Pensamiento, religión y sociedad del Mundo Hispánico. Orígenes y persistencias.

9 mm

universidad deleón Área de Publicaciones

978-84-9773-938-2 ISBN 849773938-8

9 788497 739382

170 mm

Beatriz García Prieto y Ana María Mateo Pellitero (Editoras)

170 mm

Pensamiento, religión y sociedad del Mundo Hispánico: orígenes y persistencias

60 mm

Pensamiento, religión y sociedad del Mundo Hispánico.

Orígenes y persistencias

Beatriz García Prieto Ana María Mateo Pellitero (Editoras)

60 mm

Pensamiento, religiĂłn y sociedad del Mundo HispĂĄnico: orĂ­genes y persistencias

Pensamiento, religión y sociedad del Mundo Hispánico : orígenes y persistencias / Beatriz García Prieto, Ana María Mateo Pellitero (Editoras).– [León] : Universidad de León, Área de Publicaciones, [2018] 196 p. : il., gráf. ; 24 cm Bibliogr. al final de cada capítulo. – Textos en español e inglés ISBN 978-84-9773-938-2 1.

Civilización hispánica-Discursos, ensayos, conferencias. I. Universidad de León. Área de Publicaciones. II. García Prieto, Beatriz. III. Mateo Pellitero, Ana María 008(46(082) La revisión académica de los artículos ha sido realizada por: Beatriz García Prieto y Ana María Mateo Pellitero. De acuerdo con el protocolo aprobado por el Consejo de Publicaciones de la Universidad de león, esta obra ha sido sometida al correspondiente informe por pares ciegos con resultado favorable.

© Universidad de León © Los autores de los artículos Diseño y maquetación digitales de interior y portada: Juan Luis Hernansanz Rubio (Área de Publicaciones de la Universidad de León) Edición de imagen de cubierta: Clara Barrio Corral Reservados todos los derechos.

Prohibida la reproducción total o parcial de esta obra por cualquier procedimiento físico, óptico, magnético y/o digital, incluyendo la fotografía y la fotocopia, sin permiso expreso por escrito de los propietarios del copyright.

ISBN: 978-84-9773-938-2 Depósito legal: LE-443-2018 Imprime: Impreso en España - Printed in Spain Septiembre, 2018

Pensamiento, religión y sociedad del Mundo Hispánico: orígenes y persistencias Beatriz García Prieto Ana María Mateo Pellitero (Editoras)

Prólogo La palabra pensamiento en el Diccionario de la Real Academia tiene, nada menos, que ocho acepciones; de todas ellas, la que hemos elegido para darle sentido a esta sección es la siguiente: “Conjunto de ideas propias de una persona, de una colectividad o de una época”. Dependiendo del artículo en cuestión serán grupos o colectividades de distintas épocas y momentos históricos los que “nos hablen” de temas muy diferentes y desde perspectivas distintas.

Empezaremos por los artículos en los que las colectividades que nos trasmiten su pensamiento están más alejadas en el tiempo y acabaremos con los planteamientos más actuales.

El primero de los artículos, escrito en lengua inglesa por Rodrigo Ballón, nos trasmite el pensamiento de Isidoro de Sevilla respecto a la predestinación divina, esto es, la creencia de que Dios no solo conoce de antemano el destino de los hombres, sino que este destino y el de todo el universo están perfectamente planificados por la divinidad. El análisis de esta cuestión lo realiza el autor, principalmente, a través del estudio de una de las obras de Isidoro de Sevilla, Sententiae.

Posteriormente pasaremos de la Alta a la Baja Edad Media, para conocer, de la mano de Nuria Corral, el pensamiento astronómico bajomedieval que plasmaron los cronistas castellanos del siglo XV. En estas crónicas se presentaba la descripción de ciertos fenómenos astronómicos y la predicción de las consecuencias que supondrían dichos fenómenos para la realidad socio-política de la Castilla del momento, en concreto durante las etapas de Juan II y de Enrique IV. Avanzando varios siglos llegaremos al sexenio revolucionario 5

Beatriz García Prieto y Ana María Mateo Pellitero

(1868-1874) etapa a cuyo pensamiento podremos acercarnos por medio del trabajo de Blanca Redondo. Por un lado, a través de la prensa, que con su crítica satírica nos planteaba cual era la percepción periodística de la realidad socioeconómica y política. Y, por otro lado, a través de los censores gubernamentales que, valiéndose del aparato judicial, trataron de eliminar todo tipo de crítica de periódicos y revistas, ejerciendo un gran control sobre ellos, con el objetivo de trasmitir sus ideas y planteamientos e imponer su pensamiento.

