I Mirë”) exists where the Bektashi develops the rites of their religion. Nearby the Tekke of Martanesh is erected in the area of Kostenjë and Zerqan. This Tekke even today preserves the tradition of collaboration with the Tekke of Elbasani and Kruja, but also with all the Bektashi inside and outside of Albania. The 22nd of June is also the world day of pilgrimage for the Bektashi in the holy place of Ballëm Sultan.

The Tekke building is an architectural monument. A one-floor building built 1500 meters above the sea level on the mountain area. The main Baba of the Tekke, Jashar Krena served for over 33 years in the Tekke and passed away in the 6th of May of 1910 in the Tekke of Martanesh, where his body also rests. In 1967 when all religious institutions In Albania where closed from the dictatorship regime, the family of Baba Jashar moved his body to his birthplace, the village of Sopot.

The Tyrbe of the Tekke was erected with its entrance oriented towards the mountain. The Tekke of Martanesh is mentioned for the existence of its architecture in the characteristic style of the traditional houses of the area of Martanesh and the mountain parts of Tirana. The Tyrbe were characteristic and typical space for the architecture of the Tekke. To illustrate this element we can observe the Tyrbe of Baba Brahos in Qesarake and the one of Baba Mustafa in the castle of Kruja. The Tyrbe of the Bektashi Tekke of Qesarake is one of the most accomplished monuments of architecture for the monumental Tyrbe in Albania. It is a work of Shaban Shkembi, which after stopping his studies in architecture in Istanbul had returned to his home country in 1850. He lived in Qesarake near the Tekke which is known as one of the oldest in our country. With a circular plan, the Tyrbe is finalized with a cupola. It is erected with a significant height and is lighted from the 12 windows that are positioned in a radial form. The cylindrical body of the Tyrbe is realized with carved stone, and it is finalized with a wooden cupola covered with sheets of lead.

Another Bektashi Tyrbe that except its typical volumetric composition in a tumbler polygonal system with a spherical cupola above contains artistic values in the mural painting with the fresco technique is the one of Baba Mustafa Dollma, in the castle of Kruja. Regarding the inscriptions, the Tyrbe is decorated in two different periods, which can also be verified from the stylistic properties of each one of the master painters.

TEKKE OF BAÇKA HISTORICAL OVERVIEW ARCHITECTURAL ELEMENTS The Tekke of Backa is ​“​located in the Baçka village, in the district of Skrapar and belongs to Bektashi of the area. The Tekke was built almost equally spaced from each – other to ensure the movement of believers and people during their travels. At the same time, the Tekke didn’t serve only for religious activities but also for social events such as receiving travelers and especially during the Renaissance served as bases for patriotic rebels​”​. The Tekke of Baçka is located, the foundation of which word mouth tradition indicated it to Baba Fetau in 1887. According to legend, the experts for the construction of the Tekke were from Gostivisht and Kolonja, while the carved ceilings were realized from Adush Ahmeti from Panarit of Korça.

Burned and partially ruined, during the rise of the villagers against the Ottoman regime led by Lace Baska, its roofs were reconstructed after from a craftsman called Kristo from Koblara of Permeti. “​During the dictatorship era, the Tekke was converted into a school, bringing the transformation of the monument. In different architectural parts, square pillars of tuff stone may be mentioned (but a part of it is covered by a layer of lime), placed in the capitals and based in simple architectural forms. Also, the entries are made of vault stone. Most particular are the two lions facing each other, made in a square stone relief, in one of the entrances to the monument​”​. In one of the hills of Melesin, on which according to the historical documents a very old Tekke was dated a bit after the ones near the mountains (Sarisalltek) of Kruja and Tomorr (Holy Mountain). Maybe the lion figure was more preferred to be realized by sculptures or picturesque reliefs since it was representing the image of “Ali’. There are also studies which accept the

presence of religious paintings in the Tekke’s that describe the image of Hysein on the horse, Ali or the lion that represents him.

The Tekke complex consists of three groups of buildings surrounding an interior courtyard. Referring to the gate, on the left are hospices of personnel while on the right is the battlefield in the height of two floors. It is built on a stone archway that served as a warehouse for food products. Further buildings continue with the dining room, turn the corner towards staying with the bakery, large furnace, waiting rooms for visitors and travelers. These facilities are connected through a corridor with the baptistery with eleven arches.

Surrounding the village a monumental Tyrbe (Tyrbe) is located. As the architectural building of the Tekke we can appreciate the tekke for the highly functional layout, and the use of different construction techniques in a two-story volume.

Tekke of Baçka with the groupings of its buildings in two parallel rows and the water supply system that supplies it from outside the walls are included in the restoration plans by the Institute of the Monuments of Culture for its consolidation and completion of structures that have been destroyed unexpectedly a few years later. With the completion of these works, the history of the Tekke of Baçka, one of the sanctuaries for freedom and independence during the war will be more complete. The Tekke of Baçka is one of the most representative ensembles of the monumental architecture in Albania. There we can find together all craftsmanship and constructive elements, like: columns, arcades, cupolas and reliefs carved with floral, zoomorphic and figurative compositions that can be seen in other of Tekke also, but also in the houses and specially in these cities where Bektashism was embraced from the most significant part of the population; in Kruja and Gjirokastra we can observe especially the lion relief. That for some researchers is attributed to Venetian influences without going more rooted in the true meaning, which can be explained by a manuscript on it.

TEKKE OF MELANI HISTORICAL OVERVIEW ARCHITECTURAL ELEMENTS

“​The Tekke of Melani was founded in 1800 by Ali Baba from Gjirokastër. The current Tekke of Melani was built on top of a previous orthodox Monastery led by Father Hasan. The Tekke was originally situated on the main route to the north along the eastern side of the valley. The English Baron Cam Hobhouse passed by the Tekke in 1809 with his friend Lord Byron during their journey from Preveza to visit Ali Pasha in

Tepelenë. The road was superseded when Ali Pasha erected a series of bridges and roads across the low lying river plain. The massive wall of polygonal and rectangular blocks encircles the end of the promontory suggesting an Epirot or Illyrian fortification. The actual building is a reconstruction of an earlier Bektashi Tekke, which had been built by Hasan Baba on the site of a Christian monastery complex. The road descends in curves to the Tekke of Melani which is entered alongside a small aqueduct that initially brought water to the shrine, and the grove of tall ancient Cyprus trees is visible from the track and also from the valley below highlighting a site full of history​”​. “​The Tekke is located in the hill of Melani where the ruins of the ancient castle have been discovered. ​“​To arrive in Melani is necessary to follow the road to Glinë east from the National Road. The road is drawn on the bottling plant of Glina mineral water springs which can be seen from across the valley. Crossing road behind the plant, which has a concrete paved surface for a few kilometers and leads through the skirts of the mountains​”​.The Tekke was taking water from the mountain of Bureto, with ceramic tubes going along the heterogeneous terrain with hills above high walls made by stone, ending up in the basin of the Tekke.

There is not a date available to date the Tekke and its water supply system, but with the tracing and restoring works using the comparative method there is expected to be found its dating period. The two other Bektashi Tekke of Gjirokaster, Tekke of Shtufi above the hill and the one of Baba Zeneli in the neighborhood of Hazmurat from the artistic point of view are close with the one of the “Gjysheri”​”​.​.” “​The main building of the Tekke consists of a circular prayer hall with annexed rooms and galleries. In front of the building is the Tyrbe of Ali Baba of Gjirokastra. The fasade of the building has a beautiful upper gallery, and the whole building is constructed in the typical style of Epirus with well-cut stone blocks from the area. The current Tekke of Melani was built on top of a previous Bektashi monastery, which was led by Father Hasan. Melani may also have been a fortified site in the Middle Ages since a small single-naved church exists in the underground on the southern side of the fortified wall. A cobble-stone road leads the visitors up to the Tekke of Melani past a beautiful Ottoman fountain, the original destination of the aqueduct. At present, it serves as a religious center for the Bektashi Shia: Muslims who celebrate the annual festivals of Greater Bajram, small Bajram and the Nevruz Holy Day. There is a Dervish in permanent residence as part of the complex​”​.

TEKKE OF ABAZ ALIU HISTORICAL OVERVIEW ARCHITECTURAL ELEMENTS The Tyrbe of Abaz Aliu is located in the area of Kulmaku, 2400 meters above the sea level. The tyrbe-tomb is a construction realized in 2006 in the holy place where is thought to have been the Tyrbe of Abaz Ali, the saint of the Bektashi that is honored throughout the whole country. The architecture of the building is multi-faced with a circular dome cover with stone above. Also, the restoration project with a

developed in 2008 conducted the surroundings arrangement of the building with the retaining wall around the main entrance and the realization of stone stairs that lead to the shrine. The stone used in the building construction is of average size with thick plaster walls up to 50 cm, while the roof coverings are of a style traditional for the area.

