Citizen Pontio - Gwanwyn/Spring 2022

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Bwletin #1 Gwanwyn Bulletin #1 Spring

#citizenpontio

PŴER POWER 4 Noson ffilm dwbl bil 4 Double bill film nights

Bangor


MANYLION LLAWN AR DUDALENNAU 24-31

FULL DETAILS ON PAGES 24-31

#Powerbase

#Powermad

#Truthtopower

#Statepower

Citizen Kane 1941 The Godfather 1972

Born In Flames 1983 Investigation of a Citizen Above Suspicion 1970

Black Power Mixtape 1967-1975 2011 500 Years Later

Memories of Underdevelopment 1968 Man of Marble 1977

#citizenpontio YN GALW AR FFILM FFANS BANGOR CYMERA RAN DWEUD DY DDWEUD AR DY SINEMA DI

CALLING FILM FANS OF BANGOR TAKE PART HAVE YOUR SAY IT’S YOUR CINEMA

M AE ’R PŴ ER GE N T TI !

Y OU HA V E T HE PO W ER ! 2

2005

Cyfarchion gyd-ddinasyddion (a ffilm ffans!)

Greetings fellow citizens (and film fans!)

Croeso i’r rhifyn cyntaf o Bwletin Ffilm Citizen Pontio sy’n ymddangos fel rhan o’r tymor cyntaf o ffilmiau #CitizenPontio. Mae ffilmiau’r tymor yn dangos sut mae pŵer yn cael ei bortreadu ar y sgrin fawr ac yn cynnig cyfle i ni archwilio ei berthynas â’n realiti ni heddiw o ddydd i ddydd. Gobeithiwn gynnal dau dymor ffilm y flwyddyn - Gwanwyn a Hydref.

Welcome to issue number one of The Citizen Pontio Film Bulletin which accompanies the inaugural #CitizenPontio film season dedicated to exploring the cinematic representation of power and examining its relationship to our day to day reality. We hope to organise two film seasons a year in Spring and Autumn.

Mae’r dangosiadau hyn yn wahoddiad i ni ddod at ein gilydd i drafod sut y gallwn ehangu rhaglen ffilm Pontio a bywiogi’r gofod sinema yma ym Mangor.

These film screenings are an invitation for us to come together and explore how we can expand the Pontio film programme and liven up the cinema space here in Bangor.

Rydym eisiau deialog, cyfraniadau ac ymgysylltiad gyda holl ddinasyddion Sinema Pontio. Gobeithiwn y bydd y rhaglen ffilm a bwletin nesaf yn delio ag ystod o bynciau, syniadau a ffilmiau a awgrymwyd gennych chi.

We want dialogue, involvement and engagement with all citizens. Future issues of the Bulletin and film seasons will deal with a range of topics, content and films suggested and generated by you.

EMYR GLYN WILLIAMS Cyd-lynydd Sinema Pontio Cyswllt e.g.williams@bangor.ac.uk

EMYR GLYN WILLIAMS Co-ordinator Pontio Cinema Contact e.g.williams@bangor.ac.uk 3


CITIZEN PONTIO

Bwletin #1 Gwanwyn 2022 This Sceptred Isle, 2022

ECCE HOMO POLITICO

‘The only guilty man in this room is me’ Il Dottore, The Police Chief Investigation of a Citizen Above Suspicion (1970)

Gadewch i ni ddechrau gyda chwestiwn syml. Sut mae pŵer yn cael ei weld ar y sgrin fawr a pwy sydd yn ei bortreadu?

Let’s start with a simple question. What does power look like on the big screen and how is it portrayed and by whom?

Faint ohonoch oedd yn anghrediniol fel fi wrth weld y ffoto yn y wasg o’r actor Syr Kenneth Branagh yn chwarae rhan y prif weinidog Boris Johnson yn ffilm newydd y cyfarwyddwr Michael ’24 Hour Party People’ Winterbottom? Roedd dal gafael ar realiti eisoes yn ddigon anodd yn ystod y cyfnodau cloi heb orfod meddwl y byddai’r drasiedi genedlaethol hon yn cael ei hail-lwyfannu cyn bo hir fel ffars Shakesperaidd. Ond mae’n swyddogol, mae fersiwn Sky TV o ymateb blêr llywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig i’r pandemig Covid-19 yn dod i’r sgrin yn 2022 mewn HD clir gyda’r slogan - ‘Thousands of people died who didn’t need to die’. A fyddwch chi’n gwylio? Buan iawn y trodd y datgysylltiad cychwynnol a deimlais o weld realiti

How many of you shared my feelings of incredulity on first seeing that leaked photograph of actor Sir Kenneth Branagh playing PM Boris Johnson in Michael Winterbottom’s upcoming docu-drama This Sceptred Isle? Keeping a tight grip on reality had proved to be a hard task in full and semi-lockdown without having to think that this sorry national tragedy would soon be re-staged as Shakespearian farce. But it’s official, Sky’s star studded version of the UK government’s botched response to the Covid19 pandemic is coming our way in 2022 in forensically clear High Definition with a ready made tagline - ‘Thousands of people died who didn’t need to die, to bring you this motion picture’. Will you be tuning in? 4

gwleidyddol ac adloniant yn cael eu plethu fel hyn i fewn i dderbyniaeth llwyr mai dim ond megis dechrau byddai hyn, wrth gwrs, gan y bydd rhaglenni a ffilmiau gwleidyddol dirifedi am fywydau a gweithredoedd Boris Johnson a Donald Trump yn dechrau ymddangos yn anochel ar ein sgriniau yn ystod y misoedd nesaf. Yna dechreuais feddwl tybed pa fath o ffilmiau fyddai’n cael eu cynhyrchu a beth fyddai ganddynt i’w ddweud am y berthynas rhyngom ni a gwleidyddiaeth, am wleidyddion ac yn benodol am gyflwr a phwrpas gwneud ffilmiau gwleidyddol heddiw. O Sergei Eisenstein i Chloe Zhao, mae gwneuthurwyr ffilmiau gwleidyddol wedi gorfod gwneud penderfyniadau am yr hyn maent eisiau ei ddangos, sut maent eisiau ei ddangos a beth maent eisiau i’r gynulleidfa ei wneud â’r hyn sy’n cael ei ddangos iddynt. Mae sinema yn rhan annatod o ddiwylliant, ac nid oes unrhyw beth mwy gwleidyddol na ‘culture war’. Yn fy marn i, mae Cymdeithas yn cael ei reoli trwy ddefnyddio a thrin gwybodaeth (gwybodaeth yw celf a sinema, yn yr un modd ag ystadegau). Pan fydd y defnydd hwn o wybodaeth yn gymysg â syniadau

Bulletin #1 Spring 2022

The initial shock and disconnect I felt at this joining together of political reality and entertainment soon turned into weary resignation as it dawned on me that this, of course, would only be the tip of the iceberg, as countless political biopics about the lives and deeds of both Boris Johnson and Donald Trump would inevitably start appearing on our screens. Then I started wondering about what kind of films would be produced and what would they have to say about the relationship between us and power, us and politics and politicians and specifically the purpose of political film making today. From Sergei Eisenstein to Chloe Zhao political film makers have had to make decisions about what they want to show, how they want to show power and what they want the audience to do with what is being shown to them. Cinema is an integral part of culture, and there is nothing more political than a culture war. Society functions generally through the use and manipulation of information (art and cinema, like statistics are also just information) and

Sergei Eisenstein

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Bwletin #1 Gwanwyn 2022

gwleidyddol a chredoau personol yna’r hyn sy’n cael ei greu yw’r hyn rydym wedyn yn ei alw’n ‘ddiwylliant’. Y perygl ar hyn o bryd yw bod mwy a mwy o’r wybodaeth hon yn cael ei defnyddio at ddibenion gwleidyddol awdurdodaidd adain dde yn unig ac mae hyn yn her wirioneddol i wneuthurwyr ffilmiau gwleidyddol ac iechyd ‘diwylliant’ yn gyffredinol. Mae ein cymdeithas hefyd yn llawn dirgelwch a chyfrinachedd. Rydym yn cael ein geni yn gwybod ychydig iawn ac rydym yn ymchwilio ac yn darganfod am ein bywydau ein hunain trwy fyw ein bywydau. Ond mae ein bywydau’n cael eu rhannu ag eraill ac maent hwy hefyd yn cael eu hadlewyrchu yn ôl atom trwy filters gwleidyddol a diwylliannol sydd dan ddylanwad pobl eraill ac sydd y tu hwnt i’n rheolaeth a’n dealltwriaeth. Mae pŵer yn llywio’r wybodaeth hon ac ystod y filters yma yn gyson ac yn gyfrinachol tu ôl i’r llen. Mae’r rhai sy’n meddu ar bŵer yn brysur yn cuddio’r hyn sy’n cael ei wneud yn ein henw ni oddi wrthym ni. Gallwch fy nghyhuddo o baranoia yma ond mewn llawer iawn o wledydd ledled y byd, mae plismyn a gwleidyddion yn lladd, yn arteithio ac yn fframio pobl ddiniwed er mwyn cefnogi systemau gwleidyddol sydd wedi eu cynllunio i roi rhwydd hynt iddynt osgoi cyfrifoldeb a chosb a dal eu gafael mewn pŵer. Mae ffilmiau Hollywood yn defnyddio’r ffaith hon i gynhyrchu cyffro a gwefr fel adloniant sinematig. Dim ond gyda sinema wleidyddol sy’n engaged y gofynnir yn benodol i ni fel cynulleidfa ymgysylltu’n feirniadol â gwirionedd y sefyllfa ac ystyried sut mae’n effeithio’n uniongyrchol arnom. Mae gwneuthurwyr ffilmiau gwleidyddol wedi gorfod brwydro erioed i greu mewn sefyllfaoedd anodd,