Seguiremos nuestro camino por la Historia hasta llegar al Madrid de principios del siglo XX, donde daremos con un colectivo reconocido mundialmente, los masones. A partir de la lectura del artículo de Manuel Según podremos conocer las logias masónicas madrileñas existentes de 1900 a 1923, su organización interna y su pensamiento respecto a temas como el republicanismo, la política, gobernación y secularización del Estado, la propiedad de la tierra, los derechos y libertades de los ciudadanos o el pacifismo.

Continuando a lo largo del siglo XX, a finales de la II República, nos encontraremos con el surgimiento de Mujeres Libres, organización anarquista femenina y feminista cuya estructura, evolución y pensamiento han sido analizado en el artículo de Miguel Asensio, teniendo en cuenta aspectos como la formación profesional y cultural de la mujer, la participación femenina en el espacio público, los derechos laborales femeninos, la emancipación de la mujer, la ruptura de los roles de género, la maternidad, la sexualidad o la prostitución.

Cambiando de tema pero no de siglo, avanzamos en el tiempo hasta llegar, en la década de los cincuenta, a la independencia de Marruecos. Hecho que fue reflejado en la prensa española; peninsular y del Protectorado marroquí, las cuales han sido estudiadas por Camilo Herrero en su artículo. A través de este análisis, se puede observar la posición de España ante la independencia de Marruecos, debido a que la prensa estaba bajo el control y al servicio del franquismo, que la utilizaba para imponer su pensamiento, eliminando el espíritu crítico de la población. A pesar de esto último, se perciben diferencias entre la prensa peninsular y la del protectorado, muestra de que el pensamiento único también podía tener matices.

En la actualidad tendremos nuestra última parada del viaje iniciado con Isidoro de Sevilla, después de haber topado con cronistas medievales, censores, masones, mujeres anarquistas e, incluso, 6

Prólogo

nacionalistas marroquís. En esta última estación nos encontraremos con un colectivo bastante cercano a aquellos que tendrán en sus manos este libro, que no es otro que el de los investigadores históricos, ya sean historiadores o arqueólogos. De la mano de Nerea Fernández podremos conocer el pensamiento de distintos miembros de estos colectivos respecto a dos temas que están en el centro del debate científico, por un lado, la posibilidad de sustraer la etnicidad mediante el análisis del registro arqueológico y, quizá más importante, la afirmación o la negación de la existencia de la etnicidad. Para ejemplificar de forma práctica esta confrontación de “pensamientos” e ideas, en el artículo se recoge un ejemplo práctico: el debate sobre la etnicidad visigoda.

Con este intenso debate finaliza nuestro pequeño recorrido por la Historia a través del estudio del pensamiento de épocas y colectividades muy distintas, pero que juntas van configurando con su granito de arena la historia del pensamiento del mundo hispánico.

Continuamos en el siguiente capítulo con un pequeño recorrido por la religión, tema extensamente tratado en el ámbito histórico de muchas formas diferentes. El mundo tal y como lo conocemos actualmente se debe, en gran parte, a la influencia que las distintas religiones han ejercido sobre el ser humano, creando distintas culturas y sociedades que chocarán entre sí a lo largo de la historia y que intentarán imponer su visión del mundo a toda costa.

El choque al que hacemos referencia queda reflejado en el trabajo de Marta Ana del Canto, que desarrolla el paso de la Tradición Clásica al Cristianismo a través de una figura concreta: la Sibila. Esta figura, a diferencia de tantas otras del mundo griego, que desaparecieron, consiguió adaptarse al mundo venidero y, así, permanecer en la ideología religiosa tras la llegada del cristianismo. En este caso, no se trata de un choque problemático, sino de gradual aceptación de figuras paganas como propias.

