rr
m
UM
ir
Pub
'
e occasion of the exhibition
The Aztec Empire
red by
Felipe Solis
Solomon
R.
October
15,
Guggenheim Museum, New York 2004-February
13,
Guggenheim Museum
The Solomon
R.
ass stance of
CONACULTA-INAH
4ACONACULTA This exhibition
2005
in
INAH^
*
organized by the Solomon
is
acknowledges the
gratefully
organizing the loans from Mexico.
Guggenheim Museum
R.
collaboration with the Consejo Nacional para
la
in
Cultura y las Artes (CONACULTA)
Nacional de Antropologia e Historia (INAH).
itituto
Major sponsors of this exhibition are
Š Banamex_
=
S^
~^~~~
Citigroup,
Televisa Additional support provided by
ucvirn
j^ PEMEX
This exhibition has also been
Federal Council
made
possible
in
part by an indemnity
from the
on the Arts and the Humanities, together with the generous
support of the Leadership Committee for The Aztec Empire,
GRUMA,
ALFA,
and Con Edison.
Transportation assistance provided by
aeromexico
Media support provided by Thirteen/WNET.
Special thanks to the
United States
in
Embassy of Mexico
in
the
U.S.,
the Embassy of the
Mexico, and the Consulate General of Mexico
in
The Aztec Empire
e 2004 14
Instituto Nacional
The Solomon
All rights
R.
reserved.
321-7 (hardcover)
ISBN
ftcover)
ISBf.
."-nheim 107'
de Antropologia e Historia/CONACULTA.
Guggenheim Foundation, New
Museum
Publications
ue )128
I
Art Publishers fid
floor
N
r i
jOO (detail of
York.
New
York.
-
I
* V
.
\
t
h* •
/
*
-4
>
<*M
hmt
K> '^?
f
*> ^
Contents
Introduction 26 Felipe Solis
Art
in
the Aztec Empire
18
Traces of an Identity Beatriz de la Fuente
The Aztecs and the Natural World 56 The Basin of Mexico as William
T.
a
Habitat for Pre-Hispanic Farmers
Sanders
70
The Harmony between People and Animals
Mercedes de
la
in
Garza
The Aztecs and Their Ancestors 81 Precolumbian
Man and
His
Cosmos
Felipe Solis
100 Origins and Forms of Art
in
the Aztec Empire
Felipe Solis
lin
The Olmec
Ann Cyphers
Hi Teotihuacan Linda Manzanillu
121 Tula
and the Tolteca \ Diehl
Thejemplo Mayor /
;â&#x20AC;˘
Excavations at the Templo Mayor
Eduardo Matos Moctezuma
the Aztec World
/
280
16
The Templo Mayor
at Tenochtitlan
Juan Alberto Roman Berrelleza
The Puebla and Tlaxcala Valleys Veronica Velasquez
284
Aztec Religion
The Domain of Coatlalpan
168
Jose Luis Rojas Martinez
Aztec Religion: Creation, Sacrifice, and Renewal Karl Taube
288 The Mixteca
178 Axis
Nelly M. Robles Garcia
Mundi
Roberto Velasco Alonso
300 The Huaxteca and the Totonaca
194
Felipe Solis
Gods and Rituals Guilhem Olivier
The Tarasean Empire 212 Painted Books and Calendars Elizabeth Hill
Boone
310 The Tarasean Empire Phil C.
Weigand
Aztec Society
Tarasean Art
222
Roberto Velasco Alonso
Nobles and
Michael
E.
Commoners
Smith
The 230 Everyday
Michael
Fall
of the Empires
33 The Conquest as Seen by the Mexica -Aztecs Miguel Leon-Portilla i
Life in
E.
Tenochtitlan
Smith
The Aztec Empire
3 12 The Spanish Conquest of Tenochtitlan
250
Pablo Escalante Gonzolbo
The Aztec Empire Richard
FJownsend Catalogue Checklist
264
351
The Provinces of the Aztec Empire Frances
F.
Berdan
Bibliography
270 The Population of the Mexico and Toluca Valleys Perla Valle Perez
m
Preface
THE VISUAL NARRATIVE UNFOLDING BEFORE VISITORS TO THE EXHIBITION THE AZTEC EMPIRE EXPOSES SOME OF THE
hidden recesses of an essentially religious and military culture that
appeared
tragically. In less
empire from a vastly
economy. They formed strategic military
and
a harsh tributary system,
imposed
in
stone, feather, and metalwork,
utterances-to mention only some of the their
life,
as the
critic
Paul
Westheim has
alliances,
and established an
commerce. Perhaps even more noteworthy was the achieved
splendor and dis-
stratified society, as well as to create a strict educational
solid agricultural far,
lived in
than one hundred years, the Aztecs managed to erect a unique
in
level
system and
conquered domains near
intricate
network of trade and
of aesthetic excellence the Aztecs
ceramics, architecture, chronicles, and poetic
skills
that formed the "vital energy" impregnating
written.
Nourished by the cultural legacy of their predecessors, such as the Olmec, Teotihuacan,
and Toltec peoples; imbued with the wisdom culled from subjugated provinces; and enced by the craftsmanship of the few peoples
who
defied
them and maintained
independence, such as the Purepecha (Tarascans), the Aztecs excelled ciplines. Reflecting a close relationship with
a
in
influ-
their
wide range of
dis-
nature and the gods of a vast pantheon, these
disciplines included observation of the celestial bodies;
botany and herbal medicine; mathe-
matics and pictographic writing; monumental architecture and
art.
The comprehensiveness
of the exhibition enriches our understanding of this extraordinary Mesoamerican civilization,
whose veneration of the sun flooded contrast, those
who
sacrificial
stones with the blood of
carved these very stones would
refer to friends as
has been a great honor for the Consejo Nacional para
It
la
its
victims. In stark
"perfumed flowers."
Cultura y las Artes and the
Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia to collaborate with the
Guggenheim. The pres-
entation of extraordinary archeological objects and masterpieces of the pre-Hispanic world at the
Solomon
R.
Guggenheim Museum
in
New
a greater appreciation of the cultural legacy that
When
considering the works on view,
British sculptor of universal resonance,
material,
its
tremendous power without
it is
York provides an invaluable tool for gaining is
a source of pride for
all
Mexicans.
easy to concur with Henry Moore, the renowned
who spoke
of Mexican stone sculpture's "truth to
loss of sensitiveness ... its
approach to
a full three-
dimensional conception of form." The dawning of the sixteenth century brought with of the Aztecs, but their brilliant and powerful creations remain and
fall
will,
it
the
to paraphrase
Westheim, prove impervious to time and the notions of space and subject matter. Their songs resonate-the remains of the Templo Mayor, the fragments, many colossal
still
an
art
whose
disquieting beauty
filled
Central Mexico.
Sari
Bermudez
President, Consejo Nacional para
la
in scale,
of
the teeming horizon of an empire that dominated
Cultura y las Artes (CONACULTA)
Preface
MYTH, AS TERRITORY OF THE
HUMAN
CONDITION,
UNDOUBTEDLY THE MOST EFFECTIVE MEANS FOR EXPRESSING
IS
the unique nature of a culture. Although
may seem
it
where
historic
and
social identities are constructed,
and
to repeat certain universal types
forms, myth establishes the distinctions and boundaries between self and other.
the place
It is
where the imagination recasts
life
in
symbolic dimensions.
Mythic narrative explains geographies and times; points to timeless preoccupations; provides a bols for the creative works of a beings,
and
intersect.
frontiers
Myth
a specialized
and even
origins, impulses,
source for literature and innumerable signs and sym-
community; as
well as indicating-through deities, other
vocabulary of representations-the realm where sacred and profane
Imagined personal and collective destinies imbue history with meaning. Immediate
between myth and is
reality evaporate.
the most salient indicator of the
ancient Mexican history.
ter in
life
It
life
and death of the Aztec world, the
final
chap-
provided the substance for the primordial covenant between
the war and sun god Huitzilopochtli and his people, which was established at the outset of a long pilgrimage to the land that would
ning
in
become the
navel of the world and bring forth, begin-
the fourteenth century, the unforgettable grandeur of Tenochtitlan.
the impulse that led the Aztecs,
in
toward empire,
their precipitous path
to
ous peoples over the span of mere decades. This same mythology, which had attitudes and
cal
military campaigns,
inevitably
And
it
explains
conquer numerjustified politi-
underlay the terror the Aztecs had of
the return of Quetzalcoatl, the deity they fatally supposed was incarnated
in
the form of the
conquistadors.
As
a sign of veneration, the
sun was to be provided with the sacred food of blood, thus
ensuring the celestial being's dominance over the nocturnal elements and continuity daily course.
Not without drama, the Aztecs' fulfillment of
hegemony
dealing with other
in
humans and
their destiny took the
in
its
form of
gratitude toward the divinities. Aztec religiosity,
originally a principle for social cohesion, also provided the outlines for an extraordinarily original aesthetic. final
Most compellingly evidenced
in
the architecture and urban planning of the
pre-Hispanic century, this aesthetic also led to a flourishing
devoted to working with stone, ceramics, cotton, animal
Conceived within a framework that is
is
quality of the pieces
New
York's
museum-going marks
national exhibitions of pre-Hispanic art presented over the years.
themes, following
a
and feathers.
public. In
terms of the
included-most of which are from the collections of the
Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia-this exhibition
cific
the arts and professions
both aesthetic and- archeological, The Aztec Empire
specifically directed to the sensibilities of
number and
in
skins, paper,
chronology from the origins of Aztec
a milestone in the inter-
It is
organized around spe-
civilization to the
time of
first
contact with the European world.
The mysterious interplay between the objects and modern perceptions imbues them with '
an unsettling beauty. The awe aroused by this imperial art power.
In this
sense, the Aztecs are our
own
is
a sign of
contemporaries.
Sergio Raul Arroyo Director General, Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia (INAH)
its
timeless and primal
Š Banamex
_
Citigroup*
BANAMEX
IS
VERY PROUD TO PARTICIPATE AS A MAJOR SPONSOR OF THE AZTEC EMPIRE EXHIBITION, THE MOST
comprehensive survey of the
art
and culture of the Aztecs ever assembled outside Mexico.
Banamex was founded in 1884, its history has been closely related to the history of Mexico. But it has always been much more than a bank. With the conviction that businesses have a social responsibility, Banamex has participated in many activities that go far beyond Since
financial matters.
Through the programs carried out by
foundations, the bank supports culture and
art, social
its
cultural, social,
and ecological
development, and the conservation and
protection of the environment. This year
Banamex
celebrates
its
120th anniversary-an important achievement and also
an excellent opportunity to emphasize the bank's commitment to supporting and promoting
Mexican art and culture. At the same time, sponsoring this superb exhibition at the Guggenheim Museum in New York is part of an effort to build bridges of mutual understanding between two countries whose historical relationship has become increasingly close in
economic and
social terms, especially during the last decade.
Banamex's integration into Citigroup brings the best of the world
to
taking the best of Mexico to the rest of the world. Consequently, the bank port the
Solomon
leled exhibition
collections
in
R.
Guggenheim Foundation
that brings together
Manuel Medina-Mora
presentation
in
New
delighted to sup-
York of an unparal-
more than four hundred works drawn from major
the United States and Mexico.
Chief Executive Officer
in its
Mexico and allows is
Televisa
TELEVISA PROUDLY
SPONSORS THE EXHIBITION THE AZTEC EMPIRE AS PART OF
and sharing
Mexican heritage.
Grupo
its
Televisa
is
one of the world's
Televisa's productions are broadcast
on
its
largest
in
countries
ments. Televisa
in is
movies, radio, and
Latin America, Asia, Europe,
also involved live
in
satellite
COMMITMENT TO PROMOTING
Spanish-language television producers.
four networks
ming content reaches Spanish-speaking communities and
ITS
in
in
Mexico.
Much
of this program-
the United States through Univision,
and Africa through other licensing agree-
and cable
television, the Internet, publishing,
entertainment.
Fundacion Televisa focuses on enhancing the nutrition, health, and education of children,
and promoting values such as honesty, generosity,
responsibility,
impact social-awareness campaigns. Televisa's foundation
and promoting Mexico's
artistic heritage, as well as to
is
and respect through high-
also
committed to preserving
generating more interchanges between
our culture and other cultures around the globe. It
is in
this vein that
bition at the
we
are pleased to support The Aztec Empire, a groundbreaking exhi-
Guggenheim Museum
civilization.
Emilio Azcarraga Jean
Chief Executive Officer
in
New
York that
will
shed new
light
on
a magnificent
I \
(
^ i
*
t
i
7^
f.W.f*
Team
Project
Guggenheim Museum
Richard Avery, Chief Cabinetmaker
Executive Staff
Sam
Edward Cunningham, Cabinetmaker
Dennison, Deputy Director anc
Lisa
Zainek,
Deputy
Director.
Christopher Powell, Cabinetmaker
.'ator
Communications and Publishing
Director,
Robert Ebeltoft, Metal Fabricator Christopher George, Metal Fabricator
Cox, Deputy Director, Special Projects
Dane Solomon, Deputy
Green, Cabinetmaker
Douglas Hollingsworth, Cabinetmaker
as Krens, Director
Corporate Development and Global
Joseph Taylor, Metal Fabricator
Marketing
Marc
Deputy
Steglitz,
Director. Finance
and Operations
Facilities
Anand, Director of
Brij
sneral Counsel
Ian A. Felmine,
House
Facilities
Electrician
Art Services and Preparations Scott Wixon,
Manager of Art Services and Preparations
Finance
Barry Hylton, Senior Exhibition Technician
Amy
Derek DeLuco, Technical Specialist
Christina Kallergis, Budget
Mary Ann Hoag,
West, Director of Finance
and Planning Analyst
Lighting Designer
Graphic Design Marcia Fardella, Chief Graphic Designer
Conservation Ransick Gat, Project Conservator
Leslie
Amy
Cassey Chou, Senior Graphic Designer
Concetta Pereira, Production Supervisor
Jones, Assistant Project Conservator
Christine Sullivan, Graphic Designer
Eleonora Nagy, Sculpture Conservator
Janice Lee, Graphic Designer
Construction Michael Sarff, Construction Manager
Legal
William Ragette, Lead Carpenter
Brendan Connell, Associate General Counsel
Development Anne Bergeron,
Marketing Director of Institutional and Capital
Development
Kendall Hubert, Director of Corporate Development
Laura
Miller, Director
of Marketing
Ashley Prymas, Marketing Manager
Gina Rogak, Director of Special Events Helen Warwick, Director of Individual Development
Photography
Pepi Marchetti Franchi, Executive Associate, Director's Office
David M. Heald, Director of Photographic Services and Chief
Photographer
Debbie Ahn, Manager of Membership
Penelope Betts, Manager of Corporate Membership
Kim Bush, Manager of Photography and Permissions
Stephen Diefenderfer, Special Events Manager
Manager of Corporate Sponsorship
Hillary Strong, Cecilia
Wolfson, Manager of Individual Giving
Beth Allen, Corporate Development Associate
Peggy Julia
Allen, Special Events
Public Affairs
Ann Edgars Associates Jennifer Russo, Public Affairs Coordinator
Coordinator Publications
Brown, Membership Coordinator
Pallavi Yalamanchili, Individual Giving
Coordinator
Elizabeth Levy, Director of Publications
Managing
Annie Donohue, Membership and Individual Giving Assistant
Elizabeth Franzen,
Graham Green,
Melissa Secondino, Production
Intern, Director's Office
Editor
Manager
Lara Fieldbinder, Production Assistant
Edward Weisberger,
Education Gail Engelberg Director of Education
Program Manager, Public Programs
Pabk)
am
Manager, School Programs
Meghan
Editor
Dailey, Associate Editor
Stephen Hoban, Assistant Editor Kate Norment, Project Editor Laura Morris, Ed Jennifer Knox White, Editor
Exhibition Design Registrar
Meryl Cohen, Director of Registration and Art Services Lardner, A
Coordina'
i
Paula Armelin,
Proji
:
Exhibition
Management Retail
Ed
Development and Purchasing
I
n
Ma-
Leonca.
i i
!
Security i
i
abrii
(it
Security
ation Visitor Services i
opment Manager
Mexican Cultural Institutions Consejo Nacional para
la
Cultura y
Enrique Norten (TEN Arquiteetos) + las
Artes (CONACULTA)
J.
Enrique Norten
Sari Bermiidez, President J.
Meejin Yoon
Clara Sola-Morales Serra
Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia (INAH)
Tim Morshead
Sergio Raul Arroyo, Director General
B.Alex Miller
Moises Rosas, Technical Secretary
Shuji
Luis A. Haza, Administrative Secretary
Suzumori
Carl Solander
Museums and
Jose Enrique Ortiz Lanz, National Coordinator of
Fernanda Chandler
Exhibitions
Mariana de
Maria del Perpetuo Socorro Villarreal Escarrega, National Coordinator
la
Fuente
Angela Co
for Legal Matters
Gerardo Jaramillo, National Coordinator for Communications and Publishing Elvira
Catalogue
Baez Garcia, Director of International Exhibitions
Miguel Angel Fernandez,
Management Consultant
LANDUCCI
Jacqueline Correa, Project Coordinator Editorial Coordination Felipe Solis,
Sandro Landucci Lerdo deTejada
Museo Nacional de Antropologia
Lucinda Gutierrez
Juan Alberto
Roman
Berrelleza,
Museo
del Templo
Mariel Rodriguez Sanchez, Assistant
Mayor
Luis Garcia, Assistant
Aldo Plazola, Assistant
Jacinto Chacha-Antele, Centro INAH Hidalgo
Museo Regional de Hidalgo "Ex Convento de Museo deSitio de Tepeapulco; Museo Arqueologico
Sergio Rasgado Flores,
San
Francisco";
de Tula "Jorge
Eduardo Lopez Calzada, Centro INAH Oaxaca Jesus Martinez Arvizu, Frisel
Design Arturo Chapa
Acosta"
R.
Museo de
Photography
las Culturas
de Oaxaca; Museo
Michel Zabe Enrique Macias Martinez, Photography Assistant
Mitla
Yolanda Ramos, Museo Regional de Puebla
Prepress
Arturo Chapa/Landucci Maribel Miro, Centro INAH Estado de Mexico
Museo de
Laura Elena Mata,
las Culturas
Mexicas "Eusebio Davalos"
INAH Eugenio Mercado, Museo Regional Michoacano
"Dr.
Nicolas Calderon"
Editorial Coordination Felipe Solis
Daniel Goeritz, Centro INAH Veracruz
Vicente Hernandez,
Roberto Velasco Alonso
Museo Baluarte de Santiago Editorial Supervision
Museo Regional de Guadalajara
Martelva Gomez,
Museo Nacional del
Miguel Fernandez
Felix,
MNena
Museo Regional deTlaxcala
Koprivitza,
Gerardo Jaramillo
Virreinato
Contributing Institutions Claudio
X.
Gonzalez, Mauricio Maille, Diana Mogollon, Fundacion
Cultural Televisa
Carolina
Monroy
del
Mazo, Instituto Mexiquense de Cultura, Gobierno del
Estado de Mexico Martin Antonio Mondragon,
Museo Arqueologico
del Estado
"Dr.
Roman
Pina Chan"
Ramiro Acevedo, Centro, Regional Cultural Apaxco Baltazar Lopez Martinez,
Museo Municipal Arqueologico de Tuxpon
Candida Fernandez, Maria del Refugio Cardenas, Fomento Cultural
Banamex,
A.C.
Roxana Velasquez Martinez Maria Ascension Morales,
del
Campo, Museo Nacional de Arte
Museo
Universitario de Gencios yArte
Meejin Yoon
Lenders to the Exhibition
American Museum of Natural
New
Brooklyn Museum,
New
History,
York
York
Centro INAH del Estado de Mexico, Toluca Centro Regional Cultural Apaxco
The Cleveland
Museum
of Art
Dumbarton Oaks Research
Library
and
Collection, Harvard University,
Washington, D.C
The
Museum
Field
Fomento
of Natural History, Chicago
Banamex
Cultural
Fundacion Cultural
A.C.,
Televisa,
Mexico City
Mexico City
The John Carter Brown Library at Brown University, Providence
Museum
The Metropolitan
Museo Museo Museo Museo Museo Museo Museo Museo Museo Museo Museo Museo Museo
of Art,
New
Arqueologico de Tula "Jorge Arqueologico del Estado
"Dr.
R.
York Acosta," INAH
Roman
Pina Chan," Teotenango
Baluarte de Santiago, INAH, Veracruz
de
las
Culturas de Oaxaca, INAH
de
las
Culturas Mexicas "Eusebio Davalos," INAH, Acatlan
de
Sitio
del
de Tepeapulco, INAH
Templo Mayor, INAH, Mexico
City
Municipal Arqueologico de Tuxpan
Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico City Nacional de Arte, Mexico City Nacional del Virreinato, INAH, Tepotzotlan Regional de Guadalajara, INAH Regional de Hidalgo "Ex Convento de San Francisco," INAH,
Pachuca
Museo Regional de Puebla, INAH Museo Regional de Tlaxcala, INAH Museo Regional Michoacano "Dr. Nicolas Calderbn," INAH, Morelia Museo Universitario de Ciencias y Arte, UNAM, Mexico City Museum of Art, Rhode Island School of Design, Providence
Museum
of Fine Arts, Boston
National
Museum
Washington,
Peabody
of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution,
D.C.
Museum
of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University,
Cambridge
Museum of Natural History, Yale Museum of Art Princeton University Art Museum Saint Louis Art Museum Yale University Art Gallery, New Haven Peabody
Philadelphia
16
University,
New Haven
The Solomon Foundation Honorary Trustees
Solomon Justin
in
Guggenheim
Perpetuity
Guggenheim
R.
R.
The Leadership Committee The Aztec Empire Honorary Chair His Excellency Carlos de Icaza,
Thannhauser
K.
for
Ambassador of Mexico
to the
United States of America
Peggy Guggenheim
Honorary Co-Chairs Honorary Chairrnan Lawson-Johnston
Peter
Bermudez, President, Consejo Nacional para
Sari
la
Cultura y las Artes
Sergio Raul Arroyo, Director General, Instituto Nacional de
Antropologia e Historia
Chairman Peter
Arturo Sarukhan, Consul General of Mexico
Lewis
B.
Felipe Solis, Director,
in
New
York
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, Mexico
Enrique Norten, TEN Arquitectos
Vice-Presidents
Wendy John
Members
McNeil
L-J.
Stephen
Swid
C.
Emilio Azcarraga Jean
Wadsworth,
S.
Placido and Marta
Jr.
Domingo
Posy Feick
Abraham
Director
Dr.
Thomas Krens
Carlos Hank
Secretary
Jaime Lucero
Franklin
and Gina Diez Barroso de Franklin
Rhon
Fernando and Marinela Lerdo de Tejada
Edward
Manuel Medina-Mora
Rover
F.
Raul
Muhoz
Leos
Federico Sada G.
Trustees
Jon Imanol Azua
Yolanda Santos Garza
Peter M. Brant
Jesus and Hildegard Silva-Herzog
Mary Sharp Cronson
Julio C. Villarreal-Guajardo
Gail
May
Martin
Henry
B.
List in
Koch
H.
Thomas Krens Peter
Lawson-Johnston
Peter Lawson-Johnston Peter
Lewis
B.
Howard W. Lutnick Mack
William L
Wendy
L-J.
Edward
H.
Vladimir
McNeil
Meyer
0.
Potanin
Frederick W. Reid
Stephen M. Ross
Mortimer
D. A.
Sackler
Denise Saul Terry Semel
James
B.
Sherwood
Raja W. Sidawi
Seymour
Slive
Jennifer Blei
Stephen
John
S.
Mark
R.
H.
Zambrano
Gruss
D.
Frederick
David
Lorenzo
Engelberg
C.
Stockman
Swid
Wadsworth, Walter
John Wilmerding
Honorary Trustee Claude Pompidou
Trustees Ex Officio Dakis Joannou
David Gallagher
Director Emeritus
Thomas M. Messer
Jr.
II
formation as of August
1,
2004
City
â&#x20AC;¢
Foreword
AND
THE AZTEC EMPIRE REPRESENTS THE MOST EXTENSIVE
HISTORICALLY ACCURATE SURVEY OF THE ART
AND
culture of the Aztecs and their contemporaries ever assembled outside Mexico. The Aztecs,
the nomadic culture that dominated Central Mexico at the time of the Spanish Conquest,
founded Tenochtitlan, modern-day Mexico
mented culture
in
City,
1325. Fearless warriors and pragmatic
in
empire during the fifteenth century and were the most docu-
builders, they created a vast
the Americas at the time of European contact
the sixteenth century. This
in
exhibition presents the extraordinary works of art created by the Aztecs as well as by the peoples they conquered,
and the cultures that preceded them
Though perhaps unexpected,
this project
the Guggenheim's global program. Our institution
is
Mesoamerica.
in
nonetheless
is
a natural fit within
the scope of
modern and con-
primarily devoted to
temporary visual culture, but from time to time we have presented major exhibitions focused on
and even ancient,
classical,
Exhibitions
art.
like
Africa: The Art of a Continent
(1996), China: 5,000 Years (1998), and Brazil: Body and Soul (2001-02) have given us the
opportunity to explore vision of the
a
broad array of
Guggenheim, providing
artistic traditions.
They have greatly expanded the
intriguing contrasts with our
contemporary program-
ming, while also reflecting the context from which today's art has emerged. The Aztec Empire,
like Brazil,
develop closer in fact,
ties
Guggenheim
exemplifies a profound desire by the
have emerged from
tural narratives that
Latin America.
to explore the rich cul-
As the United States and Mexico
economically, the opportunity for cultural communication increases and,
becomes increasingly important.
Academy
The Aztec Empire was inspired by a major exhibition at the Royal called simply Aztecs.
on view, and
When
instantly
visited the
I
show,
I
thought that they would
Guggenheim's Frank Lloyd Wright building
in
New
stunning
be
York.
Bermudez, Mexico's culture minister, we discussed the devoted to the Aztecs.
It
quickly
became
clear that there
as curator for such an important project, Felipe
Antropologia
in
Mexico
City.
tious-to provide not only
a
Dr.
Soli's,
in
When, soon
I
met
Sari
show
was only one person who could serve Director of the Museo Nacional de
Solis's project for the
its
the context of the thereafter,
possibility of another, larger
Guggenheim presentation
thorough representation of Aztec society
empire, but also to suggest the context for
of Arts, London,
was captivated by the extraordinary objects
is
ambi-
at the zenith of the
development, expansion, and influence. This
exhibition transcends the stereotypical portrayal of the Aztecs as fierce conquerors to pres-
ent their
many
positive achievements.
The largest and most important section of the exhibition
is
devoted to the Templo Mayor,
the heart of the Aztec culture and an active archaeological site
in
the center of Mexico
City.
Excavations of the Templo Mayor throughout the twentieth century, but especially since 1978, have yielded a rich and significant trove of sculptures,
ceremonial objects-some of which have never been shown
by the general public for the
works of
art
first
in
reliefs, religious artifacts,
Mexico and
will
time. TJne final section of the exhibition includes objects
from the time of the European conquest, and
society as well as the appropriation and utilization of
its
and
be seen here
and
reflects the destruction of Aztec
artifacts,
both religious and secular.
The exceptional quality of this exhibition reflects personal support and cooperation at the
highest levels of the Mexican government. From
my
first
conversations with Sari
Bermudez, she has proven an invaluable champion of the project. The Aztec Empire is organized with the support of the Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes (CONACULTA) and the Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia (INAH) of Mexico. In her position as President of
CONACULTA,
Sari effectively mobilized the ministry
on the
project's behalf,
and we are deeply
grateful to her
and her
Jaime Nualart, Technical Secretary
staff for their unfailing support.
and former Director General
for International Affairs,
was instrumental
coordinating pre-
in
liminary discussions, and his successor, Alberto Fierro. Director General for International
CONACULTA, continued to provide encouragement. At INAH, Sergio Raul Arroyo,
Affairs,
Director General, Moises Rosas, Technical Secretary, and Jose Enrique Ortiz Lanz, National
Coordinator of
Museums and
Exhibitions,
have provided valuable assistance and support. The
was the
administrative organization of the project at INAH Garcia, Director of International Exhibitions,
we
direct responsibility of Elvira Baez
and Jacqueline Correa, Project Coordinator, and
are appreciative of their constant guidance and cooperation. The Foreign Ministry also
supported this exhibition through the good offices of the Ambassador of Mexico to the United States, the Honorable Carlos de Icaza, together with Cultural Attache Alejandro Negrin; to the
we would
to extend our gratitude for their support.
like
I
Honorable Arturo Sarukhan, Consul General of Mexico
advice and consultation at important stages of the project.
my
extend
New
in
We
personal thanks
who
York,
provided
are grateful to Rodolfo
Elizondo Torres, Secretary of Tourism, for his steadfast support of this project. Our gratitude also goes to the Honorable
Anthony Garza
U.S.
Jr.,
Ambassador
to Mexico, together with
Jefferson Brown, Minister Counselor for Press and Cultural Affairs, Marjorie Coffin, Cultural
Attache, and Bertha Cea Echenique, Senior Cultural Affairs Specialist, of the U.S. Embassy
Mexico
City, for their
To design the exhibition Norten, founder and
in
enthusiasm and constant support. in
New
principal of
York, the
Guggenheim has
TEN Arquitectos
(Taller
enlisted the talents of Enrique
de Enrique Norten Arquitectos), a
firm that has altered the face of Mexico City, as well as the international perception of
Mexican architecture, since
its
founding
in
was joined
1985. Norten
in this
effort by
J.
Meejin
Yoon, architect, designer, and educator. For The Aztec Empire, the designers introduce gle bold design
element into the
building: an undulating ribbon wall covered with gray ing light to
and sound, renders the space
accommodate the various
scales of
a sin-
white wall interior of Frank Lloyd Wright's landmark
classic
a
wool
felt.
The serpentine
deep and mute environment. As
work on view, the
new
wall creates
it
wall,
absorb-
bends and peels
spatial experiences
along the ramps. By focusing on the experience of perimeter and periphery, as opposed to the center, the project
accommodates the
same time providing
a
smooth and nonuniform system
selected by
The staff of TEN Arquitectos has been
ticular
Dr. Soli's.
curatorial
thanks are due Clara Sola-Morales Serra
in
themes of the
New
exhibition, while at the
for displaying the array of artifacts tireless in their efforts,
and par-
York.
The exceptional collaborative experience of the project extends beyond the efforts of the curator to include the scholarship within this publication.
approach and
Dr. Solis's editorial
academic standing enabled the inclusion of scholarly essays by eminent Mexican and authorities,
and the book promises to become
original texts by Dr. Solis,
a
major reference on the subject.
and Roberto Velasco Alonso, curatorial
the distinguished authors
who have
contributed to this volume.
assistant,
We
we
In
U.S.
addition to
are indebted to
are also pleased to col-
laborate with Landucci Editores on the publication of this catalogue.
Although a large part of the work on view loans from Mexican institutions includes
more than
sixty
made
in
The Aztec Empire
is
the result of generous
possible through CONACULTA-INAH, the exhibition also
major Precolumbian works from
museums
in
the United States.
These complement and complete the curator's portrayal of the Aztec people and provide a greater awareness of the riches
we
are indebted to
them
in
for their
domestic collections. The lenders are
listed
elsewhere, and
cooperation and enthusiastic support of the project.
The complexity of ization in
this exhibition presented
the result of the work of
is
all
unusual challenges, and
the departments of the
its
particular the personnel listed in the Project Team. Special thanks also
Deputy Director and Chief Curator; Marc
Steglitz,
spectacular real-
Guggenheim Museum. We thank
Deputy Director
go
to Lisa Dennison,
for Finance
and Operations;
Karen Meyerhoff, Managing Director for Exhibitions, Collections and Design; Kendall Hubert, Director of Corporate Development; Marion Kocot, Project Manager; and Mariluz Hoyos, Project Assistant, for their steadfast professionalism on
An
sponsors.
In particular,
to the support
we thank major sponsors Banamex and
and preservation of Mexican
Manuel Medina-Mora, Chief Executive izing
project.
this
In
art
Officer,
and culture
must be thanked
In
for his
Banamex
We
to this project.
commitment
in real-
Cultural Foundation;
and
also extend our sincerest gratitude to Televisa,
under the leadership of Emilio Azcarraga Jean, Chief Executive able support that
longstanding. At Banamex,
Exhibitions and International Projects Coordinator, brought great
Gil,
and dedication
creativity
whose commitment
Televisa, is
Jorge Hierro Molina, Executive Director of Institutional
addition,
Relations; Candida Fernandez de Calderon, Director of the
Hermelinda Caceres
stages of the project.
all
magnitude could not take place without the generous support of our
exhibition of this
makes
Officer, for providing invalu-
possible to share this remarkable culture with diverse audiences.
it
addition, Claudio X. Gonzalez, President, together with Mauricio Maille, Visual Arts Director,
and Diana Mogollon,
all
of the Televisa Foundation, demonstrated an inspiring
commitment
we
are indebted
to this exhibition.
was provided by PEMEX;
Significant additional support
Muhoz
to Raul
Leos,
in
particular,
Chief Executive Officer, and Octavio Aguilar Valencuela, Corporate
Director of Administration, for their dedication to this project. The Mexico Tourism Board also
deserves special recognition; Officer,
together with
Guillermo
Ohem
Northeast Region,
Ochoa,
New
we
most thankful
are
team, Alejandro
his
Director
for
Muhoz
to Francisco
Ledo,
the Americas, and
York office, for their support.
We
Ortiz,
J.
Marisa
would also
Isabel
for
assistance,
with
special
thanks to Augusto
Lopez,
Director,
much-needed
Fernandez Kegel, Vice
trans-
President
Marketing and E-Business, and Maricela Moreno Cardentti, Advertising and Corporate
Image
Director.
This exhibition has also been
made
possible in part by an indemnity from the Federal
Council on the Arts and the Humanities.
We would
also
like
to thank the individuals of the
Leadership Committee for The Aztec Empire as well as participating sponsors
and Con Edison
we
Division,
to express our grat-
like
itude to Fernandez Flores, Chief Executive Officer of Aeromexico, for
portation
Chief Executive
Head of Promotional
for additional critical
GRUMA,
support helping make this exhibition possible.
ALFA,
Finally,
are grateful to Thirteen/WNET for media support allowing audiences to learn about the
importance of the Aztecs. Indeed,
it
is
zations that the
ments of in
due to the
tireless efforts
Guggenheim
this great culture.
is
and generosity of so many individuals and organi-
able to present The Aztec Empire,
The objects gathered together for
and to present the achieve-
this exhibition are extraordinary
aesthetic terms as well as for the sophisticated and hierarchical society they represent.
Thomas Krens Director, The Solomon
R.
Guggenheim Foundation
f
I
<^~
J ft
r
Introduction
ntroduction /•(•///«'
Solis
THE PUBLIC HAS GREETED THE ART OF PRE-HISPANIC MEXICO WITH ENTHUSIASM AND A SENSE OF
wonder and awe, as has been demonstrated by the tremendous success of exhibitions presented in the world's most cosmopolitan capitals since the first half of the twentieth century.
In this
respect, the opportunity to bring together an
exquisite selection of objects for The Aztec Empire, which re-creates the splen-
chapter of the indigenous world of Mexico, represents
dor of the
final
momentous
occasion.
Among
monumental
the works united here are
chrome ceramics, musical instruments, well as
historical processes
sculptures, reliefs, poly-
objects carved from jade and wood, as
ornaments and jewelry wrought from
them evoke the
a
and
shell,
turquoise, and gold.
lifestyles of the
All
of
Aztecs and the various
peoples and societies that existed alongside them during a glorious period of wealth, power, and majesty. This exhibition
comes out
of the research and publications by specialists
in
the art and culture of this final chapter of Mesoamerican history, the basis for
which are indigenous codices and the chronicles written by Europeans early sixteenth century. The Aztec Empire has been conceived a holistic vision, allowing viewers, as they
in
in
the
order to provide
proceed through the exhibition, to
simultaneously contemplate and examine artworks created by the inhabitants of Mexico-Tenochtitlan alongside those of other contemporaneous cultures. Visitors will be able to
expressed
in
various societies
Solomon
the
compare tremendously innovative indigenous
styles, as
the diverse forms and unique ornamental devices particular to the
R.
in
which they originated. The monumental space afforded by
Guggenheim Museum
will
also allow commonalities to be
traced through the so-called international style of the Late Postclassic period-
evidenced
in
some
of the extraordinary masterpieces on display-which
became
consolidated around the time the Aztec empire was established. This style
is
characterized by a complex universe of symbols executed with similar artistic
means, through which the different indigenous peoples could recognize one another and participate they
may
We
in a
common
artistic
language, despite the fact that
not have been able to communicate via spoken language.
trust
that visitors encountering
extraordinary experience
in
the art of the Aztecs will have an
witnessing firsthand the principal features of the
culture's astounding, multifaceted universe. this vision of the
cosmos unique and
When one
different
emerge with an indescribable power. Indeed, creating civilizations
there are
The
a
contempo?
many precedents
first
occurred
and
in
for
ic
considers what makes
from oui
its
forms
between past
has not been an easy process, althc
such an undertake
modern attempts by Westerners
to understand
the nineteenth century, as travelers, including
>urneyed to Me-
re's,
a dialogue
indigenous art
some well-known
he period of revolution ,md indep<
I.
Xi
i
•
If/'
I
^m
m
Rear view of
cat. no.
1
»
«
•
and
its first
decades as
ancient cities
a republic.
ruins,
in
These travelers illustrated their tales with images of
monuments, and
rare
and mysterious
sparked the interest of Europeans and Americans to follow collect similar treasures.
Among
the most
in
famous accounts
objects,
all
of which
their footsteps
and to
are the books of John
L
Stephens, illustrated by Frederick Catherwood, which are devoted to the mysterious
world of the Maya; and the works of Guillaume Dupaix, which were unfortunately published very late and thus had less of an impact than Stephens's works. Dupaix's writings provided detailed evidence of Mexico's ticularly in the central region
phy of
travel literature
which primarily
detail
enormous archaeological wealth,
would
be enriched by William Bullock's contributions,
later
Aztec archaeology, while Eduard Muhlenpfordt and Carl Nebel
dedicated their efforts to Oaxaca, the Gulf Coast, and Mexico
Humboldt-a pioneer himself had obtained
we
Finally,
located
in his
in
in
Baron Alexander von
some
pieces,
in
European
of which he
Mexico. first Mexican museum, Autonoma de Mexico, where the
are indebted to Pietro Gualdi for conceiving the
the courtyard of the Universidad Nacional
monoliths to be discovered, beginning
first
City.
field-collected codices that had been stored
and exhibited them together with archaeological
libraries
par-
and the valleys of Oaxaca and Palenque. The bibliogra-
1790
in
Mexico
in
City's
Great Plaza and
in
the atrium of the cathedral, were displayed. These include the enormous sculpture
Great Coatlicue, the
first
monument
to
emerge during that period of improvements
to
the urban infrastructure of Mexico City; and the Stone of Tizoc, originally called the
Stone of
Sacrifices.
was during the nineteenth century that the pre-Hispanic world gained exposure through the publication of superb etchings, while the phenomenon of archaeological It
collecting appeared. This
was
practiced institutionally within Mexico and privately by
individuals from the United States and nations
Germans, Swiss, and French. Although
in
Europe, particularly by the English,
their activities
were undertaken without any
governmental oversight, the objects they unearthed eventually enriched the museums of their respective countries of origin, where they were considered the creations of a distant, exotic,
and primitive world.
The Museo Nacional de Mexico was moved
museum's new home had been devoted metals and
the
exhibiting
for
now
minting
archaeological
displayed
in
and
its
quarters at the uni-
colonial times to the smelting of precious
pieces.
to
obtain
more space
The great monuments were
the central courtyard, while smaller sculptures, ceramics, tools, in
the rooms on the palace's upper floor.
It
was
Mexican archaeological research began and the has since brought the country great prestige,
school of museology, which established.
The Gallery of Monoliths opened This
1866 from
move was made
historical
at this venerable institution that
was
in
of coins. This
and ornamental objects were housed
first
in
baroque palace located along the southern side of the Palacio Nacional. The
versity to a
was the most
significant event
in in
1888
in
the museum's largest exhibition space.
the revalorization of Mexico's pre-Hispanic past.
The construction of the gallery had been motivated by the desire to create a protective
environment for the Sun Stone, which
outdoors,
embedded
in
for nearly a century
one of the towers of the
The most important works of sculpture that the
were exhibited around the stone, of stone figures, ballcourt rings,
among them reliefs,
altars,
city's
had been displayed
Metropolitan Cathedral.
museum had
collected to date
the Great Coatlicue and hundreds
and
vessels,
most from the Aztec
period, that had been discovered underneath the modern capital and at other major settlements in the Valley of Mexico. Aztec artworks and archaeology thus regained their visual
power through the display of compelling images of ancient gods and
related cult
A
^
K M»
S& /
' /,
'•*
i t
I
* 2.
Coatlicue, front
Aztec, ca.
1500
and
rear views
»
t
*v%.
%J
^H f<
I
objects,
which had been
during the centuries following the Spanish Conquest of
lost
Mexico-Tenochtitlan. International validation of indigenous
twentieth century. This occurred only
Mexican Art
of
Modern
however, would have to wait
art,
until the
1940 with the opening of Twenty Centuries of Art,
New
which was presented
York,
government of President Lazaro Cardenas.
oration with the
was the
Museum
at the
in
collab-
in
This remarkable exhibition
outside Mexican territory to bring together artworks from the three major
first
periods of the country's history: Precolumbian, colonial, and modern. The exhibition
met with overwhelming
success, as did the catalogue, which included writings by
Alfonso Caso and served as a guidebook for appreciating the most important treasures of ancient Mexico.
It
was the
museum
time that this
first
major works of international modern
art,
New
York.
It
was
a
felt
not only by
also of particular importance for the shift
lectuals in their attitude
about works from the
considered to be expressions of high aesthetic value. This change was evident publication of the book Arte prehispanico de Mexico tion led to a
new
to
triumphant invasion.
museum visitors among Mexican intelPrecolumbian period, which were now
The impact caused by Mexican archaeology was in
was devoted
space, which
had experienced such
of appreciation
level
Considering such changes, Caso,
in
Mexico
who had
for
1946,
in
in
the
whose broad dissemina-
indigenous creations.
Museo Nacional
joined the staff of the
de Mexico around 1950, transformed the Gallery of Monoliths into the
first
exhibition
space devoted specifically to the art and culture of the Aztecs. The gallery was intentionally
named
the Mexica Hall to link the
name Mexica-which, along
with Tenochca
and Aztec, has been used to identify the people who founded Mexico-Tenochtitlanwith the actual of
tity
all
name
of the country, serving by extension as a reference to the iden-
Mexicans. The Mexica Hall thus established our most distant origins of
national identity.
Many were
introduced
Fernando Gamboa.
In
to
Mexico's
Precolumbian
tested the waters
beyond the Americas, daring
tingent of works,
in this
to bring to
formula that had proved so popular
tion,
which traveled to
through the efforts of York exhibition,
Gamboa
Europe an even larger con-
case a polished selection of archaeological objects that gave
the public a chance to appreciate the richness and
shown with works from
art
New
the two decades following the
in
New
drama
of pre-Conquest
art.
The
York was repeated: Pre-Hispanic art was
the colonial period and postrevolutionary Mexico. This exhibiParis,
London, and Stockholm, was another huge success, rep-
resenting a triumph for Mexican
For the
art.
most varied
to experience Mexico's
first
time European audiences were able
artistic expressions, in
an amazing collection of
pre-Hispanic works that offered both specialists and the uninitiated an opportunity to explore their elegant forms and profound symbolism. The event triggered interest in the indigenous peoples
ancient Mesoamerican art
who had
enormous
created these works. This reassessment of
was followed by two
highly significant cultural events that
demonstrate the process of reevaluating the most important collections of Mexican art in the
The a
section
of Robert 1947.
United States.
first
was the inauguration devoted
Woods
Dumbarton Oaks art,
which had been on view
Bliss,
commemorating
in
1970
the institu
moving the objects comi
Washington, the
D.C., in
extraordinary
1962, of
collection
at the National Gallery of Art since
Before Cortes: Sculpture of Middle
at the Metropolitan rst
in
exhibiting
The second was an exhibition entitled
America, which opened
for
at
Precolumbian
to
Museum
centennial. The exhibition
of Art
was
in
New
York,
used as a pretext
the Nelson A. Rockefeller Collection, formerly
in
the
The
first circuit
City,
period
17,
own
1964. The inauguration of this
was based on
and museological concept, accorded each
its
Chapultepec Park
at its present site in
which took place on September
extraordinary structure, the design for which
artistic
specif-
of traveling exhibitions of Mexican art concluded with the open-
new Museo Nacional de Antropologia
Mexico
tectural
new wing designed
of Primitive Art, into a
the art of the Americas, Africa, and Oceania.
ing of the in
now defunct Museum
city's
ically for
a highly
cultural region
advanced archi-
and archaeological
space, thus showing visitors the specific technological advances and
features of the diverse peoples
who
center of the structure, the Mexica Hall
inhabited ancient Mexico. Located
was considered the
in
the
principal attraction for
those visiting the museum. The gallery's location, at the end of a long reflecting pool,
was meant this
to evoke the original site of the glorious Mexico-Tenochtitlan,
on the
built
islets in
magnum
which was
Lake Tetzcoco. Architect Pedro Ramirez Vazquez, the creator of
opus, conceived the Mexica Hall
monumental dimensions
in
to
imbue
the space with the character of a temple. The height and volume of the exhibition
space allowed visitors to suitably appreciate the grandeur of Aztec monumental sculpture,
nave,
most notably the Sun Stone, which was placed
at the
end of the central
front of a white marble wall and set on a marble platform, thus transform-
in
ing the piece into an altar devoted to
After
its
Mexican indigenous national
identity.
opening the Museo Nacional de Antropologia quickly became a tourist
attraction for those seeking to learn about the richness of Mexican archaeology, especially
its
expressions. The
artistic
museum's design had
influencing the transformation of exhibition spaces collections of Precolumbian Mexican art. itive art,
which had held
In
many
fast until this time,
was without
goddess Coyolxauhqui, which Project. For twenty-five years
a
led
museums
with
were dropped.
doubt the discovery
later
now
other
cases disparaging allusions to prim-
The event that brought the world's attention to Aztec "People of the Sun,"
international impact,
many
in
to the
art,
to the creations of the
1978 of the sculpture of the
in
development of the Templo Mayor
this project has
made
extraordinary archaeological
discoveries that have astonished people across the globe.
Its
researchers continue to
contribute to the knowledge and dissemination of information about the founders of
Mexico's
first capital.
1980
In
unearthed
a public
at the
eager to learn about and enjoy the discoveries that had been
Templo Mayor had the opportunity
sented at the Palacio de
las Bellas
Artes
in
Mexico
to visit a related exhibition preCity.
objects of delicate beauty and powerful symbolism, this exhibitions to display the advances
made
in
ple.
first
of
number of numerous
archaeological research. Since then the
interest in Aztec art has led to other exhibitions,
from the Templo Mayor explored themes
Including any
was the
which besides presenting objects
relating to the culture of Tenochtitlan's peo-
These exhibitions were noteworthy for the sheer volume of artifacts displayed,
some
being
In
shown
for the first time outside their original locations.
1982 we sent the exhibition The Aztec
Civilization to Japan,
Sendai and Nagoya. During the curatorial process
we
sented
in
artistic
and archaeological objects that had previously remained
from the eyes of the
public.
These works were
redesign of the Mexica Hall at the
The exhibition
now
where
it
was
pre-
selected important in
storage, hidden
considered key pieces
in
the
Museo Nacional de Antropologia.
Glanz und Untergang des alten Mexiko: Die Azteken und ihre in 1986, brought the art of ancient Mexico to Europe and
Vorlaufer, which opened
Canada, highlighting works of the Aztec world. Art of Aztec Mexico: Treasures of
Tenochtitlan, presented
Aztec: The World of
in
1983 at the National Gallery of
Moctezumo, which opened
Natural History, were particularly significant because
was not immersed within sented on In
share
in
them the
Museum
in
Mexico
of
art of the Aztecs
context of other Mesoamerican objects. At
a
indigenous development
final
Washington, D.C, and
Art,
1992 at the Denver
in
prior to the arrival of the Spaniards
last,
the
was
pre-
own.
its
Museo Nacional de Antropologia once again saw the need to new touring exhibitions. Beginning its successful
the 1990s the
collections in the form of
its
Museum
tour at the Metropolitan
of Art
in
October 1990, Mexico: Splendors of Thirty
Centuries- later continuing on to San Antonio and Los Angeles-was organized once again around the holistic concept of Mexican art broken
As
ods.
its
sites in
Chichen In
Mesoamerica:
into three
La Venta, Izapa, Teotihuacan,
Monte
Alban, Palenque,
same year the Museo Nacional de Antropologia organized the
Precolumbian Art of Mexico, which traveled to
Paris,
peri-
Tajin,
El
works of the highest cultural areas
a selection of
Mesoamerica-with examples from
quality from
artistic
exhibition
Madrid, Berlin, London, and Tokyo
between 1990 and 1992, providing the public with the chance to view
exhibition
main
and Mexico-Tenochtitlan.
Itza,
the
down
point of reference, the exhibition used the most significant archaeological
all
and archaeological periods-as well as from the north of Mexico. The
was
by international
hailed
critics
museum
as a microcosm of the
in
Chapultepec Park traveling the world. In
1999, during the
phase of renovation and redesign of the Museo Nacional
first
we made profound changes
de Antropologia,
to the Mexica Hall,
which would allow
nearly eight hundred objects to be displayed. Subsequently, with the experience
many
acquired over
years of research and
museum
undertakings,
we
developed,
together with Professor Eduardo Matos Moctezuma, the exhibition Aztecs, which was
presented
in
2002
at the Royal
from numerous museums
assemblage of
a large
its
The most demanding of
Academy
of Arts, London. This exhibition united objects
Europe, Mexico, and the United States;
number of pre-Hispanic and
and gave the exhibition
exhibition
in
unique
critics
Tutankhamun-lo be presented its
it
event
identity.
Treasures of
in Europe, for its relevance, the high quality of the
popularity
was presented
continent, the loans from Mexico Italian collections,
a rare
considered Aztecs to be the second-most important
among
specialists
Aztecs continued to garner very favorable reviews
Germany, where
the
in particular,
was
non-Western art-ranking behind only the legendary
works selected, and
from
colonial codices
in Berlin in
and the general public
when
and Bonn.
the next year
it
alike.
traveled to
Prior to leaving the
European
the original exhibition were joined with objects
thus forming Treasures of the Aztecs, a
delighted visitors to the Palazzo Ruspoli, Rome,
in
the
first
new
presentation that
half of 2004.
These are the signal events that have preceded the extraordinary showing of The Aztec Empire,
now on view
at the
Guggenheim Museum. The
exhibition focuses
on the expansion and culmination of two powerful empires: the Aztec and the Purepecha (Tarascan),
who dominated much
of the fifteenth century and the of
first
of
Mesoamerica during the second
these two indigenous cultures are indeed
made
palpable by the very works
presented to viewers. The most complex political entity considered Alliance,
better
known
half
two decades of the sixteenth. The splendors
as the Aztec empire,
is
the Triple
whose works make up the core
this exhibition. Originally a confederation of three
emerging
city-states,
of
headed by
Mexico-Tenochtitlan, this coalition dominated the central, southern, and ea
regions of Mesoamerica.
It
achieved and maintained this power through military con-
quests, the imposition of a strict tribute system, and the dissemination of
Nahuatl. Moreover,
it
reinforced
its
preeminence through
a
common
language,
its
artistic
language
that transcended linguistic barriers.
During the Postclassic period the most highly prized of metals, gold, was considered to be a material originating
and
in
the sun, and
its
use was thus restricted to the ruling class
nobility exclusively. Visitors to this exhibition will
nity to
come
have the extraordinary opportu-
face to face with the most important collection of gold jewelry from
Precolumbian Mexico ever displayed
in
the United States.
Empire allows us to bear witness to a time when
artists
More
significantly,
The Aztec
expressed through physical
objects the essence of the world around them, their culture's creation myths, and their people's close relationship to the sacred universe, with
night and day, creation and destruction.
all its
dualities of
life
and death,
r\
%
:/,
'
r
**"V.
..
'^
V4 .
,
1
&
I
V
1
t
$ I
)
•»
*
*
tftfgfr
m 1 "ta
m
H
H
^H v
>*
4
M
Aztec Empire
^H
Traces of an Identity ///
/ uenle
Mexican
art
is
.
.
.
Through
manifestations
its
it
who we
understand Mexico without including
to eliminate the
source for understanding what
UNDERSTANDING HUMANKIND THROUGH history since
it
came
ITS
its
art
we
is
in
summarizes and
synthesizes the entire history of our becoming
fertile
are.
To
try to
most
are.-Justino Fernandez'
CREATIVE OUTPUT HAS BEEN THE TASK OF ART
into being as a discipline.
Through
artistic manifestations,
human
being as the creator of
branch of history seeks to understand the
this
and even
a novelty in the field of universal culture
Mexican culture.
images. Such images narrate stories of times and places both near and distant.
Not
all
we today
the creations that
consider artistic ones were the subject
of art-historical inquiry from the inception of the discipline; only two centuries
now
separate us from
its
began within the Western
beginnings as a
field
When
of knowledge.
tradition, its self-defined task
was
standing of certain works, the majority of which originated
art history
building an underin
the West. Under
such conditions were terms, methodologies, and strategies developed ing deeply into the is
It
meanings of such
sufficient to recall
for delv-
objects.
books with such
titles
which the artworks of the "world" were limited
as The History of World Art,
in
to surveys starting with the cave
paintings at Lascaux and Altamira and ending with the European and United States avant-garde. The art of Asia, Africa, and Latin America best included as an appendix
when
was omitted
or at
comparatively small number of pages. However,
in a
the communications media flourished
in
the late nineteenth century, that
narrow Western world became aware of the vastness of human expression. Thus horizons were broadened, and
it
began
of other previously ignored work.
In
the eyes of the nascent discipline of art his-
its
tory,
many non-Western
to investigate the artistic possibilities
objects suggested a complex and fertile discourse.
The "new" forms were different from the familiar and accepted canon. For this reason,
those terms, methodologies, and strategies developed to solve art-
related questions
had to be extended, adapted, and reinvented to take into
account the problems presented by the recently accepted artworks. Because of art's potential to
provide information, there was
now
access to knowledge pre-
viously unimagined about the people who created these works and about historical
and
cultural circumstances. In that way, arl history, eager to
information, changed
in
keeping with the
'imes and latitudes
in
demands
among them
incorporated into V
objects produced 'se of this
in
of the works and their roots
iman development.
the eon
Consistent with the original purposes ot works,"
theii
decode
g art history, these "other
ancient Mexico, have slowly been
humanistic inquiry. Before they were
considered within this sphere, their history had been long and eventful, yet iok centuries
before their expressive qualities and
01
,
acquired a
k
preeminent place
in
Mexican
and
art,
by the peoples of Mesoamerica before the Spanish Conquest clearly illustrates the alternation of scorn
accorded by Western culture.
is
It
and comprehension
common knowledge
that
in
the sixteenth century the gates of the old continent were a new, enigmatic,
who
arrived.
As
a result of the
Conquest, Meso-
america was revealed to the eyes of the West through the
and abundance of
diversity ture,
face considerable challenges. Other
still
new
its
creations.
Through architec-
mural painting, ceramics, and other forms,
sculpture,
the artistic project of ancient societies
became
a fertile field-
the multidisciplinary approach, advances
The spaces, volumes, times, textures,
lines, colors,
rhythms,
the intellectual and
in
emotional comprehension of art of the Mexican past have a broader
acceptance of non-Western
opening up of the world,
worldwide
and
art
to gather
steam
among
However, as George Kubler pointed out
new
Precolumbian
art.
6
In
ings wherever possible, and to disentangle
senses of those accustomed to perceiving
cosmological messages.
expected to open up a dialogue with those looking at
it.
desire to understand this
art,
to grasp
The process of understanding the ples has radically
vacillate
still
we have
recent years
suggested a language of their own, which appealed to the
properties revealed the difference and otherness of an art that
we
1991,
and dissemination, between unity and diver-
isolation
sity within
indige-
other contributions.
its
in
a
another way. These
how
and established our cultural history
art enriched our past
centuries-long continuum,
in a
the
in
the late nineteenth
in
century. Those intensive processes have revealed
nous
led to
vision, a true
inclusion
its
and movements of the "new" objects unfolded and thereby
in
new
This
consciousness are relatively new
historical-critical
developments that began
art.
one of the signs of moderr
is
The evaluation of pre-Hispanic
between
unexplored, ambiguous, confusing, and seductive.
perspectives and
encouraging them to formulate better questions. Coming from
mysterious world.- This parallel
world awakened the curiosity, wonder, uneasiness, and interest of everyone
art historians
disciplines can help scholars by providing
The history of rejection and acceptance of the works created
opened onto
Today
their universal quality
was recognized.
witnessed
original
its
mean-
religious
its
and
non-Western peo-
art of
changed our knowledge of world
art.
How
this
Deciphering the meaning of those forms has been the task
occurred would be an excellent example for a dialectical study.
of diverse eras, people, and lines of thinking, from the Conquest
The development of
to the present day. In transition to the legitimation of pre-
of non-Western
terms such as pagan and exotic have been used to
Hispanic
art,
describe
its
forms and qualify
its
A good
thread to follow
in
Precolumbian
art
is
mexicano (1972). the past by
means of
art,
genous Mexican
the author went back to the sixteenth
saw
He found that falling
this
artwork
between wonder
and scorn. Out of the polyphony he was able
two main camps among the
ileged the craftsmanship their diabolical
critics:
those
and mastery of the works
meanings, and those
who were
who
in
in
Longevity
compar-
Fernandez's peregrinations are confusing and complicated,
The voice
of
Manuel Gamio
to reconcile in
I
(conter
among
the greatest virtues of
all
ancient
overcome
form and con-
necessary for arriving at
the broadest understanding of indigenous
in
art,
but
under-
standing the past: the problem of temporal distance; Navigating
among
the difficulties
possible
is
if
we pay
attention to the
to the philosopher,
we have from the past lies in the trace; knowledge we have about the past can only come
the only reference point therefore, the
from
a reconstruction of the information the trace provides.
Insofar as art's trace acquires an
allows
it
to belong to
the original time
all
which
in
intratemporal nature that
times, to be understood in it
was made can be
all
epochs,
re-created. This
capacity to transcend the constant barrier of time's passage
lack of written data to
back
its
creation, as
is
if
there
the case
is
a
for
majority of Precolumbian objects
H" presence of
Forjando patria (1916),
however, suggested the conjunction of both the signifier (form)
and the
is
also presents the first obstacle to be
turns art into a link between past and present, even
and Etruscan.
and the author was not always able
it
what has disappeared. According
isons with non-American civilizations such as the Egyptian, Assyrian,
Coatlicue an illustration of the "convulsive beauty" fore-
in
shadowing Surrealism.
tation of
wholly focused
cases, the critics resorted to
interest in indi-
of both past and present, and believed he
spite of
which they were studied, described, and argued
some
art,
term used by Paul Ricoeur to designate the represen-
whether they adhere to Western notions of
over. Therefore, in
of the
froce, the
naturalism. Mesoamerican artworks took on the meanings of
the times
rise
Post-Impressionism
in
priv-
on the symbolic and religious ideology of the works, overlooking the matter of
remember here the
and Surrealism. Andre Breton had an engaged
eagerness to cross the threshold into
was highly disputed, with judgments to discern
well to
is
revaluation
and branching out through Expressionism, Fauvism, Cubism,
art of ancient Mexico.
fright, praise
It
led to a
turn steered the development
search of viewpoints about
cover their particular contributions to the construction of ideas
and
art.
modern age
in
twentieth-century avant-garde, rooted
century. There he confronted the critics of various times to dis-
about the
modern
which
meanings.
Justino Fernandez's book Estetica del arte
In his
of
art in the
art,
a novelty art
is
in
either
diverse, multifaceted expression
Mexican
or universal culture.
is
one of the foundations shoring up national
The enormous value
ol
no longer
Precolumbian identities.
the legitimation of Aztec art and of
its
existence
time
in
presence both as art objects and as
lies in its
an expression of humanity. "I
am
Images are created through
other!" said Arthur Rimbaud,
pronouncement that
in a
was already an expression of modernity and general knowledge.
we
Indeed,
are those others. Art functions as a channel of
munication;
it
serves to integrate.
selves individually
prisms; cones and their various combinations; spheres; ovoids.
we can
In art
and together, as
recognize our-
dialogue between our
a
if in
com-
heads and our hearts.
nuances of
desire to express the
may wound
objects
advance
in
it,
because they are frozen
space but only so
movement
is
lives held in check.
stopped
far;
produced
art
in
Mesoamerica, Mexica-
forms, as
if
time. They
tracks or forced to retreat, con-
in its
risks.
The
limits of
wood, or any other material constrain the
stone, fired clay,
From the vast body of
in
except for the rare exception,
tained without expansion, without taking any
Aztec art stands out as uniquely confident.'
Although
space, with elements projecting outward,
they cannot change
their
Mexico-Aztec Art
forms and an
a wise handling of
absolute control over materials, as well as an inexhaustible
they had been taken prisoner and were struggling to
it-
escape. Thus Mexica artworks are imbued with an accumulation
together with Olmec art-is primarily a volumetric sculptural
of contained emotions that seek integration into the universal;
the
In
first place,
form. That the viewer can contemplate sculpture
from different angles allows for than
reliefs require.
forms of Mexica
the round
a different kind of perception
we can observe
Second,
in
As
within the diverse
profound maturity and self-awareness
art the
perhaps
human time and space
aspire to sacred realms outside
time and space.
basic
in
the rest of Mesoamerican
groups defined
by
Mexica objects
art,
of
type
their
zoomorphic, vegetal, and hybrids. Yet another group
of a creative people.
As we know from varied studies based on early colonial
is
into
fall
human,
figuration:
made up
texts,
of barely insinuated scenes. Because both formal and thematic
the defining traits of Mexica art were achieved because of the
variations abound, and countless artworks were produced, here
and metaphoric
culture's belief in a conceptual
pairing, the "dia-
logue between head and heart" and the fashioning of a "deified heart."
The objective was to reach
a perfect equilibrium
came together through the ideal of knowledge to which the Mexica aspired, which was called toltecayotl. The person who had a dialogue with his or her own heart was known universe. This
Once
"artist."
his or her creative
goals were reached, the artist transcended the sphere of the
gods artist
order to
in
went
the tasks revealed by these gods. The
fulfill
from them and
to the essence of things to learn
teach others about that intimate dialogue. The goal was to preserve the status quo, that verse, by giving thanks to
is,
the present existence of the uni-
and
propitiating the spiritual powers.
The tangible results of these divine apprenticeships can admired
in
countless works
ceramics, sculpture, scripts, silverwork,
With
and
its
in
lapidary
and
different art,
Mexica
art acquired
through the remarkable power of
force
was grounded line
between
manu-
distinctive note
Mesoamerican
ically
a
its
its
an unquestionably
art,
specif-
represen-tations. This
In
was
itself in
eternal gratitude
human
essential.
mon
art.
geometric figures:
we
start
from the proposal that
ators perceived their place
quickly It
is
come
in
art
speaks of the
to mind. Perhaps the best
well-known that the
entire cosmos. The
known
outermost
ring) to its limits (the
its
the Sun Stone.
ring).
we can
rings,
nucleus (the innermost
The deity's face occupies
see his hands or claws that
imprison hearts. The god appears within the
means "movement"), four rectangular panels
ollin sign
(which
that converge
in a
the blades of a fan. These panels include signs for the
various "suns" or preceding eras. This set
that
is
predominant forms are concentric
the center, and to his sides
cre-
its
represents the fifth sun and the
relief
which contain the very universe from
circle, like
way
the world, several Mexica examples
includes
the is
glyphs another
ring,
encircled by a ring
is
representing
the
twenty days.
with solar symbols and rays
that cross the borders of the circles. The outermost ring consists
of two enormous xiuhcoatl, or
one another
in
fire
the lower part of the
whose heads face monument; from their open
serpents,
ultimately contained by the xiuhcoatl, which also reflect the
Formal qualities and communicative energy, united, underlie the vitality of Mexica
The Eloquence of the Cosmology If
and the anxiety of
to the gods. In the Mexica vision of the cosmos, the
being
stone.
in
other words, Nahua
that lay on
works spoke of the people's connection to the future of the cosmos, and the deified heart submitted
key examples of the aforementioned
Most of these are sculptures executed
mouths emerge the faces of other gods. Thus the universe is quadripartite and dynamic, even if bounded by circular contours-
vital spirit
a longing for pleasure
people confronted by the end of time.
some
discuss only
Surrounding that
originality within the realm of
the thin
be
architecture,
painting,
literature,
still
textiles.
this foundation,
in
mediums:
will
between
the dual, opposed elements that could be found throughout the
as a toltecatl, today called an
I
types.
Most of these works make use of comrectangular, polyhedral, and pyramidal
universe's dual aspect.
Among
additional examples of outstanding Mexica sculpture
are representations of the hungry goddess, Tlaltecuhtli,
who was
believed to live in the lower part of the cosmos. She can be seen carved on the bottom of many sculptures, hidden from human sight but omnipresent to the
them. She
is
like
gods and
contained energy that
Folio*
Musco
N..
in direct is
contact
invisible to
â&#x20AC;˘
humans
but
lies
within the power of the carved stone. Tlaltecuhtli
noteworthy
arms and
for her sprawling posture: her
her head thrown back. Her hair
and disheveled,
curly
is
spiders and scorpions that crawl through the
The
divinity's face
sometimes teeth.
hybrid, since she
is
down on
sometimes human,
is
This divine
common
it.
It
fire).
The sign
is
Coyolxauhqui.
among them
who murdered
the brother
these two most famous images of Coyolxauhqui, the god-
In
dess represents a death that life.
is in
opposition to
yet also leads
life
Thus the grandiosity of the two works discussed here
is
not limited to their formal treatment but encompasses the
accentuates feelings contained, but on the
deeply rooted religious symbols of the Mexica people. They
most sculptures suggests an
speak of the outcome of an imbalanced struggle between the
in
which confines and compresses no coincidence that
who
creator and destroyer,
is
unique to Mexica
as
her,
this
is
if
art,
rock,
were keeping her
it
the deity of the earth, both
accepts no restrictions, not even
her images. Indeed, she attempts to emit a war
by the knife-through that
terrible,
in
whoop-shown
beginning and end of
life,
rendered
terms: the battle between
in
cosmic rather than human
and death, day and
life
night, light
and darkness, masculine and feminine. Coyolxauhqui
woman-goddess, the divine daughter who conquered, and the one
Coyolxauhqui
open snout.
women-goddess
who
the
is
is
victorious
is
the
is
mutilated but not
defeat.
in
paradigm of the Cihuateteo, the
who were
One of the most magnificent forms in Mexica statuary is the embodiment in stone of cosmology itself, the Great Coatlicue.
entourage. Yet she does not prefigure these warriors; for her
human and animal
mother, Coatlicue, had already done so. Representations of such
serpents face-to-face instead of a head;
major goddesses always show them kneeling, with skeletal faces
Her pyramidal, cruciform body combines elements, including two
female breasts, soft but not spent; a necklace of hands and hearts;
and
feline
claws instead of hands and
and serpents make up part of her
ers, snails,
erect, defiant before
who
attire.
Her figure
creation, bespeaking the great
all
feeds and destroys.
It
feath-
feet. Skulls,
is
mother
also represents a challenge to the
time and space the goddess creates, disrupting and containing
them within
herself.
Thus her image gives physical form
to
abstract concepts. in
communicating
the metaphysical and supernatural power of the gods, tion to the Mexica vision of the
sensation of terribleness cast
cosmos
in
stone.
concrete and brings the past back to
and
life.
