PD350 Portfolio

Raymond Chetti UB Department of Urban and Regional Planning

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P D 3 5 0 : E n v i r o n m e n t a l D e s i g n W o r k s h o p I

Portfolio of Works Raymond Chetti PD350 – Environmental Design Workshop I Fall 2008 Instructor Steven S. Nagowski

Personal Introduction

After studying architecture for a short time and then switching to environmental design at UB within two months of my freshmen year, I had no idea how it would turn out. I just knew that I wanted to go into a career where I would be able to shape the physical environment since people are remembered for the things they do. For example, the Louvre in Paris and the Bank of China Tower in Hong Kong are associated with architect I.M. Pei and the Darwin D. Martin House in Buffalo is associated with architect Frank Lloyd Wright.

Before I entered the major and took a couple of introduction classes, I had no idea what environmental design even was. Sure, I knew it was “designing the environment,” but in what purpose? Why design the environment? But after studying it for a couple of years and taking higher level courses like Environmental Design Workshop I at UB, I became fascinated to learn how one may use the tool of design to positively influence the quality of people’s lives and the quality of our environment.

Reflecting back on the fall 2008 semester, Environmental Design Workshop I has broadened my understanding to as what urban planners do while also giving me the opportunity to practice and enhance a number of skills that I will need as an aspiring urban planner.

Through out the course of the semester, we were challenged to perform vast amounts of research where we would analyze data we found and then present our findings in a coherent manner. From performing research in the library and over the internet to performing research by visiting certain sites, we were able to develop this comprehensive portfolio that contains all of our works throughout the semester.

In the process of creating these finished works, we were able to enhance our skills as urban planners by being required to: define “planning,” research historic facts about our hometowns, analyze Buffalo’s Erie Canal Terminus project, create a comprehensive literature review, gather and analyze historic U.S. Census data, present our findings about the data we found, and work as a group to analyze how a specific urban environment in Buffalo hinders its access for certain groups or individuals.

Despite the number of works we completed, the first assignment has and always will remind me what it means to be an environmental design major.

Table of Contents

I.

What is Planning?

II.

Finding Factoids for West Babylon, New York

III.

Site Visit to the Erie Canal Terminus

IV.

“Hazardous Waste” ‐ Comprehensive Literature Review and Annotated Bibliography

V.

“Springfield, Massachusetts versus San Jose, California” – Central City and MSA Comparison

VI.

“Buffalo, Interruptions in the Urban Fabric” – Urban Barriers

“ R o m e w a s n ’ t b u i l t i n a d a y . ” ‐French proverb

Assignment 0 – What is Planning?

As part of our first assignment, we were asked to define the term “planning.” When given this assignment, I could not come up with a legitimate, tangible answer.

However, when given time to think about it, I developed a definition that first defined the general concept of “planning” and then integrated the concepts of both “urban” and “planning” together, to create my definition of “urban planning.”

When thinking about the concept of “urban planning,” the first group of individuals I thought about were the ancient Romans and their contributions to the field of urban planning.

Like the many great urban environments the Romans created, the planning process takes precious amounts of time and continues to play a key role in the development and growth of cities and communities around the world.

"Planning" may be understood different ways by a number of various and diverse individuals. If you ask anyone walking around on the street, “What is your definition of “planning,” they will surely all give you different answers. However, when one thinks about what "planning" is, the most general definition is: thinking about a specific topic or event ahead of time. For example, your mother is turning fifty and you want to PLAN the best "half‐a‐century‐old" surprise party ever. Of course when thinking about these there are a number of factors one must account for: what venue, the guest list, the presents, what time people will get there, etc.

Unfortunately, the concept of “urban planning” maybe a term that is unknown to some.

Even though the addition of one term might create a whole new concept, the concept of "urban planning" bears a similar meaning to the previously noted definition of “planning.” While the thought of “planning” a surprise party, small get together, or date is clear to many, “urban planning” involves thinking about a particular project or action that will have an effect on the social environment of the affected surroundings (humans and environment included). When developing these projects or actions, the framework thinkers’ intention is to improve the welfare of not only human beings, but also the environment as well. By thinking about the physical and built environment and how it affects our social well being, we can better improve our everyday lives and those of future generations.

Since the early days of human civilization, urban planning has played a critical role in the evolution of the human society in which we know today. For example, the complex aqueduct system that was developed by the ancient Romans helped bring fresh water to their thriving cities. Before the aqueduct system could be built, scholars, engineers, and early urban planners of Rome identified the problem of a lack of fresh water to be a problematic issue to the city’s growth and survival. After discovering the problem, they developed the theory of bringing fresh water from a distant source to their city via the aqueduct system. After developing this physical infrastructure of the aqueduct, the Romans were able to use fresh water comfortably to live better lives.

It took hard work and determination by a diverse range of individuals to complete the task of building this aqueduct system. During the planning process, scholars, early urban planners, architects, engineers, government officials and even the community had to work together. While focusing on finding solutions to the problem, gaining a mutual consensus of certain individuals and the cooperation of all those involved in the project are key to the project’s success. It would not have been possible otherwise.

The concept of “urban planning” was and will be an important factor that will help improve the daily lives of all living things and their environment.

“We don’t know where we’re going unless we know where we’ve been.” ‐Unknown

Assignment 1 – Finding Factoids For West Babylon, New York After coming to terms with a tangible definition of “urban planning,” we were then asked to find specific “factoids” about our hometown. These “factoids” are bits of information that answer a simple question.

In this assignment, we had to answer the following: what year were our hometowns founded, what is the oldest building in our communities, what was the population when we were born, who is the largest employer, and finally what are the hottest and coldest temperatures ever recorded in our hometowns.

As aspiring urban planners and designers, it’s always important to realize and acknowledge the context and history of a specific area, especially since we might be working in these areas.

City Founding Year West Babylon, New York is the definition of the suburban dream. It is centrally located in the middle of Long Island, New York and was founded in 1803 by a man named Nathaniel Conklin.

According to the Town of Babylon History, Nathaniel Conklin took his family out and built his home on what is present day East Main Street and Deer Park Avenue (two main roads in the town of Babylon). When starting to research this factoid, I began searching for “West Babylon history” in the search engine of Google since a key element to the city’s history is the year it was founded. By knowing this, I found West Babylon’s government homepage and on their website, they had a written history about how and when the city was founded. Finding this information was relatively easy considering that I was able to find the information directly on the municipality’s website.