En segundo lugar, vamos a ver un ejemplo de intento de imposición religiosa con el trabajo de Junyang Ye, dedicado a la expansión del cristianismo a través de la evangelización, y cómo esta imposición no llega a consolidarse por el choque con la cultura religiosa local. En este artículo, avanzamos hasta el siglo XVII, momento en el que dos franciscanos españoles viajan a China para tratar de propagar el cristianismo por Oriente, y en el que se desarrollan todas las dificultades que esta misión les depararía a ambos misioneros.

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Beatriz García Prieto y Ana María Mateo Pellitero

En el tercer y último capítulo de este volumen, hablaremos de distintas visiones de la sociedad del Mundo Hispánico. La palabra sociedad procede del latín societas, que significa «asociación, reunión, comunidad», y que ya alude al significado que hoy día tiene la palabra sociedad. Según la RAE, sociedad es el «Conjunto de personas, pueblos o naciones que conviven bajo normas comunes». A partir de esta definición, se desarrollan varios trabajos en los que se tratan distintos aspectos de la sociedad, desde el papel del campesinado, pasando por el clero, hasta llegar a la educación.

De este modo, empezamos nuestro camino por la sociedad con el trabajo de Soraya Morán, en el que se hablará de la situación económica y social de la población campesina durante la época visigoda. Además, hace un repaso de la gran influencia que tenía la religión en ese momento, cuando dominaba amplios ámbitos de la sociedad y, por lo tanto, decidía en gran medida el desarrollo de la vida de la población civil.

Pasamos de la época visigoda a la Edad Moderna, cuando los lazos sociales y religiosos cobraron mucha importancia en referencia al poder de la nobleza. Este aspecto es tratado por Tamara González con un artículo en el que nos habla de la importancia del padrinazgo como forma de creación de redes sociales, empleando el rito bautismal para conseguir más poder social y político entre los vasallos.

Seguidamente, podemos hacer un repaso por la situación del clero salmantino en el siglo XVIII, concretamente del bajo clero, de la pluma de Guillermo Díaz. Gracias a este trabajo, se descubrirán aspectos poco conocidos de ese estamento del clero, como su procedencia social y geográfica o su economía, así como el interés que algunas familias nobles tenían en introducir a sus hijos en la Iglesia para poder mejorar sus ingresos.

Por último, Lydia Barrós nos conduce hasta la dictadura de Primo de Rivera para enseñarnos el poder de la educación como elemento de influencia política, de forma que implanta pensamientos y valores que la situación del momento requiere. La escolarización de los niños de las familias más pobres tenía la intención de conseguir una base social firme que apoyara la dictadura y mantuviera los valores de la misma a lo largo del tiempo. Aunque vemos en este trabajo que ese aspecto no se consiguió, sí puso la semilla para que, más adelante, estallara una nueva dictadura, esta ya sí más permanente.

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Prólogo

Con este repaso por la historia social, podemos ver que se ha desarrollado una manipulación constante de la sociedad a lo largo de los siglos por parte de las altas esferas de poder, ya fueran políticas, económicas o eclesiásticas, que conseguían sus propósitos a base de utilizar al resto de la población para su propio beneficio.

Os animamos a seguir acompañándonos en futuros viajes, de los cuales aún no conocemos ni los escenarios ni los personajes que nos vamos a encontrar, pero que seguro son tan interesantes como los que aparecen entre las páginas de este libro. Porque no olvidéis estimados colegas, lo que decía el historiador griego Tucídides “La historia es un incesante volver a empezar”.

El volumen que el lector tiene en sus manos se ha hecho con la misión de difundir el trabajo que jóvenes investigadores en Historia están desarrollando sobre distintos aspectos del Mundo Hispánico que ayudan al desarrollo intelectual y cultural de nuestras universidades.

El objetivo de este volumen es la difusión y puesta en común de nuevas ideas que contribuyan a la reconstrucción de la Historia en general.

Para el desarrollo de este trabajo, es inestimable el apoyo económico con el que diversas instituciones han colaborado: el Programa de Doctorado Mundo Hispánico. Raíces, desarrollo y proyección de la Universidad de León, el Instituto LOU de investigación en Humanismo y Tradición Clásica y el Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de León. A todos ellos, gracias.

