MERIKA - Iseljavanje iz Srednje Europe u Ameriku 1880.-1914. by Rijekamgr

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Iseljavanje iz srednje Europe u Ameriku 1880.â&#x20AC;&#x201C;1914. Emigration from Central Europe to America 1880 - 1914

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Autor i urednik Author and editor Ervin Dubrovi}

Istra`iva~i Researchers Ivan Balta, Osijek; Martin Besedi~, Bratislava; Gerhard Dienes, Graz; Marjan Drnov{ek Ljubljana; Francesco Fait, Trst/Trieste; Jovana Iveti}, Novi Sad; Ljubinka Karpowicz, Rijeka; William Klinger, Gradisca d’Isonzo; Irvin Luke`i}, Rijeka; Stefan Malfer, Be~/Vienna; Barry Moreno, New York; Ljubica Oti}, Novi Sad; John P. Kraljic, New York; Marijeta Rajkovi}, Zagreb; Jasna Rotim Malvi}, Rijeka; Michaela Schuller, Graz; Malcolm Scott Hardy, London; Ferenc Szilli, Budimpe{ta/Budapest; Adam Walaszek, Krakov/Krakow

Suradnici u pripremi Collaborators in preparation Jelena Dunato Jasna Milinkovi} Prijevod na engleski Translation into English Mario Rossini Jelena Dunato Ira Stani}

Suradnici With

Kazala Index by Vlasta Hrvatin Lektura i korektura hrvatskog teksta Language advising and proof reading for Croatian language Gordana O`bolt Lektura i korektura engleskog teksta Language advising and proof reading for English language Jelena Dunato John P. Kraljic Grafi~ki dizajn Graphic design Klaudio Cetina

Jozsef Berkes, Budapest; Theodor de Canziani Jak{i}, Rijeka; Maria D. Zic, New York; Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka; Sanja Grkovi}, Zagreb; Egon Hreljanovi}, Rijeka; Zlatko Ivkovi}, Zagreb; Ilija Komnenovi}, Novi Sad; Ljubo Krasi}, Chicago; Ivica Nemec, Kastav; Enrico Padula, Oriago (Venezia); Vanja Pavlovec, Rijeka; Milkica Popovi}, Novi Sad; Wanda Radetti, New York; Boris Su{anj, Vi{kovo; Branka Stergar, Ozalj; Radovan Tadej, Zlobin; Jolanda Todorovi}, Rijeka; Marija Tonkovi}, Zagreb; Josip @galji}, Rijeka; Irena @muc, Ljubljana Institucije koje su omogu}ile kori{tenje gra|e Institutions that allowed the use of their materials

Fotografije Photography Istog @or` Tisak Printed by Zambelli Rijeka 2008.

CIP zapis dostupan u ra~unalnom katalogu Sveu~ili{ne knji`nice Rijeka pod brojem 120118013 ISBN 978-953-6587-45-2

Associazione Marinara Aldebaran, Trst/Trieste; Arcadia Publishing, Portsmouth; Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte, Trst/Trieste; Donauschwabishes Zentralmuseum Ulm; Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New York; Hamburg-Amerikanische-Paketfahrt Actien-Gesell-schaft –-Arhiv; Hamburg Staastsarchiv; Hrvatska bratska zajednica/Croatian Fraternal Union Pittsburgh; Hrvatska matica iseljenika, Rijeka; Hrvatski etni~ki institut/Croatian Ethnic Institute Chicago; In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU; Ljubljana, Közlokodési Múzeum Budimpe{ta/Budapest; LaGuar-dia& Wagner Archives, New York; Mestni muzej Ljubljana; Ministarstvo kulture, fototeka, Zagreb; Muzej Nikole Tesle Beograd/Belgrade; Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad; Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb; Narodna in {tudijska Knji`nica v Trstu/Trieste; Österreichisches Ost-und Südeuropa – Institut, Be~/Wien, Slovenske narodne muzeum Bratislava; Southampton City Heritage Services; Spomeni~ka knji`nica i zbirka Ma`urani}-Brli}Ru`i}, Rijeka; Sveu~ili{na knji`nica Rijeka; Sydney Jones Library, Special Collections and Archives, University of Liverpool; Eni [ebalj, Rukavac; Frane [epi}, Rukavac; Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj; Zavi~ajni muzej [ibenik

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Izlo`ba u Muzeju grada Rijeke od 10. prosinca 2008. do 28. velja~e 2009. Exhibition at the City Museum of Rijeka 10 December 2008 – 28 February 2009 Autor izlo`be Author of the exhibition Ervin Dubrovi} Autor likovnog postava Design of the exhibition Klaudio Cetina Suradnica u pripremi Collaborator in preparation Jasna Milinkovi} Suradnik u postavu izlo`be Collaborator in design Bojan Kukuljan Mirna Kutle{a

Muzeji – suradnici Museums – associates Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New York Diane Pardue Musei Civici di Storia ed Arte, Trst/Trieste Adriano Dugulin Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad Jovan Paunovi} Landesmuseum Joanneum, Graz Wolfgang Muchitsch

Medijski pokrovitelj Media coverage Novi list, Rijeka

Videoprojekcije Video presentations Jelena Dunato Tehni~ki postav Technical arrangement Anto Kova~evi} Tehni~ka realizacija Technical realization Pru{a d.o.o. Jedinstvo d.o.o.

Sufinancirali su Co-funded by Grad Rijeka, Ministarstvo kulture Zagreb; Primorskogoranska `upanija, Rijeka; Zaklada Adris, Zagreb; Veleposlanstvo SAD-a, Zagreb; INA d.d., Zagreb; Hrvatska banka za obnovu i razvitak, Zagreb; Bevanda d.o.o., Opatija; Austrijski kulturni forum, Zagreb

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Ervin Dubrovi}

Iseljavanje iz Srednje Europe u Ameriku 1880. â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 1914. Emigration from Central Europe to America 1880 - 1914

Muzej grada Rijeke, 2008.

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Emigracija u Ameriku predgovor

Iseljavanje NAJVE]A MIGRACIJA U POVIJESTI SREDNJA EUROPA I MIGRACIJA Dr`ava i iseljavanje Prvi iseljenici, masovno iseljavanje i neodlu~nost dr`ave Emigracija izme|u protivnika i zagovornika Slaveni i iseljavanje

16 22 22 24 26 28

Ustroj prekooceanskog egzodusa PRIJEVOZNICI I POSREDNICI Parobrodarske kompanije Cunard Line Inman Line White Star Line HAPAG - Hamburg-Amerika Linie Norddeutscher Lloyd Brodarski karteli @eljeznica - od rodnog sela do polazne luke Glavna `eljezni~ka ~vori{ta Iseljeni~ke agencije Banke

34 36 36 38 40 40 42 46 50 52 56 58

Luke - odakle putovati u Novi svijet? Bremerhaven Hamburg Rotterdam Antwerpen Le Havre Cherbourg Liverpool Southampton Genova Ameri~ke ulazne luke i Ellis Island

66 68 72 74 76 78 80 82 84 86

Rije~ka i tr{}anska luka RIJE^KA LUKA Fiorello La Guardia i ameri~ki konzulat u Rijeci Tko se ukrcava u Rijeci? Iseljavanje iz rije~ke okolice i zale|a TR[]ANSKA LUKA Ukupni promet iseljenika u tr{}anskoj luci od 1903. do 1914. Smje{taj iseljenika u Trstu

94 108 110 114 122 126 128

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Sadr`aj

Iseljenici STREPNJE, PUTOVANJE, @IVOT Amerika - bijeg od bijede Regruti i Amerika Strah od mora i plovidbe Veliko putovanje - prvi put na brodu Veli, veli brod s ken }emo brzo prit va Meriku! Posljednja prepreka - oto~i} Ellis Kamo doseljavaju na{i emigranti? Useljeni~ka Amerika - raj ili pakao? Kriza 1907. - ne u Ameriku!

134 136 138 140 142 146 150 152 156 162

Sudbine Lajos Kossuth i odbjegli sinovi revolucije Hans Kudlich - ~e`nja za domovinom Mihajlo Pupin - od iseljenika do izumitelja Nikola Tesla i zemlja zlatnih obe}anja Fran Sakser - slovenski novinar, dobrotvor i bankar Austrijski pivar Fritz, otac Freda Astairea Josip Marohni} - prvi Hrvat kod Predsjednika Peter V. Rovnianek - Zapisi ìvog pokopanog Jozef Murga{ - slova~ki sve}enik i radiotelegrafist Franjo Grèti} ne èli doma Kuharica Liza u New Yorku Frank Zotti, kralj Hrvata Ante Biankini - lije~nik, politi~ar i “kriminalni sociolog” Frane Lu~i} Borinov i njegova obitelj Imu}ni gostioni~ar Nick i sirota Ana Verzuh “Tarzanova” obitelj Weissmüller Naprasiti Klement Sisari} ne voli Ameriku Erich von Stroheim - la`ni aristokrat i upe~atljiv glumac Marljivi dobrotvori Anton i Ana Justini} Louis Adamic - ìvot i smrt poznatog iseljenika Julija i Ondreij Varchola - roditelji Andyja Warhola Jura Stare{in~i} ima tu|e dijete Anton Kinkela ônjina i njegovi sinovi

166 166 168 170 174 174 176 176 178 180 182 182 184 186 188 190 192 194 194 196 198 198 200

Kraj velikog vala OD NATIVIZMA DO OGRANI^AVANJA USELJAVANJA ^e`nja za domom i povratak u domovinu NA KRAJU - KORIST ILI [TETA OD EMIGRACIJE?

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Emigration to America Introduction

Emigration THE LARGEST EMIGRATION IN HISTORY CENTRAL EUROPE AND MIGRATION The State and Emigration First Emigrants, Large Scale Emigration and Vacillation of the State Emigration, For and Against Emigration of the Slavs

17 23 23 25 27 29

Organizational Setup of The transoceanic Exodus CARRIERS AND AGENTS The Shipping Companies Cunard Line Inman Line White Star Line Hamburg-Amerika Linie Norddeutscher Lloyd Shipping Conferences The Railways – from the Native Village to the Port of Departure The Main Railway Hubs Emigration Agencies The Banks

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The Ports - Where to Travel to The New World from? Bremerhaven Hamburg Rotterdam Antwerp Le Havre Cherbourg Liverpool Southampton Genoa American Ports of Entry and Ellis Island

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The Ports of Rijeka and Trieste THE PORT OF RIJEKA Fiorello LaGuardia and the US Consulate in Rijeka Who Sailed from Rijeka? Emigration from the Rijeka Region and the Hinterlands THE PORT OF TRIESTE Total Emigrants’ Traffic at the Port of Trieste from 1903 to 1914 Accommodation of Emigrants in Trieste

95 109 111 115 123 127 129

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Contents Emigrants FEARS, PASSAGE, LIFE America – Haven for the Poor The Recruits and America Fear of the Sea and the Passage Long Passage – First Time on Board Big, Big Ship that Will Take Us to America Quickly! The Last Obstacle – Ellis Island Where Did Our Emigrants Settle? The Immigrants’ America - Heaven or Hell? The Recession of 1907 – Not to America!

135 137 139 141 143 145 149 153 157 163

Destinies Runaway Sons of Revolution and Lajos Kossuth Hans Kudlich – Homesickness Mihajlo Pupin – from Immigrant to Inventor Nikola Tesla And the Land of Golden Promises Fran Sakser – Slovenian Journalist, Benefactor and Banker The Austrian Brewar Fritz - the Father of Fred Astaire Josip Marohni} – First Croat Who Met the President Peter V. Rovnianek – Notes from One Buried Alive Jozef Murga{ – Slovak Priest and Telegraphist Franjo Gr`eti} Does Not Want to Return Home Liza the Cook in New York Frank Zotti - The King of the Croatians Ante Biankini – Physician, Politician and “Criminal Sociologist” Frane Lu~i} Borinov and His Family The Rich Innkeeper Nick and the Poor Ana Verzuh Tarzan’s Family – the Weissmullers The Quick-Tempered Klement Sisari} Dislikes America Erich von Stroheim – Fake Aristocrat and a Remarkable Actor Diligent Benefactors Anton and Ana Justini} Louis Adamic – Life and Death of the Famous Immigrant Julija and Ondreij Varchola – Andy Warhol’s Parents Jure Stare{in~i} Has Another's Child Anton Kinkela ^onjina and His Sons

167 167 169 171 175 175 177 177 179 181 183 183 185 187 189 191 193 195 195 197 199 199 201

The End of The Great Wave FROM NATIVISM TO IMMIGRATION QUOTAS Homesickness and Return TO SUMMARIZE, WAS EMIGRATION GOOD OR BAD?

207 213 217

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Emigracija u Ameriku Iseljavanje iz srednje Europe u Ameriku na prijelazu iz 19. u 20. stolje}e privuklo je moju pa`nju prije vi{e godina. Pripremaju}i u Muzeju grada Rijeke izlo`bu i opse`nu monografiju Rije~ka luka: povijest, izgradnja, promet, koja je objavljena 2001., uvrstili smo na izlo`bu i u knjigu i tekst o Rijeci kao iseljeni~koj luci, koji je napisao na{ njujor{ki suradnik John P. Kraljic, podrijetlom iz Hrvatskog primorja, iz Ledenica i Omi{lja na otoku Krku. înilo mi se ~udnim da, osim nekoliko ozbiljnih i vi{e prigodnih tekstova, nitko dosad nije temeljito obradio iseljavanje iz Rijeke i najbliè rije~ke okolice, kao {to nitko nije ni sustavno razmotrio rije~ku iseljeni~ku luku u obzoru op}ih europskih i srednjoeuropskih iseljeni~kih tokova. Tema me vi{e godina kopkala. Kada sam prije tri godine zapo~eo s radom na izlo`bi i novoj opse`noj monografiji, nisu me vi{e zanimali samo iseljenici koji odlaze u Ameriku preko rije~ke luke nego, prije svega, op}a pojava iseljavanja iz srednje Europe, {to je krajem 19. stolje}a zapo~ela te}i nezaustavljivom ustrajno{}u. Iako se iseljeni~ki tokovi {ire svim kontinentima, Vreva na ulasku u njujor{ku luku i pogled na Kip slobode obe}avaju}i su prizor koji se pruà iseljenicima nadomak glavnih vrata u Novi svijet. Ilustrirane revije rado se doti~u teme iseljavanja, a ulazak u New York jedan je od klju~nih, naj~e{}e spominjanih prizora. (Moderne Kunst, Berlin 1891., Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka) Commotion at the entrance to the port of New York and the view of the Statue of Liberty, enticing sights that the emigrants saw on approach to the main gate of the New World. Illustrated reviews often dealt with immigration issues, and the immigration station in New York featured most prominently in their reports. (Moderne Kunst, Berlin 1891., Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

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Emigration to America I became interested in emigration of the 1900â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s from Central Europe to America several years ago. When the City Museum of Rijeka was preparing an exhibition and a detailed monograph The Port of Rijeka: History, Development, Traffic (Rije~ka luka, povijest, izgradnja, promet), published in 2001, we exhibited and published a text on Rijeka as an emigration port by our New York correspondent John P. Kraljic, a descendant of a family from Hrvatsko primorje, from the towns of Ledenice and Omi{alj on the island of Krk. What struck me as odd as that other than a few serious texts, written for special occasions, there were no detailed surveys of emigration from Rijeka and its immediate surroundings or on Rijeka as an emigration port in the context of European and Central European emigration. I remained intrigued with that for several years. Then, three years ago, when I started working on this exhibition and on another detailed monograph, I decided to cover not only the emigration from Rijeka but also from the whole of Central Europe, which peaked around 1900. Although the emigrants

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usmjerio sam se na SAD, najprivla~nije odredi{te europskih iseljenika. A sloèn i razvijen organizacijski sustav koji je omogu}io iseljavanje, ~inio mi se jednako va`nim kao i sudbina brojnih iseljenika. Da je tema vi{e nego privla~na i aktualna, za istraìva~e koliko i za muzealce, potvr|uje i to {to je u me|uvremenu u nekada{njim iseljeni~kim lukama otvoreno vi{e muzeja i muzejskih postava â&#x20AC;&#x201C; u Bremerhavenu (1905.), Hamburgu (2007.) i u Genovi (posebna cjelina u Musei del Mare e della Navigazione, 2008.) â&#x20AC;&#x201C; ne samo zato da bi se upozorilo na neke povijesne teme, ve} i da bismo se podsjetili da smo i sami uvijek negdje stranci i da u na{e doba jo{ uvijek brojni iseljenici bjeè od raznih nevolja i napu{taju svoje domove. Svjestan sam da je, unato~ srednjoeuropskoj i prekomorskoj temi, moje polazi{te ponajprije rije~ko i hrvatsko. No jednako sam tako uvjeren da, unato~ naglascima na rije~koj luci i poja~anu zanimanju za primorske i hrvatske iseljenike, knjiga i izlo`ba ipak odraàvaju probleme i sudbinu iseljenika s tada jedinstvenog podru~ja srednje Europe, koje obuhva}aju granice zajedni~kog Carstva. Na kraju, najiskrenije zahvaljujem muzejima: Ellis Island Immigration Museum u New Yorku, Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte iz Trsta, Landesmuseumu Joanneum iz Graza i Muzeju Vojvodine iz Novog Sada, s kojima je suradnja na projektu zna~ila vi{e od puke kolegijalnosti. Posebno zahvaljujem suradnicima ~ijim sam se jo{ neobavljenim tekstovima koristio za ovo izdanje, a prikupljeni su za opse`nu monografiju koju }emo u suizdanju s Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte iz Trsta objaviti 2009. na hrvatskom i talijanskom jeziku.

Ervin Dubrovi}

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went to all the continents, I focused on the USA as their prime destination. Regarding that, I found the complex emigration infrastructure equally interesting as the plight of the numerous emigrants. The importance and the topicality of the issue, both for the researchers and for the museum experts, has been proven by the opening of museums and exhibitions in the former emigration ports, such as Bremerhaven (1905), Hamburg (2007) and Genoa (a special department in Musei del Mare e della Navigazione, 2008), as a reminder of some historic developments, but also of the fact that we are all strangers somewhere and that many persons are still fleeing from their homes to escape some trouble. In spite of my Central European and transcontinental scope, I was aware that my starting point was primarily Rijeka and Croatia. Yet I was convinced that, in spite of my focus on the port of Rijeka and the emigration from Croatian Littoral and other Croatian territories, the monograph and the exhibition should reflect the problems and the plight of emigrants from all over Central Europe, at that time united in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. Finally, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the following museums: Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New York, Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte, Trieste, Landesmuseum Joanneum, Graz and Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad, whose assistance went beyond the scope of usual collegiality. My special gratitude goes to correspondents who let me use their unpublished texts, which have been collected for a detailed monograph we intend to publish in 2009 jointly with Civici Musei di Astoria ed Arte, Trieste, in Croatian and Italian.

Ervin Dubrovi}

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Iseljavanje

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Emigration

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Najve}a emigracija u povijesti U stotinjak godina najve}eg emigrantskog odljeva, u razdoblju od napoleonskih ratova do me|uratnog doba, pedesetak je milijuna Europljana sudjelovalo u velikoj prekomorskoj seobi koja je ostavila jednako duboke tragove na obje strane – na dru{tvenu zajednicu zemalja iz kojih iseljenici odlaze i na ìvot u zemljama u koje dolaze.1 Veli~ina toga gibanja uzdiè ga do va`nosti posebnoga fenomena s obilje`jima smi{ljenog i pomno organiziranog projekta s dalekose`nim posljedicama. Migracija Europljana preko Atlantika najve}a je i ujedno najpotpunije dokumentirana prekooceanska migracija u ljudskoj povijesti. U istom se razdoblju (1815.–1914.) pribli`no deset milijuna ljudi seli iz europskog dijela Rusije u Sibir, a i u Indiji, Kini i Japanu zbivaju se velika gibanja stanovni{tva. Nakon prvih ameri~kih istraìva~a i kolonizatora – europskih naseljenika i potom nasilno dovedenih afri~kih robova, nakon prvih “pionira”-poduzetnika za koje jo{ Posljednji pozdrav putnicima koji iz Sredozemlja odlaze u Ameriku. U doba ve} razvijenog prometa parobrodima odlasci su sve ~e{}i, broj putnika sve ve}i, a brodovi ~esto pretrpani – kao na slici isplovljenja iz Napulja 1870-ih. (L’illustrazione Italiana, 21.11.1875, Muzej grada Rijeke) Last greeting to the passengers before their passage from the Mediterranean to America. Thanks to the development of the steamship, the volume of traffic increased significantly and the ships were often overcrowded, such as this one that sailed out of Naples in the 1860’s. (L’illustrazione Italiana, 21 November 1875, Muzej grada Rijeke)

1 Dudley Bains, Emigration From Europe 1815–1930. Macmillan Education LTD, Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire and London, 1991., str. 7. Autor navodi 52 milijuna registriranih iseljenika iz Europe i vjerojatnost da je pravi broj bli`i – 60 milijuna. Uz ostalo, “zbrku” stvaraju i “turisti” koji se vra}aju u svoje zemlje.

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The Largest Emigration in History During the the peak period of European emigration, hundred odd years after the Napoleonic wars, some 50 million people moved overseas, which seriously affected 1 the social fabric both in the emigrants’ homelands and in their adopted countries. The exodus became so monumental that it acquired the characteristics of a pre-planned and well organized project with long term consequences. European emigration across the Atlantic has been the largest and the best documented transoceanic migration in the history of mankind. During that same period (18151914), some 10 million people moved from European Russia into Siberia, and large movements of populations happened in India, China and Japan. Europeans first came to the Americas as explorers and colonizers. Slaves from Africa followed them, brought there by force, as did entrepreneurs, who had plenty of land

1 Dudley Bains, Emigration from Europe 1815 – 1930. Macmillan Education LTD, Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire and London, 1991, p. 7. The author cites the number of 52 million immigrants, and warns that the actual number could have been closer to 60 million. The discrepancy is partly due to the “confusion” created by the “tourists” who traveled back and forth between America and their homelands.

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uvijek ima dovoljno zemlje, ve} u 18. stolje}u dolaze useljenici novoga tipa, u bitno druk~ijem polo`aju od prethodnika. Useljenici su, barem isprva, jo{ uvijek dobrodo{li. Od ku}a odlaze s gor~inom zbog nemogu}nosti pre`ivljavanja, a dolaze sa strahom i nadom, ali im se u Americi vi{e ne nude osobite pogodnosti.

Karta predo~ava razmjere priljeva useljenika iz europskih zemalja u SAD. Me|u najbrojnijima su iseljenici koji dolaze iz srednje Europe – iz Austro-Ugarske Monarhije. (Nach Amerika, Burgenlandische Landesausstellung, Burg Güssing, 1992.) A chart with the breakdown of emigration from different European countries to the USA. One of the most active emigration areas was central Europe, including the AustroHungarian Monarchy. (Nach Amerika, Burgenlandische Landesausstellung, Burg Güssing, 1992.)

Useljenici dolaze kao najamni radnici na upravo otvoreno trì{te rada. Zemlje u koje stiù prihva}aju ih, ali im vi{e ne nude nikakve posjede. Nude im samo mogu}nost preìvljavanja i – {ansu za uspjeh. U zemljama iz kojih dolaze dru{tveni su odnosi jo{ gotovo feudalni, a Amerika ve} prednja~i poletnim gra|anskim sustavom. Liberalne dru{tvene okolnosti “obe}ane zemlje” spretnima i umje{nima na svim podru~jima omogu}uju uspon kakav im kod ku}e jo{ nije mogu}. Razdoblje prvih naseljenika na podru~ju SAD-a vezano je isklju~ivo uz Anglosaksonce. Ve}e iseljavanje kontinentalnih Europljana u SAD po~inje s Nijemcima potaknutim tridesetogodi{njim ratom i gospodarskim neda}ama. Petnaestak tisu}a njema~kih seljaka i obrtnika kre}e 1709. u Ameriku. Zato je dobrim dijelom krivac jedan njihov sunarodnjak koji tiska primamljiv poziv s la`nim obe}anjima o “slobodnoj zemlji” koja ih ~eka u Americi. Putovati su mogli jedino preko Engleske u koju dolaze i nekoliko mjeseci ~ekaju prijevoz. U i{~ekivanju, zbog lo{ih uvjeta ìvota, jedni umiru, druge vra}aju u Njema~ku. Preostali na kraju ipak stiù u Ameriku, ali nakon sukoba s Indijancima i tamo{njim stanovni{tvom, samo ih tri tisu}e stiè na kona~no odredi{te, u dolinu rijeke Hudson, na proizvodnju katrana i smole. Kona~no dobivaju i dozvolu da se nasele u predjelima dràve New York.2 No unato~ tragi~nom po~etku, ve} je 1766. u engleskim kolonijama u Americi bilo oko 3 200.000 njema~kih useljenika.

2 Prema neobjavljenom tekstu Williama Klingera, Gradisca d’Isonzo, 2008.

Prava masovna migracija po~inje s Ircima u prvoj polovici 19. stolje}a. Prenapu~ena i siroma{na zemlja doslovno je umirala od gladi. Nakon katastrofe s propalim urodom krumpira, osnovne ìvotne namirnice, 1846.–1847. irski se ìvalj smanjuje od osam na manje od tri milijuna! Najve}i dio preìvjelih odlazi u Englesku, u najbliù luku Liverpool, odakle se ve}ina 4 zaputila preko oceana.

3 Stjepan Radi}, Moderna kolonizacija i Slaveni, Matica Hrvatska, Zagreb 1904., str. 326. 4 Bains, isto, str. 9. Autor navodi ukupno 7,3 milijuna irskih iseljenika (1815.–1830.).

NORVE[KA/NORWAY [VEDSKA/SWEDEN RUSIJA/RUSSIA

3% ,8% 21, 11 0 9 1 0 1 4 . 7 9 4,6% 3 7.7 922. 08 1% 1.9 35 1 .25 1,3& 78 5 .77 6 10

VELIKA BRITANIJA/GREAT BRITAN

1, 6

% 5,6

2.1

2 ,0

9 2.7 6

2 7, 9

26,6%

FRANCUSKA/FRANCE

NJEMA^KA/GERMANY AUSTRO-UGARSKA / AUSTRIA-HUNGARY

[PANJOLSKA/SPAIN PORTUGAL

ITALIA/ITALY

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to exploit. But, by the 18th century, the fortunes of immigrants had changed. After having left their homelands frustrated by the lack of basic resources, they continued to be welcomed in America, but they could no longer rely on receiving any special benefits. These immigrants found work as hired hands in the newly liberalized labor market. Their adopted countries allowed them entry, but they received no offers for property. All they were offered was a chance to survive and better their standing. While the dynamic American bourgeoisie set an example for the rest of the world, in their home countries social relations still predominantly remained feudal. In liberal America or â&#x20AC;&#x153;the promised land,â&#x20AC;? on the other hand, the resourceful and the daring in all walks of life could better themselves faster than they could at home at that time. At first, immigrants into the future United States consisted primarily of those of Anglo-Saxon and Irish descent. Large scale emigration from continental Europe started with the Germans, after the Thirty Years War and the economic crises that ensued. In 1709, some 15,000 German peasants and artisans set out from Germany for America. Their emigration had been prompted primarily by one of their compatriots who had published an enticing leaflet containing false promises of free land allegedly waiting to be taken by the immigrants. The only route to America led through England. There they waited several months for passage. Due to poor living conditions, some of them died in England and many others were sent back to Germany. The rest finally arrived in America, where they clashed with Indians and the local white population. Only three thousand reached their final destination, the Hudson River Valley, where they engaged in the production of tarmac and pitch. Eventually, they received permission to settle in the territory of 2 New York. In spite of the tragic fortune of the first wave of German immigration, in 1766 German 3 immigrants in the English colonies numbered around 200,000 persons. Large scale immigration started with the Irish in early 19th century, when the oversized and impoverished population of Ireland suffered from starvation. After catastrophically low crop yields of potatoes, the main food staple, in 1846-1847, the population of Ireland dropped from eight million to less than three million! Most of the survivors went to the nearby English port of Liverpool, and from there the majority sailed 4 across the Atlantic. The face of immigration changed in late 19th and early 20th centuries, with the arrival of immigrants of other origins, whose existence at home had been either threatened or who had been poor. In some cases, they even received encouragement, often directly, to emigrate on religious or nationalistic grounds. However, during that period many emigrants did not emigrate for good but only to save money to improve their living conditions at home. Between 1871 and 1915, emigration from Central Europe, that is, from Austria5 Hungary, totalled 4,383,000. 2 From an unpublished text by William Klinger, Gradisca dâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Isonzo, 2008.

When plotted on the entire 100 year period, i.e., from the Napoleonic wars until World War I, emigration from Austria-Hungary totalled five million. Thus, one in ten European immigrants was a native of Central Europe. After Great Britain (11.4 million), Italy (9.9 million) and Ireland (7.3 million), Austria-Hungary represented the 6 fourth largest source of emigration.

3 Stjepan Radi}, Modern Colonization and the Slavs (Moderna kolonizacija i Slaveni), Matica Hrvatska, Zagreb 1904, p. 326. 4 Bains, ibid, p. 9. The author gives 7.3 million as the total number of Irish emigrants (1815-1830). 5 Ferenczi, W.F. Willcox, International Migration, vol. I, Statistics, National Bureau of Economic Research, New York, 1929, p. 230-231. W. Nugent, Crossings, The Great Transatlantic Migrations, 1870-1914. Bloomington-Indianapolis, Indiana University Press, 1992, p. 12.

6 Bains, ibid, p. 9.

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Pretrpana paluba pru`a istu sliku pri isplovljenju iz europske luke i pri dolasku u Ameriku. Ovaj brod pristi`e iz sjevernonjema~kih luka, iz kojih od kraja 19. stolje}a odlazi najvi{e siroma{nih srednjoeuropskih iseljenika i ruskih @idova u bijegu pred pogromom. (Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New York) On departure from European ports and on arrival to America decks were equally crowded. This ship arrived from one of the north German ports. As of the late 19th century they were most popular with the poor central European emigrants and with the Jews fleeing the pogroms. (Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New York).

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Masovno iseljavanje “kontinentalaca” drugoj polovici 19. i po~etkom 20. stolje}a nova je pojava koja odre|uje i nove glavne tokove migracije. Zemlja iz koje iseljenici odlaze ili im ne omogu}uje osnovne uvjete preìvljavanja ili ne nudi ìvot kakav prièljkuju. Katkad ih – vi{e ili manje izravno – i poti~e na odlazak, naj~e{}e zbog vjerskih ili nacionalnih razloga. Ipak, u novije doba mnogi ne odlaze zauvijek, nego samo da bi zaradili za bolji ìvot u domovini. Prizori iz sredi{ta Be~a, prijestolnice Austro -Ugarske Monarhije. Poslanici u Carevinskom vije}u (Reihstag) godinama raspravljaju o lo{im i dobrim stranama te o posljedicama emigracije u Ameriku. Zbog razli~itih interesa, unato~ brojnim prijedlozima i nacrtima, zakon o emigraciji nije nikad izglasan. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 3784)

Iz srednje Europe, to~nije iz Austro-Ugarske, u razdoblju od 1871. do 1915. iselilo je 5 4.383.000 ljudi. Ako se uzme u obzir cijelo stogodi{nje razdoblje, od napoleonskih ratova do Prvoga svjetskog rata, broj se osobito ne pove}ava, ali ipak dosi`e ukupno pet milijuna iseljenika. Dakle, desetina je europskih iseljenika rodom iz srednje Europe. Nakon Velike Britanije (11,4 milijuna), Italije (9,9 milijuna) i Irske (7,3 milijuna), ovo je podru~je 6 najve}i izvor iseljavanja.

Sights from downtown Vienna, Capitol of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. For years deputies at the Imperial Council (Reichstag) debated pros and cons of emigration to America. Due to conflicting vested interests, a law on emigration was never adopted, in spite of different proposals and bills. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 3784)

Srednja Europa i migracija Dr`ava i iseljavanje Na~elno su i u prvoj polovici 19. stolje}a slobodni ljudi, naro~ito plemstvo, obrazovani ljudi, studenti, obrtnici i trgovci, imali slobodu kretanja, ali zapravo je za svako putovanje, ~ak i u susjedni okrug, trebalo odobrenje, svako je putovanje trebalo biti prijavljeno i odobreno, trebalo je zapravo dobiti putovnicu na koju, dakako, nisu mogli 7 ra~unati oni koji su do 1848. bili kmetovi. U Habsbur{koj je Monarhiji tek 1857. uvedena op}a sloboda putovanja u granicama dr`ave, a za inozemstvo je i dalje trebala putovnica. Iako u njema~kome Svetome Rimskom Carstvu (koje je propalo 1806.), prethodniku Austrijskoga Carstva i Austro-Ugarske (1867.), postoji svojevrsno “pravo emigracije” (ius emigrandi), ono se ne odnosi na pravo pojedinca, ve} na pravo nekatoli~kih vjerskih grupa, uglavnom protestanata, da uz uredno pla}ene pristojbe napuste zemlju. No time se ujedno gube sva prava i imanja u zemlji. Iako je to pravo zasnovano u po~ecima novoga vijeka (1555.), gotovo do sredine 19. 8 stolje}a (1837.) doga|aju se povremeni progoni protestanata iz Austrije.

Dolje: Nakon ukidanja kmetstva 1848. seljaci postaju slobodni, ali ne i posjednici zemlje koju obra|uju. Prezadu`enost sela i gospodarske krize u koje zapada postfeudalno dru{tvo, glavni su razlozi iseljavanja. Najvi{e iseljavaju stanovnici najsiroma{nijih, uglavnom perifernih i “egzoti~nih” krajeva Monarhije – iz dana{nje Poljske, Slova~ke, Srbije (Vojvodine), Rumunjske (Banat). (Ungarn, Budimpe{ta 1909., Zbirka zu Kostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

Iseljavanje je od 18. stolje}a strogo zabranjeno jer merkantilisti~ka dru{tvena koncepcija brojnost stanovni{tva smatra jednim od temelja snage i dobrobiti dr`ave. Francuski je ekonomist Jean Baptista Say tvrdio: “Ako se godi{nje iseli 100.000 ljudi s desetak milijuna forinti, to je isto kao da vojska od 100.000 ljudi s oru`jem i opremom 9 pro|e preko granice i tamo propadne.” Jedan je od brojnih patenata cara Josipa II. i patent o emigraciji, izdan 10. kolovoza 1784., u kojem su sa`eti svi stari propisi. U prvom je paragrafu definiran pojam emigranta: “Iseljenikom se smatra onaj tko iz bilo koje carsko-kraljevske nasljedne zemlje 10 stupi u vanjsku zemlju s namjerom da se vi{e ne vrati.”

Down: After the abolition of serfdom in 1848, peasants got freedom but not ownership of land they worked on. The main reasons for emigration were indebtedness of the peasantry and an economic crisis that beset the post-feudal society. Emigration was most intense in the poorest, mostly peripheral and “exotic” regions of the Monarchy – modern Poland, Slovakia, Serbia (Vojvodina), Rumania (Banat). (Ungarn, Budapest 1909., Collection zu Kostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

5 Ferenczi, W.F. Willcox, International Migration, sv. I, Statistics, National Buereau of Economic Research, New York, 1929., str. 230.–231. W. Nugent, Crossings, The Great Transatlantic Migrations, 1870 - 1914. Bloomington-Indianapolis, Indiana University Press, 1992., str. 12. 6 Bains, isto, str. 9. 7 Prema neobjavljenom tekstu Stefana Malfera, Be~ 2007. 8 Stefan Malfer, isto. 9 Citat prema navodu Stjepana Radi}a, Moderna kolonizacija i Slaveni, Matica Hrvatska, Zagreb, 1904., str. 326. Zabrana iseljavanja vrijedila je u svim europskim zemljama. Tijekom 18. stolje}a Engleska donosi niz odredaba koje strogo brane emigraciju. Isto tako i [panjolska i Njema~ka. 10 Stefan Malfer, isto.

emigracija 9 ok:Layout 1 29/11/08 14:34 Pagina 23

Central Europe and Migration The State and Emigration In principle, in the late 19th century, freemen, especially the nobility, the educated, artisans and merchants, had freedom of movement. Yet, for any travel, even to a nearby borough, they needed a permit. For that, they had to register and obtain a travel document. Obviously, serfs, who received their freedom only in 1848, had no entitle7 ment to one.

Sredi{te Be~a na prijelazu stolje}a. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 37813) Centre of Vienna at the turn of the century (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 37813)

In 1857, the Habsburg Monarchy introduced general freedom of travel within state borders. But one still needed a travel document for trips abroad. The Holy Roman Empire (which had been dissolved in 1806), predecessor of the Austro-Hungarian Empire (1867), recognized a “right to emigration” (ius emigrandi), but not as an individual right. This right had been granted only to non-Catholic religious groups, mostly Protestants, who could leave after the payment of a required fee. After emigrating, they lost all their rights and all property they left behind. The right to emigration had been established early in the modern era (1555). As late as the mid8 19th century (1837), Austria expelled several hundred Protestants. During the 18th century, emigration had been strictly banned in the spirit of mercantilism, which viewed the populace of a state as its backbone and the source of its welfare. The French economist, Jean-Baptiste Say, claimed: “If 100,000 persons leave a country with 10 million Florins, that is the same as if 100,000 fully equipped and 9 armed soldiers go across the border and perish there.” One of the many patents issued by Emperor Joseph II, dated 10 August 1784, concerned emigration, encompassing all prior regulations. Paragraph 1 defined the term emigrant: “An emigrant is any person who moves from any of Our Hereditary Lands 10 abroad with the intention to stay there.” The patent strictly forbade such emigration, as it also banned any incitement to emigrate! A breach resulted in the loss of all civic rights and confiscation of property, which the state would then administer on behalf of the wrongdoer’s legal heirs. The issuance of this patent proves that emigration existed and that the state feared it! Because of this fear, the patent obliged major landowners and local authorities to assist all people willing to work so that they would not be forced to leave. 11 Until the 1850s, emigration from the Monarchy did not exceed 1,000 persons per year. In 1832, Emperor Francis Joseph I issued another emigration patent, this one recognizing “legal emigration,” but with the loss of citizenship. But, that patent recognized the property rights of legal emigrants. Though the Parliament (Reichstag) in Vienna debated “free emigration” during the

Rumunjski seljaci iz Transilvanije. (Ungarn, Budimpe{ta 1909., Zbirka Kostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

Roman peasants in Transylvania. (Ungarn, Budapest 1909., Collection zu Kostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

7 According to an unpublished text by Stefan Malfer, Vienna 2007. 8 Stefan Malfer, ibid. 9 Quoted in the text by Stjepan Radi}, Modern Colonization and the Slavs, Matica Hrvatska, Zagreb, 1904, p. 326. All European states banned emigration during this period. In the 18th century, England passed several regulations strictly banning emigration, as did Spain and the Germanic states. 10 Stefan Malfer, ibid.

11 Stefan Malfer, ibid.

emigracija 9 ok:Layout 1 29/11/08 14:34 Pagina 24

Takva je emigracija strogo zabranjena, kao i njezino zagovaranje! Kazna je gubitak svih gra|anskih prava i zapljena posjeda kojim dràva nastavlja upravljati u ime zakonskih nasljednika. Dono{enje ovog zakona potvr|uje da emigracije ima i tada i da je se dràva pribojava! Zato istim patentom obvezuje veleposjednike i mjesne vlasti da pomognu svakome tko ho}e raditi, da ga nu`da ne bi natjerala na odlazak. No emigracija iz Monarhije u prvoj polovici 19. stolje}a ne prelazi prosjek od tisu}u 11 iseljenika godi{nje. Car Franjo I. izdaje 1832. novi iseljeni~ki patent kojim uvodi pravo “zakonske emigracije” prema kojem se moglo legalno iseliti, ali se gubilo dràvljanstvo i dobivalo status stranca. Ipak, nije se gubilo pravo vlasni{tva, {to su ga i dalje gubili svi ilegalni iseljenici. Iako se u vrijeme revolucionarnih previranja 1848./49. u parlamentu (Reichstagu) u Be~u raspravlja o “slobodnoj emigraciji”, nikakav zakon o tome nije donesen jo{ dvadeset godina, sve do 1867. kada je progla{ena sloboda kretanja koja se ograni~ava jedino u slu~aju vojne obveze. Emigracija je kona~no dopu{tena, no unato~ poku{ajima cjelovit zakon o iseljavanju nije donesen do kraja Monarhije, ve} je u poje12 dinim ~lancima ostao na snazi odavna zastarjeli zakon iz 1832. godine.

Prizor galicijskog sela u dana{njoj Poljskoj iz albuma carskog ~asnika. Iz ovih je krajeva iselilo stotine tisu}a seljaka. (Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka) A sight from a Galician village, modern Poland, taken from a photo album of an imperial officer. Hundreds of thousands of peasants emigrated from this region. (Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka).

Iako nije sporno da emigrantu ostaje pravo vlasni{tva, ostaje sporno pravo na dr`avljanstvo za koje se po~inje smatrati da ga iseljenik gubi tek kada prihvati strano dr`avljanstvo.

Prvi iseljenici, masovno iseljavanje i neodlu~nost dràve Neki dokumenti upu}uju na po~etke ve}ega prekomorskog odljeva. Izvje{taj zapovjednika otoka Visa kapetana Josefa Schmidta od 6. listopada 1860., upu}en vrhovnome pomorskom zapovjedni{tvu ustvr|uje: “Svi mladi ljudi su oti{li, vi{e od stotinjak njih, u Ameriku i Australiju, a mnogi su drugi na Lloydovim parnim 13 brodovima i drugim trgova~kim brodovima...” No {ezdesetih i sedamdesetih godina 19. stolje}a iz Habsbur{ke se Monarhije jo{ uvijek iseljava samo nekoliko tisu}a ljudi godi{nje, a Dalmacija je prete~a toga razvoja. Tek 1880., u jeku velike gospodarske krize, emigracija iz austrijskog dijela u prekomorje naglo raste na 20.000 iseljenika godi{nje i nikad se vi{e ne smanjuje. Godine 1892. dosiè broj od 50.000 iseljenika, a 1904. ~ak 100.000 iseljenika godi{nje. Na dotad nepoznatu i posve novu pojavu, poput brojnih i organiziranih napu{tanja domovine, dràva odgovara sporo i prili~no neodlu~no. Poticanje i reklamiranje emigracije zabranjeno je, a to uklju~uje i bilo kakve bro{ure, letke i oglase u novinama. Jo{ 1895. putni~kim je uredima izri~ito zabranjeno nova~enje emigranata, poticanje emigracije ili izdavanje putnih “karata za potpalublje” za brodove stranih pomorskih kompanija. Zakon od 21. sije~nja 1897. zabranjuje bavljenje emigrantskim poslovima bez slu`bene dozvole, a za nagovaranje na emigraciju slijedi i zatvorska kazna. No ti su propisi ipak ve}inom ostali nedjelotvorni. Habsbur{ka Monarhija slu`beno ne Karta pravaca austrougarske emigracije. Najvi{e iseljenika iz srednje Europe prije Prvoga svjetskog rata odlazi u SAD, no podosta njih upu}uje se i u zemlje Ju`ne Amerike i u Kanadu. (Nach Amerika, Burgenlandische Landesausstellung, Burg Güssing, 1992.)

KANADA/CANADA 167,969

AUSTRO-UGARSKA AUSTRIA-HUNGARY

SAD/USA

A chart showing the main routes of emigration from Austria-Hungary. Prior to World War I, most emigrants from central Europe went to the USA, but quite a few headed to South America and Canada. (Nach Amerika, Burgenlandische Landesausstellung, Burg Güssing, 1992.)

AZIJA/ASIA 109

2,953.587

JU@NA AMERIKA SOUTH AMERICA 6.544

BRAZIL/BRASIL 64.360

AUSTRALIJA/AUSTRALIA 4.097

11 Stefan Malfer, isto. ARGENTINA 358.507

12 Stefan Malfer, isto. 13 Stefan Malfer, isto.

AFRIKA/AFRICA 1771

emigracija 9 ok:Layout 1 29/11/08 14:34 Pagina 25

revolutionary movement of 1848-1849, such a concept only became law in 1867, when the only restriction imposed applied to conscripts. Although the Monarchy thus liberalized emigration, it never passed an all-encompassing law on emigration, which 12 continued to be partially regulated by the old 1832 law. With the passage of time, the state recognized not only an emigrant’s right to the property that he left back home but also to citizenship, which he would lose only upon the acquisition of another citizenship.

First Emigrants, Large Scale Emigration and Vacillation of the State Some records point to the commencement of the large-scale emigration. Thus, in his report to Navy Headquarters, dated 6 October 1860, the commander of Vis Island, Captain Josef Schmidt notes: “All the young people have left, more than a hundred to America and Australia, while many others are on the Lloyds and other cargo 13 steamships….”

@idovi iz Galicije iseljavaju se manje nego ruski @idovi, no i oni spadaju u najugro`enije i, prema mi{ljenju nekih politi~ara u Carevinskom vije}u, najmanje po`eljne narode Monarhije. (Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

In the 1860s and the 1870s, emigrants from the Habsburg Monarchy numbered only several thousand per year, with Dalmatia in the lead. Only during the economic recession in the 1880s did overseas emigration from the Austrian part of the Empire sharply rise to 20,000 persons per annum and it never fell below that level again. In 1892, the number of emigrants reached 50,000 and in 1904 as many as 100,000.

Galician Jews emigrated in smaller numbers than those from Russia. Yet, even the former were amongst the most endangered groups, considered by some politicians in the Imperial Council the least desirable ethnic group in the Monarchy. (Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka).

The state responded slowly and hesitantly to the new phenomenon of organized large scale emigration. The Government banned the instigation and advertising of emigration, including all brochures, fliers and newspaper ads. As early as 1895, travel agencies were explicitly ordered not to recruit emigrants, instigate emigration or sell “cargo hold tickets” for transoceanic ships of foreign shippers. A law passed on 21 January 1897 forbade unauthorized emigration business and introduced a prison sentence for anyone encouraging emigration. These regulations were rarely enforced. Although the Habsburg Monarchy officially rejected emigration, the phenomenon soon got out of control. However, only around the early 1900s did the problem became a subject of serious debate. Reactions to emigration varied from open nationalistic gloating over the emigration of undesirables, such as Jewish merchants and poor Ruthenian peasants, to the recognition of the right of a free man to emigrate anywhere where he would not face the risk

Karta Austro-Ugarske Monarhije, najsloènije zemlje na svijetu. Monarhiju ~ine dvije glavne jedinice, Austrija i Ugarska, a svaka od njih objedinjuje brojna kraljevstva, vojvodstva, kneèvine, grofovije i markgrofovije. Dotada{njoj {arolikosti koja u istoj dràvi zdruùje istok i zapad, pridruèna je i najegzoti~nija akvizicija – Bosna i Hercegovina s islamskim ugo|ajem Orijenta.

De~in Tetschen Bodenbach Prag Prague

Krakow

Opava

Oswiecim/Auschwitz

Lavov Liviv

Brno

Linz Salzburg

Feldkirch

Be~ Vienna

^ernovici

A map of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, the world’s most complex country. The Monarchy consisted of two main units, Austria and Hungary, each comprising a large number of kingdoms, duchies, principalities, counties and arch counties. The complexity was augmented with the annexation of the exotic Bosnia-Herzegovina, with its oriental Islamic atmosphere.

Budimpe{ta Budapest

Innsbruck Klagerfult Graz Ljubljana Gorizia Trieste

Cormons Pore~

Sibinj Sibiu Temi{var Timisoara

Zagreb

Rijeka

Novi Sad

Zadar Sarajevo

12 Stefan Malfer, ibid.

13 Stefan Malfer, ibid.

emigracija 9 ok:Layout 1 29/11/08 14:34 Pagina 26

prihva}a emigraciju, a u stvarnosti je fenomen migracije pokrenut poput lavine. Tek se na prijelazu u 20. stolje}e po~inje ozbiljno raspravljati o problemu emigracije. Reakcije na emigraciju kre}u se od nesakrivenoga nacionalisti~kog zadovoljstva zbog odlaska nepoèljnih, ìdovskih trgovaca i siroma{nih rusinskih seljaka, do priznavanja prava slobodnog ~ovjeka da ode onamo gdje ne}e umrijeti od gladi. Istovremeno se javlja i zabrinutost zbog opusto{enih krajeva. Ima i onih koji upozoravaju na potrebu ublaàvanja problema i stvaranja uvjeta da se kod vlastite ku}e mogu prehraniti “djeca na{e zemlje”.

Zgrada Parlamenta u Budimpe{ti politi~ko je sredi{te isto~ne polovice Monarhije. Za razliku od austrijskoga, ugarski je parlament vi{e puta donosio zakon o emigraciji. (Ungarn, Budimpe{ta 1909., Zbirka zu Kostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

Na nerije{ene probleme emigracije upozoravali su i pojedini skandali poput kaznenih postupaka u Wadowicama (na jugu dana{nje Poljske) 1889. i 1890. kada je nekoliko emigracijskih agenata osu|eno zbog prijevara kojima su o{tetili brojne seljake, zbog ~ega se razvila velika bura u parlamentu i u novinama. Sve se vi{e govorilo o nu`nosti zakona koji }e urediti problem emigracije. U raznim je prigodama u parlamentu predloèno vi{e zakona o emigraciji, no ni jedan nije bio izglasan. Pred sam je rat, 1913., predloèn novi, vrlo restriktivan zakon koji je doìvio burne kritike od onih koji su navodili uzorne talijanske, {vicarske i njema~ke zakone.

The parliament in Budapest was the political seat of the eastern part of the Monarchy. Unlike the Austrian parliament, the Hungarian Parliament passed several emigration laws. (Ungarn, Budapest 1909., Collection zu Kostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

Emigracija izme|u protivnika i zagovornika Protivnici emigracije gledali su u iseljavanju zlo za narodno gospodarstvo i upozoravali na àlostan odljev stanovni{tva, jedne od temeljnih okosnica dràve. Zagovornici su prihva}ali stanje kakvo jest, navodili pozitivne strane i isticali va`nost priljeva inozemnog novca. U svakom slu~aju, sukob mno{tva suprotstavljenih interesa desetlje}ima je omogu}avao da se emigracija razvija bez ikakva dràvnog utjecaja, ovisno o trì{tu i interesima brodara, èljeznice, posrednika, bankara i agenata, barem koliko i interesima onih o ~ijoj se koì radilo – koji su pak imali osnovni ljudski interes i pravo da se poku{aju spasiti od bijede i potraè svoju sre}u. Neki su krajevi posve opustjeli, ali se zato, kaù prista{e iseljavanja, Americi moè zahvaliti {to je othranila njihove ìtelje. Protivnici pak upozoravaju na to da je iseljavanje unijelo pusto{ u zavi~ajne domove. No napredak je mnogih krajeva u domovini vezan upravo za povratnike iz Amerike. înjenica je da do samoga pada Austro-Ugarske u be~kom parlamentu nije izglasan zakon o emigraciji. Pravi je razlog u okolnostima koje jednima pogoduju, a drugima {tete. Industrijalci koji trebaju radnu snagu, protive se. I vojska je protiv emigracije jer gubi regrute. Ali zato èljezni~ke i parobrodarske kompanije imaju koristi od emigracije i poti~u je. Ugarska ima vi{e nerazvijenih krajeva od Austrije, a “nema|ari” koji nastavaju rubna podru~ja, slova~ke pokrajine, Banat i Transilvaniju, vi{e su podlo`ni odlaènju od Ma|ara. (Ungarn, Budimpe{ta 1909., Zbirka zu Kostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

Hungary was less developed then Austria. Non-Hungarian populations of the peripheral regions, Slovakia, Banat and Transylvania emigrated in larger numbers than ethnic Hungarians. (Ungarn, Budapest 1909., Collection zu Kostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

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of starvation. Some people expressed concern over the depopulation of entire regions. Others advised that the problem could be alleviated as emigration could create the conditions for the survival of “the children of our lands” at home. The unresolved problems concerning emigration became accentuated by scandals, such as those in Wadowice (now in southern Poland) in 1889 and 1890, when several travel agents were sentenced for fraud, damaging the interests of a large number of peasants, which caused an outcry in the Parliament and in the newspapers. By then it had become increasingly obvious that the problem of emigration had to be subject to legal regulation. On several occasions, MPs introduced bills for new emigration laws, but Parliament never adopted any of them. In 1913, on the eve of World War I, a very restrictive emigration bill was introduced, which met with fierce criticism from the proponents of the exemplary emigration laws that had been passed in Italy, Switzerland and Germany.

Emigration, For and Against The critics of emigration considered it a scourge for the national economy and warned about the shameful exodus of the population, a backbone of the state. The proponents of emigration accepted the status quo, noting that it had some positive effects, such as the inflow of foreign currencies. In any case, due to a clash of interests, for decades emigration continued without state interference, and depended on economic fluctuations and the interests of shippers, railways, middlemen, bankers and travel agents. These interests mattered at least as much or more than the interests of the emigrants themselves, who only tried to realize their basic human rights to earn a decent living and the right to social advancement. When some regions became totally depopulated, proponents stressed that the United States should be thanked for saving those people from starvation. On the other hand, critics warned about the depopulation of entire villages. However, emigrants who returned home boosted development and economic growth in many AustroHungarian regions. The true reason Austria-Hungary never passed a law on emigration must be based on the clash of interests between the critics and proponents of emigration. Thus, the industrialists, because of their need of a labor force remained opposed to emigration, as did the military, which needed recruits. But the railways and the shippers profited from emigration and thus encouraged it. One of the critics of emigration expressed his opposition quite picturesquely: “Our Government must pass economic, social and political measures that would ensure the loyalty of the labor force we need for our homeland…. But, the state will not be able

Idili~an prizor selja~kog `ivota, kako ga prikazuju rasko{no opremljene monografije o krajevima i narodima Austrije i Ugarske, ne pokazuju stvarne te{ko}e seoskog `ivlja. (Ungarn, Budimpe{ta 1909., Zbirka zu Kostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

This idyllic vignette of peasant life, taken from a sleek monograph on the regions and the ethnic groups in Austria-Hungary, belied the real difficulties of rural life. (Ungarn, Budapest 1909., Collection zu Kostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

Selja~ka kola s galicijskom obitelji, pretrpana vre}ama i zave`ljajima, vi{e podsje}aju na bijeg i nevolje negoli na svakodnevni `ivot na selu. (Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka) A horse cart with a Galician peasant family, overflowing with bags and bundles, evokes flight and trouble, rather than normal village life. (Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka).

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Jedan je od stavova o nu`nosti spre~avanja emigracije izraèn prili~no osebujno: “Zadatak je na{e vlade da pomo}u gospodarskih i socijalno-politi~kih mjera osigura da radna snaga koju ne èlimo izgubiti ima dovoljno razloga da voli na{u domovinu... ...Me|utim ne ide to tako da dràva... s policijskom palicom u ruci tr~i za vlastitom 14 djecom i grmi: ’Morate me voljeti’.”

Slaveni i iseljavanje Na po~etku najve}ega iseljavanja iz Monarhije, panslavenski orijentiran hrvatski “pu~ki tribun” i selja~ki vo|a Stjepan Radi}, koji je u Parizu studirao “komparativnu kolonizaciju”, u svojoj knjizi Moderna kolonizacija i Slaveni, objavljenoj 1904., naro~ito je zabrinut za iseljavanje socijalno i gospodarski najugroènijega ìvlja Austro-Ugarske. Radi}u je jasno da }e se broj iseljenika iz srednje Europe jo{ pove}avati pa, govore}i o uzrocima iseljavanja iz Podunavlja, isti~e naro~ito jak odljev Hrvata i Slovaka: “To }e izseljavanje svakako potrajati jo{ neko vrieme, jer u jednu ruku sjeverna i ju`na Amerika silno napreduju u materijalnom blagostanju, dok u drugu ruku ba{ ~itavo Podunavlje prolazi stra{nom gospodarstvenom krizom.” Razloge krize vidi i u pona{anju dràvnog aparata koji od dràvljana traì poreze “po najmodernijem sustavu”, a radnici i seljaci u ~itavom su Podunavlju otprilike na istom stupnju znanja i svijesti na kojem su bili prije pedeset ili stotinu godina. Tako je nastao potpun nesklad izme|u potreba i mogu}nosti pa su niì narodni slojevi toliko 15 ugroèni da “bjeè glavom bez obzira”. Uspore|uju}i nadnice hrvatskih, slova~kih i poljskih radnika sa zaradom talijanskih radnika, za koje se uvrijeìlo mi{ljenje da je vrlo niska, ustanovio je da su slavenski radnici u Austro-Ugarskoj pla}eni vi{estruko lo{ije. Zato se u Galiciji u vi{e od 500 op}ina pro{irio {trajk poljoprivrednih radnika. A jednako su lo{i i uvjeti radnika u 16 Hrvatskom zagorju.

Izrazito sirotinjski izgled poljskog ko~ija{a uvjerljivo govori o prilikama u najsiroma{nijim krajevima u kojima je velik dio selja{tva na rubu gladi. (Mein Oesterreich, Mein Heimatland, Band II, Be~ 1914., Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka) Miserable appearance of a Polish carter clearly reflects the conditions in the poorest regions, where most peasants lived at the verge of starvation. (Mein Oesterreich, Mein Heimatland, Band II, Vienna 1914., Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

Slijedi i vrlo dramati~an zaklju~ak: “U takvim prilikama mi se ne smijemo dugo zadràvati kod teorije, je li izseljavanje {tetno, ili korisno, jer, ponavljam i naglasujem: mi se Slaveni u ovo najnovije doba osobito u sviet ne selimo, nego iz domovine bjeìmo, kud koji zna i moè. Pod tim “mi” 17 razumijem, dakako, osnov svega na{ega narodnog bi}a: selja~ki i radni~ki na{ puk.” U svakom slu~aju, veliki je egzodus iz srednje Europe, iz prostranstava izme|u Jadrana, Alpa i Podunavlja, u manje od ~etiri desetlje}a odnio blizu pet milijuna ìtelja, a neke krajeve posve opusto{io, odnijev{i preko velike vode najbolje mladi}e i o~eve obitelji. îni se kao da je samo svjetski rat mogao prekinuti egzodus – kona~an zavr{etak jedne epohe. Nakon rata vi{e ni{ta nije kao prije.

Dva slikovita seljaka iz sredi{nje Hrvatske (Hrvatsko zagorje) iz koje je velik dio mladih ljudi izbjegao u Ameriku. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 15069-4) Two picturesque peasants from central Croatia (Hrvatsko zagorje region), which lost many young people to emigration to America. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 15069-4)

14 Alexander Löffler, Der Entwurf eines Gesetzes betreffend die Auswanderung. Ein Kritik, Wien, 1913., str. 19. 15 Radi}, isto, str. 337. 16 Radi}, isto. str. 338. “U nas se gotovo ob}enito zna i misli, da je u Italiji najmanja nadnica i najteì ìvot za sirotinju. Pa gle: najlo{ije pla}eni sicilski radnik sluì na dan jednu i pol taljanske lire; lombardijske nadni~arke koje rade oko riè dobivaju na dan 1 liru i hranu; radnice slamnatih {e{ira u Toskani zasluè dnevno najmanje jednu liru i hranu. A gle: u Hrvatskoj na glavnoj pruzi Zagreb-Rieka ...pla}a nije naprosto nikakova...50 filira dnevno i hrana, a najve}a je nadnica 1 kruna bez hrane. A od toga neka ìvi ciela obitelj!” 17 Radi}, isto, str. 338.

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to achieve that…if it keeps running like a policeman after its children with a raised 14 baton shouting: “You must love me.”

Emigration of the Slavs In 1904, at the beginning of the peak of emigration from Austria-Hungary, the PanSlavic people’s tribune and peasant leader, Stjepan Radi}, who had studied “comparative colonization” in Paris, expressed keen concern over the emigration from AustriaHungary of the socially and economically most deprived segments of the population. Radi} predicted that emigration from Central Europe would keep growing. In a passage on the causes of emigration from the Danube basin, especially of the Croats and the Slovaks, he wrote: “This emigration will certainly continue for a while, given the fast economic growth in South America and North America and the terrible recession in the entire Danube basin”. According to Radi}, the Government also prompted emigration, as it demanded that its citizens pay taxes “in accordance with the latest system” although the know-how and the education level of the workers and the peasants in the Danube basin remained as it had been 50 or 100 years earlier. That created a growing chasm between the needs of the state and the potential of the working classes, whose very existence had been so severely threatened that “they started fleeing in all directions to save their bare 15 skins”. In a comparison of the daily wages of Croatian, Slovak and Polish workers to those of Italian workers, whose wages had been considered particularly low, he noted that Slavic workers in the Austro-Hungarian Empire received several times less pay than their Italian counterparts. As a result, farm workers went on strike in more than 500 municipalities in Galicia. For the workers in the Hrvatsko zagorje region, conditions 16 had been equally miserable. His conclusion sounded equally dramatic: “Under the circumstances, we should not dwell on theoretical questions about the pros and cons of emigration. Here I would like to reiterate and stress: recently, we, the Slavs, have not been emigrating from our homeland, we have been fleeing from here in desperation. When I say ‘we,’ I have in mind primarily the backbone of our nation: 17 our peasants and workers.” In any case, in less than 40 years, in a large-scale exodus from central Europe, an area between the Adriatic, the Alps and the Danube basin, almost five million people, including some of the finest young men and bread winners, emigrated across the ocean. That resulted in the depopulation of large areas and it took nothing less than World War I to end the exodus and mark the end of an era. After the War, nothing remained the same again.

Dva prijatelja, Pa{o i âkan, zapam}eni kao prvi Rusini koji 1897./98. napu{taju rodni Ruski Krstur, Banat (Vojvodina) i odlaze na rad u Barbiton u Ameriku. Rusini spadaju u najugroènije stanovni{tvo Monarhije i visoko su na listama austrougarskog iseljeni{tva. (Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad) Two friends, Pa{o and âkan, who went down in history as the first Ruthenian emigrants in 1897/98 They left their native Banat (Vojvodina) and went to Barbiton, America Ruthenians, who featured high in the statistics of emigration from Austria-Hungary, were one of the most endangered groups in the Monarchy. (Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)

Prizor iz najisto~nijih dijelova Ugarske – ov~ar pred skloni{tem od {iblja. Te`ak `ivot na selu mnoge je nagnao na potragu za boljim svijetom. (Ungarn, Budimpe{ta 1909., Zbirka zu Kostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka) A sight from the easternmost regions of Hungary – a shepherd in front of a wicket shelter. Due to the hardship of rural life, many peasants emigrated in search for a better life. (Ungarn, Budapest 1909., Collection zu Kostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

14 Alexander Loffler, Der Entwurf eines Gesetzes betreffend die Auswanderung. Ein Kritik, Wien, 1913, p. 19. 15 Radi}, ibid, p. 337. 16 Radi}, ibid, p. 338. “In our lands people generally believe that the wages and the plight of the Italian poor are the worst. Yet: the worst paid worker in Sicily makes 1 ? lira per day; the women working in the rice paddies of Lombardy receive victuals and 1 lira; makers of wicker hats in Tuscany no less than 1 lira and victuals. And in Croatia at the Zagreb-Rijeka main railway …the pay is a pittance…between 50 fillers and victuals and 1 Crown without victuals. And who can support a family on that?!”

17 Radi}, ibid, p. 338.

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Stanovni{tvo Austro-Ugarske Population of Austria - Hungary Nakon popisa pu~anstva After population census

Prema razgovornom jeziku/ Accirding to the language they use

Dr`ava/ Country

1900.

Osobe koje govore njema~ki/ German-speaking

Slaveni/ Slavs

Romani/ Italian and Romainas

Ma|ari/ Hungarians

@idovi/ Jews

Ostali/ Others

Sveukupno/ Total

8752404 1918483 10670887

14771514 5151589 19923103

954750 2795272 3750022

9351 8143604 8152955

1224711 851378 2076089

437978 394233 832211

26150708 19254559 45405267

9500600 2081085 11581685

16184538 5588214 21772752

1039981 3032186 4072167

10797 8833819 8844616

1313687 923537 2237224

522331 427646 949977

28571934 20886487 49458421

Austrija/Austria Ma|arska/Hungary Austro-Ugarska/Austria-Ungaria 1910. Austrija/Austria Ma|arska/Hungary Austro-Ugarska/Austria-Ungaria

Tablica prema/according to: Hans Chmelar, Höhepunkte der österreichischen Auswanderung. Die Auswanderung aus den im Reichsrat vertretenen Königreichen und Ländern in den Jahren 1905-1914. (=Studien zur Geschichte der Österreichisch-Ungarischen Monarchie Bd. XIV, Wien 1974)., 93.

Emigracija iz Monarhije u Sjedinjene Dr`ave, po nacionalnim skupinama Emigration from the Monarchy to the USA, according to nationality Ukupan boj 1901.-1910 Total 1901-1910 Godina/Year

Ukupno U postocima Total Percent

1901

1902

1903

1904

1905

1906

1907

1908

1909

1910

Ostali/Others

7816 77105 2020 13310 13006 43

16249 113709 3449 23069 12848 2668

23597 125920 6343 2713 18759 4277

22507 102509 5835 23851 20211 2235

33642 166394 9616 45871 17352 2848

34848 156449 12773 42848 14884 3489

40497 193036 19935 59593 18885 6561

27576 91825 9912 23826 15293 97

21096 104035 8635 27941 8431 53

26324 177046 15317 26818 131412 90

254152 1308038 93835 314780 152811 22361

11,84 60,96 4,37 14,67 7,12 1,04

Sveukupno/Total

113300

172532

206009

177158

275723

265291

338507

168529

170191

258737

2145977

100,0

Narodnost/Nationality Nijemci/Germans Slaveni/Slavs Romani/Italians and Romanians Ma|ari(Hungarians @idovi/Jews

Tablica prema/according to: Chmelar, Auswanderung, 93.

Emigranti iz Austro-Ugarske u Ameriku (1908.-1913.) u doba najve}eg iseljavanja Emigrants from Austria-Hungary to the USA (1908-1913), during the greatest emigration wave Osobe koje govore njema~ki /German speaking

^esi Czechs

21096

6609

36183

15236

3628

1151

27941

19473

7484

22374

8431

285

170191

26324

8162

60675

27438

9452

1858

26818

38785

13459

32203

421

258737

1910./1911. Austrija/Austria Ma|arska/Hungary Skupa/Total

6323 15027 21350

8488 185 8673

27430 85 27515

15160 1908 17068

4557 1777 6334

1250 36 1286

308 19308 19616

7615 10537 18152

190 4582 4772

472 20673 21145

10101 2684 12785

235 126 361

82129 76928 159705

1911./1912. Austrija/Austria Ma|arska/Hungary Skupa/Total

6265 14859 21124

7840 191 8031

30459 190 30649

17284 3591 20875

3858 2453 6311

1048 51 1099

356 22818 23174

8849 14958 23807

256 7199 7455

659 24358 25017

8535 2222 10757

445 138 583

85854 93028 178882

8113 16002 24115

10362

54997

24700 3879 28579

29422

17797 22970 40767

11955

25923

11831 3371 15202

Godina Year

Ukupno Total

1908./1909. 1909./1910.

1912./1913 Austrija/Austria Ma|arska/Hungary Skupa/Total

Tablica prema/according to: Chmelar, Auswanderung, 94.

137245 117580 254825

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“Austrijska depandansa” – carski ~inovnici pred kartom obiju Amerika, s ucrtanim crnim to~kama krajeva u koje im podanici najvi{e bje`e. (Nach Amerika, Burgenländische Landesausstellung, Burg Güssing, 1992.) “Austrian subsidiary” – imperial clerks in front of the map of the Americas. Black dots show the areas in which their citizens emigrated most. (Nach Amerika, Burgenländische Landesausstellung, Burg Güssing, 1992.)

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Ustroj prekooceanskog egzodusa

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Organizational setup of The Transoceanic Exodus

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Prijevoznici i posrednici Srednjoeuropska emigracija, ona “drugoga vala” koja slijedi iza masovnog iseljavanja Iraca, Nijemaca i Skandinavaca i doga|a se od 1880-ih do Prvoga svjetskoga rata, naslijedila je ve} visokorazvijen organizacijski, prijevozni~ki i posredni~ki sustav koji raste, razvija se i ve} je oproban u prethodnim desetlje}ima. Op}i razvoj tehnologije koji naj~e{}e shva}amo kao samorazumljivu, gotovu stvar, pridonio je zama{noj orga18 nizaciji preseljenja milijuna Europljana u Ameriku. Putovanje zapre`nim kolima iz unutra{njosti kontinenta i potom jedrima preko oceana, i u 19. je stolje}u bilo prava pustolovina. I putovanje kopnom traje danima i tjednima, a plovidba preko oceana nerijetko i dva mjeseca. Razbojstva na cestama nevjerojatno su ~esta. Krajnje siroma{tvo i glad, primjerice u Gorskom kotaru u prvoj polovici 19. stolje}a, poti~u brojna razbojstva na Lujzijani, glavnoj cesti koja Rijeku spaja s unutra{njosti Hrvatske i Ugarske. O tome svjedo~i i to 19 {to tridesetih godina cestu ~uva cijela pukovnija! Compagnie General Transatlantique, vode}i francuski brodar koji preko Atlantika prevozi stotinjak tisu}a austrougarskih podanika, reklamira svoju liniju iz Le Havrea u New York, na kojoj plove parobrodi La Provence, La Lorraine, La Savoie i La Touraine. I ovaj, kao i brojni drugi plakati prekomorskih prijevoznika, obe}ava bolji `ivot koji iseljenike ~eka u Novome svijetu. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

Ni kada su se, jo{ prije sredine 19. stolje}a, po~eli graditi specijalizirani jedrenjaci za prijevoz emigranata, uvjeti se nisu bitno pobolj{ali. No zato vlasti i zakoni propisuju najnu`nije higijenske uvjete te minimalan prostor za svakog ukrcanog putnika, koji je brod duàn osigurati. Iako prvi veliki parobrod nije bio uspje{an u prijevozu putnika, te je brzo prenamijenjen, velika brodarska dru{tva uskoro uvode prve po{tanske i putni~ke prekooceanske parobrode. Pojava po{tanskih linija (packet-boath) usmjerena je, uz ostalo, i na pove}avanje brzine prijevoza, a to prije svega zna~i na tehni~ka pobolj{anja strojeva, smanjenje potro{nje goriva, unapre|enje udobnosti smje{taja te, na kraju, smanjenje cijene putni~ke karte koju je moglo platiti sve vi{e emigranata. Ve} krajem 1850-ih Atlantikom plovi tridesetak parobroda, a uskoro ih je sve vi{e i vi{e, pa i onih koji mogu primiti vi{e od dvije tisu}e putnika. Umjesto nekada{njih mjesec i pol ili dva, putovanje na prijelazu stolje}a traje oko dva tjedna, a pred sam svjetski rat najbrì su brodovi prelazili najkra}u atlantsku rutu (iz engleskih i francuskih luka) za manje od pet dana. U svakom slu~aju, veliki val “nove emigracije” ve} do po~etka 1880-ih do~ekuje razvijena èljezni~ka mreà koja i najudaljenija srednjoeuropska sela spaja s velikim lukama. Ve} je prvim iseljenicima iz najsjevernijih krajeva Carstva bilo lako sti}i do sjevernonjema~kih luka. A tijekom 1870-ih moglo se razmjerno brzo iz unutra{njosti Ugarske otputovati do Rijeke i potom preko Ljubljane ili Trsta do atlantskih – belgijskih, francuskih i engleskih luka. Razvijen sustav iseljeni~kih luka ve} ima organiziran prihvat – smje{taj i nu`nu uslugu za iseljenike. Velik broj parobrodarskih dru{tava udruìo se u kartele (Continental Pool, Mediterannean Pool) koji se natje~u u osvajanju trì{ta pa sve vi{e pobolj{avaju uvjete i smanjuju cijenu prijevoza. U tom se velikome transkontinentalnom poslu pojavljuje i niz posrednika. Oni koji u tome poslu prednja~e ~esto nevjerojatnom gipko{}u, nastoje objediniti {iroku ponudu raznovrsnih usluga – prodavaju}i putne karte za parobrod i èljeznicu, organiziraju}i putovanje i, nerijetko, opskrbljuju}i putnike potrebnim kartama od rodnog sela do krajnjega odredi{ta. Mnogi od njih istovremeno pruàju nov~arske i bankovne usluge – mijenjaju valute, omogu}avaju razmjerno pouzdane {tednje i posreduju u slanju nov~anih doznaka obiteljima u domovinu.

Compagnie General Transatlantique, the leading French shipper, that carried about a hundred thousand emigrants from Austria-Hungary across the Atlantic, advertised its Le Havre service in New York. The service was operated by La Provence, La Lorraine, La Savoie and La Touraine steamships. This, like so many other posters by transoceanic shippers, promised better life for the emigrants in the New World. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

Iseljeni~ke agencijske ku}e, bankari, predstavnici pomorskih kompanija i tisu}e “akvizitera” obilaze ~ak i udaljena sela, poti~u}i iseljavanje u potrazi za boljim ìvotom. Unato~ lo{em glasu koji su mnogi stekli borbom za opstanak u uvjetima silno razvijene trì{ne utakmice, kao i zaobilaènjem zakonskih ograni~enja, organizacija prijevoza i svih usluga izme|u srca europskog kontinenta i najudaljenijeg ameri~koga zapada na naj{irem transkontinentalnom planu funkcionirala je gotovo besprijekorno. To posvjedo~uju milijuni prevezenih putnika.

18 Moltmann, Günter, Steamship Transport of Emigrants from Europe to the United States, 1850 – 1914: Social, Commercial and Legislative Aspects, in Maritime Aspects of Migration, edited by Klaus Friedland, 309-320. Cologne, Bohlau 1989. 19 Da omogu}i promet cestom, ovamo je raspore|ena pje{a~ka pukovnija (regimenta) baruna von Meyera.

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Carriers and Agents Unlike the mass emigration of the Irish, the Germans and the Scandinavians, the second wave of emigration, from Central Europe, from the 1880’s until World War I, relied on organization, transport and management developed over the previous several decades. The enormous endeavor of transport of millions of Europeans to America was greatly boosted by general technological progress, which we often take 18 for granted. As late as the 19th century, travel by horse cart from distant locations in European hinterlands to the ports and then by sailboats across the ocean was a real adventure. On land, travel took days or even weeks and ocean passage up to two months. Road banditry was rampant. In early 19th century, utter poverty and starvation, for example in the Gorski kotar region, resulted in many bandit attacks on the Louisiana road, the main thoroughfare connecting Rijeka with Croatian and Hungarian hinterlands. This is born out by the fact that in the 1830’s the road was guarded by a regi19 ment of soldiers! Even when the first sailing boats built specifically for transport of emigrants set sail, before mid 19th century, the conditions did not improve significantly. However, at that time authorities prescribed minimal hygienic standards and passenger space on board.

[etnje palubom – jedan od prospekata koje su dijelili brodari i iseljeni~ke agencije. I putovanje u potpalublju prikazivali su kao ugodu i zabavu. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

A stroll on the deck – from one of the brochures that were distributed by shippers and emigration agents. Even the passage in the cargo hold was portrayed as pleasant and fun. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

Although the first large steamship proved unsuccessful in passenger transport and was soon redesigned, large shippers soon introduced the first regular transoceanic mail and passenger services. The packet boats were designed for faster, more fuel-efficient and more comfortable travel, at reduced prices, which made it affordable for a growing number of emigrants. That was made possible partly thanks to advances in engine construction. Already by 1860, the Atlantic routes were operated by more than 30 ships. Many more were added to the fleets, including those that carried more than 2,000 passengers. Rather than 6-8 weeks, at the turn of the centuries the passage took around two weeks. On the eve of WW I, the fastest ships completed the transatlantic passage from the nearest English and French ports in less than five days. In any case, as of the 1880’s, the emigrants of the second wave use a well-developed railway network, connecting even the most distant central European villages with the large ports. At that time even the emigrants from the northernmost regions of the Empire could reach the north German ports without much inconvenience. Already in the 1870’s one could rather easily travel from Hungarian hinterlands to Rijeka, and from there to Belgian, French and English ports, via Ljubljana or Trieste. By then the well developed network of emigration ports have opened facilities for accommodation and basic services for the emigrants. Shippers formed cartels (Continental Pool, Mediterranean Pool), which competed in prices and standards. This large intercontinental business soon attracted a large number of middlemen. Often in the forefront of the business, the resourceful businessmen offered a whole gamut of different services, including train and steamship tickets, and management of an emigrant’s entire tip from his native village to the final destination. Many agents also provided exchange and banking services, such as money exchange, rather reliable saving and transfer of money to the families in the homeland. Emigration agents, bankers, shippers’ representatives and thousands of “sales agents” traveled even to the most remote villages, to look for customers willing to try their luck abroad. In spite of their bad reputation, earned by the tricks in the highly competitive business environment and by violation of legal restrictions, they organized transport and other services between the heart of Europe and all destinations in the USA impeccably, as proved by the transport of millions of passengers. In spite of that, the experiences of many individual emigrants were traumatic and deserve to be studied with due respect and from a different perspective. From the aspect of people’s heightened emotions and frustrations, the system was not only effi-

18 Moltmann, Gunter, Steamship Transport of Emigrants from Europe to the United States, 1850-1914: Social, Commercial and Legislative Aspects, in Maritime Aspects of Migration, edited by Klaus Friedland, 309-320. Cologne, Bohlau 1989.

19 In order to safeguard traffic on the road, an infantry regiment from Rijeka, commanded by baron Von Meyer, was dispatched there.

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Dakako da tu ~injenicu nimalo ne umanjuju pojedina~ne ljudske traume o kojima su svjedo~anstva iseljenika vi{e nego brojna te zaslu`uju da im se posveti du`na pa`nja i posve druk~ije razmatranje. Sa stajali{ta koje se bavi ljudskim emocijama i frustracijama, nije mogu}e zamisliti dirljivije okolnosti i agresivniji, ali jednako u~inkovit sustav. Prvi se put u povijesti upravo u organizaciji velikoga prekomorskog egzodusa jasno iskazala i transkontinentalna organizacija poslovanja. To je ujedno zna~ilo i preno{enje poslovnog sredi{ta iz Europe u Novi svijet, iz Londona u New York – u kojem su se donosile i bitne strate{ke odluke koje su se ticale povezivanja obiju obala Atlantika.

Ogledna mu{ka dvokrevetna kabina – reklamni prospekt. Takvima su se reklamirale pogodnosti prijevoza iseljenika, mnogo poznatijeg po mu~nom vi{etjednom boravku u skupnim spavaonicama u kojima je obi~no smje{teno vi{e desetaka iseljenika. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

Parobrodarske kompanije

A typical male berth with two beds – a commercial brochure. The brochures such as this one stressed the amenities on the emigrants’ ships, which were notorious for hardships of several week long passages in communal dormitories accommodating several dozen emigrants each. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

Iako razvoj velikih brodara, koji se pojavljuju ve} sredinom 19. stolje}a, zapo~inje u doba jedrenjaka, njihov je velik uspjeh zapo~eo s prekooceanskim ~eli~nim parobrodima koji su uskoro postali sve uobi~ajeniji, a u putni~kom prekooceanskom prometu ve} sedamdesetih potpuno potiskuju jedrenjake. Velike nade putni~koga prekooceanskog prometa bile su polagane u nekoliko slavnih brodova – Great Western (1838.) bio je najve}i dotad izgra|en parobrod, duga~ak vi{e od sedamdeset metara i prvi parobrod gra|en za prijevoz putnika preko Atlantika. Ovim je brodom najavljena era parobrodara; tih je godina osnovano vi{e parobrodarskih dru{tava koje parni pogon isti~u i u nazivu kompanije (npr. Great Western Steamship Company osnovana u Bristolu 1836., Royal Mail Steam Packet Company, osnovana u Londonu 1839.). Me|u najslavnijim su ranim brodovima gotovo stotinu metara duga~ak Great Britain (izgra|en 1843.) i vi{e od dvjesta metara dug Great Eastern (izgra|en 1858.). Iako su postali simboli tehni~kog napretka svoga doba, ti su brodovi u poslovanju doìvjeli pravi krah i umjesto za prijevoz putnika vi{e sluìli drugim namjenama, pa i za prijevoz tereta i polaganje podmorskih kabela. Prvi su prekooceanski parobrodi, kao i jedrenjaci, isprva vi{e odràvali redovite linije zbog prijevoza po{te nego zbog putnika. Po{tanska slu`ba zna~ila je pouzdan i redovit prihod, no i redovitost odràvanja linija bila je obveza koje su se brodari morali ~vrsto pridràvati pa su isplovljavali u to~no odre|ene dane, obi~no jednom tjedno ili svaka dva tjedna, bez obzira na koli~inu po{tanskih po{iljki (paketa) i broj putnika. Na to su ih silili i ugovori za prijevoz po{te i pritisci iseljeni~kih luka koje su èljele sprije~iti izgrede i izbje}i da iseljenici predugo ~ekaju brod.

Po{tanski ured na parobrodu Fürst Bismarck dru{tva Hamburg-Amerika Linie jednom od brzih po{tanskih brodova. Dr`avna koncesija i stalan prihod od prijevoza po{te jam~ili su sigurnost, ali i obvezivali na redovitost odr`avanja linije. (Ueber Land und Meer, Stuttgart, Leipzig, Berlin, Be~ 1891./92., Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka) A post office on Hamburg-America Line’s mailsteamer Fürst Bismarck. Initially, such ships were more common than passenger ships. State concessions and a steady income from transport of mail guaranteed security but also bound shippers to maintenance of regular schedules. (Ueber Land und Meer, Stuttgart, Leipzig, Berlin, Vienna 1891./92., Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

Luka Liverpool u okolnostima rane industrijalizacije i prekomorskoga putni~kog prijevoza u 19. stolje}u posve potiskuje stariju i poznatiju luku Baltimore (mati~nu luku Great Westerna) te postaje sjedi{te prvih velikih parobrodarskih dru{tava. Uz najve}e njema~ke brodare iz Bremena (s mati~nom lukom u Bremerhavenu) i Hamburga, u prekooceanskom putni~kom prijevozu desetlje}ima glavnu rije~ vode tri velika brodara iz Liverpoola – Cunard Line, White Star i Inman Line. Samuel Cunard iz Halifaxa (Nova Scotia) u Kanadi zajedno s partnerima osniva 1838. British and North American Royal Mail Steam Packet Company (koja se od 1878. naziva 20 Cunard Steamship Company). Prvi parobrod ovoga dru{tva Unicorn (izgra|en 1838.) u svibnju 1840. poduzima prvu plovidbu preko Atlantika. No jo{ je va`nije to {to je Cunardova novoizgra|ena Britannia ve} 4. srpnja te godine isplovila iz Liverpoola u Halifax i Boston i time zapo~ela odr`avanje prve stalne prekooceanske parobrodarske 21 linije.

20 Stephen Fox, The Ocean Railway, Isamabard Kingdom Brunel, Samuel Cunard and the Revolutionary World of the Great Atlantic Steamships, HarperCollins Publishers, London 2003. 21 Stephen Fox, isto, str. XII. Duncan Haws, Merchant Fleets, Cunard Line, 1989.

Za po~etak Cunardova prekooceanskog poslovanja presudno je to {to je britanska vlada, nakon vi{e uspje{nih prekomorskih plovidbi Great Westerna, objavila namjeru da subvencionira parobrodarsku plovidbu izme|u Engleske i Amerike. Ne zbog prijevoza putnika ili tereta, nego prije svega zbog prijevoza po{tanskih po{iljaka. Razvijena i brza prekomorska komunikacija Britanskom je Carstvu iznimno va`na i zbog veze s kolonijama i zbog gospodarskih razloga.

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cient but also aggressive. For the first time in history a large overseas exodus was clearly organized at a transcontinental level. That resulted in the shift of the world’s business centre from London to New York, where the major strategic decisions were made concerning both sides of the Atlantic.

The Shipping Companies Although major shippers sprang up already in mid 19th century, in the era of the sailing boat, they won the battle with the sailing boat only with the introduction of large iron steamships. By the 1870’s the sailing boat was on the wane. The hope for the transoceanic transport was pinned on several famous ships, such as the Great Western (1838). At 70 meters long, it was the largest steamship ever built and the first steamship built specifically for transport of passengers across the Atlantic. That ship inaugurated a new era for the shipping industry; over the next few years several companies whose names suggested steam power were founded (e.g. Great Western Steamship Company, founded in Bristol in 1836, Royal Mail Steam Packet Company, founded in London in 1839). Some of the most famous early ships were the Great Britain (built in 1843), almost 100 m long and the Great Eastern (built in 1858), more than 200 m long. Although hailed as the symbols of technological progress of the time, they failed as passenger ships and were redesigned for cargo transport and laying of underwater cables. Just like the sailing boats before them, the first steamships maintained regular services primarily for the transport of mail. Mail service generated steady income, but the shippers had to observe a strict schedule, with 2-4 passages a month, regardless of the quantity of mail and the number of passengers. That was enforced both by contracts on transport of mail and by migration ports that feared riots if the emigrants had to wait too long for boarding. In the 19the century, at the time of early industrialization and transoceanic passenger transport, the port of Liverpool took primacy from older and more famous port of Baltimore (home port of the Great Western) and hosted the first large shipping companies. For the next few decades, other than by the major German shippers from Bremen (whose port was in Bremerhaven) and Hamburg, the transoceanic passenger transport was dominated by the three main Liverpool shippers – Cunard Line, White Star and Inman Line. In 1838, Samuel Cunard from Halifax (Nova Scotia), Canada, with partners established British and North American Royal Mail Steam Packet Company (from 1878 known 20 as Cunard Steamship Company).

@enska kabina s udobno{}u koju je tre}a klasa rijetko u`ivala, iako su se uvjeti smje{taja prije Prvoga svjetskog rata bitno pobolj{ali u odnosu na one otprije nekoliko desetlje}a. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana) A 3rd class female berth. Although standards greatly improved over a few decades leading to World War I, such comfort was rare in 3rd class. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

Blagovaonica tre}ega razreda – svakako najzastupljenijeg na prekomorskim putovanjima, u brodarskim i agencijskim prospektima izgleda privla~no i udobno. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana) A 3rd class dining hall. In the brochures of shipping and travel agents the conditions in this most popular class looked enticing and comfortable. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

Reklamna ilustracija Cunard Linea, jednog od najve}ih svjetskih putni~kih kompanija iz voznog reda rije~koga brodara Adrije. Zastave povezuju Veliku Britaniju, mati~nu zemlju brodarske kompanije, s Ugarskom i SAD-om, koje spaja Cunardova linija izme|u Rijeke i New Yorka. (Zbirka zu Koswein - de Canziani, Rijeka) An ad in the schedule of Adria, a shipper based in Rijeka, for Cunard Line, one of the world’s largest shippers. The flags link Great Britain, seat of the shipper, to Hungary and the USA, two countries served by Cunard’s Rijeka – New York service. (Collection zu Koswein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

20 Stephen Fox, The Ocean Railway, Isamabard Kingdom Brunel, Samuel Cunard and the Revolutionary World of the Great Atlantic Steamships, HarperColling Publishers, London 2003.

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Dotad kori{teni neveliki jedrenjaci pokazali su se nepogodnima i Admiralitet je u prosincu 1838., kada se ve} uvjerio u pogodnosti parobroda za plovidbu oceanom, razglasio da podupire pokretanje parobrodarskog prijevoza po{te. Samuel Cunard 22 brzo reagira, dolazi u London i uskoro pokre}e prve parobrodarske linije. Godine koje slijede, sve do 1870., razdoblje su potpune prevlasti ovoga brodara; takmaci mu jo{ uvijek nisu opasni. Tek se sedamdesetih godina izme|u brodara razbuk23 tava izravna borba za prevlast na tr`i{tu. Uz razvijen promet iz luka u Sjevernom moru i u europskim atlantskim lukama, Cunard se na prijelomu stolje}a zajedno s White Starom natje~e s Nijemcima oko linija izme|u sredozemnih luka (Genova i Napulj) i Amerike. A kada krajem1903. dolazi u luke Trst i Rijeku, Nijemci poduzimaju sve da ga suzbiju jer Austro-Ugarsku smatraju “doma}im” terenom. Cunardov monopol u Rijeci (1903.–1914.) ubla`ava to {to je u Trstu slab takmac doma}oj AustroAmericani – koja je u ve}inskom vlasni{tvu njema~kih brodara. Brodovi koji su po~etkom stolje}a plovili na atlantskoj, mediteranskoj i “austrougarskoj” ruti (od New Yorka do Trsta i Rijeke) prevozili su oko dvije tisu}e putnika. Neki od njih nisu ni imali prvu klasu, a drugi samo manji broj kabina prve klase, dok su u tre}oj klasi neki od brodova imali i zajedni~ke spavaonice (dormitorije) i kabine.

I Cunard se, kao i drugi, hvali zadivljuju}im i brzim prekooceanskim ljepoticama. Veliki se putni~ki parobrodi smatraju najve}im i, prema nekima, najljep{im gra|evinama svoga doba. (Zbirka zu Koswein - de Canziani, Rijeka) Like other shippers, Cunard boasted of its awesome and fast transoceanic beauties. Large passenger steamers were considered the biggest and arguably the most beautiful man made objects at that time. (Collection zu Koswein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

Za razliku od starije Auranije (1883.) koja krajem 1903. obavlja “probne” vo`nje izme|u New Yorka, Trsta i Rijeke i prevozi 500 putnika prve i druge te 700 putnika tre}e klase, kasniji brodovi namijenjeni prije svega emigrantskim lukama, imaju vrlo malo ili uop}e nemaju kabine prve klase, ali zato imaju mnogo vi{e spavaonica za 24 tre}u klasu. Me|u takvima su Ultonia (1898.), Ivernia (1900.), Carpathia (1902.), Pannonia (1903.), Slavonia (1903.), Caronia (1905.), Carmania (1905.). Luksuznije su opremljeni brodovi koji su se ponosili ljepotom i brzinom, poput Lusitanije (1907.) i Mauretanije (1907.). Nakon konkurentskih White Starovih Titanica i blizanaca, i Cunard je morao izgraditi krunski brod i ponos svoje flote – Acquitanniju (1914.) koja je prevozila 618 putnika u 25 prvoj, 614 u drugoj i 1998 u tre}oj klasi! No kompanija nije stigla dugo u`ivati u njezinoj ljepoti i slavi, uskoro zasjenjenoj po~etkom rata.

Inman Line jo{ je jedno slavno liverpulsko brodarsko dru{tvo.

William Inman zajedno s jo{ dvojicom partnera 1850. osniva Liverpool and Philadelphia Steam Ship Company. Krajem 1851. dru{tvo nabavlja parobrod City of Glasgow koji je me|u prvima pokretan isklju~ivo vijkom i pogodniji je za olujne uvjete na oceanu, iako brzinom od samo 9 ~vorova zaostaje za tada uobi~ajenim parobrodima s lopaticama. Unato~ relativnoj sporosti, iskazao se ve} na prvoj plovidbi preko Atlantika na koju je krenuo 17. prosinca 1850. s 400 ukrcanih putnika. City of Glasgow je za samo deset dana stigao u Philadelphiju.

Cunardov “brod Njegova Veli~anstva”, Aquitanija, bio je krunski dragulj u floti najve}ega britanskog i svjetskog prijevoznika. Presjek broda i pogled u njegovu slo`enu utrobu ~ini ga jo{ impresivnijim. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana) Cunard’s H.M.S. Acquitania, was the crown jewel in the fleet of the world’s largest shipper. The ship looks especially impressive on this cross cut picture, revealing the complex interior. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

22 Fox, isto. str. 85. 23 Fox, isto, str. 84.–112. 24 Duncan Haws, Merchant Fleets, Cunard Line, 1989. 25 Haws, isto. 26 Fox, isto. str. 178.–195.

Kao i drugi rani putni~ki parobrodi, ni ovaj nije izgra|en za prijevoz iseljenika, ve} za samo 52 putnika u prvoj i 85 u drugoj klasi. No vrlo je brzo preure|en – 1852. dobio je 130 kabina i smje{taj za 400 putnika tre}e klase. Vlasnici su ubrzo shvatili da budu}nost oceanske plovidbe nije u prevoènju po{tanskih po{iljaka, ve} u prevoènju iseljenika – putnika tre}e klase. Unato~ spretnim poslovnim potezima i dobrim izgledima za budu}nost, City of Glasgow nije imao sre}e: 1. sije~nja 1854. isplovio je iz mati~ne luke s ukupno 480 putnika i ~lanova posade i tajanstveno nestao. Nikad se vi{e nije ni{ta ~ulo ni o brodu ni o putnicima! Sudbina ovoga broda nije pokolebala Inman Line u nabavi novih parobroda i u napredovanju jednog od najve}ih prekooceanskih brodara. Isti je brodar sljede}ih godina imao vi{e havarija; City of Philadelphia nastradao je iste 1854., ali nije bilo ljudskih `rtava, a City of Boston je 1870. doìvio brodolom u kojem je stradalo 177 putnika i ~lanova posade. No velike nov~ane pote{ko}e ve} su 1886. uzdrmale ovu kompaniju ~ija flota uskoro

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In May 1840, the Unicorn, that company’s first steamship (built in 1838), went on its maiden voyage across the Atlantic. Yet, more importantly, on 4 July 1840, Cunard’s newly built Britannia set out from Liverpool to Boston via Halifax, thus starting the 21 first regular transoceanic steamship service.

Cunard’s transoceanic business would not have been possible without a subsidy from the British Government. Encouraged by several successful trips of the Great Western, the Government decided to subsidize mail transport between Europe and America. For the British Empire, well developed and fast transoceanic transport was vital for communication with the colonies and for economic reasons. In December 1838, the Admiralty announced a tender for a steamship mail service, after it had ascertained the advantages of the steamship over the smaller and less convenient sailing boat for transoceanic voyages. Samuel Cunard reacted quickly. He 22 came to London and soon launched several steamship services. From that moment until 1870, that shipper reigned supreme without any serious competition. Only the 23 1870’s saw a direct competition between the shippers for the control of the market. After having established itself in the North Sea and the European Atlantic ports, at the turn of the centuries Cunard competed, together with White Star, with the German shippers for the services between the Mediterranean ports (Genoa and Naples) and America. In late 1903, when Cunard entered the ports of Rijeka and Trieste, the German shippers used all means possible to push it out as they considered AustriaHungary their back yard. Cunard’s monopoly in Rijeka was offset by its poor performance in Trieste, where it could not compete with Austro-Americana, owned mostly by American Line, sa sjedi{tem u Philadelphiji, nasljednik je flote britanskog Inman Linea koji je prvi shvatio da budu}nost pripada putni~kom, a ne po{tanskom prometu. Zbog jeftinije europske radne snage, ameri~ki su brodari rijetkost u prekooceanskoj plovidbi u kojoj te{ko konkuriraju najve}im engleskim i njema~kim brodarima. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

American Line, based in Philadelphia, successor of the British Inman Line which first realized that the future belonged to passenger and not to mail transport. Due to cheap labor in Europe, American shippers were rare in transoceanic transport as they could not compete against the major English and German shippers. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

21 Stephen Fox, ibid, p. XII. Duncan Haws, Merchant Fleets, Cunard Line, 1989. 22 Fox, ibid, p. 85.

23 Fox, ibid, pp. 84-112.

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postaje vlasni{tvo jednog od malobrojnih ameri~kih prijevoznika na Atlantiku – 27 American Linea kojemu je mati~na luka Philadelphia. Unato~ poslovnoj propasti i havariji prvih velikih parobroda, novi su brodari uvi|ali pogodnosti uvo|enja parom pogonjenih ~eli~nih grdosija. Uostalom, i jedrenjaci su stolje}ima stradavali pa se nije prestajalo jedriti. Presudio je br`i prijevoz ve}eg broja putnika, razmjerno manji tro{kovi i ni`e cijene putnih karata. A to zna~i i sve vi{e putnika tre}e klase.

White Star Line (Oceanic Steam Navigation Company ili White Star Line of Boston Packets), poznat je po tragediji Titanica (1912.) te po stradanju njegova blizanca Britannica u Prvome svjetskom ratu. Rana povijest kompanije s jednim od najslavnijih imena prili~no je zamr{ena. Prvotna White Star Company razvila se stapanjem malih kompanija i osnivanjem novog dru{tva nazvanog Liverpool, Melbourne and Oriental Navigation Company, Limited. Dru{tvo je osnovano za plovidbu u Australiju, za koju je zanimanje naglo poraslo kada je tamo otkriveno zlato. Kako poslovi nisu napredovali, White Star se okre}e prema Americi. Prvi parobrod, Royal Standard, nabavlja 1863. godine. Velika ulaganja u nove brodove omogu}ena su podr{kom banke koja se, me|utim, 1867. povla~i iz posla i izaziva bankrot dru{tva. No kako direktor National Linea 1868. kupuje ugledno ime uglednog brodara, White Star je ipak na neki na~in opstao. U posao se uklju~uju i novi partneri – trgovac spreman za ulaganja i brodograditelj voljan izgraditi brodove za obnovljenu kompaniju. Najprije su izgra|eni Oceanic, Atlantic, Baltic i Republic, a 1871. pokrenuta je linija izme|u Liverpoola i New Yorka, s pristajanjem u irskoj luci Queenstown (dana{nji Cobh). Najslavniji su brodovi kompanije krajem stolje}a bili Britannic, Germanic, Teutonic i Majestic. Uo~i velikog egzodusa iz isto~ne Europe 1880-ih, na ~elu engleskih brodara ve} su se na{la tri dru{tva, a uskoro (1886.) su svedena na samo dva – Cunard i White Star. Njima nasuprot stajala su dva jaka kontinentalna takmaca – njema~ka dru{tva Hamburg-Amerika Linie i Norddeutscher Lloyd.

HAPAG ili Hamburg-Amerika Linie osnovan je u Hamburgu 1847. (kratica HAPAG uobi~ajenija je od punog naziva – Hamburg Amerikanische Packetfahrt Actien Gesellschaft, kako se dru{tvo zvalo do 1893.). Dru{tvo zapo~inje prekomorski promet ve} sljede}e godine jedrenjakom Deutschland kojim odr`ava “po{tansku” liniju izme|u Hamburga i New Yorka, s pristajanjem u Southamptonu. Plovidba jedrima na toj pruzi i tada traje ~etrdesetak dana. Rast kompanije ubrzan je i preuzimanjem manjih brodara (Adler Line, 1875., Carr Unio Hamburg Amerika Linie (HAPAG) najve}i je njema~ki brodar, prije Prvoga svjetskog rata najve}i na svijetu, s ~ak 20.000 zaposlenika. Uz jake sjeverne linije, ovo je dru{tvo me|u najve}ima i u sredozemnom prometu s Amerikom. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 18133-1) Hamburg Amerika Linie (HAPAG) was the biggest German shipper. Before WW I it was the world’s largest shipper, with as many as 20,000 employees. Along with its major presence in northern ports, this company was one of the largest shippers in the Mediterranean traffic with America. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 18133-1)

27 Iako je, dakako, bilo jo{ ameri~kih kompanija za prekomorski prijevoz putnika – Williams and Guion Steamships Company osnovana je 1840. u New Yorku, a 1851. zapo~ela je odr`avati redovitu prugu izme|u New Yorka i Liverpoola.

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the German shippers. At the turn of the century, the capacity of the ships operating the Atlantic, the Mediterranean and the Austro-Hungarian routes was around 2,000 passengers. Some of the ships did not have the 1st class and some offered only a limited numbers of berths of the 1st class. In the 3rd class some ships had both communal dormitories and berths. Unlike the older Aurania (1883), which started its trial runs between New York, Trieste and Rijeka in late 1903, with 500 passengers in the 1st and the 2nd and 700 in the 3rd class, later emigration ships had more dormitories in the 3rd class and few or no 1st 24 class berths. Some such ships were the Ultonia (1898), the Ivernia (1900), the Carpathia (1902), the Pannonia (1903), the Slavonia (1903), the Caronia (1905), the Carmania (1905). The Lusitania (1907) and the Mauretania (1907) were more luxurious and took pride in their speed and comfort. After White Star built the Titanic and its twin ship, Cunard responded by the Aquitania (1914), the jewel and the pride of its fleet, with the capacity of 618 passengers in the 25 1st class, 614 in the 2nd class and 1,998 in the 3rd class! Yet, the company did not bask long in its beauty and fame, which was soon overshadowed by WW I.