Oldest Building in Community One of the oldest sections of West Babylon would have to be a part of the city that is designated as an area called “Babylon Village.” Babylon Village was birthed in 1803 when Nathaniel Conklin built his home at the corner of Main Street and Deer Park Ave. Soon after the development of Conklin’s house, he built a tannery in his new found hometown of Babylon. A number of entrepreneurs saw economic opportunities pertaining to saw, flour, and grist mills and began investing in the area; a booming commercial center was born on Main Street where some of the earliest forms of vernacular architecture took the form various trade shops and eateries. When researching this factoid, I found that it was very similar to the type of information that I needed to research for the above factoid. Since both of these involved the history of West Babylon, I was able to locate this information on the same West Babylon government homepage as the previous factoid.

Population When I Was Born The population of the city that I am from closest to my birth year of 1988 is 42,410 (United States Department of Census). The data is collected from the US Census Bureau’s website and was recorded in the year 1990. Upon reading the question I quickly thought of the US Census Bureau and made them my first reference. Since the US government is an authoritative and reliable resource for information, I always refer to the US Census Bureau whenever I need to find information about a specific area’s population. After searching for the US Census Bureau on Google, I immediately found the government run website and typed in my hometown. Sure enough, I was able to locate the last available census that is closest to my birth year.

Considering the difference between the 1990 census and the 2000 census for my hometown is only an increase of 1,042 people, one may assume that within a two year difference from 1988

to 1990 the population could not have changed dramatically. Overall, finding this information was relatively easy and convenient.

Largest Employer Since West Babylon may be classified as a bedroom suburbs where people mostly live and commute elsewhere to work, there are not any major employers in my hometown. Even though, all‐through out West Babylon there are various national retailers and major supermarkets such as K‐Mart, Stop‐n‐Shop, Pathmark, and other various employers, not one specific employer stands out from the rest in terms of number of employees and employment rate. However, if we look at Long Island as a whole and not just the city of West Babylon, there are a number of private employers who hold a fair share of the available jobs. According to the Suffolk County Department of Planning and their document entitled “Demographic, Economic and Development Trends,” in 2005 the largest employer was the North Shore Health System which employed over 32,000 people. While searching through the internet and Google, I was not able to find a clear top employer for my hometown of West Babylon, but as I broadened my scope I came across several detailed planning documents from the Suffolk County Planning Board to the Long Island Planning Board.

Hottest Temperature Recorded (Fahrenheit / Celsius) The hottest temperature ever recorded in West Babylon was 103°F / 39.4°C, on July 5th 1999.

This record breaking temperature was just only five degrees lower than the New York State record high temperature of 108°F / 42°C which was recorded on July 22nd 1926 in Troy, NY. When researching this topic of maximum temperature, I immediately tried searching for “record high temperatures + West Babylon” and unfortunately many of the links brought me to a popular weather website called AccuWeather.com. At this website they failed to record the hottest temperature – they only recorded the average high temperatures of the month. Along with AccuWeather.com, there were many links that linked me to various community profiles of West Babylon. In my search, I stumbled upon the Yahoo weather for West Babylon (which used information from Weather.com), and was able to locate the record high temperatures for all 12 of the months. When comparing the record high temperatures, I was able to determine that the hottest temperature was recorded in July of 1999.

Coldest Temperature Recorded (Fahrenheit / Celsius) Unlike the hottest temperature recorded in West Babylon, the coldest temperature was recorded over 20 years ago on January 21st of 1985 at a temperature of ‐3°F / ‐19.4°C. This record breaking low temperature for West Babylon is far from the state’s record low temperature which was recorded at ‐52°F / ‐46.6°C on February 18th of 1979 at Old Forge, NY. As I was starting to research the information about this factoid, I used the same exact method

as when I was researching how to find the hottest temperature. After finding the hottest recorded temperature from the above factoid, it was relatively easy to find this information.

Similar to the above factoid, the website at which I found this information was in the same format as the other website from Yahoo weather. As I was analyzing the data from the table, I came to the conclusion that the coldest recorded temperature was in January of 1985.

Works Cited

Suffolk County Department of Planning. (2005, April). Demographic, Economic, and

Development Trends. Retrieved August 31, 2008, from Suffolk County Department of

Planning: http://www.co.suffolk.ny.us/Planning/OverviewSApril2005.pdf Town of Babylon. (2008). History. Retrieved August 31, 2008, from Town of Babylon:

http://www.townofbabylon.com/history.cfm US Census. (2008). Census. Retrieved August 30, 2008, from US Census: www.census.gov Yahoo Weather. (2008). Weather. Retrieved August 31, 2008, from Yahoo:

http://weather.yahoo.com/West‐Babylon‐New‐York‐United‐

States/USNY1540/statistics.html

“Cities need old buildings so badly it is probably impossible for v i g o ro u s s t re e t s a n d d i s t r i c t s t o g ro w w i t h o u t t h e m … ” -Jane Jacobs

“Old ideas can sometimes use new buildings.

N e w i d e a s m u s t u s e o l d b u i l d i n g s . ” -Jane Jacobs

Assignment 2 – Site Visit to the Erie Canal Terminus After visiting Buffalo’s newly renovated Erie Canal Terminus, we were required to write a memorandum to the Erie Canal Harbor Development Corporation about what we found at their project site.

From our pictures and the site visit, we were able to suggest a number of recommendations that would better improve the project site while also recommending items that should be considered for further study.

While Jane Jacobs states the importance of historical sites and buildings in a city, we felt that the Erie Canal Harbor Development Corporation could have done a better job in preserving the historical atmosphere of the once great Erie Canal Terminus.

Memorandum To: Erie Canal Harbor Development Corporation From: Raymond Chetti Issue: Erie Canal Harbor Analysis Date: September 5, 2008 cc: Steven Nagowski, Eric Poniatowski, Christopher Schaut Executive Summary The opening of the newly renovated Erie Canal Terminus at Commercial Slip has given Buffalonians hope in terms of bringing life back into their city. As stated in The Erie Canal Harbor 2004 Master Plan, the first and foremost of the project's goals is to embrace the historical content of the site and portray the importance of the once vibrant historical district as an important piece of Buffalo’s history.

After a site visit, it was clear that there were three major landmarks that played important roles in defining this historical site. These landmarks were also centers of attention for further study.