this process gives us the best definition of what ‘Culture’ really is – political ideas and beliefs mixed in with that information. The danger posed right now is that more and more of this information is being used exclusively for right wing authoritarian political ends and this poses a real challenge to political film makers and ‘culture’ in general. Our society is also full of mystery and secrecy. We are born knowing very little and we investigate and discover our own lives by living through them. But our lives are shared with others and are also reflected back to us through heavily manipulated political and cultural filters that are outside of our control and understanding. Power is constantly manipulating this information in secret. Those in charge of wielding power are busy keeping what is being done in our name hidden from us. You can accuse me of paranoia here but in many, many countries around the world policemen and politicians do kill, torture and frame innocent people all in order to prop up political systems that are designed to let them get away with it and keep hold on the reins of power. Hollywood films use this fact to generate excitement and thrills. It is only with engaged political cinema that we as an audience are explicitly asked to critically engage with the truth of this situation and examine how it directly affects us. Political film makers have always had to struggle to create in difficult situations and today is no different. I’ve always believed that art in general and cinema in particular can help us get rid of these filters and offer clear 6

boed o dan awdurdod asgell dde neu chwith, ac nid oes unrhyw beth yn wahanol heddiw. Rwyf wedi credu erioed y gall celf yn gyffredinol a sinema yn benodol ein helpu i gael gwared â’r filters hyn a chynnig golwg glir ar y gwirioneddau cudd hanfodol hynny er mwyn dechrau brwydro’r llygredd gwleidyddol, y twyll a’r trais sy’n ffynnu’n ddirwystr. Mae sinema bob amser wedi hen brofi ei fod yn gelf sy’n gallu ailgyfeirio ac addasu a thaflu goleuni ar ein canfyddiadau o realiti fel y gallwn geisio peidio byw ein bywydau mewn anwybodaeth gyffyrddus. Mi fedrwn ddeffro a mabwysiadu safbwyntiau gwleidyddol realistig, hyddysg am y byd go iawn trwy wylio (wedi’r cyfan, dyna lle mae’r pethau hyn yn wirioneddol bwysig). Yn gyffredinol, mae sinema wleidyddol wedi bod yn rhywbeth i’r adain chwith (mae gan yr adain dde ffyrdd eraill o weithredu a diogelu eu buddiannau). Sinema sy’n ymwneud yn weithredol ag ymchwilio i realiti ein bywydau - gan ddefnyddio gwyddoniaeth, hanes, theori, llenyddiaeth amryw gredoau a thechnegau er mwyn ceisio egluro sut a chan bwy yr ydym yn cael ein llywodraethu ac i ba ddibenion y maent yn defnyddio’r pŵer hwnnw drosom. Nod y gwneuthurwyr ffilm hyn yn y pen draw yw annog newidiadau yn y byd go iawn fel bod cymdeithas a chysylltiadau dynol yn gyffredinol yn dod yn fwy diogel a theg. Yn syml, maent yn ymwneud â chynhyrchu ffilmiau sy’n creu posibiliadau o weld newidiadau cymdeithasol sy’n gadarnhaol. Weithiau mae’r ffilmiau gwleidyddol hyn yn cynnig atebion pendant i broblemau penodol, ar adegau eraill maent yn adlewyrchu’r realiti cudd yn ôl i ni neu’n

Bulletin #1 Spring 2022

access to those essential hidden truths and do something about the political corruption, deceit and violence that flourishes unchecked. Cinema has constantly shown itself able to refocus and adjust and illuminate our perceptions of reality so that we can try to stop living our lives in comfortable ignorance and adopt realistic, informed political viewpoints about the real world (after all that is where this stuff really, really matters). Political cinema has generally been a left wing enterprise (the right wing have other ways of operating and protecting their interests) A cinema that is actively concerned with investigating the reality of our lives – using science, history, theory, literature and various credos, techniques and beliefs in order to try and explain how and by whom we are governed and to what ends they wield that power over us. The aim ultimately for these film makers is to encourage real world changes so that society and human relationships in general become safer and fairer. Put simply, they are engaged in producing visions that create possibilities for positive societal change. Sometimes these political films offer concrete answers to specific problems, other times they reflect a hidden reality back to us or most effectively, in my opinion, they use all the artistic tools of cinema to actively go on the attack – daring the corrupt leaders of society to watch itself up there on the screen with us, exposed, naked and guilty. How will these new Trump and Johnson films fit into this tradition? We have already seen a series of documentary films about the early days of the pandemic (The Curve, Totally Under Control, 76 Days, CoroNation) but 7


CITIZEN PONTIO

Bwletin #1 Gwanwyn 2022 Deepfake Queen, 2020

fwyaf effeithiol, yn fy marn i, maent yn defnyddio holl adnoddau artistig sinema i fynd ati i ymosod - gan feiddio arweinwyr llygredig cymdeithas i wylio eu hunain ar y sgrin gyda ni, yn agored ac yn euog o flaen pawb. Sut bydd y ffilmiau newydd hyn am Trump a Johnson yn cyd-fynd â’r traddodiad hwn? Rydym eisoes wedi gweld cyfres o ffilmiau dogfen am ddyddiau cynnar y pandemig (The Curve, Totally Under Control, 76 Days, CoroNation) ond brasluniau rhagarweiniol yw’r rhain, yn awr mae’r amser wedi dod i anfon yr actorion, y cyfarwyddwyr a’r awduron i‘r gad yn erbyn y pandemig o ffeithiau amgen, ‘newyddion ffug’ a gwleidyddion populist. Ar hyn o bryd, rwy’n methu â deall sut bydd y ffilm newydd hon am Boris yn denu cynulleidfa sylweddol gan fod digwyddiadau go iawn a datganiadau dyddiol yn golygu na fydd gan y ffilm

these are preliminary sketches, now the time has come to send the actors, directors and writers in to do battle with the pandemic of alternative facts, ‘fake news’ and populist politicians. At present I am perplexed as to how this new Boris film will attract a sizeable audience as real-time events and daily revelations are quickly outstripping the film of any dramatic surprises it may have been keeping up its sleeve. I am guessing that Dominic Cummings’ epic plot spoilers and events are necessitating some furious rewrites and reshoot headaches for Sky as we speak. Will we be treated to a ‘method’ acting Branagh portraying the Prime Minister running his country ‘like a shopping trolley smashing from one side of the aisle to the other’? Unlikely. Such a ridiculous film image cannot of course compete with the actual ‘real’ truth of Johnson’s incompetence 8

unrhyw rym dramatig heb iddi daflunio ffeithiau newydd annisgwyl. Rwy’n dychmygu bod ‘spoilers’ epig Dominic Cummings yn golygu bod Sky wrthi’n ail-ysgrifennu ac ail-ffilmio ar hyn o bryd. A gawn ein trin i actio arddull y ‘method’ gan Branagh, wrth iddo bortreadu’r prif weinidog yn rhedeg ei wlad ‘like a shopping trolley smashing from one side of the aisle to the other’? Annhebygol. Ni all delwedd ffilm mor hurt gystadlu â gwirionedd ‘go iawn’ anghymhwysedd ac esgeulustod Johnson yn anffodus. Yn wir, roedd Boris wrthi’n ysgrifennu ‘The Riddle of Genius’, llyfr a fyddai’n caniatáu iddo gael ei enw ar glawr gydag enw’ r Bard of Stratford, yn hytrach na chanolbwyntio ar achub bywydau yn ystod wythnosau cynnar cythryblus yr argyfwng. Byddai’n eithaf anodd i gyfarwyddwr wneud y ‘gwirionedd’ bawaidd hwn yn gredadwy gan ddefnyddio delweddau ‘ysblennydd’ neu actor i ddod o hyd i gymhelliant credadwy i ‘berfformio’ y fath drueni - felly beth fydd yn cael ei ffilmio? Nid oes amheuaeth y bydd actor gwych fel Branagh yn anochel yn gwneud Boris yn gymeriad mwy derbyniol, deniadol a dealladwy hyd yn oed os yw’n dangos ei ddiffygion a’i wendidau yn unig (yn baradocsaidd heb ei ddiffygion a’i wendidau, nid wyf yn credu y gall Boris honni unrhyw fath o ffurf ddynol ddealladwy). Os na fydd yn neud hyn, yna cymeraf y bydd y cyfarwyddwr wedi gwneud penderfyniad gwallgof i wneud y ffilm hon yn ffilm ddychanol milain neu’n gomedi ddu wyllt - tacteg annhebygol i unrhyw gorfforaeth fawr fentro cyllidebu, hyd yn oed yn oes y new normal. Er gan gofio ein bod ni wedi cael ‘First Lady’ newydd yn hwyr yn y broses, mae posibiliadau dramatig y sdori yn bendant yn esblygu ar hyn o bryd.

Bulletin #1 Spring 2022

and dereliction of duty. Boris was in fact working on writing ‘The Riddle of Genius’, a book that would allow him to share an equal dust jacket credit with the Bard, rather than concentrating on saving lives in those turbulent early weeks of crisis. It would be quite difficult for a director to render that squalid ‘truth’ believable using ‘spectacular’ visuals or an actor to find credible motivation to ‘perform’ such wretchedness – so what will get filmed? There is no doubt that a great actor like Branagh will inevitably make Boris a more palatable, attractive and understandable character even if he shows us only his faults and failings (paradoxically without his faults and failings I don’t believe he can assume any kind of understandable human form). If he doesn’t then I assume the director will have taken an insane decision to make this film a savage satire or wild black comedy – which is an unlikely tactic for any big corporation to risk funding even in ‘the new normal’. Although having been gifted a ‘First Lady’ as a novel distraction late in the game the dramatic stakes are definitely being upped as I write this. I’m pretty sure though that what will be produced will be a version of ‘reality’ with the acting, the sets, the texts, and voices all presented as real and the emotions displayed as being heartfelt ones – we will, as they say in TV Land, be there ‘in the room’ with the guilty ones, and probably none the wiser for being there. Cinema leads us by the eye of course but also by the heart and sometimes even by the mind. Jean Luc Godard famously said that the important thing was to make films 9