Imperator, HAPAGOV ponos, izgra|en 1913., reklamiran je kao najve}i na svijetu. O{tra bitka za premo} izme|u najve}ih engleskih i njema~kih brodara iskazivala se natjecanjem u gradnji brodova zadivljuju}e veli~ine, ljepote i brzine. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

Another famous shipper from Liverpool was Inman Line. In 1850 William Inman and his two partners founded Liverpool and Philadelphia Steam Ship Company. In late 1851, the company purchased steamship the City of Glasgow, one of the first propelled only by the screw and thus more appropriate for ocean storms. With the speed of only 9 knots it was slower than the standard peddle ships of the time but its quality was proven already by its maiden voyage on 17 December 1850, when it took 400 passengers to Philadelphia in only 10 days. Just like the earlier passenger ships, this one was not purpose built for the transport of emigrants. Hence, it boarded only 52 passengers in the 1st and 85 in the 3rd class. However, already in 1852 it was redesigned and got 130 berths and room for 400 passengers in the 3rd class. The owners soon realized that the future of the oceanic travel lied in the transport of emigrants in the 3rd class rather then in the transport of mail. In spite of successful business deals and good prospects for the future, the City of Glasgow was doomed: on 1 January 1854 it sailed from its home port with 480 passengers and crew on board and disappeared mysteriously. The ship and the passengers were never heard of again! Yet, Inman Line was not shaken by the destiny of that ship. It purchased more steamships and grew into one of the biggest transoceanic shippers. In the following years Inman Line suffered several shipwrecks. In 1854 the City of Philadelphia went down, without human loss. In 1870 the City of Boston suffered a shipwreck that killed 177 passengers and crew. Yet, in 1886 the company suffered financial loss that led to its take over by American Line, on of a few American shippers on the 27 Atlantic routes, whose home port was Philadelphia. In spite of bankruptcies and shipwrecks of the first big steamships, the newly established shippers realized the advantages of those steam powered iron colossuses. After all, for centuries before that, sailing boats had been experiencing shipwrecks and yet, that had not stopped the sailing. The steamships had higher speed, bigger capacity, smaller operational costs and lower ticket prices to recommend them. And that meant more passengers in the 3rd class. 26

White Star Line (Oceanic Steam Navigation Company or White Star Line of Boston Packets), became notorious after the shipwreck of the Titanic (1912) and then its twin ship the Britannic in WW I. The early history of this famous shipper was quite turbulent. It was created by a merger of several small companies. The newly created company, called Liverpool, Melbourne and Oriental Navigation Company, Limited, focused on the routes for Australia, which had become suddenly popular after the discovery of gold. Yet, business was sluggish and White Star shifted its interest towards America. The first steamship, the Royal Standard, was purchased in 1863. Thanks to bank loans the company then bought more ships. Yet, in 1867, when the bank withdrew its sup-

41 The Imperator, pride of the HAPAGâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s fleet, built in 1913, was advertised as the worldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s largest ship. Stiff competition between the major English and German shippers resulted in the construction of ships that were meant to astound with size, beauty and speed. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

24 Duncan Haws, Merchant Fleets, Cunard Line, 1989. 25 Haws, ibid. 26 Fox, ibid, p.p.178-195.

27 Of course, there were other American companies for transoceanic passenger transport, such as Williams and Guion Steamships Company, founded in 1840 in New York, which commenced a regular service between New York and Liverpool in 1851.

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Line, 1886. i drugi) te se HAPAG postupno razvija u najve}e njema~ko brodarsko dru{tvo, a po~etkom 20. stolje}a i u najve}u svjetsku kompaniju! Od 1872. dru{tvo odràva tjednu vezu s New Yorkom. Pove}ava se i broj linija te HAPAG-ovi brodovi pristaju i u Baltimoreu, a plove i za Srednju Ameriku, Meksiko, Ju`nu Ameriku, Kinu, Japan i Australiju. Godine 1873. pokre}e i liniju koja se ljeti odràva izme|u Hamburga, Antwerpena i Montreala, a zimi izme|u Hamburga, Antwerpena i Bostona. Da izbjegnu konkurenciju na Sredozemlju Hamburg-Amerika Linie i Norddeutscher Lloyd pokre}u i liniju koja povezuje sredozemne luke Napulj i Genovu s New Yorkom (1897.–1905.). Uspon HAPAG-a uvelike se pripisuje i spretnosti i poduzetnosti najslavnijega direk28 tora Alberta Ballina (1857.–1918). Ro|en je kao trinaesto dijete u skromnoj hambur{koj ìdovskoj obitelji podrijetlom iz Danske. Zarana se suo~io s iseljeni~kim ambijentom jer mu je otac bio suvlasnik agencije koja je organizirala odlazak iseljenika u SAD. Kada 1874. otac umire, mladi Albert preuzima posao i razvija tvrtku u nezavisnoga linijskog iseljeni~kog brodara koji nastoji smanjiti tro{kove prijevozom tereta na povratnim turama na kojima uglavnom nema mnogo putnika. Spretnim je poslovanjem privukao pa`nju HAPAG-a te ve} 1888. postaje jedan od direktora, a 1899. i generalni direktor. U njegovo je doba kompanija na vrhuncu, 1914. ima ukupno 175 velikih brodova, odràva linije s pet kontinenata i zapo{ljava dvadeset tisu}a radnika! U to je doba HAPAG je, u nadmetanju s vode}im brodarima koji su se hvalili velikim i luksuznim brodovima, iste godine kada je izgra|en Titanic, dao izgraditi brod koji je reklamirao kao najve}i na svijetu – Imperator (1912.). Ovaj je div mogao primiti 700 putnika prve, 600 druge i 940 tre}e klase te – 1750 putnika “~etvrte klase”. Pobolj{ani uvjeti tre}e klase potaknuli su i “inovativno” uvo|enje novoga kategoriziranja putnika! Ballin je koncipirao i izgradio i uzorno iseljeni~ko selo na izdvojenomu mjestu do kojega je izravno stizala èljeznica. O~ito je pokazivao i odre|eno razumijevanje i naklonost prema siroma{nim isto~noeuropskim i srednjoeuropskim iseljenicima, naro~ito prema @idovima koji su bjeàli pred pogromom, no jo{ je vi{e vodio ra~una o interesima svoje kompanije. Organizacija i priprema za odlazak u Ameriku u naselju koje su nazivali Ballinov grad – Balinstadt – u drugim se lukama ~esto spominjao kao uzor pa tako i u Rijeci koja se poziva na hambur{ki primjer kada gradi svoj, tako|er uzoran, “hotel iseljenika”.

Norddeutscher Lloyd (Sjeveronjema~ki Lloyd) iz Bremena, uz hambur{ki je HAPAG, najmo}niji njema~ki brodar s poslovnicama ~ak i nadomak europskog juga – u Zagrebu i u Brodu na Savi (Slavonski Brod). (Engleski bez u~itelja, Zagreb 1911., Muzej grada Rijeke) After HAPAG, based in Hamburg, Norddeutscher Lloyd (North German Lloyd) from Bremen was the second largest German shipper, with branch offices as far away as south Europe, including Zagreb and Brod na Savi (Slavonski Brod) (An advertisement in an English language manual for the emigrants, Zagreb 1911, Muzej grada Rijeke).

Norddeutscher Lloyd (NDL) nastao je 1857. udru`ivanjem ~etiri manja brodara. Osniva~ je dru{tva dugovje~ni bremenski poduzetnik i politi~ar Hermann Heinrich Meier (1809.–1898.) koji ga je ubrzo u~inio jednim od najve}ih svjetskih brodara. Ve} sljede}e 1858. godine Dru{tvo pokre}e prvu liniju za New York, a potom (1868.) za Baltimore i (1869.) za New Orleans. Poslije su ustanovljene i linije za Srednju i Ju`nu Ameriku i druge. Kada se bitan dio prometa iseljenika premje{ta u ju`nu Europu, i NDL, poput drugih velikih brodara, 1891. pokre}e liniju iz Italije – Genove i Napulja – u New York.

28 Hans Hermann Groppe, Ursula Wöst, Albert Ballin, u Hans-Hermann Groppe/ Ursula Wöst, Via Hamburg to the World, From the Emigrants Halls to BallinStadt, Ellert & Richter Verlag, Hamburg, 2007., str. 28.–33.

Tijekom devedesetih dru{tvo gradi vi{e velikih brodova, od kojih neke naziva imenima careva novoga Njema~kog Carstva (osnovanog 1871.). Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse (Vilim I., 1897.) nazvan je najve}im na svijetu, no nekoliko godina poslije izgra|en je jo{ ve}i, Kaiser Wilhelm II (1903.) koji u prvi razred prima 332, u drugi 343, a u tre}i 1074. putnika. Jedan od vode}ih tada{njih parobrodara uo~i Prvoga svjetskog rata najavljuje novu utakmicu u gradnji najve}ih, najljep{ih i najbr`ih transatlantika – od kojih nekima sudbina nije bila sklona, kao ni njihovim putnicima. Uspjeh luke Bremerhaven najve}ma je povezan s izvanrednim usponom Norddeutscher Lloyda. Milijunima prevezenih putnika u Ameriku, koje ova kompanija prevozi iz

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Gospodska djeca zasjela na palubi, a na potplatima im ime novoizgra|enog broda, Imperator, i godina izgradnje (1913.). Prva je vo`nja “najve}eg broda na svijetu” pro{la neusporedivo bolje od pro{logodi{nje Titanicove. (Sa{a Dmitorvi}, Rijeka) Bourgeois children lounging on the deck of the Imperator (built in 1913), with the name of the ship written on their soles. The maiden voyage of this „largest ship in the world“ was much more fortunate than the maiden voyage of the Titanic the year before. (Sa{a Dmitorvi}, Rijeka)

port, the company went bust. Already the following year the director of National Line bought the famous franchise, thus rescuing the White Star name. The business soon attracted two more partners – a merchant with money to invest and a ship builder ready to build ships for the revamped company. The first ships to be built were the Oceanic, the Atlantic, the Baltic and the Republic. In 1871 the company introduced a service between Liverpool and New York, with a stop over at the Irish port of Queenstown (present Cobh). At the turn of the century, the company’s most famous ships were the Britannic, the Germanic, the Teutonic and the Majestic. On the eve of the big exodus from Europe, in the 1880’s, there were three major English shippers. Soon (1886), only two of those remained – Cunard and White Star. They had strong competition on the Continent - German shippers Hamburg-Amerika Linie and Norddeutscher Lloyd.

Hamburg-Amerika Linie, or HAPAG, was founded in Hamburg in 1847 (HAPAG stood for the company’s full title: Hamburg Amerikanische Packetfahrt Actien Gesellschaft, that the company bore until 1893). As early as 1847, the company’s sailing boat, the Deutschland, started operating a mail service between Hamburg and New York, with a stop over in Southampton. Even at that time sailing boats needed 40 odd days for the passage. The company grew by take over of smaller companies (Adler Line in 1875, Carr Unio Line in 1886 and others). Thus HAPAG gradually developed into the biggest German shipper. In early 20th century it was the biggest sipper in the world! In 1872 HAPAG introduced a weekly service for New York. Soon HAPAG’s ships stared calling in at Baltimore, Central America, Mexico, South America, China, Japan and Australia. The year 1873 saw the introduction of a summer service HamburgAntwerp-Montreal, and a winter service Hamburg-Antwerp-Boston. In order to counter the competition in the Mediterranean, Hamburg-Amerika Linie and Norddeutscher Lloyd introduced a service connecting the ports of Naples and Genoa with New York (1897-1905). The rise of HAPAG has been primarily credited to the resourcefulness and entrepre28 neurship of its most famous manager, Albert Ballin (1857–1918). Ballin was the 13th child of a humble Hamburg Jewish family of Danish descent. Early on he became familiar with the emigration milieu thorough his father, a co-owner of a travel agency that sent emigrants to the USA. After his father’s death in 1874, Albert took over the business and developed it into an independent emigration shipper that cut costs on its regular lines by carrying cargo on the return trips, when the number of passengers was rather small. Thanks to his business skill he was hired by HAPAG, which made him manager in 1888 and general manager in 1899. During his era the company was at its apogee. In 1914 it had 175 large ships, sailed to the five continents and employed 20,000 persons! In a competition with major shippers, which boasted large and luxurious vessels, in a single year (1912) HAPAG built the Titanic and the Imperator, which was advertised as the world’s largest ship. That behemoth carried 700 passengers in the 1st class, 600 in the 2nd, 940 in the 3rd and 1,750 in the 4th. Namely, after having improved conditions in the 3rd class, the company cleverly introduced a new categorization of passengers.

28 Hans Hermann Groppe, Ursula Wost, Albert Ballin, in Hans-Hermann Groppe/Ursula Wost, Via Hamburg to the World, From the Emigrants Halls to BallinStadt, Elert & Richter Verlag, Hamburg, 2007, pp. 28-33.

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mati~ne luke, treba pridodati i one iz drugih usputnih luka poput Southamptona i Cherbourga, u kojima redovito pristaju kompanijini brodovi, kao i one prevezene “mediteranskom linijom” iz Genove i Napulja, koje su Nijemci (NDL i HAPAG) prevezli mnogo vi{e nego talijanski brodari.

Na prethodnim stranicama: Parobrod Oceanic, izgra|en 1899., jedan je od najve}ih brodova White Stara, uz Cunard Line najve}eg rivala njema~kim brodarima u prijevozu iseljenika. U bespo{tednoj utrci White Star 1912. gradi najslavniji u nizu najve}ih brodova na svijetu – Titanic. (Southampton City Heritage Services)

Veliku zaslugu za brojnost putnika u Bremerhavenu ima i izvanredno organizirana kompanijina agencijska slu`ba koja je naslijedila sustav poznate Mislerove agencije koja je imala poslovnice ~ak i nadomak europskog juga – i u Zagrebu i Slavonskom Brodu (tada{njem Brodu na Savi).

Previous page The Oceanic, built in 1899, one of the largest steamships of White Star, along with Cunard Line, the main competitor of German shippers in emigrants’ transport. As the result of cutthroat competition, in 1912, White Star built The Titanic, the most famous in a line of the world’s largest ships. (Southampton City Heritage Services)

*** Najve}i brodovi koji su potom slijedili mogli su uglavnom primiti vi{e od dvije tisu}e putnika, od toga barem tri ~etvrtine onih tre}e klase. Netko je izra~unao da su zapravo visoke tro{kove malobrojnih putnika u prvoj klasi dobrim dijelom podmirivali mnogobrojni putnici iz potpalublja – tre}a klasa – od koje su svi brodari isklju~ivo i ìvjeli. Naro~ito se u manjim lukama, poput Rijeke i Trsta, ukrcavalo malo putnika prve klase i zato brodovi gra|eni po~etkom stolje}a imaju pove}an, iako ve} podno{ljivo opremljen prostor tre}e klase – koja umjesto prija{njih velikih skupnih spavaonica dobiva jednostavno opremljene ~etverokrevetne, a katkad ~ak i dvokrevetne kabine. No sve do rata jo{ uvijek su uvjeti ìvota tre}e klase uglavnom prili~no skromni – ili ~ak novouvedene “~etvrte klase”. Spavaonice su i dalje skupne, s vi{e desetaka ili stotina gusto zbijenih leàjeva na kat, a blagovaonice su opremljene oskudno, s dugim drvenim stolovima i neudobnim klupama. I brojni opisi nezadovoljnih putnika, kao i fotografije, naj~e{}e svjedo~e da ~ak i na najnovijim brodovima uvjeti nisu bili onako primamljivi kao {to ih prikazuju reklamne knjiìce brodarskih kompanija.

Brodarski karteli Iako je uvo|enje parnih brodova snizilo cijenu brodskog prijevoza tereta, u putni~kom prijevozu cijene se dugo ne smanjuju unato~ ve}oj ekonomi~nosti parobroda. To se obja{njava osnivanjem brodarskih kartela (konferencija – shipping conference), udruènjima brodara koja dogovorno odre|uju tarife putni~kog prijevoza i kvote koje odobravaju pojedinim brodarima, ~lanovima kartela, u odnosu na ukupno europsko 29 iseljeni~ko “trì{te”. Karteli su osnovani u kriznom razdoblju pada prometa kako bi smanjili rizike od konkurentskih sniàvanja cijena prijevoza. Takve su borbe me|u suprotstavljenim 30 kartelima nazvane – tarifnim ratovima. Razvojem parobrodarske flote karteli postaju sve mo}niji te umjesto trì{nim nadmetanjem cijene putni~kih karata odre|uju dogovorima. Visoke cijene izgradnje velikih parobroda smanjile su drasti~no broj brodara. Istovremeno su porasle i lu~ke pristojbe jer se pred luke postavljaju ve}i i novi zahtjevi – nu`na spremi{ta za vodu i skladi{ta za ugljen. Nekoliko dioni~kih parobrodarskih dru{tava, “velika ~etvorica”, upravlja glavninom svjetskoga putni~kog prometa. Prvi kartel za regulaciju trì{ta osnovan je 1872. – New York North Atlantic Steam Traffic Conference – a okupio je britanske brodare koji su prevozili migrante iz Velike Britanije i Skandinavije. Desetak godina poslije, 1883., udruùju se njema~ki, nizozemski i belgijski brodari s namjerom da se poku{aju oduprijeti Britancima. No izravna konkurencija manjih brodara koji su djelovali u njihovim mati~nim lukama izjalovila je napore Hamburg Amerika Linie (HAPAG), Norddeutscher Lloyda, Red Star Linea i Holland America Linea. Na osnutak konkurentskog kartela Englezi su odgovorili “tarifnim ratom” koji je prouzro~io raspu{tanje britanskog kartela i pad cijena karata prodanih “u pretplati”, koje su upla}ene u Americi.

29 Dio teksta o kartelima prire|en je na osnovi neobjavljenog teksta Williama Klingera, Gradisca d’Isonzo 2008. 30 Greenhill R., Competition or cooperation the Global Shipping Industry: The origins and impact of the Conference system for British Shipowners before 1914. in Global Markets: The internationalization of the sea transport industries since 1850, St. John 1998.

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Ballin designed and built an exemplary emigrants’ village in an isolated area served directly by train. He was evidently interested in and sympathetic with the plight of poor Eastern and Central European emigrants, especially the Jews, who were fleeing the pogroms, but his main concern were the interests of his company. The management of the village, known as Ballin’s town, i.e. Ballinstadt, and the preparation of the emigrants for passage to America, were admired by other ports, including Rijeka, which modeled its “emigrants hotel”, also exemplary, on the Hamburg model.

Norddeutscher Lloyd (NDL) was created in 1857 with the merger of four small shippers. The founder was a long-lived entrepreneur and politician from Bremen Hermann Heinrich Meier (1809-1898), who quickly developed it into one of world’s largest shippers.

Brodarski karteli/Shipping Conferences “konferencije” i nezavisni brodari u razdoblju 1885.–1895. “conferences” and independant steamship companies 1885–1895 Kontinentalna konferencija / Continental Conference (1885–1895) Nord Atlantische DampferLinien Verband (1892): Osnovana 1883., preustrojena 15. svibnja 1885. i ponovno 23. o`ujka 1887. / Founded in 1883, restructured on 15 May 1885 and again on 23 March 1887

Osniva~i / Founders: Holland America Line (Rotterdam) Red Star Line (Antwerpen) Hamburg America Line (Hamburg) North German Lloyd (Bremerhaven) Drugi kontinentalni linijski brodari / Other Continental lines: French Line (~lan Continental Conferencea 1886.–1895., nisu se pridru`ili NDLV-u, ve} je s njima zaklju~en poseban ugovor, koji se dr`ao pravila i cijena odre|enih na njujor{koj Continetal Conference) / member of the Continental 1886-1895, did not join the N.D.L.V. but separate agreement was concluded with the Line which adhered the rules and price fixing of the New York Continental Conference)

Thingvalla Line (Kopenhagen) White Cross Line Obustavili prijevoz putnika krajem 1880-ih / discontinued passenger service end of 1880s

Carr Line Ujedinili se s Union Line 1885. / merged with Union Line in 1885

Union Line Udru`ili se s Hamburg America Line 1886. / pool agreement with Hamburg America Line in 1886

Sredozemna konferencija / Mediterranean Conference 1885–1895 Utemeljena 20. studenoga 1885., reorganizirana 3. kolovoza 1888. i ponovno reorganizirana 22. sije~nja 1894. / Established November 20th 1885 reorganized August 3rd 1888 and again January 22nd 1894

Fabre Line (1885.) Italian Line (1885.) Red Star Line (1885.) Holland America Line (1885.) Anchor Line (1888.) North German Lloyd (1894.) Hamburg America Line (1894.) French Line (1894.) Sjevernoatlanska parobrodarska konferencija / North Atlantic Steam Traffic Conference (British Lines 1885–1895) Allan Line Anchor Line American Line Beaver Line Cunard Line Dominion Line Guion Line – obustavili svoje usluge 1894. / discontinued its service in 1894 Inman Line – preuzela ih American Line 1886. / taken over by the American Line in 1886 National Line – obustavili prijevoz putnika 1892. / discontinued passenger service in 1892 White Star Line

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Najve}i njema~ki, nizozemski i belgijski brodari ~ine ~vrstu okosnicu kontinentalne konferencije (kartela) kojoj su u prijevozu iseljenika preko oceana vje~ni rivali vode}i britanski brodari. (Donaushwabisches Zentralmuseum Ulm) Bulk of the Continental Conference (the Cartel) consisted of main German, Dutch and Belgian shippers. Their perennial competitors in the transport of emigrants were the British shippers. (Donaushwabisches Zentralmuseum Ulm)

Continental conference (ili Continental pool) osnovana je 1885. i postigla dogovor o minimalnim cijenama u odnosu na kvalitetu usluge. Kao i drugi karteli, i ovaj, sastavljen isklju~ivo od europskih kontinentalnih brodara, me|u kojima su vode}i Nijemci, ima sjedi{te u New Yorku. Cijene su se mogle mijenjati jedino uz pobolj{anje usluga, {to je potaknulo brodare da izmi{ljaju posebne oblike usluga koje se nisu mogle uspore|ivati s drugima, ali su omogu}avale pove}anje cijena. Niè cijene od utvr|enih mogli su imati oni ~iji su brodovi bili stari i spori (poput Holland Lineovih) i oni koji su vozili na manje prometnim linijama (poput Red Star Linea na prugama za Baltimore i Philadelphiju). Osim utvr|ivanja cijena brodskih karata i broja putnika koje pojedini brodar moè prevesti, karteli su nadzirali i druge usluge. Brodari tako nisu smjeli prodavati èljezni~ke karte, a uveden je i o{triji nadzor agencija kojima su preciznije odre|ena prava i obveze te odre|ena visina provizije u odnosu na cijene prodanih brodskih karata. Budu}i da je iseljavanje do Prvoga svjetskog rata bilo u stalnom porastu, karteli su se usmjerili na tri bitna trì{ta: britansko-skandinavsko, kontinentalno i mediteransko, a bitka se uglavnom uvijek vodi izme|u najve}ih engleskih i njema~kih brodara. Tako Nijemci unato~ svim naporima ne uspijevaju pridobiti u svoj krug ni skandinavske kompanije niti tamo{nje iseljenike. Kada su Nijemci (zapravo brodari udruèni u Kontinentalnu konferenciju) osnovali Mediteransku konferenciju (1885.), prije svega ih zanima upravo pokrenuto “talijansko trì{te” iako su tamo ve} neki brodari imali linije za New York (Fabre Line i Italian Line). Iako su u toj konferenciji pored sjevernja~kih, uglavnom njema~kih brodara, sudjelovali i doma}i, sredozemni brodari – Austro-Americana, i tr{}anska je tvrtka imala ve}inski udio njema~kog kapitala. Prava borba za talijanske emigrante razbuktava se, kao i obi~no, izme|u Engleza i Nijemaca, no ovaj su put posebice zainteresirani i Francuzi – Compagnie Générale Transatlantique iz Le Havrea koji, s obzirom na èljezni~ke pogodnosti, Talijane smatra “svojima”. Upravo zbog pogodnih èljezni~kih putova, u Le Havre po~etkom 20. stolje}a odlazi i dobar dio Primoraca i Slovenaca, podjednako koliko ih na prijelazu stolje}a odlazi u Genovu. Konferencije su dinami~no okupljale svoje brodare do Prvoga svjetskog rata, nastoje}i odràti ste~ene prednosti i osvojiti nove. Katkad bi se me|u suprotstavljenim stranama razvili pravi “tarifni ratovi” koji su zna~ili sniàvanje cijena u nadi da }e protivni~ki kartel imati vi{e {tete. Od toga su samo brodari mogli imati {tete – pa su se najve}i i zato najugroèniji protivnici ipak uvijek iznova dogovarali i mirili.

Parobord Colombo najve}eg talijanskog prijevoznika Navigazione Generale Italiana, kojemu su u prijevozu Talijana veliki konkurenti engleski i njema~ki brodari. Mediteranski kartel (konferencija) u rukama je njema~kih brodara. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 47973) Steamship Colombo, of the largest Italian shipper Navigazione Generale Italiana. Their main competition were English and German shippers. The Mediterranean Cartel was held by the German shippers. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 47973)

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Already the next year the company launched its first service for New York, followed in 1868 and in 1869 by services for Baltimore and New Orleans respectively. Later on NDL added services for Central and South America and others. When emigration business picked up in southern Europe, NDL, like other big shippers, introduced a line from Genoa and Naples to New York (1891). During the 1890’s the company built several large ships, some of which were called after the emperors of the new German empire (founded in 1871). The Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse (William I, 1897) was hailed as the world’s largest ship at the time. Yet, several years later an even larger ship was built, the Kaiser Wilhelm II (1903), for 332 passengers in 1st class, 343 in 2nd and 1,074 in 3rd. On the eve of WW I, this major shipper inaugurated a new race in size, luxury and speed of transatlantic ships, some of which fared badly, along with their passengers. The rise of the port of Bremerhaven was closely linked to the phenomenal success of Norddeutscher Lloyd. Along with millions of passengers from its home port, that company carried many others to America from the regular ports of call, such as Southampton and Cherbourg, as well as those from Genoa and Naples, where the German shippers (NDL and HAPAG) were much more dominant then their Italian counterparts. A major credit for the large volume of traffic from Bremenhaven goes to NDL’s very efficient travel agency, successor of the renowned Missler agency, with branch offices as far away as Zagreb and Slavonski Brod (then Brod na Savi).

Average capacity of the large ships that were built subsequently was more than 2,000 passengers, at least three quarters in the 3rd class. According to one estimate, high cost of travel in the small 1st class was largely subsidized by the large number of passengers in the cargo hold, i.e. the 3rd class, which generated profits for the shippers. Small ports, such as Rijeka and Trieste, boarded very few 1st class passengers. Hence, the ships built at the turn of the century had a larger and more comfortable 3rd class, with four-bed and even two-bed berths in place of the former communal dormitories. Yet, the conditions in such 3rd class were humble and some shippers even introduced the 4th class. Some ships still contained communal dormitories, with dozens or even hundreds closely packed bunk beds. Dining halls were poorly equipped, with long dining tables and uncomfortable benches. A large number of recorded passenger complaints and photos prove false enticing descriptions of the standards aboard the new ships in the commercial brochures of the shipping companies.

Holland Amerika Linie na relaciji izme|u Amsterdama, Rotterdama i New Yorka, uz ruske @idove, najvi{e prevozi iseljenike iz Austro-Ugarske, a me|u njima su brojni i oni iz najudaljenijih krajeva, iz Banata (Vojvodine) i iz Hrvatske. (Donaushwabisches Zentralmuseum Ulm) Most passengers on Holland Amerika Linie’s Amsterdam-Rotterdam-New York service were, other than Russian Jews, emigrants from Austria-Hungary, including many from far-flung regions, such as Banat (Vojvodina) and from Croatia. (Donaushwabisches Zentralmuseum Ulm)

Shipping Conferences Although the cargo tariffs dropped with the introduction of the steamship, in passenger traffic they stagnated for a long time in spite of the better cost effectiveness of steamship transport. That has been explained as the result of the founding of shipping conferences – pools of shippers that set the tariffs in passenger transport and divided 29 the total European emigration business between them. The shipping conferences were formed during a business slump as a protection against unbridled competition and possible reduction of tariffs. Such competition 30 between cartels has been popularly called tariffs’ wars. With the growth of the steamship fleet, the cartels acquired more and more power and managed to secure their positions in the market through deals rather than through open competition. Due to high production costs of the large vessels, the number of shippers in the market dropped sharply. At the same time, the ports raised the prices of their services in order to foot the bills for the rising cost of port infrastructure, including necessary water tanks and coal storages. Thus, the bulk of international passenger traffic got to be controlled by the four big shipping joint stock companies. The first cartel, the New York North Atlantic Steam Traffic Conference, was founded in 1872, and it comprised British shippers that transported emigrants from Great Britain

29 The chapter on shipping conferences is based on an unpublished text by William Klinge,r, Gradisca d’Isonzo 2008..

30 Greenhill R., Competition or Cooperation in the Global Shipping Industry: The Origins and Impact of the Conference System for British Shipowners Before 1914 in Global Markets: The Internationalization of the Sea Transport Since 1850, St. John, 1998.

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@eljeznica - od rodnog sela do polazne luke @eljeznica se ve} 1840-ih po~ela naglo razvijati i me|unarodni su pravci brzo uspostavljeni – emigrantska luka Antwerpen ve} je 1843. spojena s Kölnom, gradom bliskim iseljeni~kim izvori{tima. Austro-Ugarska je donekle kasnila, dijelom i s obzirom na Alpe koje su sjeverne dijelove Monarhije dijelile od njezina juga. No Austrijske ju`ne èljeznice (Österreichische Südbahn), vode}e èljezni~ko dru{tvo u Monarhiji, ipak su osnovane ve} 1841., a Be~ je s glavnom lukom Trstom spojen 1857. tzv. planinskom èljeznicom preko Semeringa, kojoj je 1873. pridodan odvojak od Pivke ([entpeter) do Rijeke, druge va`ne srednjoeuropske luke. Iste je godine i Budimpe{ta povezana s Rijekom i tek je otada mogu}e iz udaljenih krajeva istoga dana krenuti od ku}e i sti}i do mora – do prekooceanskog broda.

Pariz je jedno od velikih `eljezni~kih iseljeni~kih ~vori{ta na putu od istoka i juga Europe do Le Havrea, Cherbourga, Southamptona i Liverpoola. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

Paris was one of the main railway hubs connecting the routes from Eastern and Southern Europe with Le Havre, Cherbourg, Southampton and Liverpool. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

Do pojave velikoga srednjoeuropskog iseljeni~koga vala èljeznica ve} u~vr{}uje svoju ulogu. U kopnenom prijevozu uop}e nema premca te spremno do~ekuje velik iseljeni~ki val. Kontinentalna èljezni~ka ~vori{ta i èljezni~ki grani~ni prijelazi na emigrantskim rutama ubrzo postaju jednako va`ni kao i luke iz kojih se iseljenici otiskuju od europskoga kopna. Preko velikih èljezni~kih ~vori{ta poput Be~a i Budimpe{te, kao i preko èljezni~kih grani~nih prijelaza poput Auschwitza (Oswiecim) na njema~koj i Buchsa na {vicarskoj granici, u kojima se tako|er razvijaju emigrantske slu`be, stiè se do njema~kih, nizozemskih, belgijskih, francuskih i engleskih luka. Prije izravne iseljeni~ke prekomorske linije iz Trsta, deseci tisu}a iseljenika prelazi èljeznicom austrijsko-talijansku granicu (Cormons) i nastavlja put u Genovu. Va`no je ~vori{te s brojnim agencijama bila i Ljubljana, no najsna`nija se agencijska i posredni~ka djelatnost razvila u Baselu, u blizini {vicarsko-francuske granice, odakle su brojni vlakovi vodili do svih velikih atlantskih luka koje su iseljeni~ku stanicu nerijetko imale izravno u podru~ju luke. Smje{taj stanice u odnosu na iseljeni~ki terminal i njihovo kona~i{te (emigrantsku ku}u) bio je vaàn da se sprije~i lutanje mase iseljenika i popratni “efekti” – izgredi, kra|e i prostitucija – koje u takvim okolnostima obi~no cvjetaju. @eljeznica funkcionira spremno i brzo. U slu~aju potrebe u stanju je pripremiti posebne iseljeni~ke vlakove i organizirati putovanja u razli~itim smjerovima. @eljeznica ima i posebne tarife za tre}u klasu predvi|enu za iseljenike, te nudi popust na èljezni~ke karte za grupe od preko deset putnika. U velikim se èljezni~kim ~vori{tima razvijaju i brojne popratne i posredni~ke djelatnosti – agencijske, po{tanske, mjenja~ke i bankarske. Strani agenti, najvi{e upravo oni iz èljezni~kih ~vori{ta poput Basela, Buchsa i Ljubljane, objavljuju svoje reklame u dalekim emigrantskim sredi{tima, pa i u rije~kome Novom listu – i podsje}aju iseljenike na pogodnost grupnog putovanja èljeznicom do njihovih poslovnica u [vicarskoj i Sloveniji, gdje ih prihva}aju i organiziraju im daljnji put, naj~e{}e opet èljeznicom do krajnjega odredi{ta u Americi. Agenti se dovitljivo koriste razli~itim kombinacijama èljezni~kog prijevoza. Zagreba~ka agencija Ma{ek i drug katkad vodi svoje putnike iz Zagreba u Trst i potom ih, umjesto ukrcaja na brod, vlakom odvozi ~ak u Hamburg. Ista agencija s filijalom u predgra|u Rijeke (na Kantridi, na austrijskom tlu, da bi izbjegla ograni~enja koja name}e ugarska vlada) reklamira putovanje preko Le Havrea. Unato~ iseljeni~koj liniji koja Rijeku izravno povezuje s New Yorkom, Ma{ek i drug, kao i brojni drugi, odvodi vlakom svoje putnike do atlantske i sjevernonjema~ke obale – i tek ih tamo ukrcava na brod. @eljeznica je bitna komponenta velikog europsko-ameri~kog prelijevanja. To je jedini u~inkovit i brz kopneni prijevoz do velikih iseljeni~kih luka. Vi{ednevno transkontinentalno putovanje èljeznicom, od sredozemne do atlantske luke, od Trsta do

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and Scandinavia. Eleven years later, in 1883, German, Dutch and Belgian shippers – Hamburg Amerika Linie (HAPAG), Norddeutscher Lloyd, Red Star Line and Holland America Line, pooled their resources in a reaction to the British move. Yet, their effort was frustrated by direct competition of small shippers in their home ports. The reaction of the British to the founding of a competing cartel was a tariffs’ war, which led to the dissolution of the British cartel and the reduction of the price of the tickets that had been paid in advance in America.

Basel je glavno `eljezni~ko ~vori{te i sjedi{te brojnih iseljeni~kih agencija koje `ive od iseljenika iz Austro-Ugarske. U Baselu se obavljaju i lije~ni~ki pregledi i nabavljaju karte za put do Rotterdama, Antwerpena, Le Havrea, Cherbourga, Southamptona i Liverpoola. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

Continental Conference (or Continental Pool), founded in 1885, reached an agreement on the minimal tariffs and the quality standards. Just like the other cartels, this one, comprising shippers from continental Europe, predominantly German, was based in New York. A tariff could be changed only if standards improved significantly, which prompted proliferation of specific services that could not be compared across the board. The only shippers that could sail at tariffs below the agreed ones were those with old slow ships (such as Holland Line) and those operating less popular services (such as the Boston and Philadelphia services of Red Star Line). Other than the setting of the tariffs and the volume of passengers for each of their members, the cartels controlled other services too. Thus, the shippers were not allowed to sell train tickets, and the cartels specified the rights and obligations of ticket agents and the percentage they received from the sale of the tickets. Considering that prior to WW I emigration grew steadily, the cartels focused on three main markets: Britain and Scandinavia, Continental Europe and the Mediterranean. The main competitors were the major British and German shippers.Thus, in spite of their concerted efforts, German shippers never managed to co-opt any Scandinavian company or win a share of the Scandinavian market. When the Germans (that is, the shippers associated in the Continental Conference) founded the Mediterranean Conference (1885), their main focus was on the newly opened Italian market, which was then served by Fabre Line and Italian Line, both with services for New York. Although this Conference comprised not only northern, mostly German shippers, but also local Mediterranean ones, the Austro-Americana, from Trieste, was mostly owned by the German capital. The competition for the Italian emigrants flared up between the old rivals, the English and the Germans, but this time with the participation of the French – Compagnie Generale Transatlantique from Le Havre. The latter considered the Italian market its own, due to good railway connections between Le Havre and Italy. Thanks to convenient train services, in early 20th century, a large share of the emigrants from the Hrvatsko primorje region and from Slovenia traveled through Le Havre. This was equal to emigration through Genoa from those two areas. Until WW I the cartels worked hard on pooling of resources, in order to protect their vested interests and carve out a bigger share of the market. From time to time a cartel would start a tariffs’ war, hoping that by slicing the prices it would push the competition out of business. Yet, all the shippers were affected and the main and thus most affected rivals always came together and signed a truce.

Basel was a major railway hub and the seat of many emigration agents that catered toward the emigrants from Austria-Hungary. In Basel they were examined by physicians and purchased tickets for transport to Rotterdam, Antwerp, Le Havre, Cherbourg, Southampton and Liverpool. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

The Railways – from the Native Village to the Port of Departure The railway network started growing already in the 1840’s and the main international corridors were established quickly. In 1843 the port of Antwerp was linked to Cologne, a city close to the main hubs of emigration. Austria-Hungary lagged slightly behind, partly due to the Alps that divided the north of the empire from its south. Yet, in 1857 Austrian Southern Railways (Oesterreichische Sudbahn), the largest railway operator in the Monarchy (est. in 1841), connected Vienna with the port of Trieste by a mountain route over the Semering pass. In 1873 a branch line was built from Pivka (Sempeter) to Rijeka, another important Central European port. That same year Budapest was connected with Rijeka, which enabled

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Hamburga, od Rijeke do Le Havrea i Antwerpena, umnogome je dobar ispit izdr`ljivosti za prekomorski put – podudaraju se i higijenski uvjeti i duìna puta, i neizbje`na “promiskuitetna” bliskost putnika. Unato~ o~itim, donedavna nezamislivim pogodnostima, dugotrajno{}u i poprili~nom neudobno{}u i èljezni~ki i brodski prijevoz nudi gotovo jednako te{ke uvjete preìvljavanja.

Glavna èljezni~ka ~vori{ta Stroge zdravstvene i policijske mjere uvedene tijekom 1890-ih na njema~kim granicama, potaknute velikom epidemije kolere {to su je Hamburgom pro{irili ruski ìdovski iseljenici, pridonijele su nastajanju novih iseljeni~kih tokova koji, umjesto prema sjeveru – Bremerhavenu i Hamburgu, sve vi{e utiru put prema zapadnim – francuskim, engleskim, belgijskim i nizozemskim lukama. Iseljenici se sve vi{e kre}u od Be~a prema Innsbrucku i Feldkirchu do Buchsa u [vicarskoj. Kako èljeznica prelazi preko teritorija Kneèvine Lihten{tajn s kojom Austrija ima poseban grani~ni odnos, na prijelazu u Shaanu nije bilo jake kontrole pa se granica lako prelazila. Kada su stigli u Buchs, iseljenike su spopadali brojni agenti koji su tamo imali svoje poslovnice, prije svega zbog manjih kontrola i ve}ih pogodnosti nego u Austriji. Daljnje putovanje vodilo je do Basela, blizu francuske granice. Tamo su iseljenici no}ili u brojnim jeftinim preno}i{tima i ~ekali presjedanje u vlakove koji su ih trebali odvesti u raznim smjerovima – prema lukama u Le Havreu, Cherbourgu, Southamptonu, Liverpoolu, Antwerpenu i Rotterdamu. Basel je bio nevelik stari grad koji je upravo u to doba razvio velik èljezni~ki promet zahvaljuju}i ~vori{tu koje se ra~valo u dva glavna smjera, preko Dallea u Francusku ili preko St. Ludwiga u Njema~ku. Zbog pristizanja tisu}a iseljenika, u Baselu se razvila i opse`na iseljeni~ka mreà usluBez razvijenih tehni~kih dostignu}a, bez èljeznice i parobroda ne bi bilo mogu}e organizirati prijevoz milijuna iseljenika na velike udaljenosti. Posebni iseljeni~ki vlakovi voze iz srca Europe do izlaznih luka. Poput putovanja parobrodom, i vlakom se putuje vi{e dana i u njemu se obavljaju sve bitne ìvotne funkcije. (Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka) Transport of millions of emigrants over long distances had been made possible by major technological breakthroughs, such as the train and the steamship. Dedicated trains transported emigrants from the heart of Europe to ports of departure. Just like a steamship, a train was the emigrants’ second home for several days. (Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

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even the emigrants from far away destinations to travel from their homes to the transoceanic ship in one day. By the time of the large Central European emigration wave, the railway network had already been well developed. In continental transport it was the main player and fully equipped for the exodus. Continental railway hubs and border crossings on the emigration routes soon became equally important as the emigrants’ ports of departure. On their way to German, Dutch, Belgian, French and English ports, emigrants traveled through railway hubs, such as Vienna and Budapest and border crossings, such as Auschwitz (Oswiecim) at the German and Buchs at the Swiss border. The hubs and the crossings also developed emigration services. Before the introduction of a direct transoceanic service from Trieste, tens of thousands of emigrants crossed the border between Austria and Italy at Cormons and then proceeded to Genoa. Another important railway hub, with many agencies, was Ljubljana. Yet, the main concentration of agencies and middlemen was in Basel, close to the Swiss-French border. From Basel emigrants were transported by trains to all the main Atlantic ports, where emigration centers were often situated in the port itself. The proximity of a center to an emigration terminal and an emigrants’ house, was important to prevent roaming by large numbers of emigrants and the resulting incidents, thefts and prostitution, which were common under such circumstances. The railways functioned efficiently and smoothly. On demand the railways provided chartered trains for the emigrants for different destinations. The trains offered 3rd class compartments to the emigrants and discounts for groups of ten or more. Some railway hubs developed a whole range of auxiliary services – agencies, mail, money exchange and banking. Foreign agents, mostly those from the railway hubs, such as Basel, Buchs and Ljubljana, advertised their services in far flung emigration centers, including the Novi List newspaper in Rijeka. The ads stressed the benefits of group train transport to their offices in Switzerland and Slovenia, where agents welcomed the emigrants and organized the second part of their trip, usually by train, to a port of departure and then to Canadian Pacific Railway, jedna od najve}ih kanadskih `eljezni~kih i brodarskih kompanija, pred Prvi svjetski rat dolazi i u Europu – u Austriju – i poku{ava preuzeti dio `eljezni~kog i brodarskog prometa, no rat sprje~ava sna`niji proboj prekomorskog “uljeza” ~iji brodovi plove od Trsta do kanadskih luka. (Zbirka zu Kostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka) On the eve of WW I, Canadian Pacific Railway, one of the largest Canadian railway and boat companies, entered the European market by introducing a service from the Austrian port of Trieste to ports in Canada. Yet, WW I thwarted the plans of this “intruder” to carve out a share of the European railway and shipping market. (Collection zu Kostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

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ga koju vode agenti poput Zottija, Bichela i brojnih drugih, koji u novinama dalekih gradova blizu emigrantskih podru~ja reklamiraju upravo svoje bazelske poslovnice te {irok niz usluga i pogodnosti â&#x20AC;&#x201C; prije svega kompletnu organizaciju putovanja, sa èljezni~kim i brodskim kartama od Basela do krajnjega odredi{ta u Americi. Situaciju u Baselu opisao je u svom izvje{taju od 17. svibnja 1913. bazelski carsko-kraljevski konzularni predstavnik H. Houda: â&#x20AC;&#x153;Jedan sam takav iseljeni~ki vlak iz Feldkircha u Basel pratio s direktorom Moehrom (iz {vicarskoga saveznog iseljeni~kog ureda). Sveukupno je u vlaku bilo 700 osoba. Putnici su i u vagonima austrijskih dràvnih èljeznica i u onima {vicarskih saveznih èljeznica imali dovoljno mjesta. Unato~ tomu neki su vagoni bili prepuni jer se putnici koji su pripadali istoj narodnosti nisu htjeli razdvojiti.â&#x20AC;? Agencija Ivana Bihela (Buchel) jedna je od onih koje imaju poslovnicu i u Buchsu, na {vicarskoj strani èljezni~koga grani~nog prijelaza s Austrijom. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

Ivan Buchel owned one of the travel agencies in the railway hub of Buchs, Switzerland, just across the border from Austria. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

^ak i u vrijeme stalnih brodarskih linija koje Rijeku i Trst od 1903. izravno povezuju s New Yorkom, iz ovih se `eljezni~kih ~vori{ta i dalje odlazi na ukrcaj u svim smjerovima, u Genovu i Le Havre, kao i do najudaljenijih luka poput Hamburga i Liverpoola. (Ministarstvo kulture, fototeka, Zagreb) Even after the launching of a direct boat service from Rijeka and Trieste to New York in 1903, these railway hubs channeled passengers to different ports, from Genoa and Le Havre, to the most distant ports of Hamburg and Liverpool. (Ministry of Culture photoarchive, Zagreb).

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their final destinations in America. The agencies were particularly good at devising imaginative train itineraries. Thus, Ma{ek i drug, based in Zagreb, sometimes sent their clients by train from Zagreb to Trieste, and then to the port of departure, sometimes as far away as Hamburg. That agency’s office in Kantrida, (a suburb of Rijeka on Austrian soil, where the restrictions imposed by the Hungarian government did not apply) advertised passages from Le Havre. In spite of a non-stop service from Rijeka to New York, Ma{ek i drug and many other agencies sent their clients to the Atlantic and north German ports, where they were boarded the ships. The railways played an important role in the shift of population from Europe to America. The train was the only efficient and fast means of transport to the main emigration ports. A transcontinental train trip from a Mediterranean to an Atlantic port, Fridriech Missler iz Bremena ve} je prije 1900. razvio gotovo nevjerojatnu mre`u agenata i zapo{ljavao gotovo tisu}u ljudi {irom Europe, osobito u glavnim iseljeni~kim podru~jima. Tiskao je i letak u kojem je opisano “Kako sti}i do Bremerhavena bez ikakvih isprava.” (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

Already before 1900, Friedrich Missler from Bremen developed an amazing network of agencies, employing thousands of persons throughout Europe, especially at the main emigrants’ places of origin. He published a flier titled “How to get to Bremen Without Any Personal Documents”. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

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Iseljeni~ke agencije “Putuju}i” iseljeni~ki agenti naj~e{}e prvi dolaze do iseljenika i nagovaraju ih na odlazak u “obe}anu zemlju”. Posrednici koji iseljenicima organiziraju putovanja u gotovo nevjerojatnim pravcima i neo~ekivanim putovima, imaju izravan kontakt s emigrantima i zato najve}e mogu}nosti – manipuliranja. Pojedini agenti obi~no predstavljaju vi{e brodarskih kompanija, organiziraju putovanja iz raznih luka a, uz brodske, prodaju iseljenicima i `eljezni~ke karte – i to za europske i ameri~ke `eljeznice. Isto tako mijenjaju novac i daju iseljenicima potrebne upute za putovanje.

Ljubljanska agencija nudi putovanje iz Trsta u New York “jedinom doma}om linijom” koju odr`ava Austro-Americana, jedini doma}i prekooceanski prijevoznik. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

Velike agencijske ku}e katkad imaju gotovo nevjerojatnu mreù povjerenika – “akvizitera” koji se u potrazi za iseljenicima upu}uju i do najudaljenijih sela. Zato im se ~esto i spo~itava krivnja za masovna iseljavanja. Njihova je glavna briga da ~im efikasnije i jeftinije dopreme emigrante do luke i broda kojim }e isploviti u Ameriku. U nastojanju da iseljeniku pruè ~im vi{e usluga, a ~im manji dio kola~a prepuste drugim posrednicima u opsluìvanju sloènog organizacijskoga lanca, spremni su u potpunosti organizirati put za tisu}e emigranata – od rodnog sela do kona~noga odredi{ta! U brojnim pograni~nim mjestima poput Buchsa, Basela i Udina, uglavnom izvan granica Austro-Ugarske, agenti doslovno “love” iseljenike i nastoje ih pridobiti na razne na~ine – agencija Nodari u Udinama na austrijskoj granici tiska svoje reklame na ~e{kom, ma|arskom, poljskom, slovenskom, hrvatskom i ruskom! Vjerojatno je najve}a i najbolje organizirana iseljeni~ka agencijska ku}a Missler iz Bremena. Ve} je polovicom 19. stolje}a grad Bremen sklopio ugovor s Misslerom ~ija je zada}a stalno pronalaziti nove migrante i na najbolji mogu}i na~in organizirati njihov prijevoz. Ve} je prije isteka stolje}a ta agencija diljem Europe imala mreù s tisu}u povjerenika – suradnika i agenata – koji su dovodili ljude u Bremerhaven. Agencija Missler povezana je s Hermannom Heinrichom Meierom, osniva~em Norddeutscher Lloyda (Sjevernonjema~ki Lloyd), kompanije koja je postala najve}i prijevoznik na ruti izme|u njema~kog sjevera i New Yorka. Upravo se Missleru pripisuje da je njegovom zaslugom iz Bremerhavena u New York pristiglo vi{e od milijun i osamsto tisu}a ljudi.

This agency from Ljubljana offered a passage to New York by Austro-Americana “the only national transoceanic liner”. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

31 Klaus J. Bade, Europa in Bewegung. Migration von späten 18. Jahrhundert bis zur Gegenwart, Europa bauen, München 2000., str. 138. (navod prema neobjavljenom tekstu Gerharda Dienesa).

Agenti su, uz nov~arske posrednike, mo`da najpovla{tenija, ujedno i najizloènija i najomraènija karika u iseljeni~kom lancu. Na njih se okomljuje dràva jer joj odvode podanike, radnike i vojne obveznike. Na njih su bijesni iseljenici jer nikad ne dobiju ono {to im je obe}ano. Trn su u oku brodarima jer ovise o njihovoj prodaji karata i jer im otkidaju dio kola~a i ubiru provizije. K tome izbjegavaju biti podvrgnuti odre|enoj kompaniji i zastupaju ih vi{e. Kompanije mogu i same organizirati vlastito agencijsko poslovanje i prodavati karte, ali zbog ograni~enja koja im name}u karteli ne mogu pruàti {irok niz usluga poput “~istih” agenata. Primjerice, ne mogu prodavati èljezni~ke karte. âk i brodari koji ne mogu poslovati bez svojih posrednika, katkad preziru svoje agente. Generalni direktor Nordeutscher Lloyda jednom je rekao: “U Galiciji 31 sura|ujemo s ljudskim izrodom.” Omiljena su sjedi{ta agencijskih poslovnica, uz glavne gradove i nacionalne prijestolnice, uz luke Trst i Rijeku, pograni~ni gradovi i grani~ni prijelazi te èljezni~ka ~vori{ta poput Basela, Ljubljane i drugih mjesta na iseljeni~kim putovima prema sjevernim i zapadnim lukama. Gotovo je nevjerojatna internacionalizacija i kozmopolitizam kojim iseljeni~ki poslovni svijet me|u prvima uspijeva probiti sve birokratske i nacionalne prepreke, djeluju}i istovremeno s obje strane oceana. Otkako brodovi u Europu ne putuju vi{e od tjedan dana, poslovanje je ubrzano do neslu}enih razmjera. Agenti sa sjedi{tem u New Yorku poput Franka Zottija, imaju poslovnice u Baselu, rije~ka Adria, pomorska tvrtka koja obavlja i agencijsko poslovanje, ima poslovnice u Novom Sadu i pograni~nim gradovima Ju`ne Ugarske, nadomak Srbije i Rumunjske.

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L. Ma{ek i drug iz Zagreba imaju poslovnicu i u Rijeci, a nude razne mogu}nosti putovanja. Gotovo sve, osim putovanja brodom iz Rijeke. Jedna je varijanta vlakom do Trsta i odatle na ukrcaj u – Hamburg! (Koledar, Muzej grada Rijeke) L. Ma{ek i drug, based in Zagreb, had a branch office in Rijeka, which offered different travel options, save for a trip from Rijeka. One of the options was a train trip to Hamburg and a passage from the local port! (Koledar, Muzej grada Rijeke)

e.g. from Trieste to Hamburg, or from Rijeka to Le Havre or Antwerp, lasting several days, was a good endurance test for the emigrants before the passage across the ocean. The duration of the trips, hygienic conditions and the unavoidable “promiscuous” proximity of other passengers were similar. Namely, in spite of amenities that would have been difficult to imagine even a short while before, both the trains and the ships were still slow and uncomfortable and the trips almost equally challenging for the passengers.

The Main Railway Hubs Due to strict medical and police check-ups that were introduced at the German borders in the 1890’s, following a large cholera epidemic that had been spread in Hamburg by Russian Jewish emigrants, emigrants started shunning northern ports of Bremerhaven and Hamburg in favor of the western ports in France, England, Belgium and Holland. Thus, as of that time emigrants typically traveled from Vienna to Buchs in Switzerland, via Innsbruck and Feldkirch. On the way to Buchs, the trains passed through the Principality of Liechtenstein, at Shaan, where control was loose and flow of traffic fast thanks to an agreement on cross border traffic between Austria and Liechtenstein. Once they arrived to Buchs, the emigrants were beset by many agents who had set their offices there due to looser regulations and better benefits than were

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Zagreba~ki predstavnik Cunardove “ugarskoameri~ke” linije iz Rijeke u New York isti~e u oglasu i visoku cijenu prijevoza od 188 kruna. I bijeg od nova~enja i visokih cijena odvodi iseljenike u mnogo jeftinije sjeverne i zapadne luke. (Strossmayerov koledar 1907., Muzej grada Rijeke) In this ad Zagreb office of Cunard’s Hungarian-American line (Rijeka-New York) highlighted a high price of 188 Crowns. The price and draft dodging were the main reasons for passage from much cheaper ports in Northern and Western Europe. (Strossmayerov koledar 1907., Muzej grada Rijeke)

Sjeverni Nijemac Missler iz Bremena (koji se poslije stapa s Norddeutscher Lloydom) ima poslovnice na jugu – u Zagrebu i Slavonskom Brodu. Poslovi iseljeni~kih agencija cvjetaju iako im èle dosko~iti i brodari i dràvne vlasti – prvi da im ne izmakne nadzor nad trì{tem i cijenama, a drugi da onemogu}e prenagla{enu, politi~ki i socijalno nezgodnu propagandu koja ljude poti~e na odlazak. Ma|ari su ve} 1881. zakonskim odredbama podvrgnuli agencije nadzoru Ministarstva unutarnjih poslova, a zakonom iz oùjka 1903. ma|arski je parlament donio restriktivan zakon kojim je trebalo ograni~iti emigraciju. No zakonske prijetnje ne ostvaruju se. Iako ministar predsjednik Kalman Tisza podsje}a da u Ugarskoj ima samo 25 legalnih agencija, njihovo je poslovanje posvuda pro{ireno i posve izmi~e i zakonu i nadzoru. Brojni nelegalni agenti i dalje posluju bez ikakvih smetnji i poti~u siroma{ne seljake na potragu za sre}om i zaradom.

Banke Uz agencije va`ni su iseljeni~ki posrednici banke, kao i brojni manji poduzetnici koji uz osnovne, agencijske usluge, nude i nov~arske transakcije. I iseljeni~ke se banke u Americi, kao i u domovini, bave i agencijskim uslugama i prodajom karata koja zalazi u bankarsko podru~je jedino kada je kreditirana i povezana s naknadnom otplatom. I bankari i agenti imaju isti motiv – {~epati iseljenika prije drugih i ne ispustiti ga iz ruku. Zato se vode na~elom da iseljenicima treba omogu}iti dobivanje svih usluga u njihovoj ku}i kako konkurenti uop}e ne bi dobili prostora za djelovanje. U vrijeme kada se ve} u~vrstio “zlatni standard” (ili zlatna podloga na kojoj su zasnovane vode}e valute), bankovno je poslovanje u prekomorskom prometu temeljeno na ~vrsto odre|enim i pouzdanim valutama koje uglavnom odràvaju stalan te~aj – nema promjene odnosa me|u valutama. U dobrom dijelu poslovanja bankama je glavni konkurent po{ta (nov~ane doznake) koja je pod dràvnim nadzorom i pouzdanija. Iako je tromija, po{ta nudi i o~ite pogodnosti u odnosu na bankare – prije svega manje cijene usluge. Zato su u poslovanju s iseljenicima i velike banke i brojni mali “nov~ari” mnogo gipkiji. Oni se trude privu}i iseljenike i uvjeriti ih da im pruàju najpogodniju uslugu i to na njihovu jeziku. Uvjeravaju ih i da im nude sigurnu {tednju i pouzdane doznake njihova novca u domovinu.

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those in Austria. From Buchs they traveled to Basel, close to the border with France. There they were accommodated at numerous cheap inns, while waiting for a connecting train service to Le Havre, Cherbourg, Southampton, Liverpool, Antwerp or Rotterdam. Basel was a small old town that had just become an important railway hub, with connections to France, via Dalle and to Germany, via St. Ludwig. Due to the arrival of thousands of emigrants, Basel developed a network of travel agencies, such as Zotti, Bichel and many others, providing different services to the emigrants. The agencies advertised their services, including organization of the entire trip from Basel to the final destination in America, together with the train and ship fares, in newspapers of far away towns, close to the sources of emigration. In his report dated 17 May 1913 Austrian consul in Basel H. Houda wrote: “I traveled on one such train from Feldkirch to Basel with director Moehr (from the emigration office of the Swiss Federation). All in all, there were 700 persons on the train. Both in the carriages of the Austrian State Railway and of the Swiss Federation there was enough room. Yet, some carriages were overcrowded because people did not want to be separated from their compatriots”. Putovanje iz Hamburga, Antwerpena ili Trsta? Izbor ovisi o pogodnostima koje brodari daju agentima te o voznom redu – o najpogodnijem terminu isplovljenja parobroda. (Strossmayerov koledar 1907., Muzej grada Rijeke)

Emigration Agencies A potential emigrant was normally first reached by a traveling emigration agent, who tried to convince him to emigrate to “the promised land”. These middlemen, who devised most impossible itineraries and found most bizarre routes, were in direct contact with the emigrants and thus exerted the greatest influence on them. Some agents represented several shippers, organized trips to different ports and sold both ship and train tickets, for European and for American railways. They also changed money and instructed the emigrants on travel details. Some major travel agencies had extended networks of commissioners who traveled to the most distant villages in search for emigrants. Hence, they were often blamed for large scale emigration. The commissioners’ main task was efficient and fast transport of emigrants to the port of departure for America. Keen on providing as many services as possible to the emigrants and on yielding as little profit as possible to other middlemen in the long chain of emigration, they sometimes organized trips for thousands of emigrants from their native villages to the final destinations! In many border towns, such as Buchs, Basel and Udine, mostly outside of the territory of Austria-Hungary, the commissioners literally assailed the emigrants in an attempt to sell their services. The Nodari in Udine, across the border from Austria, published its ads in Czech, Hungarian, Polish, Slovenian, Croatian and Russian! Arguably the largest and best organized emigration agent was Missler from Bremen. Already around mid 19th century, the city of Bremen signed a contract with Missler, obliging the agency to keep recruiting emigrants and organizing their transport in the most efficient manner. By the end of the century the agency commanded a network of a thousand commissioners – assistants and agents, who brought passengers to Bremerhaven. The Missler was commissioned by Herman Heinrich Meier, founder of Norddeutscher Lloyd, at that time the largest shipper between North Germany and New York. Missler has been credited with channeling 1.8 million emigrants through Bremerhaven to New York. Other than money exchangers, travel agents were the most privileged, the most prominent and the most abhorred element in the emigration process. The state criticized them for taking away its subjects, labor force and military recruits. The emigrants themselves were angry with them because they never delivered what they promised. They were the thorn in the side of the shippers who depended on their services to sell the tickets and had to pay them commission. Furthermore, they dodged commitment to any one company and worked for several instead. Although entitled to set up their own travel agencies and sell the tickets, the companies were bound by cartel rules not to provide other services, such as the sale of train tickets. Even the shippers who could not do business without middlemen often detested the agents. Thus, general manager of Norddeutscher Lloyd said once: “In Galicia we are doing business with human scum”.31

Passage from Hamburg, Antwerp or Trieste? The choice depended on the commission that the shippers paid to travel agents and on the schedules. (Strossmayerov koledar 1907., Muzej grada Rijeke)

31 Klaus J. Bade, Europa in Bewegung. Migration von Spaten 18. Jahrhundert bis zur Gegenwart, Europa Bauen, Muenchen, 2000, p. 138 (quoted from an unpublished text by Gerhard Dienes).

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I slovenski i hrvatski agenti Frank Sakser i Frank Zotti pru`aju razne posredni~ke usluge, me|u ostalim i bankarske. Kao i ostali useljeni~ki agenti i bankari, i oni se prije svega obra}aju svojim sunarodnjacima. Zotti ~ak osniva Prvu hrvatsku bankarsku ku}u. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana ; desno: Maria D. Zic, New York)

U vrijeme financijskih kriza, pogotovo onih najve}ih, po~etkom 1890-ih te 1907./08. i 1929., ni gubitak posla ni bilo koja druga nevolja nisu mogli vi{e uzdrmati ameri~ke useljenike od kraha brojnih banaka u rukama iseljeni~kih sunarodnjaka i gubitka vi{egodi{nje u{te|evine.

Slovenian and Croatian travel agents, Frank Sakser and Frank Zotti respectively, offered different auxiliary services, including banking. Like other emigration agents and bankers, they catered primarily to their compatriots. Zotti even founded the First Croatian Banking Association (Prva hrvatska bankarska ku}a). (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana ; right: Maria D. Zic, New York)

Kao primjeri poslovanja “domovinskih” banaka usmjerenih na poslovanje s iseljenicima, mogu se uzeti Hrvatska zemaljska banka i Prva hrvatska {tedionica, obje iz Zagreba. Hrvatska zemaljska banka izravno se bavi agencijskim poslovima u vezi s iseljenicima te sklapa dugogodi{nji ugovorni odnos s Cunard Lineom za otpremu hrvatskih iseljeni32 ka na ukrcaj u Rijeku, odakle ih engleski brodar odvozi u New York. Banke imaju i podru`nice u lukama i glavnim emigrantskim `ari{tima, i u domovini i u Americi. Da bi bila dostupna iseljenicima, Prva hrvatska {tedionica, kao i druge sli~ne banke usmjerene na poslovanje sa sunarodnjacima, ima podru`nice u lukama 33 Rijeci i Trstu te u vi{e gradova u SAD-u. Kao primjer razmjerno malih ameri~kih “etni~kih” banaka s jednakom sudbinom, okolnostima uspona i pada, mogu poslu`iti banke Hrvata Franka Zottija, Slovenca 34 Franka Saksera i Slovaka Petera V. Rovnianeka.

32 Podaci: Malcolm Scott Hardy, London, Jelena Dunato, Muzej grada Rijeke. Arhiv Cunard Linea, University of Liverpool.

Sva trojica imaju nevjerojatno sli~ne sudbine – svi su se naglo obogatili i postali bankari, svi su ujedno izdavali i vlastite novine i imali jake politi~ke ambicije u vlastitome nacionalnom krugu. Imali su i osje}aj odre|ene misije “pu~kih tribuna”, koja se nije kosila s dobrom zaradom {to im ju je omogu}avalo poslovanje s vlastitom etni~kom zajednicom u Americi. Sva trojica su propala u krizi 1907.–1908., progutav{i pritom milijune dolara u{te|evine svojih sunarodnjaka! 35 No u to su doba propale i brojne druge, velike i male ameri~ke banke. Ogor~enje izazvano gubitkom mu~no ste~ene u{te|evine katkad se samo nadovezalo na nezadovoljstvo po{tanskim uslugama koje su odbijale iseljenike i tjerale ih bankarima. Po{ta je u dostavljanju nov~anih doznaka u domovinu nerijetko bila previ{e spora pa su iseljenici glasno izra`avali svoje nezadovoljstvo i uvjerenje da se namjerno zadr`ava njihov novac i manipulira doznakama. A upravo su nov~ane doznake u domovinu, obiteljima u rodnom kraju, do~ekivane kao spas i bitno su utjecale na gospodarski napredak.

33 Prva hrvatska {tedionica u Americi, Narodna obrana (13. 10. 1909.), br. 234., str. 2. Prva hrvatska {tedionica u Zagrebu odlu~ila je osnovati tri podru`nice u SAD-u – u New Yorku, Pittsburghu i u Chicagu. U tu je svrhu bio izaslan u Ameriku upravitelj podru`nice u Rijeci g. Pucek koji je sakupio na amerikanskom tlu sve nu`ne podatke o osnivanju novih podru`nica u SAD-u. 34 Podaci: Maria D. Zic, New York, Marijan Drnov{ek, Ljubljana, i Martin Besedi~, Bratislava. 35 Ivo Anti~evi} /ur./, Na{e iseljeni~ko pitanje, Predavanje nar. zastupnika I.F.Lupisa, Zadrugarska biblioteka, Knji`ica I., Spljet, str. 27.-28. “Notoran je i neizrecivo i bolan i {tetan doga|aj od otrag 8 - 10 godina, kada je kod skrahiranja ’bankara’ Zotti u New Yorku, te njemu sli~nih ’bankara’ u Allegheny, Johnsonu i Chicagu, propalo do 5-6 milijuna kruna narodnog novca. Ta rana ne bje{e jo{ zacijelila, a ovih nam dana javlja `ica iz Amerike da je propala velika ’First National Bank’ u Pittsburghu, a s njom da }e propasti do 10 000 000 kruna hrvatskog novca.”

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Other than in the major towns and national capitals, including the ports of Trieste and Rijeka, travel agents opened their offices in border towns and railway hubs, such as Basel, Ljubljana and others on the emigrants’ routes to the ports in the north and the west. The emigration business was in the vanguard of globalization and it overcame all the bureaucratic and national restrictions, while operating from both sides of the ocean, with an amazing ease. Once the passage time across the Atlantic was reduced to a week, business accelerated at an unprecedented pace. Travel agents based in New York, such as Frank Zotti, opened their branches in Basel. Adria, a shipper an travel agent, had offices in Novi Sad and border towns in southern Hungary, close to Serbia and Romania. Missler from north Germany (which later merged with Norddeutscher Lloyd) had offices in the south – in Zagreb and Slavonski Brod. Emigration agencies’ business was flourishing, in spite of the shippers’ efforts to curb their influence on the market and on the tariff levels and the states’ effort to thwart their aggressive pro emigration propaganda and its awkward political and social consequences. Already in 1881, the Hungarians passed regulations making the agents responsible to the Ministry of the Interior. In March 1903 Hungarian parliament passed a restrictive law with an intention to limit emigration. Yet, those provisions were not implemented. Although Prime Minister Kalman Tisza warned that Hungary had authorized only 25 agencies, travel agencies proliferated and operated free of legal restrictions or anyone’s control. A large number of illegal agents kept operating without any impediments and encouraging poor peasants to seek a better life overseas.

The Banks Along with the agencies, another important element of the mediation sector was the banks and small entrepreneurs who offered not only basic travel agency services but also money transfers. Both in America and in their homelands, the emigrants’ banks doubled as travel agents and issued loans to emigrants for purchasing of fares. The banks and the agents had the same motive – to beat the competition by recruiting as many clients as possible. Hence, they tried to provide their clients with all the necessary services, so that they would not have to go to the competition. At that time the gold standard was already firmly established and banking business overseas was based on fixed exchange rates between different currencies. In most of their activities the banks competed primarily with the postal service (money transfers), which was state controlled and more reliable than the banks. Although more inert, the postal service offered several advantages over the banks: first of all, lower fees. Yet, both the big banks and local money transfer outlets were much more flexible when dealing with the emigrants. They worked hard on attracting emigrants’ business and on offering them most convenient services in their native languages. They guaranteed safe deposit accounts and reliable transfer of their money home. During financial crises, especially the major ones, in the early 1890’s, from 1907 to 1908 and in 1929, emigrants were more affected by the loss of savings of several years in bankruptcies of the emigrants’ banks than by the loss of a job or any other trouble. Some such emigrants’ banks were Hrvatska zemaljska banka and Prva hrvatska po{tanska {tedionica, both from Zagreb. Hrvatska zemaljska banka was also a full fledged travel agent with a long term contract with Cunard Line for the transport of 32 emigrants to Rijeka, where they boarded the English shipper’s boats for New York.

32 Data: Malcolm Scott Hardy, London, Jelena Dunato, Muzej grada Rijeke. Cunard Line’s Archives, University of Liverpool. 33 Prva hrvatska {tedionica in America, Narodna obrana (13 October 1909), no. 234, p. 2. Prva hrvatska {tedionica in Zagreb decided to establish three branches in the USA, in New York, Pittsburgh and Chicago. To that effect it dispatched to the USA manager of the Rijeka branch, Mr. Pucek, to collect all the necessary information on the procedure for the opening of new branches in the USA.

The banks had branch offices in ports and main railway hubs, both at home and in America. In an attempt to reach out to the emigrants, Prva hrvatska {tedionica, and other banks catering to the emigrants, had branch offices in Rijeka and Trieste and in 33 several US cities. The plight of the small American ethnic banks owned by the Croat Frank Zotti, the Slovenian Frank Sakser and the Slovak Peter V. Rovnianek was typical of such banks 34 at that time.

34 Data: Maria D. Zic, New York, Marijan Drnov{ek, Ljubljana, and Martin Besedi~, Bratislava.

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Luke - odakle putovati u novi svijet? Dvije velike europske luke, Liverpool i Bremerhaven, otpremile su preko oceana u stolje}u masovne europske emigracije 16 milijuna iseljenika – gotovo polovicu svih iseljenika koji su u to doba stigli u SAD. Prvim se iseljeni~kim lukama uskoro pridruùje i Hamburg, poslije i brojne nove luke, a me|u njima najve}e – Rotterdam, Antwerpen, Le Havre, Southampton, Genova i Napulj. Tek na kraju velikog vala emigracije, po~etkom 20. stolje}a, Trst i Rijeka dobivaju liniju za New York. Novoosnovane jadranske luke ne mogu se pogodnostima i cijenom natjecati s atlantskima – ali kao doma}e luke imaju za{titu dràve i druge prednosti. No Bremerhaven i Hamburg, kao i sve atlantske luke, bitno su jeftiniji ~ak i za iseljenike iz rije~ke okolice koji uz cijenu brodske karte moraju podmirivati i tro{kove vi{ednevnog putovanja do tih udaljenih luka. Unato~ tro{kovima i neugodnostima putovanja èljeznicom i potom brodom preko La Manchea, i engleske luke privla~e mnoge austrijske i ugarske podanike. Gotovo su nevjerojatni putovi koje su pojedine agencije probijale prema Novom svijetu. Iako su cijene glavni ~imbenik u izboru luke i brodara, katkad o polaznoj luci presu|uju i nepredvi|ene okolnosti. Kada, na primjer, u rije~ku luku stigne tisu}u prekobrojnih emigranata, Cunard ih, u skladu s ugovorom sklopljenim s ma|arskom vladom, interventnim vlakom {alje u Antwerpen gdje pristaje Cunardov parobrod za New York. Utakmica izme|u luka i brodara postaje èstoka ve} u drugoj polovici 19. stolje}a. Zato cijene sve vi{e padaju i raste razina usluge. No sredozemne su luke uvijek bitno skuplje, a putovanje traje dvostruko duè od jednotjedne plovidbe izme|u atlantskih luka i New Yorka. Organizacijska spretnost i umje{nost osvajanja trì{ta na kojem se natje~u brojni brodari i agenti, jo{ i vi{e utje~e na iseljeni~ke tokove od duìne puta i cijene brodske karte. Bremen i Hamburg bitno su jeftiniji od Rijeke, a nekima se ~ini bitnom i razlika izme|u Hamburga (cijena 34 dolara) i Liverpoola, pa se zbog u{tede od 9 dolara 36 upu}uju preko engleskog Kanala. Mnogo mladih ljudi bjeì od sluènja vi{egodi{nje vojne obveze – pa naprosto moraju putovati iz strane luke. Zato su, uz Hamburg i Bremen, omiljeni i Rotterdam, 37 Antwerpen, Le Havre, Southampton, Liverpool i Genova. Luke se ipak tek posredno bore za prevlast. Izravno se nadme}u brodari i agenti, kojima razvoj slobodnog trì{ta omogu}uje snaàn uspon. Sna`na internacionalizacija poslovanja do druge je polovice 19. stolje}a neuobi~ajena pojava. Tako je velikim njema~kim i engleskim brodarima omogu}eno da iz stranih luka odvoze velik broj iseljenika te da do po~etka Prvoga svjetskog rata imaju premo} u najve}im sredozemnim lukama – Genovi, Napulju, Trstu i Rijeci. âk je i doma}a tr{}anska Austro-Americana (Cosullich) u ve}inskom vlasni{tvu njema~kih brodara. Uspjeh najve}ih luka gotovo je neodvojivo vezan uz sudbinu najve}ih brodara. Norddeutscher Lloyd (Bremerhaven), Hamburg – Amerika Linie (Hamburg) Cunard Line (Liverpool) i White Star Line (Liverpool) te Holland – America Line (Rotterdam), Red Star Line (Antwerpen), Compagnie Général Transatlantique (Le Havre) posluju u velikim transkontinentalnim razmjerima i uvijek se uzajamno sastaju i dogovaraju u svojim podru`nicama u New Yorku, ali su do kraja prije svega ~vrsto vezani uza svoje ishodi{ne, mati~ne luke.

36 Robert Perlman, Bridging Three Worlds: HungarianJewish Americans, 1848–1914., Univ. of Massachusetts Press, 1991., str. 124. 37 Nach America, Eisenstadt. Unato~ pogre{kama, grafi~ki prikaz odlazaka srednjoeuropskih iseljenika prema vode}im europskim lukama zorno pokazuje statisti~ki odnos me|u lukama.

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The biographies of all three of them were similar – they grew rich fast and became bankers, published newspapers and were politically engaged in their ethnic communities. In spite of hefty profits they generated in business with their emigrants’ communities, they felt obliged to act as “people’s tribunes”. All the three went bankrupt in the recession of 1907-1908, and with them savings of their compatriots worth millions of dollars! 35 However, at that time many other American banks, both small and big, collapsed. The emigrants’ anger over the loss of hard earned savings was compounded with their dissatisfaction with the postal service, whose inefficiency was often the reason why the emigrants entrusted their money with the banks. Money transfers from the posts took so long that the emigrants complained openly, convinced that the delay was a deliberate ploy to generate profits. And money transfers to the emigrants’ families at home were a life line for them and a major factor in the development of their homeland.

The Ports - Where to Travel to The New World from? During the century of the large scale European emigration, two major European ports, Liverpool and Bremerhaven, dispatched to the New World 16 million emigrants, almost half of those who arrived during that period to the USA. The first ports of emigration were soon joined by Hamburg and then by many others, including the biggest – Rotterdam, Antwerp, Le Havre, Southampton, Genoa and Naples. Trieste and Rijeka introduced services for New York only around 1900, at the end of the large emigration wave. The recently established Adriatic ports could not compete with the Atlantic ones in comfort and prices. Yet, as domestic ports they enjoyed the state’s protection and other advantages. However, Bremerhaven and Hamburg, just as all other Atlantic ports, were considerably cheaper to travel from, even for emigrants from the region of Gotovo su nevjerojatni putovi iseljavanja iz sredi{nje Europe – mahom na sjever i zapad. Od ~etiri i pol milijuna iseljenika koji u manje od pola stolje}a napu{taju Monarhiju i odlaze u Ameriku, pola milijuna ih odlazi preko Rijeke i Trsta. (Nach Amerika, Burgenlandische Landes-ausstellung, Burg Güssing, 1992.)

Hamburg Bremen Rotterdam Antwerpen

8 9.3 35 Emigration from Central Europe followed most devious routes, primarily through the north and west of Europe. Out of 4 and a half million persons who immigrated to America from the Monarchy over less than half a century, half a million left through Rijeka and Trieste. (Nach Amerika, Burgenlandische Landes-ausstellung, Burg Güssing, 1992.)

Wien

220.312 Budapest

Trieste Rijeka Genova

7. 6

96.0 38

Le Havre

2,389.325

653.613

AUSTRO-UGARSKA AUSTRIA-HUNGARY

35 Ivo Anti~evi}, /ed./, The Problems of Our Emigrants (Na{e iseljeni~ko pitanje), Expose by I.F. Lupis, MP, Zadrugarska biblioteka, Vol. 1, Split, pp. 27-28. The incredibly sad and damaging crash of “banker” Frank Zotti in New York, and of similar “bankers” in Allegheny, Johnson and Chicago, some 8-10 years ago, resulting in the loss of 5-6 million Crowns of people’s money, is notorious. And now, when that wound is still raw, we learn by cable that the large First National Bank in Pittsburgh collapsed, taking with it 10 million Crowns of Croatian money.

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POLAZNE LUKE UGARSKIH ISELJENIKA DEPARTURE PORTS FOR HUNGARIAN EMIGRANTS

Luka/Port

Rijeka

Trieste

Hamburg

Bremen

Antwerpen Amsterdam Rotterdam

Liverpool

Le Havre

Cherbourg

Genova

Ukupno Total

Napoli

Godina/Year 1871

236

294

1872

457

138

595

1873

764

198

962

1874

701

226

927

1875

787

278

1065

1876

501

124

625

1877

495

157

652

1878

661

142

803

1879

1292

467

1759

1880

8146

620

8766

1881

10453

804

11257

1882

16060

1460

17520

1883

11478

3361

14839

1884

7885

5310

13195

1885

4179

8169

12348

1886

12176

12973

25149

1887

9598

8673

18271

1888

8179

9451

17630

1889

4873

17177

940

166

421

1567

25144

1890

5418

21850

1434

374

946

1448

31470

1891

4124

17289

5443

784

4314

1046

33000

1892

2645

17667

6555

1808

5729

721

35125

1893

1867

12059

7178

135

679

1078

22996

1894

1366

4061

2212

277

108

8044

1895

3679

13857

4675

445

3012

190

25858

1896

3082

11726

6122

404

2105

1210

24649

1897

1584

8092

2820

175

762

673

14106

1898

2135

14758

3268

1751

816

1899

4855

27945

7453

2301

782

43394

1900

9691

31629

9697

3072

678

54767

1901

12806

42347

11282

4506

533

71474

1902

21485

47850

14367

8026

91762

1903

23008

70021

18115

8439

338

119944

1904

22016

13508

37187

10864

4391

9068

225

97340

1905

35961

867

27664

76857

14246

8809

716

5101

197

170430

1906

49332

3621

27246

73218

13831

6587

542

3412

358

178170

1907

47620

6028

33636

79152

17293

13794

1963

9523

149

209169

1908

15411

1805

6436

16246

4440

1874

2952

187

49365

1909

36824

4729

19199

42442

11387

6569

6732

1160

285

129337

1910

36834

4299

21261

35600

8667

5873

6608

575

184

119901

1911

18532

2379

14885

24123

6534

4182

2401

465

148

73654

1912

21922

3959

29557

39659

9469

6949

8845

120516

1913

20847

4345

29944

39264

7939

9312

1158

6279

119159

305299

32032

420002

874685

206231

4485

114680

13447

51853

2281

13131

107

2038233

Ukupno/Total

22802

Tablicu priredio William Klinger prema/ Table compiled by William Klinger by: A magyar szent korona országainak kivándorlása és visszavándorlása 1899-1913. - Budapest : Magyar Királyi Központi Statisztikai Hivatal, 1918. (Magyar statisztikai közlemények ; 67.) p. 47. [Emigration and remigration from the countries of the Holy Hungarian Crown 1899-1913. - Budapest : Hungarian Royal Central Statistical Office, 1918. - (Hungarian statistical publications ; vol. 67) p. 47.] http://www.bogardi.com/gen/g024.htm

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Luke su mnogo sloèniji i teè prilagodljivi sustavi od pojedinih brodarskih poduze}a, vi{e ovise o naklonosti i subvencijama dràve te o iseljeni~kim tokovima. Dràvni poticaji i razvijenost èljezni~kog sustava va`ni su za sudbinu luke koliko i snaga prekomorskih prijevoznika, razvijen sustav konzularnih i dràvnih slu`bi te posrednika koji u njima posluju.

Na prethodnoj stranici: Gust putni~ki promet u luci Hamburg, oko 1900. Nakon Liverpoola i Bremerhavena, to je najve}a europska iseljeni~ka luka, no po~etkom 20. stolje}a velik broj iseljenika putuje preko Genove i Napulja. (Hamburg Staatsarchiv) Previous page: Bustling passenger traffic in the port of Hamburg, around 1900. After Liverpool and Bremerhaven, this was the biggest emigration port in Europe. However, at the beginning of the 20th century, many emigrants travelled via Genoa and Naples. (Hamburg Staatsarchiv)

Bremerhaven Bremerhaven, luka na u{}u rijeke Weser, {ezdesetak kilometara udaljen od grada Bremena, i Hamburg na rijeci Elbi (Labe), stotinjak kilometara udaljen od Sjevernog mora, me|u prvim su organiziranim europskim iseljeni~kim lukama. Zbog svoga nepogodna poloàja na preuskoj i previ{e plitkoj rijeci, nepovoljnoj za velike jedrenjake, a jo{ vi{e za prekooceanske parobrode, tek osnovan, novoizgra|eni Bremerhaven nastaje kao luka starog trgova~koga grada. Bremerhaven je osnovan 1830. i odmah po osnutku po~eo se razvijati iseljeni~ki promet za Ameriku. No kada je 1847. u luku uplovio ameri~ki rije~ni parobrod Washington, to je po~etak redovitoga po{tanskog i putni~kog prometa izme|u SAD-a i europskog kontinenta. Ve} 1854. Bremerhaven se smatra najve}om europskom ise38 ljeni~kom lukom. Neki stravi~ni primjeri koji govore o nemogu}im uvjetima preìvljavanja i umiranja na prvim iseljeni~kim jedrenjacima, nisu usporili emigraciju niti obeshrabrili iseljenike, ali su upravo u Bremerhavenu i Hamburgu bitno pridonijeli ja~em nadzoru lu~kih vlasti, stroìm obvezama prijevoznika u odnosu na iseljenike i boljim uvjetima prijevoza putnika. Poznat je primjer jedrenjaka New England koji je isplovio 30. listopada 1853., a nakon osmotjedne plovidbe, od 465 ukrcanih putnika do New Orleansa je umrlo njih 108. 39 Ponajprije zbog nedostatka vode i hrane.

Pogled na sjevernonjema~ku luku Bremen, {ezdesetak kilometara udaljenu od nove luke Bremerhaven smje{tene bli`e u{}u rijeke Weser. Bremerhaven je najve}a kontinentalna iseljeni~ka luka iz koje u razdoblju od 1830-ih do 1930-ih odlazi u Ameriku pribli`no sedam i pol milijuna iseljenika. U drugoj polovici 19. stolje}a najve}i broj iseljenika pristi`e iz Rusije i Austro-Ugarske. (Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)

Iako je uz Bremerhaven vrlo razvijena i iseljeni~ka luka Hamburg, rani razvoj i statisti~ki podaci o prometu prije sredine 19. stolje}a govore koliko je Bremwerhaven sna`nija luka. Od 1841. do 1846. odatle je iselilo 115.000 iseljenika, a iz Hamburga istovremeno samo 11.000. O va`nosti Bremerhavena za masovno iseljavanje iz srednje Europe najo~itije govore podaci o ~ak 70% svih ameri~kih iseljenika koji se prije Prvoga svjetskog rata iz austrijskoga dijela Monarhije iseljava preko te luke i, manji dio, preko Hamburga, 20% ih odlazi preko Rotterdama i Antwerpena, a samo 10% preko svih drugih luka, 40 uklju~uju}i i doma}i Trst. U svakom slu~aju, prije Prvoga svjetskog rata Austrijanci, stanovnici Cislajtanije (zapadna polovica Carstva), ~ine vi{e od polovice svih iseljenika koji prolaze kroz Bremerhaven, a gotovo isklju~ivo odlaze u SAD.

A view of the north German port of Bremen, some 60 km from the new port of Bremerhaven, close to the estuary of the Weser river. Between the 1830’s and the 1930’s some seven and a half million emigrants sailed from Bremerhaven, the largest continental emigration port, to America. In the late 19th century most of the emigrants came from Russia and Austria-Hungary. (Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)

38 Podaci prema neobjavljenu tekstu Gerharda Dienesa, Landesmuseum Joanneum, Graz, i prema Deutsches Auswanderer Haus / German Emigration Centre, Das Buch zum Deutschen Auswandererhaus / The Book to the German Emigration Center (urednik Simone Eick), Edition DAH, Bremerhaven, 2006. 39 Podatak preuzet od Gerharda Dienesa (rukopis) koji citira Ingrid Schöberl, Auf dem Weg in die neue Welt. Auswanderer im 19. Jahrhundert, u: Journal für Geschichte 1/1984., str. 48. 40 Iako su podaci donekle nepouzdani, ipak pru`aju uvid u glavne smjerove emigracije od europske unutra{njosti do vode}ih luka.

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Rijeka, who had to pay not only the ship fare but also the cost of several days long journey to a distant harbor. In spite of the cost and inconvenience of the train trip and the ship passage across the English Channel, the English ports attracted many Austrian and Hungarian subjects. Travel agents proved to be very imaginative in tracing new ways to channel emigrants towards the New World. Although the price was the main factor in the selection of a port and a shipper, sometimes the selection of both was determined by unexpected circumstances. Thus, when a thousand supernumerary emigrants arrived to the port of Rijeka, Cunard, pursuant to the contract with the Hungarian Government, sent them on a chartered train to Antwerp, where they boarded a Cunard steamship for New York. Already after 1850 the competition between the ports and the shippers became fierce. As a result of that, prices were slashed and quality of service improved. Yet, the Mediterranean ports remained significantly more expensive, and the voyage to New York took two weeks, compared to one week from the Atlantic ports. In a highly competitive market, a travel agency’s and shipper’s good management and marketing skills played even bigger role in channeling of emigrants than the ticket price and the duration of passage. Although Hamburg and Bremen were much cheaper than Rijeka, some emigrants found it worthwhile to travel across the English 36 Channel to Liverpool to save nine dollars (25 compared to 34).

Misslerov reklamni nov~anik-suvenir s porukama na hrvatskom i, s druge strane, na slovenskom, pokazuje {irinu dometa bremenskog agenta i bankara koji “odprema putnike brzim parobrodima u Ameriku”. Missleru se pridaju najve}e zasluge za razvoj iseljeni~kog prometa preko Bremerhavena. (Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj)

Many young men opted for foreign ports by default, in an attempt to avoid military service, which lasted several years. Hence, other than Hamburg and Bremen, ports of choice were also Rotterdam, Antwerp, Le Havre, Southampton, Liverpool and 37 Genoa.

Missler’s wallet with messages in Croatian and Slovenian on the reverse sides. This promotional souvenir testifies to the large clientele of this travel agent and banker, based in Bremen, who “transported passengers by fast ships to America”. Missler is considered the main promoter of emigration traffic through Bremerhaven. (Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj)

Yet, the competition between the ports was only indirect. The direct competitors were the shippers and the travel agencies, whose businesses started flourishing after the liberalization of the markets. Around the 1850’s, quick internationalization of business practices was still an extraordinary phenomenon. Thus, large German and English shippers were permitted to transport large numbers of emigrants from foreign ports. Until World War I they were key players in the largest Mediterranean ports – Genoa, Naples, Trieste and Rijeka. Even Austro-Americana (Cosullich), the largest shipper in Trieste, was predominantly owned by German shippers. Business of a port always heavily depended on the plight of the largest shippers. Large transcontinental shippers: Norddeutscher Lloyd (Bremerhaven), Hamburg – Amerika Linie (Hamburg), Cunard Line (Liverpool), White Star Line (Liverpool), Holland – America Line (Rotterdam), Red Star Line (Anwterp), Compagnie Transatlantique General (Le Havre) all met in their New York offices to strike deals, but throughout the emigration wave they remained very closely tied to their home ports. Being much more complex and inert systems than individual shippers, the ports were more dependent on favors and subventions of the state and on the directions of the emigration flows. State subsidies and development of railway networks affected the ports’ prospects as much as the capacities of transoceanic shippers, the systems of consular and state services and the middlemen who operated them.

Bremerhaven Organized European overseas emigration started in Bremerhaven, a port at the estuary of the Weser River, some 60 km away from Bremen, and in Hamburg, at the estuary of the Elbe River, some 100 km from the North Sea. Due to the narrowness and shallowness of the Weser, the old trading town of Bremen could not accommodate large sailboats, let alone transoceanic ships. Hence, in 1830, when Bremerhaven was

36 Robert Perlman, Bridging Three Worlds: HungarianJewish Americans, 1848-1914, Univ. of Massachusetts Press, 1991, p. 124.

37 Nach Amerika, Eisenstadt. Although faulty, the graph showing the emigrants’ departures from major European ports, still clearly reflects their relative importance.

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Sudbinu luke uvelike je obiljeìo razvoj najve}ega doma}eg i jednog od najve}ih svjetskih putni~kih prijevoznika, kojemu je sjedi{te u Bremenu. Norddeutscher Lloyd osnovao je 1857. trgovac Hermann Heinrich Meier i stvorio prototip velikoga brodarskog poduze}a kakvih prije nije bilo. Va`na je i rano razvijena èljezni~ka veza koja je 1862. uspostavljena izme|u luke i {ezdesetak kilometara udaljenog “mati~noga grada” Bremena, te ubrzo spojena s ju`nim “iseljeni~kim” predjelima, kao i jake iseljeni~ke agencije poput Misslerove, koja je na vrhuncu mo}i potkraj stolje}a imala mreù od tisu}u agenata razasutih diljem srednje Europe, s ispostavama ~ak i na poprili~no udaljenom jugu, u Zagrebu i 41 Brodu na Savi (Slavonskom Brodu). Iako je u Bremenu ve} 1849. izgra|ena “iseljeni~ka ku}a”, Bremerhaven je, za razliku od Hamburga, uglavnom poznat po tome {to se iseljenici smje{taju u brojnim svrati{tima i {to tu nikad nije izgra|eno veliko prihvatili{te sa svim potrebnim sadràjima. Albert Ballin (1857.–1918.), najslavniji i dugogodi{nji direktor Hamburg-Amerika Linie, trinaesto je po redu dijete skromne hambur{ke ìdovske obitelji. Njegov je otac bio suvlasnik iseljeni~ke agencije, no rano umire (1874.) i teret tvrtke prepu{ta premladom Albertu. Mladi} posao ubrzo unapre|uje i ~ak osniva uspje{nu prekooceansku brodarsku tvrtku. Ballinove je sposobnosti zapazio HAPAG kojega je pretvorio u najve}ega svjetskog brodara. (Hamburg - Amerikanische - Packetfahrt Actien Gesellschaft Archiv) Albert Ballin (1857 – 1918), the most famous and the longest serving director of HamburgAmerika Linie, was the 13th child in a humble Jewish family from Hamburg. His father was a co-owner of an emigration travel agency. After his premature death (1874), the business was taken over by teenage Albert. The young man made fast progress at work and even founded a successful transoceanic shipping company. Ballin’s qualities were noticed by HAPAG, whom he built into the world’s largest shipper. (Hamburg - Amerikanische - Packetfahrt Actien Gesellschaft Archiv)

Bremerhaven je dugo bio najve}a iseljeni~ka kontinentalna luka ~iji je godi{nji promet daleko nadvisivao sve ostale luke, izuzev{i Liverpool. I u ukupnom zbiru od stotinu godina masovnoga iseljavanja, jedino Liverpool, najve}a europska iseljeni~ka luka, prednja~i s osam i pol milijuna ukrcanih emigranata, u odnosu na sedam i pol milijuna onih koji su isplovili iz Bremerhavena. Jedna od najpoznatijih agencija, F. Missler i J. Brugk iz Bremena, jo{ 1895. bez ikakvih skrupula dijeli letke s tekstom: “Kako sti}i do Bremerhavena bez ikakve putne 42 isprave.” Budu}i da u 19. stolje}u nema osobito ~vrste kontrole na granicama, lako ih je prije}i. A kada iseljenici stignu do polazne luke, ni lu~ke vlasti ni brodarski prijevoznici ne mare osobito za valjanost isprava, pogotovo stranih dr`avljana koji su vrlo ~esto bjegunci i ne ispunjavaju neke od obveznih kriterija za dobivanje dozvole za iseljavanje – naj~e{}e nisu odslu`ili vojsku!

Hamburg Prema jednom opisu iz 1839., Hamburg je bio “svjetski grad koji su sagradili trgovci”, a ~iju trgova~ku va`nost ne}e dosti}i ni jedan drugi pomorski grad na europskom 43 kontinentu. Iako je jo{ 1832. u Hamburgu zabranjena kolektivna emigracija, {to se pravdalo strahom od “potpuno osiroma{enih putnika koji bi mogli pasti na teret dr`avnoj socijalnoj skrbi”, veliki je trgova~ki i lu~ki grad ubrzo shvatio trgova~ku va`nost iseljeni~kog prometa i, po uzoru na Bremerhaven, organizirao iseljeni~ku luku. U drugoj polovici 19. stolje}a hambur{ka je luka bitno modernizirana izgradnjom novih pristani{ta i lu~kih postrojenja, s parnim dizalicama i kilometrima duga~kim skladi{tima. Iako i Hamburg, kao i Bremen, le`i na rijeci daleko od mora, nema nikakvih problema s plovno{}u.

41 U Zavi~ajnom muzeju u Ozlju sa~uvan je i Misslerov “suvenir” – nov~anik, s natpisom na hrvatskom i slovenskom, a u Muzeju grada Rijeke ud`benik engleskog jezika kojemu je na pole|ini reklama za Sjevernonjema~ki Lloyd (biv{i Missler). 42 Podaci preuzeti od Williama Klingera. 43 Osnovni podaci o iseljavanju iz Hamburga prema rukopisu Gerharda Dienesa, Landesmuseum Joanneum, Graz, te iz kataloga Hans-Herman Groppe/Ursula Wöst, Via Hamburg to the World, From the Emigrants’ Halls to BallinStadt, Ellert&Richter Verlag, 2007.

U odnosu na mali Weser, Laba (Elba) mnogo je ve}a i razvedenija rijeka, s brojnim rukavcima i pritokama (Alster i Billa), vi{e od stotinjak kilometara udaljena od u{}a u Sjevernom moru, dovoljno {iroka za ulazak i kretanje najve}ih prekooceanskih brodova s najdubljim gazom. No i u ovoj su luci neka pristani{ta imala problema s vodostajem i gazom velikih putni~kih brodova, pa je ukrcaj iseljenika preseljen bli`e u{}u, nadomak Brunnsbuttela, a oko 1900. i samo u{}e, u Cuxhafen.

68 I `eljezni~ke su veze omogu}avale pristizanje stotina tisu}a iseljenika iz srednje i

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built, it immediately became a major port of departure for emigrants bound for America. Yet, regular mail and passenger traffic to the USA commenced in 1847, with the docking of the Washington, a US riverboat. By 1854 Bremerhaven enjoyed the rep38 utation of the largest European emigration port. In spite of some horrific incidents caused by dismally poor conditions on the first sailing boats, the emigration did not slow up. They did, however, prompt closer inspection by port authorities in Bremerhaven and in Hamburg, which bound the shippers to higher standards in the transport of emigrants. One such incident was the two month long passage of the New England, starting on 30 October 1853. Out of 465 passengers bound for New Orleans, 108 died during the trip, 39 mostly due to shortage of food and water. Although quite prominent as a port of departure for emigrants, until mid 19th century, Hamburg could not compete with Bremerhaven. Thus, according to the statistics for the years 1841 to 1846, 115,000 emigrants sailed from Bremerhaven and only 11,000 from Hamburg. The importance of Bremerhaven for large scale emigration from Central Europe prior to WW I is born out by the fact that as many as 70 % of all Austrian emigrants to America sailed from that port (with marginal participation of Hamburg), 20 % from Rotterdam and Antwerp and only 10 % from other ports, including the Austrian 40 Trieste. In any case, before World War I, Austrians, inhabitants of Cisleithania (the western part of the Monarchy) amounted to more than half of all emigrants through Bremerhaven, and almost all went to the USA. The development of the port was predominantly determined by the growth of Norddeutscher Lloyd, the largest German and one of the world’s largest shipping companies, with the seat in Bremen. Norddeutscher Lloyd was founded in 1857 by merchant Herman Heinrich Meier, as the first large shipping company of that kind in the world.

Ukrcavanje na parobrod u hambur{koj luci, uz Bremerhaven, jednoj od najve}ih u Europi, preko koje je u Novi svijet iselilo vi{e milijuna iseljenika. Od kraja 19. stolje}a ovamo naj~e{}e pristi`u ruski @idovi i iseljenici iz srednje Europe, nerijetko i oni s jadranskoga juga. (Hamburg - Amerikanische - Packetfahrt Actien Gesellschaft Archiv) Passengers board a steamship in Hamburg, the second largest European port, after Bremerhaven. Several million emigrants immigrated to the New World from Hamburg. As of the 1900’s, Hamburg was the port of choice for Russian Jews and for emigrants from Central Europe, including quite a few from the Adriatic coast. (Hamburg - Amerikanische - Packetfahrt Actien Gesellschaft Archiv)

Another important factor was the construction of a 60 km railway link in 1862 between the port and Bremen, which was imminently connected with emigration regions in the south. Also instrumental were travel agencies, such as Missler, with as many as 1,000 agents throughout Central Europe, including quite distant southern 41 cities of Zagreb and Brod na Savi (Slavonski Brod) at its apogee around 1900. Although it built a dedicated emigrants’ hostel already in 1849, Bremerhaven, unlike Hamburg, never constructed a large emigrants’ refuge with all the necessary amenities, unlike Hamburg. For a long time Bremerhaven featured as the largest continental emigration port, surpassing all the others save for Liverpool. Over a hundred years of large scale emigration, Liverpool, the largest European emigration port, boarded 8.5 million emigrants, and Bremerhaven was second, with 7.5 million. Already in 1895, one of the best known agencies, F. Missler and J. Brugk, from Bremen, unflinchingly distributed fliers with the following text: “How to get to Bremerhaven 42 without any documents?” In the 19the century borders were easy to cross as the document control was loose. And once when emigrants got to the ports of departures, neither the port authorities nor the shippers paid much attention to the validity of their documents, especially because foreign nationals were often fugitives who did not meet some of the criteria for an emigration permit, often due to draft dodging!

38 Data from an unpublished text by Gerhard Dienes, Landesmuseum Joanneum, Graz, and from Deutsches Auswandered Haus/German Emigration Center, Das Buch zum Deutschen Auswanderhaus / The Book of the German Emigration Center (ed. by Simone Eick), Edition DAH, Bremerhaven, 2006. 39 Information carried from a manuscript by Gerhard Dienes, quoted by Ingrid Schoberl, Auf dem Weg in die neue Welt. Auswanderer in 19. Jahrhundert, in: Journal fur Geschichte 1/1984, p. 48. 40 Although not fully reliable, the data provide an insight into the main flows of emigrants from European hinterlands towards the main ports. 41 The Regional museum in Ozalj keeps a Missler souvenir – a wallet with the logo in Croatian and in Slovenian and the Museum of the City of Rijeka an English language textbook with an advertisement for the Norddeutsche Lloyd (former Missler) on the back cover.

Hamburg According to a description from 1839, Hamburg was “a cosmopolitan city that was built by merchants”, a city whose importance as a trading center would not be sur43 passed by any other in continental Europe”. Although Hamburg banned collective emigration already in 1832, due to a fear of “the cost for the social services if burdened with too many pauperized passengers”, the

42 Data carried over from William Klinger.

43 Basic data on emigration from Hamburg were taken from the manuscript by Gerhard Dienes, Landesmuseum Joanneum, Graz and from a catalogue by Hans-Herman Groppe/Ursula Wost, Via Hamburg to the World, From the Emigrants’ Halls to BallinStadt, Ellert&Richter Verlag, 2007.