Canal Society of NYS sign on Central Wharf of Eric Canal at Commercial Slip. The sign’s implies how important the Erie Canal was in Buffalo’s history.

Findings While walking to the site from the Erie Canal Harbor NFTA Metro station down Scott St towards Marine Dr, one first notices a number distinct landmarks that defined the project site. The first and foremost was a large four story sign. According to the sign that contained historical information about the site, this four story sign is supposed to symbolize the old buildings that once defined this district. While walking closer to the site, the next most obvious landmark is the only real building that is located on the site currently. This building acts as a museum for the Commercial Slip site. While walking closer to the site (marked by a small black gate), the last landmark that may be used to characterize Commercial Slip are the remains of what appears to be brick masonry walls. According to the same historical information sign that discussed the information about the four story facade, it briefly mentioned that the brick masonry walls were ruins of some sort.

The three major landmarks that define this project site. 1. The Four Story Façade (left).

2. The ruins (middle). 3. The museum (back middle).

Recommendations After visiting the newly renovated Commercial Slip, there are a few aspects of this historical reclamation project that require further study. One of the most important features to this unique site are the ruins of the Steamboat Hotel. Despite being one of the most important aspects to this site, there is no information about these historical ruins. Since these ruins play a crucial role in preserving the historic atmosphere of this site, there should be relevant information to as what these ruins are and what role they played in the historical context of their time period. After recognizing the importance of the ruins, the next item that requires further study is the museum. The importance of preserving this historical district lies in preserving the architecture of the time to give the “user” the feeling they are actually walking through a part of history. The last aspect of this site that lacks emphasis is the four story sign that acts as a façade. Despite the framework thinkers’ attempt to recreate the historical context of this site by placing a four story sign to represent olden buildings that once reigned in that area, it fails to convey its intentional message. In the future plans to redevelop the empty parcels adjacent to the recently finished waterfront, please consider designing and incorporating architecture from the historical time period from which the Erie Canal was most important in.

Works Cited Erie Canal Harbor Project Master Plan. (2004, November). Goals and Objectives.

Retrieved September 5, 2008, http://www.nylovesbiz.com/pdf/erie/Final_Master_Plan_Report.pdf

“If we knew what we were doing, it wouldn’t be research.” ‐Albert Einstein

Assignment 3 – Comprehensive Literature Review and Annotated Bibliography Hazardous Wastes

When given this assignment, we were asked to create a comprehensive literature review and annotated bibliography about a random topic that most of us have never had previous knowledge in.

As we began learning more about our topics by finding a number of resources, it became interesting to learn how much information one can find about anything if they put the time into it.

For Albert Einstein, as well as a number of other scholars, research has and always will play an important role in the advancement of the human race.

Introduction

Hazardous wastes are defined as any substance (such as solids, liquids, gasses, or sludges) that may cause substantial harm to human health or the environment if improperly treated, transported, stored, or disposed of. Hazardous wastes are generated by various sources that may include but are not limited to: manufacturing industries, government activity, agricultural activities, household activities, or medical / hospital activities.

In specific manufacturing industries, hazardous wastes may be generated in a number of ways. In an example given by Microsoft Encarta Online Encyclopedia in their definition of hazardous waste, they discuss the hazardous wastes generated during the manufacturing of computers. During the manufacturing of a computer circuit board, there are various stages where electroplating baths occur. These electroplating baths generate a large quantity of metal salts; while in the production of computer chips, acids, other caustic chemicals (chemicals that may destroy or severely damage the flesh on contact) are generated.

The agriculture industry also produces a number of hazardous wastes. Pesticides and herbicides are major contributors to endangering the environment and human health. According to Microsoft Encarta Online Encyclopedia, these products may contain fluoride wastes which could dissolve into groundwater and contaminate drinking‐water wells. Along with these waste products, manure may also seep into groundwater and contaminate drinking water.

Household wastes are typically the most common hazardous waste. Some of these wastes may include: caustic cleaners, toxic batteries and paints, mercury from thermometers, and cell phones.

Among the previously noted three sources, medical facilities, hospitals, and

doctor’s offices are responsible for generating a large amount of hazardous wastes that may be contaminated with blood and tissue such as needles, scalpels, and glassware.

These hazardous wastes – if disposed of incorrectly – may cause potential harm and spread possible diseases among various living things.

There are a number of ways to classify these primary wastes. According to the

U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, there are three major categories for specific hazardous wastes: the F‐list, K‐list, P‐list and U‐list. The F‐list (non‐specific source wastes) are wastes that originate from common manufacturing and industrial processes.

Since these wastes may sometimes be produced at different sectors of industry, the EPA classifies these as wastes from non‐specific sources. The K‐list (specific source wastes) includes wastes from specific industries such as computer production, petroleum refining, or pesticide manufacturing. In other words, these may be defined as wastes that have a definite source that is traceable to a specific owner. The P‐list and the U‐list (discarded commercial chemical products) are characterized by commercial chemical products when they are disposed of.

While there are these three categories that the EPA lists for specific hazardous

wastes, there are certain hazardous wastes that do not fit into these categories. If a waste is not categorized into the above three classifications, but exhibits one of the

following four characteristics they are still classified as a hazardous waste: ignitability, corrosivity, reactivity, or toxicity. According to the EPA, ignitable wastes are those that have a flash point less than 140°F. These wastes are highly susceptible to creating or catching fire under certain conditions and are spontaneously combustible. Corrosive wastes are wastes that are either acids or bases and are capable of damaging or wearing away metal containers. Reactive wastes are considered unstable since they are known to cause explosions, toxic fumes, gases, or vapors when heated, compressed, or mixed with water. Toxic wastes are harmful or fatal when ingested or absorbed. If not properly disposed of, these toxic wastes may seep into the ground and contaminate the soil and fresh groundwater sources.

Since these hazardous wastes exist because of human activities, we are

responsible for the proper disposal and management of said hazardous wastes. In an effort to resolve previous problems and prevent future occurrences, local, state, and national governments are taking steps to regulate the mistreatment of hazardous wastes.

Literature Review In discussing why hazardous wastes are such a threat, researchers and specialists in the field discovered that hazardous wastes pose a serious threat to human health.