Inestimable también la ayuda de todos los evaluadores externos que han colaborado desinteresadamente para que este volumen contase con la mejor calidad y rigor posibles.

Y por último, pero no menos importante, gracias a todos los jóvenes investigadores que han colaborado con sus artículos y trabajos a la consecución de este volumen. Sin vuestra participación no hubiera sido posible. Gracias.

Las Editoras Beatriz García Prieto Ana María Mateo Pellitero

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CAPÍTULO 1 La relevancia de las ideas y el pensamiento en la definición de las distintas épocas del Mundo Hispánico

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Isidore of Seville: The Sentences and its Role in the Predestinatarian Polemic (IXth Century)1 Rodrigo Ballon Villanueva University of Navarra In the philosophical – theological area the term predestination signifies the act by which God not only knows in advance the final destiny of any intelligent creature, but that the very determination of that ultimate end obeys the plan of the Absolute. Accordingly, as the Doctor Angelicus2 already correctly distinguished in the thirteenth century, «Providence means a general ordering to an end. Consequently, it extends to all things […] that have been ordained by God to an end.

Predestination, however, is concerned with that end which is possible for a rational creature, namely, his eternal glory» (Thomas Aquinas, De Veritate, q.6 a.1 co.). In this sense, the word predestination combines the notion of foreknowing with the salvific divine will, focusing in on concepts such as redemption and eternal damnation. It is evident when dealing with the idea of predestination, just as occurs in the case of foreknowing, that we are facing the difficulty of making it compatible with human freedom; adding to this the aggravating circumstance of 1 This work falls within the research training area of the project “Unity and Plurality of the Logos in the World. Explicatio and ratio naturae (4th - 14th). Medieval Hermeneutics”, financed by the Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness, ref.: FFI2015-63947-P, and led by María Jesús Soto-Bruna.

2 P. Mandonnet considers that Saint Antoninus of Florence (1389 – 1459) was the first to use this title to name Thomas Aquinas (1909: 606). On 11 April 1567, the Dominican Pope Pius V, in his bull Mirabilis Deus, proclaimed him Doctor of the Church, giving the title of Doctor Angelicus its canonical status.

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apparent arbitrariness with which God operates when choosing those blessed ones that will, by divine grace, escape the massa damnata.

One of the first significant moments in the history of the doctrine about predestination occurs under the framework of the Council of Orange (529)3. Nevertheless, the Council of Arles, carried out around the year 475, already condemned the «view […] which states that some have been condemned to death, others have been predestined to life» (Denzinger, 1991: 335). In any case, the two meetings pivoted around the controversy between Saint Augustine (354 – 430) and Pelagius (ca. 360 – ca. 420) on freedom and grace; and in them it was rejected that some people have been predestined by the divine power to evil (Denzinger, 1991: 397). However, the crucial milestone of the discussion on this topic, maybe only surpassed by the Protestant Reform by virtue of its historical implications, is found in the ninth century, in the core of the so called Carolingian Renaissance. Certainly, as has been pointed out by Victor Genke, «between the Council of Orange in 529 and the sixteenth century, very few people dared to apply so radically the predestinatarian theology of Augustine as Gottschalk did» (2010: 7).

Gottschalk of Orbais (ca. 804 – 868) was a Benedictine monk whose name is associated with the doctrine of double predestination (gemina praedestinatio), which affirms that God predestines ab aeterno the chosen ones to salvation and the reprobates to condemnation. The supposed preaching of this thesis constitutes the detonator of which, undoubtedly, was the steeliest controversy that took place in Gallic lands in the IXth century (Beltrán, 2009: 138). «With nine councils, dozens of treatises and letters, and all the Frankish kingdoms being involved, all over a period spanning more than twenty years, the controversy represents the climax of Carolingian doctrinal debate» (Pezé, 2017: 90). In his quest for support to show the orthodoxy of his teaching Gottschalk turned, as was usual at the time, to the Holy Scriptures, in particular to Pauline epistles, and to the Fathers of the Church. In this regard, the Annals of St-Bertin notified us that the rebellious monk presented in the Synod of Quierzy (849), presided 3 Properly, the Second Council of Orange, was held in order to refute a moderate form of the doctrine of Pelagius, already condemned in 418 in the Council of Carthage, the later called semi-Pelagianism. The main themes under discussion were original sin, grace and predestination. The conclusions, the Canons, reached here, deeply marked by Augustine’s theology, were confirmed by Pope Boniface II in 531, and exerted a remarkable influence on the development of the predestinationist doctrine.