As the most critical place for the Bektashi pilgrimage historical sources points out an area of belief from the ancient times. According to Baba Ali Tomorr and Osman Myderriz Eqrem Bej of Vlora in the 15th century, Mustafa Tusiu and Haxhi Baba Horasani raised the common Tyrbe of Abaz Ali in the peak of Çukë in Mount Tomor. Since that day till today, near the Tyrbe of Abaz Aliu from the 20th till the 25th of August the pilgrimage of the Bektashi is organized. Dervish Iliaz and Baba Ali Turabiu gave to this pilgrimage even greater importance. Today this pilgrimage has an international character and Bektashi, Muslims and Christians from all over Albania, areas with Albanian minorities and the Albanian Diaspora take part in this tradition. The participation of pilgrims is every year increasing, with a total number of 250.000 visitors for the five days on which the celebrations take place.

TEKKE OF MUSTAFA DOLLMA HISTORICAL OVERVIEW ARCHITECTURAL ELEMENTS After the castle, the Tyrbe of the Tekke of Dollma is the most important monument of architecture that is preserved in Kruja. Intact only the Tyrbe is still there nevertheless Its name lets you understand that it has been part of a Tekke. The Tekke was destroyed years ago because there is no evidence of recent destruction. The tomb is located inside the walls of the castle, in the southern edge which controls from above the spectacular view of the mountains and the valley of Central Albania. Around the Tyrbe a large

grave can be found which is planted with olive trees.

A particular number of individual Bektashi stone graves is preserved in this beautiful area, above each, a characteristic “taxhi” with twelve corners is engraved, with the writing “Taxhin Hyseini” but also “Taxhin Elifi,” an element rarely found in the architecture of Bektashi. The inscriptions on the walls Indicate that the Toptani family founded the Tekke. The Tekke itself is a constrained building, constructed with the use of grey and white stones. It has a surface of 7.2 square meters, a little bit smaller than the Tekke of Baba Hamzai, which presents many similarities. The rectangular shape of the Tyrbe body is quite low. Its cupola stands above an octagonal tumber, which is extruded from the inside creating a peculiar effect. From the outside, the Cupola of the Tyrbe is not visible, apart from the flat and conical roof which covers it. The whole structure is built based on the principles used for the single dome mosques of Albania and Epirus.

The architectural concept of this Tyrbe is very similar to the one of the Iliaz Beu mosque in Korça, which is built in the 15th century, but their technical execution is very different. The most significant part of the building is its façade, built with carved and well refined white stone. The façade contains three windows in an elegant style of the ottoman baroque. There isn’t any inscription above the Tyrbe, but the building itself gives enough Information according to the date of its construction. Nevertheless, in the Interior of the building several ornamental paintings are preserved, on which the date 1194 H (1780) is evident, written with capital letters between several ornaments. The paintings consist the first layer of the walls, an Indicator that dates their creation directly after the construction of the Tyrbe, Nevertheless, the building belongs to the seventh decade of the 18th century, a date that perfectly relates with the overall architectural features and also with the year of the tombstone of the person that is rumored to be its founder, Adem Agë Toptani, that lived till 1198 H (1784/85).

TEKKE OF KUZUM BABA HISTORICAL OVERVIEW ARCHITECTURAL ELEMENTS The old history of the city of Vlora has closely connected also with a family of Vlora, according to the “​tradition (E. Bej Vlora, Kujtime, Tirane 2003, pg.571-575), the origin of this family is the area of Kanina. In the area of Kanina, Gjergju Sinan Pasha erected a Bektashi Tekke, in which he was buried after falling in a naval battle in the bay of Vlora in the 24th of April 1503 (E. Bej Vlora, Kujtime, Tirane 2003, pg.573)”.

“Since the era of Gjergju Sinan Pasha till 1828, 21 members of the family of Vlora have ruled the same area. In the meantime apart from many of the members of that family that have given all their life for the glory and empowerment of the Ottoman Empire it is important to mention two personalities such as Ferit Pashë Vlora, Grand Vezir (Prime Minister) of the Ottoman Empire from 1903 till 1908 and Ismail Qemal Vlora as the leader of the Independent Albanian State from 1912 (E. Bej Vlora, Kujtime, Tirane 2003, pg.77)”​.

In the same name is also today called the highest point in the city located in a hill on the edge of the eastern part of the city. In that panoramic area highly visited by tourists in Albania recently the Mekam (a mausoleum) is reconstructed with a monumental architecture, where the green color dominates as one of the symbols of the Bektashi religion. According to the legend one wondering​ “Bektashi Dervish called “Kuzum Baba” came to Vlora, and during his trip towards the peak of Koçiu which is located above the city of Vlora was captured and killed by burglars. At that moment a miracle happened, the baba with the cutoff head in his hands came towards the hill alive and asked from the villagers to bury his body there. Later on, the Mekan and a Tyrbe were erected dedicated to him but were abandoned in 1803. With the order of Sanxhak Beu of Vlora, Ibrahim Pasha the activity of the Bektashi religion was transferred in Kanina (E. Bej Vlora, Kalaja e Kaninës, pg.19).” “​Kuzum Baba area is a natural terrace carved out by the sea, located on a hill above the city of Vlora. It takes its name from Sejjid Ali Sultan, known as Father Kuzum (Quzum Baba), a Bektashi spiritual leader, who according to local legend, is buried here. Being the most astounding purpose of the city, at 30 meters over the ocean level, Kuzum Baba area offers guests the opportunity to appreciate the natural air and to respect lovely city scenes. The 300 meters in length patio speaks to, in spite of its land significance, a religious community for the Bektashi religion. There is a Bektashi temple on top of the hill (Tempulli I Bektashinjve), built around 1600. The Bektashi community was influential in the 17th century, but it stopped its activity temporarily around 1826, because of local persecutions. Today, however, the Tekke of Kuzum Baba (Teqeja e Kuzum Babait) is one of the most critical Bektashi centers in Albania​”​.

TEKKE OF TIRANA, WORLD BEKTASHI HEADQUARTERS HISTORICAL OVERVIEW ARCHITECTURAL ELEMENTS Bektashism established by Haci Bektas Veli in XIII century is an Islamic mystical dogma that deals with the spiritual perfection of the human and respects all monotheistic religions fusing elements of “predominantly Shia Shia and Sufi idea into a one of a kind mix of Islamic conviction and rationality. Established by Balim Sultan (1457-1517) and named to pay tribute to the Muslim spiritualist Haji Bektash Veli (1209-1271), the Bektashi, who customarily pulled in individuals from all classes of life, were found all through the Ottoman Empire and had among their Balkan supporters the Albanian national saints Ali Pasha and Naim Frashëri”.

According to data selected in the Bektashi Museum, in the state archives from 1932 is written: “The chief of the Tekke of Haji Bektash Veli in Kirsehir, his Holiness, the World Leader of Bektashi, Salih Niyazi Dede, who is from an Albanian family, known as a father for Bektashi, was forced to leave the Bektashi center in Turkey, and move to Tirana as the world leader of Bektashi, having the highest duty of the world head of his religion”.

“ ​The world headquarters continued functioning during the Second World War while Ahmet Myftar Dede (d.

1980) was the Head of the Bektashi. During this period he actively cooperated with the other Bektashi Tekke and gave Bektashism new course in the world. The world headquarters was functioning until 1967 when the communist government banned all religious activity in Albania. During the years of religious repression in Albania, point of reference for the Bektashi believers was the Tekke of Baba Rexheb (d.

1995) in Detroit, USA. This Tekke was established with donations of Bektashi believers in 1954, and continued to function thanks to the motivation of Baba Rexheb as well as the help of American institutions.​” With the ​“​collapse of the totalitarian system in Albania in 1990 and the commencement of democratic regenerated a new era for Bektashi living in Albania. On the occasion of Sultan Nevruz (22nd of March, 1990) official celebration of Bektashi, was followed with the official resurrection of the religious activity at the World Headquarters of Bektashi Order in Tirana being authorized after a suspension of nearly 30 years.

At this event, Mother Teresa was present, restarting the World Headquarters of Bektashi Order. Baba Reshat Bardhi began the critical undertaking of reanimating the Bektashi faith as an organization as well as reconstructing the many ruined Tekke and Tyrbe of the Bektashi cult in Albania, he also strove to strengthen relations with other Tekke in the world. Soon after, some Bektashi congresses were held: the 6th in 1993, the 7th in 2000, and the 8th in 2005. These events brought strength in the order and enhanced the condition of Bektashism in Albania by inscribing the institutional framework on contemporary Bektashism that was existent in the past. Currently, there are relations between hundreds of thousands of Bektashi believers from all around the world, as well as many Tekke from many lands like Kosovo, Macedonia, the United States, Bulgaria, Turkey, Greece, etc. In their relations, they are not only inclined to appreciate the World Center of Bektashi located in Tirana but also to communicate messages of peace and love. The participation of representatives from many different countries of the world at the Bektashi congresses, in the new circumstances, amplifies the official acknowledgment of the Bektashi World Center in Albania. Many scholars and individuals from abroad have come to study Bektashism​”​.