Besides those who study the health effects of hazardous wastes on human health, there are also specialists who study the treatment of hazardous wastes in terms of urban planning and how it is possible to improve the infrastructure of the city to support better treatment of hazardous wastes. While there is one primary organization that

deals with hazardous wastes (the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency), there are certain individuals who critique current methods and discuss the treatment of hazardous wastes.

The comprehensive reference guide Hazardous Wastes and Human Health written by the British Medical Association (1991) answers the question, “What are the negative effects health effects or risks one would come into contact with hazardous wastes?” In chapter 4 of this guide, the author discusses the effects of hazardous waste on human health. While discussing the health risks of coming into contact with hazardous wastes, the British Medical Association also provides information regarding the characteristics of hazardous wastes, where and how wastes are generated, and the methods of disposal for specific hazardous wastes. This book also connects the problem of hazard waste treatment with other problems such as acid rain, motor vehicle emissions, air pollution, and pesticides.

Despite the difference in all of the previous topics mentioned, Leittman (1999) and Pinderhughes (2004) discuss various environmental problems such as acid rain, motor vehicle emissions, air pollution, pesticides, and wastes in terms of urban planning and sustainability. As a senior planner at the World Bank and specializing in urban and environmental management, Leittman focuses on major problems of the city that contribute to environmental degradation such as, sanitation and drainage, accidents linked to congestion, improper disposal of hazardous wastes, and other problems that result in poor health, lower productivity, and overall reduced quality of life. In an attempt to resolve these issues, Leittman presents his readers with a counter strategy to

these problems called “LEAP” (Local Environmental Action Planning). In his planning method “LEAP,” he discusses three major steps. The first step ensures that all parties involved are informed to as what the environmental issues are (Leittman refers to this step as “informed consultation”). The second step involves the development of the environmental action plan which outlines the long term goals, issues, and solutions of the project. The last step is the implementation of the project itself which includes the implementation of environmental policies and programs. After these initiatives are implemented, the monitoring of these processes is necessary so an evaluation may be made to see whether or not these initiatives were successful or not.

Similar to Leittman’s book, Pinderhughes also focuses on environmental degradation in terms of urban planning. He discusses policy approaches that will minimize a city’s impact on the environment while providing its citizens with the needed infrastructure required to sustain a high quality of life. In terms of sustainable development and hazardous wastes, he discusses five main topics which include water supply and management, waste minimization and management, energy production and use, transportation, and food systems. While analyzing these five topics, Pinderhughes discusses waste management as one of her primary topics of study. Both of these authors’ books revolve around developing and sustaining cities to prevent the damage that can be done to the urban infrastructure of the city due to environmental problems such as improper treatment of hazardous wastes.

While there are scholars who specialize in integrating the concept of sustainability with city planning to prevent disasters that may be caused by the

mistreatment of hazardous wastes, there have been several case studies where hazardous wastes have been mistreated. The most prominent case study regarding a major event that first brought attention to the problem of hazardous wastes is recorded

by Colten and Skinner in their 1996 book about the Love Canal disaster in Niagara Falls, NY. They discuss this controversial incident and answer three major questions that defines the context of their book. First, what was known before 1970 about the hazards of certain industrial wastes and their potential for causing public health problems?

Second, what were the technical capabilities for treating or containing wastes during that time? And third, what factors other than technical knowledge guided the actions of waste managers before the enactment of explicit federal laws? In discussing this issue, they analyze industrial waste disposal before the formation of the Environmental Protection Agency in 1970.

In another case study more recently done by Orr (2006), she praises the hazardous waste removal efforts in Alaska due to previous military activity dealing with firing ranges. At these firing ranges in not only Alaska, but over the nation, lead bullets and munitions left behind from used rounds have become a concern for environmentalists since they may seep into the ground and contaminate soil and groundwater. In her article, Orr focuses primarily on discussing a company whose expertise is to provide remediation services such as inspecting buildings for asbestos and removing PCB‐contaminated soil.

Along with Orr in praising recent hazardous waste cleanup projects, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also agrees that recent cleanup projects have

been successful. In their 2003 article the EPA makes note of one of their major programs called Superfund and describes various reasons why this program should be praised for the successfulness of recent cleanup projects. The Superfund program’s (the 1980 Comprehensive Environmental, Response, Compensation, and Liability Act) main purpose is to address abandoned hazardous waste sites and to protect human health in terms of uncontrolled hazardous wastes by studying and conducting long term solutions for the problems that were created by the initial polluters. In their argument, the EPA mentions the term environmental indicators; these indicators are measures in which the EPA uses to assess the progress of various hazardous waste cleanup projects. In this assessment method, there are three indicators: a population indicator to measure the progress made in protecting people living near waste sites, an indicator measuring how far in achieving permanent cleanup goals the project is, and an indicator that measures the amount of contaminated materials that have been treated. In making their argument that hazardous waste cleanup projects have been successful, the EPA mentions several statistics in terms of these three environmental indicators.

On the other hand, there have been arguments that hazardous waste projects have not been nearly as successful as the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency claim.

Freeze, a former professor and director at the University of British Columbia makes two main arguments: the first being that scientists do not currently have the expertise to contain and remove the source of hazardous wastes at the site and secondly, removing and transporting the contaminated soil somewhere else only relocates the problem. In discussing his first argument, he argues that the traditional method of containing the

contaminated hazardous wastes at the site by installing pump‐treat systems usually fails to remove the contaminants. Even though this method was highly used by the EPA and various municipalities to try and contain hazardous wastes at the site, Freeze claims that by pumping massive amounts of groundwater removes a relatively small amount of toxins. In mocking the widely accepted pump‐treat method of removing hazardous wastes, Freeze also manages to critique the EPA and their Superfund program in their poor effort in solving the issue of removing hazardous wastes from contaminated sites.

Agreeing with Freeze, Forbes staff writer Helman (2005) critiques a particular

case study where hazardous waste cleanup efforts have proved to be useless and wasteful. Helman highlights the recent failure of a hazardous waste cleanup project located at the Hanford Reservation in southeastern Washington where the United States government produced 74 tons of plutonium for atomic warheads during the Cold War. After the production of the plutonium, 53 million gallons of plutonium‐laden sludge were placed in 177 underground tanks unfortunately one third of these tanks currently have leaks in them, enabling the sludge to seep into the earth. Helman argues that the primary reason why this waste cleanup project was deemed to be a failure is because of the vast amount money spent on this project over a long period of time for little or no results. The author concludes his argument leaving the reader with one statistic, an approximate date for completion, and a question. Helman states that the project will cost at least $85 billion and last until the year 2050. He then questions, “What's a few more months or another billion or two?”