A
image of Coatlicue can conquer Another fundamental figure Coatlicue's lated,
vital its
It
conforms
challenge set
own
through the
ollin
stone, the
Mayor
us harsh the
cosmos
in
We
is,
from
Mexica
Huitzilopochtli,
xiuhcoatl.
can also recognize elements
her as a chthonic divinity, that
is
muti-
a
a relief
at Tenochtitlan. In the
As
treatment, her extremities are splayed relief.
curly, as
is
it
with
all
the
gods of death and the underworld, and they are dressed only skirts.
With
cats'
claws instead of hands, they crouch
in
like feline
predators ready to pounce on a victim or eagerly tear at the
air.
Although expectant, they are restrained, intent upon taking action at just the precise
moment, not
before.
It
was
believed
that at the end of the fifth sun, they would descend from the
transformed into hungry jaguars, and devour humankind.
With the Cihuateteo, the
life
cycle
comes
full
circle,
from the
creation to the end of the universe. These deities also delimit the
space and time within which other gods
may
act.
Other Deities The gods seem to comprise a single system, to which elements
may
be added or subtracted to define them or expand the pan-
theon. Most are
death a dynamic posi-
myth her body was cut up by her brother wielded a terrible weapon, in the form of a in
in
of the
symbol, as can be seen
the foot of the Templo
blades
to space
them anew,
dismembered daughter, Coyolxauhqui. As in
the
universe.
in this vision
quartered goddess, she attains
is
is
part of Huitzilopochtli's
makes the intangible
time, yet simultaneously destroys both to create
challenging their eternal flow.
tion
Her image
overall. It
addi-
in
warriors
but inquiring eyes. Their long hair
sky,
This great sculpture of Coatlicue succeeds
a result like
fan
identil
a progenitor. Her belly
young women, kneeling
or seated on
their
claws. Those depicted seated usually rest their hands on their knees. Only a few dare to be
That timid nudity
is
shown nude,
at least in the torso.
associated with Xochiquetzal,
her breasts to the open
air
who
exposes
and adorns her head with garlands of
flowers.
who
from having given birth numerous times and her breasts have
H
depicted without a body. Instead she
blood, the sign for Atl Tlachinolli (water and
the four Tezcatlipocas,
unequal struggle to free herself from the surrounding
It is
is
yet
Tlaltecuhtli
point of exploding. Her pose
small.
she
the war cry of Cihuacoatl Quilaztliâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; Coatlicue's advocate-and
to
image of
within
relief,
has only a head, from whose severed neck spews, instead of
ges-
of her clothing.
ical
Templo Mayor
with
threatening, feline claws.
another sculpture
In
of Coyolxauhqui, a freestanding work quite different from the
a
many examples her hands and feet have A skull-and-crossbones design is typ-
In
through nursing countless children.
fallen
a knife,
out her tongue,
sticks
ture that transforms her into the personification of
eyes and teeth.
of
full
her head.
open snout and huge eye-
a fantastic animal with
The deity opens her jaws and
is
legs open,
Chalchiuhtlicue can be identified by her simple garments, a
quechquemitl
(a
short, triangular cape)
and
a skirt. Her
head-
dress consists of two tassels that hang on either side of her face;
she wears a paper fan at the nape of her neck, typical of the deities of water
are
and
fertility
shown by changes
Ihe goddess's various identities
of posture and different attributes
in
Coyolxauhqui Stone from the Templo Mayor,
Mexico
City.
particular sculptures.
corncobs, she If
is
the paper fan
If
she
Xilonen; she is
walking, carrying
is
may have nude
two
pairs of
or covered breasts.
replaced by a rectangular headdress with four
Although the schematic bodies and different postures of
manage
both sexes barely
to offset the lack of explicit
flowers or small rings of folded paper, then she represents
nevertheless reveal a very special
Chicomecoatl.
metaphysical attachment to
Those are the three basic types of young goddesses.
Mexica sculptures of
women
are
humans. The female condition
is
sacred capacity as the great mother
Males or
in
In fact,
always goddesses,
of no interest except in all its
all
to
mouths
style.
just barely controlled.
variety of attire
musculature, although they indicate the clavicles and the bones
old.
of the wrists, ankles, and knees. The bodies primarily serve to
and marked
support the heads, which are conventionalized although closely linked to the structure of the
human
face.
These faces are
always oval-shaped, with almond eyes, straight noses with wide nostrils,
narrow
lips,
and mouths
the teeth. Both eyes and teeth
slightly open, usually
may
showing
be inlaid with conch or
obsidian. Emotions or definite expressions are usually
from these depictions; the faces seem distant from is
reality
able to the bare stone, from which pair
along with the attire headdresses.
made
of perishable materials,
appeared hair,
and
the
faces;
moving expression; tension
is
and
a
finely
tune the elements iden-
These patterns equally perme-
women and men-divine and human-young and their facial wrinkles
The old can always be recognized by ribs.
A pleasant deity, Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl was frequently He is immediately identifiable from the treatment
repre-
ho
takes
of the
sented.
mouth, which resembles
human form and
bird's
a
it
side.
If
composed
is still
dancing. For this reason, he happiness,
monkeys steps.
art,
a
Otherwise,
enough
may have
may
either a foot or the
the god takes the form of a spider in a is
human
posture, almost jlways
often related to Xochipilli, god of
and the renewal
are bold
Without
beak.
nude and sometimes bearded. He
be standing or seated; his figure
monkey,
Ci
worth remembering that such an impression may be attribut-
fully in the
addition, particular postures
In
and adornments
head turned to one
at'
is
features of
specific
in a
tifying particular types or deities.
ate images of
of expressiveness, a
every sculpture that
in
are held open, fixed
essential features, these sculptures usually lack indications of
kind
The principle of duality and
These have great power and dramatic tension,
which are accented by the
its
body's
the
concentrated
in
young, lacking individuality and
any particular expression. Generally reduced
is
Mexica
Mexica sculpture, on the other hand, may be gods
humans. They are almost
opposites
life.
never
countless variations.
emotions
and the resulting sense of absence or distance, the forms
ot
life.
The representations of
show movement and even dance monkey manifestation endows the
to
doubt, the
Mulir
ul
ll.-MI
sculptures with a greater freedom of articulation
We
and the extremities. from the
static,
in
anthropomorphic images of the same god.
the static works, even though the god's arms
may
But none of these sculptures-whether bodies, heads, or
the torso
can thus differentiate these renditions In
be apart from
masks-shouts, Instead,
is
the space around them.
as the toltecayotl
his figure
is
representations of Xipe Totec exist;
straight and proud, and
costume of human
skin.
Another
who, seated and submerged lives at
in
is
in
easily recognized
common
subject
is
by
his
profound, cosmological thought,
the center of the universe. He can be distinguished by
the headdress decorated with a band of disks and a scroll on his forehead, a
Xiuhtecuhtli
is
kind of schematic bird's head. The also
adorned with
a pair of small cubes,
ears,
from which fabric appears to
worn
at the
nape of the neck.
In
image of
fall,
and with
on
a pape,
some examples he
is
bearded.
Also unmistakable are depictions of Huehueteotl, the only old god,
who
has been carrying a brazier on his head and shoulders
There are other variations of anthropomorphic figures that
emphasize the human face or head. These are masks that follow the canonical features discussed above and are identified only
by their associated signs, which appear on the works them-
Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl
smoke and
Totec
in
Xiuhcoatl.
;
ogy.
Some
mirror; the date 9
Wind
for
and the double masks representing Xipe
the skin of a sacrificed person are examples.
type of sculpture hails
from
calm-
reflect the
con-
link
in
human
the
a mythological zool-
of these figures rank as gods. There
empty about these works;
or
emotions.
recommends.
speak of the profound
is
nothing silent
individually or as a group, they
between the sacred and human
spheres, and recall the deep relationship between
humankind
and nature.
Among
serpentine forms, the xiuhcoatl, the
encountered above,
known tip
of
is
as "star glyphs," projects
its
snout.
Its
body
and tongues of
trapezoids
in
fire
depicted with clawed front paws.
serpent Its
head
because an attachment, studded with what are
distinctive,
is
terflies
since time immemorial.
selves. Tezcatlipoca's
form, another
his
fan
life
its
stillness,
While the images discussed above are based
them,
Xiuhtecuhtli,
through the
that seeks the dialogue between head and heart,
the body, the sculptures remain immobile, failing to penetrate
many
life
and depth of space and time. Perhaps they
ness,
templative
Likewise,
prone to outbursts, or changes
offer the certainty of
all
is
upward and backward from the
usually covered with designs of but-
fire. Its tail is
represented as a scrie
groups of two or three, finishing
in
a triangle
weapon with which Huitzilopochtli killed his r mies, the complement to the Atl Tlachinolli. The ahuitzotl (water dog) is a mammal whose back and is
the burning
tail
are
human relief
made
of water; on the end of
its
tail
there
is
a
I
hand. This figure typically appears as sculpture, bo"'
and
in
the round, but
is
shown
in
codices as well. These
creatures are dangerous,
water-with that
war
cries.
little
they can
as
people into the
pull
hand-and drown them. They
The ahuitzotl
is
also
out
let
representative of the animated, imag-
cosmos. Taken together, pride
their having
in
these sculptures attest to Mexica
all
been chosen by the gods to feed and con-
serve the universe.
inary zoology of Mexica sculpture.
A magnificent
sculpture of fired clay that represents an
anthropomorphic bat must also be mentioned
came from tive
It
the excavation of the Templo Mayor. With a distinc-
nose and large
solidly
section.
in this
wingless bat stands with
ears, the
on the ground and the claws facing frontward.
ments that
link
to the
it
gods of death by
necklace and the snails hanging from
it.
flaying,
This
It
feet
its
has ele-
such as
its
another threat-
is
Plants In
and Animals
spite of this
cial
care
flora
emphasis on humans, the Mexica
and fauna are rendered
the identity of their subjects.
same proximity
to visual
stone, shell, bone, or
Mexica people's
However, we do not witness
duce Living Mortals In
great
wood
doubt about
for
sculptures
show the
whether they are carved of
molded
or are in
many
them
or
modeled
in clay.
a desire to precisely repro-
Examples represent, with singular sureness,
model.
a
A
reality
ening image that was an integral part of the dualities of the lives.
an abbreviated manner, the
in
forms of such works leave no room
essential
took spe-
still
creating sculptures of plants and animals. Although
in
stretched-out cats, sitting dogs, leaning rabbits, and coiled ser-
human
Mexica sculpture,
beings are given special attention,
pents. While their creators were completely confident
their
in
but are robbed of individuality; they can be recognized by their
figural representation, they never followed the path of direct
symbols or emblems. Many of these portrayals are of young
mimesis.
who
men, commoners known as macehualtin, dressed only
short loincloths knotted
in
unadorned short
hair
reinforces their
maintain an upright posture, even both hands
is
are barefoot
in
and
parts of
They
mastery,
plebeian
status.
they are squatting. One or
if
usually extended partially closed;
What
the front. Their
if
the figures are
distinguishes Mexica sculptors from those
Mesoamerica was
what
is
their will to extract, with
fundamental
in
the natural forms that sur-
rounded them. The exceptional quality of
from
their production
Sculptures of fleas and
desire.
this
standard bearers, the hands are hollowed out to hold flagpoles.
remain wonderful objects both for the small
Another type of macehual
creatures and for the
identifiable by the
is
the hands on the knees and,
placement of
some examples, crossed arms
in
The famous naturalistic head of an eagle warrior stood as the Mexica ideal of a
human
work of
art,
the
warrior
were overlooking
thinking of his
is
eloquent
upcoming
in its
a
models. Overall,
real
containment of
battlefield
is
a
if
qualities,
another eagle
whole figure assembled from
not a particular individual but rather a
framed by
wings can be seen atop the
common a bird's
figure's arms,
the height of the knees. (This sculpture
size of the original
which they capture the (Even
their
color
locust.) In
is
flea,
insects'
suggested red for the
other examples, such as portrayals of butterflies and
spiders, the abstraction of
resemblance to the
forms leads to beings that bear
originals.
little
They may have altered features or
ones added that do not belong to that particular animal.
Among
the body of works depicting fauna, representations
in
type.
like
the real creatures. Their heads, scales in detail.
is
The forked tongues project out of their mouths, which also
body
is
play eyeteeth. All these elements, along with the body positions,
head helmet. The
and the talons are
now
most
(whether carved or painted), and rattles are rendered
it
that
Its
jects portrayed
at
lacks the original
whether coiled or
alert,
dis-
make the ophidians one of the most
extraordinary groups within Mexica sculpture. Similar qualities can
be found
and
in
the marvelous vegetal
made
with
vital
sculptures, especially gourds
that
stones that accentuate the liveliness of their forms. These sculp-
be part of the cosmic order once the dialogue has borne
tures demonstrate a savvy mixture of edges and curves, concave
paint covering
impulse of that will
force, as
and confidently
ceramic parts-shares the expression of community
he
stone.
stems
therefore
of reptiles are paradigmatic. Serpents are undoubtedly the sub-
With similar formal and conceptual
fruit,
under-
victory.
warrior-this one, however,
inclined forward, the face
is
being. Simplified and gen-
were not drawn from
as a
it
in
in
locusts
through the choice of stone: black for the
supporting the elbows.
eralized, its features
amplified
essence,
way
other
in
unequaled
the figure
None of these elements masks the dialogue between head and heart. Knowing it.)
is
suspended
in
and convex
divine revelation.
The few depictions of elderly figures known can be distinguished by the wrinkles lining their faces. The torsos of some of these sculptures
show
clear vertebrae
and pronounced
ribs.
Indeed, their backs are bent, either because age or physical disability
has overtaken them or because they have lived through
many
experiences.
bespeak
a
Figures
of
both the old and the young
conquering people sure of
Figure of a bat god from the
Templo Mayor.
itself
and of
its
role in the
their
lines
areas,
shows
cacti,
which gives form to the a
plants.
fine,
colored
The purity of
determination to express the animated
nature of plants. Once again, Mexica sculptures here display
both the extraordinary sensitivity and complete confidence of their creators. Vegetal
captured formal
in
and animal sculptures represer
stone, the intimate
demands and symbolic
and indissoluble union aspirations. These wort
the determination and confidence implicit
in
M<
1
betv.
f
2l
Teocalli of the Sacred War.
\
Tlatecuhtli.
<,
Human and
Union of the There are
many
the Divine
sion. Reliefs with varied subject
humans. Relevant works are the The
desire for expres-
matter interweave mythical and
matters and show divinities
historical
Stone of
is
same
other examples of the
Teocalli of the Sacred War, replete with
On
images of gods and people
complex iconog-
and symthere are
its sides,
the garb of gods as well as ritual
in
instruments including arrows, shields, xiuhcoatl, cuauhxicalli
and zacatapayolli
(eagle vessels),
gather
sacrificial
On
blood).
of dried grass used to
(balls
the back side
is
emblem of
the
Tenochtitlan, an image of Cihuacoatl as an eagle, emitting a war
on top of
cry,
a
nopal, as
Scholars believe the of
Motecuhzoma
Carved
New
Fire
was Motecuhzoma in relief,
ll's
ceremony.
It
the government
is
also said that
the Stones of Tizoc and
Motecuhzoma
is
are
on conven-
governments' con-
tional formal language, both celebrate their
indicated by the signs associated
with various victories. The image of the sun appears on the
we can Motecuhzoma
upper, horizontal surfaces of both works, and
ventional figures of the rulers Tizoc or
numerous
is
I,
shown on
the head or replacing a foot, identifies
Mexica visual arts
will
them with
was not important
glorified
it
deities they
were representing; individuals and
'â&#x20AC;˘d
was
lim-
them. For
to artists to personalize the
this reason,
their
gods only
were redeemed within the society
to the extent they
toltecayotl,
nounced abstraction, the
is
Quetzalcoatl; it
is
it
a is
victory
cry.
the
is
It
the defiant Coatlicue. is
It
is
the assured voice of a conquer-
what makes
it
so different from other
expressions of ancient Mexico.
There
is
no room
for
absolute This can be seen
doubt in
in
Mexica
art;
confidence
the precision of the locust,
coiled serpent, in the impassive, distant standard bearer,
mages of s
will
be
Tizoc
and Motecuhzoma
I.
Overall,
ire
in
is
the
and
in
Mexica sculp-
an expression of power, of the certain! di
community
force of
life itself.
Undoubtedly, beyond is
most impressive
is
its
forms, materials, and subjects,
and deep feeling permeating To receive
its
for such
which
is
message,
Mexica
all
we must
art,
put aside
especially sculpture.
all
Western prejudices
must be the indispensable parameter
communication. Mexica
art speaks in its
simultaneously specific and universal.
self-referential,
what
the profound capacity for communication
own
language,
Its
forms are
bounded, and compact, awaiting the detonator
that will expose their
most profound meanings. They
strive to
contain the emotions that are fully integrated within them.
both form and content, this art manifests an enjoyment
In
of
for eternity.
life
that required sacrifices to achieve fullness. The works
express a fatal anxiety that could be controlled through the revelatory dialogue
between god and human. They are works that and
reveal constrained feelings
beliefs,
to the world's greater cultural
which are neither comheritage nor foreign to
humanity's evolution. They comprise a collective cry
that,
emitted, dominates living beings and offers certainty to existence. This dialogue a formal
into refined
works that
later,
the dialogue
the product of deep reflection trans-
and symbolic language and concentrated
formed into
um
is
vital
and
once
human
still
still
speak to us today. Half a millenni-
bears
fruit,
making us participants
in
art to
universal.
dominant Ehecatl-
Coyolxauhqui dismembered but not defeated;
ing people. This quality artistic
visual arts created by this
emphasize the culture's vigorous and expressive nucleus: the
remain art
and through deepening themselves from within.
an ancient vision of the cosmos and allowing Mexica
that elevated them.
Mexica
knowledge the Mexica
profound
Ranging from the most sincere verisimilitude to the most pro-
mon
cities.
of the gods
who
by the vicissitudes of the people
and
sensitivity
rounds them; rather they freeze space and time
confidence of their cre-
reflect the lively
ators and of a conquering people. The
great
achieved through the dialogue between head and heart, the
repeated
Based on the accompanying glyphs, the captives
hair.
can be recognized as symbolic images of vanquished
ited
the
Moreover, the works do not interrupt the space or time that sur-
incarnations of Tezcatlipoca. The leaders hold various captives
by their
lively col-
see con-
the smoking mirror that
attire, particularly
purposes of domi-
existence.
ored and inlaid surfaces. The sculptural techniques demonstrate
times, in the side reliefs. They are dressed as warriors
and gods. The warlike
its
the Mexica turned to the fine modeling of stone,
that suggest that "beauty"
throne.
large cylinders conveying historical subjects. Based
quests; their historical nature
the truths of
tell
established itself as
it
for
To reach these objectives and strengthen an extraordinary artistic will,
literature.
dedication at Mexico's Templo Mayor, or a
Binding of the Years or this object
Mexica
in
monument commemorates a
II,
described
is
community united
achieving textures of great eloquence, reinforced by
raphy, simulates the plinth of a pyramid with steps
metrical framing, and, at the top, an altar.
nation and to
by side with
living side
Teocalli of the Sacred War, the
and the Stone of Motecuhzoma.
Tizoc,
neither personalized nor individualized,
the single voice of a
now. Give
s
people e art
To Felipe Solis
Notes 1.
Justino Fernandez, Estetica del arte mexicano (Mexico City: Universidad
Nacional 2.
Autonoma de Mexico,
1972),
p. 9.
See Fernandez, Estetica del arte mexicano.
3. Ibid. 4.
Cited in
5.
See Beatriz de
Memorias de George
la
Fuente,
"El
arte prehispanico:
Academia Mexicana de
la
Madrid /Mexico 6.
45.
ibid., p.
City:
Kubler,
la Historia
Academia Mexicana de
la
Un
siglo de historia," in
correspondiente a
Historia, 1999), pp.
la
Real de
79-100.
Aesthetic Recognition of Ancient Amerindian Art (New
Haven: Yale University
Press, 1991).
de
7.
See
in
Las humanidades en Mexico, 1950- 1975 (Mexico City: Universidad Nacional
ibid.,
pp. 95, 96; Beatriz
la
Fuente, "La critica y
el
Autonoma de Mexico, Consejo Tecnico de Humanidades, and Beatriz de XIX," Revista 8.
de
la
"El
arte prehispanico visto por los
Mexica
is
p.
europeos
del siglo
vol. 3, El
tiempo narrado (Mexico
City:
840.
the proper
popular usage.
1978), pp. 93-101;
Universidad de Mexico (Mexico City) 29 (Dec. 1983), pp. 2-7.
See Paul Ricoeur, Tiempoynarracion,
Siglo XXI, 1996), 9.
Fuente,
la
arte prehispanico,"
name
for this people; the
name
Aztec, however,
is in
"S
lsjv*
*&
H .
5V
'â&#x20AC;˘*
I
H HVA1.
T V
The Aztecs and the Natural World
The Basin of Mexico as a Habitat for Pre-Hispanic Farmers II illa
mi
I
Sanders
THE BASIN OF MEXICO
IS
A GREAT ELEVATED PLAIN SURROUNDED ON THREE SIDES BY A HIGH MOUNTAIN
wall-on the east by the
Sierra Nevada,
on the west by the Sierra de
las Cruces,
the south by the Sierra Ajusco-and by a series of low, discontinuous ranges of the north. The mountain wall reaches a
maximum
meters at Ixtaccihuatl and Popocatepetl, two snowcapped volcanoes
meter band, and the basin level.
hills
to
elevation of slightly below 6,000
The three mountain ranges have numerous peaks with elevations
sea
and on
the southeast.
in
the 3,000 to 4,000
in
the center, has an elevation of 2,236 meters above
floor, in
The basin extends approximately 120 kilometers from north to south and 70
kilometers from east to west.
Before the construction of the Gran Canal, the basin was a closed hydrographic
Melt water from snowfields, springs, and runoff from the
unit.
into
summer
rains
hundreds of permanent and seasonal streams before draining into
at the center of the basin.
Colonial
documents
such as
artificial divisions
to the south
many
to three lakes, at times as
as six (based on
but during part of the year they formed a single sheet
dikes),
was Lake Xaltocan
of water, located at varying elevations. To the north
Xaltocan-Zumpango);
flowed
The lakes nearly traverse the basin from north to south.
sometimes
refer
all
a chain of lakes
at the center
was Lake Xochimilco
was Lake Tetzcoco
(or
(or
(or
Lakes
Lakes Mexico-Tetzcoco); and
Lakes Chalco-Xochimilco).
Lake Xochimilco was located 3 meters higher than Lake Tetzcoco and drained into it.
Because of
which apparently functioned
this outlet,
numerous springs along the southern ing vegetation ("so thick
shore, the water
one could walk on
it"').
extremely saline and the ultimate destination of into
it
only seasonally and
was therefore more
small areas near local springs.
In
all
was
and the presence of
year,
fresh
and covered by
float-
Lake Tetzcoco, the lowest lake, all
was
drainage. Lake Xaltocan drained
saline than Lake Xochimilco, except for
the nineteenth century, the lakes covered an average
area of approximately 1,000 square kilometers, or one-eighth of the surface of the basin. level,
low,
The average contour of the shore of Lake Tetzcoco was 2,240 meters above sea
although
between
this varied
1
from season
to
season and year to
was
surface area so that canoe traffic from lake to lake Rainfall
is
year.
The lakes were shal-
to 3 meters in depth. During the dry season, they frequently shrank
sharply seasonal
in
the basin and
June through September. Rains usually begin
in
is
concentrated
May and
in
the
months from
decrease sharply
in
October,
with approximately five-sixths of the total annual rainfall occurring between
and October
1.
common
but a snowfall would be an extraordinary event. Drainage from
and â&#x20AC;˘
May
1
The inception and closure of the rainy season vary considerably from
area to area and year to year, however. Hailstorms are
/e,
in
interrupted for short periods.
the
seav"
a
streams
havi
during the rainy season, rainfall
is
canyonlike
cul
vigorous and beds,
called
roughout the basin.
Mean annual slopes. Rainfall
rainfall varies in
from south to north
from bas
the northern part of the basin floor
millimeters per year, and at the centei trom
650
to
n Flooi
to adjai enl
m 500
750 millimeters;
in
to
600
the south,
Details
from Fray Bernardino de Sahagun, Florentine
known as Historia general de Nueva Espana, 1 575-77.
Codex, also la
las
cosas de
averages as high as 1,100 millimeters are recorded. Rainfall for
conservation. Soil depth, which varies considerably throughout
the adjacent slopes, particularly on the middle flanks of the
the basin, has a striking effect on agricultural production, par-
major ranges, there
little
is
markedly heavier than that on the
is
common
droughts are
in
the southeast.
in
the north and central parts of
com-
the basin during the rainy season, but no recent cases of
whole are known.
plete failure of the rainy season as a
Considering only the basin
out
is
mean annual
rainfall,
the southern part of
and northern parts of the
deep and loamy
soils are
tion without irrigation
is
in
possible but crop security
production varies considerably from year to generally significantly improved
(in
many
gation. All over the basin, irrigation effective maize agriculture
where
is
basin,
maize cultiva-
texture,
is
low and
year. Yields are
areas doubled) by
irri-
absolutely necessary for
soils are
meter or
1
since the high elevation corresponds with a
less deep,
higher rate of
transvaporation.
contour
level.
strip
There
is
ranging from 2,240 to 2,800 meters above sea
no permanent population of subsistence farmers
above 2,800 meters, and those communities that 2,600 and 2,800 meters have an ing
economy based
and lumbering. The primary factor that
lie
Maize, the staple crop,
is
partly
its
last until
upward
is
true
October
much
rains do. In occasional years, frosts begin as early as
or as late as April.
damage,
the beginning of March. The inception and cessa-
tion dates of the frost season, however, vary as
December and may
Below 2,600 meters,
last
as the
seem
more
to offer
favorable conditions for agriculture than the plains proper, since frosts tend to settle in the lower areas.
meters, the normal frost-free season
is
is
a
combination of a
Above 2,800
too short for dependable
maize cropping. Particularly disastrous only on rainfall
With respect to
the center or the south. Maize cultiva-
in
soil texture,
in this area.
loamy, friable, loose-textured soils
most common throughout the basin and are
for agriculture
based
late inception of the rainy
ideal for
primitive agriculture. They are, however, extremely susceptible to erosion.
Sandy and clay-textured
the former
soils
do occur
eroded slopes where the finer
in
been washed out, the
latter especially
in localized areas,
have
soil particles
near the lakeshore and
alongside streams. Above 2,600 to 2,800 meters, podzol soilsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;
which form under
more moist climates with
colder,
conifer forest
vegetation and tend to be more acid and heavily leached of
nutrients-predominate. These are notoriously poor soils for agriculture and are a further factor limiting the of agriculture is
in
upward expansion
the region.
difficult to reconstruct the natural
vegetation of the
have
basin, since at least 4,000 years of agricultural exploitation
completely removed
from the
it
peasant occupation.
belt of
Small areas of relatively unaltered vegetation suggest that there a
gradual shift from broadleaf forest
4,500 meters, conifer forest
is
in
the south
Between 2,600 and
the dominant vegetation; above
meadow
that are strips of alpine
or tundra
and
the
finally, in
southeast, snowfields.
A
brief survey of the
number of
reveals a
geography of the Basin of Mexico
significant factors with respect to
lization during the pre-Hispanic period
its
uti-
by a farming population
equipped with neolithic tools and simple transportation meth-
ods and having
September
through March or even
local elevations
lower than
to xerophytic or scrub forest in the north.
growth. (The same
in
is
exceedingly precarious
was probably
of the secondary pre-Hispanic cultivates as well.) At
elevations below 2,800 meters, frosts normally begin
and
is
least productive part
on graz-
limits the
especially susceptible to frost
notably during the early phase of all
rainfall
tion
and north. The
undoubtedly the north, where the mean annual
is
between
expansion of agriculture seems to be the temperature regime.
of nearly
of the basin
It
The modern peasant population of the basin resides within a
ticularly in the drier center
are the
the most favorable part for maize cultivation with-
irrigation. In the central
even where
but
data for these areas. Averages of around 1,400
millimeters have been recorded for the slopes Internal
plain,
1.
a cereal (maize) as a staple food:
Between 2,240 and 2,600 meters, the permanent removal presented no serious obstacle to the
of natural vegetation
Mesoamerican farmer, even with
his primitive
technology
(in
contrast to the tropical lowlands of Mesoamerica). Furthermore, the soils were easily cultivated using neolithic tools and were generally fertile and capable of sustained cultivation with
mod-
est application of simple soil-restoration techniques (such as
animal and vegetable
fertilizers,
crop rotation, short-phase
fal-
season and an early frost season, since crop planting must be
lowing, intercropping, floodwater and permanent irrigation, and
delayed, causing plant growth to be retarded so that the early
terracing). There was, however, a high percentage of sloping ter-
frosts
cause heavy damage. Of course, too early a planting
is
Most soil
soil
maps
grouping called
classify the soils of the basin into a "soils of calcification." Generally,
The overall impression
major
they have
great natural
fertility.
ences
types between 2,240 and 2,800 meters bear
in soil
jltural productivity.
rela'
vario'
soil
ire
where
rain,
soils
stant effort
risky as well.
is
that local differ-
Much more
important
depth and texture, because these
soil
charac-
those most closely related to the problem of water
2.
were markedly susceptible
was required
Without
to erosion,
and con-
to control this destructive process.
irrigation, the rainfall-temperature
regime was
favorable to maize cultivation only
in
and northern parts of the
combination of early frosts
and
retar
difficult
ns,
and crop a
plus internal
In
the central
made maize cropping
loss frequent
number
irrigation,
basin, the
the south.
of areas, springs
and the
were available
for
perma-
numerous barrancas could be used
for
floodwater irrigation. Such
heavy expenditure of
use,
systems required
labor,
intensive
land
and suprafamily, often supra-
community, cooperation to maintain, construct, and operate.
summer
Since the in
areas with moderately deep to deep
was a
rains generally provided
amounts of donment of
agricultural lands
the primary need
tion decline
from disease) and
soils,
head start on the rainy season, giving the plant more time
for
arrival of the fall frosts.
The lakes were an enormously significant resource for
4.
between
Furthermore,
adequate moisture
for a preplanting irrigation that enabled the farmer to get
growth before the
both within the Valley of Teotihuacan and Tetzcoco.
land eroded
grazing lands.
What
in
in
and
1521
the valley as a result of the aban-
on the piedmont (due
on spring flow
effect this erosion had
unknown, but there may have been even more water tem in 1519 than in 1920.
What was
a
the agricultural significance of the
1519? On the basis of patterns of land use
Most of the major population centers were located near the
Teotihuacan today (where land
highway system
ural
1519, and the lakes provided a nat-
in
linking
parts of the basin. The lakes
all
were also an important source of protein foods and of other products,
especially
Furthermore,
salt.
Xochimilco was nearly covered by
freshwater
the
islandlike
artificial
Lake
gardens
chinampas, which were the most intensively cultivated
called
and productive lands
Mesoamerica and provided much of the
in
surplus foods for the support of urban communities.
Above 2,600
to popula-
subsequent conversion
their
population with few domestic animals and no beasts of burden.
shores or within the lakes
the bed of Lake
1820 enormous
a
is
two systems
in
is
the sys-
in
the Valley of
devoted either to maize or to
humidity-demanding commercial crop
argue that 100 percent of the
in
to
like alfalfa),
one could
was devoted
irrigable land
to
maize production. One could also assume that 80 percent of caloric intake size
was derived from maize, and
that,
based on the
and weight of the pre-Hispanic Mesoamerican, the average
was 2,000
per capita daily need yields
from permanently
kilocalories. Taking the
average
land for the Aztec period
irrigated
(1,400 kilograms per hectare for the alluvial plain and 1,000
to 2,800 meters, the pre-Hispanic population
kilograms per hectare for the piedmont areas) and assuming
had an easily available source of forest products for construc-
that the permanent water resources were maximized and that
5.
household technology, transportation, and medicine.
tion,
The considerable
6.
amount and
within the basin-in the vegetation, topography,
and
spatial
soil
with
position
all
variability in geographical characteristics
distribution of rainfall,
As
a habitat for the
but
it
Mexico offered enormous potential,
after-year production, particularly of annual grain crops, due to in rainfall
problem was
and temperature. The major solution to
irrigation
from
this
permanent water source.
a
With respect to permanent spring-based
we have is
and
detailed data on two: the San Juan Teotihuacan
apparently dying, according to data showing that the
output of water has steadily declined over the past In
the 1920s, the flow of water at the springs
be 1,000
liters
were used to flow of 580
per second/
irrigate liters
fifty years.
was estimated
to
1956, at which time the springs
In
3,652 hectares of land, the springs had a
per second.
the successful
based irrigation over
much
3
the early 1960s, the flow of
In
6,193
per second. Zones
liters
the
implementation of spring-
of the surface area. According to the
previously, the total flow of water
Zones
in
X and
XI
lie
I
to XI in
cited
1962 was
outside the natural
drainage region of the Basin of Mexico and are not discussed here.
Zone
I
is
the southwest and south-central shore areas of
Lake Xochimilco. Approximately one-third of the total basin spring flow, or 2,684
irrigation systems,
Tetzcoco Piedmont (Amanalco) systems. The Teotihuacan springs
system
limiting
tribution,
in
in dis-
1968 publication by the Secretaria de Recursos Hidraulicos a highly productive agri-
also presented serious problems for dependable year-
variations
would have
However, even though springs are very abundant
development of
cultural system, the Basin of
hectares)
population of 116,000 people.
Basin of Mexico, they are highly localized and restricted
and trade.
local specialization
basic grains, then the permanently
mountain passes and
to
lumber, limestone, and so on) stimulated
clay, obsidian,
maximum
sustained a
in
two systems (9,700
depth, water resources, elevation, respect
lakeshores-along with the distribution of specialized resources (salt,
was planted
the land
irrigated land of the
liters
per second, occurred
in this area,
because of this extensive flow, as well as the higher
and
rainfall in
the southern area of the basin and the higher elevation of the lake floor,
was
almost 100 percent of the water of Lake Xochimilco
fresh.
Furthermore, an additional 837
flowed into the southeast lakeshore, total
flow of water
50 percent of the
in this
in
liters
Zone
per second
bringing the
VIII,
part of the Basin of Mexico to almost
total spring flow of the basin.
With respect to
the potential of these water resources for permanent irrigation,
unfortunately the Sierra Ajusco almost reaches the lakeshc
per second/ Finally, a
the southwest and south-central portions, leaving only small
1968 publication by the Secretaria de Recursos Hidraulicos
areas of alluvial plain for irrigation. Furthermore, the majority of
water was estimated at only 540
liters
showed that the output had dropped second. 5 (Current data also ability
show
to below
greater
400
liters
month-to-month
per
vari-
spring
flow,
including
the
major
spring
sourer
much
of the
flow occurs at the base of the Sierra Ajusco, well below
than previously.)
The major cause of the declining output of the Teotihuacan springs over this period
the
Tulyahualco, runs directly into the lake (because
was the
perforation of artesian wells,
piedmont).
In contrast,
an extensive
alluvial plain occi--
the southeast shore of Lake Xochimilco, and the sprinc
Following page
Adda Brf
1*1
MfoJita
aa
&
that area would have been available for large-scale irrigation of
343,000,000 cubic meters flowed through the barranca-river
the plain and nearby piedmont.
systems. However, these figures refer to the present-day drainage
Zones
and
II
west and north of Lake Tetzeoco)
(the areas
III
are unusually well
endowed with
flow of 1,142
per second
liters
in
spring sources, with a total
1962.
In this
area are six major
perennial streams that collect water from these springs.
lakeshore. Approximately
In
addi-
adjacent to the
tion, there are extensive areas of alluvial plain
25 percent of the surface of the
region could have been irrigated from spring sources-that virtually
of the lakeshore and riverine alluvium, plus large
all
areas of terraced fields
Zone
is,
IV,
on
basin, a
combination of
artificial
the Cuauhtitlan region,
endowed with
also well
is
899
springs, with a flow of approximately
per second
liters
1962, and with extensive irrigable alluvial plains. Zone V,
in
in
the
We
have roughly
calculated the surface drainage of our smaller region at 70 per-
cent of the latter figure, or 240,100,000 cubic meters.
would be
a
institute's
little
higher, since the areas that
(In fact,
were included
it
the
in
study but are excluded from ours, such as the Apan
Basin, have an average annual precipitation that
comparable
is
to the drier regions of the basin.) Since irrigation water
break this total figure
used
is
dependent on the season, we must
for very different purposes,
hillsides.
and natural drainage systems
that drain an area of 9,600 square kilometers.
down
by season. The ratio of
rainfall in
the Basin of Mexico according to season, beginning with winter
and ending with
approximately
fall, is
1
:4:10:5. This
means
that
northeastern portion of the basin, had virtually no spring flow
approximately 12,000,000 cubic meters flows during the winter,
an area with
48,000,000 cubic meters during the spring, 120,000,000 cubic
in
1962 (19
shallow
per second); furthermore,
liters
soils,
even
is
it
the alluvial plain. Zones VI and
in
VII,
the
Valley of Teotihuacan and the adjacent Tetzeoco region, had a total
flow of 572
development of
liters
per second
in
system
in this
was
area
the discussion of the Teotihuacan and
in
spring flow could theoretically be used for the
permanent irrigation-that ence that the
Tetzeoco springs.
we assume
fall.
The winter flow would have limited use for agriculture. The
1962. The capacity for the
a large-scale irrigation
evaluated above,
meters during the summer, and 60,000,000 cubic meters during the
is,
same purpose as
for preplanting (with the differ-
local variability, year to year,
would be very
high).
the
Taking the average measure of 1,200 cubic meters of water per
Teotihuacan and Tetzeoco springs during the twentieth century
irrigation per hectare of land, theoretically the spring flow in the
occurred throughout the Basin of Mexico, these 1962 totals
basin could be used to irrigate 40,000 hectares of land.
could be at least doubled, or more
likely
irrigation
two and
water flow during the Aztec
If
that the decline in water flow observed
a half, to estimate total
in
increased by a factor of
period. This gives us a figure of 12,000 to 15,000 liters per sec-
ond. Of per
this,
approximately 60 percent-or 7,200 to 9,000
second-flowed
into areas of high agricultural potential.
second to
Utilizing the ratio of liters per in
liters
irrigable land
we can
the Valley of Teotihuacan,
observed
calculate the irrigable
area-for permanent, spring-based irrigation-for
the zones
all
is
function could
this
hectares. During the
not so
much
storage
for
be used fall,
spring
the
What
the data suggest, then,
irrigation in the spring,
duction existed during the Aztec period: floodwater irrigation. In this
system, the water supply derived directly from rainfall
is
supplement the water storage
than
would
growing season,
fields are
flooded to store water is
technique of planting called
coy'efe,
down
in
which shallow
pits are
to the subsoil during the planting season, and
the seeds are planted tially filled
the subsoil
often combined with a special
for the spring planting. This
excavated
in
with dry
in this
humid
soil to seal off
With respect to floodwater
soil.
The
pits are
then par-
irrigation,
the maximal capacity of this resource.
it
In a
is
rains
this,
at
some
difficult to assess
1963 publication by
behind dams to allow simple gravity
much or
of the rain
falls in
meters flowed to the surface
in
this,
4,704,000,000
which 133,000,000 cubic
the form of springs) and
and
in
irrigation.
areas where irrigation
such
is
small
Furthermore,
unnecessary
where topographic situations would have made
irrigation
unfeasible with pre-Hispanic technology.
most
for the Basin of
of the entire Central Plateau,
Mexico pertain
a
unique region within
the
lakes.
to
where approximately three
million people resided in 1519. Ecologically, the Basin of
because of the presence of
7,000,000 cubic meters.' Of
intervals,
amounts, that there would not be enough buildup of water
was
filtrated into the soil (of
the
of the rainfall during the spring season
widely spaced
the Instituto Mexicano de Recursos Naturales Renovables, the
6,71
In fact,
would be somewhat lower
irrigation
average total annual precipitation for the Basin of Mexico
meters
to
irrigation in the fall for
the subsoil for the following year.
in
since
fall
summer growing season
and an additional
The conditions described
the moisture.
50,000
that
and that the same land could be given
figures for preplanting
by the numerous barrancas
the basin. At the end of the
estimate
that approximately 40,000
is
to three irrigations during the
supplemented during the rainy season by water from canals fed in
We
planting.
technique of water
hectares of land could be provided with water for a preplanting
two maize pro-
100,000
hectares of land could theoretically be irrigated for this purpose.
52,000 hectares. for
provide water for
to
contemporary farmers use floodwater
for the standing crop, but as a
of the basin during the Aztec period as approximately 42,000 to
Another technique of moisture maintenance
Summer
used primarily as a supplement, and the flow for
Central
Plateau,
Mexico
however,
The lake system enormously
enhanced the potential of supplying major urban concentrations with basic goods. The Spaniards scale
of
canoe transportation
in
were astonished
and around
Map
the
at the city
of
of the Valley of Mexico.
Use
OTHHB
miLILIEY
M'&XW®
©if
From recent Surveys THE LAKES ABC RtSTORtO TO THEIR LEVEL AT THE TIME OF THE CONQUEST AND THE AMClENT APPROACHES TO THE CITY ARE REPLACED. Seal*
1 2&3.-MO
linch.- * Statul* Mil»»
Off
Reference Rirrrr and Stnrtana frtrrnniai pmrniR* tttnu'tiSTUSt ''/~» m m Bn./him m ttrt abnrr Jta Lr-et .
nuuuiw
•""
tn f*<tlt
.
BTotg 7*** rruv1
" drawn
rt-u™
A*
'Oirt*
fr**gmA*1
Art I>\*1r\W
AAruTiaSV. .teak ISOOfiO. and *« Jfcmm G**-*m~a Utr^, 16991307 icmU lWOl**> ** f*r ** rvmpUtfd lurpt**"'Ihr 'Carta BldrofrMU* Jsl Vail* d* JWiun* iXK> Jv*I« J 20)400
y^Z.
Tenochtitlan
of traction,
in all
1519.
an economy without domestic animals
In
goods had to be
carried
Canoe transportation magnified
burden
single
a
paddle they find the limits of this cimiento, marking
on the human back.
its
perimeter with carrizos [long stakes].
Above
bearer's
this cimiento, they place stratas of earth
capacity to haul goods by a factor of twenty. The lakes also pro-
and cesped [aquatic vegetation]
vided an abundance of natural protein-rich foods to supple-
above water
ment the maize
diet.
These included algae,
fish,
ducks, and insect eggs and larvae, and these were
by the native population.
In
consumed
development of
a drained-
especially the
grows
In its
technique by which
a
plants,
[lilyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; /-//fc/cor/o coerules],
which
such compact masses that one can easily
in
The earth used
two hundred years of pre-
principle of drained-field agriculture to the chain of lakes of
the practice of adding
the Basin of Mexico. The Aztecs referred to the cultivation plots
periodically to fertilize
into the lake bottom,
around each
plot.
height of
stakes,
that
to help consolidate the soil edge, again adding to the impres-
much shade
sion of an enclosure.
around the edges,
great deal of misunderstanding and inaccurate description
is,
as rafts of
soil
grows
mud and
is
due
to
aquatic vegetation
it].
Some
[a
to considerable height but
as
level,
type of willow
does not cast
branches grow almost
its
vertically]
order to consolidate the
in
a
they
soil
prevent erosion]. The cuttings are planted at
[i.e.,
4-5 meters.
intervals of
Once the sauces are planted, the chinampa
of the Spanish accounts describe chinampas as floating gar-
densâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;that
difficult to cultivate
plant cuttings of sauce or huejote
Furthermore,
has characterized the literature on chinampa agriculture.
taken
is
have grown so high
20-25 centimeters above water
the borders of the chinampas were planted with huejote trees
A
.
Once the chinampa being made has reached
within the lakes as chinampas (enclosures), because the edges
embedded
.
growth of the chinampa
[i.e.,
were protected by placing closely spaced wooden
.
above the water that they are
Hispanic history witnessed the extraordinary application of the
to irrigate; the
with shovels or cogs.
it
making the chinampa
in
from ancient chinampas that
farmland by the large-scale construction of a grid of ditches to final
lirio
which occupy
lake],
mass of aquatic
a
To use this cesped, they cut
low-lying, poorly drained areas are converted to productive
lower the water table. The
it
walk on them without sinking.
broadest and simplest sense,
the term "drained-field system" refers to
they raise
the so-called eienagas [shal-
in
sections of the
and consists of
large areas,
system, supported both the dense farming population and
the large urban population.
swampy
low
addition, the colonization of the
lakes for agriculture, through the field
The cesped grows
amphibians, all
until
level.
is
ready for cultivation. 8
that could be paddled around the
lakeshore and into the city so that produce could be sold
from the
directly
agrees upon
row
is
to the marketplace.
field
chinampa was
that a
What everybody and nar-
a relatively small
located within a lake and surrounded by
plot of land,
water, and that the soil
was exceptionally
fertile.
This
Santamaria's description suggests a major difference between
chinampas and drained were
artificial
On
combina-
fields in general, in
lands entirely created by
human
that
chinampas
effort.
the basis of eye-witness accounts dating from the time
and nearby water resources permitted an
of the Conquest, and most particularly from the abundant data
unusual productivity. Large areas of the lake bed were converted
gathered during the early colonial era (including that contained
tion of soil fertility
the Relaciones geogrdficas, the response by local officials to
to grids of abundant, densely concentrated plots of lands sep-
in
arated by narrow canals.
a questionnaire sent to the
How esting
the
chinampas were made has always been an
question.
1912,
In
a
Spanish
agronomer,
inter-
Miguel
in
1
580),
it is
Spanish colonies by Philip
clear that virtually
all
II
of Spain
of Lake Xochimilco had been
converted to chinampa agriculture by 1519. The cultivators
Santamaria, was contracted by the Mexican government to
lived primarily in
study the chinampas south of Mexico
natural and artificial islands within the lake, as well as on the
tive of this
City.
The primary objec-
study was to analyze the productivity and future of
chinampa
these lands as a major resource for the production of food for the expanding (there
is
city.
Based on
local
informants' recollections
no evidence that he actually witnessed the
process),
Santamaria described the conversion of the lake bed to agri-
the
In
plots themselves.
were Dt
startling
in aerial
ticularly north
ook This operation
for a is
cimicnto
a
chinampa, the
(literally,
a
fii
basemen!
very easy and consists of sounding
the bottom of the canal with an oar [paddle] until a point of lesser depth
is
located.
Then with the same
and
exciting. Over
chinampas occurred ile
manufacture of
Pedro Armillas conducted
mid-1960s,
extensive
surveys over the desiccated beds of Lake Xochimilco. The results
cultural land as follows:
start the
communities on the lakeshore, but also on
in
most of the
area, indications
the form of patterns of linear features
photographs.
In a
number
and east of Xochimilco,
of areas, however, par-
in
an area that had not
suffered destruction from plowing, he found surviving remains of actual
chinampa
fields
tern. Armillas published a
estimated 1
tin
total area
5,000 hectares.
In his
and intervening canals
map
in a grid
pat-
detailing his findings in 1971.
occupied by Lake Xochimilco
in
surface survey, Armillas noted a
1519
He at
number
"*
[rro
a-.
,
CahudLinOJ
fecal
a-
*i
xjectdf
Camlet i
m
JruLs:±
ei ,
^
f i.
^.^ j.
«r
.fcw-.
,
..
,
'
I
l
«
C«w6.fUU. ana
w
<-'"" r
<
• '
"* "YeAanAa.
tculai
-Wax.
.
,
e/:*
,
itg Hi V'
*'-
»**«*;:
*
j
1
:
i
v I??
#
Map
Following pages Jose Maria Velasco. The Vollty of Mexico. 1875. of Mexico City, 1768.
I
-«
*>•
of small areas within the lake bed as well as a relatively large
garden lands from periodic floods and salinization was the con-
area north of the island of Xico where he found no evidence of
struction of a vast system of dikes, particularly
chinampa
where
from
agriculture;
he estimated the actual area
this,
occupied by chinampas as 12,000 hectares, of which 9,000
was
hectares
cultivable land
and the
rest intervening canals
and large navigation canals.
and apparently occurring
ture during the pre-Hispanic period,
type
was
the fifteenth century,
in
of agriculture
into
western
the
agricul-
the expansion of this
of saline
third
Lake
Tetzcoco (that part of the lake referred to as Lake Mexico).
A major
question
is
how much
know from documentary data
in
We
1519.
that the towns of Coyoacan,
Huitzilopochco, Mexicaltzingo, and Ixtapalapan
chinampas dedicated
sive areas of
where the gardens were vulnerable
all
had exten-
to garden cropping. With
to flooding.
A
remark-
ably complex system of water control-an impressive example
mated that the
in
total length of the
place
1519. Palerm esti-
in
system was approximately
80 kilometers. The causeways projected approximately meters above the lake
plot
to 1.5
1
so the total height of the chinampas
level,
was somewhere between
of the surface of the western
bay of Lake Tetzcoco was occupied by chinampas
Lake Tetzcoco,
in
a serious threat, but also in the southern
of public-work construction-was
One of the most spectacular aspects of chinampa primarily
lakes,
was
salinization
and 4.5 meters. The width of each
2
ranged from 8 to 20 meters.
In
summary, the management of the
of the Basin of Mexico
environment
lacustrine
was one of the most impressive achieve-
ments of ecological adaptation
human
in
history.
Because of the
temperature, precipitation, and water
great variety
in
the Central
Plateau
area
availability,
was an extremely complex
natural
respect to the balance of the area, Luis Gonzalo Aparicio's 1973
environment, and this complexity had dramatic effects on land
map
use and cultural evolution. There
locates twenty island
communities whose economy was
apparently dependent on chinampa and/or salt production. Half of these were found south of Tenochtitlan, and considering
presence of the four lakeshore communities
the additional
noted above,
it is
virtually certain that this entire area
had been
which had
plexity,
northeastern Puebla and the northeastern
in
by chinampas
in
and adjacent areas
hood of 3,000
hectares, or 2,250 hectares of cultivable surface.
The
chinampa
total cultivable surface for
basin, then,
was approximately 11,000
is,
all
of the
the chinampas
in
chinampas
in
the neighbor-
agriculture
in
the
hectares. Of this,
we
would calculate that approximately 3,000 (that
in
to 4,000 hectares
Lake Tetzcoco plus
some
of
Lake Xochimilco) were dedicated to garden
was found along the shores of
parts of the Basin of Mexico. Salt
the saline lakes, limestone
was probably
com-
also a geological
resources other than agricultural land. Obsidian, for example,
was found only
converted to chinampa farming by 1519. The total area occupied Lake Tetzcoco
was
major impact on the availability of natural
a
in
in
the northwestern part of the basin
wood
the state of Hidalgo, and
only at the
when
highest elevations (particularly during the Aztec period, the population a great
number
was very
dense). Clay for ceramics
of areas but
distribution. Finally,
at
crops-including tropical
and bark from the
was
highly localized
fruits
fig tree for
and even cacao, cotton
for cloth,
paper-were found. These
complex development of
tions led to a
approximately 7,500 to 8,500 hectares of remaining garden
exchange networks, and these elements
surface would have produced 22,500 to 25,500 tons of maize
effect
political
in
in its specific
lower elevations, frost-intolerant
the
cropping and the balance to the production of staple crops. The
on
was found
varia-
and
local specialization
turn had a profound
in
evolution and urbanization.
and/or grain amaranth, based on yields for the twentieth century (3,000 to 4,000 kilograms per hectare). resided
in
the southern lake area
65,000
in
1519.
in
Some 32,000
people
1568, and this calculates to Notes
If all
of the residents
in this
area obtained their
Miguel Santamaria,
1.
maize only from the chinampas
them had other lands on the sumed 10,400 tons of maize, This surplus
(this
is
unlikely, since
lakeshore), they
many
of
would have con-
leaving a surplus of 15,500 tons.
would have fed an additional 100,000 people-pre-
sumably many of the residents of the urban communities with-
2.
and around the shore of Lake Tetzcoco.
lake tural
were converted into perhaps the most productive agriculland
in
human
Mesoamerica-remain
a
historyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; certainly
in
the
history
3.
William
much
T.
to this subject. His findings suggest the extraordinary
Rene
skill
and
to mobilize labor. The solution to the
problem of protei
City:
for
New
and M.
Dia*.
"<
Comparative Studies
the
in
Wiley,
115-27,
Anthropological Research, 1956), pp
Millon, C. Hall,
in G. R.
World (New York Wcnner-Gren
Society
and
Modern leotihuacan
History
A,
no. 4 (1962),
pp.394-'.. 5.
Boletin hidrologico Sei retarla
resumen (Conn
de Recursos Hidrdulii
Mesas redondas sobre problcmas
life
ne pre-Hispanic population of the Basin of Mexico
(Mexico
3 vols.
Sanders, "The Central Mexican Symbiotu Region,"
Irrigation System,"
6.
of his professional
de Teotihuaean,
Valle
Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the
major avenue for research. The ethno-
historian Angel Palerm dedicated
cap;i
of
City:
25.
Manuel Gamio, La poblacion del
ed.,
4.
The processes and mechanisms by which 20,000 hectares of
p.
Secretaria de Agricultura y Fomento, 1922).
Foundation in
Las chinampas del distrito federal (Mexico
Secretaria de Fomento, 1912),
a os),
no
i
de
la
Cueni
a del Vjlle
de
11968).
del Valle de Mexico
(Mono
City
Institute
no de Recursos Naturales Renovables, 1963). 7.
R
C,
West and Pedro Armillas, "Las
i
imumpas
de Mexico," Cuadernos
americanos 50 (1950), pp. 165-92. 8.
Santamaria, lw~<htnumpasdeldistiitn federal (tram
author).
Valley of Mexico, 1920.
The Harmony between People and Animals in the Aztec World Mercedes
FOR INDIGENOUS MESOAMERICANS, THE EXPERIENCE
</<
/</
Garza
AND CONSCIOUSNESS OF THE ANIMAL
world were very different from that of the modern Western city dweller. The city dweller has lost the one link with the surrounding world that could be most enriching: the capacity for wonder, admiration, and reverence for the natural
world. The indigenous person, by contrast, thought about him- or herself as
being closely linked to animals, plants, rocks, and even objects created by peo-
which were attributed
ple, to
a spirit
and
that of humans.
will similar to
For the indigenous person, the natural world
was not something
to be
humans
at their pleasure, as
it
manipulated, exploited, and destroyed by
been for Western culture. Rather
it
was
a
powers and forces with which people had to forge vival of
humankind and
has
sphere populated by supernatural ties,
necessary for the sur-
for the conservation of nature,
and as the context
in
which sacred beings manifested themselves. Thus the consciousness of that sphere
vital
alien to
humans was
a religious
expe-
animals embodied divine energy because they possessed
rience. For the Aztecs,
forces and physical powers beyond that of humans, such as flying, having
claws, and surviving underwater.
In particular,
some animals were considered
to
be extraordinary beings that revealed the sacrosanct. They therefore became
symbols of natural bodies and elements (such as stars and els of
To
the universe
name
female
several examples, the rabbit represented the
as
fertility,
logical aquatic
fish,
and
snail,
drown
level.
and of the
lev-
moon
and, therefore,
the animals linked with
which also symbolized fecundity. A mytho-
animal known as the ahuitzotl had characteristics of the
monkey, and possum, as well as to
Among
various other cultures.
in
water were the frog,
rain)
which divine forces materialized.
in
people. Lizards
hand on the
which
otter,
it
could use
and crocodiles were symbols of the cosmos's
terrestrial
a
tip
of
its tail,
Associated with the underworld were nocturnal animals such as the owl,
believed to be the messenger of the god of death, Mictlantecuhtli. Insects such
as the cricket, centipede, and spider were allied with the earth god, Tlaltecuhtli, evil shamans who sent disease and death. The indigenous writer Hernando Alvarado Tezozomoc wrote that the shaman Malinalxochitl "makes people eat snakes and owls, then calls out all the centipedes and spiders and
and with
.
turns into a witch.
.
.
.
.
.
[She
is]
a terrible rogue."
Animals were associated with temporality, as guardians of the lapses of time.
An animal
alter
ego was assigned
sacred influences that acted upon him or
to every person, together with the her,
based on the day of birth accord-
ego shared that person's fate and harbored death. Some people who had several of the most
ing to the ritual calendar. This alter a
pci'
pint until
powerful animal companions, such as the jaguar, puma, and the coyote, were able to transform themselves into those animals at will
when
in a
state of sleep
or ecstatic trance. These people were the sorcerers or shamans.
3.
Eagle .
ca.
1500
»
&£)&*£§>
3b
fc •
i
:*-<
f*^
«*.
*\
«"*?
4.
Coyote
Aztec, ca. 1500
Among women.
indigenous groups there were also domestic animals, cared for by the
were cooked from the meat of some of these creatures, such as
Ritual foods
the turkey, dog, and deer. Others were raised to be sold or eaten, and
some were
kept
as pets, for example, songbirds. Macaws, parrots, and monkeys, which were brought
from jungles
in
the southeast of Mesoamerica, also served as pets. The birds' feathers,
however, could be used for making clothing.
addition,
In
monkeys had symbolic
sig-
nificance and were associated with happiness, games, and dance. They were repre-
sented
in
sculpture playing or dancing, and were
shown with symbols
of Xochipilli, god
of happiness, or of Quetzalcoatl, the plumed serpent.
Dogs were animals used food but as spirit to
ritual food.
of the
in sacrifices
fire:
and were eaten not as ordinary
to the gods,
of the dog had the task of transporting
spirit
the underworld after death. The dog
and the sun's
sky,
The
was
The feast of the god of
master's
its
also linked to the ritual calendar, the
fire,
Xiuhtecuhtli,
was
held on day 3
dog was substituted
ritual calendar. In certain sacrificial rites, a
Dog
human
for a
being as a victim.
Of the various kinds of dogs
was
dog was not considered
same
the
in
litter
living
and with
special. Missing teeth
among
the indigenous people, the xoloitzcuintli
a higher
than normal temperature, this hairless
a breed at the time, but rather
an abnormality.
It
as regular dogs. (The xoloitzcuintli belonged to the
africanus, but resulted from a mutation
in
a heterozygotic gene.
genus Canis
now
is
It
could be born
recognized
as an official breed.) Because of the xoloitzcuintli's association with the underworld,
he was the god Xolotl, the twin brother of Quetzalcoatl. While Xolotl symbolized the planet Venus as the evening
Quetzalcoatl
star,
was Venus as the morning
they exemplified the harmony of opposites, which
is
star.
Together,
central to Aztec thinking.
Other important animals were the jaguar, the serpent, and the solar
mingbird and eagle; the hummingbird represented the
fertilizing
the
birds,
hum-
power of the sun, and
the eagle was the main symbol of the Aztecs. The jaguar was one of the most important symbols of the dark side of destructive forces of stars;
it
was
evil
the kingdom of mystery, and the irrational and
life,
and death.
Its
skin represented the night sky splotched with
also seen as a manifestation of the sun on
world. According to Aztec myths, the jaguar
mordial and chaotic time,
in
which
ego of powerful men and
alter
it
its
voyage through the under-
was an animal from
destroyed
human
a prior world, a pri-
beings. In addition,
was the
it
shamans.
evil
The serpent was the incarnation of water, earth, the underworld, blood, female and
male
was
fertility, life,
a
death, and immortality due to
symbol of the
life
its
unique change of
and death energies that ruled the cosmos.
who were sometimes
ated with the most important gods,
skin. In short,
was thus
It
it
associ-
manifest as fantastic beings
formed by the combination of features of several animals, like the feathered serpent. Expressing the conjunction of heaven and earth and thus the harmony of opposites,
was the main religious symbol of Mesoamerica. For the Aztecs, was the manifestation of the god Quetzalcoatl (Quetzal Serpent), the creator god,
the feathered serpent it
who was
associated with wind and water.
The hummingbird was thought to possess supernatural powers.
who had
ously a sexual symbol and the incarnation of warriors
those
who had been
sacrificed.
It
died
was simultanein battle
Huitzilopochtli, as well as his father. In an Aztec myth, Coatlicue, the
Huitzilopochtli, puts a ball of
When
the god
The eagle, for
its
is
for
born, his its
hummingbird feathers
left leg is
capacity to
and of
The hummingbird was the symbolic animal of the god
fly
in
her lap and
feathered.
above the clouds and approach the sun, as well as
golden plumage, was considered an incarnation of
descent at great speed-diving on
mother of
becomes pregnant.
its
prey-represented
fire
and of the sun
light falling
on the
itself. Its
earth, the
arrival of vital energy,
thought to have
and the and
lack of moderation, pride, cal father
power of the sun. Yet the eagle was also
life-giving
malevolent
a nocturnal,
cruelty.
which was rooted
side,
Thus
excess of valor,
and the rapacious conqueror.
The all-encompassing meanings of the eagle explain
why
it
was the supreme sym-
most powerful of the Nahua groups
bol of the Mexica-Aztecs, the
lands.
in its
symbolized both the dominant, tyranni-
it
the central high-
in
The species that especially embodied the essential values of that people seems
to have been the royal or golden eagle [Aquila chrysaetos), an extraordinary, majestic bird with a
wingspan of more than two meters.
The eagle primarily represented the warrior character of the Aztecs, conceived as
a
sacred mission and as force, aggressiveness, power over others through war, and a
occupy the center of the cosmos,
desire to
death, which generated the
order to sustain the gods with one's In
the sun. The eagle also represented
own
human made
in
blood.
the myth of the founding of Tenochtitlan, the Aztec capital, the eagle played a
central role because
indicate the site nopal, with ing
like
of the universe: the autosacrifice a
life
it
was the
where
sign that the
their city should be
god Huitzilopochtli gave the people to
founded. They saw an eagle atop
wings stretched out toward the sun, taking the fresh
its
and devouring
air
a great
of the morn-
a serpent.
The data from written sources are confirmed by remarkable sculptures, which,
in
addition to their aesthetic value, demonstrate the main symbols of Aztec thinking and
Among
culture. is
these works, the
prickly pear; in
its
beak
monument known
On the back of
particularly important.
this
as the Teocalli of the Sacred
monument, the eagle
is
shown on
bears the Atl Tlachi nolli, the symbol for water and
it
fire;
War the
and
growing from the chest of the god of death, Mictlantecuhtli. The mean-
the nopal
is
ing of the
work
is
cosmological, since the god of death represents the underworld; the
nopal, earth; and the eagle, the sky.
The earth-sky duality appears elsewhere
in
Mexica symbology through the jaguar
and the eagle, representing the nocturnal sun and diurnal sun, respectively. nocturnal sun
when
traveling through the underworld,
versing the sky. They were
warriors
who
two aspects of the same
is
a diurnal
was
It
a
sun when tra-
thus both were symbols of the
served the sun.
Another exceptional artwork, sented,
star;
and
wood Huehuetl
the
in
which the Mexica concept of
of Malinalco. (Huehuetl
war
a sacred
means drum.) Carved
is
pre-
in relief in
the top and bottom registers are representations of an eagle and a jaguar bearing sacrificial
flags
and dressed
in
warrior attire.
In
the top register there
is
also an Eagle Lord
with his wings intertwined and outstretched. His face emerges from the eagle's beak,
which
is
open toward the
sky.
We
can discern at his sides the man's arms and
a clear depiction of both the mystical
appears to be
legs. This
meaning of the eagle warrior and
of the initiate's spiritual elevaticn, as he receives sacred powers from the sun.
The preceding discussion confirms that animals played the Aztecs. These indigenous people had very different from ours.
In light
a
a central role in
the
life
of
consciousness or knowledge of the cosmos
of this difference,
it
would be erroneous
to call
them
"ecologists," but we must recognize that rather than bringing about the extinction of
species, they
had sufficient wisdom to preserve the harmony between humankind and
the natural world.
V
i"
10.
Grasshopper
Aztec, ca.
1500
»
'.!
?**£
":*
.
JEW
*>1
it .Âť*-
#
,
I
i
I
The Aztecs and Their Ancestors
Man and
Precolumbian Felipe
Cosmos
His
Suit's
THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY, THE AZTECS, ALONG WITH OTHER NAHAUTL SPEAKERS
IN
FROM
neighboring towns, related various stories to explain the origin of their universe
who had
to the Spanish conquistadores
of the gods' participation birth of the
human
an act of creation
in
race, to
have survived are written
some
Spanish.
in
A
in
which
new
world. They told
a basic event
was the
which they proudly belonged. Most versions of the
stories that
are
just reached the
Nahuatl, their original language, and
in
summary
magnificent visual
of this myth can be seen
in
the central design of the extraordinary unfinished monolith called the Sun Stone, which
was discovered
main plaza
Mexico
in
December 1790
in
in
the course of paving the
City.
Eras Preceding the Aztecs
and the
Birth of the Fifth
Sun
There are images describing the original myth that survived the catastrophe of the Conquest, sculpted on extraordinary relief is
on the Sun Stone
is
outstanding.
defined as the myth of the five suns/
destruction of prior ages, to reach the era
was attended by the
its
own
one of
its
these, the central
versions, the original
myth
which the sequence of creation and
in
fifth age, is
explained. The origin of each
whom sym-
participation of a significant deity, each of
bolized, as a deity per se,
"sun" had
monuments. Among
In
one of the four basic elements of nature. Thus, each
particular inhabitants
and plants that would be destroyed
made
by catastrophic events generated by the very element that
a force in
it
the creation.
As could be expected, there are profound differences among the various
monuments, mainly
written sources and the archaeological
sequence of the ages. ation stories found
ence of
biblical
We
in
believe that the
some
explanations of the creation. For this reason,
most
the order or in
the cre-
colonial manuscripts reflects the profound influ-
pristine story contained in the relief
four ages, the
in
emphasis on sun or water
reliable source.
we
on the Sun Stone, and on
consider the
its
altar of the
Here the order begins with Nahui Ocelotl
(4
Jaguar) and reaches Nahui Atl (4 Water), including the four extremes of the universe, concluding with
shown
in
Nahui
The task of forming the spiritual
would
light that
and
drical
Movement), the
fifth creation,
first
sun
fell
which
is
to Tezcatlipoca, ancestral deity of war,
power of darkness, and one of the symbols of the age would be
Ocelotl (4 Jaguar). The giants era
Ollin (4
the center of the stone.
their food,
name used
gathered
a ferocious feline; therefore
known in
earth. The star that it
was named Nahui
as Quinametin were the inhabitants ot
the wild,
was
called
chicome
I
malinalli, a calen-
to describe a certain variety of pine nuts. This sun, linked with
the color black, lasted 676 years; at the end of this period, formidable jaguars
came down to earth and devoured enormous bones discovered in the
all
the giants.' The Aztecs said that the
fields
under cultivation and
in
the
hills
frnrei
Page from the Codex Mendoza,
ca. 1541.
(paleontological remains of Pleistocene fauna) were reliable
evidence of the gods'
first
experiment to create
life
on
The second sun was created by Quetzalcoatl, the plumed serpent and adversary of the deity of war. This era was a heavenly
body
called
Nahui Ehecatl, "four
wind," whose
Of the food that sustained the people of its
yellow.
color
is
we
only
this era,
know
calendrical identity, Matlaetlomome Coatl (12 Serpent), with
no specification of
its
the survivors turned themselves into birds and butterflies.