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Bwletin #1 Gwanwyn 2022

Rwy’n eithaf sicr serch hynny y bydd yr hyn a gynhyrchir yn fersiwn o ‘realiti’ gyda’r actio, y setiau, y testunau, a’r lleisiau i gyd wedi eu cyflwyno fel rhai go iawn a’r emosiynau’n cael eu dangos fel rhai didwyll - byddwn ni, fel maent yn dweud yng ngwlad y teledu, yno ‘in the room’ gyda’r rhai euog, a ddim callach ar ôl bod yno chwaith, dwi’n siŵr. Mae sinema yn ein harwain gerfydd y llygad wrth gwrs ond hefyd gerfydd y galon ac weithiau hyd yn oed gerfydd y meddwl. Dywedodd Jean Luc Godard mai’r peth pwysig oedd gwneud ffilmiau’n wleidyddol ac nid eu gwneud am wleidyddiaeth a gwleidyddion. Nid wyf yn credu bod unrhyw un sydd y tu ôl i’r cynhyrchiad hwn yn gwneud y ffilm hon er mwyn sbarduno unrhyw fath o newid gwleidyddol difrifol, ni fydd disgwyl i ni orymdeithio i Downing Street ar ôl ei gweld. Mae’n cael ei chynhyrchu oherwydd ei bod yn stori wir ddramatig gyda chymeriadau gwych sydd hefyd yn cynnwys y werin fel extras parod. Ers talwm, y pryderon mawr gyda dogfen-ddrama o’r math hwn ar y teledu oedd yr hyn a alwodd Raymond Williams yn ‘llif’ - beth mae’n ei olygu os ydym i gyd yn gwylio’r ffilm hon yn syth ar ôl gwylio’r newyddion - a fyddwn ni fel dinasyddion yn drysu? Yn amlwg, mae’r farn eithaf nawddoglyd hon wedi diflannu, nid yn unig oherwydd y newidiadau yn y ffordd yr ydym yn defnyddio’r diwylliant gweledol (cofiwch araith ffug, ‘deep fake’ y Frenhines a ddarlledwyd ar Channel 4). Ond hefyd sylweddoli nad oes unrhyw un ar ôl yn llythrennol yn yr oes ôl-Trump a Boris sy’n credu o ddifri mai’r newyddion a ddarlledir gan y BBC ac asiantaethau eraill yw’r unig ffynhonnell wybodaeth wrthrychol sydd ar gael, yn ein dderbyn yn naturiol fel rhywbeth sydd yn fwy dibynadwy na dogfen-ddrama wedi

politically not make them about politics and politicians. I believe that no-one behind this production will be making this film in order to trigger any kind of serious political change, we won’t be expected to march on Number10 after seeing it. It is being produced because it is a dramatic true story with great characters that also involves the masses as willing extras. In the old days the big concerns with docudrama of this kind of film on TV was what Raymond Williams called the ‘flow’ - what does it mean if we all watch these ‘faction’ films straight after watching the news – won’t we as citizens get all confused? Clearly this rather patronizing view has vanished, not only because of the changes in how we consume visual culture (remember Channel 4’s deep fake Queen’s Speech?) But also the realization that there is literally no-one left in the postTrump and Boris age who seriously believes that the straight news provided by the BBC and other agencies can be held up as the only objective source of information out there, something that is more trustworthy than a scripted docudrama. Both can now unfortunately equally be distrusted and judged to be ‘fake news’. I doubt if it will qualify as a film with any kind of ‘political’ theme at all (although Winterbottom has done amazing work in the past with films such as In This World (2002), Road To Guantanamo (2006) ) and it will most likely screen and pass without much reaction or political reverberations. My fear with these films is that we will only be presented with portraits of ‘political actors’ as a cinematic spectacle, we’ll be curious to see the 10

Bulletin #1 Spring 2022

The Man of Marble, 1977 ei sgriptio fel adloniant. Erbyn hyn, yn anffodus, gellir amau’r ddau a’u barnu fel ‘fake news’. Rwy’n amau y gellir ei disgrifio fel ffilm gydag unrhyw fath o thema ‘wleidyddol’ o gwbl (er bod Winterbottom wedi gwneud gwaith anhygoel yn y gorffennol gyda ffilmiau fel In This World (2002) a Road To Guantanamo (2006)) ac mae’n debyg y bydd yn ymddangos a diflannu heb lawer o ymateb nac effaith wleidyddol. Yr hyn rwy’n ei ofni gyda’r ffilmiau hyn yw mai dim ond portread o ‘actorion gwleidyddol’ a gyflwynir i ni fel perfformiad sinematig, a byddwn fel cynulleidfa yn chwilfrydig i weld yr effeithiau ar y wyneb y dynwared, y camgymeriadau, y clecs, yr enwogion, y selebs. Wrth gwrs, bydd rhywfaint o ddicter gwleidyddol yn cael ei gynhyrchu yn artiffisial yn y wasg i gynyddu’r sylw a gwneud i ni deimlo ein bod yn cymryd rhan fel dinasyddion pan fydd y ffilm yn

surface effects – the impersonation, the pratfalls, the gossip, the ‘celebrity’ thing. Of course, there will be some selective political outrage artificially manufactured in the press to drive up the ratings and make us feel involved as citizens when it eventually airs, although confusing fact and fiction is rarely a real political problem. Take as an example something like the recent Churchillian Darkest Hour film which the mainly right wing press and the patriotic Brexit supporting electorate found comforting and not problematic at all in its rewriting of history.(in fact it proved to be the most streamed film in UK’s first couple of lockdowns) I believe a point has been reached where we as an audience are increasingly being seen by global producers of such films as being passive in our enjoyment of such 11


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Bwletin #1 Gwanwyn 2022

Adam Curtis

ymddangos, er mai anaml y bydd drysu ffaith a ffuglen yn broblem wleidyddol go iawn gyda ffilmiau fel hyn. Cymerwch fel enghraifft y ffilm ddiweddar am Churchill, Darkest Hour, a fu’n gysur i’r wasg adain dde a chefnogwyr gwladgarol Brexit ac nid oedd problem o gwbl ei bod wedi ailysgrifennu hanes (hon oedd y ffilm a wylwyd fwyaf yn ystod cyfnod clo’r Deyrnas Unedig). Rwy’n credu ein bod wedi cyrraedd pwynt lle rydym fel cynulleidfa yn cael ein gweld fwyfwy gan gynhyrchwyr ffilmiau o’r fath fel uned goddefol yn ein mwynhad o gynyrchiadau o’r fath - nid ydym yn cael ein hystyried fel bodau gwleidyddol mewn unrhyw ystyr gyfnewidiol, beryglus neu drefnus ond yn hytrach rydym yn cael ein diffinio fel ‘dinasyddion da’ a ‘defnyddwyr da’ sydd wedi eu hynysu’n gymdeithasol ac angen sicrwydd a ‘chynnwys’ cysurlon er mwyn delio â’n gwahanol ofnau a dyheadau unigol, yn hytrach nag yn delio

productions – we are not seen as political beings in any volatile, dangerous or organized sense but rather we are defined as ‘good citizens’ and ‘good consumers’ essentially socially isolated and in need of reassurance and comforting ‘content’ in order to deal not primarily with our political beliefs but directly with our various individual fears and desires. It wasn’t always this way as I will hope to show in this essay. Once upon a time it was about provocation not confirmation. Cinema knew it was only an art form, but it also knew that it could provoke action in the streets. As the Polish genius Andrzej Wadja, who defined his country’s journey from Stalin to Solidarność in two extraordinarily powerful political films The Man Of Marble (1977) and The Man of Iron (1981) , said when summing up the hopes of any artist involved in 12

o ddifri a’n uniongyrchol â’n credoau gwleidyddol. Nid fel hyn oedd hi bob amser. Ers talwm, roedd Sinema yn ymwneud â chythruddo yn hytrach na chadarnhau. Roedd y sinema yn gwybod yn iawn mai celfyddyd yn unig ydoedd, ond roedd hefyd yn gwybod y gallai ysgogi gweithredu ar y strydoedd. Fel y dywedodd yr athrylith o Wlad Pwyl Andrzej Wadja, a ddiffiniodd daith ei wlad o wleidyddiaeth Stalin i Solidarność mewn dwy ffilm wleidyddol hynod bwerus, sef Man Of Marble (1977) a Man of Iron (1981), wrth grynhoi gobeithion unrhyw artist sy’n ymwneud â gwneud ffilmiau gwleidyddol - ‘you’ll accomplish less than the filmmaker wishes, but much more than the authorities expect’. Mae’n bwysig gofyn ble mae sinema wleidyddol effeithiol i’w gweld heddiw? A yw gwneud ffilmiau ffuglen wleidyddol dychmygus wedi colli allan i’r pŵer polemig yn nwylo gwneuthurwyr ffilmiau dogfen, asiantaethau newyddion ar y rhyngrwyd a’r citizen journalists? (The Dissident, The Assassination, The Collective). Ai trwy adrodd straeon gwir ar ffurf ddogfennol yn unig y gallwn ymgysylltu ag ochr ‘wleidyddol’ ein cymeriad? Sut all sinema wleidyddol fod yn effeithiol wrth ddatblygu ein deallusrwydd beirniadol fel ein bod yn dechrau gwneud rhywbeth am y pethau amheus y mae ein gwleidyddion yn eu gwneud yn ein henwau? Nid wyf yn credu ein bod wedi cyrraedd y pwynt lle nad ydym eisiau gwybod y gwir; rydym eisiau ymgysylltu; nid ydym eisiau eistedd ar y soffa yn dawel yn gwylio’r cynnwys hwn yn anfeirniadol. Newyddiadurwr sy’n gwneud ffilmiau yw Adam Curtis ac mae ei ffilmiau’n canolbwyntio ar y mater yma ar hyn o

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political film making – ‘you’ll accomplish less than the filmmaker wishes, but much more than the authorities expect’. It is important to ask where is the effective political cinema to be seen today? Has imaginative political fiction filmmaking lost out to the polemic power in the hands of documentary film makers, internet news agencies and citizen journalists? (The Dissident, The Assassination, The Collective) Can we only engage the ‘political’ side of our personalities by telling true stories in documentary form? How can political cinema be effective in developing our critical intelligence so that we start to do something about the murky stuff our politicians are actually doing in our names? I don’t believe that we have reached a stage where we don’t actually want to know the truth; we do want to get engaged; we don’t want to keep sitting on the sofa quietly consuming this content uncritically. Adam Curtis is a film making journalist whose films are concentrating on these issues right now. He is trying to shake us out of our state of doubt and political disconnectedness as citizens with his dazzling archive-based films like Can’t Get You of My Head, The Century of The Self and The Power of Nightmares. He shows us how things are all connected in weird and strange ways and offers new hope by claiming that in simple political terms we can believe that the world is what we make it – structures aren’t indestructible – we don’t have to be resigned to what is being offered to us. Creativity is the greatest political 13