During the authoritarian regime of Enver Hoxha, the religious culture in Albania was almost destroyed, and everything was flattened to the ground. It took a lot of work to start reconstruction from the beginning. The Tekke apart its Tyrbe host’s other facilities for its well functioning but also in its surrounding landscape creates terraces which are planted with fruit trees and vegetables creating a harmonious relationship with the landscape.

The Bektashi Order after being banned by the Ottoman authorities in 1826, re-emerged later in the 19th century, during the era of Kemal Atatürk. Bektashi headquarters moved from Anatolia to Tirana in the fall of 1925, when the Turkish government with a particular decision closed all the Tekke.In Albania, the World Headquarters of the Bektashi community was raised independently in an effort recognized by others until 1967.After almost a quarter century of silence in Albania, on January 27, 1991, in Tirana, a temporary committee for the revival of the Bektashi community existed. From that year onwards, the new community worked hard to revive the traditions of the Bektashi in Albania. The Tekke and, simultaneously, the world headquarters in Tirana was reopened on March 22, 1991, on the occasion of Sultan Nevruz day. The

Bektashi World Centre in the northeast suburbs of Tirana Hidden in a network of small streets. A significant gateway waits before entering the ensemble which is built with a high vault with beautiful stones, designed magnificently. The inscription above the door opening “Ali Baba Tekke Aliposivan -1857”, indicates that it was built for the first Tyrbe of Ali Baba, in honor of which this place is named.”

“The ensemble of the Global Center of Bektashi religion in Tirana is comprised by a series of architectural components. Its administrative headquarters built in the beginning were Influenced by the Italian architecture in Albania in a rationalist style. The significant elements of the Headquarters erected later, are the Tyrbe of the Baba’s which are unique in their architectural configuration and the game of light that is being created by the shape of their dome.”

“In the center of the ensemble we can find a characteristic fountain as an element that is the symbol of life, pointing the direction to the shelter of the ensemble which is built to facilitate the travelers and visitors but also the house of the Baba which includes the “Kafe Oxhaku” and the Meydani together with the kitchen and other functional areas such as storage, etc”.

“During the last twenty years, the previous Integral parts of the ensemble were realized, taking into account the Odeon which is the central element of a gathering of the Bektashi headquarters. Its unique spatial attributes constructed within a dodecagonal structure as a symbol for the twelve Imams of Islam. This characteristic is also about the landscape of the hills of Tirana surrounding the headquarters creating a pantheist reference with the terrain, nature and Mount Dajti”.Its ornamental attributes in the interior are coherent with the patterns that are formed in the ensemble flooring, using colorful marbles that highlight pointing the welcoming character of its spatial configuration and Bektashi values.”

“In the underground level of the Odeon, connected with stairs from the upper level but also through the terrain slope we can find a newly erected Museum of the Bektashi Religion which serves as a reference point of Information and knowledge for the unique characteristics of this religion. All main components of the Bektashi architecture can be found there accompanied by historical information and details on their religious value.The overall concept on which the World Bektashi Headquarters are conceived wanted to create a place for gathering among the Bektashi community globally but also a place open to all the guests and people that want to visit it.”

TEKKE OF BABA MAKSURI HISTORICAL OVERVIEW ARCHITECTURAL ELEMENTS The small Tekke of Baba Maksuri, is a “place of worship for the Bektashi branch of Islam, just outside the citadel of Krujë along the path leading to the town.” This small cave just down the hill of Kruja has been used as a mosque for nearly 600 years. There are no sufficient and confirmed Information regarding the reason Baba Maksuri decided to follow the solitary life and lived in the cave of Baba Maksuri in Kruja,

where the Tekke is located today.

The unique architectural character of the Tekke of Baba Maksuri in Kruja is pointed out in the fact that it is located a small cave in the inner part of the city of Kruja. This characteristic is the main reason to include in this research and analyze it further for its spatial composition and relationship with the natural element of the mountain hill.

TEKKE OF ALI POSTIVANI HISTORICAL OVERVIEW ARCHITECTURAL ELEMENTS The Tekke of Ali Baba or Ali Postivani is located in the village of Alipostivan in Përmet. The road that leads to it is problematic, and not asphalted, challenging to be accessed. This mountain road from which there seems to be no Tekke initially, adds curiosity to the journey obtaining it, near the small village that is located with a fantastic view covering the space that appears before it.

The Tekke of Ali Postivani nowadays is an essential place of worship and celebration in Southern Albania due to its relationship with the landscape creating a connection between the hill lines. This configuration with the landscape offers a monumental scenery which the Tekke uses to generate its setup with the terrain. Remarkable is the connection of the road axis towards the end of the Tekke ensemble which is perceived as a continuous line in the landscape emphasizing more and more the height which is located.

TEKKE OF FUSHE KRUJE HISTORICAL OVERVIEW ARCHITECTURAL ELEMENTS This important Bektashi Tekke most probably is founded during the middle of the 18th century, and it is located in the area of Fushë Kruja. The Tekke is expected to be established from Baba Ali, who lived before the era of Baba Shemimi. Later on, this saint played an important in this Tekke, giving his name to it; The “Tekke of Shemimi.” Ippen visited this building at the beginning of the 20th century and describes it as a large and chaotic ensemble with the Konak style structure, which is located in the inner part of a beautiful garden. Ippen observed two Tyrbe one of the founder, Baba Ali, and the other of Baba Hysen that passed away in 1890. The Tekke was destroyed from the Gegs during the World War I. In the time when Hasluck visited this Tekke, only half of the reconstruction of the Tekke had finished. The Tekke survived from 1967 and the Albanian Cultural Revolution, but its architectural values are not of great importance and will not be elaborated in this thesis.

TEKKE OF TURAN

HISTORICAL OVERVIEW ARCHITECTURAL ELEMENTS

Hasluck mentions four Bektashi Tekke nearby Korça: The Tekke of Beshir Efendi in Kiatorom [Qatrom], whose buildings are dated since 1880; The Tekke of Baba Rasim in Kuç, dated In 1324 H (1906/7), but probably is founded centuries ago; The Tekke of Melçan in the west of the city, whose oldest building is dated in 1221 H (1806/7); and the Tekke of Turan, which is located along the road to Voskopoja. Hasluck observes that the Tyrbe of the Fourth Dede in the Tekke of Turan dates to 1307 H (1889/90), and as a result, the foundation of the Tekke cannot be earlier from the beginning of the 19th century. The Tekke is located 4.5km west of Korça in the beautiful valley of Eastern Albania, in the entrance of the village of Turan. The buildings that are preserved are not examples of the Ottoman art, but they represent the Bektashi buildings of the 19th century in Albania.

The living area is located along the road to Voskopoja: a two-floor building of the Konak style, built in wood, with bricks and plaster. Adjacent to the building, a garden with a variety of trees is located in the most critical architectural part of the Tekke: two Tyrbe. The smallest Tyrbe has many angles, an almost round structure with brick walls covered with reddish plaster, white pilasters and a cupola covered with lead.

Nevertheless that this Tekke belongs to the end of the 19th century, this Tyrbe showcases a particular dignity inspired from late Ottoman structures. A Hayat with cupola kept from two thin columns stands before the Tyrbe. The old Tyrbe has a more significant and orthogonal structure, built with refined grey limestone blocks. This rectangle is separated from two spaces with particular vaults. The central space with vault is covered with a cupola, and its space in the side is with crossed vaults. Near the main Oda, another Oda is located, erected later, covered with a semicircle vault. The interior of the Tyrbe is empty; the oldest contained in its origin at least three graves for the chiefs, dislocated nowadays. In the building that surrounds the Tyrbe, the graves of the dead Dervish are open, while their bodies have been removed.

Their shoes and clothes were buried and dispersed into different locations, a terrible Image as a reference from the Judgment Day. This image can give us an idea on the Albanian Cultural Revolution which attacked all religions, and in particular the cult of saints and holy graves. In that period the buildings of the Tekke and the two Tyrbe were converted into hen houses.

Above the entrance of the old Tyrbe, a beautiful handwritten message from the 19th century is preserved.

Above this handwritten message, another one is written in modern Albanian, which informs for the recent reconstruction of the Tyrbe. This reconstruction probably is responsible for the excellent condition which the buildings are up to this moment.

TEKKE OF MELCAN HISTORICAL OVERVIEW ARCHITECTURAL ELEMENTS

The Tekke of Melçan is located in the western part of the city of Korça whose oldest building is dated in 1221 H (1806/7) and is considered as one of the oldest Tekke in South-Eastern Albania.

Historical information points out that the Tekke has been erected from Ali Pasha of Tepelena, as an essential religious center in the area of Korça. The Tekke of Melçan is the only Tekke with a fortified wall around it. The Tekke stands in the top of a hill in the western part of the hillside in the entrance of the city of Korça. In the edge of the Tekke ensemble, the old road from Kolonja to Pogradec used to cross through.

The Tekke ensemble during that period has been used as a base of coordination for military actions from the legendary commanders of the patriotic groups and in particular of Sali Butka and Themistokli Gërmeni.