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Vreva u velikoj hambur{koj luci. Do udaljenog pristani{ta i do prekooceanskog broda koji je plovio u Ameriku i katkad pristajao daleko od sredi{nje luke, blizu samoga u{}a rijeke Elbe, stizalo se, uz ostalo, i manjim brodovima. Po~etkom 20. stolje}a godi{nje se ovdje ukrca oko 115 tisu}a iseljenika. (Hamburg Staatsarchiv) Commotion at the large port of Hamburg. Passengers often sailed on small ships to the transoceanic steamers that docked far away from the main port facility, close to the Elba estuary. In the early 20th century, 115,000 emigrants boarded the ships every year. (Hamburg Staatsarchiv)

isto~ne Europe. Od osamdesetih godina 19. stolje}a do Hamburga se moè do}i preko dobro razgranate èljezni~ke mreè iz Be~a, Budimpe{te, Praga, Krakova, Lavova i drugih gradova. U godinama u kojima se biljeì vrhunac srednjoeuropske emigracije u Ameriku, Hamburg se po iseljeni~kom prometu podosta pribliàva Bremerhavenu. Po~etkom 20. stolje}a Hamburg je ~etvrta luka europskog kontinenta, koja s godi{njim prometom od prosje~no 115.000 iseljenika doseè vi{e od tri ~etvrtine prometa obli`njega Bremerhavena. Polovica hambur{kih iseljenika dolazi iz Habsbur{ke Monarhije, a unato~ Rijeci i Trstu, katkad ~ak pristiù i s krajnjega juga i jugoistoka Carstva, ne samo iz unutra{njosti Hrvatske, iz Vojvodine i Transilvanije, nego i iz Hrvatskog primorja i 44 Dalmacije. Kao {to je uspjeh Bremerhavena uvelike vezan uz Norddeutscher Lloyd, tako i ime Hamburga u europskim i ameri~kim lukama pronosi Hamburg-Amerikanische Paketfahrt Actien Gesellschaft (HAPAG), od 1893. pod nazivom Hamburg-Amerika Linie (Hamburg-America Line). Taj je brodar 1914. najve}e pomorsko parobrodarsko dru{tvo na svijetu s ukupno dvadeset tisu}a zaposlenih! Pokreta~em toga svjetskog uspjeha smatra se Albert Ballin, nazvan “carskim @idovom”. Jedna je od zapaènih i hvaljenih strana iseljeni~ke luke u Hamburgu smje{taj iseljenika. Isprva su iseljeni~ke barake, privremena prebivali{ta za oko 1400 ljudi, bile izgra|ene na Ameri~kom pristani{tu (Amerika-kay), no zbog tamo{njih je higijenskih uvjeta prosvjedovala Crkva i kritizirao ih tisak. Te su da{~are kvarile dobar glas hambur{ke iseljeni~ke luke, a ni prepuna preno}i{ta u gradu nisu nudila primjernu sliku. U skladu s Bremenskim odredbama, ve} je 1850. nastala Hambur{ka udruga za za{titu iseljenika, a sljede}e je godine otvoren iseljeni~ki ured sa zada}om “da se ljudima, koji uglavnom dolaze vlakom, pomogne pouzdanim informacijama.”

44 O iseljavanju, Narodna obrana, Osijek, (1. 10. 1903.). “Kako je hr|avo gospodarsko stanje vidi se po broju iseljenika iz Hrvatske, iz Zagreba u subotu nave~er je oti{lo preko Graza u Hamburg 117 iseljenika.”

[irenje katastrofalne epidemije kolere koja je 1892. pokosila ~ak deset tisu}a ljudi, pripisivalo se ruskim iseljenicima, mahom @idovima u bijegu pred pogromom. Zbog straha od sli~nih po{asti i gubitka va`nih prihoda ako se zaprije~i dotok stranih iseljenika iz rizi~nih podru~ja, daleko od sredi{ta grada, u Veddelu, osnovano je novo iseljeni~ko naselje s izravnom èljezni~kom vezom. Na tom je jedinstvenom i uzornom iseljeni~kom stjeci{tu, na prostoru veli~ine 60 tisu}a ~etvornih metara, izgra|eno trideset zgrada koje su mogle udomiti pet tisu}a iseljenika. Hamburg-Amerika Linie reklamirao je Veddel kao “najve}e svrati{te na svijetu”. Zahvaljuju}i vojnoj strogosti kojom se upravljalo naseljem, te izdvojenu poloàju i karanteni, novi su paviljoni bitno unaprijedili smje{taj iseljenika i smanjili mogu}nost od zaraze. Epidemiju se poku{avalo sprije~iti i stroìm zdravstvenim mjerama na

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large port and trading center soon realized the importance of the emigration traffic and organized an emigration port modeled on the one in Bremerhaven. In the second half of the 19th century, the port of Hamburg saw the construction of modern docks and port facilities, with steam cranes and several kilometers long storage facilities. Although Hamburg, like Bremen, straddled a river, kilometers away from the coast, it never had a problem with navigability. Unlike the small Weser, the Elbe was much bigger and indented, with many channels and tributaries (the Alster and the Billa). A few hundred kilometers from its estuary on the North Sea coast, the river was broad and deep enough to accommodate the largest transoceanic ships. Yet, due to variations in tide levels, some piers could not service large passenger ships. Hence, the boarding of emigrants was moved closer to the estuary, near Brunnsbuttel, and around 1900 to Cuxhafen, at the estuary. Thanks to the development of railway networks, hundreds of thousands of emigrants started arriving from Central and Eastern Europe. As of the 1880’s, Hamburg was linked to an extensive railway network, connecting it with Vienna, Budapest, Prague, Krakow, Lvov and other cities. During the peak years of emigration from Central Europe to America, the emigration traffic in Hamburg reached almost the levels of Bremerhaven. Around 1900, Hamburg was the fourth port in continental Europe, with the annual turnover of 115,000 passengers, just a quarter below the turnover of nearby Bremerhaven. Rijeka and Trieste notwithstanding, half of all emigrants from Hamburg came from the Habsburg Monarchy, some of them from the far south and southeast, i.e. not only from central Croatia, Vojvodina and Transylvania, but also from the Hrvatsko 44 Primorje region and Dalmatia.

Prizori iz Ballinstadta, nazvanog po svome tvorcu, HAPAG-ovu direktoru Albertu Ballinu. Ovo ogledno naselje smje{teno je u udaljenom hambur{kom predjelu Veddel do kojega se izravno sti`e vlakom. Ure|eno je u obliku niza paviljona za smje{taj ~ak pet tisu}a iseljenika. Uz spavaonice i blagovaonice, imalo je i du}ane i sinagogu, zbog velikog broja @idova koji ovamo najvi{e sti`u iz Rusije. (Hamburg Staatsarchiv)

Just like the success of Bremerhaven largely depended on Norddeutscher Lloyd, the fame of Hamburg was spread around European and American ports by HamburgAmerikanische Paketfahrt Actien Gesellschaft (HAPAG), which changed name in 1893 to Hamburg-Amerika Linie (Hamburg-America Line). In 1914 it was the world’s the biggest shipper, with the labor force of 20,000 people! A person credited for the company’s global success was Albert Ballin, “the royal Jew”.

Scenes from Ballinstadt, called after its founder, director of HAPAG Albert Ballin. This exemplary accommodation facility, located in Vedell, the far-flung suburb of Hamburg, was served by a direct Train line. Consisting of a number of pavilions, it accommodated 5,000 emigrants. Other than dormitories and dining halls, it featured shops and a synagogue, due to a large number of Jews who arrived there mostly from Russia. (Hamburg Staatsarchiv)

One of the most coveted and praised facets of the emigration port in Hamburg were its facilities for the accommodation of emigrants. First built were sheds, with the capacity of approx. 1,400 persons, at the America Key. Yet, poor sanitary conditions provoked criticism by the Church and the press. The wooden sheds gave bad name to the Hamburg emigration port and the overcrowded hostels in town were equally inappropriate. Based on the Bremen model, in 1850 Hamburg established an association for the protection of emigrants, and the next year an emigrants’ office meant to “provide the people, most of whom are arriving by train, with reliable information”. In 1892, when a catastrophic cholera epidemic killed as many as ten thousand people, it was blamed on Russian emigrants, mostly Jews, who had fled there in front of the pogroms. Out of fear of such scourges and possible loss of income if they cut short inflow of emigrants from different regions, an emigrants’ village was built in Veddel, a far flung neighborhood, and linked with downtown Hamburg with a railway. The unique and exemplary emigrants’ reception center, with the surface area of over 60,000 m2, comprised 30 buildings with the total capacity of 5,000 emigrants. Hamburg-Amerika Linie advertised Veddel as “the biggest inn in the world”. Thanks to the fact that the center was run with military discipline, that it was far away from residential areas and had a quarantine hospital, the living standards in the new pavilions were good and the risk of infections reduced. Epidemics were also curbed by tighter sanitary control at the German border crossings and at the Ruhleben train station in Berlin. This also saved trouble to the shippers, who no longer had to worry that they would have to ship passengers back to Europe free of charge, after they were turned back by the US authorities.

44 On Emigration, Narodna obrana , Osijek (1 October 1903).

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njema~kim grani~nim prijelazima te na `eljezni~koj stanici Ruhleben u Berlinu. Time su se ujedno brodovlasnici li{avali brige o onima kojima bi mogao biti odbijen ulazak u SAD te bi im bili obvezni o svom tro{ku osigurati povratak. Kada je iseljeni~ko naselje u Veddelu po~elo s radom, svaki je putnik za dvije marke dobio krevet s madracem, plahtom i pokriva~em, a dvoje bi djece dobilo jedan zajedni~ki krevet. Za doru~ak se dobivao ~aj ili kava sa {e}erom i mlijekom te bijeli kruh, za ru~ak juha s mesom i povr}em, a za ve~eru isto {to i za doru~ak. Imu}niji su iseljenici mogli i stanovati u naselju, ali u zasebnim sobama u hotelima Sjever i Jug, za {to su pla}ali 3 marke i 25 pfeniga na dan. Kako su ve}inu iseljenika ~inili @idovi, sagra|ena je i sinagoga, a nu|ena su i jela u skladu s vjerskim propisima. Lije~ni~ki pregledi, koje su slu`bena izvje{}a hvalila kao napredna i moderna, izazivali su u iseljenika negodovanje. Jedna je od naj~e{}ih zaraza bio trahom, o~na bolest koje su se svi pribojavali jer je i sama sumnja da su zara`eni bila dovoljna da im se uskrati put u Ameriku. Iako su isprva dvorane-paviljoni Veddela bile prije svega namijenjene iseljenicima iz podru~ja u kojima su harale zaraze, na kraju su svi emigranti stanovali u Ballinovu gradu u kojem, ma koliko im bilo neugodno, obi~no nisu provodili vi{e od pet dana.

Iseljeni~ka ku}a u Rotterdamu, koju je za smje{taj svojih putnika izgradila kompanija Holland-Amerika Line. Kratica naziva brodara, NASM, izvedena iz nizozemskog naziva tvrtke, ponosno je istaknuta na krovu zgrade. I drugdje su iseljeni~ke ku}e, katkad nazivane i “hoteli”, uglavnom u posjedu i na brizi brodarskih kompanija. (Donaushwabisches Zentralmuseum Ulm)

Iz Hamburga kao i iz Bremerhavena, s kojim su usporedbe uvijek neizbje`ne, milijuni su iseljenika isplovljavali u Novi svijet. Me|u onima koji su napu{tali domovinu, najvi{e ih je bilo upravo iz srca Europe.

An emigrants’ hostel in Rotterdam, built by Holland-Amerika Line for accommodation of its passengers. Displayed proudly on the roof of the building was acronym NASM, denoting the name of the shipper in Dutch. Most of the emigrants’ hostels, sometimes named “hotels”, in other ports were also owned and ran by shipping companies. (Donaushwabisches Zentralmuseum Ulm)

Rotterdam Bitan se preokret u povijesti Rotterdama dogodio 1873. kada je prokopavanjem novoga kanala (Nieuwe Waterweg) delta rijeke Nieuwe Maas (pritoka Rajne) izravno i bez ustava povezana s morem te je izgra|ena prava europska luka. Iste je godine zapo~ela i povijest putni~kog prijevoza u Ameriku vezana uz osnutak kompanije Holland-Amerika Linea (nazavana Nederlandsch-Amerikaansche Stoomvaart Maatschappij – NASM). Rotterdam je mati~na luka kompanije. Preokret koji osamdesetih godina 19. stolje}a donosi kona~an prijelaz s jedrenjaka na paru, skra}uje putovanje iz Rotterdama s dva mjeseca na jedanaest dana i pridonosi velikom pove}anju prometa. Vrhunac europske emigracije ujedno je i vrhunac putni~kog prometa Rotterdama i kompanije Holland-Amerika Line. U vezi s pove}anim prometom, pobolj{avao se i prihvat iseljenika koji su smje{tani u posebne hotele-preno}i{ta {to su ih za svoje putnike izgradila parobrodarska dru{tva.

Pogled na luku Rotterdam, jednu od najve}ih luka u Europi, potvr|uje njezinu va`nost. Osobito se razvija od 1870-ih, otkad je plovnim kanalima pribli`ena otvorenome moru i istovremeno priklju~ena na vodene putove koji je spajaju s pokrajinama u unutra{njosti. (Southampton City Heritage Services) This photo clearly demonstrates the importance of the port of Rotterdam, one of the largest European ports. The port developed particularly fast after the 1870’s, when it was connected with navigable canals to the open sea and the water routes in European hinterlands. (Southampton City Heritage Services)

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At the Vedell emigration village, emigrants were accommodated at the cost of 2 DM per day. For that price they got a bed with a mattress, a sheet and a blanket. Two children shared one bed. Breakfast consisted of tea or coffee, with sugar, milk and white bread, lunch of meat and vegetable soup. Dinner was the same as breakfast. Better off emigrants could rent a room at the North and South hotels in the village, at the price of 3 DM and 25 pfennig per day. Considering that most of the emigrants were Jewish, the village featured a synagogue and kosher food. The emigrants protested against medical-checkups, which the contemporary reports described as advanced and modern. One of the most common infections was trachoma, an eye disease, feared by most emigrants, as even suspicion of was enough for a ban on the trip to America. Even though the pavilions were originally meant primarily for the emigrants from infected regions, soon the Ballin City was used by all emigrants indiscriminately, whose unease at using it was mitigated by the fact that few of them had to stay there for more than five days. Millions of emigrants set sail for the New World from Hamburg and its arch competitor Bremerhaven. And most of those who left their homeland through those ports came from the heart of Europe.

Uspjeh luke Rotterdam, kao i razvoj drugih velikih luka, ~vrsto je povezan s poslovanjem velikoga doma}eg brodara. Holland-America Line jedna je od najve}ih europskih kompanija. (Donaushwabisches Zentralmuseum Ulm)

Rotterdam

The growth of the port of Rotterdam, and many other major ports, was closely linked to the growth of the main local shipping companies. One of the largest European shippers was Holland-America Line. (Donaushwabisches Zentralmuseum Ulm)

The construction of a canal (Niuwe Waterweg) in 1873, connecting the estuary of the Nieuwe Mass River (tributary of the Rein) with the city, directly and without locks was a turning point in the history of Rotterdam. A major European port was built at the estuary. The same year witnessed the commencement of passenger traffic to America, with the founding of Holland-Amerika Line (whose full name was Nederlandsch-Amerikaansche Stoomvaart Maatschappij – NASM), whose home port was Rotterdam. Thanks to the transition from the sailing boat to the steamship in the 1880’s, the passage time from Rotterdam was slashed from two months to 11 days and traffic boomed. The peak years of European emigration coincided with the peak years of the Rotterdam port and the Holland-Amerika Line Company. Concurrently with the boost in traffic, reception of emigrants improved with the construction of specialized hostels-inns by the shippers. Between 1908 and 1913, the average number of emigrants going to America from 45 Rotterdam was 47,229. Other that sporadic Germans, most emigrants came from Russia, Central and Eastern Europe. Jewish emigration was prompted by massive pogroms in Russia. Yet, also arriving were thousands of emigrants from Central

Rotterdam. I do ove luke ~esto sti`u iseljenici iz udaljenih jugoisto~nih krajeva – Hrvatske, Dalmacije, Banata. (Southampton City Heritage Services) Rotterdam. The port was used by many emigrants from far away regions of south east Europe, such as Croatia, Dalmatia and Banat. (Southampton City Heritage Services)

45 Francesco Fait, Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte, Trieste.

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U razdoblju od 1908. do 1913. iz Rotterdam u Ameriku odlazi godi{nje prosje~no 45 47.229 iseljenika. Uz pone{to Nizozemaca, najvi{e je iseljenika iz Rusije te srednje i isto~ne Europe. Veliki pogromi u Rusiji dovodili su ovamo brojne @idove. No dolaze i tisu}e srednjoeuropskih iseljenika, i to ne samo iz obli`njih krajeva, nego i iz dalekih isto~nih predjela. Dolaze i banatski Nijemci i drugi “podunavski [vabe”. Me|u najslavnijima je obitelj Weissmüller iz Szabadfalua (danas Freidorf, ~etvrt u Temi{varu, Rumunjska) koja je tako|er emigrirala preko Rotterdama. Jedan je od pokazatelja nacionalnog sastava roterdamskih putnika u Ameriku i lista putnika ukrcanih na brod Volturno, u vlasni{tvu kanadskog brodara Uranium Steamship Company (biv{i Northwest Transport Line), koji odràva liniju iz Rotterdama u Kanadu i SAD. Brod je 2. listopada 1913. isplovio iz Rotterdama i prema voznom redu trebao je najprije uploviti u Halifax (Nova Scotia u Kanadi), odakle je drugoga dana trebao krenuti u New York. No Volturna je nasred oceana zahvatio poàr. U brodolomu je stradalo vi{e 46 od 130 putnika, a ostale je spasio iseljeni~ki brod koji se zatekao u blizini. Od 540 ukrcanih iseljenika, tre}ina je bila iz Austro-Ugarske: stotinjak Hrvata, a ostali su bili Poljaci, Slovaci, Rusini i drugi. Iako najva`nija, Rotterdam ipak nije jedina nizozemska iseljeni~ka luka. Amsterdam je velika luka na u{}u rijeke Amstel u zaklonjeni zaljev Ij. Iako je Amsterdam stari trgova~ki grad, svojedobno sjedi{te velikih kolonijalnih kompanija, va`nost je njegove luke bitno porasla po~etkom 19. stolje}a, kada je otvoren sjevernonizozemski kanal, te 1876. kada je otvoren sjevernomorski kanal. Amsterdam ne dosiè opseg iseljeni~kog prometa Rotterdama, no ima va`nost kao prolazna luka u koju na putu preko oceana pristaju njema~ki brodari. Nije zanemariva ni ~injenica da su, nakon Bremerhavena i Hamburga, Rotterdam i Antwerpen primili i ispratili u Ameriku najvi{e austrougarskih iseljenika; obje luke 47 ukupno 653.613 Poljaka, Hrvata, Slovaka, Rusina i drugih.

Antwerpen Po~etkom 20. stolje}a iz Antwerpena u Ameriku godi{nje odlazi pribli`no 70 tisu}a putnika. Pruga koja luku izravno povezuje s Kölnom, omogu}ila je velik dotok iseljenika iz glavnih emigrantskih krajeva srednje i isto~ne Europe. (Southampton City Heritage Services)

Luka Antwerpen postaje sve va`nija za emigrantski promet po~etkom ~etrdesetih godina 19. stolje}a, kada su Belgijanci poslali svoga stru~njaka da prou~i poslovanje 48 ve} velike emigrantske luke Bremerhaven. Po~etkom 20. stolje}a Antwerpen se ubraja me|u nekoliko najve}ih europskih ise49 ljeni~kih luka s godi{njim prosjekom od 69.697 emigranata.

In the early 1900’s, around 70,000 passengers traveled from Antwerp to America annually. Thanks to a railway connection with Cologne, Antwerp absorbed a large flow of emigrants from emigration areas of Central and Eastern Europe. (Southampton City Heritage Services)

45 Francesco Fait, Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte, Trieste. 46 Volturno Ship Disaster – October 1913., Submitted by Henning Pfeifer. Objavljena lista putnika – Manifest omogu}uje uvid u nacionalni sastav i dr`avljanstvo putnika. 47 Nach Amerika, Burgenländische Landesaustellung, Burg Güssing, 25. April – 26. Oktober 1992., str. 81. 48 Na osnovi neobjavljenog teksta Williama Klingera, Gradisca d Isonzo 2008. 49 Francesco Fait, Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte, Trst (neobjavljen rad) – G. Russo, Emigrazione transoceanica e trasporti marittimi dal porto di Trieste, u: Bollettino dell emigrazione, br. 2, 1919., str. 4.

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Europe, including the most distant regions. Some of them were ethnic Germans from the Banat region, and other Danube Germans from Schwaben. One of the best known such families were the Weissmuellers from Szasbadfalu (presently Freidorf, a quarter in Timisoara, Romania) which also emigrated from Rotterdam. One of the indicators of ethnic background of passengers who sailed from Rotterdam to America is the list of passengers aboard the Volturno, owned by the Canadian shipper Uranium Steamship Company (former Northwest Transport Line), which operated services from Rotterdam to Canada and the USA. On 2 October 1913 the ship sailed out from Rotterdam. According to the timetable, the first port of call was Halifax (Nova Scotia in Canada). On the following day it was due to continue towards New York. Yet, in the middle of the ocean the Volturno caught fire. More than 130 passengers died in the shipwreck, and the others were rescued by an emigrants’ ship which 46 happened to be nearby. Out of 540 passengers on board, one third was from Austria-Hungary. Around 100 were Croats, and the others Poles, Slovaks, Ruthenians and others. Although the most important one, Rotterdam was not the only emigration port in Holland. Amsterdam was a major port at the estuary of the Amstel River in the quiet Ij bay. Although Amsterdam was an old trading center, formerly the seat of major colonial companies, the importance of its port rose sharply in the early 19th century with the opening of the North Dutch canal and in 1876 with the opening of the North Sea Canal. Yet, although important as a port of call on transoceanic routes operated by the German shippers, Amsterdam never reached the volume of emigrants’ traffic commanded by Rotterdam. Here it should also be noted that after Bremerhaven and Hamburg, Rotterdam and Antwerp were the main ports of departure for Austro-Hungarian emigrants: a total of 47 653,613 Poles, Croats, Slovaks, Ruthenians and others.

Antwerp The importance of Antwerp as an emigration port started growing in the 1840’s, when the Belgians sent its expert to study the operation of the already large emigration port 48 of Bremerhaven. Around 1900 Antwerp was one of the top European emigration ports, with the annu49 al turnover of 69,697 passengers. Unlike many other governments, which attempted to stifle emigration, the Belgians realized the importance of emigration business at times when manufacturing was slow and agriculture affected by draughts. With that in mind, the Belgians constructU Antwerpenu, uz najve}eg doma}eg prijevoznika Red Star Linea, na putu u Ameriku pristaju i njema~ki i engleski brodari. (Southampton City Heritage Services) Other than by Red Star Line, the largest local shipper, the port of Antwerp was serviced by German and English shippers. (Southampton City Heritage Services)

46 Volturno Ship Disaster – October 1913, submitted by Henning Pfeier. Ethnic backgrounds and nationalities of passengers are evident from the published list of passengers – the manifest. 47 Nach Amerika, Burgenlandische Landesaustellung, Burg Gussing, 25 April – 26 October 1992, p. 81. 48 Taken from an unpublished text by William Klinger, Gradisca d Isonzo.

49 Francesco Fait, Musei Civici di Storia ed Arte, quoted in an unpublished work by G. Russo, Emigrazione transoceanica e trasporti marittimi dal porto di Trieste, in: Bolletino dell emigrazione, no. 2, 1919, p. 4.

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U odnosu na vi{e drugih zemalja ~ije vlade obuzdavaju emigraciju, Belgijanci shva}aju koliko je ova vrsta prometa unosna i korisna u vrijeme gospodarskih pote{ko}a u proizvodnji i su{nih godina u poljoprivredi. Zato grade i direktnu prugu za Köln, poti~u}i pove}anje njema~ke emigracije koja je dugo najzastupljenija. No nakon vrlo razvijenog prometa, u vrijeme zalaza jedrenjaka, Antwerpen posustaje i emigrantski promet sa SAD-om pada na svega 1% od svih uplovljavanja u ameri~ke luke (1858.–1865.). [tetne odjeke ima i slu~aj rije~kog jedrenjaka Giuseppe Bakarcich u najmu kod belgijskog prijevoznika Adolphea Straussa. Ljeti 1867. brod sti`e u New York s osamnaest le{eva! Nesre}u je prouzro~ilo vi{e uzroka, ponajprije nemar te zaga|ena i nepitka voda, nato~ena u spremi{te u kojemu je prethodno smje{tena nafta. Me|unarodni skandal i te{ke restrikcije produ`uju agoniju Antwerpena.

Nacionalni sastav ukrcanih putnika za Ameriku, u Antwerpenu pokazuje sliku tamo{njih iseljenika (1903.). Vi{e od tre}ine su ruski dr`avljani (uglavnom @idovi), malo je manje od tre}ine ugarskih podanika – Ma|ara, Hrvata, Slovaka, podosta je “Austrijanaca” – Poljaka i drugih, a najmanje svih ostalih nacija. (Southampton City Heritage Services)

Prekretnicu poti~u novi zakoni i uvo|enje pruge ameri~kog prijevoznika Red Star Linea, koji osniva i belgijsku podru`nicu i od 1873. odràva liniju s Philadelphijom. Antwerpen je od 1876. izravno povezan i s New Yorkom. Od 1902. do 1904. linija se odvija s pristajanjem u Southamptonu, a od 1904. do 1914. umjesto u Southamptonu parobrod pristaje u Doveru. Pokazatelj kretanja putnika po nacijama slu`beno je izvje{}e za 1903. godinu kada je u razna odredi{ta, a najvi{e u Sjevernu Ameriku, stizalo najvi{e Rusa (zapravo ruskih @idova, 19.448), potom ìtelja Ugarske (uz Ma|are, tu su i Hrvati i Slovaci i ostali, ukupno 18.115), Austrijanaca (austrijski Nijemci, Poljaci, êsi, Slovenci i ostali). Sve ostale nacije dosiù jedva tre}inu ukupnog prometa – najvi{e Nijemci (sa sjevera), Belgijanci, Talijani i Englezi.

Ethnic breakdown of passengers that boarded ships for America in Anwterp in 1903. More than a third were Russian citizens (mostly Jews), slightly less than a third were Hungarian subjects – Hungarians, Croats, Slovaks. There were quite a few Austrians, i.e. Poles and others, and small contingents of other nationalities. (Southampton City Heritage Services)

Antwerpen je mati~na luka Red Star Linea i usputna, “prolazna” luka njema~kih i engleskih brodara. Zato je to, na neki na~in, “pomo}na” rije~ka luka. Kada Cunard Line ve} krajem 1904. ima gu`vu u Rijeci i katkad ne mo`e ukrcati gotovo polovicu pristiglih emigranata, tada u skladu s ugovornom obvezom stotine i tisu}e prekobrojnih iz Rijeke vlakovima {alje na ukrcaj u svoj brod koji polazi iz Antwerpena. Posebni, interventni vlakovi prevoze tisu}e emigranata i ukrcavaju ih na brod za New York. Sveukupno su od 1843. do 1905. iz Antwerpena u Ameriku otputovala 1.086.153 emigranta iz ~itave Europe, a do rata je ukupan promet dosegao jo{ ve}i broj. Vi{e od 600.000 iseljenika iz srednje Europe putuje na prijelomu stolje}a u Novi svijet iz 50 Antwerpena i Rotterdama. Vi{e nego iz doma}ih luka, Rijeke i Trsta. S iseljeni~kog su gledi{ta te luke po va`nosti odmah iza Bremerhavena i Hamburga.

Le Havre Le Havre je me|u vode}im europskim kontinentalnim lukama; po~etkom stolje}a, u 51 razdoblju od 1908. do 1913., dosi`e prosjek od 73.752 iseljenika godi{nje. 52

Najmanje 89.335 iseljenika iz srednje Europe iselilo je preko Le Havrea. U Le Havre se upu}uju brojni iseljenici koji prelaze {vicarsku i talijansku granicu kod Buchsa (Basela) i Udina, a to su ~esto Poljaci, Slovaci, Hrvati i Slovenci. [vicarske agencije ~esto hrvatske (Zotti), slovenske (Bihel) i druge emigrante vode u razne atlantske luke, no Le Havre je uvijek me|u vode}ima. 50 Nach Amerika, Burgenländische Landesaustellung, Burg Güssing,, 25. April – 26. Oktober 1992., str. 81. 51 Francesco Fait, Musei Civici di Storia ed Arte, Trst, u neobjavljenom radu citira – G. Russo, Emigrazione transoceanica e trasporti marittimi dal porto di Trieste, u: Bollettino dell emigrazione, br. 2, 1919., str. 4. 52 Nach Amerika, Burgenländische Landesaustellung, Burg Güssing, 25 April - 26 Oktober 1992., str. 81.

^ak su i talijanske agencije u Udinama, s druge strane austrougarske granice, brojnim “prebjezima” iz susjedne Monarhije, kao i Talijanima, uz putovanje preko Genove, nudile i odlazak u Ameriku preko Le Havrea. Velik broj iseljenika iz rije~ke okolice i Hrvatskog primorja od po~etka 20. stolje}a putuje vlakom iz Rijeke preko Ljubljane, Innsbrucka, Buchsa, Basela, Pariza – u Le Havre ili Cherbourg.

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ed a direct railway link to Cologne, in order to further boost the dominant German emigration. Yet, after a period of very dynamic traffic, with the demise of the sailing boat, Antwerp started legging behind and its share in emigration traffic with the USA dropped to only 1 % (1858-1865). The business was further affected by an incident on the Rijeka sailing boat Giuseppe Bakarcich, chartered by the Belgian shipper Adolphe Strauss. In the summer of 1867 the ship arrived to New York with 18 cadavers on board. The incident had several causes, primarily polluted water, from a tank that had previously contained oil. An ensuing international scandal and severe restrictions aggravated Antwerp’s agony. Tides changed with the passing of new legislation and introduction of a new service in 1873 between Antwerp and Philadelphia by the American shipper Red Star Line, which opened an outlet in Belgium. From 1876 Antwerp had a non-stop service for New York. From 1902 until 1904 the ships called at Southampton and from 1904 until 1914 at Dover. An indication of the ethnic background of the passengers is an annual report for 1903, when the largest number of passangers to different destinations, especially to North America, was Russian (actually Russian Jews, 19,448), followed by the inhabitants of Hungary (ethnic Hungarians, but also Croats, Slovaks and other, 18,115 in total), and Austrians (Austrian Germans, Poles, Checks, Slovenians and others). All other ethnic groups accounted to only one third of the total traffic – primarily Germans (Northern), Belgians, Italians and the English.

Cunard u Antwerpen vlakovima dovozi prekobrojne putnike iz Rijeke i ukrcava ih na svoj parobrod za Ameriku. Na to ga sili ugovor s ugarskom vladom, prema kojem je du`an zbrinuti prekobrojne putnike po cijeni koja s tro{kovima `eljezni~kog prijevoza i smje{taja ne smije prelaziti cijenu karte od Rijeke do New Yorka. (Southampton City Heritage Services)

Antwerp was the home port of Red Star Line and a port of call for the German and the English shippers. Thus, it was also a port of call for the ships sailing from Rijeka. In late 1904, when Cunard Line was inundated and could not board half of the emigrants arriving to Rijeka, it honored its contractual obligation by diverting thousands of supernumeraries to its service in Antwerp. Thus, chartered trains transported thousands to the ships that took them to New York.

Cunard brought in Antwerp supernumerary passengers by train from Rijeka, for boarding on its steamships bound for America. Pursuant to a contract with the Hungarian government, the shipper had to provide for accommodation, train transport and passage from alternative ports of all supernumerary passengers at the price of a Rijeka-New York fare. (Southampton City Heritage Services)

Between 1843 and 1905 a total of 1,086,153 emigrants set out for America from Antwerp, with more emigrants leaving between 1905 and the War. At the turn of the centuries more than 600,000 emigrants sailed from Antwerp and Rotterdam to the 50 New World. That was more than the number of passengers from the domestic ports of Rijeka and Trieste. In the context of emigration from Austria-Hungary, Antwerp and Rotterdam came immediately after Bremerhaven and Hamburg.

Le Havre Le Havre was one of the leading ports in Continental Europe; between 1908 and 1913 51 its annual average was 73,752 emigrants. A total number of Central European emi52 grations through Le Havre was no fewer than 89,335 persons. Le Havre was the port of choice for the emigrants who crossed the Swiss and Italian borders at Buchs (Basel) and Udine, including many Poles, Slovaks, Croats and Slovenians. Swiss travel agencies, as well as many Croatian (Zotti) and Slovenian (Bihel), sent emigrants to different Atlantic pots, and Le Havre was one of the most popular. Even the Italian travel agencies in Udine, across the Austro-Hungarian border, offered numerous “fugitives” from the nearby Monarchy, as well as Italian citizens other than passages from Genoa, passage to America from Le Havre. As early as the 1900, many emigrants form the region of Rijeka and Hrvatsko Primorje traveled by train from Rijeka to Le Havre or Cherbourg, via Ljubljana, Innsburck, Buchs, Basel and Paris. Some of them travelled even further, across the English Channel to Southampton.

50 Nach Amerika, Burgenlandische Landesaustellung, Burg Gussing, 25 April – 26 October 1992, p. 81. 51 Francesco Fait, Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte, quotes the an unpublished work by G. Russo, Emigrazione transoceanica e trasporti marittimi dal porto di Trieste, in: Bolletino dell emigrazione, no. 2, 1919, p. 4.

52 Nach Amerika, Burgenlandische Landesaustellung, Burg Gussing, 25 April – 26 October 1992, p. 81.

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Za razvoj Le Havrea va`no je osnivanje vode}ega francuskog brodara Compagnie Général Transatlantiquea (French Line, 1854.), koji ima monopol na prekomorski putni~ki promet iz vode}e francuske luke. Prema godi{njem prometu od preko 70 tisu}a prekomorskih putnika, ubraja se u vode}e europske luke, a ovamo redovito pristi`u deseci tisu}a iseljenika iz Slovenije i Hrvatske, naro~ito iz Hrvatskog primorja. ((In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana; desno: Southampton City Heritage Services) The development of Le Havre hinged on the founding of Compagnie General Transatlantique (French Line, 1854), which had a monopoly on transoceanic transport from that largest French port. With the annual traffic of over 70,000 transoceanic passengers, Le Havre was one of the top European ports, where tens of thousands of emigrants from Slovenia and Croatia, especially from the Hrvatsko primorje region, arrived every year. ((In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana; on the right: Southampton City Heritage Services)

Neki nastavljaju i dalje, preko Kanala – u Southampton. Le Havre je smje{ten na u{}u rijeke Seine, nasred La Manchea, na mjestu gdje je u 16. stolje}u osnovano malo ribarsko naselje. Krajem 18. i po~etkom 19. stolje}a izgra|eni 53 su na tomu mjestu novi lu~ki bazeni i po~ela se razvijati velika luka. Tome je osobito pridonijela uspostava trgova~kih i prometnih veza sa Sjedinjenim Ameri~kim Dràvama te èljezni~ka pruga koja je sredinom stolje}a povezala Le Havre s Parizom. Bitno je za razvoj luke bilo i osnivanje Compagnie Générale Maritime (1854.) koja je 1861. preimenovana u Compagnie Générale Transatlantique. Kompanija je s dràvom potpisala ugovor na dvadeset godina, kojim se obvezala da }e odràvati redovitu parobrodarsku liniju izme|u Le Havrea i New Yorka, za koju }e zauzvrat primati godi{nje dràvne subvencije. Prvi je parobrod u Ameriku isplovio 1864. godine. Do po~etka 20. stolje}a Kompanija je ve} dràla oko desetinu cjelokupnog europskoga putni~kog prometa s Amerikom. Vode}i francuski brodar imao je monopol u Le Havru gdje je bio jedini prekooceanski putni~ki prijevoznik. Nesumnjive su prednosti Le Havrea u odnosu na brojne druge luke – pogodnost èljezni~kog puta iz sjeverne Italije, Austrije, Slovenije i Hrvatske, kratko}a plovidbe preko Atlantika i mogu}nost da se za tjedan dana stigne u New York. Zato su i cijene niè od cijena iz udaljenijih luka, {to omogu}uje Compagnie Général Transatlantique (nazivana i French Line) i njihovim agentima velik priljev srednjoeuropskih iseljenika. Preko Le Havrea su naro~ito ~esto iseljavali ju`njaci iz Habsbur{ke Monarhije, oni podosta udaljeni od velikih sjevernonjema~kih luka. Le Havre i donekle Cherbourg, druga velika francuska atlantska luka, privukli su 54 mo`da i polovicu svih iseljenika iz Hrvatskog primorja. Mimo volje ugarskih vlasti i Cunard Linea, monopolisti~kog prijevoznika izme|u Rijeke i New Yorka, rije~ke i strane agencije ugarske emigrante (a me|u njima najvi{e Hrvate) redovito vlakovima odvoze iz Rijeke do francuskih luka, ~e{}e u Le Havre, ali i u Cherbourg i Boulogne-sur-Mer, nekad slavni srednjovjekovni grad u Kanalu, 55 nasuprot Doveru i u blizini Calaisa kojemu je “pomo}na” luka.

53 Podatke prikupila Jelena Dunato, Muzej grada Rijeke.

Cherbourg

54 Radovan Tadej, In Search of the Lost People of Zlobin, Zlobin, 2006., str. 128. Nedovoljan, ali ipak zanimljiv primjer malog sela Zlobin pokazuje preko kojih su luka iseljavali Zlobinjari. Odnos me|u lukama prili~no je neo~ekivan. Preko Cherbourga i Le Havrea otputovalo je vi{e od 55% svih ovda{njih iseljenika.

I Cherbourg je francuska luka smje{tena u La Mancheu, stotinjak kilometara zapadno od Le Havrea. Iako postoji jo{ od 13. stolje}a, ubrzan razvoj do`ivljava krajem 18. i 56 po~etkom 19. stolje}a, kada je osnovana trgova~ka luka i izgra|en velik lu~ki nasip.

55 U Boulognu se tako u lipnju 1912. na brod Potsdam kompanije Holland-America Line, ukrcao pove}i broj Hrvata, Slovenaca i Slovaka, koji su u New York stigli 3. srpnja. 56 Podatke prikupila Jelena Dunato, Muzej grada Rijeke.

U doba najve}e europske migracije u Ameriku, Cherbourg je postao va`na iseljeni~ka luka u kojoj su pristajali najve}i europski brodari, za razliku od Le Havrea u kojem Compagnie Générale Transatlantique ima monopolisti~ku ulogu.

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Pogodnosti Le Havrea su `eljezni~ke veze iz sjeverne Italije, Austrije, Slovenije i Hrvatske, pa pribli`no 90 tisu}a iseljenika iz tih krajeva preko Innsbrucka, Buchsa, Basela i Pariza sti`e upravo u tu luku ili u obli`nje luke Cherbourg i Boulogne-sur-Mer. (Southampton City Heritage Services)

Thanks to good railway connections with north Italy, Austria, Slovenia and Croatia, through Innsubruck, Buchs, Basel and Paris, Le Havre and the nearby ports of Cherbourg and Boulogne-sur-Mer were used by some 90,000 emigrants from those regions. (Southampton City Heritage Services)

Le Havre was located at the estuary of the Seine River, in the middle of the English Channel, at a place of a 16th century fisherman’s village. Around 1800, a new port area 53 was built there, and started growing into a major port. The development of the port was greatly boosted by the establishment of trade links with the USA and by a train link with Paris around 1850. Also important for the development of the port was the founding of Compagnie Generale Maritime (1854), which changed name into Compagnie Generale Transatlantique in 1861. The company signed a 20-year contract with the state, obliging it to maintain a regular steamship service between Le Havre and New York, in return for annual state subventions. The service was inaugurated in 1864. By the 1900 the company controlled around 10 % of the total European passenger traffic to the USA. The largest French shipper had a monopoly in Le Havre, where it was the only transoceanic passenger shipper. The advantages of Le Havre over many pother ports, i.e., good railway links with north Italy, Austria, Slovenia and Croatia and shorter passage time to the USA (only seven days to New York) were obvious. Thanks to its lover fares, Compagnie Generale Transatlantique (also known as the French Line) and its agents attracted many emigrants from central Europe. Le Havre was especially popular with emigrants from the south of Austria-Hungary, who lived quite far from the major north German ports. Possibly as many as half of all emigrants from the Hrvatsko Primorje region traveled through Le Havre and, in 54 smaller numbers, Cherbourg, another major French Atlantic port. In defiance of the Hungarian authorities and Cunard Line, the monopolist on the Rijeka-New York service, travel agents based in Rijeka and elsewhere kept sending Hungarian emigrants (most of them Croats) by trains from Rijeka to the French ports, mostly to Le Havre, but also to Cherbourg and Boulogne-sur-mer, once a famous medieval town, opposite Dover and near Calais, to which it served as an “accessory” 55 port.

Cherbourg

53 Data collected by Jelena Dunato, Muzej grada Rijeke.

Cherbourg was another French port on the Channel, some 100 km west from Le Havre. Although known since the 13th century, its heyday came around 1800 with the 56 construction of a cargo port and a large rampart.

54 Radovan Tadej, In Search of the Lost People of Zlobin, Zlobin, 2006, p. 128. The choice of ports by the emigrants from a small village of Zlobin, is an interesting, albeit not quite reliable indication, of the flows of emigrants. Unexpectedly, more than 55 % of the emigrants from Zlobin chose Cherbourg and Le Havre. 55 Thus, in June 1912, a large group of Croats, Slovenians and Slovaks, boarded the Potsdam of Holland-America Line, in Boulogne. They docked in New York on 3 July.

During the period of the most intensive European emigration to America, Cherbourg became an important emigration port, serviced by all the major European shippers, unlike Le Havre, where Compagnie Generale Transatlantique had a monopoly.

56 Data collected by Jelena Dunato, Muzej grada Rijeke.

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I engleske i njema~ke kompanije, Cunard Line, White Star Line, Hamburg-Amerika Linie i Norddeutscher Lloyd, na putu u Ameriku pristaju i ukrcavaju iseljenike u Cherbourgu. Iako se Cherbourg ne ubraja u najve}e europske iseljeni~ke luke, neki su agenti, poput Franka Zottija koji ima glavnu europsku poslovnicu u Baselu, osim mogu}nosti putovanja iz Le Havrea, Liverpoola i Southamptona, nudili i putovanja iz Cherbourga, a iseljenici iz nekih mjesta u udaljenim krajevima najvi{e su odlazili upravo preko te 57 luke.

Liverpool Iz Liverpoola su mnogo prije 19. stolje}a isplovljavali brodovi u Ameriku i Zapadnu 58 Indiju (Srednja Amerika). No u starije je doba Bristol bio najva`nija britanska luka na zapadnoj obali, ali ga je mimoi{ao razvoj industrije i porast stanovni{tva koji je Liverpoolu donijela industrijska revolucija. Tekstilna industrija u Lancashireu trebala je velike koli~ine ameri~kog pamuka te drvenu gra|u, duhan i ostalu kolonijalnu robu. Trgova~kom prometu pridruìo se u 19. stolje}u prijevoz iseljenika. Liverpool postaje najva`nija europska emigrantska luka iz koje je u stotinu godina, od 1830. do 1930., isplovilo pribli`no devet milijuna putnika (!) – uglavnom u SAD i Kanadu, no i u Australiju. Iseljeni~ki je promet u Liverpoolu po~eo rasti zahvaljuju}i blizini Irske u kojoj velika bijeda i prenapu~enost izazivaju masovno iseljavanje u Veliku Britaniju, na rad u tvornice, na gradili{ta i èljeznicu te u vojsku i mornaricu. Velika glad u Irskoj, 1846.–1847., pokre}e egzodus kojemu je posljedica jedna od najve}ih demografskih promjena u povijesti. Irska je s vi{e od osam spala na svega tri milijuna stanovnika. Liverpool je bio prvo odredi{te najve}eg broja irskih izbjeglica. Mnogi su i ostali u tom gradu koji je potom poprimio podosta irskih obilje`ja, no mnogi su od 1.250.000 iseljenika koji su u razdoblju od 1845. do 1851. napustili svoju zemlju, zapo~eli novi ìvot u Americi. Brodarske kompanije iz Liverpoola brzo su se uklju~ile u prijevoz iseljenika, a tom su se poslu posebno posvetili Cunard, White Star, Inman i Guion. Razvoju putni~kog prometa pomogao je i brz razvoj èljeznice. Tako je Wilsonova brodarska linija dovozila tisu}e iseljenika u luku Hull, na isto~noj obali Engleske. Dolazili su iz Skandinavije, a poslije iz Poljske i Rusije, i ve} ~etrdesetih godina odlazili u Liverpool èljeznicom Londonskog i sjeveroisto~noga èljezni~kog dru{tva (London & North-Eastern Railway Company – LNER) i za svega ~etiri sata putovanja stizali na drugu stranu Engleske. @eljeznica je u Hullu 1866. sagradila terminal uza samu obalu na kojoj su se iskrcaLiverpool je najve}a europska iseljeni~ka luka u kojoj se razvijaju i imaju sjedi{te najve}e kompanije – Cunard line, White Star Line, Guion Line, Inman Line. U vi{e od stotinjak godina, iz ove je luke u Ameriku otputovalo blizu devet milijuna iseljenika. Cunard neke svoje preokbrojne rije~ke putnike dovozi na brod ~ak u Liverpool. (Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad) Liverpool was the largest European emigration port and the seat of the largest shippers – Cunard Line, White Star Line, Guion Line, Inman Line. Over more than a century, almost nine million passengers traveled from this port to America. Some of its supernumeraries in the port of Rijeka Cunard transported as far away as Liverpool for boarding. (Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad) 57 Radovan Tadej, In Search of the Lost People of Zlobin. Zlobin, 2006., str. 128. Gotovo 30% Zlobinjara odlazi u Ameriku preko Cherbourga. 58 Na osnovi neobjavljenog teksta Malcolma Scotta Hardyja, London 2008.

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On the way to America, the English and German companies, Cunard Line, White Star Line, Hamburg-America Linie and Norddeutscher Lloyd boarded emigrants at Cherbourg. Although Cherbourg was not one of the largest European emigration ports, some travel agents, such as Frank Zotti, whose European seat was in Basel, offered, other than Le Havre, Liverpool and Southampton, passages from Cherbourg, thus attracting emi57 grants from some far flung regions. Cherbourg, francuska luka u kanalu La Manche, stotinjak kilometara zapadno od Le Havrea, postaje va`na luka u godinama najve}e europske migracije. Za razliku od monopolisti~kog polo`aja French Linea (Compagnie Generale Transatlantique) u Le Havreu, u Cherbourg pristaju brojni strani brodovi na putu u New York. Iz nekih sela u Hrvatskom primorju, iz rije~ke okolice (Zlobin), iseljenici naj~e{}e odlaze upravo preko ove daleke luke. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

Liverpool Long before the 19th century ships had sailed from Liverpool to America and the West 58 Indies (Central America). Initially, Bristol was the main British port on the west coast. Yet, during the Industrial Revolution it did not experience the development of industry and population growth at the same pace as Liverpool. The textile industry in Lancashire needed large quantities of American cotton, timber, tobacco and other colonial goods.

Cherbourg, a French port on the Channel, some 100 km west from Le Havre, became important during the peak period of European emigration. Unlike Le Havre, where the French Line (Compagnie General Transatlantique) was a monopolist, Cherbourg was served by many foreign ships bound for New York. Most emigrants from some villages in the Hrvatsko primorje region and from the larger Rijeka area (Zlobin) sailed off from this distant port. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

In the 19th century, transport of emigrants was added to cargo shipping. Liverpool became the most important European emigration port, with around nine million passengers, mostly bound for the USA, but also to Canada and Australia, between 1830 and 1930. Emigration traffic in Liverpool received a big boost during the large scale emigration into Great Britain from nearby Ireland, due to poverty and overpopulation. The immigrants went into construction industry, railways, the military and the navy. From 1846 to 1847, the big famine triggered an exodus that led to one of the biggest demographic shifts in history, resulting in a drop in Irish population from eight million to only three. Most Irish emigrants went to Liverpool. Although many of 1,250,000 Irishmen who left their country between 1845 and 1851 stayed in Liverpool, giving the city its Irish touch, may others chose a new life in America. The Liverpool shippers, such as Cunard, White Star, Inman and Guion, soon got involved in the transport of emigrants. The development of passenger shipping received an additional impetus from a fast growth of the railway network. Thus, Wilson shipping company took thousands of emigrants to the port of Hull, on the east coast of England. First the emigrants came from Scandinavia, and then from Poland and Russia. As of the 1840â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s, they arrived to Liverpool aboard the trains of the London & North-Eastern Railway Company (LNER), traveling across England in only four hours. In 1866 in Liverpool, the railway company built a terminal on the coast for disembarking of emigrants. Travelers from North Europe found it cheaper to travel from Hamburg to the British ports on the North Sea and then by train to Liverpool and form Liverpool to America then to board a ship for America in Hamburg. Already in 1851 Liverpool was the biggest European emigration port, with the annual turnover of 160,000 passengers on services for America. At that time, that was five times more than the turnover of its main foreign rival, Le Havre. By the end of the century, the local shippers engaged in a fierce competition with the German companies in Bremen and Hamburg, especially due to a sudden drop in the emigration from Ireland and the Great Britain and growth in emigration from central and eastern Europe, for which German ports were much more convenient than Liverpool. Suddenly, even Southampton in the south of England, became more attractive than Liverpool, as it was closer to Central and Eastern Europe. The Liverpool shippers quickly adapted to the new circumstances and started calling at Southampton and other ports on the Channel and in the Mediterranean, especially at Genoa and Naples. Yet, in spite of unfavorable circumstances, in 1907 Liverpool handled 178,000 emigrants, thus confirming its high placement amongst the leading European ports (that year Bremerhaven handled 204,000 and Hamburg 143,000 emigrants). Although very

57 Radovan Tadej, In Search of the Lost People of Zlobin, Zlobin, 2006, p. 128. Almost 30 % of the emigrants from Zlobin went to America through Cherbourg.

58 Taken from an unpublished text by Malcolm Scott Hardy, London, 2008.

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vali iseljenici. Putnicima iz sjeverne Europe bilo je jeftinije ploviti iz Hamburga u britanske luke na Sjevernom moru i potom èljeznicom do Liverpoola, a iz Liverpoola brodom u Ameriku, nego se izravno ukrcati na liniju iz Hamburga u Ameriku. Ve} sredinom stolje}a, 1851., Liverpool postaje vode}a europska iseljeni~ka luka, s godi{njim prometom od 160.000 putnika koji odlaze u Ameriku. To je pet puta vi{e prometa nego {to u to doba ostvaruje, primjerice, Le Havre, najbliì strani rival. Potkraj stolje}a ovda{nje su brodarske kompanije stupile u èstoku borbu s njema~kim kompanijama u Bremenu i Hamburgu, posebno zato {to je naglo opadalo iseljavanje iz Irske i Velike Britanije, a po~elo rasti iseljavanje iz srednje i isto~ne Europe, za koju je Liverpool bio mnogo manje pogodan od njema~kih luka. Odjednom je pogodniji postao i doma}i Southampton na jugu Engleske, do kojega je iseljenicima iz srednje i ju`ne Europe bio bliì put. Brodarske kompanije iz Liverpoola brzo su se prilagodile novim prilikama i po~ele pristajati u Southamptonu i u drugim lukama u kanalu La Manche te u sredozemnim lukama, naro~ito u Genovi i Napulju. Unato~ svemu, promet od 178.000 iseljenika, ostvaren 1907. u ve} nepovoljnim prilikama, potvr|uje jo{ uvijek visoko mjesto koje Liverpool ima me|u vode}im europskim lukama (iste godine Bremerhaven biljeì 204.000, a Hamburg 143.000 iseljenika). Iako je za putnike iz srednje Europe, naro~ito za one iz ju`nijih predjela, Liverpool krajnje daleko, ipak ih dio odlazi preko te luke. Prekobrojni pri ukrcaju u Rijeci, vlakovima se prevoze na druge Cunardove brodove, osim u Antwerpen ~ak i u â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Liverpool. Fiorello La Guardia, prvi ameri~ki konzularni agent za iseljenike u Rijeci, u svom je konzularnom izvje{}u napisao da je u jednom mjesecu po~etkom 1904. broj putnika koji su morali biti preba~eni u Antwerpen i 59 London (Liverpool) bio jednak broju ukrcanih u Rijeci. Neki agenti, poput Franka Zottija u Baselu, ~ak i iseljenicima na Jadranu nude odlaske preko vode}ih francuskih i engleskih luka. Iz nekih sela u rije~koj okolici podosta ise60 ljenika odlazi preko Liverpoola. Me|u putnicima iz srednje Europe koji se ukrcavaju u Liverpoolu, i jedno je budu}e slavno ime â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Nikola Tesla. No Tesla ne stiè ovamo izravno iz domovine nego iz Pariza u kojemu je duè vrijeme radio i boravio. Mnogo vi{e srednjoeuropskih iseljenika ipak odlazi u Ameriku preko Southamptona.

Southampton Southampoton je va`na srednjovjekovna luka na ju`noj engleskoj obali su~elice 61 Francuskoj, ali se u novije doba sporo razvijao.

59 John P. Kralji}, Rijeka kao iseljeni~ka luka, u Rije~ka luka: povijest, izgradnja, promet, Muzej grada Rijeke 2001., str. 234. 60 Radovan Tadej, In Search of the Lost People of Zlobin, Zlobin, 2006., str. 128. Preko Liverpoola odlaze 33 mje{tana, gotovo 14%. 61 Podatke prikupio Malcolm Scott Hardy, London 2008.

Neobi~no je da su njegove prednosti prvi uo~ili strani takmaci brodarskih dru{tava iz Liverpoola. Brodovi HAPAG-a (Hamburg-America Linea) ve} su 1847. po~eli pristajati u Southamptonu na putu u New York i ukrcavali britanske putnike iz Londona i s engleskog juga. Putnicima je to bilo pogodnije od odlaska u Liverpool. Brodovi Norddeutscher Lloyda, osnovanog 1857., ve} su sljede}e godine (1858.) po~eli pristajati i u Southamptonu te su koristili tu luku do Prvoga svjetskog rata. Southampton je bio i britansko sjedi{te novoosnovanog American Linea (1883.). Veliku je va`nost za razvoj luke imalo i Londonsko i jugozapadno `eljezni~ko dru{tvo (London & South West Railway Company â&#x20AC;&#x201C; LSWR) koje je u luku dovozilo doma}e i strane iseljenike. Budu}i da je lu~ko poduze}e Dock Company imalo te{ko}a s pribavljanjem kapitala za dogradnju obala i pristani{ta, 1880. je posudilo novac od `eljezni~kog dru{tva (LSWR). To je dru{tvo 1892. kupilo to lu~ko poduze}e i do Prvoga svjetskog rata ure|ivalo je i pro{irivalo luku. Vrlo je zna~ajan razvoj zapo~eo 1907. kada je White Star, jedno od najve}ih britanskih i svjetskih brodarskih dru{tava, preselio velik broj svojih prekooceanskih linija u Southampton. U skladu s tim, LSWR je po~eo izgradnju posebne White Starove obale

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far from Central and Southern Europe, Liverpool nevertheless attracted some passengers from those regions. Supernumerary passengers were transported from Rijeka to Antwerp, and even to Liverpool, to board Cunard’s ships in those ports. Fiorello La Guardia, the first US emigration consul in Rijeka, wrote in one of his consular reports that in a month in early 1904 the number of passengers that had to be transported to Antwerp and London (Liverpool) equaled the number of those who boarded the ships 59 in Rijeka. New travel agencies, such as Frank Zotti’s in Basel offered even the emigrants on the Adriatic passages from the main French and English ports. Thus, many emigrants 60 from some villages in Rijeka hinterlands traveled through Liverpool. Amongst the Central European passengers who traveled from Liverpool was a future celebrity - Nikola Tesla. Yet, Tesla did not come here straight from his homeland but from Paris, where he had been living and working for a while. However, the bulk of Central European emigrants went to America from Southampton.

Southampton Southampton was an important medieval port in the south of England, facing France, 61 whose recent development has been slow. Interestingly, Southampton’s advantages were first spotted by foreign competitors of the Liverpool shipping companies. Already in 1847, HAPAG’s ships (HamburgAmerica Line) started calling at Southampton on the way to New York, to board passengers from London and the south of England, for whom this port was more convenient than Liverpool. In 1858 the ships of Norddeutscher Lloyd, founded in 1857, started calling at Southampton, which they used until World War I. Southampton was also the British seat of the newly founded American Line (1883).

Luka Southampton smje{tena je na pogodnome mjestu u kanalu La Manche, kuda prolaze i gdje ve} od sredine 19. po~inju pristajati njema~ki, francuski i drugi brodovi na putu u Ameriku. Zbog te{ko}a koje imaju pri ulazu u mati~nu luku, sve ve}i brodovi liverpulskih kompanija kao polaznu luku sve vi{e po~inju koristiti Southampton. Tako i White Starov brod Titanic 1912. odavde kre}e na svoje prvo i posljednje putovanje. (Southampton City Heritage Services)

Crucially important for the growth of the port was also London & South West Railway Company (LSWR), which brought domestic and foreign emigrants to the port. Considering that the Southampton port operator Dock Company lacked capital for the extension of the piers and port facilities, the money was supplied by the LSWR in 1880. In 1892 LSWR bought the port operator and kept expanding the port until World War I.

The Southampton harbour is conveniently located at the English Channel, where German, French and other ships started passing and docking on their way to America already in the 19th century. Due to difficulties when entering their home port, the ever larger ships of the Liverpool-based companies started increasingly using Southampton as their stop. Thus, also White Star’s ship RMS Titanic embarked on its first and last journey in Southampton in 1912. (Southampton City Heritage Services)

An important era in the development of the port was launched in 1907, when White Star, one of the world’s top shippers, moved a large number of its transoceanic services to Southampton. In order to meet the demand, LSWR constructed a dedicated White Star dock, which was opened in 1911. The dock accommodated the largest and newest White Star ships, the twins Olimpic (191) and the Titanic (1912). Many emigrants from southeast Europe and Austria-Hungary traveled by train to Le Havre and Cherbourg via Paris, and then sailed directly to New York. Alternatively, they crossed the Channel on LSWR ferries and traveled to America from Southampton. From the point of view of the British Government, a peripheral port such as Southampton was very convenient for the transport of East European emigrants, as it channeled them away from London. The importance of this port was underlined by the fact that the emigrants arriving by train to Hull, rather then to Liverpool, sailed predominantly from the southern port, as more convenient. Thus, many of the passengers who boarded the Titanic in April of 1912 had come from Hull. As usual, quite a few Austrians with Croatian and Slovenian surnames arrived across the Cannel, from Le Havre or from Cherbourg. Apparently, in spite of the uncomfortable train journey from the Adriatic to south

59 John P. Kraljic, Rijeka as an Emigration Port (Rijeka kao iseljeni~ka luka), in The Port of Rijeka: History, Development, Traffic (Rije~ka luka: povijest, izgradnja promet) , Muzej grada Rijeke 2001, p. 234. 60 Radovan Tadej, In Search of the Lost People of Zlobin, Zlobin, 2006, p. 128. Thirty three inhabitants, almost 14 % of the total, emigrated through Liverpool.

61 Data collected by Malcolm Scott Hardy, London 2008.

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Luka Southampton me|u omiljenijim je lukama agencija i putnika iz srednje Europe, koji dolaze vlakovima preko Innsbrucka, Basela i Pariza. Neki odlaze iz francuskih luka, no podosta ih prelazi Kanal trajektima Londonskog i jugozapadnoga `eljezni~kog dru{tva i ukrcava se u Southamptonu. Me|u njima i mnogi Primorci iz rije~ke okolice. (Southampton City Heritage Services) Southampton is one of the most popular harbours among agencies and travellers from Central Europe who arrived there by train from Innsbruck, Basel and Paris. Some started their journeys from French ports, but many crossed the Channel on ferries of the London and Southwest Railway Company and boarded the ships in Southampton. Among them were many Croatians from the area around Rijeka. (Southampton City Heritage Services)

(dock) koja je dovr{ena 1911.; upravo su odatle kretali najve}i, tek izgra|eni White Starovi brodovi blizanci – Olimpic (1911.) i Titanic (1912.). Mnogi iseljenici s jugoistoka Europe i iz Austro-Ugarske putuju vlakom u Pariz i potom u francuske luke Le Havre i Cherbourg, odakle imaju izravne veze s New Yorkom, ili trajektima Londonskog i jugozapadnoga èljezni~kog dru{tva (LSWR) prelaze kanal La Manche, dolaze u Southampton i odatle putuju u Ameriku. S gledi{ta britanske vlade bilo je bolje isto~noeuropske iseljenike dràti podalje od Londona, za {to je usputna luka poput Southamptona bila vrlo pogodna. O va`nosti ove luke govori i to {to je èljeznica nove migrante koji su pristizali u Hull, umjesto u Liverpool, po~ela sve vi{e odvoziti na jug u pogodniju luku. I me|u onima koji su se u travnju 1912. ukrcali na Titanic, podosta ih je iz isto~ne Europe pristiglo preko Hulla. A prili~an broj “Austrijanaca” s hrvatskim i slovenskim prezimenima stigao je, kao i obi~no, preko Kanala, iz Le Havrea i Cherbourga. îni se da su i Primorci iz rije~ke okolice, unato~ neudobnoj vo`nji vlakovima od Jadrana do juga Engleske, mnogo vi{e odlazili u Ameriku preko Southamptona nego preko Rijeke. To potvr|uje i primjer sela Zlobin iz kojega gotovo ~etvrtina ameri~kih 62 iseljenika odlazi u Southampton. U godinama velikog prometa, od 1890. do Prvoga svjetskog rata, preko Southamptona su brojne britanske i strane kompanije odvozile stotine tisu}a iseljenika, najvi{e stranih, onih iz srednje, ju`ne i isto~ne Europe, ~ak i nakon 1903., u vrijeme kada su 63 ve} uvelike plovili parobrodi na rije~koj i tr{}anskoj liniji u New York.

Genova Gotovo 100.000 iseljenika iz Austro-Ugarske odlazi u Ameriku preko Genove 64 (96.038). Uglavnom dolaze `eljeznicom sa sjevera i istoka i prelaze talijansku granicu kod Cormonsa. Upravo zbog velikog broja iseljenika, `andarmerija u Cormonsu po~inje voditi redovitu evidenciju putnika iz raznih krajeva Monarhije. Od 1896. do 1905. popisano je 23.025 austrougarskih iseljenika. Iz prikupljenih podataka vidi se njihovo podrijetlo i odredi{te. Iznena|uju}e je da ih je najvi{e iz Galicije (25,4%), zatim iz Banovine Hrvatske (21,4%) te iz Dalmacije (19%) i Kranjske (Slovenije, 19%). Vi{e od polovice emigrira u SAD, tre}ina u Brazil, manji dio u Kanadu i Argentinu 65 (ukupno 10%), a neznatan broj u Australiju, Novi Zeland i drugdje.

62 Radovan Tadej, In Search of Lost People of Zlobin, Zlobin, 2006., str. 128. Preko Southamptona odlazi 57 iseljenika, tek ne{to manje nego preko Cherbourga i Le Havrea. Brojni iseljenici iz Rukavca i obli`njih sela iznad Opatije, u grupama od po desetak ili dvadesetak ljudi, naj~e{}e odlaze preko Southamptona. 63 O prometu preko Southamptona nedostaju i najop}enitiji statisti~ki podaci kakvi su, primjerice, objavljeni za Hull i za druge, naro~ito kontinentalne, luke (Malcolm Scott Hardy).

Austrijskoj je policiji prijavljeno da iseljeni~ka tvrtka iz Rijeke C.R. Cargnelli (nazvana nasljednikom stanovitog Pirellija) svakog ponedjeljka i utorka nelegalno vodi velik broj iseljenika, i to vojnih obveznika, preko Cormonsa do Udina, odakle ih {alje u Genovu.

64 Nach Amerika, Burgenländische Landesaustellung, Burg Güssing,, 25. April – 26. Oktober 1992., str. 81. 65 Podatke prikupio Francesco Fait, Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte, Trst. – G. Russo, Emigrazione transoceanica…

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Ocean Quai u Southamptonu – mjesto ukrcavanja za Novi svijet. Na slici je samo nekoliko manjih prekooceanskih brodova, no ovdje pristaju i najve}i divovi najve}ih engleskih brodara White Stara i Cunarda. (Southampton City Heritage Services) Ocean Quai in Southampton – the boarding place for the New World. The picture shows only a few of the smaller transatlantic passanger ships, but this was also the mooring of gigantic ships of the biggest English shipping companies, White Star and Cunard. (Southampton City Heritage Services)

England, passengers from the Rijeka region in Hrvatsko Primorje rather traveled to America from Southampton than from Rijeka. An example of that is the village of Zlobin, from which almost a quarter of emigrants traveled to America through 62 Southampton. Between 1890 and WW I, a period of large scale emigration, many British and foreign companies carried hundreds of thousands of emigrants from Southampton, mostly those from Central, Southern and Eastern Europe. That continued even after 1903, 63 when steamships started operating services for New York from Rijeka and Trieste.

Genoa Almost 100,000 emigrants (96,038) from Austria-Hungary went to America through 64 Genoa. Most of them arrived by train from the north and the east and crossed into Italy at Cormons. Due to a large number of emigrants, gendarmerie in Cormons started keeping records of passengers from different regions of the Monarchy. Between 1896 and 1905 it recorded 23,025 emigrants from Austria-Hungary, including their provenance and destination. It is surprising that the largest number came form Galicia (25.4 %), then from Central Croatia (21.4 %), Dalmatia (19 %) and Carniola (Slovenia, 19 %). More than a half emigrated to the USA, one third to Brazil, a smaller percentage to Canada and Argentina (10 % of the total) and a marginal number to Australia, New 65 Zealand and other countries. The Austrian police learned that the emigration agency C.R. Cargnelli (considered a successor of a Pirelli), based in Rijeka, was transporting a large number of illegal emigrants, draft dodgers, every Monday and Tuesday to Udine, via Cormons, and then from Udine to Genoa. Emigration agencies in Udine (Ligure Americana, Nodari), then at the Austrian border, organized passages specifically for foreign nationals through 66 Genoa and Le Havre.

62 Radovan Tadej, In Search of the Lost People of Zlobin, Zlobin, 2006, p. 128. The number of emigrants from Southampton was 57, slightly fewer than from Cherbourg and Le Havre. For many emigrants from Rukavac and the nearby villages above Opatija, who traveled in groups of ten or 20, the port of choice was Southampton.

After the introduction of a line between Trieste and New York by Cunard Line in 1903, the cross border traffic dropped.

64 Nach Amerika, Burgenlandische Landesaustellung, Burg Gussing, 25 April – 26 October 1992, p. 81.

Initially, only German and English ships sailed from Genoa to New York. Between them they transported hundreds of thousands of emigrants, mostly from nearby Ligurian villages. Only later did the local Navigazione Generale Italiana get involved in transoceanic transport. Yet, two out of three Italians leaving from the domestic ports, were still transported by the big four – Norddeutscher Lloyd, Hamburg-Amerika Linie, White Star and Cunard Line.67

63 For the traffic in Southampton we lack even the most basic statistical data, such as those that have been published for Hull and other, especially continental, ports (Malcolm Scott Hardy).

65 Data collected by Francesco fait, Musei Civici di Storia ed Arte, Trieste - G. Russo, Emigrazione transoceanica… 66 Emigrazione, La bilancia (15 September 1903). Yesterday afternoon 158 peasants from the Hungarian littoral emigrated to North America through Genoa. The emigrants’ passports were checked by Mr. Francesco Loibelsberger, police officer, who found them perfectly regular. Emigrazione, La bilancia, (29 July 1903). Yesterday morning 35 villagers from the nearby Croatian territory emigrated to North America…Officer in charge forbid the departure of two unaccompanied juvenile girls.

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Prije Prvoga svjetskog rata Genova spada u najve}e europske luke. Gotovo sto tisu}a iseljenika iz Austro-Ugarske ukrcava se iz Genove za put u Ameriku. Od kraja 19. stolje}a mnogo vi{e putnika iz Genove i Napulja prevoze najve}e njema~ke i engleske kompanije, a tek manji dio doma}a Navigazione Generale Italiana. (Southampton City Heritage Services) Before World War I, Genoa was among the biggest European harbours. Almost one hundred thousand Austro-Hungarian emigrants embarked on their voyage to America from there. Beginning with the end of the 19th century, many more passangers from Genoa and Naples travelled with German and English companies, instead of with the domestic Navigazione Generale Italiana. (Southampton City Heritage Services)

Agencije za iseljenike u Udinama (Ligure Amerikana, Nodari), koje su tada na granici Austrije, organiziraju putovanja upravo za strane emigrante, i to preko Genove i Le 66 Havrea. No broj se prelazaka granice smanjuje kada krajem 1903. Cunard Line zapo~inje odr`avati liniju izme|u Trsta i New Yorka. Isprva iz Genove u New York plove isklju~ivo njema~ki i engleski brodovi koji prevoze stotine tisu}a iseljenika, najvi{e iz okolnih ligurskih sela. Tek se poslije u prekooceansku plovidbu uklju~uje doma}i brodar Navigazione Generale Italiana. No dvije tre}ine Talijana koji odlaze iz doma}ih luka, i dalje odvoze “velika ~etvorica” 67 – Norddeutscher Lloyd, Hamburg-Amerika Linie, White Star i Cunard Line. Prije Prvoga svjetskog rata Napulj (156.125 iseljenika godi{nje) i Genova (126.897 iseljenika) vode}e su luke, prva i tre}a, me|u emigrantskim lukama (razdvaja ih jedino Bremerhaven – tada na drugome mjestu!). O masovnosti iseljavanja govori i u~estalost odlazaka i broj parobroda na linijama – ~ak 25 velikih prekooceanskih brodova pod raznim zastavama odvoze u Ameriku i Talijane i brojne strance (1904.). Unato~ blizini vlastitih luka, i mnogi Talijani odlaze iz stranih, atlantskih luka, naro~ito iz Le Havrea u koji ~esto odlaze i austrougarski dr`avljani. Hrvati, Slovenci i ostali, od kojih mnogi iseljavaju preko Genove, rijetko se ukrcavaju u udaljenijem Napulju.

Ameri~ke ulazne luke i Ellis Island Useljenici su u SAD ulazili preko brojnih luka. Europski su putnici, osobito u prija{nja vremena, pristajali u Bostonu, New Orleansu, New Yorku i Philadelphiji. Oni koji su stizali iz Kine i drugih azijskih zemalja, dolazili su na zapadnu obalu, najvi{e u San Francisco, a oni iz Sredi{nje i Ju`ne Amerike u Miami na Floridi i Galveston u Teksasu. Od 5,4 milijuna imigranata koji su stigli u SAD izme|u 1820. i 1860. godine, pribli`no 3,7 milijuna ili vi{e od dvije tre}ine, stiglo je preko New Yorka. Na drugom je mjestu bio New Orleans (550.000) pa Boston (380.000) te Philadelphia i Baltimore (svaki po 230.000).

66 Emigrazione, La Bilancia, (15. 9. 1903) Nel pomeriggio di ieri emigrarono per l’ America del Nord – via Genova – 158 contadini del Litorale ungaro-croato. I passaporti degli emigranti vennero visitati dall ufficiale di polizia signor Francesco Loibelsberger, e furono trovati in perfetta regola. Emigrazione, La Bilancia, (29. 7. 1903.) Ieri mattina emigrarono per l’ America del Nord, via Genova, 34 villici del limitrofo territorio croato....Il funzionario vieto la partenza a due ragazze minorenni, che non erano accompagnate da alcuno. 67 La Merica! 1892 1914, Da Genova a Ellis Island, il viaggio per mare negli anni dell emigrazione italiana, Musei del Mare e della Navigazione, Sagep Editori, Genova 2008.

Velike kompanije poput Norddeutscher Lloyda, imaju i izravne linije izme|u europskih luka i Bostona, Philadelphije i Baltimorea. No od 1850. vi{e od tri ~etvrtine imigranata ulazi preko New Yorka, a od devedesetih godina to su ~etiri petine. Godine 1907. kada je u SAD stiglo vi{e emigranata nego bilo

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Prije uspostave redovitih iseljeni~kih linija iz Rijeke i Trsta krajem 1903., u Genovu je odlazilo podosta iseljenika iz srednje Europe. Na austrijsko-talijanskoj dr`avnoj granici kod Cormonsa (Udine) od 1896. do 1905. popisano je 23.025 iseljenika, od kojih je ~etvrtina iz Galicije (uglavnom Poljaci i @idovi), otprilike petina iz Banovine Hrvatske te gotovo isto toliko iz Dalmacije i Kranjske (Slovenije). (Southampton City Heritage Services) Before regular emigration lines from Rijeka and Trieste were opened at the end of 1903, many emigrants from Central Europe went to Genoa. On the Austro-Italian border near Cormons (Udine) 23,025 emigrants were listed between 1896 and 1905, of which one quarter was from Galicia (mostly Poles and Jews), one fifth from the Banovina of Croatia and almost just as many from Dalmatia and Carniola (Slovenia). (Southampton City Heritage Services)

Before WW I, Naples (156,125 emigrants per annum) and Genoa (126,897 emigrants) ranked 1st and 3rd amongst the emigration ports (with Bremerhaven in the 2nd place). The evidence of the large scale of emigration is the number of departures and ships operating on the lines â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the Italians and many foreign nationals traveled to America on board of as many as 25 transoceanic ships flying different flags (1904). In spite of the proximity of domestic ports, many Italians departed from the Atlantic ports, especially Le Havre, which was used frequently by the nationals of AustriaHungary too. The Croats, the Slovenians and others, often departed from Genoa but rarely from the more distant Naples.

American Ports of Entry and Ellis Island People immigrated into the USA through different ports. European passengers, especially in the early days, docked at Boston, New Orleans, New York and Philadelphia. People coming from China and other Asian countries, arrived to the west coast, mostly to San Francisco, and those from Central and South America to Miami, Florida and Galveston, Texas. Out of 5.4 million immigrants into the USA from 1820 until 1860, approx. 3.7 million arrived through New York. New Orleans came second (550,000), followed by Boston (380,000), Philadelphia and Baltimore (230,000 each). Large companies, such as Norddeutscher Lloyd, also operated non-stop services between European ports and Boston, Philadelphia and Baltimore. However, as of 1850, 75 % of all immigrants came through New York, which rose to 80 % in the 1890â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s. In 1907, the year of record immigration, the USA operated 70 entry facilities. Yet, 90 % of all immigrants came through Ellis Island (1,004,756, out of 1,285,349 immigrants that year). As early as the 1840â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s, the city authorities and the state administration started controlling the immigration into the USA, in order to prevent entry by the undesirables, the ill and the infirm and to thwart the proliferation of crime. Initially, the immigrants were supported by the city, until the opening of the Castle Garden, a facility for the inspection of emigrants in south Manhattan, in 1855. The facility was also known as Fort Clinton, as it was situated in an old bulwark that had been built around 1800 as a part of a rampart system in the port of New York. The central immigration facility in New York, run by the federal authorities, became the most important US institution of its kind.

67 La Merica! 1892 1914, From Genoa to Ellis Island, Maritime Travel During the Years of Italian Emigration, Musei del Mare e della Navigazione, Sagep Editori, Genoa, 2008.

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koje druge godine, u zemlji je bilo sedamdeset imigrantskih stanica. No 90% uselilo je preko Ellis Islanda (1.004.756 od ukupno 1.285.349. useljenih te godine).

Pogled na Ellis Island, oto~i} u njujor{koj luci, glavnu useljeni~ku prihvatnu stanicu za ulaz u SAD. Preko ovoga oto~i}a je od 1892. do 1920-ih u{lo 90% svih ameri~kih useljenika. Iseljenici su podvrgnuti lije~ni~kom pregledu i psiholo{kim testovima. Zahvaljuju}i prethodnoj selekciji, obavljenoj u europskim lukama u prisutnosti ameri~kih konzularnih slu`bi, velika ve}ina pristiglih dobila je dopu{tenje za ulazak, a ostale su brodari bili obvezni vratiti u Europu. (Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)

Ve} od ~etrdesetih godina gradske vlasti i dr`avna uprava nastoje nadzirati ulaz stranaca u SAD, sprije~iti ulaz nepo`eljnih, bolesnih i nesposobnih za rad te sprije~iti {irenje kriminala. Imigranti su isprva spadali na teret grada, a onda je kona~no 1855. ustanovljena imigrantska kontrolna stanica na jugu Manhattana â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Castle Garden. Naziva se i Fort Clinton jer je bila smje{tena u staru utvrdu izgra|enu po~etkom 19. stolje}a u sklopu lu~kog obrambenog sustava.

View of the Ellis Island, a small isle in the New York harbour, that served as the main immigration admission station before entering the USA. Between 1892 and 1920, 90% of American immigrants entered the country via this isle. The immigrants had to undergo a medical and psychological examination. Due to the previously carried out selection in the European ports in the presence of American consular services, the greatest part of the new immigrants was admitted into the country, while the others had to return to Europe with the same shipping company they arrived with. (Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)

Sredi{nja ustanova za prihvat useljenika u New Yorku pod upravom saveznih vlasti postaje najzna~ajnijom takvom ustanovom u SAD-u. Nakon iskrcavanja s prekooceanskog broda u njujor{koj luci, putnici prve klase odlaze svojim putem, a useljenici moraju pro}i posebne provjere. Isprva ne odlaze daleko od pristani{ta jer je iseljeni~ka stanica Castle Garden na Manhattanu, no poslije ih (od 1892.) malim brodovima prevoze na obli`nji oto~i} Ellis Island. Izdvojen i stoga lako nadziran oto~i} u najbli`em susjedstvu Liberty Islanda i Kipa Slobode, postaje nova glavna iseljeni~ka stanica za ulaz u SAD.

Pogled na velika skladi{ta u luci New York pokazuje veli~inu luke u gradu koji je u to doba u velikom rastu i postaje najve}i na svijetu. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 12)

Isprva kroz Castle Garden (od 1855.), a poslije kroz Ellis Island (od 1892.) moraju pro}i svi useljenici koji dolaze u New York. Tu ih ameri~ke vlasti registriraju, ustanovljuju njihovo tjelesno i du{evno stanje i provjeravaju ne}e li pasti dr`avi na teret. Budu}i useljenici moraju dokazati da imaju dovoljno novca za `ivot ili nekoga tko }e za njih jam~iti. Moraju biti i podobni za uklju~ivanje u ameri~ko dru{tvo pa su obvezni izjaviti da nisu ni anarhisti ni poligamisti!

A view of the huge warehouses in the New York harbour shows the size of the port in a city that experienced a population boom at the time and soon became the largest in the world. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 12)

One koji ne zadovoljavaju kriterije, brodari su du`ni u vratiti u Europu, a ostali kre}u na odredi{ta diljem Amerike, uglavnom tamo gdje imaju kakva ro|aka, susjeda ili znanca. Ellis Island bio je ~vrsto ustrojena savezna ustanova. Njegovu va`nost potvr|uje i to {to je upravitelja birao sam predsjednik SAD-a. Unato~ naoko privla~nim zgradama od crvene cigle i bijelog mramora, s ~etiri slikovita tornja s lukovicama, zbog izdvojenosti i polo`aja usred mora, Ellis Island vi{e podsje}a na zatvor nego na mjesto na kojem se s dobrodo{licom primaju budu}i gra|ani SAD-a. Ipak, centar je bio ustrojen po svim pravilima tada{njih filantropskih nazora, s prostorima za boravak, blagovaonicama, spavaonicama, bolnicom, knji`nicom te zabavi{tima i igrali{tima za djecu, a glavna mu je zada}a da {to br`e i {to pouzdanije razdvoji one kojima }e ulazak u SAD biti odobren, od onih koji }e biti vra}eni u Europu.

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Kompleks Ellis Islanda od osnutka 1892. do me|uratnih godina sustavno se pove}ava i uz veliku prijamnu zgradu i spavaonice, dobiva i bolnicu, knji`nicu, dje~ja igrali{ta i druge sadr`aje. (Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New York) The complex of Ellis Island grew successively from its foundation in 1892 until the interwar years. In addition to the big admission building and dormitories, it got a hospital, a library, a playground, etc. (Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New York)

After disembarking in the port of New York, 1st class passengers went their own way and the immigrants had to undergo a number of inspections. Initially, that was done at the Castle Garden, Manhattan, near the docks. Later on (1892) they were shipped in small boats to the nearby Ellis Island. Thus, this isolated small island in the immediate vicinity of Liberty Island and the Statue of Liberty became the main US immigration facility. In New York all the immigrants had to pass though the Castle Garden (as of 1855) and Ellis Island (as of 1892). There they were registered by immigration officials, checked for physical and mental handicaps and vetted for means of support. Potential immigrants had to prove that they had enough money to support themselves or someone who would guarantee for their upkeep. In order to prove their suitability for integration into the American society, they had to pledge that they were not anarchists or polygamists! Those who did not meet the criteria the shippers had to take back to Europe, and the others proceeded to different destination in the USA, mostly to join their relatives, former neighbors or acquaintances. Ellis Island was a well organized federal institution, whose importance is born out by the fact that the manager was appointed by the US president himself. In spite of its attractive buildings, made of red brick and marble, with four picturesque bulbous turrets, due to its isolation and location in the sea, Ellis Island looked more like a prison than a place where future citizens of the US could expect a warm reception. Yet, the facility was organized in accordance with the latest philanthropic standards. It featured lounges, dining rooms, bedrooms, a hospital, a library, play rooms and playgrounds for the children. The main purpose of the facility was a quick and reliable separation of persons for immigration into the USA, from those that would be sent back to Europe. A large number of inspectors, state officials, physicians and psychiatrists was in charge of interviewing the arrivals, recording their personal data and checking their physical and mental health and capacity. That lengthy process hinged on good communication with the immigrants, most of whom did not speak English. That was the task of a large number of translators, including those for small languages. For a while, Fiorello La Guardia, former emigration consul in Rijeka, also worked as a translator. La Guardia was intimately familiar with the immigration issues and spoke six languages, including Croatian. Considering that the immigrants had been preliminarily checked at the European ports and railway hubs (such as Basel), under the auspices of the US consular offices and the local authorities, the number of persons turned back at â&#x20AC;&#x153;the island of tears and hopeâ&#x20AC;? was not particularly high and most arrivals were integrated into the American society.

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Niz inspektora, dràvnih ~inovnika, lije~nika i psihijatara imalo je zada}u da obavi prili~no opseàn posao, ispita i upi{e osobne podatke te da procjeni tjelesno i du{evno zdravlje i mentalne sposobnosti useljenika. Tako opseàn postupak zahtijevao je i dobro sporazumijevanje s iseljenicima koji uglavnom ne znaju engleski. Za to su postojali brojni prevoditelji, ~ak i za male jezike. Prevoditelj je neko vrijeme bio i Fiorello la Guardia, biv{i iseljeni~ki konzularni agent u Rijeci, koji je dobro upoznat s problemima iseljenika i koji govori {est jezika, me|u kojima i hrvatski. Budu}i da su ve} u europskim lukama i èljezni~kim ~vori{tima (poput Basela), iseljenici morali pro}i prve preglede koje su organizirale tamo{nje ameri~ke konzularne slu`be u suradnji s doma}im vlastima, postotak vra}enih nije bio osobito velik te se ve}ina pristiglih na â&#x20AC;&#x153;otok suza i nadeâ&#x20AC;? ipak uklju~ivala u ameri~ki ìvot. Nakon obavljena pregleda, useljenici su besplatno prevoèni do èljezni~kih stanica i brodskih pristani{ta gdje im je i pruèna pomo} u nalaènju prijevoza i kupnji putnih karata. Oko oto~i}a Ellis vrtjeli su se i brojni agenti, poduzetnici i bankari, pripadnici istih naroda kojima su pripadali i najnoviji useljenici, koji su stoga znali i jezik i imali mogu}nosti da im se odmah pribliè i pruè potrebnu pomo} i razne usluge koje su u prvom trenutku najvi{e trebali, s ciljem da tako pridobiju nove klijente. Nudili su im promjenu valute, kupnju karata, organizaciju putovanja do odredi{ta i druge usluge. Unato~ desecima useljeni~kih stanica preko kojih se moglo u}i u SAD, Ellis Island je nekoliko desetlje}a predstavljao glavna vrata Amerike i bio klju~no mjesto odluke od koje su strepili milijuni useljenika.

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After the check-ups, the immigrants were shipped free of charge to train stations and docks, where they were escorted to their trains or ships and helped with the purchase of fares. The area around Ellis Island was prowled by different agents, entrepreneurs and bankers, themselves minorities who could communicate with the immigrants in their languages. They approached the immigrants with offers for assistance and different services, with the intention to win new clients. Services offered included money changing, fare purchasing, organizing the trip to the final destination and others. Although only one of several dozen immigration facilities in the USA, for decades Ellis Island was the main gate of America and the place where the decision was made that was anxiously expected by millions of immigrants.

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Rije~ka i Tr{}anska luka

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The Ports of Rijeka and Trieste

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Rije~ka luka Do po~etka 1880-ih godina Rijeka je nevelika luka. Promet po~inje bitno rasti tek nakon izgradnje nove luke koja kona~no zamjenjuje nekada{nju luku na u{}u Rje~ine (Fiumari – Mrtvom kanalu). Najve}i rije~ki prekooceanski brodar, Ugarsko parobrodarsko dru{tvo Adria (Royal Hungarian Sea Navigation Company “Adria” Limited – Fiume, osnovana 1882.), ve} 1880ih odràva trgova~ke linije s vode}im francuskim i britanskim lukama te prekomorsku liniju s brazilskim lukama Pernambuco, Bahia, Rio de Janeiro i Santos. Iako je Adrijina ju`noameri~ka linija prije svega namijenjena prijevozu tereta, krajem stolje}a i poneki iseljenik iz rije~ke okolice odlazi u Ju`nu Ameriku, najprije u Brazil, 68 a poslije u Argentinu i druge zemlje – gdje striè ovce, radi na farmama ili traì zlato. Od samog isteka stolje}a po~inju u Rijeci djelovati i prve iseljeni~ke poslovnice koje putnike vode u Le Havre (Ma{ek i drug, Compagnie Général Transatlantique), u Antwerpen (Konstantin Teodorovi}) i u druge atlantske luke. Brojne agencije uglavnom imaju sjedi{te u rije~kim predgra|ima, na Su{aku ili Kantridi, jer vlasti Pogled na glavnu luku – sredi{nji bazen rije~ke luke, jedinog ugarskoga pomorskog upori{ta. Brodovi u luci vlasni{tvo su dru{tva Ungaro-Croate i namijenjeni su obalnoj plovidbi. Na udaljenijim su i velikim brodovima dostupnijim vezovima Adrijini trgova~ki parobrodi koji prometuju s Brazilom i Cunardovi koji prometuju s New Yorkom. (Muzej grada Rijeke) A view of the main harbour – the central pool of Rijeka’s harbour, the only Hungarian maritime “stronghold”. The ships in the harbour belong to the company Ungaro-Croate and are intended for coastal shipping. Adria’s and Cunard’s merchant ships, which operate with Brasil and New York respectively, are located at the more distant, for big ships more easily accessible, anchorages. (Muzej grada Rijeke)

68 Ivan Jardas, Kastav{tina, Gra|a o narodnom `ivotu i obi~ajima u kastavskom govoru, Zbornik za narodni `ivot i obi~aje Ju`nih Slavena, Knjiga 39., JAZU, Zagreb, 1957., str. 355. “Najprej su hojevali va Brazilij, ontrat v Argentinu i va drugi kraji Dolnje ale Sud-Meriki. Tamo su ofce strigli, po farmah su delali, navigali, a neki su zlato iskevali.”

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The Port of Rijeka Until the 1880’s the port of Rijeka had been relatively small. Trade through Rijeka started picking up significantly after the construction of new port facilities at the estuary of the Rje~ina river (Fiumara – Mrtvi kanal). As early as the 1880’s, the largest local transoceanic liner, the Royal Hungarian Sea Navigation Company Adria Limited - Fiume, introduced cargo services to the main French and British ports and a transoceanic line to the Brazilian ports of Pernambuco, Bahia, Rio de Janeiro and Santos. Although mainly a cargo service, by the end of the 19th century the South American line already carried a limited number of emigrants from the Rijeka region to South America, first to Brazil and then to Argentina. There they fleeced sheep, worked on 68 farms and searched for gold. At the turn of the 20th century, Rijeka saw the opening of the first emigration agencies which organized emigration through Le Havre (Ma{ek i drug, Compagnie Transantantlique Generale), and through other ports on the Atlantic. This fast developing sector set up shop mostly in the peripheral areas of Su{ak and Kantrida, as the city authorities did not approve of emigration. Some agencies organized illegal emigra-

68 Ivan Jardas, region of Kastav, Source on Life of the People and Their Customs, Written in the Kastav Dialect, Almanac on Life of the People and Customs of South Slavs, Volume 39, JAZU, Zagreb, 1957, p. 355. “Najprej su hojevali va Brazilij, ontrat v Argentinu i va drugi kraji Dolnje ale Sud-Ameriki. Tamo su ofce strigli, po farmah su delali, navigali, a neki su zlato iskali”.

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nevoljko podnose one koji odvode iseljenike. Ima i agencija koje iseljenike odvode potajice i bespravno, naro~ito u Genovu (G. B. Cargnelli) – i to mladi}e koji jo{ nisu sluìli vojsku. Sve ve}i promet iseljenika, u po~etku najvi{e iz obli`njih krajeva, po~etak je masovnoga iseljavanja iz Hrvatske i to dobrim dijelom upravo èljezni~kim putem koji kroz Rijeku, kao novo tranzitno ~vori{te, vodi na zapad, u atlantske ili talijanske luke, isprva najvi{e u Le Havre i Genovu. U studenome 1902. odlazi iz Hrvatske vi{e od osam stotina iseljenika; gotovo su svi iz samo dvije ùpanije – Modru{ko-rije~ke i 69 Zagreba~ke. Iseljeni~ka vreva na tlu Hrvatske o~ituje se i u ve} velikom ugarskome prometnom ~vori{tu. Posebno je ìvo u oùjku 1903.: “Ju~er je bilo na Rieci pred agencijama za prekomorsko putovanje vanredno ìvahno. Narod se je na buljuke gurao na vrata. Ju~er i jutros oti{lo je u Ameriku nekoliko stotina ljudi, ponajvi{e iz na{ega primorja i 0 iz obli`njih gorskih krajeva.”7

Rije~ka luka – pogled s gradske rive prema lukobranu. Po~etkom 20. stolje}a u luci je jo{ uvijek puno malih jedrenjaka i brodova koji uz jedra koriste i paru. (Muzej grada Rijeke) The Rijeka harbour – view from the waterfront towards the pier. At the beginning of the 20th century, there were still many small sailing ships and ships that used steam in addition to sails. (Muzej grada Rijeke)

Iz Rijeke u Ameriku otputovala su 17. o`ujka jo{ 352 hrvatska iseljenika, a 23. i 24. 71 o`ujka jo{ 242 iseljenika iz Like, Dalmacije i Slavonije. Sve u svemu, s nevelikog i rijetko naseljenog podru~ja – otprilike tisu}u ljudi u svega nekoliko tjedana. Sve je vi{e vijesti o odlascima, ponajvi{e Primoraca, u skupinama od vi{e desetaka ili ~ak koje stotine iseljenika, koji u po~etku najvi{e odlaze put – Genove.

Ve} krajem 1902. u ugarskim vladinim krugovima po~inje se razmi{ljati da se emigracija usmjeri u Rijeku, doma}u luku te da parobrodarsko dru{tvo Adria treba izgraditi nove parobrode namijenjene prijevozu emigranata. Razmi{lja se i o mogu}nosti da se po hambur{kom uzoru sagradi prihvatili{te za iseljenike koje bi bilo pod nadzorom dr`avnih vlasti. “Ra~una se da bi se investicije isplatile, jer tro{ak izseljavanja dose`e u monarkiji godi{nje visoku svotu od 40 milijuna kruna, a zgodnim administrativnim, osobito pak tarifalnim sredstvima, dalo bi se navrnuti na Rieku sada{nje dosta jako izseljavanje 72 preko Genove, znatan dio onih koji sada putuju preko Hamburga i Bremena...” Polovicom 1903. novine (Pester Lloyd iz Budimpe{te) najavljuju da uprava Ugarskog dru{tva za pomorsku i rije~nu plovidbu iz Budimpe{te upravo razmatra mogu}nost da iseljenike za Sjevernu Ameriku usmjeri prema Rijeci i da njezini direktori u stra73 nim lukama prou~avaju organizacijske aspekte emigracije.

Parobrod Caronia na odlasku u Ameriku, na jednoj od razglednica namijenjenih putnicima koji pred polazak {alju ku}ama posljednje “europske” pozdrave. Cunardovi su brodovi u Rijeci pristajali na Rudolfovu molu (danas Orlandov gat). (Muzej grada Rijeke)

Neki su strahovali da }e vlada koncesiju za prijevoz iseljenika dodijeliti stranoj kompaniji koju }e “maskirati” doma}im imenom. Osobito je velika bojazan od ulaska njema~kog prijevoznika u ma|arsku luku, nau{trb doma}e kompanije. “Problem”

The steam ship RMS Caronia leaving for America, depicted on one of the postcards intended for passangers sending home their last European greetings before departure. Cunard’s ships dropped anchor at Rudolf’s quay in Rijeka (called Orlando’s wharf today). (Muzej grada Rijeke)

69 Koliko je naroda oti{lo u Ameriku u mjesecu studenom? Novi list, 15. I. 1903. Promet upu}uje na neravnomjerno iseljavanje iz raznih hrvatskih krajeva – gotovo osam stotina iseljenika iz samo dvije ùpanije, prema svega 27 iz svih ostalih ùpanija: Bjelovarsko-krièva~ke, Vara`dinske, Li~ko-krbavske, Poè{ke i Srijemske. 70 U Ameriku. Novi list, 4 (4. 3. 1903.), str. 4. Bjeè u Ameriku, Novi list, 4 (7. 4. 1903.), str. 4. “Sino} je oti{lo put Amerike 199 iseljenika, ponajvi{e iz ju`ne Hrvatske. Jo{ nijedne godine kao ove nije bilo ovakove selitbe Hrvata, {to se ima u prvom redu pripisati nesretnoj financijalnoj podredjenosti u kojoj se nalazi Hrvatska.” 71 Hrvatski izseljenici, Narodna obrana, 2 (27. 3. 1903.), br. 70, str. 4. 72 Izseljivanje u Ameriku preko Rieke, Narodna obrana (Osijek) 1(28. 9. 1902.), str. 3.–4. 73 L’ emigrazione ungherese per l’ America diretta via Fiume, La Bilancia (23. 7. 1903.) Il proghetto della centralizzzazione, (5. 9. 1903.)

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tion, including that of young men who had not completed their military service, primarily through Genoa (G. B. Cargnelli). The trickle of emigrants, at first mostly from neighboring regions, soon grew into a steady flow from all around Croatia. They traveled from Rijeka, now a railway junction, by train to Atlantic and Italian ports, mostly to Le Havre and Genoa. In November 1902 alone, more than 800 persons emigrated from Croatia, almost all of 69 them from Modru{-Rijeka County and the area of Zagreb. The emigration tide became most prominent in the fast growing Hungarian communications hub of Rijeka. The month of March 1903 was particularly busy: “Yesterday, the agencies for transoceanic voyages were inundated with people, who were besieging their doors in droves. Over the past two days several hundred people, mostly from the Croatian Littoral (Hrvatsko primorje) region and from the nearby mountains, 70 emigrated to America.” On 17 March, 352 Croat emigrants sailed from Rijeka to America, followed on 23 71 March and 24 March by 242 emigrants from Lika, Dalmatia and Slavonia . All in all, in only a few weeks as many as a thousand persons emigrated from those rather small and sparsely populated regions. News about emigration of large numbers of people, mostly from the Croatian Littoral, in groups of several dozen or even several hundred persons, became more and more frequent. Initially, most of them departed from Genoa. Plakat za “rije~ko-ameri~ku liniju” ~e{}e nazivanu Hungarian-American Line, na kojoj neko vrijeme plove Pannonia, Slavonia i Ultonia. Na liniji se izmjenjuje ukupno jedanaest parobroda (najslavniji je Carpathia). Da bi se linija odr`avala redovito i da bi svakoga drugog petka brod mogao isploviti u New York do kojega obi~no putuje osamnaest dana, uvijek su u slu`bi po tri broda. (Közlekedési Múzeum – Muzej prometa, Budimpe{ta) The poster of the Hungarian-American Line, connecting Rijeka and America, which was served for a time by the ships Pannonia, Slavonia and Ultonia. Altogether this line had eleven steam ships (the most well-known was the RMS Carpathia). The line had to be regular and a ship had to leave for New York every other Friday (the one-way journey took about eighteen days), so that there were always three ships in service. (Közlekedési Múzeum – Traffic Museum, Budapest)

69 How many persons went to America in November?, Novi list, 15 January 1903. The breakdown of the emigrants’ provenance reflects uneven emigration rates from different counties almost 800 emigrated from only two counties, whereas only 27 from all the others – Bjelovar-Krizevci, Varazdin, Lika-Krbava, Pozega and Srijem. 70 To America, Novi List, 4 (4 March 1903), p. 4. Fleeing to America, Novi list, 4 (7 April 1903), p. 4. “Yesterday evening 1999 emigrants, mostly from southern Croatia, went to America. This year emigration of Croats peaked, primarily as the result of Croatia’s unfortunate financial inferiority”.

71 Croatian Emigrants, Narodna obrana, 2 (27 March 1903), no. 70, p. 4.

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Lu~ka ~etvrt na zapadnoj strani grada s industrijskom zonom u kojoj je 1908. izgra|ena iseljeni~ka ku}a poznatija kao hotel za emigrante za pribli`no dvije tisu}e ljudi. “Hotel” je izgra|en tik do `eljeznice i u blizini iseljeni~koga Rudolfova mola. Prije su iseljenici smje{tani u manja prihvatili{ta, uglavnom u zapadnim gradskim ~etvrtima i predgra|ima. (Muzej grada Rijeke) The port district in the western part of Rijeka including the industrial zone in which an emigrants’ home, better known as the Emigrants’ Hotel, for approximately two thousand people, was built in 1908. The “Hotel” was erected next to the railway station and near the emigrants’ Rudolf’s quay. Before, emigrants were accommodated in smaller lodgings, mostly in the western parts of the town and in suburbs. (Muzej grada Rijeke)

nacionalnog ponosa i, donekle, protunjema~kog raspoloènja, za prvu je ruku jednostavno i prakti~no razrije{en tako da je Adria unajmila brodove engleskog brodara Cunard Linea. Utana~ivanje dogovora dovelo je u Rijeku krajem rujna 1903. predstavnike vlade, savjetnika Bele Gonde i povjerenika za emigraciju Levaia, a potom je vlada dodijelila pri74 jevozniku “privremenu koncesiju”. Protivnici Cunardova i Adrijina monopolizma podràvaju ve} otklonjenu mogu}nost da se u posao uklju~i i Ugarsko dru{tvo za pomorsku i rije~nu plovidbu, koje se spominjalo u prvim vladinim razmatranjima jer “zdrava konkurencija ne moè nego biti 75 prednost za izravne korisnike kao i za ~itav na{ grad”. I White Star Line, drugi veliki engleski brodar, odlu~uje se uklju~iti u prijevoz iseljenika iz Sredozemlja u Ameriku i za tu namjenu odre|uje tri parobroda. Govori se i o Rijeci kao jednoj od mogu}ih luka u kojima bi brodovi mogli pristajati, no to ipak nije 76 ostvareno. U svakom slu~aju, unato~ po~etnim premi{ljanjima, nije uspjela zamisao o mogu}nosti izravna uklju~ivanja doma}ega brodara u prijevozni~ki posao. Doista se dogodilo da je ime Cunard-Adrije samo plod prikrivanja, ili bar ublaàvanja, ~injenice da je unosan posao povjeren stranomu brodarskom dru{tvu. Nakon prvih najava, poslije se vi{e uop}e i ne spominje nikakva britansko-ugarska kompanija pod imenom Cunard-Adria. Prijevoz iseljenika iz Rijeke u New York u potpunosti obavlja Cunard Line, a Adria preuzima samo uobi~ajene agentske i druge posredni~ke poslove. Kao Cunardov predstavnik u Ugarskoj, Adria osniva i vi{e poslovnica u raznim gradovima, pa i u pograni~nim krajevima “ju`ne Ugarske”. Jedino liniju za New York u svome 77 voznom redu redovito najavljuje i reklamira kao vlastitu.