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bryd. Mae’n ceisio ysgwyd yr amheuaeth a’r datgysylltiad gwleidyddol ohonom fel dinasyddion gyda’i ffilmiau gwych sy’n seiliedig ar archifau fel Can’t Get You of My Head, The Century of The Self and The Power of Nightmares. Mae’n dangos i ni sut mae popeth yn gysylltiedig mewn ffyrdd rhyfedd dynol ac yn cynnig gobaith newydd trwy honni y gallwn ni, mewn termau gwleidyddol syml, gredu y gallwn newid y byd. Nid yw strwythurau presennol yn anorchfygol. Nid oes rhaid i ni dderbyn yr hyn sy’n cael ei gynnig i ni. Creadigrwydd yw’r offeryn gwleidyddol mwyaf sydd gennym er mwyn cyflawni newidiadau gwleidyddol cadarnhaol. Mae’n honni mai’r hyn y mae ei arddull sinematig arloesol yn ei ddatgelu yw methiant gwrthwynebiad gwleidyddol effeithiol yn ddiweddar - ‘those who retreat into radical culture, people who don’t have the answers, they dance to the radical music and say the radical things and go and see the radical films – but maybe the power is moving away from them. It’s only a retreat, it’s a smokescreen to disguise the fact that they don’t have an alternative political vision of the world and how to tackle entrenched power’. Mae’n dyfynnu’r anthropolegydd David Graeber pan ddywed, ‘The ultimate hidden truth of the world is that it is something that we make and could just as easily make differently’. Mae hwn yn gywiriad pwysig a chadarnhaol i weledigaeth baranoiaidd cymdeithas a ddisgrifiais yn gynharach. Mae’n mynd at wraidd y broblem pan mae’n tynnu sylw at ‘what art is brilliant at is telling us what power is like in a dramatic way, so we understand it’. Mae ef, fel fi, yn dyheu am y weledigaeth hon, ond beth yw’r ffilmiau hyn a ble allwn eu gweld? Dyma ble mae’n mynd yn fwy

tool we possess in achieving positive political changes. He claims that what his innovative cinematic style exposes is the failure of effective recent political opposition ‘those who retreat into radical culture, people who don’t have the answers, they dance to the radical music and say the radical things and go and see the radical films – but maybe the power is moving away from them. It’s only a retreat, it’s a smokescreen to disguise the fact that they don’t have an alternative political vision of the world and how to tackle entrenched power’. He quotes the anthropologist David Graeber when he says, ‘The ultimate hidden truth of the world is that it is something that we make and could just as easily make differently’. This is an important and positive corrective to the paranoid vision of society I described earlier. He gets to the heart of the problem when he points out that ‘what art is brilliant at is telling us what power is like in a dramatic way, so we understand it’. He, like me, yearns for this vision, but what are these films and where can we see them? This is where it becomes even more problematic – because he also tells us another fundamental truth of our times – ‘power became invisible, we don’t know where it is, art doesn’t know how to tell us about it anymore.’ He is adamant that we’ve been on the wrong path for some time now and that art’s main purpose is to tell us about the realities of power and not obsess endlessly about self-expression. What is needed is creativity not despondency and introspection, and I believe that examining the best political film makers and actors of the past can also assist us 14

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The Godfather 1972

problemus fyth - oherwydd mae hefyd yn dweud gwirionedd sylfaenol arall am ein hoes - ‘power became invisible, we don’t know where it is, art doesn’t know how to tell us about it anymore.’ Mae’n bendant ein bod wedi bod ar y llwybr anghywir ers cryn amser bellach a phrif bwrpas celfyddyd yw dweud wrthym am realiti pŵer a pheidio ag obsesu’n ddiddiwedd am hunanfynegiant. Yr hyn sydd ei angen yw creadigrwydd nid digalondid a mewnsyllu, a chredaf y gall astudio’r gwneuthurwyr a actorion ffilmiau gwleidyddol gorau y gorffennol ein cynorthwyo yn y dasg hon o ailddarganfod. Efallai ei fod yn ddefnyddiol yma i fynd yn ôl at Boris a Trump a thrafod beth mae sinema yn ei olygu iddynt hwy fel gwleidyddion. Os oes unrhyw un yn gwybod am bŵer, yn bŵer anweledig ai peidio, y dynion hyn fyddai’r rheiny. Mae Trump yn honni mai Citizen Kane (1941)

in this task of rediscovery. Maybe it is instructive here to return to Boris and Trump directly and examine what Cinema means to them as politicians. If anyone knows about power, invisible or not, it would be these men. Trump claims Citizen Kane(1941) as his favourite film, while Boris opts for The Godfather(1972), much to Francis Ford Coppola’s public embarrassment,(but seeing as we all agree that Boris is a proven liar we can maybe discount his choice and give him Gary Oldman and Darkest Hour(2017) as his real favourite film.) No surprise that they both chose popular Hollywood classics as Hollywood Cinema is probably the most political cinema there is and Power one of its favourite subjects. It disseminates a specific ideology of social idealism that favours the individual spirit over communal action, which is mostly right 15


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Citizen Kane 1941

yw ei hoff ffilm, tra bod Boris wedi dewis The Godfather (1972), er mawr cywilydd cyhoeddus i Francis Ford Coppola (ond o weld ein bod i gyd yn cytuno bod Boris yn gelwyddog, gallwn anwybyddu ei ddewis a rhoi Gary Oldman a’r Darkest Hour (2017) iddo fel ei hoff ffilm go iawn.) Nid oes syndod bod y ddau ohonynt wedi dewis clasuron poblogaidd Hollywood gan mai sinema Hollywood yw’r sinema fwyaf gwleidyddol yn y byd mae’n debyg a phŵer yw un o’i hoff bynciau. Mae’n lledaenu ideoleg benodol o ddelfrydiaeth gymdeithasol sy’n ffafrio’r unigolyn dros weithredu cymunedol, sydd yn adain dde yn bennaf ac yn boddio hunanaddoliad ei gynulleidfa yn hytrach na cheisio ei ysgogi i hawlio newid systematig. Ond hyd yn oed yma, mae newidiadau diweddar a ysgogwyd gan MeToo a Black Lives Matter ac etifeddiaeth Trump ei hun yn gwneud ffilmiau Hollywood yn fwy creadigol a gallai newid gwleidyddol a

wing in its pandering to its audience’ narcissism rather than trying to provoke it into demanding systematic change. But even here, recent changes prompted by MeToo and Black Lives Matter and Trump’s own legacy are making Hollywood films more creative and political and systematic change might be back on the tinseltown agenda for the first time in decades.(Selma, Get Out, Blackkklansman, Judas and the Black Messiah, coupled with extraordinary documentaries I am not your negro, The 13th, Black Power Mixtape and Steve McQueen’s dramatic Small Axe and Uprising film projects) I am inclined to take Trump’s choice seriously not because I take him seriously but because I believe him. There are obvious links between him and Kane but more important is the different outcomes – the way Trump interprets the film – for him Orson 16

systematig fod ar agenda tinseltown am y tro cyntaf ers degawdau. (Selma, Get Out, Blackkklansman, Judas and the Black Messiah, ynghyd a ffilmiau dogfen fel I am Not Your Negro, The 13th, The Black Power Mixtape a chyfresi Small Axe a Uprising gan Steve McQueen.) Rwy’n dueddol o feddwl bod dewis Trump yn un o ddifri, nid oherwydd fy mod yn ei gymryd ef o ddifri ond oherwydd fy mod yn ei gredu. Mae cysylltiadau amlwg rhyngddo ef a Kane ond mae’r gwahanol ganlyniadau’n bwysicach na hynny - sut mae Trump yn dehongli’r ffilm - iddo ef mae Orson Welles yn gwneud Kane yn loser, tra bod realiti yn gwneud Trump yn Winner. Mae Trump yn amlwg yn hoffi’r ffaith bod Citizen Kane yn cael ei galw’n ‘the greatest film ever made’ - ond rwy’n amau ei fod yn sylweddoli bod y ffilm hefyd yn drasiedi. Ni fyddai gan narcissist fel Trump y gallu i deimlo dros Kane, dim ond eisiau bod yn well ac yn fwy na’r ffilm orau erioed y mae ef. A gadewch i ni fod yn onest am hyn, mae’n llwyddo! Mae Kane yn cynnal ei ymgyrch wleidyddol yn y ffilm ar ffurf ymosodiadau personol milain sy’n mynd y tu hwnt i’r normau derbyniol o ymosodiadau geiriol gwleidyddol ac mae hyn yn effeithio’n angheuol ar ei fywyd preifat ei hun - mae Kane yn honni na all unrhyw ddatguddiad gwarthus ‘take the love of the people of this state away from me’ - swnio’n gyfarwydd? Ond mae Kane yn anghywir ac yn colli ac yn cilio i bydru ymhlith yr hen bethau yn Xanadu, tra fod Trump yn iawn ac yn ennill ac yn treulio penwythnosau golff ym Mar-aLago fel y dyn mwyaf pwerus yn y byd. Mae Kane yn colli cysylltiad â’r byd gwleidyddol ac yn cilio wedi ei glwyfo’n angheuol tra bod Trump yn ysgwyd y byd i’w graidd - mae weithiau’n anorchfygol - gan ddod yn agos at ddinistrio’r system gyfan mewn gwirionedd. Yn ei ben, rwy’n siŵr bod Trump o’r farn

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Welles makes Kane a loser, whilst reality makes Trump a winner. Trump clearly likes the fact that Citizen Kane is called the greatest film ever made – but I doubt that he registers that is also a tragedy. A narcissist like Trump wouldn’t have the capacity to feel for Kane’s plight he only wants to be better and bigger than the best film ever. And let’s be honest about this he does and he is! Kane conducts his political campaign in the film in the form of savage personal attacks which go beyond the accepted norms of political exchange and this fatally rebounds back into his own private life – Kane claims that no scandalous revelation can ‘take the love of the people of this state away from me’ – sound familiar? Except where Kane is wrong and loses and retreats to rot among the antiques in Xanadu, Trump is right and wins and spends golfing weekends at Mar-a-Lago as the most powerful man in the world. Kane loses touch with the political world and retreats fatally wounded while Trump shakes it to its very core – he is at times indestructible - coming close to actually destroying the whole system. In his head I’m sure Trump thinks his life is better than the greatest film ever made. You could argue, if you were a pessimist, that cinema cannot fight against this kind of twisted reality but I would disagree. I would like to offer up another film with Citizen in the title, starring another Sicilian character, Il Dottore this time not The Godfather as the perfect film to illustrate the way political cinema can really get to grips with the dangerous reality of authoritarian leaders like Donald Trump and Boris Johnson. 17