Their groups were fighting for the protection of the Albanian borders that were defined from the Grand Forces in London in 1913. Nevertheless, this ensemble also has been the first base, where the relationship between the Albanian revolutionaries and the French military authorities has been formalized under a written agreement. This agreement declared the region on which the Tekke is located as an independent area, ending at the same time the war in the South of Albania. This fact showcases the potential to revitalize this Tekke ensemble despite its religious values, as a living museum of a significant historical period for Albania.

During the authoritarian regime of Enver Hoxha, in a period where all religious activity was forbidden, and all religious buildings were either destroyed, or their function was converted, the Tekke was used as a military training facility making possible a minimal preservation of the space during that regime, nevertheless losing many integral components of its architectural composition.

During the last years, the Tekke has been undergone a series of disastrous Interventions as part of its reconstruction. The interventions in the architectural character of the Tekke destroyed many integral components of its structure, damaging the overall ensemble hugely. The perimeter wall of the Tekke has also been destroyed, and new concrete or brick constructions have been taken place in the perimeter of the ensemble but also the inner part of the Tekke.

TEKKE OF BALL EFENDI HISTORICAL OVERVIEW

ARCHITECTURAL ELEMENTS “​The Tekke of Ballem Efendi is located in the center of the city of Kruja and was founded by Sultan Ballem which has been one of the most important figures of the Bektashi religion. The importance of this figure folds moreover in the fact that also the Tekke of Martanesh in central Albania holds his name​”​.

CHAPTER 6 _ ANALYSIS OF FINDINGS

INTRODUCTION This chapter aims to analyze the Tekke regarding planning concepts, architectural elements, and components. ​“​New features will be traced, and the blending of local and imported traditions will be commented. Unlike chapter five, where each of Tekke was studied and described as a separate entity, in this chapter a comparative method will be used. The chapter presents the results of a study on the architectural composition of Bektashi Tekke from a typological methodology of the study. Understanding the form and spatial variety, which leads to the functionality of the space. The position and location of the Tekke is taken into serious consideration because of the historical itineraries of the Bektashi hagiography and as a direct need for an independence from the central Islamic administration, but most important because of the need for a close connection with the nature, since can be seen in direct contact with mother nature. Also this typological research will show the evolution of Tekke architecture from the beginning of Islamic embracement in Albania. The classification of Tekke types of architecture will be defined by analyzing the spatial composition and from the relationship that owns with the landscape. The typological

index will help the present and future generation to learn the history and evaluate the tekke that are shown in the classified images​”​.

“At any given time the man-made world is inevitably the measure we use to determine the direction of change. Whatever we may think of it, the world around us provides the basis for decisions about the future.

We are keenly aware of its deficiencies, but not always so aware of its strengths. From time to time it is wise to pause and consider whether when we challenged something, we think what we might be losing.

The corollary to this is to look back to see whether what we lost yesterday might, with little effort, be regained R. Lewcock, (1988 pp. v-vi).”​ The Islamic culture is presented in Albania with a variety of art and architectural themes and pieces. The most ancient examples date from the end of the 14th century, and the most recent are present creations.

The western art of the mosques of the Albanian tradition is analyzed/ studied in detail. The historical periods are defined, the typology and the styles, but for architecture, we still don’t have a full and comprehensive study. Meanwhile, we have had attempts to research and analyze the path that the art of Tekke construction followed in our country, from Albanian and foreign authors. The most important ones are chapter “Constructions of the Islamic Religion/Cult” in the work of “History of Albanian architecture,” and the research “Aspects of the Turkish-Osman architecture in Albania” of the Dutch author Mackiel Kiel, kept in the 5th International Congress of the Turkish Arts in Budapest in 1978. Other parallel studies that know this historical and cultural heritage of a broader plan are the publications related to the Islamic Albanian Architecture, where also included in this research. In general, the studies present point of views and defend the different thesis on the idea-artistic values and the political and social evolution of Albania in the Ottoman period, but also in the two last centuries, from the National Rebirth/ Renaissance and through the century of the independent Albanian nation. Also, different points of view are noted in the process of expanding the religion of the Islamic civilization between Albanians and the art of architecture that is connected with it. On these we could add the recognition of ownership, of several Albanian chief-craftsmen, that realized significant works through the empire, inside and outside their hometowns.

Many researchers have effectively examined the typology of Islamic Religious Buildings like mosques, yet none or rare studies were focused on Bektashi typology. ​“​Looking at the evolution of Tekke throughout the centuries in Albania, using the methodology of the typological analysis, encourages the understanding of the portraits the different religious layers that are merged on history. In this chapter, form of the Tekke whether traditional, historical or even hybrid, are examined through their spatial compositions, their built form and its relationship with the territory. This will allow us to find the quality of new architectural composition, regaining the values of the past and using them as principal tools for the future design of the Bektashi Tekke. Tekkes, unlike other religious buildings and mosque buildings, are very accurate in their usage with simple requirements. Looking back to the very early Islamic Architecture built by Prophet Muhammad, the Messenger of Islam, Kuban (1974) should be mention that the functional elements of the mosque have to do with the prayer ritual, unlike the mosque, Tekke, also known as khanaqah, is a

gathering building of a Sufi order. The Tekke for Bektashi is never a substitute of a mosque. It is the center of Sufi’s life and activities; the place of Sufi’s initiation of new members, ritual events, a heart of the celebration of Ashura, and other communal functions. The Mosque is the center of religious instruction of Qur’an and Hadith, meanwhile, of Tekke, is for spiritual formation​”​.

“Prayers and Believers of the Bektashi indifference with the churches and the mosque that the prayers must be performed in parallel rows, to follow the movements of the ‘imam’ or the leader of the congregation and to face Mecca or qibla” (Petersen, 1996) ​, the tekke has a canonical operation plan, where space is divided into the spiritual and non-spiritual members with no distinction between women and men. “The Meydan as mentioned in Chapter 3 is the prayer hall is the hall only for the mystic members of Bektashi.

The first Alevi shrine, the shrine of Sheikh Abdul Qadir Jilani in Baghdad, consists of a large enclosure tomb with large covered pavilion called the ‘zullal:’ along the entire length of the qibla wall (on the north side). It is challenging to find the elements in present shrines which could also be found in the early mosque of the Prophet Muhammad. ​“​Components of a mosque should be maintained as they were applied in the Prophet’s mosque, made to the well-defined ritual in prayer as mentioned in the ‘Qur’an’ and the ‘Hadiths.’ On the other hand, there are still additional elements found in mosques built after the era of Prophet Muhammad p.b.u.h. In explaining this phenomenon”, “Rafique (1982) said that Muslims, throughout the Muslim world, in facing the modernization, have been reevaluating their tradition and finding new adaptations in changing circumstances. This results in the alteration of the shape and form of buildings according to the region and culture which is in line with the needs of the believers, without examining the importance of historical value that could be the secret of building great mosques in the past. Investigations should be made in order to trace the various changes made to the interior spatial arrangement of mosques in Albania as part of Islamic world architecture”. Moreover, in the last twenty years, there are a lot of arguments made by scholars on the construction of contemporary tekkes in Albania. These scholars came up with different views but with the same good intention for the betterment of Islamic architecture. France Trix (1998) believes that “Bektashi Tekke acts as a community development center, following the precedent set by the Prophet, where mosque serves as the core of all religious, political and social activities”. In a different paper, Tajuddin (2001) suggested that “islamic shrines in Albania should follow the traditional Albanian architecture as an identity, taking the monumental mosques in the Middle East and Mid-Asia as precedents is an unwise decision, as those of Tekkes may not necessarily be the best examples in projecting the architectural message of Islam, and Bektashi”. ​“​This descriptive research has influenced the study of the evolution of typological analysis that will examine and investigate whether the changes in shrine design should be made to address the religious and human needs or just the fulfillment of architects’ ego​”​.

ANALYSIS OF FINDINGS The scope of the study is to understand the pattern of the Bektashi tekke in the relationship with the territory and its components as a direct result of the local context and built environment. Yin (2003)

“suggested five specific methods of analysis of case study evidence. They are pattern matching, time series analysis, logic models, cross-case synthesis and explanation building. For the purpose of this research, the explanation building technique will be applied to analyze the data. This is because the study is explanatory in nature, as it attempts to explain how a phenomenon occurs by identifying the cause and effect of conditions that lead or contribute to the phenomenon. In addition, this study seeks to establish the relative importance of those contributing conditions. In this case, the causes and effects are the political leaders’ Islamic ideas, and the phenomenon stands for the design”. The analysis consists of two phases (Figure 4.16). In the gap between the old and new, this thesis finds the architectural realization through Bektashi tekke analysis. The research analysis is simplified and concluded by tabulating the findings into three separate sections: ● Section 1:This section looks at the relationship between Bektashi Tekke date of being built and floor plan analysis, showing the manners that builders throughout the years take the Sufi patterns and design components into consideration. ● Section 2:This section looks at the evolution of Tekke form and its typologies, providing a general idea of the types of Tekke in Albania. ● Section 3: This section looks at the components and forms of the design including the functions of Tekke as a ritualistic or administrative role in the territory. It is then further separated into four typologies.