Next
earth.
botanical species. The chroniclers attrib-
it
falls to
Chalchiuhtlicue, she of the jade
sun, which illuminated that age. This time,
valued liquid without which the female deity
in
life
cannot
god-
was made of
more stage
tion with Tezcatlipoca. That era lasted
in his
676
and
years,
ute the creation of one age to the destruction of the previous
drical
is
Nahui Xochitl
(4 Flower).
to the patron-
eternal confronta-
one, precipitated by fights between the deities. Thus, the
name
that
The presence of
was thanks
the act of creation
age of Quetzalcoatl, as one
it
exist.
itants ate a wild variety of maize called cineoeopi,
first
skirts,
dess of water, and companion of Tlaloc, to constitute the fourth
its
inhab-
whose calen-
White was
its
dominant
sun or era ended after Quetzalcoatl gave Tezcatlipoca a tremen-
color. That era concludes with a disastrous flood that caused
dous beating, and the second age ended when the god of darkness gave a mighty kick to the plumed serpent, leading to its
even the mountains to disappear, covering everything with
end by the force of hurricane winds. The survivors of that era, which lasted 364 years, were turned into monkeys. Tezcatlipoca takes revenge in his work as a creator and
any humans who survived turned themselves
terrible
troduces Tlaloc, the god of
rain,
as the creator
*
hird
What is enigmatic about element was fire; thus, its color is
age, called Nahui Quiahuitl (4 Rain.) this creation red,
and
its .
volcano
is
that
ruling is
described as a catastrophic rain of
Xitle,
which destroyed most of the southern part
where Cuicuilco flourished
age lasted 312 years, and lose calendrical
When
utions of the
could be a reference to
Valley of Mexico, third
its
destruction
this cycle
its
one
time. The
people ate acecentli, a wild
name was Chicome
ended with the
at
ol
rair
f
fin
Tecpatl (7
I
described above,
water for fifty-two years. Finally the sky
fell
on the earth, and into
fish
and
other aquatic animals. In
its
wisdom, the myth of the suns shows the conjunction
of the four elements that are fundamental to
life
the uni-
in
verse, the origin of the colors that rule the directions of the axis
mundi, as well as the origin of some animals (monkeys, birds, is
and bir
il
h creation.
lived in
fish,
Everything
being prepared for the birth of the heavenly body thai
will
illuminate the time of the Aztecs. rhe five-era creation story recalls other universal creation
myths,
in
which the people from
all
continents have explained
a creation process that occurs in the darkness of the eternal
nigh
,
occasion,
all
the gods met
in
Teotihuacan
-
ca
1170
i
for the
Halunm,
purpose of choosing
who among them would have
able mission of lighting up the world anew. The
was
god of
Teeuciztecatl,
He of the Conch
earth,
the honor-
respond
first to
Shell; to bal-
ance the sacred act of the gods, they sought another candidate for the
supreme
ing to
do
revered and most
gious
the absence of any volunteer offer-
sacrifice. In
humble of
Nanahuatzin,
all,
who
covered with sores,
spirit,
who was
they inquired about the god
this,
the least
deformed
a
reli-
accepted the mandate.
Separation of Earth and Sky Other stories
tell
that
some time
after the sky
and Tezcatlipoca turned
Quetzalcoatl
on the earth,
fell
themselves
name
two seg-
for Tlaltecuhtli) by her extremities, breaking her into
ments (some considered to be female).
One
this
two
into
gigantic serpents, holding the goddess Tlalteutl (another
god male and others believed her
piece constitutes the celestial planes, and the
other makes up the earth, strictly speaking. The
archaic
text, in
Both Teeuciztecatl and Nanahuatzin prepare themselves for the
Nahuatl, states: "Then, that done, to compensate said goddess
ceremony
for the injury those
would
for four days by lighting the ritual bonfire that they
themselves
sacrifice
The gods invited Teeuciztecatl
into.
to be first to throw himself into the
act
Nanahuatzin,
who throws
formed
and he hesitated-an
fire,
The self-sacrifice
cowardice.
of
unforgivable
himself on the pyre and
to
falls
trans-
is
into a radiant disk, the final sun of the fifth era. Envious,
Teeuciztecatl then throws himself on the sacred
another resplendent
At that moment, one of the gods
disk.
grabs a rabbit by the ears and throws
extinguishing
Teeuciztecatl,
remained
in
becoming
fire,
his
and
light
the face of
into
it
he
Thus,
heat.
down forth
a
punishment, he
is
condemned
to
The sun was
formed, but
dess cried, inconsolable long as she
remained immobile
inquire
to
spirit),
it
of such a disastrous event. The sun agreed to hearts and
Teotihuacan, given
of
blood
life."
To do
from her
this,
in
rivers
Sometimes
her desire to eat
was not given the
and caverns; from at night, this
human
human blood/
The People of the Fifth Creation
in sacrifice.
Once they
through
sun
the
life in
the
the
fifth era,
the sun
was
finally illuminating the thriving
and the gods conferred one more time to discuss who
new
the
in
live
creation.
Once again
was up
it
exchange meeting
carried out the col-
fifth era.
celestial
this,
he had to penetrate the underworld, gradually descend-
level,
home
of Mictlantecuhtli and Mictlancihuatl, the couple
travel his
who
From the
search, according to
comes
vault
ruled that realm of darkness. The
some indigenous
plumed serpent began chroniclers,
by his nahual, a devotee of the god that has the faculty to enter the underworld without dying and thus return to the surface.
of
The creator god requested the precious bones of ancestral generations from the lord of the world of the dead,
who
responded:
relief
fan blades that
make up the
the suns of earth, wind, face of Tonatiuh
is
rain,
carving
five eras.
we
sign,
in
the Sun Stone
On the ends
of the
recognize the sequence of
and water.
In
the central
circle,
the
complemented with the numeral 4 through
an equivalent number of chalehihuitls, or symbols of preciousness. Tonatiuh's
tongue
claws.
We
is
turned into Tecpatl, holding
can see
a
human
sequence of the twenty sym-
bols of the calendar in a ring around the sun of the fifth era.
new movement
This reminds us that beginning with the creation of this
the sequence of days and nights as well as the
of the sun generate the calendar. is
running
is
the Aztecs' time.
side,
the
bones of women." So Quetzalcoatl took them and mixed them
The Fifth Sun, the Days, and the Calendar
summarizes the succession of the
his
accompanied
calendrical
itself.
The complex chronographic
to
ing through the various planes until he arrived at the deepest
"On one side are the bones of men, and on the other
that
As
hearts, she did not wish to give
do
in
the
at
name Ollin Tonatiuh, sun of movement, whose name Nahui Ollin (4 Movement) would become a metaphor
era,
god-
hearts.
move
the
in its
skin, the
flowers; from her eyes, wells, fountains
Quetzalcoatl to seek out the remains of ancient humankind. To
gods
the
all
route from east to west, creating
hearts
came
the gods
about the cause
ceremony, Tonatiuh then began to
lective sacrificial
existence
all
and grasses; from her
she was finally irrigated by
fruit, until
would
finally
nahual (guardian
of
little
her nose, mountains and valleys.
the sky. Faced with this problem, the gods sent an eagle, the
passage
human
trees, flowers,
and small caves; from her mouth, great
earth,
in
and
finest of grass
in
the
gods made
With the
follow behind the sun.
for
the fruit needed for
all
hair the
to her,
and ordered that from her would spring
the condition of a moon, with the imprint of the
animal on his face, and, as
star's
two gods had done
to console her
From that time
on, the time
up,
and carried
this
mess away. The
lord of the
underworld soon
repented and ordered animals from the dark regions to pursue In
running to
traps, scattering the
bones over
Quetzalcoatl and excavate hollows
one of these
in
the subsoil.
escape, he
fell
the
whereupon they were chewed by
soil,
into
quails.
When
Quetzalcoatl regained consciousness, he sensed the urgency and
decided to perform the act of creation
in
that very place, the
underworld. He requested help from the goddess Cihuacoatl, the
female serpent
(called Quilaztli in the chronicles).
the bone fragments and deposited them
upon which Quetzalcoatl
spilled
Finally,
the god
made
a hole
She ground
sacred receptacle,
own blood humans of the
drops of his
penis; the resulting mixture created the
exit
in a
frcy â&#x20AC;˘
through which these people could
and populate the universe.
New Human Race
Maize, the Food of the
On
human
Tlalticpac (earth),
of water, distinguishing
now
beings were
placed
favor-
in a
able environment surrounded by animals and vegetation, but
was then considered. The gods once
the matter of basic food
reed, the sign of acatl.
It is
canoe
figure paddling a
in
migratory group that began
Quetzalcoatl would act
Tecpatl
observes a
favor of the people. The god slowly
maize to the
ant carrying
red
was
Tonacatepetl, the sustenance mountain where grain
He questions the
insect
ant does not
him. Thus, the god
tell
stored.
about the source of the seeds, but the
comes up with a curious black ant and manages to
strategy; he turns himself into a
who
deceive the red ant,
of the
interior
takes him to the sacred mountain
where the maize kernels are
kept.
From that time on,
this
would
be the food of the humans, created by Quetzalcoatl himself.
between men and
link
and crossbred
selected
maize
until
and acquisition of basic
their search for
and other wild
varieties of teozintle
we know
they arrived at the maize
today, with
nutritious kernels that can be eaten. Seed maize
deposited
made
hole
in a
the
in
clear the fields of wild plants that
is
workers must constantly
impede
growth, because
its
the early stages, the stalks are incapable of making their
through the weeds; mixture
made
with ancestral bones and the seminal blood of its
humans,
early stages,
way
Similarly, in the mythical creation story, the
Quetzalcoatl sought
reach maturity;
it is
exit
like
through the hole he made.
maize, would require care
fitting that their
in
In their
order to
food would be the kernels
of the prodigious plant.
long journey
in
groups that migration,
accompany them
will
including
who would conclude Tenochtitlan. But
their
were
gin to peoples that
neighbors
their
and
called
it
described as an island
which they crossed to
Aztlan, the place of the in
the middle of a lake
terra firma in canoes.
From
there,
they undertook the long journey that would lead them to the place determined by their god/guide, their future capital, Tenochtitlan.
where they would
build
Other documents consider the
great cave within Chicomoztoc, "mountain of the seven caves,"
ities
more important
ancestral
cave
is
site.
made up
where the seven main groups
Characterized by
its
of seven internal cav-
that populated the
Anahuac
Valley at a given time were believed to have originated.
Some
historians
Chicomo/tor
document
In
fact,
accord-
the central area of
in
their messianic destiny.
The Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca, a manuscript created the mid-sixteenth century by people
who
lived
in
in
Coatlinchan
on the eastern bank of the Tetzcoco Lake basin, provides the
most impressive image we have of Chicomoztoc. dering, the sacred
shown
the ren-
In
mountain can be recognized from
hump,
its
as a curving figure; the surroundings are characterized
by an abundance of desert plants, such as the barrel cactus, nopal (prickly pear), and maguey. Amid the vegetation, a priest disguised as a wolf or coyote lights the like
cave of origins
we can
new
fire. In
womb-
the
see the seven chambers and images
names.
movement In
fifth
the exit pathway are footprints indicating
In
of a population, suggesting origin and return.
Teotihuacan, the renowned
sun took place,
a cave
site
where the creation of the
was discovered
in
importance of
to the north of the universe
this
who
wanderings by founding Mexico-
Mesoamerica but did not share
the
peregrination painting),
la peregrinacion, or
curved promontory,
will
also extended the Aztlan-Chicomoztoc ori-
it
ulated the central area of Mexico settled. They placed this site
to be the
tells
ed them privileged status, choosing them as the historic people
from around the beginning of the Christian
or inlet,
who
Left),
which they
Chalca, and Huexotzinca. This codex explains the Aztecs' place
the mythic place where the Aztecs and other groups that pop-
is
with the
in its inte-
Tepaneca, Tlahuica,
Pyramid of the Sun, the
It
the year Ce hill
while during their
for a
Matlatzinca,
the
one of the best-known of these pictographic books, describes
color white.
in
has a cave with images
guide them to the place
will
divided.
impose domination on the universe. Next are pictured the eight
addition to ancient stories, the Codex Boturini (1520-40; also
de
its
of Huitzilopochtli (Hummingbird on the
rior
them that he
their place
In
hill
was
of the different Chichimec peoples born there, identified by
The Origin of the Aztecs and their Neighboring Peoples
called the lira
city
search of land represents the
reach Teoculhuacan, the
Flint) to later
(1
curved protuberance. This
carefully
using the coa, a curved
soil
staff used for sowing. Agricultural
in
who
plant invented by the Mesoamericans,
a
is
houses, presumed
six
of origin and their encounter with their god/guide,
The pre-Hispanic peoples bore witness to the inextricable
food. Maize
pyramid with the water
surrounded by
again asked about what people would eat, and once more, in
a
neighborhoods into which the lakeside
to be
A
from
it
claim
that
the
area the
tl
of Aztec affiliation,
shows the
is
called
Codex
island
earliest ritual plinth
this city for societies of
that preceded
it
may
Boturini, a
and the expanse
site,
dating
era. Certainly the
period as well as those
be attributed to the vast size of
its
con-
structions. Even as ruins, these evidence the force and domi-
nance of one of the most powerful indigenous states of Mesoamerica. A natural cave of volcanic formation with
chamber Sun.
Its
is
located almost
in
is
deep
practically at the starting point of the plat-
form attached to the western part of the tial
a
the center of the Pyramid of the
access gallery has an irregular shape, winding from the
entrance, which
layer, after
the
first
plinth.
Beneath an
ini-
pathway, two additional cavities were
excavated on either side; the gallery continues to the back,
where the space broadens Aztlan-
its
the subsoil of the
on that
chambers that
Among
recall
into four cavities
more
like
ritual
the silhouette of a flower with four petals.
other ideas, this design symbolizes the indigenous axis
mundi, a horizontal plane with four directions and a center.
wf :,
In
some
dressed and tied [the deceased]
codices, Teotihuacan can be identified by the exis1
tence of caves under the pyramids, evidence that people
in
the
and early colonial periods had knowledge of these
Postclassic
we may
sacred caves. Thus,
This
consider this and other caves to be
tains,
the empirical proof for naming this as the mythical creation of the fifth sun. The indigenous tlacuilos (scribes)
Duran
texts by the friar Diego
peculiar way.
s
re-created Chicomoztoc
in
hills,
located
recall
a
is filled
distancing
This
stones, with people inside,
and the vegetation
.
is
This
to
pass through eight
.
.
one
it
carried rocks
made
they
Tlaltecuhtli
through and passes
tographs, however,
rows of
and
thorny
body that
recalls Cipactli, the original creature that could
been
like
sacrificial knives,
a
.
.
before
arrived
and presented
where
hells,
.
.
by.
have
little
which
river,
swimming on top
the deceased crosses over,
and
living
of a
dog.
They say that upon arriving at the riverbank
a lizard or a crocodile.
referred to above, the deceased looks at the dog;
Structure of the Universe from Indigenous Point of View Like
many
peoples
in
the gods.
For
recognizes
swims
the history of the world, the inhabitants of
Mesoamerica, particularly the Aztecs, interpreted
environment as
a universe constructed
god
through the action of
earth, with the
that led the deceased toward Mictlan,
and
his wife Mictlancihuatl
trip
where Mictlantecuhtli
were located. The
ous lectures given to the deceased by
rites
began with
Thus,
ii
windows, and
which has /cr
yi
and
is,
carries
leave
him on
its
in
this
place
.
.
.
which
called
is
av*
In
the Aztec geometry of the universe, there were thirteen
vertical planes
world.
Some
above the earth and nine planes
scholars envision this
like
the under-
in
two stepped pyran
the underworld being the smaller of the two,
an inverted
in
way
that the ver-
both pyramids meet and constitute earth
tices of
place,
master
if it
the river and
position, representing the heavens, in such a
their relatives:
You have already gone to the darkest
his
into
and
underworld below. Fray Bernardino de Sahagun
gathered from the indigenous peoples a description of the
where
jumps
it
Chiconaumictlan, the deceased end their lives and pass
them, this primarily meant Tezcatlipoca and
Tlaltecuhtli. This led to the creation of sky
to
master,
its
back
their natural
Quetzalcoatl, who, as discussed above, split the body of the ancestral
.
him the
to
a broad river flows
There are dogs
walking around on the bank of the
has a monstrous face with eyes bulging
it
sharpened
when they passed through
After four years have elapsed, the deceased leaves
tation of the earthly beast Cipactli. In the pre-Hispanic pic-
out, teeth
neck they
papers they were carrying.
that had thus
and goes to the nine
already been created
its
Chiconahuapan.
deceased
the
the early colonial period as a reinterpre-
in
and around
Mictlantecuhtli, they offered
the
characteristic netted hair that identifies them. The animal figure a curious image of
because the wind was
and pieces of knives
the deceased take along a
fur,
top of the dog
river in hell, called
When
hunters, they
arms-bows and arrows-and have
to pass through the knife-
called Itzehecayan,
put a loose cotton cord; they said that the deceased
swam on
looks canine,'-
what you need
In addition,
indigenous artists included one that shows the migration of the
bear their offensive
pass through eight
what you need
is
Teochichimeca, departing Chicomoztoc from the head of the first
where there
to pass through
to
small dog with reddish
jaws open. As the
to pass through the road
what you need
so strong that
the illustrations that enrich Duran's descriptions, the
its
amid two moun-
.
edged wind,
recalls a thicket.
monster depicted with
what you need
is
This
simply orna-
is
.
a snake guarding the road.
is
[mountain] passes;
shown enclosed by
to pass
what you need
is
plateaus;
even further from the pre-
Hispanic tradition. The seven caves are
Among
the silhouettes of
close to Duran's, illustrates this
itself
.
.
a green wall lizard called Xochitonal;
is
with flowering plants. The Tovar Codex
document very
same passage,
the paper;
after the next;
is
This
a
and the passage, rendered with European-
in its interior,
mental and
This
the pre-Hispanic style. The original families are
style perspective,
(1583-87),'
in
what you need
is
one
where there
illustrated
Duran's codex (1579-81), the seven caves are
In
separated from each other and vaguely the
who
in
saying
anonymous
indigenous painters
the Cod<
anus
whose
(also called the
level."
The
illustrations appejt
Codex
Rios, ca.
in
1570-95)"
also re-created a vertical vision of the cosmos, indicating the
Then the old people and paper â&#x20AC;˘-â&#x20AC;˘ned
officials cut
and attached the pap< deceased and
shortened
<'d,
his
and .
.
.
legs,
terrestrial bd' je
rpac (earth) with eight levels below and he number of levels
above. The matter ot ad
above and below to reach the sum of nine plus thirteen has
"i
complex
at
the pyramid
given
rise to
history
of
various hypotheses and discussions over the long
Generally, the version is
on
research
Precolumbian
deemed
to be
Mexican
religion.
most current and accepted
Codex
heaven of Tlalocan and the moon. He also proposes that
a full
the
levels, or planes,
using
Omeyocan, be counted twice because
Tlalticpac as the first level:
spelling/
celestial sphere,
Lopez Austin believes that counting should begin from the
proposes
that set forth by Alfredo Lopez Austin/'
reading and ordering of the underworld's
who
Regarding the set of heavens that make up the
highest
level
represented
in
Codex Vaticanus, the
the it
is
a place of duality;
constitutes the twelfth and thirteenth heavens:"
thus,
it
Codex
spelling/
proposed reading
Translation
Proposed order
proposed reading
Translation
Tlalticpac/Tlalticpac
Earth
1st level
Homeyoca/Omeyocan
Place of duality
Proposed order 13th and 12th heavens (9th
Apano huaya/ Apanohuayan
Water passageway
2nd
Teotl tlatlauhca/
are found
The
hills
Yztepetl/lztepetl
Hill
of obsidian
Yeehecaya/ltzehecayan
Place of obsidian wind
Tepetli
monanamycia/
Tepetl
monanamicyan
3rd level
God who
11th heaven (7th higher
red
is
heaven)
Teotl tlatlauhca
Teotl
cocauhca/
4th level
Teotl
cozauhca
5th level
Teotl yztaca/
God who
yellow
is
where
Place
Pancuecuetlacayan
flutter
flags
Temiminaloya/
Place where people are
Temiminaloyan
in
Teocoylqualoya/
Place
Teyollocualoyan
hearts are eaten
Yzmicilanapochcaloca/
Place of the obsidian of
Itzmictlanapochcalocan
the dead; place with no
10th heaven (6th higher
heaven)
God who
is
white
9th heaven (5th higher
heaven)
Teotl iztacca
Pancoecoetlacaya/
and 8th higher
heavens)
level
6th level Yztapal nanazcaya/
Place that has corners
8th heaven (4th higher
Itztapalnacazcayan
made
heaven)
Ylhuicatl xoxouhca/
Heaven that
of obsidian slabs
7th level
a great hurry
where people's
8th
level
9th
level
llhuicatl
Ylhuicatl yayauhca/
opening to
let
out smoke
llhuicatl
yayauhca
Ylhuicatl
mamaluacoca/ mamalhuacoca
llhuicatl
is
green
xoxouhca
Ylhuicatl huixtutla/
Heaven that
is
blackish
llhuicatl
Heaven of the turn-
5th heaven (1st higher
around
heaven)
Heaven, place of
salt
Sun heaven
3rd heaven (3rd lower
heaven)
Tonatiuh
Heaven
llhuicatl Citlalicue
(She of the Skirt of
Ylhuu
Heaven of Tlalocan and
tlalocaypaii'
the
li.jiocan
4th heaven (4th lower
heaven)
Ylhuicatl iztlalicoe/
il
6th heaven (2nd higher
heaven)
jixtotlan
Ylhuicatl tunatiuh/
7th heaven (3rd higher
heaven)
of Citlalicue
moon
2nd heaven (2nd lower heaven)
1st
heaven
heaven)
[1s1
lowei
As archaeological witness to
we have
celestial planes,
this vertical perception of the
the Stone of the Heavens, a sculpture
On one of
the form of a rectangular prism.
in
see a sequence of bands with stars
nous representations of the planet Venus. is
larger sides
its
like stellar
we
eyes and indigesetting, there
In this
pathway through which images of the pre-
a kind of central
Hispanic deities go up and down, along with the silhouette of
an eagle holding a bundle of victims
in its beak.'
8
which the deceased were directed. Outstanding for ity is
was Chichihuacuauhco, the nursemaid
represented only
in
its
peculiar-
tree. This vegetal site
the Codex Vaticanus;" the unusual repre-
sentation of a tree has the characteristic pre-Hispanic pattern
which plants have is
notes
made by
in
their roots uncovered. In the codex, this tree
designated Chichiualquauitl, "the milk
tree,"
the story that explains the creation of the horizontal plane,
and according to
Fray Pedro de los Rios:
Ome
was the
this
life,
third place passed
to which
through by
Omeyocan. Because of
their
constant activity as creators, they
went only those children who died
it is
a tree that
the children is
who
dripped milk, where they took
one
is
characterized by a specific color, which
must
give an identity to the region each one
the
Tezcatlipoca,
smoking
mirror,
red
Tezcatlipoca, the real
black; Quetzalcoatl Yohualli Ehecatl, the
wanted this
is
in
men
to emulate God. As our sacred wise
the limbo for children
who
this,
Huitzilopochtli, the emaciated
man, the two-headed serpent,
the southern hummingbird, or
Hummingbird on the
which the color blue or green
attached.
elements
is
Left,
was shared by in
it
all
is
say,
plane
tal
the
the Codex
These reprein
the
surrounded by the names of the twenty days of the
is in
The design
die unbaptized, or
to
the center, the cosmic ceiba tree with igneous
in
ritual calendar.
it
is
plumed serpent, night
The best-known representation of the horizon-
the Codex Fejervary-Mayer (dated before 1521).
recalls a
;
Greek cross, with narrower bands for the
diagonals with curved borders that resemble petals and a recthe center. Reading counterclockwise, from
made by an indigenous
person.
tangular panel
what they made these poor people
believe:
the upper right, the design begins with the direction east, called
virtue of a sacrifice is
Yayauhqui
characteristic color
wind, linked to the color white; and Omitecuhtli Maquizcoatl
four corners;
all
uncircumcised, under the old law, or without the
This
color;
in
Tezcatlipoca whose
will
build: Tlatlauhqui
sentations have a quadripartite design with the couples
died at that age, because the devil
so envious of God's honor that even
incorporate
the boundaries of the quadripartite vision of the cosmic uni-
Tro-Cortesianus (also called the Codex Madrid):
without having reached the age of reason. They pretend
who
generate the four Tezcatlipocas, their children,
Mesoamerican people. The Mayas represented
spirits of
and
Tecuhtli
Cihuatl, located on the cusp of the celestial planes, in
This horizontal vision of the universe This
Ome
the original divine couple are participants:
verse. Each
addition to Mictlan, there were various other places to
In
Horizontal Plane and the Surface of the Earth
77? e
In
that there
was
this place for their children,
added another
error,
in
Tlapcopa or Tlahuilcopa, on the side with the
and they
which was persuading them
mic
tree, Xiloxochitl, that
light,
with the cos-
has beautiful flowers on which
tioned a quetzal. The patrons of this direction are
that these children [angelitos] would have to leave
is
posi-
Itztli,
the
was
divine knife, and Tonatiuh, the sun god. The colors of the east
destroyed for the third [originally: second] time, and
are red and yellow, tonalities that characterize the sun;- for this
that
place
repopulate
to
they thought
it
the
world after
it
must have already been destroyed,
reason,
20 because the two [times] had already occurred.
it
considered to be the house of the sun, Tonatiuh
is
Ichan, through
which
it
Quetzalcoatl reappears
Based on the information provided
in
the Florentine Codex,
Miguel Leon-Portilla argues that the Chichihuacuauhco
Tamoanchan,
"our place of origin."
2'
is in
the
To the
which
is
Stone of the Heavens.
north,
falcon.
a
Tepeyollotl,
Mictlampa
Detail of
left is
the is
the
is
raised in the firmament. Thus, here
in his role
The deities
heart of the
name
as the planet Venus.
where the spiny pochote grows, above
who
hill,
rule
and
this
Tlaloc,
designating north;
it
is
direction
are
deity of rain.
considered the
divine plain par excellence, and
deceased begin their The lower part
is
trip to
it
said that this
is
the underworld.
west, with the huisoche
see a hummingbird. This
the region of the
is
is
color
Its
where the is
on which you can
women
and
female patron of the sexual
Tlazolteotl, the
color white defines this direction,
before going through the hole
trip
On the
right
is
where the cocoa
where the sun ends in
act. its
The
daily
the east.
on which
sits a parrot.
The deities
that rule the south are Mictlantecuhtli, the underworld patron,
and Centeotl, the god of maize.
vision of the universe as the fifth direction,
god of
fire
one single perception of the universe; per-
many and
is
this horizontal
the
domain of
with his offensive arms or weapons,
was mentally
constant. The creation
We
are familiar with several images of the Mexica-Aztec
Codex Mendoza
foundation
the
re-created
Tenochtlitlan,
which occurred
of in
(1541-42),-' they
Mexico-
city-state,
their
the indigenous year
Ome
Calli
House, or 1325). Once again, the island was marked out as a
quadrangular plane with four directions and related corners. There they found the symbol promised by the god
who
patron-
ized the start of their migration. At the center, the icon: the tenochtli, the nopal flowering out of a rock,
The central region, which would complete
Xiuhtecuhtli, the
just
vision of the cosmos. In the
(2
south, the region of the colors blue and green, tree grows,
was not
and physically re-created when circumstances so required.
Cihuatlampa;
so the patrons are the goddesses Chalchiuhtlicue, she of the jade skirt,
there
ceptions were
black.
is
on which an eagle
positioned with wings extended, under which
is
the symbol of
war, the chimalli, an indigenous shield, with arrows behind a horizontal position.
The borders of the future
city that
it
in
would
defined by the four currents of blood that evoke the sacred food
be the capital of the Aztec empire are defined as bands of water.
of the cosmos.
These bands show that the quadripartite space
should be noted that this pictographic document was
It
anahuac, or
circle of water,
executed by peoples of the central/eastern region of the valleys
was
of Puebla, and Tlaxcala and the region bordering Oaxaca, particu-
four sectors corresponding
larly
the Mixteca. This
was
the reason for the peculiar association
of the direction south with the
kingdom of the dead and the
north with Tlaloc, linked with the ideas of Tlalocan, where the
abundant
rains
gave
rise to a
surplus of food and flowers
all
For the Aztecs, north
phytic vegetation,
is
the cold plains, populated with xero-
where the frozen wind blows, Mictlampa
Ehecatl. Therefore, they considered north to be the direction of
was
the source of the people
also the
way
/e of
who
populated the earth, which
to Mictlan. In the south, meanwhile, from the
the Lake Tetzcoco basin, are the valleys o rnds),
moderate temperatures. These lands are agree
in
char,.
flourished, d
and abundance of crops. As the majority of ij
#
where the indigenous domains of
Cuauhnahuac (Cuernavaca) and Huaxtepec
ity
in
the middle of a
Codex Fejervary-Mayer but
is
within an
to
the
lake).
The division into the
regions indicated
in
the
once again shown by bands of water,
transverse position.
in a
We know
when
that
the founding of the city took place,
Tenoch, the guide/chief, placed the various segments of the
Aztec migratory group into four sectors: to the east, Acacitli and
year round.
n,
also an island
lies
which surrounds the land (Aztlan
by their schi
these explanations of the cosmos,
Cuapan;
to the north, Ocelapan, Tecineuh, Xocoyotl,
and Tenoch
himself; to the west, Xiuhcaqui and Atototl; and, finally, to the
south, Ahuexotl and Xomimitl. The Tlatelolca
group from Aztlan adapted
them as
a place to settle,
founded
their
When
own
to the site
who came
and thirteen years
later, in
glory, they sculpted extraordinary monuments in confirming their dominion ol the known universe city,
ated
for
1338, they
capital city Mexico-Tlatelolco.
the Aztecs reached the pinnacle of their
or
with the
Tenoch designated
power and
volcanic rock, that originat-
the very center of the axis mundi. The Stone of in
the western pdii
the sacred site of the
ol
Page
lino de
Codex, also
de
la
known
a
Nueva Espaha, 1575-77.
Sahagun, Florentine general de las cosas
Page from the Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca, 1550-70.
-
>* -M*
^
""
^^
5
s^r
*
•
i 1
*>..-*-
*£m2m
Pyramid of the Sun, Teotihuacan.
Templo Mayor, monolith
in
is
the best example.
the form of an
in
On
relief,
we
side,
shows the is
this
verti-
represented by
monster that holds men on
its
back,
its
thorns that outline four threatening jaws indi-
cating the four directions of the universe. the
curved
its
cylinder
cosmos. On the base, earth
cal vision of the
Tlaltecuhtli-Cipactli, the
body covered
enormous
the central band of
In
see fifteen scenes, each one representing the most
that
grows out of
a rock,
upon which an eagle
serpent. The mythic construction
supported the weight of the
was
celestial
sits
devouring a
perfect: the rock cactus
band, and, at the conver-
gence of the four directions, the symbol identifying the Aztec people as Tenochca supported the sun/eagle,
its
supreme
deity,
through the sacred food, the prickly pear/hearts, obtained from the conquered peoples.
significant military conquests carried out by the Aztecs. These
conquests were conducted by rulers from Acamapichtli to Tizoc in
every direction illuminated by the rays of the sun. This
is
con-
firmed by the upper strip on the side, a celestial band with stars
and symbols of the planet Venus.
It
supports an enormous
design carved on the upper side of the monolith of the solar disk with four rays radiating in the four directions of the cos-
was designed as a where they confronted
mos. Like Temalacatl, Tlacaxipehualiztli,
it
sacrificial altar for the
prisoners of war cap-
tured during the wars of conquest.
Lopez Austin, following the stories of the chroniclers, shows that the pre-Hispanic peoples imagined a separation of the
and the sustenance of the ic
trees located
celestial
sphere through four
on the borders of the universe, which they
Oted from the underworld. The A/t-
ed this vision
into a material reality by placing sculptures
nochtlitlan
in
â&#x20AC;˘s.
On
on the borders of
the form of cacti, which also their bases,
each one bears the oolic reading
nan.'
by iman
.acred nopal
Above: Templo Mayor, Mexico
City.
.
Notes Codice Chimalpopoca: Anales de Cuanhtitlan y leyenda de los
1
Primo Feliciano Velazquez,
ile,
soles,
facsim-
(Mexico City: Imprenta Universitaria, 1945),
ed.
pp. 119-42. 2.
The paintings
Mexicanos coincide with
Historic de los
in
this sequence.
Angel Maria Garibay Kintana, Histona de los Mexicanos (Mexico
See
City: Editorial
Porrua, 1965), pp. 21-90. 3.
The image of one of these giants was re-created
Colonial
Codex Vatieanus 3738,
See
period.
Cansen, and Reyes Garcia, eds. 1996,
Garibay Kintana, Historia de Mexico,
5.
Described
6. Felipe
p.
the Codex Chimalpopoca,
Olguin
the early part of the
Ferdinand Anders,
f.4v.
4.
in
in
facsimile,
108. p.
120.
La Culture del Maiz (Mexico City: Clio, 1998), pp. 11-17.
Solis,
7.
Doris Heyden, Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca (Copenhagen: 1942),
8.
Codex Xolotl,
9.
Diego Duran, Historia de las Indias de Nueva Espana e
Heyden, 1998,
in
(Codex Durdn) 2
p.
f.
16
r.
25. Islas
de
Tierra Firme
(Mexico City: Coleccion Cien de Mexico, 1995).
vols.
Juan de Tovar, Manuscrit Tovar: Origines et croyances des Indiens du
10.
Mexique, Jacques Lafaye, ed. (Graz: Akademie Druck Verlagsanst, 1972). 11. Ibid., plate
I,
238.
p.
12.
Codex Duran,
13.
Bernadino Sahagun, Historia General de
plate
3.
las
Cosas de Nueva Espana,
(Mexico City: Editorial Porrua, 1997), pp. 205-07. 14. Luis Barjau,
mito mexicano de lasedades (Mexico
El
Autonomade Tabasco,
Universidad Juarez
Codex Vatieanus,
15. 1
p.
City:
Juarez
Autonoma
17.
plates 1v-2r.
humano
Alfredo Lopez Austin, Cuerpo
6.
1998),
antiguos nahuas (Mexico
City:
e ideologia: Las concepciones de los
Autonoma de Mexico,
Universidad Nacional
Instituto de Investigaciones Antropologicas, 1984),
p.
63.
17. Ibid.
18. Dioses del
(Mexico City: A.,
1996),
p.
Mexico Antiguo, exh.
UNAM,
cat.,
Antiguo Colegio de San lldefonso
Ediciones del Equilibrista, S.A. de C.V. and Turner Libros
19.
Codex Vatieanus,
20.
Ibid.,
pp.
plate 3v.
50-51.
21. Miguel Leon-Portilla,
De Teotihuacan a
los
Aztecas: Antologia de fuentes e
interpretaciones historicas (Mexico City: Universidad Nacional
Mexico, 1983),
p.
Autonoma de
209.
22. Salvador
Mateos Higuera explains that the
color red and
was therefore nicknamed
was
S.
41.
called Yayauhqui; the third
first
to be born
Tlatlauhqui; the second
was born white and had
showed the
was
to be
black,
named
and
Iztac
Tezcatlipoca, the white mirror, identified with Quetzalcoatl, symbol of the beautiful;
and the
last
was born without
flesh,
was only bones, and they
called
him Omitecuhtli, the man of bones, better known as Huizilopochtli, and the color of his skin
had to be
blue.
Salvador Mateos Higuera, Enciclopedia
grafica del Mexico, 4 vols. (Mexico City: Secretaria de Hacienda y Credito Publico, 1992-94), vol.
23.
II,
p. 11.
Codex Tro-Cortesianus [Codex Madrid]
(Graz:
Akademische Druck-u.
Verlagsanstalt, 1967), pp. 75-76.
24. Codice Fejervary-Moyer: El Libro de Tezcatlipoca, senor del tiempo, facsimile,
Ferdinand Anders, Maarten Jansen, and Gabina Aurora Perez Jimenez, eds.
(Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1994), 25.
A microscopic
firmed that the only colors originally covering
its
This corresponds with information in the codices
26.
p. 1.
analysis of the pigments used to paint the
Codex Mendoza (Mexico
City:
Sun Stone con-
surface were red and ochre.
and
in
the chronicles.
San Angel Ediciones, 1979),
folio 2r.
Origins and Forms of Art
the Aztec Empire
in
Felipe Sola
THE EXTRAORDINARY ARTISTIC
AND SYMBOLIC REPERTORY THAT CHARACTERIZED THE ART OF THE
Aztec world comes from different traditions,
some
of considerable antiquity. The
artisans of the Postclassic period recovered original models
of their ancestral
cities,
the ruins
in situ in
mainly Teotihuacan and Tula. Teotihuacan was consid-
ered to be the place of origin of the fifth sun and thus the site of creation, and
was therefore regarded of the ruins there
as supremely sacred. The Aztecs carried out excavations
and recovered ceramics, carved stone
figures,
and valuable
to the gods at the Templo Mayor. They
masks, which they gave as offerings
often embellished these objects with paint or other ornamentation, reusing
them
connect
to
They also copied the architectural
their present with the past.
forms and bright polychrome mural decoration of Teotihuacan in
own
their
stone to constructions as the ancients ity is
did.
in
the buildings
adding animal figures sculpted
capital, Mexico-Tenochtitlan,
One important example
in
of continu-
the serpent heads that begin and end the framework around both sides of
the stairways of the Templo Mayor.
The Aztec presence ing
in
the city of Tula
from Aztlan, the Aztecs had settled
at least
two decades. The
in
was unique.
In
the course of migrat-
the remains of the abandoned
city for
ruins retained signs of their original greatness, includ-
ing sculptures of ancient deities
and columns
in
the form of serpents as well as
images of powerful ancestral warriors, which archaeologists have called caryatids or atlantes. These figures built,
were designed to support the temples that were
according to legend, by Quetzalcoatl himself. Forms and styles from even
more distant times were
familiar to the Aztecs as well. In fact,
armies expanded into far-off
from the Olmec period
(ca.
territories,
1300-400
in the valley of the
Mezcala
River.
and material evidence of other cul-
was one such
Among
culture,
which flourished
the objects recovered there were
anthropomorphic figures and curiously simple masks with tion that
the Aztec
they obtained as tribute cast-off items
B.C.)
tures that preceded them. The Mezcala
when
a
geometric orienta-
approaches abstraction.
Given the importance the Aztecs placed on the past, there was nothing
unusual about their plans to evoke the ancient Tenochtitlan.
Once again, there would be
a
city
of Tula
Mexico-
in
grand metropolis covered with
stones decorated with eagles and jaguars. Atlantes would cover the horizontal
space (the axis mundi) and there would be new renditions of the chacmools ual attendants) associated with fire
ornamentation of the
rain
god
By the fifteenth century
(rit-
and water and bearing the insignia and
Tlaloc.
a.d.
the Aztec empire
was
flourishing
in
various
indigenous capitals of the central valleys of Mexico, such as Tetzcoco, Xochimilco,
and Calixtlahuaca. During
their
ascendancy the Aztecs also fostered
13.
Sculpture of a
kiruj
Huaxtcc, 13th oi 14th century
oped new formal designs, creating images of men and
new
who
developments. This was particularly true for sculptors of the period
artistic
women
devel-
that would signify each
Depictions of male figures were imbued with the maturity associated with
era.
procreation and sustaining the family and the state. Thus, these sculptures present the
forms of young adult men, a
garment that was
bound
sculptors felt
bared breasts.
masculine. Depictions of females were different: Because
to exalt
young matrons as
In reality,
women
some people from
tion of
organs discreetly hidden by a simple maxtlatl,
their sexual
strictly
shown with
symbols, they were
fertility
did not reveal themselves in this way, with the excep-
the coast of Oaxaca and Guerrero,
who maintained
this
ancestral tradition.
Many a
wrap
stone images also honor women's garments of the period. By
called a cutitl. in a range of designs,
body and held torso.
ing
in
Mexico-Tenochtitlan and neighboring
as a triangle,
differently
in
it
was not unusual
movement
wide
woman
put her head.
of the wearer's arms.
was considered the most
also rendered
to see a
liv-
a peculiar article of clothing
the center through which a
in
the Aztec period, young adulthood
them
cities,
front and back, allowing free
in
manhood; however, sculptors treating
to cover the lower part of the
One was the quechquemitl,
with a rhomboid shape and a hole
In
skirt,
number of people from other regions of Mesoamerica
a great
variety of female garments.
It fell
of a
place with a sash, while a very long blouse called a huipil covered the
As there were
in
was used
way
significant stage of
images of old men as well as older women,
accordance with their
of older men, only
sex. In sculptures
the faces were covered with wrinkles. Occasionally, the eyeteeth were prominently featured and the incisor teeth were missing to denote age, but the bodies look vigorous;
perhaps these images were meant to show men's aspiration not to lose their sexual
prowess with the passage of time. Depictions of older flaccid breasts indicate the effects of childbearing In
the
monumental sculptures
basic formal
women
include wrinkled faces;
and nursing on the female body.
that undoubtedly served a ritual purpose, these
models depicting the sexes were embellished with many other garments
and ornaments
were trans-
for representing the various deities. Thus, the effigies
formed into personifications of the gods, indicating the importance the human figure had acquired. Sculptors were expressing themselves more freely than they previously
human movement. They extended
had, exploring the mystery of rendering
dard sculptural repertory, daring to show figures on bent knee or seated half-lotus position in addition to or seated positions. The
more
Olmec had achieved formal
millennia earlier by turning the torso
(600-400
B.C.),
the Dancing
The in
artistic
in
the
some
Monkey modes
figures to
sculpture
(ca.
one 1
lotus or
human body two known as The Wrestler
liberation of the
this technical
side. This style
500),
in a
poses accentuated by vertical
famous sculpture
and Aztec sculptors rediscovered
turning the heads of in
traditional, rigid
the stan-
which turns
and
reached its
body
artistic
its
fullest
in a spiral
advance by expression
movement.
of the Aztecs influenced the people they conquered. Sculptures
the Aztec style were placed alongside indigenous images and representations by the
Huaxteca and Totona<
the Gulf Coast, the Mixteca of Oaxaca,
state of Guerrero. The Aztec style,
allowed
its
pract
to
and peop
which became known as the international
integrate the various forms of visual
prevalent during the epoch into a cohesive approach.
style,
communication
The Olmec \nn
'yphers
<
THE STORY OF CREATION AS TOLD BY THE OLMEC WILL NEVER AGAIN BE HEARD. ALSO LONG
forgotten country")
same
land
name, as the term "Olmec" ("inhabitant of the rubber
their true
is
borrowed from
is
a culture that
many
the southern Gulf Coast lowlands
in
in
centuries later inhabited the
the Mexican states of Tabasco
and Veracruz. Without surviving written documents, knowledge of America's earliest civilization must be gleaned from the pieces that have survived the ravages of time
in
an unforgiving tropical environment. The ephemeral nature of
most Olmec remains challenges archaeologists
meaning and
to discover their
function, but luckily their splendid stone sculptures survive intact, bearing
immutable testimony
to ancient aristocratic beliefs.
Between 1500 and 400 roundings with means
B.C.,
that,
the Olmec exploited their jungle-covered sur-
though
primitive,
were apparently quite
fruitful,
since food production sustained significant population concentrations (more
than 10,000 people)
and
and around each of the regional capitals of San Lorenzo fish, turtle, freshwater shrimp, and
in
The intense consumption of
La Venta.
other aquatic resources obtained
in
the bounteous
swamps, and
rivers, lakes,
was complemented by root crops, maize, palm, squash, chilies, and well as deer and other hunted fauna. The high grounds safe from
floodplains beans, as
flooding were used for swidden (slash-and-burn) agriculture, and recession
techniques were implemented
The
1000
B.C.
the floodplains. sculptures, fashioned
the most privileged social sector,
for
about rulers and the
leaders'
between 1200 and
embody numerous concepts
political structure, origins, social relations,
Carefully devised images
Olmec
in
Olmec monumental stone
first
destined to aid in
and
religion.
managing and disseminating the
worldview were ostentatiously produced
in basalt, a
sacred vol-
canic stone. The transport of these monuments from basalt sources
in
the
neighboring Tuxtlas mountains to the capitals, a distance of 60 to 100 kilomerequired the efforts of hundreds, perhaps thousands, of subjects.
ters,
It
is
stag-
moving
human exertion and organization involved in minimum volume of stone- 150 cubic meters, or 450 tons-required making the 159 monuments present in the San Lorenzo region between
gering to imagine the
even the for
1200 and 800
Among
B.C.
the heaviest of
called "altars"),
a
monument r,
monuments
are the large thrones (previously
to a particular ruler, but also an icon of the office held by thai
The size of these cyclopean symbols of individual
office,
larger
all
each weighing more than 22 tons. Each sculpture was not only
was clearly related the monument, the
to the
rulers, also
greater the
human
exertion required For
Colossal heads are often considered the hallmark of :e, in
contrast to that of thrones, does
sovereign power, as
no
many were
icons ot the
magnitude of the sovereign's power, since the
Olmec
art
'is
transport.
and
culture,
he intensity ol
i
not sculpted from raw rock in the distant basalt
Olmec,
ca.
800
•
•
-
v .
some were made from
flows. Rather,
and thus did not each
1200-800
afar.
The production of nine colossal heads-
ruler-near the end of San Lorenzo's period of
a portrait of a
cence,
monuments, such as thrones,
previously existing
from
entail transport
seems an impressive
B.C.,
monument,
sculpted from a recycled
flores-
each head was
commemoration constituted
this allegorical
power by waning
singularly fictitious display of
maximum
feat; nonetheless, since
who perhaps
rulers,
a
could not mobi-
sufficient labor for long-distance conveyance.
lize
Olmec
who
rulers considered
dwelled
where
large thrones
mouth
cave, the society,
is
it
themselves the descendants of specific sacred ancestors
the underworld. The concept of divine right
in
of the earth monster deity and the entrance to the underworld. that social position
likely
ones to those lacking
Olmec
art
abounds
in
a real or fictive
human
blood relationship to a divine precursor.
figures depicting ideal physical forms. Robust bodies
monumental
in
small greenstone objects. Another major
theme
in
slit
eyes are salient
whereas bodies may be slender
art,
Olmec
art
is
in
thought to be shaman-
nature. Fantastic figures with gradations of anthropomorphic, zoomorphic, or
istic in
may
unnatural qualities
Embedded
in a social
and
provided the means to
game,
to the
ranged from royal and aristo-
and chubby faces with squared jaws, down-turned mouths, and elements of figures represented
In elite
was defined by the genealogical distance
apical lineage ancestor. Hierarchically ordered lineages cratic
patent on the front of
is
seated ancestor emerges from a niche symbolizing the origin
a
in
represent stages political milieu
commune
which the cosmic
The Olmec succeeded
nomic networks.
battle
in
Terrestrial
the ritualistic transformation process.
in
charged with mysticism, transformation
between the sun and darkness was reenacted.
uniting the vast coastal region
and water routes formed
and transportation system; long
artificial
located villages founded
in
were
built next to rivers
vital
and eco-
communication likely
task of governing strategically
remote portions of the vast landscape was achieved
and horizontal web of
a vertical
in social, political,
their elaborate
causeways
used as docks for dugout canoes. The difficult but
through
rites
with the supernatural, as did the ceremonial ball-
ideology. The distribution of utilitarian
network as well as with places as
far
and
social
political relations
and luxury resources took place
away
as
El
Salvador.
Among
and in
a
cohesive
the regional
the items traded
obsidian, a volcanic glass used for practical and ceremonial purposes, which
obtained from more than twenty quarries located Iron ores, used for
adornments,
tools,
in
was was
Central Mexico and Guatemala.
and ceremonial
objects,
were acquired from
Chiapas and Oaxaca. Native petroleum resources, such as bitumen (used as a sealant
and
resin),
were traded
locally
and to distant
places. Small statues, plaques, personal
adornments, and axes made from various kinds of greenstone procured from sources in
Guatemala and Mexico were widely exchanged outside the Gulf Coast
Olmec ways of
when set in
this culture
life
region.
and worldview did not completely disappear from Mesoamerica
drew
to a close
around 400
B.C.
Like the Aztecs, their origin
caves; the succession and legitimating of dynastic rulers
myth was
was based on
divine
genealogical rights; they occupied a region with abundant water and built transportation architecture; a
complex subsistence system based on agriculture, hunting,
and collecting underwrote the production of important used
in
fishing,
commodities, which were
craft
long-distance exchange; and the ritually and politically significant ballgame
embodied
ideological elements related to celestial struggles similar to those in Aztec
cosmology. As the
first
dominant
cultural
group
in
Mesoamerica, the Olmec were key
contributors to fundamental cultural processes implicated
Mesoamerican
historical traditions,
and
their influence
in
was
the early development of
felt
both near and
far.
Teotihuacan I.
WHEN
THE AZTECS ARRIVED
IN
mild
Miiiiztmillii
TWO PROMINENT CULTURES-THE
THE BASIN OF MEXICO,
and Teotihuacan states-were collapsing or had already collapsed Teotihuacan, had dominated the economics,
earlier of these,
bolism of Central Mexico during the
centuries
first six
a.d.
politics, Its
TOLTEC
The
there.
and sym-
capital, a
huge
metropolis that controlled important resources such as obsidian (the basis of technology),
was
a
planned urban
site, a
multiethnic
city, a
crafts center,
its
and
sacred place, conceived as a model of the Mesoamerican cosmos. Because
was
and
a prestigious crafts center
a
sacred
city,
some
1960s have proposed that the mythical Tollan
a it
archaeologists since the
(the
archetypal
city)
was
Teotihuacan and not Tula, the seat of the Toltec empire, as was long believed.
When
the volcanic eruptions of the
part of the Basin of Mexico
century devastated the southern
first
and the slopes of Popocatepetl, many
deserted, their inhabitants fleeing to different regions.
where the Pyramid of the Sun was
Valley of Teotihuacan,
century as a temple of city of
fertility
sites
were
One such region was the built in the
intended to appease the violent
fire
second
gods. The
Teotihuacan eventually covered 20 square kilometers, the construction
material being quarried from underground tunnels. The city had an urban grid
with a main north-south
axis,
the Street of the Dead.
An east-west
axis origi-
nated from the Ciudadela and Great Compound, perhaps emulating a former east-west street that had departed from the Pyramid of the Sun.
Throughout Mesoamerica, the cosmos was conceived as three superimposed levels: at
the bottom, the underworld;
in
the middle, the earth, divided into the
four quarters of the universe; and at the summit, the sky. The symbolism of the
quartered world found expression
number four
are found
the glyph of the
city;
in
just
to
Many
references to the
may have been
the pre-Hispanic tunnel excavated by the Teotihuacanos
under the Pyramid of the Sun ends Xalla,
various forms.
in
Teotihuacan: The four-petaled flower
in
a four-petaled
the north of the Pyramid of the
making compound-had
chamber; the palace of
Sun-perhaps
a central plaza with four structures,
cardinal point, around a central temple; and
it
is
a
decision-
each directed to a
possible also that the city
was
coruled by four lords.
Many elements streets
of urban planning were present
and avenues arranged on
in
orthogonal
this
city:
a grid, a well-planned drainage system, large
basins for the storage of water, a center that included the main religious and
administrative structures, multifamily house-compounds, and distinct wards for
people of various trades or places
merchants' wards, as well
as,
tectural style of the tablero t
to a flat table, the tables
|in
.mall
which dy present
(such as the Oaxaca and
Michoacan enclave). The archi-
a sloping wall, the talud, leads in
was reproduced in most of the constructions throughout was then adapted to regional styles throughout Mesoamerica.
of Puebla-Tlaxcala,
iacan
It
up
of the Valley
the Format:
I
250-650
TTirijii
[|i<wmi1»n
In
Tenochtitlan, the Aztecs copied this style
in
some constructions
of the sacred
precinct to recuperate Teotihuacan's past. The division of Teotihuacan into four quarters
and
its
organization of wards
Teotihuacan housed around craftsmen, or constructors.
may
also have been emulated
25,000 inhabitants, most of
1
Among
Tenochtitlan.
in
whom
were bureaucrats,
the craftsmen were different groups of potters
manufacturing diverse wares, obsidian knappers, craftsmen polishing stone tools for grinding or woodworking, lapidaries,
tailors, shell
workers, and so on.
Some
of their
products, such as painted stucco tripod vessels or green obsidian prismatic blades, traveled far situ
in
Mesoamerica. Others, such as funerary masks, have not been found
known from private collections. Teotihuacan was profusely occupied by
The Valley of
on top of the ancient
city,
and there
is
the Aztecs,
either to extract stone for the construction of
new
in
Tenochtitlan).
placement of such objectsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; in front of temple
and other secular
houses
the periphery of Teotihuacan,
in
Throughout Mesoamerica,
example-but Teotihuacan objects such as agricultural fields
built
buildings or to recuperate objects
such as vessels, masks, portrait figurines, and other items
Templo Mayor
who
evidence of the extensive disturbance of Classic
contexts by these Postclassic inhabitants, particularly
in
in
but are largely
(like
those found
strict rules
the
temples themselves, for
stairs or in
portrait figurines are also
sites.
in
governed the
commonly found
Excavations inside quarry tunnels behind
the Pyramid of the Sun, where Aztec food-preparation areas were found, likewise
uncovered Teotihuacan portrait heads, perhaps used as small After Teotihuacan
fell
idols.
around 550-600, the quarry tunnels that had been exca-
vated to extract the volcanic scoria to build the ancient city were occupied by post-
Teotihuacan groups: the Coyotlatelco, Mazapa, and Aztecs. The Codex Xolotl depicts the two main pyramids (Sun and likely
The
Moon) on top of
a "cave"
that this figure represents the oracle mentioned
last
Aztec tlatoani, Motecuhzoma
II
in
with a person inside.
It
is
the Relaciones geograficas.
(reigned 1502-20), visited Teotihuacan to be
invested of the power to rule and to consult the oracle.
When
the Aztecs arrived, they interpreted the city of Teotihuacan-already an
archaeological site-as the mythical place where the gods assembled and sacrificed
themselves to create the
fifth
sun. Thus, Teotihuacan
was conceived as a place of It was visited as a
beginning for the Late Postclassic groups of the Basin of Mexico.
sacred place, a site of pilgrimage. The Postclassic tradition attributed to giants the construction of the metropolis. The Aztecs
place
where persons were converted
named
the site (Teotihuacan, meaning "the
into gods"), as well as the
main constructions and
axes (the Pyramid of the Sun, Pyramid of the Moon, and the Street of the Dead). The
Aztecs symbolically derived their ancestry from both Tula and Teotihuacan, but
Teotihuacan that inaugurated the era of large capitals Mexico, including the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlan.
in
it
was
and around the Basin of
40.
Fragment of a mural painting
Teotihuacan, ca. 100-600
r.
(HI
A
41.
Plaque with an image
of a goddess with a reptile-eye glyph
Teotihuaean, ca. 250- 700
Tula and the Tolteca Richard
Diehl
1
THE AZTECS INHERITED A RICH CULTURAL AND ARTISTIC TRADITION FROM THEIR PREDECESSORS.
While
many elements
of this tradition were basic to
Aztec leaders deliberately chose certain others
in
all
Mesoamerican
cultures,
an effort to establish
real or
invented kinship with glorified ancestors. As Leonardo Lopez Lujan recently observed, these efforts included the reuse of older objects, often obtained
through excavations into ruined buildings, and the imitation or replication of ancient forms. While ers
some of these borrowings reached back 3,000
drew on more recent cultures-most
years, oth-
significantly, the giant Classic period
metropolis at Teotihuacan and the smaller but ideologically charged ruins at Tula, the ancient Toltec capital located 70 kilometers north of Tenochtitlan.
Tula occupied a defensible ridge overlooking the confluence of the Tula and
Rosas
rivers.
Founded during Central Mexico's "dark ages" following the demise
of Teotihuacan, Tula
emerged as Mesoamerica's
extensive empire by
a.d.
renowned At
its
1100. The Aztecs considered the Tolteca to have been
artisans, builders, warriors, merchants,
and philosophers.
height, Tula covered 13 square kilometers
inhabitants living
and had more than 50,000
packed multifamily compounds surrounding the
tightly
in
and the seat of an
largest city
main ceremonial precinct on the bluff overlooking the
The precinct con-
rivers.
tained temples, palaces, and other public buildings that formed the stage on
which Toltec
elites
enacted public
life
and formulated state
policy.
Terraced square or rectangular platforms (often referred
to,
mistakenly, as
"pyramids") topped with flat-roofed masonry buildings were the most Toltec architectural form.
the
city,
One unusual
incorporated round sections, which suggests that
the Mesoamerican deity Quetzalcoatl
common
structure, located at the north
in
his guise as the
edge of
was dedicated
it
to
wind god Ehecatl.
Public buildings included temples, ballcourts, skull racks, small open-air adoratories, "palaces" that
nitaries,
and
probably served as meeting halls for local and foreign dig-
elite residences.
public buildings, although
Masonry columns supported the roofs of most
Pyramids B and
employed round stone drums carved
in
C,
Tula's
two
largest
buildings,
the likeness of atlantean Toltec warriors.
Smaller stone sculptures included bench facade tablets depicting ceremonial scenes,
wall
plaques,
roof ornaments, small
recumbent chacmool sculptures thought
to
atlantean altar supports, and
have served as
sacrificial altars.
polychrome paint
Plain or carved tablets covered with stucco and, at times,
decorated the exterior walls of platforms. Those on Pyramid B depict jaguars, coyotes, eagles, and vultures, perhaps emblematic of Toltec warrior societies, alternating with a fantastic creature that combines characteristics.
A
human,
feline,
and avian
freestanding eoatepantli (snake wall) covered with carved
polychrome panels on both sides closed off the northern side of Pyramid
hundred yea'
and even some
'/tecs replicated Toltec architectural ol
m
B.
Four
forms and layouts,
the heart of Tenochtitlan.
MM
|.
'I
III
Toltec art
is
often characterized as "crude" and
much
materials used as
skills
"stiff,"
attributions that reflect
the
of the artisans. Nevertheless, even the most avid
must concede that while Aztec forms and
Toltec enthusiast in
as the
style
were often grounded
Toltec prototypes, Aztec artisans far surpassed their Toltec ancestors' best efforts.
Toward the end of the twelfth century, the Toltec empire disintegrated and Tula
was abandoned. The causes.
facts of the matter are largely
intrigue and internal conflicts
about
unknown,
to say nothing of the
Legendary accounts written down by sixteenth-century Spaniards
among
between good and
a struggle
Quetzalcoatl, or a priest or ruler
who
The most
evil.
carries his
common
of
talk
factions, cloaked in a confusing overlay of
myths
of these has the deity
name, defeated or shamed by the dark
forces of Tezcatlipoca, god of night and sorcerers. Quetzalcoatl flees to the east and either sails off to Yucatan
on
a raft of
serpents or becomes the planet Venus, promis-
ing to return someday.
The archaeological evidence for Tula's demise
not
is
much more
enlightening than
the legends. Parts of the city apparently were sacked and burned, but these events
may
have postdated the actual abandonment by decades. Systematic looting of building facades, sculptures, and burial offerings complicate the matter. Graves inside "altars" in
house patios were destroyed and
their contents
abandoned, but these acts could represent reverential ing residents or desecration
mine abandoned buildings
removed when the houses were rituals
on the part of the depart-
and plunder by invaders. Later peoples did systematically
for sculptures
and facade
tablets, often leaving offerings of
Aztec-style pottery and stone sacrificial knives on the building surfaces.
Although Toltec itan
art
and architecture exerted
a
Aztec culture, the culture of the Aztecs was
what had
refined version of larger,
existed a
considerable influence on metropol-
much more than an expanded and
few centuries before. Aztec populations were
and Aztec society presumably more complex, than those of the
Furthermore,
we
lack reliable information
on
many
dangerous to compare the two societies
in
merce,
politics,
religion,
society
must have confronted
governance, militarism, different
aspects of Toltec
life,
far
Tolteca.
making
it
matters such as craft organization, comphilosophy, and worldview. Aztec
and perhaps
confronted by the Tolteca. Such challenges surely
far greater
summoned
challenges than those forth institutions that
arose out of the Aztec experience rather than any harking back to the past. However,
Aztec rulers never
were
in
danger of
lost sight of their Toltec ancestors.
falling into
When
their
most sacred
Spanish hands, they are said to have hidden them
cave near Tula, never to be seen again.
idols in a
^f<
44.
Chacmool
Toltcc, ca.
1100
K' ** R--IP t
R^t
*%.-
<Sfc-
"
i
A
Li*'
H ^B I 4
*-.»
I
"J"
I
i
The Templo Mayor
Excavations at the Templo Mayor ilium tin
Villas
\lni Irziiiiin
ON FEBRUARY
AT DAYBREAK
AN EXTRAORDINARY DISCOVERY WAS MADE
21, 1978,
IN
DOWNTOWN
Workers from the Compania de Luz y Fuerza (Light and Power Company), carrying out installation work at the corner of calle de Guatemala Mexico
and
City:
de Argentina, came across a relief-covered stone
calle
Realizing that
it
in
their
path.
could be an ancient sculpture, they stopped work and the fol-
lowing day notified the Departamento de Rescate Arqueologico (Archaeological
Recovery Department) of the Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia
Department members knew immediately that
(INAH).
this
and commenced archaeological recovery without
relief
By February 23,
it
a very important
had been determined that the sculpture included
adornments on the head. Work continued
profile with
was
delay.
eventually revealing an
for
enormous monolith, 3.25 meters
a face in
another four days, in
diameter, with a
representation of a decapitated and dismembered nude female carved
confirmed that
visiting the site,
was
Soli's,
moon
goddess, Coyolxauhqui, who, according to myth, was
god of sun and
Huitzilopochtli, hill
known From
this
in relief.
a depiction of the
Felipe
Aztec
killed
by her brother
war, following a desperate battle
on the mythic
as Coatepetl.
this startling discovery, the
Templo Mayor Project was begun. For the
next five years, under the auspices of INAH, of
consisting
archaeologists,
biologists,
I
directed an interdisciplinary
chemists,
and
historians,
team
physical
anthropologists dedicated to unearthing the Templo Mayor and nearby buildings
order to understand the several stages of construction of the temple and
in
the Aztec people themselves. ings that had been placed
over
it:
Felipe
in
Tlaloc, deity of rain,
matically
new
In
the process,
Little
by
who
presided
Huitzilopochtli. Scholars have noted the dra-
parts: before
and
that research about the Aztecs can be
after the
Templo Mayor excavations.
not be forgotten, however, that important discoveries were also ago.
hundred offer-
perspective offered to Aztec studies by the project's findings.
two
divided into
a
honor of the temple and the gods
and
for example, has stated
Soli's,
we found around
little,
made
It
must
centuries
the Aztec past has been revealed by the important pieces that
have been found and that have enriched our knowledge of the Aztec people. In in
790,
1
on the orders
of
Count Revillagigedo, viceroy of Mexico, work began
the Zoealo (main square) of Mexico City to install water pipelines and to pave
the plaza. During these operations, various Aztec sculptures were unearthed,
among them
the famous statue of Coatlicue, the mother goddess, discovered
790, and the Sun or Calerni.ii '.tone, found on December 17 of same year. A contemporary account of these events appears in Antonio de Icon y Gama's famous work Description historica y cmnoloqica dc las dos
on Augusl
13,
1
the
piedras
I
,;â&#x20AC;˘
was
moved
to write this in order to reveal to the literary
world
Wall with stucco-covered stone skulls at the
Templo Mayor.
some
of the vast knowledge that the Indians of the
Americas possessed
of their heathendom, so ly
and sciences
in arts it
will
be
of the halls of the university over fears on the part of the clergy
the time
in
known how
that such
false-
"strange sculpture" could
provoke antagonistic
relates:
these enemies of our Spaniards are accused of
being irrational or simple,
this
in
way
the
Count Revillagigedo, Viceroy, had
discrediting
monument
transferred to the University of Mexico, which he
conquest of these kingdoms. This written
considered the most proper place to conserve one of
account and the pictures of the figures presented here
this
in
the glorious feats performed [by the Spaniards]
will
show
nal figures
that the people
were superior
no knowledge of
who made
artisans,
the rarest remains of American antiquity. The profes-
the origi-
sors, at that
although they had
their feigned images,
in
it
order to represent
and created other architectur-
of tempered chisels and steel
again
able
in
1803,
was
pleas,
and pre-Hispanic monuments,
ences
Views of the Mountain Ranges and
senous Peoples of America.
ones discovered
in
Among
Many
relating his experi-
Monuments of
the sculptures he
the Zbcalo
in
1
790, includ-
which had been moved to the Real y idad on orders of the viceroy, who had ha
the Coatlicue stone,
measured, weighed, and sketched before having
it
buried
in
halls of the building, at a
examine
it
if
Don
I
depth
would not have been
Feliciano
then
Marin,
his
way
to his diocese and, listening to
my
asked the rector of the university to have
it
up.-'
who
particularly interested in archaeo-
logical sites in his
to
Mexico on
solid, instead
dug ed Mexico
one of the
not want to
Bishop of Monterrey, had not been going through
like axes.'
The German explorer Baron Alexander von Humboldt,
in
priests, did
Mexican youth, so they buried
of half a meter. Consequently,
works, using as tools for these labors different
stones that were even harder and more
time Dominican
exhibit this idol to the
iron or steel; they carved statues of
hard rock with great perfection
al
a
Von Humboldt
ideas.
one
years passed before planned excavations
lexico City
were dug
in
the center
were undertaken, although when foundations
for buildings, fortuitous discoveries occasionally
shed
was made in 1825, when the head of Coyolxauhqui sculpted in diorite was uncovered. Antonio Penafiel states that this was unearthed light
below
on pre-Hispanic structures. A major
a
house on
calle
find
de Santa Teresa (now the continuation
of calle de Guatemala, east of the Zocjlo)
This building
Abo\< I.'..,,
'iq I
Mill
was the
page: Templo .ill
,
III
I'll
i
property of the Convento de
la
Concepcion, and the piece was
donated by the abbess to the National Museum. In
1897,
some carved stone
Among
the most important archaeological
carried out in 1913
pieces were found at the inter-
Manuel Gamio
the Zocalo area
in
was
at the corner of calle de Seminario
section of the Portal de Mercaderes (now the west side of the
Santa Teresa. Excavation became possible
Zocalo) and calle de Tlapaleros (now calle de 16 de Septiembre),
demolished, and as
in
the southwest corner of the Zocalo.
measured 1.65 meters ters high
One
of these sculptures
long, 1.22 meters wide,
and had on
its sides,
carved
in
and 68 centime-
relief,
armed warriors
with serpents above their heads. Another sculpture, 60 centimeters high,
was carved with representations of the four
cosmogonic
suns, or
were believed to have preceded the cre-
ages, that
ation of the fifth sun or the present world.
Leopoldo Batres,
who examined
de Escalerillas (Guatemala)
in
Archaeological Explorations
1900, described the objects
in Escalerillas Street, City
Batres mistakenly locates the Templo
and gives
it
a
Mayor under the Catedral
it
patio of the Marquis del Apartado's
de Relox (Argentina) and
calle
home-at
Jr.,
the corner of calle
was found, together
with a serpent's head with a "4 Reed" glyph carved
in
stone sculpture
in
the form of a jaguar.
In
1985, another sculpture representing an eagle
and
is
now
in
under the
de Cordobanes (Donceles)-part
of a stairway running from east to west
the collection of the
Museo
project, resulting
del
in
and
calle
de
was the southwest corner of the Templo a building
specialists in this
expert work on several different aspects of
the findings. For instance,
Hermann Beyer
studied the banquette
decorated with warriors and Moises Herrera classified the flora
and fauna. In
1933,
when some
buildings were demolished at the corner
Guatemala and
calle
de Seminario,
in
same block Gamio twenty
the
as the Catedral-opposite the area investigated by
years earlier-a team led by architect Emilio Cuevas excavated the vacant
lots.
Architectural features of particular
found by Cuevas included
a very elaborate balustrade
interest
and part
of a stairway, perhaps belonging to the platform that supported
Mayor in one of its latest stages of construction. Hugo Moedano and Elma Estrada Balmori explored this platform in 1948, finding that it was decorated in the middle of the south
the Templo
actually faces west.
1901, during work directed by Porfirio Diaz,
a great
in his
of Mexico.
southward orientation, even though, as with most
pre-Hispanic temples, In
calle
a result
when
Mayor was discovered. Gamio included various
of calle de
remains found beneath
investigations
that undertaken by
the
in relief
same
and
place,
was discovered,
Templo Mayor.
facade with snakes' heads, a great serpent's head, and a Objects unearthed.
from In
the
1964,
Argentina, where a
I
ancient
excavated
city a
have continued
brazier.
to
be
decorated altar on calle de
magnificent mural depicting Tlaloc was
found on one of the sloping
walls.