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fod ei fywyd yn well na’r ffilm orau a wnaed erioed. Gallwch ddadlau, pe byddech yn besimistaidd, na all sinema ymladd yn erbyn y math hwn o realiti gwyrdroëdig ond buaswn yn anghytuno. Hoffwn gynnig ffilm arall gyda Citizen yn y teitl, gyda chymeriad arall o Sisilia, Il Dottore y tro hwn, nid The Godfather, fel y ffilm berffaith i ddangos sut gall sinema wleidyddol ymdrin â realiti peryglus arweinwyr awdurdodaidd fel Donald Trump a Boris Johnson. Nid yw’n rhaglen ddogfen nac yn ffilm epig am newyddiadurwr, gangster na gwleidydd ond mae’n gampwaith unigryw a enillodd Oscar ac mae’n cyflwyno prif gymeriad bythgofiadwy - plismon seicotig llofruddiol rhwystredig wedi ei yrru’n wallgof gan yr awdurdod y mae’n meddu arno - It’s a disease. I probably contracted it from my prolonged use of power’. Portread sinematig o bŵer fel math o ddementia ym meddiant dyn sy’n credu mai ‘the exercise of freedom is threatening authority and order, our duty is to repress, repression is our vaccine, repression is civilization’ . Y ffilm yw Investigation of a Citizen above Suspicion (1970) gan gyfarwyddwr ffilm Marcsaidd o’r Eidal, sef Elio Petri, a’r seren yw’r actor gwleidyddol mwyaf ohonynt i gyd - John Welles. A ydych wedi clywed amdano? Mae’n fwyaf adnabyddus yn y byd Saesneg fel y dihiryn yn ffilmiau cowbois Eidalaidd Sergio Leone A Fistful of Dollars (1964) a For a Few Dollars More (1965) lle mae ei enw, am resymau gwleidyddol yn ôl pob tebyg, yn ymddangos yn y credydau fel John Welles. (Cafodd Sergio Leone ei gredydu fel Bob Robertson - hawdd, diogel a hollol Americanaidd!) O dan ei enw go iawn, Gian Maria Volonté, daeth oddi ar gefn ei geffyl a gwneud y ffilm gowbois Eidalaidd Farcsaidd gyntaf

It isn’t a documentary or an epic about a newspaper man, a gangster or a politician but is a delirious Oscar winning ‘one-off’ masterpiece that presents us with an unforgettable protagonist – a psychotic murderous repressed policeman driven insane by the authority he wields – It’s a disease. I probably contracted it from my prolonged use of power’. A cinematic portrayal of power as a form of dementia wielded by a man who believes that ‘the exercise of freedom is threatening authority and order, our duty is to repress, repression is our vaccine, repression is civilization’ . The film is Investigation of a Citizen above Suspicion by the Italian Marxist film director Elio Petri and stars probably the greatest political actor of them all - John Welles. Never heard of him? He is best known in the English speaking world as the villain in Sergio Leone’s spaghetti westerns A Fistful of Dollars (1964) and For a Few Dollars More (1965) where for presumably political reasons his name appears in the credits as plain John Welles. (Sergio Leone was also credited at the time as plain Bob Robertson – nice, safe and totally American!) Under his real name of Gian Maria Volontè he got off his horse and promptly made the first Marxist spaghetti western A Bullet for The General (1966) about the Mexican Revolution with the writer of The Battle of Algiers(1966) and became a huge European film star with his message to the peasants coming through loud and clear in the film ‘don’t buy bread, buy dynamite!’ A respected and totally committed stage and film actor who stated that 18

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I nvestigation of a Citizen above Suspicion (1970) yn A Bullet for The General (1966) am y Chwyldro Mecsicanaidd gydag awdur The Battle of Algiers (1966) a daeth yn seren ffilm Ewropeaidd enfawr gyda’i neges i’r werin yn amlwg ac yn glir yn y ffilm ‘don’t buy bread, buy dynamite!’ Roedd yn actor llwyfan a ffilm uchel ei barch ac yn gwbl ymroddedig a nododd ‘Being an actor is a question of choice which poses itself first on the existential level – either you express all the conservative structures of the society and content yourself with being a robot in the hands of the establishment, or you turn toward the progressive elements of society and try to establish a revolutionary rapport between art and life’. Mewn cyfres anhygoel o berfformiadau ffilm gwych, chwaraeodd Volonté ysbeilwyr, chwyldroadwyr, terfysgwyr, milwr, gangsters, diwydianwyr, golygydd papur newydd tabloid, anarchwyr, beirniaid, awduron a Phrif Weinidog yr Eidal Aldo Moro (ddwywaith!), cyn marw ar set ffilm Theo Angelopoulous Ulysseus Gaze, yn ffyddlon i’w

‘Being an actor is a question of choice which poses itself first on the existential level – either you express all the conservative structures of the society and content yourself with being a robot in the hands of the establishment, or you turn toward the progressive elements of society and try to establish a revolutionary rapport between art and life’. In an astonishing run of electric film performances Volontè played bandits, revolutionaries, terrorists, gangsters, industrialists, a tabloid newspaper editor, anarchists, judges, writers and Italian Prime Minister Aldo Moro (twice!) before dying on the set of Theo Angelopoulous’ Ulysseus Gaze committed to his beliefs and his art till his last breath in 1994. He dominated Italian political cinema throughout the late 1960s and 1970s working mainly with leftist European directors including Jean Luc Godard, 19


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gredoau a’i gelfyddyd tan ei anadl olaf ym 1994. Bu’n dominyddu sinema wleidyddol yr Eidal trwy ddiwedd y 1960au a’r 1970au gan weithio’n bennaf gyda chyfarwyddwyr Ewropeaidd adain chwith gan gynnwys Jean Luc Godard, Marco Bellochio a Gillo Pontecorvo, a datblygodd berthynas hir â dau o’r gwneuthurwyr ffilmiau gwleidyddol modern mwyaf, sef Elio Petri a Franceso Rosi. Franceso Rosi oedd meistr y ddogfenddrama wleidyddol - ei bortread gwych o’r bandit o Sisiliad Salvatore Guiliano (1962) yw’r pegwn sinematig ar gyfer y math hwn o ffilm wleidyddol. Mae’n osgoi seicoleg ac yn hytrach yn ail-greu realiti fel y gallwn gael profiad o ddigwyddiadau yn emosiynol ac yn rhesymol, nid oes byth gasgliadau na gwirioneddau pendant, mae’n rhaid i ni chwarae rhan weithredol yn y gwir ac ymgodymu â’r ffilm. Gyda Volonté wrth ei ochr, dangosodd straeon bywyd go iawn tri o brif ffigurau gwleidyddol yr Eidal - gweinidog y llywodraeth, gangster ac awdur a alltudiwyd o dan Mussolini - mewn dyfnder a manylder rhyfeddol yn The Mattei Affair (1972), Lucky Luciano (1973) a Christ Stopped at Eboli (1979). Aeth Elio Petri â sinema wleidyddol i gyfeiriad arall. Roedd ei wleidyddiaeth, fel gwleidyddiaeth Volonté, yn seiliedig ar ei Farcsiaeth a’i gred greiddiol mai dim ond bodolaeth naw miliwn o bleidleiswyr comiwnyddol yn yr Eidal a rwystrodd ei wlad rhag mynd yn wladwriaeth ffasgaidd fel Sbaen Franco. Gweithiodd Volonté gydag ef ar bedair ffilm lwyddiannus a oedd yn cyfuno arddull ffilm unigryw Petri â dadansoddiad gwleidyddol clir Volontè gydag Investigation of a Citizen yn goron ar eu partneriaeth greadigol ac uchafbwynt math penodol o ffilm wleidyddol Ewropeaidd. Mae hanes byd-eang hir a thrawiadol i wneud ffilmiau gwleidyddol, yn enwedig ar ôl yr Ail Ryfel Byd, a welodd artistiaid o Brazil, Cuba, Gwlad Pwyl, Gwlad Tsiec, Chile, Sengal 20

Marco Bellochio, Gillo Pontecorvo and forged long associations with two of the greatest modern political film makers Elio Petri and Franceso Rosi. Franceso Rosi was the master of the political docudrama – his extraordinary portrait of Sicilian bandit Salvatore Guiliano (1962) is the gold standard for this type of political film making. He avoids psychology and instead recreates reality so that we can experience events emotionally and rationally, we are never given conclusions or definite truths to accept we must be actively involved with the truth and wrestle with the film. With Volontè by his side he examined the true life stories of three major Italian political figures – a government minister, a gangster and an exiled writer under Mussolini in extraordinary depth and detail in The Mattei Affair (1972), Lucky Luciano (1973) and Christ Stopped at Eboli (1979). Elio Petri took political cinema in a whole other direction. His politics, like Volontè’s, was based on his Marxism and his core belief was that it was only the existence of nine million communist voters in Italy that prevented the country from becoming a fascist state like Franco’s Spain. Volontè worked with him on five successful films that mixed Petri’s unique film style with clear political analysis with Investigation of a Citizen standing at the pinnacle of their creative partnership and the peak of a certain kind of European political film. Militant political film making has a long and illustrious global history especially after the Second World War, producing films that successfully confronted imperialism, nationalism, social inequality, racism, militarism and charted the rise of feminism, LGBT