74 La Società “Adria” ed il Governo, La Bilancia (30. 9. 1903.). Il movimento d’ emigrazione tra Fiume e New York, La Bilancia, (1. 12. 1903.) Il ministro presidente...ha accordato alla societa “Cunard Steamship Company”, la quale e rapresentata in Ungheria dalla societa “Adria”, il permesso provvisorio per l imbarco di emigranti nei suoi piroscafi, che comunicheranno prossimamente tra Fiume e New York.

Ipak, Adria nije odustala od mogu}nosti uspostavljanja “nacionalne” linije za Ameriku. Po~etkom 1906. u Berlinu je, u prisutnosti predstavnika ugarske vlade, saz78 van sastanak Adrije s Cunardom, Norddeutscher Lloydom i Hamburg-Amerika Lineom. Poslije se pregovorima pridru`uje i Holland-Amerika Line. Spominje se ve} i temeljni 79 kapital novog prijevoznika, koji bi trebao biti 10–12 milijuna kruna. No osnivanje nacionalne kompanije za prekomorski promet, u kojoj bi udjela imali i pozvani strani brodari, ni ovaj put ne uspijeva.

75 La Società “Adria” ed il Governo, La Bilancia (30. 9. 1903.) 76 Una nuova linea Fiume-America, La Bilancia, (21. 11. 1903.) 77 Parobrodarsko dru{tvo Cunard-Adria, Novi list 5 (9. 3. 1904.). Adria, Regia ungarica società anonima di nav. marittima, La Bilancia (5. 9. 1906.) Per quelli che emigrano, Nuove agenzie de emigrazione, La Bilancia (29. 8. 1912.) 78 Una nuova linea ungaro americana, La Bilancia (11. 1. 1906.) 79 La nuova linea ungherese d emigrazione, La Bilancia (1. 8. 1906.)

Ve} potkraj 1903., prije sklapanja kona~nih ugovora s ugarskom vladom, Cunard Line poduzima dvije “probne” vo`nje iz Rijeke u New York. Jedan od najve}ih prekooceanskih prijevoznika upravo se u~vr{}uje na {irem podru~ju Sredozemlja, naro~ito u talijanskim lukama Genovi i Napulju. Rije~ko-tr{}anska linija za Ameriku zapo~inje djelovati isplovljenjem Cunardova parobroda Aurania koji 20. listopada kre}e iz New Yorka s ukrcanih 349 putnika te se

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Hotel za emigrante, moderna armiranobetonska arhitektura kojom se ugarske vlasti osobito ponose jer zadovoljava filantropske standarde onoga doba kojima je uzor bio Ballinstadt u Hamburgu. U zgradi se obavljaju lije~ni~ki pregledi i dezinficira prtljaga, a iseljenicima su na raspolaganju i razne druge usluge nu`ne prije odlaska u Ameriku. (Muzej grada Rijeke) The Emigrants’ Hotel with its reinforced-concrete structure had a modern architecture that made the Hungarian administration especially proud, since it complied with the phylanthropic standards of the time, which took Ballinstadt in Hamburg as a model. In the building, emigrants could go to medical examinations and have their luggage desinfected, as well as use other services, necessary before embarking for America. (Muzej grada Rijeke)

In late 1902 the Hungarian Government started to consider channeling emigration through Rijeka’s port and to make certain that the Adria shipping company built new steamships for the transport of emigrants. Another idea was the construction of a hostel for emigrants, supervised by the state authorities, based on the Hamburg model. “The investments have been assessed as profitable, given the high cost of emigration from the Monarchy, amounting to as much as 40 million Crowns annually. Channeling the growing tide of emigrants to Rijeka, by appropriate tariffs and by administrative 72 regulations, would stem the flow of emigrants to Genoa, Hamburg and Bremen…” In mid-1905, Budapest’s Pester Lloyd announced that the management of the Hungarian Company for Maritime and River Navigation in Budapest was considering options to direct emigration to North America through Rijeka and that the man73 agers were studying organizational aspects of emigration in foreign ports. Some people feared that the Government would grant a concession for the transport of emigrants to a foreign company, ostensibly under the name of a local shipper. Particularly feared was the introduction of a German company into the Hungarian port, at the expense of local companies. In order to save national pride and, to a smaller degree, to appease anti-German sentiments, Adria opted for a simple and practical 74 interim solution – it hired ships from the British shipping company Cunard Line. In late September 1903, Government officials Bele Gonde, a councilor, and Levai, the Commissioner for Emigration, arrived in Rijeka to finalize an agreement. Subsequently, the Government granted a “temporary concession” to Cunard. Opponents of Cunard’s and Adria’s monopoly reiterated an already discarded plan for the involvement of the Hungarian Company for the Maritime and River Navigation, which had been voiced in the initial Governmental debates, because “healthy competition 75 can be nothing but beneficial for the end consumers and for our town as a whole.” The White Star Line, another major British shipper, decided to start transporting emigrants from the Mediterranean to America and dedicated three ships to that purpose. Rijeka was considered as one of the ports of call, but the company never carried out 76 the plan. Thus, in spite of initial proposals, the idea to involve local shippers directly in the transport project was never implemented. As the result of that, the name CunardAdria was used just as a ploy, i.e., to sweeten the fact that the profitable project had been granted to a foreign shipper. After the initial announcements, a BritishHungarian company called Cunard-Adria was no longer mentioned. Only the Cunard Line transported emigrants from Rijeka to New York, with Adria acting only as its agent and a representative. As Cunard’s representative in Hungary, Adria opened a number of outlets in different towns in the periph-

72 Emigration to America through Rijeka, Narodna obrana (Osijek) 1 (28 September 1902), pp. 3-4. 73 Hunarian Emigration to America Channeled Through Rijeka (L’emigrazione ungarese per l’America diretta via Fiume), La Bilancia (23 July 1903). The centralization project (Il progetto della centralizzazione), (5 September 1903). 74 The Adria company and the Government (La Societa Adria ed il Governo), La Bilancia (30 September 1903). The Transport of Emigrants from Rijeka to New York (Il movimento d emigrazione tra Fiume e New York), La Bilancia, (1 December 1903). The Prime Minister … has granted to Cunard Steamship Company, represented in Hungary by Adria company, a temporary concession for transport of emigrants by its steamships, which will start operating between Rijeka and New York soon (In ministro presidente…ha accordato allo societa Cunard Steamship Company, la quale e representata in Ungheria della societa Adria, ili promesso provvisorio per l embarco di emigranti nei suoi piroscafi, che communicheranno prossimamente tra Fiume e New York), La Bilancia (30 September 1903). 75 The Adria Company and the Government (La Societa Adria ed il Governo), la Bilancia (30 September 1903).

76 New line Rijeka-America (Una nuova linea FiumeAmerica), La Bilancia (21 November 1903).

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BROJ PUTNIKA UKRCANIH U RIJECI 1903.1913. / NUBMER OF PASSENGERS WHO EMBARKED IN RIJEKA 1903 - 1913

zapu}uje prema Sredozemlju. Najprije sti`e u Trst, a 10. studenoga u Rijeku.

Brod koji u Rijeci izaziva divljenje svojom veli~inom, ljepotom i udobno{}u, prvi put isplovljuje iz Rijeke u New York 14. studenoga sa samo 53 iseljenika. Adria preuzima brigu o reklamiranju linije i prodaji voznih karata te u rujnu po~inje objavljivati obavijesti o isplovljavanju Auranije za Ameriku. No brod isplovljava gotovo prazan, a za nedostatak putnika neki optu`uju brojne rije~ke agente – koji se nisu potrudili prona}i 81 putnike za rije~ki brod, nego i dalje vode iseljenike u druge luke.

Godina Year 1903 1904 1905 1906 1907 1908 1909 1910 1911 1912 1913

313 31,273 36,950 49,386 48,483 15,322 35,224 37,506 18,326 22,874 21,981

Ukupno Total

317,638

Jo{ prije isteka godine, 18. prosinca, iz Rijeke u New York kre}e drugi Cunardov brod, Carpathia, s 257 iseljenika u tre}em razredu i tri putnika u prvom razredu. Brod pristaje u luci Baross, “kod ribarnice”. Izvjestitelji ne propu{taju istaknuti najsuvremeniju tehni~ku opremljenost broda, va`nu i za sigurnost plovidbe. Dostignu}e je svoga doba 82 beì~ni telegraf –”markoniev brzojav bez ìca”. Istoga dana kada Carpathia polazi iz Rijeke, u obratnom smjeru iz New Yorka kre}e Aurania. Po~etkom 1904. Cunard uvodi i tre}i parobrod s namjerom da se linija odràva redovito i da brod iz Rijeke kre}e dva puta mjese~no. Na liniji ostaje Aurania, 83 povla~i se Carpathia, a uvode se Slavonia i Ultonija.

ISELJENICI IZ MA\ARSKE U SAD 1904.1913. / EMIGRANTS FROM HUNGARY IN THE USA 1904 - 1913

Ispo~etka Cunardovi brodovi, osim u Rijeci i Trstu, ukrcavaju iseljenike i u Veneciji, Genovi, Napulju, Palermu i Gibraltaru; ubrzo je odre|eno da pristaju samo u Palermu, uglavnom radi opskrbe, i da ne ukrcavaju putnike tre}e klase. Na povratku 84 iz New Yorka, brodovi pristaju i u Napulju. Vijest o lukama na liniji britanskog prijevoznika rije~ka La Bilancia prenosi iz be~koga Zeita koji ne propu{ta podsjetiti da tr{}anski Lloyd Austriaco ne smije prevoziti iseljenike jer je linija za Ameriku davnim 85 ugovorom (1878.) izme|u Austrije i Ugarske rezervirana za ugarskoga brodara. Brod iz Rijeke isplovljuje svaka dva tjedna (petkom). Redovito su u slu`bi tri ili ~etiri broda koja prevoze otprilike 2000 putnika, uglavnom one tre}e klase, a u desetak godina izmjenjuje se na toj liniji vi{e parobroda – Aurania, Carpathia, Pannonia, Slavonia i Ultonia, a kasnije Carmania, Caronia, Fraconia, Ivernia, Laconia i Saxonia. Iseljeni~ki parobrodi samo u po~etku pristaju u luci Baross, poslije se iseljenici ukrcavaju u glavnoj luci na Rudolfovu molu (dana{nji Orlandov gat), nedaleko od `eljezni~kog kolodvora i “hotela za emigrante”.

Postoci izra`avaju udio iseljenika preko rije~ke luke Emigrants through the port of Rijeka in percentages.

Godina Year

Iseljenici iz Ugarske/ Emigrations from Hungary

Ukupno iseljeni u SAD/Total number of emigrations in the USA

1904 1905 1906 1907 1908 1909 1910 1911 1912 1913

177156 (17,65%) 163703 (22,57%) 153540 (32,17%) 193460 (25,06%) 85526 (17,92%) 135793 (25,94%) 122944 (30,51%) 76928 (23,82%) 93098 (24,59%) 143321 (15,34%)

812870 (3,84%) 1026499 (3,60%) 1100732 (4,49%) 1285349 (3,77%) 782870 (1,96%) 7517860(4,69%) 1041570 (3,60%) 878587 (2,09%) 838172 (2,73%) 1197892 (1,83%)

Ukupno Total

1256821 (25,25%)

9716330 (3,27%)

80 Put Rieke, Novi list (23. 10. 1903.), str. 4. Za prijevoz putnika u Ameriku, Novi list (11. 11. 1903.) “Parobrod je velik, krasan, providjen sa svim mogu}im udobnostima.” 81 Odlazak Auranie, Novi list, 4 (14. 11. 1903.), str. 4. 82 Parobrod Carpathia, Novi list, 4 (16. 12. 1903.) 83 Parobrodarsko dru`tvo Cunard-Adria, Novi list, 5 (9. 1. 1904.) Putovanje Rieka-New York i obratno, Novi list, 5 (12. 2. 1904.) 84 L’ emigrazione da Fiume e Trieste, La Bilancia (15. 1. 1905.) 85 La “Cunard Line” nei porti dell Adriatico, La Bilancia (5. 9. 1903.) Il trust di Morgan e la linea Cunard nel Mediterraneo, La Bilancia (19. 8. 1903.) 86 Per l’ emigrazione, La Bilancia (14. 4. 1904.) 87 Novi list, Ugovor sa Cunard-Line, Novi list, 5 (26. 7. 1904.) 88 Ameri~ka zlatna brda, Novi list (1904.) 89 John P. Kralji}, Rijeka kao iseljeni~ka luka, u: Rije~ka luka: povijest, izgradnja, promet, Muzej grada Rijeke, Rijeka, 2001., str. 233.

S uspostavom nove linije vlada revidira i zakonske odredbe; nove stupaju na snagu 20. travnja 1904. i odnose se na veli~inu brodova i sigurnost prijevoza te na iseljenike koji u Rijeci moraju imati dvodnevan besplatni smje{taj i hranu. Prekobrojni, koji ne mogu biti ukrcani, imaju se èljeznicom odvesti u neku drugu europsku luku, a cijena prijevoza do bilo koje luke, zajedno s cijenom brodske karte, ne smije prema{ivati cijenu karte od Rijeke do New Yorka. Daljnje se odredbe ti~u ograni~enja u vezi s vojnim obveznicima. To~no su odre|ene i cijene putnih karata – za brodove koji plove brzinom od 15 ~vorova 180 kruna, za brè brodove 200 kruna, a za djecu pola cijene. Posebnim se odred86 bama zabranjuje iseljavanje u Brazil. U svakom slu~aju, nakon polugodi{njega uhodavanja ugarska vlada kona~no regulira odnos s Cunardom. Grof Tisza, predsjednik vlade, izlaè 25. srpnja u ugarskom par87 lamentu ugovor {to ga vlada sklapa s britanskim prijevoznikom. Ugovorom su svi ugarski iseljenici u Sjevernu Ameriku, zapravo svi putnici iz “zemalja ugarske krune”, obvezni ploviti Cunardovom linijom iz rije~ke luke. Vlada Cunardu dodjeljuje monopol kojim svoje dràvljane vezuje za tu liniju. Zauzvrat, prijevoznik ima obvezu za svakog putnika translajtanijske – ugarske 88 polovice Monarhije platiti ugarskoj vladi 10 kruna za takozvani iseljeni~ki fond. Brodaru je zajam~eno i da }e iz Rijeke godi{nje prevesti 30.000 putnika, a ako ih bude manje, vlada }e mu pla}ati od{tetu od 100 kruna po osobi – za one koji nedostaju. Kvota je 1907. ukinuta zbog bojazni ameri~kih vlasti da }e poticati brodara i na pri89 jevoz onih koji ne ispunjavaju kriterije ulaska u SAD.

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eral region of “southern Hungary”. Nevertheless, Adria usually advertised the serv77 ice for New York as its own in its timetable. However, Adria did not give up its plans to introduce its own “national” service for America. In early 1906 Adria’s representatives met in Berlin with the Cunard and 78 Norddeutscher Lloyd in the presence of Hungarian government officials. Subsequently, the Holland-America Line joined the negotiations to establish a new carrier. The project79 ed capital stock of the new shipper would be 10 to 12 million Crowns. But the plans to establish a national transoceanic shipping company, jointly with selected foreign shippers, flopped again. Already in late 1903, before signing the final contract with the Hungarian Government, Cunard Line carried out two trial voyages from Rijeka to New York. At that time this major transoceanic carrier was expanding its operations in the 80 Mediterranean, especially through the Italians ports of Genoa and Naples. On 20 October 1903 Cunard launched its Trieste-Rijeka-New York line using the Aurania steamship, which sailed from Trieste to Rijeka with 349 passengers on board. After leaving Trieste, it called in Rijeka on 10 November 1903 The ship’s size, beauty and comfort awed Rijeka’s inhabitants. On 14 November the ship set sail for New York with only 52 emigrants on board. Adria assumed responsibility for marketing and ticketing and in November it announced the timetable for the Aurania’s voyages to America. But the ship continued to sail virtually empty, which 81 some blamed on numerous agencies in Rijeka which sent emigrants to other ports. On 18 December, another Cunard’s ship, the Carpathia, left Rijeka for New York, with 257 emigrants in third class and three in first class. The ship docked in Porto Baro{, “by the fish market”. Reporters did not fail to mention the ship’s cutting edge equipment, including that important for navigation safety. The ship boasted the latest 82 invention, a wireless telegraph, dubbed “Marconi’s telegram without wires.” On the same day when the Carpathia put out from Rijeka, the Aurania headed towards Rijeka from New York. In early 1904, the Cunard introduced a third steamship, in order to maintain a regular biweekly service from Rijeka. Cunard withdrew the Carpathia from the service and added the Slavonia and the Ultonia with the Aurania to 83 the route. Initially, other than in Rijeka and Trieste, the Cunard’s ships boarded passengers in Venice, Genoa, Naples, Palermo and Gibraltar. Soon, it was decided that Cunard’s ships would dock only in Palermo, mostly for supplies, and would not allow third class passengers to board there. On the way back from New York the ships docked in 84 Naples too. Rijeka’s La Bilanica carried a report from Vienna’s Zeit, which did not fail to mention that Trieste’s Lloyd Austriaco was not allowed to transport emigrants to America, as that had been reserved for Hungarian shippers by an earlier understand85 ing between Austria and Hungary, signed in 1878. Ships sailed out from Rijeka twice per month, on alternative Fridays. Three to four ships remained in service on the route, each ship having a capacity of approximately 2,000 passengers, mostly in third class. Over the next ten years, the Cunard Line operated several ships on the line, including the Aurania, the Carpathia, the Pannonia, the Slavonia and the Ultonia and later the Carmania, the Caronia, the Fraconia, the Ivernia, the Laconia and the Saxonia. Initially the emigrants’ ships docked at Porto Baro{. Later on, emigrants were boarded at the main port on Prince Rudolf’s Pier (presently Orlando’s Pier), close to the train station and the Emigrants’ Hotel. The new line coincided with the passing of new legal provisions, implemented on 20 April 1904. These regulations specified the size of ships and safety standards and provided that emigrants waiting in Rijeka would be entitled to free food and board for two days. In case of overbooking, passengers would be taken free of charge by train to some other port and shipped from there to New York, all for the price of the Rijeka-New York ticket. Other regulations pertained to limitations concerning men of military age. Ticket prices were precisely stipulated – 180 crowns for ships with a maximum speed of 15 knots, 200 crowns for faster ships, half price for children. Special regulations 86 banned emigration to Brazil.

NACIONALNI SASTAV EMIGRANATA KOJI SU ISELILI U AMERIKU PREKO RIJE^KE LUKE 1909. / NATIONALITY OF EMIGRANTS WHO LEFT FOR AMERICA FROM THE PORT OF RIJEKA IN 1909.

Narodi/nations

broj/N°

Ma|ari/Hungarians Slovaci/ Slovaks Nijemci/Germans Rumunji/Romanians Hrvati/Croats Rusini/Ruthenians Srbi/Serbs Rusi/Russians Austrijanci/Austrians Bugari/Bulgarians Turci/Turks Kana|ani/Canadians Crnogorici/Montenegrins Talijani/Italians Grci/Greeks Armenci/Armenians Nizozemci/Dutch Amerikanci ro|eni u inozemstvu ili ~iji su roditelji ro|eni u inozemstvu/ Americans, of foreing birth or parentage

17415 6270 4647 3424 1724 888 572 76 55 37 8 5 5 3 2 2 1 90

Ukupno/Total

35224

NACIONALNA ZASTUPLJENOST ISELJENIKA PREKO RIJE^KE LUKE / NATIONALITY OF EMIGRANTS WHO SAILED FROM THE PORT OF RIJEKA

Narodi/Nations Madari/Hungarians Slovaci/Slovaks Nijemci/Germans Rumunji/Romanians Rusini/Ruthenians Hrvati/Croats Srbi/Serbs

Iseljenici Emigrants 40% 25% 15% 10% 5% 3% 2%

xxxx

77 Cunard-Adria Shipping Company, Novi list 5 (9 March 1904). Adria, Royal Hungarian Sea Navigation Company (Regia ungarica societa anonima di nav. marittima), La Bilancia (5 September 1906). Per quelli che emigrano, Nuove agenzie de emigrazione, La Bilancia (29 August 1906). 78 A New Hungarian-American Line (Una nuova linea ungaro americana), La Bilancia (11 January 1906). 79 New Hungarian Line for the Emigrants (La nuova linea ungarese d emigrazione), La Bilancia (1 August 1906). 80 Destination Rijeka, Novi list (23 October 1903), p. 4. 81 Departure of the Aurania, Novi list, 4 (14 November 1903), p. 4. 82 The Carpathia steamship, Novi list, 4 (16 December 1903). 83 Cunard-Adria steamship company, Novi list, 5 (9 January 1904). 84 Emigration from Rijeka and Trieste (L’emigrazione da Fiume e Trieste), La Bilancia (15 January 1905). 85 The Cunard Line in the Adriatic Ports (La Cunard Line nei porti dell Adriatico), La Bilancia (5 September 1903). The Morgan Trust and the Cunard Line in the Mediterranean (Il trust di Morgan e la linea Cunard nel Mediterraneo), La Bilancia (19 August 1903).

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86 For Emigration (Per l’emigrazione), La Bilancia (14 April 1904).

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Vreva na obali i na palubi pri ukrcaju na brod u Rijeci. Pribli`no dvije tisu}e iseljenika, nekoliko stotina ~lanova posade i stotine znati`eljnika koji su ispra}ali prekooceanski brod, uvijek su zanimljiv i {arolik prizor na koji su Rije~ani skretali pa`nju i svojim gostima. (Rije~ka luka, povijest, izgradnja, promet, Muzej grada Rijeke, 2001.) A crowd of people on Rijeka’s coast and on the ship deck during boarding. Rijeka’s inhabitants used to draw the attention of their visitors to this always interesting and picturesque scene of around two thousand emigrants, several hundred crew members and a hundred curious bystanders who were seeing off the transatlantic passenger ship. (The Rijeka Harbour, History, Construction, Traffic, Muzej grada Rijeke, 2001)

Ugovorom su se ponajprije osjetila pogo|ena njema~ka parobrodarska dru{tva, koja “dvojnu Monarhiju” smatraju svojim doma}im trì{tem. Zato su Nijemci na sve na~ine poku{ali onemogu}iti uljeza, no s mnogo manje uspjeha nego u Trstu, na tlu “njema~ke” polovice Carstva, u kojoj je Cunard doista onemogu}en uspje{nijom konkurencijom pod kontrolom sjevernonjema~kih brodarskih dru{tava. Borba se na trì{tu vodi pruànjem boljih usluga za manje cijene, oko ~ega se njema~ke kompanije posebno trude. “Dok je izme|u ugarske vlade i Cunard-Linie ustanovljena ciena prevoza 180 k, njema~ka dru{tva spustila su tu ciene ve} na 80, dapa~e i 70 kruna. To je tako djelovalo na Cunard Liniju, da je njezino ravnateljstvo samo od sebe, dakle i mimo ugovora, spustilo svoje ciene prevoza na 120 k izjavom, da niè ne moè po}i, jer onih 50 K na 70 K njema~kih ciena dieli se ovako: 20 k ide birou za izdavanje karata, 20 dru`tvu 90 Adria’ a 10 K fondu za iseljavanje.” Gotovo istovremeno s “rije~kim dogovorima”, Cunard krajem 1903. postiè sli~an odnos i s austrijskom vladom za liniju izme|u Trsta i New Yorka. Engleski je prijevoznik “dobio od austrijske vlade istu dozvolu kao i onu od ugarske, za odpremanje iseljenika iz Austrije”. Izjedna~ene su i cijene karata za odlazak iz Trsta kao i iz 91 Rijeke, no broj je iseljenika jo{ uvijek vrlo mali jer su karte preskupe. U praksi Cunard u Trstu ne postiè ni pribli`ne uvjete kao u Rijeci. U Trstu uskoro dobiva jaku austrijsko-njema~ku konkurenciju (Austro-Americana), a u Rijeci do kraja zadràva monopol i blagoslov ugarske vlade. Cunardu na ugarskom tlu nimalo ne smetaju velike sjevernonjema~ke kompanije koje se nikad i ne uspijevaju probiti u rije~ku luku. Prihvat emigranata u Rijeci, pregled dokumenata i zdravstveni pregled uo~i ukrcaja vrlo su brzo rije{eni u suradnji s ameri~kim predstavnicima. Krajem 1903. u Rijeci se otvara Konzularna agencija SAD-a; dolazi mladi i agilni dvadesetogodi{njak Fiorello La Guardia koji se brine o regularnosti isprava i nadzire zdravstveni pregled iseljenika. Redoviti lije~ni~ki pregledi bitno smanjuju broj odbijenih kojima vlasti u New Yorku ne odobravaju useljenje. 90 Ameri~ka zlatna brda, Novi list (1904).

Unato~ vi{emjese~nome nedovoljnom broju iseljenika i neisplativih plovidbi, ve} u drugoj polovici 1904. posebnim vlakovima iz Ma|arske po~inju redovito pristizati stotine ili ~ak tisu}e prekobrojnih. Po~etkom listopada problem gotovo poprima razmjere 92 elementarne nepogode.

91 Izseljavanje preko Rieke i Trsta, Novi list, 5 (29. 1. 1904.) “U ostalom ovom se odpremnom slu`bom ovog englezkog dru`tva nije dosele jo{ pove}ao broj izseljenika preko Trsta i Rieke, a to mo`da radi toga, {to je put preko Trsta ili Rieke u New York veoma skup za izseljenike. Naprotiv bio je ve}i promet emigranata kod povratka...mjesta na parobrodima /su/ pokad{to zakaparirana po nekoliko tjedana prije odlazka ladja.” 92 Una questione grave – Emigranti privi d’ alloggio, La Bilancia (4. 10. 1904.)

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Gradona~elnik Francesco Vio upozorava ministra unutarnjih poslova i tra`i rje{enje razmatraju}i, osim smje{taja na brodu i u “hotelima za emigrante”, kori{tenje vlakova koji su zate~eni na rije~kom kolodvoru.

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Razglednica s poznatim Cunardovim brodom Carpathia koja neko vrijeme plovi na liniji izme|u Rijeke i New Yorka. Brod, kojemu je dobar dio posade iz rije~ke okolice, proslavio se spa{avanjem pre`ivjelih s Titanica. (Muzej grada Rijeke) A postcard showing Cunard’s well-known ship RMS Carpathia which connected for a time Rijeka and New York. This ship, whose crew memebers came to a greater part from the region around Rijeka, became famous for rescuing the survivors of RMS Titanic. (Muzej grada Rijeke)

After a six month introductory period, the Hungarian Government finally formalized its relationship with Cunard. On 25 July Count Tisza, Prime Minister, outlined in 87 Parliament the agreement that the Government reached with the British shipper. Pursuant to the agreement, all Hungarian emigrants to North America, that is, all the emigrants from the “territories of the Kingdom of Hungary,” had to travel from the port of Rijeka on Cunard ships. The Government granted Cunard a monopoly on the transport of all Hungarian citizens. In return, the shipper had to pay the Government 10 crowns for each passenger from the Transleithanien, i.e., the Hungarian part of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, which would be credited toward a so-called Emigrants’ 88 Fund. The Government had to pay Cunard compensation of 100 crowns per passenger if it failed to meet the stipulated minimum of 30,000 passengers per year. In 1907, the quota was lowered in respond to a demand from the United States, which feared that it would encourage Cunard to transport even those passengers who did not meet the 89 US immigration standards. The first to be antagonized by the agreement were German shipping companies, who considered the “Dual Monarchy” their own back yard. Hence, the Germans used all means available to eliminate the intruder. Yet, in Rijeka they were much less successful than in Trieste, in the Germanic half of the Monarchy, where Cunard was disabled by more powerful competition controlled by north German shipping companies. The shippers competed by lowering prices and raising the standard of their services. German shippers proved especially dynamic in this regard. “Compared to the 180 crowns stipulated in the agreement between the Hungarian government and the Cunard Line, the German companies offered voyages at 80, or even 70 crowns. The Cunard Line reacted by lowering its price to 120 crowns, without waiting for an amendment to the agreement. They explained in a statement that they could not go any lower, as the 50 crowns difference with the German price had to be divided among the ticket agent (20 crowns), Adria Ltd. (20 crowns) and the Emigrants’ 90 Fund (10 crowns).” In late 1903, almost concurrently with the “Rijeka negotiations,” Cunard struck a similar deal with the Austrian Government for the Trieste-New York service. The Austrian Government granted the English shipper “the same conditions to transport emigrants from Trieste as the Hungarian Government had before it”. The agreement conformed ticket prices in Trieste to those in Rijeka, yet the interest of emigrants 91 remained limited as the prices were too high.

87 Contract with the Cunard Line, Novi list, 5 (26 July 1904). 88 American Hills of Gold (Americka zlatna brda), Novi list (1904). 89 John P. Kraljic, Rijeka as a Port of Emigration (Rijeka kao iseljenicka luka), in: The Port of Rijeka, History, Development, Operation, (Rijecka luka: povijest, izgradnja, promet), Muzej grada Rijeke, Rijeka, 2001, p. 233. 90 American Golden Hills, Novi list (1904).

Cunard fared much worse in Trieste than in Rijeka. While it kept its monopoly granted by the benevolent Hungarian Government in Rijeka, it faced stiff competition in Trieste from the Austrian-German company, Austro-Americana. On Hungarian soil, Cunard operated free of competition from large north German companies, which never got hold in the port of Rijeka.

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91 Novi list 5 (29 January 1904) “That being said, the departures of emigrants thought Trieste and Rijeka aboard the British ships did not increase, because the voyages remained too expansive for the emigrants. On the other hand, the inflow of emigrants was so big that on occasions tickets for the return tips had to be booked several weeks before departure”.

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Nakon kratkotrajne zbrke, u Slavoniju se ukrcava 1920 emigranata s kojima brod isplovljava 6. listopada 1904.. Oko 1500 prekobrojnih vlakom je upu}eno u Antwerpen 93 na ukrcaj u Carpathiju. Budu}i da isti brodovi pristaju u Rijeci i Trstu, zanimljiv je pokazatelj odnos ukrcanih u obje luke u vrijeme najve}e vreve. Primjerice, na Panoniju, koja 20. listopada 1904. isplovljuje iz Rijeke, ukupno su ukrcana 2063 putnika, od toga u Trstu samo 214, dakle tek – desetina! A sljede}ega ih je dana jo{ petstotinjak prekobrojnih posebnim vlakom krenulo iz Rijeke na ukrcaj u Antwerpen! Ukrcaj u vlakove (katkad jedan za drugim kre}u po dva vlaka prekobrojnih) koji putuju za belgijsku luku, postaje gotovo redovi94 ta praksa.

“Kraljevsko-ugarsko parobrodarsko dioni~ko dru{tvo Adria” obavlja agencijske poslove za Cunard – reklamira i prodaje karte za New York. Oglas objavljen na hrvatskom jasno poru~uje kome je namijenjen – prije svega siroma{nim seljacima u rije~koj okolici i Primorju. (Novi list, studeni 1903., Sveu~ili{na knji`nica Rijeka)

Nevolje s velikim brojem iseljenika koji dolaze u vrijeme ukrcaja, ve} su u po~etku privremeno rije{ene smje{tajem u ku}e za emigrante u Ulici Serpentina na Pioppima (alloggio Marac), u zapadnom predgra|u. [estotinjak ih se smje{ta u Hotel Su{ak i u vojno skladi{te (casa di trasporti militari) u Ulici Castello.

“The Hungarian Steamship Company Adria” ran agency services for Cunard, such as advertising and selling tickets for New York. This announcement published in Croatian clearly states to whom it is addressed – primarily to poor farmers from and around Rijeka and the Littoral region. (Novi list, November 1903, (Sveu~ili{na knji`nica Rijeka)

Iako se od samog po~etka spominje nu`nost gradnje posebne emigrantske ku}e po uzoru na Hamburg u kojem postoji cijelo naselje sa svim potrebnim sadràjima, pa i 95 crkvom i sinagogom, izgradnja se oteè vi{e godina. Ve} krajem 1904. vlada otkupljuje zgradu na Turni}u koju namjerava preurediti u emi96 grantsko prihvatili{te koje }e zadovoljavati sve nu`ne higijenske uvjete. No po~etkom 1906. ve} po~inju radovi na izgradnji potpuno novog “hotela za emigrante” u “via Volosca” (“industrijska” – Bar~i}eva ulica) koji bi trebao biti dovr{en iste godine. Izgradnja je ujedno i demonstracija najnovije tehnologije armiranog be97 ona, a treba zadovoljiti sve zahtjeve higijene i smje{taja 2000 iseljenika. Zgrada je doista impozantnih razmjera – duga~ka 160 m, {iroka 24 m, a visoka 17,5 m. U povi{enom suterenu predvi|en je odvojen smje{taj za tek prispjele emigrante, koje jo{ nije pregledala ni policija ni lije~nik, zatim velika dvorana-~ekaonica, kupaonice, prostorija za lije~ni~ke preglede, prostorija za dezinfekciju, garderoba za prtljagu i odje}u te strojarnica, skladi{ta hrane, praonica i prostorije za smje{taj osoblja. I u prizemlju su predvi|ene odvojene mu{ke i ènske spavaonice za privremeni smje{taj tek prispjelih, zatim ured za prijam iseljenika, velika ~ekaonica, dvorane za ve} pregledane i primljene emigrante, ured za pregled putnih karata i ured za emigrantskog povjerenika te prostorija za bolesne, dva velika predvorja, kuhinje, velika blagovaonica i du}ani s namirnicama i tekstilom, brija~nica i trafika. Na prvom i drugom katu su spavaonice; na svakom katu po osam velikih spavaonica, {est manjih i nekoliko za cijele obitelji, te kupaonice i zahodi, predsoblja i sli~no. Uza spavaonice su i prostorije u kojima se emigranti mogu zadràvati danju te otvorene terase. U spavaonicama je smje{teno oko 500 kreveta. Predvi|ene su i pro98 tupoàrne sigurnosne mjere, uvedena elektri~na rasvjeta i ventilacija. Radovi su se ipak otegnuli pa je iseljeni~ka ku}a – “hotel za emigrante” – otvorena tek po~etkom 1908. godine. Unato~ strogim pravilima pona{anja u zgradi, u takvom mno{tvu ljudi nerijetko se doga|aju nepredvi|ene okolnosti i kra|e, a radi opreznosti i straha od epidemije zbog pristiglih iz zaraènih krajeva, katkad su svi emigranti 99 zatvoreni u ku}i i ne mogu izlaziti u grad.

93 Cronaca del Emigrazione, La Bilancia (5. 10. 1904.) 94 Cronaca dell emigrazione, La Bilancia (21. 10. 1904.) 95 Hans-Hermann Groppe, Ursula Wöst, Via Hamburg to the World, From the Emigrants Halle to Ballinstadt, Ellert & Richter Verlag, Hamburg 2007. 96 L’ albergo per gli emigranti, La Bilancia (29. 11. 1904.)

Od 1904. do 1913. preko rije~ke luke u SAD iseljava 317.638 iseljenika. U vrijeme najintenzivnijega iseljavanja, od 1904. do 1910., preko Rijeke je godi{nje odlazilo izme|u 30.000 i 50.000 osoba. Iznimka je 1908. kada zbog gospodarske krize u SAD iseljuju 100 samo 15.322 iseljenika.

97 Il nuovo albergo per gli emigranti, La Bilancia (17. 2. 1906.) 98 Il nuovo albergo degli emigranti, La Bilancia (30. 5. 1906.) 99 L ‘albergo d emigrazione bloccato, La Bilancia (30. 9. 1910.) 100 John P. Kralji}, Rijeka kao iseljeni~ka luka, u: Rije~ka luka: povijest, izgradnja, promet, Muzej grada Rijeke, Rijeka, 2001., str. 234.

104

Po broju ukrcanih iseljenika rije~ka je luka na 8. mjestu me|u europskim kontinentalnim lukama (nisu ubrojene engleske luke Liverpool i Southampton). Iako je u ugarskoj polovici Monarhije Rijeka jedina luka i zato obvezna za ugarske ise-

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Blagovaonica iz Cunardova prospekta Ugarsko-ameri~ke linije. Zbog lo{ega glasa koji je pratio smje{taj tre}e klase, brodari se po~etkom 1900-ih rado hvale pobolj{anim standardom namijenjenim najskromnijim putnicima. (Upute i razja{njenje sjeverno amerikanskim izseljenicima, Muzej grada Rijeke) The dinning room from Cunard’s leaflet of the Hungarian-American Line. Due to the bad reputation of the accommodation of the third class, at the beginning of the 1900s shipping companies often advertised improved standards for the most modest passengers. (Instructions and explanations for emigrants to North America, Muzej grada Rijeke)

The United States opened a consular office in Rijeka in late 1903, with the arrival of a young and agile Fiorello La Guardia, then still in his 20s, which monitored the inspection of documents and medical examinations of emigrants. Thanks to regular medical check-ups, the number of emigrants turned back by the immigration authorities in New York diminished. In cooperation with United States’ representatives, the reception of emigrants, the review of their documents and their medical check-ups were quickly organized. After several months, when the number of emigrants remained insufficient to guarantee the profitability of voyages, special trains from Hungary started bringing hundreds, even thousands, of supernumerary emigrants in late 1904. In early October the 92 problem almost reached the proportions of a natural catastrophe. Mayor Francesco Vio alerted the Minister of the Interior. The Mayor suggested that other than on a ship, and in the Emigrants’ Hotel, the passengers should be accommodated on trains that alight at the Rijeka train station. After a short period of confusion, on 6 October 1904 the Slavonia set sail with 1,920 emigrants on board. About 1,500 supernumeraries were sent by train to Antwerp, to 93 board the Carpathia. Considering that the same ships called at Rijeka and at Trieste, an interesting indicator is the number of boarded passengers at the two ports in peak periods. Thus, on 20 October 1904, 2,063 passengers sailed on board of the Pannonia from Rijeka and only 214 from Trieste (i.e., only 10%!). On the next day, another 500 odd supernumeraries were sent by special train from Rijeka to Antwerp. From then on, supernumerary emigrants were sent to the Belgian port by special trains (sometimes two at a time) almost 94 regularly. The problem of the large number of emigrants was initially solved by their accommodation in emigrants’ hostels in Via Serpentina sui Pioppi (alloggio Marac), in the western suburbs. About 600 emigrants could be accommodated at the Su{ak hotel and in a military storage area (casa dei trasporti militari) in Via Castello. 92 A Serious Question – Emigrants Have Nowhere to Stay (Una questione grave – Emigranti privi di aloggio), La Bilancia (4 October 1904).

Although the construction of an emigrants’ hostel, modeled on one in Hamburg which consisted of a residential area, with a church and a synagogue, was considered 95 necessary from the very outset, work on same did not begin in Rijeka for several years. In late 1904, the Government bought a house in the Turni} area in order to convert it 96 into an emigrants’ refuge meeting all necessary hygienic standards.

93 Cronaca del Emigrazione, La Bilancia, (5 October 1904). 94 Chronicle of Emigration (Cronaca dell emigrazione), La Bilancia (21 October 1904). 95 Hans-Hermann Groppe, Ursula Wost, Via Hamburg to the World, from the Emigrants Halle to Ballinstadt, Ellert & Richter Verlag, Hamburg 2007.

Work on the Emigrants’ Hotel started in early 1906 in Via Volosca (formerly

105

96 An Emigrants’ Hostel (L’Albergo per gli emigranti), La Bilancia (29 Novembar 1904).

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Karta pograni~nih podru~ja izme|u glavnih luka Carstva â&#x20AC;&#x201C; austrijskoga Trsta i ugarske Rijeke. Austrijsko primorje do pada Monarhije se`e do zapadnih rije~kih predgra|a. Izravno je pod ugarskom vladom u Budimpe{ti jedino usko podru~je Rijeke. Isto~no predgra|e, Su{ak, koje se krajem 19. stolje}a razvija u pravi grad, pripada Kraljevini Hrvatskoj, jednoj od zemalja ugarske krune. (Josip @galji}, Rijeka) The map of frontier areas between the main ports of the Empire â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Austrian Trieste and Hungarian Rijeka (Fiume). Until the fall of the Monarchy, the Austrian part of the littoral reached until the western suburbs of Rijeka. Only the narrow area of the town of Rijeka was under direct Budapest-based Hungarian rule. The eastern suburb, Su{ak, which started developing into a proper town at the end of the 19th century, belonged to the Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia, one of the autonomous parts under the Hungarian crown. (Josip @galji}, Rijeka)

ljenike, ovim je putem iselila samo ~etvrtina svih iseljenih iz Ugarske (1.256.821) u tom razdoblju. Iako smanjen, odljev iseljenika prema sjevernim i zapadnim lukama i dalje je velik. U rije~koj se luci naj~e{}e ne ukrcavaju stanovnici iz okolice. Zbog Cunardove koncesije koja vrijedi samo za ugarske iseljenike, a ne i za austrijske, oni s otoka i iz obli`njih zapadnih predjela uop}e ne mogu biti ukrcani. No ni Primorci koji su ugarski dràvljani, uglavnom ne odlaze iz Rijeke â&#x20AC;&#x201C; zbog visokih cijena i poslovnih interesa brojnih ovda{njih i stranih agencija koje ih odvode u druge luke. Ovamo uglavnom stiù iseljenici iz unutra{njosti me|u kojima su najbliì oni iz nedalekih predjela Like. U svakom slu~aju, u vi{e od deset godina neprekidna iseljeni~kog prometa, iz Rijeke i Trsta je u SAD otputovalo vi{e od pola milijuna iseljenika. A nakon rata iz rije~ke se luke vi{e ne putuje u Ameriku.

106

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Industrijska, now Bar~i}eva Street) and was scheduled to be completed by the end of the year (though work on the Hotel dragged on until 1908). The construction was meant to demonstrate the use of the latest technology of reinforced concrete and to 97 meet all hygienic standards to accommodate 2,000 emigrants. The building was really imposing – 160 m long, 24 m wide and 17.5 m high. New arrivals would enter into a separate room in the basement, where they would remain before being checked by the police and the physicians. The basement included a large waiting hall, bathrooms, a room for medical check-ups, a disinfection room, storage for luggage and clothes, a boiler room, a food storage facility, a washroom and rooms 98 for the staff. Separate male and female bedrooms were placed on ground floor for temporary accommodation of new arrivals. The ground floor included a check-in office, a large waiting room, halls for checked-in and examined emigrants, an office for inspection of fares, an office of the commissioner for emigration, an infirmary, two large anti-chambers, a kitchen, a large dining hall, food and textile shops, a barber’s shop and a kiosk. The first and the second floors each had eight large bedrooms, six smaller bedrooms and several family bedrooms, bathrooms, toilets, ante-chambers and similar rooms. Next to the bedrooms were living rooms for the emigrants and open terraces. Total number of beds in the bedrooms was around 500. The Hotel had electric power, ven99 tilation and fire prevention equipment. In spite of strict house rules, problems and thefts frequently occurred due to the large numbers of emigrants. As a precaution against epidemics, especially when emigrants arrived from infected areas, from time to time emigrants remained confined to the Hotel and could not go out. Between 1904 and 1913, 317,638 emigrants traveled from Rijeka to the USA . In the peak period, between 1904 and 1910, between 30,000 and 50,000 persons emigrated through Rijeka every year. During that period, only 1908 had been a slow year when 100 only 15,322 persons emigrated due to a recession in the USA. By number of boarded passengers, the port of Rijeka ranked 8th in Continental Europe (not counting the English ports of Liverpool and Southampton). Although the only port in the Hungarian part of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, and thus obligatory for Hungarian emigrants, only a quarter of all emigrants from Hungary (1,256,821) during that period used Rijeka. Although abating, the outflow of emigrants towards northern and western ports remained significant. Normally, emigrants from the immediate area of Rijeka did not depart from that port. Cunard’s concession applied only to Hungarian emigrants, and not to the Austrians, which would have included emigrants from nearby islands and Istria. But, even emigrants from the Croatian Littoral (Hrvatsko Primorje) region, who were Hungarian citizens, mostly opted for other ports, due to high fare prices and vested interests of local and foreign travel agents. As a result, emigrants from the hinterlands primarily used the port of Rijeka. In any case, over ten years of continuous emigration, more than half a million emigrants traveled to the USA from Rijeka and Trieste.

97 New Hostel for the Emigrants (Il nuovo albergo per gli emigranti), La Bilancia (17 February 1906). 98 New Hostel for the Emigrants (Il nuovo albergo per gli emigranti), La Bilancia (30 May 1906).

After World War I, ships no longer sailed to America from Rijeka’s docks.

99 The Hostel for the Emigrants Sealed Off (L’ albergo d emigrazione bloccato), La Bilancia (30 September 1910).

107

100 John P. Kraljic, Rijeka as a Port of Emigration (Rijeka kao iseljenicka luka), in: The Port of Rijeka, History, Development, Operation, (Rijecka luka: povijest, izgradnja, promet), Muzej grada Rijeke, Rijeka

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Fiorello la Guardia i ameri~ki konzulat u Rijeci Iako konzularni predstavnici SAD-a u Rijeci djeluju od 1831., ve}ina su konzularnih 101 predstavnika ro|eni Rije~ani, no njihova je uloga zanemariva. Tek po~etkom 20. stolje}a, otkad SAD ima konkretnih potreba sa sustavno organiziranom konzularnom slu`bom, po~inju u Rijeku stizati ameri~ki dràvljani – profesionalni konzularni namje{tenici. Prvi je Raymond Norman Willey, u Rijeci od 1900. do 1903. godine. Za svoga je slu`bovanja upoznao Achillea Carla la Guardiju, rodom iz Foggije u Apuliji, koji je u Americi ìvio od 1880., a do umirovljenja 1898. bio je kapelnik ameri~ke vojske. Nakon povratka nakratko se nastanio kod ènine obitelji u Trstu, ali je vrlo brzo stigao u 102 Rijeku. Ve} 17. lipnja 1899. La Guardia preuzima vo|enje restorana Hotela Kontinental u Su{aku. Budu}i da govori vi{e jezika, nije mu te{ko nau~iti i – hrvatski. Uklju~uje se i u dru{tveni i glazbeni ìvot pa na natje~aju za rije~ku canzonetu osvaja prvu nagradu pjesmom Dime Rita (1901.).

Achille Carlo la Guardia, glazbenik iz pokrajine Apulije u Italiji, odlazi u Ameriku i od 1880. do umirovljenja 1898. vojni je kapelnik. Nakon povratka nastanjuje se kod `enine obitelji u Trstu, no ve} 1899. dolazi u Rijeku (u Su{ak) i preuzima restoran Kontinental. Na natje~aju za rije~ku canzonettu osvaja prvu nagradu pjesmom Dime Rita (1901.). Ponu|eno mu je i namje{tenje u ameri~kom konzulatu, no on radije preporu~uje mladog sina Fiorella. (LaGuardia & Wagner Archives, New York)

Upravo je zahvaljuju}i konzulu Willeyu Achilleu ponu|eno mjesto konzularnog agenta. Spretni gostioni~ar to nije prihvatio, ali se potrudio da mu tada jo{ vrlo mladi sin Fiorello Henry la Guardia (1882.–1947.) ve} 1900. bude namje{ten u ameri~kome 103 Generalnom konzulatu u Budimpe{ti.

Achille Carlo la Guardia, a musician from the Italian region of Apulia, emigrated to America, where he was a military kapellmeister from 1880 until 1898. After coming back, he lived with his wife’s family in Trieste, but already in 1899 he moved to Rijeka (to Su{ak) and took over the restaurant Kontinental. He won the first prize at Rijeka’s musical competition called canzonetta with his song Dime Rita (1901). He was offered a job at the American Consulate, but he rather recommended his young son Fiorello. (LaGuardia & Wagner Archives, New York)

Kada se krajem 1903. zbog priprema za pokretanje izravne parobrodarske linije izme|u Rijeke i New Yorka ukazala potreba za konzularnim agentom u Rijeci, najboljim se izborom pokazao mladi Fiorello, najvi{e zahvaljuju}i poznavanju talijanskog jezika. U velja~i 1904. premje{ten je iz Budimpe{te u Rijeku kao jedini slu`benik 104 ameri~ke konzularne agencije. U Rijeci mu je glavna du`nost pregled iseljenika koji se svaka dva tjedna ukrcavaju u brod za New York. Budu}i da je stigao upravo na po~etak organiziranog iseljavanja preko Rijeke, najprije je pokrenuo rad ovda{nje ameri~ke konzularne slu`be na poslovima u vezi s masovnim iseljavanjem iz Ugarske i vodio brigu o sustavnom i temeljitom lije~ni~kom pregledu emigranata. Zaposlio je i lije~nika Stanislaoa D’ Emilia koji prije ukrcaja redovito pregledava putnike, kako bi se izbjegli pre~esti slu~ajevi povrata iseljenika nakon pregleda iseljeni~ke slu`be u New Yorku. Vi{e nego iseljenici, La Guardiji su nevolje izazivali diplomatski osjetljivi slu~ajevi, na primjer, povratnici i biv{i bjegunci od vojne obveze, koji su u me|uvremenu postali ameri~ki gra|ani. Nakon povratka u rodni kraj, austrougarske su ih vlasti progonile zbog starih grijeha, a konzul branio pozivaju}i se na Konvencije o naturalizaciji i pravu ameri~kih dràvljana da budu izuzeti iz obveze sluènja vojnog roka u staroj domovini. îm je stigao u Rijeku, zauzeo se za jednog takvog krivca, “biv{eg” Hrvata.

101 Irvin Lukeì}, Povijest rije~kih konzulata, Adami}, Rijeka 2004., str.166.–187. 102 Njegova je èna Irene iz ìdovske obitelji Coen podrijetlom iz Splita. Lukeì}, isto, str. 172. 103 Ubrzo nakon sinova odlaska, otac ve} sljede}e godine, 1901., neo~ekivano napu{ta Rijeku i odlazi u Kopar. 104 Fiorello La Guardia, The Making of An Insurgent, An Autobiography: 1882 – 1919, J. B. Lippincott Company, Philadelphia and New York, 1948., str. 38.–61.

108

U travnju 1904., samo dva mjeseca nakon stupanja na du`nost konzularnog agenta, ambiciozni La Guardia upu}uje u Washington prijedlog da se konzularna agencija u Rijeci podigne na rang konzulata, a on unaprijedi u konzula. Prijedlog nije bio usvojen. Osim izravnog bavljenja iseljenicima, konzulat ima i drugih du`nosti. Uz ostalo, i pru`anje usluga ameri~kim brodovima i Amerikancima koje su ovamo dovodili razni poslovi. Na poziv parobrodarskog dru{tva Adria krajem listopada 1905., u Rijeku sti`e ameri~ki socijalisti~ki pisac Walling koji prou~ava uzroke iseljavanja u Ameriku. Zanima ga ukrcavanje iseljenika na brod, a posebno prati veliku skupinu hrvatskih emigranata.

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Fiorello LaGuardia and the US Consulate in Rijeka The United States had Consular Agents in Rijeka since at least 1831. Most of these Agents had been the natives of Rijeka and their role had been limited to commercial 101 and other, marginal matters. Only in the early 1900’s, when the USA decided to establish a full time consular office in Rijeka, did it post American citizens and professional consular officers in Rijeka. The first in line was Raymond Norman Willey, who served as American Consular Agent from 1900 to 1903. During his term, he met Achille Carlo LaGuardia, a native of Foggia in Apulia, who had worked in the USA as a military bandmaster from 1880 until his retirement in 1898. After LaGuardia’s return from the USA, he first moved in 102 with his in-laws in Trieste. Shortly thereafter, he settled in Rijeka. On 17 June 1899, LaGuardia took over the management of a restaurant at the Kontinental Hotel in Su{ak. Fluent in several languages, he learned Croatian too. LaGuardia became active in the local social circles and the musical scene, to such an extent that in 1901 he won a prize in a competition for the local canzoneta with a score titled “Dime Rita.”

Fiorello Henry la Guardia (1882.–1947.), najpoznatiji kao dugogodi{nji omiljeni gradona~elnik New Yorka, kojemu otac na prijelomu stolje}a nakratko boravi u Rijeci (Su{aku), ve} 1900. zapo{ljava se u Ameri~kome generalnom konzulatu u Budimpe{ti, a u velja~i 1904. premje{ten je u Rijeku na ispra`njeno mjesto jedinog namje{tenika – konzularnog agenta. Zbog upravo pokrenute redovite linije za New York, njegova slu`ba odjednom postaje va`na. Uzorno je organizirao konzularne poslove vezane uz iseljenike. (LaGuardia & Wagner Archives, New York)

Thanks to Willey, Achille was offered the post of Consular Agent. The clever caterer declined, but made sure that his teenage son, Fiorello Henry LaGuardia (1882 – 1947), 103 landed a job at the US General Consulate in Budapest in 1900. In late 1903, when the launching of a non-stop steamship service from Rijeka to New York created a need for a Consular Agent, young Fiorello was a natural choice, primarily due to his knowledge of Italian. In February 1904 he was transferred from 104 Budapest to Rijeka, as the only official of the American Consular Agency in town. His main task in Rijeka was to screen the emigrants awaiting boarding in the port for the biweekly service to New York.

Fiorello Henry la Guardia (1882–1947), best known as a longstanding popular major of New York, whose father lived in Rijeka (Su{ak) for a short time at the turn of the century, started working in the American General Consulate in Budapest already in 1900, and in Febuary 1904 he was transferred to Rijeka to the open post of the only employee – the consular agent. Due to the newly installed regular line to New York, his service became suddenly important. He organized the consular affairs concerning emigration in a remarkable way. (LaGuardia & Wagner Archives, New York)

He arrived at the time when emigration facilities in Rijeka were being set up, so that he first established consular services necessary for a large scale emigration from Hungary and for systematic and thorough medical check-ups of emigrants. In order to prevent the rejection of emigrants by immigration authorities in New York, he hired a physician, Stanislao D’Emilio, who regularly examined emigrants before boarding. In addition to his work with emigrants, La Guardia remained busy with diplomatic problems created by the return of former draft dodgers, now American citizens, who faced legal prosecution by Austro-Hungarian authorities on return to their homeland. The Consular Agent defended their interests in accordance with a convention on naturalization and the right of American citizens to be exempt from military service in their former homelands. Soon after LaGuardia’s arrival to Rijeka, he interceded on behalf of one such Croat. LaGuardia also engaged in other activities, such as serving American ships and assisting American citizens visiting Rijeka. In October 1905, the American Socialist author, William English Walling, came to Rijeka on invitation by the Adria steamship company to study the reasons for emigration to America. He monitored the boarding of an especially large group of Croatian emigrants.

101 Irvin Luke`i}, History of the Consular Offices in Rijeka (Povijest rije~kih konzulata), Adami}, Rijeka, 2004, pp. 166 – 187. 102 The family of his Jewish wife, Irene Cohen, came from Split. Luke`i}, ibid, p. 172.

In April 1904, only two months after he had assumed his post of Consular Agent, the ambitious LaGuardia suggested that Washington upgrade the Consular Agency in Rijeka into a Consulate and to make him a Consul. Washington did not approve the suggestion at the time. In early June 1906 La Guardia resigned and sailed to New York aboard the steamship

103 In 1901, only a year after the arrival of his son, he unexpectedly moved from Rijeka to Koper.

109

104 Fiorello La Guardia, The Making of an Insurgent, An Autobiography, 1882 – 1919, J.B. Lippincott Company, Philadelphia and New York, 1948, pp. 3861.

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Fiorello la Guardia na jednom od iseljeni~kih brodova (na slici desno). Bio je poznat po odlu~nosti i razumijevanju koje iskazuje prema iseljenicima. No u Rijeci ostaje kratko. Nakon neuspjela poku{aja da rije~ko predstavni{tvo digne na rang konzulata i postigne slu`bu konzula, u lipnju 1906. ukrcava se na Ultoniju i odlazi u New York. (LaGuardia & Wagner Archives, New York) Fiorello la Guardia on one of the emigration ships (on the right). He was known for his determination and the understanding he showed for emigrants. However, he stayed in Rijeka only for a short time. After having failed to promote the representation in Rijeka to the level of a proper consulate and become a consul himself, he departed for New York on the Ultonia in June 1906. (LaGuardia & Wagner Archives, New York)

Po~etkom lipnja 1906. La Guardia prekida slu`bu, ukrcava se na parobrod Ultoniju i 105 odlazi u New York. No jo{ se neko vrijeme druì s iseljenicima – zapo{ljava se na Ellis Islandu kao tuma~. Iseljeni~koj je slu`bi vrlo koristan budu}i da govori vi{e jezika; osim engleskog i talijanskog, francuski, njema~ki i – hrvatski. U to vrijeme doista upisuje i zavr{ava studij na pravnom fakultetu te postaje odvjetnik. Politi~ka mu karijera te~e glatko – postaje i ~lan ameri~kog Kongresa, no najpoznatiji je kao dugogodi{nji omiljeni gradona~elnik New Yorka i direktor UNRRA-e. U Rijeci ga je po~etkom listopada 1906. nakratko zamijenio prvi tajnik generalnog 106 konzulata u Budimpe{ti. Kad je konzularna agencija kona~no uzdignuta na rang konzulata, prvi je konzul imenovan u lipnju, a stigao u Rijeku 3. srpnja 1908. godine. Charles (Clarence) Rice Slocum na toj du`nosti ostaje do smrti 1912. godine. Kompetencija konzulata poslije je protegnuta i na cijelu Hrvatsku i Slavoniju. U studenome Slocum {alje izvje{}e u kojem navodi da me|u emigrantima koji stiù iz Rijeke, ima najvi{e Ma|ara, gotovo polovica, a svi ostali ~ine drugu polovicu – 107 Slovaci, Nijemci, Rumunji, Rusini, Hrvati i Srbi. Ovi posljednji – Hrvati i Srbi – ukup108 no ~ine tek pet posto svih iseljenika koji odlaze iz rije~ke luke. I u Slocumovo doba tri su lije~nika zaduèna za pregled emigranata – jedan je konzularni, drugi je zaposlenik Cunardova doma}eg partnera Adrije, a tre}i je iz lu~ke zdravstvene slu`be koja se ponajprije brine o lazaretu u obli`njoj Martin{}ici. Me|u najustrajnijim je slu`benicima Konzulata od 1909. do 1916. Attilio J. Clementi, isprva tajnik, a potom i ameri~ki vicekonzul. Posljednjih predratnih godina iseljavanje je dosegnulo vrhunac, a po~etkom rata odjednom posve prestalo. Zato se od 1914. 109 konzulat mnogo vi{e bavi ratnim nego iseljeni~kim i gospodarskim problemima.

105 La Guardia u Rijeci nije bio zadovoljan svojim statusom koji se i nije mogao bitno pobolj{ati jer nije imao potrebnu naobrazbu. Ipak, u o`ujku 1906. poku{ava jo{ jednom - tra`i imenovanje za ameri~koga generalnog konzula u Beogradu. Budu}i da mu nije udovoljeno, odlu~io se vratiti u Ameriku i upisati na studij prava.

Tko se ukrcava u Rijeci?

106 U to doba raste i uvoz iz SAD-a. Najvi{e se uvoze poljoprivredni strojevi, bakar, pamuk i drugo, a 1907. rije~ka tvornica torpeda Whitehead po~inje proizvoditi za tvrtku American Electric Boat Company. Luke`i}, isto, str. 181.

Gotovo je lak{e na}i Engleza koji se s kartom tre}ega razreda (steerage) ukrcava na rije~ku liniju za New York, nego Rije~anina i Primorca. Cunardovom Pannonijom odlazi tako Edward McCormack iz Liverpoola, neoènjen tridesetogodi{njak, koji stiè u New York 8. oùjka 1907. godine.

107 J. P. Kralji}, Emigration from Rijeka. An Introduction to the Legal Issues Involved and the Role of the American Consulate in Rijeka, u Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta Sveu~ili{ta u Rijeci, vol. 18, br. 2, Rijeka, 1997. 108 Tijekom 1909. i 1910. preko rije~ke luke iseljava i neznatan broj stranaca – Rusi, Austrijanci, Bugari, Turci, Kana|ani, Crnogorci, Talijani, Grci, Armenci, Nizozemci i Makedonci. 109 Luke`i}, isto, str. 184.

Malobrojni su Rije~ani koji iseljavaju u Ameriku. I u Rijeci ima dovoljno posla i dobro se zara|uje. Ovamo dolaze brojni useljenici, a gotovo nitko ne odlazi u potragu za kruhom. Ako se to i dogodi, umjesto u brod, obi~no se ukrcava u vlak i kre}e prema

110

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Zahvaljuju}i poznavanju vi{e jezika, La Guardia neko vrijeme radi i kao iseljeni~ki prevoditelj na Ellis Islandu. Mnogo poslije se, u kampanji za gradona~elnika New Yorka, hvalio i zaslugama u radu s iseljenicima i poznavanjem, navodno, {est jezika – uz engleski i talijanski, govori jo{ njema~ki, francuski, srpski i – hrvatski! (LaGuardia & Wagner Archives, New York) Thanks to his knowledge of several languages, La Guardia worked as an emigration translator on Ellis Island for some time. Many years after that, during his election campaign for becoming major of New York, he boasted of achievements in his work with emigrants and of his knowledge of, allegedly, six langauges – in addition to English and Italian, he spoke German, French, Serbian and – Croatian! (LaGuardia & Wagner Archives, New York)

105

Ultonia. Upon his return La Guardia resumed his work with emigrants, this time as an interpreter. The immigration service found him very useful due to his command of several languages; other than English and Italian, he spoke French, Spanish, German and Croatian. After graduation from law school, he became an attorney. Concurrently, he embarked on a successful political career, which brought him a seat in Congress. Later on he served several terms as a popular Mayor of New York City and as director of UNRRA. In early October 1906, La Guardia was briefly replaced by the secretary of the General 106 Consul to Budapest. In 1908 the Consular Agency was finally upgraded into a Consulate. The first Consul, Charles (Clarence) Rice Slocum, was appointed in June and arrived in Rijeka on 3 July. He remained in his post until his death in 1912. The jurisdiction of the consulate covered the whole of Croatia-Slavonia. In November, Slocum sent a report noting that almost half of the emigrants from Rijeka were ethnic Hungarians and the rest Slovaks, Germans, Romanians, 107 Ruthenians, Croats and Serbs. The latter, the Croats and the Serbs, comprised only 108 five percent of all emigrants from the port of Rijeka. During Slocum’s tenure, emigrants were examined by three physicians – one from the Consulate, another from Adria, Cunard’s local partner, and a third from the port’s medical service, whose main task was to manage the quarantine in nearby Martin{}ica. One of the longest serving consular officers, from 1909 to 1915, was Attilio J. Clementi, who initially served as Secretary and then Vice-Consul. Emigration peaked on the eve of World War I and then stopped. Hence, as of 1914 the Consulate turned the focus of its activities from emigration and economics to issues 109 related to the War.

105 In Rijeka La Guardia was not happy with his status which could not be significantly improved due to his lack of qualifications. Yet, in March 1906 he tried one more time – he requested the post of the US General Consul in Belgrade. When the request was denied, he decided to return to America and study for a law degree.

Who Sailed from Rijeka?

106 That was the time of growing imports from the USA. The imports consisted mostly of agricultural machinery, copper, cotton and other products. In 1907 Whitehead, a local torpedo manufacturer became a supplier of the American Electric Boat Company. Luke`i}, ibid, p. 181.

On the lists of passengers on the Rijeka-New York service, it is easier to find an English name than the name of some inhabitant from Rijeka or the Croatian Littoral (Hrvatsko primorje) region. Thus, Edward McCormak from Liverpool, 30 years of age, single, sailed aboard Cunard’s Pannonia and docked in New York on 8 March 1907.

107J.P. Kralji}, Emigration from Rijeka. An Introduction to the Legal issues Involved and the Role of the American Consulate in Rijeka, in Zbornik Pravnog fakuteta Sveu~ili{ta u Rijeci, vol. 18, no. 2, Rijeka, 1997.

Rijeka natives represented very few of the passengers, as Rijeka had an abundance of jobs with high wages. Rather then being a source of emigration, Rijeka attracted labor from other regions. Those who did leave, went by train to other ports, at first to Genoa, and then more and more often to Le Havre, Cherbourg, Southampton, 110 Liverpool, Antwerp and even Bremen and Hamburg.

108 In 1909 and 1910, emigration from Rijeka included some foreign nationals – Russians, Austrians, Bulgarians, Turks, Canadians, Montenegrins, Italians, Greeks, Armenians, Dutch and Macedonians. 109 Luke`i}, ibid, p. 184.

Frane (Franco) Trinajsti}, who declared Austrian citizenship, Croat ethnicity and

111

110 Passenger lists of the Ellis Island Immigration Museum: Rade Peric, Hungary, ethnic Croat, Hreljin, ship: Graf Waldersse, port: Hamburg, arr. to NY: 15 Feb 1905; Petar Peric, Hungary, ethnic Croat, Hreljin, arr. To NY: 31 Oct 1906, sip: Caronia, port: Liverpool.

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Me|u razglednicama namijenjenim iseljenicima, dva su tipa – slikovito obojeni parobrodi i prizori gu`vi na palubi uo~i isplovljenja i pri pristajanju u New York. (Muzej grada Rijeke) There are two types of postcards intended for use by emigrants – picturesquely coloured steamships and images of crowds on the decks at the time of departure or arrival in New York. (Muzej grada Rijeke)

drugim lukama, isprva u Genovu, a poslije ~e{}e u Le Havre, Cherbourg, 110 Southampton, Liverpool, Antwerpen, pa ~ak i u Bremen i Hamburg. I Frane (Franco) Trinajsti}, koji je prijavio austrijsko dràvljanstvo, hrvatsku nacionalnost i Rijeku kao zadnje mjesto prebivanja – odlazi iz Le Havrea 9. svibnja 1903. i u New York stiè 18. svibnja. I on je, poput brojnih drugih ovda{njih iseljenika, podrijetlom iz okolice – Kastav{tine ili s Krka. êsti su odlasci mladi}a iz rije~ke okolice – Kr~ana, Cresana i Lo{injana, Kastavaca, Grobni~ana i Kiraca. Ali i oni se, umjesto na brod kojim bi izravno doplovili u Ameriku, u Rijeci ukrcavaju u vlak i odlaze u atlantske i druge luke. Glavni su razlozi tome skupa karta za rije~ki brod i aran`mani koje ovda{nji iseljeni~ki agenti imaju s drugim brodarima. Cunard Line u Rijeci ima monopol u prijevozu putnika, ali i namete koje mora pla}ati dràvi (za emigrantski fond) i Adriji, parobrodarskom dru{tvu s dràvnim povlasticama, koja jedina u Rijeci prodaje karte za liniju Rijeka – New York. Na prigovore da je karta preskupa, u Cunardu se pravdaju da oni namete pla}aju dràvi i iseljeni~kom fondu dru{tvu Adrija za agencijske usluge. Cunard je skup pa mu agenti, koji posluju izvan doma{aja ugarskih vlasti, na Kantridi (najvi{e Ma{ek i drug), ali i u Su{aku (Konstantin Teodorovi}) pred nosom otimaju putnike i odvoze ih u atlantske luke. âk i ljubljanski i tr{}anski agenti, kao i oni iz Buchsa i Basela, ogla{avaju svoje usluge i pogodnosti u rije~kome Novom listu i mame iseljenike na sjeverne i zapadne rute, preko Ljubljane, Buchsa i Basela do francuskih, belgijskih, nizozemskih i engleskih luka. Rijetki su iseljenici kojima je Rijeka mjesto ro|enja ili zadnje prebivali{te i koji se u svome gradu ukrcavaju na brod. Aleksandar Peri} (Alessandro Peric), Hrvat, star 23 godine, neoènjen, ukrcava se na Slavoniju i stiè u New York 23. svibnja 1907. godine. Rije~anin je i Vinczo Adamic (28 godina, neoènjen), naveden kao Ma|ar i s ugarskim dràvljanstvom. Ukrcao se na Pannoniju i u New York stigao 8. oùjka 1907. godine. I poneki su se stanovnici rije~ke okolice ukrcali na brodove Cunardove ugarsko-ameri~ke linije. Frane Trinajsti} iz Trinajsti}i, u dobi od 32 godine, oènjen, ukrcava se 16. oùjka 1905. u rije~koj luci na brod Pannoniju i stiè u New York 3. travnja. U istoj je grupi s brojnim mladi}ima iz obli`njih kastavskih sela Trinajsti}i, Rukavac, Ku}eli, Ju{i}i, a neki su iz Voloskoga – Vinko Dubrovi}, Ivan Drnjevi}, Josip Kinkela, Ivan Ku}el, Frane Lukseti}, zatim Ju{i} i Vlah... Osamnestogodi{nji Petar [vrljuga iz Hreljina ukrcava se na Ultoniju i stiè u New York 16. oùjka 1906. godine.

110 Na putni~kim listama Ellis Island Immigration Museuma: Rade Peric, Hungary, Croatian, Hreljin, Ship -Graf Waldersse, Single, Port Hamburg, arr. NY, Feb 15 1905.; Petar Peric, Hungary, Croatian, Hreljin, Arr. NY, Oct 31 1906, M, Ship Caronia, Port Liverpool.

Na Ultoniju se u travnju 1910. ukrcavaju i Anton Justini}, Anton Str~i} i Jure Perovi}, svi iz Dobrinja na otoku Krku. Neki su o~ito lako presko~ili prepreku koja Kastavce i Kr~ane – austrijske dr`avljane – ko~i u odlasku preko “ma|arske luke”. Iako Cunard Line ima ugovor samo za pri-

112

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Na ovoj razglednici naoko nevelike Carpathije, privezane na pristani{tu u rije~koj luci i snimljene uo~i isplovljenja, neki je iseljenik napisao da je na brod ukrcano “preko dve hiljade” putnika. (Muzej grada Rijeke) On this postcard of the seemingly small Carpathia, docked in the wharf of Rijeka’s harbour and shot when putting to sea, an emigrant wrote that “more than two thousand” passengeres boarded the ship. (Muzej grada Rijeke)

Rijeka as his last residence, sailed from Le Havre on 9 May 1903 and arrived in New York on 18 May. Like many other emigrants from this region, he had been a native of either Kastav or the island of Krk. The areas with most emigrants in the region of Rijeka were the islands of Krk, Cres and Lo{inj, as well as Kastav, Grobnik and Crikvenica. Emigrants from these areas too bypassed the port of Rijeka and went instead by train to some Atlantic or other port. The expensive fares on the Rijeka service and deals that local travel agents had with foreign shippers accounted for this. While Cunard Line had a monopoly in Rijeka, it also had to pay fees to the state (the Emigrants’ Fund) and to Adria, a state sponsored steamship company and the only ticket agent in Rijeka for the Rijeka-New York service. When reprimanded that the fare was inflated, i.e., 120 crowns compared to 70 crowns from the German ports, Cunard replied that it had to pay 20 Crowns to the Emigrants’ Fund and 10 Crowns to its agent Adria out of each fare. Due to Cunard’s high fares, travel agents operating at the outskirts of Rijeka, outside of Hungarian-controlled Rijeka, in Kantrida (primarily Ma{ek i drug) and in Su{ak (Konstantin Teodorovi}), snatched passengers under Cunard’s nose and transported them to Atlantic ports. Even agents in Trieste and Ljubljana, as well as those in Buchs and Basel, advertised their services and comparative advantages in Rijeka’s Novi List. Thus, they attracted emigrants for northern and western routes, in France, Holland and England, via Ljubljana, Buchs and Basel. Only a few of the passengers boarding in Rijeka were natives or residents of that town. Aleksandar Peri} (Alessandro Peric), an ethnic Croat, 23 years old, single, boarded the Slavonia and arrived in New York on 23 May 1907. Vincenzo Adamic (age 28, single), also a native of Rijeka, was registered as a Hungarian national of Hungarian descent. He boarded the Pannonia and arrived in New York on 8 April. Some inhabitants from the greater Rijeka region also traveled on the HungarianAmerican line. Frane Trinajsti} from Trinajsti}i, age 32, married, boarded the Pannonia on 16 March 1905 and arrived in New York on 3 April. He traveled with large group of young men from the villages around Kastav, such as Trinajsti}i, Rukavac, Ku}eli and Ju{i}i. The men from Volosko included Vinko Dubrovi}, Ivan Drnjevi}, Josip Kinkela, Ivan Ku}el, Frane Lukseti}, Ju{i}, and Vlah. Petar [vrljuga from Hreljin sailed off on the Ultonia and docked in New York on 16 March 1906. In April 1910 the Ultonia also carried Anton Justini}, Anton Str~i} and Jure Perovi}, all from Dobrinj on the island of Krk. From the above, one can obviously see that some individuals from Austrian territo-

113

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POLAZNE LUKE ISELJENIKA IZ BANATA 1903. DEPARTURE PORTS OF BANATERS IN 1903 Rotterdam Antwerpen Hamburg

Bremen

jevoz iseljenika iz Ugarske, ta se odredba o~ito nije dokraja ~vrsto po{tovala. No ipak je ovda{njih putnika, austrijskih ili ugarskih dr`avljana, bilo vrlo malo. Tko se onda ukrcava u Rijeci? Unato~ nedostatku cjelovite statistike za sve godine, podaci za 1908. 1909. i 1910., {to ih je prikupio ameri~ki konzulat u Rijeci, podrobno prikazuju nacionalni sastav putnika koji kre}u u Ameriku i mogu se uzeti kao omjer koji vrijedi za svih desetak godina 111 rije~ke linije.

17 64 381

Iako je nakon gospodarske krize u Americi 1908. broj emigranata opao na tre}inu u odnosu na prethodnu godinu, stanje idu}ih godine, kada se broj iseljenika u odnosu na 1908. vi{e nego udvostru~uje, pokazuje i dalje isti odnos me|u narodima. Me|u onima koji dolaze u Rijeku polovica su Ma|ari, vi{e je od petine Slovaka, vi{e od desetine Nijemaca i gotovo isto toliko Rumunja. Hrvata je ne{to vi{e nego Rusina, kojih je vi{e nego Srba. Posve je zanemariv broj stranaca – primjerice, tek nekoliko desetina godi{nje “Austrijanaca”, {to uglavnom zna~i Primoraca iz austrijskoga dijela Monarhije. Svake se godine na brod ukrcava i nekoliko desetina naturaliziranih Amerikanaca koji se ponovno vra}aju, a svih ostalih, “pravih” stranaca – Bugara, 112 Rusa, Talijana i Grka, gotovo je zanemariv broj..

1647

Posebnu pa`nju privla~i mali broj najbli`ih iseljenika – Hrvata. Sude}i po navedenim podacima, u svih desetak godina preko rije~ke ih je luke iselilo jedva desetak tisu}a! Svoje iseljenike Hrvatska nije tjerala u Rijeku, ve} im ostavljala zakonsku mogu}nost da idu kamo ho}e. Ma|arska je pak svoje tjerala u jedinu luku. Zato je lako objasniti toliko mnogo Ma|ara i Slovaka.

POLAZNE LUKE ISELJENIKA IZ BANATA 1905. DEPARTURE PORTS OF BANATERS IN 1905

Rotterdam Le Havre

65 124

Antwerpen

171

Hamburg

407

Rijeka/Trieste

732

Bremen

Iako se ~ini iznena|uju}im, i brojnost Nijemaca, Rumunja i Rusina proizlazi iz toga {to se Ma|arska tada protezala do pokrajina koje su danas dijelovi Rumunjske i Srbije (Transilvanija i Vojvodina), koje su tada nastavali i “banatski Nijemci”, kao i druge dijelove Ma|arske (“podunavski [vabe”), i da su svi bili tjerani na put u Rijeku. Uz poslovnice u Budimpe{ti i Rijeci, Cunardov zastupnik Adria upravo je u tim krajevima imao nekoliko iseljeni~kih agencija – u Novom Sadu, Pan~evu, Gyekenyesn, Gombosu 113 (Bogojevu) i ^akovcu.

2606

Prikaz glavnih smjerova iseljavanja banatskih Nijemaca pokazuje da ih 1903., prije pokretanja rije~ke i tr{}anske linije, vi{e od tri ~etvrtine odlazi u Bremen, gotovo ~etvrtina u Hamburg, a tek zanemariv broj u Antwerpen i Rotterdam. Kasnijih godina ve} dvije petine ili gotovo polovica banatskih Nijemaca, od kojih neki dolaze ~ak iz 114 okolice Temi{vara, putuje preko doma}ih luka, Rijeke i Trsta!

Iseljavanje iz rije~ke okolice i zale|a

111 John Peter Kralji}, Emigration from Rijeka, An Introduction to the Legal Issues Involved and the Role of the American Consulate in Rijeka, u: Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta Sveu~ili{ta u Rijeci, sv. 18., br. 2, 1997., str. 507.– 552. 112 Drugi dokument iz istog izvora – Ameri~kog konzulata u Rijeci (Kralji}, isto, str. 528.) navodi ne{to druk~ije omjere – 40% Ma|ara, 25% Slovaka, 15 % Nijemaca, 10 % Rumunja, 5% Rusina, 3 % Hrvata i 2 % Srba. 113 Cunard, ugarsko-amerikanska pruga, Rieka (Fiume) – New York, Uputa i razja{njenje sjevernoamerikanskim izseljenicima. Budimpe{ta (oko 1910.). 114 David Dreyer, Anton Kraemer, Pre World War I Migration Patterns of Banat Germans to North America, 2003. 115 George J. Prpic, The Croatian Immmigrants inm America, Philosophical, Library New York, 1980., str. 141. - 143. Ve}eslav Holjevac, Hrvati izvan domovine, Zagreb, 1968., str. 79.

114

Hrvati su u neslavnoj iseljeni~koj utrci koja se zbiva od kraja 19. stolje}a do Prvoga svjetskog rata, na tre}emu mjestu u Austro-Ugarskoj, odmah iza Poljaka i Slovaka, a ispred @idova, Nijemaca i Ma|ara. Od 1880-ih do Prvoga svjetskog rata u SAD je doselilo pribli`no 400.000., a po nekim 115 ra~unicama, i pola milijuna i vi{e hrvatskih iseljenika. Prvi hrvatski iseljenici koji u ve}im skupinama dolaze u Sjedinjene Ameri~ke Dr`ave uglavnom su pomorci iz Dalmacije, ~esto s Pelje{ca i iz Dubrovnika. Najprije se naseljavaju na jugu SAD-a, u u{}u Mississippija. Otkad je SAD 1803. kupio Louisianu od Napoleonove Francuske, New Orleans se razvija u najve}u ameri~ku luku na isto~noj obali, i u tome kraju ve} oko 1835. `ivi ove}a skupina Hrvata. Tako su Dubrov~ani uz u{}e Mississippija tih godina izgradili jedno od prvih hrvatskih naselja. Bili su to pomorci, ribari i uzgajiva~i kamenica. Sljede}a je naseljavanja potaknula “zlatna groznica” u Kalifoniji. Godine 1848., kada nakon rata s Meksikom Kalifornija ulazi u sastav SAD-a,

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ries, such as Kastav and Krk, managed to depart from the Hungarian port, in spite of the Cunard’s contractual obligation to carry only the Hungarian emigrants. Yet, all in all, the number of local passengers, both from Austrian and Hungarian territories, remained very limited.

POLAZNE LUKE ISELJENIKA IZ BANATA 1906. DEPARTURE PORTS OF BANATERS IN 1906

Then, who were the passengers who sailed from Rijeka? Although we do not have the statistics for this entire period, data for 1908, 1909 and 1910, collected by the US consulate in Rijeka, which detailed the ethnic backgrounds of passengers, must suffice to establish the ethnic background for the entire duration 111 of the Rijeka-New York service. Although after the American recession of 1908 the number of emigrants dropped by two-thirds, already the next year it grew to more than twice that in 1908. The ethnic breakdown of the emigrants remained steady. Ethnic Hungarians constituted half of the passengers from Rijeka, with Slovaks numbering more that 20%, Germans and Romanians accounting for more than 10% each, and the Croats more numerous that the Ruthenians (who, in turn, had been more numerous than the Serbs). The number of Austrian citizens, mostly from the Croatian Littoral (Hrvatsko primorje) region, proved negligible (this included several dozen Austrians, i.e., Primorje people from the Austrian territories). Every year, several dozen naturalized Americans returned to the US from Rijeka, as well as an insignificant number of genuine foreigners – 112 Bulgarians, Russians, Italians and Greeks.

Le Havre Rotterdam

22 89

Antwerpen

160

Hamburg

553

Bremen

2225

Rijeka/Trieste

2565

POLAZNE LUKE ISELJENIKA IZ BANATA 1907. DEPARTURE PORTS OF BANATERS IN 1907

Especially noteworthy is the absence of Croats from nearby Croatian territories. According to the above-mentioned data, over the ten year period only about 10,000 of them sailed from the port of Rijeka! While Hungary channeled its emigrants to Rijeka, Croatia allowed its citizens to freely choose where they wanted to travel from. That explains the large number of Hungarians and Slovaks. The large number of Germans, Romanians and Ruthenians stems from the fact that at that time Hungarian territory included some regions of modern Romania and Serbia (Transylvania and Vojvodina), then inhabited by the Danubian Germans, as well as present day Hungarian territory. The Hungarians directed all these people toward Rijeka. Other than in Budapest and Rijeka, Cunard’s representative, Adria, had offices in those regions too – Novi Sad, Pan~evo, Gyekenyes, Gombos (Bogojevo) and 113 Csaktorny (^akovec).

Le Havre Rotterdam

28 144

Antwerpen

315

Hamburg

1017

Rijeka/Trieste

2295

Bremen

3657

According to a survey of the main routes that Banat Germans emigrants took prior to the launching of the Rijeka service in 1903, more than three-quarters left through Bremen, almost one-quarter through Hamburg, and only small numbers through Antwerp and Rotterdam. Later on, almost half of all Banat Germans, including some 114 from as far as away as Timisoara, traveled through the ports of Rijeka and Trieste! 111 John Peter Kralji}, Emigration from Rijeka, An introduction to the Legal Issues Involved and the Role of the American Consulate in Rijeka, in: Zbornik pravnog fakulteta Sveu~ili{ta u Rijeci, vol. 18, no. 2, 1997, pp. 507-552.

Emigration from the Rijeka Region and the Hinterlands

112 In another document from the same source – the US consulate in Rijeka (Kralji}, ibid, p. 528), the breakdown is somewhat different – 40% Hungarians, 25% Slovaks, 15% Germans, 10% Rumanians, 5 % Ruthenians, 3% Croats and 2% Serbs.

In the emigration race that took place between the late 19th century and World War I, the Croats represented the third largest group to emigrate from Austria-Hungary, after the Poles and the Slovaks, followed by Jews, Germans and Hungarians.

113 Cunard, Hungarian-American service, Rieka (Fiume)-New York, Instruction and Tips for Emigrants to North America (Uputa i razjasnjenje sjevernoamerikanskim iseljenicima), Budapest (around 1900).

Between the 1880s and World War I, between 400,000 and more than 500,000 Croats 115 moved to the US. The first large groups of Croat immigrants to the US consisted of seamen from Dalmatia, often from Pelje{ac and Dubrovnik. They established their first settlements in the south of the United States, at the mouth of the Mississippi River. In 1803, when the United States bought Louisiana from Napoleon’s France, New Orleans started

114 David Dreyer, Anton Kraemer, Pre World War I Migration Patterns of Banat Germans to North America, 2003. 115 George J. Prpic, The Croatian Immmigrants inm America, Philosophical, Library New York, 1980., str. 141. - 143. Ve}eslav Holjevac, Croats Abroad (Hrvati izvan domovine), Zagreb, 1968, p. 79.

115

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Karta Modru{ko-rije~ke ùpanije, u sastavu Kraljevine Hrvatske, koja seè samo do rije~kog predgra|a, Su{aka i ne obuhva}a ugarsku Rijeku. @upanija obuhva}a Hrvatsko primorje, Gorski kotar i seè do granica Like i Bosne; po~etkom 1900-ih ima vi{e od 200 tisu}a stanovnika. Kao jedno od najsiroma{nijih podru~ja Hrvatske, ve} je prije 1880. podlo`no velikom iseljavanju. Do rata iselilo je vi{e od {ezdeset tisu}a stanovnika. A map of the Modru{-Rijeka administrative county, which was part of the Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia, reaching only until Rijeka’s suburb of Su{ak and not comprising the Hungarian part of Rijeka. The county encompassed the Croatian Littoral and Gorski Kotar and extended to the border of Lika and Bosnia; at the beginning of the 1900s it had a population of more than 200 thousand inhabitants. Being one of the poorest Croatian regions, it was already abandoned by many emigrants before 1880. Until the beginning of the war more than 60 thousand people left the county.

prona|ena su kod Sutiers Creeka velika nalazi{ta zlata pa su mnogi naseljenici s raznih strana nahrupili u dotad puste krajeve, nastanjene jedino Indijancima. S njima stiù i prve ve}e skupine Hrvata. Tek su budu}i nara{taji po~eli odlaziti na isto~nu obalu i u industrijske krajeve sjeveroistoka. Prvi dolaze dalmatinski pomorci i naseljavaju se u San Franciscu, Los Angelesu, Sacramentu, San Joseu i okolnim mjestima te postaju – kopa~i zlata. Osnutak prvih hrvatskih “potpornih dru{tava” svjedo~i i o najranijim mjestima njihova naseljavanja. Prva hrvatska udruènja u Americi bila su Slavonsko-ilirsko uzajamno potporno dru{tvo (Slavonic Illyric Mutual and Benevolent Society) osnovano 1857. u San Franciscu i Sjedinjeno slovinsko dru{tvo od dobro~instva, osnovano 1874. u New 116 Orleansu. Iako prili~no rijetki me|u brojnim Dalmatincima, i prvi se Primorci pojavljuju ve} u najranije “kalifornijsko doba”. O tome svjedo~e prvi Kr~ani, iseljenici iz Omi{lja, Duba{nice i Svetog Vida – uz Juru Grega, spominje se i Petar Kralji} koji je 1860. ve} vlasnik saloona, te Marko Grego, vlasnik prodavaonice namje{taja, Dinko Mar{i} vlas117 nik vo}arnice, i drugi. U rano su doba Primorci odlazili i u Ju`nu Ameriku. Zanimljiv je primjer pustolovnog Matea Paravi}a iz Krasice koji dolazi na Falklandske otoke s misionarskim ambicijama, a potom 1863. u luku Santa Cruz u îleu gdje bezuspje{no poku{ava prosvje}ivati tamo{nje Indijance. Ve} 1864. odlazi u Patagoniju i postaje kopa~ zlata te je me|u prvima zainteresiran za vlastito zemlji{te u Ognjenoj zemlji. Potom je i sto~ar i pomorac, vlasnik i kapetan broda Victoria na kojemu je 1880-ih stradao u brodolomu na u{}u rijeke Santa Cruz, 118 ostaviv{i iza sebe îleanku s osmero djece. Nakon prvih kr~itelja putova, i drugi su se stanovnici rije~ke okolice po~eli vi{e iseljavati jo{ prije 1880-ih. Rukav~ani, mje{tani obli`njeg sela iznad Opatije, odlaze u znat119 nom broju ve} 1864. te ih je do 1883. u Kaliforniju stiglo 140. Naseljavaju se uz obalu, no kako se u to doba zlatna groznica ve} ispuhala, i oni se, kao i ostali naseljenici, okre}u drugim poslovima. Ustaljuju se u Humboltovu zaljevu, u gradovima Arcata i Eureka, koje su ve} polovicom 19. stolje}a osnovali kopa~i zlata i istisnuli tamo{nje Indijance. Iako potje~u iz sela nadomak moru, bliì su im {umski poslovi, pa i u Kaliforniji gotovo svi rade na sje~i golemih stabala sekvoje, u {to se u to doba ne upu{taju ni 120 Dalmatinci ni drugi Hrvati. Upadljiva je i netipi~na jo{ jedna pojava – polovica ranih rukava~kih iseljenika su

116 O prvim hrvatskim istraìva~ima, misionarima i putnicima u tim krajevima te o po~ecima masovnijega naseljavanja Hrvata posebno pi{e Adam Eterovich u npr.: Slavonic Illirians of San Francisco,1848-1880., Matica iseljeni~ki kalendar, Zagreb, 1976. Na osnovi njegovih radova, o tome govore i pregledi hrvatskog iseljeni{tva u Americi, npr.: Ivan îzmi}, Hrvati u ìvotu Sjedinjenih ameri~kih dràva: doprinos u ekonomskom, politi~kom i kulturnom ìvotu, Globus, Zagreb, 1982., str. 23.–124.; Ljubomir Anti}, Hrvati i Amerika, Hrvatska sveu~ili{na naklada i Hrvatska matica iseljenika (2. dop. izd.), Zagreb, 2002,. str.119.–125. 117 Anton Bozani}, Hrvatsko iseljeni{tvo u Sjedinjenim Ameri~kim Dràvama i Kr~ani u New Yorku, Krk – New York, 1996., str. 39.–40. 118 Anti}, isto, str. 50. 119 Frane [epi} Bertin, istraìva~ zavi~ajne povijesti, ima poimeni~ne popise iseljenika s adresama, ku}nim brojevima u Rukavcu, koje su sastavili rukava~ki iseljenici iz Arcate – Eureke. Popisi obuhva}aju razdoblje od 1867. do 1883. i od 1901. do 1923. godine, ukupno tristotinjak imena. 120 Dokaz o drvosje~ama iz Rukavca vi{e je sa~uvanih fotografija u obitelji Kinkela - ônjinovi i Grèti} - Ivulovi. Fotografije prikazuju golema zasje~ena debla sekvoje pokraj kojih stoji vi{e Rukav~ana s pilama u rukama, a neki su se i posjeli u zasjekotinu.

116

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Karta teritorija Hrvatske sa Srijemom, koji danas dijelom pripada Vojvodini (Srbiji) i Bokom kotorskom (Crna Gora). Kraljevina Hrvatska u sastavu je Ugarske i podijeljena je u osam `upanija, a priobalno podru~je, Istra i Dalmacija, u sastavu je Austrije. Iako su prvi iseljenici mahom pomorci iz Dalmacije, krajem 19. stolje}a iseljavanje najvi{e zahva}a Zagreba~ku i Modru{ko-rije~ku `upaniju, a poslije i ostale krajeve.

Vara`din

Vara`dinska `upanija

AUSTRIJA AUSTRIA

Zagreb Trieste Rijeka

Istra

Zagreba~ka `upanija

UGARSKA HUNGARY

Kri`evci Bjelovar

Bjelovarsko kri`eva~ka `upanija

Virovitica

Po`e{ka `upanija

Modru{ko rije~ka `upanija Ogulin

Viroviti~ka `upanija Vukovar

Po`ega

Srijemska `upanija

A map of the territory of Croatia including Srijem, which is a part of Vojvodina (Serbia) today, and Boka Kotorska (Montenegro). The Kingdom of Croatia was an autonomous part of the Hungarian part of the Monarchy, and consisted of eight counties, whereas the coastal region, Istria and Dalmatia, belonged to the Austrian part. Even though all the first emigrants were sailors from Dalmatia, at the end of the 19th century, emigration mostly affected the Zagreb and Modru{-Rijeka counties, and later also other regions.

Senj Pula

Oto~ac

Li~ko krbavska `upanija Gospi~

Zadar

Dalmacija

BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA BOSNIA AND HERCEGOVINA

SRBIJA SERBIA

[ibenik Split

CRNA GORA MONTENEGRO Dubrovnik

Kotor

OSMANSKO CARSTVO OTTOMAN EMPIRE

developing into a major American port. As early as 1835, New Orleans housed a large group of Croats. Emigrants from Dubrovnik founded one of the first Croat settlements in the area, at the Mississippi estuary. There they worked as sailors, fishermen and mussel farmers. The California Gold Rush triggered the next wave of Croat emigration. In 1848, after the war with Mexico and the annexation of California, the discovery of gold at Sutter’s Creek drove large number of immigrants into that desolate region, inhabited only by Native Americas. The settlers included groups of Croats. Dalmatian seamen came first, settling in San Francisco, Los Angeles, Sacramento, San Jose and nearby towns, where they dug for gold. Early Croat immigration can be traced through the first Croat charitable groups, such as Slavonic Illyric Mutual and Benevolent Society, founded in 1857 in San Francisco, and Sjedinjeno slovinsko dru{tvo od dobro~instva (Common Slavic Benevolent Society), founded in 1874 in New Orleans.116 Although greatly outnumbered by the Dalmatians, emigrants from the Croatian Littoral also participated in emigration during the California period. They came from Omi{alj, Duba{nica and Sveti Vid on Krk. They included Jure Grego, Petar Kralji}, owner of a saloon in 1860, Marko Grego, owner of a furniture shop, Dinko Mar{i}, 117 owner of a fruit shop, and others. Early on, those from the Littoral started traveling to South America. Mateo Paravi} from Krasica had been one such adventurer. He arrived on the Falkland Islands with missionary ambitions. Then he moved to the port of Santa Cruz in Chile, where he failed to convert the local Indians. He left for Patagonia in 1864 to dig for gold and became one of the first settlers who expressed interest in purchasing land in Tierra del Fuego. Then he worked as a rancher and a sailor. He died in the 1880s in the wreck of his ship Victoria, at the estuary of the Santa Cruz, leaving behind his Chilean wife 118 and eight children. After these trail blazers, in the 1880s other emigrants came from the region of Rijeka. In 1864, a rather large group from the village of Rukavac above Opatija arrived in 119 California. By 1883, their community there grew to 140 persons. They settled on the coast, but, considering that by then the Gold Rush had petered out, they turned took to other jobs. They lived in Arcata and Eureka, cities in the Bay of Humboldt, established in the 1850s by gold miners, who had displaced the local Indians. Although originally from coastal villages, they found forest work more agreeable. Almost all of them logged huge sequoia trees in California, work shunned even by Dalmatians and 120 others Croats at that time. Here one should also note the fact that half of the emigrants from Rukavac were women! Records do not mention whether they indulged in any activities other than

116 On the first Croat explorers, missionaries and travelers in those regions, as well as on the beginning of large scale Croat immigration, see Adam Eterovich, in, e.g.: Slavonic Illirians of San Francisco, 1848 -1880, Matica iseljnicki calendar, Zagreb, 1976. His works were also used as a base for surveys of Croat immigration into America, e.g.: Ivan îzmi}, Croats in the United State of America: Their Contributions to the Economy, the Politics and the Arts (Hrvati u ìvotu Sjedinjenih ameri~kih dràva: doprinos u ekonomskom, politickom i kulturnom ìvotu), Globus, Zagreb, 1982, pp. 23-124; Ljubomir Anti}, The Croats and America (Hrvati i Amerika), Hrvatska sveu~ili{na naklada i Hrvatska matica iseljenika (2nd amended edition), Zagreb, 2002, pp. 119-125. 117 Anton Bozani}, Croat Emigrants in the United States of America and the Emigrants from Krk in New York (Hrvatsko iseljeni{tvo u Sjedinjenim Ameri~kim Dràvama i Kr~ani u New Yorku), Krk, New York, 1996, pp. 39-40. 118 Anti}, ibid, p. 50. 119 Frane [epi} Bertin, a researcher of the history of his native region, collected a list of individual emigrants to Arcata – Eureka, including their former addresses in Rukavac. The list, consisting of around 300 names, covers the periods 1867-1883 and 19011923.

117

120 Evidence of lumberjacks from the village of Rukavac includes a series of photographs kept by the Kinkela – ^onjinovi and Gr`eti} – Ivulovi families. The photos show several Rukavac people, saws in hands, next to huge hacked sequoia trees, with some sitting in a hack.

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Iz Kastav{tine, nadomak Rijeke, brojni su mladi}i i ve} zreli mu`evi odlazili u Ameriku, poneki isprva u Brazil, no potom uglavnom u SAD. Naj~e{}e zato da bi “posujilnice” isplatili dug, kupili njivu i sagradili ku}u ili {ternu. (Muzej grada Rijeke)

`ene! Ne spominje se jesu li se bavile jo{ ~ime osim ku}anskim poslovima, djecom i mo`da vrtom. Me|u prvima su oti{le Marija Mohorovi~i}, Marija Gr`eti}, Franjica Armanini, Helena 121 [epi}, Elena Grgurina...

Many young men and mature husbands from the Kastav region near Rijeka left for America. Some of them first headed to Brasil, but later mostly to the US. Their biggest motivation was earning money to pay back loans, buy a plot of land and build a house. (Muzej grada Rijeke)

Sve u svemu, iz sela koje na prijelomu stolje}a ima pribli`no 1500 stanovnika, do 122 po~etka 1920-ih iselilo je najmanje tristotinjak osoba. Podosta kasna sje}anja ka`u da su iz Kastav{tine (kojoj pripada i Rukavac), na zapadnoj strani Rijeke, izme|u 1890. i 1914. ve}ina mu{karaca izme|u 18 i 50 godina barem jednom oti{li u Ameriku te da su uglavnom radili u rudnicima, kamenolomima i – kao drvosje~e. Ku}i su se nerijetko vra}ali s lijepom u{te|evinom i sagradili novu ili ure123 dili staru ku}u. No bilo je i onih koji su stradali, posve propali i zauvijek se izgubili.

Starac s jednog od kvarnerskih otoka. Ispra`njena sela iz kojih su mnogi mladi}i i zreli mu`evi odlazili za zaradom tjerala su starce, `ene i djecu da obavljaju “mu{ke” poslove. (Boris Su{anj, Vi{kovo)

I u drugim je dijelovima Primorja iseljavanje po~elo rano. U izvje{}u Modru{ko-rije~ke `upanije iz 1894. ka`e se: “Iseljavanje iz Primorja u Ameriku traje dodu{e jo{ uvijek, ali ne u tolikoj mjeri kao {to je prije bilo. Prije 10 do 15 godina sve je jatomice hrlilo u Ameriku u namjeri da si tamo ste~e bogatstva i blaga, pa da se kao bogat ku}i vrati. I zaista mnogi se tamo pomogao, 124 pa se ku}i vratio, te sad materijalno prili~no dobro stoji.”

An old man from one of the Kvarner Gulf islands. Many young and mature men left their villages to earn money, so that older people, women and children had to perform “male” work. (Boris Su{anj, Vi{kovo)

Poznati prirodoslovac i geograf iz nauti~ke {kole u Bakru pi{e da je “1884. otputovalo iz upravne op}ine hreljinske 956 mu{karaca, koji uze{e putnice kod op}inskog ureda, do~im je stotinu njih oti{lo bez putnica, da ih naknadno dignu kod svojih 125 konzulata. (...)u Ameriku se zaputilo njih 700”. Na samome po~etku 20. stolje}a pojedina su mjesta u najblièm rije~kom zale|u bila gotovo ispra`njena jer je u vrlo kratkom vremenu nekoliko tisu}a siroma{nih seljaka napustilo svoja sela i iselilo u Ameriku. Ukupna migracija toga siroma{noga i kr{nog kraja koja, dodu{e, ne obuhva}a samo prekooceanske odlaske, ve} i migraciju unutar Monarhije, od kraja 19. stolje}a do Prvoga svjetskog rata dosiè gotovo ~etvrtinu! Mjesni je ùpnik u Hreljinu s propovjedaonice preklinjao mje{tane da ne odlaze i ne ostavljaju selo pustim! I iz nevelika Zlobina, tako|er na bakarskom podru~ju, u razdoblju od 1898. do 1915. 126 oti{lo je vi{e od dvjesto mje{tana.