Eduardo Contreras discovered
an important offering within the pyramidal structure of the
Templo Mayor
way began
in
1966. In 1967. work on the Mexico City sub-
the Zoealo area and resulted
in
mation about the ancient
city.
much new
test pits in the parking lot of
Some
the Secretaria de Hacienda on calle de Guatemala.
were found, but unfortunately they had been
altars
pear cactus grows, build a small chapel where our
infor-
1973, the Archaeological
In
Reco^ry Department of INAH dug
in
destroyed during the construction of the parking
lot.
rest;
stone
made
let
we can do
is all
built a
dation
belonged to Hernan Cortes's palace.
was also discovered
altar
A
itself.
Monumentos
1975. the Departmento de
started the Basin of Mexico Project
down
prickly-
thick grasses
square base, which was to serve as the founchapel
the
of
built a
for
god to
the
poor but pretty
.
.
[T]hey
.
were so poor,
rest
house
little
place their god
in
mud
hut
and trepidation.
fear
and
destitute,
that they built even that small
Prehispanicos
purpose was to control
Its
Then everyone
where the
in; .
.
.
covered with the reeds they gathered from the water
NacionaL In
for the time being."
willingly to the place
and so they
circular pre-Hispanic
the rear courtyard of the Palacio
in
cannot be made of
it
of wattle and daub, since that
from the reeds that grew next to the cactus, they
later,
unearthed the remains of some columns that had probably
in
though
pear cactus grew, and, cutting
largely
the Ratio de Honor of the Palacio Nacional
excavations
be
it
went very
small
A year
god may now
in
fearful
which to
4
the constant and anarchic growth of the city and to halt the
Recent studies have shown that a solar eclipse took place
destruction of archaeological remains The metropolitan area
was divided
into four sections, each consisting of a
number of
zones and under the supervision of a different team of specialAt the Catedral. work was carried out by archaeologists
ists.
under the supervision of Constanza Vega. Here, beneath the
some Aztec
Catedral,
buildings and
ceramic remains were
found. The most interesting discovery was part of a inscribed with a glyph that
may correspond
to the
wall
Temple of the
1325,
very significant symbolic event
a
in
ancient Mexico.
in
were thought to be battles between the sun and the
Eclipses
moon from which
emerged triumphant. Struggles
the sun
between the powers of day and night were
related in Aztec
myths, including the story most closely associated with the
Templo
Mayor: the
between
battle
and
Huitzilopochtli
Coyolxauhqui.
Sun. By 1991. excavations under the Catedral had uncovered several buildings in the ceremonial precinct of Tenochtitlan,
Stage
including the ballcourt Shrines, offerings, and drains were also
This stage of construction
found, and several construction phases of the Templo Mayor
Tlaloc
wrrc located, dating between approximately 1450 and 1500. Another major find took place sculpture
lar
was
1988,
when
discovered. The sun appears
of the stone, which victories of
in
is
surrounded
Motecuhzoma
was located opposite the
in
a great circu-
the upper part
by depictions of the military
(reigned 1440-69). The sculpture
I
Moneda
at
Ten years prior to
lemplo Mayor the
Museum
this,
Project.
previous year with
a
museum
city [he
of excavating
where
the area
at the site illustrating
all
aspects of the ancient
seven distinct stages of construction.
lies
meters high at this stage. The two shrines at the
top, as well as the
two stairways that
lead to them, are fairly
well preserved.
The side dedicated to Huitzilopochtli was found with rificial
stone it,
situ,
in
co
floor,
an offering of
were two funerary
as a small
a
golden
was found small
was
urns. One,
bell
and
made
nearby. Inside
greenstone
it
made
under the stuc-
of obsidian,
was
a small silver mask, as well
signs of having been
of alabaster with an obsidian
were burnt bones,
a
golden
bell,
ornaments, and obsidian
ear
disks,
bench on which
a
its feet,
number of bones, which showed
burnt. The second urn,
sac-
and green beads was
sacrificial knives
god must have stood. At
found to contain
its
opposite the entrance to the shrine.
a statue of the
the aim
at least
fifteen
it
calculated to have been
new undertaking incorporated Project, which had commenced the
excavations of the Templo Mayor Project would even-
uncover
tually
around
is
discovered. At the far end of the shrine
remains of the Templo Mayor had been found and then setting
up
lower part of the temple could not be excavated because
however, work had begun on the
This
of Tenochtitlan
associated with the shrines to
is
and Huitzilopochtli erected atop the Templo Mayor. The
Beneath
the Ar/obispado building.
1390)
below groundwater, but the building
front steps of the temple honoring
Tezcatlipoca. the remains of which are beneath calle de
(ca.
II
lid,
two
disks.
Recent studies have shown that the cremated bones inside the
two urns are
Staqrl(132S) Archaeologists have not yet uncovered the
of the
site
first
shrine built in Huitzilopochtli's honor, but historical sources State thai the reeds,
god ordered the
first
temple to be
and mud Fray Diego Dur^n describes how
wa*, erected. His description suggests that "let
t.36
built of
us
all
go, and, in that place
it
was
where the
this
wood,
temple
very small: prickly-
related,
and
that, given their
placement
at the feet
of the god, they must have belonged to a high-ranking Aztec.
The Aztecs were Azcapotzalco
in
still
under
1390, and so
belong to one of the
first
the
rule
of
we can assume
the
Tepaneca
of
that these remains
three rulers: Acamapichtli (reigned
1376-96), Huitzilihuitl (reigned 1396-1417), or Chimalpopoca (reigned 1417-27). Everything points to the remains belonging
:£»•£*"*.
t
1
L &
«
5fc
^m^^m
':
W*z. v+
^** I
Excavations at the Templo Mayor
in
1978 when the
stone depicting Coyolxauhqui was discovered.
A
A
to the last of these.
were found on the
total of six offerings
Huitzilopoehtli side of the temple, of which four were funerary
plumbate pot
urns. One, a
(the clay has a metallic sheen) in the
shape of a dog, was produced
in
the southeastern regions of
The date given to
was taken from
this stage of construction
glyph found on the highest step, on the same axis
with the sacrificial stone, which corresponds to the year 1390.
On the
recumbent figure with
Tlaloc side, a
stomach,
a
known
statue
as
that form the entrance to the shrine
On the
of painted decoration on them.
resembling eyes, under each of which
lies
black-and-white
pillar.
The
have their arms crossed over (According
heart.
their
beneath
a blue stripe;
stripes.
Remnants of paintings of
who
figure,
represent water,
at the back of
depicted walking on a blue
is
a yellow
line
a
is
bench at the
may
that
associated with the gods of maize. As
is
Huitzilopoehtli shrine, there
each
in
the
to
sap)
Tlaloc side of the temple:
one represents
body painted black and the other
a figure
half painted red.
found on the Tlaloc side was the body of
a stone serpent with a
A
total of thirteen offerings associated with this stage of
Some contained
construction were discovered.
offering of fifty-two green obsidian knives (fifty-two
was the
and forty-one stone
beads of the same color was discovered.
uncovered. This
is
lead
them
to
any of the offerings
not surprising, given the date ascribed to this
stage, as the Aztecs at this time
in
were
still
under the control of Azcapotzalco
and had not yet begun the expansion that would
dominate part of both
the remains of
marine animals; one of these, found at the rear of Stage the Tlaloc side, contained a sawfish
saw and
shells,
III
on
along with a
magnificent blue-painted pot with the raised face of Tlaloc.
the Aztec empire continued to expand, as
There were no marine remains found
its
end of the
far
Under the sculpture of the chacmool, an
"century")
with half
Another piece
face emerging from the jaws of an animal.
them
Nahua
is
fer-
and the moon.
Stages IV and IV(a)
the
of
figures were also found on the stairway on the
These stages are attributed to Motecuhzoma
in
story
made from
drink
(a
Four offerings were found on this side of the temple, three of
number of years
their chest, as
the
Furthermore, several
chamber; here another sculpture of Tlaloc would have stood.
inside the shrine.
fig-
like a
god ate the hearts of the
in battle.)
associated with the gods of pulque
Recumbent
front are black circles
is
Huitznaua after defeating them
mented cactus
have the remains
still
ornaments on the forearms are
figure with
chest containing a greenstone,
of the figures wear a yacameztli, or lunar nose-ring, which
its
these blue stripes are two horizontal red stripes attached to vertical
protect
to
if
based on the fact that some of the
is
in their
heart, while others
opposite
container on
a
chacmool,
a
the entrance to the shrine. This has been identified as Tlaloc. The pillars
ures have a cavity
Huitzilopochtli's birth, the triumphant
Mesoamerica. a "Rabbit 2"
Coatepetl. This opinion
rials
(ca.
is
I,
under whose rule
evident
in
the mate-
excavated. The richness of the building at this stage
is
made
symbolic and decorative elements, such as the great
clear by
its
braziers
and the serpents' heads found toward the center of the
north and south faces and at the back of the temple platform.
The braziers on the Huitzilopoehtli
side,
characterized by
a
bow
stood on either side of a serpent's head. The
tied to the front,
ones on the Tlaloc
side, in the
of the god on the front,
coasts.
1454)
still
shape of large pots with the face
have some of their original painted
decoration.
Stage
III
(ca.
The expansion of
1431)
This stage of construction completely covered Stage
II
and the
various unsuccessful attempts that had been
made
temple. The date assigned to this stage
derived from the
is
to build the
Stage
IV(a),
this stage of construction, referred to as
did not involve
only the main facade.
It is
inscription "4 Reed," carved on a stone set into the rear wall at
and
now
a significant quantity of items
which corresponds to the year 1431. Since the building grew
of Mixtec stone figures
in
the region of Oaxaca
that a large
number of workers were already in
kind and
the rule of Itzcoatl (reigned
in labor.
is
likely
available at this
time and therefore that Tenochtitlan had taxpayers obliged to pay both
it
Indeed,
in
who were
1428, under
1427-40), the Aztecs had freed
themselves from the yoke of Azcapotzalco, creating the
Triple
In
from the region of Mezcala-
Chamber
I,
known
was
as penates indicates that part of
also ruled by Tenochtitlan at this time.
on the Huitzilopoehtli
side,
was found
a figure
made from a large piece of greenstone that undoubtedly came from the south of situated at the center of the stairway Mesoamerica. Chamber identified as Mayahuel, god of pulque,
II,
leading
to
the Tlaloc shrine, contained a
large quantity of
Mezcala-style masks. Another important offering was found
Alliance with Tetzcoco and Tlacopan.
Among
number
the state of Guerrero-south of Tenochtitlan. The presence
considerably
with this stage of construction,
four sides of the building, but
of offerings, a strong presence of fish remains, coral, and shells,
the base of the temple platform on the Huitzilopoehtli side,
size
all
characterized by a very large
the most significant finds at this stage were eight
Chamber
III,
on the Tlaloc
side,
in
which contained two multicol-
recumbent sculptures-some life-size-found on the stairway on
ored pots with images of Chicomecoatl, goddess of foodstuffs
the Huitzilopoehtli side of the temple.
and sustenance. Between the two pots were discovered
I
believe these stone fig-
feline
ures represent the Huitznaua, warriors from the south against
remains and a large quantity of objects and animals from both
whom
the coast and the highlands.
the god
Detail of cat. no. 63.
of
war had
to
do
battle
after
his
birth
at
I .
J
•
/•
«
^
In* 1 ,
1
*
-
.
I
w I r\u ft
ft/3 Ef J
â&#x20AC;¢
I i
Detail of cat. no. 64.
Stage
The majority of the offerings uncovered during the Templo
IV(b) (ca. 1469)
This stage, a partial extension to the western side of the
Mayor,
main facade,
its
the throne of Tenochtitlan
in
1469 and remained
1481. The dating of this stage
is
Templo
who came
attributed to Axayacatl,
is
in
power
to
until
derived from a "3 House" glyph
found on the south face of the temple base. Under Axayacatl, the Aztec empire conquered several regions and
when
only
One of the most
was defeated
overcome the Tarascans of Michoacan.
tried to
it
significant conquests
was
that of Tlatelolco
Mayor excavations were found Tenochtitlan
was
Stage
in
at the height of
confirming that
IV(b),
success and
its
in full military
expansion at this time. The number of tributary towns had increased,
both
sion,
and the contents of the offerings in
reflect this
the types of animals sacrificed and
deposited. The Templo
Mayor had increased
and
size
in
expan-
the objects
in
in
splendor, reflecting the empire's military might.
in
1473; the commercial success of this market town must have
Stage V(ca. 1482)
made
The part of the main platform upon which the Templo Mayor sat
it
a
tempting prospect for the people of Tenochtitlan.
The architectural remains of
con-
this stage of construction
of the main platform on which the temple base
sist
sat. This
platform has five steps leading up from the ceremonial square,
which
is
composed of
paved surface. The front steps have no
a
line
but are interrupted only by a small
with the center of the Tlaloc side. The altar
Altar of the Frogs because
it is
mals, which are linked to the
Toward the middle of the
is
altar, in
known
as the
decorated with two of these ani-
retains
some of
is
thought to date to the
reigned from 1481 to 1486. The platform
the stucco that covered
and four offerings
it,
were found within. The building known as the House of Eagles, north of the
Templo Mayor, may also have been constructed
at this time.
Here superb clay sculptures of eagle warriors were found, as well as sculptures of skeletons
and two
life-size
representations
of the god Mictlantecuhtli, lord of the underworld. The building
god of water. steps,
who
rule of Tizoc,
central division, as can be seen on those leading to the upper
part of the temple,
that remains of this stage, which
is all
on the Huitzilopochtli
side,
itself
consists of a vestibule area with
and
pillars,
a rectangular
an enormous sculpture of Coyolxauhqui was found. Various
chamber. A short corridor leads to an internal patio with rooms
offerings with rich contents are associated with this goddess,
at the north
among them two
benches decorated with processions of warriors,
ered with
funerary urns
made
of orange clay and cov-
which contained the cremated bones of two
lids,
adult males. Tests carried out on the bones
showed
might have belonged to people involved
military activities,
since there
was
clear evidence of
in
that they
original colors.
associated with war.
all
Stage
This stage
spears. Because of their placeside of the temple dedicated
to Huitzilopochtli, very close to the sculpture of Coyolxauhqui,
goddess who died
in
combat,
it
has been suggested that the
remains belong to high-ranking soldiers injured against Michoacan and brought to Tenochtitlan to
in
the war
1
differ
two
die.
were
offerings,
In
in
lids.
were
row facing south
The southward direction of the universe was ruled by the god
who was
closely connected to this quadrant in
accordance with the movement of the sun. At the north and south ends of the platform, chambers with floors
paved
in
marble were found. Two enormous serpents'
bodies met on the platform, one looking north and the other south. Between still
bear
some
them was
a serpent's head. The three snakes
of their original painted decora'
who
ruled from
1486 to
four sides at this time. The
main platform supporting the temple, one of the excavated remains,
is
characterized by decoration on the balustrades of
made up
the east-facing stairway consisting of a molding
light various shrines
is
important because
it
of
brought to
surrounding the Templo Mayor.
The Red Temples, the two shrines found on the north and
facing and both have a vestibule with a circular altar at the cen-
Inside each of the offerings, along with greenstone beads,
Huitzilopochtli,
all
between the
stone boxes with
thirteen Mexcala-style figures arranged in a
was extended on
south sides of the Templo Mayor respectively, are both east-
two of which stood out from
the others because they were placed
1486) attributed to Ahuitzotl,
god
side devoted to the water
from those on the side of the war god.
central heads
is
502. The edifice
each of the two stairways leading to the shrines of Tlaloc and
two on the
VI (ea.
three elements. This stage
Serpents' heads rested on the platform on either side of
Huitzilopochtli. The
their
musculature on the bones.
Furthermore, the urns were decorated with images of gods
a
in
still
The decorations throughout, including the rep-
resentations of eagle warriors, skeletons, and Mictlantecuhtli, are
armed with spear-throwers and
ment beneath the platform on the
and south ends. The whole complex has stone
Each vestibule
ter.
hoop
is
made up
of two walls topped by a stone
also painted red; the walls are decorated with paint.
offering containing a considerable
ments, both sculptural and the south temple. pies
Among
real,
number
was found on the upper
the other items discovered
were large painted ceremonial
knives.
A study
on these shrines shows that they were related
god of flowers, T
plants, song, dance,
An
of musical instru-
in
part of
the tern
carried out
to Macuilxochitl,
and games.
he Red Temple on the north side of the Templo Mayor, also
A
known
as Shrine C,
and
These stand on a paved stone floor that forms the floor
B.
is
aligned with two other shrines: Shrines
of the ceremonial square. Shrine
A has two
stairways,
one fac-
ing its
on
west and the other walls. Shrine B its
skulls
east.
There
is
no particular decoration on
has a west-facing stairway and
is
decorated
three remaining walls with 240 stucco-covered stone
arranged close together
on which the
like a
tzompontli, a
skulls of sacrificial victims
wooden
rack
were displayed. Thus
Shrine B was probably associated with the northern sector of the universe, the region related to death.
On the upper
part of
Stage
1502)
VI I (ca.
What we
see of this stage
is
the main platform on which the
Templo Mayor stood. Attributed
to
to the
ground
in
dable challenge to the Spaniards.
upper
is
It
and has
well preserved
story, indicating that
once housed
it
is
the west-facing
a recess in
the floor of
a circular
was not found during the excavation. The House of Eagles, discussed in relation
its
sculpture
surmounted during Stage
VI
to Stage V,
Among
pieces of paper fabrics,
made from
which seem to have formed part of the garb of
Almost two centuries passed between the supposed founding of 1325 and the destruction of the Templo Mayor
Tenochtitlan
patio,
by the Spaniards and their indigenous
pre-Hispanic
being
structure
reused
as
the
grandeur
facing stairway and
will
which
still
decorated at each end with
birds' heads,
have painted black-and-white feathers and yellow
paint on their beaks.
main platform.
It
was found
to be
and various offerings were discovered on the next stage of construction.
Page from Juan de Tovar, Tovar Codex, also
known
as Relacion delorigen de los Yndios
que havitan en esta Nueva Espana segun sus historias,
1583-87.
allies in
now
it
its
1521. Having fol-
beginning to the
had attained just before the Spanish invasion, we
turn our attention to the symbolism of the Templo
Mayor, and to the reasons
why
it
was the most important
build-
ing in the ceremonial complex.
Recent excavations have uncovered part of the stairway that led to the
in
lowed the building's development from
foundation for conquistador housing. The platform has a westis
a priest
Tlaloc.
was
by another similar building. Only
was found, on top of which was a colonial-style which must have belonged to one of Cortes's captains-an a
was one containing
ornate-tree bark and well-preserved
the platform
example of
a formi-
the most important
offerings found between Stages VI and VII
who worshiped
that
estimated to have
is
must have presented
of which only the platform exists,
Also to the north of the Templo Mayor
(reigned
been forty-five meters high. Destroying this architectural mass,
and objects related to
Shrine D.
II
the sixteenth century. The building extended
around eighty-two meters per side and
the shrine were offerings, one of which contained feline remains Tlaloc.
Motecuhzoma
1502-20), this was the stage that the Spaniards saw and razed
it.
in
good condition
These correspond to
According to the cosmovision of the Aztecs and other
Mesoamerican peoples, the universe was divided levels,
of which
the
central
inhabited by man. Above
it
levelâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; the
terrestrial
were thirteen
into
three
zone-was
levels, or skies,
the
^ipi^fWl E^fcr^i
iÂŁi
highest being Omeyocan, the place of duality. Below the terrestrial
zone was the underworld, consisting of nine
was
lowest of which
levels,
the
Mictlan, inhabited by Mictlantecuhtli and
Mictlancihuatl, the discarnate deities
who
ruled the world of
The center of
axis mundi.
a glyph.
and
was
identified with a god, a plant, a bird, a color,
and
The north, known as Mictlan, was the direction of death
cold. Its
glyph was a
and
sacrificial knife (or flint)
it
was
associated with the colors black and yellow and the xerophyte, a
Mictlan
tree native to the region.
Tezcatlipoca. The south
was the region
was
ruled
by the god
of dampness, identitinl
by the color blue and ruled by the god Huitzilopochtli.
was
it
departed the four directions of the uni-
a rabbit,
symbol of
fertility
and abundance. The
Its
east,
glyph
where
it
contained the forces of each.
Suggesting the centrality of the gods of rain and war
The cardinal points were the four universal directions. Each direction
was crossed by both the ascendant and descen-
It
dant forces and from
verse, with the result that
the dead.
cosmos was the Templo
of the
this vision
Mayor, center of centers, the most sacred place, the universal
Aztecs' worldview, symbolism related to Tlaloc and pochtli figured prominently
Mayor and
in
in
the
the architecture of the Templo
the elements that surrounded
it,
from the sculp-
tures with serpents' heads to the braziers that adorned the great
platform on which stood the four structures that formed the
pyramidal platform, to the upper shrines dedicated to the two deities,
painted red and black for Huitzilopochtli, blue for Tlaloc.
Each of the temple's two parts corresponded to a specific
hill:
and
the Huitzilopochtli side represented Coatepetl, the place where
was the path along which warriors, killed in combat or by sacrifice, traveled to accompany the sun from dawn until midday.
Coatlicue gave birth to the Aztecs' patron god to fight her ene-
the sun
It
rises,
was the masculine guadrant
of the universe
belonged to the red Tezcatlipoca or Xipe Totec, identified by I'olor
of the
midday
mies; the Tlaloc side represented Tonacatepetl, the
Women who
died during childbirth, which
was
to dusk,
(llaltecuhtli),
when
the Sun
was devoured by
earth goddess (Coatlicue) gave birth to ing in the east. The color oi the west
house, and
it
the earth
passing through the world ot the dead until the it
again the next morn-
was white,
its
corresponded to the god Quetzalcoatl
glyph was a
hill
where
grains of maize were stored and given to men.
The discovery of the sculpture of Coyolxauhgui on the main
and by a reed glyph. The west was the female sector
universe
considered a battle by the A/tec, accompanied the sun from
platform
at
the
foot
of
the
temple-hill
devoted
to
Huit/ilopochtli suggests that this platform represented the terrestrial level of tle,
the universe. According to the story of their bat-
Coyolxauhqui was captured
Huitzilopochtli,
side of the
who beheaded
hill;
the body
ground. Tins myth
is
the top of Coatepetl by
at
her and threw her body over the
was dismembered as
it
tell
to the
reproduced on the Huitzilopochtli side of
!
>n i|.>
as Historia
<//
in
Huitzilo-
f Isla
<
Dm, in, Cm/ex Damn,
jIso
de la Indiasde Nueva Espafla
ante,
1579-81.
.
the Templo Mayor: the victor
the top of the temple-hill,
sits at
and the vanquished goddess, beheaded and dismembered,
Notes 1
lies
Antonio de Leon y Gama, Description historica y cronologica de
las
dos piedras
(Mexico City: Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia, 1990).
on the ground below. 2.
The four
pyramidal platform of the Templo
of the
tiers
Mayor may thus express
levels.
celestial
At the top, the two
shrines dedicated to Huitzilopochtli and Tlaloc are the clearest
representation of the life-and-death duality: on one side
god of the sun and war; on the other
the god of water,
is
is
the
fertil-
Culturay 3.
and
life.
This reflects the essential needs of the Aztecs: war,
which provided Tenochtitlan with taxes extracted from the conquered regions, and agricultural produce. Moreover, each side of
was
the building
identified with a
who
after death: warriors
the sun along part of
in
place
where people went
battle or sacrifice
whose death was
related to water (from
waterborne disease, drowning, or lightning
summer
Tlalocan, the place of eternal
The two sacred
Mictlan, the place
strike)
went
to
god of water.
ruled by the
mountains represented by the Templo
or
hills
Mayor were one of the
accompanied
path and were therefore associated with
its
Huitzilopochtli; people a
died
steps a person had to take to reach
first
where those who died of any other causes
were destined. An Aztec poem speaks of the places where people
would go
after death:
Oh, where
Where Where
will
will is
I
go?
I
go?
the duality?
Perhaps everyone's
.
.
.
home
oh so
Difficult, is
difficult!
there,
where those who no longer have
a
body
live,
inside the sky, or perhaps the place for those
no longer have
Who
would
body
a
say:
is
who
here on earth!
"Where are our friends?"
Rejoice!
In this
way, the Templo
Mayor was the
focal point of the Aztec
view of the cosmos, the survival of the Aztec people, and the order of the universe, and the unimpeded daily progress of
heavenly bodies, including the sun,
relied
on what
it
represented.
la
Coatlicue al Templo
in
Eduardo Matos Moctezuma, Las piedras
Mayor (Mexico
City:
Consejo Nacional para
la
las Artes, 1998).
Antonio
Penafiel, "Destruccion
Moctezuma,
ed.,
de Templo Mayor de Mexico,"
in
Eduardo Matos
Trabajos arqueologicos en el centro de la Ciudad de Mexico
(Mexico City:SEP-INAH, 1979), pp. 95-133. 4.
ity,
Alexander von Humboldt, quoted
negadas: de
Diego Duran, Historia de
las Indias
de
la
Nueva Espana e
3 vols. (Mexico City: Editorial Nacional, 1951).
islas
de
la tierra firme,
The Templo Mayor at Tenochtitlan Jmin
IN
MID-NOVEMBER
Mbrriii
Human
Berrelleza
FROM THE HEIGHTS OF THE MOUNTAINS SOUTHEAST OF THE VALLEY OF
1519,
Mexico, Hernan Cortes was amazed to observe at his feet a panorama he could
never have imagined: an enormous lake with an incredible city rising out of This
was
and highly developed empire
in
it.
most sophisticated
Tenochtitlan, seat and capital of the Aztecs, the
pre-Hispanic Mesoamerica just prior to the
Conquest. The urban center occupied almost 12 square kilometers and had
approximately 200,000 inhabitants. the city center, the most remarkable buildings were those found
In
in
the
sacred precinct, an area of approximately 400 meters per side, where the Aztecs
worshiped and venerated their most important gods. On either side were broad
and well-built roads that
linked the city to the
mainland and to the many
neighboring peoples located on the shores of the great
Bernardino de
lake.
Sahagun mentions that within the precinct there were approximately seventyeight buildings, which probably corresponded to an equal
Standing out
among
the buildings because of
was the Templo Mayor,
its
number of gods.
great height and magnificence
seat of Tlaloc, the god of rain and the earth's
fertility,
and Huitzilopochtli, the god of sun and war, the Aztecs' main patron gods. It
would not be long before the amazing
vision of this city
would change
dramatically. History tells us that the military conquest of Tenochtitlan, which
occurred
in
was followed by the city's near-total destruction. way to a new colonial city that would rise there and would modern metropolis of Mexico City. the year 1521,
Tenochtitlan gave
become
the
The Origin of the Templo
Mayor
The origin of the Templo Mayor goes back to the very founding of the Tenochtitlan
in a.d.
city of
1325. According to contemporary chronicles, after a long
journey, the Aztecs were obligated to build a temple to the god Huitzilopochtli. It
was
to be erected at the site
given the priests:
where they would
an eagle standing on a nopal
serpent. The chronicles indicate that initially the
with impermanent materials, "since that After these
make
it
one of
god. This
his
main tasks
was written
in
i)f
to enlarge
we can do
the pyramid-temple,
of his letters to Charles
time being."
would
tlatoani (ruler)
and beautify the "house" of
V
power was obligated
their patron
is
"There are about forty very
taller
in
evny
to increase the size
whose grandeur was confirmed by Cortes
towers, and the greatest has fifty steps
most important tower
for the
various ethnohistorical sources, which stated that to
had
devouring a
Templo Mayor was constructed
humble beginnings, however, every Aztec
new governor who acceded beauty
is all
find a sign that the deity
(prickly pear) tree,
tall,
beautifully
the approai
than that of the greatest church
towei
in
and
one
worked
itself;
in Seville."
the
Archaeological Findings
500
For almost
years, the vestiges
and structures of the pre-Hispanic edifices remained
buried under the foundations of the buildings that occupy the space today. During this
many attempts
long period, there were
to reconstruct
and understand what the
Spaniards' feverish destruction had wrought. These efforts finally culminated
launching of the Templo Mayor Project for five years
in
the
in
1978, which carried out archaeological work
under the patronage of the Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia
(National Institute of Anthropology and History). This work brought to light the architectural remains of the Aztecs'
main building, as well as
that were placed within. The project also
a large quantity of offerings
amassed valuable data and information about
the ceremonial and ritual activities performed there. This project confirmed that the plan,
Templo Mayor was
whose main facade looked toward the
a building with a
great platform from which rose four stepped-back tiers with the upper
where
level,
a
two stairways that
led to
temple dedicated to Tlaloc on the north and to Huitzilopochtli
on the south were located. Because of floods, structural tling,
quadrangular
west. The base of the pyramid sat on a
and sinking and set-
faults,
the building had been expanded on seven occasions on the four sides, and the
main facade had been added onto four times
in
successive phases of construction.
In
addition to determining the building's architectural features, the project established that over a construction period of less than to a size of
two hundred
had grown
years, the building
82 meters per side and an approximate height of 45 meters.
Symbolism of the Templo Mayor From
their beginnings, the
Aztec people had proclaimed themselves a warrior group,
destined by divine orders to conquer and subjugate other peoples
in a
broad region of
Mesoamerica. While the Aztecs concentrated the center of their imperial force Tenochtitlan, they also envisioned the city as the center of the world. vision of the cosmos, the
In
in
the Aztec
Templo Mayor was the symbolic nucleus of the universe. The
four horizontal directions of the universe radiated out from the building, correspon-
ding with the four cardinal points, each of which was associated color,
and
The world was also divided
Templo Mayor. The middle The
in
turn with a god, a
a glyph.
level
celestial level, projected
world, which
was
was
earth,
where humans and
beings
(place of duality). Projected
downward was
last
lived.
being
the under-
divided into nine levels, the last and deepest one being the dwelling
of the gods of death, a place
known
as Mictlan.
The building was further divided into two
and the other
living
all
upward, was divided into thirteen heavens, the
Omeyocan
the most sacred:
three great levels that started at the
vertically, into
to the
parts,
one dedicated
to the
god of water
god of war. The presence of these gods on the uppermost
level
of
the pyramid-temple symbolically marks the dual economic needs of Aztec society: on the one side, water, as the most essential element for the agricultural production that
sustained them; and on the other, war, as the method of subjugating neighboring groups, from Finally,
whom
the
they
demanded
pyramid-temple
tribute
and thus stocked the imperial
represents
two
hills.
On the
Tonacatepetl, the "mountain of sustenance," which contained including maize, that the rain gods would give to
coffers.
side
harvests.
was Coatepetl, the mythic "mountain of the serpent," of the god who became protector of the Aztecs after he defeated his
Coyolxauhqui,
who
lies at
was
kinds of foods,
humans through good
the Huitzilopochtli side place
all
Tlaloc
On
birthsister
the feet of her conquering brother.
Thus the Templo Mayor represented the Aztec model of the universe, the most sacred place and driv social, political,
economic,
<
behind a society that achieved enormous stature
religious,
and
military spheres.
in
m
V.
**
-*** 1
jf
-wkk
46. Huchuctcotl
Aztec, ca.
1486-1502
4£
-
y^MiS: £ i
-y
*
*>
61.
Red God offering
Aztec, ca.
1
500
I
63. Eagle warrior
Aztec, ca.
1440-69
V £
m
^5
ra 64. Mictlantccuhtli
Aztec, ca.
*&L'Jj
1480
Facing page, clockwise from top
left:
66. Scepters
Aztec, ca.
1325-1418
67. Scepter
Aztec, ca.
68.
shaped as a serpent
1325-1481
Anthropomorphic eccentric
(sacrificial knife)
Aztec, ca. 1500
65.
Anthropomorphic mask and ear ornaments
Teotihuacan, ca. 300-600
69.
Polychrome incense burner
Aztec, ca.
1250-1521
s*+i.
f
9
70. Xiuhcoatl
Aztec, ca.
I
I
,
"
1500
-,-
U.s A â&#x20AC;¢&
71.
Coyolxauhqui
Aztec, ca.
1250-1521
^B
/
I
\
\
72. Butterfly
Aztec, ca.
1
nose ornament
500
**
i
-*••;.
Aztec Religion
Aztec Religion: Creation, Sacrifice, and
Renewa
kail Taube
DURING THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY, THE SPANISH COLONIZERS OF MEXICO WERE BOTH FASCINATED
and
horrified by the intensely religious
of the Aztecs.
life
were intrigued by apparent shared
clerics
borns, oral confession, and the
fashioned from seed.
In
In fact,
of Spanish
communionlike consumption of god images
addition, the early chroniclers wrote approvingly of the
the Franciscan Colegio de Santa Cruz
the schooling of native children,
There were,
A number
such as the baptism of new-
of children, including the school for
strict religious training
calmeeae.
traits,
nonetheless,
in
was based conceptually on
many Aztec
traditions
youths, the
elite
Tlatelolco,
devoted to
this institution.
were antithetical to
that
Spanish religious perceptions, including necromancy and the worship of multifarious deities and their graven images. The sixteenth-century chroniclers were especially concerned by
human
which they often described
sacrifice,
gruesome images of
"el
diablo"â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the netherworld death god, Mictlantecuhtli-
doused with buckets of human blood.
human
tions of
sacrifice
were used to
Clearly,
justify
such descriptions and
an important component of Aztec
religion,
how
terms of creation mythology and
illustra-
both the Spanish Conquest and
human
the suppression of native religious traditions. Nonetheless,
in
in explicit
The early colonial Codex Magliabechiano and the Codex Tudela portray
detail.
not only as a
the Aztecs
sacrifice
ritual offering,
saw themselves
was
but also
in
relation
to the surrounding world.
somewhat
is
It
vilified
ironic that
many
of the sixteenth-century chroniclers
who
Aztec religious practices also provided detailed perceptions of the Aztec
worldview, or cosmovision, including sacrifice.
some
of the underlying reasons for
human
Two works probably based on the early research of the Franciscan Fray
Andres de Olmos, the Historia de
los
mexicanos por sus pinturas and the
Histoyredu Mechique, contain detailed accounts of Aztec creation mythology. The studies by Fray Bernardino de Sahagun, especially the Primeros memoriales
and the Florentine Codex, are unparalleled sources of information concerning Aztec
ritual
and mythology.' The magnificent Codex Borbonicus- rendered
essentially pure Aztec style even
though
it
was painted
period-contains detailed portrayals of deities and the the
New
Fire
in
years. The Borgia
of pre-Hispanic screenfolds, comprising the Borgia, Vaticanus illustrate
an
ritual calendar, including
ceremony performed once every fifty-two
and Fejervary- Mayer codices, also
in
the early colonial
Aztec gods and
rites,
B,
Group
Cospi, Laud,
although they
are not painted in the imperial Aztec style found in the Codex Borbonicus, and cular deities, such as the maize
goddess Chicomecoatl and the tutelary god
Huitzilopochtli, are entirely missing
from them. Pre-Hispanic Aztec sculpture
likewise offers a wealth of vivid material pertaining to gods, ritual,
and creation
mythology.
Numerous aspects
of Aztec religion were innovative and unique, but the
ecs also took part in the broader traditions of Mesoamerica. Certain Aztec
"AW-
*•••****•.
Page from the Codex Fejervary-Mayer, before 1521.
Mm
and
religious traditions, both general
specific,
occurred-and
occur-in other cultures of Mesoamerica. Although the
still
Classic
Maya
(ca.
250-900) possessed an
from that of the Aztecs, many
tinct
including
calendrics,
and
ritual,
However, Teotihuacan
is
art style strikingly dis-
of their religion,
traits
mythology,
were
similar.
the Classic-period culture that most
directly relates to Aztec traditions. Located
some 50
kilometers
north of Tenochtitlan, the future Aztec capital, Teotihuacan
much
exerted a powerful influence over the Early Classic period tecture
(ca.
of Mesoamerica during
250-600), and Aztec art and archi-
freguently displayed
evocations of the earlier
clear
ancient style of Teotihuacan.
addition, certain Aztec gods,
In
making and destruction of four previous worlds was
suns, the
described
ongoing cosmic war between
terms of an
in
complemen-
Tezcatlipoca and Quetzalcoatl." As symbols of the
and Quetzalcoatl
tary forces of creation, however, Tezcatlipoca
also acted as
much
allies,
creation mythology.'
Maya
the hero twins of ancient
like
one important Aztec creation episode,
In
Tezcatlipoca and Quetzalcoatl were said to have
done
battle
against a monstrous being floating on the primordial sea.' This
known
creature,
as
was
Cipactli,
devouring mouths on
its
joints.
a
serpents, Tezcatlipoca and Quetzalcoatl tore Cipactli part of the
with
crocodile
fishlike
Transforming themselves into
body forming the earth and the
in half,
one
From
other, the sky.
including the plumed serpent Quetzalcoatl, the rain god Tlaloc,
the body of the earth deity, Tlaltecuhtli, the natural world flow-
and the old
ered, the eyes
god Huehueteotl, can be traced to Teotihuacan.
fire
According to Aztec mythology, Teotihuacan was the place where the present world began, and
many Aztec
beliefs
and
was the canonical source of
it
and the origin of music.
ing to heart sacrifice, sacred bundles,
A
including those pertain-
ritual practices,
dualism, including such binary oppositions as
male and female,
light
and
dark,
and
fire
for example,
god who was
believed to reside
male and female
a
the uppermost heaven of
in
Omeyocan/ The dualistic principles of Aztec religion were by no means conceived of as static; complementary opposites interacted actively, and this dynamic tension was the ultimate and continually abiding source of creation. One Aztec cosmogonic myth described the birth of four original gods from Tonacatecuhtli In
and Tonacacihuatl-male and female aspects of Ometeotl/
Aztec manuscripts and the Borgia Group, the primordial
human couple was
depicted beneath a blanket to denote the
original act of conception.
interaction of creation
supreme
effort
and
for this
dynamic
battles created
through
Another metaphor
was war-cosmic
sacrifice.
The making of the ordered world
out of primordial chaos was seen as an inherently heroic and
courageous lives
act. In the
same manner, Aztec warriors gave
their
not only for the growth of the Aztec state, but for the con-
tinuity of this created
As
hair.
The origin of the heavens and earth was often portrayed
in
to nourish Tlalte-
"We
eat of the earth then the earth eats us.'"
Aztec thought, the created universe had three realms. The
In
uppermost was the particular
gods and
and wind. The llhuican,
died
composed of
sky,
brilliant,
was the
celestial
afterlife
in childbirth.
thirteen levels occupied by
phenomena, including the sun,
celestial
stars,
paradise of the sun, Tonatiuh
abode of valiant warriors and
women
The lowest realm of the universe was the
nine-leveled underworld, Mictlan, ruled by the crafty death god, Mictlantecuhtli,
and
to sickness or old age
went
and dusty region, from which there was no
was another netherworld
there rain
god
Tlaloc.
Unfortunate
his consort, Mictlan-cihuatl.
who succumbed
souls
Here people
lightning lived amidst
to this dark
return.
However,
region: Tlalocan, paradise of the
who
died by drowning or from
abundant food and vast
Between the underworld and the sky
riches.'-
lay the surface of the
earth, Tlalticpac, the place of the living. The act of creation
divided the world into four quarters, each with ic tree.
At the center stood a
offering
fifth tree,
its
Aztecs, this middle place
B.C.),
had
own symbol-
the pivotal axis mundi,
access to both sky and underworld.
Formative Olmec (900-500
cosmos.
humans had
result,
hearts and blood to placate the violated
Contemporary Nahua, close descendants of the ancient
Aztecs, note:
who
a
own
cuhtli with their
and death,
and water. The Aztec
was Ometeotl,
supreme god,
life
forming pools and springs, the mouth becoming
and caves, and trees and blossoming plants growing from
the flowing
earth.
underlying Aztec religious thought was
basic concept
rivers
In
the Middle
the Classic Maya, and
the
was often portrayed as maize, much as
the four-cornered world constituted a symbolic corn field."
Aztec mythology as a cosmic battle between a pair of gods,
if
Tezcatlipoca and Quetzalcoatl. Together, these two beings repre-
An Aztec casket from Tizapan contains
sented the concept of complementary opposition: Tezcatlipoca
image of the Aztec maize goddess Chicomecoatl, with four
was the
other
fateful
god of
conflict, darkness,
shifting earth, while Quetzalcoatl
was
dawning east and the ethereal but bolized by breath this
and the
in
but
a celestial being of the
also eternal
and wind. Rufino Tamayo
complementary opposition
solid
his
life
force
sym-
vividly portrayed
remarkable
painting
black, yellow,
quadripjM
Tlaloc
some
nig^
Tlalocâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; painted
te,
known
as the myth of the five
in
and white on the underside of the capping
red,
lid.
commonly
"presenting rains of the four cardinal directions.
had four water basins, each with ol
beneficial
a specific type of rain,
and others famine-producing.
Pages 27 and 28 of the Codex Borgia portray
I
the Aztec creation cycle
of
greenstone
According to the Historia de los mexicanos por sus pinturas,
laguar) locked in battle as opposing forces of
In
aspects
Aztec and other Mesoamerican rain gods were
Duality (1963-64), with Quetzalcoatl (the plumed serpent) and
day and
deities-directional
a central
surrounded by four Tlalogue, each of
whom
u
a central Tlaloc
dispenses either
life-giving or destructive rain.
The four Tlaloque were also iden-
with directional mountains,
tified
and peaks being the
hills
dwelling place of the rain gods and the source of water and
Among
abundance.
the Aztecs, the most important mountain
was Mount
pertaining to the rain god
Tlaloc, located east of
the
numerical position
first
day name.
treeenaâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; along with a specific
a
in
addition to the god and directional orientation
In
associated with that day name, each
was presided
treeena
over by a pair of gods as well as by another deity; by the birds identified with
each of the thirteen day positions; and by an
Tenochtitlan. According to the Dominican cleric Fray Diego
independent sequence of nine
Duran, a square stone enclosure atop the summit contained
extraordinarily complex, the combinations of gods, numbers, and
moun-
directions providing nuanced and subtle auguries for the days.
a central
image of Mount Tlaloc surrounded by
lesser
:
tains.
-
reconnaissance
Archaeological
by
Felipe
Soli's
and
calendar was
deities. Clearly, this
Whereas the 260-day calendar frequently pertained
to the
Richard Townsend has documented a series of boulders-one
private affairs of individuals, such as personal well-being, the
on the eastern
outcome of business
one on the western
side,
the four corners, and one
in
Townsend notes that
within the enclosure.
to the arrangement, in the
ilar
Codex
this plan
c
is
very sim-
the Primeros
In
debt-payment of children to
sacrificial
stone enclosure atop a
Tlaloc, a victim lies in a
at each of
Borgia, of a central Tlaloc
surrounded by four others at the corners.
memoriales scene of the
one
side,
the center-surrounding a shrine
hill.
Behind the
ventures, or the compatibility of particular
spouses, the 365-day calendar expressed the cosmic processes of the sun, the seasons, and the primordial doings of the gods.
Since this calendar conformed vaguely to the solar year, of the deities evoked were beings of agricultural ing maize, the earth,
fertility,
many
includ-
and water. The 365-day calendar was com-
posed of eighteen twenty-day months (often referred to as
head of the victim, three mountain gods, the tepietoton, are
veintenas) and five extra days (the nemontemi). During veintena
shown
celebrations, particular deities
this
positioned on three sides of the enclosure; quite possibly
scene refers to Mount Tlaloc and
its
shrine of directional
was
one version of the
Cipactli
said to have occurred
myth, the creation of the earth
on the
The origin of the world was thus
first
day of the
first year.
tied to the creation of the
calendar-the integration and organization of time and space.
One
of the most complex portrayals of this cosmological order-
on page
ing appears
of the Codex Fejervary-Mayer, where
1
world trees grow toward each of the sides and corners of the quartered world. As this
ordered space
is
in
the myth of Tlaltecuhtli, the creation of
depicted as the result of cosmic battle and
sacrifice': at the outer
edges of the plan are the dismembered
remains of Tezcatlipoca, the powerful deity embodying conflict
and change
in
the universe.-
Beginning with the eastern tree at
the top of the scene and moving counterclockwise from there, the body parts of Tezcatlipoca
lie
to the left of each tree-arm,
leg, torso,
and head. Gouts of blood from the four quarters of
the world
fall
to the central warrior figure, Xiuhtecuhtli,
god of
time and the pivotal world centerof the Codex
1
Fejervary-Mayer portrays the combination of two calendrical systems, the 260-day and 365-day years. The eight-lobed band
framing the eight world trees denotes the 260-day divinatory or calendar,
which combined twenty day names-Tochtli
(Rabbit), Atl (Water), Itzcuintli (Dog),
bers
1
to 13. Each of the
and cardinal
and so on-with the num-
twenty day names had
direction, with the
days running
a specific
in a
god
continuously
counterclockwise motion (from east to north and so on). This cycle a
was combined with the
day named
for
striking
examples of deity imper-
1
cycle of thirteen numbers, so that
Rabbit would be followed by 2 Water, then 3 Dog,
example. The 260-day calendar was divided into twi
thirteen-day treeena (weeks), each
during which devotees of the god Xipe Totec would don the skins of sacrificial victims.
named by
the
number 1-
Temporary embodiments of the gods,
deity impersonators were frequently sacrificed, releasing the
divine spirit so that
it
could be renewed the following yea-
Aside from timing the annual solar year, the
Years
annals.
historical
and celebrations of the
rites
365-day calendar served as the
basis for Aztec
were named using the numbers
1
through 13 and four of the twenty day names of the 260-day cycle-Acatl (Reed), Tecpatl (Rabbit).
own
(Flint),
Cat
li
(House), and Tochtli
Each of these year bearers, as they were
called,
had
its
directional association: east for Reed, north for Flint, west
for House,
on page
1
descending square. As
and south
the 260-day calendar, the cycle of
combined with the
cycle of year bearers, so that
Flint,
facing,
numbers was 1
Reed would
3 House, and so on. The combination of
four year bearers and thirteen cycle of distinctly Far
The year bearers are depicted
one near each of the four corners of the
birds, in
for Rabbit.
Codex Fejervary-Mayer as inwardly
of the
be followed by 2
Aside from illustrating the cosmos, page
ritual
were often portrayed by deity
One of the most
sonation occurred during the veintena called Tlacaxipehualiztli,
mountains. In
impersonators.
numbers created
named 365-day
a fifty-two-year
years.
more than simply marking the succession
of years, the
Aztec year bearers were tied to basic concepts of Aztec creation
and cosmology, as each was tional
god and
identified with a specific direc-
tree that supported the
sky As with other Meso'
american peoples, the Aztecs considered both spans of time and public offices as cargos, heavy burdens to be supported and carried.
Although the Aztec
deities
known
as sky bearers had the
weighty responsibility of supporting the firmament, they could .form into fierce star demons, the tziztimime, during periods
of darkness, as
in solar eclipses.
depicted as spiders hanging
The tzitzimime were sometimes
down from
the sky, or as skeletal
beings with sharp talons.
a tzitzim ime
one Aztec scene,
In
sham4
bles in the starry night sky
toward the sun god,
menacing being
upper portion of the Bilimek Pulque
Vessel,
recalls the
Tonatiuh.-'
This
which portrays two figuresâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl and
pulque god-attacking
a
a
sun with wooden
partially eclipsed
For the Aztecs, an especially feared calendrical event
the completion of the fifty-two-year cycle, occurring
in
was
this
momentous ceremony xiuhmolpia, meaning
"the
binding of the years." The termination of the fifty-two-year cycle appeared
Aztec stone sculpture
in
bundles called xiuhmolpilli, each
the form of
in
wood
correspon-
stick symbolically
ding to a completed year. Although "binding" surely alluded to the tying up of
sticks,
it
probably had other meanings, including
the making of a package to carry as a burden and the bundling
of the "dead" calendrical cycle.
25
Recalling the Aztec practice of
the east, but
in
through the
sky.
move and
did not
it
follow
path
its
To ensure the creation of the world, other gods
then sacrificed themselves and offered their hearts to the sun.
mantles and other remains, priests fashioned the
their
tlaquimilolli (sacred bundles).
2 "
According to Aztec accounts, the
the
veintena of Panquetzaliztli during the year 2 Reed. The Aztecs
termed
appeared
born. After
and Tecuciztecatl, the sun
the self-sacrifice of Nanahuatzin
From
clubs and stones.
was thus
died freely for the empire and the sun,
huacan marked the
shift
world of historical
reality.
dawning
first
at Teoti-
from the mythic time of the gods to the 29
Thereafter, as can be seen
their
in
sacred mortuary bundles and stone images, the gods remained silent
and immobile,
much
but,
honored ancestors, they
like
could be invoked by incense, music, and clothing and other articles
sacrificial offerings.
deity impersonation, by which the deities were manifested porarily
in
The
the tlaquimilolli were used for
in
tem-
the world of mortals. Elizabeth Boone notes the close
between the
relationship
inert
god bundle and the
teixiptla,
the
cremating the bound and shrouded dead, wood bundles were
"image" or physical manifestation of the god. 30 The term teixiptla
cast into a hearth at the Temple of Darkness during xiuhmolpia.
also referred to
cosmos through the
This act represented the renewal of the
making of new tle,
In
fire,
an event expressed
in
terms of
a
cosmic bat-
the forces of darkness and night versus the resplendent sun. preparation,
all
the city of Tenochtitlan were extin-
fires in
guished, with the hearthstones, ceramic vessels, and other old objects of the household discarded and replaced. At night, the
inhabitants of the city waited anxiously for
on the chest of the southeast.
new
fire
fire to
be
made
atop Huixachtecatl, located to
a sacrificial victim If
new
were not created, the world would be
destroyed by the tzitzimime:
Thus was
it
said:
it
was claimed that
if
fire
would be ended; there would evermore be
Nevermore would the sun come prevail forever,
out.
myth of the creation of the
This
In
the
contained
hearts
the
first
Mesoamerica.
in
Moreover, Teotihuacan art and writing portrayed eagles and jaguars devouring
human
hearts, a
convention also known
in
Mexico (900-1521). The Aztecs replicated
Postclassic Central
the original sacrifice of the gods with the ritual offering of
human
hearts to the sun. Hearts were placed
basins
known
in
human
name
stone
sacrificial
were ornamented
as cuauhxicalli. These vessels
hearts and had an
carved on the underside.
deity, Tlaltecuhtli,
Nahui
interior displayed a central sign, the glyph
calendrical
and the demons of darkness would
who wore
world suggests that the
fifth
portrayals of sacrificial
image of the earth
Night would
those
the tlaquimilolli.
ancient art of Teotihuacan
the
fact,
widespread
The
night.
is,
in
Aztec institution of heart sacrifice also began at Teotihuacan.
with portrayals of eagle plumes and
could not
be drawn, then [the sun] would be destroyed forever; all
god impersonators-that
mantles and other raiments contained
Ollin
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the
of Tonatiuh. Just as the gods presented their
hearts to the sun at Teotihuacan, the Aztecs placed sacrificial
descend to eat men. 26
hearts atop these images of Tonatiuh to revive the dawning sun. In
both form and function, the xukuri of the contemporary
During this terrifying night, the primordial battle of creation
Huichol of Nayarit closely resemble Aztec cuauhxicalli.- As well
began anew.
as being used to present sacrificial blood to the gods, they often
As part of the nocturnal
New
Fire
ceremony, the
fire priests
display images of the sun
women, and the
impersonated the gods as they proceeded to Huixachtecatl; the
to water,
Codex Borbonicus
of the underworld
leading
other
illustrates a
priest dressed as Quetzalcoatl
godly beings to
the
pyre
at
the
Temple of
Darkness. This nocturnal meeting recalled the mythical creation of the fifth and present sun at Teotihuacan,
vened to
light the
great pyre,
it
was
world anew.-'
said,
7
when
the gods con-
By throwing himself into
the humble Nanahuatzin
a
became the sun
god, Tonatiuh. Since the haughty but timid Tecuciztecatl hesitated, he
became the weaker moon. Out of
this fire also
emerged
the eagle and the jaguar, symbols of the sun and famed Aztec military orders; the
code of the courageous warrior, one
who
is
in
their interior.
earth:
in
a blood-filled xukuri.'
that cuauhxicalli symbolized the earth, the place
we
The xukuri
related
one Huichol myth, the
womb
Similarly,
and
it
womb
is
likely
birth canal of the
from which the sun was daily born. Page 32 of
the Codex Borgia portrays a birthing figure
in
the squatting
position of Tlaltecuhtli, with the hips depicted as a sacrificial
basin lined with
flints. In fact,
quently resembles
bowl or
a
basin,
the skirt
much
as
worn by
if
Tlaltecuhtli fre-
her hips constituted a
a bucket.
The Classic Maya also had
bowls marked
in
the
form of the four-lobed
k'in
sacrificial
interior with solar images, here in the
Maya sun sign. In Classic Maya art, such bowls commonly appeared as censers containing hearts and other sacrificial offerings. One incised earspool portrays a Maya cosmic monster in the same squatting position in which the later Aztec Tlaltecuhtli was depicted; the hips are portrayed as a solar sacrificial bowl. Like the Aztec cuauhxicalli, these Classic Maya glyph, the
womb
bowls also denoted the The
sacrificial birth
shared by
many
from which the sun emerged.
was
of Tonatiuh at Teotihuacan
creation account, this one referring to the ongoing
/
myth
a
peoples of highland Mexico. However, another
expansion of the Aztec
state,
hegemonic
was wholly Aztec; the
characters had no obvious precursors
in
principal
the art and ideology of
Central Mexico. The preeminent character, the fierce and belli-
cose Huitzilopochtli, served as the
solar,
tutelary
god of the
Aztecs and their empire. Also known as the Blue Tezcatlipoca,
embodied
Huitzilopochtli
conflict, strife,
and the fate of the
Aztec people. Huitzilopochtli was magically conceived while his mother, Coatlicue, was sweeping
her temple. Coatlicue's
in
daughter, Coyolxauhqui, and her four hundred brothers, the
Centzon Huitznaua, were enraged by
and prepared
emerged
armed and slew
fully
Almost
a
mother's pregnancy
their
However, at
for battle.
his birth Huitzilopochtli
his older siblings at Coatepetl.
hundred years ago, Eduard Seler suggested that
the mythic battle at Coatepetl symbolized the dawning of the
sun out of the earth and the defeat of the beings of night and darkness, with Coyolxauhqui being the
Huitznaua, the innumerable this
episode
Coyolxauhqui tral
stars."'
remains obscure,
monument
importance
in
moon and
the Centzon
Although the meaning of
1978 discovery of the
the
Templo Mayor revealed
at the
its
cen-
Aztec ideology. Located at the base of the
Huitzilopochtli side of the
Templo Mayor, the monument fea-
tures Coyolxauhqui stripped and dismembered, her head and
limbs severed from her torso. Clearly, this her defeat at Coatepetl, where she tumbled hill.
Due
to this major discovery,
it
monument portrays in pieces down the
evident that the sacrifice
is
of captives atop the Huitzilopochtli side of the Templo
Mayor
reenacted the defeat of Coyolxauhqui and her brothers: Just as the mythic enemies of Huitzilopochtli were slain at Coatepetl, captives from
enemy
states were sacrificed and cast
down
the
temple steps. Directly
below the Coyolxauhqui stone
of the defeated goddess rendered
stone monument, she
is
in
lies
an
earlier version
sculpted stucco. As
in
the
nude and dismembered, her head and
limbs cut from the central trunk." Howevei, the stucco example portrays the severed limbs well
away from
the torso and ori-
ented to the four quarters of the world, recalling both the I
laltecuhtli
on page
1
myth and the of the
sacrifice of Tezcatlipoca as
it
dered as the earth, dismembered and fashioned into ordered world
appears
Codex Fqervary-Mayer. Coyolxauhqui
Hie birth of Huitzilopochtli
is
ren-
a
new,
was thus associated
with the creation of both the Aztec sun and
its
earthly domain:
Page from Fray Bernardino de Sahagun, Rorentinc Codex, also
de
la
Nueva
known
a\ Historia general de las cosas
Espafia,
1
575-77.
from the dismembered Coyolxauhqui and the bodies of van-
responds well with Aztec concepts of music and conjuring
quished enemies, the Aztec world was made.
ancestral souls. According to John Bierhorst, the early colonial
The symbolic axis mundi of the Aztecs, the Templo Mayor at
lay
the center of the four quarters not only of the city of
Tenochtitlan but of the entire Aztec world.
supported two
It
ure.
the northern structure to Tlaloc. The two temples have been
a
interpreted
in a
to the Aztecs of both agriculture
and war,
for example, or of the
new Aztec
contrast of ancient traditions to the
world. The tem-
ples
have also been interpreted as representing
two
distinct mountains, Coatepetl
nance dedicated to
Tlaloc,
and
a
a
merging of
mountain of suste-
with Coatepetl relating to the earth's
moun-
surface and the historical doings of the Aztecs and the tain of Tlaloc
concerning the interior of the mountain and the
ancient paradise of Tlalocan. tions of the
37
Templo Mayor, an
During one of the
renova-
later
altar with steep steps, centered at
drums portrayed
aztli
temples, the southern structure dedicated to Huitzilopochtli and
number of ways-as symbolic of the importance
who
Cantares mexicanos concerned the conjuring of revenants,
descended as birds from the heavens. 44
An
At times, Aztec tepon-
flying individuals similar to the Borgia fig-
excellent example occurs on an Aztec ceramic
Although
teponaztli.
probably
still
covered
by a
Xochipilli
a
this object
is
model of
not a true teponaztli,
in
in
a
almost
position
identical
that
to
the Codex Borgia image. Both wear the
A
collar of shell tinklers.
the Codex Borgia image.
bird,
a
of
same
similarly flying figure appears
containing flowers and a tropical
side of this
is
tympanum. The drum's surface portrays
skin
another Aztec drum-this one an actual teponaztii-m
in
it
ceramic drum, the open mouth originally being
flying
Quetzalcoatl
dance
41
on
band
elements also appearing
Whereas the
central scene
drum portrays the sun engaged
in
on one
celestial battle,
the other side depicts the eagle and jaguar, symbols of the Aztec
was added. Topped by
a pair of
military orders dedicated to the sun. Bierhorst notes that a cen-
frogs, this altar recalls a description of Tlalocan in the
Primeros
tral
the base of the Tlaloc temple,
memoriales, according to which two frogs
mark the entrance
38
to Tlalocan.
The frog
sit
altar
atop
may
wall to
a
thus have
represented a symbolic entrance to Tlalocan, a realm perhaps
thought to have been located
Many
Mayor.
the Templo
have referred to
well
may
The Aztecs were very aware of
their historical past,
and many
Templo Mayor
ation of the present sun at Teotihuacan. Although this episode
also have been identi-
and the ancestral
ritually attracted
and compelled
using wind instruments, such as conch trumpets and flutes.'
According to Fray Geronimo de Mendieta, the priests
was
clearly tied to Aztec militarism
and the solar war
also connected to the practice of heart sacrifice, the
past.
Aside from sacrificial offerings, music was also an essential
gods were
45
aspects of their religious traditions related mythically to the cre-
Aztec means of contacting the gods and ancestors. Guilhem Olivier notes that the
realm closely identified with Teotihuacan, the mythic birthplace of the sun and the eagle and jaguar military orders.
this paradisiacal
place of wealth and plenty. Earlier phases of the
buried by subsequent construction fied with the realm of Tlaloc
of
the interior of the Templo
in
of the rich offerings buried within both sides of
Mayor may
theme of the Cantares mexicanos was the summoning
warrior souls from the flower paradise of the sun, a celestial
who
9
fash-
cult,
it
was
making of
sacred bundles, and music. Like the sun, the earth and sky were also created through sacrifice, by the
dismemberment of the
primordial Cipactli. The birth of Huitzilopochtli similarly involved
human
that this wholly Aztec
myth con-
cerned both the origin of the sun and the Aztecs'
terrestrial
sacrifice,
and
it is
likely
ioned the original tlaquimilolli at Teotihuacan sought music to
realm. For the act of heart sacrifice, four priests held the limbs
conjure and communicate with the gods after their mass sacri-
of the victim, thereby creating a
fice.
40
Two
related
accounts of
describe either the wind or
a
this
mythic origin of music
priest of Tezcatlipoca traveling
across the sea to the house of the sun to obtain music. sion of this episode appears on pages 35 to Borgia.*'
On page
35, Tezcatlipoca
4 '
A
ver-
38 of the Codex
and the wind god,
Ehecatl,
Yucatan, the four priests
Aztec
dane event.
great stream of wind exiting a red flute at the center of this
opening
Xochipilli,
related to
drums, flowers.
played by the god of music,
on page 37. Within the stream of wind appear items music and dance, including ceramic and
flutes, In
is
and dance
staffs, as well
addition, there are five
with his eyes shut, denoting death
turtleshell
as precious birds
images of Quetzalcoatl or,
more
likely,
and
flying
ecstatic trance
achieved through music and dance.
The
flight of Quetzalcoatl
in
the Codex Borgia scene cor-
grasped the limbs were referred to Jr
During
were played to mark the numinous period of contact with the
the attributes of both Tonatiuh and Tlaloc. Page 36 depicts a
flute
who
of sacrifice, conch trumpets and other instruments
rites
deities.
same
of the four quar-
as chakoob, the four directional rain gods of the Maya.
obtain a bundle from a temple occupied by a figure displaying
bundle; the very
cosmogram
ters with the victim's heart at the center. In sixteenth-century
To the Aztecs,
a
It
was an
doorway
human
sacrifice
was anything but
a
mun-
act that restored the violence of creation,
into the original world of the gods.
Notes
Sacrifice: The
Beacon 2.
Aztec Empire and the Role of Violence
in Civilization (Boston:
Angel Garibay, Teogonia e historia de los mexicanos: Tres opusculos delsiglo City: Editorial Porrua, 1979).
and Fray Bernardino de
1997);
Press,
Sahagun, Florentine Codex: General History of the Things of Arthur
0.
J.
Anderson and Charles
New
Spain, 13
Dibble (Santa Fe: School of
E.
American Research, 1950-82). The Histoyredu Mechique
4.
the thirteenth and
"In
4.
and his/her realm:
explicitly describes this deity
last
(Garibay, Teogonia e historia
[heaven],
the highest, there
de
los
mexicanos,
god
a
is
is
called
goddess"
a
103, trans, author). For Aztec
p.
concepts of dualism, see Miguel Leon-Portilla, Azfec Thought and Culture:
Study of the Ancient Nahuatl Mind (Norman: University of Oklahoma 1963); and Alfredo Lopez Austin, The
Richard
Human Body and Ideology:
A
Press,
Concepts of
The Book of the Gods
Diego Duran,
Fray
15.
of
Oklahoma
Change
F.
Garibay, Teogonia e historia de los mexicanos,
6.
The portico murals of Structure A
1975, more than ten years after
p.
Townsend, "The Mount Tlaloc
Cacaxtla-discovered
at Late Classic
Tamayo painted Duo//fy-feature
in
same
the
The Maya eagle warrior of the east stands upon a plumed
serpent, while the Mexican jaguar warrior of the west
is
atop a jaguar serpent;
and
1
7.
month of
the later
child sacrifices
solescosmogonicos,"ÂŁsfud/osdeCu/fura/Vdhuof/7(1969), pp. 183-210; and Henry Nicholson, "Religion
Pre-Hispanic Central Mexico,"
Handbook of Middle American Indians, 395-446.
8. For the
Maya hero
A
1993), pp. 56-67;
Robert Wauchope, gen.
10 (Austin: University of Texas Press,
vol.
twins, see Michael D. Coe, 'The
Justin Kerr, ed., The
pp. 161-84; Karl
in
upon Mount
vol. 2, pp. 1-2,
42-44; and Duran, The Book of the
de
los
mexicanos,
a.d..
105.
p.
Maya had portrayed
the ancient
of a mythical
reptile, clearly a
myth were
Maya
Vase Book,
vol.
1
Hero Twins: Myth and Image,"
(New
York: Kerr Associates, 1989),
Museum
Taube, Aztec
and Maya Myths (London:
and Dennis
Tedlock, Popol Vuh: The Definitive Edition of the
episode appear
and the Histoyre du Mechique
British
Press,
in
debs mexicanos porsuspinturas
the Historia
(see Garibay, Teogonia e historia
de
los
mexicanos,
pp. 26, 105, 108). 10.
From the two creation metaphors of copulation and
violent conflict arises a
by which the creation of the earth can be seen as a form of cosmic rape. For
dismemberment
discussions of the mythic
Elizabeth del Rio, Bases psicodinamicas
Amic
Editores, 1973);
de
of Tlaltecuhtli as rape, see
la cultura
Azteca (Mexico
and Michel Graulich, "Myths of Paradise
City:
Alma Costa-
version of the Cipactli myth. Versions of the
This statement, by a
Puebla,
contemporary Nahua informant of the
was recorded by Tim Knab and
as Ritual Space,"
in
and Periphery
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987),
of
Sierra de
in
uma,
the Aztec World
20.
In
traveling to Tlalocan (pp. 179-83). Tim
imong
tr
Pueb<
und-
->g
is
described as a "mirror that gives off smoke," probably
an allusion to Tezcatlipoca (see Michael
Hernando Ruiz de Alarcon
D.
Coe and Gordon Whittaker, Aztec
Superstitions that Today Live
and
trans.
to
mod
n Broda,
''eltsand
Nahua
ol
'a
among
thought, see Karl A. Taube,
pment an Southvs
the Indians to this
Press, 1984],
p.
New Spain,
1629, ed.
95).
a
common metaphor for in native New
the creation of the universe and the division of the seasons
"Ballgames and Boundaries,"
World mythologies (Susan
Gillespie,
Scarborough and David
Wilcox, eds, The
R.
in
Vernon L
Mesoamerican Ballgame [Tucson:
University of Arizona Press, 1991], pp. 317-45). 22. See David Carrasco, City of Sacrifice, pp. 130-32. 23. For a discussion of sky bearers, see
and
Directions in
Maya and Mexican
Thompson, Sky
Eric S.
J.
Bearers, Colors
Religion (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie
of Washington, 1934), pp. 209-42;
and
Karl A. Taube, "The Bilmu-k
entral
Mexico," Ancient Mesoamerica 4 (1993). pp. 1-15. 24.
In
a
drawing
of
this
scene published by Hasso von Winning {Pre-
Columbian Art of Mexico and Central America [New York 1968], plate 397),
read
is
wraparound image on a
a
a
to face
tii-
'
Harr\
N.
Abrams,
away from the sun Howi
cylindrical bone, the figure
can be
award the sun. Given the fundamentally antagonistic nature iht,
the lattei
seems the most
likely
hi
25. For the
mortuary symbolism
of year bundles, see Alfonso Caso, Los calen-
danos prehispamcos{Mc>
p. 108).
I
York at Albany,
on the Heathen
Richard Andrews and Ross Hassig [Norman: University of
J.
As Susan Gillespie notes, dismemberment was
de
realm occupies the center of the
"Templo Mayor as Ritual Space,"
New
Treatise
[Albany: State University of
and Hernando Ruiz de Alarcon,
1982], pp. 131, 304;
Knab has documented a form
the contemporary
-'i
of M,j
Dumbarton Oaks,
the colonial Nahuatl chants recorded by Hernando Ruiz de Alarcon, the
since this
p. 107.
The Primeros memoriales contains a remarkably detailed description of a
woman
D.C.:
Pulque Vessel: Starlore, Calendrics, and Cosmology of Late Posl
Johanna Broda, "Templo Mayor
cited in
Broda, David Carrasco, and Eduardo Ma'
The Great Temple of Tenochtitlon: Center
12.
also present in Late Postclassic Yucatan (see Karl A. Taube,
surface of the earth
Lost in Pre-Hispanic
Central Mexico," Current Anthropology 2A, no. 5 (1983). pp. 575-81. 11
their
the days
if
1992]), pp. 128-31).