While hazardous wastes are a known major threat to human health and our environment, there are efforts and steps being made to correct the mistakes we’ve made and prevent future mistakes from occurring. City planners, government officials, engineers, and policy makers alike are all forced to work together in this issue that’s been ignored for too long of a time. However, there are debates to as whether or not the right steps are being taken to resolve these issues.

Works Cited

British Medical Association. (1991). Hazardous waste & human health. New York: Oxford

University Press.

Colten, C., Skinner, P. (1996). The road to love canal managing industrial waste before

EPA. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Environmental Works. (2008). In Encyclopaedia Britannica Online. Retrieved September

10, 2008, from Encyclopaedia Britannica Online: http://www.search.eb.com

Freeze, A. (2003). Hazardous waste cleanup projects usually fail. Opposing Viewpoints:

Garbage and Recycling. San Diego: Greenhaven Press. Retrieved September 10,

2008, from Opposing Viewpoints Resource Center. http://find.galegroup.com

Hazardous Wastes. (2008). In Microsoft Encarta Online Encyclopedia. Retrieved

September 11, 2008, from Microsoft Encarta Online Encyclopedia:

http://encarta.msn.com

Helman, C. (2005). Waste mismanagement [Electronic version]. Forbes, 176 (3), 35‐36.

Retrieved September 10, 2008 from MasterFILE Premier database.

http://www.forbes.com

Leitmann, J. (1999). Sustaining cities: environmental planning and management in urban

design. New York: McGraw‐Hill.

Orr, V. (2006). Keeping Alaska clean: Alaska making progress in hazardous waste

removal. Alaska Business Monthly, 22 (7), 38. Retrieved September 10, 2008,

from Business & Company Resource Center database.

http://galenet.galegroup.com

Pinderhughes, R. (2004). Alternative urban futures: planning for sustainable

development in cities throughout the world. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield.

United States, Environmental Protection Agency. (2008). Hazardous wastes. Retrieved

on (September 10, 2008) from http://www.epa.gov

United States, Environmental Protection Agency. (2003). Hazardous waste cleanup

projects have been successful. Opposing Viewpoints: Garbage and Recycling. San

Diego: Greenhaven Press. Retrieved September 10, 2008, from Opposing

Viewpoints Resource Center. http://find.galegroup.com

Annotated Bibliography

Books

British Medical Association. (1991). Hazardous waste & human health. New York: Oxford

University Press.

One of the major problems with hazardous wastes is that they pose a serious threat to human health. This book by the British Medical Association outlines the human health related issues that are tightly associated in dealing with hazardous wastes. While discussing serious illnesses and diseases associated with hazardous wastes, this book also highlights some future initiatives that may prevent or reduce risks of related hazardous waste diseases. This is a great resource for those wondering why hazardous wastes are harmful to human health.

Colten, C., Skinner, P. (1996). The road to love canal managing industrial waste before

EPA. Austin: University of Texas Press.

As a prime case study for an environmental crisis concerning the mistreatment of hazardous wastes, this book discusses and criticizes the disaster of the “Love Canal” incident in Niagara Falls, NY. This controversial incident was one of the first incidents that focused on the mistreatment of hazardous wastes and first brought attention to this issue. In their study, the authors ask three key questions that are the main focus of this book. First, what was known before 1970 about the hazards of certain industrial wastes and their potential for causing public health problems? Second, what were the technical capabilities for treating or containing wastes during that time? And third, what factors other than technical knowledge guided the actions of waste managers before the enactment of explicit federal laws? In the context of hazardous waste disasters, Skinner’s book is an excellent source for this specific case study of Love Canal.

Leitmann, J. (1999). Sustaining cities: environmental planning and management in urban

design. New York: McGraw‐Hill.

During Leitmann’s career, he specialized in urban and environmental management at the World Bank and discusses sustainability in terms of urban and regional planning. While mainly focusing on the “bigger picture” of not only dealing with hazardous wastes, but the overall sustainability of our cities in terms of environmental degradation, Leittmann also manages to focus on the specific topic of cities and the improper disposal of hazardous waste, problems that result in poor health from hazardous waste, and other related topics. The author also puts forth his own planning method in a term he called “LEAP” (Local Environmental Action Planning). This planning method involves topics such as

informed consultation (clarifying environmental issues), integrated local environmental action plan (long term goals, issues, solutions), and the implementation (policies, programs, monitor, and evaluation). This is a great resource for urban planners who want to incorporate sustainable development and study the treatment of hazardous wastes.

Lehman, J. (1982). Hazardous waste disposal. New York: Plenum Press.

Lehman presents a comprehensive review of the status of hazardous waste disposal around the world in the early 1980’s. In his book, he also includes information about hazardous waste public policy, legislation, regulation, technology, and research. When reading this book, one may acquire a wealth of knowledge about old hazardous waste information while comparing it to present day sources and seeing how far hazardous waste legislation has progressed.

Despite being an old source, this information is relevant to those who wish to compare past technology and methods of dealing with hazardous wastes with more current methods of dealing with hazardous wastes.

Nemerow, N. (1991). Industrial and hazardous waste treatment. New York: Van

Nostrand Reinhold.

In this book, the author covers disposal and treatment technologies for industrial hazardous waste that were available during the early 1990’s. His book is split up into four major parts. The first section covers basic facts about wastes, how they affect the environment, and ways to prevent further pollution. The second part covers theories of waste disposal and treatment. The third part elaborates about various case studies while the fourth and final part discusses major liquid industrial wastes.

Nemerow, N. (2006). Industrial waste treatment: contemporary practice and vision for

the future. Boston: Butterworth‐Heinemann.

While discussing the history of industrial waste treatment, Nemerow goes in depth about how current treatment techniques are molded by economic constraints, scientific information, and various individual’s tolerances. This is a key resource if dealing with the topic of hazardous waste disposal regarding industries as the primary source. Unlike his other older book, this newer version provides the most up to date information regarding waste treatment and possible industrial improvements to decrease hazardous waste output.

Ong, S. (Ed.), Surampalli, R. (Ed.), Bhandari, A. (Ed.), Champagne, P. (Ed.). (2008). Natural

processes and systems for hazardous waste treatment. Reston, VA: American

Society of Civil Engineers.