121 Rukopisni popis Frane [epi}a Bertina. 122 Zapravo je rije~ o trima rukava~kim selima Donjem Rukavcu, Gornjem Rukavcu i Ku}eli. 123 Ivan Jardas, Kastav..., Jugoslavenska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti, Zagreb, 1957.

Poimeni~no je popisano 217 osoba, mahom mla|ih mu{karaca koji su u selu ostavili svoje obitelji, a naj~e{}e su odlazili u Chicago i druga mjesta u Ilinoisu, zatim u Minesotu, Michigan ili Novi Mexico te u Port Arthur, Quebec i druge kanadske gradove. Prili~no je iselilo i stanovnika Vinodola. Cijeli je kotar Crikvenica, koji na prijelomu

124 Ivan Barbali}, Po~eci iseljavanja iz Vinodola, Migracioni procesi u Vinodolu, I. dio, u: Vinodolski zbornik, 9/2004., str. 233.–243. 125 Vinko Tadejevi}, Stanovni{tvo Hreljina u povijesnom razvoju, u: Bakarski zbornik 1, Bakar 1995., str. 23.–31. 126 Prema podacima s brodskih putni~kih lista na Ellis Islandu, popis je sastavio i objavio Radovan Tadej, In Search of Lost People of Zlobin, Zlobin, 2004.

118

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Neuobi~ajen prizor primorskih `ena u barci na uzburkanome moru. Mu{karci za zaradom u prekomorju tjeraju ih na mu~ne i pogibeljne ribarske i druge te{ke poslove. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 15741)

house chores, children and, perhaps, gardening. Some of the earliest women emigrants included Marija Mohorovi~i}, Marija Gr`eti}, Franjica Armanini, Helena [epi} 121 and Elena Grgurina.

An unusual sight of coastal women in a boat on choppy sea. As men were earning money overseas, they were constrained to perform hard and risky work like fishing. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 15741)

All in all, by the 1920’s, at least three hundred persons emigrated from that village, out 122 of a population of approximately 1,500 around 1900. Cunardove “Upute i razja{njenja” namijenjene prekomorskim putnicima i tiskane na vi{e jezika zapravo su reklamni prospekt koji iseljenicima, u ovom slu~aju Hrvatima, nudi brojne pogodnosti putovanja “ugarskoamerikanskom prugom” iz Rijeke u New York. (Muzej grada Rijeke)

According to later records, between 1890 and 1914, most men age 18 to 50 from the Kastav region (including Rukavac) went to America at least once. There, most of them worked in mines, quarries and as lumberjacks. Many of them returned home with ample savings and built new houses or renewed old ones. But some of them suffered 123 incidents or financial loss and were never heard of again.

Cunard’s “Instructions and Explanations”, addressed to transatlantic passengers and printed in several langauges, are actually an advertisement for emigrants, in this case Croats, offering numerous advantages of travelling on the “Hungarian-American railway” from Rijeka to New York. (Muzej grada Rijeke)

People started emigrating early from other areas of the Croatian Littoral as well. A report for Modru{-Rijeka County from 1894 claims: “Emigration from the Littoral to America is still going on, but at a slower pace. Some 10 to 15 years ago, people moved to America in droves in order to make a fortune there and come home rich. Actually, many of those who managed to improve their 124 financial situation there, have come back and are now well off.” A renowned naturalist and geographer of the Bakar nautical school wrote: “In 1884, 956 men emigrated from the Hreljin municipality with passports issued by the local municipal office. Another 100 men left without passports, with the intention to get 125 them at the consular offices… Out of those, 700 went to America”. Some villages in the Rijeka hinterland became practically depopulated due in the early 20th century due to the large scale emigration of poor peasants to America. From the late 19th century through World War I, that poor and barren region lost almost 40% of its population. They went both overseas and to other regions in the Monarchy. A local parish priest in Hreljin appealed to the villagers from the pulpit not to leave for fear of totally depopulating the village!

121 A list handwritten by Frane [epi} Bertin. 122 Actually, these figures refer to three villages – Donji Rukavac, Gornji Rukavac and Ku}ela. 123 Ivan Jardas, Kastav…, Jugoslavenska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti, Zagreb, 1957.

From 1898 until 1915, the small village of Zlobin, also in the Bakar region, lost more 126 than 200 inhabitants to emigration. The list of those who left includes 217 names, mostly of young men, who left their families at home. Most of them went to Chicago, and other locations in Illinois, then to Minnesota, Michigan, New Mexico, as well as to Port Arthur, Quebec and to other Canadian towns.

124 Ivan Barbali}, Early Emigration from Vinodol, Migration Processes in Vinodol (Po~eci iseljavanja iz Vinodola, migracioni procesi u Vinodolu), Part I, Vinodolski zbornik, 9/2004, pp. 233-243. 125 Dragutin Hirc, Hrvatsko primorje, Kugli i Deutsch, Zagreb, 1891; Vinko Tadojevi}, Population of Hreljin, History (Stanovni{tvo Hreljina u povijesnom razdoblju), in: Bakarski zbornik 1, Bakar 1995, pp. 23-31.

Emigration proved to be quite large from Vinodol as well. Between 1897 and 1913, the

119

126 According to a list made by Radovan Tadej based on the ship manifestos at Ellis Island, In Search of Lost People of Zlobin, Zlobin, 2004.

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Iz brojnih primorskih sela iseljavanje je vrlo ~esto, no uglavnom uvijek s namjerom da bude privremeno. Kr{an krajolik, neplodna zemlja i male parcele ni marljivim Primorcima nisu omogu}avali pre`ivljavanje. Amerika je za mnoge bila spas, no mnogi su za rodni kraj zauvijek bili izgubljeni. (Muzej grada Rijeke) Many people emigrated from numerous coastal villages, but almost always with the intention to come back. The karstic landscape, infertile soil and small plots of land could not even support a hard-working coastal inhabitant. For many, America represented a salvation, but many were lost for their homeland forever. (Muzej grada Rijeke)

stolje}a ima oko 25 tisu}a stanovnika, 1897. imao dvije tisu}e i {esto stanovnika vi{e negoli 1913. godine. S podru~ja op}ina Bribir, Crikvenica, Drivenik, Gri`ane, Krmpote, Novi i Selce iselile su tisu}e stanovnika. U Ameriku ih je najvi{e oti{lo iz podru~ja Gri`ane – Belgrad. U to doba dvostruko vi{e ljudi odlazi i u druge zemlje nego {to ih 127 iseljava u Ameriku. Uz rane kalifornijske iseljenike, puno je oto~ana, uglavnom pomoraca, iseljavalo od devedesetih godina. Novi iseljenici, Kr~ani, Cresani, Lo{injani, a malo poslije i Istrani s podru~ja Plomina i Labina, odlaze na isto~nu obalu, u New York i na obli`nji sjever, naj~e{}e u Pennsilvaniju, Ohio i Ilinois. Ve} 1883. na otvorenju Metropolitan opere u New Yorku nastupa poznati tenor Josip 128 Ka{man iz Malog Lo{inja.

Pogled na Vrbnik, otok Krk, podsje}a na ljepotu, ali i oporost toga kraja. Boduli-Kr~ani me|u prvima su u Primorju krenuli u Ameriku. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, MUO 16980-44) A view of Vrbnik on the island of Krk, showing beautiful, but harsh and barren landscape. The inhabitants of Krk – Boduli – were among the first from the region of Primorje who went to America. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, MUO 16980-44)

Oko 1895. kr~ki pomorci iz Omi{lja u New Yorku osnivaju Dru{tvo sv. Nikole, 1900. u New Yorku je osnovano Austrijsko dobrotvorno dru{tvo sv. Nikole od otoka Veglie (The Island of Veglia St. Nicholas Austrian Benevolent Society), a sve}enik don Niko 129 Gr{kovi}, tako|er Kr~anin, osniva 1902. u Chicagu list Hrvatska sloboda. I cresko-lo{injski pomorci osnivaju u New Yorku 1895. svoje prvo potporno dru{tvo, Anchor Society, a Plominjani koji su se po~eli kasnije iseljavati, u New Yorku osnivaju 130 Dobrovoljno pomorsko dru{tvo sv. Jurja. Me|u vi|enijim su Primorcima u hrvatskome javnom ìvotu i jedan od osniva~a Hrvatske narodne zajednice (poslije Hrvatska bratska zajednica) Zdravko V. Muìna, a aktivan je i mla|i Josip Marohni} iz Hreljina, tiskar, izdava~ i pjesnik. Sa {irega podru~ja rije~koga zale|a, iz Modru{ko-rije~ke ùpanije (koja ne obuhva}a grad Rijeku) koja se {iri od Primorja u Gorski kotar do Like i Bosne, sa slabo naseljenog podru~ja koje u razdoblju do 1910. dosiè oko 220.000 stanovnika, iselilo je vi{e 131 od 60.000 stanovnika, a od toga velik broj u prekomorske zemlje. Od 1899. do 1912. u Ameriku je iz ove rijetko naseljene ùpanije iselilo gotovo 50.000 emigranata, {to s obzirom na broj stanovnika zna~i da je iseljavanje upravo odavde bilo najintenzivnije i ostavilo teè posljedice nego u drugim hrvatskim krajevima.

127 Barbali}, isto. str. 233.–243. 128 Bozani}, isto, str. 34. 129 Bozani}, isto, str. 35.–50.

Za prve je Primorce Amerika naj~e{}e samo zemlja obe}ane zarade, vi{e nego obe}ana zemlja. Za koju }e se godinu vratiti u rodni kraj, isplatiti dug, sagraditi ku}u ili {ternu, 132 kupiti obli`nju livadu ili njivu. Njihova }e djeca, me|utim, ve} postajati Amerikanci.

130 Anton Bozani}, Istarski iseljenici u New Yorku i okolici, Pazin – New York, 1999., str. 56. 131 Ivan îzmi}, Franka Vonovi}, Iseljavanje iz Modru{ko-rije~ke ùpanije u razdoblju 1880.-1910., u: Bakarski zbornik 1, Bakar, 1995., str. 37.–52. 132 Kao primjer moè se navesti Franeta Lu~i}a i njegove sinove iz Mar~elja te neke Kinkele i Grèti}e iz Rukavca, od kojih se starija generacija uglavnom vra}a, a vi{e sinovi ostaju zauvijek u Americi.

120

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Pogled na obzor i otvoreno more poticao je snove o Americi kao zemlji mogu}e zarade, no drugima je budio ~e`nju za najmilijima i i{~ekivanje njihova povratka. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 16980-81) Looking at the horizon and the open sea, many dreamed of America as the country of certain income possibilities; others longed for their loved ones and waited eagerly for their return. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 16980-81)

population of the district of Crikvenica dropped from 25,000 to 22,400. Additional thousands left the municipalities of Bribir, Crikvenica, Drivenik, Griàne, Krmpote, Novi and Selce, with the area of Griàne - Belgrad on top of the list. During that time, 127 emigrants to America accounted for one-third of all emigrants from Vinodol. In the wake of the early emigrants to California came inabitants of the Adriatic islands, mostly seamen, in the 1890s. The new emigrants, mostly from the islands of Krk, Cres and Lo{inj, followed by Istrians, from the areas of Plomin and Labin, went to the East Coast, New York and to the north, primarily to Pennsylvania, Ohio and Illinois. In1883, the renowned tenor Josip Ka{man from Mali Lo{inj opend the season at the 128 Metropolitan Opera in New York. Around 1895 in New York, persons from Omi{alj established St. Nicholasâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Society, and in 1900 others established the Island of Veglia St. Nicholas Austrian Benevolent Society in the same city. In 1902, Don Niko Gr{kovi}, also from Krk, founded the Hrvatska slo129 boda magazine (Croatian Freedom) in Chicago. Seamen from Cres and Lo{inj founded their charity, Anchor Society, in 1895 in New York. That was followed by the St. George Benevolent Maritime Society, established by 130 emigrants from Plomin. Some of the most prominent Croats in the Croatian-American community included Zdravko V. Muìna, one of the founders of the National Croatian Society (later known as Croatian Fraternal Union) and his younger compatriot Josip Marohni}, a printer, publisher and poet from Hreljin. By 1910, more than 60,000 persons, out of 220,000 (1910), had emigrated from sparsely populated Modru{-Rijeka county (not including the town of Rijeka). From that County, extending from the Littoral through Gorski kotar to Lika and Bosnia, most 131 people went overseas. From 1899 until 1912, more than 50,000 people went to America from the County. In this County, emigration had been more intensive than in any other Croatian region and had the most damaging consequences.

127 Barbali}, ibid, pp. 233-243. 128 Bozani}, ibid, p. 34. 129 Bozani}, ibid, pp. 35-50. 130 Anton Bozani}, Emigrants from Istria in the New York Region (Istarski iseljenici u New Yorku i okolici), Pazin â&#x20AC;&#x201C; New York, 1999, p. 56.

For most early emigrants from the Littoral, America proved to be a land of promised income, rather than a promised land. Within a few years after their return, they managed to pay off their debts, build a house or a cistern, and buy a meadow or a field. 132 However, their children, fully Americanized, decided to stay in America.

131 Ivan ^izmi}, Emigration from the Modru{-Rijeka County from 1880 to 1910 (Iseljavanje iz modru{korije~ke `upanije u razdoblju 1880-1910) in: Bakarski zbornik 1, Bakar, 1995, pp. 37-52.

121

132 Some such examples are Frane Lu~i} and his sons, from Mar~elj, and some Kinkelas and Gr`eti}s from Rukavac. While the older generations mostly returned home, their sons stayed in America for good

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Tr{}anska luka Austrijsko primorje koje se`e od Grada nadomak Venecije do rije~koga predgra|a Kantrida i kvarnerskih otoka, postaje krajem 19. stolje}a tranzitno podru~je kojim prolazi tisu}e iseljenika na putu do Genove i zapadnoeuropskih luka. Grani~ni je `eljezni~ki prijelaz kod Cormonsa, a s druge strane granice, u Udinama, na talijanskom tlu, iseljenike vrebaju agenti iseljeni~kih agencija poput Nodarija, i Trasporti Generali Internazionali Colajanni, koji im se obra}aju na njihovu jeziku – slovenskom, hrvatskom, slova~kom, ~e{kom, poljskom i ruskom – i nude razne pogodnosti puto133 vanja u Ameriko preko Genove i Le Havrea.

ISELJENICI IZ TRSTA U SJEVERNU AMERIKU NA BRODOVIMA AUSTRO AMERICANE, 1913. EMIGRANTS FROM TRIESTE ON AUSTROAMERICANA’S SHIPS, 1913 Austrougarske pokrajine i strane drzave Austro-Hungarian Regions and foreign countries Putnici 1. i 2. razreda/ Passengers, 1st and 2nd class Austrijsko primorje / Austrian littoral Dalmacija / Dalmatia Kranjska / Carniola Koru{ka / Carinthia Gornja Austrija / Upper Austria Donja Austrija / Lower Austria ^e{ka / Bohemia Moravska / Moravia Slezija / Silesia Galicija / Galicia Bukovina / Bukovina Tirol / Tyrol [tajerska / Styria Bosna / Bosnia Hercegovina / Herzegovina Ugarska / Hungary Hrvatska / Croatia Rusija / Russia Crna Gora / Montenegro Albanija / Albania Gr~ka / Greece Bugarska / Bulgaria Srbija / Serbia Turska / Turkey Rumunjska / Romania Italija / Italy Njema~ka / Germany Portugal / Portugal

Ukupno/Total

Iseljenici/emigrants

2099 1599 2526 3200 72 4 43 32 14 1 1291 196 12 334 311 284 754 3200 3237 113

Iako se znatnija migracija u ovim krajevima zapaà ve} po~etkom 1870-ih, tek krajem stolje}a dolazi do masovne migracije iseljenika s udaljenih podru~ja Austrije i Ugarske. Emigranti pristiù vlakovima iz raznih krajeva Monarhije i nastavljaju put prema Genovi ili Le Havreu za koji vi{e agencija u Udinama nudi karte i druge usluge. Vi{e od polovice iseljenika odlazi u SAD, tre}ina u Brazil, a ostali u Argentinu, Kanadu i druge prekomorske zemlje. Me|u pristiglima, ~etvrtina je iseljenika iz Galicije, a po petina iz Banske Hrvatske, Dalmacije i Kranjske (Slovenija). Tek puno poslije Trst nije samo va`na luka za prekomorska putovanja, nego i novo èljezni~ko ~vori{te, odakle mnogi kre}u prema velikim iseljeni~kim lukama na 134 Atlantiku i Sjevernome moru – ~ak do Bremena i Hamburga.

12 15 47 7 122 20 152 7 1

Iako su ve} 1888. dva brata, bankari Isacco i Giuseppe Morpurgo, unajmila od Austrijskoga Lloyda tri parobroda kojima su prevozila iseljenike u Brazil, njihov su pothvat vlasti brzo osujetile pa je sve zavr{ilo tek kao neuspio poku{aj s neznatnim 135 brojem prevezenih putnika. Pravi po~etak sustavnoga vi{egodi{njeg prijevoza iseljenika u Ameriku, u Trstu zapo~inje s Cunard Lineom 10. studenoga 1903. godine. Cunardov parobrod Aurania isplovljuje za New York i pristaje jo{ i u Rijeci, Veneciji, Palermu, Napulju, Al`iru i Gibraltaru. Prve su vo`nje “probne” pa se ukrcava svega nekoliko desetaka putnika, no engleski brodar ne posustaje; redovito odr`ava liniju i postupno pove}ava promet putnika.

19606

Izvor /Souruce : Auswanderung nach Nordamerika via Triest mit der Dampfer der Austro-Americana f. lli Cosulich, Archivio di Stato di Trieste

Za razliku od Rijeke u kojoj, zahvaljuju}i politici ugarske vlade, Cunard Line ima monopol na prijevoz iseljenika u New York, u Trstu se engleski brodar mora natjecati s vrlo mo}nom konkurencijom njema~kih brodara na kontinentu. U bespo{tednoj borbi za tr`i{te, koju njema~ki brodari vode protiv engleskih brodara, Cunard se u Trstu nikad nije uspio posve nametnuti. Austrijsko je primorje podru~je jakoga njema~kog utjecaja i Cunard u ukupnom udjelu u prijevozu iseljenika u Trstu ne dosi`e ni udio od punih 15%, no brodovi mu zato na putu do Amerike pristaju u Rijeci, na 136 ugarskom tlu, u kojoj za Engleze vladaju povoljnije prilike.

ZEMLJE IZ KOJIH ISELJENICI DOLAZE U TR[]ANSKU LUKU 1903.-1914. COUNTRIES FROM WHICH THE EMIGRANTS ARRIVED TO TRIESTE 1903 - 1914 Zemlje/Countries

Iseljenici/emigrants

Austrija/Austria Ugarska/Hungary Bosna i Hercegovina/Bosnia-Herzegovina

40,4& 16,7% 4%

Rusija/Russua Turska/Turkey Gr~ka/Greece Italija/Italy Rumunjska/Romania Bugarska/Bulgaria Njema~ka/Germany Ostali/Other

22,9% 4,3% 3,2% 3% 2,4% 1% 1% 1,1%

Zbog sve ve}e emigracije s juga Italije po~etkom stolje}a, promet emigranata u znatnoj se mjeri pomi~e sa Sjevernog mora i Atlantika na Sredozemlje. Umjesto dotada{njih vode}ih luka Bremena i Hamburga, na prvo mjesto po broju ukrcanih putnika izbija – Napulj. No i u Napulju, kao i u brojnim drugim sredozemnim lukama, u prijevozni~kom poslu i dalje vladaju stranci, Norddeutscher Lloyd i Cunard Line. Ubrzo nakon Cunardove inicijative, u Trstu je 1904. osnovana velika doma}a parobrodarska kompanija pod nazivom Unione Austriaca di Navigazione (Austrijsko pomorsko dru{tvo), poznata i kao Austro-Americana & Fratelli Cosulich. Ime potvr|uje da je nova velika tvrtka zapravo nastala zdru`ivanjem Austro-Americane (osnovane 1894.) i brodarskog dru{tva Fratelli Cosulich, lo{injske pomorske ku}e koja 1889. prenosi sjedi{te u Trst. Novi brodar, koji je i dalje poznatiji pod starim imenom Austro-Americana, u samo nekoliko mjeseci udvostru~uje po~etni kapital – zato {to u vlasni~ku strukturu kom-

133 Prospekti agencija Nodari i drugih u zbirkama Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte, Trst 134 Zagreba~ka agencija Ma{ek i drug reklamira put preko Trsta do Hamburga. 135 Cecotti, Mattiussi, Un altra terra... 136 Izvje{}e lu~ke kapetanije u Trstu Kraljevskim pomorskim vlastima u Trstu, 10. kolovoza 1904. Dr`avni arhiv u Trstu, Pomorska uprava, b. 875, f, 5186-04.

122

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Prizor iz tr{}anske luke. Me|u mno{tvom malih brodica i jedrenjaka, nazire se i veliki prekooceanski brod. Krajem 1903. Cunard po~inje odr`avati liniju za New York istim brodom koji pristaje i u Rijeci. Za razliku od konurentske luke u kojoj engleska kompanija ima monopol, u Trstu se ubrzo pojavljuje i doma}i brodar Austro-Americana, a poslije i tre}i – Canadian Pacific Railway kojega samo rat sprje~ava u ve}em proboju. (Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad) View of the Trieste harbour. Among many small boats and sailing ships, one can also see a big transatlantic steamship. At the end of 1903, Cunard started running the line for New York with the same ship that docked in Rijeka. As opposed to the rival harbour, on which the English company had a monopoly, Trieste soon got a domestic shipping company, Austro-Americana, and later also a third one, Canadian Pacific Railway, which was only held back from expansion by the war. (Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)

The Port of Trieste By the end of the 19th century, the Austrian Littoral, extending from Grado near Venice to the Rijeka suburb of Kantrida and including the Kvarner islands, became a transport hub for thousands of emigrants traveling to Genoa and ports in Western Europe. Emigrants crossed the Austro-Hungarian – Italian border by train at Cormons. On the Italian side, in Udine, travel agency officials, such as those of Nodari and Trasporti Generali Internazionali Colajanni, accosted them and addressed them in their native languages, Slovenian, Croatian, Slovakian, Check, Polish and Russian, and advertised the different advantages of taking passage to America from Genoa or 133 Le Havre. Although emigration from this region had commenced as early as the 1870s, only at the turn of the 20th century did people start emigrating en masse from distant regions of Austria-Hungary. Emigrants came by train from different parts of the Monarchy on their way towards Genoa or Le Havre. In Udine, several agents sold tickets and other services for those ports. More than half of the emigrants went to the USA, a third to Brazil and others to Argentina, Canada and other transoceanic countries. A quarter of the emigrants came from Galicia and a fifth each from Central Croatia, Dalmatia and Carniola (Slovenia). Only much later did Trieste become not only a major port for transoceanic voyages but also a new railway junction and a point of departure for many emigrants on the way 134 to Atlantic and North Sea ports, including distant Bremen and Hamburg. As early as 1888, the brothers and bankers Isacco and Giuseppe Morpurgo rented three steamships from Austrian Lloyd for the transport of emigrants to Brazil. But the authorities soon thwarted their enterprise after they had managed to transport only a 135 very small number of passengers. A period of systematic transport of emigrants to America from Trieste started on 10 November 1903 when the Cunard Line’s steamship Aurania set sail for New York, with stops in Rijeka, Venice, Palermo, Naples, Algiers and Gibraltar. After several “trial” trips, carrying only a few dozen passengers, the English shipper introduced a regular service and gradually increased the number of passengers. Unlike in Rijeka, where the Cunard Line had been granted a monopoly for the transport of emigrants to New York, in Trieste the Cunard Line faced stiff competition by powerful German shippers. In such cutthroat competition, waged by the German shippers against their English counterparts, Cunard did not manage to hold its ground in Trieste. The Austrian Littoral was under strong German influence and Cunard never managed to secure more than 15% of the market in the transport of emigrants in Trieste. However, on the way to America its ships called at Rijeka, a Hungarian 136 port, where the English fared better. After the turn of the century, due to the increased outflow of emigrants from southern

Prospekt s “turisti~kim” prizorom na palubi parobroda Austro-Americane. Doma}a je kompanija nastala zdru`ivanjem flote Fratelli Cosullich, podrijetlom iz Malog Lo{inja, s kapitalom austrijskih banaka i velikih njema~kih brodara. Kompanija je u Trstu prejaka konkuencija Cunardu koji je uspio preuzeti samo manji dio tr{}anskog kola~a. Kao i obi~no, veseli ugo|aj s palube i slikovita razglednica mo}nog parobroda, dobra su reklama. (Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka) A leaflet with a “tourist” view of the deck of Austro-Americana’s steamship. This domestic company came into exitence when the Fratelli Cosullich fleet, originating in Mali Lo{inj, united with the capital of Austrian banks and large German shipping companies. In Trieste, the company was too big of a rival to Cunard, which only managed to eat a smaller part of Trieste’s cake. As is the usually case, the cheerful atmosphere on the deck and the picturesque postcard of the powerful steamship are good publicity. (Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

133 Brochures by travel agent Nodari and others, collections in Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte, Trieste 134 Masek i drug, a travel agent in Zagreb, advertises passage from Trieste to Hamburg 135 Cecotti, Mattiusi, Un altra terra…

123

136 A report by the Trieste Port Authority to the Royal Maritime Authority in Trieste, 10 August 1904, State Archives in Trieste, Maritime Directorate, b. 875, f, 5186-04.

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Austro-Americana do~ekuje rat s mo}nom flotom od ~ak 33 “transatlantika”. Kompanija ima linije i za Sjevernu i za Ju`nu Ameriku, a odr`ava i sredozemna turisti~ka putovaja. No skori joj rat bitno pomrsuje ra~une pa iz rata izlazi s bitno smanjenom flotom, s novimstarim imenom Fratelli Cosullich i s bitno manjim prometom. (Associazione Marinara Aldebaran, zbirka Spazzapan, Trst) At the onset of the war, Austro-Americana had a powerful fleet of 33 ocean steamers. The company had lines to North and South America, and also ran services for Mediterranean tourist voyages. However, the war weakened it severly, leaving it with a reduced fleet, with the new-old name Fratelli Cosullich and with significantly less traffic. (Associazione Marinara Aldebaran, Collection Spazzapan, Trieste)

panije ulaù veliki sjevernonjema~ki brodari i austrijske banke. Velikim ulaganjima Nijemci preuzimaju kontrolu nad kompanijom s namjerom da suzbiju konkurenciju Cunard Linea, nepoèljnog uljeza na “njihovo” doma}e trì{te. Tek se mnogo poslije u Trstu pojavio novi takmac, Canadian Pacific Railway, no skoro izbijanje rata onemogu}uje mu ve}i udio u poslu. Kanadsko je dru{tvo ostvarilo jedva ne{to vi{e od dva posto ukupnoga tr{}anskog iseljeni~kog prometa u Sjevernu Ameriku. Oglas Austro-Amerikane za linije koje odràva s New Yorkom, Kanadom i Ju`nom Amerikom. Dru{tvo se reklamira vrhunskom tehnologijom i dobrom uslugom, novim velikim brzim parobrodima s dva vijka – Kaiser Franz Joseph I. i Martha Washington. (Zbirka zu Kostwein de Canziani Jak{i}, Rijeka)

U doba osnutka, 1904., Austro-Americana ve} ima flotu od 19 brodova i ukupno 61.440 tona bruto-zapremine. Linija za New York pokre}e se u lipnju 1904. godine. Parobrod Gerty kre}e iz Trsta i pristaje u Mesini, Napulju i Palermu. Ve} u srpnju na istoj pruzi plove parobrodi Giulia i Freda. Svi prekomorski iseljenici moraju prije putovanja dati na pregled osobne dokumente i pro}i lije~ni~ki pregled koji se obavlja u isto~nom dijelu hangara br. 17, u podrumskim prostorijama Magazzini Generali. Nakon toga slijedi dezinsekcija prtljage koja se obavljala u Lazaretu sv. Bartolomeja. U potrazi za putnicima Austro-Americana nije osobito stroga u ukrcaju. Dobri su joj i oni koje odbija Cunardov brodski lije~nik i za koje postoji velika vjerojatnost da }e ih odbiti i ameri~ke vlasti u New Yorku. Unato~ po~etnim iskustvima s ne`eljinim povratnicima, Austro-Americana nastavlja primati – i vra}ati – putnike koji ne prolaze provjeru njujor{kih useljeni~kih vlasti. Tako, primjerice, brod ove kompanije u travnju 1906. vra}a ~ak 197 Grka – zbog o~ne bolesti (trahoma) te zbog toga {to su bez novca i nemaju ameri~ke za{titnike, a dijelom i zbog nekih drugih “nepravilnosti” i neispunjenih uvjeta.

Advertisement for Austro-Americana’s lines to New York, Canada and South America. The company advertized highly developed technology, good service, and big, fast and new steamships with two propellers: Kaiser Franz Joseph I. and Martha Washington. (Collection zu Kostwein de Canziani Jak{i}, Rijeka)

Da bi Kompanija postigla odobrenu kvotu od 4% udjela u prijevozu europskih iseljenika u Ameriku, brodarski joj kartel (Continental Pool) dopu{ta pristajanje i u drugim lukama – u gr~koj luci Patras i u nekim talijanskim lukama. Udio se odnosi na cjelokupno kontinentalno trì{te i u tu se kvotu ne ra~una promet ostvaren u engleskim lukama, niti promet {to ga ostvaruju engleski brodari u kontinentalnim lukama. Mediteranski brodarski kartel (pool) pod nadzorom je Sjevernoatlantskoga parobrodarskog linijskog saveza (Nordatlantischer Dampfschiff Linien Verband). Kompanije udruène u kartel prihva}aju to~no odre|ena pravila, ponajprije ~vrsto odre|ene kvote koje ne smiju prije}i. No ako ne postiù predvi|enu kvotu, pomaè im se da na svoje brodove ukrcaju vi{e putnika.

124

Zato je Austro-Americani, unato~ talijanskim zakonima koji na~elno {tite doma}e brodare, odobreno da iseljenike ukrcava i u talijanskim lukama u kojima (u Genovi, Napulju i Palermu) posao i tako vode veliki njema~ki i engleski brodari. O tome svje-

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Veliki parobrod Austro-Americane u gradnji na tr{}anskom navozu. Sve vi{e iseljenika pred rat iziskuje gradnju novih, ve}ih i br`ih parobroda, na {to je brodare tjerala i sve ja~a konkurencija i, osobito, gradnja “najve}ih brodova na svijetu” kojima se po~inju uzajamno natjecati “velika ~etvorica” engleskih i njema~kih brodara. (Associazione Marinara Aldebaran, zbirka Valenti, Trst) A big steamship of the Austro-Americana being built in Trieste’s shipyard. The growing number of emigrants in the time before the war made the construction of new, bigger and faster steamships necessary. Shipping companies were impelled to do so also by the growing competition and, above all, the rival building of the “biggest ships in the world” by the “great four” English and German companies. (Associazione Marinara Aldebaran, Collection Valenti, Trieste)

Italy, the traffic of emigrants shifted significantly from the North Sea and the Atlantic to the Mediterranean. As a result, Naples overtook Bremen and Hamburg as the emigrants’ port of choice. Still, in Naples, as in many other Mediterranean ports, foreign companies, such as Norddeutscher Lloyd and Cunard Line, dominated. In 1904, shortly after Cunard’s initiative, Trieste saw the founding of a major domestic shipping company, Unione Austriaca di Navigazione (Austrian Shipping Association), also known as Austro Americana & Fratelli Cosulich. The name bears witness to the merger of Austro-Americana (founded in 1894) and Fratelli Cosulich, a shipping company from Lo{inj whose seat had been moved to Trieste in 1889. In only a few months, the new shipper, better known as Austro-Americana, doubled its capital stock, thanks to investments by large north German shippers and Austrian banks. Because of their large investments, the Germans assumed control of the Company, with the intention to squeeze the intruder Cunard Line out of their “domestic” market. Only much later did Trieste witness the arrival of another player, Canadian Pacific Railway, whose expansion was soon thwarted by World War I. The Canadian company managed to secure only slightly more than two percent of the total emigration traffic from Trieste to North America. At the time of its founding, in 1904, Austro-Americana had a fleet of 19 ships, with a total capacity of 61,440 DWT. It launched a service for New York in June 1904 using the steamship Gerty, which also called at Messina, Naples and Palermo. In July 1904, the Giulia and the Freda joined the Gerty on this route. Prior to boarding, all emigrants had to pass through document inspection and medical check-ups in the basement of the Magazzini Generali, located in the eastern section of Hangar No. 17. That was followed by disinfection of the luggage at the St. Bartholomew quarantine. Desperate for passengers, Austro-Americana could not afford to be very selective and it accepted even those who had been turned back by the Cunard’s ship physician and who stood little chance of being allowed entry into the USA by American authorities in New York. In spite of a history of rejections, Austro-Americana kept sending passengers to New York who were then turned back by local authorities. Thus, in April 1906 as many as 197 Greeks were returned due to trachoma (an eye disease) as well as because they lacked money, had no American guarantors and had certain other irregularities. In order to meet its quota of 4% of all European emigration to America, AustroAmericana obtained a permit from the Continental Pool to call at the Greek port of Patras and at some Italian ports. The quota comprised the entire Continental market, not including the English ports and the business of the English shippers in the Continental ports. The North Atlantic Shippers’ Association (Nordatlantischer Dampfschiff Linien Verband) controlled the Mediterranean Shipping Pool. Strictly set rules bound the companies in the Pool, primarily through the use of quotas that could not be exceeded. Yet, when a company could not meet its quota, it received assistance to help it increase the number of its passengers.

Parobrod “Martha Washington” AustroAmericane na putu za New York. (Associazione Marinara Aldebaran, zbirka Valenti, Trst) Austro-Americana’s steamship “Martha Washington”, navigating toward New York. (Associazione Marinara Aldebaran, Collection Valenti, Trieste)

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do~i ~injenica da su od 32 parobroda koji u lipnju 1910. iz Napulja isplovljavaju za 137 SAD, samo ~etiri broda talijanska! Iako Austro-Americana lako dobiva dozvolu talijanskih vlasti, talijanska kompanija Navigazione Generale Italiana ne dobiva takvu dozvolu od Austrije – pa i Talijani povla~e ve} izdanu dozvolu. No Tr{}ani i dalje ilegalno ukrcavaju talijanske dr`avljane u Napulju. Isto tako, unato~ kaznama koje pla}aju talijanskim vlastima, i u 138 ameri~kim lukama ukrcavaju Talijane koji putuju u domovinu. Vreva na palubi jednog od brodova tr{}anske Austro-Americane. (Associazione Marinara Aldebaran, kolekcija Valenti, Trieste)

Ukupni promet iseljenika u tr{}anskoj luci od 1903. do 1914.

A crowd on the deck of one of the ships of Trieste’s Austro-Americana. (Associazione Marinara Aldebaran, Collection Valenti, Trieste)

U samo jedno puno desetlje}e, od kraja 1903. do potkraj 1914., iz tr{}anske se luke otiskuje u Ameriku 220.312. iseljenika, od kojih tri ~etvrtine u SAD (73,5 %), malo manje od ~etvrtine u Ju`nu Ameriku (22,1%), a 4,4% u Kanadu. Najvi{e ih odvozi Austro-Americana (83%), Cunard mnogo manje (14,7%), a tek neznatan broj Canadian Pacific Railway (2,3%). Sveukupni promet iznosi prosje~no godi{nje manje od 20.000 putnika, {to zna~i da je Trst deveta me|u deset najve}ih europskih “kontinentalnih” iseljeni~kih luka. Po~etkom stolje}a, u doba najve}e migracije iz srednje Europe i Italije, vode}e su luke Napulj, Bremen, Genova, Hamburg, Le Havre, Antwerpen, Rotterdam, Rijeka i – Trst. U tu klasifikaciju koja obuhva}a kratko razdoblje od 1908. do 1913., nisu uvr{tene velike engleske iseljeni~ke luke Liverpool i Southampton, {to zna~i da Trst zapravo ispada iz liste velike desetorice, dok Rijeka, s neznatnom predno{}u pred Trstom, ostaje na za~elju liste desetorice najve}ih koja se kre}e u rasponu od 1 prema 6 ili od preko 150.000 do malo vi{e od 25.000 iseljenika (u Rijeci se godi{nje prosje~no ukrcava 25.616 139 iseljenika, a u Trstu 25.391 iseljenik). Me|u tr{}anskim iseljenicima, 40,4% su iz austrijskoga dijela Monarhije, 16,7% iz Ugarske (me|u njima je vi{e od polovice Hrvata, a manje Ma|ara), a iz Bosne i Hercegovine 4%. Ostali su iz inozemstva – iz Rusije 22,9%, Turske 4,3%, Gr~ke 3,2%, Italije 3% i Rumunjske 2,4%, a iz Bugarske i Njema~ke manje od 1%. Me|u “Austrijancima” najvi{e je onih iz Galicije (39,6%), potom iz Dalmacije (26,5 %), Austrijskog primorja (koje seè do zapadnih predgra|a Rijeke, 12,7%), Kranjske (Slovenija, 11,1%) i iz Bukovine (3,4%), a najmanje je me|u njima doma}ih, austrijskih Nijemaca iz [tajerske, Ju`ne Austrije i Tirola (ukupno oko 5%). Zamjetno je da manje od 5% iseljenika koji se na brod ukrcavaju u Trstu potje~e iz 140 Austrijskog primorja – {to zna~i iz tr{}anskog zale|a, Istre i kvarnerskih otoka. Zbog nacionalne sloènosti zemalja srednje i isto~ne Europe, podatke treba shvatiti vi{e kao zemljopisno nego kao nacionalno odre|enje, osobito kada je rije~ o @idovima koji su u popisima gotovo nevidljivi. Postoji tako ~vrsto uvjerenje da je me|u brojnim iseljenicima koji dolaze iz Rusije vrlo malo Rusa, a da je me|u njima najvi{e @idova te 141 prili~no Ukrajinaca, pograni~nih Nijemaca i Poljaka. U ovo vrijeme masovnog iseljavanja velik je broj i onih koji samo prolaze kroz Trst i koji èljeznicom nastavljaju do Le Havrea ili prema Genovi i njema~kim lukama (oko 142 31.000).

137 A. Molinari, Porti, trasporti e compagnie, u: Storia dell emigrazione Italiana, sv. 1., Partenze, ur. P. Bevilacqua, A. De Clementi i E. Franzina, Rim, Donzeli Editore, 2001., str. 249. 138 P. Valenti, Le quatro sorelle. Storia delle motonavi Saturnia e Vulcania, Neptunia e Oceania della Cosulich di Trieste, Edizioni Luglio, Trst, 2007., str. 6. 139 G. Russo, Emigrazione transoceanica e trasporti marittimi dal porto di Trieste, u: “Bolettino dell emigrazione”, br.2, 1919., str. 4. 140 A.Kalc, Prekooceansko izseljavanje skozi Trst 1903–1914. g. u: Zgodovinski ~asopis, god. 46., 1992., br. 4, str. 485. 141 G. Russo, Emigrazione transoceanica..., n.d., str. 11. 142 Kalc, Prekooceansko izseljavanje...n.d., str. 492.

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Istovremeno je zamjetan i znatan broj povratnika koji se iskrcavaju u tr{}anskoj luci, me|u kojima je dio “sezonskih radnika” koje zovu i “ptice selice” (birds of passage), a dio je i onih koji se vra}aju potpuno osiroma{eni i padaju na teret tr{}anskih socijalnih slu`bi – koje ih uz minimalnu naknadu smje{taju u posebne stanove u Ulici Gasparea Gozzija. Kako ih pred rat dolazi sve vi{e, gradska bolnica i javne slu`be osje}aju njihov sve ve}i pritisak. Krivnju dijelom svaljuju i na brodare, posebno na AustroAmericanu koju prije svega zanima profit i koja ne vodi brigu o nevoljnicima.

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Razglednica s parobroda George Washington Austro-Americane na atlantskoj pu~ini u brzom plovu prema New Yorku. Parobrod je obasjan ve~ernjim rumenilom i kao da mu ni{ta ne mo`e stati na put. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana) A postcard from Austro-Americanaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s steamship George Washington, rapidly sailing toward New York across the Atlantic ocean. The steamship is lightened by the redness of the sunset sky and seems as if nothing can get in its way. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

Hence, in spite of Italian laws which in principle protected domestic shippers, AustroAmericana received permission to take passengers in Italian ports (Genoa, Naples and Palermo) where major German and English shippers in any event dominated. This is borne out by the fact that only four out of 32 steamships that sailed from Naples to the 137 USA in June 1910 were Italian! Although Austro-Americana easily obtained a permit from Italian authorities, the Italian company Navigazione Generale Italiana did not receive such a permit from Austrian officials. In retaliation, the Italians rescinded their permit, though the Trieste company continued to illegally board Italian citizens in Naples. Similarly, in spite of fines they paid to Italian authorities, they continued shipping Italian citizens from 138 American ports to Italy.

Total Emigrantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Traffic at the Port of Trieste from 1903 to 1914 In only a decade, from late 1903 until late 1914, as many as 220,312 emigrants set out from the port of Trieste to the Americas. Out of that number, three-quarters (73.5%) went to the USA, slightly less than a quarter (22.1%) to South America and 4.4 % to Canada. Austro-Americana transported most of them (83%), Cunard transported much fewer (14.7%) while Canadian Pacific Railway transported only a negligible number (2.3%). The total traffic per year was under 20,000 passengers, which put Trieste in the ninth position among the top ten emigration ports in continental Europe. At the beginning of the 20th century, a peak period for emigration from Central Europe and Italy, most emigrants went from the ports of Naples, Bremen, Genoa, Hamburg, Le Havre, Antwerp, Rotterdam, Rijeka and Trieste. The ranking, covering the short period between 1908 and 1913, does not include the major English emigration ports of Liverpool and Southampton. If they had been included, Trieste would not have been in the top ten and Rijeka, which was marginally busier than Trieste, would have been at the bottom position. The traffic in the top ten ranged from slightly more than 25,000 139 emigrants (25,616 boarded in Rijeka and 25,391 in Trieste) to more than 150,000. Out of the total number of people who emigrated through Trieste, 40.4% were from the Austrian part of the Monarchy, 16.7% from Hungary (more than a half were Croats, whereas the Hungarians were fewer) and 4.4% from Bosnia and Herzegovina. The rest consisted of foreigners â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 22.9% from Russia, 4.3% from Turkey, 3.2% from Greece, 3% from Italy, 2.4% from Rumania and under 1% from Bulgaria and Germany. The Austrians came from Galicia (39.6%), Dalmatia (26.5%), the Austrian Littoral (reaching to the western suburbs of Rijeka, 12.7%), Carniola (Slovenia, 11.1%), and Bukovina (3.4%). The smallest contingent consisted of German speaking Austrians

137 A. Molinari, Ports, Transport and Companies (Porti, trasporti e compagnie), in History of Italian Emigration (Storia dell Emigrazione Italiana), vol. 1, Departures (Partenze), ed. by P. Bevilacqua, A. de Clementi and E. Franzina, Rome, Donzeli Editore, p. 249. 138 P. Valenti, The Four Sisters (Le Quarto Sorelle), History of Steamships Saturnia and Vulcania, Neptunia and Oceania Owned by the Cosulich from Trieste (Storia delle motonavi Saturnia e Vulcania, Neptunia e Oceania della Cosulich di Trieste), Edizioni Luglio, Trieste, 2007, p. 6.

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139 G. Russo, Transoceanic Emigration and Maritime Transport from the Port of Trieste (Emigrazione transoceanica e trasporti marittimi dal porto del Trieste) in Bulletin of Emigration (Bolettino dell emigrazione), no. 2, 1919, p. 4.

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Blagovaonica prvog razreda na brodovima Alice i Laura, tr{}anskog brodara AustroAmericane. Gotovo zadivljuju}i ugo|aj dvorane podsje}a na nepremostivu razliku koja je uo~i Prvoga svjetskog rata jo{ uvijek vladala izme|u prve i tre}e klase. (Zbirka zu Kostwein – de Canziani, Jak{i}, Rijeka) First class dining room on Alice and Laura, Austro-Americana’s steamers. The stunning surroundings of the halls reminds us of the huge gap between the first and the third class before the WWI. (Collection zu Kostwein – de Canziani, Rijeka)

U razdoblju od 1904. do 1914. u tr{}anskoj se luci iskrcava 63.290 povratnika, od kojih 86,1% iz SAD-a, 12,9% iz Ju`ne Amerike i 1% iz Kanade. Upadljiv je podatak da je me|u povratnicima vi{e od polovice ugarskih podanika (50,9%), {to bi, u odnosu na ukupan broj iseljenih iz Ugarske – Hrvata, Ma|ara, Slovaka i drugih – zna~ilo da ih se preko Trsta vra}a gotovo isto toliko koliko ih preko ove luke odlazi u Ameriku!

Smje{taj iseljenika u Trstu U brojnim lukama nema jedinstvenog i organiziranog smje{taja iseljenika, postoje samo brojna mala kona~i{ta koja primaju iseljenike. U namjeri da organizira smje{taj iseljenika, Austro-Americana kupuje u Servoli, predgra|u Trsta, ali kraj mora, veliku ku}u sa suterenom, dva kata i potkrovljem, koja je dotad sluìla kao ubo`nica i dje~ja bolnica za oboljele na plu}ima. Unato~ stalnim primjedbama sanitarnih nadzornika (inspektora), iseljenici su ipak dobili smje{taj, makar ih je katkad bilo nagruvanih i tisu}u u prostoru u koji, prema mi{ljenju inspektora, nije moglo stati vi{e od sedam stotina osoba, pa se nije ni moglo pristupiti dezinsekciji. Upravo su se zbog lo{ih uvjeta, nedovoljne opskrbe vodom, neprimjerene kanalizacije i lo{e organiziranog odvoza sme}a, u “emigrantskoj ku}i” pojavile zarazne bolesti – velike boginje i tifus. Zbog stalnih prigovora, Austro-Americana je morala u “emigrantskoj ku}i” smanjiti promet i prona}i dodatne prostore. âk su i novine iz Krakova, Galicija, odakle stiè najvi{e “tr{}anskih” emigranata, nakon izbijanja tifusa èstoko kritizirale Austro-Americanu. Ne samo zato {to slu`benici ne govore poljski, nego i zbog vrlo lo{e usluge i neurednog isplovljenja, brodovi ne odlaze u dane predvi|ene voznim redom, ve} ~esto kasne i po dva i vi{e tjedana. 143 Kompanija uspijeva samo dijelom opovrgnuti ove vrlo ozbiljne prigovore. Dijelom potaknuti skandalima, ali jo{ vi{e zbog nove poslovne politike, Austro-Americana 1913. pristupa velikom pro{irenju i modernizaciji emigrantskog prihvatili{ta koje dobiva i izoliranu zgradu za zaraène bolesnike. No ~ine se pretjeranima navodi o mogu}nosti smje{taja 3000 iseljenika. Ako su i to~ni, zgrada je zbog izbijanja rata vrlo 144 kratko sluìla iseljenicima. Uo~i rata 1913., Trst biljeì neo~ekivan porast iseljeni~kog prometa. Porast je zabiljeèn u svim lukama, ali u mnogo manjem omjeru nego u Trstu. Prosje~no je pove}anje prometa gotovo za polovicu u odnosu na prethodne godine, a u Trstu je gotovo udvostru~en. Pojavljuje se i novi prijevoznik, Canadian Pacific Railway, dru{tvo prije svega poznato po gradnji velike kanadske transkontinentalne èljeznice. Pojava ove kompanije izazi-

143 W. Prausnitz, Parere deel Prof. Prausnitz sulle condizioni igieniche di Trieste in nesso all epidemia di tifo, Graz, 1913. 144 G. Russo, Emigrazione transoceanica e trasporti marittimi dal porto di Trieste, str. 23.

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Casa dei emigranti – Iseljeni~ka ku}a u Trstu, koju nazivaju i Pansion (dok u Rijeci ponosno isti~u da imaju – hotel!). U vlasni{tvu AustroAmericane kojoj zadaje mnogo brige – inspekcije prigovaraju higijenskim uvjetima koje zbog pretrpanosti nije mogu}e odr`avati na prihvatljivoj razini, pa se stoga pojavljuju i ve}e zaraze. (Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte, Fototeca, Trst) Casa dei emigranti – Emigration Home in Trieste, also called Pension (while Rijeka proudly emphasizes that it has a – hotel!). It is owned by Austro-Americana, to which it causes some trouble – inspectors continuously point out the low hygienic standards, which the overcrowding makes impossible to uphold at an acceptable level, so there is an increased incidence of infectious diseases. (Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte, Fototeca, Trieste)

from Styria, south Austria and Tyrol (5% in total). Notably, the least represented among the emigrants embarking at Trieste were those from the Austrian Littoral, i.e., the Triestine hinterlands, Istria and the Kvarner 140 islands. Due to the complex ethnic makeup of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the above data should be interpreted more as geographic than ethnic designations, especially concerning the Jews, who are hardly visible in the statistics. Thus, it is widely believed that the significant contingent of emigrants from Russia comprised very few ethnic Russians, and that most of them were Jews, with quite a few Ukrainians, trans141 border Germans and Poles. During the period of the most intensive emigration, many emigrants used Trieste just a stop on their train journey to Le Havre, Genoa or some German port (around 142 31,000). Concurrently, a large number of returnees, including seasonal labor, also called “birds of passage,” used Trieste as a port of entry. But some returnees came back penniless and had to rely on the support of Triestine social services, which accommodated them for a minimal fee in dedicated flats in Via Gaspare Gozzi. When their numbers started growing on the eve of World War I, they became a significant burden for the city hospital and public services. That was partly blamed on the shippers, primarily on Austro-Americana, who were blinded by profits and neglected the interests of these wretches. Between 1904 and 1914, 63,290 returnees disembarked at the port of Trieste, including 86.1% from the USA, 12.9% from South America and 1% from Canada. It should be noted here than more than half of the returnees from America consisted of Hungarian subjects (50.9%), which meant that the number of Hungarian returns, whether ethnic Croats, Slovaks, Hungarians or others, almost equaled the number of Hungarian departures at this port.

Accommodation of Emigrants in Trieste Many ports lacked a centrally run and well coordinated system for accommodating emigrants and relied on small hostels. Austro-Americana bought a large house in Servola, a coastal suburb of Trieste, with the intention to use it to accommodate emigrants. The house, formerly a charity home and a children’s pulmonary hospital, consisted of a basement, two floors and an attic. Although sanitary inspectors often complained about the house’s overcrowding, claiming that the facility should accommodate no more than 700 persons, rather than a thousand, which made disinfection impossible, the emigrants at least had a place to stay.

140 A.Kalc, Transoceanic Emigration Through Trieste (Prekooceansko izseljavanje skrozi Trst, 1903-1914) in History Magazine (Zgodovinski casopis), year 46, 1992, no. 4, p. 485. 141 G. Russo, Emigrazione transoceanica, op. cit., p. 11.

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142 Kalc, Prekooceansko izseljavanje p. 492.

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Kuhinja u Iseljeni~koj ku}i u Trstu, na slici objavljenoj u reklamnom prospektu. Naoko se ~ini urednom i oglednom, no mo`da se i ovdje dijelom kriju uzroci prigovorima sanitarnih inspekcija i zarazama koje se pojavljuju i u vi{e drugih luka jer ih zbog velikog protoka i masovnosti iseljenika nije lako sprije~iti i nadzirati. (Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte, Fototeca, Trst) Kitchen in the Emigration Home in Trieste, a picture published in an advertisement. At first glance, it seems tidy, but maybe sanitary inspectors could find the causes of infectious diseases here as well. Infections occurred also in many other harbours because they were hard to prevent and monitor in view of the huge turnover of emigrants. (Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte, Fototeca, Trieste)

va zbrku u sjevernoatlantskom i mediteranskom brodarskom kartelu i o{tru borbu protiv uljeza. Na kraju su znatnim ulaganjima bra}a Cosulich i austrijske banke iz Austro-Americane istisnuli sjeverne Nijemce i oja~ali polo`aj tr{}anske tvrtke u mediteranskome brodarskom poolu (kartelu). Od prije dogovorenih 4% europskoga iseljeni~kog prometa, obnovljenoj je tr{}anskoj tvrtki trebalo pripasti 7%, a poslije ~ak 10%. No rat je sve planove okrenuo naopa~ke; umjesto porasta, Austro-Americana je posve uzdrmana. Nije joj samo promijenjeno ime (1919. postaje Cosulich – Società Triestina di Navigazione) nego i prepolovljena flota. A promet emigrantima nakon rata bitno je 145 smanjen.

145 Cosulich, Società Triestina di navigazione, Rapporto per il Congresso Generale Ordinario... 1916, 1917, 1918, Tipografia Società dei Tipografi, Trst 1919.

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Mno{tvo iseljenika koji ~ekaju pred Pansionom Austro-Amerikane doista potvr|uje masovnost tr{}anskog iseljeni~koga pravca. Ovamo dolaze brojni putnici iz Galicije, ali i iz sredi{nje Hrvatske, Dalmacije i Slovenije, a dijelom ~ak i iz Rusije. (Narodna in [tudijska Knji`nica v Trstu - Odsek za zgodovino, Trst) The crowd of emigrants waiting in front of Austro-Americana’s Pension is proof enough of the massive emigration flux from Trieste. It is the departure place of many passengers from Galicia, as well as from Croatia, Dalmatia and Slavonia, and even partly from Russia. (Narodna in [tudijska Knji`nica v Trstu - Odsek za zgodovino, Trieste)

Due to poor water supply and sewage and inadequate garbage collection, the emigrants’ house soon witnessed outbreaks of infectious diseases – smallpox and typhoid. As the result of frequent complaints, Austro-Americana was forced to limit the number of lodgers at the emigrants’ house and began to consider expansion. Following an outbreak of typhoid, even a newspaper in Cracow, Galicia, the region of origin of most Triestine emigrants, published a rabid criticism of Austro-Americana. The paper complained that the staff did not speak Polish and that the Company did not respect its timetable, with ships running two or more weeks behind schedule. The 143 Company managed to effectively counter only some of these very serious objections. Partly under the pressure of trade unions but primarily in line with its new business policies, in 1913 Austro-Americana embarked on a major expansion and upgrade of the emigrants’ hostel and on the construction of quarantine facilities for emigrants with infectious diseases adjacent to it. The goal of a capacity of 3,000 persons sounds unrealistic but, in any case, soon after construction the building ceased serving its purpose 144 due to the War. In 1913, on the eve of the War, emigrant traffic through Trieste unexpectedly rose. A like increase could been seen in all similar ports, but nowhere nearly as much as in Trieste. That year emigrant traffic rose by 50% on the average, while in Trieste it almost doubled. Canadian Pacific Railway joined existing shippers, a company which had been known primarily for the construction of the long Canadian transcontinental railway. The arrival of that company upset the North Atlantic and Mediterranean shippers’ pool and incited them to fierce competition with the intruder. Eventually, the Cosulich brothers and Austrian banks in the Austro-Americana bought the shares of their north German partners and thus boosted the position of the Trieste company in the Mediterranean pool. After recapitalizing, the Company managed to secure an increase of its quota of emigrants’ traffic from the contracted 4% to 7% and then to as much as 10%. But, the War disrupted plans severely; instead of growing, Austro-Americana was badly shaken. After the War, when emigrant traffic collapsed, Austro-Americana lost half of its fleet and its name was changed into Cosulich – Societa Triestina di 145 Navigazione.

143 W. Prausnitz, Opinion of Professor Pausnitz on the Sanitary Conditions in Trieste in Connection to the Typhoid Epidemic (Parere dell Prof. Prausnitz sulle condizioni igieniche di Trieste in nesso all epidemia di tifo), Graz, 1913. 144 G. Russo, Emigrazione transoceanica e trasporti marittimi dal porto di Trieste, p. 23.

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145 Cosulich, Societa Triestina di navigazione, Rapporto per il Congresso Generale Ordinario…, 1916, 1917, 1918, Tipografia Societa dei Tipografi, Trieste 1919.

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Iseljenici

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Emigrants

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Strepnje, putovanje, ìvot Od prvih priprema za put u daleku prekooceansku zemlju do prihva}anja ameri~kog dràvljanstva ili kona~nog povratka, svaki iseljenik prolazi kroz niz isku{enja kakva prije dono{enja odluke o odlasku nije mogao ni zamisliti. Odlazak od ku}e za iseljenika zna~i vjerojatnost da vi{e nikad ne vidi svoju obitelj. Jednako je potresan i bijeg od nova~enja i neizvjesnost povratka u domovinu koja ka`njava nevjeru odbjeglih sinova. U sje}anjima iseljenika posebno je opisano vi{ednevno neudobno putovanje èljeznicom kao i, uglavnom, neugodan smje{taj i osje}aj bespomo}nosti pri policijskom i lije~ni~kom pregledu u polaznoj luci – prvoj prepreci na putu do useljenja. Za ve}inu je iseljenika i strah od beskrajna, razbjesnjela i uskiptjela mora, koje nikad dotad nisu vidjeli, ravan strepnji od najstra{nijih nemani iz pu~kih pri~a. Uzbu|enje izaziva ve} ukrcaj na golem prekooceanski parobrod koji zadivljuje i pla{i svojom veli~inom. A tek slijede patnje putovanja – lo{ smje{taj u potpalublju i ~esto gotovo nejestiva hrana. Tome treba pribrojiti i mnogo gore zlo koje tek dolazi – oluje koje na vi{ednevnom putovanju preko oceana obvezno pogode brod i plovidbu u~ine gotovo neizdrìvom.

Promenadni koncert limene glazbe na palubi broda gotovo je uobi~ajen. Naro~ito je va`an na odlasku iz europske luke i pri ulasku u ameri~ku luku, naj~e{}e New York. Uz klju~ne trenutke isplovljavanja i uplovljavanja vezuju se najdublji osje}aji, uspomene, strepnje i i{~ekivanja. (Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka) A promenade concert of a brass band on the deck of a ship is a common view. It is particularly important when ships leave European ports and enter American ones, mostly the New York harbour. Moments of departure and arrival produce the deepest feelings, memories, worries and expectations. (Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

Dolazak nadomak ameri~ke obale i prvi pogled na Kip slobode i New York, useljenik na~as doìvljava kao najradosnije trenutke u ìvotu, a njujor{ki neboderi izgledaju mu poput kakva bajkovita grada. No odmah potom uhvati ga strah od posljednje velike prepreke – oto~i}a Ellis. Svaki }e iseljenik zajedno s tisu}ama drugih biti podvrgnut nizu ispita i pregleda – prije odobrenja ulaska i ispra}aja na put do kona~nog odredi{ta. A kada stigne do svoga znanca, susjeda ili ro|aka koji }e mu pruìti potporu u prvim danima u Americi, moè se nadati samo nekom od najteìh poslova i zaposlenju u kakvom kamenolomu, rudniku, u {umi za sje~u, na gradili{tu ili u kojoj od “te{kometalur{kih” tvornica. Slijedi teàk svakodnevni rad, katkad i bez blagdana i odmora, mukotrpna {tednja i slanje novca obitelji u rodni kraj. Sli~ice o ìvotu u Americi uvjerljivo su iznijeli sami iseljenici u {turim pismima obitelji. Rje~itije su opisani u ~lancima objavljenim u iseljeni~kih novinama te u knjigama posve}enim ameri~kim sje}anjima i uspomenama. U njima se niù brojne pojedinosti, pri~e o osobnim sudbinama, o uspjehu i neuspjehu, o ispunjenim ili neispunjenim o~ekivanjima. Upotpunjavanju slike o iseljeni~koj Americi pridonose i ìvotopisi onih koji su, poput Nikole Tesle, jedino u Americi mogli ostvariti svoje snove. Ameriku jednako tako osvjetljavaju i bespomo}ni povici onih koji vape za spasom i èle se i{~upati iz ameri~koga “talioni~kog lonca”. Pojedina~ne sudbine opiru se ujedna~avanju, podvrgavanju statistici i pristupu istraìva~a globalnih kretanja koji, u nastojanju da uo~e op}e tokove, svjesno propu{taju brojne pojedinosti koje ih odvla~e u neke pobo~ne rukavce. Ali takva slika uop}e ne doti~e mno{tvo pojedina~nih iskustava i frustracija milijuna nepoznatih iseljenika koji jedino ulaze u vidokrug psihologa, demagoga, novinara i spisatelja. Bez izravnih iseljeni~kih svjedo~enja, sa~uvanih u brojnim zapisima, bilo bi te{ko razumjeti osobne i emotivne razloge zbog kojih su se uklju~ili u veliki egzodus.

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Brod na otvorenome moru. Za lijepa vremena tijekom vi{ednevna putovanja putnici se naj~e{}e vrzmaju palubom, tra`e zabavu i dobro raspolo`enje. Za razliku od salona, kabina i spavaonica, paluba je mjesto gdje se sre}u i bogati i siroma{ni, i prva i tre}a klasa. (Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka) A ship on open seas. During longer journeys, when the weather is nice, passengers prefer to stay on the deck and look for some fun and cheerfulness. As opposed to the saloon, cabins and dormitories, the deck is the place where the rich and the poor mix, the first and the third class. (Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

Fears, Passage, Life From the first preparations for a transoceanic passage, to the moment when he was granted the American citizenship or sent back to his homeland, each emigrant faced a series of challenges that he could not have dreamed of before he made the decision to leave. On leaving home each emigrant was pretty sure that he would not see his family again. Equally stressful was fear of draft and of subsequent punishment for draft dogging upon return. In their memoirs emigrants wrote in great detail about uncomfortable train journeys, lasting several days, rough accommodation and feeling of helplessness during police and medical screenings in a port of departure, the first obstacle to emigration. Most emigrants also feared rough passage over an endless ocean, which they had never seen before, and which brought to memory terrible monsters from folk tales. The stress was compounded when they boarded a large transoceanic steamship, both awesome and frightening. That was followed by the difficulties of passage – bad accommodation in the cargo hold and often inedible food. Yet, that all paled by comparison to storms that almost inevitably struck the ship during a several day long passage and made it almost unbearable. Once the ship approached the American shores, the emigrant was exhilarated by the sights of the Statue of Liberty and of New York, whose skyscraper skyline evoked the images of some fabled cities. Yet, soon he started fearing the last major obstacle – the small Ellis Island, where thousands of emigrants were subjected to a series of examinations and check-ups before they were given entry and seen off at the last leg of their trip. Once he reached his acquaintance, neighbor or relative, who would support him during the first stage of his stay in America, all the emigrant could hope for was to find some hard job at a quarry, a mine, a construction site, a steel mill or as a lumberjack. What came next was hard work, day in, day out, often without holidays, penny pinching and remittances to the family in the old country. One can glimpse the emigrants’ existence in America in their brief letters to the families. More detailed accounts can be found in the emigration press and in books depicting the emigrants’ American experiences and memories. The books summarize many details and individual plights, successes and failures, fulfilled and frustrated expectations. An emigrant’s story was that of Nikola Tesla and the likes of him, who would not have been able to realize their dreams without America. Yet, the helpless wailing of those who were crying for help in an attempt to get out of the “melting pot” was

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Sirotinjska drvena selja~ka ku}ica, kakvih je bilo podosta u Gorskom kotaru i sredi{njoj Hrvatskoj. U ovakvim su ku}icama ìvjele brojne obitelji zajedno s pokojom kravicom koja je za seljake doista bila “blago”. Povratnici su donosili vijesti o boljem ìvotu, a brojni su mladi}i èljeli vjerovati da ih negdje ~eka sre}a. (Muzej grada Rijeke) A poor, wooden farm house, of which there were many in the mountaineous Gorski Kotar region and central Croatia. Many families lived together in such small houses, sometimes having a cow, which was trully a “treasure” for farmers. Homecomers brought news of a better life, and many young men wanted to believe that luck was waiting for them somewhere. (Muzej grada Rijeke)

Amerika – bijeg od bijede Stjepan Lojen, iseljenik sa sjevera Hrvatske, opisuje gotovo feudalnu potla~enost i bije146 du u kojoj se jo{ po~etkom 20. stolje}a nalazilo njegovo selo. Iako ìve nadomak glavnoga grada, Zagreba, seljake ovih sela mu~i te{ka zaostalost i gotovo izgladnjelost. U nekim se obli`njim krajevima mo`da ìvjelo malo bolje, ali neima{tina je vladala svagdje, a prezaduènost optere}ivala seljake koliko i te{ko}e svakodnevice: “...moje je selo bilo vrlo siroma{no i kulturno zaostalo. Zemlja je ve}inom neplodna, a uz to i primitivno obra|ivana... Moja je porodica ìvjela u zadruzi, koja je brojila dvadeset i pet ~lanova, ve}inom djece. Imali smo drvenu ku}u, slamom pokrivenu i bez poda; sastojala se u svemu od jedne velike sobe, male kuhinje i neke vrste smo~nice. Spavali smo svi zajedno u velikoj sobi. Kreveti sa slamnja~ama bili su poredani uza zid. U jednom kutu, kraj prozora, stajao je stol na kojem se posluìvala hrana. Za ru~ka ili ve~ere stariji su mu{karci sjedili na klupama oko stola, a njihove su ène stajale do njih i svi zajedno jeli iz jedne zdjele. Ve}a djeca jela su na svojim krevetima, a malu su majke dràle na rukama i hranile ih istom `licom kojom su i same jele. Na dan su obi~no bila dva obroka: ujutro `ganci ili tvrdi crni kruh i kiseli kupus, a uve~er kiseli kupus s grahom ili krumpirom. Tako je to i{lo iz dana u dan. Samo ponekad, i to ljeti, mogli smo tu jednoliku hranu pobolj{ati svjeìm sirom i crvenim 147 lukom. Meso se jelo dvaput u godini: o Boì}u i Uskrsu! Jednoga je dana Stjepan shvatio da neki ljudi ìve druk~ije i da o njegovoj odluci ovisi ho}e li mo`da i njemu jednom svanuti: “...Kad sam poodrastao, naro~ito kad sam zavr{io osnovnu {kolu i kad sam doznao da svi ljudi ne ìve takvim ìvotom, po~eo sam o svemu pomalo razmi{ljati. Takav mi je ìvot postajao sve neugodniji, u meni se javljalo neko nezadovoljstvo. Kad sam kasnije po~eo s ocem odlaziti u Zagreb na sajam, moje je nezadovoljstvo sve vi{e raslo. U glavi mi se polako ra|ala misao kako da se izvu~em iz na{e seoske bijede i nevolje...

146 Uspomene jednog iseljenika, Znanje, Zagreb 1963. Autor (1894.–1967.) je novinar u emigrantskom tisku, socijalist i iseljeni~ki politi~ar. U Ameriku sti`e 1912., a pod pritiskom ameri~kih vlasti, u domovinu se vra}a nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata. 147 Lojen, isto, str. 7.–8 .

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Jednoga je dana tetka dobila pismo od muà iz Amerike i zamolila me da joj ga pro~itam. Bilo je to najobi~nije pismo, pisano onako kako su pisale stotine tisu}a na{ih iseljenika – raspitivali se za svakog ~lana porodice poimenice, za svakog susjeda, pa ~ak i za pojedina grla goveda. Pa ipak je to pismo toliko na mene djelovalo da su mi od uzbu|enja podrhtavale ruke dok sam ga ~itao. ’A sada da ti kaèm da sam ìv i zdrav’, ~itao sam dalje dok je moja tetka od radosti brisala suze, ’i da ìvim dobro. Stalno radim i zara|ujem dolar i po na dan...’

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Slova~ke `ene i djeca, nadni~ari u poljima. Slova~ki te`aci me|u najlo{ije su pla}enim radnicima i zato je slova~ko iseljeni{tvo naro~ito brojno – prema nekim mi{ljenjima, gotovo je tre}ina Slovaka iselila, i to mahom u Ameriku. (Mein Österreich, Mein Heimatland, Band II, Be~, 1914., Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka) Slovak women and children, day labourers in fields. Slovak labourers were among the worst paid workers, which accounted for the great number of Slovak emigrants – according to some reports, almost a third of Slovaks emigrated to America. (Mein Österreich, Mein Heimatland, Band II, Vienna, 1914, Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

equally typical of the American reality. In spite of all the attempts by statisticians and researchers of global trends, individual plights resist generalizations. Experiences and frustrations of each of the millions of anonymous emigrants were unique, and found their voices only in the works of psychologists, demagogues, journalists and authors. Without the first-hand recollections, collected in many records, it would have been difficult to understand personal and emotional motivation of the members of that large exodus.

America – Haven for the Poor Stjepan Lojen, an emigrant from northern Croatia, describes an almost feudal poverty 146 and deprivation of his village in the early 20th century. Although close to the capital, Zagreb, the villages in his region were very backward and the food was very scarce. Although life in some neighboring regions was a little bit better, they were all poor, and the peasants were equally burdened with debt as with eking out the every day existence: “…my village was very poor and backward culturally. Land was mostly barren and cultivation primitive… My family lived in a family cooperative consisting of 25 members, mostly children. We had a wooden house, with a thatched roof and dirt floor; it consisted of a large room, a kitchen and a kind of pantry. Everybody slept in that room. Along a wall was a line of beds with straw mattresses. In a corner, by a window, was a dining table. Men ate lunch and dinner sitting on benches around the table, while women stood next to them. Everybody ate from the same bowl. Children ate on their beds and babies were fed by their mothers, with the same spoon that they used. There were two meals per day: in the morning, polenta or hard brown bread and sauerkraut and in the afternoon sauerkraut with beans or potatoes. This diet was only occasionally supplemented with cottage cheese and onions. Meat was eaten twice per year – at Christmas and at 147 Easter! Then one day Sjepan realized that some people lived differently and that it was up to him to try to change his fortune: “…When I was a bit older, especially after the primary school, I realized that some people lived differently and started thinking about everything. Gradually, I found such life more and more unbearable and my frustration grew. Later on, when I started going to the fair in Zagreb with my father, my frustration was further aggravated. Slowly I started planning how to escape the deprivation and troubles of our rural life… One day my aunt received a letter from her husband in America. She asked me to read it. The letter was very simple, typical of the letters of hundreds of thousands of our emigrants. It inquired about each and every member of the family, all the neighbors,

147 Memoirs of an Emigrant, (Uspomene jednog iseljenika), Znanje, Zagreb, 1963. Author (1894-1967), was a journalist in the emigration press, a socialist and an emigrants’ politician. He immigrated to America in 1912. Under the pressure from the American authorities, he was repatriated after WW II.

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147 Lojen, ibid, pp. 7-8.

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Dolar i po na dan! Po~eo sam brzo u mislima sra~unavati koliko bi mi vremena uzelo da uz takvu zaradu kupim koje jutro dobre zemlje i sagradim lijepu ku}u. I od tada sam po~eo ma{tati o Americi. Iz na{e su ku}e dvojica ve} bila u toj “obe}anoj zemlji”, a gotovo svaka susjedna ku}a imala je po nekog svoga u Americi. ’Pa kad su oni mogli da odu u Ameriku, za{to da ja ostanem ovdje u ovom blatu?’ 148

Amerika – to je odsad bio moj `ivotni cilj.”

Regruti i Amerika Mladi}ima koji se premi{ljaju oko odlaska u Ameriku, odluku ~esto olak{ava poziv u vojsku. Odlazak i o~ekivana zarada puno se privla~niji od trogodi{njeg ili ~etverogodi{njeg (mornarica) sluènja pod vojnom stegom. U~estalost bijega pred sluènjem vojske pro{irila se iznad svih o~ekivanja vlasti. Osim poku{aja da sprije~e bijeg, vojne su vlasti ~ak poku{avale dozvati u vojsku i novake koji su ve} odavna iselili, a neki su se ve} sasvim pristojno sna{li i povratak im nije padao na pamet. Vojnik u odva`noj pozi u koju ga je namjestio fotograf. Ponosni }e ratnik sliku poslati majci i djevojci. No uo~i Prvoga svjetskog rata sve je vi{e onih koji odbacuju sluènje domovini i umjesto austrougarske vojske i sluènja u Galiciji ili Bukovini, naj~e{}e odlaze na rad u neku od tvornica u Pittsburghu ili Clevelandu. (Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

Posvuda je lako na}i primjere koji to posvjedo~uju. Zapovjednik vojne utvrde na Visu 1860. bespomo}no javlja u Be~ da ne mo`e organizirati nikakvu lokalnu obranu jer svi mladi}i koji jo{ nisu unova~eni plove na brodovima trgova~ke mornarice, a ostali su – 149 njih stotina – u Americi i Australiji! U be~kom se parlamentu 1860-ih, uo~i talijanskog risorgimenta raspravlja o slu~ajevima stotine odbjeglih momaka iz venecijanske okolice. Mladi}i odlaze i skrivaju se na talijanskom tlu, izvan habsbur{kih granica, a obitelji i seoske op}ine za njih bi trebale platiti golemu otkupninu – koju nikako ne mogu skupiti. Uprava Austrijskog primorja u Trstu suo~ava se s problemom prekograni~nih talijaskih agencija iz Udina, koje agitiraju na austrijskom podru~ju i poti~u na odlazak u 150 Ameriku mladi}e pred kojima je jo{ slu`enje vojske.

A soldier adjusted into a daring pose by the photographer. The proud warrior will send the picture to his mother and his girlfriend. It is notable, however, that, at the beginning of World War I, there was an increasing number of those who gave up on the service to their homeland and chose, instead of serving the Austro-Hungarian army in Galicia and Bukovina, to go and work in one of the Pittsburgh or Cleveland factories. (Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

Mnoge je nesu|ene vojnike uo~i regrutacije “progutala no}”, kako su zaklju~ile vojne vlasti u Kranjskoj. Slovenski politi~ar Fran [uklje iznosi 1905. u be~kom parlamentu podatke o bijegu momaka iz Ko~evja, Novog Mesta i ^rnomelja – odakle je “nestalo” 5240 regruta. Citirao je i rije~i pokrajinskoga glavara: “...bilo bi najpametnije da po{aljemo regrutacijsku komisiju za ^rnomelj u Ameriku. 151 Tamo su regruti, kod nas ih nema!” Bjeàlo se osobito uo~i Prvoga svjetskog rata. Grof Joèf Anton Barbo tvrdio je u pokrajinskom saboru u listopadu 1913. da u Americi ima dovoljno momaka za ~itav 152 korpus, samo iz Kranjske 11.000 vojnih obveznika. Mo`da je to bio tek izraz o{tre borbe me|u konkurentskim brodarima, u svakom slu~aju austrijska je vlada Canadian Pacific Railwayu nakratko zabranila prijevoz putnika iz Trsta jer je kompanijin brod u Antwerpenu zate~en kako ukrcava iseljenike koji 153 bjeè od odsluènja vojnog roka! Mnogi su se odbjegli novaci uspjeli dokopati Amerike, no nakon prosvjeda austrijskih vlasti, Amerikanci su pred Prvi svjetski rat po~eli vra}ati one koji nisu odsluìli vojsku. Oni koji su u Americi dobivali poziv za vojsku, mogli su sasvim bezbri`no nastaviti ìvjeti i raditi i uop}e se na to ne obazirati. Katkad su u domovini objavljivana i pisma kojima su novaci, unato~ odgoju koji ih je u~io poniznosti, hrabro i posprdno odbijali svaku pomisao na povratak zbog sluènja vojske. Stanoviti Ferenc Schmal, Ma|ar, 1906. pi{e pismo na~elniku @upanije Tolna: “Milostivi gospodine na~elni~e, za{to se uop}e trudite oko mog poziva! Uzalud Vam ovo dopisivanje; ja se ne}u vratiti jer se sasvim dobro osje}am u Americi... Zahvaljujem na trudu da od mene u~inite vojnika, ali nemam ni trunke volje da 154 obu~em crno-ùtu odoru.”

148 Lojen, isto, str. 8.–9. 149 Kriegsarchiv, Be~, AMA., M c 14 – 11 t/1860. 150 Govor dr`avnog ministra Antona Rittera v. Schmerlinga u Ministarskom vije}u 5. lipnja 1862. u Die Protokolle des Östereichischen Ministerrates 1848–1867. V/4 151 Izseljevanje, Slovenec XXXIII /236 (14. 10. 1905.). Citat prema neobjavljenom tekstu o slovenskoj emigraciji Marijana Drnov{eka iz In{tituta za slovensko izseljenstvo Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti, Ljubljana. 152 Prema Drnov{eku, isto; De`elni zbor za Kranjsko, 48. zvezek, II del. XVII. (3.i 4.10.1913.), str. 673. 153 Francesco Fait, neobjavljeni tekst, Trst 2008. 154 Ferenc Szilli, neobjavljeni tekst, Budimpe{ta 2007. Pismo objavljeno u novinama Tolnavarmegyje (11. 11. 1906.).

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even about some domestic animals. Yet, I was so touched by the letter that my hands trembled while I was reading. ’Now, I want you to know that I am safe and sound’, I was reading, while my aunt was wiping off her tears of joy, “ and live well. I have a full time job and make 1 and half dollars per day…” A dollar and a half! I started calculating quickly how much time I would need to save enough for an acre of good land and a nice house. That is when I started dreaming of America. Two men from our cooperative had already moved to “the promised land” and almost all the houses in the vicinity had someone there. ’Well, if so many people could go to America, why should I stay here in this mud?’

Kad je bijeg od vojne obveze postajao sve ~e{}i i kada su op}inski povjerenici zaduèni za nova~enje po~eli posprdno izjavljivati da njihove momke treba traìti u Americi, vlasti su poo{trile nadzor i od ameri~kih useljeni~kih slu`bi traìle izru~enje regruta koji su pobjegli od nova~enja. (Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

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From then on America was my ultimate objective.”

The Recruits and America The young men who were considering emigration to America where often helped in decision making by a military call-up. Prospect of income in America was much more attractive then the prospect of a three or four (navy) year submission to the military discipline. Draft dodging spread beyond the expectations of the authorities. Other than trying to prevent fleeing, the authorities even attempted to summon long term draft dodgers, some of whom were quite well established in emigration and could not care less about return. Examples abound: In 1860, commander of a fort on the island of Vis, helplessly wrote to Vienna that he could not organize defense as all the recruits were sailing in merchant marine and the others, a hundred of them, had emigrated to America and 149 Australia! In the 1860’s, on the eve of the Italian Risorgimento, the Parliament in Vienna debated the draft dodging by hundreds of young men from the Venice region. The men had gone into hiding in the Italian territory outside the Austrian jurisdiction, and their families and rural municipalities could not collect enough money for the huge compensatory payment. The Italian travel agencies in Udine, across the border from Austrian Trieste, caused headache to the HQ of the Austrian Littoral command there, by advertising their services in the Austrian territory and promoting emigration to America of men of military 150 age. Military authorities in Carniola noted the “disappearance into the thin air” of many military age men due for recruitment. In 1905 Slovenian politician Fran [uklje informed the Parliament in Vienna about the disappearance of 5,240 recruits from the regions of Ko~evje, Novo Mesto and ^rnomelj. He cited a remark by a local official: “…our best bet would be to send the ^rnomelj recruitment board to America. Our 151 recruits are there and not here!” Draft dodging was especially common on the eve of WW I. In October 1903 Graf Jo`ef Anton Barbo told the provincial parliament that the number of recruits in America, 152 including 11,000 from Carniola alone, sufficed for an entire corps. Possibly as the result of a keen competition between different shippers, for a brief period the Austrian Government suspended the Trieste service of Canadian Pacific Railway 153 after it had been caught boarding draft dodgers on its ship in Antwerp! Many draft dodgers managed to reach America. Yet, on the eve of WW I, after complaints by the Austrian Government, the American authorities started expelling the draft dodgers. Yet, those who received call-ups in the USA could go on with their lives and ignore them. Sometimes newspapers in the old country published their letters, in which these men, raised in the spirit of subservience, bravely and ironically declined any possibility of return. In 1906, a Ferenc Schmal, an ethnic Hungarian, wrote a letter to the head of the Tolna County: “Most Honored Sir, why did you even bother to send me a callup? This correspondence is in vain: I do not intend to return because I feel fine in America…Thank you for you effort to turn me into a soldier, but I am totally indis154 posed to wearing the black and yellow uniform.”

When the number of those escaping military service increased, and when municipal officers started to joke that their men should be looked for in America, the authorities introduced stricter control and requested from emigration services the extradition of recruits who got away from the conscription. (Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

148 Lojen, ibid, pp. 8-9. 149 Kriegsarchiv, Vienna, AMA, M c 14 – 11 t/1860. 150 A speech by the state minister Anton Ritter v. Schmerling at the Ministerial Council on 5 June 1862, in Die Protokolle de Oestereichischen Ministerrates 1848-1867. V/4 151 Izseljevanje, Slovenec XXXIII /236 (14 October 1905). Quoted from an unpublished text on Slovene emigration by Marijan Drnov{ek, Institut za slovensko izseljenstvo, Slovenska akademija znanosti in umetnosti, Ljubljana. 152 Acc. to Drnov{ek, ibid, De`elni zbor za Kranjsko, vol. 48, Part II, XVII (3 and 4 October 1913), p. 673. 153 Francesco Fait, An unpublished text, Trieste 2008.

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154 Ferenc Szilli, Budapest. An unpublished text, Budapest 2007. A letter published in the Tolnavarmegye newspaper (11 November 1906).

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Vreva oko broda uo~i isplovljavanja – opskrba ugljenom koji dovoze male brodice. Prekooceanski brod, koji ukrcava vi{e od dvije tisu}e putnika i vi{e stotina ~lanova posade, za vi{ednevnu ili vi{etjednu plovidbu mora ukrcati podosta ugljena, gomilu hrane i brojne druge svakodnevne i skupocjene namirnice i potrep{tine. (Moderne Kunst, Berlin 1891., Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka) Bustling activity around the ship before departure – supply of coal by small ships. A transatlantic ship with more than two thousand passengers and several hundred crew memebers has to load a lot of coal, food and other everyday items for a journey of several days or weeks. (Moderne Kunst, Berlin 1891, Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

Strah od mora i plovidbe “Bojao sam se putovati morem. Kada sam u Havreu ugledao beskrajnu pu~inu Atlantskog oceana, morao sam se sabrati svim snagama da ne po~nem plakati kao malo dijete! Imao sam osje}aj da se vi{e nikad ne}u vratiti. Moje srce proèli su gorki 155 osje}aji.” “Mnoge no}i sam proveo na iseljeni~kom brodu pribijen uz topli dimnjak. U toku dana osje}ao sam se snaàn i jak, ali no}u je moje srce uznemireno treperilo kada sam usamljen u stra{nom mraku stajao uz dimnjak i nazirao bijele pjenu{ave vrhove valova... Samo ~vrsta vjera u Boga i uvjerenje da }e usli{iti molitve moje majke, dala mi je 156 snage da savladam strah i da se hrabro suo~im sa strahotama razbje{njelog oceana.” Oba su zapisa uspomene dvojice obrazovanih ljudi koji su prije putovanja preko mora podosta nau~ili i vidjeli. Razli~ita je, dodu{e, njihova motivacija. Jedan odlazi nevoljko – jer bjeì od ve}ega zla – a drugi je prepun o~ekivanja jer se nada da }e u Americi mo}i ostvariti svoje nade. More, osobito veliko, otvoreno more kojem se ne vidi kraja, izaziva u ljudi s kontinenta najve}e strahove. Mnogi jo{ u donedavna vremena zaziru od vode i uop}e ne znaju plivati. Velika ve}ina nikad prije nije vidjela more, samo je o njemu slu{ala pri~e, nalik na legende o mra~nim silama i hirovitim, razbjesnjelim nemanima. Starozavjetne pri~e o kitu i Joni za mnoge seljake na pragu 20. stolje}a nisu obi~na {ala. O tome govore pisma i pjesme koje su o moru mnogo vi{e ispjevali oni koji ga ne poznaju i boje ga se, od onih koji uz njega ìve i njime plove. Zle slutnje imaju i mnogi ma|arski seljaci koji na ukrcaj dolaze u rije~ku luku pa i vi{e godina poslije o tome pjevaju: “Kada je po~eo moj put parobrodom, parobrod je po~eo ljuljati mnome, a ja sam samo 157 molio u sebi: Boè moj, pomogni mi u lutanju!” Drugoga mu~e jednaki strahovi: “Kada sam ja morem putovao, bogu sam ~esto uzdisao, bez prestanka sam u sebi molio, spasi me Gospode na ovom velikom putu. Ako umrem, bacite me u more, mrtvo mi tijelo nek pojedu velike ribe, moje kosti neka 158 more ljulja, a doma nek ma|arska djevojka pla~e.” Za mnoge je najve}a trauma izazvana nepoznavanjem i stoga na predrasudama o moru i plovidbi, koje prethode stvarnim te{ko}ama {to ih ~ekaju na brodu i olujama {to ih progone na putovanju.

155 Hans Kudlich, pismo bratu upu}eno iz Hobokena, New Jersey, 1869. 156 Mihajlo Pupin, Od pastira do znanstvenika, New York, 1924. 157 István Ladányi, Slika rijeke u ma|arskom narodnom sje}anju, u: Rijeka i ma|arska kultura, Me|unarodni znanstveni skup, Zbornik radova, Rijeka 3. i 4. listopada 2003., str. 81. 158 Ladányi, isto. str. 83.

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Vreva na palubi broda koji iz Hamburga putuje u New York. Uz dru{tvenu kroniku, teme prekooceanskih putovanja postale su omiljene i u ilustriranim revijama. (Moderne Kunst, Berlin, 1891., Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka) The crowded deck of the ship travelling from Hamburg to New York. Besides in social chronicles, the topics of transatlantic journeys became popular also in illustrated reviews. (Moderne Kunst, Berlin, 1891, Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

Fear of the Sea and the Passage “I feared the sea passage. When I saw the endless open-sea of the Atlantic Ocean I had to master all my strength not to burst out crying like a small child! I had a feeling that 155 I would never come back again. My heart was overflowing with bitterness”. “I spent many nights on the emigrants’ ship clinging to the warm funnel. During the day I felt strong and sprightly, but at night, my heart was racing as I was standing, frightened and alone, by the funnel in horrible darkness, catching the glimpses of foam on the crests of the waves…I mastered my fear and braved the horrors of the raging ocean only thanks to my unwavering trust in God and the conviction that he 156 would grant my mother’s prayers.” Both of these depictions were written by educated persons, who had embarked on the passage well read and traveled. Yet, their motivations were different. One left against his will, in order to avoid a greater evil, while the other left full of expectations, hoping that he would realize his dreams in America. The sea, especially the open sea, inspires inlanders with horror. Until recently, many of them feared water and could not swim. Prior to the passage, many emigrants had not even seen the sea and the stories they heard about it evoked legends filled with dark forces and unpredictable raging monsters. In early 20th century many peasants interpreted the Old Testament story of Jonas and the whale literally. That is proven by letters and songs about the sea that were more often created by the people not familiar with the sea than by those who lived by the sea and on it. Many Hungarian peasants who boarded the ships in the port of Rijeka were also apprehensive. Much later they described it poetically: “When we put out the steamship started swaying. While trying to find my balance I 157 prayed to God: Dear Lord, please help my in my peregrinations!” His compatriot shared his fears: “When I sailed the sea I often prayed to God, calling his name in despair. I prayed in silence without end: save me, my Lord, on this long passage. If I die toss me into the sea, to be devoured by big fish, let my bones be rocked by sea 158 and my plight bemoaned by a Hungarian girl.” Already traumatized by prejudices about the sea and sea faring, many passengers found it difficult to cope with the poor conditions on board and the storms that made the passage miserable.

155 Hand Kudlich, a letter to a brother mailed in Hoboken, New Jersey, 1869. 156 Mihajlo Pupin, From Immigrant to Inventor, New York, 1923. 157 Istvan Ladanyi, Image of Rijeka in Hungarian People’s Memory (Slika Rijeke u ma|arskom narodnom sje}anju), in: Rijeka and the Hungarian Culture (Rijeka i ma|ararska kultura), Me|unarodni znanstveni skup, Zbornik radova, Rijeka, 3 and 4 October 2003, p. 81.

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158 Ladany, ibid, p. 83.

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Veliko putovanje – prvi put na brodu Ni putovanje od rodnoga sela do polazne luke nije jednostavno. Putovanje vlakom do daleke luke pretpostavlja presjedanja s vlaka na vlak, skrivanje od policije zbog neurednih dokumenta i zbog toga vo`nju u svim mogu}im vrstama vagona – u teretnom, sto~nom i kona~no u putni~kom vlaku koji, unato~ tre}oj klasi, 159 izgleda kao prava rasko{! Iseljenici, naj~e{}e seljaci, nikad nisu vidjeli svijeta. Ve}ina se nije udaljila iz najuèga zavi~aja – izuzev{i one koji su sluìli vojsku – pa im je svako putovanje ispunjeno zebnjom. Zato im, uz osnovne upute o putovanju, agent katkad tutne u ruku papiri} s ucrtanim èljezni~kim pravcem do luke i ispisanim imenima svih va`nih èljezni~kih ~vori{ta u kojima moraju presjedati. Dolazak u luku ~esto je obiljeèn i agencijskim prijevarama – smje{taj je ~esto neudoban i prevelika je gu`va, a ~esto se dodatno pla}a kao i drugi tro{kovi. Iako su unaprijed platili putnu kartu, na brod se ~esto ne mogu ni ukrcati jer je u luku stiglo mnogo vi{e iseljenika nego {to na brodu ima mjesta. êkanje, neizvjesnost, nezadovoljstvo... Mnoge odvode u druge luke i na druge brodove, katkad i s drugim – odredi{tem! Brojni putnici nose iste dojmove; mnogima se zauvijek usijecaju u uspomene i pamte ih cijeli ìvot. I nelagodu ukrcavanja, i i{~ekivanje plovidbe, i udaljavanje od europske obale, i pogled na {iroko, nepregledno more, i kona~no uplovljavanje u New York.

Gu`va pri ukrcavanju – dame u krznima i gospoda s cilindrima. I putnika prve klase ima podosta; unato~ vedrom raspolo`enju i op}em uzbu|enju, i njih mu~i putna groznica i strah od {irokoga mora i nemirne plovidbe. (Moderne Kunst, Berlin, 1891., Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka) A swarm of people during boarding – ladies in fur and gentlemen with top hats. There were also many first class passengers; in spite of their good mood and excitement, they were still anxious about the journey, the open, and possibly turbulent, sea. (Moderne Kunst, Berlin, 1891, Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

Unato~ tome {to brodarske kompanije i iseljeni~ke agencije reklamiraju privla~ne pogodnosti – brzu plovidbu, dobru hranu i udobne spavaonice sa svega nekoliko leàjeva, brojna svjedo~anstva “preìvjelih” govore o vrlo te{kim uvjetima plovidbe u kojima, sve do Prvoga svjetskog rata, uvijek ima i umrlih koje pokapaju u morskim dubinama. Do nas ~e{}e dopiru vijesti o povratnicima i njihovim neda}ama. Iz Amerike se ~esto vra}aju oni koji se nisu sna{li. Neki od povratnika posebno te{ko podnose plovidbu. Naj~e{}e je rije~ o mladim djevojkama, ali i starijim ènama i mu{karcima. Uz ~este slu~ajeve umiranja na brodu, redovito ima i onih koje vra}aju ku}i jer su u Americi 160 poludjeli. Neki pak, u trenutku rastrojstva, jednostavno sko~e u more nasred oceana! Sli~ice o putnicima, isplovljenju i plovidbi parobroda La Touraine koji isplovljuje iz Le Havrea na samu Staru godinu 1906., u svojoj je knjizi opisao hrvatski pisac, politi~ar i 161 diplomat Ante Tresi} Pavi~i}. Putnici gledaju more, promatraju galebove i vesele se zaigranim dupinima, a oni najoprezniji pripremaju se da se nekako obrane od morske bolesti. Gospo|e umotane u krzno zauzimaju mjesto na palubi i nastoje se ~im udobnije smjestiti, no s prvim valjanjem broda po~inju i prve nevolje: “Sve su zlovoljne, bliede, o~ajna lica...” Zvonce zove na objed najprije putnike tre}ega, pa drugoga i prvoga razreda. Me|u putnicima tre}ega razreda “neki vode sobom ènu i djecu. Njihovo je stanje uàsno! ...mali{i koji prohodaju, brzo se oporave i jedu slasno; nu ène ne moè{ pogledati od àlosti. Pod palubom ne mogu stati od smrada izba~enih jela, a na palubi ih biju morski valovi, vjetar, zima, ki{a. Pod je blatan i mokar, a one leè, previjaju se u blatu...”

159 Lojen, isto. str. 15 160 Slu~ajevi smrti na {irokome Atlantiku, Novi list (6. 12. 1907.) Dolazak “Pannonije”, Novi list (17. 4. 1908.): “...te~ajem povratnog putovanja sa samoubila~kom odlukom bacio (se) u more neki Ivan Herles, rodom iz Ugarske... Jedan pokojnikov brat nalazi se u ludnici u Clevelandu. Sa “Pannonijom” se dovezo samo jedan ludjak.”

Zimsko je doba, no ve}ina je siroma{nih iseljenika lagano odjevena. “Kad im to okvase morski valovi nemaju {to obu}i, pa leè. U njihov odio te{ko je za}i, jer je zrak zadu{ljiv...” Dodu{e, na brodu je hrana dobra i onima u tre}em razredu, ~ak bolja i 162 obilnija nego na drugim brodovima. Ali na mnogim je brodovima hrana ~esto – vrlo lo{a. Udruènje brodara nekim kompanijama i brodovima zbog lo{e usluge i starih brodova, unato~ interesima drugih ~lanova, dopu{ta niè cijene od onih utvr|enih dogovorom. Takva je kompanija Holland-America Line.

161 Preko Atlantika do Pacifika, @ivot Hrvata u Sjevernoj Americi, Dioni~ka tiskara u Zagrebu, 1907. Autor je hrvatski pisac (1867.–1949.), politi~ar i diplomat Kraljevine Jugoslavije u Washingtonu. Na opisanom putu u Ameriku, dakako, koristi udobnost i pogodnosti prve klase, no suosje}a s onima u tre}oj klasi. 162 A. Tresi}-Pavi~i}, isto, str. 16

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Long Passage – First Time on Board Even the trip from one’s native village to a port was difficult. Traveling on land to a distant port involved changing trains and hiding from the police in freight and stock carriages, so that the final leg in a third class, albeit rough, 159 seemed like a real bliss! The emigrants, mostly peasants, had never traveled before. Save for those who had done military service, the majority had never ventured outside of their native region. Hence, for them, the prospect of any travel was filled with apprehension. For that reason, travel agents gave them basic travel instructions and a map of the trip, with the route and the railway hubs where they had to change trains. Once at a port, emigrants often found they had been cheated by travel agents – accommodation was rough and crowded, and came with an extra charge. Although they purchased their boat fares in advance, many emigrants were left on shore due to overbooking. Waiting, uncertainty, frustrations…Many were then taken to different ports, to board different ships, often for different destinations! The passenger’s impressions,which they would not forget for the rest of their lives, were similar - unpleasant boarding, expectation of a departure, European coastline receding in the distance, wide open sea and, finally, docking in New York. Although shipping companies and travel agents enticingly advertised fast passage, good food and comfortable berths, with only a few beds in each, many passengers experienced very rough conditions. Thus, until WW I some passengers did not survive the passage and were buried at sea. There are many records of returnees and their troubles. Many of the returnees were people who could not get used to the American way of life. The passage back was especially difficult for young girls, but also for the elderly. Some died on board, while others were coming home after having gone insane in America. Some of the latter, in 160 a fit of madness, jumped overboard in the middle of the ocean!

Morska bolest osobito mu~i ène koje se na brodu koji se valja i propinje u oluji nastoje ~im toplije umotati i ~im udobnije smjestiti na palubi... “Njihovo je stanje uàsno!... Pod palubom ne mogu stati od smrada izba~enih jela, a na palubi ih biju morski valovi, vjetar, zima, ki{a. Pod je blatan i mokar, a one leè, previjaju se u blatu.” (Ante Tresi}-Pavi~i}, Preko Atlantika do Pacifika, Zagreb 1907.) (Moderne Kunst, Berlin 1891., Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka) Seasickness affected above all women and they tried to find the cosiest and warmest possible position on the deck when the ship was rolling on storm waves… “Their condition is horrible!... They cannot stand being under the deck, where everything stinks of thrown up meals, and on the deck they are beaten by waves, wind, rain and the cold air. The floor is filthy and wet, and they are lying and writhing in dirt.” (Ante Tresi}-Pavi~i}, Preko Atlantika do Pacifika, Zagreb 1907) (Moderne Kunst, Berlin 1891, Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

In one of his books, the Croat author, politician and diplomat Ante Tresi} Pavi~i}, provided some vignettes on the passengers, the departure and the passage of La Touraine 161 from Le Havre on 31 December 1906. Passengers are watching the sea, observing the sea gulls and rejoicing in the frolics of the dolphins, while the most cautious are trying to somehow stave off sea-sickness. Ladies in fur coats are taking their chairs on the deck, trying to assume the most comfortable position. Yet, as soon as the ship starts swaying troubles start: “Their faces are turning pale, gloomy and desperate…” Bell tingle calls to the table passengers in the first, the second and the third class. Some in the third class are traveling with their wives and children. They are in an awful state! …after the first shock, small children recuperate quickly and eat heartily; yet one cannot bear the look of the women! Driven to the deck by the stench of the vomit in the steerage, they are lashed on the deck by the sea foam, wind, and cold rain. The floor is mucky and wet and they lay there, writhing in the muck…” It is winter time, but most poor emigrants are scarcely clad. “Their clothes have been drenched with sea foam so that they are constrained to beds as they do not have another change. In their department air is so stale that one can hardly breathe there…” By the way, the food on board is good even in the third class. Meals are better and 162 more abundant than on other ships. Yet, on many ships food was very bad. Due to poor service and old ships, the pools allowed some shippers to sell their fares under the set tarrifs. One such company was Holland-America Line. A young man who boarded the Rydam, an old steamship of Holland-America Line, in Rotterdam, wrote: “Food was horrible. Fish for breakfast, fish for lunch, fish for dinner. I had never eaten fish before…I could smell fish all over the 163 ship.” Some records describe even worse conditions, i.e. worms crawling on rotten food that would have been considered uneatable had the trip not lasted 10-15 days! In 1908 Vicko Jurjevic from Split boarded the Pretoria in Hamburg, along with anoth-

159 Lojen, ibid, p. 15 160 Death Incidents on the Atlantic (Slu~ajevi smrti na {irokome Atlantiku), Novi List (6 December 1907). 161 Over the Atlantic to the Pacific, The Life of Croats in North America (Preko Atlantika do Pacifika, @ivot Hrvata u Sjevernoj Americi), Dioni~ka tiskara u Zagrebu, 1907. 162 A. Tresi} Pavi~i}, ibid, p. 16

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163 Stjepan Lojen, Uspomene jednog iseljenika, Znanje, Zagreb, 1963, p. 16.