21.
third,
as
David Stuart has determined that a text from the recently dis-
sacrificed.
Oklahoma
this
much
cartouche denoting blood,
a
covered Late Classic bench from Temple 19 at Palenque refers to the chopping
Mayan Book of the Dawn of Life and the Glories of Gods and Kings (New York: Simon Accounts of
Atlcahualo,
Tlaloc occurred during
Rites, p. 425).
day names surrounded by
and Schuster, 1996). 9.
of
Sorcerers in Seventeenth Century Mexico: The Treatise on Superstitions by
1971), pp.
in
in
Press
Ochpaniztli (see Sahagun, Primeros memoriales, pp. 55-56;
Sahagun, Florentine Codex,
were
month of
sacrifice of children to Tlaloc during the
Duran mentions that the
The Major Gods of Ancient Yucatan [Washington, los Arcos, "Los cinco
the Ancient
Although the Primeros memoriales and the Florentine Codex describe the
mountain
pent of the nocturnal west. suns myth, see Roberto Moreno de
and
University
(Niwot:
Cipactli
five
Rites
Colorado, 1991), pp. 26-30.
thus the murals depict a plumed serpent of the dawning east and a jaguar ser-
accounts of the
cis-
Project," in David Carrasco, ed., To
Place: Aztec Ceremonial Landscapes
19. Since at least the first century
23.
and the four
Press. 1971), p. 156.
18. Garibay, Teogonia e historia
Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1988).
5.
edâ&#x20AC;&#x17E;
cis-
Calendar, trans. Fernando Horcasitas and Doris Heyden (Norman: University
Montellano
B.
The four large
1999), pp. 137-44.
Gods and
7. For
26.
p.
Townsend, The Aztecs (London: Thames and Hudson,
F.
the Ancient Nahuas, trans. Thelma Ortiz de Montellano and Bernard Ortiz de
dualistic opposition.
Mesoameriec
rains of the four directions. For a description of Tetzcotzingo
16. Richard
Ometecuhtli [Ometeotl], which means two gods, and one
(Salt
in
National Gallery of Art, 2000), pp. 296-337.
D.C.:
See Garibay, Teogonia e historia de los mexicanos,
terns, see
Fray Bernardino de Sahagun, Primeros memoriales, trans. Thelma D. Sullivan
(Norman: University of Oklahoma
vols., trans.
1
Olmec Art and Archaeology
Pye, eds.,
E.
(Washington,
cat.
terns oriented to the cardinal points atop Tetzcotzingo probably refer to the
Press, 1999).
XVI (Mexico 3.
and Mary
Clark
For a recent discussion of Aztec sacrifice, see David Carrasco, City of
1.
1967), pp 26.
Sahagun, Florentine Codex,
27.
On
the
onal
Autbnoma de Mi
,
129
New
Fire
vol. 7, p. 27.
ceremony and the Teotihuacan creation myth, sec
Karl
A
Taube, "The Turquoise Hearth:
of War,"
David
in
Fire,
Carrasco,
and the Central Mexican Cult
Self Sacrifice,
and Scott Sessions,
Lindsay Jones,
eds.,
County Museum of
Art, 2001), pp.
43. Cantares mexicanos:
102-23.
Songs of the Aztecs,
trans.
John Bierhorst (Stanford:
Mesoamerica's Classic Heritage: From Teotihuacan to the Aztecs (Boulder:
Stanford University Press, 1985),
University Press of Colorado, 2000), pp. 315-16.
44. For examples of flying figures on teponaztli, see Marshall H. Saville, The
28.
On the making of god
Geronimo de Mendieta,
bundles, see Fray
Historia
eclesiastica indiana (Mexico City: Editorial Porrua, 1980), pp. 78-79.
29. Similarly, in the sixteenth-century Popol
and the
Vuh of the Quiche Maya, the gods
animals were turned into stone at the
spirits of
sun (Tedlock, Popol Vuh,
first
dawning of the
30. Elizabeth H. Boone, Incarnations of the Aztec Supernatural: The
and Europe
Huitzilopochtli in Mexico Society, 1989),
(Philadelphia:
Image of
American Philosophical
31. For the original identification of heart sacrifice in Teotihuacan art, see
Laurette Sejourne, Burning Water: Thought
(New
York:
Vanguard
and
Religion in Ancient Mexico
compared the gourd bowls of the
Cora, close
neighbors of the Huichol, to the ancient Aztec cuauhxicalli (Preuss, "Die der
Mexikaner erlauter
alten
Indianer," Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie
nach Angaben
der
Cora-
43 [1911], pp. 293-308). For discussions of
Huichol xukuri, see Carl Lumholtz, Symbolism of the Huichol Indians (New
Museum
York: American
of Natural History, 1900), pp. 161-66; Robert M.
The Huichol: Primitive Artists (New York: G.
Zingg,
634-35; and Johannes Neurath, Las
fiestas
de
E.
Stechert,
1938),
pp.
Casa Grande: Procesos
la
rit-
cosmovision y estructura social en una comunidad Huichola (Mexico
uales,
Nacional de Antropologia, 2002), pp. 175-76.
City: Institute
33. Juan Negrin, The Huichol Creation of the World (Sacramento,
Calif.: E. B.
Crocker Art Gallery, 1975), pp. 82-84. 34.
In this
regard,
it
is
also
noteworthy that Classic Maya
elite
women were
often portrayed wearing the sacrificial offering bowl as a headdress, denoting
the relation of this vessel to Centrality, Rulership,
Dumbarton Oaks, Eduard
35.
1998),
Seler,
women. See
in p.
Classic
Maya
Taube, "The Jade Hearth:
Karl A.
and the Classic Maya Temple,"
Function and Meaning
in
Stephen
D.
Houston,
Architecture (Washington,
ed.,
D.C.:
464.
"Eineges uber dei naturlichen Grundlagen
mexikanisher
mythen," Zeitshcrift fur Ethnologie 39 (1907), pp. 1-41. 36. Eduardo Matos Moctezuma, "Las seis Coyolxauhqui: Variaciones sobre un
mismo
tema," Estudios de Culture Azteca 21 (1991), pp. 15-30.
37. For a recent discussion of these interpretations of the
Carrasco, City of Sacrifice,
p.
me
Templo Mayor, see
72.
38. Sahagun, Primeros memoriales,
mentioning to
p.
181.
1
am
indebted to Alan Robinson for
the similarity of the Templo Mayor altar to the Primeros
memoriales account.
Guilhem
39.
Olivier,
"The Hidden King and the Broken Flutes: Mythical and
Royal Dimensions of the Feast of Tezcatlipoca Keber, ed., Representing
in Toxcatl," in Eloise
Aztec Ritual: Performance,
Text,
and Image
in
Quihones the
Work
of Sahagun (Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 2002). 40. Mendieta, Historia eclesiastica indiana,
p.
80. Excavations in the sacred
precinct of Tenochtitlan also suggest that the Aztecs related music to ancient
Teotihuacan. Clearly evoking the architectural and mural style of Teotihuacan, the Red Temple structures at Tenochtitlan contained offerings of musical
instruments, including miniature forms (see Bertina rojos del recinto
sagrado de Tenochtitlan [Mexico
Olmedo
Vera, Los templos
Nacional de
City: Instituto
Antropologia e Historia, 2002]; and Leonardo Lopez Lujan, for the Past," in
Eduardo Matos Moctezuma and Felipe
,,T
he Aztecs' Search /Aztecs
Soli's, eds.,
[New
York: Harry N. Abrams, 2002]). 41. See Mendieta, Historia eclesiastica indiana; ria
de
los
42. Karl A. Taube, 'The Breath of Life: The
eds.,
and Garibay, Teogonia e histo-
mexicanos, pp. 111-12.
and the American Southwest,"
in
cat.
(New
York:
Museum
of the
addition,
it
appears that the Aztec concepts of the flower paradise and
was already present
at
Ideologies of Sacred Warfare and Teotihuacan,"
Pre-Columbian
Symbolism of Wind
Virginia M. Fields
The Road to Aztlan:Art From a Mythic
:
BAR
I
Art: Essays
in
Berlo, ed., Text
and Image
in
on the Interrelationship of the Visual and Verbal Arts
nternational Series,
1
983], pp. 70-
1 1
7
;
and Taube, "The Turquoise
Hearth," pp. 269-340).
46. Alfred M. Tozzer, Landa's Relacion de las cosas de Yucatan:
A
Translation
(Cambridge, Mass.: Peabody Museum, Harvard University, 1941), pp. 112, 119.
Press, 1956), pp. 119-27.
32. Long ago, Konrad Preuss
Opferblutschale
In
Ancient Mexico, exh.
Indian, 1925), plates 33a-b.
the relation of warrior souls to birds and butterflies
[Oxford
29.
p.
45.
in
19.
Teotihuacan (see Janet Berlo, "The Warrior and the Butterfly: Central Mexican
161).
p.
Wood-Carver's Art
American
p.
in
Mesoamerica
and Victor Zamudio-Taylor,
Homeland (Los Angeles:
Los Angeles
Mundi
Axis
i
Roberto Velasco uonso
THE AZTECS CONCEIVED OF A COMPLEX ORDERING SYSTEM TO ORGANIZE THE DIFFERENT PLANES
and paths of the universe. These planes were interconnected to bring order to the present and can be understood as realities with alignments vertically super-
imposed, divided into four sections oriented to the four cardinal directions. Each had a different magnitude, interpolation, and proximity to the various
domains comprising the world of humans. The biggest of these realms was the sphere of the Ometeotl (God-Two), all
a
ruler of the universe,
was contained by
dual principle that both contained and
aspects of the Aztec worldview. Ometeotl was the primordial axiom whose
existence could not be represented (and thus there are only symbolic representations of his perceptible manifestation
the
in
cosmos and/or
physical world).
He was understood as an all-embracing and all-embraced premise that preceded everything. Ometeotl conceived the four Tezcatlipocas (Smoking Mirrors),
among which directions,
the contents of the universe were divided and ordered into four
each marked by dual divisions of essence and influence, extending
inward toward a center. These four divine offspring would impose themselves
upon
reality
from
their individual spheres,
would be marked by through
their
their
own
smoking-mirror
distinct
reflection,
and each
level
features,
which they would create
each of
of subsequent reality
a different color
and with
a
different nature.
Xiuhtecuhtli (Turquoise Lord; god of
fire
and
time), the focus or center
where the four directions united, was determined by the balanced meeting of these four possibilities and shared the quintessential characteristics with the primordial sphere, differing only according to longitudinal and temporal rank.
The Aztecs believed that
this equilibrium
ing order to a given era, itself.
From
this
focal
was the determining
factor for bring-
and Xiuhtecuhtli was regarded as the
fusion,
which would be subject
ruler of order
the approval of
to
Ometeotl himself, the four Smoking Mirrors created within the borders of sphere the original elemental substances-Huehueteotl
fifth
(fire),
Tlaloc
this
and
Chalchiuhtlicue (water), and Cipactli-Tlaltecuhtli (earth)-that were preceded by the element of In
air
as Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl, the White
Mirror.
the vortex created between essential force and elemental substances
(always
in
dual form), four eras arose, each presided over by a sun, each charged
by an element. Earth was the by wind, and then
had
Smoking
its
own
fire
first
element to dominate an
and water. According
followed
beginning, and once the equilibrium of the reigning element
disrupted, the era suffered a violent end
humanity or
era,
to the notion of duality, each era
its
was
marked by the extermination of
transformation into various creatures With the creation of
life,
was the need to create death. Nine levels were established beneath the terrestrial plane where existence unfolded. When a human being died, it would there
encounter the nine requirements that would cause
it
to shed
its
singular virtue.
// Cihuacoatl plaque, detail A/trr, ra
1200-1521
3&
78. Relief of the five
Aztec, ca.
1400-1521
ages
tf&
when
This might be understood on an individual level as well: deliver nine of
A
nonmaterial properties that once gave
its
gathering of
agreed to create
a
the creative forces
all
new
Ometeotl for consent.
"sun,"
being dies,
a
the virtue of
it
must
it
life.
the universe then took place, and they
in
and the Smoking Mirrors once again had
to return to
they divided Cipactli-Tlaltecuhtli, erecting the heavens
First
(separated by thirteen levels of proximity) and establishing the earth (with four horizontal, perpendicular influences restricted only by the dual sphere of Ometeotl). This
separation was achieved by the establishment of four supports, either trees, gods, or
men, located
at the
in
the form of
boundaries of the focus or center-the domain of
Xiuhtecuhtli.
Then the Smoking Mirrors ordered the Earth to create sustenance converting
its
earth goddess
various parts into mountains,
showed
her great discontent at having sacrificed
condition for the continued growth of
the form of
human
which represented, through
their
of the physical world, such as fertility
caves,
on earth, the gods established the
Once again the Smoking
era.
own immediate
fertility,
a pre-
required a tribute
in
of the categorical numina,
rise
proximity, intelligible manifestations
and war.
ritual for
through
Mirrors,
ion over this sun by bloodletting
mankind,
and as
its unity,
human nourishments, she
blood and hearts. Thus began the
for
By weeping, the
rivers, caves, plants, etc.
their
In
order to bring light and ensure
bringing about the fifth "sun" or
numenic
entities, vied for
and autosacrifice (not only as
a gift of blood,
dominbut sig-
nifying acceptance of death for the birth of this sun).
Due
to the deteriorated state of the astral deity prior to this ritual,
the gods give up their tained. This sun
lives,
so that
its
was characterized,
daily path
first,
demanded
it
that
through the heavens could be main-
by the fusion of
and elemental
essential
all
new focus (the gods' renunciation of their state of absolute purity). Secondly, this sun was charged (or defined) by the rotating dominion of the cardinal influences included in every daily completion of its trajectory through the sky, whose charting and measurements were taught to the first human couple. The men of the
vital liquids into a
four previous eras had been formed from the multiple combinations of elemental sub-
stances that occurred
those preceding eras. Their bones were jealously guarded by
in
the Lord of Mictlan. Once again Quetzalcoatl, with the help of Xolotl, his proximal deity (but of a lower magnitude), descended into the realm of the dead to retrieve these
bones. The divine essence had already departed from the skeletons, and
of this
bones
numen until
it
to shed
own
its
it
was the
task
blood and that of Cihuacoatl to be ground with the
created the mass from which the
first
human couple
of the fifth era
would be formed. They then gave the humans maize, instructed the people
of days). With
in
most perfect form of sustenance, and
their
the arts of divination and the reading of the tonalamatl (book
this, a strict
retribution covenant
was made: veneration for the gods, the humans lived in the
use of incense, and the rituals of self-sacrifice or bloodletting. The
mythic land of Aztlan, where th^y reproduced and grew instructed to migrate.
patron
to
venerate
(Hummingbird on the immediately after
was during
It
the
in
Left),
being
sun,
this long
with
its
who was devoted born,
in
numbers,
until
they were
journey that the Aztecs found a new categorical to war.
Huitzilopochtli
numen, Huitzilopochtli
According to the mythic model,
decapitated
his
sister
the
moon,
Coyolxauhqui (She of the Rattles on her Cheeks), and devoured the blood and hearts of the vanquished lunar people, and
if
army
they obeyed his
(the countless stars). will,
From then
on, he
would guide the
he promised them the conquest of the world.
As an ultimate reflection of these influences, the Aztecs validated and reinforced this
mythic model by orienting the structures of their capital
practices,
city,
toward the perceptible cosmic structures, devoting
all
and
all
of their social
their tasks to
them
and considering themselves as anointed with the duty of providing tribute
in
the form
of blood and hearts. They also devoted themselves to providing sustenance for the
other gods.
their ritual center, Mexico-Tenochtitlan, they built
In
adorned with the symbols related to the residing ous moments or times
when
in
temple-pyramids
They also marked the vari-
divinity.
which the gods' proximity was made perceptible, namely, those points
they became phenomenologically present on Earth.
During the major
festivals, rituals
were given added
spiritual
emphasis through
instruments and symbols associated with the particular deity being venerated, as well as those associated with his or her path of influence.
Due
to their
knowledge of the
tonalpohuolli (the divinatory calendar), the Aztecs were able to locate themselves within this celestial and temporal cycle with a complete understanding of both the tial
ini-
point of origin and the rhythms and trajectories of the heavenly bodies, which
were also reflected aligned with
in
the physical world. They
what proximal patrons
at
knew
exactly
what
distal divinities
any given moment. This imbued the
the possibility of creating a portal through which
all
ritual
were with
transcendental manifestations
could be briefly focused on a given essential direction (categorical, proximal, numenic, elemental, distal) through
its
with an axis for participating in
phenomenological presence. This provided the Aztecs
in
the sacred, thereby complying fully with their mission
the cosmos: that of erecting, maintaining, and perpetuating the fifth support, the
great cosmic tree, ences, and
whose
among whose deep
roots converged a balance of
who
branches sheltered the universal birds,
energy of the hearts and blood to
its
all
cardinal influ-
carried the primordial
dominant essences.
--â&#x20AC;˘â&#x20AC;˘
â&#x20AC;˘
i
too
*
82. Atlantean figure (north)
Aztec, ca.
1
500
83. Atlantean figure (center)
Aztec, ca.
1
500
Following pages:
84. Atlantean figure (west), detail
Aztec, ca.
1
500
85. Atlantean figure (south), detail
Aztec, ca.
1
500
%
3«e?
ÂŤoC
.
â&#x20AC;˘
86. Tizapan casket
and maize goddess figure
Aztec, ca. 1250-1521
*
87. Tlaltccuhtli
Aztec, ca.
1200-1521
"%*
1
%
88.
Fragment of anthropomorphic
brazier
Aztec, ca. 1300
89. Life-death figure
Aztec, ca.
1440-1521
90. Duality
Aztec, ca.
1500
91. Solar disk with calendar date
Aztec, ca.
1500
.
try
M
Gods and
Rituals <
HOW
ANCIENT MESOAMERICAN MYTHS TELL
tiitlltriit
Olivier
THE SUPREME DIVINE COUPLE CREATED OR BEGAT
who
various gods (two, four, or thirteen, depending on the particular myth)
formed the
first rites
to thank their creators
and acknowledge
per-
their superiority.
The myths mention prayers and offerings of copal and of blood from autosacrifices
creation
and from animals immolated
myths
moon were generated fice to feed the
among
example,
telling, for
how
in
honor of the supreme
also explain the origins of certain rituals.
sun and the earth
an especially prominent
is
deities.
Human
sacri-
ritual, particularly
the Aztecs.
numerous
Besides the mythic prototypes that mortals reenacted during feasts,
Other
the sky and the earth, the sun and the
time was the fundamental element that ruled the entire
system.
ritual
Every ritual had to conform to a precise time frame determined by different cal-
endar calculations. Myths speak of the creation of these calendars by the gods,
who were
patrons of their
many
attributes, including individual days, trecenas
(the thirteen-day weeks), solar, lunar,
and Venusian
earth, aged, died,
and were reborn only on
eras. Yet
came down
to
specific dates.
The Mesoamerican belief system was based pohualli, a solar calendar of
and
cycles, suns,
the gods themselves were affected by time. They were born,
two calendars: the xiuh-
in
365 days comprising eighteen veintenas (months)
of twenty days each, plus the nemontemi, five extra fateful or dangerous days;
and the tonalpohualli, this ritual calendar
a divinatory or ritual
were
identified by
calendar of 260 days. The days
twenty signs
in
numbers. One feast cycle was developed based on the solar calendar;
was celebrated trast,
in
each of the eighteen months. The "movable
were celebrated
in
is
famous toxiuhmolpia
the
was
a festival
feasts,"
accordance with the divinatory calendar.
calendars coincided, that
in
combination with thirteen
When
by conthe
two
every fifty-two years (the so-called Aztec century),
New
(the Binding of the Years, or
Fire,
ceremony)
carried out.
The tonalpohualli, the older of the calendars, was used days.
Its
in
reference to birth
connotations influenced the character and fate of individuals, as well
as those of
all
kinds of beings and other things created, including the gods.
Important rituals dedicated to specific gods were held on their individual anniversary dates. The tonalpohualli was also used to select the best days
any number of
ncluding going on
a<
trips,
forming cures, inaugurating buildings, and enthroning
were accompanied by complex The eighteen feasts
were held vest.
ol
rulers.
Such
ntcnas, ordered according to the solar calendar,
tandem with the main
ri
a*.
activities
ritu
agricultural cycles of planting
and the har-
During these feasts, there were reenactments of creation myths
ple,
(such
in
foi
hunting, getting married, per-
of sacred war) and important events
ica-Aztec migration). The different
in
(for
exam-
the history ot the people
iroups participated
92. Ehecatl
in
vr'i
s»v
;
-1.- -•..
>JKrl "&."•
<
'&?&.
\teitem *&&.%•
% >^ ig
^
«s fW-
>y&m
some
these festivals; whereas
included
all
more
the groups, others were
select, as in
the case of the veneration of particular patron gods by nobles, priests, artisans, prostitutes, or
other subdivisions of Aztec society.
these celebrations were characterized by a great variety of prayers, chants, pro-
All
and
cessions, dances, offerings, autosacrifices,
and people. These
sacrifices of animals
two practices attracted more attention from sixteenth-century conquistadores
last
and monks, and even today's
any other Aztec
scholars, than
own body
extraction of blood from different parts of one's
with various cutting instruments (awls of bone or obsidian,
spread throughout Mesoamerica beginning
in
Autosacrifice, the
ritual.
(tongue, penis, ears, legs)
maguey
thorns),
was wide-
Preclassic times. The purposes of this
were varied: to do penance and have one's offenses forgiven, to acquire merit
practice
and thereby prolong one's
life,
to feed the gods, to boost the fertility of the earth, and
so on. There seems to have been a symbolic equivalence between autosacrifice
and human
While autosacrifice represented a
sacrifice.
also die symbolically through sacrificing a victim (ixiptla)
"partial" death, a
who was
person could
believed to be an "image"
both of him- or herself and of a particular god.
During the veintena of Toxcatl (Dryness), a young warrior representing Tezcatlipoca
was
ruler,
closely linked to royal
power and acted as the protector
or tlatoani. The ruler in turn acted for the
the ruler
val,
was
sacrificed. This deity
of the
was the
the young warrior,
between the
"sacrificer"; in other
who was
Mesoamerican
sacrificed
one of the ideological foundations of
is
sacrifice.
The gods themselves were revived through the Children, youths,
mature women,
girls,
sacrifice of their
own
images.
or old people stood in for the deities for a pre-
determined time and at the end of that period were different
earth. During this festi-
the image of the god Tezcatlipoca. The shared identity
and the
sacrificer
god on
words, he died or sacrificed himself through
more
sacrificed. To be
specific, the
gods were represented by the appropriate groups: prisoners of war
for the
warrior gods, Tezcatlipoca and Huitzilopochtli; old people for the god of the underworld, Mictlantecuhtli;
young women
for the
goddess of maize, Chicomecoatl; children a ritual
death would
also allude to the particular divinity's characteristics. For example, victims
were burned
to personify the rain
in
god
honor of the god of
assistants, the Tlaloque.
fire,
The procedure of
Xiuhtecuhtli-Huehueteotl; skinned for Xipe Totec, whose
name means "Our Flayed Lord"; and shot with arrows for the god of hunting, Mixcoatl. By means of autosacrifice and sacrifice, the sun, earth, and gods were fed. After all, these very gods had given their lives so the stars could move at Teotihuacan, and had given their own blood to create humankind. In Mesoamerican thinking, the idea that life arises out of death was fundamental. A significant example is that bones were considered to be seeds, and ated.
it
was from those "seeds bones"
that living
humanity was
Another essential concept was
gods were governed by exchange. Mortals delivered offerings and gods,
who needed them
for their
own
cre-
that the interrelationships between people and
renewal;
in
sacrifices to the
return, the divinities granted
humans
and earthly goods.
life
Parallel to all these majestic public rites,
attended by thousands, were numerous
private rites performed in various spaces. These occurred
occasion of births; tain
gods and
private rites
in
the fields to foster the land's
to ask for rain.
Although
in
fertility; in
private houses on the
caves to thank
local authorities participated
from time
were not carried out under state control. Many of these
of course, with
some changes,
in
rites
present-day indigenous communities.
still
mounto time,
survive,
'
:-^
)
f
o, +•*i-
•
-~
%• »C*JS ***<>»•3?y
'
3»*S _
%J*
93. Seated Xipe Totec
Aztec-Matlatzinca. ca. 1250-1521
96. Figure of Xipe To tec
Aztec, ca.
1500
97. Figure of Xipe Totec
Aztec, ca.
1
500
100. Ehecatl
monkey
Aztec, ca. 1500
104. Chalchiuhtlicue
Aztec, ca.
1
aloe
500
mask
I
106.
Pumpkin
Aztec, ca.
1500
Facing page, clockwise
from top
left:
107. Agriculture
Aztec, ca.
108.
1
goddess
500
Teomama
Aztec, ca.
1
500
109. Tlaltelcuhtii
Aztec, ca.
110.
1
500
Cihuateteo
111. Skull
500
Aztec, ca.
Aztec, ca.
1
goblets 1
500
*v< ^*v
^p. V
V SW S3
/*"'/"
"
112. Xochipilli
Aztec, ca.
1500
Facing page:
Detail of cat. no. 112
p
*
Jr 5Pj
fjjWBi
'
JS )P*A
';'
W'
•
v
—*4»
*rj
I
flft
f^^|
1^^
-
ft.
113. Deified warrior brazier
Aztec, ca. 1500
114. Techcatl
Aztec, ca.
1500
115. Autosacrifice casket (tepctlacalli)
Aztec, ca.
1500
Painted Books
and Calendars Elizabeth Hill Boone
IN
WAS
AZTEC MEXICO, WRITING
painted books
now
AND KNOWLEDGE WAS RECORDED GRAPHICALLY
PAINTING,
called "codices." These painted
IN
books recorded almost every
aspect of Aztec culture. They told of the creation of the world, the beginnings of the Aztecs, and the deeds and conquests of their rulers. Religious books
how
explained the nature of the sacred,
how
the gods should be worshipped, and
the feasts and religious rituals should be observed. Divinatory codices
described which supernatural forces governed the various periods of time, and
when the fates were most auspicious for different activities; they indihow to live a correct life. Practical manuscripts listed tributes and taxes,
thus told cated
described the allocation of lands to be farmed, and recorded the cases and decisions of the legal courts. There
not addressed
some
in
was
fashion
in
little in
the
life
of the Aztec empire that
was
the painted books.
The author-painters and reader-interpreters of these books were called tlamatinime. They were the sages,
the wise
guardians of community knowledge.
form the to read
ideals,
was
It
understandings, and facts of Aztec culture, and
and interpret the painted books
tem was
a
men and women who were
their task to record in pictographic
for their people.
fell
it
to
them
The Aztec writing sys-
pictographic system that employed both figural elements and
abstract symbols, combining carried meaning.
them
Although the
structured compositions that themselves
in
figural
images generally stood
for
what they
represented, their precise, conventional meanings had to be learned, as did the
meaning of the abstract symbols.
were arranged
All
spatially according to a
well-developed visual grammar. Physically, the books were usually composed of long pieces of bark paper (amate) or deer hide, which were folded back and forth like a screen or accordion to form pages. Sized with gesso to achieve a stiff,
gleaming, white surface, they were painted on both sides and preserved
between wood covers. Other manuscripts were made of
woven
paper, hide, or
large sheets of bark
cotton, on which the painters could extend their picto-
graphic messages into great diagrammatic compositions.
The painted histories were especially important to codices explained the present through cate
how
and how lished. c
the people
Almost
from
all
way,
to
occupy
the histories begin
their ancient
to the Valley of
the
came
their relations with the other
homeland
their
communities,
their territory,
from whence they came,
communities around them were estabthe mythic past, with the Aztecs' depar-
of Aztlan. They then track the long migration
this
in
the
momentous
founding
of
the
new
capital,
Tenochtitlan.
founding, the histories then detail the creation
unsion of the empire. They record the successive reigns of conquests, and natural affected the
for the
to the past. The histories indi-
Mexico and the great hardships the Aztec people suffered along
culminating
Beginning with
in
its links
community
phenomena !â&#x20AC;˘
i
rulers, their
(such as earthquakes and eclipses) that
Kually
composed as annals ordered year by
116 Xiuhmolpilli, i
,
ca.
1
500
1
Death
*
r
V
โ ขSSA
*:
% L I
40*fยง S *
-**
â&#x20AC;&#x201D;
year
long continuous
in a
these histories present the Aztec empire as an ongoing
line,
began with Aztlan and continues as long as time
entity that
As valuable as these histories were for the Aztec Aztec society as
human
whole were the
a
behavior by indicating
religious
how
itself
endures.
the most
rulers,
vital
books for
and divinatory books. These books guided
every being and every action was governed by time
and the prophetic forces attached to time. Time for the Aztecs was measured by two interlocking calendrical systems. The seasonal or solar calendar, called the xihuitl,
months
was
a
365-day
composed of eighteen
cycle
of twenty days each, followed by five extra days, which were useless and
unlucky. This calendar controlled the monthly feasts to the gods and paralleled the agricultural (literally,
cycles.
The more important calendar, however, was the tonalpohualli
the "count of the days"), the divinatory or
fates and actions.
It
was
a cycle
ritual
thirteen numerical coefficients. Each of the days
way, the day
Crocodile
1
was followed by
set
a
in
number from one through
repeated. Each day also had a In this
human
was assigned one of the twenty
symbols and the corresponding name, which followed
repeated.
calendar that shaped
of 260 days, composed of twenty day signs linked with
sequence and then
thirteen,
which likewise
2 Wind, 3 House, 4 Lizard,
and so on. Four of the day signs (Reed, coefficients also served as the
numbers created tury.
The
a
Flint,
names
House, and Rabbit) linked with their thirteen
of years. This meshing of four signs and thirteen
fifty-two-year cycle, called a xiuhpohualli, equivalent to our cen-
brilliance of
Mesoamerican calendrics
is
that the xihuitl and the tonalpohualli
cycled together every fifty-two years. Each day had both a place
and
day name
a
in
in
the solar calendar
the divinatory calendar, which repeated every fifty-two years, just
as the year count repeated every fifty-two years.
The divinatory calendar governed of
its
parts
directions,
all
human and
was associated with and influenced by and other
qualities.
cultural happenings, because each
gods, supernatural forces, cardinal
The divinatory codices, called tonalamatls
(literally,
"book of the days"), recorded these prognosticatory elements and showed
were attached to the different units of time. Multiple almanacs
in
how
the
they
the tonalamatls pic-
tured the gods and prophetic forces that were associated with the individual day signs,
with the day coefficients, with the periods of thirteen days, and with other internal cycles
in
the divinatory calendar.
was the goal of the calendar
It
priest or
daykeeper to
consult these different almanacs to discover the multiple influences affecting a particular
day or group of days. He or she would identify and interpret the distinct gods,
symbols, and elements painted alongside the day glyphs, would weigh and judge their relative merits,
and would seek
a
balanced reading of the
fate.
Every child had
its
fate
read shortly after birth, and every Aztec consulted the calendar priests at significant
moments throughout
his or her
life.
day, just as rulers timed battles to
Farmers planted corn according to the fates of the
correspond to the dictates of the tonalamatls.
Although most of the religious and divinatory books were destroyed as the Spanish Conquest, Aztec secular manuscripts (histories, maps, tribute like)
continued to be painted and valued for another eighty years,
until
a result of
lists,
and the
about 1600.
Manuscript painting endured because the Aztecs and Spaniards both recognized the painted books as containers of knowledge and authentic records of Aztec culture.
m
/A
*m
»'•'/?
''**&&
1'
;!/^
w& :t"
Ml
.«>
120. Altar with calendar dates
Aztec, ca.
1325-1521
i% i
feÂŤJE^.'
ti**^iB
Ir^ "
121. Xiuhmolpilli
Aztec, ca.
1500
f
M&l**
A
i
m
Aztec Society
Commoners
Nobles and Michael
I:
Smitli
AZTEC SOCIETY
WAS COMPOSED OF TWO UNEQUAL
commoners. Although nobles made up
many
less
AND THE
SOCIAL CLASSES, THE NOBLES
than 5 percent of the population,
they were
in
owned
the land and con-
trolled the
government. Despite the taxes they had to pay to
their rulers, nobles
were
charge of
aspects of society. They
than commoners. Commoners, on the other hand, had to
far wealthier
provide labor service to nobles, pay taxes to their city-state governments, and
obey the laws and rules set by the ruling that Aztec lives.
We
know, for example, that they had access to
either as items used in their
of their daily lives Distinctions
and
nobility. This
commoners were poor and downtrodden,
society.
A
Aztec
in
homes
does not mean, however,
anonymous
leading bleak,
many
fine artistic objects,
or as public art encountered
the course
in
cities.
between nobles and commoners influenced many aspects of
life
look at the varied lifestyles and social roles of both groups helps
us understand the ways art
was created and used
in
the Aztec empire.
The Network of Nobles
The power and wealth of the nobility rested upon labor. All the land in a city-state
their control of land
belonged ultimately to the tlatoani
and but
(ruler),
he granted estates to high lords called tetecuhtin (singular: tecuhtli) and to
important temples. These estates were passed on to the
maintained
in
often residing
myths,
descendants or
perpetuity by the temples. Below the rank of tecuhtli
Most
a regular noble (plural: pipiltin).
pilli,
lords'
in
or
around
rituals, calendrics,
his palace.
was
that of
served a tecuhtli or tlatoani,
pipiltin
Nobles received specialized training
in
and they learned
to
and other esoteric
disciplines,
read and use painted books (codices) that recorded rituals, dynastic history, and additional information.
The Aztec nobility comprised a hereditary social ited to the offspring of
from different
two noble
city-states. In
one
class;
membership was
parents. Nobles' spouses frequently
respect, this
was done
for
lim-
came
simple demographic
reasons: Most city-states were small, and their noble classes simply did not have
enough members
for
everyone to find an appropriate spouse. But the marriage
of nobles across city-state lines, particularly
form of diplomacy. Rulers wanted to an important goal
in
ally
to
royal families,
the atmosphere of competition and war
among the Aztec city-states. A basic form of marriage alliance was ful
between
was
also a
themselves with powerful neighbors,
that
state and a daughter of a more powerful
between
ruler.
that existed
a ruler of a less
Indeed,
power-
one can trace the
power of the Mexica dynasty of Tenochtitlan by noting
its
rise
patterns of mar-
riage alliances. Before the formation of the empire in 1428, the Mexica rulers i
to
advance by marrying the daughters of several powerful
cities,
including
Azcapotzalco and Cuauhnahuac. Once the Mexica ruled the empire, however,
.
ICUC
ttti
txiidtyacaMtith
mill
v y coaftli g
crvtipfyrtut
folic
pul
ixitfhyacavrttttf^
^itylun vciuirhivia ix.aiil TtayAj o
y4cpef\piy.f?<d
*yytoahl mat
.
x 1 *tUya&* miitt^
ixuikhl *n& *tch» in*
syfohepaL
vevyo
-xHtpefjatCfHi
r
__
\~urf[aoc<f}'m iicitt(rfy>n
txittU yaat
a
coccyaoaifil
>
itca/thma
ffTtf**y
ixiuUitlnja+.~J*ilit***a
v
y fipofjonyM. txv./r%o/i *
vi ulr-ynca
-y tvhcfxil
w;/^
million +c<?hil?im>(*-y*
IXtlliihlltM jovtrTiadox.
xitchujticnfih)'-
ikHI ir^cn
ixmti\a<4rmi4ii \><im?y-rn
Page from Fray Bernardino de Sahagun, Florentine Codex, also
known as
Historic
general de las cosas de Nueva Espana,
1
575-77.
1X111
+ ill
T/4
'Xftlit/n
fc&L
y
the rulers of subordinate city-states vied with one another to
marry
women
from the Mexica dynasty.
many A shrewd ruler
Nobles
practiced
and powerful lords had numerous
polygamy, and
rulers
wives.
could use strategic marriages to advance
his standing
and power. in
royal funerals,
documented
best
of these
at major state ceremonies. Rites of accession,
states to gather
from many different
for nobles
city-
and celebrate together. These events included elaborate feasting, public oratory, and the
rituals,
exchange of valuable
gifts
among
Such ceremonies took
nobles.
Marriage alliances, diplomatic events, and attendance at state
ceremonies
all
link
polit-
inten-
highlands, uniting local elites from
Tenochtitlan, other parts of the Valley of Mexico, and surround-
Once the
empire was formed by the
Triple Alliance
Mexica, Acolhua, and Tepaneca,
many
areas. Local rulers
empire bought their loyalty with perquisites.
When
gifts,
left in
Conquered
retain their seats; they
and other
rulers put these
its
were allowed to
rulers
were given precious
state
power, and the
privileges,
the empire expanded,
to work.
sionally attended
were
gifts;
and they occa-
ceremonies or engaged
in
marriage
was an important component of the
processes that integrated the Aztec nobility.
exchanged
Many
social
of the gifts
at state ceremonies were valuable items of jewelry
and clothing made from exotic lowland materials, such as tropical bird
feathers and greenstone. The elaborate clothing
to such events
was expensive and
exclusive.
extensive network of elite interaction
mon
interactions led to the production of a
stone sculptures Calixtlahuaca
One
was the
worn
result of this
creation of
com-
material styles throughout the diverse regions of the Aztec
and painted documents, the material culture of the Aztec
the Mexica style
in
the
in
same
in
number of
Tenochtitlan and transported to Calixtlahuaca
some 50
(a
kilometers), carved by local sculptors, or
carved locally by sculptors from the imperial capital. That
some
of the true masterpieces of Aztec art-such as a sculpture of
Malinalco-come from
Ehecatl or the Huehuetl of
areas
is
provincial
material proof of the importance of elite networks
structuring Aztec society and
in
art.
Palaces
While nearly
Aztec palaces conformed to
all
they varied greatly mirrored
in size
the variation
archy.
Although these
wealth
in
nobles. Provincial pipiltin
were
larger
hier-
their control, lived in palaces
much
and more luxurious than the houses of commoners, and
participated
palaces,
in
the exchanges and interactions of the Aztec
Archaeologists
networks.
which range
Artifacts from
nobles used
size
in
several
of
elite
their
from 350 to 550 square meters.
garbage deposits suggest that provincial
their
much
have excavated
same
the
kinds of domestic objects as
commoners, although these nobles had more decorated and imported ceramic serving vessels. Wealthier and more powerful than nobles of the tecuhtli rank,
the
rulers
of provincial
elaborate. The rulers of Calixtlahuaca lived
pilli
and
city-states controlled
numbers of subjects-both noble and commoner-and
network and a by-product of that integration. This
in
amounts
of tribute and taxes from those
were correspondingly larger and more
compounds on
palace
and Yautepec,
for
example,
the order of 5,000 to 6,000
square meters. These palaces were constructed with fine mason-
"jduced here their great importance to us today. I
bottom of the noble
urban commoners (such as merchants and luxury artisans), they
subjects. Their palaces
one example, are remarkable
layout,
were often poorer than some
rural lords
a force that contributed to the integration of the Aztec elite latter role of
common
and power among Aztec
at the
larger
material culture-as a signal of elite social processes-gives the
a
and elaboration. This differentiation
received far greater
to take
provincial cities. At
in human sacrifices at this we do not yet know if these
empire revealed impressive commonalities over large distances.
cities,
in
used
style
city exists as well. Unfortunately,
The nobles' use of objects conforming to shared styles was both
Aztec
style of
Mexica-style sculptures of deities have been excavated, and a
empire. From buildings and city planning to clothing, jewelry,
obj'
common
the Valley of Toluca, for example, a
in
had groups of farmers under
alliances with nobles of the Aztec heartland.
Material culture
political
regional nobles.
advantage of
rulers took
its
these patterns of noble solidarity and instituted a policy of indi-
same processes
Elite
were carved
transcended the
among
painted codices throughout the empire and the appearance of
distance of
in
borders of city-states. These processes operated most
rect rule in
than a century. They were thus not the products of coercion but rather of interaction
com-
empire by more
styles in fact predate the formation of the
Aztec society:
sively within the central
ing regions.
mon
the nobles of the diverse Aztec city-states into a
served an important function
single, tightly integrated social class that ical
the similarities of Aztec provincial buildings and city layouts to
stone altar
place out of public view.
They helped
rooms
plan, with
with a single entrance. Although writers sometimes attribute
temple dedications, and celebrations of military
were occasions
sacrificial
other kinds of activities that cut
One of the
across city-state borders.
victory
common
to a
on elevated platforms that surround an enclosed courtyard
the imposition of styles by the conquering empire, these
Nobles also engaged
was attendance
and nonroyal, conform
royal built
i
in-
ry
and had
amp
1
'
ilaster
on
floors
and
walls.
Around the
open courtyards were numerous rooms and
sistency of their building forms and stylesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; as well as of their
requisite
large,
principles of urban planning-across a large geographical area.
chambers
for the royal family, servants, wjrriors, administrators,
One
of the best examples
is
the palace.
All
known /
.ices,
and others. The palaces also featured
altars
and
shrines.
At the top of the hierarchy of nobles were the rulers of the imperial capital cities of Tenochtitlan and Tetzcoco (modern-day
was considerably
Texcoco). (Tlacopan, by comparison, erful
and wealthy than
its allied capitals.)
palaces have not been excavated, written
pow-
Although these
cities'
documents
give
some
and sumptuous nature of these
idea of the size, complexity, structures. The chronicler
less
Fernando de Alva
Ixtlilxochitl, a
dant of the rulers of Tetzcoco, compiled a number of
descen-
neighborhood within obligations toward
belong to a but
calpulli. Theoretically,
management
practice
in
members had
a city. Rural calpulli
nobles than their cousins nobles
of the land
who
lighter
not
did
owned the farmland, was left in the hands
of a calpulli's governing council. This council assigned plots of land and organized joint tasks. Urban
commoners
also varied in
the extent of their freedoms and economic well-being.
The larger Aztec
historical
were home to several categories of
cities
accounts a century after the Spanish Conquest. After examining
commoners who stood above
the ruined palace of his ancestors (now destroyed or buried
status.
under the modern city), he described it as a huge compound of some 800,000 square meters. Within an outer wall, the palace contained many buildings, gardens, temples, a ballcourt, a zoo,
belonged to exclusive guilds and traded expensive goods over
and
private entrepreneurs. Their trade expeditions, consisting
a marketplace. In addition to the living quarters for the
ruler
and
royal family, there
were servants' quarters;
room; chambers for judges and section for scientists and
throne
a
officials; a hall for warriors; a
musicians and another for poets,
and historians; archives; and storehouses
philosophers,
for
weapons, food, and other goods. One can only imagine how elaborate the palaces of the yet
more powerful Mexica
rulers
must have been.
Many used
in
of the works of art
precious stones were most
m
palaces,
in
objects
were
this exhibition probably
and the
like
also these.
Commoners'
Lives
was
nobility,
to serve
in
palaces.
had access to jewelry,
On
meals
ceremonies
in
the other hand,
and
vessels,
The Aztec nobility did not have
ritual
monopoly
a
and
wealth and power within the
commoners
so too did Aztec
lifestyles.
vary
wealth,
their
in
At the bottom of the hier-
archy were the tlacotin, or slaves. This was not a large social
was not
category, and slavery
as punishment for crimes or
times of famine or
slaves
order to save themselves during
Owners were responsible
crisis.
for slaves.
in
became
hereditary. People
for feeding
Most of them labored as domestic
vants; female slaves were particularly valued for their
macehual. This was
ser-
fit
a highly varied
known as
the category
in
group, but
its
distinctions
do
not correspond to clearly labeled subcategories. At the lower
end of the scale were
rural
peasants
dependent upon
a lord
who were
like
medieval
and without independent
access to agricultural land. Higher up within the macehual cat-
egory were the members of
common
who
show
human
carriers
of
and armed guards, could be
off wealth, the
pochteca usually returned from
when they
their
could secretly enter their houses
with high surrounding walls) and escape the notice of
nobles.
Many
of the objects illustrated here, from gold jewelry to
lived
occupation.
and sold
some
at
point by the pochteca.
The luxury craft worker was another special category of
commoner. The
of Aztec utilitarian
fields
goods were organized very tilla
and obsidian tools were produced by part-
griddles, baskets,
time specialists
products
the
in
working
in
near
A
ealpullis.
A
calpulli
was
a
group of
one another and often shared a
calpulli could be a rural village or a
and luxury
crafts
differently. Practical items like tor-
who worked out of their homes and sold their markets. Many of these crafters were farmers
their spare
time or during the dry season. Luxury
as stone sculptures, jewelry, and featherwork-on
the other hand, were produced by full-time specialists
who
Although they sold some of
their
worked
for noble patrons.
output
in
the
who
directly for their patrons,
selves or presented craft
them as
workers were highly
worked
in
the royal
most pieces
these artisans created
markets,
either used the products
gifts to other nobles.
skilled,
them-
The luxury
and many of them
palace, along
lived
and
with their families (who
and the luxury
assisted in the workshops). The pochteca
craft
workers were wealthier than other commoners, and they interacted with nobles on a more regular basis. Rural
commoners, that
is,
peasants, lived
in
houses of adobe
brick with stone foundations. In provincial areas
The majority of commoners
families
as agents of
months. Because commoners were not allowed
expeditions at night,
skills in
spinning and weaving.
serfs: heavily
Some pochteca found employment
for
goods-such
fine art.
a hierarchy of
status, independence,
and caring
on the road
and
nobles. The poly-
and pipes were played
flutes
on valuable objects and
Just as there
worn by
likely
may have been employed
vessels
that might have been conducted
commoners
wealth and
merchants who
buying and selling on consignment, but most worked as
teams of specialized
(built
their
in
professional
polychrome pottery to stone sculptures, were probably bought
nobles' palaces. The fine jewels of gold, obsidian,
chrome ceramic
long distances. rulers,
to
the rest
pochteca were
The
most of these
houses were small, one-room structures, which were arranged in
groups of several houses around
structure
was home
common
a
to a family group.
Sometimes
generation family shared a single house.
moners
lived in larger,
multiroom
sum
In
lines.
patio.
Each
a big, multi-
Tenochtitlan
com-
The different rooms
may have housed separate families, so that a single urban house may have contained numerous residents from several family units
In
the
provincial
houses were almost idem
city-states, u :al
in
however,
commoners'
those of rural peasants
In
com-
spite of their duties to lords
and
maeehual means
social control in Aztec society
and the prevalence of marketplace
the minds of Aztec nobles, the peasants and other
moners
existed to serve them. While the term
commoners
"subject,"
varied
in
their degrees of subjugation,
from the heavy burdens of slaves to the
relative
merchants. Most commoners, however, had
a
number of
tions to their lords, first and foremost of which
them with ily,
regular tribute
payments
in
was
in
obliga-
to provide
goods. Assessed by fam-
The indirect nature of
exchange gave commoners opportunities for economic and advancement outside the control of nobles.
most commoners
did not have to interact
they were free to
make
their
own
much
In
activity
daily
life,
with nobles, and
decisions on
many matters
without worries about interference from their betters.
form of
The Aztecs used several kinds of objects for money, most
the Aztec economy), food items, or specific goods pro-
commonly cacao beans for small purchases, and cotton textiles for larger items. Money was used to buy goods and services in
these payments consisted of cotton textiles
money
freedom of
rulers.
duced by the
families.
regular labor service.
Commoners also Men cultivated a
(a
provided their lords with lord's land;
women spun
and wove for him; both sexes worked as domestic servants.
Such duties
typically rotated
among
a lord's subjects, with
each
week
the marketplaces that sprang up each
days long)
five
located
in
in
most towns and
cities.
(the Aztec
week was
The largest market,
Tenochtitlan's twin city of Tlatelolco and open every
family contributing several weeks of work per year. These pay-
day of the week, overwhelmed the Spanish conquerors with
ments of goods and
size,
of nearly In
all
labor, called tequitl,
were basic obligations
commoners.
addition to tequitl,
complexity, and
60,000 buyers and
commoners were
called
upon
to serve
good
sellers
order.
attended this market every day.
organized and run by the pochteca merchants,
the ruler for various special activities. The Aztecs did not have a
a judicial court to settle disputes
standing army, and troops were conscripted for each campaign.
economic
When
a real problem.)'
a large project
was
to be carried out, such as the con-
commoners were
struction of a temple or canal system,
up
in
Although nobles were
in
charge of
Most managed
to
meet
to provide themselves with
their
some
many
own
level
of
aspects of society,
known
own
des-
economic comfort
as Historic general de las cosas de
Nueva Espana, 1575-77.
their
basic needs and even
Page from Fray Bernardino de Sahagun, Florentine Codex, also
For
tem
a labor draft for the task at hand.
most commoners had considerable control over tinies.
called
in
and
commoners, the key
wove cotton
to
production of
cloth
in
their
advancement textiles.
who
was
from
cacao beans were
via the
Aztec
It
maintained
to try cases arising
activities in the market. (Counterfeit
lay in the
its
Hernan Cortes wrote that
market sys-
women spun and
homes, work they interspersed with
other domestic tasks, such as food preparation and child care. Textile
production was an important part of the gender identity
of Aztec
women, both nobles and commoners. Commoner
r*
c "S
^
;
;C X-
/
<*^v
r
women
had
choice
little
producing
in
cotton cloth was the major tax item well as to the emperor.
If
produce more cloth than
exchanged
of a household could
tax obligation, the excess could be
its
the market for whatever goods were needed.
in
house excavated by archaeologists has
Virtually every Aztec
yielded
paid to the local rulerâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; as
women
the
however, since
textiles,
numerous ceramic
spindle whorls and small spinning
Note 1.
It
should be emphasized that although the Aztec economy was a commer-
cialized one, with
was not
prominent
a capitalist
roles for
money, marketplaces, and merchants,
economy. The major feature of capitalism
is
wage
it
labor. In
the Aztec economy, land and labor were not commodities; they could not be
bought and sold
like
cooking pots, dogs, or obsidian jewelry. Confusing capi-
talism with commercial institutions,
of the latter
in
some authors have denied
ancient economies. The Aztec system
was
the existence
similar to a
number
of other ancient commercial economies, including those of Mesopotamia,
bowls, evidence of cloth production at the household level.
Greece and Rome, and the Swahili of Africa. These can be contrasted with
Most goods used jewelry,
in
Aztec society, from stone tools to gold
were bought and sold
were amazed
the markets. The Spaniards
in
at the variety of items for sale in the Tlatelolco
market, and several commentators produced long
goods.
commoner wanted
a
If
lists
of these
obsidian earspools, there
law prohibiting him or her from buying a pair
was no
the market.
in
Such items were expensive, however, and vendors of exotic jewfound more customers among the nobility than among the
elry
commoners. Nevertheless, many sometimes
and commoners. houses,
many
I
finely
were
labeled "elite" items
in
made
objects that are
fact used by both nobles
have excavated numerous Aztec
commoner
of which have yielded complexly polychromed
ceramic serving vessels, tools and ornaments of bronze, musical
instruments
including
obsidian, rock crystal,
and
flutes
and jewelry of
whistles,
and greenstone. The palaces of nobles had
large quantities of these items, but such objects
commoners. Goods
basic domestic inventory of Aztec
were even excavated
at provincial villages, far
Nobles,
these
Commoners, and Aztec Art
social
ditions
in
and economic dynamics of Aztec society created conwhich few material objects were used exclusively by
nobles. While certain
goods
we know
of
a
few sumptuary laws-rules
made
greater use of things
stone sculptures.
class. Nevertheless,
noble patrons, and the nobility could in
much more comfortably
the market. The elaborately
polychromed ceramic serving ware of Cholollan,
for example,
served as the everyday dinnerware of nobles and as
the rarely used "fine china" of
One
the
objects were produced directly for
afford to purchase such items
likely
in
nobles clearly
gold jewelry, featherwork, and
like
Many such
limiting
goods were available
to the nobility-most
markets to buyers of any social
most
like
from the large
and central marketplaces.
cities
The
were part of the
some commoners.
of the remarkable characteristics of Aztec art
is its
wide-
spread distribution across the Aztec empire. Codices, sculptures, ritual items, jewelry,
empire, not just
in
and the
like
the capital and
were a
all
used throughout the
few large
and markets dispersed such goods, and the
cities.
Merchants
social interactions of
nobles disseminated shared tastes and styles. The combined actions of these two forces distributed the corpus of objects that
is
known today
as Aztec
art.
Page from Fray Bernardino de Sahagun, Florentine Codex, also
known
as Historic general de las cosas de
Nueva Espana, 1575-77.
ancient,
noncommercial economies
like
which lacked both money and markets.
those of the Inca and Egyptian cultures,
Everyday
Life
Tenoehtitlan
in
Michael E. Smith
EVERYWHERE TAKES PLACE
DAILY LIFE
people use to the houses they
IN
A WORLD OF MATERIAL OBJECTS. FROM THE TOOLS
human
the street, material objects frame Tenoehtitlan,
day
life
many
were the
down
to the things they see as they walk
live in
existence. For the inhabitants of
of the material objects that played prominent roles
every-
in
craftsmanship and high aesthetic values.
result of proficient
made
During the day-as people ate their tacos, burned incense to the gods,
purchases
in
the market, and carried out innumerable other basic activities of
daily life-they
we
came
across and interacted with numerous objects that today
classify as "art." Aztec art
daily
life.
cannot be understood without
This text looks at a
a consideration of
number of events from the everyday
lives
of
Tenochtitlan's inhabitants, with particular attention to the material objects that
people used, encountered, and talked about.
Regular mealtime. The utensils used to prepare and cook food
Aztec
in
kitchens-such as ceramic cooking pots and stone metates to grind maize-
were
for the
most part
plain, utilitarian objects rarely classified
today as
The ceramic vessels used to serve food, on the other hand, were more
"art."
finely
finished, often with colorful surfaces painted in geometric designs using a vari-
ety of organic and inorganic pigments. Complexly polychromed plates and
bowls were used
in
the houses of nobles and
houses are remarkable
commoners
alike.
Excavated Aztec
for the quantity of painted serving dishes
and
for the
variety of decorative styles encountered at a single structure. Each region of central
Mexico had
its
own
distinctive, painted serving ware,
and these vessels
were widely traded between regions. Many Aztec families-both nobles and
commoners-must have
eaten their dinner from imported, painted vessels.
Feasts. Special-purpose
meals punctuated the daily routines of Aztec fami-
Monthly calendrical ceremonies and
lies.
life-cycle celebrations,
such as wed-
dings and funerals, were occasions for larger groups to gather at the house of a host family. Feasts called for out-of-the-ordinary foods served vessels or containers.
Cups and goblets were used
to drink cacao
in
special
on
festive
occasions, and bright red pitchers were used to serve either cacao or pulque.
Polychrome serving vessels may have been used at feasts more commonly than at regular meals.
An enigmatic
vessel
form-an
oval, bilevel dish
on three
legs
with painted decoration-was perhaps part of a serving set for celebrations.
Domestic
rituals.
Inside Aztec
homes,
a series of religious offerings
made, mostly by women. Incense was offered to the gods censers similar to those used lacking the colorful
paim
in
temples.
in
Numerous fragments
was
long-handled
of such censers,
he temple examples but identical
in
form, have
been excavated from the domestic deposits at Aztec houses. These censers were basic household items, as were small lity.
used
in
i
Musical instruments, including
'ines used in rituals ot curing flutes, whistles,
Aztec homes, probably for fundamental
ritual
and
rattles,
events.
and
were also
Some
of the
;
â&#x20AC;¢
j
,
123. Funerary casket
Aztec, ca.
1500
implements of domestic items used
household
eral different types of
Many
the home.
in
â&#x20AC;&#x201D; particularly
the
long-handled eensers-duplieated
Others-most notably the small
clay figurines-were
domestic realm. This suggests that people participated
largely restricted to the
Work
ritual
public rituals.
in
rituals
wove
the markets.
produced
goods
in
in
into textiles that
it
Many other Aztec homes
utilitarian
women spun
Many
cotton
were used to pay taxes and to spend as money
in
goods-pottery, basketry, stone tools-were also
by part-time crafters. Family
the marketplace.
sev-
Aztec craft items were produced within homes. The most
widespread and important domestic craft was cloth production; thread and
in
with differing practices and meanings.
members would then
sell
worked out of their homes, which either were located within
these
who
luxury goods were produced by specialists
also
were sep-
royal palaces or
arate dwellings.
A
trip to
the market. Marketplaces were major
Along with foodstuffs,
cities.
all
components of
Aztec towns and
all
kinds of goods, from the fanciest and
most expensive
luxuries (featherwork
and greenstone jewelry) to the most mundane household imple-
ments, were for sale
in
but most
nobility,
works
did not have the funds to purchase luxury items very
most elaborate offerings from the Templo Mayor and
often. Except for the objects, the
the markets. Only a few goods were restricted by law to the
commoners in this
exhibition probably
few other
a
changed hands one or more times
Aztec marketplace. Marketing was not only an economic activity but also event, a time to
meet friends and associates and
gossip. People probably put
market day,
for
a
on
My
weekly occurrence.
and nobles, objects that were probably obtained
A
trip to
the
the palace.
the market.
ruler,
went
It
A
trip to
to see a judge,
in
commoners
the houses of both
at the markets.
the royal palace
was where people
their jewelry
excavations at Aztec sites have turned up
jewelry (of obsidian, rock crystal, and greenstone)
trip to
news and
to catch up on the latest
good clothes and perhaps even
their
at an
a social
was probably not
as enjoyable as a
paid their taxes, fulfilled their labor duties to
and took care of minor administrative matters. Palaces
were large complexes, and commoners there on everyday business were able to see neither the interior living quarters of the royal family nor their luxurious furnishings
and
art objects,
A
trip to
such as sculptures and featherwork.
the temple. Public ceremonies at the
numerous temples
were regular occurrences. Since few people had time to attend
all
of Tenochtitlan
the ceremonies, indi-
viduals probably selected events of particular personal significance.
In
the temple
precincts and on top of the pyramids, large stone sculptures, braziers burning with
perpetual flames, and flutes
a
variety of ritual implements, from long-handled censers to
and drums, could be seen by
However,
visitors.
many
material objects at Aztec
temples were not meant to be seen by casual visitors and supplicants.
Some
sculptures
monkey with an Ehecatl mask was buried next to a small circular temple (which can now be seen, restored, in the Pino Suarez metro station in MeAico City), and a life-size Ehecatl sculpture was buried next to a large round temple at Calixtlahuaca. Likewise, many of the elaborate objects excavated at the Templo Mayor were used in ceremonies for restricted audiences and of deities were buried as offerings; for example, a stone
then buried as offerings. Thus they were probably never viewed by anyone other than their creators
Daily
were
and
life in
a select
few
priests
and nobles.
Tenochtitlan took place
finely crafted
in a
access to most kinds of Aztec objects and in
their
homes were
of the objects
in this
realm of material objects,
many
of which
and aesthetically appealing. Commoners as well as nobles had
typically
on display
in
art;
exhibition were public art
and discussed by large numbers of people
items that people did not
public places or
in
in this
in
own
or have
temple compounds. Most
sense, and they were used, seen,
the course of their daily
lives.
(nihil ,
ca.
.
uhlh prndjnl
1500
i
i
^F
126. Jaguar pectoral
Mixtec.ca. 1200-1500
127. Xiuhtecuhtli
Aztec, ca. 1200-1521
f?C
m ~ i
*<\
V
128. Ear
ornaments
Aitec-Mixtec, ca. 1400-1500
.
3 L^
**»
w7 \ l*ii^*fci' -
«l
129. Ring with the figure
of a descending eagle Mixtec, ca.
1325-1521
W Mt
|
-L^
••new f
•
•*•»-•»
«
««>>*.'
-«•
130. Pendant with the
figure of Xiuhtecuhtli
Aztec, ca.
1500
131. Ring with serpents in filigree
Aztec,
900-1521
.
/
132. Xiuhtecuhtli
Mixtec, ca.
1500
pendant
vVÂťU
or,.*
sfri
133. String of snail-shaped beads
Aztec-Mixtec, ca. 1300-1521
V
134. Lip-plug in the shape of a
serpent with Aztec, ca.
its
tongue out
900-1521
VI
J
, I
vv
135. Ear
ornaments
Mixtec, ca. 1500
\.
p
"
*
I
,\*
136.
Pendant with the
head of a cox-cox bird Mixtec, ca. 1200-1521
Following pages:
137. Ahuitzotl plaque, detail
Aztec, ca.
1500
;>»
*t
•»
-wv
y*.. -»
'»u
--V-'
*-\»T '-•**-".' *
-*
—-»
**
-"->.
>
>
x i*jV
^
'-
"V-
^; #f /*
-^«
--^V-
-
"' » Oik •*-
ys r^»-
^
*"V
^T-
•
-.
-g
>S-'-
f?#
.,.-^.
«
-•-.*
e> 5wft
^p*'*
S*- *
£*2»&
vr-v
-.
:%-
'
*,
\l.
<
V
93
* -
^
;*
^
vsE -^.V »""'
£/"*•
"
*&
5Jt£
-
_ V
§*#&
/-<*£"
•^ "
fcfi
~J*
,w-
St •as?
&y*.
35^ L»
-
-
;
V
/ ^^>
vv
i^:^' <SS
'*?
t
r
*v
V>#v 4,
*
&*
JtfffiW
The Aztec Empire /in
hard /â&#x20AC;˘ Townsend
IN
DAWN
THE CLEAR
OF A NOVEMBER DAY
snowcapped volcanoes east of the
THE YEAR 1519, AS THE SUN ROSE OVER THE
IN
Valley of Mexico, illuminating the gleaming
and white pyramid-temples of Tenochtitlan, thousands of people
lake basin
dugout canoes were swarming the island
to line the long southern
At the center of the capital,
city.
nobles and warriors were assembling
in
in
in
into
the patio of the royal palace,
ceremonial finery:
their
all
causeway leading
brilliant
feathers, golden jewelry, obsidian earspools, jade labrets, cloaks with heraldic
designs, embroidered loincloths, and high-backed sandals. patio, a splendid litter lay waiting.
Motecuhzoma plaza
in
would soon appear,
II,
On the
floor of the
The huey tlatoani (great speaker or to be borne by nobles to the
ruler),
wide
city
front of the palace. Nearby, to the north, lay the walled ritual precinct
with the looming
bloodstained
tzompantli
tiers
Mayor and other
of the Templo
stairways,
the
ballcourt,
(skull rack), a tall rack
council
tall
houses,
temples with wide,
and
the
fearsome
of poles strung with the heads of thousands
of sacrificed victims. The royal procession would turn southward, advancing at a
through the
stately pace
respectful throngs toward
silent,
appointment, where the long causeway reached the imperial
A
the place of
city.
short distance to the south, by the town of Ixtapalapan, a different host
was assembling. A high
wail of fifes
and the beat of marching drums sounded
the signal, and the strangers stepped out onto the causeway toward the heart of the Aztec capital. Sunlight glistened on their polished steel armor, and horse-
men scouted files
the vanguard. Then
came
the waving banner of Spain, followed by
of pikemen, crossbowmen, harquebusiers, and artillerymen, and then the
party of Hernan Cortes and his captains. They
numbered
barely 500. The crowds
wondered and whispered, watching the outlandish procession. A disquieting rustle
and murmur swept through the throng when they saw a raised White
Heron standard leading some 3,000 Tlaxcalan Indian warriors-arch enemies of the Aztecs,
now
allies
The parties met litter,
of the strangers-forming the rear of the column.
at the place called Xoloco.
Motecuhzoma stepped from
wearing the gold and turquoise diadem of supreme
office.
his
Ceremonially
supported by nobles, he approached the dismounted Spaniards. Greetings were
exchanged
in
Nahuatl and Spanish, translated by Malintzin, the remarkable
high-born Indian lady Spanish. Cortes
was
who became
Cortes's consort
politely restrained
from giving
and was now learning Motecuhzoma a formal
embrace, for the Aztec tlatoani was considered semidivine by
his people; yet
he
reached out to bestow upon Motecuhzoma a necklace of fine Venetian glass
beads strung on gold filament and scented with musk. The parties turned to continue
in prot
nto the
i
ed to a servant,
city,
who brought two
and, during a pause,
Motecuhzoma ges-
necklaces of red shells and eight golden
shrimps a span long, which Motecuhzoma himself put on Cortes's neck. Hie â&#x20AC;˘qers were
invited
to
quarter their
army
in
the old
royal
palace of
WM
tk
Page from Fray Diego Duran, Codex Duron, also
known
as Historia de las Indies de
e Islas de Tierra Fume,
1
579-81.
Nueva Espana
<
Axayacatl, just east of the ritual enclosure Tenoehtitlan,
in
the middle of
where more formal discourses were made before
Spaniards and Aztecs were both gambling
their
employed unsuccessfully
mutually
the prospect of total success. From Motecuhzoma's outlook, the
hostile intentions with diplomatic overtones since first learning in
the preceding months. After the Spanish landed
at Veracruz, the reception of Aztec
tacular gifts and
ambassadors bearing spec-
Motecuhzoma's message discouraging
a visit
only encouraged Cortes to burn his ships and dare to lead his
toward the fabulous
tiny force
Then came
tlefield discipline drill
city far in the
his victory over a Tlaxcalan army,
combining
highland
bat-
and close-order
pikes proved superior against open formations of charging
warriors-foes the Aztecs had never vanquished. Cortes's diplomatic genius was subsequently displayed
making the
when he succeeded
in
fierce Tlaxcalteca his allies, creating a base for the
next stage of the journey. These events were duly reported by spies to
Motecuhzoma. The massacre
at
Cholollan
(modern
Cholula) followed: secretly directed by Aztec overlords, Cholollan chiefs planned to trap the Spaniards their city, assaulting
tactics of
the narrow streets of
them from rooftops and
open maneuver. The
less Cholollan leaders
in
were
plot
killed
was
nullifying their
discovered, and the hap-
without quarter
in their
own
among
rebellion
Cortes and
held the initiative. Yet
Motecuhzoma met it
at Xoloco, Cortes
still
cannot be imagined that Motecuhzoma,
a highly successful ruler
was
that
dissident tribute-paying
it
tried again,
with
might encourage
towns
in
the Aztec
empire. For Cortes, the conquest of Tenoehtitlan would yield for the crown of Hapsburg Spain an empire surpassing that of
ancient Rome.
The Conquest of Mexico has been vividly described by many, beginning with Cortes's Five Letters of Relation to the Emperor Charles
Bernal Diaz del Castillo's classic True History of the
V,
Discovery and Conquest of Mexico, and, from the Aztec point of by Fray Bernardino de Sahagun's Indian
view, the narration
informants
in
book twelve of the Florentine Codex. Such records
portray one of the most dramatic and moving events
The
initial
months
of residence
uprising
and
the
disastrous
their recovery in Tlaxcala;
Motecuhzoma; the Aztec of
retreat
Tlaxcaltecal as they barely escaped
allies joining
in history.
Tenoehtitlan; mounting ten-
in
sions and the capture and death of
the
Spaniards and
from Tenoehtitlan by night;
and the renewal of the campaign with
from many Indian communities seeking to over-
throw hated Aztec overlords-all
and
warrior,
was unduly frightened
or
starvation, smallpox,
to
led
Mediterranean
civilization taking
indigenous ways of
years
ence from Spain
was supposed in accounts written Motecuhzoma was pragmatically reluctant open field combat and had resolved to allow
later. In fact,
army
in
and other diseases
The colonial centuries began, with
superstitiously affected, as
sk his
might be
the final siege and
destruction of Tenoehtitlan by force and the devastations of
city plaza.
When
at Cholollan
real threat of Cortes's small force
interior.
when Spanish
cavalry, firearms,
the tens of thousands. Aztec tactics
in
meeting,
in this
and Motecuhzoma had been masking
of each other
rounded by some 250,000 to 300,000 people, among them warriors numbering
the formalities ended.
for Cortes
the alien force into Tenoehtitlan, where they would be sur-
in
life.
a
shape
in
August 1521.
new form in
of Hispanic
association with old
From the time of Mexican independ-.