A practical guidebook from the American Society of Civil Engineers which discusses the technical processes associated with the degradation of hazardous wastes and various systems that coincide with the disposal of these wastes.

While discussing these processes, this book also discusses the more scientific matter that deals with hazardous wastes such as: organic contaminants, inorganic contaminants, phytoprocesses, physical processes and natural attenuation, while including many more. The American Society of Civil Engineers also includes a number of case studies associated with each topic to help the reader understand his key points. A fantastic reference for those who wish to find more technical information about hazardous waste treatment systems, especially those who are engineers.

Pinderhughes, R. (2004). Alternative urban futures: planning for sustainable

development in cities throughout the world. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield.

In comparison to Leittman’s book about sustainable planning, Pinderhughes focuses on planning and policy approaches that will minimize a city’s impact on the environment, while providing its citizens with the needed infrastructure required to sustain a high quality of life. Unlike Leittman’s book, Pinderhughes focuses on five main topics: water supply and management, waste minimization and management, energy production and use, transportation, and food systems.

Even though this book’s case studies are not centered in the United States, the author focuses on these five separate but connected topics related to every city’s fundamental infrastructure and survival. While taking a look at these five topics, Pinderhughes discusses waste management as one of her primary topics of study.

Wang, W. (2007). Hazardous industrial waste treatment. Boca Raton FL: CRC/Taylor &

Francis.

Similar to other books regarding industrial waste management, this handbook focuses on the fundamentals and most recent developments in waste treatment for the 21st century. It provides information on a number of daily waste management problems throughout industry. While discussing these problems, Wang also develops strategies on how to improve on a specific process or waste management practice. In dealing with methods on how to improve industry, this book also highlights some methods on improving local municipalities in dealing with hazardous wastes. Wang’s book is a great reference guide for those who might be in industry and want to find ways to solve their problems or those who wish to determine what the current hazardous waste treatment methods are.

Encyclopedia

Environmental Works. (2008). In Encyclopaedia Britannica Online. Retrieved September

10, 2008, from Encyclopaedia Britannica Online: http://www.search.eb.com

The Encyclopaedia Britannica Online source for hazardous wastes provides a quick, basic framework for hazardous wastes if one had no idea what they were.

This article discusses a variety of topics that range from the background of hazardous waste management, the transport of hazard wastes, the treatment of hazardous wastes, to specific actions that should be taken if a site is in need of removal of hazardous wastes. The data from this encyclopedia is fundamental for one who has never encountered the term “hazardous waste” before.

Hazardous Wastes. (2008). In Microsoft Encarta Online Encyclopedia. Retrieved

September 11, 2008, from Microsoft Encarta Online Encyclopedia:

http://encarta.msn.com

The Microsoft Encarta Online Encyclopedia highlights many of the important points of the previously noted encyclopedia while adding an amount of surplus information. Unlike Britannica, this encyclopedia lists a few of the main sources of hazardous wastes and includes explanations of each source. However, similar to Britannica, the Encarta encyclopedia includes information about controlling hazardous waste, a legislative history dealing with hazardous wastes, and a brief section about international issues dealing with hazardous wastes. This is a definite must read for those who have never been exposed to this subject before.

Journal Articles

Freeze, A. (2003). Hazardous waste cleanup projects usually fail. Opposing Viewpoints:

Garbage and Recycling. San Diego: Greenhaven Press. Retrieved September 10,

2008, from Opposing Viewpoints Resource Center. http://find.galegroup.com

In this journal article written by Freeze, he argues that scientists currently do not have the expertise to remove the source of contamination from hazardous waste sites. Freeze also analyzes the “pump‐and‐treat” systems that are infamous for containing the source of the contamination at hazardous waste sites. In comparison to other sources, this is one source contradicts the others in a sense that efforts to remove hazardous waste from previous sites have failed.

Oakes, J., Anderton, D., Anderson, A. (1996). A longitudinal analysis of environmental

equity in communities with hazardous waste facilities. Social Science Research,

25 (2), (125‐148). Retrieved September 10, 2008 from Science Direct Database.

http://www.sciencedirect.com

In a study conducted by the Social & Demographic Research Institute of the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, their results showed that hazardous waste facilities were not located in minority or disadvantaged communities.

Previously, before this study was done, there had been claims that hazardous waste facilities were located in the areas closest to minority or disadvantaged communities. The results from this study play an important role in justifying where the location of hazardous waste facilities were located.

Orr, V. (2006). Keeping Alaska clean: Alaska making progress in hazardous waste

removal. Alaska Business Monthly, 22 (7), 38. Retrieved September 10, 2008,

from Business & Company Resource Center database.

http://galenet.galegroup.com

This article concentrates on a particular case study of hazardous waste removal in Alaska due to previous military activity dealing with firing ranges. At these firing ranges in not only Alaska, but all over the nation, the lead bullets left behind from used rounds have become a concern for environmentalists since these lead bullets may seep into the ground and contaminate the soil and groundwater. The author also discusses a company called Brice Environmental Services Inc. which helps clean up small arms firing ranges.

United States, Environmental Protection Agency. (2003). Hazardous waste cleanup

projects have been successful. Opposing Viewpoints: Garbage and Recycling. San

Diego: Greenhaven Press. Retrieved September 10, 2008, from Opposing

Viewpoints Resource Center. http://find.galegroup.com/

According to the EPA, one of the main reasons why hazardous waste cleanup projects have been successful is because of the Superfund program (the 1980 Comprehensive Environmental, Response, Compensation, and Liability Act). In results given to the public by the EPA, various environmental indicators portray that a majority of human populations living near toxic waste sites have been protected from the harmful effects of hazardous waste. Throughout the article, the EPA is attempting to convince the audience that cleanup efforts have been successful, whereas Freeze argues that cleanup projects have not been successful.

Visvanathan, C. (1996). Hazardous waste disposal. Resources, conservation, and

recycling, 16 (1‐4), 201‐212. Retrieved September 9, 2008, from Science Direct

database. http://www.sciencedirect.com

The author of this article discusses a hazardous waste management system where the final stage is the disposal of the hazardous waste. While elaborating about this waste management system, Visvanathan highlights four major principles of waste disposal methods which include: incineration, immobilization,

landfill, and off‐shore and underground storage. The author is also sure to point out the benefits and consequences of each method. This resource might prove useful to government officials, planners, engineers, or policy makers if they are in need of information about which waste disposal method is best for their situation.