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Mlad momak koji se ukrcava u Rotterdamu na Rydam, stari parobrod Holland-America Linea, kaè: “Hrana je bila o~ajna. Riba za doru~ak, riba za ru~ak, riba za ve~eru. Nikada prije 163 nisam jeo ribe... cijeli mi je brod zaudarao po ribi.” Neki govore o jo{ stra{nijim okolnostima, o crvima koji plaze po pokvarenoj hrani koju bi bilo nemogu}e jesti – kada putovanje ne bi trajalo desetak ili petnaestak dana! Vicko Jurjevi} iz Splita ukrcava se 1908. u Hamburgu na brod Pretoria, zajedno s jo{ 2000 mu{karaca i 1200 èna. “Zbili nas kao brave. Agenat ljuto nas je prevario... Ujutro smo imali kavu gorku kao pelin. U podne su nam davali zupu, sve crvi po njoj i komadi}i konjskog mesa, a za {al{u kumpira neo~i{}enih. Kruha i vina ni{ta. Nama se je gadilo, pa smo bacili onu smrdljivu hranu u more. Za ve~eru su nam davali ribe {to se 164 zove renga. Neki su opisi smje{taja i prehrane iseljenika jo{ drasti~niji: “Potpalublje se sastoji od niskih, lo{e prozra~enih skupnih spavaonica, iz kojih na palubu vode samo jedna mimokretna vrata, koja se za olujna vremena nemilosrdno zatvaraju, tako da putnici ispod njih leè kao u jami. Hrana je servirana na velikim drvenim stolovima i klupama: margarin, kruh i sme|a voda za doru~ak, slana riba i krumpir za ru~ak. K tomu nagurani ljudi, koji su doslovno bili naviknuti jesti skupa sa svinjama. Preko svega toga {irio se slatki miris sredstva za dezinfekciju, s kojim su prostorije bile ~i{}ene, budu}i da se djeca, stare ène i mu{karci nisu ustru~avali 165 povra}ati kad im je bilo zlo.” Kada se nevi~ni i prestra{eni putnici kona~no priviknu na more, popravlja se i raspoloènje, osobito ako se na brodu jede pristojna hrana : “...ve}ina }e ih nakon dva tri dana puta preboliti morsku bolest, pa }e slasno jesti i podati se veselju. Ima tu veseljaka koji zapodjevaju svakake {ale i lakrdije, te zabavljaju druìnu. Neki zvoni u harmoniku, neki pjeva, neki ple{e. Pa~e i neke ènskinje }e se do malo odvaìti te stati 166 plesati.” Brojni iseljenici àle se na uvjete koji su ih, unato~ najavama agenata i nagovara~a, zatekle na brodu. “@ivot na brodu bio je upravo bijedan. Kad smo isplovili na otvoreni ocean, na{a se krntija po~ela toliko ljuljati te sam se bojao da }e se raspasti. Od toga silnog ljuljanja uhvatila me morska bolest, koja me neprestano pratila. Sve {to bih pojeo odmah bi iz 167 mene izletjelo...” A primicanjem sredini oceana more se sve vi{e pjeni i sve je stra{nije, uzburkanije. “Nema vi{e galebova, ni dupina, ni{ta osim beskrajne pu~ine! Boje su na njemu uvijek iste, uvijek dosadni obraz olovnih rastrganih obla~ina... Uviek je isto! Riedak je slu~aj, da se vidi u daljini koja lagja. Da ih je i na tisu}e izgubi}e se u ogromnom pros168 toru...”

Kada se kona~no po~inje nazirati Amerika, obale Newfoundlanda, svi `ivnu. A trenutak ulaska u njujor{ku luku i pogled na nebodere Manhattana uvijek izaziva pravo odu{evljenje.

163 Stjepan Lojen, Uspomene jednog iseljenika, Znanje, Zagreb, 1963., str. 16. 164 Ljubomir Anti}, Hrvati i Amerika, II. dopunjeno izdanje, Hrvatska sveu~ili{na naklada, Hrvatska matica iseljenika, Zagreb, 2002., str. 105. 165 Ann Tizia Leitich, Drei in Amerika, Roman, Be~, 1946., str. 8. Austrijska spisateljica (ro|ena i umrla u Be~u, 1891.–1896.), povjesni~arka umjetnosti i kulture. 166 Tresi}-Pavi~i}, isto, str. 16 167 Stjepan Lojen, isto, str. 16. 168 Tresi}-Pavi~i}, isto. str. 17

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er 2,000 men and 1,200 women. “We were packed there like sheep. The agent had cheated us badly…In the morning we were given coffee that was bitter as gall. At noon we got a soup, crawling with worms and with a few bits of horse meat in it. Side dish was unpeeled potatoes. No bread or wine. Disgusted, we threw the food over164 board. At dinner time we were served fish called herring. Some descriptions of accommodation and victuals were even more dramatic: “The cargo hold consists of poorly ventilated dormitories with low ceilings. The hold is connected to the deck only through an inward opening door, which is mercilessly sealed during storms so that the passengers underneath lie as if in a pitch. Food is served on large wooden tables and benches: margarine, bread and murky water for breakfast, pickled fish and potatoes for lunch. Add to that a crowd of tightly packed people, used to eating with the pigs. Over all that there is a sweet whiff of a disinfectant, used to clean the floors, where children and the elderly vomit freely in bouts of 165 sea-sickness.” Once the frightened passengers got used to the new experience of sea travel, mood improved, especially if the food was good: “…after two to three days most passengers recuperated from sea sickness, started eating heartily and let their hair loose. Amongst the passengers there was always some jolly fellow who would crack jokes and entertain fellow passengers. Some would play the accordion, others would sing or dance. 166 Even some women soon overcame shyness and joined the dance.” Many passengers complained about poor conditions on board, which proved false promises that had been made by the agents and mediators. “Conditions on board were really bad. Once we got to the open sea, our hulk started rocking so much that I feared it would capsize. From all that rocking I became sea-sick and could not recu167 perate throughout the passage. Whatever I ate I threw up right away…” Once a ship got to the middle of the ocean, the sea became rougher, more turbulent and frothier. “One could no longer see the sea-gulls or the dolphins, nothing but the endless open sea! The color never changed, always the same leaden reflection of parted clouds…Always the same! Only rarely did one see some ship far away. If there 168 were thousand of them they would have been lost in that huge space…” The spirits arose on sight of the American shores, the coast of Newfoundland. This turned into euphoria when the passengers saw the New York harbor and the silhouettes of the skyscrapers on Manhattan.

Big, Big Ship that Will Take Us to America Quickly! Some passengers never made it to America; they ended up in the ocean depths. The first major shipwreck happened in 1854, when the Town of Glasgow disappeared mysteriously with 540 passengers on board, never to be heard of again. This was just the first in a long line of shipwrecks. Although Cunard could boast that in 70 years of service on many of its lines it had not 169 lost a single passenger on board, passages were not risk free. Accidents occurred even before that of the Titanic, whose owners had described it as unsinkable prior to its maiden voyage. Sharp at noon on 10 April 1912, White Star’s steamship the Titanic, whose twins were the Brittanic and the Olympic, put out from the port of Southampton on the English Channel. While it was still in the port it barely avoided a collision with the New York steamship. At the same time, the boiler-room caught fire and the departure was 170 delayed by an hour. Yet, the put out was completed safely and later that evening the ship boarded passengers in the French port of Cherbourg, slightly behind the schedule. Next morning

164 Ljubomir Anti}, The Croats and America (Hrvati i Amerika), 2nd amended edition, Hrvatska sveu~ili{na naklada, Hrvatska matica iseljenika, Zagreb, 2002, p. 105. 165 Ann Tizia Leitrich, Drei in Amerika, a novel, Vienna, 1946, p. 8. 166 Tresi}-Pavi~i}, ibid, p. 16. 167 Stjepan Lojen, ibid, p. 16. 168 Tresi}-Pavi~i}, ibid, p. 17. 169 Cunard, Hungarian-American line, Rieka – (Fiume) – New York. Instructions and Explanations for North American Emigrants, published by Adria, Royal Hungarian Steamship Joint-Stock Company, Budapest (around 1910).

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170 Slobodan Novkovi}, The Titanic, the Croats in the Disaster of the Century, (Titanic, Hrvati u katastrofi stoljeca), Naklada Jesenski i Turk, Zagreb, 2005, p. 351.

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Veli, veli brod s ken }emo brzo prit va Meriku! Za razliku od sretno pristiglih, neki nesretnici nikad nisu stigli u Ameriku; zavr{ili su u dubinama oceana. Prva velika parobrodarska nesre}a koja je 1854. tajanstveno progutala Town of Glasgow i njegovih 540 putnika, o kojima se nikad ni{ta nije saznalo, bila je tek najava brojnih nesre}a. Iako se Cunard i nakon sedamdeset godina odràvanja brojnih parobrodarskih linija hvalio da nijedan putnik nikad nije izgubio ìvot na njegovim brodovima, sigurnost 169 plovidbe ipak nije bila zajam~ena. Brodova je ipak stradalo podosta i prije Titanica – kojega su vlasnici uo~i prve plovidbe nazivali – nepotopivim! Golemi White Starov parobrod Titanic, blizanac Britannica i Olyimpica, to~no u podne 10. travnja 1912. kre}e na put iz Southamptona u Engleskom kanalu i ve} u polaznoj luci gotovo doìvljava brodolom. Jedva je izbjegao sudar s parobrodom New York. U 170 kotlovnici je istovremeno izbio poàr, zbog ~ega je brod u polasku kasnio jedan sat.

Cunardova Caronia na vezu u rije~koj luci, jedan je od “transatlantika” koji izazivaju po{tovanje, osobito u lukama u koje tek po~inju uplovljavati. “Parobrod je velik, krasan, providjen sa svim mogu}im udobnostima”, izvje{}uje rije~ki Novi list krajem 1903. i u vi{e se osvrta o pristizanju i isplovljenju plove}ih gorostasa divi njihovoj vrhunskog opremljenosti i najnovijim napravama poput be`i~nog brzojava. (Rije~ka luka, povijest, izgradnja, promet, Rijeka 2001., Muzej grada Rijeke)

Ipak, isplovljenje zavr{ava sretno i brod s malim zaka{njenjem predve~er ukrcava i putnike u francuskoj luci Cherbourg, a ujutro i putnike u ju`noirskoj luci Quinstownu. S blizu dvije tisu}e ukrcanih, od kojih su otprilike polovica bili putnici, a polovica posada, kona~no se otputio na {iroko more. Poznata je sudbina brojnih iseljenika, kao i spasila~ke zasluge konkurentske Cunardove Carpathije koja u to doba iz Rijeke i Trsta odr`ava liniju s New Yorkom.

Cunard’s Caronia, docked in Rijeka’s harbour, is one of the transatlantic steamships that enjoy a great deal of respect, especially in ports in which they only started arriving. “The steamship is large, beautiful, equipped with all possible comforts”, reported Rijeka’s daily Novi list at the end of 1903, which frequently praised the superb equipment and modern technology, like the wireless telegraph, of the floating giants. (The Rijeka Harbour, History, Construction, Traffic, Rijeka 2001, Muzej grada Rijeke)

Me|u brojnim nesretnicima koji nisu imali sre}e, bio je i mladi Mirko Dika, sedamnaestogodi{njak iz Podgori kod Crikvenice. Na brodu su jo{ trojica iz njegova kraja, iz Kri~ine, tako|er u blizini Crikvenice. I Dika je jedan od dvadeset i sedam Hrvata koji su, kao i on, karte za ovo putovanje kupili kod Oberstega & Cie. u Baselu ili kod Josipa Buechela u Buchsu. Mirko je kartu platio 510 {vicarskih franaka i namjeravao oti}i u Vancouver. Njegovoj je majci Jeleni posljednji trag o sinu bilo njegovo pismo iz Southamptona: “Gremo na jedan veli, veli brod s ken }emo brzo prit va Meriku!” 171 Nije stigao nikad, a ni tijelo mu nije prona|eno. Mnogo je sretnije pro{ao iseljenik iz Vrginmosta, dana{njeg Gvozda na Kordunu, izme|u Karlovca i Siska. On opisuje nesre}u omanjeg parobroda Volturno kojim je 172 plovio iz Rotterdama u Ameriku. Njegove nevolje zapo~inju jo{ prije ukrcaja na brod na koji on i oni s kojima dijeli sudbinu ~ekaju vi{e dana. Za ne`eljeno ~ekanje napla}uju im i tro{kove smje{taja i hrane – iako im je jasno re~eno da su ura~unati u cijenu karte. U grupi “Austrijanaca” koji putuju u Ameriku, ima oko 170 ljudi, od toga 130 iz Hrvatske. Ukrcavaju se 3. listopada 1913. i ubrzo saznaju da brod ne putuje najavljenih {est nego najmanje {esnaest ili osamnaest, a pri lo{em vremenu i dvadeset dana! K tome, unato~ 173 najavi – uop}e i ne putuje u SAD i New York – nego u Kanadu!

169 Cunard, Ugarsko-amerikanska pruga, Hungarian – American Line, Rieka – (Fiume) – New York. Uputa i razja{njenje sjeverno-amerikanskim izseljenicima, izdanje Adria kr. ug. parobrodarsko dion. dru`tvo, Budimpe{ta (oko 1910.). 170 Slobodan Novkovi}, Titanic, Hrvati u katastrofi stolje}a, Naklada Jesenski i Turk, Zagreb 2005., str. 351. 171 Novkovi}, isto, str. 72. www.encyclopedia-titanica.org/titanic-biography/mirkodika.htm 172 Stjepko Brozovi}, Sabrane pripovijesti, Iz ameri~kog hrvatskog `ivota, New York (bez godine izdanja). Ovaj novinar i pisac (Jastrebarsko, 1874. – New York, 1924.), urednik hrvatskoga Narodnog lista u New Yorku, u SAD sti`e 1899. 173 Brozovi}, isto, str. 15.

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Putnici su ve} na polasku ogor~eni i neraspolo`eni: “...onda je brod zatulio tri puta tu`no, da nam se je svima u prsima srdce stislo od njekakove tjeskobne slutnje. Muzika je svirala na brodu i na{ se je brod okretao lagano i iz luke gladko, kao po ledu smucao, a mi svi tu`ni za domovinom...” U nekakvoj “ogromnoj {upi” sjedaju za stolove sklepane od dasaka. Kada se nakon rane ve~ere uspnu na palubu, more je sve nemirnije i oni povrate ono {to su upravo pojeli: su{ene haringe i kruh smije{an s crnom kavom. “Kasno smo prvu no} polijegali, prem nas je ve} za rana potjeralo dolje u medjupalublje, u na{e spavaonice. Tu smo se na{li u velikom, {taglju sli~nom prostoru, a po

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more passengers were boarded in Queenstown, a port in the south of Ireland. With almost 2,000 persons on board, half passengers and half crew, the ship finally reached the open sea. The plight of many emigrants and the rescue efforts by the Carpathia, owned by the rival Cunard Line, sailing on the Trieste-Rijeka-New York service, have become famous. One of the ill starred passengers was Mirko Dika, 17 years of age, from Podgori, near Crikvenica. He boarded the ship with three men from Kri~ina, another village near Crikvenica. Dika was one of 27 Croats who purchased their fares from Obersteg & cie. in Basel, or from Josip Buechel in Buchs. He paid 510 Swiss Francs for the fare and his final destination would have been Vancouver. The last word from him that his mother Jelena got was his letter from Southampton: “We shall board a huge, huge ship that will take us to Merica in no time!” 171 He never made it there and his body was never recovered. Much better fared an emigrant from Vrginmost, presently Gvozd, region of Kordun, a town between Karlovac and Sisak. He was shipwrecked on the Volturno, on passage 172 from Rotterdam to America. His troubles started before boarding. He and other passengers had to wait for several days for departure. During this unwanted delay they had to pay for food and board, although that was supposed to be included in the fare. This group of Austrian citizens comprised 170 persons, including 130 from Croatia. They boarded on 3 October 1913 and soon found out that rather than the scheduled six days the passage would take 16 to 18 days, and if the weather was bad possibly as long as 20 days! Furthermore, rather than for New York, USA, as announced, the ship 173 was bound for Canada! Already at the put out the passengers were bitter and disappointed:”… then the siren wailed three times plaintively, sending chills down our spines. A band played on the ship, which was gliding slowly from the port, as if on ice, while we were all longing for our homeland…” In a “huge shed” they sat down at makeshift tables made of boards. When they climbed to a deck, after an early dinner, the sea became rough and they threw up what they had just eaten: dry herrings and bread soaked in black coffee. “The first night we went to bed late, even though we had been driven to our dormitories in the steerage quite early. The steerage looked like a barn, with four bunk beds on top of each other, from floor to the ceiling and from one end of the room to the 174 other. There were up to 200 beds there.” When they finally sailed away from the European coast and got to the open sea a storm hit the ship. Soon it calmed down but another one came and the ship caught fire! Some passengers were saved – they were picked by ships operating that route. The survivors thanked God and their rescuers and watched from a safe distance for hours as the ship was burning down in a cloud of smoke on high seas. Humble castaways were welcomed at the rescuing boat as guests of honor– at a 1st class salon, where a band played and a mass was served for the rescue of the survivors and for the souls of the casualties. The passengers collected a nice donation for the castaways and gave it to them. On the sight of New York the castaways were even more jubilant than emigrants usually were. To them the skyscrapers looked like “a miracle, like en enchanted city, a 175 view like no other.”

171 Novkovi}, ibid, p. 72. w w w. e n c y c l o p e d i a - t i t a n i c a . o r g / t i t a n i c biography/mirko-dika.htm 172 Stjepko Brozovi}, Collected Stories From the Life of American Croats (Sabrane pripovijesti iz ameri~kog hrvatskog `ivota), New York (no year of publication). This journalist and author (Jastrebarsko, 1874 – New York, 1924), edited Croat Narodni list in New York. He arrived to the USA in 1899.

Considering that the news about the shipwreck had already spread around, at the port they were welcomed by hundreds of photo-journalists, representatives of charities, thousands of onlookers and, of course, by relatives and friends.

173 Brozovi}, ibid, p. 15. 174 Brozovi}, ibid, p. 17.

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175 Brozovi}, ibid, p. 47.

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~etiri kreveta jedan nad drugim, od poda do stropa zapunili su cijeli prostor. Bilo je tu 174 do 200 kreveta.” Kada su se kona~no udaljili od europske obale i zaputili preko oceana, ubrzo ih je zatekla oluja koja se uskoro smirila, ali je nastupila nova oluja i, na nesre}u, brodom po~ne harati vatra! Dio se sretnika ipak uspijeva spasiti – pokupili su ih brodovi koji su plovili istom rutom. Preìvjeli mogu zahvaljivati Bogu i spasiteljima i, sa sigurne udaljenosti, jo{ satima gledati brod koji u oblaku dima dogorijeva na pu~ini. Skromni su prido{lice na spasila~kom brodu prihva}eni kao najdraì gosti – do~ekuje ih glazba u dvorani prvoga razreda gdje se odràva i misa u znak zahvalnosti za spas Smrtnost je na dugim putovanjima brodom jo{ i u 19. stolje}u bila ~esta. Brodovi bi rijetko prelazili ocean bez ponekog umrlog ili poginulog. No puno su ve}a stradanja prouzro~ili brodolomi. Od tajanstvenog nestanka parobroda Town of Glasgow koji je stradao 1854., do Titanica 1912. oceanske su oluje i nesre}e progutale tisu}e ljudi. Zato zvu~i gotovo nevjerojatnom Cunardova tvrdnja da u sedamdeset godina poslovanja kompanije na njezinim brodovima nije stradao nijedan putnik. (L’illustrazione Italiana, 2. 1. 1876., Muzej grada Rijeke) In the 19th century, the death rate on long journeys was still high. Ships rarely crossed the ocean without casualties. However, shipwrecks caused a far greater number of deaths. From the misterious disappearance of the steamship Town of Glasgow in 1854 until Titanic in 1912, ocean currents and accidents claimed the lives of thousands of people. That is why Cunard’s claim that not even one passenger was killed on board one of its ships in seventy years of the company’s existence sounds rather incredible. (L’illustrazione Italiana, 2 January 1876, Muzej grada Rijeke)

174 Brozovi}, isto, str. 17.

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The Last Obstacle â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Ellis Island From the moment of departure, an emigrant had many opportunities to regret his decision or, at least, to start doubting its rationale. Already prior to boarding, his personal and emigration documents were checked and he was examined by physicians. In a port of departure, if not already at some railway hub, such as Basel, he was examined and checked by doctors, local authorities and by officials of a US consulate. â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;In Basel we were given train tickets to Rotterdam and a boat fare for New York. There 176 we were examined by a physician, so that we could board the ship without delay. Yet, he had to be examined again before immigration.

149

176 Lojen, ibid, pp. 15-16.

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pre`ivjelih i pokoj onih koji se nisu uspjeli spasili. Putnici za brodolomce skupljaju i lijepu svoticu koja im je uskoro podijeljena. Nadomak New Yorka zadovoljstvo je brodolomaca jo{ ve}e od uobi~ajenoga, a nebodere gledaju “kao kakovo ~udo, kao kakav za~arani grad. Pogled kakvog nema 175 nigdje na svietu.” Budu}i da se ve} pro~ulo o brodolomu, u luci ih do~ekuje stotine novinara s fotoaparatima, predstavnici dobrotvornih dru{tava, tisu}e znati`eljnika i – dakako – rodbina i prijatelji.

Posljednja prepreka – oto~i} Ellis Procedura i niz pregleda na Ellis Islandu, na koji istovremeno dovoze tisu}e useljenika, posljednja su prepreka i stoga u mnogih izazivaju poseban strah – nadomak Amerike i ostvarenja sna sve dosada{nje muke postaju uzaludne ako ih vrate u Europu. (LaGuardia & Wagner Archives, New York)

Od trenutka kada krene na put, svaki iseljenik ima mno{tvo prigoda da po`ali zbog svoje odluke ili bar da se pokoleba i posumnja u ispravnost svojih nakana. Jo{ u Europi, prije ukrcaja na brod, iseljeni~ke su mu osobne i putne isprave provjerene i obavljen je lije~ni~ki pregled. U polaznoj su ga luci ili mo`da ve} u nekom `eljezni~kom ~vori{tu poput Basela, pregledali i lije~nici i doma}e vlasti i slu`benici ameri~kog konzulata.

The procedure involving a number of examinations on Ellis Island, which simultaneously receives thousands of immigrants, represents the last hurdle and, therefore, a special fear for many – only one step away from entering the US and realizing one’s dreams, there is the possibility of being returned to Europe and all troubles having been in vain. (LaGuardia & Wagner Archives, New York)

“U Baselu smo dobili èljezni~ku kartu do Rotterdama i brodsku kartu do New Yorka. Ondje nas je i lije~nik pregledao, tako te smo bili spremni da se odmah ukrcamo na 176 brod. No sada slijedi kona~an, odlu~ni pregled prije useljenja. Unato~ brojnim lukama i mogu}nostima ulaska u SAD, posljednja je stanica za ve}inu Ellis Island koji izaziva posebnu strepnju. Dovezeni pretrpanim brodi}em iz njujor{ke luke i zatvoreni na oto~i}u okruènom morem, nadomak Kipu slobode i stvarnoj slobodi, useljenici moraju pro}i opse`ne preglede, strahuju}i od preuranjena neuspjeha i neèljena povratka u domovinu. Unato~ desetlje}ima i dvama svjetskim ratovima, minulim od dolaska u Ameriku do povratka u domovinu, Stjepan Lojen iz Kraljeveca u Hrvatskom zagorju, slikovito opisuje svoj dolazak u New York i strepnju koju proìvljava na Ellis Islandu: “Parobrod je kona~no pristao u luku. Na pristani{tu su ljudi vrvjeli kao u mravinjaku. Obi~ni putnici iskrcavali se odmah na obalu, gdje su ih susretali i veselo pozdravljali ro|aci i znanci. S nama, iseljenicima, bilo je druk~ije. Nas su prekrcavali u malen brodi}, koji nas je odvezao na oto~i} Ellis Island, gdje smo imali pro}i pregled pograni~nih i carinskih organa. U{li smo u jednu veliku salu... jo{ kod ku}e pri~ali su mi da su... mnogi na{i ljudi vra}eni natrag. Pozajmili su novac za putne tro{kove, dovezli se do ameri~kog kopna, pogledali Boìcu slobode, odsjedili dan-dva... i onda se morali vratiti ku}i! Dok sam stajao u drugom redu {to je vodio do pograni~nih organa, po glavi mi se neprestano vrzla misao: ho}e li mene pustiti? Kolika bi nesre}a bila kad bih se sada morao vratiti u svoj Kraljevec! Otac je pozajmio novac za moj put, i ja sam mu sve~ano obe}ao da }u mu ga za {est mjeseci vratiti. Pa odakle bi ga otac ina~e mogao vratiti? Osim toga, kad bih se sada, poslije pet-{est tjedana, morao vratiti u selo, kolika bi to bila bruka za me! Susjedi bi mi se rugali i predbacivali: “Gle na{eg Amerikanca! Potro{io dvjesta forinti da vidi kopno Amerike!” Vratio bih se upravo onamo gdje sam i bio – u onu istu bijedu iz koje sam se poku{ao izvu}i. Samo {to bih sada imao jo{ jedan teret vi{e – dug od dvjesta forinti!

175 Brozovi}, isto, str. 47. 176 Lojen, isto, str.15.–16.

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Kona~no do|e red na mene i na mog suputnika Lazu. Bio sam prvi. Pokazao sam inspektoru papir {to mi ga je dao agent. On me odmjerio od glave do pete i preko pre-

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In spite of many ports of entry and immigration stations in the USA, most immigrants came through Ellis Island, which inspired them with special apprehension. Upon arrival from the New York harbor on an overcrowded boat the immigrants were isolated on this small island close to the Statue of Liberty and to freedom, in expectation of a series of examinations that for some meant premature repatriation. In spite of decades and two world wars between his immigration to America and his repatriation, in his late recollections Stjepan Lojen from Kraljevec in the Hrvatsko zagorje region painted a vivid picture of his arrival to New York and his experience of Ellis Island.

Useljenici iz srednje i isto~ne Europe ~ekaju na slo`enu provjeru osobnih isprava te preglede tjelesnog i mentalnog zdravlja, kao i provjeru politi~ke i socijalne podobnosti – ne primaju se anarhisti i poligamni. Plovidbom iznurene obitelji i majke s djecom satima su podvrgavani pregledima i testovima. Jedan od uvjeta za useljenje jest i jamstvo da useljenik ne}e pasti na teret javnih slu`bi, za {to mora imati odre|enu svotu novaca (neko je vrijeme to iznosilo 20 ili 25 dolara) te navesti ime i to~nu adresu jamca-prijatelja, susjeda ili ro|aka koji `ivi u SAD-u. (Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New York)

“The steamship finally docked in the port. The pier was teeming with people. While other passengers disembarked straight onto the pier, to meet their exhilarated relatives and acquaintances, we, the emigrants, were boarded on a small boat that took us to Ellis Island, to be examined by immigration authorities and by customs officers.

Immigrants from Central and Eastern Europe standing in line for the complex verification of their documents, physical and psychological examinations, and checking of their political and social eligibility – anarchists and polygamists are not admitted. Families and mothers with children, exhausted from the long voyage, had to undergo for hours examinations and tests. One of the preconditions for immigration was the guarantee that immigrants will not become a burden for public services, so they had to show a certain amount of money (for some time it was 20 or 25 dollars) and give the name and correct address of a guarantor – a friend, neighbour or relative who already lived in the US. (Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New York)

We entered into a big hall… before my departure some people had told me that some of our compatriots had been sent home from here. After having made the passage on borrowed money and seen the Goddess of Freedom, only a day or two after their arrival they were sent back home! While I was standing in a long line, waiting to be examined by immigration officers, I kept wondering: Will they let me through? It they send me back to my Kraljevec now that will be a disaster! My father had to borrow money for my travel expenses, and I promised solemnly that I would pay it back to him in six months. After all, how else could he return the loan? Furthermore, if now, after 5-6 weeks, I return to my village, that will be a big disgrace for me! Neighbors would make fun of me and tease me: “Look at our American! He spent 200 Forint so that he could see the American shores!” Upon return I would be stuck again in the same poverty that I tried to escape, this time burdened with a debt of 200 Forint! Finally, the turn came for me and my fellow passenger Lazo. I was first. I showed an inspector a paper that I had received from a travel agent. He sized me up and asked me through a translator: Where are you going? To Youngstwon to join my father in law. How much money do you have on you? Twenty dollars. I was lucky! So was my friend Lazo. I was relieved. We did not pay much attention to the customs officers as our luggage consisted of a few dirty shirts. When I looked around I saw my friend Lazo, who had

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Pregled o~iju me|u va`nijim je pojedinostima zbog trahoma, prili~no ra{irene o~ne bolesti zbog koje se nije dobivala dozvola ulaska u SAD. (LaGuardia & Wagner Archives, New York) The optometry was among the more important examinations due to the wide-spread trachoma eye disease. Those having it were not permitted to enter the US. (LaGuardia & Wagner Archives, New York)

vodioca upitao: - Kamo ide{? - U Youngstown svome svaku – rekoh uzbu|eno. - Koliko ima{ novaca? - Dvadeset dolara. Sretno sam pro{ao! Pro{ao je dobro i moj prijatelj Lazo. Sad mi je laknulo. Na carinske se organe nismo ni obazirali, jer se cijela na{a prtljaga sastojala od par prljavih ko{ulja. Pogledao sam okolo i vidio mog prijatelja Lazu, koji je ve} bio pro{ao pregled, kako veselo razgovara sa svojim ro|acima, koji su ga do~ekali. Kad je podigao kov~eg da krene, osvrnu se i, spaziv{i me, mahnu mi rukom u pozdrav... Kad smo pro{li kroz cijeli pregled, predani smo jednom vodi~u, koji nas je odveo na `eljezni~ku stanicu. Prije negoli smo krenuli na stanicu dobili smo svaki papirnu kutiju suhe hrane: sendvi~a, salame, sira i ne{to vo}a. Za tu smo hranu platili svaki po jedan dolar. Uve~er oko 9 sati vodi~ nam je dao vozne karte i ukrcao nas na putni~ki vlak, kojim 177 smo krenuli u Youngstown – na put dug 600 milja.”

Kamo doseljavaju na{i emigranti? Poljaci, na primjer, najbrojniji austrijski iseljenici, odlaze najvi{e u Chicago, New York, Pittsburgh, Buffalo (dràva New York, isto~na obala jezera Erie), Milwaukee, Detroit i 178 Cleveland. Naj~e{}i su odlasci srednjoeuropskih iseljenika u industrijske i rudarske krajeve i gradove poput Pittsburgha (Pensilvanija), Cleveland (Ohio), Chicaga (Illinois), i New Yorka. Gotovo tri ~etvrtina Hrvata odlazi u ove dràve i gradove, dok u Kaliforniju, prim179 jerice, po~etkom 20. stolje}a odlazi samo 1% hrvatskih iseljenika. 177 Lojen, isto, str. 17. 178 Roger Daniels, Coming to America, A History of Immigration and Ethnicity in American life, Second Edition, Perrenia – Harper Collins Publishers, New York, 2002., str. 220. Prema tablici sedam vode}ih poljskih sredi{ta u Americi. Podaci za 1905. i 1920. 179 M. Makale, Zadnji popis pu~anstva u Dalmaciji, Be~, 1912., objavljeno i u: Ivan îzmi}, Hrvati u ìvotu Sjedinjenih Ameri~kih Dràva, Globus, Zagreb, 1983., str. 135.

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I drugi iseljenici iz Austro-Ugarske uglavnom odlaze na ista odredi{ta. Iseljenike dopadaju poslovi koje vi{e ne èle raditi ni mnogi od najsiroma{nijih Amerikanaca, pa ni potomci afri~kih robova. Prido{lice ne poznaju jezik, mahom su sa sela, neobrazovani i uglavnom bez ikakva zanata. Krajnje im nesnalaènje i neznanje omogu}uje jedino najteè poslove – isprva ~e{}e teà~ki rad na velikim gradili{tima, u kamenolomima, rudnicima i {umama, nego na tvorni~koj traci velikih industrijskih pogona.

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Useljeni~ka obitelj – majka s djevoj~icama – tek pristigli iz Ma|arske, jo{ su uvijek u slikovitoj “panonskoj” odje}i. (Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New York) An immigrant family – mother with her girls – that only just arrived from Hungary. They are still dressed in their ornate “Pannonian” costumes. (Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New York)

cleared the customs before me, chatting happily with his relatives. When he picked up his suitcase, ready to leave, he looked back. When he spotted me he waved a goodbye… After the examinations, we were trusted with a guide, who took us to a train station. Prior to the trip to the station each immigrant was given a paper bag with lunch: sandwiches, salami, cheese and some fruit. That cost us a dollar each. At about 21 hrs the guide gave us train fairs and oversaw our boarding on a passenger train, which took 177 us to Youngstown, a trip of 600 miles.”

Politi~ka karta SAD-a objavljena 1918. u priru~niku namijenjenom onima koji prolaze proces “naturalizacije” za prijam u punopravne gra|ane SAD-a. (Muzej grada Rijeke) The political map of the USA, published in 1918 in the handbook for those undergoing the process of “naturalization” for becoming full citizens of the US. (Muzej grada Rijeke)

Where Did Our Emigrants Settle? The Poles, for example, the largest emigrant contingent from Austrian soil, went mostly to Chicago, New York, Pittsburgh, Buffalo (state of New York, on the east coast of 178 Lake Erie), Milwaukee, Detroit and Cleveland. Central European immigrants went mostly to industrial and mining regions and towns, such as Pennsylvania (Pittsburgh), Illinois (Chicago), Ohio (Cleveland) and New York. In the early 20th century, almost three quarters of the Croat immigrants went there 179 too, and only 1% to California, for example. These destinations were also most popular with other immigrants from AustriaHungary. The immigrants were destined for work that even the poorest Americans, including descendants of African slaves, did not want to do. Most immigrants were peasants, did not speak English, and lacked education and skills. Thus, in order to survive most had to look for work as hired hands on construction sites, quarries, mines and forests, and only few at the assembly lines of large manufacturing plants. In California, the Dalmatians, people form Hrvatsko primorje, and other “Austrians” worked as fishermen, sailors on merchant ships and in vineyards. Yet others ended up in the mines in Californian hinterlands, or as lumberjacks in sequoia forests, where 180 they logged huge trees they could not have imagined prior to arriving to America. 177 Lojen, ibid, p. 17.

Unable to stop emigration, authorities and sympathetic intellectuals back home tried to analyze and monitor emigration in order to be able to instruct and protect would be emigrants from the worse inconveniences that might befall them in America. Considering that most emigrants were peasants, whose prospective jobs would be as hired hands in manufacturing, mines and forests, studies were made in order to instruct them how to acquire land. La Bilanca from Rijeka, pointed out that the federal authorities in the United States

178 Roger Daniels, Coming to America, A History of Immiration and Ethnicity in American Life, Second Edition, Perrenia – Harper Collins Publishers, New York, 2002, p. 220. 179 M. Makale, The Last Population Census in Dalmatia (Zadnji popis pucanstva u Dalmaciji), Vienna, 1912, also cited in: Ivan Cizmic, Croats in the USA Life (Hrvati u zivotu Sjedinjenih americkih drzava), Globus, Zagreb, 1983, p. 135.

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180 Such was the case of several hundred immigrants from the village of Rukavac, who worked in the forests close to the Humboldt Bay in California.

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Dalmatinci, Primorci i drugi “Austrijanci” koji stiù u Kaliforniju, najvi{e love ribu ili plove na trgova~kim brodovima i obra|uju vinograde, drugi zavr{avaju u rudnicima podalje od obale ili u obli`njim {umama sijeku goleme sekvoje, debla kakva prije 180 Amerike nisu mogli ni zamisliti. Kada ve} ne mogu zaustaviti iseljavanje, predstavnici vlasti i pokroviteljski raspoloèni intelektualni krugovi u domovini poku{avaju istraìvati i pratiti iseljeni~ki pokret i na neki na~in savjetovati i {tititi iseljenike od najve}ih neugodnosti u koje mogu zapasti u Americi. Jedna od studija izra|enih o iseljeni{tvu opisuje krajeve koji se predlaù povjerenicima za emigraciju kao pogodni za iseljenike koji odlaze u Sjevernu Ameriku. Budu}i da ve}ina iseljenika potje~e sa sela, a u Americi uglavnom postaju najamni industrijski radnici, rudari ili drvosje~e, izra|uju se studije u kojima ih se upu}uje kako u Americi mogu do}i do vlastite zemlje.

Josip Kruì}-Jelka{ iz Zlobina u zale|u Rijeke, za strojem u tvornici osigura~a u Chicagu. Fotografija je snimljena 1920-ih, prije velike krize koja je progutala tvornicu. (Ruìca Marohni}, Zlobin) Josip Kruì}-Jelka{ from Zlobin near Rijeka, working in the fuse factory in Chicago. This photograph was taken in the 1920s, before the big crisis that destroyed the factory. (Ruìca Marohni}, Zlobin)

180 Primjer vi{e stotina iseljenika iz sela Rukavac kraj Rijeke, koji rade u {umama nadomak Humboltova zaljeva u Kaliforniji.

U Sjedinjenim Dr`avama ima, upozoravaju rije~ke novine La Bilancia, vi{e od 300 milijuna jutara javnoga zemlji{ta koje pripada Saveznoj vladi, a bit }e dodijeljeno besplatno ili po neznatnoj cijeni ameri~kim gra|anima ili strancima koji izjave da su se voljni “naturalizirati”.

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owned more than 300 million acres of land, which they intended to give free of charge or cheaply to US citizens and foreign nationals willing to naturalize. Public land in southern states, such as Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas and Oklahoma, is very fertile, especially to grow cotton, sugar cane and corn, and to breed pigs. Yet, due to high humidity, the climate is not healthy. In the north there is public land in the states of Michigan, Minnesota, Dakota, Nebraska, Kansas and Missouri, suitable to grow wheat and sugar-beet, and for cattle farms. The climate is healthy and temperate. In the south of the Atlantic coast, in Florida, the land is god to grow oranges, but the region is marshy, hot and infested with mosquitoes. Most public land is located in the West, the states of Arizona, Oregon, Washington, Idaho, Montana, Utah, Colorado, Nevada and Wyoming, but those regions are arid. Federal authorities have embarked on large irrigation projects that will turn several millions of acres into very fertile land. Once the irrigation projects are completed, the authorities will sell that land at favorable prices. Yet, our emigrants should be especially alerted about large areas of fertile land in the hinterlands of the Atlantic states, Virginia, and North and South Carolina. That region is well connected by train with the big towns in the north â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Baltimore, Philadelphia,

Radnici iz Hrvatskog primorja rade na prijevozu `eljezne ruda~e iz rudnika Oliver Mining Company, Iron River u Michiganu. U ovom je gradi}u bila ove}a kolonija Primoraca. (Radovan Tadej, Zlobin) Workers from Hrvatsko Primorje work in the transport of iron ore from the Oliver Mining Company mine in Iron River, Michigan. There was a large colony of people from that region in this small town. (Radovan Tadej, Zlobin)

Grupa hrvatskih useljenika, gra|evinskih radnika s otoka Krka, na jednom od najvi{ih ranih nebodera u Chicagu, u kojem je ve} 1880-ih zapo~ela izgradnja vrlo visokih zgrada. Tek su se poslije po~eli graditi prvi neboderi na Manhattanu. (Ivica Nemec, Frlani-Kastav) A group of Croatian immigrants, construction workers from the island of Krk, on one of the highest early skyscrapers in Chicago, where very high buildings started to emerge already in the 1880s. Only later, first skyscrapers started to be built on Manhattan. (Ivica Nemec, Frlani-Kastav)

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Sto~na tr`nica u Chicagu – motiv koji se pojavljuje ~ak i na razglednici koju hrvatski useljenik {alje svojima u domovinu. Iako u manjem mjerilu, ovaj je prizor s ovcama i kravama blizak ro|acima u rodnom kraju, za razliku od uobi~ajenih razglednica s neboderima i tvornicama. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 18133-3) Livestock market in Chicago – a motif that was even used on a postcard sent home to his family by a Croatian immigrant. Even though to a lesser extent, this view of sheep and cows is still very familiar for the relatives at home, as opposed to the common postcards with skyscrapers and factories. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 18133-3)

Javnoga zemlji{ta ima u dràvama juga, u Alabami, Mississippiju, Luisiani, Arkanzasu i Oklahomi, koje su posebno pogodne za uzgoj pamuka, {e}erne trske i kukuruza te za uzgoj svinja, a i vrlo su plodne. Ali zbog velike vla`nosti klima tamo nije zdrava. Javno zemlji{te na sjeveru nalazi se u dràvama Michigan, Minnesota, Dakota, Nebraska, Kanzas i Missouri, a posebno je pogodno za uzgoj p{enice, {e}erne repe te za uzgoj goveda. Klima je zdrava i umjerena. Na jugu Atlantika javno zemlji{te na Floridi pogodno je za uzgoj narana~a, no taj je kraj mo~varan, a klima àrka i ima mnogo komaraca. Zapadnim se krajevima najvi{e {ire javna zemlji{ta, u dràvama Arizona, Oregon, Washington, Idaho, Montana, Utah, Kolorado, Nevada i Vyoming, no u tim krajevima najve}ma vlada su{a. Vlada poduzima velike radove za navodnjavanje zahvaljuju}i kojima }e se mo}i obra|ivati nekoliko milijuna tisu}a jutara zemlji{ta. Vlada }e zemlji{te koje }e nakon isu{ivanja biti iznimno plodno, prodavati po povoljnim cijenama.

Sredi{te Chicaga i dojmljiv pogled na mo}nu klasicisti~ku zgradu Illinois Trust & Saving Bank. Chicago je upravo na prijelazu stolje}a u najve}em rastu pa ovdje nalaze posla i brojni useljenici. Cvjetaju i banke koje ~uvaju useljeni~ke u{tede i dozna~uju ih u domovinu. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 18133-4) Downtown Chicago and an impressive view of the large classicistic building of the Illinois Trust & Saving Bank. At the turn of the centry, Chicago found itself amidst the highest growth, so that even the numerous immigrants found a job there. It was also the heyday for banks, which were looking after the immigrants’ savings and transferring them to their homecountries. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 18133-4)

No na{im emigrantima treba posebno svrnuti pa`nju na velike povr{ine plodne zemlje u unutra{njosti dràva uz Atlantski ocean – Virginiju te Sjevernu i Ju`nu Karolinu. To je podru~je mnogim èljezni~kim linijama povezano s velikim gradovima sjevera – Baltimoreom, Philadelphijom, New Yorkom i Bostonom. U svakom slu~aju iseljeni~ki bi povjerenici trebali preporu~iti ovaj kraj, zaklju~uje 181 upu}eni istraìva~ i pisac studije.

Desno Tvorni~ki radnici iz Dalmacije i Kraljevine Hrvatske te Slovaci i Rusini snimljeni u Dicksonovoj ljevaonici u Pittsburghu, velikom sredi{tu metalne industrije. (Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)

Useljeni~ka Amerika - raj ili pakao?

On the right Factory workers from Dalmatia and the Kingdom of Croatia, as well as Slovaks and Russians, captured in Dickson’s iron works in Pittsburgh, an important center of metal industry. (Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)

181 Dove possono andare i nostri emigranti, La Bilancia (1. 8. 1910.), str. 1.–2 . 182 Alojz Ignac Kastigar (Dobrni~, Dolenjska, 1863. – ?), sve}enik, u pismu Matiji Hitiju iz Dom`ala, 4. o`ujka, prema neobjavljenom tekstu Marijana Drnov{eka.

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“U Americi mi sve dobro polazi od ruke, zadovoljan sam u svakom pogledu. Ovdje nije kao u Kranjskoj, tu svi dijelimo iste poglede i jedno srce, halje ne ~ine nikakvu razliku u domovini zlatne slobode. Stale` se sa staleòm ne prepire, a i ljudi razli~itih 182 vjera ìve zajedno u razumijevanju.” Tri mjeseca poslije ovaj slovenski sve}enik pi{e da }e zaboraviti na svu gor~inu koju je doìvio u domovini i da u Americi lako di{e jer je to zemlja zlatne slobode. Odu{evljen je posjetom slapovima Niagare, a namjerava posjetiti i svjetsku izlo`bu u Chicagu (1893.). Postaje i biskupov pomo}nik te ima dobru pla}u i razloga za zadovoljstvo o kojem opet pi{e prijatelju u domovinu: “Iz svega toga moè{ vidjeti da ne trebam àliti za Europom, i mogu zaboraviti cvije}e koje mi je zadnju godinu tamo cvjetalo.” Iako mu je s krizom koja nastupa 1893./94. splasnulo odu{evljenje pa sestru koja mu se ho}e pridruìti jednostavno i neuvijeno odbija, to ipak ne umanjuje odu{evljenje

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Trgova~ka ~etvrt u sredi{tu Milwaukeeja na razglednici koju zadovoljno {alje svojima hrvatski sve}enik s porukom: “Ovde me lepo prijel g. nadbiskup – Bog mu daj zdravlje! (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 4798)

Trade district in the center of Milwaukee on a postcard sent to his family by a content Croatian priest with the message - “I was welcomed here very pleasantly by the archbishop – God bless him!” (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 4798)

New York and Boston. In any case, emigration commissioners should recommend that region, concluded the 181 well informed researcher and author of the study.

Lijevo Rusini iz \ur|eva (Ba~ka, Vojvodina) i Hrvati u tvornici cijevi u Barbitonu, dr`ava Ohio, oko 1911. godine. (Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)

The Immigrants’ America - Heaven or Hell?

On the left Rusyns from \ur|evo (Ba~ka, Vojvodina) and Croats in a pipe factory, in Barbiton, Ohio, around 1911. (Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)

“I am doing fine in America, and I am happy in every aspect. This is not like Carniola. Here, we have common views and aspirations; in this haven of golden freedom one does not judge a man by his clothes. People from all walks of life get along well; mem182 bers of different religious persuasions live together in harmony.” Three months later this Slovenian priest wrote that he would soon forget the bitterness with which he had left his homeland and that in America people breathed freely as that was the country of golden freedom. He had been exuberated by a visit to the Niagara Falls and was planning to visit the World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago (1893). His happiness grew even more when he was appointed the bishop’s assistant, on a good salary. He wrote to a friend in the old country: “From all that you can see that I have no reason to be nostalgic about Europe, and can forget the rose garden where I lived there during the last year.” Although his euphoria abated with the 1893-1894 recession, so that he openly and blatantly refused to welcome his sister who wanted to join him, he still saw America as a 183 beacon of freedom, a view shared by many young people. Humble people, on the on the hand, also nurtured great expectations, albeit of less ideological nature. Thus, a Slovakian peasant, prior to his arrival to America, gave assurances to his father: “...Dad, you will not have to work for other people at all. As soon as we get to 184 America, we will start sending you money. You will buy land and work on it…” The other side of the medal was poverty, illness, maiming, frequent alcoholism and madness. Newspaper headlines, with the typical sensationalist flavor, focused on deliriums and delicts: “Suicide on the Pannonia”, or “Lunatics Return from America”, the latter refer185 ring to a return of “6 lunatics – two men and four women” from New York. People’s deputy and a former emigrant Ivan Frano Lupis stressed that half of all deaths were in work related incidents, 20 % from tuberculosis, caused by poverty and unhealthy living conditions, and only 20 % from natural causes. On top of that many persons were debilitated for life by work related incidents. All in all, the casualties amongst American Croats were estimated at about 500 per year. The alcoholism and the crime rate rose sharply after WW I: “Most of our people work in deep mine pits, filled with noxious gases; thus their health deteriorates quickly; they live in small, smelly and crammed accommodations…Uneducated and spiritually neglected, they take to alcoholism, debauchery and adultery…”

181 Were Can our Emigrants Go (Dove possono andare i nostri emigranti), La Bilancia, (1 August 1910), pp. 1-2. 182 Alojz Ignac Kastigar (Dobrni~, Dolenjska, 1863 ?), a priest, in a letter to Matija Hiti from Dom`ale, 4 March, from an unpublished text by Marijan Drnovsek. 183 Marijan Drnov{ek, Slovenian Emigration (Slovenska emigracija), an unpublished work, 2007. 184 Martin Besedi~, Slovakian Emigration, Economic Aspects, an unpublished work, 2007.

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185 Novi list: Two Crazy Emigrants (Dvije lude izseljenice), 8 December 1907, Suicide On the Pannonia (Samoubojstvo na “Panoniji”), 14 July 1907. Lunatics Return from America (Povatak u Americi poludjelih), 17 April 1909), the Arrival of the Pannonia (Dolazak “Panonije”), 9 September 1909.

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Amerikom kao simbolom slobode, koje su s ovim sve}enikom dijelili mnogi mladi 183 ljudi. I obi~ni su ljudi imali svoja, mnogo manje ideolo{ki obilje`ena o~ekivanja. Jedan slova~ki seljak koji jo{ nije ni stigao u Ameriku, uvjerava oca: “...Tata, vi uop}e ne}ete raditi, ~im mi do|emo u Ameriku slat }emo vam novce, Vi 184 }ete kupiti zemlju i na njoj raditi...” S druge su strane brojne pri~e o propalima, bolesnima, poludjelima, osaka}enima, kao i o poja~anoj pojavi alkoholizma, kriminala i – ludila. Novinski naslovi, dakako uvijek s natruhama senzacionalizma, najradije se bave delirijima i deliktima: “Dvije lude iseljenice!”, “Samoubojstvo na ’Pannoniji’, ili “Povratak u Americi poludjelih... uz obja{njenje da se iz New Yorka vratilo “6 ludjaka – dva 185 ~ovjeka i ~etiri `ene”.

Drvosje~e iz Hrvatskog primorja u {umi divovskih sekvoja u Kaliforniji, nedaleko od Humboldtova zaljeva. Ovakve se fotografije sa zadivljuju}im prizorima iz egzoti~nih {uma rado {alju u domovinu. (Nada Gr`eti}, Matulji) Lumberjacks from the Croatian Littoral in the woods of the giant sequoia in California, near Humboldt Bay. Photographs like this, with impressive views of exotic forests, are often sent home by immigrants. (Nada Gr`eti}, Matulji)

Tek pristigli useljenici iz srednje i isto~ne Europe na èljezni~koj stanici u Gladstoneu, dràva Michigan, gradi}u osnovanom tek u drugoj polovici 19. stolje}a u jednoj od sjeveroisto~nih dràva u koje austrougarski iseljenici naj~e{}e dolaze. (Donaushwabisches Zentralmuseum Ulm) Immigrants from Central and Eastern Europe who only just arrived in the new country, captured at the railway station in Gladstone, Michigan, a small town founded only in the second half of the 19th century in one of the north-eastern states preferred by AustroHungarian emigrants. (Donauschwäbisches Zentralmuseum Ulm)

183 Marijan Drnov{ek, Slovenska emigracija, neobjavljeni rad, 2007. 184 Martin Besedi~, Slova~ka emigracija, gospodarski aspekti, neobjavljeni rad, 2007. 185 Novi list: Dvije lude izseljenice (8. 12. 1907.); Samoubojstvo na “Pannoniji” (14. 7. 1907.) Povratak u Americi poludjelih ( 17. 4. 1909.); Dolazak “Pannonije” (9. 9. 1909.). 186 Anti~evi} (ur.), isto, Lupis, str. 22. 187 Josip [ilovi}, Uzroci zlo~ina, Matica Hrvatska, Zagreb, 1913., str. 15.–21. 188 Kako je na{ima u Americi, Narodna obrana, Osijek (9. 12. 1905.). 189 Za one koji nepromi{ljeno odlaze u Ameriku, Narodna obrana, Osijek (30. 3. 1906.), br. 74., str. 3.

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Narodni zastupnik i biv{i iseljenik Ivan Frano Lupis isti~e da je polovica umrlih preminula u nesre}ama na radu, petina od su{ice izazvane siroma{tvom i nezdravim ìvotom, a tek petina prirodnom smr}u. Tu su jo{ i brojni invalidi koji su naj~e{}e stradali na radu. Sve u svemu, procjenjuje da godi{nje u Americi pogine oko 500 Hrvata. U izrazitu su porastu prije Prvoga svjetskog rata bile pojave pijan~evanja i zlo~ina: “Ve}ina na{ih ljudi radi u dubokim i pogubnim plinima zagu{enim rudokopima; pri ~emu brzo fizi~ki propadaju; ìvu u tijesnim, smradnim i prenatrpanim stanovima... U neznanju i du{evnoj zapu{tenosti, podaju se pijanstvu, bludu, obiteljskom vjerolomstvu...” Doga|a se i sve vi{e umorstava, a prazni~ka pijan~evanja i izgredi stvaraju lo{u sliku u ameri~koj javnosti. “Godine 1903. imao se vje{ati prvi Hrvat u Americi, i cijeli na{ narod tada zauze se, da se ta ’sramota’ ne dogodi, danas je toliko vje{anja na{ih ljudi, da ih se tek samo 186 biljeì.” U to vrijeme dr. Ante Biankini u Chicagu istraùje “Zlo~in i pijanstvo Hrvata i Srba u Sjedinjenim Dràvama” (1911.) i navodi pojedine primjere. Dvojica su pri kartama u pijanstvu ubila tre}ega i obojica su osu|ena na po dvadeset godina te{ke tamnice. Tako su pro{la i druga dvojica ubojica iz pijanstva. Neki su drugi u pijanstvu ubili svoje ène jer su im prigovarale. Pijanstva se i zlo~ini poprili~no niù. 187 Uglavnom su svi ubojice i zlo~inci mnogo pili, a malo radili. Ovo su, dakako, krajnosti. Najve}i je dio iseljenika ipak u Americi marljivo radio i {tedio, s vremenom nalazio i bolji posao i zara|ivao ve}u pla}u te se polako uspinjao na dru{tvenoj ljestvici. Ipak prili~no se pristojnih ljudi nije uspijevalo sna}i pa su o te{ko}ama ìvota u Americi upozoravali i svoje sunarodnjake u domovini. “Ima ih ovdje koji hodaju po smeti{tu, pa traè, je li tko tamo hljeba bacio, da ne skapa 188 od gladi... ima ih tisu}e koji bi natrag u domovinu, a nemaju s ~ime.” Ante Sumi} iz Pittsburgha pi{e ujaku 23. velja~e 1906.: “Dragi ujko! Javljam ti, da sam zdravo stigao u Ameriku... Kamo sre}e da sam tebe poslu{ao i da sam kod ku}e ostao! Tu treba radit svaki dan, i u svetac i u petak. Uhvam se u Boga, da }u dobiti pla}u kroz ~etiri – pet mjeseci, pa eto me natrag, jer predvidjam, da bih prije godine dana ostavio kosti... Zaklinji ìvim Bogom, da ne idu ovamo 189 tko se zaputi ovamo.” Gjuro Koroljevi} iz Dalja koji je tek oti{ao u Ameriku, “poru~uje bra}i da tamo ne idu

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Koliko treba vremena da dvojica iskusnih radnika sjekirama i ru~nim pilama sru{e stablo sekvoje? Josip Grèti} iz Rukavca, kao i njegovi brojni susjedi, vi{e godina radi u {umama sekvoja u Kaliforniji. Jo{ po~etkom 1900-ih tek pokoji Hrvat odlazi u Kaliforniju; mnogo se ~e{}e naseljavaju u krajevima bliìm isto~noj obali. (Nada Grèti}, Matulji) How long does it take for two experienced workers with axes and handsaws to fell a sequoia tree? Josip Grèti} from Rukavac, as well as his numerous neighbours, worked for several years in California’s sequoia woods. At the beginning of the 1900s only a few Croats went to California; they rather preferred to settle in regions closer to the East Coast. (Nada Grèti}, Matulji)

Homicides rose too and wild drinking on public holidays and different incidents started ruining the Croats’ reputation in America. “In 1903, when the first Croat was sentenced to gallows in America, the entire community pleaded against that “disgrace”. Now, so many of our people are hanged, that 186 we only report the hangings.” At that time in Chicago Dr. Ante Biankini wrote a study titled “Crimes and Alcoholism Amongst the Croats and the Serbs in the United States” (1911), where he referred to several incidents. Thus, two drunken men killed another while they were playing cards. Both were sentenced to 20 years in tight security prison. Another two drunken murderers received similar sentences. While drunk, some men killed their wives over complaints. Reports of drunken incidents and crimes became more and more fre187 quent. Most of the murders and criminals drank hard a worked a little. Of course, these were, after all, only incidents. Most immigrants in America worked hard and saved, gradually found easier and better paying jobs and thus climbed up the social ladder. Yet, there were many who could not cope with the difficulties of life in America. They warned about them their compatriots at home. “There are people here who search for discarded bread at the dumpsites, in order to avoid death of starvation…Thousands would like to return home but can not afford 188 it.” Ante Sumi} wrote to his maternal uncle from Pittsburgh on 23 February 1906: “Dear uncle! This is to let you know that I arrived to America safe and sound…Poor me, if only I had listened to your when you told me not to go! Here one has to work day in day out, holidays and weekend included! God willing, I shall get my salary in four to five months. Then I will come back home, because, I do not think that I could survive for more than a year…Whoever wants to come here, plead with him on the 189 Almighty God to stay at home!” Gjuro Koroljevi} from Dalj, shortly after his arrival to America, “sent a word to his brothers not to come here as fences here are not strewn with sausages and roast chick190 ens are not falling from the sky…” Yet, those who deemed themselves successful and their lives interesting wrote autobiographies and memories of their times as immigrants. In their memoirs, inventors, such as Nikola Tesla and Mihajlo Pupin, advocates of human and labor rights, such as the Slovenian author Louis Adami~, labor representatives, such as the Croat comunist Stjepan Lojen and bankers, such as the Slovak entrepreneur Peter Rovnianek, who later on went bankrupt, depicted America either in very bright or in very dark colors, depending on their outlooks. While the first stressed their personal examples as a proof of the myth of Promised Land, the second pointed out to merciless exploitation of the immigrants and the third underlined their own plights as evidence of the deceitful charm of the American

186 Anti~evi} (ed.), ibid, Lupis, p. 22. 187 Josip [ilovi}, Causes of Crimes (Uzroci zlo~ina), Matica Hrvatska, Zagreb, 1913, pp. 15-21. 188 How are our people Faring in America (Kako je na{ima u Americi), Osijek (9 October 1905). 189 For Those Who Come to America Injudiciously (Za one koji nepromi{ljeno dolaze u Ameriku), Narodna obrana, Osijek (30 March 1906), no. 74, p. 3.

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190 Croats in America (Hrvati u Americi), Narodna obrana, Osijek (27 May 1906), no. 129, p. 4.

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190

i ne misle da su plotovi ovdje opleteni kobasicami i da pe~eni pili}i padaju...” Oni pak koji smatraju da su uspjeli i da im je ìvot bio zanimljiv, pi{u autobiografije i uspomene na iseljeni~ki ìvot. Izumitelji poput Nikole Tesle i Mihajla Pupina, borci za ljudska i socijalna prava poput slovenskog pisca Louisa Adami~a, radni~ki funkcionari poput hrvatskog komunista Stjepana Lojena ili bankari poput propaloga slova~kog poduzetnika Petera Rovnianeka, u svojim memoarima prikazuju Ameriku, u skladu sa svojim namjerama, ili kao naro~ito svijetlu ili krajnje mra~nu. Svaki sa svojom tezom – jedni da vlastitim primjerom podrè mit o obe}anoj zemlji, drugi da upozore na prekomjerno socijalno ugnjetavanje useljenika, a tre}i da svojom sudbinom posvjedo~e o varljivoj omami ameri~kog sna i lako}i kojom se tamo sr}e u nepovratan pad. Amerika je prije Prvoga svjetskog rata jo{ uvijek zemlja liberalnoga kapitalizma i otvorenoga trì{ta, koja spretnima i poduzetnima nudi mnoge mogu}nosti, ali nikome ne daje nikakva jamstva! U poduzetni~kom su svijetu jo{ uvijek uobi~ajeni veliki rizici i ~esti poslovni slomovi.

Pittsburgh, sredi{te gusto naseljenog podru~ja u Pensilvaniji, ve} oko 1900. pru`a izgled velikoga grada, s predjelima uz rijeku Ohio i tvorni~kim dimnjacima obavijenim dimom. Hrvati su se najvi{e naselili u okrugu Allegheny koji se poslije stopio s gradom. (Muzej za umjetost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 47976) Pittsburgh, the centre of a densely populated area in Pennsylvania. Already around 1900 the town seemed big, with houses along the Ohio river and factory chimneys entwined by smoke. Croats mostly settled in the Allegheny County, which later merged with the city. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 47976)

No sudbine iznimnih ljudi ogledne su i primjerne, ali nisu tipi~ne. Zato su izravna i skromna iseljeni~ka pisma obiteljima {krt, ali ipak najpouzdaniji izvor za razumijevanje ìvota naj{irega sloja emigranata. To potvr|uje i nekoliko pisama iseljenika iz kastavskih sela, iz rije~ke okolice koja, iako odabrana i donekle redigirana, ipak vrlo ìvo svjedo~e o okolnostima u kojima je 191 ìvjela i radila ve}ina emigranata. Zvane Mar~elja Ivinkin iz Mar~elji, jedan od onih koji je morao preko oceana da bi “posujilnici” (banci) isplatio dug u koji je zapala njegova obitelj kupiv{i “Filetov grunat”, pi{e 1905. svojoj Mariji prve, vrlo ugodne dojmove. I on se zaposlio u kamenolomu, no umjesto o tome radije govori o dobrodo{lici kakvu su mu priredili prvi put u ìvotu: “Kad smo pri{li h [abeti}u bilo j toliko vina i biri, da ki tuliko popije na Vr{ke Mar~eji bi poplavili. Pari}ali su nan na stol koko{e pe~ene i ~a ti ja znan ~a, a{ ja nisan takoveh stvari nikad ni videl.” Zvane Matija{ev (New Mexico, 13. oùjka 1906.) pi{e majci i obitelji o nesre}i, o “velikoj dezgracije” koja se dogodila u rudniku jer se boji da bi to mogli doznati od koga drugoga i da bi mogli strahovati za njegovu sudbinu. Kada je oko deset sati jedan “moro” donio vijest da se u oknu razbuktala vatra, u rudniku su uz njega jo{ bili brojni Kastavci... Iako su na{i ljudi svi bili “{kapulani”, u jami je ostalo tridesetak nesretnika! Mala Androkova opisuje 1905. susjedi i prijateljici Cili kako se mu` i ona mu~e da bi uz troje djece zaradili koji “fijurin” i da bi se jednoga dana mogli vratiti i negdje u blizini Rijeke, mo`da na Kantridi, sagradili ku}u i otvorili trgovinu i gostionicu. Iako s jedne strane navodi te{ko}e ameri~koga ìvota, s druge poti~e na dolazak i prijateljicu, kojoj je tamo ve} i sestra: “Boje da si uvde svoja gospodarica, lego doma tuja devica... Kako se doma mu~i{ uvde se ne}e{ mu~it. Za teà dela zame{ ~rnu pak ti sluì za mali soldi.” Mate Jurkotov iz Mar~elji pi{e 1906. svojoj èni Cili da se preselio iz Pensilvanije u Michigan jer mu je dosadilo raditi u – “rupi” (rudniku): “Rezi~no je, sako malo nekega ubije. Nikad ne vidi{ sunca... {kuro je kad gre{ na delo, va {kuren dela{, po {kuren gre{ doma.” Misli{, kaè Mate, da na svijetu i nema sunca! Usput se jo{ ispri~ava da joj zbog seobe koja ga je skupo stajala zasad ne moè poslati – ni{ta! Najzadovoljniji je od svih sumje{tana Zvane Kati} koji 1913. prijatelju Adolfu (Dolfo O{tarov), opisuje ìvot u Americi: “Bil san ve} po sakakoveh deleh... sad san Kalifornije. Neko vreme san bil na jenoj farme kade rastu naran~i i lemuncini... Uvdeka j jako lepo. Ni zima ma ni ni preteplo. Ja sada navigan z jenen brodon, zove se san Paul. S ten brodon gremo va Sejatlu,

190 Hrvati u Americi, Narodna obrana, Osijek (27. 5. 1906.), br. 129, str. 4. 191 Ivan Jardas, Isto.

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Point Bridge, jedan od brojnih mostova u Pittsburghu, gradu na rijeci Ohio u koju se u sredi{tu grada ulijevaju pritoke Allegheny i Monongahela. U prvom su planu brodice za prevo`enje ugljena. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 47967) Point Bridge, one of the many Pittsburgh bridges. The town is situated on the Ohio river, which has Allegheny and Monongahela as tributaries downtown. Small ships for transporting coal are the main motif here. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 47967)

dream and the thin line between success and total failure. Prior to WW I, the USA was still a country of liberal capitalism and free market, where the clever and the enterprising could prosper but nobody could count on a safety net. Doing business then was very risky and bankruptcies were frequent. Although exemplary and interesting, the plights of exceptional people were not typical. That is why frank and simple letters by the immigrants to their families, although sketchy, represent a more reliable source for anyone interested in the life of the emigrants’ community as a whole. Thus, a batch of letters by some emigrants from Kastav, a region near Rijeka, although quite small and somewhat edited, testify very vividly about the conditions of life and 191 work of most emigrants. In 1905, Zvane Mer~elja Ivinkin from Mar~elji, one of many who had to emigrate in order to pay bank loans they at he had taken to by land (“File’s plot”) summarized his first, very favorable, impressions in a letter to his Marija. He had also found work in a quarry, but rather than on work he focused on a welcome of a life time that he enjoyed at a party: “When we got to [abeti}’s house, there was so much beer and wine there that you could flood with it Vr{ke Mar~eji. They brought roast chicken on the table and other delicacies that I had never seen before.” In 1905 Mala Androkova, mother of three, wrote to her neighbor and friend Cila that she and her husband were toiling in order to save enough money to build a house somewhere near Rijeka, possibly in Kantrida, and open there a shop and a restaurant. Although she did not fail to mention difficulties of life in America, she nevertheless encouraged her friend, whose sister was already in America, to emigrate too. “Better here your own master, then someone’s servant at home…You will not be toiling here as you are toiling at home. For hard chores you can always hire a black woman for a few pennies”. In 1906 Mate Jurkov from Mar~elji wrote to his wife Cila that he had moved from Pennsylvania to Michigan because he was sick and tired of working in a “pit” (a mine): “It is dangerous. Every now and then someone gets killed. You never see the light of the day…You get to work in darkness, you work in darkness, you go home in darkness.” After a while you forget that you have ever seen the sun. As an aside, he apologizes for not sending any money, due to the high cost of removal. The most satisfied off all the emigrants from the village was Zvane Kati}. In a letter to his friend Adolf (Adolfo Ostarov), sent in 1913, he described life in America: “I have been working at all sorts of jobs… now I am in California. For a while I worked at a farm where they grew oranges and lemons…It is very nice here. Neither too cold nor too warm. Presently I am sailing on a ship called St. Paul. We sail to Seattle, Tacoma and all the way up to Alaska”. Zvane did not consider retuning home at all: “…what would I be doing at home now? I am married to a Mexican woman. We have

Lijevo Pro~elje drvenog saloona Nicka Verzuha iz Gorskog kotara, nadomak planinskih predjela Montane, dr`ave koja grani~i s Kanadom i bli`e je pacifi~koj nego atlantskoj obali. Slikovita zgrada podsje}a na prizore iz vesterna. Ovo i jest kraj sto~ara, ran~era i kauboja, redovitih gostiju ovakvih uto~i{ta. (Fotoarhiva Hreljanovi}, Rijeka) On the left The front of the wooden “saloon” of Nick Verzuh from Gorski Kotar, situated near the mountainous region of Montana, a state that borders with Canada and is nearer to the Pacific than to the Atlantic coast. The picturesque building is reminiscent of Western movies. In fact, this is a region where livestock farmers, ranchers and cowboys are frequent guests. (Photo archive Hreljanovi}, Rijeka)

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191 Ivan Jardas, ibid.

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Takomu i vaje do Ala{ki.” Zvane uop}e i ne pomi{lja na povratak u rodni kraj: “...~a bin sada doma? Oènjen san za jenu Meksikanku. Imamo dvoju decu... Oni }e bit pravi Merikani. Tako ti je to.” “Zvane je kuntenat svojega ìvjenja”, naro~ito kada se sjeti koliko se kod ku}e mu~io. Sad ima lijepu ku}u kraj mora blizu San Francisca, na predjelu koji uspore|uje s Kantridom (predgra|e Rijeke) te vrt pun narana~a. Zove i prijatelja Dolfa kojemu nudi pla}enu putnu kartu i obe}ava mu na}i dobar posao. Manhattan je ve} krajem 19. stolje}a pretijesan za sve koji stiù u New York i oku{avaju poslovnu sre}u u gradu koji }e uskoro postati najve}i na svijetu. Sredi{te velikih burzovnih transakcija i nov~arstva ve} po~etkom 20. stolje}a preuzima vodstvo od Londona i drugih velikih europskih poslovnih sredi{ta. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

Kriza 1907. – ne u Ameriku! Novinski su napisi, unato~ pozivanju na neposredno iseljeni~ko iskustvo, uvijek tendenciozni, s nesakrivenom namjerom da upozore na opasnosti i rizike iseljavanja te da budu}e emigrante poku{aju nagovoriti da ostanu na svojim imanjima u domovini. Slovenski bankar Frank Sakser kojega je osobno te{ko pogodila gospodarska kriza 1907., u alarmantnom ~lanku Ne u Ameriku! upozorava puk u domovini da trenuta~no i ne pomi{lja na iseljavanje: “Financijska kriza se kod nas u Sjedinjenim Dràvama sna`no osje}a. Gotov novac se nigdje ne moè dobiti... Usljed pomanjkanja gotovine, velike su tvrtke prisiljene zatvoriti svoje tvornice, kao Westinghouse kod Pittsburgha, Pa.; u Montani je navodno bez posla preko 10 000 ljudi, jednako lo{e je na zapadu, a sve to zbog nedostatka gotovog novca. Tvorni~ari ne mogu pla}ati radnicima u gotovini, a ~ekovi im ne pomaù jer ih gotovo nitko ne mijenja. @eljeznice su ba{ iz tog razloga otpustile tisu}e radnika i svi parobrodi koji plove za Europu su prenatrpani; ljudi bjeè ku}i. Kako mi je na{ dobri narod uvijek pri srcu, apeliram na slovensku inteligenciju, neka 192 savjetuje protiv iseljavanja u Sjedinjene Dràve dok se situacija ne popravi.” Upozorenja {to ih donose novine u domovini, osobito u vrijeme gospodarske krize 1907.–1908., zorno i upe~atljivo iznose vapaje nesretnika kojima je tek u Americi posve smrklo, koji proklinju dan svojega odlaska i opisuju oblike najporaznije bijede za kakvu vjeruju da ih ne bi sna{la u domovini. Ni{ta ne moè tako izravno do~arati raspoloènje nesretnika od izvornih napisa. Nakon ve} minule krize i ponovnoga uspona ameri~koga gospodarstva, jedan slavonski iseljenik opisuje da je stanje u Americi jadno – stotine se promrzlih, nezaposlenih radnika vu~e ulicama i nigdje ne nalazi posao; mnogi su na{i iseljenici postali alkoholi~ari pa svima savjetuje da kod ku}e zara|uju svoj te{ko stjecan novac i da se hrane kruhom svoje zemlje, da poku{aju sve drugo samo da ne odu u tu|inu jer }e se mo`da 193 za nekoliko godina vratiti kao sakati, bijedni ili bolesni ljudi.

Manhattan became too small for all those coming to New York and searching for profits already at the end of the 19th century. Soon it would become the biggest city in the world. Already at the beginning of the 20th century it took over the leadership from London and other big European business centers, with its high turnover of stock exchange and money transactions. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

U kamenolomu kraj Colorado Springsa, na srednjem zapadu, me|u radnicima iz okolice Rijeke dva su brata iz kastavske obitelji Lu~i}. Po~etkom 1900-ih jo{ su uvijek rijetki snimci iz tvornica, rudnika ili gradili{ta – gdje useljenici rade na najte`im poslovima. (Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul, Rijeka) In a quarry near Colorado Springs, in the Middle West, there were workers from and around Rijeka, and among them two brothers from the Lu~i} family from Kastav. At the beginning of the 1900s, photos of factories, mines and construction sites – where immigrants performed the hardest work – were still rare. (Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul, Rijeka)

192 Frank Sakser, Ne v Ameriko!, Slovenski narod, 20. 11. 1907., str. 269. 193 Die Slavonische Presse, Osijek (5. 03. 1911.)

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two children…They will be real Americans. That is how it goes.” Zvane was happy with his life, especially when he compared it to the hard life he had had at home. Now he had a nice house near the coast, close to San Francisco, in an area that reminded him of Kantrida (suburb of Rijeka), with a garden full of orange trees. He invited his friend Dolfo to join him and promised that he would pay for his fare and find him a job.

The Recession of 1907 – Not to America! New York, kao i Chicago, vrlo rano po~inje rasti uvis – gospodarski napredak pokazuje ubrzana gradnja velikih nebodera. New York je i sjedi{te brojnih malih “etni~kih” agenata i bankara, poput Franka Saksera i Franka Zottija, kojima su najdostupniji klijenti njihovi sunarodnjaci, Slovenci i Hrvati. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 13)

The newspapers, although they often referred to the emigrants’ personal experiences, were tendentious without exception when they warned potential emigrants about the dangers and risks of emigration and implored them to stay at home. After having been very badly hit by the recession of 1907, the Slovenian banker Frank Sakser, wrote an alarmist article “Not to America!”, warning his compatriots at home to forget about emigration for the time being: “The United States has been badly hit by recession. It is impossible to get a cash loan… Due to the lack of cash, large companies are closing down plants, such as Westinghouse near Pittsburgh, Pa.; 10,000 persons are allegedly out of work in Montana. It is equally bad in the West, all due to the lack of cash money. Factory owners cannot pay employees in cash and checks are no good as almost nobody wants to cash them. Due to that the railways have fired thousands of workers and the steamships going to Europe are packed with people who are fleeing back home.

Just like Chicago, New York also started growing upward very early – the fast construction of large skyscrapers is a proof of economic growth. New York was also the seat for many small “ethnic” agents and bankers, like Frank Sakser and Frank Zotti, whose most accessible clients are their nationals, Slovenes and Croats. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 13)

Considering that I still hold our good people close to my heart, I appeal to the Slovenian intellectuals to plead against emigration to the United States pending the 192 improvement of this situation.” The articles warned against emigration, especially during the recession of 1907-1908. They carried lurid and touching appeals by unfortunate people whose fortunes went sour after emigration and who described the scenes of utter deprivation that they would not have expected even in the old country. The feelings of those poor people can be best glimpsed from their personal records. Even after the recession, when the American economy was in the black again, an emigrant from the region of Slavonia described the situation there as pitiful – hundreds of frost bitten unemployed workers roaming the streets in search for work; many Croat immigrants turning to alcohol. Hence, he advised his compatriots to stay at home, to live off their own soil, and to try any venues other then emigration, from where one 193 can return in only a few years as a cripple, a pauper or a sick person.

192 Frank Sakser, Not to America! (Ne v Ameriko!), Slovenski narod, 20 November 1907, p. 269.

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193 Die Slavonische Presse, Osijek (5 March 1911).

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Sudbine

164

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Destinies

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Lajos Kossuth i odbjegli sinovi revolucije Prije masovnoga ekonomskog iseljavanja, iz Austro-Ugarske u Ameriku bjeè grupice 194 revolucionara, sudionici ma|arske i be~ke, “martovske” revolucije 1848. godine. Slom revolucije natjerao je u izgnanstvo mnoge mladena~ki uzavrele borce protiv dru{tvene i nacionalne potla~enosti. Neki ne bjeè daleko: talijanski domoljub, [iben~anin Niccolo Tomasseo, sudionik propaloga protuaustrijskog prevrata u Veneciji, kao i mnogi drugi, ne odlazi daleko preko granica Austro-Ugarske. Neki ipak, trajno ili privremeno, bjeè u Ameriku uglavnom ne mire}i se sa stanjem u domovini. Iako su nakon dvadesetak godina izgnanici amnestirani (1866.), mnogi se vi{e ne vra}aju ku}i. No nekima se nakon povratka sudbina kona~no nasmije{ila – tako Gyula Andrássy od izgnanika preko no}i postaje ugarski premijer.

Lajoss Kossuth, dugovje~ni ma|arski revolucionar i dràvnik polovicu je ìvota proìvio u izgnanstvu, no samo je kratko boravio u SAD-u, u kojem je zbog svojih demokratskih nazora primljen s najvi{im po~astima. Za razliku od Kossutha, ve}inu revolucionara koji bjeè nakon propasti revolucije 1848., dopada najniè mjesto na dru{tvenoj ljestvici. No u Americi se tada mnogo lak{e uspinjati nego u Europi. (Ungarn, Budimpe{ta 1909., Zbirka zu Kostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

Me|u ameri~kim izbjeglicama je i János Xántus, tako|er jedan od revolucionara. Bjeì u SAD i ìvi tamo dvanaest godina. Po~inje kao nadni~ar, a poslije radi kao crta~ i kao farmer. Putuje i po srednjoj Americi, bavi se etnologijom i predaje na Sveu~ili{tu u New Orleansu. O svojim putovanjima po Srednjoj Americi i Ju`noj Kaliforniji te po zapadnom Meksiku pi{e reportaè koje {alje novinama u Ma|arskoj.

Lajoss Kossuth, a long-standing Hungarian revolutionary and statesman, spent half of his life in exile, but he stayed in the US only for a short time, even though he was most welcome there due to his democratic ideas. As opposed to Kossuth, most revolutionaries, who fled their countries after the failed revolution in 1848, found themselves at the bottom of the social ladder. However, it was much easier to climb that ladder in America than in Europe. (Ungarn, Budapest 1909, Collection zu Kostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

Iako Slovak, i Franti{ek Samuel Figuli sudjelovao je u ma|arskoj revoluciji i bjeào u Ameriku. Revolucija mu je strast pa, osim u ma|arskom prevratu, sudjeluje i u ameri~kome gra|anskom ratu. Dràvljanstvo kona~no dobiva 1868. i nastavlja ìvjeti u New Orleansu. Preko oceana bjeì i “otac Ma|ara”, vo|a ma|arske revolucije Lajos Kossuth (1802.–1894.), slova~ko-njema~koga luteranskog podrijetla, ali jakoga ma|arskog uvjerenja. Bori se protiv Austrije i zalaè za ma|arsko kraljevstvo kao konfederaciju svih ugarskih naroda, zasnovanu na demokratskim na~elima i parlamentarizmu. No Kossuth je ujedno i zagovornik nacionalisti~kih stavova o ma|arskoj nadmo}i naspram Hrvata i drugih naroda. Nakon propasti revolucije, dvije je godine interniran u Anatoliji u Turskoj, iz koje ga izvla~i neo~ekivan poziv ameri~kog Kongresa koji po njega {alje svoj brod, fregatu Mississippi. A u Americi je do~ekan topovskim salvama! Prvi je slu`beno pozvan strani dràvnik nakon markiza de Lafayettea. Kossuth drì govore o demokraciji na te~nom, iako arhai~nom engleskom koji je nau~io u Turskoj ~itanjem Shakespearea i engleskog prijevoda Biblije. Nastupa i u Kongresu. Svagdje ga do~ekuju sa zanosom o kojem svjedo~i i izjava poznatoga govornika, pjesnika, filozofa i esejista Ralpha Walda Emersona: “@eljni smo vidjeti ~ovjeka ~iju izvanrednu govorni~ku vje{tinu slijedi sjaj i postojanost njegovih djela.” U New Yorku Kossuth drì vatrene govore upravo u Castle Gardenu (1851.), vi{e desetlje}a prvoj emigrantskoj stanici na ulazu u Ameriku. Ipak, iako ~ak polovicu svoga dugog ìvota ostaje izgnanik, u Americi se ne zadràva dugo. Vra}a se u Europu i preostalu polovicu ìvota provodi u izgnanstvu.

Hans Kudlich – ~e`nja za domovinom (Lobenstein, [lezija, 1823. – Hoboken, New Jersey, 1917.) Hans Kudlich me|u najpoznatijim je austrougarskim revolucionarima – preko195 morskim bjeguncima. Kmetski sin ro|en u Lobensteinu ([lezija), u jedanaestoj godini odlazi na {kolovanje u gimnaziju u Troppau. S posebnim dopu{tenjem svoga feudalnoga gospodara studira pravo na sveu~ili{tu u Be~u.

194 Ferenc Szilli, neobjavljeni tekst, Budimpe{ta 2007. 195 Stefan Malfer, neobjavljeni tekst, Be~ 2007.

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Lajos Kossuth and Runaway Sons of Revolution Before mass emigration for economic reasons, groups of revolutionaries involved in the Hungarian and Viennese “March Revolution” of 1848 fled Austria-Hungary.194 The failure of the Revolution forced many hot-headed young fighters against social and national injustice into exile. Some did not run far: the Italian patriot from [ibenik, Niccolo Tomasseo, who had been involved in an unsuccessful attempt against the Austrians in Venice, did not much further beyond the Austrian border. On the other hand, some fled to America, temporarily or permanently, revolted with the situation in their homeland. Although the exiles received an amnesty in 1866, many of them never returned home. Those who did, however, sometimes proved to be very fortunate – Gyula Andrássy, for example, became the Hungarian Prime Minister. Janos Xantus, one of the exiled revolutionaries, emigrated to the United States and lived there for twelve years. He started as a day labourer, and later became a farmer and a draughtsman. He travelled around Central America, took an interest in ethnology and taught at a college in New Orleans. He wrote reports about his journeys through Central America, Southern California and Western Mexico, and sent them to Hungarian newspapers. Franti{ek Samuel Figuli took part in the Hungarian revolution, although he was a Slovak, and ran away to America. As a passionate revolutionary, he fought in the American Civil War. He became an American citizen in 1868 and lived in New Orleans. The leader of the Hungarian revolution, “the Father of the Nation,” Lajos Kossuth (1802-1894) fled across the ocean as well. Although his ancestors had been SlovakGerman Lutherans, he had been a Hungarian patriot who fought against Austria and promoted the idea of a Hungarian Kingdom as a confederation of all Hungarian peoples, based on democratic principles and parliamentarianism. But Kossuth also advocated nationalist views about Hungarian superiority over Croats and other nations. After the collapse of the Revolution, he had been imprisoned for two years in Antalya in Turkey. An invitation of the American Congress led to his sudden release, and Congress sent the frigate Mississippi to fetch him. The Americans welcomed him with gun salutes. He became the first officially invited foreign politician to visit the United States after Marquis de Lafayette. Kossuth delivered his speeches in fluent, although archaic English he learned in Turkey reading Shakespeare and the Bible. He also spoke in the Congress. He was welcomed everywhere with enthusiasm, as the famous poet, philosopher and essayist Ralph Waldo Emerson witnessed: “We wish to see the man whose extraordinary oratorial skill is backed by the shining strength of his deeds.” Kossuth spoke in New York in 1851, at the Castle Garden, which had been immigrant’s point of entry for several decades. Although he remained an exile for half of his long life, he did not stay in America for long. He returned to Europe and stayed there in exile until his death.

Hans Kudlich, kmetski sin i pravnik, vrlo mlad postaje ~lan be~koga revolucionarnog parlamenta 1848. i proslavlja se proglasom o ukidanju kmetstva koje ni poslije sloma revolucije vi{e nije obnovljeno. Prije bijega u Ameriku postaje lije~nik i ostatak `ivota dr`i vlastitu ordinaciju u Hobokenu (New Jersey). Vi{e puta posje}uje zavi~aj i pomi{lja na kona~an povratak, no razo~aran pojavom nacionalizama u domovini zauvijek ostaje u Americi. Hans Kudlich, a serf’s son and lawyer, joined the Viennese revolutionary parliament at a young age and became well-known when he declared the abolition of serfdom, which was, surprisingly, not reinstalled after the revolution failed. Before fleeing to America, he became a doctor and, for the rest of his life, he maintained a private practice in Hoboken, New Jersey. He visited his homeland several times and thought of going back for good, but he was disappointed with the emergence of nationalism there, and decided to stay in America.

Hans Kudlich – Homesickness (Lobenstein, Schleswig, 1823 – Hoboken, New Jersey, 1917) Hans Kudlich was one of the most famous Austro-Hungarian revolutionaries who 195 emigrated. A serf’s son from Lobenstein, he attended grammar school in Troppau when he was eleven. With special permission of his feudal lord, he studied law at the University of Vienna. There he often visited the library, where he acquired moderate

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194 Ferenc Szilli, unpublished text, Budapest 2007 195 Stefan Malfer, unpublished text, Vienna 2007

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Za vrijeme studija odlazi u Be~ku ~itaonicu i pribliàva se umjerenim liberalnim buròaskim nazorima, no ve} na po~etku “martovske revolucije” (1848.) shva}a da mu nije mjesto me|u reformistima nego me|u revolucionarima. Na priklanjanje prevratnicima koji ga biraju i za zastupnika u revolucionarnom parlamentu, osobito ga je potaknulo protestantsko podrijetlo i kmetski poloàj njegove obitelji. Kudlich postaje poznat kao ~ovjek koji je 13. oùjka 1848. u parlamentu (Reichtagu) zatraìo i kona~no zauvijek izborio ukidanje kmetstva u Monarhiji. Ni nakon sloma revolucije (7. oùjka 1849.) kmetstvo se ne obnavlja, ali zato moraju bjeàti revolucionari. Kudlich najprije odlazi u Franfurt na Majni i opet se pridruùje vo|ama revolucionarnih previranja. Nakon novog poraza bjeì u [vicarsku i na Sveu~ili{tu u Bernu studira i zavr{ava medicinu (1853.). U Bernu se i èni, no zbog pritisaka austrijskih vlasti opet bjeì, o ~emu mnogo psolije slikovito govori: “...kao progonjenu divlja~ lova~ki su nas psi despotizma tjerali sve dalje i dalje od granice voljene domovine” (pismo bratu 1869.). Odlazi u Ameriku i pokre}e vlastitu ordinaciju, najprije u Greenpointu, a zatim u Hobokenu (New Yersey) u kojoj radi do smrti 1917. godine. Vrlo je aktivan u dru{tvu tamo{njih [vicaraca te u kulturnom i politi~kom ìvotu. Pomaè i pri osnivanju njema~ke {kole i kluba, a djeluje i u Hoboken Academy. Suprotstavlja se svakoj vrsti tla~enja, pa tako i crna~koj pod~injenosti u zemljama ameri~koga juga. Kada Ameriku po~inje smatrati svojom domovinom, pridruùje se Republikanskoj stranci i tijekom izbora na mnogim mitinzima zdu{no zagovara Abrahama Lincolna. Nakon amnestije “~etrdesetosma{a” u Austriji (1866.) i Austrijsko-francuskog rata (1870.–1871.), obuzima ga opet “austrijsko” domoljublje pa putuje u Austriju (1871.–1872.) i pomi{lja na kona~an povratak. No u Austro-Ugarskoj se ve} razvijaju jaki nacionalni pokreti me|u kojima njegovo nadnacionalno liberalno djelovanje po~inje bivati suvi{no, kao i nastojanja oko njema~ko-~e{kih odnosa. Duboko razo~aran vra}a se u Ameriku i prestaje pomi{ljati na kona~an povratak. No i za kasnijih boravaka u Europi, u svojim se govorima i ~lancima bavi austrijskim politi~kim temama, posebno problemima nacionalnosti i nacionalizma.

Mihajlo Pupin - od iseljenika do izumitelja (Idvor, Banat, 1854. – New York, 1935.) Mihajlo Idvorski Pupin (Michael I. Pupin), veliki fizi~ar, ro|en je u banatskome selu 196 Idvoru u Vojvodini kao jedno od desetero djece u obitelji siroma{nog seljaka. Nakon najranijega {kolovanja u Idvoru i Pan~evu, 1872., odlazi u Prag koji ne ispunjava njegova o~ekivanja pa 1874. kre}e u SAD. Tijekom duga znanstvenog rada, od 1889. do 1929., patentira 24 izuma, od kojih je najpoznatiji Pupinov kalem koji slu`i “pupinizaciji” telegrafskih kablova, odnosno smanjenju slabljenja elektri~nog signala du` kabela.

Mihajlo Pupin, fizi~ar rodom iz Vojvodine, odlazi u Ameriku prepun o~ekivanja i planova koje uspijeva ostvariti i posti}i ugled i uva`avanje. Za autobiografiju Od iseljenika do izumitelja (1923.) dobiva Pulitzerovu nagradu za uvjerljiv opis vlastita `ivotnoga puta koji ga je od seoskog pastira doveo do znanstvenika kojemu pripada zasluga za dvadeset i ~etiri patentirana izuma, me|u kojima je najpoznatiji Pupinov kalem i “pupinizacija”. (Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)

U autobiografiji Od iseljenika do izumitelja (From Immigrant to Inventor, 1923. u srpskom prijevodu “Od pa{njaka do nau~enjaka”), za koju dobiva Pulitzerovu nagradu (1924.), opisuje `ivotni put od seoskog pastira do znanstvenika. Posebno su zanimljivi opisi emigrantskih pojedinosti:

Mihajlo Pupin, a physicist born in Vojvodina, emigrated to America full of expectations and plans, which he, indeed, fulfilled, while gaining a good reputation and respect. He received the Pulitzer Prize for his autobiography From Immigrant to Inventor (1923), a convincing narrative about his life which brought him from a herdsman to a scientist responsible for twenty four patented inventions, including his most famous, Pupin’s coils and “pupinization”. (Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)

196 Ljubica Oti}, neobjavljeni tekst, Novi Sad 2008.

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“Jednog sam dana na posljednjoj strani nekog ilustriranog lista na{ao oglas parobrodarskog dru{tva Hamburg – Amerika, koje je nudilo jeftin, neudoban prijevoz od Hamburga do New Yorka za dvadeset i osam forinti... Prodao sam knjige, sat, odje}u, ko`uh i crnu {ubaru da bih sakupio potrebnu svotu novca. Na put sam po{ao s jedinim odijelom na sebi, nekoliko ko{ulja i turskim crvenim fesom koji nitko nije htio kupiti. I za{to da ~ovjek lupa glavu oko tople odje}e kada ide u New York? Zar nije New York mnogo ju`nije od Pan~eva i zar se mo`e pomisliti da Amerika nije topla zemlja kada se ~ovjek sjeti onih brojnih slika golih Indijanaca. To su bile misli koje su

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liberal, bourgeois views. But at the beginning of the “March Revolution” he realized that he did not belong among the reformists, but among the revolutionaries. He had been drawn to them, especially because of his Protestant faith and peasant ancestry, and they elected him as their representative in Parliament. Kudlich became famous when, on 13 March 1848 in the Reichstag he demanded – and achieved – the abolition of serfdom in the Monarchy. After the failure of the revolution, on 7 March 1849, serfdom was not restored, but the revolutionaries had to flee. Kudlich first went to Frankfurt am Main and joined the revolutionaries again. After a new defeat, he fled to Switzerland, studied medicine at the University of Bern and graduated in 1853. He got married in Bern, but because of the pressure of the Austrian government, he fled again. He later described: “the hounds of despotism hunted us like prey and drove us ever further away from the borders of our beloved homeland”. (A letter to his brother in 1869.) He went to America and opened his own practice, at first in Greenpoint, New York and then in Hoboken, New Jersey, where he worked until his death in 1917. He was active at the local Swiss club and participated in political and cultural life. He helped establish a German school and club, and worked at the Hoboken Academy. He opposed every attempt of oppression, including the abuse of the African-Americans in the American South. When he accepted America as his country, he joined the Republicans and fervently supported Abraham Lincoln at their election meetings. After the amnesty of the 1848 revolutionaries in 1866 and the war between Austria and France (1870 – 71), his patriotism for his old country flared again, so he travelled to Austria in 1871 and 1872 and considered returning. But strong national movements already developed in Austria-Hungary, and his above-national liberal campaign became redundant, as did his attempts to improve German-Czech relations. Deeply disappointed, he went to America and abandoned the thoughts of return. However, when he travelled to Europe after that, he still dealt with Austrian politics, especially problems with nationality and nationalism, in his speeches and articles.

Mihajlo Pupin – from Immigrant to Inventor (Idvor, Banat, 1854 – New York, 1935) Mihajlo Idvorski Pupin (Michael I. Pupin), the great physicist, was born in Idvor, a vil196 lage in Banat in Vojvodina, as one of the ten children of a poor peasant. He first went to Serbian school in Idvor and then German schools in Perlez and Pan~evo. In 1872 he went to Prague, which did not fulfil his expectations, and so he left for America in 1874. During his long scientific career (1889 – 1929) he patented 24 inventions, the most famous of which is the “Pupin coil,” which extended the range of long-distance telephone communication by placing loading coils (of wire) at predetermined intervals along the transmitting wire (known as pupinization). In his autobiography From Immigrant to Inventor (1923), for which he received the Pulitzer Prize in 1924, he described his progress from a village shepherd to scientist. His descriptions of the details of the emigrant’s journey are particularly interesting: One day I saw on the last page of an illustrated paper an advertisement of the Hamburg-America Line, offering steerage transportation from Hamburg to New York for twenty eight florins.… My books, my watch, my clothes, including the yellow sheepskin coat and the black sheepskin cap, were sold to make up the sum necessary for travelling expenses. I started out with just one suit of clothes on my back and a few changes of linen and a red Turkish fez which nobody would buy. And why should anybody going to New York bother about warm clothes? Was not New York much farther south than Panchevo, and does not America suggest a hot climate when one thinks of the pictures of naked Indians so often seen? These thoughts consoled me when I parted with my sheepskin coat. At length I came to Hamburg, ready to

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196 Ljubica Oti}, unpublished text, , Novi Sad 2008

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me tje{ile te sam se tako umiren rastao od svoga koùha. Kona~no sam stigao u Hamburg spreman da se ukrcam, ali bez novca kojim bih kupio strunja~u i pokriva~ za leàj na brodu. Nekoliko dana poslije, 12. oùjka 1874., moj brod Westfalia krenuo je na put.” ... Napokon stiè u Ameriku: “Iseljeni~ki brod Westfalia pristao je u Hobokenu, a onda nas je manji brod prevezao do Casle Gardena. Bili smo pa`ljivo pregledani i ispitani. Kada je do{ao red na mene, ~inovnici koji su nas ispitivali vrtjeli su sumnji~avo glavom. Priznao sam da imam samo pet centi u dèpu, da nemam nikoga poznatog u Americi i da nikog u ovoj zemlji ne poznajem izuzev{i Franklina, Lincolna i Harriet Beecher Stowe ~iju sam pri~u î~a Tomina koliba ~itao u prijevodu.” To {to se ameri~kim ~inovnicima u~inio manje poèljnim od drugih useljenika, ne obeshrabruje ga. Stupiv{i na tlo Amerike, bez zanata i bez poznanika, s pet centi u dèpu, radi kao ko~ija{ i ~uvar mazgi na farmi u Delaveru gdje je nau~io i prve engleske rije~i, a u Marylandu obra|uje polja duhana. Potom se vra}a u New York i po~inje redovito posje}ivati knji`nicu. Lak{i, ~inovni~ki posao u tvornici biskvita omogu}uje mu i vi{e vremena za u~enje pa poha|a ve~ernje te~ajeve i priprema se za prijamni ispit na Sveu~ili{tu, u ~emu mu pomaè jedan njema~ki iseljenik, vrstan poznavalac gr~kog i latinskog, anti~ke povijesti i knjièvnosti. Ujesen 1879. upisuje se na Sveu~ili{te Columbia. Izvrsno znanje osloba|a ga pla}anja {kolarine. Po~inju mu se ostvarivati ambicije: “...Uklju~i se u igru! Kakva izvanredna izreka!... Ni jedan stranac ne moè razumjeti ovu zemlju ako ne zna pravo zna~enje ove izreke koju sam prvi put ~uo od mladi}a na Columbiji. Nitko je ne moè prevesti tako da istovremeno zadrì i konciznost i zna~enje... Ali koliko je useljenika uspjelo shvatiti i razumjeti ovu poruku.” Za vrijeme ~etverogodi{njeg {kolovanja Pupin je uspje{an i u u~enju i u sportskim natjecanjima. Unato~ sklonosti prema klasi~nim jezicima, odlu~uje se za studij fizike. Diplomirao je 1883., dobio Tindalovu stipendiju i oti{ao na daljnje {kolovanje u Cambridge i u Berlin. Odlaze}i u Europu u njujor{koj je luci rekao samome sebi: “Mihajlo Pupine, najve}e blago koje si donio sa sobom prije devet godina u njujor{ku luku bilo je tvoje duboko po{tovanje i divljenje za najbolje tradicije tvoga naroda, a drugo najve}e blago koje sada nosi{ sobom iz te luke jest tvoje znanje, duboko po{tovanje i divljenje za velike tradicije tvoje druge domovine.”

Nikola Tesla, slavni fizi~ar, Ameriku vidi kao svoju veliku priliku. Odluku o odlasku donosi u Parizu gdje ga prijatelj nagovara da se obrati Edisonu. Na brod se ukrcava u Liverpoolu u posljednji ~as, bez novca i putne karte. Iz Europe odlazi samo s nekoliko svojih pjesama, neuspjelim rje{enjima jednoga nerje{ivog integrala i sa skicama vlastita lete}eg stroja. (Muzej Nikole Tesle, Beograd) Nikola Tesla, famous physicist, saw America as his great chance. He made the decision to go there when he was in Paris, where a friend tried to persuade him to contact Edison. He boarded the ship in Liverpool, at the last moment, without money or a ticket. He left Europe with only a few of his poems, unsuccessful calculations of an insoluble integral and sketches of an own flying machine in his pocket. (Muzej Nikole Tesle, Belgrade)

Nikola Tesla i zemlja zlatnih obe}anja (Smiljan, Lika, 1856. – New York, 1943.) 197

Odlu~io sam oku{ati sre}u u zemlji zlatnih obe}anja.

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Nikola Tesla ro|en je u Smiljanu u Lici u obitelji Milutina i \uke ro|ene Mandi}. Otac je pravoslavni sve}enik, vrlo obrazovan i govori vi{e jezika. Majka je tako|er nadarena, recitira i crta, veze i {iva, izra|uje i razna oru|a. Nikola je ~etvrti od ukupno petero djece. Osnovnu {kolu polazi u Smiljanu, ni`u “realnu gimnaziju” u Gospi}u, a vi{u u Karlovcu (u Rakovcu). Studira na Visokoj tehni~koj {koli u Grazu, poslije i u Pragu. Potom nakratko radi u Budimpe{ti te odlazi u Francusku.

197 Nikola Tesla, My Inventions, 1919. 198 ]iril Pete{i}, Genij s na{eg kamenjara, `ivot i djelo Nikole Tesle, [kolske novine, Zagreb, 1976. Nikola Tesla, Moji pronalasci/My Inventions, [kolska knjiga, Zagreb, 1981. Margaret Cheney, Tesla, ~ovjek izvan vremena, Biovega, Zagreb, 2003. Nikola Tesla, I bi svjetlo, Naklada Zoro, ZagrebSarajevo, 2006. Muzej Nikole Tesle, Beograd

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Na nagovor prijatelja, Tesla odlu~i oti}i u New York i obratiti se ve} slavnome Thomasu Alvi Edisonu. Kada se iz Pariza upu}uje na vlak, ustanovljava da nema ni novca ni karata, no ipak uspijeva sti}i do Callaisa i odatle brodom Saturnia u Englesku.

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embark, but with no money to buy a mattress and a blanket for my bunk in the steerage. Several days later, my ship, the Westphapia, sailed – on the twelfth day of March 1874. When he finally arrived to America: The immigrant ship Westphalia arrived at Hoboken and a tug took us to Castle Garden. We were carefully examined and cross-examined, and when my turn came the examining officials shook their heads and seemed to find me wanting. I confessed that I had only had five cents in my pocket and had no relatives here, and that I knew of nobody in this country except Franklin, Lincoln and Harriet Beecher Stowe, whose Uncle Tom’s Cabin I had read in a translation. The fact that, to the officers, he seemed less acceptable than other immigrants did not discourage him. Arriving in America without a trade or acquaintances, with five cents in his pocket, he worked as a cabman and stable boy for mules on a Delaware farm, where he learned a few words of English. He then went to Maryland, where he worked in tobacco fields. After that, he returned to New York and started going to the library regularly. The more comfortable job of a clerk in a biscuit factory allowed him more time to study. He enrolled in evening school and started preparing for entry exams at the university. He had help from one German immigrant, an expert in Greek, Latin, ancient history and literature. In the autumn of 1879 he enrolled in Columbia University. His excellent knowledge freed him from paying tuition. He started to fulfil his ambitions: Play the game, what a wonderful phrase!... No foreigner can understand this country who does not know the full meaning of this phrase, which I first heard from a Columbia College youngster. No foreign language can so translate the phrase as to reproduce its brevity and at the same time convey its full meaning.… But how many immigrants to this land can be made to understand this? During his four-years of study at Columbia, Pupin proved successful in both studying and sports. Despite his inclination towards classical languages, he decided to study physics. He graduated in 1883, won the Tindal scholarship and continued his education in Cambridge and Berlin. Leaving for Europe, he said to himself in the New York harbour: Michael Pupin, the most valuable asset which you carried into New York harbour nine years ago was your knowledge of, and profound respect and admiration for, the best traditions of your race . . . and the most valuable assets which you are now taking with you from New York is your knowledge of, and profound respect and admiration for, the best traditions of your adopted country.