1821 to the present, Mexico has sought to
develop a view of the past that acknowledges the heritage of
from the Codex Boturim, also known Tira
de
la peregrination, ca.
1
520-40.
<r.
its
tin
many
among whom
peoples,
the Aztecs have special signifi-
cance. Archaeological excavations
in
downtown Mexico
City
and
around the Valley of Mexico continue to reveal foundations of Aztec buildings, sculptures, ing sites,
and areas of
artifacts, residential
and manufactur-
These remains are interpreted
cultivation.
contexts and detailed sixteenth-century
using archaeological
In
was
the early thirteenth century, the future site of Tenochtitlan a
unclaimed
of
cluster
and
islands
reedbeds
the
brackish
Lake
in
Tetzcoco, inhabited by the teeming waterfowl and aquatic
life
of
wetland environment. The southern lake basin,
where marshes were fed by freshwater
had been
aquifers,
prosperous zone of settlement long before the
a
millennium
first
records written by Spanish and Indian scholars, as well as infor-
B.C.
mation from other, pre-Aztec societies of Mesoamerican
had been densely populated since the flourishing of Teotihuacan,
lization
fall
whose remains extend
beyond 2000
well
civi-
centuries
was
course for
readily
matched by that of
their extraordinary rise,
from
the thirteenth century to their position by
in
the time of Cortes's arrival as rulers of an empire covering vast
by the empire of the Incas religion,
with
its
in
domain surpassed
Peru.
The
sacrificial
only
aspects of their
seeming indifference to human
and repelled the Spaniards.
in size
But, as historical texts
life,
appalled
and modern
archaeology continue to show, beyond the ritualized violence there are a
more
easily
apprehended achievements: the formation
highly specialized and stratified society and an imperial
administration; the extension of far-reaching trade networks
and tribute systems; the development of agricultural
economy
a
highly productive
carefully adjusted to the land;
and the
adaptation of an ancient, inherited Mesoamerican worldview
in
intimate contact with the earth, the sky, and the changing seasons. a
An annual round of
agricultural
and state
rituals
provided
powerful means for maintaining social and cultural cohesion,
and the
brilliant
imagery of Aztec
visual expression to an their imperial society
art
and architecture gave
awareness of the interdependence of
and the larger cosmology of nature.
Page from the Tovar Codex,
1
583-87.
a.d.
first
and
its
The
saw
later
urbanism, yet no single city had dominated the
monuments
disintegration into smaller townships. rise
of Toltec Tula between the tenth and twelfth centuries
the creation of a
new
some 70 kilometers to the monuments at Tula speak of
military state
north of the valley. Harsh sculptural a
and seventh
The prestige and model of Teotihuacan set the
basin since the destruction of Teotihuacan's central
regions of central and southern Mexico. Fearless warriors and practical builders, they created a
well-watered northeastern part of the valley
the grandest city of Mesoamerica, between the
B.C.
These diverse sources reveal that the drama of the Aztecs'
an immigrant tribe
of
Similarly, the
warrior aristocracy seeking wealth and power through the con-
quest of tribute-paying domains. Their empire
life
among
stantially
may have
included
rhythm of communal
parts of the Valley of Mexico, but the slow
the small lakeshore towns appears not to have sub-
changed.
Yet, as
had periodically occurred
in
the past,
the valley continued attracting immigrant populations. The violent downfall of Toltec Tula tribal
produced refugees and
set in
motion
peoples moving south from desert regions. The histories of
incoming groups preserved
in
traditions recorded by Indian reflect
idealized,
"official"
pictorial
manuscripts and
oral
and Spanish historians tended
migration
legends,
with
to
formulaic
episodes, legendary happenings, and mythic occurrences inter-
woven with events able locations.
that
may
actually have
Such conventions portrayed
happened tribal
in identifi-
protagonists as
legitimate heirs to a prestigious, hallowed ancestral past.
/
cxrzm
*=Âť
/..
fl
V
.'
Page from the Matriculadc
Tributes, early 16th century.
Among
these groups migrating to the valley, four were to
play especially important roles
The
first
in
the
rise
of the Aztec empire.
group was the Tepaneca, who probably arrived during
the twelfth century, settling
among
older communities around
Tlacopan and Azcapotzalco on the west side of the basin. The
second group, the Chichimeca,
times settling for years, raising crops of maize, beans, squash,
amaranth,
status given by the spirit of Huitzilopochtli through priestly
mediums. The migration entered the realm of history when the
northwestern
filtered into the
and tomatoes. But they always moved
chia, chilies,
on, curiously propelled by prophecies of their future "imperial"
arrived
dynastic seat at Tetzcoco on the less-inhabited eastern side.
at
Tetzcoco was destined to become the second most important
uncouth and dangerous squatters and were soon violently
and
city in the basin
a
ing the Aztec empire.
major partner, with Tenochtitlan,
The
tled the volcanic peninsula dividing the
more properly
the Aztecs,
Today the term Aztec of the valley is
different
last to arrive
generically applied to
with
ethnicities, itself.
episodes
the
it
origins to
some communities antedating is a com-
The Mexica -Aztec migration legend
and
posite of stories assembled long after they arrived
not
are
sequential,
settled;
expressed
are
facts
in
Chapultepec,
persed
the
Mexica-Aztecs were seen
primitive
nearby Tepanec chieftains of Tlacopan
by the
as dis-
and
Azcapotzalco. The tribe begged protection from the Acolhua lords of Culhuacan,
who
granted them land
in
old lava flows by
the brackish shore of Lake Tetzcoco. Courageously, the outcasts
adapted to the inhospitable environment and began serving as the peoples
all
episode of Mesoamerican history, but
in this last
Teotihuacan
were
called the Mexica-Aztecs.
is
remember that the many towns traced
well to
build-
southern and central
was Culhuacan. The
basin; their principal city
in
group was the Acolhua, who set-
third
tribe
the Valley of Mexico around 1300. Settling by springs
valley during the thirteenth century, eventually establishing a
in
warriors
petty wars between Culhuacan and
in
Soon they were trading
frogs, fowl,
fish,
its
neighbors.
and produce
the
in
marketplace and began to intermarry, but the Culhuacan chieftains perceived a future threat
and the Mexica-Aztecs were
again violently forced to
time to the unclaimed marshy
flee, this
islands offshore. The circumstances
were humiliating, and
in
legend was proclaimed to explain the foundation
later years a
was
metaphoric terms, and there are magical and fabulous events
of Tenochtitlan as the fulfillment of a sacred vision:
that cannot be explained historically. The story says that the
that long before, Huitzilopochtli had prophesied that an eagle
Aztecs originally lived on an island
in
a lake far to
the north.
perched on
wandering
second group, known as the Mexica,
to have witnessed this hallowed sign
Huitzilopochtli. tion legend
is
The most
vivid
by the chieftain
event associated with the migra-
the magical birth of Huitzilopochtli at Coatepetl
(Serpent Mountain),
in a
remote, mythical time.
It is
said that an
summit of the mountain was
earth temple at the
aged
priestess, Coatlicue, a
dess.
She
kept by an
metaphoric name for the earth god-
woman, named the
described as the mother of a powerful
is
Coyolxauhqui, and
a
host of warriors, collectively
should
tribe
A branch
beds.
said
nopal cactus would signal the place where the
a
After departing from this island, they were soon joined by a led
it
settle;
sure enough, the leaders were said
amid the desolate reed-
of the tribe established themselves on another
island,
nearby to the north, where the future town of Tlatelolco
would
flourish before
forcible incorporation into the larger
its
urban zone of Tenochtitlan during the fifteenth century.
From the outset, the refugees made the best of
women lake
established a marketplace, while the
it.
men gleaned
and continued to serve as occasional warriors
The the
for locally
Centzon (Four Hundred) Huitznaua. Coatlicue was sweeping the
quarreling warlords. By the end of the fourteenth century, the
when she was impregnated by a ball of feathers from the sky. This was the supernatural conception of
ascendant
shrine one day
Huitzilopochtli.
Coyolxauhqui,
and
kill
their
Her
pregnancy
who summoned
threatened
the
outraged
the Huitznaua to assault the
dishonored mother. However, one of the Huitznaua
ran to whisper of the
impending attack to Huitzilopochtli
mother's womb. As the Huitzilopochtli
enemy
force
was suddenly born
Wielding a xiuhcoatl
(fire
as
reached
an
in his
the summit,
invincible
warrior.
serpent, or ray of the sun), he dis-
patched Coyolxauhqui, whose dismembered body rolled to the base of the mountain. The Huitznaua his
hill
down
were scattered with
spearthrower and darts. Eventually, this story became the
Mexica-Aztec hero myth and would find powerful symbolic expression
in
the
fierce
imagery of the Templo Mayor
in
Tenochtitlan.
The Mexica-Aztecs wandered across the sere tablelands of north Central Mexico, hunting and gathering yet also some-
Mexica-Aztecs were fatefully bound as tribute payers to the Azcapotzalco. There, the tlatoani Tezozomoc,
city of
a ruler of ruthless genius,
region since the
fall
was
building the first empire in the
of Toltec Tula, using flattery, bribery, assas-
and treachery, combined with acute military strategy,
sination,
to break the balance of
towns of the nities as a
valley.
power among the contentious small
Requiring warriors from defeated
commu-
form of tribute payment, he also motivated them by
offering part of the spoils of conquest. The Mexica-Aztecs participated
in
Tezozomoc's campaigns and learned new
intimidation, statecraft, ticeship
ended
in
and
levels of
military organization. Their appren-
1426 when Tezozomoc died; the
ruler Itzcoatl
of Tenochtitlan, prince Netzahualcoyotl of Tetzcoco, and the dissident Tepanec
ruler
Tlaluacpan of Tlacopan successfully
rebelled, laid claim to the empire,
and
in
1428
set out to extend
their conquests. First
they secured the agricultural southern lake district and
Following pages: after 1521.
Map
of Siguenza. from the Codex Ramirez,
\
;
•«*•• «
•
r
\
A
I
'
-
1
<
^ r< i
*
J -
ft
i
\
*
I
f»-
• ••»
.f-
V
;
I
*
,
.
MMua -•<;
S »
*"
I
/
• i
1
* '
9
l
"T ./.N
-
•»&•*
,
Au
r
*>
'
ift i.
* .••• • ••••
^
*
liar'
;.
.
*»:
L
A.
£
I.
t
'
•*
>•
i
s ft
•
«~«
••
L
I.• <>••
•
t
4JB N
** ~*f»»
.»
fel
1*
Wfc*
initiated the
long-term conversion of marshland into a zone of
chinampas (from
intensively productive raised-field
fence of cane). These plots of digging a grid of canals
first
chinamitl,
farmland were made by
fertile
the shallow marsh, then fencing
in
the resulting rectangles with cane walls and stakes. The enclo-
sures were
filled
ing platforms
above water
gave the
vegetal matter, creat-
the adjacent canals, the raised
in
The attendance of
lesser
was
and pre-
also required, as this tended to consolidate control
vent thoughts of insurrection and rebellion. Lesser lords were further obliged to pay
and to
homage
to their ruler
them with men and supplies
assist
in
on state occasions war.
the time of turmoil and rapid change between the late
In
1420s and 1460s, as Aztec society grew increasingly diverse with residents from different ethnic groups bringing regional
gardens.
illusion of floating
relations.
lords or their children in the courts of their respective capitals
Each plot measured some 100
level.
by 10 meters. From canoes fields
mud and
with layers of
through networks of blood
Spheres of influence and rights of conquest were established by the allied leaders for their respective cities.
Schedules
customs and
Netzahualcoyotl
mores,
1431-72) devised standardized
of Tetzcoco
laws governing
(reigned
the
diverse
payments from subjected communities were
groups. These laws favored the rule of the state, establishing
affirmed, Tenochtitlan and Tetzcoco each receiving 40 percent
order by defining behavior and responsibilities through punish-
tribute
for
of the spoils
and Tlacopan, the junior member, receiving the
ments
to be
meted out with
Rules prescribed
strict impartiality.
remaining 20 percent. The aims of conquest were unlike those
exclusive and
of Old World empires,
and were mechanically applied with no regard
in
that the Aztecs did not primarily seek
permanently garrison troops
to incorporate territory or to
conquered lands; if
aim was to obtain tribute by intimidation
their
possible or by force
in
and punitive retribution
conquest campaigns began extending
far
necessary. The
if
beyond the Valley of
Mexico, south into the Valley of Cuernavaca, east and northeast
and southwest over the mountains
to the tropical Gulf Coast,
concrete solutions for specific types of disputes
circumstances. Yet
judged
in
it
was apparent
so strictly a legalist manner;
it
was necessary
certain traditional tribal aspects of justice,
widely
to
notions
held
new codes
Nevertheless, the
handed out
reasonable
of
to keep
which held no
prescriptions for crime and punishment but
according
for mitigating
that not everything could be
rigid
justice
behavior.
controlled judges, curbed corrup-
deep into Oaxaca. A pattern was established, to be followed by
tion
successive warrior-rulers throughout the fifteenth century and
the courts while limiting the influence of dissident lords. The
into the reign of
Motecuhzoma
II
(reigned
1
502-20). By the late
1430s and into the 1440s, wealth poured into the
on
a regular basis, enabling the rulers
riors to build
allied capitals
and high-ranking war-
impressive establishments with elaborate courts
through the use of labor and materials from
their tributary vas-
and other abuses of power, and increased the efficiency of
legal
system thus contributed to the breakdown of old
society
and
built greater
tralized state authority.
this period,
(reigned
from
tribal
regimentation and submission to cen-
On many levels, the great rulers during and Motecuhzoma of Tenochtitlan
Itzcoatl
I
1427-40 and 1440-69,
respectively) to Netzahualcoyotl
round of agricultural and state cere-
of Tetzcoco and the lesser lords of Tlacopan, were taking control
monies, which began to be held with increasing ostentation,
of the resources of a vast landscape, distributing goods within
public display, and
their hierarchy,
and providing
sals,
for the
ceremonial gift giving.
Already, the old society, with
its
communal
traditional
elders participated
in
was changing as new, emerging. As the
conquered directly
stratified
commanded income from power
lands, they also acquired the
for
the
from
whose
socioeconomic classes began
to influence or
decisions and set policy goals, diminishing
the governing role of the calpullis.
d,
(clans)
an egalitarian form of decision making,
rising military class
make major
ted,
structure of Mexica -Aztec
tribal
system of calpullis
rulers
derived
their erstwhile
A form their
of aristocracy already
legitimacy
antagonists
in
by
having
Culhuacan, that
the prince Acamapichtli (of mixed Mexica and Culhua descent) serve as their tlatoani
in
1375. The royal family of Culhuacan
their personal
The immense, thriving market of Tenochtitlan was located Tlatelolco, the
larger
city
town
forcibly incorporated as a district
during the reign of Axayactl (reigned
had long attracted
local
in
producer-vendors due to the easy
md
o' â&#x20AC;˘'
ip
tl
sphere.
those
commanders thus became bond-
with lead
lies
ibling
them
of principal to
maim.
I
also
the valley by lines of porters led by the long-distance traders called pochteca.
Pochteca acted as agents
as independent traders, dealing
and turquoise, exotic
furs,
in tropical
ignated wards
under
their
in Tlatelolco.
own
was
for
inherited
lived in
des-
Pochteca administered the market A/tec capitals to
where warehouses were
route led to the Gulf Coast and
and
and
making the beverage and they
legal system, hails linked the
distant ports of trade
of Guatemala,
for the nobility
feathers, greenstones
copper and obsidian, cotton gar-
chocolate. Their occupation
means
was
luxury merchandise brought far from the confines of
Concentration of power was also accomplished by the Tlacopan by
in
the
1469-81).
transportation of goods over the lake by canoe. There trade
in
most famous market
Vividly described in Spanish accounts, this
ments, and cacao beans and vanilla
I
power and that of
their nations.
'ned descent from an old Toltec lineage.
ndant rulers of Ten-
ed
and extending
its rivers,
kept.
One major
into the Peten region
to the Caribbean coast of Honduras.
|li
l, ill
ill
tin
Another
Mum
ill
li/nc.
^ tm
^
\
mm
route
down
led
and
Oaxaca
to
across
Isthmus
the
of
Tehuantepec, to Xoeonochco on the Pacific shore of Guatemala. Traders
probably also
reached
Queretaro, Zacatecas, and
turquoise
sources
in
pochteca were not
north
to mining
districts
Durango, perhaps even as
Cerrillos,
a rising
New
Mexico.
far
However,
forces of nature
assumed profound
functions of rulers and their priests were
the
critical in
through
sacrificial
rites,
the regularity of the seasons, the pro-
improve economically but could not
states
higher social posifor social,
and economic advance.
The land and
quest were not the only determining factors shaping Aztec society.
The force of an ancient worldview and
â&#x20AC;˘ssion also
its
powerful
maintained Aztec cultural, economic, and social
cohesion. Since remote times, the rhythm of Mesoamerican
had been embedded annual cycle of
rain
farming people as
it
in
the land and the changing seasons. The
and drought determined the
nee,
essential to regulating ent.
activities of
had for the hunter-gatherers long before.
Obtaining food went hand
and regular
life
in
hand with
a sense of pei
and calendrical observations were
human par
in
in
the natural envi-
The interaction of the community with the deified
and animals, and the
well-being of their communities throughout the year. In
Tenochtitlan, Tetzcoco, Tlacopan, and elsewhere, artists,
and choreographers of
architects,
of designing a
ritual
these ancient cosmological themes
and
their
were assigned the task
new, distinctive visual vocabulary to express in
terms of the Aztec
city-
was correspondingly
Tenochtitlan
interests.
planned as a cosmic diagram, with four avenues leading to the cardinal directions, the east-west line
resources and income from trade and con-
its
maintaining
these relationships, for they were traditionally obliged to ensure,
ductivity of the land, the fertility of crops
remained the principal avenue
and
as
commoners below the nobility. The Aztec market system linked many sectors and regions within a highly commercialized economy, yet it was not wholly a capitalist system: there was no wage labor, land was rarely bought and sold, and investment by nobility or wealthy commoners was limited to pochteca expeditions. Commoners and merchants could
political,
ritually
cities
through selected features of the surrounding landscape. Religious
zation of high-ranking
tions; the military
in
in
middle class but a guildlike organi-
rise to
was
significance and
affirmed through festivals held at sacred places
assuming
special impor-
tance as a reflection of the daily passage of the sun. The great ritual precinct in
defined the middle, with the Templo Mayor rising
four great tiers as an axis
and the underworld region.
mundi between the sky, the earth, the reign of Motecuhzoma
In
pyramid was notably enlarged, following adding a new outer
layer.
I
re of
tl
The pyramid was a dual structure with
the symbolic configuration of twin sacred mountains. The (north) half stood as the
left
"mountain of sustenance," supporting
the temple of the rain god Tlaloc, representing the seasonal for-
mation of right
half
rain clouds
on the mountains rimming the
represented
Huitzilopochtli's
mythical
valley.
The
mountain
Coatepetl and supported the temple of the deified hero.
Two
wide stairways on the west facade ples
led to
the side-by-side tem-
on the upper platform of the pyramid. At the foot of the
stairway on the Huitzilopoehtli side, bered Coyolxauhqui
walk by this fearful
was
monument on
sacrificed. Their blood
power of the looming,
sculpture of the
dismem-
prisoners were obliged to
their
was intended fetishlike
a
War
placed.
way up the
to fertilize
stairs to be
and increase the
pyramid mountain. During one
of the later renovations of the pyramid (date unknown), a colos-
head of Coyolxauhqui carved
sal
the
in
theme of Coatepetl was very
green diorite was added. Yet
old
in
Mesoamerica and was
certainly adapted into the Aztec symbolic vocabulary as
the ways
in
which they signaled
power and prestige of the
their position as heirs to the
commemo-
monuments. The Stone of Tizoc and Ahuitzotl portrays the
deceased Tizoc (reigned 1481-86) on the
left,
confronting his
in
cial
temple
within
Tenochtitlan. Yet
all
life,
pierces his ear, the blood flowing into the
open mouth of the
date 8 Reed (1486), of
when
Ahuitzotl
assumed
office.
power was thus consecrated and confirmed by
ing the earth,
and the earth
itself
The passage
ritually feed-
was simultaneously claimed
as
As the
allied capitals
sans, traders,
grew cosmopolitan with incoming
arti-
diplomatic delegations, and others from client
Views of Malinalco.
fire;
of
wind, and groundwater;
rain,
was the
Some
of their cult names,
in
deified sun, a primary source
The earthly
representative
of the
sun
was
fire,
Huehueteotl, whose annual midnight renewal was celebrated by being
fire
kindled
on
the
Huixachtecatl before being brought
summit of the
down
ners to relight the temples and hearths basin. Tlaloc
was the
cities
summon
tall
festival, in late
made
Tlaloc,
effigy of Tlaloc, enthroning sacrifices
and spread out
clouds
rain
highland mountains.
May
or early June,
was
a pilgrimage to the
remote shrine
where they ceremonially dressed an him as
a
sacred tlatoani, and
made
a great feast offering of food. This rite
was immediately followed by Lake Tetzcoco. Ehecatl
the towns of the
the rainy season: four rulers from the
of the valley
on the top of Mount
in all
named because
summit of the
most important
designed to
main
deity of rain, so
called
hill
by torch-bearing run-
that of Chalchiuhtlicue, the god-
dess of groundwater, at a shrine marked out
the Aztec empire.
spe-
precinct
often depicted as a solar disk with rays to the cardinal
directions.
Tlaloc's
earth between the rulers. The large cartouche below has the
in a
these deities reflected the worship of the
Nahuatl, follow. Tonatiuh
of
ceremonial
principal
earth and the fertility of plants.
They stand on
Twin
the
forces of nature: sun and
take form upon the
a strip representing the face of the earth.
custom of housing
sacred effigies and the ritual bundles of subject nations
successor-brother Ahuitzotl (reigned 1486-1502) on the right.
incense burners rest on the ground before them. Each tlatoani
peoples also arrived and found
the program of annual festivals. The protean vari-
ety of these diverse cults reflected the Aztec
new
past.
Cosmic themes were also expressed by imperial rative
one of
many
nations, the deities of
expression
was the wind
in
the middle of
that sweeps
gusts and claps of thunder, bringing curtains of
down rain.
In
with
one
M .
'
'
was represented wearing the
guise, he
of an aquatic bird,
bill
name
suggesting the swift flight of wind-borne water; another
was
associated with these forces
Quetzalcoatl, alluding to the
symbol of royalty and
long, iridescent-green quetzal feather, a
name
was
Quetzalcoatl
or legendary heroes
of
a giver
tually claims
all
life,
the source of
was
Coatlicue
fertility,
that grows or walks on
its
effigies of Coatlicue often display skulls or feet. Tlaltecuhtli
was another
was Tonantzin. Among the xilotl,
war as
well
Aztecs
summer
woman
and
times,
also even-
In
tivals
was
September rainy season
of a cycle of
life,
was
She
essential.
holding the
many
tender
first
other deities
performers at
ritually attired
in
city.
principally keyed to the
for planting, cultivating,
June through
and harvest,
and war. The year was thus seen
were also linked to the annual which
rulers
were
Coronation
lar.
in
terms
death, and renewal. As a matter of course, rites
of passage marking transitions
in
individual
cycle. In
initiated into office
rites
and
collective
Aztec society, the
life
rites
by
were the most spectacu-
encompassed vast
resources,
mobilized
hundreds of thousands of people, and unfolded over several
months of elaborate pageantry with solemn ceremonies, and the giving of
withdrew on the
royal
a
gifts.
From the
outset,
when
feasts,
the ruler-elect
ceremonial retreat, to his public investment with to
regalia,
the coronation
war,
the bestowing
of
emblems of office, and the victory sacrifices of prisoners, the new warrior-king followed the mythic model of the archetype hero
Huitzilopochtli
slaying
doubt, the vast apparatus of
formance created determining role
and
enemies on Coatepetl. Without art,
architecture,
and
ritual
at the imperial capitals played a central in
per-
and
maintaining the cohesion of Aztec society
state.
When
the Mexica-Aztecs and their neighbors migrated into the
Valley of Mexico, they were determined to win a place for selves in that
fertile,
luminous
setting.
Many
them-
factors contributed
to the subsequent rise of their empire: the role of imaginative
and forceful
rulers; the
for ritual
reciprocity
in
which
toward the
a
way
never
of
life.
But for
outgrew
really
all
these integrating features, the
their
predatory instincts. They
enriched themselves principally by capturing wealth with the
menace
of violent retribution. Within the expansive
empire building, there existed
a great
dynamic of
and constant mass of
dis-
war but not those of government. So on that November day
and to the lengthy dry season that followed, which was the time for long-distance trade
answered the need
clawed hands and
the cities of the Valley of Mexico, the annual cycle of fesof these deities
manner of Tula and Teotihuacan centuries
affection and antagonism. The Aztecs had mastered the arts of
Aztec sculptors fashioned as permanent effigies of the gods the temples and shrines of the
the
surface; hence the
these attired impersonators that the
is
it
doll)
season. These and
were impersonated by masked and festival
it
deities of vegetation, Xilonen (from
tender ear of maize, and nenen,
green corn of the
but
the deified earth, as
ritual title for
took the form of an adolescent
in
an obedient and fanatical population inured to bloodshed and
deity by virtue of their closeness to the earth's surface. The earth
not only
sacrifice
in
represented. Serpents, spiders, and centipedes were signs of this
is
Tolteca
sun, water, earth, and food sources, while also serving to create
among which
titles,
new
before; and the unifying force of their cosmovision,
of ruler-
title
ancient Mexico. The earth, conceived
in
many
female terms, had
A
far-reaching system of trade; the idea of making themselves
the
also associated with historical
the sweeping, flowing force of wind and water. ship, the
a
extension of tribute networks through
force of arms; the creation of a firm agricultural
base; the
proclamation of laws favoring the centralized rule of the state;
1519,
when
meet Motecuhzoma
the causeway to Tenochtitlan,
and
in
many their
upheaval was set 1521 was as
lost in
II
at
the entrance of
subject or threatened people felt a tremor;
the events that followed, they
and reclaim
in
the Spanish and allied Tlaxcalan warriors crossed
pride,
saw the chance
property,
to arise
and power. A seismic
motion. The collapse of the Aztec empire
much an
Indian revolt as
it
was
a
in
Spanish conquest.
The Provinces I of the Aztec Empire /nun
WAS
THE AZTEC EMPIRE
es I
Berdan
THE LAST OF THE GREAT MESOAMERICAN EXPANSIONIST POLITIES,
dominating Central Mexico from 1430
conquest by the Spaniards
until its
in
1521. Fundamentally, the empire reflected older Mesoamerican political patterns.
was
It
built
were
capitals
on widespread city-state organizations. The three imperial
were likewise city-states of varying
Mesoamerica throughout volatile, political
matic
rise
and
and the bodies they conquered
at the center of city-states,
all
and military
fall
its
sizes
history
relations.
It
and power.
was characterized by dynamic, even was
a region that experienced the dra-
of city-states and of empires. The fluidity of the political
sit-
uation cannot be overemphasized. City-states fighting each other to the death
one year might have been
relatively
amicable
experienced unpromising beginnings could cal entity. This
Aztecs,
A
the next.
develop into
who began
a
city-state that
powerful
politi-
as poor mercenaries
in
comparatively young city-state yet emerged as military head of the
a small,
largest
was the case with the
allies
still
empire
in
Mexica, as these
The capital
city of the
people called themselves, was the huge and
impressive
Mesoamerica's pre-Hispanic
Tenochtitlan, which had as
many
history.
as 250,000 inhabitants
1519,
in
when
the
Spaniards arrived.
The Valley of Mexico was the setting In
for the
emergence of
the early fifteenth century the valley's strongest polity
this great empire.
was Azcapotzalco,
the west of Lake Tetzcoco. The death of that city-state's ruler
subsequent bickering between
his
to
1428 and the
in
power-hungry sons offered the Mexica of
Tenochtitlan an irresistible opportunity. They joined with their neighbors, the
Acolhua of Tetzcoco, and conquered the divided Azcapotzalco. By adding the Tepaneca of Tlacopan as
Now
widely
known
allies,
they established the powerful Triple Alliance.
as the Aztec empire, this Triple Alliance began almost
immediately to overwhelm
its
neighbors
already making aggressive military
When
the Spaniards arrived,
the
in
the Valley of Mexico. By 1450
moves against alliance
city-states
controlled
beyond the
thirty-eight
was
it
basin.
tributary
provinces and had established asymmetrical, clientlike relations with city-states in
another twenty-three provincial regions. The client states were located
some distance from
at
the imperial core and effectively served to insulate the trib-
utary provinces, which were closer to Tenochtitlan and
its allies.
To further their wars of conquest, the Aztecs offered valuable economic and social rewards, tle
such as elaborately decorated capes and specially designed bat-
costumes, to inspire their warriors
unclear
if
is
opposition forces were motivated by similar reward arrangements.)
In
addition, they
n e
ferocious hand-to-hand combat,
(h
I
in
were usually capable of amassing
nple Alliance
larger armies than their ene-
norated warriors from already conquered
â&#x20AC;˘
tai
with
procession of warriors ca
l
200- 1521
TRIBUTARY PROVINCES OF THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE
-
1
..
TRIBUTARY REGIONS
TRIPLE ALLIANCE
The North
I.
Oxitipa,
1.
{Codex Mendoza,
Luis Potosi
3.
Tuchpan, Veracruz
4.
Atlan, Puebla (folio 31)
folio 57)
(folio 30)
5.
Atotonilco, Hidalgo (folio 10)
6.
Tlapacoyan, Puebla
7.
Acolman/Acolhuacan, State of Mexico
(folio 28) (folio 5)
The Ancient Tepaneca Empire
II.
Tetzcoco
San
Tziuhcoac, Veracruz (folio 32)
2.
8.
Xilotepec, State of
9.
Axocopan, Hidalgo
Mexico
(folio 11)
(folio 29)
State oe
Mexico
Tlacopan Federal District
10. Atotonilco
1
â&#x20AC;¢
Mexico-Tenochtitlan
1
de Pedraza, Hidalgo
(folio 30)
Xocotitlan, State of Mexico (folio
1
Hueypochtlan, State of Mexico
2.
1
5)
(folio 9)
Federal District 13.
Quahuacan, State of Mexico
14.
Quauhtitlan, State of Mexico (folio 8)
(folio
1
2)
Tlatlauhquitepec, Puebla (folio 29)
Cuauhtochco, Veracruz
(folio 26)
Cuetlaxtla, Veracruz (folio 27)
Tochtepec, Oaxaca
(folio 48)
The Heart of the Empire
IV.
19 Citlaltepec, State of
Mexico
(folio 17)
20. Petlacalco, State of
Mexico
(folio 4)
2
Mexico-Tlatelolco, Federal District (folio 3)
1
V.
TheTarascan Frontier
22. Tolloacan, State of Mexico (folio 23. Ocuyllan, State of
Mexico
24. Malinalco, State of
(folio
Mexico
25. Tlachco, Guerrero (folio
1
1
1
(folio
3)
4) 1
5)
6)
26. Tepecoacuilco, Guerrero (folio 17) 27. Cihuatlan, Guerrero (folio 18)
The Southwest
VI.
28. Chalco, State of Mexico (folio 21)
Cuauhnahuac, Morelos
29.
30. Huaxtepec,
Morelos
(folio 6)
(folio 7)
31. Tlalcozauhtitlan, Guerrero (folio 20)
Quiyauhteopan, Guerrero
32.
VII.
(folio 20)
The Mixteca-Zapoteca Zone
33. Tepeyacac, Puebla (folio 22)
ihualtepec, Oaxaca (folio 20) 35. Coaxtlahuacan,
Oaxaca
36 Tlauhpan, Guerrero 37. Tlaxiaco,
Oaxaca
(folio
38 Coyolapan, Oaxaca 39.
(folio 23)
(folio 19)
47)
(folio 24)
Xoconochco, Chiapas
(folio 25)
more
distant campaigns,
providing substantial rewards for their participation as well. This
was one important
from within the Valley of Mexico)
city-states (most
way
in
its
which conquered city-states within and near the Valley of Mexico were more
in
and goals than were
closely integrated into the Triple Alliance's imperial structure
farther-flung provinces. Imperial
mented
goals were predominantly economic, and the alliance's rulers imple-
and
a variety of military
A primary aim was
political strategies to control a vast array of resources.
the assurance of a regular and predictable flow of utilitarian and
luxury goods into the three imperial capitals. Diverse resources were provided by the tributary provinces brought into the imperial
these
goods-such as shimmering
web through
tropical feathers,
military conquest.
Some
of
adornments of precious stones,
decorated clothing, and cacao-enhanced the sumptuous
lifestyle
of the ruling
othersâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; especially massive quantities of staple foodstuffs-supplied the
elite;
with a
cities
hedge against possible famine. As the empire expanded, rulers. Early
rial
conquests
a greater variety of
goods became available to the impe-
highland regions yielded tribute such as bins of maize
in
and beans, maguey-fiber clothing, honey, and wood products. Later conquests land zones provided stones, gold, cacao,
payment
and jaguar
in
low-
in
cotton and cotton clothing, precious feathers and
skins,
among
other goods. Almost
all
provinces turned
over feathered warriors' costumes; highland peoples would have had to import the tropical feathers to
meet these demands. The
institution of imperial tribute practices
therefore would have stimulated, or at least sustained, established trading patterns.
The Aztec imperial powers developed another significant strategy to achieve their
economic goals when, instead of outright conquest, they established tions with outlying areas. These resembled alliances, yet the clearly asymmetrical; this rulers.
It
their clients
clients
system was more efficient and inexpensive
was understood, however, if
tribute. Clients
gifts, reflecting a
more
reciprocal
arrangement than the payment of
were also expected to provide the essential service of protection.
was
located along an important trade route,
Aztec merchants on their dangerous treks; it
for the imperial
that the Aztec powers could at any time conquer
served their economic and military purposes. The Aztecs and the
it
exchanged
client city-state
clientlike rela-
power relationships were
if it
was
warfare with the
enemy
in
territory,
it
If
a
assured the safety of
situated close to a critical resource,
protected that resource for the empire; and, most commonly,
adjacent to an unconquered
it
if
a client city-state lay
maintained the border through intermittent
that frontier zone. Combined, these requirements relieved
the Aztecs of the need to directly protect and sustain trade routes, critical resources,
and
tended to insulate the
volatile imperial borders. Additionally, the client states
trib-
utary provinces from incursions by long-standing enemies.
The empire as a whole was loosely organized. in
In strategic
provinces, and typically
tributary provinces, local city-state rulers retained their right to rule even after being
incorporated into the imperial net. This hegemonic arrangement continued as long as tributary obligations lectors
were met and the city-states refrained from
were usually stationed
and garrisons had
A more
in
conquered regions;
less
rebellion. Tribute col-
commonly, Aztec governors
to be installed.
subtle imperial strategy involved establishing marriage bonds between
imperial rulers
and the
ruling
houses of conquered or
client
city states.
In
arrangements, any offspring would carry royal legitimacy from both imperial and
Page
these local
1541
heritages.
A
future ruler from such a pairing would be enculturated with loyalties to
the imperial powers, while also enjoying local support.
The
Triple Alliance
city-states into
economic and participation
political
its
social
in
empire thus employed several strategies for integrating outlying
web and achieving
were
in
elite
formed
marriages between imperial and
emperor Motecuhzoma
client relations with city-states that
II,
rebellions,
who
resources quelling revolts
ruled in
local ruling
encouraged by
loose structure. The Mexica a great deal of his mil-
already conquered provinces. These were sparked
addition, the empire's military energies
clusive battles with
its
and they
houses. Nonetheless, the
from 1502 to 1520, spent
part by the annoying presence of tribute collectors In
They provided
goals.
the Valley of Mexico for their
strategic positions to aid the empire in protecting critical areas;
empire experienced numerous
itary
economic in
distant military conquests; they established tributary provinces that
paid specified and scheduled tribute; they
arranged
its
rewards to conquered peoples
in
and the draining tribute payments.
were devoted to fighting recurring, incon-
unconquered enemies, such as the Tlaxcalteca. Under these varied
pressures, the empire had probably reached
its
maximum
expansion by the time of the
Spanish Conquest.
A-
Âť c
-
*,
m
\
> it
*<
-V
The Population of the Mexico and Toluca Valleys IWI,i\â&#x20AC;&#x17E;ll,
Pen
THE SUCCESSIVE ARRIVAL OF TRIBES MIGRATING TO THE VALLEY OF MEXICO CONFIGURED A
human geography
during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
NEW
the north-
In
west, the Chichimeca and Acolhua, tribes of hunter-gatherers, began to settle in
the extensive territory of Acolhuacan, where they engaged
intertribal skirmishes.
such as Huexotla, Papalotla, and Tepetlaoztoc, while the important. They constructed
increasingly
expand cultivation
in
in
continuous
These peoples subsequently founded other urban centers city of
Tetzcoco became
noteworthy hydraulic systems to
the plains near the lakeshores and
in
the highlands near
the mountains bordering the valleys of Puebla and Tlaxcala. During Netzahualcoyotl's reign, its
Acolhuacan was considered an advanced cultural center because of
achievements
in
the arts and literature, specialized crafts, and the construc-
tion of public works.
had also
It
up considerable
built
quering far-off provinces to the east of the
military power, con-
Along with the Mexica of
valley.
make
Tenochtitlan and the Tepaneca of Tlacopan, the Acolhua would eventually
up the
Triple Alliance.
The Tepaneca reached the valley during the thirteenth century, occupying southern sites such as Tacubaya and Coyoacan, around the same time as the Otomi,
who
settled
various northern areas.
in
toward Xaltocan, the Tepaneca occupied
When
the Otomi retreated
territory to the north
and west of the
Valley of Mexico, disregarding the prior occupation of these areas, especially
who had come from Teotihuacan. among the Nahua
Azcapotzalco and Tlacopan, by people
Bernardino de Sahagun considered the Tepaneca to be peoples centers
who came from Chicomoztoc. They soon conquered both
beyond
and
within
the
neighboring urban
valleyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; Cuauhtitlan,
Xaltocan,
and
Tepozotlan to the north and Cuitlahuac and Chalco to the far south of the lake
area-and established
their
capital
who
Azcapotzalco. The Aztecs,
and seat of government
settled
on the
in
the city of
island within the lake,
were sub-
jugated by the Tepaneca, forced to pay tribute to them and serve as warriors in their
battles of conquest. The
Tepaneca controlled most of the valley
eral decades during the fourteenth century, and
fifteenth century that the Aztecs gained their
war against Azcapotzalco
in
it
was not
until
for sev-
the early
freedom and participated
in
the
which the Tepaneca were conquered.
According to the Memorial de Culhuacan, the Culhua settled on the lake on a site near Huixachtecatl,
founding of Culhuacan
is
known today
as Cerro de
believed to have taken place
The
la
Estrella (Star
in
the twelfth century, by
Hill).
which time Xochimilco and Tacubaya were already populated. Other important nearby Culhua urban centers were Ixtapalapan, Mexicaltzingo, and Huitzilo pochco, agricultural towns that also produced of Tolteca emigrated
Mexico settled
When
in
in
salt
various directions; those
After the
who
fall
of Tula, groups
reached the Valley of
such places as Chapultepec, Culhuacan, and Huitzilopochco.
the Aztecs reached the valley
in
the last stage of their peregrinations,
143. Serpent warrioi M.jtl.il/mrj. ca
'*W
"^-SSpif^^fc:
&sm^ma •^x^
WM
I
***&-*
t
V»H
I
AN 7.'i
t.M •
-
1M
..V;!
^££
they were unable to find a suitable territory at Chapultepec, they
which to
in
were subjects of Culhuacan for
settle. After
New
founded. Every fifty-two years, they held the ceremony of the with important
Estrella,
rites
being defeated
was
a time, until Tenochtitlan Fire
on Cerro de
that helped maintain the status of the Culhua
among
la
the
four peoples that were heirs of the Toltec culture.
The Cuitlahuaca and the Mixquica settled respectively,
each located on a different
the towns of Cuitlahuac and Mixquic,
in
of land between lakes Chalco and
strip
Xochimilco. For the most part, these were insular settlements, with the advantage of
being located
chinampo area with
in a
culture. Although both
tribes
spoke Nahuatl, they were from different ethnic groups
and had different customs and forms of government: formed
ters
was
when
Alliance
Itzcoatl in the fifteenth
in
to
expand
their territory.
century and were
The two peoples were
paying tribute to the Triple
still
the Spanish conquistadores arrived.
The Xochimilca were one pated
manage
in
and although the Cuitlahuaca made some
tinually skirmished with their neighbors,
conquered by
Cuitlahuac, four urban cen-
Both the Mixquica and the Cuitlahuaca con-
a sole tlatoani (ruler).
limited conquests, they did not
in
governed by their four representatives, while
a single organization
Mixquic, there
adequate for intensive agri-
irrigation canals
group of Nahuatl speakers who
tribe in a larger
the migrations, leaving from Aztlan and finally settling
partici-
Xochimilco. This
in
urban center had a large territory that extended southeast from the shores of the fresh-water lake bordered by Coyoacan on the west and Cuitlahuac and Chalco on the east.
power extended south beyond the
Its
subject towns. The
first
Xochimilca settlement
in
agriculture, Xochimilco
numerous
the valley, requiring
flotillas
Olac,
and Tecpan, with numerous subject
fifteenth century;
town was
a
when
its
contribution to the develop-
was considered the greatest food
of canoes to transport
was organized
or altepetl (city-state), Xochimilco
and several
the region dated back to the tenth
in
century, after which time they migrated. Because of
ment of chinampa
and
to Totolapan, Tlayacapan,
lakes,
Yecapixtla, an area that included lakeside chinampas, highland forests,
its
goods. As
supplier a
town
into three urban centers: Tepetenchi,
districts.
was conquered by
It
the Spanish conquistadores arrived
in
Itzcoatl in the
the Valley of Mexico the
Tenochtitlan tributary.
The Chalca were next to arrive
in
the Valley of Mexico after the Xochimilca.
According to the Anales de Cuauhtitlan, they
left
Xico
in
1150 to found Chalco; the
seventeenth-century Nahua historian Domingo Chimalpahin confirms this event but
does not specify the
year.
The Chalca settled well to the southeast of Lake Chalco,
stretch of land near the Sierra tribes
from other regions,
political
Nevada volcanoes. Due
their ethnic
makeup was
to the
continuous
very complex; similarly, their
organization required numerous administrative categories and levels of gov-
ernment. Their economy balanced an exploitation of the tivation of
chinampas with
was
local trade. This
lake's
resources and the cul-
carried out at the four major urban
centers-Amaquemecan, Tlalmanalco, Chimalhuacan, and Tenanco-and
was conducted with other
cities in the valley. In 1445,
Chalco, a battle that would continue for ing
in a
arrival of
I
more than twenty
on the participation of other ethnic groups
in
external trade
Motecuhzoma declared war on years, with the rulei
the Valley of Mexico to aid
it-ly-
in his
conquests. After their defeat, the Chalca were subjugated by Tenochtitlan, living under
Mexica military rule
until the
Spanish Conqu<
The Otomi settled not only Cuauhtitlan, but also
in
urban centers such as Xaltocan, Otumba, and
in
other locations around the Valley of Mexico: to the north,
the Teotlalpan region; to the west,
in
the Sierra de las Cruces, a
wooded
the valleys of Mexico and Toluca (Cuauhtlalpan); and to the east, region,
which borders the Valley of
Tlaxcala.
Otomi also
lived side
in
in
area between
the Acolhuacan
by side with Nahua
-w
>*£; 4
peoples
in
other populated areas of the valley:
Tlacopan (Taeuba), Tacubaya, and the
in
area between Tacubaya and Coyoaean. Other Otomi centers developed
the Sierra de Guadalupe and to the east,
assumed that ward city
after the
into the Valley of
of Tula
fall
in
in
It
is
the thirteenth century, the Otomi migrated east-
Mexico and settled
whose hegemony extended
the towns of
in
the mountain ranges near Tetzcoco.
in
Xaltocan, which
came
to be an important
east to the Sierra de Puebla and Meztitlan. In the
following century, however, Azcapotzalco attacked and conquered Xaltocan, which
became
a
Tepanec dependency, and Azcapotzalco's growing power
led to the decline
who spoke
of other sites settled by Otomi. The language of these settlers,
not Nahuatl
but Otomi, belonged to the Otomi/Pame linguistic family. Although they were considered underdeveloped by contemporary tribes, they did practice seasonal agriculture as
and gathering, and they made
well as hunting, fishing,
ginal areas,
textiles
the Otomi of the Valley of Mexico lived
fibers. In 1519,
and
from cotton and tough
mountainous
in
regions,
mar-
Nahua towns.
in
The Tenochca Mexica and the Tlatelolca Mexica migrated together from Aztlan, eventually settling
in
same developmental textual sources
and
the Valley of Mexico. Both tribes spoke Nahuatl and were at the level in
terms of material culture and ideology, as indicated
However, once Tenochtitlan was founded
Mexica and established the island, divided
when
on
the Tlatelolca,
two
site
toward the north of the
some
time, during the period
nearby
a
a channel. For
vassals of Azcapotzalco, the
paths sharply diverged
1325, the Tlatelolca split off from the
in
city of Tlatelolco
from the Tenochca by just
when both were
in
pictorial narrations in codices as well as archaeological materials.
tribes
had
a similar history, but their
who had no government
of their own,
asked the Tepaneca to provide them with one, which initiated the Tlatelolca lineage.
Under Tepanec leadership, the battles until 1428,
when
Tlatelolca paid tribute
Tepaneca, they were forced to participate as the
famous conquest of
Finally, in
and served as warriors
in
Tepanec
the Triple Alliance defeated Azcapotzalco. Once freed from the in
the imperialistic plans of the Aztecs, such
Cotastla, a victory that brought
1473, Tlatelolco and Tenochtitlan faced
off,
fame
to the Tlatelolca army.
and with the Tenochca victory
the Tlatelolca lost their independence and their government. The conquerors placed
them under
military rule subject to Tenochtitlan,
ple until the arrival
and they remained
a
subjugated peo-
of Hernan Cortes. Nonetheless, several sources praise the valor of
the Tlatelolca warriors
in
downfall of Tenochtitlan
defending their in
city
during the final battle that led to the
1521.
1
i.
nli.HHiuJ.il In .I
1200-1521
\
"
147. Xilonen ceremonial vessel, detail
Aztec, ca.
1
500
i is
*-
~
l L
-
H
-oT
148. Chicomccoatl ceremonial vessel
Aztec, ca.
1500
>
**
fa 149. Nappatecuhtli ceremonial vessel
Aztec, ca.
1500
The Puebla and Tlaxcala Valleys I
THE CULTURES OF THE POSTCLASSIC PERIOD EMPLOYED A religious concepts
the various elites
eronica
etdsquez
COMMON ICONOGRAPHY
and established the foundations
who
I
THAT FUSED
worldview shared by
for a
inhabited the region of Puebla and Tlaxcala during the
diaspora that followed the
of Teotihuacan.
fall
The valleys of Puebla-Tlaxcala are located
in
a temperate region, bordered by
the volcanoes Popocatepetl, Iztaccihuatl, and Malinaltepec. People began to settle
the area
in
the Preclassic period, at such sites as Las Bocas, Tlalancaleca,
and Tetimpa, which were part of vast trade networks across
Xochitecatl,
Mesoamerica. During the Postclassic period, groups from the Chichimec culture migrated
from northern Mexico. These peoples comprised
five different tribes,
mostly of
the Nahuatl language group, and, to a lesser degree, speakers of Otomi and
Popoloca. They established settlements of a ceremonial nature along the hilltop ridges of Tlaxcala and eventually created one of the
most important domains
in
Central Mexico.
The Tlaxcala domain, which dominated the valleys of Puebla and Tlaxcala,
was organized around
four main urban centers,
of which maintained a
all
degree of hostile autonomy from the Triple Alliance. Tlaxcala was associated at various times with Cholollan (modern Cholula) and Huexotzinco, thus forming
which developed into the most powerful and, geo-
a type of counter-alliance,
graphically, the closest
enemy
of the Triple Alliance. They also allied themselves
with the Spanish forces during the defeat of the Mexica-Aztec empire. The wars
between the Tlaxcalteca and the Tenochca Mexica continued
for a long period,
during which the former were cut off from access to a wide range of essential
goods such as cacao and
as well as luxury items such as
salt,
silver,
cotton, and
featherwork. Cholollan
was located
one of the most
in
an area that has been continuously inhabited It
was
also within
one of the
fertile
regions
in
for nearly three
Mesoamerica,
thousand
Coast with the Valley of Mexico, Tehuacan, and the Mixteca region
Made up
of
more than
gious center
in
fifty
communities, the
Mesoamerica.
years.
principal trading corridors, connecting the Gulf
It
city
was here that an important
worship of Quetzalcoatl developed. Cholollan, which
enormous pyramid, was governed by
in
Oaxaca.
was the most important cult
also
is
a theocracy of high priests
reli-
devoted to the
famous
for
who performed
ceremonies and undertook pilgrimages to neighboring kingdoms. Aside from ritual
importance, the city became widely
occupation for
its
known during known
lying elements of the Postclassic period.
in
its
the later period of
production of polychrome earthenware.
characteristic type of ceramic work, also
bols uniq
its
he
ritual
.
It
as laca, serves as one features idiosyncratic
that had been established over the years
|
Mesoamerica. Dating from the
-'nth
century (after the
fall
150 Kipr .-.,,,,
of
Intel I'.llll
.
iW *k^
-&
W
v%*
PS
>'^if/
C^r-SsW vs>.
m**j*l*
I
.
Hi
fffcr
the Toltec state), this style has been found at various
from the areas north of
sites,
Oaxaca to the south of Puebla and Chalco. Due to the formal similarities between this symbolic system and the glyphs and signs found
manuscripts such as the Codex
in
Borgia, this style has also been referred to as "codex type."
has been applied
It
murals found at Ocotelulco, Tizatlan, Tlaxcala, and Tehuacan
on the
earthenware produced
fine
extensive trade
the
in
was evidently
explaining
these regions. This style spread through the
in
Valley of Mexico.
style evolved into a useful
ious peoples seeking a dition
way
means of communicating the
to unify ethnically
interests of var-
heterogeneous communities. This
tra-
quite freely adopted, without any force or imposition, thus
presence at numerous Late Postclassic
its
demonstrated,
the
ceramics to such distant areas of Mesoamerica as the Gulf Coast,
Maya dominions, and the The codex
in
Viejo, Puebla, as well as
neutron
activation
analysis
of
As some authors have
sites.
polychrome ceramic remains has
allowed for the identification of various production centers: Huexotzinco, TizatlanOcotelulco, the Valley of Mexico, and Tehuacan. Huexotzinco
was probably the main
production area for the Puebla region.
From the evidence
we
retrieved,
believe that these ceramics
may have
arrived in
Tenochtitlan through trade or as payment of tributes, and that ceramic workshops
away from
were found
in
tinctions
iconography found on vessels originating
in
areas both close to and far
various regions, as well as on
in
common
those attributed to local workshops, they had a referred to as "international." This style
the imperial capital. Despite dis-
style,
combines the use of
red,
which has been
orange, white, and
black pigments to create frets and xicalcoliuhqui (stepped frets); zoomorphic repre-
sentations
in
such forms as coyotes, serpents,
and fantastic figures; the
skulls
Nahua pantheon; the eye of the
in
ritual
religious
nature of this ceramic work
and
political
and
night; military
or symbolic signs associated with gold, hearts,
The
rabbits, deer,
and frogs; phytomorphs
and chalchihuitl (symbols of preciousness);
is
deities
from
and glyphs
sacrificial motifs;
and blood.
undeniable, and
it
was probably employed
ceremonies. Incense burners, cups, effigy vessels, and tripod
serving bowls with animal or
mushroom-shaped supports were used
for burning
incense, drinking chocolate or pulque, or containing the blood from autosacrifice or
bloodletting ceremonies.
Based on the decorative designs found on such vessels, particularly on cups, three possible ceremonial functions have been proposed for these objects: sacrifice, indicated
by a band of plumes running along the vessels' outer surface, simulating the form of a cuauhxicalli (container for holding sacrificial blood),
drops of blood,
stellar
eyes,
and jaguar
pelts,
in
all
which
it
is
possible to identify
associated with the rituals of
Tezcatlipoca; sacred war, implied by the appearance of chalchihuitls, which
may
rep-
resent the vessels' intended use for drinking sacred substances such as pulque or
blood before entering into battle; and
fertility rites.
Although much remains unknown about the function of
work
in
Postclassic societies,
we do know
and military ceremonies, and that
this
earthenware ceramic
that such pieces were used
their decorative
in
both religious
iconography served as
a
language
unifying the elite during a period of diaspora for the peoples of Mesoamerica. This
medium allowed them to ancient family
to create a
code through which they could establish
and state lineages, thus legitimizing
affiliations
their status as rulers.
The Domain of Coatlalpan Luis Rojas Martinez
Josi
THE PRESENT-DAY CITY OF IZUCAR DE MATAMOROS, PUEBLA,
IS
LOCATED
IN
A REGION KNOWN
pre-Hispanic times as Coatlalpan, which translates from the Nahuatl as
IN
the
"in
was inhabited by various
land of the serpents" or "land of serpents." This area
indigenous settlements and domains concentrated along the Nexapa River basin.
Among
the more important of these settlements were Epatlan, Tatetla,
Tepapayeca, Tlapanala, Tilapan, Itzocan),
which
is
described
Citela,
Colucan, and Izucar de Matamoros
(or
sixteenth-century ethnohistorical sources as the
in
main urban center of the Coatlalpanecas. In
regard to the cultural development of this area,
we must remember
that
although the presence of humans has been confirmed from very early times
Mesoamerica, only
in
in
Coatlalpan have material remains survived from every
period of Mexico's pre-Hispanic history. In texts
by such sixteenth-century chroniclers as
Tomas de Torquemada,
Fray
and Geronimo de Mendieta, the large amount of overlap-
Toribio de Motolima,
ping information indicates that they were based on privileged access to the
same
first-hand sources, which have unfortunately disappeared. These texts
relate
how
Izucar de
the eleventh century
Matamoros was founded
in
the Postclassic period, during
They report various migrations from
a.d.
Tula, Hidalgo, that
would eventually lead to settlements such as Izucar de Matamoros and Epatlan in
a
the southern region of what
is
now
the state of Puebla. They also mention
group of people related to the Nonohualca-Chichimeca and the route they through the areas of present-day Cuernavaca, Amecameca, and
followed
Huaquechula,
they finally reached Tehuacan, Puebla.
until
In
recounting this
migration, the religious chroniclers mention Xelhua as the leader of the group that
came
to establish Izucar de
Matamoros and other
that inhabited pre-Hispanic Central Mexico
were said
settlements. The nations to have
descended from
the ancient god Iztac Mixcoatl, a native of the legendary Chicomoztoc ("place of the seven caves"); his sons-Xelhua, Tenuch, Ulmecatl, Xicalancatl, Mixtecatl,
and Otomotl-were Because of
its
said to be the founders of these settlements.
importance and strategic location, the
Matamoros appears
in
such as the Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca, known as Codex
maps
of
tioned, that migratory
dominant groups, thus
waves spread from the northern and territorial
As
colonial period, by the Belgian geographer
important
and
territory
in this
central parts of
boundaries of the
justifying the rights corresponding to the
these large tracts of land. The cartography published -â&#x20AC;˘arly
Xolotl,
and
Mesoamerica. Contemporary texts delineate the
ularly
Izucar de
Totimehuacan-doeuments from the Late (1200-1521). It was during this time, as previously men-
Cuauhtinchan
Postclassic period
city of
both pre-Hispanic and colonial cartographic sources,
in
ownership of
the sixteenth century,
Abraham Ortdius
is
partic-
regard.
for external influences,
two factors were decisive
in
the development of
153. Bcakrr with upplird figure
Coatlalpaneca, ca. 1500
Kftt*'
Matamoros. The
Izucar de
Coatlalpaneca, which alone area, as a
first
was
means of extending
was the
strategic location
city's
in
sufficient for the Triple Alliance to set
its
the region of
its
sights on this
realm of influence and obtaining resources through
trade and the levying of tributes. The date of the Triple Alliance's incursion
but
began sometime during
it
its
is
unknown,
period of territorial expansion and culminated
between the years 1458 and 1466. As an immediate consequence of the invasion, the Coatlalpanecas were forced to pay tribute and Izucar de Matamoros was absorbed into the Mexica-Aztec tributary province of Tepeyacac.
The main urban center of Tepeaca,
this province
was located
at the present-day city of
the central region of the current state of Puebla. Plate 22 of the Matricula
in
de tributos (Tribute Register), which corresponds to page 42-[obverse] of the Codex
Mendoza, contains
a
list
of the towns
were required to present to the
in this
vide large contingents of soldiers to fight
Aztec empire
were
critical
in in
province.
Triple Alliance, the in
addition to the products they
In
Coatlalpanecas were forced to pro-
the military campaigns undertaken by the
areas to the south and north of Izucar de Matamoros. These campaigns
conquering additional territory and subduing revolts
Chiapas,
in
Tehuantepec, Oaxaca, Coixtlahuaca, Huexotzinco, Cholollan, and Tlaxcala.
The predominant cultural manifestation of Izucar de Matamoros was the
formed during the 1960s by the National Museum of Anthropology
lections
City
and through exhibitions at other museums, primarily
States.
Due
to the lack of research
city's
become widely known through
intensive production of ceramic work, which has
and publications on
in
in
col-
Mexico
Mexico and the United such
this style of ceramics,
pieces have often been mistakenly identified as Toltec or Mexica, overlooking their
obvious identification as Coatlalpaneca, or more precisely, from Izucar de Matamoros.
The singular features of
own
this
ceramic
style, a
determining factor
cultural identity, include a significant variety of
which were applied on the vessels using incising,
a
in
this group's
forms and decorative motifs,
wide range of techniques, such as painting,
and stamping. The elements displayed on these ceramic vessels have allowed
us to identify their origin and chronology, and have also enabled us to determine
the existence of a tradition that manifestations,
whose
was shared by
utterly distinctive style
is
a single
group with similar cultural
unique to Izucar de Matamoros and
the Coatlalpanecas.
Among
the most important and exceptional examples of this ceramic ware,
in
both
formal and decorative aspects, are those that harmoniously combine graphite black with bright red or cherry red pigments. This combination
is
found primarily on tripod
serving bowls with crenellated, cylindrical, or zoomorphic supports and polished or
burnished surfaces, as well as on anthropomorphic effigy vessels, pitchers with raised or protruding central tional
ceremonies to
bands of motifs or with incised necks, which were used
Ome
Tochtli, the
in
devo-
god of pulque. The Coatlalpanecas also crafted
ceramic bowls with bottoms decorated with protruding, button-shaped knobs and outer surfaces adorned with incised hook motifs.
These are some of the salient characteristics of one of the Late Postclassic ceramic traditions of Mesoamerica's Central Plateau region. Identification of these elements
has helped us to rescue the Coatlalpanecas, "the people of the land of serpents," from oblivion.
The Mixteca 1/
\<7/i
THE MIXTECA ARE MEMBERS OF AN ETHNIC GROUP THAT SETTLED
became home
the areas that
to the high culture of
themselves Nuu Savi ("people of the ancient myth that related trees
whose
first
roots
how
IN
Robles Garcia
NORTHERN OAXACA, ONE OF
Mesoamerica. They called
proclaiming their origin
rain"),
their ancestors
in
an
emerged out of the legendary
grew from the caves of Apoala, located
in
what
is
now
Nochixtlan, Oaxaca.
Though
relatively
little
archaeological work has been done
enough information has been gathered
to
show
this region,
in
that the Mixteca created a
complex culture and that as they migrated throughout the Valley of Oaxaca and Central Mexico, Mixtec culture had a decided influence on other groups area. Mixtec cultural traditions are
on
a par with other
in
the
important groups, such
as the Zapoteca, the inhabitants of Teotihuacan, and the Maya. The settlements established over time by the Mixteca have recently begun to be documented.
Mixtec artifacts recovered through archaeology are known for the fine finishing techniques
employed by the artisans who created them,
particularly in
works of architecture, jewelry and ornaments made of precious metals, stoneworking, and mural painting. Mixtec artworks, such as the funerary objects
found in
in
Tomb
Monte Alban and
7 at
in
Tombs
and
1
2 in Zaachila
located
(all
the Valley of Oaxaca), were exquisitely designed, and as a whole they con-
veyed an extraordinary impression of the culture. Characterized by tremendous religious devotion and a highly cooperative collective spirit, the culture of the late Mixtec era (Late Postclassic, to the Valley of Oaxaca, specifically to Xoxocotlan,
1
250) spread
on the mountainsides to the
south of Monte Alban, and to nearby Cuilapam. Archaeological findings at both sites
have uncovered diverse materials associated with Mixtec culture.
The Mixteca were able to royal families
settle in
Zapotec
territory by
through marriage and other means. Their
the Valley of Oaxaca
was due
tated by a migratory
spirit,
partly to the overall
forming alliances with relatively late arrival in
dynamics of
an expansionist philosophy
their culture, dic-
in their political
domains
and kingdoms, and the constant threat posed by the Mexica-Aztecs, who consought improved trade and exchange conditions.
tinually
emerging domains forced the Mixtec
expand
their territories.
royal
In
addition, other
families to seek better
ways
to
They ultimately came to dominate an area that reached
from Oaxaca's northeastern border to the
Pacific coastal region
known
as the
Costa Chica (home to the Tututepec empire), and west to the territories comprising the
With in
modern
their
state of Guerrero.
profoundly religious perspective, the Mixtec groups that settled
the Valley of Oaxaca attributed sacred qualities to the ancient city of
Monte
Alban, an ancestral Zapotec stronghold that had been gradually abandoned
beginning
in
tomb
ad. 850. Mixtec royal remains have been found inside the
156. Xo<
hipilli
pi
Mixtec, ca. 1200-1521
! 1
ill
:
fe
\*
i
,i
^
(
z
known today as Tomb 7, which was constructed by the Zapoteca. The offerings placed inside this tomb to honor the Mixtec dead constitute some of the richest treasures of Mesoamerican history. Currently housed at the Museo de las Culturas de Oaxaca, the objects include gold,
and mixed-metal jewelry
silver,
ated by weaving together metallic threads
in
in
traditional filigree designs, cre-
an embroidery-like
style.
Another Mixtec achievement was the creation of masks using the lost-wax method. This highly ing
complex technique involved coating models with beeswax and then cover-
them with ceramic molds. When molten metal was poured
would melt and be deities,
was of an extremely high
coral, rock crystal,
shells,
raw material for extraordinary pieces of jewelry and
Examples of such
their
articles,
and ceramics, were found these and other sites
it
journey to
ritual
in
objects that were
1
and
2 in Zaachila, to the
a
south of Oaxaca. At
it is
apparent that the Mixteca
Xoxocotlan-at the foot of the mountain on the south side of Monte Alban,
Mixtec style that
is
Postclassic sites of Mitla
ture meeting a Zapotec
distinct
territory. This
hostile
was the
is
environment-a challenge
difficult to deteris
the case of the
abundant evidence of Mixtec
in
the Valley of Oaxaca formed a complex social
attempts at conquest, strategic
alliances,
and the defense of
situation that greeted the Spanish conquistadores,
a territory ripe for
that the Mixteca remained
in
who found
the Valley of Oaxaca for at least part of the colonial period.
who comprised
this
magnificent culture retreated to
the place of their origin: the high mountains of northeastern Oaxaca, like
in
domination and settlement. Linguistic evidence indicates
Eventually, however, the peoples
clouds,
cul-
for archaeologists in their efforts to
articles.
The Zapoteca, Mixteca, and Mexica
dynamic based on
it is
from that of the Zapoteca. Such
and Yagul, where there
decipher the origin of specific
Oaxaca
to
has been difficult to establish the extent to which the Zapotec
the areas of Yucu Saa, Cuilapam, and Zaachila-at other sites
mine
meant
including a variety of fine precious metalwork objects
Tombs
in
and pearls were used as the
eternity.
and Mixtec cultures had blended with each other. While settled in
wax
such as alabaster, turquoise,
quality. Exotic materials
jaguar bones and teeth, conch
accompany the dead on
into the mold, the
The workmanship on these masks, which represented various
"lost."
true lords of the rain.
among
the
158. Lip-plug with the figure of a cox-cox bird
Mixtec.ca. 1200-1521
^1
%""
I
159. Bell
pendant with the figure of a bat
Mixtec, ca.
1
500
163. Ehccatl bell pendant
Mixtec, ca. 1200-1521
164. Butterfly nose
ornament
Mixtec, ca. 1200-1521
&
Wrf?
V-
<^ ;-
t#«
•
*''
*1U.'~
-
S3
165. Shield pectoral
Mixtec, ca.
^
^^^r^'s*
s*^
'Tj^r*
x...
"^
.-.'" "
_ rS^SsiSs^Ss^-L.^.
^i-4*=
^* -
*--^=-
J PL
r3|^L*r
900-1200
"
S~5
V
;
—— -
.
'^1
A*^*
v
1
\*
m
-
f
J&'
I
^^
^c^ssSi^
,,
^
^^Mbs!' 166. Disk
Mixtec, ca. 1325-1521
» jr
I
170. Temalacatl
Mixtec, ca. 1250-1521
»^i
'JOUB** '*&
•^~~
• '*
U!t\
,
_*
t.
4-tf}
x**
'T\
^ws^w^
172. Plaque with ritual scenes
Mixtec, ca.
1325-1521
1
*
The Huaxteca and the Totonaca /•(•///«•
THE EASTERN COASTAL REGION OF MESOAMERICA
WAS
INHABITED BY VARIOUS PEOPLES
were contemporaries of the Aztecs during the
who were
those
notable for their warlike
spirit
Solis
late Postclassic period.
WHO
Among
as well as their dazzling art were
the Huaxteca and the Totonaca. While the Huaxteca, linguistically linked with the great
Maya
family,
have
history that dates back to very early
a cultural
times, linguistic studies indicate that the Totonaca are late arrivals, with a cul-
ture dating only back to the eighth century
a.d.,
name Huaxtecapan
Nahuatl speakers gave the
at the earliest. to the large area that included
the central eastern part of the state of San Luis Potosi, the southern part of
Tamaulipas to the northern part of Veracruz on the Gulf Coast. The region had a range of ecological environments, from coastal plains and basins of mighty the Panuco, to vast highlands with tropical climates and the
rivers, particularly
region bordering the eastern Sierra
Madre mountains. The Huaxteca adapted
these various ecological niches with extraordinary
ing the resources offered by the sea, the mountains,
to
successfully exploit-
facility,
and the
tropics.
Although
they never constituted a unified political entity, they achieved a firm cultural
went beyond language. They were
identity that
also recognizable by their reli-
gious pantheon and distinctive artworks: sculptures displaying the features of their
main
and other
ceramic vessels, and ingenious ornaments worked
deities,
Huaxtec archaeological
sites
are
still
called
by
Tanquian, Tancahuitz, Tamuin, Tamposoque, and Tantoc Luis Potosi, ple
in
conch
shells.
Tabuco
in
Veracruz, and Tancol
in
their in
names:
ancient
today's state of San
Tamaulipas. Today's country peo-
(campesinos) use the word "cues," what the Spaniards called the indigenous
pyramids with temples
built
on top, to
refer to the
mounds and platforms
constituted Huaxtec religious buildings or constructions This
because of
is
their curious shape,
rounded corners on
its
plinth.
which looks
Important
like
in
that
Precolumbian times.
an elevated cone with
artistic treasures
have been discovered
was contemporary
with the Aztec period,
the only mural painting preserved from the Huaxtec world
was discovered on
in
these locations.
an elongated
In
Tamuin, a
A
altar.
site that
procession of characters
in
attire that
may
represent
deities or their personifications, outlined in red, stands out against the
stucco It
wh
layer.
was
in
Consuelo, a settlement near Tamuin, where the extraordinary
Postclassic sculpture rying a child
on
its
known
as The Adolescent-a young nude male figure car-
back-was
discovered. This
is
one of the most refined works
not just of Huaxtec art but of pre-Hispanic Mexican art
he great majority of Huaxtec sculptures, which
uncovered, evidence of phallus worship ins in -•rns
show
general.