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Isidore of Seville: The Sentences and its Role in the Predestinatarian Polemic (IXth Century)

over by Charles the Bald himself, a collection of biblical and patristic quotes (Waitz, 1883: 36 – 37). In this last group highlights the use of the work of the Bishop of Hippo, and for this reason academics interested in this topic have turned their gaze to Augustinian theology. «Extant scholarship has largely approached Gottschalk’s works by focusing on his frequent citation of Saint Augustine as a means to support his theory of predestination. However, there remains a substantive gap in understanding how Gottschalk appealed to patristic literature aside from Augustine» (Smith, 2015: 2). This is why now we will turn our attention to the role played by another key Father for the question, namely, Saint Isidore of Seville (ca. 560 – 636), through one of his most celebrated works: The Sententiae.

The famous formula gemina praedestinatio is taken by Gottschalk from the work of the Metropolitan of Seville. Indeed, in the Sentences or De Summo Bono, which constitutes «the first systematization of Christian dogma and morality» (Pérez de Urbel, 1940: 90), Isidore states the following: «Predestination is twofold [gemina est praedestinatio], either of the elect to rest or of the reprobate to death. Both are done by the divine judgement so that it always makes the elect follow heavenly and interior things and, by abandoning them, always permits the reprobate to take delight in lower and exterior things» (Sententiae, II, 6, 1).

Throughout his work, the Benedictine of Orbais returns again and again to the aforementioned Isidorian text. Accordingly it is quoted at the beginning of the Chartula suae professionis ad Rabanum episcopum (PL 125, 89)4, written approximately in 848; at the end of his Confessio Brevior (PL 121, 350), text composed between the year 840 and 849; in his Confessio Prolixior (PL 121, 357), penned while Gottschalk was in prison around 849 and 850; and with particular extension in the one titled by Lambot as Responsa Gotteschalci de diversis ab ipsomet alicui censori transmissa (1945: 154 – 155), whose composition date is after March 8495. It is noteworthy that Gottschalk never taught, as he is often accused, that God predestinates the reprobate to sin. When the rebellious monk said that God predestinated some people to evil, This text has reached us through the second treatise of De praedestinatione (ca. 859 – 860) by Hincmar of Reims. The longest extant work written during the controversy.

5 For all translations of Gottschalk’s works we are using: Genke, Victor & Gumerlock, Francis X. (2010): Gottschalk & A Medieval Predestination Controversy. Texts translated from the Latin, Marquette University Press, Milwaukee.

4

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he understood evil as punishment for faults committed. (Genke, 2010: 55 – 56). Therefore, following St. Isidore, he never claimed that God compels some men to do evil, so God was never considered an efficient cause of sin (Lozano, 1976: 85 – 88).

The reflection on predestination is linked in a very special way to the consideration of immutability as a divine attribute, since if God and, by virtue of his simplicity, his judgements are immutable, and He knows from eternity the elect and the army of the condemned, how could salvation be possible for those who God knows, from his «interminabilis vita tota simul et perfecta possesio» (Boethius, De Consolatione Philosophiae, V, 6, 4), will not reach redemption? Thereby, it is justified that Gottschalk finds the phrase of the Metropolitan of Seville suitable because it, in the view of the monk, allows simultaneously to safeguard simplicity and divine immutability. In effect, the characterization of predestination as twofold, makes it possible to introduce diversity in divine judgements without attempting to counter their unity, because what is twofold keeps a certain identity in the pair. Hence, argues this author, just as one can affirm the presence of a personal trinity in the most intimate nature of God, the Absolute Unity, similarly there is no impediment in that his predestination is equally one but double: For he [St. Isidore] does not say that there are two predestinations, because there are not. But he says «a twofold», that is, a bipartite one, because you, Lord, spoke once of how by one, but still by a twofold predestination, you both gratuitously justify and eternally save the elect and also rightly reject and justly condemn the reprobate (Gottschalk of Orbais, Confessio prolixior, PL 121, 357).