Section 1 This section looks at the relationship between Bektashi Tekke built dates and the evolution of the overall plan on time. This shows how the builders throughout the years take the Sufi patterns and design components into consideration.

Section 2 CLASSIFICATION OF BEKTASHI TEKKE WITH RESPECT TO THE OVERALL/FLOOR PLAN ANALYSIS

Typology as a Research Method “​Quincy, Younes (1999) elaborated ​“that type does not mean images that can be reproduced or imitated correctly. The meaning is taken deeper as a process of getting the quality of formal arrangements. Type is not a model which has to be built according to the exact look, it is more independence, ambiguous but identifiable”.​ Examining a report made by Gulgonen (1982) “typology is termed as the classification of

objects; therefore «type» is an abstract hint could only be identified by the person carrying the classifying activity, which is mostly determined by the material and cultural production of the architects and society.

These two scholars gave a similar interpretation of ‘type.’” ​“Typological formation study will mostly show the classification of the shrine protracted to create an architectural inventory. The word classification itself relates substantially to the continuity in a certain system, and this is agreeable by Muratori with his Italian school of thought as explained by Cataldi and Laisney “(2002).​ Muratori’s method of typology is based on critical literature and site visits of existing buildings, to find and formulate design process for the benefit of history and memory. In of Tekke formation, the context has constant primary themes and usage that comes with general framework remains until today in spite of the diversity of cultures and modern technologies.

“Bambang (2000) studies the statement made by many scholars that Islamic religious buildings have square plans with four pillars erected at the prayer halls”​. The result of the study of the selected Tekke in Albania suggested that detailed typological research of the overall plans and structures consists of three types. These findings show that typological study will provide complete existing data while giving new sets reviewed data. “​These scholars suggested that typology was the most appropriate method for finding the evolution of architectural form internal spaces. It gives the idea of offering ways of organizing decisions, providing orders and indeed to generate forms from the core set of ideal type. In applying the same method of analysis, this study contains information that focuses on design and architecture, as essential intellectual instruments, which could be expanded into ideas, while providing commemorative and informative values for the public. The authorities in the will have the opportunity to use this study to understand the process of tangible heritage conservation and new architectural works​”​.

General Understanding According to specific requirements, each specific tarikat, organized inside with the presence or not of mafilit and, in the case of halveti Tekke, is also an adjacent cell or loneliness environment. Meydani, there is no regulation, he is a member of a particular volume to other buildings or a room of the apartment selected mainly on the first floor. Ingredient of the Tekke necessarily Maqam (in the tradition called the monumental tomb of the founder, but the dome shrine associated with the necropolis (cemetery of the clergy and faithful of the Tekke of the family of them). The example of the old, 1494 that one part is guest house residence dervish of Tekke halveti of Shaykh Hasan in Berat and some shrines in of Tekkes time to time been reconstructed and enlarged and as such the style of the time we have grouped in the second period.

Allegedly Harabati Tetovo Tekke had started its life on the model of the Hajji Bektash Tekke but also the construction of its complex here is a later age. Unlike other building typologies, the Tekke positions the praying area for the simple prayer is the tomb of the complex and the meydani for the mystic ritual of the devoted prayers and members, facing towards a particular direction towards the qiblah, and in some cases studies of recent application the tomb and the praying area (‘’meydani’’) are separated spaces.

“​There should not be any other focal points of this leading space towards the qiblah. The entrance to the praying area which is usually directed towards the center of Qibla called ‘mihrab,’ always emerges as a strong direction axis across the prayer hall. This formal arrangement can be seen in the Prophet Muhammad​”​. As mentioned by Ooty and Glick (1994), ​“every typological study must be based on a particular ideal type that will be the controlling factor in determining the level of changes made to the models under study”​. “​The Shrine of Seyyid Gazi, Turkey, is the ideal type to be taken as the base for this study, showing the complexity of Tekke’s spatial arrangement​”​.

Types of Floor Plan in the Selected Bektashi Tekke Fifty of Tekke and tyrbe were chosen and visited throughout Albania, dated from 14 century onward. The of Tekkes chosen is considered significant due to the criteria set below: ● They are the significant representatives of Tekkes architectural differences among others over the decades. ● The earlier dates are mostly categorized under historical heritage in Albania. ● The recently built ones with a variety of design forms. “​Sixteen case were shortlisted for the matrix of this research to avoid repetition of typology. (Table 1) The arrangement of the elements of the of Tekke (entrance /portal, prayer hall/meydani, tyrbe, kafe oxhaku-fireplace, courtyard, fountain), and the positioning of ablution areas have been studied and analyzed. In referring to the mosque of the Prophet’s Muhammad p.b.u.h as an ideal type for Islamic shrines and mosques, three elements mentioned above were chosen​”​.Furthermore, according to the space analysis made by Aazam (2007), ​“the three elements are considered the most active areas from the analysis on the visual points and prostration points segment. It is shown quite clearly that ablution also has a tendency towards similar spatial syntactic qualities and the most used space adjacent to verandah and praying area. Therefore, investigating the spatial arrangement of the spaces must be taken into serious consideration as they complement all the essential activities in mosques”​. Other scholar, Aksamija (2008)​, “noted that historical elements of Islamic shrine should not just be a formal understanding but should set the benchmark to overcome the issues on how contemporary shrine design can be derived from conceptual”. He prolonged “his reinterpretation on the subject matter by bringing forward the principle of directionality, prayer enactment, a volume of prayer and the various activities in the shrine which will seek to bridge the gap between culturally and historically specific forms and functions of the shrine”. “​ ​Upon entering the shrine, the first experience a visitor or user feel is the difference between internal l and external via the portal or entrance threshold. Then looking deeper into the central shrine plan, through the prayer hall is where the focus should be. By pointing toward Kimball, the direction in which all Muslims pray, i.e. the Qibla symbolizes the unity in a world diversified by cultures and earth’s geographically spherical nature.

To confirm the functional and liturgic qualities of the arrangement, suggesting the following factors for consideration​”​; 1. Spatial distribution of the three spaces: As mentioned above: “the floor plan should show coordination of the prostration activities, beginning with the act ablution to the finding of prostration space congregationally or individually”.

2. Clarity and visibility of areas especially with the tomb-tyrbe and grave 3. Connection between the focal point of the Tekke and the external environment. ​“Clear and vigorous axis must be achieved when the line is drawn connecting the entrance point and the mihrab, indicating the floor plan was designed with in-depth consideration of shrine orientation.

This will then ensure the sense of welcoming to the visitors and users” (Salamah 2001).​ The aforementioned factors will be highlighted in every tekke. ​“​Hence, the spatial arrangement is clearly defined, and the spatial quality will be determined by the high visibility of the users to find their area for mystic group rituals. The earliest tekke in Albania (14’h century) for example Tekke of Sari Salltik started with less columned and more clearly defined open space. ​The interior space is deliberately oriented towards the mihrab and qibla wall developing a strong axis as a datum collecting the areas; portal, verandah (intermediate space) and praying area spearheaded by the mihrab. Most of them are categorized under historical tekkes. The type has a strong influence from the traditional Albanian houses, way of life and environment. However, physical presence is not the primary focus of this research as the authors will look to discuss the orientation and internal spatial arrangement in accordance with the needs of the users.

In Albania and Bektashi tarikat it is usual for the female to attend religious activities in the shrine, together with the male prayers. Looking at each direct contact from the entrance towards the qibla wall, and the shape of the floor plans (Figure 6.2), this study classifies the tekke into four types as indicated below​”​: ● ● ● ●

Typology A: the concept of the centralized plan Typology B: the concept of the courtyard and successive plan Typology C: meditation graves and interventions in nature Typology D: freestanding elements of the landscape

For each of the typology is selected the most representative case of the 16 described cases studies and is analyzed further in the index below, having as main interest to analyze the spatial structure, setting, and location of the shrine and the relationships between form and landscape.

Table 6.2, Table 6.3, Table 6.4, Table 6.5 Section 3

TYPES OF BEKTASHI TEKKE ACCORDING TO THE PATTERN OF COMPONENTS AND THE USE Analysis of the typology based on the pattern components provides another scope of looking at tekke architectural in Albania. Under this study, the main focus is looking at the studied the components and elements of design (described in the third chapter) and form. The analysis of these patterns done on the selected 16 tekkes discovers that the tekke can be categorized into four general forms and shapes that each of them has a specific administrative or ritualist uses. (i) Maqam and Freestanding tyrbe (ii) Dervishat (iii) Hybrid Buildings (iv) Gjyshata

Type 1: Freestanding Structure, Maqam, and the yard Maqam, as mentioned in chapter 3, is the most basic form of the traces of a Tekke. The maqam consists the grave located in a holy place. The form of the maqam is rectangular, and the only element of the pattern that is observed in the bektashi ideology is the grave/cenotaph but what is important to mention is that even though it doesn’t follow the formal pattern of a Bektashi tekke as a complex, in different case of maqam with find the element of the dome, while the maqam is in rectangular plan and in less often the a basic form without ornamentation mihrab inside. J. Geikie presented such description of the shrine: ​“A mukam, or shrine, of a Muslim saint, stands on the south side of the village; a low square building of stone, with a humble dome and a small court, within an old stone wall, at the side. You enter the yard through a small door in this wall, up two or three steps, but beyond the bare walls, and a solitary palm-tree, twice the height of the wall, there is nothing to see. Sheikh Samat, whoever he was, lies solitary enough and well forgotten in his airy sepulcher, but the whitewash covering his resting-place marks a custom which is universal with Muslim tombs of this kind (1888, I 67)”​.