It
is
typical
lie cranial deformation and perta-
the ears and nostrils are linked to the
common
in
the male sexual organs
to this coastal society. Figures
a<
known
jnd ornamental as Old Sowers are also
Detail of rat
no.
177
$'
Based on their wrinkled faces, these pieces represent individuals of advanced
typical.
age who performed
with a sacred staff that was used for sowing the earth.
rituals
Huaxtec sculptures of females are generally shown with nude torsos and both hands placed on their abdomens. With their conical caps, zoomorphic bodies, they have been
patron of
fertility
and an eater of
Huaxtec sculpture of the Brooklyn a skeleton
on
is
round
who was
Along with The Adolescent, the most famous
York. This figure, set
in
in
the collection
an elegant hieratic pose, carries
which forms part of the ornamentation while adding symbolic
back,
value. The sculpture has life
full,
goddess
undoubtedly the Life-Death Figure (Apotheosis),
Museum, New
its
filth.
and
attire,
identified as Tlazolteotl-lxcuiname, the
been interpreted as representing the very essence of duality-
and death, creation and destruction-that
is
always present according to Meso-
in
the late Postclassic period are styled
american thought.
The ceramic vessels typical of the Huaxteca with
designs
brilliant
brown
black or dark
in
tonalities that stand out against the
whitish color of the clay. These tones are consistent on both the traditional globular
and phytomorphic forms and those that represent human beings and animals. The creations of these coastal people demonstrate the international style of the period that
was dominant throughout most of Mesoamerica. The symbols on
polychromatic
their
would have been recognized by different peoples of the time:
vessels
and so on. Conches and other
eagles,
shells,
solar disks,
which were so abundant on the gulf coasts
of Mexico, were used as the raw material for striking objects. The Huaxteca also
made
earspools or circular disks and elegant breastplates resembling ladles that contain
complex regions
scenes bearing
ritual in
resemblance to images
a
the codices from other
in
Mesoamerica.
The Totonaca occupied
known
a vast territory
as Totonacapan
the center of
in
Veracruz, extending from the foothills of the eastern Sierra Madres to the coastal plains of the gulf. This people had linguistic links with the Tepehuan,
neighbors, and the
name
Zoqueana
family,
some
suggests, according to
which reached as
who were
their
The enigmatic
far as Chiapas.
authors, the three principal places of their origin.
Totonac objects continued the traditions of societies that previously inhabited the coastal region. Although ples,
we do
not
know
the specific identity of those ancestral peo-
they are archaeologically recognized as a Remojadas culture, characterized by the
extensive production of figures
made
of clay decorated with paint
very peculiar sculptural artwork reached
found
at the
El
Zapotal site
This people also
in
its
most sophisticated
made
of
tar.
This
level in life-size figures
Veracruz.
made works
in
the international style, and their clay sculptures
represent deities characteristic of the Aztec world: Tlaloc, Xochipilli, Xipe Totec, Xilonen, and so on. Such figures can be recognized by the attire and ornamentation
popular throughout
late
all
Mesoamerica. Some of these stone sculptures appear to
have come from the same However, they survived
haps the
workshops
in
Tetzcoco or
artists
from the Nahua world
Mexico-Tenochtitlan.
of clay. The figures
may
traveled to the coast, or perin
he Aztec
sites exci
Cempoala, located to the north
the codices, which could
domuut um
at Tenochtitlan,
instances,
we
Ehecatl. The
second
and sculpture
where the primary
find the typical site
is
ritual
double pyramid and
Castillo
in
of the port of Veracruz.
familiar urban pattern, with a walled ceremonial precinct
Mayor
in
numbers than those made
have been transported from the center of the Veracruz region.
Two archaeological first is
art
smaller
who images were reproduced from drawings made
have been executed by
easily
in
the Totonac region. The
There
we
recognize the
that recalls the
constructions are housed.
Templo In
some
plinth with a circular plan relatni to
de Teayo, an Aztec mihtjry camp with architecture
typical of the central highland style rendered by coastal
arti:
T-*
i
i f
\.
9 JP-«=^
\
177. Life-Death figure (Apotheosis)
Huaxtec.ca. 900-1250
I V -
*
m
178.
Goddess with descending
god headdress Huaxtec, ca. 1250-1521
-
m-
The Tarascan Empire
The Tarascan Empire Phil
<
\\
eigand
WHEN
THE EUROPEANS ARRIVED ON THE SHORES OF MESOAMERICA
who were
IN 1519,
AMONG
THE GREAT
encountered north of the Isthmus of Tehuantepee were the Aztecs,
polities they
predominant, the Cholollans and Tlaxcalteca within Central Mexico,
and the Purepecha, or Tarascans, as the Spanish
The
called them, to the west.
Aztecs' astounding run of military successes prior to 1519 did not include vic-
along
tories
western
their
Tarascans had developed. resistance
tle
when
It
lapse of the Tarascan
when
a
military
stalemate with
the
therefore ironic that the Tarascans offered so
the Spanish penetrated their heartland
lit-
1522. The col-
in
empire-occupying roughly the same area as the present-
day state of Michoacan-was 1521
where
frontier, is
a
walkover compared with what had happened
in
the Aztecs were defeated after the bloody, prolonged siege of
Tenochtitlan. Of course, there
is
an explanation: the Euroafrican diseases, which
had already heavily weakened the Aztecs,
infiltrated the
Tarascan empire prior
to the actual presence of Spaniards. Having been brought back to Tzintzuntzan,
the Tarascan capital,
sometime
1519, these diseases
after
court, thus especially impacting the nobility ruler at Tzintzuntzan,
stage
Zuangua, was
felled
and
first
appeared at
by the epidemic then
in its
West Mexico. The consequent confusion and disorientation
in
ty so structured in the nobility's favor
meant
Tarascan
military. In 1520, the
incipient
socie-
in a
that the capacity to resist
was
nonexistent by the time the direct confrontation with Europeans materialized in
1522.
The Spanish soon discovered
how
politically, socially,
and
militarily
the Tarascan state had been. Relacion de Michoacan, compiled
among
the very
first
in
advanced
1539-41 and
post-Conquest codices documenting pre-
extensive
Conquest customs, offered the Spanish detailed insights into the
social
system
was perhaps the most "modern" of those they encountered in Mesoamerica. Relacion and a number of other codices and primary sourcesCodice de Cutzio and Codice de Huetamo (both 1542), Lienzo de Jicalan (ca. 1565; also known as Lienzo deJucutacato),' Codicede Tzintzuntzan (ca. 1567),
that
4
Informe de Vaseo de Quiroga
Michoacan uments and in
its
(1
533),'
and Relaeiones geografieas del
siglo XVI:
(various dates, mostly around 1580)'-are the basic historical doc-
for our
present-day understanding of the pre-Conquest Tarascan state
sociocultural order. The pioneering research published by Nicolas Leon
1904 was the
first
modern attempt
at a systematic analysis of the ancient
Tarascan social and cultural order.'
Although archaeological research concerning the origins of the Tarascans only a few decades old,
Complex .
cultural
life
haft-tor
These tombs had rid
there are a growing number of excellent
began early
in
Michoacan, js evidenced by the spectacu-
1800-800 is,
is
field studies.
B.C.,
found
in
the
Jacona-Zamora
area."
often having served as crypts for burials over a
long period of time. They clearly indicate the early existence of social systems
Page from Fray Jeronimo de Alcala, La Relation de
Michoacan, 1539-41.
beginning to rank or stratify themselves, and which had the
Mesoamerica before the central and southern zones. By 900,
power
West Mexico was
to attract exotica from far away. Simpler versions of such
shaft-tombs have been found Formative periods
In later
well-developed
regional
in
various localities
650
(ca.
in Jalisco.
began to
The
flourish.
revolution, as
ical
number of
b.c.-a.d. 100), a
traditions
9
elsewhere
tion
research has focused upon settlement patterns and architec-
empire
and the
tural complexes,
received an extended
was
Epiclassic periods
valley
(especially the
millennium
a.d.
the
comof
Jalisco
this vast
never isolated from the rest of Mesoamerica,
its
Lerma
tierra caliente
a character that
from Central Mexico. While
that
in a series
Bajfo,- the
and the
*),
is
sociocultural
approaches to the
of Tingambato
site
clear
By the Classic and
patterns.
distinctive
3
is
a
few centuries
in
speakers.
orientation
from the Olmec world were almost
bow-and-arrow tech-
now do
many
raphy, sharing
bors
further
and was also
east,
Mesoamerican trade Archaeology as
it
cultural
geog-
basic cosmological concepts with neigha
full
player
within
the
applies to the Tarascan origins per se sites in the
Urichu. Tarascan origins are probably related to
ation
in
two
distinct but
phenomena: growing populations throughout the
interrelated
accompanied
in
lin-
fashion as an
in
sion.
If
so,
a.d.
than
then the
it
more
far
is
it
that
likely
correct,
is
might be
wider distribution during the
a far
first
had at the time of the European intru-
new migrants-carrying
Nahuatl
a version of
along the northern frontier (Caxcan) and Totorame elsewhere
-
(including Cora, Tequal, and Huchol as today's only survivors) into
West Mexico may have actually reduced the area of proto-
guistic
speech
while,
certain
is
that even
is
in
lin-
and research,
for further discussion
the Tarascan heartland
around the Patzcuaro basin there was diversity,
the
stimulating
time,
development of the region that remained. The
arguments are up
but what
same
the
at
and ethnic
linguistic
probably as early as 1200, just as
much
in
some
areas by population nucle-
defendable locations; and, between
a.d.
Relacion de Michoacan offers the
700 and 900
of the Tarascan
origins
While
state.
official
this
completely with the archaeological record,
confirm the parts where confirmation
is
of the rest
it
important as
western
it
Mesoamerica.
In
opposition
to
and cultural centralism into the pre-Hispanic
clearly
the far older metallurgical traditions of northernmost South
close
enough
cial
critical
essay collections on
to
polity,
has seriously affected studies of
clearly was,
West Mexico were probably already experimenting with copper, introduced from
is
concerning the uniqueness and centrality of the Aztec
Octavio Paz was severely
much more advanced technology was
history of the
does not dovetail
most important. Dogma
the appearance of metallurgy. While the indigenous cultures of
a
Many
general, occurred.
Joseph Greenburg
if
Chibcha-had
millennium
is
Patzcuaro basin that have
received professional attention are Tzintzuntzan, Ihuatzio, and
entire region,
in
not accept what for decades was
of Mesoamerica.
structure.
more problematic.' Key
these migrations, or better said, the
were Uto-Aztecans. For West Mexico,
sociopolitical
as the Southwestern
West Mexico participated within Mesoamerica's
when
Uto-Aztecan
almost dogmatic assertion: that the speakers of Teotihuacan
exchange relationships reached as
far
unclear
It is
linguistic spread of
Tarascan
United States and northernmost South America. Of course,
later.
southern Uto-Aztecan
some exotica and architectural touches from Teotihuacan were more numerous. During later times, distant nonexistent;
reorganiza-
the Tarascan
in
arrival of
related to
was was
arrow, must
political
arrival of
quite
was
1100,
ca.
West Mexico was the
proto-Tarascan-which,
region
bow and
glimmers of
first
as
first,
accompanying the
Possibly
guists
the
highland Michoacan, which resulted
in
nology
a role in
high-
obviously toward the western highland lake districts and the Pacific littoral. Influences
the world, with copper and then, by
in
have played
near Zacapu, has
was being consolidated
lands-West Mexico had assumed distinctive
Alta,
(100-900)-along with the
general,'
in
first
increasing and
and highly
original
Loma
amount of attention/' What
by the beginning of the plexity
of
site
haltingly entered into a metal age,
it
bronze. Both metal technologies, plus
known of these is usually called the Chupicuaro culture, largely known from mortuary materials and practices. Recent
best
the forefront of Mesoamerica's technolog-
in
such
dogmatism,
of extending today's political
cultural
history,
past; his
two cru-
Puertas al
campo
(1966) and Posdata (1970), remain pertinent critiques of
this
Nonetheless, according to the prevailing dogma,
America." Hence, metallurgy's rapid adaptation and spread
perspective.
throughout most of West Mexico." Elsewhere, metallurgy, when
the entire West Mexican zone had only village levels of social
and where
organization, accompanied by interesting but small-scale arts
the
it
first
appears, promotes revolutionary adaptations;
proto-Tarascan
zone would
The collapse of Classic civilization dition,
have
been
in Jalisco,
no exception.
the Teuchitlan tra-
which had spread and affected parts of the
probably related
in
part to the
Bajio,
is
appearance of metallurgy there
by around 650-700. West Mexico's reorganization proceeded apace. At the
same time as
the appearance of metallurgy,
another new technology arrived arrow."
These
radical
in
figurines gift
from Central Mexico, arriving
Postclassic
polity, C
priori
in
(ca.
and
900)
was
in
a
at the beginning of the early
thus derived
the Tarascans were a marginal, barbarous,
western
appeared
period
civilization
from,
first,
Teotihuacan, and, second, the Tolteca. According to this dogma,
West Mexico: the bow and
innovations
and other items of material culture;
whose emergence was
quasi-Mesoamencun
inspired by copying their superior'
neighbors. However, as Helen Pollard points out, "This a
marginalization
of
the
region
has
impeded research
without reflecting the culture-history dynamics revealed by the available evidence."
22
a pity that the overcentralization of
is
It
development of Mesoamerican archaeo-
policy determining the
continues to ignore West Mexico.
logical research
As Nicolas Leon
Tarascan state probably preceded by a short time the emergence of that of the Aztecs.
addition, while at first briefly character-
In
was
ized by a degree of fragmentation, Tarascan
more
a
unified
endeavor, depending far less on alliances and far more on sheer
power and colonization
military
to effect impositions over
neighbors. The official Tarascan history tells
us that the Patzcuaro basin
in
was the
tory for the latter period
its
Relation de Michoacan locale of the first stir-
legitimately claim the
title "ruler."
He united
fell
number of
could
how
Exactly
Ihuatzio
the basin, such as Patzcuaro,
and Ihuatzio.
into this early picture
According to the royal account of
sometime around Tarascan
fits
capital
Uayameo-the
1350 Ihuatzio Patzcuaro,
at
which
point of origin for
family-about
not
is
own
its
displaced
briefly
com-
history,
the
had
itself
first
displaced
Concerning Uayameo, even
was the
the royal accounts are fairly imprecise. Ihuatzio
capital
only during the reign of Hirepan.
different
from
the
other
major
architecturally
is
imperial
at
site
Tzintzuntzan. While having structures similar to the yacatas for
which Tzintzuntzan
is
famous, the major structures
Ihuatzio
in
have other formats. 22 Ihuatzio had two major periods of occupation, therefore
preceding Tzintzuntzan as a complex
Patzcuaro basin. The
reached central
apogee
its
site
after
precinct area
around 55 hectares, and ble-pyramid structures
pyramid complex exists Ihuatzio
is
Around 1400, Tzintzuntzan, meaning "place of the hum-
site in
the
1400.
Its
and extensive, measuring
in
and remained so during the
royal capital
ital
following the murder of the last
by
Nuno de Guzman, combined
administrative power to Patzcuaro
24
when
The
1540. The final blow
was
hectares, the
2 '
and the more dispersed sec-
The
site
is
population of from 25,000 to 35,000
estimated to have
when
the Spanish
1522, despite the fact that the Euroafrican epidemic
was already raging. The immense central
precinct
is
dominated by
a great plat-
form, protruding as a terrace from a hillside and facing Lake Patzcuaro. The platform measures deep, and over 10 meters high
in
450 meters wide, 250 meters most
estimated half-million cubic meters of
famed yacata
structures.
places, thus having
fill.
On
its
West Mexico had had
a
unique
architectural tradition, based on a concentric cir-
cular pattern, long before the yacata
were conceived, 26 so the
are not out of context. Yacatas are characterized by a stepped
the one
in
front of the various
researchers have interpreted a few of these huge
and truncated conical structure appended to form, which
was
in
a
rectangular plat-
turn accessed by a rear stairway. These struc-
tures were faced with beautifully shaped, square volcanic slabs,
which often have petroglyphs. There are five monumental yacatas placed at regular inter-
yacatas were dedicated to
vals atop the base platform. The
of the interior spaces, this seems improbable.
Curicaueri, a sun god, as well as his four brothers.
is
an
upper surface
architectural innovations so well represented at Tzintzuntzan
rectangular plazas,
It
progres-
importance.
enclosures as ballcourts, but given their width and the sheer size
in
came
contemporary town of the same name
tions are hundreds of hectares.
in
1530
relocated to
a village of little regional
clearly covers sections of the ruin,
a
in
II,
sector has been estimated as encompassing
site's central
had
in
the colonial capital
degenerated into
650-750
Tangaxuan
(today's Morelia). Thereafter, Tzintzuntzan
Valladolid sively
ruler,
with the transfer of colonial
dou-
pyramid complexes, are enclosed by impressive freestanding
Some
became the
double-
earliest
earlier
the Lake Chapala basin,
forming monumental processional ways
walls.
mingbird,"
monumental
much more monumental. Huge
hectares outside the
5,000 seems reasonable.
are the
Mesoamerica. While an
in
while not completely sur-
site,
precinct area. The population estimates vary considerably, but
began around 900 and apparently
dominated by one of the
is
in
have any tributary communities. The
may have covered around 125-150
veyed,
1200, perhaps as late as
nucleated
is
duties, did not
more dispersed sections of the
arrived
meaning "place of the coyote,"
Ihuatzio,
quite
lineage at Tzintzuntzan, and having important religious
royal
and military
forty years later
what became the Tarascan
a century earlier.
the
Spanish arrived, the great lord of Ihuatzio, while related to the
importance ended only with the Spanish deemphasis of the cap-
Tariacuri had reigned (ca. 1300-1350),
pletely clear.
royal
in
objects,
When
ornaments.
shell
after his death his
With reunification shortly afterward, Tzintzuntzan definitively
where
complex obsidian
pipes,
and
negative/
etc.),
most important period of Tarascan expansion. Tzintzuntzan's
apart due to competition between his heirs.
surpassed the other centers
tweezers, adzes,
differ-
a
though
ent, smaller states within the basin,
accomplishment
who
person
first
bells,
plugs,
lip
Tarascan: metal objects of cop-
fully
polychrome ceramics,
such as ear and
rings of imperialism. There, during the first half of the four-
teenth century, Tariacuri emerged as the
is
per and bronze (needles, resist
emphasized, the emergence of the
first
coyotes, have been located as well. Otherwise, the artifact inven-
possible that,
addition, the upper surfaces of these enclosure walls served
Atop the
yacatas were painted, wooden temples, themselves of consider-
as causeways.
able size. Sacrificial stone altars and skull racks
A monumental chacmool (sculpture of reclining figure holding a bowl) was found associated with one of the secondary plazas. A number of large stone "thrones," in the shape of
structures.
bones,
Not
many
of
far
from the yacatas,
them
sacrificial victims.
accompanied the
a large deposit of
human
burnt, presumably represent the remains of
Many
of the skull fragments were perforated.
The great platform, burial
addition to
in
The Tarascan
yacatas, also had major
its
chambers within which were extremely
rich
and elabo-
Central Mexico/" Naturally, gion. The greatest
The approach to
also terraced, part of which constitutes an
From any angle, the complex stitutes an unparalleled
The
is
this precinct
enormous
is
stairway.
extremely impressive and con-
example of formal architectural design.
rest of Tzintzuntzan
had an extensive array of buildings,
ideological
to Cuerauaperi (earth, fertility, rain, birth, death,
goddess), Curicaueri
(a
childbirth
and feather workers;
artisans, especially metal
trary to Aztec custom,
for farmers
households
belonged to the
and
fertility
as main themes). Tarascan priesthoods
and residences
administration grew
in
other areas of Tarascan speech, such as
Jacona to the west. Tarascan expansion to the east was limited by a number of factors, the most prominent being the presence
The center was overwhelmingly oriented to
and completely
tied
lineage. Overall, the city
had
accommodated the
to
hilly
in
the destiny of the imperial
a formal plan
and configuration
topography of
this section of
the Patzcuaro basin. While other large sites with
some urban
characteristics existed within the Tarascan empire, as well as to
the northwest
heartlands around the Patzcuaro basin. Secondary centers of
of the Aztec-dominated Triple Alliance. The Tarascans also had
site.
the administration and affairs of the empire, clearly urban
but also
in
Colima, Nayarit, and Jalisco, Tzintzuntzan
was
little
own
legends concerning Chichimeca origins; although
some groups
of Tarascan speech were indeed Chichimeca, this
is
an unlikely area to look for their overall origins. Expansion to
the south and west, however, sixteenth century, Tarascan
was another
matter. By the early
dominance was
largest imperial presence in
Ihuatzio, Tzintzuntzan,
Tarascans as
well
as
Turquoise was popular but did not figure
in
it
was
a
commodity
consumption trade.
long-distance trade,
merchants or
either as a product acquired by the royal ute. Instead,
elite
long-distance
for
that circulated
among
in trib-
the
elite
elements of the population. Long before the Tarascan royal sys-
tem was organized, turquoise was
a
major but localized item
within the Mesoamerican trade structure. the Aztecs obtained
some turquoise
In
comparison, while
in tribute,
they too did not
acquire this most valued material via their long-distance trade
organization,
the
pochteca."
The
Tarascan
artisans
set
turquoise into both obsidian and silver jewelry. Along with turquoise artistry and metalworking
in
copper, bronze,
silver,
and gold, featherworking was extremely important and was
a
royally sponsored art. Feathers decorated costumes, headdresses, shields,
standards, and other elite objects.
-mporary
known of the former same name covers almost
Little is
city of the
last
beyond
conquest
Tangaxoan lasting
I's
basis
under,
Patzcuaro,
his death, apparently
formed the expansionist ideological basis especially,
round
for the next
Tangaxoan
I.
And
was
it
reforms and social innovations that formed the for
the
Tarascan
empire,
revolutionizing
life
throughout West Mexico. By the mid-fifteenth century, military conquests had become institutionalized
quickly
filled
and
a
tribute state
had emerged. Expansion
the area between the Balsas and Lerma
and north, and west into the central highland Jalisco.
rivers,
south
lake districts of
The Tarascan expansion into the Chapala basin
bly in part responsible for the collapse of the great
that had existed there during slightly earlier times.
proba-
is
complexes
Huge
sites,
such as San Gregorio, were abandoned. The entire southern shore of the Chapala basin apparently military
Other sites of importance within the Patzcuaro basin were Patzcuaro and Urichu.
of
basin:
Urichu, Erongaricuaro, and Pechataro.
While this unification did not it
the second
it
Mesoamerica. Tariacuri united the
most important centers of the Patzcuaro
the
over an area of
felt
approximately 75,000 square kilometers, making
probably the only truly urban center within West Mexico at the
The crafts at Tzintzuntzan were largely for
some
success penetrating north of the Lerma River, despite
of their
time of the Spanish intrusion.
among
and
nobility
Most of the nonelite
craft production.
nature,
dominated by the
institutions,
the central part of the city were dedicated to
on the peripheries of the in
nobility);
and
Tarascan militarism carried royal power far afield from the
luxury products; large storehouses; residential areas for other
and
fire),
Xaratanga (daughter of the earth creator, wife of the sun, with
organized over time with hereditary offices.
residences and centers for long-distance merchants (who, con-
and creation
sky force: the sun's messenger,
cazonci (ruler/emperor); a large marketplace for
elite families
of
we know most about the state relinumber of temples apparently were dedicated
were formidable
and
areas
radical differences with
including additional temple precincts; a royal palace for the utilitarian
structure
neighboring
Mesoamerica, though also displaying
personage into the
afterlife.
with
similarities
One chamber contained around sixty individuals, most of whom were meant to accompany the prime interred rate offerings.
system and
religious
many
shared
march
became
subject to a Tarascan
for access to areas further west.
By 1460, the
Zacatula area on the Pacific coast had been conquered.
since the
By around the 1480s, imperial efforts were being made to
of the
penetrate and control the metal-producing areas outside of
all
rum, and few salvage efforts have taken advantage of inspect-
Michoacan
ing the profiles of either sewer or water lines or openings left
the major impetus for Tarascan expansion outside their original,
by current coi
on
the site of the nr
generated for the bas
activities. In contrast,
Unchu had been
on and survey project yet
core lands
many
itself.
Helen Pollard has convincingly argued that
was embedded
in a
systematic effort to control as
source areas for copper and
worked well
in
tin
as possible." This strategy
parts of Jalisco, especially the Tamazula zone, but
Page from Fray Jerbnimo dp
Alt
La Rclacidn de Michoacan,
539-41.
1
.il.i,
I
View of the yacatas of Tzintzunzan
in
Michoacan.
€f
=Vi£3.^^--^
t'»;¥;«^ttll *
'
tf?v
r
'j**^
w.ii
i
-.-
:*?
tot.
A
- ...
*-*-
*
*
-
ran afoul with the attempts to control the small but highly milstates further north
itarized
and west. Ameea and
despite a
number of
These two
sites controlled the rich
Etzatlan,
destructive raids, could not be subdued.
copper and
silver
deposits of
the Sierra de Ameca. â&#x20AC;˘ The political dominance of salt-produc-
was another Tarascan
ing areas
strategy.
selected areas, the Tarascans at times instituted a policy
In
of forced population relocations to help keep conquests securely
While leadership positions were hereditary
in line.
nobility,
the
conquered zones, were chosen by the
local leaders, especially in ruler.
among
the Tarascan ruler generally had the final word, and
A system
of governors evolved that tied local power struc-
tures firmly and directly to the royal lineage at Tzintzuntzan,
and these
were often reinforced through marriages. While
ties
a great deal
of
autonomy
existed, the ruler
any
cised right to overrule
had the often exer-
local decision. Political
systematically centralized to a degree not seen
areas of Mesoamerica.
ed military and
civil
in
power was most other
addition, the ruler occasionally divid-
In
authorities
in
certain localities.
Aside from the flow of luxury goods desired by both sides,
was
the Tarascan-Aztec frontier
around 1440 4
hostilities.
did
characterized, from probably
the Spanish intrusion, by almost continuous
Luxury items, especially turquoise and metal
were highly desired
facts, ties
until
indeed
cross
in
Central Mexico.
the
tions were not involved
tribute.
on either
side.
and then to Central Mexico as either trade or
Groups of Otomi were possibly involved
two empires,
or perhaps
because of
ambassadors exchanged between the tain
frontier
hostile
A more logical route for down the Pacific littoral
frontier trade as well. Despite the hostile
the
arti-
commodi-
these
clearly royal trading organiza-
the flow of such items might have been or via Oaxaca,
and
militarized
between the two empires, then
If
the cross-
in
environment between it,
there were official
We know
polities.
for cer-
about only one such ambassador from Tarascan, as he was
present
in
Tenochtitlan
that city's collapse.
It
in
1519, witnessing the
was apparently he and
first
phase of
his party
who
carried the first Euroafrican sicknesses back to Tzintzuntzan.
Generally,
it
was
military confrontation that distinguished
the frontier situation and interempire affairs. The Tarascans built a great fortress at
Taximora, which
managed
to defy
all
attempts by the Aztecs at conquest and to block with a degree of effectiveness Aztec attempts to penetrate Aztecs, despite
their
all
much beyond. The
might and military reputation, simply
did not have the capacity to defeat or inflict lasting
damage on
the Tarascan polity.
At the time of the Spanish intrusion into West Mexico, there
probably were around two million people within this general area.''
The Tarascans controlled only a fraction of that popula-
perhaps a quarter
or,
at most, a third
I
Hey did not have
anywhere near the demographic potential of the Central Mi
In
addition, urbanism in
West Mexico
I
polities of in
general
come close to the levels within Central Mexico. Tzintzuntzan was probably the only center within the Tarascan realm that was a true city, and within the Tarascan realm
in
particular had not
Notes
Brigitte
my
Boehm,
though other centers or areas outside the Tarascan area of
tions
supported
differences, the Tarascans military
were able to organize an effective
and economic system that dominated much of West
empire at battles,
battle
bay.
and,
keeping the neighboring Aztec
in
3.
use of archers was another difference between their military
administration
was
centralized
seen within the Aztec realm. to a long series of
West Mexico.
and coordinated
Its
polity
was
imperial
to a degree not
a fitting conclusion
complex sociocultural developments within
:
Gobierno
El
de Michoacan, 2000).
del Estado
Hans Roskamp, Los codices de Cutzio y Huetamo: Encomienda y tribute en la de Michoacan, sigloXVI (Zamora: El Colegio de Michoacan and
Colegio Mexiquense, 2003).
Hans Roskamp,
Eduardo Zarate,
Michoacan and
General de 5.
El
Lienzo de Jicalan,"
La tierra caliente de Michoacan (Zamora:
Gobierno
El
mito y legitimacion:
"Historia,
ed.,
El
in
Colegio de
Estado de Michoacan, 2001), pp. 119-51.
del
Pablo Beaumont, Cronica de Michoacan (1778-1780) (Mexico City: Archivo
4.
organization and that of the Aztecs. The Tarascan
The Colegio de Michoacan has
responsibility.
research efforts for the past fifteen years.
tierra caliente El
to the Tarascans; their systematic
my
Michoacan and
the ceremonial elements of
were not as important
and any errors are my sole
crucial for
Of course, many of the interpreta-
polity.
Relation de Michoacan: Relation de las ceremonias y rictos y poblacldn y los indios de la provincia de Michoacan (Zamora El Colegio de
1
The Tarascan military was dedicated to winning unlike the Aztecs,
and Eduardo Williams have been
gobernacion de
2.
Mexico and was successful
years, with Shirley Gorenstein, Helen Pollard,
Efrain Cardenas,
understanding of the Tarascan
dominance, such as Etzatlan, the Nayarit coast, and the valley of Colima, had large population concentrations. Despite these
many
Conversations, held over
J.
Michoacano 6.
Nacion, 1932).
la
Benedict Warren, "Informe de
Vasco de Quiroga.
Lie.
.
.,"
Anales del Museo
(1989), pp. 30-52.
Rene Acuna, Relaciones geograficas del
siglo XVI:
Michoacan (Mexico
Autonoma de Mexico, 1987). Los tarasco (Mexico City: Museo Nacional,
City:
Universidad Nacional 7.
Nicolas Leon,
1904). For care in
preparation and readability, Leon's classic works remain interesting and perti-
nent to this day. 8.
mas antiguas de Michoacan,"
Arturo Oliveros, "Las tumbas
Figueroa, ed., Historia general de Michoacan, vol.
1, pt. 2,
Jaime
in
"Epoca prehispanica"
(Morelia: Gobierno de Michoacan, 1989), pp. 121-34. 9. Phil C.
Weigand and Christopher Beekman, "The Teuchitlan
a Statelike Society,"
Richard Townsend,
in
Tradition: Rise of
Ancient West Mexico: Art and
ed.,
Archaeology of the Unknown Past (Chicago: Art
Institute of Chicago, 1998),
35-51.
pp.
Veronique Darras and
10.
chupicuaro: Estudio del Williams, Phil
C.
de
la
cultura
Puruguita, Guanajuato,"
in
Eduardo
"Cronologia
Faugere,
Brigitte
sitio La Tronera,
Weigand, Lorenza Lopez, and David Grove,
del Occidente de Mexico:
eds.,
Arqueologia
Nuevos datos, futuras direcciones (Zamora:
El
Colegio
de Michoacan, Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies,
and
La Secretaria de Cultura del Estado de Jalisco, forthcoming).
11.
Charlotte Arnauld, Patricia Carot, Marie France, and Fauvet Berthelot,
Arqueologia de
las
lomas en
la
cuenca lacustre de Zacapu, Michoacan, Mexico,
Cuadernos de estudios michoacanos,
no.
(Mexico City: Centre Francais
5
d'Etudes Mexicaines et Centramericaines, 1993). 12. Efrain Cardenas,
politico (Zamora:
Eduardo Williams and
13.
en
El Bajio
el clasico: Analisis
regional y organization
Colegio de Michoacan, 1999).
El
region del Lerma
Phil
C
(Zamora:
Weigand, Colegio
El
eds.,
Arqueologia y etnohistw
Michoacan and Centro de
de
Investigacion en Matematicas, 1999).
Roman
14.
Chan,
Pina
Michoacan (Mexico
ito
Nacional de Antropologia e Historia, 1982).
15. Phil
C
Jalisco,
Nayarit yZacatecas (Zamora:
Weigand, Evolution de una
civilization prehispanica: Arqueologia "
C.
Tingmabato,
Exploraciones arqueologicas en
(
Colegio
El
de
1993); and Phil
di
Weigand, "Architecure of the Teuchitlan Tradition of the Occidente of
Mesoamerica
jmerica," Ancient 16.
m
archaeolou, Sfofc
no.
1
(19%). pp.91
(I
,
lento del
o
i
C
Weigand,
Mexico (Zamora:
El
Colegio de
Gorenstein, "Settlemr Phil
C.
Weigand,
101
for a
ol
the region's
\ Legacy: The Prehr,
Pollard
Williams and Phil
and
7,
The most complete and recent summaries
eds.,
1993); Helen
,iscon
Poll. ml,
Investigaciones recicntes,"
Arqueologia del
Michoacan, toric
1994),
|
pp
Norte de
29-63; in
studio
Eduardo
in
('
Tarascan Corr,"
"I
Shirley
Michael Foster
meology of West and Northwest
Mesoamerica
(Boulder,
Westview
Colo.:
Press,
1985),
117-30; Shirley
pp.
Gorenstein and Helen Pollard, The Tarascan Civilization:
A Late Prehispanic 28
Cultural System, Vanderbilty University Publications in Anthropology, (Nashville, 1983);
Eduardo Williams, "Los tarascos y sus antepasados: Una per-
spectiva antropologica," El 1
in Brigitte
Colegio de Michoacan and
El
Boehm,
Michoacan antiguo (Zamora:
ed., El
Gobierno del Estado de Michoacan, 1994), pp.
69-83; Eduardo Williams, "Desarrollo cultural en
Mexico: 1500 a.C-1521 d.C,"
in
cuencas
las
Eduardo Williams and
del
Phil C.
Occidente de
Weigand,
Las cuencas del Occidente de Mexico: Epoca prehispanica (Zamora:
Michoacan
de
and
Centroamericanos,
Centro
1996),
Frances
15-59;
pp.
de
Estudios
Colegio
Mexicanos
de
northern
the
for
El
eds.,
frontier,
y
Brigitte
Contemporary Tzintzuntzan was the focus
published.
few ethnographic
study that also records
classics, a
history of the site as well:
Smithsonian
Tzintzuntzan,
George
Spanish by
El
27.
Weigand and
fundas de
rebelion de
la
7.
Galicia (Zamora:
de Cultura del Estado de
La Secretaria 1
Acelia Garcia, Tenamaxtli y Guaxicar: Las raices pro-
Nueva
El
Colegio de Michoacan and
Phil
C.
Weigand and
Acelia
Garcia,
Dorothy Hosier, The Sounds and Colors of Power: The Sacred Metallurgy of
Mesoamerica,"
in
Virginia Fields
and Victor Zamudio-Taylor, eds. The Road
Aztldn.Art from a Mythic Homeland, exh.
Weigand,
18. Phil C.
tradicion Teuchitlan,"
"La arqueologia in Phil C.
de Jalisco vista desde
el
colapso de
la
Weigand, ed, Estudio historico y cultural sobre
loshuicholes (Colotlan: Universidad de Guadalajara,
Campus
Universitario del
and
19. Ibid.;
Phil C.
Weigand,
"La antigua
ecumene mesoamericana: Un ejem-
plo de sobre-especializacion?" Relaciones 21, no.
20.
Totorame
is
most
related
Pollard concentrated
29. Aside
30.
Weigand and
from some minor ceremonial buildings,
of her research on residential areas, offering for the
Weigand and
82 (2000),
pp.
52, no.
Economy
4 (1987),
pp.
of Prehispanic Tarascan Metallurgy,"
741-52.
Garcia, Tenamaxtli y Guaxicar.
35.
J.
Benedict Warren, The Conquest of MichoacdnJhe Spanish Domination of
Oklahoma
El
Templo/Convento
Concepcion de Etzatlan, Jalisco ysu contexto prehispdnico, Coleccion pat-
Kingdom of Western Mexico, 1521- 1530 (Norman:
36. Donald Brand, "Ethnohistorical Synthesis of Western Mexico,"
Middle American Indians,
2000).
(Austin: University of Texas Press, 1967), pt.
campo
(1966; Mexico City: Editorial Seix Barral,
1972); and Octavio Paz, Posdata (Mexico City: Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 1970). 22.
Helen
Pollard,
"Michoacan Region,"
Webster, eds. Archaeology of Mexico
(New York: Garland Publishing
2001),
Inc.,
Susan Toby Evans and David
in
and Central America: An Encyclopedia p.
464.
23. There has been recent research at Ihuatzio by Efrain Cardenas and Eugenia
Fernandez, but these studies remain unpublished. The best published descriptions are Alfonso Caso, "Informe preliminar de las exploraciones realizadas en
Michoacan," Anales del Museo Nacional de Arqueologia, Historia y Etnografia, no. 6 (1929), pp.
izadas en
el
446-52; and Jorge Acosta, "Exploraciones arqueologicas
estado de Michoacan durante
los
real-
anos de 1937 y 1938," Revista
mexicana de estudios antropologicos 3 (1939),
85-99; also see Ignacio
pp.
Marquina, Arquitectura prehispanica, Institute Nacional de Antropologia e Historia,
Memoria
1
(Mexico
Weigand and
24. Phil C.
secuencia cultural en inares," in
City, 1951).
Acelia Garcia, "La arquitectura prehispanica y
cuenca de Chapala,
la
Jaliso:
la
Observaciones prelim-
Williams and Weigand, eds, Las cuencas del Occidente de Mexico:
Epoca prehispanica (Zamora:
El
Colegio de Michoacan and Centro Frances de
Estudios Mexicanos y Centroamericanos, 1996), pp. 293-323. 25. The
most complete descriptions of
Leal, Clara Diaz,
de Michoacan,
and M. T Garcia, "Los vol.
1,
pt.
2,
pp.
this site's architecture are
tarascos,"
193-304;
Decima temporada de excavaciones," Universidad
(Mexico
City,
Zoning and
Nacional
R.
M. Castro-
Figueroa, Historia general
Cabrera Castro, "Tzintzuntzan:
Homenaje a Roman Piha Chan,
Autonoma de Mexico,
Serie
Antropologica,
1987), pp. 531-65; and Helen Pollard, "An Analysis of
Planning
in
Prehispanic Tzintzuntzan,"
American Philosophical Society 121 "Los tarascos y sus antepasados";
Much
in
in
,
no.
1
no.
79
Urban
Proceedings of the
(1977), pp. 46-69; also see Williams,
and Marquina, Arquitectura prehispanica.
of the original and earlier excavation materials have never been fully
University of
Press, 1985).
rimonio cultural (Guadalajara: La Secretaria de Cultura del Estado de Jalisco,
21. Octavio Paz, Puertas al
Colegio de Michoacan and La
El
Secretaria de Cultura del Estado de Jalisco, 2003).
and Robert Gonzalez,
Weigand, and Acelia Garcia,
Leon, Los tarasco.
34. Pollard, Tariacuri's Legacy.
39-58.
closely to other southern Uto-Aztecan subfamilies,
Phil C.
in
Garcia, "La arquitectura prehispanica."
33. Eduardo Williams, La sal de la tierra: Etnoarqueologia de la produccion
the Tarascan
la
much
from the primary documentation of Relacion de Michoacan, one of
American Antiquity 32.
to
Angeles: Los Angeles County
time detailed archaeological views of this category of material.
first
such as Tarachitan and Tepiman. Weigand and Garcia, Tenamaxtli y Guaxicar;
de
cat. (Los
salinera en el Occidente de Mexico (Zamora:
Norte, 2002), pp. 157-78.
in
of Art, 2001), pp. 184-95.
31. Helen Pollard, "The Political
Ancient West Mexico (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1994).
Anthropology,
1948); reprinted
"A Macroeconomic Study of the
the best accounts of Tarascan religion remains that
Jalisco, 1996).
of Social
Nuevo Mundo,
Relationships between the Ancient Cultures of the American Southwest and
28. Pollard, Tariacuri's Legacy. Aside
west, Phil C.
more recent
26. Weigand, "Architecure of the Teuchitlan Tradition."
Museum
Mexicaines et Centrameriaines, 1996); and, for the trans-Tarascan zone to the
of the
Colegio de Michoacan, 2000.
Cuadernos de estudios Michoacanos (Mexico
Centre Francais d'Etudes
one of West Mexico's
Empire's Children: The People of
Institute
Institution,
Publication no. 6 (Mexico City: Imprenta
Faugere-Kalfon, Entre Zacapu y Rio Lerma: Cultures en una zona fronteriza, City:
Foster,
for
much
vol.
11,
Handbook of
"Archaeology of Northern Mesoamerica" 2,
pp.
632-56.
Tarascan Art Roberto Yelasco l/onso
AND
THE TARASCAN EMPIRE EXHIBITED COUNTLESS HISTORICAL PARALLELS to that of the Aztecs. Both peoples
founded and
longed migrations conducted, they believed,
accordance with
in
wishes. Since they reached lands inhabited by groups
american forms and symbols.
expand
many
the Tarascans and the Aztecs adopted
Tolteca,
their
RELIGIOUS SIMILARITIES
settled their cities after pro-
Like the Aztecs, the
their gods'
contact with the
in
characteristic
made
Tarascans
Meso-
efforts to
sphere of control through coercion, under the influence of the bel-
licose character of their religion overall
Curicaueri. Their commercial
and
and
specifically of their patron god,
gave
political aspirations
rise to
continuous
skirmishes along the extensive border they shared with the Aztec empire.
Although the Tarascans appeared cultures (1250-1521
B.C.),
tem of symbols rooted them
development of Mesoamerican
late in the
their recognition
and use of
within
firmly
European chronicler Fray Jeronimo de Alcala
in
this
broad region's sys-
traditions.
its
As
by their
told
the Relacion de Michoacan, the
Tarascans recognized Nahuatl-speaking people as the original inhabitants of
On
the
among
the
the lands around Lake Patzcuaro, the site of their flourishing culture.
other hand, other
the Aztecs' ancestral memory, the Tarascans were
in
six tribes living
alongside them
believed the Tarascans to have
of the five
in
abandoned the
Nahua groups, including the
Although there
is
the mythical land of Chicomoztoc. They site
before the departure of four
Aztecs.
no convincing evidence about
supposed
this
common
ori-
gin and the Aztecs' and Tarascans' different linguistic identities, archaeological
remains of their
cities
show
were
fully settled
in
through
a close ancestral link
must have been assimilated
into their cultures
many
religion. Their beliefs
years before both groups
their respective lake regions. In fact, in the
ceremonial
precincts that survived the Conquest, the Tarascan pyramidal structures-called
yocofos-are composite to, a
in plan:
that
is,
a circular base
beneath
it.
On top
next
is
rectangular one; each superimposed layer of stone
is
In
who governed
wood
the Aztec region of
were pyramidal structures with very similar
dedicated to the creator god trast,
and attached
of each circular section there would have been a simple
shrine with a palm roof, positioned to face the rising sun. influence, there
to,
smaller than the one
characteristics,
the wind. These pyramids, by con-
supported temples of stucco-covered stone with polychrome sections,
which,
like their
Tarascan counterparts, were generally oriented toward the east.
The austerity of Tarascan empire
in
its
architecture also chara<
West Mexico. From
marked by pragmatism,
the majoi
'
cai
.e
<
hniques
demonstrated
Surviving examples
in
show
the
that these people were for building temples.
the paucity of decorative element', early
numenl
we
.1
also exempi
Dture an
it
in
their
the simple symbols used a distinct
in
tendency towuid
aracterized by strong cutting and pronounced edges.
rai
l^SO-1521
/M
i>.
V I
180.
Copper disk
Tarascan.ca. 1250-1521
human
The
figure sculpted
stone manifests the Taraseans' self-conception and
in
the features that notably distinguish this culture from tered
Mexico-Tenochtitlan.
in
Tarascan art
In
counterpart to the east, cen-
its
nudity
full
male figures
in
is
the
rule,
not
the exception. To viewers of the time, the clear emphasis of the genital area would
have suggested the power of
fire.
This element, governed by Curicaueri,
of as a desirable, germinating force. The eyes and
without inlays of
directly into the stone,
Central Basin.
Somewhat
the other digits:
fingers and toes are
All five
Outstanding
Tarascan
in
anthropomorphic figure
on
reclining
shown
its
is
at the
same
which served as an
back,
the
angle.
version of the
its
in
were not distinguished from
big toes
production
artistic
was thought
figures were carved
and obsidian, as was the custom
shell
thumbs and
similarly,
mouths of
chacmool
(an
two
altar-table);
types are known. The life-size type supports a rectangular platform, has a distinct facial expression, and
and greater
which
was
it
is
adorned only with anklets. The second variant
is
of smaller dimensions
clearly adhering to the limitations of the rectilinear block
rigidity,
from
carved. Examples of both types wear the hairstyle characteristic of
warriors. Just like their equivalents
the eastern part of pre-Hispanic Mexico, these
in
message that transcended the
altars
were understood to be the bearers of
plane.
Thus the warrior was selected as the being best suited to
a
terrestrial
deliver such a highly
valued offering.
Another element that was widely diffused during the Late Postclassic period sacrificial stone,
which
rough features and flexed supporting
feet; this
a sacrifical victim
form
quite an interesting variation for
ing
on
its
four paws,
its
panting, with
it is
representations of coyotes
is
the
closely linked to the object's function of
while the heart
form very popular among the Maya and is
is
the Tarascan style has the form of a reclining coyote with
in
may
was removed. A zoomorphic throne
choice of subject: Rendered as a coyote standits
mouth open and tongue hanging
be the most expressive of
By contrast ceramics, the lapidary
(a
Tolteca, although depicting different animals)
arts,
out.
Such
Tarascan stone sculpture.
all
and metalwork were the mediums used for
the culture's most refined creations, which are comparable to the works of the greatest
Mesoamerican
ual vessels, still
ful
artisans. Tarascan potters created magnificent designs for their rit-
produced
know very
little
polychromy of
in
an extraordinary range of forms and the most varied
about
sizes.
We
symbology. Because of the excellent polish and color-
their
on
their finish, these vessels are considered
a par
with the most
sophisticated ceramic traditions of their time. The Taraseans are also recognized for their long, elegant clay pipes.
Among
the finest examples of yet another distinctive Tarascan art form, jewelry, are
the delicate pieces fashioned
red
in
some
nature of volcanic glass,
and black obsidian.
In spite
of the fragile, brittle
and lip-plugs have sur-
beautiful, obsidian earspools
vived to this day. They testify to the great labor necessary to achieve their exceptional
translucence, which
is
examples, settings of In
enlivened by turquoise plaques inlaid
hammered
the center and,
in
other
working metal, the Taraseans used various techniques to create a great variety
of designs, forms, and casting, forging,
and
utensils.
filigree.
Among
the
methods were hammering, lost-wax
They also applied gold plate to copper, which called
an exacting chemical process. The range of items executed dles, axes, bells,
early
in
gold.
in
bloc, as
repousse
disks,
and pectorals, permeated
Tarascan history. Perhaps this work it
was shaped by
domination, relegating to
is
in
all
for
metal, such as awls, nee-
spheres of daily
most representative of
life
from
their imperial
culture highly focused on production control and political
a
a
lower order the refinement of sculptural techniques and
ornamental architecture. This collective identity forged Tarascan thinking
and
reflects the effectiveness of
its
cosmological strategy at the societal
level,
which was
a process abruptly interrupted
by the Conquest. Their system shows a secular advance characteristic of the Bronze
Age
region of the Americas. Perhaps
in this
delayed,
when
if
the discovery of the
heard not of the glories of the Aztecs but of great dominions
sun set in
in
New World had been
the Spaniards arrived on the eastern shores of Mexico they might have in
the west, where the
the lands of the warrior sun, son of Curicaueri. Had there been
more
an epic battle Curicaueri might have defeated the Aztec god Huitzilopochtli, the
handed sun. The followers of the victorious god-in accordance with have
184.
built a city
Throne
in
his
the shape of a coyote
left-
wishes-might
dedicated to his greatness on the shores of Lake Patzcuaro.
Tarascan, ca. 1250-1521
time,
j* :«l!
i
V
y v
.•**£
s*
the Empires
The Conquest as Seen by the Mexiea-Aztees m-Portilla
WARS AND OTHER CONFRONTATIONS
OFTEN SAID THAT THE HISTORY OF
IT IS
winners. So
it
was with
Emperor Charles V describing
ters to
IS
WRITTEN BY THE
the Conquest of Mexico. Hernan Cortes wrote long let-
doressuch asBernal Diaz
own
his
as did other conquista-
deeds,
author of the True History of the Discovery
del Castillo,
and Conquest of Mexico: But
about
in this
their
vanquished-the Mexica-Aztecs and others-also wrote
case, the
own
disgraceful fate. Fray Juan de
Monarquia Indiana, published
Mayor of Tenochtitlan:
who
written by an Indian
young, and wrote
have
"I
Fray
Templo
was present there when he was
says that he
other native testimonies of the
major work,
in his
Nahuatl [the Mexican language], well
a history in
still
how to write."' There are several vanquished, among them those transcribed by
when he
later,
it
Torquemada
1615, wrote of the massacre at the
in
learned
1554 and included
Bernardino de Sahagun's scribes around
in
the
Florentine Codex.' The Annals of Tlateloleo, an older manuscript, also includes an
account of the Conquest, as do such
the
as
a
number
Lienzo de Tlaxcala and
Vaticanus
Telleriano-Remensis,
Here
I
will
present
for
many
years,
or codices,
Mexicanus,
Codices Azcatitlan,
Moctezuma, Aubin, and
A,
Although such records were forgotten been brought back to
documents
of pictoglyphic
the
Tepechpan:
more recently they have
light.
some
of the testimonies that described the most dramatic
episodes of this confrontation, which dealt a mortal blow to the Mesoamerican civilization.
Were they prophecies
a posteriori? Priests
and sages among both the Mexica
and the Maya spoke of portentous happenings preceding the
may
Spaniards, which
arrival of the
be interpreted as a prologue to the story. Here
is
one of
the omens:
The people heard
in
the night the voice of a weeping
sobbed and sighed and drowned herself cried: "0
can
I
my
sons,
hide you
are
lost.
II,
my
woman
sons,
where
the Gulf Coast reported seeing boats as large as towers
mountains floating on the
Motecuhzoma
.
Or she cried: "0
.!"
woman, who
her tears. This
.
A messenger from or small
we
in
sea.
Upon hearing
this
news, the Aztec
became deeply concerned:
Other messengers told him
what they had
seen,
was astonished and
how
terrified
<
tl
the journey, and
>gers ate.
Motecuhzoma
by their report, and the description of
strangers' food astonished
He was also
made
they had
and what food
him above
terrified to learn
how
all else.
a tube of metal
[a
cjnnon]
ruler,
v ,
Page from Fray Diego Duran, Codex Duron, also known as Historia de las Indias de Tierra Firms,
1579-81.
Nueva Espana e
Islas
de
how
roared,
how
to faint
and grow deaf. The messengers
its
noise resounded,
it
caused one told him: "A
thing like a ball of stone comes out of its entrails. It comes out shooting sparks and raining fire. The smoke that comes out with it has a pestilent odor,
mud. Their deer carry them on
that of rotten
like
their
backs wherever they wish to go. These deer, our
lord, are
as
tall
as the roof of a house.
The strangers' bodies are completely covered, so that only their faces can be seen. Their skin
as
if
it
were made of
is
white,
They have yellow
lime.
though some of them have
filled if it
with
terror.
It
had shriveled.
heard this report, he was
was as It
if
was as
his heart if
They here,
replied:
"Where do you
said:
"We
are from Tlaxcala.
you have entered our
live?
Where
You have come
land."
Then they guided them to the
them there and
city;
they brought
them to enter. They paid them great honors, joined with them as allies and even gave them their daughters. invited
The Spaniards asked: "Where
Mexico [Tenochtitlan]? They
hair,
black. Their beards are
long and yellow, and their moustaches are also yellow.
When Motecuhzoma
The strangers are you from?"
said: "No,
march. And
it
it
is
Is it
not
far far,
a great city.
is
brave. They are great warriors
the
is
City
of
from here?" is
it
only a three-days
The Mexica are very
and conquerors and
have defeated their neighbors on every
side.'"'
had fainted, as
he were conquered by
Accompanied
by
several
thousand
the
Tlaxcalteca,
Spaniards entered the city of Cholollan (modern Cholula),
desi
where, according to Cortes and his Tlaxcalan friends, the people Despite Motecuhzoma's efforts to dissuade the Spaniards
from marching to Tenochtitlan, the Aztec metropolis, Cortes mobilized
of his men and Indian allies. En route he met who were friendly toward him and would prove
some
the Tlaxcalans,
to be a great help in his confrontation with the Mexica:
The lords of Tlaxcala went out to meet the Spaniards, bringing
and the "Our
many
things to eat: hens and hens' eggs
finest tortillas.
lords,
They said to the strangers:
you are weary."
were conspiring to trap and
kill
The Spaniards continued Tenochtitlan,
the Spaniards. Anticipating the
and massacred the Cholollans.
assault, the Spaniards attacked
their
march, tnully arriving at
where Motecuhzoma received Cortes and
and lodged them
in a
<>ma went out to meet them, there
Ihns Mi Huit/illan.
his
men
palace:
He presented many
gifts to the
commanders, those who had come
and
his
war.
He showered
gifts
in
(\iptjm to
make
upon them and hung flowers
Above and facing page:
Paci< is
Codex Dut(r
NuevaEspanat
from Fra\ toria
erra
Fume,
de 1
licgo
I
Dm. in,
las Indias
57"
t
de
around
gave them
he
necks;
their
necklaces
hung gold necklaces around
flowers. Then he
on the Region of the Mystery. And now you have
of
come out
their
necks and gave them presents of every sort as gifts
of the clouds and mists to
throne again."
on your
sit
10
of welcome.
When Motecuhzoma had
given necklaces to each
one, Cortes asked him: "Are you
you
high
the
ruler?
Is
Motecuhzoma? Are you
that
true
it
are
Motecuhzoma?"
And he answered:
"Yes,
I
am Motecuhzoma." Then
words: "Our you, but
come
to your
under
its
who have gone
guarded
tatives,
sit
it
Itzcoatl,
here to
to Veracruz.
In his
the metropolis, Cortes
in
Alvarado ordered the massacre of
group of Mexica during
a
it
for
your coming.
for
you
When
with
his
Elder, Axayacatl, in
to try to escape
Spaniards
many
attacked by the Mexica, and
of
from the
them were
killed.
The text
begins by describing the events at the feast:
moment
the City of
in
the feast,
when
the dance
Spaniards were seized with an urge to brants. all
was
and when song was linked to song, the
loveliest
kill
the cele-
They closed the entrances and passageways,
the gates of the patio. They posted guards so that
and sheltered by
patio to slaughter the celebrants.
"Did the kings
their shields.
know
the destiny of those they
behind, their posterity?
only they can see what
sleep.
you
I
am
I
only they are watching!
not seeing you I
If
I
in
They ran to the
am my
not walking
dreams.
I
my
my
have seen
have met you face to face!
for five days, for ten days, with
in
I
was
in
eyes fixed
in
place
attacked the
see!
not a dream.
is
at last!
agony
If
left
among
the dancers, forcing their
the
way
where the drums were played. They
man who was drumming and
arms. Then they cut off
his head,
and
it
cut off his
rolled across
floor.
They attacked
all
city
were discovered and
no one could escape, and then rushed into the sacred
it
a
Cortes returned to Tenochtitlan, he contemplated
men. The fleeing
At this
before, your represen-
and preserved
Indians.
what had happened and decided
Mexico. The people were protected by their swords
"No,
was
absence, Cortes's captain Pedro de
sit
canopy.
Motecuhzoma the
and Ahuitzotl ruled
Tizoc,
come
tired
You have
arrived on the earth.
Mexico. You have
city,
on your throne, to "The kings
these
in
you are weary. The journey has
lord,
now you have
The kings
came forward,
head low and addressed him
his
away
great feast at the Templo Mayor, an attack that enraged the
he stood up to welcome Cortes; he
bowed
During the Spaniards' stay called
the celebrants, stabbing them,
spearing them, striking them with their swords. They
some of them from
attacked
ground with
instantly to the
behind, and these
fell
hanging
their entrails
out. Others they beheaded.
put the killed.
way
to force their
but the Spaniards murdered
them
at
out,
the gates.
ran
into
communal
the
houses were safe there for a while.
The stench of blood and entrails Spaniards ran into the
who were
water.
like
the
filled
communal houses
to
The
air.
those
kill
They ran everywhere and searched
hiding.
the
news of
massacre was heard out-
this
went
side the sacred patio, a great cry
come running!
up: "Mexica,
Bring your spears and shields! The
The Spaniards immediately took refuge
iron
They began to shoot
arrows and to
fire their
come
"Mexica,
at the
to
chains.
a
woman who was
.
.
edge of the canal. She
cried:
running! They are crossing the canal!
soldiers beat their
were
raised,
The flagship
and the led the
fleet
moved
way, flying a
drums and blew
their trumpets;
When the ships approached the Zoquiapan the common people were terrified at the
They gathered
quarsight.
canoes and
their children into the
helter-skelter across the lake,
moaning with
paddling as swiftly as they could. They
shouted the
call
fled
and
fear
left all their little
farms without looking back.
When
the Mexica discovered that the shots from
cannons always flew
arquebuses and
the
They ran to the right or
fire.
front of the guns.
about to be
away
they no longer ran
line,
ning, they
a priest of Huitzilopochtli
lake.
in
they played their flutes and chirimias and whistles.
straight
in
Our enemies are escaping!"
Then
cannons were mounted
people. The
great linen standard with Cortes's coat of arms. The
their
cannons and arquebuses.
And they shackled Motecuhzoma The first alarm was raised by drawing water
the
in
Mexica with
at the
loosing
boats,
possessions behind them and abandoned their
strangers have murdered our warriors!"
palace.
its
out onto the
ter,
When
their
The Spaniards now decided to attack Tenochtitlan
and destroy
everywhere; they invaded every room, hunting and killing.
them from
forced to retreat again.
the ships, the sails
The blood of the warriors flowed
Mexica was
a single
second advance but our
tried a
such a storm of arrows that the Spaniards were
Others climbed the walls, but they could not save
who
and not
to flight
warriors attacked
Some Mexica attempted
themselves. Those
enemy
The Spaniards
fired
left
in
a
in
the line of
or in zigzags, not in
they saw that a cannon was
If
and they could not escape by run-
threw themselves to the ground and
lay
shot had passed over them.
flat until the
arms from the temple pyramid. His voice rang out
The heaviest fighting began when the Spaniards
"Captains, warriors, Mexica! Our ene-
entered Nonohualco. None of our enemies and none
over the
city:
mies are escaping! Follow them
them
off,
in
your boats. Cut
When
they heard this
into their boats
paddled with
and
the warriors leaped
The boatmen
set out in pursuit.
their might; they lashed the
all
of the lake until
cry,
it
boiled.
own
of our
warriors escaped harm. Everyone
wounded, and the
and destroy them!"
water
The boats converged on the
Spaniards from both sides of the causeway, and the
toll
was
of the dead was grievous on
both sides. The struggle continued
keep on fighting. After one
all
day and
all
were too exhausted to
night. At last the Spaniards
final
attempt to break the
Mexica ranks, they withdrew to their camp to
rest
and reeovet
warriors loosed a storm of arrows at the fleeing army." After eighty days of siege, Tenochtitlan
Escaping from the Mexica, the Spaniards took refuge
among
their allies in Tlaxcala,
where they prepared themselves
return to Tenochtitlan.
Motecuhzoma died when the Spaniards' and was succeeded by Prince Cuitlahuac,
escaped from the but he soon
city
victim to the smallpox epidemic that had been
fell
among
introduced
for their
Cuauhtemoc was then
the Mexica. Prince
elected to govern the Mexica nation, and
it
was he who
led the
fell
to the Spaniards
and Cuauhtemoc surrendered. The heartbreaking grief of the vanquished
All
is
expressed
in
laments:
these misfortunes befell us.
We saw them and wondered
we
at
suffered this
them;
unhappy
fate
resistance to the Spaniards' siege of the city:
Nothing but flowers and songs of sorrow
And now
the
Spaniards came back again. They
marched here by way of Tezcoco, n Tlacopan â&#x20AC;˘
the ash Alders,
pit
and then divided
battle
began outside
set
up headquar-
their forces.
Tlatelolco, either at
the place called the Point of the
and then shifted
to
Nonohualco. Our warriors
are
left
here
in
Mexico and
Tlatelolco,
where courage It
is
that
good
to know, Giver of Life,
you look
after us,
although we, your servants,
will perish.
You have scattered your servants
Page from
ll
in Tlatelolco,
A/<" n
tuna,
II,
Ih
i
cnlury
£ ^2 He U*t
\
our cries of grief
Notes
rise up.
1.
down
our tears rain
Hernan Cortes, Cartas y documentos,
ed.
Mario Hernandez Sanchez-Barba
(Mexico City: Libreria Porrua, 1969).
for Tlatelolco
is lost.
Espana, ed. Joaquin Ramirez Cabanas, 2 vols. (Mexico City: Editorial Porrua,
have gone into the water,
1955).
so
3.
it is,
but we, where
will
Fray Juan de Torquemada,
7 vols.
we go?
friends! 4.
now
in
all is
this
you have done,
5.
New
Spain, trans. Arthur
J.
0.
225
(trans, author).
Anderson and Charles
The account of the Conquest included
Miguel Leon-Portilla,
destruction;
6.
Giver of
p.
in
E.
Dibble,
13 vols.
The Annals of Tlatelolco has been
Kemp and appears
translated into English by Angel Garibay and Lysander
flames
and
II,
(Santa Fe: School of American Research, 1950-82).
the city of Mexico, is
Miguel Leon-Portilla,
ed.
Fray Bernardino de Sahagun, Florentine Codex: General History of the Things
of
The Mexica are deserting
which
Monarquio Indiana,
(Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, Instituto de
Investigaciones Historicas, 1975-83), vol.
Oh our
Nueva
Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Historia verdadera de la conquista de la
2.
women
Mexica
ed.,
These manuscripts are described
in
Donald Robertson, Mexican Manuscript
Painting of the Early Colonial Period: The Metropolitan Schools
Life.
in
The Broken Spears (Boston: Beacon Press, 1992).
(New Haven:
Yale University Press, 1959). 7.
Remember Mexica that He has sent down
Florentine Codex, book 12,
fol. 2v.
8. Ibid., fol. 11r-v.
9. Ibid., fols. 15v-16r.
to us
10. Ibid., fols.
24v-25r.
11. Ibid., fols.
32r-34r.
his wrath, his fear.
Weep and
oh our
learn,
friends,
12. Ibid., fols. 67v-68r.
that with these disasters
13.
Annals of
we have
14.
Manuscript of Mexican songs, preserved at the National
Mexican nation.
lost the
Tlatelolco, fol. 33. Library,
Mexico,
fol. 6r.
The water has turned our food
is
bitter,
bitter
these are the acts of the Giver of
These are
among
;
Life.
the Mexica testimonies of astonishment
and sorrow that stand alongside Spanish accounts of the
Conquest of Mexico. These views from the vanquished form an epic poem, a classic elegiac expression that has
become
part of
a truly universal literature.
Pages from
I
ray Pedro
:,-, hi'. in, i
de Gante,
n, ih
(
entury
The Spanish Conquest of Tenoehtitlan I'ulilii
MOTECUHZOMA
II
WAS CONVINCED THAT
HIS PEOPLE
WOULD
Escalante Gonzalbo
BE DEFEATED
IF
THEY OPPOSED THE
Spaniards, and thus he decided to receive the strangers peacefully. Hospitality,
however, was not enough to keep war from his sojourn
in
During the conquistadores'
city.
Mexico as guests of Motecuhzoma, some of Hernan Cortes's
became alarmed when seeing young Mexica-Aztecs dancing
in
officials
the courtyard of
Mayor at Tenoehtitlan. They perceived a threat in this display, which was nothing more than a group of scantily clad boys and musicians playing drums, and killed them all. Enraged, the Mexica took up arms, renounced their emperor, and pelted him with stones when he appeared on a balcony to plead the Templo
with them once again not to enter into battle.
As
a result of these events, the
their supplies.
Spaniards were besieged and cut off from
They decided to escape the
captured during their attempt to
flee
city in late
and were
June 1520. Many were
later sacrificed.
Others died
the battles that erupted along the city's canals, and there were
drowned, weighed down by the gold they had concealed a third of the
in
in
some who
their clothing.
Only
Spanish force managed to escape.
With the defeat and expulsion of the Spaniards, the phase of tenuous
inter-
action between the foreigners and the native population ended. Formal war
began, guided by the Spanish aim of conquering Mexico. Within a year, Cortes
had managed to multiply
his alliances with
Mexico and nearby areas, and had drafted by both land and water.
In
the meantime, smallpox, which had infected the
Mexica before the conquistadores city's people. In
Among
its
indigenous caciques of the Valley of a strategy for laying siege to the city
victims
fled Tenoehtitlan,
continued to decimate the
was Cuitlahuac, Motecuhzoma's
successor.
an alliance with the Tlaxcalateca, Totonaca, Tetzcocans, Chalca, and other
groups, the Spaniards began their attack on the twin islands of Tenoehtitlan and Tlatelolco at the
end of May 1521, and by August 13 of the same year had cap-
tured Cuauhtemoc,
who had ascended
the throne after Cuitlahuac's death.
Along with the great valor and courage displayed by both opponents, the miseries that generally ation.
accompany war
potable water, staggered with hunger tives,
also prevailed: fear, cruelty,
and desper-
The resistance of the Mexica continued almost inexplicably: They lacked
and looked on helplessly as
among
their
the corpses of friends and rela-
women
fell
into the
enemy's hands.
numbers and access to fresh food, the Spaniards suffered the agonies of war as well. Among them were wounds and Despite the advantage of their greater
exhaustion, the panic wrought by seeing comrades captured by Mexica warriors,
and the horror of witnessing these prisoners being offered tims'
heads
later
displayed along the tzompantli (skull rack)
Each time Cortes and his the
city'
men
laid siege to
irhoods, they destroyed
its
one of the
in sacrifice, in
the vic-
the Templo Mayor.
islets
that
made up
buildings and used the debris to
ne Spanish force's
movement
over land
In
fill
the
192. Atrium cross
Colonial, ca.
1600
Hi
^
y
t
\m >>i«Sa
-*~~~
'-—.—
m§
--
'^
>w"
193. Chalice
lid
Colonial, ca.
1540
end, Tenochtitlan
was transformed
and covered with cadavers. The
into a squalid
city
swamp immersed
brackish water
in
had to be temporarily abandoned, while the tasks
of draining and cleaning, burying the dead, and reestablishing the flow of drinking
water were accomplished. Cortes temporarily established his headquarters at Coyoacan, along the southern
shore of Lake Tetzcoco. From there he gave instructions for preparing the terrain of Tenochtitlan for a
new
city.
Its
which were to be
structures,
was
center
laid
out
to be cleared to
a grid,
in
Spanish
for
and the indigenous neighborhoods,
among
outside the Spanish core, were to be divided
make room
the former four districts of
Tenochtitlan.
The buildings and monuments of the Nahua metropolis were thus replaced by the palaces, fortifications,
not
all
the
first
cities in
and churches of the Spaniards. However,
Mesoamerica were so quickly
viceroy of Mexico,
made
that, fifteen years after the
gious centers
still
a
tour of
obliterated.