Nikola Tesla and the Land of Golden Promises (Smiljan, Lika, 1856 – New York, 1943) 197

I determined to try my fortunes in the Land of Golden Promise

Nikola Tesla was born in Smiljan, Lika, in the family of Milutin and \uka née 198 Mandi}. His father, an Orthodox priest, had been well-educated and a polyglot. His mother also showed many talents, reciting poetry, sewing and embroidering, and producing various tools. The fourth of five children, Nikola finished primary school in Smiljan, and grammar schools in Gospi} and Karlovac (Rakovac). He studied at the Technical College in Graz, and then in Prague. He worked in Budapest for a short time, before going to France. A friend talked him into going to New York and meeting the already famous Thomas Alva Edison. When he boarded the train in Paris, he realized that he had neither money nor a ticket, but he managed to reach Calais and sail to England with the Saturnia. He boarded the ship for America at the last moment. They let him board

197 Nikola Tesla, My Inventions, 1919

171

198 ]iril Pete{i}, Genij s na{eg kamenjara, `ivot i djelo Nikole Tesle, [kolske novine, Zagreb, 1976. Nikola Tesla, Moji pronalasci/My Inventions, [kolska knjiga, Zagreb, 1981. Margaret Cheney, Tesla, ~ovjek izvan vremena, Biovega, Zagreb, 2003. I bi svjetlo, Nikola Tesla, Naklada Zoro, ZagrebSarajevo, 2006. Muzej Nikole Tesle, Beograd

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Na brod za Ameriku ukrcava se u posljednji ~as. Pu{taju ga na brod tek kada se nitko drugi ne pojavljuje s kartom pod imenom Nikola Tesla. Iz Liverpoola kre}e parobrodom City of Richmond (Inman Line) – s nekoliko svojih pjesama, snopom prora~una o rje{avanju jednog nerje{ivog integrala i sa skicama vlastitoga lete}eg stroja. Najve}i dio putovanja Tesla je presjedio na krmi, ne do~ekav{i èljenu priliku da, kako kaè, nekoga spasi iz “vodene grobnice”. Brod pristaje u New York 6. lipnja 1884. godine. Ukrcan kao obi~an iseljenik, mora pro}i redovit postupak i sve preglede predvi|ene za “tre}u klasu”, koji se tada jo{ uvijek obavljaju u useljeni~kom prihvatili{tu Castle Gardenu (Battery Park) na jugu Manhattana. Za razliku od mnogih koji kre}u na daljnja odredi{ta, Tesla ostaje u New Yorku i odmah se upu}uje Edisonu. Sukob sa spretnim izumiteljem i vlastita ambicija uskoro ga odvode drugim partnerima (Westinghouse) i tjeraju na poku{aj samostalnog poduzetni{tva (Tesla Electric Company). Doprinosom {irokim podru~jima fizike, osobito na podru~ju izmjeni~ne struje, ne oboga}uje se, ali stje~e priznanje. Elektri~na centrala na slapovima Nijagare te istraìvanja na podru~ju beì~nog telegrafa i radija donose mu glas jednog od najve}ih znanstvenika novoga doba. Ne èni se i nema obitelj – godinama ìvi osamljen i umire gotovo zaboravljen u njujor{kom Hotelu New Yorker.

Tesla o Americi. Volio bih kad bih rije~ima mogao opisati svoje prve dojmove o ovoj zemlji. U arapskim pri~ama ~itao sam kako su duhovi prevozili ljude u zemlju snova, a usput i kroz prekrasne pustolovine. Moj je slu~aj bio upravo suprotan. Duhovi su me prenijeli iz svijeta snova u svijet stvarnosti. Ono {to sam ostavio bilo je lijepo, produhovljeno i u svakom pogledu ~udesno; ono {to sam ovdje vidio bilo je mehanizirano, grubo i neprivla~no. Glomazni policajac vrtio je u ruci palicu koja mi je izgledala velika poput panja. Pribli`io sam mu se pristojno da ga upitam za adresu. “[est blokova ni`e, a onda lijevo”, rekao je ubojito me gledaju}i. “Je li ovo Amerika?” pitao sam se bolno iznena|en. “U civilizaciji zaostaje za Evropom stotinu godina.” A kad sam 1889. god. prvi put oti{ao iz Amerike – pet godina nakon svog dolaska – bio sam uvjeren da je Amerika vi{e od stotinu godina ispred Evrope, i do danas se nije 199 dogodilo ni{ta zbog ~ega bih promijenio svoje mi{ljenje. Uspjela fotografija jednog od Teslinih pokusa s elektri~nom strujom. Nakon dolaska u New York, 6. lipnja 1884., odmah se upu}uje Edisonu, s kojim se uskoro i sukobljava. Kada se, nakon pet godina, prvi put vra}a u Europu, bio je uvjeren da je Amerika stotinu godina ispred Europe i u tom ga uvjerenju nikad ni{ta nije razuvjerilo. (Muzej Nikole Tesle, Beograd)

Tesle u Americi. Jo{ su brojni Tesle dolazili u SAD krajem devetnaestoga i 200 prvih desetlje}a dvadesetoga stolje}a. Me|u njima su i barem jo{ dvojica Nikole, od kojih prvi dolazi 1892., a drugi 1923. godine. Prvi Teslin imenjak sti`e u New York 7. travnja 1892. To je 25-godi{njak, radnik, neo`enjen, iz Austrije, a dolazi iz Antwerpena Red Star Lineovim parobrodom Nordland.

A successful photograph of one of Tesla’s experiments with electricity. After his arrival in New York, on 6 June 1884, he immediately went to find Edison, with whom he soon came into conflict. When he returned to Europe for the first time after five years, he was convinced that America was a hundred years ahead of Europe and nothing ever made him think otherwise. (Muzej Nikole Tesle, Belgrade)

Idu}ih su desetlje}a u Ameriku dolazili brojni Tesle iz raznih zemalja. Na popisu onih koji dolaze u New York ima ih gotovo stotinjak iz raznih krajeva i zemalja – iz Italije (Alfonso, Angelo, Antonio, Giovanni, Giuseppe Tesla), iz Francuske (Georges Tesla), iz Galicije (Helena Tesla) iz Ma|arske (Istvan Tesla), iz Ukrajine (Du{an Tesla iz Odese), ali ipak najvi{e – iz Like.

199 Nikola Tesla, Moji pronalasci /My Inventions (1919.), [kolska knjiga, Zagreb, 1981., str. 51. 200 Ellis Island Immigration Museum

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only when nobody else showed up with a ticket in the name of Nikola Tesla. He sailed on the City of Richmond (Inman Line) leaving from Liverpool. He had a few of his poems with him, a pile of calculations for solving an insolvable integral and sketches of his own flying machine. He spent most of the journey in the stern, wishing in vain for an opportunity to save someone from, as he said, “the watery grave.” The ship arrived in New York on 6 June 1884. Since he boarded as a steerage passenger, he had to go through the regular examinations and interrogations held at the immigrant station in Castle Garden (Battery Park) at the southern end of Manhattan. Unlike many who immediately continued their journey, Tesla stayed in New York and went directly to Edison. But he soon quarrelled with the great inventor and his own ambition took him to other partners, like Westinghouse, and made him try to establish his own business – the Tesla Electric Company. He widely contributed to physics, especially in the area of alternating current. He did not become rich, but he received no recognition. The Niagara power plant and his research in the area of telegraph and radio turned him into one of the greatest scientists of modern age. He did not get married and had no family. He died almost forgotten in the New Yorker Hotel in New York.

Tesla On America. I wish I could put in words my first impressions of this country. In the Arabian Tales I read how genii transported people into a land of dreams to live thru delightful adventures. My case was just the reverse. The genii had carried me from a world of dreams into a world of realities. What I had left was beautiful, artistic and fascinating in every way; what I saw here was machined, rough and unattractive. A burly policeman was twirling his stick which looked to me as big as a log. I approached him politely with the request to direct me. “Six blocks down, then to the left,” he said with murder in his eyes. “Is this America?” I asked myself in painful surprise. “It is a century behind Europe in civilization.” When I went abroad in 1889 - five years having elapsed since my arrival here - I became convinced that it was more than one hundred years AHEAD of Europe, and noth199 ing has happened to this day to change my opinion.

Teslas In America.

Many other Teslas arrived to America at the end of the 200 nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries. There were at least two more Nikolas, first in 1892 and the second in 1923. The first one was a 25-year old worker from Austria, single, arriving from Antwerp on Red Star Line’s Nordland on 7 April 1892. In the following decades, many Teslas from various countries came to America. Of the over one hundred listed as having arrived in New York, some came from Italy (Alfonso, Angelo, Antonio, Giovanni, Giuseppe Tesla), France (Georges Tesla), Galicia (Helena Tesla), Hungary (Istvan Tesla), Ukraine (Du{an Tesla from Odessa), but nevertheless, most of them came from Lika.

199 Nikola Tesla, My Inventions: The Autobiography of Nikola Tesla (edited by Ben Johnson), New York, Barnes & Noble, 1995, p. 71.

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200 Ellis Island Emigration Museum

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Fran Sakser - slovenski novinar, dobrotvor i bankar (Ljubljana, 1859. – Ljubljana, 1937.) 201

Bio je novinar, urednik, tiskar, izdava~, poduzetnik i bankar. Otac mu je rodom bio [vicarac, a majka Slovenka. U Ameriku je otputovao 1892. godine. Isprva je radio kao novinar, bio je suosniva~ slovenskog tjednika Glas naroda (1893.) i izdavao je Slovensko-ameri~ki kalendar (1894.). U New Yorku je osnovao je i slovensko tiskarsko dru{tvo. Osnovao je i agenciju, zastupao vi{e brodarskih tvrtki i prodavao putne karte za Ameriku. Za brojne je Slovence prije Prvoga svjetskog rata, u doba masovnog iseljavanja, bio va`na osoba. Kupovali su kod njega karte, preko njega su slali novac u domovinu, pomagao im je i posredovao me|u njima u raznim prigodama, a u nizu izravnih kontakata, brojnim je iseljenicima i povratnicima na razne na~ine olak{avao te{ko}e. I tijekom krize 1907. pozivao je slovenske intelektualce da obavijeste ljude o tome kako ne bi odlazili u Ameriku dok se kriza ne smiri. Vi{e puta objavljenim apelom – Ne u Ameriku! (1907.) poku{ao je ~im uvjerljivije iznijeti ozbiljno stanje gospodarstva i masovnu nezaposlenost. Iako u po~etku vrlo aktivan u dru{tvenom i politi~kom `ivotu ameri~kih Slovenaca, sve je manje po volji utjecajnim crkvenim krugovima pa se postupno posve odmi~e od politi~kog djelovanja.

Fran Sakser, slovenski domoljub {vicarskog podrijetla, novinar, iseljeni~ki agent, bankar koji ìvi i djeluje u New Yorku, doìvljava sudbinu brojnih ljudi – od vrtoglava uspona do nesmiljena pada – no o njegovoj dobronamjernosti svjedo~i to {to ga posljednje godine ìvota pomaù osmorica njegovih dobrostoje}ih biv{ih namje{tenika. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana) Fran Sakser, a Slovenian patriot with Swiss origins, a journalist, emigration agent and banker, who lived and worked in New York, had a similar fate like many others whose American dream faded and turned into a complete downfall, after having rapidly become very rich. However, the fact that eight of his well-off former employees helped him during his last years, shows that he was a good man. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

Godine 1920. osnovao je i Sakser State Bank u New Yorku. Svu je imovinu i sve vrijeme posvetio banci i postao poznat kao dobar bankar, no uni{tila ga je velika gospodarska kriza 1929. u kojoj je izgubio sav novac, ukupno oko 400.000 dolara. O Sakserovoj dobronamjernosti govori i podatak da se nakon ameri~kog kraha vra}a u Ljubljanu gdje ga u domovini uzdr`avaju osmorica njegovih biv{ih slu`benika.

Austrijski pivar Fritz, otac Freda Astairea (Linz, 1868. – Omaha, 1924.) Skromni austrijski pivar zvu~noga imena – Frederich Emanuel Austerlitz, poznatiji ipak kao Fritz – ro|en 1868. u Linzu, ukrcava se u Antwerpenu na Red Starov parobrod Westernland i 26. listopada 1892. sti`e u New York. Obiteljska legenda ka`e da je Austriju napustio s ga|enjem zbog posljedica neprimjerena pona{anja – propustio je propisno vojni~ki pozdraviti ~asnika – svoga brata Ernsta! Nakon iskrcavanja u New Yorku, Fritz kre}e u Nebrasku, Omaha. Tamo uskoro sre}e mnogo mla|u gospo|icu Johannu (Ann) Geilus, k}er njema~kih luterana, Prusa i Alza{anke – te se 1894. vjen~aju u prvoj evangelisti~koj crkvi u Omahi. Prvo im se rodila k}i Adele (1896.), a potom sin Fred (1899.), budu}i slavni plesa~ i pjeva~.

201 Marjan Drnov{ek, neobljavljeni tekst, Ljubljana 2008.

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Kada su mu se izjalovili veliki poslovni planovi s kojima se namjerava pridru`iti dvojici prijatelja iz Austrije, Fritz po~inje raditi u kompaniji za proizvodnji piva. Njegov sin poslije rado ponavlja izmi{ljenu pri~u da je Fritz nasljednik duge obiteljske pivarske tradicije. Godine 1905. Fritz i Ann odlu~ili su da svojoj nadarenoj djeci poku{aju omogu}iti karijeru u vodvilju u New Yorku pa on ostaje zara|ivati u Omahi, a ona odlazi upisati djecu u plesnu {kolu. Izabiru im i novo prezime – umjesto pravoga koje previ{e podsje}a na napoleonsku bitku, priklanjaju se prezimenu maj~inih ro|aka Alza{ana. Devetogodi{nja Adele i sedmogodi{nji Fred zapo~inju ve} tada svoj put pod reflektorima. Zajedno s majkom, prije “holivudske ere” odlaze u Los Angeles i zajedno nastupaju u predstavama. Adele ostaje na pozornici samo do udaje, a Fred Astaire do kraja – i u brodvejskim vodviljima i mjuziklima i u holivudskim glazbenim i plesnim filmovima.

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Fran Sakser - Slovenian Journalist, Benefactor and Banker (Ljubljana 1859 – Ljubljana, 1937) Sakser, a journalist, editor, printer, publisher, businessman and banker, had a Swiss 201 and a Slovenian mother. He emigrated to America in 1892. At first, he worked as a journalist. He co-founded the Slovenian magazine Glas Naroda (1893) and he published a Slovene-American almanac (1894). He also established a Slovenian printing society in New York.

Frank Sakser reklamira svoje usluge i poku{ava omiljeti i Slovencima i Hrvatima. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

Sakser acted as an agent for a few steamship companies, selling tickets for America. He became an important figure for many Slovenians in the period of mass emigration, before the First War. They bought tickets from him and sent money to their home country through him; he helped them on various occasions, and in direct contacts he solved their problems. During the 1907 crisis he called for Slovene intellectuals to tell the people not to go to America until it ends. He published his appeal, “Do not go to America!” (1907), several times, trying to explain the serious state of the economy and mass unemployment.

Frank Sakser advertised his services, trying to attract Croats and Slovenians. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

Although at first very active in the social and political life of the American Slovenes, he soon fell out of favour with influential Church circles, so he gradually retreated from political work. In 1920 he founded the Sakser State Bank in New York. He dedicated all his time and means to the Bank and became known as a good banker, but the Great Depression of 1929 destroyed him. He lost all his money, around 400,000 dollars. The fact that eight of his former employees supported him when Sakser returned to Ljubljana after the American crash tells us much about Sakser’s reputation.

The Austrian Brewer Fritz, the Father of Fred Astaire (Linz, 1868 – Omaha, 1924) The modest Austrian brewer with a sonorous name – Friedrich Emanuel Austerlitz, known as Fritz, was born in Linz in 1862. He boarded the Red Star’s Westernland in Antwerp and came to New York on 26 October 1892. Family legend says that he left Austria with disgust – he did not salute an officer properly. This officer was his brother Ernst. After disembarking in New York, Fritz went to Omaha, Nebraska. There he soon met the much younger Johanna (Ann) Geilus, a daughter of German Lutherans, from Prussia and Alsace. They married in 1894 in the First Evangelical Church in Omaha. They had a daughter, Adele, born in 1896, and a son, the future singer and dancer Fred, born in 1899. When his great business plans of joining with his two Austrian friends collapsed, Fritz started to work in a brewery. His son later liked to tell the false story that Fritz was a descendant of a long line of brewers. In 1905 Fritz and Anna decided to help their talented children to make a career in vaudeville in New York, so Fritz remained in Omaha to earn the money, while Ann took the children to dance school. They chose a new surname too – instead of their real one, which sounded too much like the Napoleonic battle, they took their mother’s Alsatian surname. Nine-year-old Adele and seven-year-old Fred started their rise on the stage. Together with their mother, before the “Hollywood era,” they went to Los Angeles and appeared together in shows. Adele remained on stage only until she married, but Fred Astaire remained until the end – in Broadway musicals and in Hollywood movies.

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201 Marjan Drnov{ek, unpublished text, Ljubljana 2008

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Josip Marohni} - prvi Hrvat kod Predsjednika (Hreljin, 1866. – Pittsburgh, 1921.) 202

Josip Marohni} do danas uìva glas jednog od najuglednijih Hrvata u SAD-u. Josipov je otac Mate Marohni} iz Zlobina, a majka Marija Poli} iz Hreljina pokraj Rijeke. Od tri sina obitelji Marohni}, dva odlaze u Ameriku – Josip i Matej (1875. – Pittsburgh, 1949.). Josip izu~ava zanat tiskara (slagara) i knjigoveè. êtiri godine sluì austrougarsku ratnu mornaricu. Potom se èni Andrijanom (1869. – Pittsburgh, 1945.), djevojkom iz svoga sela, Hreljina, i s njom ima vi{e djece. Josip Marohni} iz Hrvatskog primorja skromno je obrazovan tiskar (slagar), no u Americi postaje novinar, knjiàr i – prvi hrvatski pjesnik (Jesenke, 1897. i Amerikanke, 1900.). Prvi je Hrvat kojega u audijenciju prima ameri~ki predsjednik i dugogodi{nji blagajnik i predsjednik Hrvatske bratske zajednice u Pittsburghu. (Ivan î`mi}, Povijest hrvtske bratske zajednice, Zagreb 1994.)

U Ameriku odlazi ve} 1893., kada jo{ nije odlazilo mnogo Hrvata. Poslije dolaze njegova `ena i k}i. Ostala su mu djeca, dva sina i k}i, ro|ena u Americi. Prvo se nastanjuje u Chicagu i radi u tiskari, no uskoro otvara vlastitu tiskaru i objavljuje knjige i novine. Ve} 1897. seli u Pittsburgh gdje i dalje uspje{no razvija poslove i djelatno se uklju~uje u hrvatsku zajednicu.

Josip Marohni} from Hrvatsko primorje was a modestly educated printer, but in America he became a journalist, bookseller and – the first poet among Croatian emigrants (Jesenke, 1897, and Amerikanke, 1900). He was the first Croat to be officially invited by an American President, as well as the long-standing Treasurer and the President of the Croatian Fraternal Union in Pittsburgh of the time. (Ivan ^i`mi}, Povijest hrvtske bratske zajednice, Zagreb 1994.)

Iako bez velike naobrazbe, Josip je nadaren i sposoban, zato i brzo zapaèn u dru{tvenom ìvotu Hrvata u Pittsburghu, a uskoro i jedan od najuglednijih Hrvata u SAD-u. Novinski ga izvjestitelj naziva jednim “od najumnijih hrvatskih mladi}a u Americi” i dodaje: “On je vrstan i na peru. Njegovi ~lanci i pripoviedke nasladom se ~itaju, a njegove pjesme odaju pravu pjesni~ku ìcu” (Ivan Lupis Vuki}, dopisnik Narodnog lista iz Zadra, 1897.). Marohni} je me|u utemeljiteljima Hrvatske narodne zajednice (poslije Hrvatska bratska zajednica) i glavni blagajnik od 1897. do 1909. te njezin predsjednik od 1912. do smrti 1921. godine. Osniva~ je i Prve hrvatske knjiàre u Alleghenyju (danas predgra|e Pittsburgha) u Pensilvaniji, u kraju koji su idu}ih godina naseljavali brojni Hrvati. Izdavao je i brojne priru~nike, gramatike, rje~nike, kalendare, romane, antologije, zbirke pjesama te vjerske knjige. Prvi je pjesnik me|u ameri~kim Hrvatima i autor dviju zbirki – Jesenke (1897.) i Amerikanke (1900.) te prvi Hrvat kojega slu`beno poziva u audijenciju ameri~ki predsjednik – W. H. Taft (1911.).

Peter V. Rovnianek - Zapisi `ivog pokopanog

Peter V. Rovnianek, sve}enik po obrazovanju, ne zare|uje se nego postaje novinar u slova~kom iseljeni~kome tisku, urednik i suvlasnik Ameri~ko-slova~kih novina te osniva~ dobrotvornog Slova~koga nacionalnog udru`enja. Poslije i on postaje uspje{an bankar, ali krahira (1911.) i odlazi u Kaliforniju kopati zlato – s namjerom da vrati dugove. Ne uspijeva, ve}, pokunjen, pi{e autobiografiju Zapisi `ivog pokopanog! (Slovenské národné múzeum, Bratislava).

(Dolny Hri~ov, Slova~ka, 1867. – Hornitos, Kalifornija, 1933.) Rovnianek isprva studira teologiju u Budimpe{ti i Grazu, ali na nagovor sve}enika [tefana Furdeka, jednog od pokreta~a dru{tvenog, kulturnog i religioznog `ivota 203 me|u iseljenim Slovacima, 1888. odlazi u Ameriku i dovr{ava studij u Clevelandu. Ipak se ne zare|uje i ne posve}uje Crkvi nego postaje novinar, a potom urednik i suvlasnik Ameri~ko-slova~kih novina koje su uskoro stekle bitan utjecaj u slova~koj zajednici. Po~etkom stolje}a njegove su novine, koje su se zalagale za okupljanje svih Slovaka bez obzira na vjeroispovijest, ve} imale nakladu od 14.000 primjeraka, a poslije su s 30.000 bile najva`nije slova~ke novine u Americi. Furdekovo rivalsko i katoli~ki isklju~ivo Jedinstvo (Jednota) tiskalo je 15.000 primjeraka. Obje su novine svakako najutjecajnije me|u tada ~ak 230 slova~kih novina i ~asopisa u SAD-u.

Peter V. Rovnianek, an educated priest, did not choose to become ordained priest, but instead, a journalist in the Slovak emigrant publishing house, editor and co-owner of the AmericanSlovak newspaper, and founder of the charitable Slovak National Association. Later, he became a successful banker, but his business crashed (1911) and he went to California to dig for gold – with the intention to pay back his debts. Successless, he decided spiritlessly, to write his autobiography Zapisky za ziva pochovaneho (Notes of One Buried Alive)! (Slovenské národné múzeum, Bratislava).

Rovnianek ve} 1890. osniva Slova~ko nacionalno udruènje (Narodny slovensky spolok), dobrotvorno dru{tvo osnovano poput brojnih drugih iseljeni~kih dru{tava da bi okupljalo sunarodnjake i pruàlo pomo} onima u nevolji. I u okupljanju sunarodnjaka sukobljava se s isklju~ivim, ali vrlo utjecajnim Furdekom, osniva~em Prvoga slova~kog katoli~kog udruènja (tako|er 1890.). Unato~ sukobu, Rovnianekovo je

202 Ivan ^izmi}, Povijest Hrvatske bratske zajednice, Golden marketing, Zagreb, 1994., str. 1. Radovan Tadej, In Search of The Lost People of Zlobin, Rijeka, 2006., str. 52.–53. 203 Martin Besedi~, Slova~ka emigracija, rukopis

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Josip Marohni} - First Croat Who Met the President (Hreljin, 1866 – Pittsburgh, 1921) Josip Marohni} remains to this day one of the most revered Croats in the United 202 States. Josip’s father hd been Maro Marohni} from Zlobin and his mother Marija Poli} from Hreljin near Rijeka. They had three sons, two of whom went to America – Josip and Matej (1875 – Pittsburgh, 1949). Josip trained to be a printer and bookbinder. He served four years in the Austro-Hungarian navy. Then he married Andrijana (1869 – Pittsburgh, 1945), a girl from his village, Hreljin, and had children with her.

Tipi~an primorski ugo|aj (Hreljin), kr{evit kraj, mali posjedi i {krti urodi koji ~esto stradaju od tu~e ili su{e. Jo{ u prvoj polovici 19. stolje}a stanovnici su obli`njih krajeva nerijetko patili od – gladi. Prije kraja stolje}a odavde se po~inje masovno odlaziti u Ameriku. (Muzej grada Rijeke)

He went to America in 1893, when relatively few Croats emigrated. His wife and daughter followed him later. His other children, two sons and a daughter, were born in America. He first settled in Chicago and worked in a printshop, but soon he opened his own business and printed books and newspapers. In 1897 he moved to Pittsburgh, developed his business successfully and became an active member of the Croatian community.

Typical coastal atmosphere, a carstic region with small plots of land and sparse yields that often fall victim to hail and droughts. In the first half of the 19th century the region often suffered from hunger. Before the end of the century, its inhabitants started emigrating to America in great numbers. (Muzej grada Rijeke)

Although not well-educated, Josip had talent and capability, and so received the notice of Croatian social circles in Pittsburgh. He later became one of the most prominent Croats in the United States. A journalist once called him one of the “smartest Croatian young men in America,” and added, “he also writes well, his articles and stories are a pleasure to read and his poems show real talent.” (Ivan Lupis Vuki}, reporter of Narodni list from Zadar, 1897) One of the founders of the National Croatian Society (later the Croatian Fraternal Union), Marohni} served as its main treasurer from 1897 to 1909 and as its president from 1912 until his death in 1921. He also opened the first Croatian bookshop in Allenghy (today a suburb of Pittsburgh), in a region where many Croats came to live. He published numerous handbooks, grammar books, dictionaries, calendars, novels, anthologies, collections of poems and religious books. He became the first poet among American Croats, and authored two collections: Jesenke (1897) and Amerikanke (1900). Marohni} became the first Croat who received an invitation to a formal audience with a President of the United States – W. H. Taft, in 1911.

Peter V. Rovnianek - Notes from One Buried Alive (Dolny Hri~ov, Slovakia, 1867 – Hornitos, California, 1933) Rovnianek studied theology in Budapest and Graz, but [tefan Furdek, a priest who encouraged social, cultural and religious life among the Slovak immigrants, encour203 aged him to go to America. He left in 1888 and finished his studies in Cleveland. However, he did not become a priest, but a journalist, and then editor and co-owner of the American-Slovak Gazette which soon became very influential in the Slovak community. At the beginning of the century, his newspaper, which promoted the uniting of all Slovaks, regardless of their faith, had a circulation of 14,000 copies, and afterwards reached 30,000 and became the most important Slovak newspaper in America. The rival newspaper, Furdek’s Catholic Jedinstvo reached 15,000. Both became the most influential among the 230 Slovak newspapers and magazines published at the time. In 1890, Rovnianek founded the National Slovak Society (Narodny slovensky spolok), a benevolent society established, like many other immigrants’ societies, in order to unite his countrymen and help those in trouble. In his mission of uniting his countrymen he also clashed with the exclusionist, but very influential Furdek, who founded the First Slovak Catholic Association (also in 1890). Despite the conflict, Rovnianek’s Society had more than 200 branches and 6000 members in just a few years. But soon,

202 Ivan ^izmi}, Povijest Hrvatske bratske zajednice, Golden marketing, Zagreb, 1994., str. 1. Radovan Tadej, In Search of The Lost People of Zlobin, Rijeka, 2006., str. 52.–53.

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203 Martin Besedi~, unpublished text, Bratislava 2007

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udruènje za samo nekoliko godina imalo oko 200 ogranaka i vi{e od 6000 ~lanova. No uskoro je ipak osnovana i “pomirbena” Matica slova~ka (1893.). U to je vrijeme Rovnianek po~eo skupljati i novac za potporu zato~enim i proganjanim Slovacima u Ugarskoj. Uz vaàn novinarski i dobrotvorni rad, Rovnianek je poznat i kao nov~arski posrednik i iseljeni~ki agent ~ija sudbina usponom i padom nalikuje sudbini brojnih ameri~kih iseljeni~kih bankara s po~etka 20. stolje}a. Ve} po~etkom 1890-ih Rovnianek se po~inje baviti slanjem nov~anih doznaka i prodajom brodskih karata. Razvija poslove u Pittsburgu i New Yorku, a u Slova~koj najvi{e posluje s Tatra bankom. Uspjeh u pridobivanju povjerenja svojih zemljaka i velik priljev sredstava poticali su ga, kao i mnoge druge bankare, na sve riskantnije poteze, izazivale ~este blokade njegove tvrtke te produènje rokova isplate ~ekova. Rovnianek, kojemu se nikako ne moè pripisati nacionalna zatvorenost i uskogrudnost, uspijeva ~ak pridobiti i povjerenje Austrijanaca, Poljaka i Rusa, koji rado posluju s njegovom tvrtkom. No 1911. dolazi do kraha njegove tvrtke P. V. Rovianek & Co. i time do propasti u{te|evina desetaka tisu}a slova~kih iseljenika. Velike gubitke pretrpjela je i Tatra banka u Slova~koj kojoj Rovnianek nikad nije mogao isplatiti vi{emilijunski dug. Osebujni novinar, domoljub, dobrotvor, agent i bankar potkraj ìvota pokazuje neuobi~ajen napor da vrati svoje dugove. Nakon poslovnog kraha odlazi u Kaliforniju u neuspje{nu potragu za zlatom! A svoj ìvot, uspjeh i pad opisuje u autobiografiji sumorna naslova Zapisky za ìva pochovaneho – Zapisi ìvog pokopanog!

Jozef Murga{ - slova~ki sve}enik i radiotelegrafist (Tajov, Slova~ka, 1864. – Wilkes Barre, 1929.) Jozef (Joseph) Murga{ studira teologiju u Bratislavi, Ostrihomu i Banskoj Bystrici, a za 204 sve}enika je zare|en 1888. godine. Od 1890. do 1893. studira u Munchenu, na tada najuglednijoj akademiji likovnih umjetnosti u srednjoj Europi. Nemiran, radoznao, nacionalno osvije{ten i zato proganjan, odlu~io je oti}i u Ameriku. Ukrcava se u Rotterdamu na parobrod Edam (Holland-America Line), a u New York sti`e 2. travnja 1896. Ve} 1901. postaje “naturalizirani Amerikanac”. Iako poslije nakratko odlazi u Europu, svoje mjesto vidi u Americi pa se vra}a u svoju ameri~ku `upu (putuje iz Le Havrea, 1920.). Jozef Murga{, slova~ki sve}enik, studira i slikarstvo na uglednoj akademiji u Münchenu. Samo pet godina nakon dolaska postaje naturalizirani Amerikanac (1901.). Zanimanja su mu neobi~no {iroka – prosvje}uje Slovake, slika, bavi se radiotelegrafijom, izvodi eksperimente i dobiva patente. (Slovenské národné múzeum, Bratislava)

Uz Matu{a Jankolu, [tefana Furdeka, Jozefa Martin~eka, Jana Stassa i evangeli~kog sve}enika Ludovika Novomeskyja, Murga{ pripada redu najistaknutijih slova~kih sve}enika. I njihove su ùpe, kao i Murga{ova, u Willkes Barru. Tu ùpu vodi od dolaska u Ameriku do smrti, od 1896. do 1929., stvoriv{i od nje va`no mjesto okupljanja, ohrabrenja, odgoja i obrazovanja. Jozef Murga{ osobito se trudi oko gospodarskog obrazovanja Slovaka u svojoj ùpi te, osim crkve, gradi i {kolu, knji`nicu i igrali{ta, a ure|uje i nekoliko slova~kih novina.

Jozef Murga{, a Slovak priest who also studied painting at the prestigious Academy in Munich. As soon as five years after his arrival, he became a naturalized American (1901). The range of his activity was unusually wide – he performed religious services for Slovaks, painted, worked with radio-telegraphs, performed experiments and received patents. (Slovenské národné múzeum, Bratislava)

204 Martin Besedi~, neobjavljeni tekst, Bratislava 2007.

Neobi~na mu je i {irina interesa; uza zanimanje za religiozni `ivot Slovaka, za razvoj nacionalne svijesti i stvaranje vlastite dr`ave, zanima ga i slikarstvo. No posebno se posve}uje radiotelegrafiji, kojoj znatno pridonosi svojim eksperimentima i patentima.

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the “pacifying” Matica slova~ka was established in 1893. In that period, Rovnianek started to collect money to help imprisoned and persecuted Slovaks in Hungary. Besides his important journalistic and charitable works, Rovnianek also served as a banker and an agent, whose destiny, with its rise and fall, resembles many other stories of immigrant bankers at the beginning of the 20th century. In the early 1890s he started transferring money orders and selling ship tickets. He developed his business in Pittsburgh and New York, and in Slovakia he mostly worked with Tatra Bank. He successfully gained the trust of his countrymen and the money rolled in, which encouraged him, like many other bankers, to make more risky deals. Rovnianek, who cannot be accused of nationalism and selfishness, managed to win the trust of Austrians, Poles and Russians, who worked with his firm. But in 1911 his company, P. V. Rovnianek & Co. crashed, and tens of thousands of Slovak immigrants lost their savings. The crash also badly affected the Tatra Bank in Slovakia since Rovnianek could never return a few millions he owed. This peculiar journalist, nationalist, benefactor, agent and banker showed towards the end of his life a great effort to repay his debts. After his business failed, he went to California, searching for gold in vain. He described his life, his rise and fall in the autobiography with a gloomy title: Zapisky za `iva pochovaneho – Notes from One Buried Alive.

Jozef Murga{ - Slovak Priest and Telegraphist (Tajov, Slovakia, 1864 – Willkes Barr, 1929) Jozef (Joseph) Murga{ studied theology in Bratislava, Ostrihom and Banska Bystrica, 204 and he became a priest in 1888. From 1890 to 1893 he studied in Munich, at the most distinguished academy of arts in Central Europe. Restless, curious and abused because of his strong national beliefs, he decided to go to America. In Rotterdam, he boarded the Edam (Holland-America Line) and arrived to New York on 2 April 1896. In 1901 he already became a “naturalised American.” Although he went to Europe again for a short journey, he felt that his place remained in America and he returned to his parish (he sailed from Le Havre in 1920). Jozef Murga{ zajedno sa suradnicima u svom radiotelegrafskom laboratoriju u kojem je iskazao svoje sposobnosti i postigao zapa`ene uspjehe. (Slovenské národné múzeum, Bratislava)

Along with Matu{ Jankola, [tefan Furdek, Jozef Martin~ek, Jan Stass and the evangelical priest Ludovit Novomesky, Murga{ was one of the most prominent Slovak priests in America. Their parishes, just like Murga{’, were located Wilkes Barre. He served in the same parish from his arrival to America until his death (1896 – 1929), turning it into an important meeting place for encouragement, care and education. He especially focused on economic education of Slovaks in his parish, and he built, besides a church, a school, a library and a few playgrounds, and he also edited Slovak newspapers.

Jozef Murga{ together with his co-workers in his radio-telegraph laboratory, where he showed his unusual capabilities and achieved noteworthy successes. (Slovenské národné múzeum, Bratislava)

He had a wide range of interests: religious life of Slovaks, development of national beliefs, independence of their country, as well as painting. But he particularly liked telegraphy, to which he contributed significantly with his experiments and patents.

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204 Martin Besedi~, unpublished text, Bratislava 2007

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Franjo Grèti} ne èli doma Josip-Pepo Grèti} “Ivulov” (Joseph Grezetich, 1896.–1957.) iz Rukavca stiè u New York 20. travnja 1913. preko Southamptona, zajedno s pove}om grupom mje{tana i 205 drugih Kastavaca. Iako samo jedan od stotinu Hrvata i vrlo malo drugih iseljenika iz zemalja srednje Europe, ide na obale Tihog oceana, onamo kamo idu gotovo svi rukava~ki iseljenici! I Pepo ide u Kaliforniju, kamo ga zove susjed Andre Tancabel – u Chisholm, kraj Crescent Cityja, grada razvijena uz polukru`ni zaljev na zapadnoj obali Amerike. Zapo{ljava se i radi u jednom od rudnika po kojima je taj kraj bio poznat. No uskoro se rudnici po~inju gasiti, a biv{i se rudari sve vi{e bave ribarstvom i preradom ribe. Bez obzira na zalaz rudarstva, Pepo je marljivim radom stekao zgodnu ku}icu na obli`njem jezeru, koju je s ponosom fotografirao, a sliku poslao obitelji u Rukavac. Odlaskom u Ameriku spasio se od neima{tine pa je, zadovoljan svojom sudbinom, zauvijek ostao na obalama Pacifika.

Franjo Gr`eti} iz rije~ke okolice, iz Rukavca, za svojim bratom Pepom odlazi u Kaliforniju. Franjo radi u {umama sekvoje, no poslije prelazi na lak{e poslove – postaje brija~. Posljednje mu se dijete, sin, rodilo nakon njegova odlaska i nikad ga nije vidio. Kada se, pod starost, kona~no htio vratiti, ~ekaju}i vizu umire u jugoslavenskom konzulatu. (Nada Gr`eti}, Matulji)

U Kaliforniju dolaze i njegova sestra, “mrs. Kukich” (zapravo Francika Ku~i}), i brat Franjo. Franjo odlazi u ju`nije predjele, u Arcatu, gdje nalazi mno{tvo svojih mje{tana. Kada je sredinom 19. stolje}a u tim krajevima otkriveno zlato, brojni su europski useljenici pomutili mir doma}im Wyjotima, Indijancima koji su `ivjeli uza zaljev i obli`nja jezera i rijeke, pokraj gustih starih {uma. Arcata i Eureka dva su grada u koja jedan za drugim dolaze brojni Rukav~ani. Oba su u Humboldtovu zaljevu kojemu je gornji dio (Arcata Bay) zatvoren poput jezera. Gradovi smje{teni jedan nasuprot drugome – na sjeveru Arcata, a na jugu Eureka, sjedi{te pokrajine Humboldt County – ~vrsto su povezana “popre~nim”, morskim putom preko zaljeva oko kojega je poslije izgra|ena cesta.

Franjo Gr`eti} from Rukavac near Rijeka, went to California together with his brother Pepo. Franjo worked in the sequoia woods, but turned to easier work later – he became a barber. His last child, a son, was born after he left home and he never saw him. When he finally decided to return, an old man already, he died in the Yugoslav consulate while waiting for the visa. (Nada Gr`eti}, Matulji)

Rukav~ani ovamo ne dolaze u potragu za zlatom. U doba njihova dolaska, na prijelomu stolje}a, “zlatna groznica” ve} je odavno zaboravljena, no zato je u punom jeku sje~a {uma divovskih sekvoja, koje nazivaju i “kalifornijsko crveno drvo” ili “primorsko crveno drvo”, a doìve i vi{e od dvije tisu}e godina! Franjo je radi{an kao i Pepo. Poput drugih sunarodnjaka, i on radi u {umama sekvoja. Kada je stekao ne{to u{te|evine oti{ao je ku}i, no poslije se ponovno vra}a. Zara|enim ameri~kim novcem kupuje i ku}u u Mihoti}ima u kojoj nakratko ìvi s obitelji, ènom Anom (ro|ena Kinkela) i dvjema k}erima, Verom i Milojkom. Kada posljednji put odlazi, Franjo i ne zna da mu je Ana opet zatrudnjela pa se 29. svibnja ukrcava u Trstu na Cosulichevu Vulcaniju, ne do~ekav{i ro|enje nasljednika – maloga Franje, ro|enog u velja~i 1930. godine. Nakon vi{e godina te{ka rada u {umi kona~no odlu~i raditi ne{to lak{e. Postaje brija~ te po~inje bolje ìvjeti. Zove i obitelj da mu se pridruì, ali Ana ne èli oti}i iz svoga Rukavca. A Franjo se vi{e ne èli – vratiti doma! Godinama ga niti vi|aju niti do njih dopiru vijesti, a djeca rastu bez oca kojega i ne poznaju! Franjo se pred smrt ipak poèli vratiti. Kao ameri~ki dràvljanin treba vizu i zato 1961. obilazi jugoslavenski konzulat. Ali sre}a mu vi{e nije sklona; umire usred konzulata, ne do~ekav{i povratak u zavi~aj.

205 Podaci, fotografije i dokumenti: Nada Gr`eti}

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Franjo Gr`eti} - Does Not Want to Return Home Josip-Pepo Gr`eti} “Ivulov” (Joseph Grezetich, 1896 – 1957) came from Rukavac to New York on 20 April 1913 through Southampton with a large group of his villagers and other people from Kastav. Although very few people from Croatia and the rest of Eastern Europe went to the West Coast, almost all immigrants from Rukavac went there. Pepo went to California, too, where his neighbour Andre Tancabel invited him. He went to Chisholm, near Crescent City, a town in a crescent-shaped bay on the West Coast. Pepo found work in one of the many mines in that area. But soon the mines started to close, and former miners turned to fishing. In spite of the decline of mining, Pepo managed to earn enough to buy a nice house on the nearby lake, which he proudly photographed and sent the picture to his family in Rukavac. When he left for America, he saved himself from poverty; he became so happy with his destiny that he remained for good on the Pacific Coast.

Prizor iz {uma sekvoje u Kaliforniji gdje radi Franjo Gr`eti}. U zasjekotinu zadivljuju}ega, tek na~etog debla, smjestila se cijela grupa drvosje~a koji izgledaju kao patuljci me|u gorostasima. (Nada Gr`eti}, Matulji)

His sister, “Mrs. Kukich” (Francika Ku~i}), and his brother, Franjo (1888 – 1961), also came to California. Franjo went south, to Arcata, where he found many of his villagers. When gold had been discovered there in 1850, many European immigrants rushed there and destroyed peace of the Wyots, the Native Americans who lived beside the bay and near the lakes and rivers in the forest.

A scene from the sequoia woods in California, where Franjo Gr`eti} worked. A whole group of lumberjacks took seat in the notch of the magnificent tree that they had only just begun to cut. They look like dwarfs among giants. (Nada Gr`eti}, Matulji)

Arcata and Eureka were two towns that attracted many people from Rukavac. They are both situated in Humboldt Bay, the upper part of which, Arcata Bay, is closed like a lake. The towns stand opposite to one another – Arcata in the North and Eureka – the centre of Humboldt County – in the south. The sea connects them, with ships crossing the bay. A road around the bay was built later. People from Rukavac did not come there searching for gold. When they came at the turn of the 20th century, the Gold Rush had been long forgotten. But the hewing down of huge sequoias, giant redwoods two thousand years old, had begun in full swing. A good worker, like Pepo, Franjo, along with other of his countrymen, worked in the sequoia forests. When he saved some money, Franjo came back home, but he soon returned to America. With the money he earned, he bought a house in Mihoti}i in which he lived for a short time with his family: his wife Ana, née Kinkela, and two daughters, Vera and Milojka. When he left for America, Franjo did not know that Ana had become pregnant again, so he boarded the Vulcania (Cosulich) in Trieste on 29 May, not waiting for the birth of his son Franjo, born in February 1930. After a few years of hard work in the forest, Franjo decided to do something easier. He became a barber, and started to live better. He invited his family to come and join him, but Ana did not want to leave Rukavac. And Franjo, on the other hand, did not want to return home. For years his family had not seen him nor received news, and the children grew up without their father whom they never had the chance to meet. However, before his death, Franjo expressed his wish to come back. As an American citizen, he needed a visa and so he went to the Yugoslav consulate. But his luck deserted him: he died 205 there, at the consulate, without seeing his home again.

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205 Information, photographs and documents: Nada Gr`eti}

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Kuharica Liza u New Yorku (Elizabeta Liza [kofic, Ljubno, [tajerska 1871. – New York 1919.) Kuharica Liza ~etvrto je po redu dijete siroma{ne {tajerske obitelji, a za njom jo{ sli206 jede dva brata i sestra. Otac joj umire kada joj je samo sedamnaest godina. Jo{ prije o~eve smrti, oko 1896., starija sestra Tereza odlazi kod sestri~ne u New York. Stiè i Liza i sve tri djevojke rade kao slu{kinje i kuharice u “boljim obiteljima”. Tri se bliske ro|akinje nisu najbolje slagale – Liza nije voljela sestri~nu, a sestri je o{tro prigovarala zbog lakoumnosti i rastro{nosti. Stroga je i prema sebi i prema svima ostalima. Previ{e radi, mu~no {tedi i {alje novac majci. Nakon vi{e godina rada sestre se kona~no 1910. vra}aju ku}i. Za Terezu je povratak kona~an. U Americi joj se, o~ito, nije dogodilo ni{ta zbog ~ega bi se vrijedilo vratiti. No Liza, unato~ teìni i jednoli~nosti ìvota slu{kinje i kuharice, ponovno odlazi u New York: èli jo{ malo zaraditi. Iz pisama majci kojoj se obra}a s brigom i nje`no{}u, naslu}uje se da Liza ne uìva ni u kakvim ìvotnim radostima. Zaokuplja je samo svakodnevica, uobi~ajeni poslovi u domu ìdovske obitelji s kojom se dobro slaè jer govori njema~ki. Ali nema prijatelja, ~ak ni prijateljice. Ostale je slu{kinje i kuharice u ku}i ne vole jer je i prema njima stroga i prigovara im rastro{nost. Liza je nepovjerljiva, sumnji~ava, zatvorena i neodlu~na. Iako se ~ini ravnodu{nom, katkad se, uz kriti~nost i suzdrànost prema ljudima iz okoline i uz iskrenu brigu za svoju majku, u njezinim pismima javljaju i gotovo za~u|uju}i izljevi raspoloènja: “Sretnija sam od tisu}a udanih i stotina uzdràvanih èna. Moj po{teno zara|eni kruh je dobar. Nemam dovoljno rije~i za pohvalu.” Zadovoljna je vlastitom sobom u koju se moè povu}i u osamu, mjese~nom pla}om od 45 dolara i u{te|evinom od 100 dolara koju uspijeva ste}i do po~etka 1916. godine.

Kuharica Liza iz [tajerske u Sloveniji, odlazi zajedno sa sestrom u New York gdje ih do~ekuje sestri~na. Stroga je i prema sebi i prema drugima, zato i nije omiljena. Nepovjerljiva je i zato zauvijek osamljena i asketski suzdr`ana da ~im vi{e u{tedi. Na kraju i umire – od pothranjenosti! (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana) Liza, a cook from the Slovenian Lower Styria, emigrated to New York together with her sister, where they were met by their cousin. Liza was hard on herself and others, and not much liked. She was mistrustful and, therefore, always alone and she was ascetic trying to save as much as possible. In the end she died – of undernourishment! (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

Pomi{lja i na udaju – kupuje ~ak i vjen~anu haljinu, ali se ipak ne moè odlu~iti za udovca kojemu zamjera preveliku sklonost pi}u. @ivotni put odjednom joj se stubokom mijenja. Tijekom rata postaje nemirna, nedostaje joj dom i brine je maj~ina sudbina. Mu~e je bolesti, ìvci su joj sve slabiji, ìvotne neda}e sve ve}e, gubi i mijenja slu`be. Kona~no zavr{ava u bolnici i uskoro umire. Za sobom ostavlja srebrni sat, pone{to nakita i odje}e, lan~i} s krièm i krunicu. Ostavlja i dvije {tedne knjiìce, no lije~ni~ki nalaz pokazuje da je jadna Liza umrla od – pothranjenosti.

Frank Zotti - kralj Hrvata

Frank Zotti, skroman do{ljak, brzo se snalazi u New Yorku i postaje vlasnik hrvatskih novina, agencije i banke. Najbogatiji Hrvat u Americi ima i politi~ke ambicije i postaje predsjednik Hrvatske narodne zajednice (poslije Hrvatska bratska zajednica). No na kraju propada zajedno s u{te|evinama brojnih sunarodnjaka. (Maria D. Zic, New York)

(Kotor, 1872. – Los Angeles, 1947.) Franjo - Frank Zotti iz Boke kotorske dolazi u New York ve} kao sedamnaestogo207 di{njak – 1889. godine. Budu}i da je poha|ao Pomorsku akademiju u Trstu i tamo u~io engleski, brzo se uklju~io u ameri~ki na~in ìvota i uskoro postao najimu}niji poduzetnik u hrvatskoj zajednici. Ve} 1890. pokre}e putni~ku agenciju koja ima ured na adresi Brodway 9, u blizini Battery Parka, na jednom od najboljih poloàja za vo|enje takva posla. U vrijeme velikog useljeni~koga vala prodaja èljezni~kih i brodskih karata bila je unosan posao, uz koji je svojim tek pristiglim i jo{ zbunjenim sunarodnjacima spretno nudio i razne druge usluga. Tako je i stekao njihovo povjerenje pa mu se agencija sve vi{e {iri i sve uspje{nije posluje te je 1893. po~eo hrvatskoj useljeni~koj zajednici pruàti i bankarske i pravne usluge. Imao je i poslovnice u Pittsburgu, Chicagu i drugim ve}im centrima hrvatske emigracije. Zna~ajan je prihod stekao od prodaje karata useljenicima iz Hrvatske i susjednih zemalja. Od 1900. do 1910. prodavao je otprilike 20.000 karata godi{nje. U vrijeme najve}ega uspona zvali su ga – kralj Hrvata! Njegova je banka postala veoma uspje{na i dobrim je dijelom, kao i sve druge banke koje su se oslanjale na useljeni~ke zajednice svojih sunarodnjaka, bila va`na u

Frank Zotti, a humble newcomer quickly saw his way in New York and became the owner of Croatian newspapers, an agency and bank. The richest Croat in the United States also had political ambitions and became president of the Croatian National Society (later Croatian Fraternal Union). But in the end he went bankrupt along with the savings of his many fellow countrymen. (Maria D. Zic, New York)

206 Marjan Drnov{ek, Kuharica Liza v New Yorku, u Izseljenec: `ivljenske zgodbe Slovencev po svetu. Muzej novej{e zgodovine Slovenije, Ljubljana 2001., str. 43.–46. 207 Ivan ^izmi}, Povijest Hrvatske bratske zajednice, 1894–1994., Golden marketing, Zagreb, 1994. (poglavlje: Narodna hrvatska zajednica i Franjo Zotti – razdoblje velike krize, str. 49.–93. Maria D. Zic, Journal of Croatian Studies, sv. 36–37.

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Liza the Cook in New York (Elizabeta Liza [kofic, Ljubno, Lower Styria 1871 – New York 1919) Liza had been the fourth child of a poor Lower Styrian family, followed by two brothers and a sister.206 Her father died when she was seventeen. Even before her father’s death, around 1896, her elder sister Tereza left to join her cousin in New York. Liza arrived soon after her and the three girls worked as maids and cooks in “upper class” households. The cousins did not get along too well – Liza did not like her cousin, and she scolded her sister for being rash and wasteful. She treated herself and everyone else harshly. She worked too hard, saved every penny and sent money to her mother. After a few years of work, the sisters went home in 1910. Tereza stayed there for good. For her, nothing in America was worth going back to. But Liza, despite the hardships and dullness of a maid’s life, went back to New York to earn a bit more. From the letters to her mother, full of care and gentleness, one can see that Liza did not enjoy her life at all. She became preoccupied only with everyday things, the day-to-day work in the home of a Jewish family she agreed with quite well because she spoke German. But she had no friends, not even female ones. The other maids and cooks at the house did not like her because she of her harshness and her complaints of their wastefulness. Liza became wary, suspicious, reserved and indecisive. Although seemingly impassive, sometimes we find in her letters, along with her disapproval of and aloofness towards the people who surrounded her and her true care for her mother, some almost incredible spurts of emotions: “I am more fortunate than thousands of married and hundreds of kept women. My honestly earned bread is good. I cannot praise it enough.” She rested content with her own room in which she could retreat, her 45 Dollars a month salary and the 100 Dollars she had saved by the beginning of 1916. She even considered marriage – she bought a wedding gown, but still she could not accept a widower who provde to be too fond of drinking. Her life changed dramatically at one point. During the war she became restless, she missed home, and worried about her mother’s health. She became tortured by illnesses, her nerves became weaker, her troubles grew. She lost and changed jobs. Finally, she ended up in a hospital, where she soon died. She left a silver watch, some jewellery and clothes, a necklace with a cross pendant and a rosary. She also left two savings books. However, the autopsy results showed that poor Liza died of malnutrition.

Frank Zotti - The King of the Croatians (Kotor, 1872 – Los Angeles, 1947) Franjo – Frank Zotti came from Boka kotorska to New York at the age of seventeen, in 1889.207 Since he attended the Naval Academy in Trieste and learned English there, he soon accepted the American way of life and became the richest businessman in the Croatian community. In 1890 he established a ticket agency at 9 Broadway in Manhattan, near Battery Park, one of the best locations for that kind of business. During the great emigration wave, selling ship and railway tickets became a lucrative business. He offered many other services to his confused and newly arrived countrymen. He gained their trust and his agency grew and became more successful. In 1893 he also started offering banking and legal services to the Croatian community. He had branches in Pittsburgh, Chicago and other bigger centres of Croatian emigration. He made a lot of money selling tickets to Croats and people from neighbouring countries. From 1900 to 1910 he sold approximately 20,000 tickets a year. At the time of his biggest success, others called him the King of Croatians. His bank became very successful and, like other banks based on national immigrant

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206 Marjan Drnov{ek, Kuharica Liza v New Yorku, in Izseljenec: `ivljenske zgodbe Slovencev po svetu. Muzej novej{e zgodovine Slovenije, Ljubljana 2001., str. 43.–46. 207 Ivan ^izmi}, Povijest Hrvatske bratske zajednice, 1894–1994., Golden marketing, Zagreb, 1994. (poglavlje: Narodna hrvatska zajednica i Franjo Zotti – razdoblje velike krize, str. 49.–93. Maria D. Zic, Journal of Croatian Studies, vol. 36–37.

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dozna~ivanju useljeni~kog novca u domovinu. O velikome Zottijevu uspjehu i povjerenju {to ga je pridobio kod useljenika govori i procjena da je njegova banka proslijedila vi{e od polovice cjelokupne svote dozna~ene obiteljima u Hrvatskoj. Otvorio je i europsku filijalu u Baselu, [vicarska, glavnome kontinentalnom èljezni~kom ~vori{tu na putu prema francuskim, engleskim, belgijskim i nizozemskim lukama, te je iseljenicima nudio karte za put preko Le Havrea, Cherbourga, Liverpoola, Southamptona i drugih atlantskih luka. Da bi imao jo{ vi{e utjecaja te da moè jo{ bolje reklamirati svoje ve} razgranate usluge, preuzeo je 1898. Narodni list (osnovan 1895.) koji je u njegovo doba postao prvi hrvatski dnevnik u Americi i dosegnuo nakladu od 24.000 primjeraka. Njegov konkurent don Niko Gr{kovi}, “raspop” s Krka i prista{a Jugoslavenskog odbora u Londonu, istovremeno je, tako|er u New Yorku, izdavao Hrvatski svijet koji je dostizao jedva polovicu naklade Zottijevih novina – koje su gorljivo pristajale uz Habsburgovce. Na vrhuncu uspjeha poèlio je jo{ pro{iriti svoju mo} te je 1906. postao predsjednik utjecajnoga Hrvatskog nacionalnog dru{tva (Croatian National Society, osnovano 1894.). Sljede}e je godine tome pridodao i velik financijski uspjeh – njegove su banke (Frank Zotti and Company) i agencije na svojim ra~unima imale oko 800.000 dolara useljeni~kog novca, a njegove su nekretnine i obveznice vrijedile skoro milijun dolara. No za dvije je godine zbog velike financijske krize izazvane gospodarskim neda}ama, koja je 1907. zahvatila SAD, i on zapada u te{ko}e izazvane padom vrijednosti njegovih dionica i obveznica te naglim porastom zahtjeva za isplatom uloga i {tednje – koji nisu mogli biti ispla}eni u kratkom roku. Okru`ni je sud u New Yorku 15. srpnja 1908. proglasio ste~aj banaka Frana Zotti & Co. u New Yorku, Pittsburghu i Chicagu. Banka je stavljena pod prisilnu likvidacijsku upravu koja je ustanovila da ima 8245 vjerovnika i da je na popisu dugovanja i 429.447,44 dolara iseljeni~kog novca namijenjena slanju rodbini u Europu. Njegov je bankrot progutao u{te|evine tisu}a hrvatskih sunarodnjaka. Nakon propasti Zotti je smijenjen s du`nosti glavnog predsjednika Hrvatske narodne zajednice i izba~en iz organizacije. Jo{ je godinama izdavao Narodni list, ali se nikad nije financijski oporavio. No poslije su njegovi sunarodnjaci uvidjeli da je on, iako neko} najmo}niji, ipak samo jedan od brojnih hrvatskih i drugih bankara koji su nastradali u velikoj krizi. Nakon vi{e od pedeset godina u New Yorku, posljednjih je {est godina ìvota proìvio u Kaliforniji. Ante Biankini, lije~nik s otoka Hvara, odlazi u Chicago i prou~ava pojavu i posljedice kriminala i alkoholizma me|u hrvatskim radnicima. Postaje ugledan primarijus u bolnici te profesor na sveu~ili{tu, a vrlo je aktivan i u Jugoslavenskom odboru u Londonu. Izdaje i vlastite novine za propagiranje ju`noslavenskih ambicija, s ~ime upoznaje i predsjednika Wilsona.

“Franjo Zotti jedna je od najzanimljivijih, ali i najdubioznijih osoba na{eg iseljeni{tva uop}e. Od siromaha, pometa~a newyor{kih ulica, postao je bankar, {ifkarta{, brodovlasnik, najbogatiji hrvatski iseljenik uop}e, da bi na kraju umro kao siromah u Americi”.

Ante Biankini - lije~nik, politi~ar i “kriminalni sociolog”

Ante Biankini, a physician from the island of Hvar, left for Chicago, where he examined the emergence and consequences of crime and alcoholism among Croatian workers. He became an eminent medical superintendant in the hospital, and a university professor, and he was very active in the Yugoslav Committee in London. He also published his own newspaper to promote South Slavic ambitions, which he even presented to President Wilson.

208 Hrvatski biografski leksikon, 1, A – Bi, Jugoslavenski leksikografski zavod, Zagreb, 1983., str. 746.–747. EIIM, Josip [ilovi}, Uzroci zlo~ina, Zagreb, 1913.

(Stari Grad na Hvaru, 1860. – Chicago, 1934.) 208

Hrvatski lije~nik i politi~ar iz ugledne obitelji iz Staroga Grada na otoku Hvaru. Od ~etiri brata, najstariji je Juraj, sve}enik, publicist i urednik Narodnog lista u Zadru, Petar Luka je agronom, Dinko pomorski kapetan, a najmla|i Ante je lije~nik i politi~ar. Nakon osnovne {kole u Starom Gradu, Ante zavr{ava talijansku gimnaziju u Zadru i medicinu u Be~u (1886.) gdje najprije radi kao lije~nik, potom nekoliko godina u Starom Gradu. @eni se 1893. pijanisticom Zlatom Albrecht, k}eri poznatoga zagreba~kog tiskara. Zajedno sa Zlatom iseljava 1898. i odlazi u Chicago gdje radi kao suradnik znamenita kirurga J. B. Murphyja u Mercy Hospitalu (1898.–1916.). Primarijus je i kirurg u

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communities, it became important for sending money back home. A confirmation of Zotti’s success and the trust he gained is the estimate that his bank forwarded more than half of the total sum sent to families in Croatia. He opened his European office in Basel, Switzerland, which served as the main railway junction towards the French, English, Belgian and Dutch ports. He offered emigrants tickets for journeys through Le Havre, Cherbourg, Liverpool, Southampton and other Atlantic ports. In order to have even more influence and to advertise his services in 1898 he took over the Narodni list (established in 1895) which became in his time the first Croatian daily newspaper in America and reached a circulation of 24,000 copies. His rival, Don Niko Gr{kovi}, an ex-priest from Krk and future supporter of the Yugoslav Committee in London, published his Hrvatski svijet at the same time in New York, but it only reached half of Zotti’s circulation, although Zotti’s newspapers supported the Habsburgs. At the peak of his career he wanted to widen his power, so in 1906 he became the president of the influential National Croatian Society (established in 1894). The following year, he achieved a tremendous financial success – his banks, Frank Zotti & Co. and agencies had more than $800,000 of immigrants’ money in their accounts, and his companies held assets and bonds were worth almost a million dollars. But two years later, because of the financial crises caused by economic problems which hit the United States in 1907, Zotti faced trouble. His shares and bonds lost their value, while requests for the withdrawal of savings grew, though they could not be paid in a short period of time. The County Court in New York declared Frank Zotti & Co. in New York, Pittsburgh and Chicago bankrupt on 15 July 1908. The liquidators announced that it had 8245 creditors and owed $429,447.44 of immigrants’ money that had been earmarked to be sent to Europe. His bankruptcy swallowed the savings of thousands of Croatian emigrants. After his fall, Zotti lost his seat as National Croatian Society and thrown out of it. He published the Narodni list for many more years, but he never prospered again. Afterwards his countrymen realized that, although he was the most powerful, he was just one of the bankers destroyed by the great crisis. After more than fifty years in New York, he spent the last six years of his life in California. “Franjo Zotti had been one of the most interesting, but also most dubious Croatian immigrants ever. From a poor man, the sweeper of the streets of New York, he became a banker, agent, ship-owner and the richest Croatian immigrant, only to die as a poor man in America.”

Ante Biankini – Physician, Politician and “Criminal Sociologist” (Stari Grad on Hvar, 1860 – Chicago, 1934) Biankini was a Croatian physician and politician from an eminent family from Stari Grad on the island of Hvar.208 He had been the youngest of four brothers. The eldest, Juraj, became a priest, publisher and editor of Narodni list in Zadar, while Petar Luka became an agronomist, and Dinko a ship captain. After primary school in Stari Grad, he finished Italian grammar school in Zadar, and studied medicine in Vienna. He graduated in 1886 and worked as a physician first in Vienna and then in Stari Grad. In 1893 he married Zlata Albrecht, a pianist and a daughter of a renowned printer from Zagreb. He and Zlata emigrated to America in 1898. They went to Chicago, where he worked as an associate of a famous surgeon, J. B. Murphy at the Mercy Hospital from 1898 to

208 Hrvatski biografski leksikon, 1, A – Bi, Jugoslavenski leksikografski zavod, Zagreb, 1983., str. 746.–747. EIIM, Josip [ilovi}, Uzroci zlo~ina, Zagreb, 1913.

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Columbus Hospitalu (1904.–1906.) te docent kirurgije na Northwestern University (1900.–1915.). Kao hrvatski iseljeni~ki politi~ar zalaè se za oslobo|enje i ujedinjenje ju`noslavenskih naroda te postaje i predsjednik Jugoslavenskoga narodnog odbora u SAD-u (1915.), predsjednik Jugoslavenskoga narodnog vije}a u Washingtonu (1916.). i ~lan Jugoslavenskog odbora u Londonu (1916.). Sam financira i izdaje listove Hrvatska zastava (1914.–1916.) i Jugoslavenska zastava (1917.–1918.), oba u Chicagu. I predsjednika W. Wilsona upoznaje s ju`noslavenskim ambicijama i dobiva njegovu podr{ku. Bavi se i istraìvanjem eutanazije kao “opravdanog usmr}ivanja”, problemima alkoholizma i kriminala uzrokovanog socijalnim okolnostima (objavljuje Kriminalnu sociologiju, Zagreb 1909.), uglavnom na primjerima iseljenih Hrvata, te upoznavanjem Hrvatske s Amerikom (Amerikanski na~in uzgoja i {kolstva, Zadar 1910., Amerika za Jugoslaviju, Split 1926.). Zanima se i za neke najop}enitije eti~ke i spoznajne teme (Upoznavanje samoga sebe, Zagreb 1913.). Ante Biankini vi{e puta dolazi u Europu i u Stari Grad (1910., 1914. i 1920.). I medicinska praksa i istraìva~ki rad ~vrsto su mu ukotvljeni u Americi, a politi~ka djelatnost vezana uz staru domovinu.

Frane Lu~i} Borinov i njegova obitelj (Mar~elji, 1859. – Mar~elji, 1940.) Frane je odrastao u velikoj obitelji u ùpaniji Mar~elji, u blizini Rijeke, u ku}i Borinovih, kraj Ronjgi, u tada posve uobi~ajenoj i tipi~noj kastavskoj selja~koj ku}i, duga~koj prizemnici koju se nazivalo “pozemujka” – u jednom je dijelu stanovala 209 obitelj, u drugom – krava. Stambeni je dio ku}e imao dvije sobe i veliku kuhinju s ognji{tem, ogra|enim i zatvorenim posebnom drvenom pregradom da ga se za{titi od propuha i izdvoji od ostatka kuhinje. Osim u sobama, spavalo se i na tavanu u koji se iz kuhinje dolazilo ljestvama; naj~e{}e su se tamo uvla~ila djeca. U kuhinji se pak, nakon svakodnevnoga te{koga rada, nave~er ìvot odvijao oko velikoga niskog stola s klupama, za koji su sjedali svi uku}ani i jeli iz velike zemljane zdjele nasred stola. Naj~e{}i je obrok u ta vremena bila obi~na kukuruzna ka{a. Kada se Frane oènio Katom (Katarina, ro|ena Jugo iz obli`njih Baru{i}i-Lu~i}i, 1857.–1938.), morao je oti}i iz rodne ku}e u podstanare (govorilo se tada – “na fit”). Potkraj stolje}a obitelj se pove}ala pa se morao brinuti o prehranjivanju tada ve} desetero~lane obitelji.

Frane Lu~i} Borinov, iz Mar~elji kod Kastva, prvi put putuje u Ameriku 1899. i to u Colorado, u City of Pueblo, na rad u kamenolomu. Vra}a se, no jo{ dvaput odlazi u Ameriku kako bi mogao izgraditi ku}u i cisternu te urediti vrtove oko ku}e. (Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul, Rijeka) Frane Lu~i} Borinov, from Mar~elji near Kastav, travelled to America for the first time in 1899. He went to Colorado, to the City of Pueblo, to work in a quarry. He returned home, but the expenses of building a house and a water tank and decorating his garden made him leave for America two more times. (Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul, Rijeka)

209 Podaci i slike: nasljednici obitelji Lu~i} – Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul, RijekaEllis Island Museum of Immigration

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Prvi je put otputovao preko Atlantika 1899. godine. Otputio se na jug u City of Pueblo, Colorado, i radio u kamenolomu. Bio je obi~an teàk, bez ikakva zanata, pa se i nije mogao nadati ne~emu boljemu. S malom se u{te|evinom vratio 1903. u rodni kraj. Uspio je dobiti op}insko zemlji{te u Mari}evoj Dragi i uskoro je podignuo vlastitu ku}u. Potro{iv{i novac, ponovno odlazi u Ameriku – da zaradi za dogradnju i pro{irenje ku}e. Ukrcava se 20. svibnja 1905. u Le Havreu na parobrod Montreal u vlasni{tvu kompanije French Line (Compagnie Générale Transatlantique) i stiè u New York 3. lipnja. Na popisu putnika naveden je kao Franz Lucic, u dèpu ima 22 dolara i ovaj put, na poziv prijatelja Antona Mladeni}a, ide na sjever, u Gladstone, dràva Michigan. Odlazi i tre}i put, i ukrcava se u Le Havreu na parobrod La Savoie, a u New York stiè 7. svibnja 1910. Bio je to ujedno zadnji put. Od u{te|evine je izgradio {ternu i uredio vrtove oko ku}e. Njegove se unuke i danas prisje}aju obiteljskih pri~a i djedove ku}e te kako su se oko ku}e na kr{evitoj uzvisini gradili kameni suhozidi (“prezidi”) i kako su djeca sudjelovala u ure|enju vrta, te u ko{arama nosili zemlju iz obli`njeg dolca.

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1916. He was the head doctor and surgeon in Columbus Hospital and assistant professor of surgery at Northwestern University (1900 – 1915). As a Croatian immigrant politician he spoke in favour of the liberation and unification of the Southern Slavs. He became the president of the Yugoslav National Committee in the United States (1915), president of the Yugoslav National Board in Washington (1916) and a member of Yugoslav board in London (1916). He financed and the published magazines Hrvatska zastava (1914 – 1916) and Jugoslavenska zastava (1917 – 1918), both in Chicago. He informed President Woodrow Wilson about the ambitions of Southern Slavs and got his support. He researched euthanasia as a “justified means of putting someone to death,” alcoholism and criminal behaviour caused by social circumstances (he published Criminal Sociology, Zagreb 1909), usually taking Croatian immigrants as examples. He also worked on introducing Croatia to America (American way of upbringing and education, Zadar 1910, America for Yugoslavia, Split 1926). He also expressed interest in some general ethical and cognitive subjects (Knowing yourself, Zagreb 1913). Biankini visited Europe and Stari Grad a few times, in 1910, 1914, and 1920. His medical practice and his research became firmly anchored in America, and his political activity remained connected with his old country.

Frane Lu~i} Borinov and His Family (Mar~elji, 1859 – Mar~elji, 1940) Frane grew up in a big family in Mar~elji near Rijeka, in the Borinov house in Ronjgi. The house represented a typical village house in the Kastav area, a long single-floor building called “pozemujka.” The family lived at one end, and a cow at the other. 209 The living area had two rooms and a big kitchen with a fireplace surrounded with a special wooden screen to protect it from drafts and separate it from the rest of the kitchen. People slept in the rooms and in the attic which could be reached by the stairs from the kitchen – usually the children climbed up there. Social life centred on the kitchen. After a day of hard work, the family would gather around a low table with benches. They all ate from a large earthenware bowl in the middle of the table, usually eating plain cornmeal.

Kata Lu~i}, Franetova `ena, s k}erima u dvori{tu ispred nove ku}e izgra|ene “ameri~kim” novcem. Od osmero djece, ~etiri su joj sina iselila u Ameriku i nikad ih vi{e nije vidjela. (Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul, Rijeka) Kata Lu~i}, wife of Frane, with her daughters in the yard in front of her new house built with “American money”. Out of her eight children, four sons emigrated to America and she never saw them again. (Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul, Rijeka)

When Frane married Kata (Katarina née Jugo from the nearby Baru{i}i-Lu~i}i, 1857 – 1938), he had to leave his family house and rent a place to live (it was called “na fit”). By the end of the century, the family had grown and he had ten mouths to feed. He first sailed over the Atlantic in 1899. He went south to Pueblo, Colorado and worked at a quarry. A peasant with no skills, he could not hope for something better. He came back in 1903 with some savings. He managed to get some communal land in Mari}eva Draga and soon he built his own house. After he spent his money, he returned to America again – to earn enough to enlarge his house. He boarded the Montreal (French Line – Compagnie Generale Transatlantique) on 20 May 1905 in Le Havre and arrived in New York on 3 June. The passenger manifesto lists him as Franz Lucic. He had 22 Ddollars and this time, and, at the invitation of his friend Anton Mladeni}, he went north, to Gladstone, Michigan. He went to America for a third and last time with the La Savoie from Le Havre, arriving in New York on 7 May 1910. He used his savings to build a well and gardens around the house. His granddaughters still remember family stories: grandfather’s house, stone walls (“prezidi”) on limestone hill, children working in the garden and carrying earth in baskets from a nearby sinkhole. Unlike his sons, Frane returned to Mari}eva Draga for good after his third journey. He lived peacefully with Kata, worked in his garden and sometimes, even when he was old, he earned his wages working on the roads in Kastav.

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209 Information and photographs: descendants of the Lu~i} family – Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul, Rijeka

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Za razliku od sinova, otac Frane nakon tre}ega boravka u Americi zauvijek se vra}a ku}i, u Mari}evu Dragu, `ivi mirno s Katom, radi u svome “gruntu”, a katkad, ~ak i u visokoj dobi, zara|uje nadnicu rade}i na cestama Kastav{tine.

Sinovi obitelji Lu~i}

. Izme|u 1885. do 1900. u domu Frane i Kate Lu~i} u `upaniji Mar~elji (Halubje, nadomak Rijeci) ro|eno je osmero djece koju nije bilo lako prehraniti – Dolfo (Rudolf), Frane (Franjo), Tone (Anton), Vicenco, Benjamin, 210 Marija, Pepa (Josipa) i Albina. Najmla|i od njih, mali Benjamin, ro|en je kada je glava obitelji Frane, u potrazi za zaradom, ve} oti{ao u Ameriku kamo su prije njega odlazili i drugi iseljenici iz te `upanije.

Dolfo Lu~i}-Borinov odlazi 1905. u Hamburg, ukrcava se na parobrod Sjeveronjema~kog Lloyda i odlazi u Ameriku, u Pueblo i potom u Colorado Springs, gdje mu je ve} bio otac. U SAD-u postaje Rudolf Lusic i radi u kamenolomu kao i otac. Dolfo se `eni djevojkom iz svoga kraja. Kao dokaz da se u Americi snalazi podosta dobro ponosno {alje u zavi~aj sliku svoje obitelji pred vlastitim Fordom. (Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul, Rijeka)

Frani i Kati odlaze u Ameriku i ~etiri sina i – nikad se vi{e ne}e vratiti. Najstariji sin Dolfo (Rudolf Lusic, 1885.–1951.), odlazi u Hamburg i 4. oùjka 1905. ukrcava se na parobrod Roland, u vlasni{tvu sjevernonjema~kog Lloyda. U New York stiè 25. oùjka i potom odlazi u Colorado – na brodskoj listi putnika navedeno je da ide kod strica Frane Sar{ona.

Dolfo Lu~i}-Borinov went to Hamburg in 1905, got on board of a North German Lloyd steamship and emigrated to America, to Pueblo, and then to Colorado Springs, where his father was already living. In the US he became Rudolf Lusic and worked, just as his father, in a quarry. Dolfo married a girl from his region. As a proof that he was doing very well in America, he proudly sent home a picture of his family in front of his Ford. (Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul, Rijeka)

Tone (Anthon, ro|en 1890. - umro oko 1980.) ukrcava se u Le Havreu na brod Floride i stiè u New York 31. sije~nja 1910. Sin Frane (Frank T. Lusic, 1893.–1962.) dolazi za svega nekoliko mjeseci. Zajedno s ocem ukrcava se u Le Havreu (parobrod La Savoie) i stiè u New York 7. svibnja 1910. îni se da je Vicenco, najmla|i od obiteljskih iseljenika, stigao poslije. Tako se gotovo cijela mu{ka polovica obitelji na{la u Pueblu i potom u Colorado Springsu u Coloradu, gdje su i sinovi radili u kamenolomu. Dolfo i Franjo ovdje su ìvjeli do smrti, a Tone je poslije preselio u Cleveland u Ohiju. Sinovi su, me|utim, postali Amerikanci. Nakon kamenoloma, radili su u ~eli~anama i u tvornici bicikla. Jedan je od njih otvorio vlastiti restoran. Oènili su se djevojkama iz domovine, dvojica Kastavkama, tre}i Slovenkom, i odgajali djecu. Najmla|i i najnesretniji, Vicenco, nije se ni oènio ni poìvio. Upao je u lo{e dru{tvo i poginuo u bijegu, iska~u}i iz jure}ega vlaka. Otkad su kao jo{ nedozreli mladi}i oti{li u Ameriku, njihova majka Kata vi{e nikada nije vidjela svoje sinove i nikada nije upoznala svoje ameri~ke unuke.

Imu}ni gostioni~ar Nick i sirota Ana Verzuh Gostionica, saloon Nicka Verzuha iz Gorskog kotara, podignuta u malom mjestu East Heleni, Montana. Je su li se kod njega okupili i ostali ~lanovi obitelji, mo`da sirota Ana s ~etvero djece? U svakom slu~aju, u Gorskom kotaru danas vi{e nema obitelji Verzuh. (Fotoarhiva Hreljanovi}, Rijeka)

Tko je Nick Verzuh i kada je stigao u Ameriku? Njegovo ime znamo jedino zato {to je ispisano velikim slovima na fotografijama pro~elja njegova saloona koji je, zajedno sa slikom unutra{njosti svoje udobno oprem211 ljene gostionice, poslao svojima u Gorski kotar. Slike su sa~uvali daleki nasljednici do kojih o Nicku nisu doprle nikakve vijesti. Mo`emo tek naga|ati koji je me|u onima koji stoje pred ulazom, kao i na drugoj slici me|u onima kraj {anka, ponosni gostioni~ar. Stoji li na radnomu mjestu ili se radije pokazuje kao gospodin s uvjerljivim br~inama i {e{irom? No sigurno je da je zadovoljan svojim ameri~kim uspjehom!

The “Saloon” of Nick Verzuh from Gorski Kotar, built in the small town of East Helena in Montana. Did also the other members of his family, maybe poor Ana with four children, come to live with him? In any case, there are no Verzuhs left in Gorski Kotar today. (Fotoarhiva Hreljanovi}, Rijeka)

Verzuh je rijetko prezime. Svega je sedam puta zabilje`eno na listama iseljenika koji su u razdoblju od 1892. do 1924. stizali na Ellis Island. No na tom popisu nema Nikole-Nicka. Zna~i da sti`e ranije ili se iskrcava u nekoj drugoj luci, mo`da u Philadelphiji, Baltimoreu ili Bostonu.

210 Podaci i slike: nasljednici obitelji Lu~i} – Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul, Rijeka Ellis Island Museum of Immigration 211 Podaci i slike: Egon Hreljanovi}, Rijeka

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Verzuhi u Ameriku dolaze iz Gorskog kotara – najprije majka s djecom, nekoliko mjeseci potom Anton iz Severina putuje u Colorado, a nakon vi{e godina sti`e jo{ samo jedan momak. Pa`nju ipak privla~i sirota Ana u dobi od 36 godina.

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The Sons of the Lu~i} Family. Between 1885 and 1900 Frane and Kata Lu~i} in the Mar~elji (Halubje, near Rijeka) had eight children: Dolfo (Rudolf), Frane (Franjo), Tone (Anton), Vicenco, Benjamin, Marija, Pepa (Josipa) and Albina – they found it difficult to feed them all.210 The youngest one, little Benjamin had been born when the head of the family, Frane, had already gone to America seeking his fortune, just like other emigrants from that village. Four of Frane and Kata’s sons went to America never to return. The oldest one, Dolfo (Rudolf Lusic, 1885 – 1951) went to Hamburg and on 4 March 1905 boarded the Roland (Lloyd). He arrived in New York on 25 March and went to Colorado – in the passenger list it is recorded that he went to join his uncle Frane Sar{on. Tone (Anthon, 1890 – 1980) boarded the Florida in Le Havre and arrived in New York on 31 January 1910.

Obitelj Lu~i} – otac Frane, majka Kata i osmero djece. Gotovo polovica obitelji odlazi u Ameriku. Osim oca, svi ostaju u SAD-u, jedino pod starost dolaze u posjet rodnom kraju. (Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul, Rijeka) The Lu~i} family – father Frane, mother Kata and eight children. Almost half of the family emigrated to America. Besides the father, everybody stayed in the US and visited their homeland only in old age. (Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul, Rijeka)

Frane (Frank T. Lusic, 1893 – 1962) came only a few months later. Together with his father, he boarded the La Savoie in Le Havre and arrived in New York on 7 May 1910. It seems that Vicenco, the youngest of the family’s emigrants, came later. Therefore almost the whole male half of the family came to Pueblo and then Colorado Springs in Colorado, where the sons worked at the quarry too. Dolfo and Franjo stayed there for good, and Toni moved to Cleveland, Ohio. The sons became Americans. After the quarry, they worked in steel mills and a bicycle factory. One opened a restaurant. They married girls from their homeland; two found girls from Kastav, one a girl from Slovenia, and raised their children. The youngest and the least fortunate, Vicenco, neither married nor lived long. He fell into bad company and got killed as a fugitive, jumping off a train. They all left as young men and their mother, Kata, never saw them again nor met her American grandchildren.

The Rich Innkeeper Nick and the Poor Ana Verzuh Who was Nick Verzuh and when did he come to America? We know his name only because we see it in the photographs of his saloon, written in big letters above the door. He sent those photographs, along with ones showing the comfortable interior of his saloon, to his family in Gorski kotar.211 His descendants saved the photographs but know nothing about Nick. We can only guess which of the men standing on the porch or leaning on the bar in the saloon could be the proud owner. Is he shown as a worker, or as a gentleman with big moustache and hat? We can only be sure that he was satisfied with his American success. Verzuh is a rare surname. Only eight Verzuhs can be found in the passenger lists in Ellis Island between 1892 and 1924, none of whom are Nick. That means that that he either arrived earlier, or that he had disembarked in some other port: Philadelphia, Baltimore or Boston. Verzuhs came to America from Gorski kotar. The first arrivals consisted of a mother with her children. A few moths later, Anton Verzuh from Severin arrived, on his way to Colorado, and thereafter just one young man. Our attention is drawn to poor Ana, who arrived at the age of 36. The passenger lists misspell her place of origin as “Roudal”. Ana boarded the La Bretagne in Le Havre on 29 December 1900 and arrived in New York on 7 January 1901. The passenger list reveals that she had been housewife and that she had 36 Dollars – an amount equal to her age. Her neighbour, Marija Grguri} (23), accompanied her, but oddly no mention is made of her husband or her children who travelled with her – Joso (15), Ana (13), Tereza (5) and little Danica then only two and a half years old. Mother and children

210 Information and photographs: descendants of the Lu~i} family – Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul, Rijeka

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211 Information and photographs: Egon Hreljanovi}, Rijeka,

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Mjesto prebivanja iz kojega dolazi navedeno je pogre{no kao Roudal! Ana se 29. prosinca 1900. ukrcava u Le Havreu na parobrod La Bretagne i stiè u New York 7. sije~nja 1901. godine. Na listi putnika upisana je kao ku}anica, s 36 dolara u dèpu. Koliko godina ìvota – toliko dolara! S njom je u dru{tvu i susjeda Marija Grguri} (23), no upadljivo je da Ana ne spominje muà, a ima brojnu djecu – Josu (15), Anu (13), Terezu (5) i Danicu koja ima samo dvije i pol godine. Majka i djeca odlaze kod {urjaka i strica u jedno od naj~e{}ih odredi{ta hrvatskih iseljenika – u Pittsburg, Pensilvanija. Od kakve nevolje Ana bjeì? [to joj se dogodilo s muèm, ocem brojne djece? Nastradao u nesre}i? Propio se, zapostavlja i zlostavlja obitelj? I tko je {urjak kojemu povjerava spas svoje djece? Je li to imu}an, ali mo`da osamljeni Nick? Moèmo jedino naga|ati. Ako su ona i djeca doista do{li Nicku, zna~i da su se u me|uvremenu vjerojatno iz naseljenih i visokoindustrijaliziranih krajeva sjeveroistoka SAD-a preselili na ran~erski sjeverozapad, me|u krave i “kravare”. Planinski predjeli Montane posljednje su indijansko uto~i{te. Nakon kona~no zavr{enih ratnih sukoba i brojnih ~arki, krajem stolje}a iz tog podru~ja odlazi vojska, a u biv{im utvrdama osnivaju se {kole za industrijsku obuku mladih Indijanaca (1892.) koje vlasti èle uklopiti u moderni ìvot. Iako rodom iz Gorskog kotara, Nicka vjerojatno ne privla~e toliko gorski predjeli koliko pogodnost da tu izgradi svoj saloon. Montana je tada zemlja velikih ran~eva i brojnih kauboja, omiljenih gostiju takvih okupljali{ta, no i kraj do kojega dopire razvoj industrije. Trinaest godina poslije sirote Ane, u Ameriku dolazi sedamnaestogodi{nji Rudolf Verzuh, tako|er iz ne~itko ispisanog mjesta u “Austriji” (Pinowae?). U New York stiè 21. velja~e 1913. brodom iz Le Havrea i odlazi u East Helenu, Montana – stricu Nicku Verzucku! Tko bi to mogao biti ako ne onaj ponosni vlasnik saloona! Je su li se ~lanovi goranske obitelji Verzuh okupili i skrasili u East Heleni u Montani?

“Tarzanova” obitelj Weissmüller (Szabadfalu/Freidorf, Rumunjska, 1904. – Acapulco, Meksiko, 1984.) Glasoviti Tarzan – Janos ili Johann, najpoznatiji kao Johnny Weissmüller, ro|en je 212 1904. u banatskom gradi}u Szabadfalu u kojem je i kr{ten . U tom su jugozapadnom predgra|u Temi{vara nekad `ivjeli Nijemci pa je nakon odlaska Ma|ara i prozvan njema~kim imenom Freidorf, kako se i danas zove.

Johnny Weissmüller, vi{estruki olimpijski pobjednik u plivanju, bio je najpopularniji Tarzan na filmskom platnu. Njema~kog je podrijetla, no ro|en je u Temi{varu (u ~etvrti njema~kog imena Freidorf). Kada njegovi odlu~uju iseliti, malom je Johannu svega nekoliko mjeseci. (Arcadia Publishing, Portsmouth)

Njegovi roditelji, Peter Weissmüller i Elisabeth Kersch, upoznali su se 1902.; on je satnik u austrougarskoj domobranskoj vojsci, a ona radi u tvornici duhana. Vjen~ali su se 1903. u katoli~koj crkvi i uskoro dobili sina. Obitelj je njema~ka pa se, iako je kr{ten kao Janos, zapravo zove Peter Johann. Nezadovoljni uvjetima `ivota, roditelji odlu~uju iseliti u Ameriku pa svi zajedno odlaze u Rotterdam i 14. sije~nja 1905. ukrcavaju se na istoimeni parobrod (tre}i po redu od ~etiri broda istoga imena u floti Holland America Linea) i sti`u u New York 26. sije~nja.

Johnny Weissmuller, repeated Olypic champion in swimming, was the most popular Tarzan on the big screen. He was of German origin, but born in Timisoara (in a district with the German name Freidorf). When his family decided to emigrate, little Johann was only a couple of months old. (Arcadia Publishing, Portsmouth)

212 Jovana Iveti}, neobjavljeni tekst, Novi Sad 2008.; Johnny Weissmüller Jr., William Reed, W. Crais Reed, Tarzan my father, Toronto, 2002.; Johnny Weissmüler Ausstellung zum 100 Geburstag, Donaushwabisches Zentralmuseum Ulm, 2004.

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Peter ho}e u Chicago, no najprije odlaze u Windber u Pensilvaniji gdje ve} `ivi njegov {urjak Johann Ott. Bio je to tada industrijski gradi} s rudnikom ugljena, stotinjak kilometara udaljen od Pittsburgha. U nadi da }e jednoga dana otvoriti pivnicu, Peter se prihva}a te{kih poslova, me|u ostalim i prekovremenoga rada u rudniku. Iste se godine Peteru i Elisabethi ra|a i

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went to her brother-in-law, to one of the most common destinations of Croatian immigrants – Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. What was Ana running from? What happened to her husband, the father of their children? Was he killed in an accident? Did he start drinking and neglecting and molesting his family? Who was the brother-in-law, in whose hands she put the welfare of her children? Was it perhaps rich but lonely Nick? We can only guess. Thirteen years after poor Ana, seventeen-year-old Rudolf Verzuh arrived in America, also from an illegible place in “Austria” (“Pinowae”?). He arrived to New York on 21 February from Le Havre and went to East Helena, Montana – to his uncle Nick Verzuh! Who else could it be but the proud owner of the saloon? The mountains of Montana had become the last refuge of Native Americans. After the wars and skirmishes ended, the army left that area at the end of the 19th century, the forts became schools for the technical education of young Indians (1892), whom the government wanted to fit into the modern world. Although he came from the mountainous Gorski kotar, Nick probably did not find the mountains as attractive as the opportunity to build his own saloon. Montana was a country of big ranches and many cowboys, the favourite clients of such places, but it also had growing industry. Were the members of the Verzuh family united in Montana in the end and did they remain there?

Tarzan’s Family – the Weissmullers (Szabadfalu/Freidorf, Romania, 1904 – Acapulco, Mexico, 1984) The famous Tarzan – Janos or Johan Weissmuller, known as Johnny Weissmuller, was born in 1904 in the small town of Szabadfalu in Banat, where he was baptized.212 Szabadfalu is a suburb of Timisoara, with a large German population (it is known as Freidorf in German). His parents, Peter Weissmuller and Elisabeth Kersch met in 1902. Peter had been a captain in the Austro-Hungarian army, while she worked in a tobacco factory. They married in 1903 in the Catholic Church, and soon she gave birth to a son. Although baptized as Janos, his real, German name was Peter Johann. Unsatisfied with their living conditions, his parents decided to emigrate to America. The whole family went to Rotterdam and on 14 January 1905 they boarded the Rotterdam (the third of the four ships with the same name in the Holland America Line fleet). They arrived in New York on 26 January.

Brod Rotterdam kojim je iz luke Rotterdam iselila obitelj Weissmüler, na ulazu u luku New York. (Donaushwabisches Zentralmuseum Ulm) The Rotterdam on which the Weissmuller family emigrated from the Rotterdam harbour, shown here when entering the New York harbour. (Donaushwabisches Zentralmuseum Ulm)

Peter wanted to go to Chicago, but they first went to Windber in Pennsylvania, where his brother-in-law, Johann Ott lived. It was a small industrial town with a coal mine, a hundred kilometres from Pittsburgh. Dreaming of opening a pub, Peter worked hard, doing overtime in the coal mine. That same year he and Elisabeth had another son, Peter (1905). The Weissmullers soon moved to Chicago, where Peter, in cooperation with Keely’s Brewery, opened a pub, and Elisabeth started working as a cook at the Turn-Verein society. But the family’s fortune soon soured. Peter spent too much money and he fell into debt, and the situation at home culminated in his departure in 1916. Elisabeth became so distressed that she could not admit that her husband had left her. She claimed that he had tuberculosis, and two years after she said that he had died, although he actually died a few years later, in 1925.

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212 Jovana Iveti}, unpublished text, Novi Sad 2008.; Johnny Weissmuller Jr., William Reed, W. Crais Reed, Tarzan my father, Toronto, 2002.; Johnny Weissmüler Ausstellung zum 100 Geburstag, Donaushwabisches Zentralmuseum Ulm, 2004.

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drugi sin, nazvan Peter (1905.). Weissmülleri uskoro sele u Chicago gdje otac, u suradnji s kompanijom Keely’s Brewery, doista otvara pivnicu, a majka se zapo{ljava kao kuharica u udruènju Turn-Verein. No obiteljska sre}a brzo biva pomu}ena – zbog Peterova rasipni~kog ìvota pivnica zapada u dugove, a u ku}i vladaju razmirice koje }e 1916. prouzro~iti o~ev odlazak. Elisabeth je toliko pogo|ena da ne priznaje da ju je suprug napustio, ve} tvrdi da je bolestan od tuberkuloze, a nakon dvije godine izjavljuje da je umro, iako zapravo umire tek nekoliko godina poslije (ro|en oko 1878., umro1925). Napu{tena Elisabeth na}i }e se u oskudici pa djeca moraju raditi. Uz redovito poha|anje {kole, Johann ve} u dvanaestoj godini radi u hotelu kao liftboy. U to mu je doba lije~nik savjetovao da zbog lo{ega zdravlja po~ne – plivati. Vrlo brzo, s jedva ~etrnaest godina, postaje najmla|i prvotimac u klubu YMBCA – iako je predvi|ena dob {esnaest godina. Njegov je pliva~ki uspon nezaustavljiv. Uskoro pobje|uje i na ameri~kome nacionalnom prvenstvu u Hanalulu na Havajima (1923.). Budu}i da jo{ nema ameri~ko dràvljanstvo, zamjenjuje dokumente s bratom koji je ro|en u SAD-u – {to mu omogu}uje sudjelovanje na olimpijadi u Parizu 1924., na kojoj osvaja tri zlatne medalje, a jo{ dvije na olimpijadi u Amsterdamu (1928.). Nakon {to je prestao plivati, zapo~inje glumiti i stje~e slavu u popularnim filmovima o Tarzanu (od 1932.). Uz filmska uzbu|enja u dùngli, privatni mu je ìvot jednako dramati~an. @eni se pet puta i ima troje djece – sina Johnnyja te k}eri Annu Vendy i Heidi Ellis. Umro je 1984.u Acapulcu u Meksiku.

Naprasiti Klement Sisari} ne voli Ameriku (Podgora, 1886. – Rijeka, 1953.) Klement Sisari} - Kleme iz Podgore (pored Makarske, Dalmacija), sin je Jure Sisari}a, imu}na trgovca koji se o`enio Mandinom, obrazovanom i lijepom djevojkom s Visa.213 Mandina je za pomo} u ku}i dovela mladu mje{tanku Matiju Vela i, kako nisu mogli imati djece, nagovorila je Juru da im Matija rodi “dite”. Usprkos o~ekivanom protivljenju Crkve, progonu vlasti i moralnoj osudi mje{tana, Matija je Juri rodila – sedmero nezakonite djece! Nakon o~eve smrti i nemogu}nosti da naslijedi o~evu imovinu, Kleme odlu~i oti}i u Ameriku. Zaputio se u Hamburg, ukrcao u parobrod Blucher i 28. listopada 1906. stigao u New York i zaposlio se kao lu~ki radnik. I danas se u obitelji prepri~ava zgoda koja potvr|uje njegovu naprasitu narav. Jednoga je dana, umoran od mukotrpna rada, sjeo da se odmori i zapali cigaretu. Opazio ga je {ef i strogo prekorio. Kleme je ustao, odbacio cigaretu i – oti{ao! Odlu~io je napustiti Ameriku i vratiti se.

Klement Sisari} (na slici desno) iz Podgore u Dalmaciji odlazi u New York i zapo{ljava se kao lu~ki radnik, no ubrzo se sukobljava sa {efom i vra}a ku}i. Naslijediv{i dio o~evine po~inje se baviti ribarenjem i trgovinom vinom. I bez Amerike stje~e lijep imetak i gradi ku}u. (Jolanda Todorovi}, Rijeka)

“Ne}u `ivjeti u zemlji u kojoj, kada mi se prohtije, ne mogu ni ’{panjulet’ zapalit.” Klement Sisari} (on the right) from Podgora, Dalmatia, went to New York and got employed as a dock worker, but soon a conflict with his boss left him unemployed. He inherited part of his patrimony and took up fishing and selling wine and, even without America, he managed to make a small fortune and build a house. (Jolanda Todorovi}, Rijeka)

213 Jolanda Todorovi}, neobjavljeni tekst, Rijeka 2008.

Iskrcao se u Trstu i vratio u rodnu Podgoru. U me|uvremenu, njegova pomajka Mandina, koja je i nakon Jurine smrti zadràla u ku}i svoju pomo}nicu Matiju, zatraì da se Jurina djeca priznaju kao zakonita. Carskim su ukazom djeca doista priznata zakonitim nasljednicima Jure Sisari}a. I Kleme je naslijedio dio pove}ega o~eva imetka i oènio se Darinkom Andrija{evi} iz Gradca – s kojom je imao {est k}eri. I on je, poput oca, spretan i okretan – ima brod i ribari, uzgaja masline i bavi se vinarstvom. Sagradio je i veliku ku}u, no kako poslovi lijepo napreduju, odlu~io je pokrenuti trgovinu vinom u podosta udaljenoj Slavoniji – i preselio se u Osijek. Pod starost Klement zajedno s Darinkom seli iz Osijeka k}eri u Rijeku, bliè rodnome kraju. Najvi{e zato da opet moè gledati more i brodove.

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Abandoned by her husband, Elisabeth found herself in a difficult financial situation, and so her children had to work. Twelve-year-old Johann was still going to school when he started working in a hotel as a liftboy. Because of his poor health, a doctor advised him to start swimming. Very soon, when he was barely fourteen, he entered the YMBCA team, although the usual age was 16. His rise proved to be unstoppable. He soon won the American National Championship in Honolulu, Hawaii in 1923. As he still did not have American citizenship, he switched his documents with his American-born brother, which enabled him to compete in the 1924 Olympics in Paris. He won three gold medals there, and two more in Amsterdam in 1928. When he ended his swimming career, he started acting and became famous for his Tarzan movies, the first of which appeared in 1932. His private life was just as adventurous as his movie life in the jungle. He married five times and had three children – Johnny, Anna Wendy and Heidi Ellis. He died in Acapulco, Mexico, in 1984.

The Quick-Tempered Klement Sisari} Dislikes America (Podgora, 1886 – Rijeka, 1953) Klement Sisari} – Kleme from Podgora (near Makarska, Dalmatia) was a son of Jure Sisari}, a wealthy merchant. Jure married Mandina, a pretty and educated girl from Vis213, who employed a young village girl Matija Vela as a housemaid. As Jure and Mandina could not have children, she persuaded Jure that Matija should bear them a child. Despite the predictable opposition of the Church, government’s harassment and disapproval of the villagers, Matija bore seven illegitimate children to Jure.

Prizor iz malog sela Podgore u Dalmaciji, oko 1910. Razglednica s obalnom {etnicom i agavama ve} potvr|uje po~etke turizma, a uskoro i – boljega `ivota. (Jolanda Todorovi}, Rijeka)

After his father’s death, since he could not inherit his possessions, Kleme decided to go to America. He went to Hamburg and boarded the steamship Blutcher. He arrived to America on 28 October 1906 and found work as a dock worker.

A view of a little village of Podgora in Dalmatia, around 1910. The postcard with the seaside promenade and agava trees already confirmed the beginnings of tourism, and soon – of a better life. (Jolanda Todorovi}, Rijeka)

The anecdote that shows his quick temper is still remembered in the family: one day, tired of hard work, Kleme sat down to rest and smoke a cigarette. A foreman saw him and rebuked him. Kleme stood up, threw the cigarette and – walked away! He decided to leave America and go back home. “I won’t live in a country where I can’t smoke a ‘{panjulet’ when I feel like it.” He sailed to Trieste and returned to his native Podgora. In the meantime, his stepmother Mandina, who kept her housemaid Matija in the house after Jure’s death, demanded that Jure’s children should be recognized as legitimate, and she obtained an imperial decree stating that the children were the legitimate heirs of Jure Sisari}. Kleme inherited a part of his father’s large estate and married Darinka Andrija{evi} from Gradac, who bore him six daughters. He was just as capable as his father – he owned a fishing boat, grew olives and produced wine. He built a large house, but as his business grew, he decided to sell wine in the far-away Slavonija and moved to Osijek. In his old age Klement moved together with Darinka from Osijek to Rijeka, where one of their daughters lived and where he was nearer to his home. He wanted to look at the sea and ships again.

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213 Jolanda Todorovi}, unpublished text, Rijeka 2008.

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Erich von Stroheim - la`ni aristokrat i upe~atljiv glumac (Erich Oswald Stroheim, Be~ 1885. – Maurepas, Francuska 1957.) Erich Stroheim bio je sin Benna i Johanne Bondy. Otac, be~ki {e{ird`ija, kao i njegova majka, bili su aktivni ~lanovi `idovske zajednice. Mladi se, ali ve} zreli, Erich zaputio u Bemerhaven i u studenome 1909. ukrcao na parobrod Prinz Friedrich Wilhelm u vlasni{tvu Norddeutscher Lloyda, koji je pristao u New Yorku 25. studenoga 1909. Na brodu je uz brojne njema~ke iseljenike, od kojih su neki iz Ma|arske i Austrije, bilo i nekoliko Be~ana. Me|u njima i dva para – Anton i Hedwige White te Adolf i Kathe Tandler.