A ​“​first ​“​sign that an Bektashi shrine went through a renovation or was rebuilt is the green color of its dome.

The Bektashi started the tradition of painting the domes and the doors of a shrine green quite recently — twenty years now. In the old days, maqams had stone domes. Now the newly built maqam have the dimensions 5 x 5m, the north side of which is adjacent to a sort of a hall. In the beginning, it have been a closed type of annex, with one big arch. The entrance to the maqam is on the north side, and two windows – in the western and the eastern walls. The cases of the maqam with the mihrab, there is a graves covered

with green​”​decorated cloths.

Maqam and tyrbe have the same function with the difference that the maqam is rectangular geometric form while the tyrbe is a more articulate form base of the polygon shapes. Both are the place that a saint or a missionary is graved. A. Petersen describes the tyrbe as follows: ​“The interior of the tomb is roofed with a domical vault (i.e., no squinches or pendentives) and there are small niches in the west and east walls. In the north-west corner is a rectangular hole which marks the position of a (now destroyed) cenotaph. The most interesting feature of the interior are the wall paintings executed in red henna. These occur on all four interior walls and traces can also be found on the exterior around the east window. Designs include trees, wavy lines, and a variety of abstract forms (2001, 122)”.​The tyrbe of Ballem Efendise and the tyrbe of Abaz Aliu is the significant case of this typology since it is identified with the most important figure and saint Ali. The tomb was built and rebuilt in different periods with the stone in a very monumental and impressive position. This tyrbe ​“​is a nearly perfect polygonal form measuring 6 x 6 x 3 m, with a dome 0.80 m high. It is noted that the tyrbe was built in typical​”​ Albanian/ottoman architecture.

Type 2: Dervishat Dervishat is a more elaborated form of the maqam or a less elaborated case of tekke where architectural components that are used are the tyrbe, the courtyard the fountain and the place that dervish habits(in the bektashi tarikat the dedicated dervish-person should devote its life to the tarikat and live away from its family. The tekke in contrast with rest of the religious buildings has the significant element the place where the dervish lives.

Type 3: Hybrid Tekke This type of tekke is quite evident even though not very repetitive. The Hybrid tekke is mostly identified with the new tekke-headquarters that see components that are not part of the bektashi patterns neither functionally nor architecturally and indicates the direct influence of another religion and ideologies. The Odeon in the case of the Headquarters that indicates direct Islamic feature of the mosque design the potential of massive gatherings. The Odeon is a unique case in Albania but also in most of the Bektashi tekke. The interior space has unique ornamentation with mosaics and the multiple uses of the domes. One big dome on the center of the Odeon (directly connected with the Christian representation of the God in the orthodox typology of the church) and the 12 smaller domes as the representation of the 12 imams show the emergent need of this formation of the re-interpret architecturally the richness of the Sufi ideology. The Mihrab that is part of the meydani/prayer hall and in some case inside the tyrbe has unique ornamentation open a new area of ornamentation of the tekke architecture. The indifference with the Tekke of Melani that on the meydani area has a dome because of its original function as a Christian monastery, the case of the headquarters these hybrid elements have been constructed on purpose. Elements that identify the architecture of other religions have been found in the Bektashi tekke can be observed since the earlier

stages. The Shrine of the Haci Bektasi even though is a Bektashi tekke has a minaret and a madrasa, symbols and architectural elements directly related with the mosque architecture. Is difficult to define the regularity and the repetition of this elements after the reconstruction of the tekkes in Albania, in the era of democracy, was an attempt to re-establish the architectural language and enrich the elements of design.

Type 4: Tekke - Gjyshata Gjyshate in the case of the Bektashi Tarikat is a complex of buildings that consists in domestic quarters with workplaces of dervishes, whether living in communities or alone (hermits), a place for the travelers to rest and the ritualist areas. Gjyshata has a crucial administrative role for the area that covers, and it includes a place reserved for prayer, multiple tyrbe and meydani, courtyard and in some cases many courtyards.This type of tekke follows the model of Gazi Seyyid Shrine, with the palatial architectural features and characteristics. A gjyshata complex typically comprises a number of buildings that facilitate self-sufficiency services, which used to include a place to welcome and shelter the travelers, kitchens, storage room, meydani, Kafe oxhaku. In this type of facilities include a range of agricultural and manufacturing buildings such as a barn, a forge or a brewery, and most important place so the travellers could rest. In this typology, we can identify the tekke of Fushe-Kruja and the cases of the tekke of Backa and tekke of Frasheri. Is very important to mention in this point that the complex of gjyshata expects the liturgical character also has an essential administrative role in the relationship with the location of the tekke.

CHAPTER 7 _DESIGN CRITERIA AND GUIDELINES INTRODUCTION

Albania has a rich heritage, which includes archaeological treasures and incredible monuments. This history is materialised in heritage monuments stems from a historical past of ancient civilization and Ottoman Empire. The Butrinty archeological parc, the city of Berat and the city of Gjirokastra are some of the monuments declared as World Heritage Monuments. It is discouraging to note that some people,

forgetting that they are doing irreparable damage to invaluable historical buildings, inscribing initials, names, places, addresses or messages on these historical treasures, or even worse bad restoration and reconstructions. The conservation and protection of the monuments cannot be neglected any further. To further strengthen the commitment for the protection of monuments, and Bektashi Ideology consist part of the cultural heritage of Albania that to preserve the physical and immaterial dimension should involve the deep understanding of the context, that is composed by a set of diverse influences, actors and practices.

This thesis has a purpose of giving some recommendation regarding the preservation of the architectural and landscape conceiving architecture and landscape as a crucial complex that creates a unique spiritual experience and creates the proper conditions for the prayer. The recommendations in this chapter, have been the result of the typological, componential and landscape analysis of the previous showed case studies in Albania and after the analysis of the two bektashi shrines Seyyit Gazi and Haci Bektashi Shrine.

These requirements are provided for the Bektashi Community; historians and cultural scholars; and a broad group of professionals such as architects, engineers, and other specialists. “​Throughout this chapter there are methodologies, design standards and design guidelines that have been concepted to preserve the architectural and landscape designs and preservation policies for the existing Bektashi Tekkes satisfying both the ritualistic and aesthetic design requirements for the creation of sacred complex that satisfied the requirements for a worshiped place, preserving the values of the historical building. The methodologies ensure consistency across the Bektashi complex unit when developing tekke.

The prescriptive guidelines in this chapter are using: mandatory; recommended; open statement​”​. “​The standards and guidelines provide recommendations, which are in line with regulations to determine the optimal design for a tekke within individual plots​”​. Even though the design process and direction should include four steps, this part focus on the functional, spatial and landscape provision as the direct finding of the case studies analysis done the previous chapter 6, and the architectural and landscape design: Figure 7.2.The design process and four steps

“​Architecture Standards: The sets of the architectural requirements for the effective design of a tekke building, including: Functional and spatial provision; Site development; and Architectural design​”​. “​Landscape Standards: Sets out the treatment options for the landscaped areas of tekke and provide requirements for how should be integrated into the surroundings, including, ​Layout; Surface treatments; Location​” ALBANIAN BEKTASHI TEKKE All Bektashi tekkes in Albania is important to apply the suggested Design Standards and Guidelines as followed: New Tekkes: The new tekke should be designed to integrate elements inspired by the Albanian traditional design principles, that reflects chosen historical period.

Existing Tekkes: If an existing tekke is to be demolished, the new tekke will be designed to integrate the vernacular design principles of the old tekke. If an existing tekke is being renovated, an evidence-based architectural study must be prepared to demonstrate that the proposed renovations are consistent with the period and style of the tekke being restored.