It is almost natural that St. Isidore has dealt with the question of predestination given the importance that, following St. Augustine, gives to the immutability as a divine attribute. What has been said is reflected from the very beginning of the On the Highest Good (De Summo Bono), in which such property is used to define the nature of the Absolute. Thus, «God is the Supreme Good, because He is immutable and cannot experience any corruption» (Isidore of Seville, Sententiae, I. 1, 1), so at the level of its operation, «we believe that in God changes the work not the plan, and that He does not move because in different times He imposes different precepts, but subsisting Himself, immutable and eternal, He left defined from eternity, when He disposed the plan, the suitable arrangement to each era» (Isidore of Seville, Sententiae, I. 1, 4).

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Isidore of Seville: The Sentences and its Role in the Predestinatarian Polemic (IXth Century)

If St. Isidore was truly a defender of the double predestination, in the terms attributed to the rebellious monk, the topic is really complicated. In this sense, of the Bishop of Seville can be said exactly the same what is affirmed of St. Augustine, that is that in his texts both Gottschalk and his detractors could find, without any difficulty, arguments in favour of their antagonistic positions (Beltrán, 2009: 139).

Certainly, as Alonso García has pointed out, it is possible to find in the Augustinian predestinatarian theology, especially as it appears in his De diversis quaestionibus 83 and De diversis quaestionibus ad Simplicianum, some darkness (2009: 199). In regards to St. Isidore, in the Sentences it is possible to find passages, such as the one that follows, in which predestination seems to comprehend both the elect for salvation and the condemned: Marvellous is the form of celestial ordination, for which in this life the righteous is more sanctified and the impious, on the other hand, is more degraded […]. One wants to be good, and cannot achieve it; another wants to be bad and is not allowed to succumb. To one who wants to be good, it is given; another does not want it, and it is not granted to him to be good (Isidore of Seville, Sententiae, II. 6, 4).

But it also is possible to find, in the work of the Metropolitan of Seville, a different meaning of predestination whose determination only refers to those chosen for salvation: «In the judgement, two are the species or orders of men, namely, that of the elect and the reprobate, who, in turn, are divided into four. Of the predestined, one order is that which judge with the Lord, and another order is judged; both will reign with Christ» (Isidore of Seville, Sententiae, I. 27, 10).

The last path indicated is the one that the other great figure of the heated debate in the Carolingian empire travelled: John Scottus Eriugena. As a teacher of liberal arts at the court of Charles the Bald, Eriugena was summoned, at the request of Hincmar, Archbishop of Reims, and Pardulus, Bishop of Laon, to refute the thesis adjudicated to Gottschalk, who by that time had found support in many of the best Carolingian scholars, such as Ratramnus of Corbie, Lupus of Ferrières, Prudentius of Troyes, and Florus of Lyon (Moran, 1989: 28 – 29). Thus, in order to reply to the monk of Orbais, Scottus wrote his De divina praedestinatione liber (ca. 850 – 851), a treatise in which the Irishman holds that there is no double predestination ad vitam y ad mortem, that is, God has not predestined ab aeterno some to salvation and others 17

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to damnation; on the contrary, it must be affirmed that by virtue of the full identification between God and the Supreme Good only one predestination exists, predestination to salvation. Eriugena says: I anathematize those who say that there are two predestinations, or one which is twin, or in two parts, or double. For if there are two, it is not one divine substance; if twin, it is not indivisible; if in two parts, it is not simple but composed of parts; if double, it is multiple. And if we are forbidden to call the divine unity triple, by what kind of madness does the heretic dare to call it double? (De divina praedestinatione, epilogue III).

For Eriugena, the recourse to the Isidorian work of the De Summo Bono carried out by the rebellious monk is just an attempt to disguise his perfidy, because he seeks to give the impression of defending the opinion of the illustrious Bishop of Seville. The Irishman reminds Gottschalk that both agree, for this is what right reason dictates, that predestination is God Himself, and that therefore it is predicated essentially of Him. Now, since no believer doubts that this essence is the highest unity, the predestination must also acquire this degree of unity. The divine essence is unique, that is, it is devoid of all traces of multiplicity; and in the same way that the unity cannot be called double or twin, similar qualifiers cannot be applied to the predestination that comes from the One. Since, how could it be twin or double if it lacks of number or plurality? (Eriugena, De divina praedestinatione, III, 5).