Erich Oswald Stroheim, be~ki @idov, u New York sti`e 1909. godine. U Americi se predstavlja kao aristokrat i dodaje imenu plemi}ki von, vi{e plod bujne ma{te i sklonosti izmi{ljanju nego prevarantske naravi. Holivudski Austrijanci tvrdili su da je njema~ki govorio poput pripadnika austrijske ni`e klase. No bio je dobar glumac – zapam}en po Izgubljenim iluzijama (1938.) i Bulevaru sumraka (1950.). (Arcadia Publishing, Portsmouth)

Iako ìdovskoga podrijetla i pripadnik srednjega gra|anskog sloja, dolaskom u Ameriku Erich je poèlio uljep{ati svoju pro{lost i pridati sebi plemenitije podrijetlo te se osobnom odlukom proizveo u grofa i nazvao dugim imenom koje prili~i jednom aristokratu – Erich Oswald Hans Carl Maria von Stroheim und Nordenwall! No nezgodni holivudski znanci – obojica Austrijanci, slavni redatelj Billy Wilder i Stroheimov agent Paul Kochner, odlu~no su tvrdili da Erich govori poput austrijske niè klase.

Erich Oswald Stroheim, a Jew from Vienna, came to New York in 1909. In America he presented himself as an aristocrat and added a noble von in front of his surname, which was more a product of imaginative fiction than of a lying nature. Hollywood Austrians claimed that he spoke German as if he were a member of the Austrian lower class. But, nevertheless, he was a fine actor, remembered by La Grande Illusion (1938) and Sunset Boulevard (1950). (Arcadia Publishing, Portsmouth)

U Hollywoodu radi od 1914. i nastupa u manjim ulogama i kao savjetnik za njema~ku kulturu i modu. Glumi u vi{e zapaènih filmova, me|u kojima su najpoznatiji Izgubljene iluzije Jeana Renoira (La Grande Illusion, 1938.) Bulevar sumraka (Sunset Blvd., 1950.) Billyja Wildera. Iako nije bio “pravi” plemi}, barem je ostao zapam}en po filmskoj ulozi njema~kog aristokrata! Von Stroheim je i reìrao vi{e zapaènih filmova, me|u kojima je najuspje{niji Vesela udovica (The Merry Widow, 1925.) Njegova se izmi{ljanja, kaù neki, vi{e imaju pripisati njegovoj bujnoj ma{ti nego èlji da prevari. Budu}i da je postao slavan, ljude je zanimao i njegov ìvotni put, a on je i dalje izmi{ljao vjerojatne i nevjerojatne pojedinosti. Iako je u kasnijim godinama opet ìvio u Europi, radije je govorio engleski i tvrdio da je zaboravio – materinski jezik.

Anton i Ana Justini} (Antony i Anna Yustinick), oboje iz istoga mjesta na otoku Krku, upoznali su se i vjen~ali u New Yorku 1920. godine. Vrlo su dru{tveni, aktivni u kr~kim dobrotvornim dru{tvima. Nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata kona~no posje}uju rodni kraj, a povratkom u New York {alju obilnu pomo} u lijekovima, hrani i odje}i. (Elisabeth Yustinick, New York)

Marljivi dobrotvori Anton i Ana Justini} (Anton, 1893.–1981, Ana, 1899.–1981.)

Antony and Anna Yustinick were both from the same place on the island of Krk, but they met and got married in New York in 1920. They were very social and active in the Krk charity organisations. After the Second World War, they visited their home town, and after returning to New York they sent generous help packages of medicines, food and clothing. (Elisabeth Yustinick, New York)

214 Podaci i slike: Elisabeth Yustinick, New Jersey i Vanja Pavlovec, Rijeka Ellis Island Museum of Immigration

214

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Anton Justini} ro|en je 1893. u selu Rasopasno (kod Dobrinja) na otoku Krku. Njegovi roditelji, Jele ro|ena Kirin~i} i Ive Justini}, imali su, uz najstarijega Antona, jo{ sedmero djece – Josipa, [imu, Ivu, Vinka, Mariju, Anu i Bojicu. Anton je ve} u vrlo ranoj dobi neko vrijeme boravio u samostanu i, uz ostalo, u~io i – {ah. Iako su sa~uvane i pjesmice {to ih je u {koli marljivo zapisivao, velika mu nauka ipak nije bila su|ena. Iako se predstavlja i u putni~ku je listu upisan kao devetnaestogodi{njak, u Ameriku zapravo odlazi s jedva {esnaest godina! Po~etkom travnja 1910. ukrcava se u Rijeci na brod Ultonia i stiè u New York 22. velja~e. Dolazi bratu Ivi koji ìvi u Chicagu. Poslije se ipak vra}a u New York i ìvi u obitelji tete Marije i Louisa Simonettija u Bronxu (New York). Ubrzo po~inje raditi kao metalski radnik i u proizvodnji kotlova, isprva u okolici New Yorka, a potom u Hartfordu, Connecticutu i Bostonu. U New Yorku upoznaje Anu Puri} (ro|. 1899.) iz Rasopasnog kraj Dobrinja (po majci tako|er iz bodulske obitelji Grèti}). Njezin otac Ive (Ivan) Puri} oti{ao je u New York ve} 1903. preko Southamptona. U New Yorku su ve} bili njegov prijatelj, Istranin Mate Grèti}, i njegov {urjak Nikola Ili} (Iliji}), tako|er oto~anin iz Omi{lja, odakle je od 1900. u Ameriku iselilo vi{e Nikola Ili}a (Iliji}a). Zajedno s majkom Marijom i petogodi{njim bratom Viktorom Ana dolazi u Trst, ukr-

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Erich von Stroheim – Fake Aristocrat and a Remarkable Actor (Erich Oswald Stroheim, Vienna 1885- Maurepas, France 1957) Erich Stroheim was the son of Ben and Johanna Bondy. His father and mother had been hatters in Vienna and both had been prominent members of the Jewish community. The young but mature Eric went to Bremen and in November 1909 he boarded the Prinz Friedrich Wilhelm (Norddeutscher Lloyd) and arrived in New York on 25 November 1909. Besides numerous German emigrants, some of whom came from Austria and Hungary, a few people from Vienna were on board. Among them were the two couples – Anton and Hedwige White and Adolf and Kathe Tandler. Although he a middle-class Jew, Erich tried to embellish his origins when he came to America and presented himself as a noble. He decided to call himself a count and lengthened his name to make it aristocratic: Erich Oswald Hans Carl Maria von Stroheim und Nordenwall. Unfortunately for him, his Hollywood acquaintances, the famous director Billy Wilder and his agent Paul Kochner, both of whom came from Austrian, claimed that Erich spoke the language of the Austrian lower class. He started his career in Hollywood in 1914, appearing in smaller roles and working as a consultant for German culture and fashion. He acted in a few acclaimed movies, the most famous of which are Jean Renoir’s La Grande Illusion (1938) and Billy Wilder’s Sunset Boulevard (1950). Although not a “real” aristocrat, he is remembered for his roles of German aristocrats. Von Stroheim also directed some celebrated movies, including The Merry Widow (1925). Some say that he made up the story of his life not because he had been a liar, but because he had a lively imagination. When he became famous, people wanted to know more about his life, and he continued inventing both plausible and absurd details. Although in his late years he moved back to Europe, he preferred to speak English and he claimed that he had forgotten his mother tongue.

Diligent Benefactors Anton and Ana Justini} (Anton 1893 – 1981, Ana 1899 – 1981) Anton Justini} was born in 1893 in the village of Rasopasno near Dobrinj on the island of Krk.214 His parents, Jele née Kirin~i} and Ive Justini} had, besides the eldest son Anton, seven more children: Josip, [ime, Ive, Vinko, Marija, Ana and Bojica. Anton spent some time in a monastery at an early age and learnt, among the rest, to play chess. Some of the poems he wrote in school are saved, but scholarship was not his destiny. Although he claimed in the passenger list that he was nineteen, he went to America when he was barely sixteen. In April 1910 he boarded the Ultonia in Rijeka and arrived in New York on 22 February. He went to his brother Ivo, who lived in Chicago. Afterwards, he returned to New York and lived with his aunt and uncle, Mary and Louis Simonetti, in the Bronx. He soon started working as a metalworker in the boiler industry, first near New York, and then in Hartford, Connecticut and in Boston. In New York he met Ana Puri} (1899) from Rasopasno near Dobrinj (her mother was from the Gr`eti} family, from Krk). Her father Ive (Ivan) Puri} had left for New York in 1903 through Southampton. His friend Mate Gr`eti} from Istria was already there, as well as his brother-in-law Nikola Iliji} from Omi{alj (several men called Nikola Iliji} emigrated from Omi{alj to America in 1900). With her mother Marija and her five-year-old brother Viktor, Ana went to Trieste, where they boarded the steamship Erny (Austro-Americana Line from Trieste) and on

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cava se na parobrod Erny tr{}anske Austro-Americane i 22. studenoga 1906. stiè ocu u New York. Kada su se Anton i Ana upoznali, ona je, iako je tek pre{la dvadesetu, ve} bila udovica s malim djetetom, sinom Josipom (Joseph). Vjen~ali su se 1920. godine. Antonu, koji je u me|uvremenu postao Anthony Yustinick i Ani (Anna) ubrzo se rodila jedina k}i Elisabeth (Betty, 1921.). Anton i Ana vrlo su dru{tveni; on je i ~lan uprave i blagajnik Dobrotvornog dru{tva Sv. Nikole od Krka i blagajnik zavi~ajnog Kluba Dobrinj. U vrijeme velike krize, od 1929. do 1931., zajedno s prijateljima osnivaju Demokratski dru{tveni klub (Democratic Social Club) namijenjen okupljanju, odràvanju kulturnih priredaba i pomaganju najugroènijima. Nakon Prvoga svjetskog rata Anton poziva u Ameriku i svoju mla|u bra}u pa najprije dolazi [ime, 1920-ih, a krajem 1930-ih i Vinko. Nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata Ana i Anton {alju rodbini i siroma{nim susjedima u Rasopasnom i okolici obilnu pomo} u odje}i, hrani i lijekovima. Nakon pola stolje}a izbivanja, 1955. kona~no stiù na rodni otok i provode tri mjeseca u Rasopasnom. Dolaze jo{ jednom, 1964., a njihova k}i Elisabeth jo{ pamti topao do~ek u selu. Anton odlazi u mirovinu 1963. u sedamdesetoj godini ìvota. Oboje umiru iste, 1981. godine.

Louis Adamic (Alojz Adami~), mladi buntovnik jugoslavenskih nazora, nije samo izba~en iz ljubljanske gimnazije, nego mu je i oduzeto pravo {kolovanja na austrijskim dràvnim {kolama. Zato odlu~uje iseliti i ve} kao petnaestogodi{njak dolazi u New York (u prosincu 1912.). Njegov uzbudljiv ìvot, karijera pisca, borba za iseljeni~ka i radni~ka prava te stalna veza s domovinom (Jugoslavijom vi{e nego Slovenijom) i podràvanje Titove oslobodila~ke borbe, u~inili su ga veoma poznatim. (Mestni muzej, Ljubljana)

Louis Adamic - `ivot i smrt poznatog iseljenika (Prapo~e/Blato kod Grosuplja, 1898. – Milford, New Jersey, 1951.)

Louis Adamic (Alojz Adami}), a young rebel with pro-Yugoslav convictions, was not only expelled from Ljubljana’s high school, but also deprived of his right to be educated in Austrian state schools. Therefore, he decided to emigrate and he arrived in New York in December 1912, as a fifteen year old boy. His exciting life and career as a writer, his fight for emigration and working rights and his constant liaison with the mother country (Yugoslavia more than Slovenia) and support of Tito’s liberation struggle made him a famous man. (Mestni muzej, Ljubljana)

Alojz Adami~ – Louis Adamic ro|en je u dvorcu Prapo~e u selu Blato pokraj Grosuplja 215 kao najstariji sin u selja~koj obitelji. Nakon osnovne {kole upisao se 1909. na gimnaziju u Ljubljani. Ve} u tre}em razredu pridruùje se pokretu za ujedinjenje jugoslavenskih naroda i u sudjeluje u uli~nim demonstracijama. Nakratko pritvoren te izba~en iz {kole, ostaje i bez prava za nastavak {kolovanja na dràvnim {kolama. Odlu~uje iseliti: ukrcava se u parobrod Niagara u Le Havreu i stiè u New Yorku u dobi od petnaest godina – iako je na listi putnika navedeno da je dvije godine stariji, 216 da ima {esnaest godina i osam mjeseci! Iz New Yorka odlazi na krajnji zapad – u Kaliforniju, u naselje hrvatskih ribara u San Pedru. Ne preostaje mu drugo nego da se prihvati radni~kih poslova, no ubrzo po~inje pisati za slovenski dnevni list Glas naroda koji izlazi u New Yorku. Ve} 1916. prijavljuje se u ameri~ku vojsku i sluì u Panami, Louisiani i na Havajima. Godine 1918. postaje naturalizirani gra|anin SAD-a.

215 U nekim je izvorima kao godina Adami~eva ro|enja navedena 1899. Janja @itnik, Louis Adami~ u: Slovenska izseljenska knji`evnost, 2, Severna Amerika. Ljubljana 1999., str. 387.–389. 216 Putni~ka lista broda Niagara od 28. prosinca 1912. navodi me|u putnicima iz Le Havrea u New York Louisa Adamica iz Blata. Biografi se povode za Adami~evom autobiografijom (Laughing in the Jungle) i navode da je oti{ao nakon demonstracija u Ljubljani u studenome 1913. Adami~ ka`e: “Late in the afternoon of the last day of 1913. I was examined for entry into the United States, with about the hundred other immigrants who had come on the Niagara” (Laughing in the Jungle, Arno press and the New York Times, 1969., str. 43.).

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Kada 1920. izlazi iz vojske, opet radi razli~ite poslove i putuje po SAD-u. Ponovno se prijavljuje u vojsku i uglavnom boravi u San Pedru u Kaliforniji. Godine 1923. zauvijek se la}a pera te pi{e za ameri~ke novine i prevodi slovenske pisce. Potkraj desetlje}a, 1929., seli u New York, zaru~uje se sa Stellom Sanders, sve vi{e pi{e i u idu}ih petnaestak godina objavljuje otprilike po jednu knjigu godi{nje. Od 1931. pi{e, gotovo isklju~ivo na engleskom, brojne knjige sa socijalnim, useljeni~kim i domovinskim temama. Pi{e o uspomenama iz mladosti, prije iseljenja i prvim godinama u SAD-u te o `ivotu slovenskih iseljenika u Pensilvaniji i Ohiju. Neke su mu od knjiga: Povijest klasnog ugnjetavanja u Americi (Dynamite: The Story of Class Violence in America, New York 1931.), Smijeh u d`ungli: Autobiografija ameri~kog useljenika (Laughing in the Jungle: The Autobiography of an Immigrant in America, New York & London, 1932.) Knjiga je nagra|ena Guggenheimovom nagradom (stipendijom). Nakon jednogodi{njega boravka u Europi, pi{e svoju najuspje{niju knjigu Povratak u

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22 November 1906 they joined their father in New York. When Anton and Ana met, Ana already had been widowed, though barely over twenty, and had a small child, Joseph. They married in 1920. Anton soon changed his name to Anthony Yustinick and Ana became Anna. Their first and only daughter Elisabeth (Betty) was born in 1921. Anton and Anna were very sociable: he was a member of the board and treasurer of the Benevolent Society of St. Nicholas of Krk and treasurer of the Dobrinj Club. During the Great Depression, from 1929 to 1931, he and his friends founded the Democratic Social Club to socialize, have cultural events and help those who needed it most. After World War I, Anton invited his younger brothers to America. [ime arrived in the 1920s, and Vinko followed in the late 1930s. After the Second World War, Ana and Anton sent considerable help in food, medications and clothes to their relatives and poor neighbours in Rasopasno. After half a century in America, they visited their native island in 1955 and spent three months in Rasopasno. They returned one more time, in 1964, and their daughter Elisabeth still remembers the warm welcome in the village. Anton retired in 1963, at the age of seventy. Anton and Ana both died in 1981.

Louis Adamic - Life and Death of the Famous Immigrant (Prapo~e/Blato near Grosuplje, 1898 – Milford, New Jersey, 1951) Alojz Adami~ – Louis Adamic was born in Prapo~e castle in the village of Blato near Grosuplje as the eldest son of a peasant family.215 After primary school, in 1909 he went to a grammar school in Ljubljana. In his third year, he already joined the movement for the unity all Southern Slavs and participated in a street riot. He spent a short time in custody and was thrown out of school, also losing the right to attend any state school. He therefore decided to emigrate: he boarded the Niagara in Le Havre and arrived in New York at the age of fifteen – although in the passengers’ list records that he was almost two years older – sixteen years and eight months.216 He left New York to go west, to California, to a Croatian fishermen-populated town of San Pedro. He had no other choice but to start working as a labourer, but he soon started writing for the Slovenian daily newspaper, Glas naroda, which was published in New York. In 1916 he joined the army, and served in Panama, Louisiana and Hawaii. In 1918 he became an American citizen. When he left the army in 1920, he did various jobs and travelled around the country. He returned to the army and spent most of his time in San Pedro, California. In 1923 he took up a writing career and started writing for American newspapers and translating Slovenian writers. In 1929 he moved to New York and got engaged to Stella Sanders. He wrote prolifically, and in the next fifteen years he published approximately one book a year. From 1931 he wrote almost exclusively in English and his books focused on social, immigrant and homeland themes. He wrote about his childhood and youth memories, before the departure to America, and about his first years there, describing the life of Slovenian immigrants in Pennsylvania and Ohio. His books include Dynamite: The Story of Class Violence in America (New York 1931), and Laughing in the Jungle: The Autobiography of an Immigrant in America (New York & London, 1932), which won the Guggenheim scholarship. After spending a year in Europe, he wrote his most successful book: The Native’s Return: an American Immigrant Visits Yugoslavia and Discovers His Old Country (New York & London 1934). That same year, he travelled and gave lectures all over America. In his book My America: 1928–1938 (New York & London, 1938), he combined an intimate tone with his social thoughts and dreams of a united American nation.

215Some sources claim that Adami~ was born in 1899; Janja @itnik, Louis Adami~ u: Slovenska izseljenska knji`evnost, 2, Severna Amerika. Ljubljana 1999, pp. 387–389 216 The passengers’ list from the Niagara from 28 December 1912 has a Louis Adamic from Blato among the passengers from Le Havre to New York. Biographers cite his autobiography, Laughing in the Jungle, saying that he left after the riot in Ljubljana in November 1913. Adami~ wrote: “Late in the afternoon of the last day of 1913. I was examined for entry into the United States, with about the hundred other immigrants who had come on the Niagara”

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rodni kraj: Ameri~ki useljenik posje}uje Jugoslaviju i otkriva svoju staru domovinu (The Native s Return: An American Immigrant Visits Yugoslavia and Discovers His Old Country, New York & London 1934.). Iste godine putuje i drì predavanja po SAD-u. U knjizi Moja Amerika: 1928.–1938. (My America, New York & London, 1938.) zdruùje intimni ton, socijalna promi{ljanja i snove o jedinstvenoj ameri~koj naciji. Po~etkom 1937. kupuje farmu Mountain View kod Milforda u dràvi New Jersey, a Rockefellerova zaklada dodjeljuje mu stipendiju kako bi se mogao intenzivno posvetiti prikupljanju podataka o ameri~kim useljenicima iz svih krajeva svijeta. Njegova naprasna i neo~ekivana smrt nikad nije razja{njena: 4. rujna 1951. nalaze ga ustrijeljena na farmi u Milfordu (New Jersey), a u ku}i mu je podmetnut poàr. Jedni tvrde da je po~inio samoubojstvo, drugi da je `rtva “balkanskoga” (jugoslavenskog) politi~kog obra~una.

Julija i Ondreij Varchola - roditelji Andyja Warhola Ondrej Varchola, Rusin ro|en u Medzilaborce u dana{njoj Slova~koj, prvi put dolazi u SAD 1907. No ubrzo se vra}a ku}i, susre}e Rusinku Juliju Zavacky iz Mikova te se 1909. vjen~aju i nastave ìvjeti u Mikovi koja je 17 kilometara udaljena od njegova rodnoga grada. Kada Ondreiju 1912. stiè poziv za vojsku, ocijeni da }e mu ipak biti bolje u Americi pa kriomice bjeì. Nakon zavr{etka rata i nakon smrti roditelja Julija se odlu~i pridruìti muù te 1921. odlazi za njim u Ameriku. Ondreij radi na gradili{tu i u rudniku ugljena u malom gradu Forest City kod Scrantona iz kojega obitelj seli u Pittsburgh. Varchole (koji se poslije pi{u – Warhola) imaju tri sina, Paula, Johna i Andrewa – Andyja Warholu (1928.–1987.), slavnoga pop-artisti~kog slikara koji je darovitost naslijedio od majke. Budu}i da u doba velike krize po~etkom 1930-ih obitelj ìvi na rubu siroma{tva i ~esto seli po zagu{ljivim industrijskim predgra|ima Pittsburgha, dok otac ~esto izbiva jer radi na gradili{tima, djeca se vezuju uz majku. Najvi{e najmla|i Andy kojemu je u doba o~eve smrti tek trinaest godina (1942.). Julia Zavacky-Warhola, ro|ena u Mikovi 1892., neobrazovana je, ali vi{estruko nadarena, voli pjevati rusinske narodne pjesme i plesati rusinske plesove, voli izra|ivati umjetno cvije}e od “krep-papira”, izra|ivati vezove, oslikavati uskrsnja jaja (Pisanky) te crtati ma~ke i an|ele. Svoje sklonosti prenosi na djecu. Andy Warhol je najdarovitiji me|u bra}om, kako u slikarstvu tako i u medijskoj promociji. Poseè za najobi~nijim, svakodnevnim predlo{cima poput fotografije Marilyn Monroe i konzerve Cambellove juhe, i stvara slavna i op}epoznata umjetni~ka djela. No uspje{an je slikar i njegov ne}ak. Iako je ve} o~eva èlja bila da se Andy upi{e na koled`, majka ga godinama zdu{no podràva i prati te mu se 1952. pridruùje i podràva ga u umjetni~kom usponu u New Yorku. Tek se pred smrt (l972.) Julia vra}a u Pittsburgh i na rusinskome grkokatoli~kom groblju opet susre}e i zauvijek zdruùje s Ondreiem.

Mladi Jura Stare{in~i}, iz Podbre`ja kod Ozlja, u sredi{njoj Hrvatskoj, ostavlja svoju ènicu i u rujnu 1912. odlazi u Sullivan, Kalifornija. I Prvi svjetski rat i kraj rata proìvljava u Americi i u me|uvremenu saznaje da mu èna ima tu|e dijete! (Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj)

Jura Stare{in~i} ima tu|e dijete

A young Jura Stare{in~i}, from Podbre`je near Ozalj, central Croatia, left his young wife behind and took off for Sullivan, California, in September 1912. He experienced the First World War and the end of it in America, and learned in the meantime that his wife had a baby with another man. (Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj)

(Podbre`je kraj Ozlja, oko 1892. – ?) Dvadesetogodi{nji Jura Stare{in~i} iz Podbre`ja kraj Ozlja, bio je jedno od osmero djece Stjepana Jura~a i Bare ro|. Mihali}. Mlad, ali ve} oènjen, ostavlja ènu Jelu ro|. 217 Zoreti} i odlazi u Ameriku. Zajedno je s njim vr{njak i susjed, Mato Mihali}, tako|er iz Podbre`ja. De~ki iz rodnoga kraja najprije putuju do Southamptona i potom plove preko oceana ve} zastarjelim brodom Philadelphia (kompanija American Line) koji je od 1889. do 1892. slovio kao najbrì brod na svijetu.

217 Podaci i slike: Branka Stergar, Ozalj, Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj

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U New York Jura i Mato sti`u 22. rujna 1912. i odlaze na svoja odredi{ta – Mato kod

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In 1937 he bought the Mountain View farm near Milford, New Jersey, and the Rockefeller Trust awarded him a scholarship so that he could dedicate himself to collecting information on American immigrants from all over the world. His sudden death has never been explained. On 4 September 1951 he was found shot dead on his farm in Milford, and his house was burned down. Some claim that he committed suicide, while others say that he had been a victim of a ’Balkanic’ (Yugoslav) political clash.

Julija and Ondreij Varchola Andy Warhol’s Parents Ondreij Varchola, a Rusyn born in Medzilaborce in today’s Slovakia, first came to the United States in 1907. But he soon returned home, met the Rusyn Julija Zavacky from Mikov and married her in 1909. They continued to live in Mikova, located 17 kilometres from his birthplace. When drafted in 1912, Ondreij decided that he would be better off in America and ran away. After the end of World War Iand the death of her parents, Julija decided to join him and she left for America in 1921. Ondreij worked at a construction site and in a coal mine in Forest City near Scranton, from which they later moved to Pittsburgh. The Varcholas (they later renamed themselves the Warholas) had three sons: Paul, John and Andrew – Andy Warhol (1928 – 1987). Andy was a famous pop-art painter, and he inherited his talent from his mother. At time of the Great Depression, at the beginning of the 1930s, the family lived on the brink of poverty and they often moved from one sultry industrial suburb of Pittsburgh to another. Since the father worked at building sites away from home, the boys became very close with their mother, most of all little Andy, who was only 13 when his father died in 1942. Julia Zavacky-Warhola, born in Mikova in 1892, was uneducated, but multi-talented. She liked to sing Rusyn folk songs, dance folk dances. She made crepe flowers, embroidered, painted Easter eggs (Pisanky) and drew cats and angels. She nurtured her interests in her children. Andy Warhol became the most talented of the three brothers, both for painting and media promotion. He took ordinary, everyday items, like a Marilyn Monroe photograph or a Campbell Soup can, and turned them into famous, widely known works of art. His nephew also became a successful artist. Although his father’s wish had been that Andy attend college, his mother supported him heartily and she joined him in New York in 1952, backing him up in his artistic rise. Only before her death in 1972 did she return to Pittsburgh. She is buried with Ondreij in the Rusyn Orthodox cemetery.

Jure Stare{in~i} Has Another’s Child (Podbre`je near Ozalj, around 1892 - ?)

Jure of the Stare{in~i} clan from Podbre`je near Ozalj was one of the eight children of Stjepan Jura~ and Bara née Mihali}. He was twenty when he left for America, leaving his wife Jela née Zoreti}.217 His cousin from Podbre`je, Mato Mihali}, who was also twenty, went with him. The young men first travelled to Southampton and then across the ocean on the Philadelphia (American Line), which used to be the fastest in the world from 1889 to 1892, but at that time was already old.

217Information and photographs: Branka Stergar, Ozalj, Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj

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prijatelja, a Jura kod brata Janka u Sullivan u Kaliforniji. Jura je u Americi do~ekao i Prvi svjetski rat i kraj rata, primaju}i od ku}e oprezno sro~ene i probrane vijesti – jer ga nastoje po{tedjeti nekih nezgodnih doga|aja. O~evo pismo i Jurin odgovor, u sije~nju i velja~i 1920., svjedo~e o ozbiljnoj razmirici oko “grunta” i novca koje sin ocu ne {alje ba{ izda{no pa zato mora traìti pozajmice. Sin prigovara – a otac odgovara:. “Evo ti odgovor od mene, dragi sinko, dam ti znati da sam dobil tvoj list i se sam dobro razumil kaj si mi pisal, al me nije ba{ razveselil...” i zato, kaè Stjepan svome “sinku”: “Pak neka budu tebi tvoji tolari, meni moj grunt!” Dvije }e tisu}e dinara, kaè povrije|eni otac, vratiti sinu makar i po cijenu da proda svoga junca koji bi mu, po njegovu ra~unu, trebao donijeti taman koliko je potrebno. Ni{ta manje povrije|eni sin obe}ani novac objeru~ke prihva}a – kada ga ve} otac vra}a!

Omotnica pisma koje Stjepan Stare{in~i} “{ilja” iz sela Podbre`je kbr 15, po{ta Ozalj” sinu Juri u gradi} Sullivan, Kalifornija. Juru pismo uop}e nije razveselilo. (Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj)

No vi{e od grunta, Juru mu~i druga nevolja. Razjaren je zato {to je, unato~ roditeljskom prikrivanju, saznao da mu èna ima “ènsko dete” – koje nikako ne moè biti njegova k}i. Bijesnom je Juri dosta i oca i ène i grunta i junca! Pi{e ocu i kako bi ve} odavna doma do{ao da nije bilo ènine prijevare. A ovako vi{e uop}e ne}e do}i, nego mu {alje svoju sliku pa neka ga gleda do mile volje: “Evo vam prikaèm sliku ot sebe pa gledajte...”

The envelope of the letter that Stjepan Stare{in~i} sent from the village of Podbre`je, number 15, PO Ozalj, to his son Jure, who lived in the small town of Sullivan, California. Jure wasn’t too happy with the content of the letter (Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj)

No odmah, kao da ni{ta nije bilo, brzo dome}e – “do}i }u ja ku}i, ne bojte se..!”

Anton Kinkela ônjina i njegovi sinovi Rukavac, gornji i donji, i Ku}eli, obli`nja siroma{na sela nekoliko kilometara iznad Opatije, novoga turisti~kog sredi{ta Austrijskoga primorja, ne napreduju osobito kada se 1880-ih po~inju graditi brojni hoteli i sanatoriji. Poneki se teàk zapo{ljava na gradili{tu, a pokoja je Rukav~anka sobarica. Iz nevelikog je podru~ja, koje na prijelomu stolje}a ima oko 1500 stanovnika, u nekoliko desetlje}a iselilo u Ameriku u potrazi za kruhom vi{e od tri stotine mje{tana. Poimeni~ni popis s adresama svakog iseljenika, {to su ga sastavili ameri~ki potomci, zapo~inje iznena|uju}e rano – ve} 1864.! Do kraja desetlje}a iselilo je vi{e od trideset Rukav~ana, a do 1883. gotovo 140 mje{tana. Nedostaju podaci do kraja stolje}a, no daljnji popisi obuhva}aju jo{ vi{e desetaka iseljenika, od kojih gotovo trideset onih koji su oti{li u Kaliforniju – u Eureku. Sa sigurno{}u se moè ustvrditi da je iz Rukavca i obli`njih zaselaka u SAD do 1914. iselilo najmanje tristotinjak iseljenika, dakle petina ili mo`da ~ak ~etvrtina sela!

Iz nekoliko rukava~kih zaselaka, u zale|u Opatije, koji 1900. imaju pribli`no 1500 stanovnika, od 1860-ih do Prvoga svjetskog rata odlazi vi{e od trista ljudi, mahom u Kaliforniju, u Humboltov zaljev – u gradove Arcatu i Eureku, gdje u obli`njim {umama sijeku sekvoje. Me|u njima i otac i sinovi Kinkela, poznati u selu kao ^onjinovi. (Rado{ Kinkela, Rukavac) From the year 1860 until the First World War, more than three hundred people emigrated from several hamlets of Rukavac, in the hinterland of Opatija, which had about 1500 inhabitants in 1900, mainly to California, to the Humboldt Bay – to the towns of Arcata and Eureka, where they cut sequoia trees in the nearby woods. Among them were father and son Kinkela, known as the ^onjinovi in their village (Rado{ Kinkela, Rukavac)

218 Podaci i slike: Rado{ Kinkela, Rukavac; Frane [epi}-Bertin, Rukavac. Ellis Island Museum of Immigration

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Odlaze deseci mladi}a i muèva iz obitelji Kinkela, Ku}el, Stani}, [epi}, ^rni}, Dubrovi}, Pu`... Iseljeni~ki agenti, koji im obe}avaju bolji ìvot, naj~e{}e ih odvode u grupama. Katkad se i po dvadesetak mladi}a iz Rukavca i okolice ukrcava u vlak za Ljubljanu i potom za Buchs, Basel do Le Havrea u Francuskoj ili do Southamptona na jugu Engleske, odakle putuju u New York i naj~e{}e kre}u na put do Pittsburga i Clevelanda ili u Kaliforniju. Poneki se od njih upu}uje i u Trst i odatle kre}e u New York. Anton - Tone Kinkela ônjina (oko 1860. – 1945.) jednoga je dana bez ikakve najave i velikih rije~i naprosto rekao svojim sinovima: “Po} je va Meriki!” Na njihov upit: “A kade je to?” odgovorio je samo: “Lih dugo, dugo!” Neima{tina i siroma{tvo jedini su razlozi odlaska Antona ônjina i njegovih sinova, Franeta (Franjo, 1895.–1989.) i Antona, mla|ega (1890.–1978.). Najmla|i je sin Milan 218 jo{ dijete i zato ostaje kod ku}e. Izme|u gotovo dvjesta Kinkela, mahom iz opatijskog zale|a, koji po~etkom dvadese-

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Jura and Mato arrived in New York on 22 September 1912 and continued their journey – Mato went to join his friend and Jura his eldest brother Janko in Sullivan, California. Jure spent the whole of World War I in America, receiving carefully filtered news from home, which tried to spare him from some disturbing events. Letters of Jure and his father in January and February 1920 show a serious argument about land and money, which the son sent sparingly, so the father had to borrow. Son complained, and the father answered: “Here’s an answer from me, dear boy, I want you to know that I got your letter and that I understood well what you were writing about, but it did not make me happy...” And so Stjepan said to his “boy”: “You keep your dollars, and I’ll keep my land!” The father was hurt and he said he would return 2,000 dinars to his son, even if he had to sell his steer, which would, according to his calculations, cost that much. His son, equally hurt, accepted the money – since his father wanted to return it. But more than land, Jure was troubled with something else. He was angry because he found out, despite his parents’ silence, that his wife had a “female child”, little Barica, born in 1919 – who could not be his daughter. The angry Jura became fed up with his wife, land and steer. He wrote to his father that he would have come home long before if it had not for his wife’s infidelity. But because of that, he would never come back, sending instead his photograph for him to look as much as he wanted: “Here I show you my picture so you can look at it as much as you please…” But then, as if nothing happened, he added – “I’ll come home, don’t worry!”

Jura Stare{in~i} iz Sullivana, Kalifornija, odgovara ocu Juri u Podbre`je, Hrvatska, povi{enim tonom, donekle zbog “grunta”, no prije svega zbog `enine nevjere i k}er~ice – koju mu je otac pre{utio. (Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj) Jura Stare{in~i} wrote back home to his father Jure in Podbre`je, Croatia, from Sullivan, California, using a somewhat disconcerted tone, partly because of their land but mainly for his wife’s infidelity and a baby girl, which his father ’forgot to mention’’. (Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj)

Anton Kinkela ^onjina and His Sons Rukavac (Upper and Lower) and Ku}eli are poor villages a few kilometres above Opatija, the new tourist centre of the Austrian Riviera. They did not prosper much during the construction of numerous hotels and sanatoriums. A few peasants worked at the construction sites, and a few women became chambermaids. From that small area, which at the beginning of the 20th century had about 1,500 inhabitants, more than three hundred people emigrated to America in just a few decades, searching for a better life. A list of names and addresses of every emigrant from the villages begins surprisingly early – in 1864. By the end of the century more than thirty people from Rukavac emigrated, and by the year 1883 there were almost 140 of them. No further records exist until the end of the century, but later lists mention a few dozen people, almost thirty of them in Eureka, California. It can be said with certainty that at least three hundred people emigrated from Rukavac to America by 1914, which means one-fifth or perhaps even one-quarter of Rukavac’s inhabitants.

Sestre iz obitelji Kinkela – ônjinovi iz Rukavca udaju se i ostaju ìvjeti u Eureki, Kalifornija. Obitelj biv{ih drvosje~a po~inje bolje ìvjeti – o~it je znak omiljeni Ford T, koji si ve} 1920-ih moè priu{titi sve vi{e osrednje imu}nih Amerikanaca. (Rado{ Kinkela, Rukavac)

Many young men from the Kinkela, Ku}el, Stani}, [epi}, ^rni}, Dubrovi} and Pu` families left. The agents, who promised them a better life, usually took them away in groups. Sometimes twenty men at a time from Rukavac and surrounding villages boarded the train to Ljubljana, and then continued to Buchs, Basel and Le Havre in France or Southampton in England, from where they went to New York and further to Pittsburgh, Cleveland or California. Some of them went to Trieste and from there directly to New York. Anton Kinkela ônjina (around 1860 – 1945) one day simply said, without any warning or emotion, to his sons: “It’s time to go to America!” When they asked: “And where is that?” he only said: “Far, far away!” Poverty and poor living conditions had been the only reasons for the departure of Anton ônjina and his sons, Franjo (1895 – 1989) and Anton Jr. (1890 – 1978). The youngest son, Milan, still a child, remained at home.218 Around thirty Antons can be counted among the almost two hundred Kinkelas, all of them from the Opatija region, who went to America at the beginning of the 20th century, so it is difficult to find Anton ônjina and determine when exactly he came to New York.

Sisters from the Kinkela - ^onjin family from Rukavac got married and remained living in Eureka, California. The family of former lumberjacks started living better – an obvious sign was their favourite Ford T, affordable to more and more middle class Americans around the year 1920. (Rado{ Kinkela, Rukavac)

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218Information and photographs: Rado{ Kinkela, Rukavac; Frane [epi}-Bertin, Rukavac.

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tog stolje}a odlaze u Ameriku, tridesetak je Antona pa je te{ko prona}i Antona ônjina i ustanoviti kada je to~no stigao u New York. Tone ipak nije odmah poveo oba sina. Osamnaestogodi{nji Frane ostao je kod ku}e, vjerojatno zbog o~eva opreza, a i da pomogne majci i najmla|em bratu. Frane putuje 1913. preko Le Havrea i odlazi u Kaliforniju, u Eureku, nadomak Sakramenta, gdje mu je ve} bio otac i vjerojatno stariji brat. Putuje zajedno s jo{ jednim, malo mla|im, Franetom, susjedom, imenjakom i prezimenjakom, Kinkelom Kova~i}evim, kojemu je brat tako|er u Eureki, u Kaliforniji. U Eureki se tih godina skupilo gotovo tridesetak Rukav~ana. Tone i njegovi sinovi obi~ni su teàci i, unato~ blizini mora, koje i kod ku}e u Rukavcu vide s prozora, bolje se snalaze u {umi. Zato se i zapo{ljavaju kao drvosje~e. Stekav{i prili~nu u{te|evinu, otac i sin Franjo odlu~e se vratiti. Drugi sin, Anton, ostaje u Americi i nastavlja ìvjeti u Los Angelesu. Njega nije zanimalo ni stjecanje ni obitelj, samo lagodan ìvot i druèljubive ène. Iako je velika kriza mo`da ubrzala Antonov povratak 1931., o~ito ga nije osobito pogodila jer se nakon dolaska pona{a neuobi~ajeno “rastro{no”. Mje{tane ~asti u seoskoj “o{tariji”, a djeci dijeli bombone kojih se dugo sje}aju! Anton ubrzo kupuje dvije pogodne ku}e u Rukavcu. Jedna je pokraj druge i obje su pod hipotekom. Kupuje i ku}u u Opatiji, na “Novoj cesti” – svaku po jednome od svojih sinova. Antonovoj je èni, koja ga je godinama strpljivo ~ekala, nakon muèva povratka “{ilica” (kroja~ica) {ivala haljine i vezla za nju punu godinu dana. Nakon dvadesetak godina izbivanja, biv{i drvosje~a Anton ônjina otvara gostionicu u Rukavcu i zajedno s obitelji nastavlja uìvati plodove te{ka rada u ameri~kim {umama.

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Anton did not bring both of his sons immediately. Eighteen-year-old Franjo stayed at home, probably because of his father’s caution, and to help his mother and youngest brother. He left in 1913 through Le Havre and went to Eureka, near Sacramento, California, where his father and his older brother lived. He travelled with another, slightly younger Franjo Kinkela (Kova~i}ev), his neighbour who also had an older brother in Eureka. At that time, almost thirty people from Rukavac lived in Eureka. Tone and his sons were ordinary peasants, and although they could see the sea from their home in Rukavac, they felt much more comfortable in the forest. As a result, they looked for and found work as lumberjacks. When they saved a considerable sum of money, the father and his son Franjo decided to return. The other son, Anton, stayed in America and lived in Los Angeles; he showed no interest in either saving money nor in his family, enjoying the easy life and women. Although the Great Depression might have motivated Anton to return in 1931, it did not affect him much, because he behaved extravagantly “generous” when he returned. He bought drinks for the villagers in the local pub and gave sweets to the children who remembered the gifts for a long time. Tone soon bought two decent houses in Rukavac, one next to the other, both mortgaged. He bought a house in Opatija, too, on Nova cesta – one for each of his sons. Anton’s wife, who waited for him patiently for years, had a seamstress sewing dresses and embroidering for her for a full year after her husband’s return. After twenty years absence, the former lumberjack Anton ^onjina opened a tavern in Rukavac and continued to enjoy with his family the fruits of his hard work in American forests.

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Kraj velikog vala

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The End of The Great Wave

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Od nativizma do ograni~avanja useljavanja Iako su, osim ono malo preostalih Indijanaca, gotovo svi stanovnici Sjeverne Amerike do{ljaci, u odnosu na najnovije prido{lice oni stariji osje}aju se starosjediocima. Uskoro nakon osamostaljenja, Georg Washington, prvi predsjednik Sjedinjenih Ameri~kih Dràva, proglasio je 1783. “politiku otvorenih vrata” koja svima jam~i pravo useljavanja, no do kraja 19. stolje}a domoroda~ko i crna~ko stanovni{tvo ne 219 sudjeluje u politi~kom ìvotu. Ve} je 1790. ameri~ki Kongres usvojio prvi zakon o naturalizaciji prema kojem se dràvljanstvo stje~e nakon samo dvije godine boravka u SAD-u. Ni{ta bitno ne mijenja to {to je norma uskoro pove}ana – 1795. uvjet je za stjecanje dràvljanstva pet god220 ina boravka.

Protuuseljeni~ko raspoloènje u SAD-u desetlje}ima tinja, a povremeno i bukne, osobito pred Prvi svjetski rat kada se useljavanje po~inje ograni~avati i oteàvati. I ova karikatura odraàva neprijateljstvo prema useljenicima. Batom koji predstavlja ameri~ko “javno mi{ljenje”, Ujak Sam zabija tablu: “Ovo nije smetli{te”. S druge strane oceana stoji seljanka s ko{em i predstavlja “neke europske birokrate” koji u Ameriku {alju “nepoèljne”. (Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New York)

S po~ecima masovne emigracije u prvoj polovici 19. stolje}a, kada pristi`e sve vi{e katolika, Nijemaca i Iraca, zapo~inju i prvi nasilni~ki ispadi Anglosaksonaca, uglavnom protestanata, protiv prido{lica katolika. Takvo je bilo i nasilje 1844. u 221 Philadelphiji, upereno protiv Iraca. Taj je pokret, koji zastupa interese ro|enih Amerikanaca, starosjedilaca nasuprot prido{licama, nazvan “nativizmom”, a prista{e takvih nazora organizirali su se u 222 Ameri~ku nativisti~ku stranku.

The anti-immigration mood in the USA was present, even though not openly noticeable, but sometimes it burst out, especially before World War One, when the US started limiting and complicating immigration. This caricature reflects the hostility towards immigrants. With a small hammer that represented the American public opinion, Uncle Sam is bolting down a board saying “This is not a garbage dump”. On the other side of the ocean a peasant woman stands with a garbage bin and represents “some European bureaucrats” who are sending the “unwanted” to America. (Ellis Island Immigration Museum, NewYork)

Nativizam je ve} polovicom 19. stolje}a imao o~itoga uspjeha. Posljedica je zastra{ivanja i nasilja bitno smanjen broj useljenih u SAD 1855., kada je broj useljenika prepolovljen u odnosu na prethodnu, 1854. godinu. Nativisti~ki kandidat na predsjedni~kim izborima 1856. osvojio je ~ak ~etvrtinu glasova. Nativisti su zagovarali 223 odupiranje invaziji stranaca, “poplavi koja unosi moralnu i politi~ku izopa~enost”. Uskoro se razvija i bitka izme|u dviju suprotstavljenih strana samih starosjedilaca – jedni su za ograni~avanje useljavanja, drugi i dalje za slobodno useljavanje. Zapadne i ju`ne dràve, kao i New York, trebaju novu radnu snagu i ne protive se useljavanju, a Kalifornija te sjeverne i isto~ne dràve odlu~no traè ograni~enja. Ograni~avaju}i su, donekle, i zakoni koji poput onoga iz 1882., uz ostalo, zabranjuje useljavanje “idiota i svih onih za koje postoji rizik da mogu postati dru{tveno prob224 lemati~ni”. Mo}ni ameri~ki sindikati (Vitezovi rada – Knights of Labor) 1885. postiù zabranu dolaska nekvalificiranih radnika koji u to doba najvi{e stiù iz srednje, isto~ne i ju`ne Europe. Takvi radnici spu{taju cijenu rada i uglavnom su nespremni za prilago|ivanje i stapanje u ameri~ko dru{tvo. U zakonima se pojavljuju i odre|ena proturje~ja – s jedne se strane zabranjuje sklapanje radnih ugovora prije dolaska u Ameriku kako bi se izbjegla ropska podre|enost radnika, a s druge se strane traì jamstvo da novi useljenici ne}e postati izvor socijalnih problema. Unato~ ograni~enjima, i dalje postoje brojne mogu}nosti za useljavanje. Smiju se, prije svega, doseljavati kvalificirani radnici te rodbina i prijatelji onih koji su ve} uselili. Uz to, previ{e o{tre mjere protiv useljenika ne odgovaraju mnogima koji zara|uju na prijevozu useljenika, pa i zato ne mogu dokraja zaìvjeti. âk su i useljeni~ke stanice, poput one najva`nije u New Yorku, koje su glavne prepreke na ulazu u Ameriku, ~esto popu{tale brodarskim kompanijama koje su podràvale useljavanje svojih putnika ponajvi{e zato da ih, u skladu sa zakonskom obvezom, ne moraju o svom tro{ku vra}ati u Europu.

219 Na osnovi neobjavljenog teksta Williama Klingera, Gradisca d’ Isonzo 2008. 220 Nije bitno ni to {to je u vrijeme rata s Francuskom (1798.) doneseno niz ograni~avaju}ih mjera koje su vrlo brzo ukinute (1800.). 221 Raymond L. Cohn, Nativism and the End of the Mass Migration of the 1840s and 1850s, The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 60, No. 2, (srpanj 2000.), str. 361. – 383. 222 Native American Party. 223 Klinger, Isto. 224 Passinger Act, usvojen 17. kolovoza 1882., uveo je nove standarde o uvjetima putovanja brodom te odvajanje mu{karaca od `ena (zbog ~estih slu~ajeva silovanja).

Kada je ameri~ka gospodarska komora raspisala natje~aj na temu “lo{e posljedice neograni~ene imigracije”, pobijedio je rad koji je prvi put predlagao provjeravanje pis-

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From nativism to Immigration Quotas While almost all inhabitants of North America (other than the remaining Native Americans) are immigrants, old immigrants considered recent ones as newcomers. In 1783, shortly after American Independence, George Washington, the first President of the United States, proclaimed “an open door policy,” allowing for unlimited immigration. Until the late 19th century, Native Americans and African Americans did not par219 ticipate in political life. As early as 1790, the US Congress passed its first law on naturalization, granting citizenship rights based on only two years of residence in the United States. In 1795, 220 Congress extended the term to five years.

Karikatura objavljena u City Journalu u Kansasu kritizira “ameri~ku politiku otvorenih ruku”: “Pridrì malo i ove, Sam, dok skoknem u kupnju”, kaè europska Majka domovina, izru~uju}i zbunjenom Amerikancu svoju neèljenu, prekobrojnu djecu. (Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New York)

The early 19th century saw the first acts of violence by Anglo-Saxons, mostly Protestants, against new arrivals, German and Irish Catholics, who had started coming in growing numbers. In 1844 the Irish in Philadelphia came under 221 attack. Nativists, i.e., US-born Americans, formed the Native American Party in 222 order to protect their interests against the newcomers.

A caricature published in the City Journal in Kansas criticizes “the American open arms policy”: “Hold these here for me too Sam, while I go shopping”, says the European motherland, handing over its unwanted children to the puzzled American. (Ellis Island Immigration Museum, NewYork)

During the first half of the 19th century, the Party attracted a large following. As a result of intimidation and violence, between 1854 and 1855 the number of immigrants entering the United States dropped by half. In 1856, the Nativist candidate at the Presidential elections won one-quarter of the vote. The Nativists called for resistance to the invasion of foreigners, “a deluge that brings with it moral and political corrup223 tion.” Soon, the Nativists became divided too – one group call for limited immigration, while another insisted on free immigration. The southern and the western states and New York needed more labor and opposed immigration restrictions, while California and the northern and the eastern states adamantly called for restraints. Some laws, such as that passed in 1882, were somewhat restrictive. That law banned the immigration of “idiots and all the people that might become a problem to socie224 ty.” In 1885, powerful American trade unions (the Knights of Labor) won a ban on immigration of unqualified labor, especially from Central, Eastern and Southern Europe. Such labor dampened wages and such immigrants were regarded as mostly being unprepared for adaptation and integration into American society. The laws proved somewhat inconsistent – on the one hand, they banned the signing of employment contracts prior to arrival in the United States, in order to protect the rights of labor, and on the other they called for guarantees that immigrants would not seek support from social services.

219 Based on an unpublished text by William Klinger, Gradisca d’ Isonzo 2008.

In spite of restrictions, immigration did not stop. Restrictions did not apply to qualified labor and to the relatives and friends of prior immigrants. Furthermore, the most restrictive measures against immigration were not implemented, as they ran against the interests of the immigration industry. Even immigration stations, such as the main one in New York, which had been intended as obstacles to unlimited immigration, often caved in under the pressure from shippers who did not wish to be forced to ship rejected immigrants back to Europe at their own cost.

220 An minor event related to immigration laws included the passage of a series of restrictive measures in 1798, during an undeclared war with France, which soon expired or were rescinded (1800-1802). 221 Raymond L. Cohn, Nativism and the End of the Mass Immigration of the 1840s and the 1850’s, The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 69, No. 2 (July 2000), pp. 361 – 383. 222 Native American Party. 223 Klinger, ibid.

When the US Chamber of Commerce announced a prize competition for the best essay on “Bad Consequences of Unrestricted Immigration,” the winning essay called for literacy test, which would have favored immigration from developed, mostly Anglo-

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224 The Passenger Act, passed on 17 August 1882, set new standards for conditions on board ships, including the separation of men from women (due to frequent rapes).

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menosti useljenika, {to je umanjivalo useljavanje iz srednje, isto~ne i ju`ne Europe, a pogodovalo po`eljnijim useljenicima iz razvijenijih, naro~ito iz anglosaksonskih zemalja. Ugledni ameri~ki statisti~ar tvrdio je da imigracija vi{e nije potrebna i dokazivao da je kod imigranata ve}a stopa nepismenosti i – kriminaliteta – {to stavlja na velike ku{nje i ameri~ko dru{tvo i demokratske institucije. Ustvrdio je i da je sni`avanje cijene putne karte omogu}ilo i najsiroma{nijima da do|u u Ameriku, ~ime se mijenja kategorija 225 useljenika. Bilo je i onih, poput Saveza za ograni~avanje useljavanja (Immigration Restriction League), koji su se usmjerili na dokazivanje fizi~ke i mentalne inferiornosti ju`nih i isto~nih Europljana. I oni su se, ve} sredinom 1890-ih, zalagali za uvo|enje provjere pismenosti. Nakon osnivanja ove o{tre protuemigrantske lige, brodarski lobi osniva svoj Proimigrantski savez (Pro Immigration League) koji je trebao zastupati brodarske interese i braniti ih od nativista – dakle otklanjati zapreke i omogu}avati {to slobodnije useljavanje. U velja~i 1891. ameri~ki Kongres donosi zakon kojim se ne poku{ava u prvom redu smanjiti priljev, nego prije svega pobolj{ati izbor imigranata. Sjevernjaci – Englezi, Saloon Nicka Verzuha iz Gorskog kotara u Hrvatskoj, koji vodi gostionicu u East Heleni, Montana, na sjeveru SAD-a. U ovim su planinskim krajevima tek krajem 19. stolje}a zavr{ile ~arke s ro|enim Amerikancima (Native Americans). No Indijanci su ve} tada “pravim” Amerikancima, podrijetlom Anglosaksoncima i Ircima, predstavljali mnogo manju opasnost od najnovijih prido{lica iz srednje, isto~ne i ju`ne Europe. (Fotoarhiva Hreljanovi}, Rijeka) Nick Verzuh from Gorski kotar, Croatia, is running his Saloon in East Helena, Montana, in the north of the USA. It was not until the end of the 19th century that the tensions with Native Americans ended in these mountains. But for the new self-pronounced “real Americans”, originally Anglo-Saxon and Irish, the Indians represented a much smaller risk than the latest newcomers from central, eastern and southern Europe. (Fotoarhiva Hreljanovi}, Rijeka)

225 Richmond Mayo Smith, Control of Immigration, I. Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 3. br. 1. (svibanj 1888.), str. 48.–49.

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Saxon European regions over those from Central, Eastern and Southern Europe. The author, a reputable American statistician, argued against the need for further immigration and claimed that immigrants had a higher illiteracy and crime rates and thus posed a serious threat to American society and democratic institutions. He also claimed that the slashing of passenger fares had led to the arrival of the poorest to 225 America, thus changing the profile of the immigrant contingents. Some voices, such as that of the Immigration Restriction League, focused on proving the physical and mental inferiority of Southern and Eastern Europeans. Around 1885, the League called for the introduction of the literacy test. As a reaction to the founding of that vehemently anti-immigration association, the shippers’ lobby sponsored the Pro-Immigration League, in order to protect the shippers’ interests by removing obstacles to unrestricted immigration. In February 1891, the US Congress passed a law which sought to improve the quality of immigrants rather than to limit their numbers. The law favored Northern Europeans – the English, the Germans, the Scandinavians, over Southern and Eastern 226 Europeans – the Italians, the Russians and others.

225 Richmond Mayo Smith, Control of Immigration, I. Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 3. No. 1 (May 1888), pp. 48 – 49. 226 Based on an unpublished text by William Klinge, Gradisca d’ Isonzo 2008.

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Nijemci, Skandinavci poèljniji su od ju`njaka i onih s istoka – Talijana, Rusa i 226 drugih. Potreba za nadzorom nad useljavanjem ponovno je nagla{ena u vrijeme nov~ane krize 1907., kada je donesen novi zakon i utemeljena Komisija za “prou~avanje” problema imigracije, kojoj je na ~elo postavljen senator William P. Dillingham. Komisija zapo~inje s radom ljeti 1907., a sam Dillingham, zajedno sa suradnicima, kre}e na put u Europu s namjerom da istraì uzroke iseljavanja – gospodarske uvjete i stanje 227 dru{tvenih slojeva iz kojih se naj~e{}e unova~uju iseljenici. Komisija kre}e iz Bostona i upu}uje se na jug Italije, u najve}e iseljeni~ko àri{te – najprije u Napulj pa u Messinu i Palermo, a obilazi i unutra{njost Sicilije. Potom nastavlja temeljito prou~avati razne europske luke, glavne gradove i najva`nije iseljeni~ke krajeve. Povjerenici najvi{e vremena provode u ameri~kim konzulatima. ^lanovi Komisije raspore|eni su tako da obi|u sva va`na mjesta. Sam Dillingham i njegov osobni suradnik Wheeler posvetili su se Austriji, Ma|arskoj i Rusiji, pa su upravo oni posjetili Rijeku i Trst. Rezultat komisije golema je gra|a (izvje{}a) sabrana u 41 knjigu, prepunu upotrebljivih podataka o useljavanju u SAD u razdoblju prije Prvoga svjetskog rata.

Idili~na prekooceanska zdravica pod geslom “Ruke preko mora”, objavljena na slikovitoj razglednici iskazuje sasvim druk~ije raspolo`enje od “nativisti~kog” neprijateljstva i osje}aja ugro`enosti od stranih radnika. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 47974) This idyllic transatlantic toast under the slogan “hands across the sea”, published in the picturesque postcard, presents quite a different mood from the feeling of hostility and of being threatened by foreign workers. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 47974)

Prema slu`benim ameri~kim statistikama o useljenicima, koje se vode od 1. srpnja 1819. do dovr{etka izvje{}a Dillinghamove komisije, 30. lipnja 1910., ukupno su u SAD uselila 27.918.992 useljenika. Od toga 25.421.929 (92,3%) iz Europe. “Stara imigracija”, useljenici iz zapadne i sjeverne Europe, ~ini vi{e od 95% svih use228 ljenika koji stiù do 1880. godine. “Nova imigracija”, useljenici iz srednje, ju`ne i isto~ne Europe, ~ine 77% useljenika 229 pristiglih u SAD izme|u 1901. do 1910. godine. Osnovni je zaklju~ak Komisije da je iseljavanje vi{e podlo`no gospodarskim nego politi~kim zakonitostima jer iseljenik uglavnom samo poku{ava bolje ìvjeti, a to zna~i prije svega bolje prodati svoj rad. Komisija je zapazila i da su u Europi ve}e {anse da netko dobije stalno zaposlenje, ali i da je kvalificiran rad pla}en manje nego u SAD-u. Jedno je od zapaànja Komisije da iseljenici s juga Europe odlazak u Ameriku doìvljavaju vi{e kao privremeni boravak nego kao trajno useljavanje. U odnosu na anglosaksonske useljenike, ~ija je kultura bliska ameri~koj, pa se zato lako prilago|uju, oni koji dolaze iz sredi{nje i drugih krajeva Europe ne poznaju jezik i slabo se prilago|uju pa ~e{}e razmi{ljaju o povratku. No ni ti iseljenici nisu u svojim krajevima najgori ljudi jer se u odnosu na ostale 230 iskazuju hrabro{}u, poduzetno{}u i izdr`ljivo{}u. Neki su zaklju~ci Komisije izrazito neskloni neanglosaksoncima i izrazito rasno obiljeèni, poput onih o inferiornosti ju`nih i isto~nih Europljana u odnosu na Anglosaksonce. Dillinghamova komisija ponavlja i nu`nost utvr|ivanja pismenosti, {to je kona~no postalo obveznim tek 1917. godine. No u to je doba pismenost ve} bila pro{irena i u isto~noj Europi pa to vi{e nije najbolji kriterij. Okosnica nove selekcije nakon rata postalo je utvr|ivanje kvota po nacionalnosti – ili diskriminacija nekih etni~kih grupa u odnosu na povla{tene grupe.

226 Na osnovi neobjavljenog teksta Williama Klingera. 227 United States Immigration Commission (19071910). Emigration conditions in Europe, Serial Set Vol. 5870. Washington, D. C., USA: Government Printing Office, 1911., str. 5. 228 To su Engleska, Irska, [kotska, Wales, Belgija, Danska, Francuska, Njema~ka, Nizozemska, Norve{ka, [vedska i [vicarska. 229 To su useljenici iz Austro-Ugarske, Bugarske, Gr~ke, Italije, Crne Gore, Poljske, Portugala, Rumunjske, Rusije, Srbije, [panjolske i Turske. 230 United States Immigration Commission (19071910), isto, str. 21.

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Nakon izbijanja rata gotovo je prekinuto useljavanje, a istovremeno se velik broj useljenika po~inje vra}ati u Europu, dijelom zbog brige za obitelj i domovinu, a dijelom i zbog pritiska ameri~kih vlasti. A nakon rata useljavanje bitno opada. Ipak se od 1921. do 1927. donosi niz zakona o ograni~avanju useljavanja. Uspostavljen je sustav odre|ivanja “kvota”, dopu{tenog broja useljenika, koje su za svaki pojedini narod bile druk~ije – ovisno o tome koliko je koji narod bio po`eljan. Osnova za izra~unavanje broja useljenika bio je odre|eni postotak od broja useljenika iz pojedinog naroda, u odnosu na ukupan broj useljenika 1910. godine. Kao polazi{te za izra~un odre|ena je 1890. godina jer je tada dolazio ve}i broj po`eljnih, anglosaksonskih i drugih, useljenika iz sjeverozapadne Europe.

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The need for control over immigration emerged with a new emergency during the financial crisis of 1907, as evidenced by passage of another immigration law and by the founding of a commission for immigration issues, headed by William P. Dillingham. The commission became operational in the summer of 1907, when Dillingham and his associates traveled to Europe to study the causes of emigration, i.e., the economic reasons and the conditions of the social strata from which most 227 immigrants came. Velika se ve}ina stranaca i njihove djece brzo po~inje osje}ati Amerikancima i prihva}a “naturalizaciju”. Samo se ~etvrtina ili ne{to vi{e useljenika koji u SAD dolaze po~etkom 1900- ih, zauvijek vra}a ku}ama. Prilagodbu potvr|uje i ova iseljeni~ka razglednica poslana iz Novoga u Stari svijet – nova majka domovina vijori ameri~ku zastavu i upire pogled ka zgradi Kongresa. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 47975)

The Commission set out from Boston for southern Italy, the most dynamic source of emigration – first to Naples and then to Messina and Palermo. It also visited the Sicilian hinterlands. They subsequently conducted a detailed study of different European ports, the capitals and emigration regions. On their trips, the members of commission spent most of their time at US consulates. The staff divided in several groups, in order to be able to visit all important locations. Dillingham and his personal assistant, Wheeler focused on Austria, Hungary and Russia. As a result, they visited Rijeka and Trieste. The Commission produced reports published in 41 volumes, packed with useful information on immigration into the United States on the eve of World War I.

A great majority of foreigners and their children quickly began to feel as Americans, and accepted “naturalization”. Only a quarter or more of immigrants who came to the US in early 1900s, decided to return home forever. Their adjustment is confirmed by this immigration postcard sent from the New World to the Old one - a new motherland is waving the American flag and looking towards Capitol hill. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 47975)

According to official US immigration statistics, covering the period from 1 July 1819 until the final report of the Dillingham commission (30 June 1910), immigrants to the United States totaled 27,918,992 during that period, including 25,421,929 (92.3%) from Europe. Old immigrants, i.e., those from Western and Northern Europe, comprised more than 228 95% of all immigrants prior to 1880. New immigrants, i.e., those from Central, Southern and Eastern Europe, amounted to 77% of all immigrants into the United 229 States between 1901 and 1910. The Commission concluded that emigration had been prompted primarily by economic rather than by political reasons, i.e., that the main motive for emigration had been a search for a better life and for higher wages. The Commission noted that Europe offered more steady jobs, while the US employers paid higher wages to qualified labor. The Commission found, among other things, that emigrants from Southern Europe went to the US with the intention to stay there temporarily rather than to settle. Unlike Anglo-Saxon emigrants, who came from a cultural background similar to that of the US, and thus adapted easily, emigrants from Central and other regions of Europe did not speak English, found integration more difficult and became more likely to return home. Yet, compared to their peers at home, even those emigrants had 230 been braver, more enterprising and more resilient. Some of the Commission’s conclusions showed a clear racist-bent and a bias in favor of Anglo–Saxons and against Southern and Eastern Europeans, who the Committee described as being inferior. Dillingham’s commission reiterated the demand for a literacy test, which only became mandatory in 1917. But, by then the literacy rate in Eastern Europe had become relatively high, creating the need for new barriers. Hence, after World War I, the main criterion for selection became ethnic background, which led to discrimination against some ethnic groups in favor of others.

227 United States Immigration Commission (1907 – 1910). Emigration conditions in Europe, Serial Set Vol. 5870. Washington, D.C., USA: Government Printing Office, 1911, p. 5.

The outbreak of World War I brought immigration to a halt. At the same time, quite a few immigrants returned to Europe, either because they feared for their families and compatriots, or under the pressure from American authorities. After the War, immigration dropped sharply compared to the pre-War levels. From 1921 until 1927, the US passed a number of additional laws restricting immigration. The laws established a system of ethnic quotas which reflected the desirability of only

228 This included England, Ireland, Scotland, Wales, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Holland, Norway, Sweden and Switzerland.

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229 This comprised immigrants from: Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, Greece, Italy, Montenegro, Poland, Romania, Russia, Serbia, Spain and Turkey. 230 United States Immigration Commission (1907 – 1910), ibid, p. 21.

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Najnià je kvota za najnepoèljnije narode iznosila 3% , a najvi{a 20% u odnosu na predratni broj useljenika. Tako je emigracija iz srednje i isto~ne Europe u SAD gotovo onemogu}ena. Iz tih su zemalja mogli useljavati uglavnom samo imu}ni i obrazovani te ro|aci ameri~kih dràvljana, na koje se nisu odnosili propisi o kvotama. Mjere su urodile plodom jer se u odnosu na gotovo milijun useljenika godi{nje, koliko ih je stizalo predratnih godina, u me|uratnom razdoblju taj broj smanjuje na tre}inu. Time je kona~no potpuno zaustavljen veliki val srednjoeuropske emigracije. “Draga mama! Na putu u Colorado Springs, pozdravljam Te! @ivila! Milan.” Razglednicu s prizorom trgova~ke vreve na South Water Streetu u Chicagu, gdje ve} ìvi podosta Hrvata i drugih Slavena ovaj je, mo`da tek pristigli useljenik, poslao u Hrvatsku 18. rujna 1901. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 47977)

^e`nja za domom i povratak u domovinu Pogodnost brze i jeftine povratne vo`nje parobrodom pospje{ila je putovanje preko oceana u oba smjera. Zato je odlazak od ku}e i rastanak s obitelji za nove nara{taje bio manje bolan nego za njihove prethodnike. Naprotiv, starije su se generacije emigranata morale pomiriti s kona~no{}u svoga iseljavanja.

“Dear mom! Greetings from my trip to Colorado Springs! Love! Milan.” This postcard with the view of a busy crowd on South Water Street in Chicago, which became a new home for many Croatians and other Slavic nations, was sent to Croatia by this, probably newly arrived, immigrant on 18 September 1901. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 47977)

Mnogi su noviji iseljenici iz razdoblja razvijenoga prometa doista ra~unali s povratkom. Mnogi iseljenici drugoga vala namjeravaju se vratiti u domovinu ~im u{tede toliko da mogu izgraditi ku}u, kupiti zemlji{te ili – otplatiti obiteljski dug. Kao {to zbrku katkad stvaraju razli~iti i proturje~ni podaci o iseljenicima iz europskih zemalja, tako su jo{ manje pouzdani podaci o povratnicima. Vjeruje se da se ~etvrtina svih iseljenika koji su tijekom stotinjak godina dolazili u Ameriku, ipak vratila u Europu. Naro~ito je to bilo omogu}eno u kasnije doba migracije. Za razne su narode razli~ite i procjene broja povratnika. Skandinavaca se vra}a tek 231 petina, a Engleza i Vel{ana gotovo 40%. Pred sam Prvi svjetski rat vra}ala se gotovo polovica Talijana, a Hrvata, Srba, Poljaka i Ma|ara, prema nekim vijestima, otprilike tre}ina. U svakom slu~aju, ju`nih se i srednjoeuropskih iseljenika obi~no vra}alo vi{e od onih sjevernih i zapadnih – dijelom i zato {to su odlazili kasnije, u vrijeme kada je premo{}ivanje velikih udaljenosti bilo mnogo lak{e i jeftinije. Oni koji se u domovini osje}aju ugroèno, poput @idova, Rusina, podunavskih Nijemaca i drugih manjina, uglavnom se ne vra}aju, no Ma|ari, Hrvati i Slovaci, na primjer, osje}aju sna`nu vezu s domovinom i obitelji koju ostavljaju kod ku}e pa se èle vratiti ~im u{tede za bolji ìvot. Ali unato~ po~etnim ~vrstim namjerama, ni njih 232 se ne vra}a previ{e. Mnogi od onih ~vrsto uvjerenih da }e se jednom vratiti, nikada vi{e nisu vidjeli rodni kraj – neki zato {to s vremenom shva}aju da im u domovini vi{e nije mjesto i da su po~eli pripadati novome svijetu u kojem je ìvot bitno druk~iji i gdje imaju bolje uvjete, drugi zbog razli~itih razloga, pa i zbog nemogu}nosti povratka radi lo{eg imovnog stanja. Ima i slu~ajeva neobi~ne pokretljivosti novih iseljenika, poput pojave “sezonskih” radnika koji povremeno odlaze u Europu, ali se uvijek iznova vra}aju ameri~koj zaradi. Me|u najneobi~nijima je primjer slova~koga “drotara” koji u Americi plete ì~ane 233 ko{are i razne druge predmete ba{ kao da je u Slova~koj, a ku}i se vra}a ~ak 26 puta!

231 Dudley Baines, Emigration From Europe 1815–1930, Macmillan Education Ltd, London, 1991., str. 39. 232 Podaci se u raznim izvorima prili~no razlikuju. Za Hrvate se tako kre}u od ~ak 44% povratnika (Frances Kraljic, Croatian Migration to and from the United States, 1900–1914, Ragusan Press, Palo Alto 1978.), do mnogo manjega omjera od samo 20% (Ivan ^izmi}, O iseljavanju iz Hrvatske u razdoblju od 1880–1914, Historijski zbornik, Zagreb, god. 27.–28., 1974.–1975., str. 44.). 233 Martin Besedi~, neobjavljeni tekst, Bratislava 2007.

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Oni pak koji i ne pomi{ljaju na povratak, okupljaju se u krugu vlastitih “etni~kih zajednica”, u potpornim i kulturnim dru{tvima i klubovima. Iseljenici obi~no jedan za drugim odlaze u isti kraj i tako nastaju svojevrsni etni~ki otoci naseljeni ljudima iz iste zemlje, iz istoga kraja i iste narodnosti. To im omogu}uje i redovita okupljanja. U po~etku vi{e iz nu`de nego iz bilo kojih drugih potreba osnivaju brojna potporna, kulturna dru{tva i klubove.

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allowing immigrants into the country from certain individual ethnic groups. The quotas were based on the percentage of each ethnic group in the immigration contingent of 1890, plotted against the number of immigrants in 1910. The year 1890 had been chosen because the number of “desirable” immigrants, from Anglo-Saxon regions and northwest Europe, had been deemed acceptable. The quota ranged from 3% for the least desirable ethnic groups to 20%. Over all, the quota system practically ended immigration from Central and Eastern Europe. Only the rich, the well educated or the relatives of former immigrants, to whom the quotas did not apply continued to be welcomed from these regions. The measures bore fruit, considering that compared to the annual contingent of almost a million immigrants before the War, the numbers between World War I and World War II did not exceed 300,000. That finally brought to an end the large immigration wave from central Europe.

Homesickness and Return Thanks to fast and cheap steamship travel, transoceanic traffic became quite intensive. As a result, for new generations of emigrants leaving home and parting with one’s family became a much less traumatic experience than for their predecessors, who could not harbor any hope of return. Many new immigrants left with the intention to come back again. During the second wave of emigration, they went to the US to save enough money to build a house, to purchase a plot of land or to pay back a family debt in the old country. The data on the number of returnees is even more confusing than the data on the number of emigrants from different European countries. According to one estimate, a quarter of all emigrants who had gone to America over the 100-odd year period when emigration had been at its highest eventually returned to Europe. This became especially common during more recent periods of emigration. Estimates of the number of returnees from different ethnic groups and regions vary, 231 from 20% for the Scandinavians to 40% for the English and the Welsh. On the eve of World War I, almost half of all Italians, Croats, Serbs and Poles returned home as did approximately a third of all Hungarians. Immigrants from Southern and Central Europe proved more likely to return than those from the north and the west of the Continent, partly because they arrived later, when long distance travel had become easier and faster. Those least likely to return consisted of people who remained under threat in their homelands, such as Jews, Ruthenians, Danubian Germans and other minorities. On the other hand, Hungarians, Croats and Slovaks, all who had very strong ties with their homelands and families, went with the intention to return as soon as they saved enough money for a better life. However, in spite of their firm intentions, the actual 232 number of returnees did not remain particularly high. Many of those who had left with the intention to return home never saw their native land again, some because they became integrated into the different and more comfortable life style of the New World and some for other reasons, including insufficient means. Some new immigrants showed themselves to be exceptionally mobile, including those who went to America and back as required by the seasonal nature of their work. One of the most striking examples involved a Slovak tinker, who traveled 26 times between 233 Slovakia and the US, where he made wire baskets and similar items! Immigrants who intended to stay set up, at first out of necessity, different charities, arts centers and clubs within their ethnic communities. Thanks to the concentration of

231 Dudley Baines, Emigration from Europe 1815 - 1930, Macmillan Education Ltd, London, 1991, p. 39. 232 The numbers differ significantly from one source to another. For the Croats they vary from as much as 44% (Frances Kraljic, Croatian Migration to and from the United States, 1900 – 1914, Ragusan Press, Palo Alto, 1978) to as little as 20% (Ivan ^izmi}, On Emigration from Croatia in the Period 1880 – 1914, (O iseljavanju iz Hrvatske u razdoblju od 1880-1914), Historijski zbornik, Zagreb, years 27-28, 1974-1975, p. 44).

213

233 Martin Besedi~, an unpublished text, Bratislava 2007

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ê`nja za domovinom ne jam~i uvijek povratak, no dijelom se moè utaìti i daleko od rodnoga kraja druènjem sa sunarodnjacima i prisje}anjem starih obi~aja, pjeva234 njem starinskih pjesama, ali i novih, ameri~kih pjesama o ~e`nji za zavi~ajem. “Amerikanaca” povratnika bilo je ipak podosta. Vra}aju se najvi{e o~evi obitelji, koji su oti{li u ve} zreloj dobi i kod ku}e ostavili ènu i djecu. No ostaju zauvijek njihovi sinovi koji su oti{li vrlo mladi i koji su se brzo prilagodili ameri~kom na~inu ìvota. Povratnici, koji su ve} iz Amerike redovito slali nov~ane doznake, vra}aju se jer su ispunili svoj plan – ili su ih otjerale gospodarske krize: prva ve} 1893., a naro~ito one kasnije, 1907. i 1929. godine. Osim novcem, povratnici i dolaskom ku}i pridonose boljem ìvotu svojih obitelji, razvoju svojega kraja i gospodarstvu svojih zemalja.

Ku}a mnogobrojne obitelji Franeta Lu~i}a Borinovega, sagra|ena novcem zara|enim u kamenolomu u Colorado Springsu. Ma kako se ~inila skromnom, ni{ta boljom i ve}om od ostalih u selu, Frane je ne bi mogao sagraditi bez tri pohoda preko oceana i znoja prolivena u ameri~kim kamenolomima. (Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul, Rijeka)

Oni koji se vra}aju iz SAD-a u vrijeme velike krize 1907.–1908., gotovo su brojniji od onih koji istodobno iseljavaju u Ameriku. No mnogi se vra}aju ku}i tek mnogo kasnije, nakon zavr{ena rata i nakon nove te{ke krize. Prema podacima prikupljenim na glavnim grani~nim prijelazima Oderberg, Auschwitz, Bodenbach i Tetchen i u lukama Trst i Rijeka, a odnose se na dvogodi{nje razdoblje, od sredine 1908. do sredine 1910., u to se doba vra}a velik broj 235 “Amerikanaca”. Gospodarska kriza, nezaposlenost i pritisci na njih, uzrokovali su povratak brojnih iseljenika. Povratnika je u samo dvije godine bilo ukupno blizu stotinu tisu}a (popisano ih je to~no 96.703). Od toga je broja petina Ma|ara i gotovo isto toliko Poljaka, ne{to malo manje Slovaka i pribli`no toliko Hrvata i Slovenaca (koji su prikazani zajedno, ukupno ih je 15.436). Austrougarskih Nijemaca ima otprilike desetina od ukupnog broja povratnika. Svih 236 ostalih zajedno – Rusina, @idova, Srba, Rumunja i drugih – ima manje od 15%.

The house of the numerous family of Frane Lu~i} Borinov, built with the money earned in a quarry in Colorado Springs. No matter how humble, and no better or bigger than others in the village, it may seem, Frane could not have built it without three transatlantic “expeditions” and a lot of blood, sweat and tears lost in the American quarry. (Zdenka Novosel and Nevenka Pizzul, Rijeka)

Mali broj povratnika Rusina i @idova o~ito potvr|uje da ve}ina ne vidi svoju sre}u u staroj domovini, nego se okre}u ìvotu u Novom svijetu. I broj povratnika koji se vra}a preko luke Trst tijekom deset godina najintenzivnijega iseljavanja bitan je jer obuhva}a dulje razdoblje i pouzdaniji je – preko te je luke oti{lo 237 otprilike 225.000 iseljenika, a vratilo ih se 63.000. Donekle je ~udno da ih se u Rijeku vra}a mnogo manje iako ih odlazi znatno vi{e nego iz Trsta. Prema podacima za posljednje predratne godine, od 1909. do 1913. vra}a se 238 prosje~no blizu 4500 iseljenika godi{nje. Kad bi navedeni prosjek vrijedio za cijelo rije~ko razdoblje, to bi zna~ilo ukupno tek sedminu od preko 317.000 iseljenika, koliko ih je u desetak godina rije~ke linije oti{lo u Ameriku. Pouzdani podaci o povratnicima ipak nisu mogu}i ni zato {to su mnogi od iseljenika u novije doba bili “sezonski radnici” pa su se svakih nekoliko godina vra}ali ku}i i ponovno odlazili. No zato su va`nije i pouzdanije statistike o nov~anim doprinosima kojima emigranti potpomaù i svoje obitelji u domovini i nacionalno gospodarstvo. Ilustrativan je i primjer slova~kih iseljenika, iznesen 1912. u ~asopisu Slova~ki nov~ar koji tvrdi da od 72 milijuna dolara godi{nje, {to ih Slovaci ve} desetak godina 239 prosje~no zara|uju, vi{e od polovica svake godine stiè u domovinu!

233 I prvi hrvatski pjesnik u Americi, Josip Marohni}, izdao je zbirku pjesama pod naslovom Amerikanke. 235 Podaci prema neobjavljenom tekstu Michaele Schuller, Graz 2008. 236 Michaela Schuller, isto. 237 Francesco Fait, neobjavljeni tekst, Trst 2008.. 238 John P. Kralji}, Rijeka kao iseljeni~ka luka, Rije~ka luka: povijest, izgradnja, promet, Muzej grada Rijeke 2001., str. 239. 239 Martin Besedi~, neobjavljeni tekst, Bratislava, 2007. 240 Ferenc Szilli, neobjavljeni tekst, Budimpe{ta 2007. 241 Bains, isto, str. 31.; Adam Wallaszek, neobjavljeni tekst, Vara{ava 2007.

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Svota koja je pristizala u zemlje Ugarske krune vi{estruko se umnoìla u samo nekoliko godina; od 1900. do 1907. narasla je vi{e od pet puta! Od ukupnog su iznosa bitno manji udio od ostalih imale upravo ma|arske ùpanije, a mnogo vi{e novca uprihodovali su ìtelji Ko{i~ke, Zagreba~ke i Temi{varske ùpani240 je, dakle Slovaci, Hrvati, Rumunji i Banatski Nijemci (“Podunavski [vabe”). I Poljaci, koji ~ine gotovo polovicu svih iseljenika iz austrijskoga dijela Carstva i ukupno ih je emigriralo vi{e od dva milijuna iz Austrije (859.000), Pruske i Rusije, nov~anim 241 su doznakama bitno pridonijeli razvoju svoga kraja. Dozna~eni novac presudan je za spas tisu}a obitelji, otplatu dugova i skidanje hipoteka sa seoskih gospodarstava. Taj novac zna~i i obnovu imanja, izgradnju novih ku}a i

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immigrants in certain areas, they formed ethnic clusters, where they could maintain old ties and socialize with their compatriots. Thus, those who could not cure their nostalgia by returning home, tried to alleviate it by socializing with their countrymen. Then they reminisced on old customs and sang traditional songs, as well as new, American songs in which they expressed their crav234 ings for the old country. The number of returnees from the United States was not insignificant. Most of them were bread winners, who had left as mature men, leaving behind wives and children. But, those whose children grew up in the United States and adapted to the American way of life often had to return alone.

Jedna od seoskih ku}a u rije~koj okolici, u Kastav{tini, odakle iseljavaju mnogi, a vra}aju se tek poneki. (Boris Su{anj, Vi{kovo) One of the many rural houses in the vicinity of Rijeka, in the Kastav Region, from which many emigrated, and only a few returned. (Boris Su{anj, Vi{kovo)

Some people returned after they managed to send enough money home, while others had to leave during some of the recessions and depressions â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the first one in 1893, but especially in 1907 and 1929. Other than through money, the returnees improved the quality of life of their families and the economic development of their regions and countries by their presence. During the recession of 1907-1908, the number of returnees from the United States almost equaled the number of emigrants. Many others returned much later, after World War I and another big recession. Data colleted at the border crossings at Oderberg, Aushwitz, Bodenbach and Tetchen and the ports of Rijeka and Trieste from mid-1908 until mid-1910 point to a large num235 ber of returns. The returns had been prompted by the recession, unemployment and pressure. In 1907-1908 alone, the number of returnees reached almost 100,000 (96,703). One in five of these returnees were Hungarians, with almost as many Poles, and slightly fewer Croats and Slovenians (who numbers 15,436 persons in the aggregate). Out of the total, Germans from Austria-Hungary consisted of about 10%. All the others, i.e., Ruthenians, Jews, Serbs, Romanians and others accounted for less than 15% 236 of the returnees. The smaller numbers for the Ruthenians and the Jews prove clearly that they embraced life in the New World as they did not see any future for themselves in the old country. The number of returnees through the port of Trieste over the 10 year period of the most intensive emigration is more representative as it covered a longer period of time. During that period, the number of emigrant departures totaled 225,000 and the 237 returns totaled 63,000. Somewhat odd is a small number of returnees through Rijeka, considering that it had a much higher number of departures than Trieste. The data for the years leading to 238 World War I (1909-1913) indicate an annual average of 4,500. When plotted over the 10 year period of emigration from the port of Rijeka to America, the number amounts to only one-seventh of the number of departures (317,000). The data on returns remains unreliable in this later stage of immigration due to the large number of seasonal emigrants, who spent only a few years at the time in the United States. A more important and reliable indicator are the emigrantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; remittances that supported not only their families at home but their old countriesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; economies. A typical example is that of the immigrants from Slovakia, who had been sending more than a half of the 72 million Crowns that they made every year from 1902 to 239 1912, reported the Slova~ki nov~ar magazine in 1912. From 1900 to 1907 the total amount of remittances sent to Austria-Hungary rose by more than 500%. Out of that total, a minor part went to the Hungarian counties, and the bulk to Ko{ice, Zagreb and Timisoara counties, i.e., they had been sent by the Slovaks, the Croats, the Romanians 240 and the Germans in the Banat region (the Danube-basin Germans). The Poles, of whom two million emigrated from Austria (859,000), Prussia and Russia, greatly boosted the economic growth in their homeland by their 241 remittances. Remittances represented a life line for thousands of families, who thus paid off their debts and mortgages on their farms. The money allowed for properties to be upgraded, new houses to be constructed and the improvement of the standard

234 The first Croat poet in America, Josip Marohni}, published a book of poetry entitled Amerikanke. 235 Data from an unpublished text by Michaela Schuller, Graz 2008. 236 Michaella Schuller, ibid. 237 Francesco Fait, an unpublished text, Trieste, 2008. 238 John P. Kralji}, Rijeka as a Port of Emigration: History, Development, Traffic (Rijeka kao iseljeni~ka luka: povijest, izgradnja, promet), Muzej grada Rijeke, 2001. p. 239. 239 Martin Besedi~, an unpublished text, Bratislava 2007. 240 Ferenc Szilli, 2007.

215

an unpublished text, Budapest,

241 Bains, ibid, p. 31; Adam Wallaszek, an unpublished text, Warsaw 2007.

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bolji ìvot za one kod ku}e – kao i za povratnike koji nisu ni htjeli nastaviti ìvot u Americi. Ve}i je broj povratnika stigao po~etkom rata i prvih poratnih godina. Kod ku}e su ih ~ekale obitelji, a u{te|eni je novac mnogima ve} bio dovoljan za izgradnju ku}e, kupnju imanja i bolji ìvot – koji im je dostupan i u domovini. Ako se u desetlje}ima najve}e migracije, od prijelaza stolje}a do Prvoga svjetskog rata, vratilo i manje od ~etvrtine iseljenika, to jo{ uvijek zna~i silu koja je bitno utjecala na promjene u starome kraju.

Na kraju, korist ili {teta od emigracije? Uz one koji vide korist, ima i podosta onih koji su se osobnim uvidom uvjerili da emigracija donosi {tetu. Tako i Krunoslav Janda (1880.–1944.), zagreba~ki odvjetnik i publicist zainteresiran za gospodarsku politiku, boravi 1912. u Sjevernoj Americi i 242 Argentini da bi se pobli`e upoznao s problemima iseljeni{tva. Sljede}e godine 243 objavljuje i knjigu o `ivotu hrvatskih iseljenika u Argentini.

“Mojemu srda{cu!” Slikovite, {arolike i katkad ki~aste razglednice koje stiù iz Amerike, zaklanjaju muku teàka u kamenolomima, drvosje~a, gra|evinskih i tvorni~kih radnika koji su ih slali majci, èni ili – “svome zlatu”! (Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj)

Njegova se razmatranja, izre~ena u drugoj prigodi, zavr{avaju o{trom kritikom: “Zadnjih 10–15 godina preotela je selidba iz hrvatskih zemalja u Sjev. Ameriku takav mah, da ona postaje pravom pogibelju za na{ narodni opstanak... Ako se uva`i, da velik postotak na{ih ljudi u Americi pogine na raznim industrijalnim poslovima, na `eljeznicama, ugljenicima, rudokopima itd. i tuberkolozi zadobivenoj kod tih radnja, a jo{ ve}i dio da se ne vra}a u domovinu, onda mora svakome biti jasno kakva nas budu}nost ~eka, ako pustimo emigraciji, da ide putem kojim je do sada udarila. Uzev{i u obzir gubitak radnih sila, zapu{tanje gospodarstva kod ku}e, gubitak narodnog novca za dolazak u Ameriku (gore spomenuti iseljenici od godine 1907 ponijeli su sobom iz Hrvatske 3 milijuna kruna gotova novca) onda, uz sve dosada{nje zaslu`be i {iljanja novca u domovinu, nije emigracija Hrvatskoj ni{ta koristila, ve} ju znatno o{tetila i bacila u pogledu morala, razvoja obrta i industrije barem za 50 godina nazad. Posve je, dakle, krivo mi{ljenje ljudih, koji se dadu zablje{titi sa ono par milijuna kruna, {to dolazi godi{nje u Hrvatsku iz Amerike, da je emigracija koristna za 244 narod.”

“To my sweetheart!” Picturesque and sometimes kitchy postcards that arrived from the United States, often hid the suffering of miners in quarries, lumberjacks, construction and factory workers, who sent them to their mothers, wives or their “darlings”! (Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj)

No samo nekoliko stranica dalje, autor u istom tekstu priznaje “da na{ svijet u Americi vrlo mnogo zaslu`uje i da mnogo novca ku}i {alje”, to~nije oko 80 milijuna kruna, ali je uvjeren da se to “nekako rastepe, da se ne vidi prava korist”, iako su pla}eni mnogi 245 dugovi, kupljeno mnogo zemlje i sagra|ene ku}e. Ali to je, smatra Janda, jo{ uvijek malo u odnosu na zaradu ameri~kih iseljenika. Potkraj velikog emigracijskoga vala, dalmatinski novinar i narodni zastupnik Ivan 246 Frano Lupis Vuki}, pisac brojnih ~lanaka i publikacija o iseljavanju, koji je od 1891. 247 do 1898. i sam bio ameri~ki iseljenik, govori o “koristima i {tetama iseljavanja”. Unato~ te{ko}ama izazvanim napu{tanjem rodnoga kraja, bolestima i nesre}ama na radu te brojnim primjerima invaliditeta uzrokovanim te{kim `ivotom iseljenika, autor ipak vidi podosta koristi, osobito za razvoj Dalmacije u kojoj je i sam svjedok napretka.

242 Hrvatski biografski leksikon, sv. 6., I – Kal, Leksikografski zavod “Miroslav Krle`a”, Zagreb, 2005., str. 310. 243 Argentina, Zagreb, 1913. 244 Ivo Anti}evi} (ur.), Na{e iseljeni~ko pitanje, sv. I., Izdanja Zadru`nog Saveza, Spljet, 1913. Predavanje dr. Krunoslava Jande, str. 32.–33 . 245 Isto, str. 42. 246 Ivan ^izmi}, Marin Sopta, Vlado [aki}, Iseljena Hrvatska, Golden marketing – Tehni~ka knjiga, Zagreb, 2005., str. 119., 122. i 318. 247 Anti}evi}, isto, str. 20. Predavanje nar. zastupnika I. F. Lupisa, str. 20.

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“Po ju`noj Dalmaciji i po otocima, iseljeni{tvo je donijelo vidljivih i znatnih materijalnih pobolj{anja. U okolici Kor~ule, gdje sve mogu izbliza da vidim i sudim, otrag dvadeset godina ~itava sela bijahu u bankrotnom stanju, a danas su sva u ogromnoj mjeri pomo}u iseljeni~kih zaslu`aba upravo preporogjena. U svakom selu sagragjeno je mnogo ku}a... otkupljena su imanja i pro{irena, a pri{tednja na {tedionicama i bankama je upravo znatna...”

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of living both for the family members who had stayed behind and for returnees from the United States. The number of returnees increased at the beginning of World War I and in its aftermath. Once reunited with their families, they used their savings to build a house, buy a farm and enhance living conditions for themselves and for their families. Even though during the peak period emigration, from 1900 until World War I, the number of returnees did not exceed one-fourth of all emigrants, they nevertheless greatly contributed to the transformation of their native regions.

To summarize was Emigration Good or Dad Ko{arica s cvije}em i pozdravima onima u domovini iz Sjedinjenih Ameri~kih Dr`ava. (Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj)

Some people saw emigration as useful, but there were also those who learned about its bad sides from personal experience. In 1912, Krunoslav Janda (1880 – 1944), a lawyer and publicist from Zagreb specializing in business affairs, traveled to North 242 America and Argentina to study emigration issues closely. The following year he 243 published a book on the life of Croatian immigrants in Argentina.

A basket of flowers and greetings to those at home from the United States. (Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj)

On another occasion, he summarized his observations, with sharp criticism: “Over the past ten to fifteen years, Croats have been emigrating to North America in such numbers that it threatens the survival of our nation. . . . Considering that a large percentage of our people die accidentally while working in different industries, including the railways, in coal and other mines, etc., that many others die on the job from tuberculosis, while many more never return home, it is obvious what kind of future we can expect if we let emigration proceed along its present course. Due to the labor drain, damage to our economy and the money that has been spent for emigration into America (in 1907 the emigrants from Croatia took with them 3 million Crowns in cash), Croatia’s public morality, crafts and manufacturing have been put back by 50 years, in spite of all the money the emigrants have saved and sent home. Thus, those who believe, dazzled by the several million Crowns that arrive from America to Croatia annually, that emigration has been beneficial for our people, are quite 244 wrong.” Later in the same text, the author acknowledges that “our people in America are earning quite a lot and sending a lot of money home, i.e., 80 million Crowns”. Yet, he remained convinced that “the funds are somehow dispersed and are not used opti245 mally,” although they paid off debts, purchased quite a lot of land and built houses. But, compared to the earnings of American immigrants, all that was quite insignificant, Janda believed. Towards the end of this large emigration wave, the Dalmatian journalist and Member 246 of Parliament, Ivan Frano Lupis Vuki}, the author of a large number of newspaper articles and books on emigration and himself an immigrant in America from 1891 to 247 1898, spoke publicly about the pros and cons of emigration. 242 Hrvatski biografski leksikon, vol. 6, I – kal, Lesikografski zavod Miroslav Krle`a, Zagreb, 2005, p. 310.

In spite of the difficulties caused by departure from one’s native soil, illnesses, work related incidents and poor living conditions, often with debilitating consequences, emigrants significantly helped the development of Dalmatia, as he personally witnessed. “It is obvious that to southern Dalmatia and the islands, emigration has brought significant prosperity. In the Kor~ula region, where I could witness it first hand, some 20 years ago whole villages were in the state of bankruptcy. Since then, they have been greatly revived thanks to the emigrants’ remittances. Many houses have been built in

243 Argentina, Zagreb, 1913. 244 Ivo Anti~evi} (ed.), Our Emigration Problem (Na{e iseljeni~ko pitanje, vol. I, Izdanja zadru`nog Saveza, Spljet, 1913. A lecture by Krunoslav Janda, L.L.D., pp. 32-33. 245 Ibid, p. 42. 246 Ivan ^izmi}, Marin Sopta, Vlado [aki}, Croatian Diaspora, (Iseljena Hrvatska), Golden marketing – Tehni~ka knjiga, Zagreb, 2005, pp. 119, 122 and 318.

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247 Anti~evi}, ibid, p. 20. Lecture by I. F. Lupis, MP, p. 20.

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[teta bi, usprkos prihodima, mogla biti velika da je odljev stanovni{tva bio ve}i od priljeva, no stanovni{tvo se nije smanjilo kao ni obra|eno zemlji{te koje se, naprotiv, malo i pove}alo. “Na poluotoku Pelje{cu”, nastavlja narodni zastupnik Lupis, “ve}i dio stanovni{tva... bez Amerike, ne bi apsolutno mogao ìvjeti. I u moralnom pogledu nije narod zastranio, a u stanovitom pravcu, ako pogdjegod i ima pojava, koje se ne bi mogle odobriti, te su izbile prije pod uplivom domovine nego li Amerike.” Ve}ina koja je odlu~ila zauvijek ìvjeti u Americi, dokazivala je sebi i obitelji u domovini ispravnost svoje odluke. ê`nju za rodnim krajem nadokna|ivalo je ste~eno blagostanje i podsje}anje na bijedu u rodnom kraju. (Rado{ Kinkela, Rukavac)

Nerije{ene probleme u domovini, dakako, ne treba pripisivati pogubnom utjecaju Amerike. Mo`da se ne treba prisje}ati ni najdramati~nijih, ali dalekih primjera, poput emigracijom prepolovljene Irske koja do danas nije ni pribli`no dosegnula broj stanovni{tva prve polovice 19. stolje}a, ili prorije|enoga talijanskog juga. No primjeri tu|ih stradanja nisu osobito djelotvorni u ubla`avanju vlastite nevolje, a iseljavanje nipo{to nije bilo posljedica magi~ne privla~nosti Amerike, ve} nemogu}nosti `ivota u vlastitoj ku}i.

Most of those who decided to stay in America for good, kept proving to themselves and their families back home that that was the right decision. They cured their homesickness by the acquired wealth and memories of the poverty at home. (Rado{ Kinkela, Rukavac)

Opustjeli su ili potpuno promijenili demografsku sliku mnogi krajevi srednje Europe u koje se biv{i iseljenici nikad nisu vratili. Ne samo @idovi, Rusini, “podunavski Nijemci” iz Ugarske – s podru~ja dana{nje Ma|arske, Srbije (Vojvodine) i Rumunjske (Transilvanije), nisu se vratile ni stotine tisu}a Poljaka, Slovaka, Hrvata i drugih, koji su nakon Prvoga svjetskog rata bili potaknuti na povratak u svoje novoosnovane nacionalne dràve. Procesi etni~koga vrenja i dvaju svjetskih ratova, uzro~nika jo{ ve}ih migracija, stvaranje novih me|unacionalnih zajednica i, potom, najnovijih nacionalnih dràva, u 20. se stolje}u zbivaju nevjerojatnom dinamikom – i stoga potiskuju va`nost i posljedice masovnog odlaska u Ameriku. Novi progoni Nijemaca, Talijana i Ma|ara iz Jugoslavije nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata, Hrvata iz Bosne nakon raspada Jugoslavije, kao i velike `rtve bosanskih muslimana, donekle bacaju u zaborav potrese izazvane vi{emilijunskom prekomorskom migracijom. Dana{nji stanovnici nekad mnogo manje nacionalno homogenih krajeva i zemalja srednje Europe bar su donekle svjesni bitnih demografskih promjena koje su se dogodile prvih desetlje}a 20. stolje}a, i jo{ uvijek zamje}uju tragove svojih nekada{njih inorodnih i inovjernih susjeda. Ljudi zaokupljeni svakodnevicom te vlastitim nacionalnim okupljanjem i stvaranjem nacionalnih dràva, za svega nekoliko desetlje}a potisnuli su uspomenu na iseljene pradjedove i potpuno izgubili vezu s dalekim ameri~kim ro|acima. No bez obzira na sve ratne potrese i nezacijeljene oìljke, srednja Europa, shva}ena u smislu dana{njega politi~kog prostora nekada{nje Habsbur{ke Monarhije, nije onakva kakva bi bila bez Amerike i iseljavanja.

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all the villages . . . many farms have been bought out and expanded, and savings at the savings associations and the banks are ample. . . .” Yet, in spite of the income, the detriments would have outstripped the benefits had emigration led to depopulation. But, the population has been stagnating and the arable land has been slightly expanded. “In the Pelje{ac peninsula,” Lupis continued, “most of the population . . . would not have survived without America. The morality of the people has not faltered, and even those phenomena that call for criticism have been home grown rather than imported form America.” Of course, unresolved problems at home should not be attributed to the pernicious influence of America. Neither should one draw parallels with the most drastic examples from far away places, such as the halving of the population of Ireland, whose population still remains lower than it was in early 19th century, or with the partial depopulation of southern Italy. Other nation’s troubles could not help alleviate one’s own, and emigration had been triggered by unbearable conditions at home, rather then by the magic allure of America.

Ku}a na “leku” (jezeru) ste~ena zaradom “naturaliziranog” Amerikanca, jednog od onih koji su sre}u potraìli u Kaliforniji, u Arcati i Eureki, u Humboldtovu zaljevu, i tek povremeno odràvali vezu s obitelji u domovini. (Nada Grèti}, Matulji) A house on the lake, built with the money of a “naturalized” American, one of those who searched for luck in California, in Arcata and Eureka, in the Humboldt Bay, and only occasionally kept in touch with the family back home. (Nada Grèti}, Matulji)

Due to emigration, many regions of Central Europe suffered from depopulation or had been demographically changed beyond recognition. Not only the Jews, the Ruthenians, the Danubian Germans, but also hundreds of thousands of Poles, Slovaks, Croats and others never returned to the territory of present day Hungary, Serbia (Vojvodina) and Romania (Transylvania), in spite of initiatives for repatriation into the newly founded national states after World War I. The course of the 20th Century, which saw interethnic tensions, two World Wars, the creation of new multiethnic communities and national states, occurred at such a staggering pace that they overshadowed the importance of mass emigration to America and its consequences. The transoceanic migration of millions of people pales by comparison to the expulsion of ethnic Germans, Italians and Hungarians from Yugoslavia after World War II, and the expulsion of ethnic Croats from Bosnia and killings of numerous Bosnian Muslims after the disintegration of Yugoslavia.

Jo{ jedan prizor iz Kalifornije. Za ostvarenje “ameri~kog sna” nije bilo potrebno mnogo vi{e od onoga {to su iseljenici ostavili za sobom u Europi. Do druge polovice 20. stolje}a Stari je svijet s divljenjem gledao u Novi svijet. Kada je dvadesetih godina stanovnicima Podunavlja i Sredozemlja postalo gotovo nemogu}e prije}i Atlantik, ~e`nja za obe}anom zemljom mnogima je ostala neutaèna. A onda se, kona~no, i s ovu stranu oceana po~elo ìvjeti dobro. (Nada Grèti}, Matulji)

Yet, the present-day population of now ethnically homogenous regions and countries of Central Europe remains aware of the demographic changes that took place in the first decades of the 20th century, because traces of different ethnic and religious communities remain visible. But while they had been preoccupied with the projects of ethnic reunification and creation of nation states, they buried their memories of emigrant ancestors and lost touch with their descendants in America, over only a few decades.

Another sight from California. It didn’t take much more than what the immigrants left back in Europe to make the “American dream” come true. Until the second half of the 20th century the Old World gazed at the New World with admiration. But around 1920 it became almost impossible for the people living in the Danube river basin and the Mediterranean to cross the Atlantic, and the yearning for the promised land remained only a dream for many. And then, finally, good life began on this side of the ocean too. (Nada Gr`eti}, Matulji)

In spite of war traumas and the open wounds, Central Europe, that is the regions of the former Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, would have been a different place without emigration to America.

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