The type of tekke design should draw inspiration from the historical design of Bektashi tekkes in Albania while allowing for the use of modern building materials and construction techniques. This encourages a variety of design outcomes, from traditional to contemporary, that equally represents Tekke vernacular design, yet allow for creativity and innovation. ● promoting the tekke’s primary use as a place of worship through appropriate designed internal and external spaces; ● accommodate the dervish/baba and the other functional needs to the tekke; ● Appropriately planning the areas immediately surrounding the tekke to instill a sense of respect for the tekke as a place of worship and reflection; and ● the tekke should be designed as a community center and social point for the community Bektashi Components: ​“​The flow of ‘spatial progression’ within the tekke, which is principally based on functionality and efficient use of space, follows a specific consequence: Portal; Courtyard; Tyrbe; Prayer hall/Meydani; Mihrab; Kafe oxhaku-fireplace​” This show is integral to traditional tekke design and an essential component in creating the spiritual, peaceful environment found in traditional bektashi tekkes. The Albanian historical tradicional tekke has the following distinctive characteristics: ● ● ● ● ●

defined the portal; carved symbols of spolia in the main entrance of the building the entrance of the prayer hall; roofed prayer hall; polygonal stone tyrbe, made with local stone with green domes stone fountain with the symbols of bektashi carved it on it.

Three key characteristics defines the Albanian traditional tekke architecture: simple and clear identity; specific sequence of components;distinctive character.

“​Tekke Identity: Design elements, which promote an overarching level of simplicity, so as not to detract from the primary use of the tekke for prayer, include​”​: ● “​Using subtle, non-obtrusive color, texture and pattern, and local materials; ● Creating a place of quiet contemplation, as a result of appropriate lighting and minimal ornamentation; ● Ensuring the ambiance generated as a result of the design evokes a sense of moving from everyday life to a peaceful, spiritual environment​”​;

2.0. ARCHITECTURE PRESERVATION The ​“​Functional and Spatial Provision requirements inform the tekke architect of the functional and spatial requirements for each tekke typology within Albania. Fundamentally, the design of the tekke shall be based on the separation and transition between the place of every day (towards the tyrbe) worshipers and mystic prayers (towards the meydani), with the rest administrate area of the complex according to the typology of the tekke. The methodology applied for the articulation of the - Tekke Planning index​” ● “​Identify the functional components required for the tekke, as per the Functional and Spatial Provision Standards (refer Table1). ● Estimate the space requirements for the functional components (refer to Table 1). ● Prepare a specific tekke Circulation Diagram (see Figure 5)​”.

The outcome of this analysis are the definition of functional provisions of the tekke; definition of minimum spatial requirements; the creation of the a specific tekke circulation diagram; and finally the definition of the minimum space requirements for the tekke Planning Summary index, are met or exceeded.

Tekke Circulation Diagram The ​“​circulation diagram (see Figure 5) represents the ideal movement of people through a tekke. This has been used as the basis to inform the layout and design of the Albanian prototypes presented in this research. The diagram identifies the uses and functions that should be contained within both the tyrbe and the meydani areas. This provides designers with a basis on which to determine the distribution and layout of spaces within a tekke. The application of this will ensure the appropriate clustering of functions within the no the worship area after the abolition of the prayer and the entrance of the tyrbe that the prayer should remove the shoes before to enter. Arrangement of the tekke should be a clear visual line towards the tyrbe so that users can easily recognize the paths towards the place of worship. The diagram divide these zones down into the following spaces​”​: ● everyday prayer area-visitors, ablution facilities and annexed facilities, such as a library and the dervishes' place; ● other functions (e.g., Dervishes' residence); ● space for worshippers to take off and put on their shoes; and ● circulation area occurs in the shoe zone, e.g.

Figure 2. Circulation and relationship pattern among functions within the no shoe and shoe zones.

SITE DEVELOPMENT: ​“​Site Development Standards relate to the spatial layout of all functional components within the tekke. Establishment of the tekke should be prominent, visible and encourages safety through design by considering the following​”​: ● ● ● ●

the relationship of a tekke to its context and the surrounded landscape; access to and from the tekke area; and arrangement of functional components to each other. treatments of the landscape with the use of trees with specific symbolic meaning

The methodology applied for the articulation of the - Tekke Planning are following: ● “​Utilize the opportunities and mitigate the constraints of the site and its surroundings concerning the following (but not limited to): ● Existing natural systems; ● Microclimate; ● Connectivity; ● Linkages to community facilities; and Surrounding built form. ● Adapt the specific tekke Circulation Diagram, prepared in Section 2.4, to create a spatial layout that relates to the site and its surrounding context, based on the Site Development standards. ● Ensure the vernacular components are identifiable and prominently placed in the spatial layout​” Final Result ● “​A spatial layout is created that identifies public, private and restricted areas that relate to its site and context. ● The progressional relationship of vernacular components is identified. ● Safety considerations are integrated into the spatial layout. ● On-site parking considerations are integrated into the spatial layout. ● Treatment of the surrounded landscape should respect and reflect the symbols and ritualistic needs of the complex​”​.

Figure 3. Visibility of the tekke from at least two sides.

4.0. ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN “​Architectural Design Standards have been developed to create an architectural language for the design Bektashi Tekkes. This part encourage a level of creative flexibility to yield a variety of tekke designs while maintaining its character’. As a result of the construction methods and materials traditionally used, Tekkes with vernacular character have specific proportional relationships between the architectural components, thus creating a module for design (refer to Appendix 3). To ensure future tekkes maintain this vernacular character, all the components should be based on a Design Module (refer to Section 4.1)​”​.

Methodology: “​Use the developed layout and design composition standards to create a built form which celebrates the vernacular components Establish a Design Module to de ne proportional relationships between the architectural elements of the tekke relating to its size and place​” Final Result ● “​Simple built form.

● ● ● ● ● ●

The proportional relationship between the components and overall built form.

Use of passive cooling and natural lighting Minimal architectural detailing Harmony of colors, textures, materials, and arches Functional and safe design Integration of multi-disciplinary aspects of tekke architecture​”​.

5.0. LANDSCAPE PRESERVATION “​Conservation of the landscape becomes highly complex raising questions of ecology, precinct, and intangible heritage. Furthermore, its scope is to enlarge our consideration of the context of as ‘living’ city. It brings into its fold a larger user group and a landscape that is often contested as heritage.The 'limits' are basically experiential, in view of physical changes in shape, type, space, and association. Each change is set apart with a limit line. Limits, for the investigation, were partitioned into classifications dependent on physical and visual availability, definition and scale. Following the research of Zameer Basrai about the ''Sufi and City'', an academic project addressing landscape heritage conservation titled ‘Recentering Nizamuddin: Exploring Conservation through Ephemeral Intervention’. The proposed strategic or tactical recommendation have a perspective to conserve this heritage landscape. The first impressions of the site were scattered, founding fragments and indicators of a broader landscape. This larger landscape has some layers: landscape heritage, built heritage, space networks, conglomeration of different socio-economic groups, intangible heritage deeply entrenched in community life and looming pressures of economic and infrastructure development​”​.

Bektashi, the City and the Landscape “​Unraveling the history and significance of the landscape of Bektashi, a conventional set of historical maps of the development of the selected locations of the tekke were presented in chapters 3 and 5. More specifically in each of the chosen case data that gives the geographical coordinates, the distance from the urban centers indicates the relation to the various historical, spiritual centers (Bektashi Shrines). The significance of the Bektashi shrine is the significant distance from the village area and the city centers. The relationships between the cities and the symbolic spiritual centers make interesting story-tellings. The fortified tekke of Melcan built by Ali Pasha Tepelena, in the 16th century constructed and poorly –reconstructed on 2016 is one of the most significant cases of a large ‘’complex unit’’ that the territory around and the remote distance from the center. Ali Pasha was an important figure of the Albanian history that gave the important fight against Islamisation of the country and promoting the Bektashi ideology as the culture was could unit the already diversified Albanian population. Ali Pasha fortified the shrine and facilitates it with infrastructural enhancements of waterworks, pilgrim travel, stay and worship. Visiting a spiritual place to gain blessings continues until today. Tekke of Asim Baba, by the end of the 17th century, with the inner courtyard is a large-multiple complex of tyrbe, with important baba’s buried there. Also being buried close to a spiritual source was also a way of gaining blessings from the place for the afterlife. The shrine of Abaz Aliu is one of the essential Bektashi spiritual centers in the country. The landscape of tomb and the additions of a second wall that is creating a second courtyard has been developed over centuries with the shrine at its center​”​.

Landscape Heritage Conservation and Design Standards “​The question of restoration and conservation is a simpler one when asked concerning a monument. Its historical or cultural value can be asserted based on objective analysis. Landscape heritage conservation, becomes highly complex raising questions of ecology, precinct, and intangible heritage. Furthermore, its scope enlarges to consider the context of a ‘living’ city. It brings into its fold a larger user group (more significant than the tourist) and a landscape that is often contested as heritage. A macro order that is so apparent in the plan was entirely notional or even absent as a pedestrian experience, It should become imperative, as part of a proposal for the landscape heritage conservation project, a map these discontinuities formed by the different boundary conditions​”​. “​The ‘boundaries’ are directly experiential, based on physical changes in form, type, space, and organization. Each transition is marked with a boundary line. Boundaries, for the analysis, were divided into categories based on physical and visual accessibility, definition and scale. The location and type of intervention at either tomb or boundary implies some possible ways of experiencing this broader landscape.