Bulletin #1 Spring 2022

rights and third world revolutionary emancipation. But only in one country, Italy, did it achieve an extraordinary long lasting hold on the whole film making culture and the audience. Historically this was the birthplace of neo-realism which became the dominant style for political film making globally but by the time of the second generation of Italian neo-realist directors started working in the 1960’s the emphasis had changed from producing what Francois Truffaut dismissively called ‘filmed political pamphlets’ into something far more in tune with the times. Films made by people like Petri and Rosi started showing how impossible it was to get at objective truths and tried to expose audiences to the fascist danger that lurked not only in the corridors of power but also deep within every one of us. The political fight was now being internalized and raging within individuals causing identities to shatter as political engagement with capitalist society meant waging war with yourself. Working during one of Italy’s most traumatic periods of protest, violence and assassinations, the so-called Years of Lead, Petri’s film dealt directly with this internal problem. He gives us a mad police official who kills his mistress when accused of sexual inadequacy and then can’t decide whether to pin the guilt on an anarchist or on himself. The film was a sensation in Italy where it appeared right after a young anarchist was hurled to his death from the window of a police station in Milan in suspicious circumstances. These terror years began with the Piazza Fontana bombing in Milan in 1969 where sixteen people died and the authorities initially

ac eraill yn cynhyrchu ffilmiau a oedd yn ymdrin ag imperialaeth, cenedlaetholdeb, anghydraddoldeb cymdeithasol, hiliaeth, militariaeth a rhai a oedd yn olrhain datblygiad ffeministiaeth, hawliau LGBT a rhyddfreinio chwyldroadol y trydydd byd. Ond dim ond mewn un wlad, yr Eidal, y cafodd afael hirhoedlog anhygoel ar y diwylliant ffilmiau cyfan ac ar y gynulleidfa. Yn hanesyddol, dyma oedd man geni neo-realaeth a ddaeth yn brif arddull ffilmiau gwleidyddol yn fyd-eang, ond erbyn i’r ail genhedlaeth o gyfarwyddwyr neo-realaidd Eidalaidd ddechrau gweithio yn y 1960au, roedd y pwyslais wedi newid o gynhyrchu’r hyn a alwodd François Truffaut yn ‘filmed political pamphlets’ yn rhywbeth a oedd yn cyd-fynd yn llawer gwell â’r oes. Dechreuodd ffilmiau a wnaed gan bobl fel Petri a Rosi ddangos pa mor amhosib oedd hi i ddangos gwirioneddau gwrthrychol a cheisio datgelu cynulleidfaoedd i’r perygl ffasgaidd a oedd yn llechu nid yn unig yng nghoridorau pŵer ond hefyd yn ddwfn ym mhob un ohonom. Roedd y frwydr wleidyddol bellach yn cael ei mewnoli ac yn rhuo o fewn unigolion gan beri i hunaniaethau chwalu gan fod ymgysylltiad gwleidyddol â’r gymdeithas gyfalafol yn golygu bod rhaid ymladd rhyfel â chi eich hun. Gan weithio yn ystod un o gyfnodau mwyaf trawmatig yr Eidal o brotestio, trais a llofruddiaethau, yr hyn a elwir yn Years of Lead, roedd ffilm Petri yn ymdrin yn uniongyrchol â’r broblem fewnol hon. Mae’n cyflwyno swyddog heddlu gwallgof i ni sy’n lladd ei feistres pan gyhuddir ef o ddiffygioldeb rhywiol ac yna ni all benderfynu a ddylid cyhuddo anarchydd fel llofrydd neu gyhuddo ei hun yn gyhoeddus. Creodd y ffilm gynnwrf yn yr Eidal pan ymddangosodd yn syth ar ôl i anarchydd ifanc gael ei hyrddio i’w farwolaeth o ffenest gorsaf heddlu ym Milan dan amgylchiadau amheus. 21


CITIZEN PONTIO

Bwletin #1 Gwanwyn 2022

Dechreuodd y blynyddoedd terfysgol hyn gyda bomio Piazza Fontana ym Milan ym 1969 lle bu farw un ar bymtheg o bobl a cheisiodd yr awdurdodau feio’r anarchwyr yn y lle cyntaf. Ond daeth i’r amlwg yn fuan ei bod yn weithred a gyflawnwyd gan yr adain dde eithafol ac a hwyluswyd gan wasanaeth cudd yr Eidal. Mae’n ymddangos bod llywodraeth awdurdodaidd sy’n gweithredu uwchlaw’r gyfraith yn cyllido trais terfysgol er mwyn rhoi’r bai ar radicaliaid a chreu argyfwng democrataidd i gryfhau pŵer yr adain dde yn ddigon tebyg i’r problemau sy’n ein hwynebu heddiw a phlot ffilm broffwydol Petri. Mae plismon Volonté yn gymeriad mor gymhleth a rhyfeddol - yn gwbl gymhellol, ffiaidd, carismatig a phathetig. Mae’n cael ei reoli gan awydd gormesol paradocsaidd sy’n ei gadw’n blentynnaidd ac yn anaeddfed ac yn dinistrio ei bwyll. (Atgoffa chi o unrhyw un?) Fel y pennaeth yng ngofal yr uned Homicide, mae’n ystyried ei fod uwchlaw’r gyfraith, ac yn credu y gall gyflawni unrhyw drosedd heb gosb. Ond gan fod ei bŵer yn deillio o’r gyfraith, mae hefyd yn credu bod rhaid i’r gyfraith ennill, rhaid iddo gael ei ddal a chael ei gosbi. Mae ei holl weithredoedd yn dod i benllanw ar ddiwedd yn ffilm gyda Phennaeth yr Heddlu yn ei arteithio i ‘gyfaddef ei fod yn ddieuog’. Mae heddwas Volonté yn andros o berfformiad - does dim byd yn fwy diddorol na gwylio cymeriadau sydd heb unrhyw reolaeth dros eu hemosiynau, lle mae geiriau a gweithredoedd yn gwrth-ddweud ei gilydd yn gyson. Mae Volonté yn tynnu sylw oddi wrth wirionedd ei euogrwydd ac yn tynnu sylw at ei euogrwydd ar yr un pryd trwy gydol y ffilm. Y gagendor rhwng geiriau ac ystumiau yw’r ffordd draddodiadol y mae actorion yn mynegi gwirionedd seicolegol ar y sgrin, ond mae Volonté yn mynd â hyn i lefel hollol newydd yma. Mae ei actio yn wleidyddol yn fy marn i, nid yn unig yw’n actio cymeriad gwleidyddol neu sefyllfa wleidyddol ond mae’n personoli gwallgofrwydd pŵer ffasgaidd yn llythrennol 22

tried to blame the anarchists. But it was soon revealed to be an act committed by the far right and facilitated by the Italian secret service. An authoritarian government acting above the law covertly funding terrorist violence in order to put the blame on radicals in order to create a democratic crisis to strengthen right wing power seems to have plenty of parallels with problems we face today and the plot of Petri’s prophetic film. Volontè’s policeman is such a complex and wonderful character – utterly compelling, repellant, charismatic and pathetic. He is ruled by paradoxical repressed urges that destroy his sanity. (remind you of anyone?) As the chief he considers himself above the law, and believes that he can commit any crime with impunity. But since his power derives from the law, he also believes that the law must triumph, he must get caught and be punished. All his actions climax at the end of film with the Head of the Police torturing him to ‘confess his innocence’. Volontè’s Police chief is a shock of a performance – nothing is more fascinating than watching characters whose emotions are out of control, were words and actions are constantly contradicting each other. Volontè is distracting from and pointing to the truth of his guilt at all times in the film. The gulf between words and gestures is the traditional way that actors express psychological truth on screen but here Volontè takes it to a whole new level. His acting is political in my opinion, not just acting out a political character or a political situation but personifying the insanity of fascist power literally

Bulletin #1 Spring 2022

with his body. There’s no gap between his performance and the reality he is showing us. It is my favourite male performance, he invites us in to his madness from the very first scene and doesn’t stop moving, hiding his inadequacy by babbling, scheming and dare I say it behaving just like world leaders like Trump and Johnson behave in public. He sometimes appears like a buffoon but we know he is a guilty murderer and out of control and shouldn’t be in possession of any kind of power. It is a film that dares to show us the human truth behind (or more accurately inside)these disastrous leaderships – Trump, Johnson,Putin, Jinping, Bolsonaro and all the rest are inside Volontè’s performance. This film also tells us that such deeply repressed, flawed and out of control individuals are getting away with this. Who is allowing this to happen? Not only do we need to ask ‘Who guards the guards? But we seriously need to ask if the whole system, and by extension ourselves, be it in MAGA USA or Brexit Britain or anywhere are also insane. Look into the mirror that the best political cinema can hold up to your face and make an informed citizen’s decision, before it becomes too late. EMYR GLYN WILLIAMS

gyda’i gorff. Nid oes unrhyw fwlch rhwng ei berfformiad a’r realiti y mae’n ei ddangos i ni. Mae’n ein gwahodd i’w wallgofrwydd o’r olygfa gyntaf un ac nid yw’n llonydd am funud, gan guddio ei ddiffygion trwy herwgipio, cynllwynio, palu clwydda ac ymddwyn yn union fel y mae arweinwyr y byd fel Trump a Johnson yn ymddwyn yn gyhoeddus. Weithiau mae’n ymddangos fel ffŵl ond rydym yn gwybod ei fod yn llofrudd euog ac allan o reolaeth ac ni ddylai feddu ar unrhyw fath o bŵer ond nid oes neb eisiau mynd wyneb yn wyneb â’i euogrwydd a’i wallgofrwydd. Mae’n ffilm sy’n meiddio dangos y gwirionedd dynol y tu ôl (neu y tu mewn, yn fwy cywir) i’r arweinwyr trychinebus hyn - mae Trump, Johnson, Putin, Jinping, Bolsonaro a’r gweddill i gyd y tu mewn i berfformiad Volonté. Mae’r ffilm hon hefyd yn dweud wrthym fod unigolion sydd mor rhwystredig, diffygiol ac allan o reolaeth yn cael gwneud fel y mynnant. Pwy sy’n caniatáu i hyn ddigwydd? Nid yn unig oes rhaid i ni ofyn ‘pwy sy’n gwarchod y gwarchodwyr?’ ond rhaid i ni ofyn o ddifri a yw’r system gyfan, a ninnau hefyd felly, boed hynny yn UDA MAGA Trump neu Brydain Brexit neu unrhyw le arall hefyd, yn wallgof. Awgrymaf ein bod i gyd yn edrych yn y drych y gall y sinema wleidyddol orau ddangos i ni a gwneud penderfyniad fel dinesyddion gwybodus, cyn iddi fynd yn rhy hwyr. EMYR GLYN WILLIAMS

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Bwletin #1 Gwanwyn 2022 Rhaid i’n tymor o ffilmiau sy’n edrych ar sinema a phŵer ddechrau gyda bil dwbl o’r ddau orau ar restr pŵer y Sefydliad Ffilm Americanaidd o’r ffilmiau gorau a wnaed erioed. Mae’r ddwy ffilm yn astudiaethau o bŵer a dylanwad enfawr yn nwylo unigolion sengl, barwn gwasg a phennaeth giang a oedd wedi hawlio’i le fel arweinydd. Mae’r ddwy yn gweithredu fel condemniadau ac fel dramâu dynol sympathetig ac mae’r ddwy wedi bod yn ddylanwadau hynod bwerus ar ddatblygiad diwylliant ffilm.