New
Spain
in
1
it
should be noted that
When Antonio 535, he
was
Conquest, most of the other pre-Hispanic
remained
intact.
de Mendoza,
surprised to find
The viceroy supposed, probably
and
cities
reli-
justifiably, that
Cortes had preserved certain buildings as reminders of the splendors of the old civi-
which would
lizations,
been
in
turn suggest to
courageous undertaking and
a
its
New
Spain's residents that the Conquest had
success a glorious achievement. Over the
course of his administration, Mendoza proceeded with the systematic destruction of
pyramids and temples throughout
New
Spain.
The stone obtained from the demolition of indigenous structures was always used in
the foundations of
new
buildings,
and thus provided considerable savings
However, this was not the only reason for recycling stones. orders
felt
it
might give
Some
in
in labor.
the religious
advisable to keep fragments of indigenous sculptures visible, so that they
lasting
testimony to the triumph of the true god over the false ones. Today
vestiges of those "vanquished" sculptures can
still
be seen
in
houses, churches, and
convents.
Aside from the military defeat and destruction of the Mesoamerican civilizations,
we should remember that the encounter between the Spanish and the indigenous people was, in many respects, a rich and creative one. Two of the most important results of their meeting were the development of a strongly syncretic Christian liturgy and, especially, the creation of
artworks that reflect both traditions, which have been called
"Indo-Christian." In this
ars
intercultural dialogue,
which may be likened to that of medieval Toledo,
and Indians studied, translated, and exchanged ideas about
traditions. This
and imagery
fri-
respective
interchange-prevalent most notably at the Colegio de Santa Cruz
Tlatelolcoâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; together with
them were the
own
their
numerous missionary
inclusion of indigenous
in Christianity,
dance
efforts led to concrete results.
traditions, instruments,
in
Among
ornamentation,
as well as the acceptance of pre-Hispanic symbols, such as
the jade bead, or chalchihuitl, which would
now
be used to signify the precious blood
of Christ and the holy water of baptism. This attitude of hybridization, favorable to the coexistence of both traditions,
explains rifices at
why
a great cuauhxicalli (eagle vessel)
the Templo
Mayor
in
used to hold
According to an explanation provided by the Dominican that this vessel, which held blood of
the Holy
Spirit,
human
hearts during sac-
Tenochtitlan could be converted into a baptismal font.
humans
friar
Diego Duran,
sacrificed to the devil,
is
"It is
now
fitting
a font of
where the souls of Christians may be cleansed."
_
195. Pendant in the shape of a shield
Aztec-Mixtec, ca. 1500
"Y ,-*
%*!/&*
* < t
•»
H-
^2-
I I «
t
<X
V
•-«
-
.»-
196. Bracelets
Aztec-Mixtec, ca. 1500
,
kv
M Catalogue Checklist and Bibliography
Catalogue Checklist 366-67
By page number:
Cuauhxilli (side view) Aztec, ca.
500
1
17 cm, diam. 40
cm
Pendant with the head of an owl
Stone,
Mixtec. ca. 1200-1521
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Gold, 2.5 x 2.3 x 1.5
Museum
an
h.
City
10-559650
City
10-46617
City
10-9785
cm
of Natural History.
New
York 30/10742
368 cosmogonic suns
Altar of the
12-13
Aztec, ca.
1
Stone, 60 x 63 x 59
of cat. no. 63
(detail)
500
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
18-19 Detail of cat. no.
45 By catalogue number:
24-25 Detail of cat. no. 177 (rear view)
1
36-37
Xiuhtecuhtli
(not in the exhibition)
The Great Coatlicue
Aztec, ca.
Aztec, Late Postclassic
Stone,
Stone,
and obsidian, 112
x
38 x 31 cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
257 cm
h.
1500
shell,
Museo Nacional de
Antropolgia, INAH, Mexico City
54-55
Coatlicue
Detail of cat. no.
Aztec, ca.
9
1
500
Stone, turquoise, and pigment, 115 x 40 x 35
82-83 Atlantean figure Toltec, ca.
City
10-8534
(detail)
900-1200
3
Stone, 76 x 36 x 25
cm
Eagle
Museo Nacional de
Antropolgia, INAH, Mexico City 10-116774
Aztec, ca.
1
500
Stone, 41 x 20
cm
Museo Regional de
130-31
Moon
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Puebla,
INAH 10-203440
Xiuhtecuhtli (detail)
4
Aztec, ca. 1469-81
Stone and pigment. 36.5
Museo
del
x
23 x 20
cm
Templo Mayor, INAH, Mexico
Coyote City
10-162940
Aztec, ca.
1500
Stone, 38 x 17 x 13
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
166-67
City 10-47
Detail of cat. no. 113
220-21 jf
Seated monkey
an eagle wa'
Stone,
3fc
Aztec, ca.
1200-1521
Volcanic stone, 36.4 x 22.9 x 25.4
500
cm jnal de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico City 10-94
Museum
of Art,
Rhode
cm
Island School of Design, Providence,
Mary
Jackson Fund 43.545
248-249 Polychrome plate Cholollan, ca. 1325-1521
308-09
Fired clay
and pigment, diam. 22.3 cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
332-33
City 10-17353
7
Serpent
1500
152-53
Stone, 31 x 82 x 80
Nacional de Antropologia, INAH,
N'L
10-220933
B.
1
8
18
Polychrome goblet
Macehual
Cholollan, ca. Fired clay
1325-1521
Aztec, ca.
and pigment, 12
x 15.2
cm
1
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-223731
19
Dog
Hunchback 1
500
Aztec, ca.
Stone, 47.5 x 20 x 29
Museo Regional de
cm
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
9
Aztec, ca.
500
Stone, 63 x 20
1
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
INAH 10-203439
City 10-97
20
10 Grasshopper
Man
Aztec, ca. 1500
Aztec, ca.
Carnelian, 19.5 x 16 x 47
cm
holding a cacao pod
1440-1521
Stone and pigment, 36.2
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-220929
Brooklyn
Museum, New
cm
x 17.8 x 19.1
York,
Museum
Collection Fund 40.16
21
11
Mask
Reclining jaguar Aztec, ca.
Eastern Nahua-Mixtec, ca. 1500
1440-1521
Brooklyn Museum,
New
Wood
cm
Stone, 12.7 x 27.9 x 14.6
York, Carll H. de Silver
Fund 38.45
with traces of gesso, gold
Princeton University Art
leaf,
Museum,
and hematite, 20.5
Gift of Mrs. Gerard
B.
x 20.2
Female anthropomorphic sculpture
Aztec, ca.
1500
1500
Aztec, ca.
Stone, 31 x 44 x 24
cm
Stone,
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-220932
146x40x25 cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-81543
23
13 Sculpture of a king
Male anthropomorphic sculpture
Huaxtec, 13th or 14th century
Aztec, ca.
Stone, 165.6 x 37.5 x 19.1
Brooklyn Museum,
New
cm
1500
cm
Stone, 55 x 20 x 15
York, Frank
L Babbott Fund 39.371
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
14
24
Female anthropomorphic sculpture
Anthropomorphic figure
Aztec, ca.
1200-1521
Huaxtec,
Stone and trace pigment, 54 x 34
American Museum of Natural
x
22
History,
cm New
York 30.1/1201
ca.
City 10-1121
1500
Fired clay,
24
American
Museum
x
22
x
16
cm
of Natural History,
New
York 30.2/4200
25
15 Macehual Aztec, ca.
Fertility
1500
goddess
Aztec-Matlatzinca, ca. 1500
Stone, 80 x 28 x 19
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Wood and City
10-220926
16
shell,
40
x
15
x 10
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City 10-74751
26
man
Aztec, ca.
Anthropomorphic mask 1
500
Stone, 48 x 23
Aztec-Gulf Coast,
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-220145
17
27 Xantil
Diorite,
85
1
37
cm History,
New
York 30/11847
Mixtec, ca. 1250-1521
500 x
1450-1521
American Museum of Natural
Chalchiuhtlicue Aztec, ca.
ca.
Stone, 17 x 18.5x9.3
x
25
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Fired clay,
City
10-82215
40
x
28
x
18
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
cm
Lambert y 1 9 70- 1 1
22
12 Serpent
Old
10-620964
500
Stone, 33 x 17 x 12
Puebla,
City
10-13518
38
28 'opo'morL
Jaguar
ture
Teotihuacan, ea. 100-600
Tarascan, ca. 1500
Stone, 56.5
x
22.5 x 18.5 •
onyx, 19.9 x 13.5 x 15
Tecalli
Natural History,
New
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
York 30/2461
City
10-78331
39
29 Male anthropomorphic sculpture ••:,
ca.
800
Penate Teotihuacan, ca. 100-600
B.C.
Greenstone and cinnabar, 52
Museo Regional de
Puebla,
x
29 cm
Greenstone, 48 x 12 x 8
40
30 Mask Olmec,
cm
Fundacion Cultural Televisa, Mexico City REG 21 PJ 43
INAH 10-203321
Fragment of ca.
1150-550
Jadeite with black inclusions, 21.6 x 19.4
Museum
a
mural painting
Teotihuacan, ca. 100-600
B.C.
cm
of Fine Arts, Boston, Gift of Landon
Stucco and pigment, 77 Clay 1991.968
T.
x
162.5 x 8
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-357205
41
31
Goddess
Plaque with an image of a goddess with a reptile-eye glyph
figure (Chalchiuhtlicue)
Teotihuacan, ca. 250-700
Teotihuacan, ca. 250-650 Volcanic stone with traces of pigment, 92.1 x 40.6 x 41.3 Philadelphia
Museum
cm
of Art, The Louise and Walter Arensberg Collection
Pale green, translucent onyx, 29.4 x 16.5 x 3.5
The
Field
Museum
cm
of Natural History, Chicago 23913
1950-134-282
42 32
Cuirass
Anthropomorphic mask
Toltec, ca.
Teotihuacan, ca. 450
Spondylus
Stone, turquoise, obsidian, and shell, 21.5 x 20
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
900-1200 shell,
mother of
Museo Regional de Hidalgo 10-9630
pearl,
"Ex
and
snail shells,
Convento de San
37
x 110 x 3
cm
Francisco," INAH,
10-568994 0/2
43
33 Face panel
Disk
Teotihuacan, ca. 1-800
Toltec, ca.
Granite, 20.3 x 10.2 x 25.4
Philadelphia
Museum
cm
Wood,
of Art, The Louise and Walter Arensberg Collection
900-1200
turquoise, shell, coral,
and
resin,
diam. 35
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
cm
City
10-564025
1950-134-947
44 34
Chacmool
Jaguar architectural element
Toltec, ca.
Teotihuacan, ca. 400
Stone, 85 x 120
Stone, stucco, and pigment, 96.5 x 97.5 x 74.5
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
1100
x54 cm
Museo Arqueologico de
Tula "Jorge R. Acosta,"
INAH 10-215198
10-626269 0/10
45 35
Coyolxauhqui
Poly
Aztec, ca.
;jse
jacan, ca.
450
.tucco,
and pigment,
Museo Nacional de
Diorite, h.
15 cm, diam. 16.5
cm
1500
80
x
85
x
68
Museo Nacional de
cm
Antropologia, INAH, Mexico City 10-220918
Antropologia, INAH, Mexico City 10-79930
46 36
Huehueteotl Aztec, ca.
400
1486-1502
Stone, 60 x 57.3 x 56 'del
I
cm
Templo Mayor, INAH, Mexico
City
10-212978
1626
4/ nOOl
17
ca.
1500
cm de Antropologia, INAH, .'562
N'
.
10-10941
Pachuca
58
48
Model
Eagle cuauhxicalli
1502-20
Aztec, ca.
Stone, 76 x 82 x 139
Museo
cm
Templo Mayor, INAH, Mexico
del
City
10-252747
Aztec, ca.
1500
Fired clay
and pigment, 32
cm City
10-223673
City
10-496915
59
49
Model
Snail shell
Aztec, ca.
1
Cholollan, ca. 1500
500
cm Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Stone, stucco, and pigment, 105 x 75
Fired clay
City
10-213080
and pigment, 39
x
24
x 15.5
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
60
50 Tlaloc casket (tepetlacalli)
Model
Aztec, ca. 1469-81
Cholollan, ca.
Stone, 69 x 58 x 38
Museo
x 16.5 x 19.5
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
cm
Fired clay
Templo Mayor, INAH, Mexico
del
City
10-168850 0/2
1500
and pigment, 28
Museo Regional de
Puebla,
x 14.5
cm
INAH 10-496914
61
51
Red god offering
Sad Indian Aztec, ca.
1
500
Aztec, ca. 1500:
Stone, 102 x 60 x 57
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-81660
Red god, Xochipilli-Mauilxochitl Stone, 97.2 x 35.5 x 34.5
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
52
City 10-
222236
Mictlantecuhtli urn Aztec, ca.
1
Drum
500
Alabaster, 16.5 x
cm
11
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-168816
cm, diam. 9
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-50694
City
10-992
City
10-220132
City
10-3845
City
10-3846
Sound stone
53 Omexicahuaztli Aztec, ca.
Fired clay, 6 x 11.3 x 10
1250-1521
Stone and stucco, 10
Museo
vessel
Fired clay, h. 12.5
del
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico x
30 cm
Templo Mayor, INAH, Mexico
City
10-251274
Turtle
Stone, 8 x 10 x 14
54
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Funerary urn Aztec, ca. 1470 Fired clay, h. 53
Museo
del
Teponaztli
cm, diam. 17
cm
Fired clay, 12.5 x 8 x 17
Templo Mayor, INAH, Mexico
City
10-168823 0/2
55
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico Teponaztli
10.8x8 x 17.2 cm Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Tlaloc pot
Fired clay,
Aztec, ca.
1440-69
Fired clay,
35
Museo
Templo Mayor, INAH, Mexico
del
x
35
x 31.5
cm City
10-220302
Omexicahuaztli Fired clay, 5.7 x
56
16
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City 10-981
Pectoral with a nocturnal butterfly
Aztec, ca.
1500
Sound stone
Greenstone, diam. 13.5
cm
Fired clay, 7.5 x 10.2 x 11.5
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico 57
10-162943
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City 10-10790
Sound stone
Model
Fired clay, 5.5 x 9.7 x 11
Cholollan, ca. Fired clay
City
1500
and pigment, 39.5
Museo Regional de
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico Puebla,
x
23
City
10-3836
City
10-3842
cm
INAH 10-496916
Teponaztli Fired clay, 12.5 x 8 x 17
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Sound stone
Flute
clay, 6.8
x 11.6 x 9.6
cm City 10-991
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Drum
4x 29.6cm
Stone, 8.1 x
City 10-41701
cm
Fired clay, 6.1 x 16.2
City
10-223800
x 5 x 31.5
cm
h.
17.5 cm, diam. 7.5
10-79900
City
10-563530
City
10-50698
City
10-10630
City
10-3837
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico vessel
Fired clay, h. 12.2 cm, diam. 12.2
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-41700
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico Rattle
vessel
cm, diam.
Fired clay, h. 13
11.7
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
cm
Fired clay, 3.5 x 12.3
City
10-220151
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico Sound stone
Teponaztli Fired clay, 12 x
20
x 12
cm
Fired clay, 7 x 10 x 12
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-3847
6.6x9
x 12
cm
Fired clay, 6 x 10 x 14
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-3839
Stone, 9.5 x 35.5
cm
Fired clay, 6.9 x 5 x 12
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-41699
cm
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Fired clay, 5.4 x 4.6 x 12.4
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-41837
City
10-3844
City
10-2423
City
10-3838
City
10-980
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico Sound stone
Teponaztli Fired clay, 11.6 x 16.9 x 8.5
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Fired clay, 7.5 x 9.6 x 11
City
10-2424
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico Ornexicahuaztli
Teponaztli
cm
Fired clay, 5.6 x 16
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-41932
5
cm
Museo Nacional de
vessel
Fired clay, h. 11.3
Antropologia, INAH, Mexico City 10-41839
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Drum
Teponaztli
Ston-
City 10-3841
Teponaztli
Teponaztli
Stone, 10 x 19
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico Teponaztli
Xicahuaztli
Stone, 10 x 19
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico Sound stone
Sound stone
cm, diam.
11
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City 10-50711
Ornexicahuaztli
Turtle shell ',
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Fired clay, 5.7 x 16.4
City
10-333158
Tepc
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-2428
Tepor
m Mu
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Drum
Xicahuaztli
Fired clay,
City
vessel
Stone,
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Drum
10-333157
Drumstick
Ornexicahuaztli
11
City
Fired clay, h. 17.3 cm, diam. 18.4
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Stone,
cm
Fired clay, 5.1 x 21.3
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
al
de Antropologia, INAH,
Fired clay, h. 11, diam. 8.5
1843
Drun
cm
>pologia,
INAH, Mexico City 10-996
Turtle clay, 5.5 x 6.4
Antropologia, INAH,
I444C
>
11
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-2425
70
Rattle Fired clay, 3 x 14.5
cm
Xiuhcoatl
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-15726
Aztec, ca.
1500
Gold, 16 x
1
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
62
City
10-594810
City
10-3302
City
10-3322
Commemorative stone plaque of the Templo Mayor Aztec, ca. 1487
Xiuhcoatl
Greenstone, 92 x 62 x 30
cm
Aztec, ca.
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-220919
1500
Gold, 16.5 x
1
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico 63 Eagle warrior Aztec, ca.
71
1440-69
Fired clay, stucco,
Museo
Coyolxauhqui
and
paint,
170 x 118 x 55
Templo Mayor, INAH, Mexico
del
City
cm
Aztec, ca.
10-220366
1250-1521
cm
Gold, 5 x 4 x 1.5
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
64 Mictlantecuhtli
72
Aztec, ca. 1480
Butterfly nose
Fired clay, stucco,
Museo
and
paint,
176
x
80
x
50 cm
Templo Mayor, INAH, Mexico
del
City
Aztec, ca.
10-264984
ornament
1500
Gold, 7.5 x 7.7
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-220922
65 Anthropomorphic mask
73
Teotihuacan, ca. 300-600
Skull
Greenstone,
Museo
shell, obsidian,
and
coral, 21 x 20.5 x
Templo Mayor, INAH, Mexico
del
City
14
cm
mask
Aztec, ca.
Human
10-220037
Museo Ear
1250-1521
skull, silex, shell,
del
and
pyrite,
23
x 12 x 17
cm
Templo Mayor, INAH, Mexico City 10-220253
ornaments
Teotihuacan,
ca.
300-600
Greenstone, diam. 6
Museo
cm
Knife Aztec, ca. 1469-81
each
Templo Mayor, INAH, Mexico
del
City
10-220032 0/2
Flint,
15 x 5.5 x 1.3
Museo
del
cm
Templo Mayor, INAH, Mexico
City
10-263616
City
10-168803
66 74
Scepter Aztec, ca.
1325-1418
Obsidian, 9.4 x 1.9 x
Museo
.9
Anthropomorphic mask
cm
Olmec,
Templo Mayor, INAH, Mexico
del
City
10-263826
ca.
1100-600
Greenstone, 10.2
Museo
del
x
B.C.
8.6x3.1 cm
Templo Mayor, INAH, Mexico
Scepter Aztec, ca.
1325-1521
Obsidian, 9.2 x 1.8 x
Museo
75 1
cm
Ballgame offering
Templo Mayor, INAH, Mexico
del
City
10-265172
Aztec, ca.
1250-1521:
67
Miniature huehuetl
Scepter shaped as a serpent
Greenstone, 2 x 3
Aztec, ca.
1325-1481
Green obsidian, head: 2.3 x
Museo
1.3 x 6.7
cm;
Templo Mayor, INAH, Mexico
del
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico rattle: 2.5 x 1.5 x 7.3
City
City
10-222322
City
10-222323
City
10-222325
City
10-222318
cm
10-262756 0/2
Miniature huehuetl effigy of Macuilxochitl
Greenstone,
68
h.
10 cm, diam. 5
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Anthropomorphic eccentric Aztec, ca.
1
500
Obsidian, 47.5 x 22.5 x 10
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-393945
Pendant shaped as
a
Greenstone,
cm
7
11 x
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
69
Miniature drumstick
Polychrome incense burner
Greenstone, 7 x
Aztec, ca.
1250-1521
Fired clay
and pigment, 22 x 63 cm
Museo de
las
Culturas de Oaxaca, INAH 10-104216
ballgame court
1
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Minia
-
83
shell
cm
Greenstone, 4.5 x 3
Atlantean figure (center)
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-222320
Aztec, ca.
1500
cm
Stone, 119 x 48 x 34.5
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Miniature huehuetl
City
10-48555
City
10-9774
City
10-81769
cm
Greenstone, 2.5 x 4 x 2
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-222321
84 Atlantean figure (west)
Miniature teponaztli
Aztec, ca.
Greenstone, 2.5 x 6.5 x 3
Museo Nacional de Symbolic
cm
500
1
Antropologia, INAH, Mexico City 10-222317
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
85
ball
Obsidian, diam. 11.5
cm
Atlantean figure (south)
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-222327
Aztec, ca.
500
1
Stone, 119 x 38 x 34
Symbolic
cm
Stone, 120 x 41 x 39
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
ball
Alabaster, diam.
11
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-222326
86 Tizapan casket
76
Aztec, ca.
String of beads
Stone, stucco, pigment, and jade, 19.5 x 20 x 20
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-28018 0/2
City
10-594419
1325-1521
Aztec, ca.
Gold and
Museo
3.9 x 1.5
silver,
del
500
1
cm
Templo Mayor, INAH, Mexico City 10-252891 0/26
Maize goddess figure Aztec, ca.
1250-1521
cm
77
Greenstone, 8 x 4 x 4
Cihuacoatl plaque
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Aztec, ca.
1200-1521
Stone, 61 x 44.5 x 15
cm
87
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-81787
Tlaltecuhtli
Aztec, ca.
1200-1521
78
Stone, 62 x 61.5 x 54
Relief of the five ages
Museo
Aztec, ca.
Gray
cm
Templo Mayor, INAH, Mexico
City
10-262523
1400-1521
cm
basalt, 54.6 x 45.7 x 25.6
Peabody Museum of Natural
YPM
del
88
History, Yale University,
New Haven
ANT.19231
Fragment of anthropomorphic brazier Aztec, ca. 1300 Fired clay
Museo
79
and pigment, 18
x
22
x
9 cm
Universitario de Ciencias y Arte,
UNAM, Mexico
City
08-741814
Altar of the sacred tree
Aztec, ca.
89
1300
Stone, 58 x 72 x 67
cm
Life-death figure
Museo Nacional de
Antropologia, INAH, Mexico City 10-81641
Aztec, ca.
1440-1521
Stone, 26.7 x 14 x 15.6
80
Brooklyn Museum,
Calendar stone (temalac.;
Foundation 64.50
Aztec, ca.
New
cm York, Purchased with funds given by The Henfield
1300-1500 49.5 cm, diam. 83.8
Greenstone,
h.
Philadelphia
Museum
cm
90
of Art, The Louise and Walter Arensberg Collection
1950
Duality Aztec, ca. 1500
Greenstone, 9.5 x 8 x 9
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
81
City
10-9683
City
10-13570
Atlantean figure (east)
91
â&#x20AC;˘cm Nacional de A'
Solar disk with calendar date .
i,
INAH, Mexico City 10-i
ca.
1500
cm, diam. 46 cm Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Stone,
AtlaÂť
'th)
cm i,
INAH, Ml
1768
h. 11
92
102
Ehecatl
Xololtl
Aztec, ca.
1
500
1500
Aztec, ca.
Stone and obsidian, 48
18 x 23
x
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City 10-48
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
93
103
Seated XipeTotec
Quetzalcoatl
Aztec-Matlatzinca, Stone,
1250-1521
ca.
Aztec, ca.
cm
41
h.
cm
Stone, 48 x 59 x 70
del Estado "Dr.
Roman
Pina Chan," Teotenango
A-51956
94
104 Chalchiuhtlicue mask
500
Aztec, ca.
1
Fired clay
and pigment,
h.
25 cm, diam. 48.5
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Diorite,
City
10-594908
95
105 Tlaloc
900-1521
Aztec, ca.
Aztec, ca.
cm
Gold, 3.2 x 2.5 x 1.8
Museum
National
Washington,
D.C.
City
10-15717
City
10-222273
City
10-392922
cm
x 10
500
1
Stone, 101 x 39 x 35.5
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution,
10-81678
500
1
33 x 17.5
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Xipe Totec ring
City
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
XipeTotec container Aztec, ca.
10-116545
500
1
Stone, 28 x 45 x 45
Museo Arqueologico
City
20/6218
106
96
Pumpkin
Figure of Xipe Totec Aztec, ca.
1
Aztec, ca.
500
Diorite,
cm
Fired clay, 15.5 x 5 x 3
500
1
16
x
17 x 36
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-333856 107
97
Agriculture goddess
Figure of XipeTotec Aztec, ca.
1
Aztec, ca.
500
Fired clay, 12 x 5.5 x 8
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
1
500
Stone, 70 x 24 x 21
cm
Fundacion Cultural
Televisa,
Mexico City REG 21
PJ 4
10-116778 0/2
108
98
Teomama
Tezcatlipoca effigy pot
Aztec, ca.
Cholollan, ca. 1500
Stone and stucco, 72
Fired clay
and pigment, 14.5
x 17.5 x
17
cm
1
109
Plaque of Tezcatlipoca
Tlaltelcuhtli
1
500
Aztec, ca.
Museo Arqueologico
cm Roman
Pina Chan", Teotenango
100 Ehecatl
37 cm "Ex
Convento de San Francisco," INAH, Pachuca
A-66602
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-81265
City
10-81570
City
10-77820
110
monkey
Aztec, ca.
1
Cihuateteo
500
Aztec, ca.
Stone and pigment, 60 x 37 x 33
cm
1
500
Stone, 62 x 31 x 43
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-116784
101
111 Skull goblet
Aztec, ca. h.
American
1200-1521 3.5 cm, diam. 18.2
Museum
cm
of Natural History,
New
York 30/8003
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Ehecatl insect
Stone,
x
1500
Stone, 93 x 57 x 34
del Estado "Dr.
22
10-214568
PJ 71
99
Stone, 63 x 53.5 x 16
x
Museo Regional de Hidalgo
Fundacion Cultural Televisa, Mexico City REG 21
Aztec, ca.
500
500
Aztec, ca.
1
Fired clay
and pigment,
h.
30 cm, diam.
12.5
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
121
'500
jlpilli .
5
cm
Aztec, ca.
10-3344
.
1
500
cm
Stone, 38.3 x 30 x 22.3
Fundacion Cultural Televisa. Mexico City REG 21 PJ 9
112
122 Figure of a warrior
500 ;
cm
Aztec, after 1325
.AH, Mexico City 10-222116 0/2
Cast gold-silver-copper
The Cleveland
Museum
cm
alloy, 11.2 x 6.1
of Art. Leonard C. Hanna,
Jr.,
Fund 1984.37
113
123 ca.
1500
Funerary casket 5
ato,
cm
Aztec, ca.
INAH, Tepotzotlan 10- 1 33646
1
500
Stone, 22 x 24 x 24
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-223670 0/2
City
10-594485
City
10-392909
114
124 ca. •
1500 «
80
Xiuhtecuhtli pendant x
28
Aztec, ca.
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-81578
1
500
Greenstone, 7.5
x 4.5 x 3.5
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico 115 •
ca
125
(tepetlaca
1500
Head of a warrior
m
Aztec, ca.
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-466061
1
500
cm X 18.8 cm Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico Fired clay, 19.5 x 15.3
116
126
•
'500
Jaguar pectoral diam. 26
Museo Nacional de
cm
Mixtec, ca.
Antropologia, INAH, Mexico City 10-220917
Wood,
1200-1500
stone, and shell, 7.6 x 17.1 x 3.2
Museum,
Saint Louis Art
Gift of
Morton
cm D.
May 163:1979
11/
127
jgle
Xiuhtecuhtli Aztec, ca.
223606
1250-1521
Greenstone, 59
Museo
del
x 41 x
35 cm
Templo Mayor. INAH, Mexico
City
10-264985
118
128 Ear
ornaments
Aztec-Mixtec,
1
5th- 16th century
each i
C .Rockefeller Memorial ij.200a,b
Collect
119
129
N a,
1
INAH
!
III
ihtli
N
.
'
'. I
140
131 Ring with serpents
900-1521
Aztec, ca.
Gold,
h.
2.2 cm, diam. 1.8
Museum
National
Flower goblet
in filigree
Washington,
cm
of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution,
Aztec, ca.
1500
Fired clay
and pigment,
h.
28.5 cm, diam. 18
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-116786
City
10-116504
City
10-1155
16/3447
D.C.
141
Polychrome plate
132 Xiuhtecuhtli pendant Mixtec, ca.
500
1
Gold, 6 x 4 x 1.5
Museo de
las
cm
Aztec, ca.
1250-1500
Fired clay
and pigment, diam. 22 cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Culturas de Oaxaca, INAH 10-105429
142
(not
in
the exhibition)
133
Altar with
images of
String of snail-shaped beads
Aztec, ca.
1250-1521
Aztec-Mixtec, ca. 1300-1521
Stone, 65 x 160 x 118
Cast gold, 8 x 3 x 2.5
cm
procession of warriors
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Dumbarton Oaks Research Washington,
a
Library
and Collection, Harvard
University,
143
D.C. PC.B.104
Serpent warrior
134
Matlatzinca, ca. 1500
Lip-plug
in
the shape of a serpent with
tongue out
Gold, 6.8 x 8.2 x 5.3
Museum
Washington,
D.C.
of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution,
Estado
"Dr.
Roman
Piha Chan," Teotenango
A-52207
144 Cihuateteo
18/756
Aztec, ca.
1
500
Stone, 112 x 54 x 53
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
ornaments
City 10-9781
1500
Mixtec, ca. Gold,
del
cm
135 Ear
cm
Stone, 52.5 x 29 x 19
Museo Arqueologico
900-1521
Aztec, ca.
National
its
cm, diam. 3.9
h. 1.3
Museo de
las
cm each
145
Culturas de Oaxaca, INAH 10-105428 0/2
Quadrangular brazier Matlatzinca, ca. 1200-1521
136
Fired clay, 15 x 31
Pendant with the head of a cox-cox Mixtec, ca.
1200-1521
Gold, 1.5 x
1.3x2 cm
American
Museum
cm
Museo Arqueologico
bird
del
Estado
"Dr.
Roman
Piha Chan," Teotenango
146
of Natural History,
New
York 30/10741
Tlaloc ceremonial vessel
Aztec, ca.
1500
137
Fired clay
and pigment, 112
Ahuitzotl plaque
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Aztec, ca.
1
53
x 51 x
cm City
10-575578
City
10-583437
City
10-571544
City
10-571285
500
cm Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
147
Stone, 73.5 x 72 x 24
City
10-81550
Xilonen ceremonial vessel
500
Aztec, ca.
1
138
Fired clay
and pigment, 99
Tripod plate
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Aztec, ca.
1500
Fired clay
and pigment,
h.
7 cm, diam. 32
cm
x
60
x
49 cm
148
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-580947
Chicomecoatl ceremonial vessel Aztec, ca.
1500
139
Fired clay
and pigment, 106
Coyote warriors goblet
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
x
72 x 51
cm
500
Aztec, ca.
1
Fired clay
and pigment,
h.
15.5 cm, diam. 15
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
149 City
10-116788
Nappatecuhtli ceremonial vessel
500
Aztec, ca.
1
Fired clay
and pigment, 121
x
66
x
48 cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
A-51999
160
150
Cast gold
the form of a crested bird's head
in
Mixtec-Zapotec,
1500
ca.
-
a.
x
20 cm
1450
ca.
Cast gold, 6 x 3.6
cm Museum, Gift of the Hans A. Widenmann, Widenmann Foundation y1972-37
Princeton University Art
INAH 10-203061
1918, and Dorothy
151 161
Gold sheet shaped as a feather
1500
ca.
23.5 x 20
>
.
Mixtec, ca. 1200-1521
cm
Museo Naoonal de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City 10-78081
cm
Gold, 35.1 x 8
Museo de
las
Culturas de Oaxaca, INAH 10-105724
152
162
•ome bowl
Head band
1200-1521
ca. r
.
9.8 cm, diam. 17.8
Mixtec, ca. 1200-1521
cm
Musco Naoonal de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-393491
Gold,
h.
5 cm, diam. 19.5
Museo de
las
cm
Culturas de Oaxaca, INAH 10-105723
153
163
applied figure eca, ca.
ii
Ehecatl bell pendant
1500
Ceramic with black and red
1918, and the
slip, h.
19.4 cm, diam. at rim 10.2
Mixtec, ca. 1200-1521
cm
Museum, Gift of the Hans A Widenmann, Dorothy Widenmann Foundation y199327 .
Art
Class of
Gold, 5 x 4 x 2
cm
American Museum of Natural
154
164
Censer
Butterfly nose
Coatlalpaneca, ca. 1250-1500
Mixtec, ca. 1200-1521
jnd pigment, 6
x
;acion Cultural Televisa,
1
7 x 46.6
Mexico
cm
City
New
York 30.3/2304
ornament
Gold, 4.5 x 6.5 x 0.5
REG
History,
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
21 PJ 106
City
10-3312
City
10-3317
City
10-4594
City
10-79148
165
155
Shield pectoral
otec ilpaneca, ca. 1250-1521 .
2
Mixtec, ca.
cm
900-1200
Gold and turquoise, 8 x 8.4 x 0.6
de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico City 10-5651
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico 166
156
Disk
sectoral
Mixtec, ca. 1325-1521
200-1521
Gold and turquoise, diam. 20.8
Mus'
iS
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
de Oaxaca, INAH 10-106163
167
157
Effigy vessel
'500
ca.
1250-1521
Fired clay, h. 29.4
'6360
158
cm, diam. 25
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico 168 Polychrome tripod plate 1500 ilay
N
.
and pigment,
Museo Nacional de
h.
13.5 cm,
•
cm
Antropologia, INAH, Mexico City 10-79133
Class of
178
169 Vessel
in
Goddess with descending god headdress
the form of an eagle
Huaxtec,
Eastern Nahua, ca. 1450
Ceramic with brown,
red,
and ochre
w. 21.5 cm, diam. at rim 10.5
Princeton University Art
slips
on cream ground,
h.
20.9 cm,
cm
1250-1521
ca.
Stone, 133 x 58.5 x 25
cm
Museo Municipal Arqueologico de Tuxpan REG.4373 N.76
Museum, Bequest
of Gilbert
McClintoch,
S.
179
By exchange y1990-13
Warriors Tarascan, ca. 1250-1521
170 Temalacatl Mixtec, ca.
Fired clay,
Stone, diam. 86.5
Museo de
las
26
x 21 x 13
cm
Museo Regional Michoacano
1250-1521
"Dr.
Nicolas Calderon," INAH, Morelia 10-224210
cm 180
Culturas de Oaxaca, INAH 10-105130
Copper disk Tarascan, ca. 1250-1521
171
god Xiuhtecuhtli
Xantil, figure representing the
in
Copper, diam. 19.5
seated position
47
Fired clay,
National
x 18 x
Museum
Washington,
D.C.
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Mixtec, ca. 1000-1521
City
10-396909
26 cm
of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution,
181
22/1603
Disk
Tarascan, ca. 1250-1521
172
Silver,
Plaque with Mixtec, ca.
Wood,
diam. 18.5
cm
Museo Regional de
scenes
Guadalajara, INAH 10-304232
1325-1521
shell,
Museo de
ritual
and turquoise
las
inlay,
18 x 42
cm
182
Culturas de Oaxaca, INAH 10-362584
Coyote Tarascan, ca. 1250-1521
cm
173
Stone, 52 x 22 x 18
Chicomecoatl plaque
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Aztec, ca.
City
10-168261
City
10-396927
1500
Stone, 107 x 40.5 x 9.5
cm
183
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-613348
Feather Tarascan, ca. 1250-1521
24x6.5 cm Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
174
Gold,
Anthropomorphic Huaxtec,
ca.
effigy vessel
1250-1521
Fired clay, h. 18.5
cm, diam. 25.5
cm
184
Museo Municipal Arqueologico de Tuxpan REG 432
PJ
Throne
1
in
the shape of a coyote
Tarascan, ca. 1250-1521
70x48x 112.5cm Museo Regional Michoacano
175
Stone,
Polychrome vessel Totonaca,
ca.
Fired clay, h.
"Dr.
Nicolas Calderon," INAH, Morelia 10-83992
600-900 16 cm, diam. 19
cm
185
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-78683
Chacmool Tarascan, ca. 1250-1521
176
Stone, 84 x
Head from figure of Aztec, ca.
150x48 cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
a deity (Macuilxochitl)
City
10-1609
City
10-76294
City
10-44633
1440-1521
Buff orange pottery, 27.9 x 21.3 Yale University Art Gallery,
New
cm
186
Haven, Bequest from the Estate of
Polychrome pot with handle Tarascan, ca. 1250-1521
Alice M. Kaplan 2001.83.1
Fired clay, 8.5 x 16.8
177
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
Life-death figure (apotheosis)
Huaxtec,
ca.
900-1250
cm Museum, New York, Henry L Batterman Fund and
187
Stone, 158 x 67 x 22.9
Brooklyn
Benson Fund 37.2897PA
Polychrome vessel with spout the Frank
Sherman
Tarascan, ca. 1250-1521 Fired clay, 17.1 x 13.2 x 8.5
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
IP
^k
•*
L
n
*\ ,
.-> .
-
,->^ *«i. vu. *£%>
•
»,
I I
188
197
Polychrome vessel
Teponaztli
Tarascan, ca. 1250-1521
20
Fired clay,
x 15.4
Colonial, ca.
Wood and
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-76010
1521-1600
canine molars, 22 x 25 x 88
189
198
Coyote sculpture
Mirror or portable altar
Tarascan, ca. 1200-1521
Stone, 43.5 x 17 x 14
Colonial, ca.
cm
Wood,
American Museum of Natural
History,
New
York 30/2455
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
10-220924
1521-30
obsidian, paint,
and
Dumbarton Oaks Research Washington,
City
gilding, 31.5 x 28.5 x 2.8
Library
cm
and Collection, Harvard
D.C. PC.B.78
190 Techcatl
in
199
the shape of an animal
Tarascan, ca. 1200-1521
Lienzo de Quetzpalan
Volcanic stone, 67 x 29 x 44
American
Museum
cm
Colonial-Puebla, late 16th century
of Natural History,
New
York 30.3/2561
Cotton and pigment, 154
Fundacion Cultural 191
Chacmool Tarascan, ca. 1200-1521
Stone, 27 x 35.5 x 17
American
Museum
cm
of Natural History,
New
York 30/6156
192 Atrium cross Colonial, ca.
1600
Stone, 156 x 91 x 36
cm
Museo Regional deTlaxcala, INAH 10-341001 193 Chalice
lid
Colonial, ca.
1540
Feathers and bark, diam. 28
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
City
10-220923
City
10-81584
194 Ceremonial tripod plate Aztec-Colonial, ca. 1530 Fired clay, h. 10
cm, diam. 23.5
cm
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, INAH, Mexico
195 Pendant
in
the shape of a shield
Aztec-Mixtec, Gold,
silver,
Museo
ca.
1500
and copper, 10.5
x 8.5
cm
Baluarte de Santiago, INAH, Veracruz 10-213084
196 Bracelet
Aztec-Mixtec, ca. 1500 Gold,
silver,
Museo
and copper,
h.
2.8 cm, diam. 8
cm
Baluarte de Santiago, INAH, Veracruz 10-213110
Bracelet
Aztec-Mixtec, ca. 1500 Gold,
silver,
Museo
and copper,
h.
3 cm, diam. 8.2
cm
Baluarte de Santiago, INAH, Veracruz 10-213111
x
Televisa,
183 x 53
cm
Mexico City REG
21 PJ
403
University,
Bibliography
r :
ai
de
las Indias. Seville,
1
Bray,
con cuatro
jS v sus relaciones j
590.
sitios
costa de Guatemala." Arqueologia
Warwick. Everyday
Life
New
of the Aztecs.
York and London, 1968.
Brumfiel, Elizabeth M. "Huitzilopochtli's Conquest: Aztec Ideology
in
the
Archaeological Record." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 8 (1998), pp. 3-14.
-36.
Carrasco, David. City of Sacrifice. The Aztec Empire jose.
Miguel Leon-Portilla, and Eduardo Matos Moctezuma.
and
the Role of Violence in
Civilizations. Boston, 1999.
Azteca Mexico, las culturas del Mexico antiguo. Madrid, 1992. Carrasco Pizana, Pedro. LosOtomies. Mexico lo de.
Obras historicos 1600-1640. 2
vols.
Mexico
City,
1979.
City.
Caso, Alfonso. The Aztecs, People of the Sun. Norman, Oklahoma, 1970.
jdo Tezozomoc. Fernando. Cronica Mexicayotl. Mexico
Anales de
Tlaltelolco.
Unos anales
historicos
de
la
1975.
City,
.
nacion Mexicana. Mexico
City,
El
pueblo del
sol.
2nd
ed. Popular Collection 104.
Castillo, Cristobal del. Historia
de
la
Mexico
City,
197
venida de los mexicanos y otros pueblos.
Translated by Federico Navarrete. Mexico City, 1991.
1980.
Han
Clothing before Cortes. Norman, Oklahoma, 1981.
Chimalpahin, Domingo. Las ocho relaciones y Translated by Rafael Tena. Mexico
Maarten Jansen, and
ind, ria
de
los
Luis
City,
memorial deColhuacon,
Clendinnen, Inga. Aztecs: An Interpretation.
New
1.
York, 1991.
Women
in
Pre-Columbian America.
New
H.,
et
al.
"High-precision trace-element characterization of major
Mesoamerican obsidian sources and further analyses of
York, 1973.
artifacts
Lorenzo Tenochtitlan, Mexico." Latin American Antiquity 2 Bantel, Lmda. The Alice M.
Kaplan Collection.
New
Codex Azcatitlan.
mito mexicano de
las edades.
(1)
from San
(1991), pp. 69-91.
York, 1981.
Baquedano, Elizabeth. Aztec Sculpture. London, 1984.
El
vol.
1996.
Cobean, Robert Jinand.
el
1998.
Reyes Garcia. Religion, costumbres
antiguos Mexicanos. Libro explicativo del llamado Codice
VaticanoA Mexico
City,
Mexico
Paris,
City,
Barlow, Robert H. "La Cronica X: Versiones coloniales de
Codex Duron. Mexico
1998.
la
2 vols. Introduction by Robert
historia
de los mexica
tenochca." Revista Mexicana de estudios ontropologicos (1945), vol.
7,
Barlow and Michel Graulich.
1995.
City,
Codex Fejervary-Moyer.
1990.
Mexico City and Graz, 1994.
Facsimile.
nos. 1-3,
Codex Tro-Cortesionus (Codex Madrid), Museo de America Madrid.
pp 65-87.
Facsimile.
Introduction by Ferdinand Anders. Graz, 1967. )n del
imperio de los Culhua Mexico. Edited by Jesus Monjaras
v
Codex Vatican
'
r
of the Empire of the Culhua Mexico, reprint ed.
New
York, 1978.
1996.
A. Facsimile. Graz,
Codice Chimalpopoco. Anales de Cuauhtitlan y Leyenda de los
Primo Feliciano Velasquez. Mexico lo
Tepaneca."
In Tlatelolco.
Fuentes e
City,
Olmec and
Their Neighbors.
Washington,
DC,
1981.
Codice Ramirez. City,
e
Codex Mendc
by
historia. 2 vols.
Codice Mendocino o Coleccion de Mendoza. Mexico
The
soles. Translated
1992.
In
City,
1979.
Fernando Alvarado Tezozomoc, Cronica Mexicana. Mexico
1980.
.
Codice
Tira
Dinorah Ln
de
la
Peregrinacion or Codice Boturini. Facsimile. Introduction by
Manuel Herman. Mexico
City,
1991.
â&#x20AC;˘'J6.
Codice Xv
by Charles
E.
Dibble.
Me xii
1951.
'
n,
Discovering the Olmec
and
md discoveries
An and Archaeology.
Edited by Henry )94.
B.
and
Nicholson
Corona Nunez,
Jose. Mitologia Tarasca.
Mexico
Fuente, Beatriz de
1957.
City,
la
Cortes, Hernan. Cartas de Relacion.
Mexico
Covarrubias, Miguel. Indian Art of Mexico
1983.
City,
and
City,
Central America.
New
la. "El
deSan Lorenzo
la historia
correspondiente a
la
Memoriasde
Real de Madrid. Mexico
1999, pp. 79-100.
europeos
de
la
Garcia Cook, Angel. "Las Fases Texcalac y Tlaxcala o Posclasico de Tlaxcala."
In
York, 1957.
.
"El
arte prehispanico visto por los
Universidad de Mexico, Cyphers, Ann. Escultura olmeca
arte prehispanico: un siglo de historia." In
Academia Mexicana de
vol.
29 (1983),
del siglo XIX." Revista
pp. 2-7.
Tenochtitlan. Mexico City, 2004. .
Diaz del Castillo, Bernal. Historia verdodera de la conquista de la
Nueva Espana.
"La crftica y
arte prehispanico." In Las
el
1950-1975. Mexico
City,
humanidades en Mexico,
1978, pp. 93-101.
2 vols. Edited by Miguel Leon-Portilla. Madrid, 1984. .
Dioses del Mexico Antiguo. Exh. cat. Antiguo Colegio de San lldefonso, Mexico City,
Peldahos en
la
conciencia. Rostros en la pldstica prehispanico. Art
Collection 38. Mexico City, 1985.
1995.
Doutrelaine, M. Le Colonel. "La Pierre deTlanepantla."
Commission Scientifique du Mexique, tome
3. Paris,
In
Archives de
Antologiade
la
D. E.
and Florencia
1.
Mexico
City,
1996, pp. 311-20.
1867, pp. 111-120.
Gendrop,
Dumond,
Tlaxcala, vol.
Miiller. "Classic to Postclassic in
Paul. Arte
prehispanico en Mesoamerica. Mexico
City,
1979.
Highland Central
Mexico." Science, vol. 175, pp. 1208-15.
Gerhard, Peter. Geografia historica de
la
Nueva Espana 1519-
1821.
Mexico
City,
1986.
Duran, Diego. Book of the Gods and Rites and the Ancient Calendar. Translated
and edited by Fernando Horcasitas and Doris Heyden. Norman, Oklahoma, 1971.
Gibson, Charles. Los Aztecs bajo
el
dominio espahol, 1519-1810. Mexico
City,
1967. .
Historia de las Indias de
Mexico
City,
Nueva Espana
e Islas
de Tierra Firme. 2
vols.
Gonzalez Torres,
1995.
Mesoamerican Early, D.
T.
and John
Middle America. Metropolitan
F.
Scott, eds. Before Cortes: Sculpture of
Museum
of Art,
New
Azteken und ihre Vorlaufer. 2
und Untergang des Alten Mexiko: Die
vols. Exh. cat.
New
York and Oxford,
Graulich, Michel. Ritos aztecas:las fiestas de las veintenas. Mexico City, 1999.
Studies
in
C.
"The Olmec Paintings of Oxtotitlan Cave, Guerrero, Mexico."
Pre-Columbian Art and Archaeology
6.
Washington,
D.C.,
In
1970.
Roemer- und Pelizaeus-Museum,
Hildesheim, 1986.
.
Ekholm, Gordon. Ancient Mexico and Central America, Companion Book to the Hall of Mexico
Oxford Encyclopedia of
Edited by David Carrasco.
York, 1970.
Grove, David
Eggebrecht, Eva and Arne, eds. Glanz
2.
2001, pp. 21-23.
"Ancient American Goldsmiths." Natural History (October 1956).
Easby, Elizabeth Kennedy,
Yolotl. "Huitzilopochtli." In
Cultures, vol.
and Central America. American Museum of Natural
History.
"Olmec Altars and Myths." Archaeology 26 (1973),
Gruzinski, Serge. Painting the Conquest: The
New
Renaissance.
in Pre-
Washington,
pp.
128-35.
Mexican Indians and the European
1992.
Paris,
York, 1970.
Handbook of the Robert Woods Emmerich, Andre. Sweat of the Sun and Tears of the Moon; Gold and Silver
Columbian
Art. Seattle,
D.C.,
Bliss Collection
of Pre-Columbian
1965. Hassig, Ross. Aztec Warfare: Imperial Expansion
Evans, Susan
T.
Art.
1963.
"Aztec Royal Pleasure Parks: Conspicuous Consumption and Elite
Status Rivalry." Studies in the History of Gardens
and
Political Control.
Norman,
Oklahoma, 1988.
and Designed Landscapes 20
(2000), pp. 206-28.
Hernandez, Gilda. "Iconografia de
las
Copas Policromas Cholultecas."
Arqueologia, no. 13-14 (1995). Evans, Susan Toby,
and David L Webster,
Central America: An Encyclopedia.
New
eds.
Archaeology of Ancient Mexico and
York, 2001.
Hers, Marie-Areti. "Chicomoztoc. vol. 10.
Fernandez, Justino. Coatlicue. Estetica del arte indigena antiguo. Mexico
.
Estetica del arte mexicano. Mexico City, 1972.
Revisado."
Heyden, Doris. "Las Cuevas de Teotihuacan."
Flores Villatono, Maria Dolores. "Escultura Antropomorfa, In
Un Mito
In
Arqueologia Mexicana,,
2002.
Los toltecas en tierras chichimecas. Mexico
Mexico
"Mascara Antropomorfa."
City,
City,
1954.
.
Mexico
City,
In
1989.
City,
Arqueologia Mexicana,
Chac Mool" and
Arte Precolombino de Mexico. Milan, 1990.
.
"Historia de los
Mexicanos por sus pinturas."
In
Teogonia e historia de los
mexicanos. Tres opusculos del siglo XVI. Edited by Angel Ma. Garibay Fox,
John Gerard. "Playing with Power: Ballcourts and
Mesoamerica." Current Anthropology 37
(3)
vol. 6.
1998.
Political Ritual in
Southern
City,
1965.
(June 1996), pp. 483-509. .
Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca.
Copenhagen, 1942.
K.
Mexico
jve underneath the Pyramid of the Sun '
Teo'
American Antiquity,
Lothrop,
in
S. K.
Robert Woods
Unknown Mexico; a
Lumholtz, Carl. 'icano, vol.
1,
tome
Arte prehispanica. Mexico
3,
City,
1982.
of the western Sierra Madre;
tribes
among .
Columbus 3rd
'fdieval
American Art. Masterpieces of the
ed. 2 vols.
New
Bliss Collection:
Pre-Columbian
New
the Tarascos of Michoacan.
off, Paul,
•
the tierra caliente of Tepic
New
Manrique, Leonardo, and Noemi
Luis
the
and Jalisco; and
York, 1902.
World before
York, 1969.
Una Odena Giiemes, and
among
record of five years' exploration
in
Castillo, eds.
Homenaje
Reyes Garcia. Historia Tolteca-
Mexico
Historia.
City,
Doctor Ignacio Bernal,
al
Scientific Collection 333, History Series, Instituto Nacional
Chichimeca. Mexico
London, 1957.
Art.
2 (April 1975), pp. 131-47.
vol. 40, no.
de Antropologia e
1997.
1989.
City,
Manuscrit
Mexico
oerg, Walter. Las antiguas culturas mexicanas.
City,
Tovar. Origines et
Manzanilla, Linda.
Mitos y leyendas de los Aztecas, Incas, Mayas y Muiscas. Mexico
Kubler, George. Aesthetic Recognition
of Ancient Amerindian Art
croyances des Indiens du Mexique. Graz, 1972.
1961.
City,
1971.
Oztoyahuolco. 2
New Haven and
.
Mexico
residencial teotihuacano en
1993.
City,
"Gobierno corporativo en Teotihuacan: una revision del concepto
aplicado a
London, 1991.
Anatomia de un conjunto
vols.
la
gran urbe prehispanica." Anales de antropologia,
vol.
'palacio'
35 (2002),
pp.
157-90 The Art
.
and Architecture of Ancient America. Harmondsworth, 1962. .
_.
in
"The Cycle of
Life
and Death
Ancient American and European
and London, 1985,
in
Metropolitan Aztec Sculpture."
Art. Edited
by
Thomas
F.
In
Studies
"Teotihuacan: Urban Archetype, Cosmic Model."
in Early
Urban
Miguel.
In
Emergence and Change
York, 1997, pp. 109-31.
Manzanilla, Linda, Claudia Lopez, and AnnCorinne Freter. "Dating Results from
De Teotihuacan a
pretaciones historical Mexico
New
New Haven
Reese.
pp. 219-24.
Excavations a,
Societies.
City,
los Aztecas.
Antologia de fuentes e inter-
in
Quarry Tunnels behind the Pyramid of the Sun at Teotihuacan."
Ancient Mesoamerica,
vol. 7, no.
2
(Fall
1996), pp. 245-66.
1971.
Manzanilla, Linda, and Leonardo Lopez Lujan. "Exploraciones en un posible pala-
La Filosofia Ndhuatl estudiada en sus Fuentes. Mexico
.
City,
cio de Teotihuacan:
1983.
Proyecto Xalla (2000-2001)." Mexicon23,
el
vol. 13, no.
3
(June 2001), pp. 58-61. ..
"Mitos de los origenes en Mesoamerica."
Mexico
City,
In
Arqueologia Mexicana,
vol. 10.
2002.
Levenson, Jay
A.,
,
ed. Circa 1492: Art in the
Gallery of Art. Washington,
DC,
Age of Exploration.
Exh. cat. National
eds. Historia antiguo
de Mexico. 3
vols.
Mexico
Marquina, Ignacio. Arquitectura prehispanica. 2
City,
1994.
Mexico
vols.
1951.
City,
1991.
Mateos Higuera, Salvador. Los Dioses creadores. Enciclopedia grafica del Mexico Lind,
Michael
D.
"Cholula and Mixteca Polychromes:
Regional Sub-styles."
In
Mixteca-Puebla: Discoveries and Research
Mesoamencan Art and Archaeology. -
Two Mixteca-Puebla
Edited by Henry
B.
antiguo, vol.
2.
Mexico
City,
1993.
in
Nicholson and Eloise
es Keber. Culver City, California, 1994, pp. 79-100.
Matos Moctezuma, Eduardo. "Los mexica y llegaron el
mundo de
las colecciones
de
arte, vol. 2,
los espanoles." In
Mesoamerica. Mexico
City,
Mexico en 1994, pp.
179-243. •
after the Conquest: A Social
Nahuas
and
Cultural History of
the Indians of Central Mexico, Sixteenth through Eighteenth Centuries. Stanford,
.
"Las seis Coyolxauhqui: variaciones sobre un
mismo
tema." Estudios de
Cutura Nahuatl 21 (1991), pp. 15-29.
Lombardo de
Ruiz,
Soma,
et
al.
Arte precolombmo de Mexico. Milan and Madrid,
_.
El
Templo Mayor: Excavaciones y estudios. Mexico
Matos Moctezuma, Eduardo, and
>iumanoe
ideal
•84.
1982.
City,
Felipe Solis Olguin. Aztecs. London, 2002.
nnccpcionesdc ."j, Eduardo, et
huacan Mi
al.
M
Dioses del Mexico antiguo.
G. "Cholula (Puebla, Mexico)." In
,
1995.
Archaeology of An.
i:An Encyclopedia. Edited by Susan Toby Evans and
New
York, 2001, pp. 138-42.
.
ixpai
'
li
Mi
iiueologicas M<
de rialnepantla 1911
y
la
arquitectura de
967,
and Symbols of Ancient Mexico and
Mary, and Karl Taube. The Gods
Miller,
Maya: An
the
of Mesoamerican Religion. London, 1993.
Illustrated Dictionary
Millon, Rene. Urbanization at Teotihuacan, Mexico, Part
1
The Teotihuacan Map.
:
America: An Encyclopedia. Edited by Susan Toby Evans and David L Webster.
New
York, 2001.
Pohl,
John M.D., and Bruce
E.
Byland. "The Mixteca-Puebla Style and Early
Postclassic Socio-Political Interaction." In Mixteca-Puebla: Discoveries
Austin, 1973.
Research Muller, Florencia. La alfareria
Muhoz Camargo,
de Cholula. Serie Arqueologia. Mexico
Diego. Historia de Tlaxcala. Edited by
City,
1978.
German Vazquez
and
in
Mesoamerican Art and Archaeology. Edited by Henry
Quinones Keber. Culver
Eloise
James
Porter,
B.
and
Nicholson
1994, pp. 189-200.
City, California,
"Olmec Colossal Heads as Recarved Thrones:
Revolution and Recarving." RES: Anthropology
Chamorro. Madrid, 2003.
B.
'Mutilation,'
and Aesthetics
(1989), pp. 17-18,
23-29. Navarrete Linares, Federico. "La migracion mexica: iinvencion o historia?"
Codices y documentos sobre Mexico. Scientific Collection 409. Mexico pp.
In
City,
2000,
Porter, Muriel.
New
The Aztec, Maya, and their Predecessors.
York, 1972.
303-22.
Prakolumbische Kunstous Mexiko und Mittelamerika. Exh. "Vivir
.
Mexico
City,
en
universo de los Nahuas."
el
In
Arqueologia Mexicana,
vol. 10.
cat.
Haus der Kunst,
Munich, 1958.
2002.
Precolumbian Art Neff, Hector, et
al.
"Neutron Activation Analysis of Late Postclassic Polychrome
Pottery from Central Mexico."
Mixteca-Puebla: Discoveries and Research
In
Mesoamerican Art and Archaeology. Edited by Henry Quinones Keber. Culver
City, California,
B.
Quinones Keber, the
and Iconography
New
York: Selections
from Private Collections.
New
York,
in
Nicholson and Eloise
1994, pp. 117-42.
Nicholson, Henry B, ed. The Origins of Religious Art
in
1969.
in Preclassic
Mesoamerica. Los Angeles, 1967.
Reilly,
Kent,
F.
Rulership
in
III.
Representing Ritual: Performance, Text and Image
Eloise, ed.
WorkofSahagun. "The
Olmec
in
Boulder, Colorado, 2002.
Shaman
Art."
A Study
Transformation Pose:
in
of the
Theme
Record of The Art Museum, Princeton University 48
of
(2)
(1989), pp. 4-21.
Nicholson, Henry
B.,
Puebla: Discoveries
and
Eloise
Quinones Keber. "Introduction."
and Research
in
In
Mixteca-
Mesoamerican Art and Archaeology. Edited
by Nicholson and Quinones Keber. Culver
City, California,
Relacion de Michoacdn. Michoacan, 2000.
1994.
Relaciones geogrdficas del Siglo XVI: Mexico, ,
of Aztec Mexico: Treasures of Tenochtitlan. Exh.
eds. Art
cat.
vols. 6-8.
Mexico
City,
1986.
National
Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., 1983.
Rice, Maurice.
Ancient American
Art,
500 BC-AD
1500, The Catalog of an
Exhibition of the Art of the Pre-European Americas. Exh. cat. Santa Barbara
Noguera, Eduardo. La ceramica arqueologica de Cholula. Mexico
Olivier,
City,
Museum
1954.
Guilhem. Mockeries and Metamorphoses of an Aztec God: Tezcatlipoca,
the "Lord of the
Smoking
of Art, California, 1942.
Ricoeur, Paul.
Tiempo y narracion,
Saenz Gonzalez, Olga,
2003.
Mexico Pailles,
vol. 3, El
tiempo narrado. Mexico, 1996.
/W/Vror/'Translated by Michel Besson. Boulder, Colorado,
City,
ed.
Mexico en
el
mundo de
las colecciones
de
arte. 2 vols.
1994.
Maricruz. "Proyecto arqueologico Las Bocas, Puebla." Report filed to the
Coordinacion Nacional de Arqueologia, INAH, 1998.
Sahagun, Bernardino
de. Historia
general de las cosas de Nueva Espaha. 4 vols.
Sepan Cuantos Collection 300. Mexico
New
Parsons, Lee. Pre-Columbian Art.
.
Pasztory, Esther. Aztec Art.
Norman, Oklahoma, 1983.
and Juan Manuel. Xochimilco
oyer.
Mexico
City,
and Iron-Ore Mirror Exchange
Mesoamerica, with Comments on Other Commodities."
Mesoamerican
Village. Edited
by
K. V.
Flannery.
New
In
in
E.
Dibble and Arthur
J.
0.
1
3 vols.
Anderson. Salt Lake
1950-81.
2002. Sanders, William T, Jeffrey
Pires-Ferreira, Jane. "Shell
1969.
Florentine Codex. General History of the Things of New Spain.
Translated and edited by Charles City,
Perez, Zevallos,
City,
York, 1980.
Formative
R.
Parsons, and Robert
S.
Ecological Processes in the Evolution of Civilization.
The Early
Santley. The Basin of Mexico:
New
York and San Francisco,
1979.
York, 1976, pp. 306-11. Saville,
Plunket, Patricia. "Cholula y su ceramica posclasica: Algunas perspectives."
Marshall H. The Goldsmith's Art in Ancient Mexico.
New
York, 1920.
In
Arqueologia, no. 13-14 (1995).
Schonfeld, Wendy. DieAzteken
und
ihre Vorloufer
Glanz und Untergang desAlten
Mexico. 2 vols. Exh. cat. Roemer- und Pelizaeus-Museum, Hildesheim, 1986. Plunket, Patricia,
and Gabriela Urunuela. "Preclassic Household Patterns
Preserved under Volcanic Ash at Tetimpa, Puebla, Mexico." Latin American Antiquity, vol.
9,
no. 4 (1998), pp.
287-309.
Serra Puche, Mari Carmen. "Objetos de Obsidiana y otros cristales en
antiguo."
In Cristales
Puche and .
"Puebla-Tlaxcala Region."
In
Archaeology of Ancient Mexico and Central
y obsidiana prehispdnicos. Edited by Mari
Felipe Solis Olguin.
Mexico
City,
1994, pp. 73-216.
el
Carmen
Mexico Serra
Tovar,
2004.
Juan de. The Tovar Calendar: An Illustrated Mexican Manuscript,
Edited by George Kubler and Charles Gibson.
New
c.
1585.
Haven, 1951.
Mural of the Chimales and the Codex Discoveries
and Research
in
Mesoamericon Art and
Townsend, Richard
F.
The Aztecs.
New
York and London, 1992.
Nicholson and Eloise Quinones Keber. Culver Vaillant, George.
394, pp. 2
Michael
"Aztec City Planning."
E.
In
Encyclopaedia of the History of Non-
Viesca, Carlos.
Mexico
yaence, Technology, and Medicine. Revised Internet ed. Edited by
City,
The Aztecs of Mexico.
Ticiotl,
New
York, 1941
conceptos medicos de los antiguos Mexicanos,
vol.
1.
1997.
Von Winning, Hasso. Pre-Columbian Art of Mexico and Central America. New 2nd
t Aztecs.
York, 1968.
ed. Oxford, 2003.
e Provinces of the Aztec Empire." Scientific American 277
-
Westheim,
(3)
Mexico
(1997), pp. 56-63.
_.
"Mixteca-Puebla Style."
In
Archaeology of Ancient Mexico and Central
Paul. Ideas
City,
fundamentals
del arte prehispanico en Mexico. 3rd ed.
1986.
Obras maestras del Mexico antiguo. 3rd ed. Mexico
City,
1990.
America: An Encyclopedia. Edited by Susan Toby Evans and David L Webster. Escultura y ceramica del Mexico antiguo. 2nd ed. Mexico
..001.
E
,
and Frances
F.
White, Andrew Dickson. Pre-Columbian Art of Latin America. Ithaca,
Berdan, eds. The Postclassic Mesoamericon
had
E.,
Jennifer Wharton, and Jan Marie Olson. "Aztec Feasts, Rituals,
Uses of Ceramic Vessels
Political
Archaeology and by Tamara Bray.
Politics
New
of Food and Feasting
York, 2003, pp.
in
a
Commercial Economy."
in Early
States
and
In
The
Whittington,
Ballgame.
..
City,
Research
1998.
7.
Mexico
City,
2000,
_
E.
"Una cueva ceremonial en Teotihuacan." Unpublished master's
thesis, Escuela
El
Wolf, Eric
In
Nacional de Antropologia e Historia, 1985.
Mexico antiguo. Barcelona, 1969.
Universo de los Aztecas. Mexico
nW
City,
1982.
"Monumental sculpture of southern Veracruz and Tabasco."
Handbook of Middle American
"El
Indians, vol.
3.
Austin, 1965, pp. 716-38.
Policromo Laca de Cholula, Puebla." >n
In
Mixteca-Puebla:
Mesoamericon Art and Archaeology. Edited by Henry 1
1
'
02.
and Death: The Mesoamer can
1
ii
45-52.
ientopreh
F.
Heizer. "Sources of
Facility, vol. 1. Berkeley,
R.,
Rocks Used
in
Olmec
Contributions of the University of California Archaeological
ed. The Valley
1965, pp. 1-39.
of Mexico: Studies of Pre-Hispanic Ecology and
Society. Albuquerque, 1976.
Soustelle, Jacques. El arte del
In
Mexico
"La Piedra del Sol." In Arqueologia Mexicana, vol.
ico Saenz.
York,
York, 2001.
Williams, Howell, and Robert
32-39.
degree
New
Empires. Edited
235-68.
Solis Olguin, Felipe. La Cultura del Maiz.
Michael, ed. The Sport of Life
E.
New
Monuments."
pp.
1991.
1966.
World. Salt Lake City, 2003.
and Markets:
City,
Photo Credits
By page number
5:® American Museum of Natural
History,
photo by Craig Chesek; 12-13, 18-19,
54-55, 130-31, 166-67, 220-21, 248-49, 332-33, 352-53, 366-67, 368: pho-
tography by Michel Zabe and Enrique Macias originally published
Academy
(London: Royal
of Arts, 2002) copyright
in
Aztecs
® Royal Academy of
Arts,
London; 24-25: Brooklyn Museum; 36-37, 82-83: photos by Michel Zabe and Enrique Macias.
By catalogue number 1-4,
9-10,
7,
12,
15-19, 22-23, 25, 29, 32, 34-37, 44-68, 70, 72, 74-77, 79,
81-86, 88, 90-92, 94, 96-98, 100, 102-104, 106, 109, 111-17, 119, 121, 123-24, 130, 132, 135, 137-41, 143-44, 146-51, 157, 159, 168, 173, 175, 192-95, 197:
photography by Michel Zabe and Enrique Macias originally published (London: Royal
London; 53, 61,
5:
Academy
Museum
of Art,
of Arts, 2002) copyright
Rhode
in
Aztecs
® Royal Academy of
Island School of Design; 6,
65-66, 69-71, 73, 75, 87, 93, 99, 105, 107-108,
8,
Arts,
27, 38-40, 42-43,
110, 120, 125, 127, 129,
145, 152, 154-56, 158, 161-62, 164-67, 170, 172, 174, 178-88, 196, 199: photos
by Michel Zabe and Enrique Macias; 26, 28, 101, 136, 163,
:
by Bruce M. White; 30:
Museum
respectively; 41:
® 2004, Museum Field
Art,
14, 24,
University,
photos
Wood, 1991, 2002, 1995, 2002,
Museum, negative #A114179c, photo by Diane
Museum
of Natural History, Yale University,
131, 134, 171: courtesy National Institution,
Museum;
of Natural History, photos by
of Fine Arts, Boston; 31, 33, 80, 118:
of Art, photos by Graydon
® The
White; 78: ® Peabody
20, 89, 177: Brooklyn
Museum
® 2004, Trustees of Princeton
Craig Chesek; 21, 153, 160, 169:
Philadelphia
11, 13,
189-91 ® American
Museum
photo by NMAI Photo Services
A.
95,
of the American Indian, Smithsonian staff; 122:
Museum
Museum of Museum of Art,
The Cleveland
2002; 126: Saint Louis Art Museum; 128: The Metropolitan
photograph ® 2002 The Metropolitan
New Haven;
of Art; 133, 198: Dumbarton Oaks,
Washington, D.C, Pre-Columbian Collection; 176: Yale University Art
Gallery.
;
u