The Landscape Standards should ensure that landscape design is appropriate to the specific environmental conditions of the context, and the tekke function and its architectural design. The standards apply to all open spaces within the tekke area, in addition to the parking areas. The landscape design should respond to the tekke and its context to emphasize the mystical journey and the spiritual needs of the Sufi rituals​”​.

Methodology: ● “​Establish a spatial layout of landscape elements on the tekke plot. ● Create a green landscape design strategy that is responsive to local conditions vegetation with an emphasis on reducing water demand. ● Integrate street furniture, outdoor lighting, and signage, which complement the tekkes' architectural design. ● Meet all minimum standards requirements of the relevant authorities. ● Meets or exceeds the requirements provided​”

CHAPTER 8: CONCLUSIONS OVERALL CONCLUSION The investigation has completely been done and effectively found the responses to all the research questions set forward in the introductory chapters. The presence of a distinctive architectural pattern of the Bektashi tekke in Albania understand the typological components and the ideological background. The origin of the tekke is researched and explained in a thorough discussion. The importance of the architectural articulation in Islamic architecture is seen from the history of Islam itself.

This thesis reveals the influences adopted by the Bektashi Tekke in Albania which is reflected through the

form and design of the layout and elements. These architectural motifs provide a different perception of the quality of contemporary Tekkes’ architecture in Albania. This study shows that most of the case study tekke use local or vernacular motif on the architecture and external physical appearance while it may seem that on same cases foreign Islamic influence is quite obvious. The famous eight-pointed star pattern of Islamic geometrical design is extensively used in designing modern tekke’ and tyrbe layout.

Typological analysis on the form and design of selected bektashi tekke concluded that there are forms and types of the Tekkes, which are only in Albania. They are not found either in the Middle-Eastern nor the Western tekke that employs those types. Consequently, it supports and strengthens the statement that Islamic-Bektashi architecture evolves through regions to suit the cultural and social values of the local context.

Future scholars might question if the relationship between the portal, courtyard and tyrbe are the most emphasized and highlighted components in tekke’ architecture and how could it be done. This research suggests some guidelines to enable the design of the tekke to meet both the functional and aesthetic requirements for the creation of a sacred complex that satisfied the needs for a worshiped place. It is important that the first thing to be strongly considered when building a tekke structure is the highlight of the spiritual itinerary of the worshiper from the entrance to the tyrbe and the meydani /prayer hall during the rituals and the ceremonies. To conclude, this part of the research found that some Albanian tekkes that are showing the attempt to establish the before mentioned lineage.

As an essential element in a tekke, the tyrbe must be given special attention, equivalent to the treatment of the Dome in Islamic architecture. Research on the evolution of the form and design of the tyrbe is essential for both contemporary and future tekkes. Apart from that, it can also be kept as a track record for historical and heritage studies.

Therefore, studies on the orientations of selected tekkes built in Albania showed that most of them have a strong level of visibility towards the tyrbe from the entrance point.

In contrast, floor plans of tekkes built during the Ottoman era were very much influenced by church and mosque designs, often is revealed that existing churches or mosques are adapted in the tekke and renowned Islamic buildings from the Ottoman Empire. Models and masters were taken from the thoroughly Ottomanised Balkan hinterland; This is the reason why the art of the 18th and 19th century showed hardly any typological development. Forms and aesthetics remained something alien and hence showed no natural progress. In these ages, the Albanian lands were so isolated from the chief centers of the empire that not the slightest echo of the great art of the Lale Devri in the capital was heard. It is significant to see how much the ethnic composition of an area has determined the nature of its taste for Ottoman art and some of the Bektashi Tekkes. It is necessary therefore that as much attention as possible is devoted to unraveling such situations. Only an adequate survey of the ethnic situation in an area in which a particular phenomenon is detected, as well as all information concerning the background and motives of those who ordered the various buildings to be erected, will give us the chance to understand this problem entirely.

Most of the tekkes of the selected cases in this period are of plain white or with very minimal ornamentation. The ornamentation is connected with the use of the symbol of teslim teci, in the entrance of the complex and most of the cases in the top of the interior of the tyrbe as a symbol of the 12 Imams. The

typological studies of tekke built from the 1400s to now also showed the evolution of overall spatial articulation.

This research concludes with the morphology of Bektashi Tekke, which had evolved in shapes and forms, in a chronological way. In their origin a tekke was built with basic traditional architecture, reflecting traditional Albanian houses providing comfort and familiarity to the users. In the late 18th, 19th and early 20th century, new forms and niche shapes were introduced. These changes have been a result of the discovery of new materials. This study concluded that there are 4 (four) different typology according to the dimension the pattern of the design components with different administrative character: • mekam • tyrbe with the courtyard with portal • tekke • gjyshata And three different typologies according to the overall plan and layout as a direct translation of the administration of the ceremonial role that has on the place and location.

• single dome element • symbiosis in nature/cave • courtyard layout and aggregation system Albanian traditional tekkes built in the 18th century, providing a ​“​clear and easy circulation to ease the users, directions. These positive qualities in the spatial arrangement of the Bektashi tekke could still be used today, to provide comfort and identity in the form and spatial arrangements to the prayers​”​.

The study concludes that tyrbe is an essential element of tekke. The tyrbe is also an architectural form that brings out various cultural traditions and architectural expressions. The classification of architectural styles of tekke in Albania should not only be done by referring to the external features but also to the interior elements, especially to the symbol of honored space.

Contribution to Knowledge (1) The identification of the Bektashi Tekke architecture, components and its articulation in Albania. The importance of the pattern and the native character of the Tekke in Albania had been laid in Chapter 3, give substantial evidence of the evolution of the Sufi pattern in architecture and the evolution from an Islamic shrine to an independent architectural typology. In realizing this understanding, the design elements, form, and spatial relationship should have a clear spiritual and functional meaning. The Tekke architecture should not be considered as a jurisdiction of the Baba but should follow the guideline proper for the aesthetic, theological articulation of the worship place.

(2)On the conclusion of the research out of the 16 (sixteen) selected tekke in Albania, we can make two different classifications according to the information that we need to extract a)there are 4 (four) different types according to the dimension the pattern of the design components with different administrative character: • mekam • tyrbe with the courtyard with portal • tekke • gjyshata

b)There are three different typologies according to the overall plan and layout • single dome element • symbiosis in nature/cave • courtyard layout and aggregation system (3) The findings of the classification of the tekke according to the location of the tekkes in Albania show that importance of the landscape the attempt of articulate physically the itinerates of the Saints and missionaries of the Bektashi tarrikats. Islam and Sufi ideology give a particular focus to the creation of spiritual journeys.

(4) It has been learned that the critical use of the tyrbe in the Bektashi architecture is to indicate a holy. Is the first built form for the further construction of a tekke. This had been shown by the study that the number of tyrbe are in proportion to the history and importance size of the tekke. In a critical tekke, many number o tyrbe and dome with particular form and shape is providing a unique experience for the prayer in the interior of the tyrbe that is always combined with the use of music and light.

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH More research on the same subject matter could be done to establish an elaborated body of knowledge in supporting the success of the Bektashi Tekke architectural articulation. Those research could be expanded through the following suggested research fields: (1) A similar study could be conducted on countries with Bektashi Communities particularly in the Eastern Balkan region such as Kosovo, Macedonia, Greece, and Turkey. By doing this, more architectural elements and transformation of the Sufi architectural pattern could be discovered. Hopefully, specific architectural adaptations of the Bektashi Tekke that originated from and unique to this region could be found from such a discovery.

(2) Study of Bektashi Tekke architecture on Bektashi minority countries is seldom done, especially on critical interior elements and ornamentation. Countries such as USA, America with a big Bektashi community established there, where the Bektashi community have hosted during the Communist Region after the abandon of the religion in Albania. It is exceedingly likely that they have their own style of architecture. Thus, it could be rather interesting to study and understand the architectural motifs that they used and owned throughout the years.

(3) Researches are not centering each of the elements of tekke architecture such as dome, tyrbe, and meydani. Detailed studies on their history and usage will carry the importance of these elements in Tekke art and architecture. Tyrbet, tomb, for example, its purpose and usage will determine its positioning in the tekke layout plan. In contemporary tekkes especially in Albania, the tyrbe is positioned without any.

(4) The study on elements and the meanings of arches is quite interesting in carrying the cultural and heritage aspect of particular communities. Arch of the portal alone can be defined further with proper observation, examination, and documentation to study its influences, evolution, and kept as records for the future generation.

In the research was identified that the architectural pattern of the Bektashi tekke in Albania by understanding the most crucial element in tekke’s architecture. This research further concluded with the articulation of the design criteria and principles for the future design and reconstruction of the tekke in Albania both for the Bektashi community and municipalities and authorities that will undertake this process.

Is essential to focus and highlight the liturgical character and the social background that this typology offers to the community. Landscape, territory, and architecture are strictly connected in the formation of this place.

In Albania is mostly found vernacular and traditional tekkes, elements and features that we should preserve and put in evidence always in relation with the need for a contemporary re-appropriation.