Bulletin #1 Spring 2022

Our season of films looking at sinema and power must start with a double bill of the top two entries on the American Film Institute’s power list of greatest films ever made. Both films are studies of huge power and influence in the hands of single individuals, a press baron and a self-made mob boss. Both act as condemnations and as sympathetic human dramas and both have been incredibly powerful influences on the development of film culture.

Citizen Kane

The Godfather

Orson Welles, 1941, 114m Cast – Orson Welles, Joseph Cotton, Agnes Moorhead

Francis Ford Coppola, 1972, 175m Cast – Marlon Brando, Al Pacino, James Caan, Diane Keaton

Sul 27 Chwefror, 5.30pm + Mercher 2 Mawrth, 5.30pm

Sunday 27 February, 5.30pm + Wednesday 2 March, 5.30pm

Pan fydd gohebydd yn cael ei bennu i ddehongli geiriau’r meistr papur newydd Charles Foster Kane (Orson Welles) wrth iddo farw, yn raddol mae ei ymchwiliad yn datgelu’r portread hynod ddiddorol o ddyn cymhleth a gododd o ddinodedd i uchelfannau syfrdanol. Er bod ffrind a chydweithiwr Kane, Jedediah Leland (Joseph Cotten), a'i feistres, Susan Alexander (Dorothy Comingore), yn taflu darnau o oleuni ar fywyd Kane, mae'r gohebydd yn ofni efallai na fydd byth yn treiddio i ddirgelwch gair olaf y dyn anodd ei ddiffinio, sef "Rosebud." Yn y pen draw, stori ydyw am ŵr sy'n gwerthfawrogi cyfoeth a grym dros bopeth arall, sy'n gwastraffu ei fywyd o ganlyniad. Mae ffilm Welles yn daith sinematig, nad yw ei arloesedd di-rif byth yn tynnu ein sylw oddi ar berfformiad canolog nerthol Welles a'r naratif grymus.

When a reporter is assigned to decipher newspaper magnate Charles Foster Kane’s (Orson Welles) dying words, his investigation gradually reveals the fascinating portrait of a complex man who rose from obscurity to staggering heights. Though Kane’s friend and colleague Jedediah Leland (Joseph Cotten), and his mistress, Susan Alexander (Dorothy Comingore), shed fragments of light on Kane’s life, the reporter fears he may never penetrate the mystery of the elusive man’s final word, “Rosebud.” Ultimately a tale of a man who values riches and power over all else who squanders his life as a result, Welles film is a cinematic tour de force, whose countless innovations never distract us from Welles mighty central performance and the compelling narrative.

Sadwrn 26 Chwefror, 7pm Sul 27 Chwefror , 2pm Mercher 2 Mawrth, 8.15pm

Saturday 26 February, 7pm Sunday 27 February, 2pm Wednesday 2 March, 8.15pm

Cychwynnodd Francis Ford Coppola yr oes ffilmiau fodern yn y 1970au gydag un o’r sagâu teulu gorau erioed. Mae gweld y ffilm yma ar y sgrin fawr yn rhywbeth y mae’n raid i rywun ei wneud i ddathlu hanner can mlynedd ers ei rhyddhau. Dyma ddechrau diddordeb y byd modern mewn gwrth-arwyr troseddol, gangsters a’r Mafia. Yn seiliedig ar nofel Mario Puzo, mae’r ffilm yn canolbwyntio ar deulu troseddol pwerus EidalaiddAmericanaidd Don Vito Corleone (Marlon Brando). Pan fydd mab ieuengaf Don, sef Michael (Al Pacino), yn ymuno â’r Mafia yn anfoddog, mae’n cymryd rhan yn y cylch anochel o drais a brad. Er bod Michael yn ceisio cynnal perthynas normal gyda’i wraig, Kay (Diane Keaton), mae’n cael ei dynnu’n ddyfnach i fusnes y teulu.

Francis Ford Coppola kick-started the modern movie age in the 1970s with one the greatest family sagas ever made. This 50 year anniversary release is a big screen must and the year zero for the modern world’s fascination with criminal anti-heroes, gangsters and the Mafia. Based on Mario Puzo’s novel, the film focuses on the powerful ItalianAmerican crime family of Don Vito Corleone (Marlon Brando). When the don’s youngest son, Michael (Al Pacino), reluctantly joins the Mafia, he becomes involved in the inevitable cycle of violence and betrayal. Although Michael tries to maintain a normal relationship with his wife, Kay (Diane Keaton), he is drawn deeper into the family business.

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Bwletin #1 Gwanwyn 2022 Beth sy’n digwydd pan fydd systemau pŵer patriarchaidd holl-bwerus yn troi ac yn anffurfio unigolion a chymunedau cyfan? Dewch i weld pâr o ffilmiau sy’n ceisio ateb hyn. Mae’r portread o’r plismon mileinig yn ffilm gyffrous seicolegol afaelgar Elio Petri yn gyfareddol yn ei golwg gonest absẃrd a brawychus ar bŵer a thrais dynion. Tra bo ffilm wleidyddol dystopaidd Lizzie Borden, sydd yn y dyfodol agos, yn ymosodiad llwyr ar fyd yn llawn trais yn erbyn merched a gormes a diffyg gweithredu cyson gan y llywodraeth. Mae ei ffilm yn archwilio hiliaeth, anghydraddoldeb cymdeithasol, rhywiaeth a heterorywiaeth mewn Unol Daleithiau amgen, yn y dyfodol, lle dangosir merched yn dod at ei gilydd i wrthsefyll, trefnu ac ymladd am fath newydd o chwyldro.

Investigation of a Citizen Above Suspicion Elio Petri, 1971, 109m Cast – Gian Maria Volonte, Florinda Bolkan Mercher 16 Mawrth, 2pm + 8.15pm

Wednesday 16 March, 2pm + 8.15pm

Mae'r ffilm unigol hon, a enillodd Oscar pan gafodd ei rhyddhau, yn dal i fod yn rymus. Mae plismon yn llofruddio ei feistres ac yn gadael cliwiau o amgylch y fflat i'w euogrwydd. Mae ei gydswyddogion naill ai'n anwybyddu neu'n methu â chydnabod ei euogrwydd gan ei arwain i ymroi i ymddygiad mwy a mwy eithafol wrth iddo brofi ffiniau euogrwydd a diniweidrwydd a maint grym ac awdurdod y wladwriaeth dros unigolion. Ffilm gyffrous iasoer sy'n dweud wrthym mai ychydig iawn sydd wedi newid yn yr hanner canrif ers iddi ymddangos gyntaf.

An Oscar winning sensation when it was released, this singular film still packs a punch. A Homicide policeman murders his mistress and litters the apartment with clues to his guilt. His fellow officers either ignore or fail to recognize his guilt leading him to indulge in more and more extreme behaviour as he tests the boundaries of guilt and innocence and the extent of the power and authority of the state over individuals. A chillingly prescient thriller that tells us that very little has changed in the half a century since it first appeared.

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Bulletin #1 Spring 2022

What happens when the all-powerful patriarchal power systems twist and deform individuals and whole communities ? Come and see a pair of films that attempt an answer. The portrayal of the murderous policeman in Elio Petri’s fantastically twisty and engaging psychological thriller is irresistible in its absurd and terrifyingly truthful take on male power and violence. Whilst Lizzie Borden’s near-future dystopian political hand grenade of a film is an all-out attack on a world rife with violence against women and constant government oppression and inaction. Her film explores racism, classism, sexism and heterosexism in a future, alternative United States where women are shown coming together to resist, organise and fight for a new kind of revolution.

Born In Flames Lizzie Borden, 1983, 80m Cast – Adfele Bertei, Jean Satterfield, Honey Sul 13 Mawrth, 5.30pm + Mercher 16 Mawrth, 5.30pm

Sunday 13 March, 5.30pm + Wednesday 16 March, 5.30pm

Gwnaed y ffilm Born in Flames gan Lizzie Borden, dros bum mlynedd, ar gyllideb fach, ac mae’n gampwaith croestoriadol pync lesbiaidd ac yn ffuglen wyddonol drydanol. Mae’n dychmygu chwyldro sosialaidd dan fygythiad yn yr Unol Daleithiau, lle mae rhywiaeth a gormes benywaidd yn dal i dreiddio i’r amlwg. Mae’r llanw’n troi pan fydd ymgyrchydd yn y frwydr yn erbyn patriarchaeth a’r cyfryngau yn marw yn nalfa’r heddlu – ac mae’r sefyllfa ymfflamychol o ormes ac anghyfiawnder yn ffrwydro. Dewch i brofi ar y sgrin fawr ffilm wedi’i hailgreu’n ddigidol a ddosbarthwyd gan y sefydliad ffilm ffeministaidd, Cinenova.

Made over five years with committed, bracing urgency, Lizzie Borden’s low-budget Born in Flames is an electrifying sci-fi lesbian punk intersectional masterwork. It imagines a compromised peaceful socialist revolution in the USA, where sexism and female oppression still pervade. The tide turns when an activist in the fight against patriarchy and the media dies in police custody – and the tinder box of repression and injustice explodes. Come and experience on the big screen a new digital remaster distributed by the feminist film organisation Cinenova.