Before concluding this work, an observation can be very useful to avoid an inadequate understanding, by reductionist, of the discussion presented here. Isidore, like Gottschalk and Eriugena, does not ignore at all that the eternity of God implies its absolute transcendence with respect to the temporal course and, consequently, that the prefix pre is inadequate to give an account, in the strict sense, of the divine reality as such. The centrality acquired by the notion of immutability in their respective works clearly shows this. For instance, St. Isidore claims that ÂŤthe divine eternity subsists before all times, and we believe that in God there is no past, no present, no future, rather we affirm that all things are present in Him, because he embraces them all together in his eternity. Otherwise, we should think that God is mutableÂť (Sententiae, I. 6, 1). Along the same lines, Gottschalk affirms: Hence, since you alone, Lord, are who are, as you yourself testify, and as David also says to you: You are always the same (Ps. 101:27), and 18

Isidore of Seville: The Sentences and its Role in the Predestinatarian Polemic (IXth Century)

as you yourself also say elsewhere: Lord, you are and you do not change (Mal 3:6), and as your outstanding preacher Paul shows that you alone possess immortality (1 Tm 6:16), that is, immutability, with whom, as is nonetheless asserted by another apostle, there is neither variation nor shadow of change (Jas 1:17), it is certainly evident and sufficiently clear and obvious to anyone with sound wisdom that you have foreknown and predestined instantly, that is, without any interval, that is, at one and the same time before the ages, each and every one of your works (Confessio prolixior, PL 121, 350 – 351).

Finally, in the same way, Eriugena asserts «that foreknowledge and predestination are metaphorically applied to God on the basis of similitude to temporal things» (De divina praedestinatione, IX, 7). Since «to him nothing is in the future, because he awaits nothing, nothing is past because for him nothing passes. In him, just as there are not distances of places, so there are no intervals of times. And because of this no right reasoning permits such terms to be understood of God with the claim to be literal» (De divina praedestinatione, IX, 5). The discussion, therefore, does not focus on a supposed temporal nature of the divine judgement, since none of the authors cited falls into such a mistake, but rather it develops within the framework of the relations between the freedom of the creature and the efficacy of grace, in specific reference to the economy of salvation.

For a long time, as we have already affirmed, specialists in medieval philosophy and theology have almost exclusively seen St. Augustine as the key to understand the intricacies of the predestinatarian controversy. Nevertheless, as we hope to have shown, there is no room for doubt that Isidore of Seville, mainly through his Sentences, also played a main role in the polemic. He not only contributed with the formula gemina praedestinatio, which summarizes Gottschalk’s doctrine, but also, as Brian J. Matz has pointed out, with the lens through which the so-called double predestinarians read Augustine’s theology of grace (2015: 155). For all this, the main objective of this work, which we hope to have fulfilled, was to highlight that a rigorous analysis of this debate requires a deeper revision of the Isidorian predestinatarian theology.

Additionally, Isidore’s relevance at that moment is not limited to this specific fact. As Justo Pérez de Urbel has argued, without the figure of St. Isidore, the renaissance of Charlemagne’s time is hardly explicable.

«All the great Carolingian masters, and the Saxons who precede them, are unconditional admirers, readers, imitators and extractors of the 19

Rodrigo Ballon Villanueva

Bishop of Seville; all adorn themselves and dress with remnants of the Isidorian mantle» (1940: 280 – 281). Thus, from Alcuin of York, for whom Isidore was «the light of Spain» (De Incarnatione Christi, PL 101, 0285), «cui nihil Hispania clarius habuit» (Contra Elipandum, PL 101, 0242D); passing through Rabanus Maurus, who in his popular treatise The Nature of Things or De Universo tries to recreate the encyclopaedic spirit of the Etymologies, and Hincmar of Reims; until reaching Gottschalk and Eriugena, all are nourished by the Isidorian flow and tried at all costs to take shelter from it under their teaching.

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