Magazine Articles

Helman, C. (2005). Waste mismanagement [Electronic version]. Forbes, 176 (3), 35‐36.

Retrieved September 10, 2008 from MasterFILE Premier database.

http://www.forbes.com

Similar to the article written by Orr about “Keeping Alaska clean,” this article is about another case study where the mistreatment of hazardous wastes occurred. Helman highlights the recent failure of a hazardous waste clean‐up project located at the Hanford Reservation where the US government produced 74 tons of plutonium for atomic warheads during the Cold War. After the production of the plutonium, 53 million gallons of plutonium‐laden sludge was placed in 177 underground tanks; unfortunately one third of these tanks currently have leaks in them enabling the sludge to seep into the earth. The article then goes into depth about how much of a failure this hazardous waste clean‐up project was and how much it cost everyone involved. This article questions whether or not some hazardous waste messes are too much trouble fix.

Website

United States, Environmental Protection Agency. (2008). Hazardous wastes. Retrieved

on (September 10, 2008) from http://www.epa.gov

Another website for the beginner who is new to the subject of hazardous wastes.

The government organization provides authoritative information similar to that of the other two encyclopedias, but provides more in depth information about various topics regarding hazardous waste characteristics and hazardous waste regulation. While this is an authoritative source, the EPA also provides users with additional links to other resources that may be of some use in further research in the subject of hazardous waste.

Government Documents

Great Britain, Dept of Trade and Industry, Dept for Communities and Local Government,

Dept of Transport. (2007). Planning for a sustainable future: white paper.

Retrieved on (September 10, 2008) from http://www.communities.gov.uk

Great Britain’s documents regarding proposals to reform the planning system in terms of speed, responsiveness and efficiency in land use planning, and infrastructure planning. While these documents concentrate on sustainability planning as a major issue, this document also mentions reforms on how to significantly improve infrastructure projects relating to energy, waste, waste‐ water and transport, and a variety of others. In terms of sustainability planning, these documents from Great Britain may be useful in comparing waste infrastructures to those in America and see what improvements may be made.

United States, Government Accountability Office. (2007). Hazardous waste: information

on how DOD and federal and state regulators oversee the off‐site disposal of

waste from DOD installations. Retrieved on (September 10, 2008) from

http://www.gao.gov

The main purpose of this study conducted by the U.S. Government Accountability Office was to gather information about the Department of Defense and how their military operations can generate hazardous wastes during regular, basic routines such as the repair of a weapons system. While undergoing this study, the Department of Defense has to clearly figure out a system in which these hazardous wastes are to be disposed of in a manner that is friendly to both humans and the environment alike. This report describes the following: the Department of Defense’s procedures for dealing with hazardous waste in terms of transportation, storage, treatment, and disposal facilities, the role of the EPA and other agencies in making sure that hazardous wastes are disposed of safely, and the information that facilities must publicly report regarding a release of hazardous waste.

“Every city is in a natural state of war with every other.”

-Plato

Assignment 4 – Central City and MSA Comparison Springfield, Massachusetts and San Jose, California

At the beginning of this assignment, we randomly chose two American cities. One of these cities was listed by Forbes magazine as a “dying American city” while the other was listed as a “still growing American city.”

In comparing these two diverse cities, we had to analyze quantitative census data that ranged from demographic composition to overall population.

After gathering and analyzing the data, we had to report our findings in the form of a comprehensive, written report. We also had the opportunity to report our findings through the form of an oral presentation to guest critics as well as our instructor, TA’s, and fellow classmates.

Springfield, Massachusetts ‐ One of “America’s Fastest Dying Cities”

San Jose, California ‐ One of “America’s Fastest Growing Cities”

Introduction In recent articles written by Forbes magazine, Springfield, Massachusetts is one of Amer‐ ica’s fastest dying cities, while San Jose, California is proclaimed as one of America’s fastest grow‐ ing cities. In assessing quantitative census data from 1950 – 2007 (1950 ‐ 2010 for the total popu‐ lation while other figures required only the 2007 estimate) for these cities and their Metropolitan Statistical Areas, specific conclusions may be made about their demographic compositions, me‐ dian household incomes, median housing unit values, and their overall population.

Research Methods In this study, census data was collected on the internet from the United States govern‐ ment website called American FactFinder (http://factfinder.census.gov). Since decennial census data had to be collected for total population, racial composition, median household income, and median housing unit value from 1950 – 2007, the United States’ government website American FactFinder was the perfect resource to locate data for the years 1990 and 2000.

After collecting data for 1990 and 2000, data had to be then collected for 1950—1980.

The only way to do this was to search through printed versions of the United States Census for the years 1950 – 1980.

After researching all of the census data that was needed, the numbers were then com‐ piled into an Excel document for easy viewing. While monetary values for the years 1950—2000 were in their own value (not fixed for 2007 inflation values), these values were then converted (median household income and median housing unit value) into 2007 dollars (adjusted for infla‐ tion) by using the United States Department of Labor inflation calculator (http://www.bls.gov/ data/inflation_calculator.htm).

Based off the modified census data, charts, graphs, and pie graphs were then created that portrayed population change, demographic composition, median household income, and median

Page 1

housing unit value for the years 1950—2007 (for projecting population, projected population was calculated for 2010 by using a formula noted below).

This study required the population growth in terms of percent and this is the formula that

was used to make the following calculation:

Limitations

When conducting research, it was impossible to find census data for the year 2010. Fortu‐

nately, it was possible to base the 2010 population off of the United States Census estimate for the year 2007 and data from 2000. The formula to determine the 2010 population of Springfield, MA, San Jose, CA, and their MSAs are as follows:

First, subtract the 2000 population from the 2007 population. After that, divide by seven.

This number gives represents the average number of about how many people the population grew or declined by for one year between 2000 and 2007. After finding this number, one may then multiply by 10, where 10 represents the ten years for the decennial period 2000—2010. This new multiplied number represents the population growth or decline between 2000—2010. To find the final 2010 estimate, add the original 2000 population to the newly multiplied number.

Findings

After collecting data from 1950 ‐ 2007, it is evident that there are distinct differences be‐

tween the cities of Springfield, San Jose, and their respective MSAs in terms of population and demographic trends, median household income trends, and median housing unit value trends.