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# TR UT H TO PO W ER CITIZEN PONTIO

Bwletin #1 Gwanwyn 2022 Mae sefyll i fyny am yr hyn sy’n iawn a dweud wrth bobl mewn grym be’ yw be’ yn cwmpasu’r syniad o wrthsefyll y doethineb a dderbynir am ddigwyddiadau hanesyddol, ac atal lledaeniad propaganda gwleidyddol pwerus. Mae hyn wedi’i ymgorffori yn y ffilmiau dogfen sinematig gorau. Mae ein trydedd arlwy ddwbl yn canolbwyntio ar y mudiad Black Power a’r naratif dadleuol ynghylch hanes y Fasnach Gaethweision. Mae’r ddwy ffilm yn pwysleisio nid yn unig wirioneddau ffeithiol ond hefyd yn ei gwneud yn glir bod sut mae straeon yn cael eu hadrodd a phwy sy’n eu hadrodd yn rhan hanfodol o bŵer eithaf sinema i wrthsefyll ac ymladd yn ôl. Mae gwneud ffilmiau dogfen hefyd yn defnyddio gallu unigryw sinema i siarad â phawb, sy’n adlais o farn ddirmygus Noam Chomsky o ddweud wrth bobl mewn grym be’ yw be’, pan ddywed: “power knows the truth already and is busy concealing it”. It is the oppressed who need to hear the truth, not the oppressors.’’

500 Years Later 12a Owen Alik Shahadah, 2005, 108m Mercher 6 Ebrill, 8.15pm

Wednesday 6 April, 8.15pm

Mae 500 Years Later yn ffilm ddogfen feincnod a derbyniodd wobr arbennig UNESCO am ffilm 'sy'n torri'r distawrwydd ac yn ymdrin ag effaith gymdeithasol, hanesyddol, economaidd a seicolegol y fasnach gaethweision; codi ymwybyddiaeth y cyhoedd o amlygiadau hanesyddol a chyfoes caethwasiaeth; ffilm sy'n rhoi llais i'r digartref, yn adlewyrchu eu safbwyntiau ac yn mynegi eu gwrthwynebiad i'r dad-ddyneiddio hwn'. Mae'r ffilmiau'n gofyn - Pam bum can mlynedd o ddechrau caethwasiaeth ac yna gwladychiaeth, mae Affricanwyr yn dal i frwydro am ryddid sylfaenol? Cynhyrchiad digynsail gyda’r criw i gyd yn dod o Affrica, sy'n tanlinellu cred y cyfarwyddwr Shahadah, ''until the lion tells his own story, the tale of the hunt will always glorify the hunter''.

500 Years Later is a benchmark documentary film and recipient of a special UNESCO award for a film ‘that breaks the silence and speaks to the social, historical, economic and psychological impact of the slave trade; raising public awareness of slavery’s historical and contemporary manifestations; a film that gives voice to the dispossessed, reflects their perspectives and articulates their resistance to this dehumanization’ The films asks - Why five hundred years from the onset of slavery and subsequent colonialism, Africans are still struggling for basic freedoms? An unprecedented all African production that underlines director Shahadah’s belief that ‘’until the lion tells his own story, the tale of the hunt will always glorify the hunter’’. 28

Bulletin #1 Spring 2022

Speaking truth to power encompasses the idea of resisting the received wisdom about historical events and stopping the spread of powerful political propaganda and is embodied in the best cinematic documentary films. Our third double bill centres around the Black Power movement and the disputed narrative surrounding the history of the Slave Trade. Both films emphasise not only factual truths but also make it clear that how stories are told and who tells them is an essential component of cinema’s ultimate power to resist and fight back. Documentary film making also uses cinema’s unique ability to talk to everyone which echoes Noam Chomsky’s dismissive view of “speaking truth to power”, when he asserts: “power knows the truth already and is busy concealing it. It is the oppressed who need to hear the truth, not the oppressors.’’

The Blackpower Mixtape 1967-1975 Goran Hugo Olsson, 2011,96m Cast - Angela Davies, Stokely Carmichael, Bobby Seale, Erykah Badu Mercher 6 Ebrill , 5.30pm

Wednesday 6 April, 5.30pm

Mae hon yn ffilm ddogfen o Sweden sy'n archwilio esblygiad y mudiad Black Power yn Unol Daleithiau America o 1967 i 1975. Defnyddir ffilm o'r mudiad a saethwyd gan newyddiadurwyr o Sweden yn yr Unol Daleithiau bryd hynny, gydag ymddangosiadau gan Angela Davis, Bobby Seale, Huwey P.Newton ac Eldridge Cleaver a nifer o ffigurau amlwg eraill. Cyfeiriodd beirniaid at y ffilm fel "a time capsule of a turbulent era, essential viewing for anyone concerned with America’s history—and its present".

This is a Swedish documentary film that examines the evolution of the Black Power movement in the USA from 1967 to 1975. Exclusively utilising footage of the movement shot by Swedish journalists in the United States at that time, with appearances by Angela Davis, Bobby Seale, Huwey P. Newton and Eldridge Cleaver and many other prominent figures. Critics referred to the film as “a time capsule of a turbulent era, essential viewing for anyone concerned with America’s history — and its present”.

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# ST AT E PO W ER CITIZEN PONTIO

Bwletin #1 Gwanwyn 2022 Mae ein arlwy ddwbl olaf yn edrych ar bŵer y wladwriaeth o ddau begwn cyferbyniol i’r broses. Mae Man of Marble yn edrych yn ôl ar ddechrau tranc y gyfundrefn Gomiwnyddol yng Ngwlad Pwyl, tra bod Memories yn dangos i ni gymdeithas Ciwba mewn lle hanesyddol rhwng oes drefedigaethol a drechwyd a gwawr dyfodol chwyldroadol newydd o dan Fidel Castro. Mae’r ddwy ffilm yn sinematig iawn gyda thechnegau arloesol yn ein galluogi i weld cymeriadau yn ymgorffori holl feiau a gobeithion unigolion sengl sy’n ceisio byw dan reolaeth eithafol y wladwriaeth.

Bulletin #1 Spring 2022

Our final double bill looks at state power from two contrasting ends of the process. Man of Marble looks back at the beginning of the demise of the Communist regime in Poland, whilst Memories shows us Cuban society historically poised between a defeated colonial age and the dawn of a new revolutionary future under Fidel Castro. Both films are intensely cinematic with innovative techniques allowing us to witness characters embodying all the faults and hopes of single individuals attempting to live under extreme state control.

Memories of Underdevelopment

The Man of Marble

Tomas Guttierrez Alea, 1968, 97m Cast – Sergio Corrieri, Daisy Granados, Eslinda Nunez

Andrzej Wadja, 1977, 153m Cast – Jerzy Radziwilowicz, Krystyna Janda

Mercher 27 Ebrill, 5.30pm

Wednesday 27 April 27, 5.30pm

Mercher 27 Ebrill, 8.15pm

Wednesday 27 April 27, 8.15pm

Mae Memories Alea yn un o weithiau mwyaf enwog a phwerus mudiad Trydydd Sinema America y Ladin Newydd a ddechreuodd yn y 1960au. (Ymgais i wrthwynebu neowladychiaeth, a’r system gyfalafol, a gwrthod model sinema Hollywood). Wedi’i disgrifio gan gylchgrawn Empire fel ‘y ffilm wleidyddol fwyaf heriol a wnaed erioed’ mae’n gymysgedd fythgofiadwy o gynildeb artistig, ymrwymiad gwleidyddol ac adloniant sinematig. Wedi’i gosod yn amser gwrthdaro Bay of Pigs, mae’r ffilm yn dilyn unigolyn deallusol o Giwba Ewropeaidd sy’n rhy ddelfrydgar (neu ddiog) i adael am yr Unol Daleithiau, ond yn rhy drythyllgar i ffitio i mewn i’r drefn newydd wrth iddo drafod y realiti chwyldroadol sy’n ffurfio o’i gwmpas.

Alea’s Memories is one the most famous and powerful works of the New Latin American Third Cinema movement that started in the 1960s. (An attempt to oppose neocolonialism, and the capitalist system, and reject the Hollywood model of cinema.) Described by Empire magazine as being ‘the most challenging political film ever made’ it is an unforgettable mix of artistic sublety, political commitment and cinematic entertainment. Set in the time of the Bay of Pigs conflict, the film follows a Europeanized Cuban intellectual too idealistic (or lazy) to leave for the USA, but too decadent to fit into the new regime as he negotiates the revolutionary reality forming all around him.

Mae ffilm epig Wadja o'r 1970au, a ddisgrifir yn aml fel y 'Citizen Kane' Pwylaidd, yn garreg filltir mewn sinema Bwylaidd ac yn ddylanwad diamheuol ar ddatgymalu'r system dotalitaraidd yng Ngwlad Pwyl. Gan ganolbwyntio ar ben arall y sbectrwm i Kane hollbwerus Welles, mae'r ffilm hon yn ceisio datgelu'r gwir am Mateusz Birkut, briciwr, a ogoneddwyd fel 'Arwr y Gweithiwr' a hyrwyddwyd gan y Wladwriaeth yn y 1950au, a dynnir wedyn oddi ar bob dogfen swyddogol, y cyfryngau a chofnodion. Mae gwneuthurwr ffilm ifanc yn dilyn ei stori yn obsesiynol mewn ffilm sy'n dweud cymaint wrthym am bŵer sinema ag am gyrhaeddiad pŵer y wladwriaeth i realiti bob dydd pawb.

Often described as the Polish ‘Citizen Kane’ Wadja’s 1970s epic film is a milestone in Polish cinema and an undoubted influence in the dismantling of the totalitarian system in Poland. Focusing on the other end of the spectrum to Welles’ all-powerful Kane this film tries to uncover the truth about Mateusz Birkut, a bricklayer, glorified as a State promoted ‘Worker’s Hero’ in the 1950s who is subsequently removed from all official documents, media and records. A young filmmaker obsessively pursues his story in a film that tells us as much about the power of cinema as about the reach of state power into everyone’s everyday reality.

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#citizenpontio

#Powerbase

Citizen Kane 1941 The Godfather 1972 #Powermad

Born In Flames 1983 Investigation of a Citizen Above Suspicion 1970 #Truthtopower

Black Power Mixtape 1967-1975 2011 500 Years Later 2005 #Statepower

Memories of Underdevelopment 1968 Man of Marble 1977

Bangor

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