Page 2

When comparing the total population growth of Springfield and its MSA to the population

growth of San Jose and its MSA, there is an uneven parallel that may be drawn between the four sets of data.

Starting from 1950, the City of Springfield started off with a population gain of 7%, but quickly lost 13% of its total population within a period of 20 years between 1960 – 1980 (Fig 1).

During the eighties, Springfield experienced a rather small population increase of 3%, only to lose 5% of its total population between 1990‐2010. The City of Springfield lost a total of 6% of its population from 1950 ‐ 2000 and is expected to lose a total of 10% of its population by the year

Springfield, MA & MSA Population Growth 1950‐2010 900,000 800,000

Population

700,000 600,000 500,000 400,000

City of Springfield, MA

300,000

Springfield MSA

200,000 100,000 0 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2007 2010 Year

Fig 1: Graph illustrating Springfield MA pop decline while its MSA’s pop increases.

Source: U.S. Census Bureau Graph: Generated by author

Unlike the city’s population loss, Springfield’s MSA experienced a tremendous population gain between 1950 – 2000 and is expected to substantially grow in population between 2000 – 2010 (Fig 1). According to the US Census, Springfield’s MSA grew by 33% between the fifties and sixties and then experienced a small population loss of 2% in the seventies. However, after a pe‐ riod of dormitory population growth in the eighties, the population grew by 11% during the nine‐ ties and is expected to grow by more than a 35% of its total population between 2000 – 2010.

Page 3

Between 1950 ‐ 2000, Springfield’s MSA grew by 45% and is expected to grow by an additional 35% by the year 2010.

Unlike Springfield, there has been continual population growth in the City of San Jose, since 1950. The most rapid periods of growth occurred in the fifties and sixties. During each decade, the population grew by over 110% (Fig 2). The rate of growth has slowed, but the city’s population continued to grow nonetheless. It grew by 41% in the seventies, 24% in the eighties, and 14% in the nineties. The US Census predicts a 7% increase between 2000 and 2010. When compared with Springfield’s expected population loss of 11% from 1950 – 2010, San Jose’s popu‐ lation growth should be immense come 2010. It is expected to have gained a 910% increase in population since 1950.

San Jose, CA & MSA Population Growth 1950‐2010 2,500,000

Population

2,000,000 1,500,000 City of San Jose, CA

1,000,000

San Jose MSA 500,000 0 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2007 2010 Year

Fig 2: Graph illustrating rapid population increase in San Jose and its MSA. Source: U.S. Census Bureau Graph: Generated by author

Following a similar population growth pattern to the City of San Jose, San Jose’s MSA con‐

tinually grew since 1950. The most rapid periods of growth also occurred in the fifties and sixties where the population grew over 120% in the fifties and 65% in the sixties (Fig 2). Following the sixties, the population growth of San Jose’s MSA slowed down, but continued to grow. It grew by 21% in the seventies, 15% in the eighties, and 12% in the nineties. According to the 2010 Page 4

population estimate formula and the population growth formula listed above, San Jose’s MSA is expected to grow by an additional 10% between 2000 – 2010. When compared to the city’s 910% increase in population from 1950, the MSA is expected to have gained a 580% increase in popula‐ tion since 1950.

After analyzing the demographic composition of Springfield, San Jose, and their respective

MSAs, it is evident that Springfield and its MSA followed similar patterns of demographic trends while San Jose and its MSA followed almost identical trends. Over the period of approximately 60 years (1950 – 2007), it is clear that the white population declined by a considerable proportions in Springfield, while its MSA did not see such

Springfield, MA Demographic Composition 1950‐2007

Even though the white population decreased at a steady and rapid rate in Springfield, the most drastic decrease in white population oc‐

Percent

a drastic decrease in white population (Fig 3).

100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0%

White Black Asian, Native, Pacific Islander/Other 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2007 Year

curred during the seventies and nineties. Dur‐ Fig 3: Graph illustrating rapid increase in non-white ing the seventies, approximately 15% of the

population.

Source: U.S. Census Bureau Graph: Generated by author

white population left the city and non‐black minorities first became a presence in the city. These non‐black minorities accounted for about 10% of the total demographic population in 1980. Dur‐ ing the nineties, approximately 10% of the white population fled the city while more minorities continued to flood the city. Within the approximate 60 year analysis, the total white population of Springfield declined dramatically from taking up 95% of the total population in 1950 to only taking up about half of the total population in 2007. While the white population steadily de‐ creased each decennial year, the black population steadily increased each decennial year. From only occupying about 5% of the total population in 1950, the black population grew to acquire more than 20% of the population in 2007. From their appearance in 1980, other non‐black mi‐ norities grew to occupy about a quarter of the population in 2007.

Page 5

Springfield’s MSA however did not ex‐ Springfield, MA (MSA) Demographic Composition 1950‐2007

perience such a drastic white population loss.

white population did not fluxuate (Fig 4). Since

Percent

Instead, it gained more minorities while the

the total population of the MSA continued to

100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0%

White Black Asian, Native, Pacific Islander/Other 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2007 Year

grow with minimal population losses, it is evi‐ dent that a number of minorities began to mi‐

Fig 4: Graph illustrating minute increase in non-white population.

Source: U.S. Census Bureau Graph: Generated by author

grate into the MSA.

While both cities experienced a rapid

San Jose, CA Demographic Composition 1950‐2007

decline in white population growth, San Jose

100% 80% Population

experienced a faster and more rapid increase in non‐black minorities (Fig 5). The decline of the

White

60% 40%

Black

20%

Asian, Native, Pacific Islander/Other

0%

white population during the fifties and sixties

1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2007 Year

was minimal. It was not until the seventies that Fig 5: Rapid increase in non-black minority population.

Source: U.S. Census Bureau

the white population truly saw its first tremen‐ Graph: Generated by author dous decrease. During this decennial period, San Jose, CA (MSA) Demographic Composition 1950‐2007

the white population went from occupying

100% 90%

93% of the total population in 1970 to only oc‐

70% Population

cupying 73% of the total population in 1980.

80% White

60% 50%

Black

40% 30%

Asian, Native, Pacific Islander/Other

20%

While the white population continued to oc‐

10% 0% 1950

cupy less and less of the total population, a rapid increase in non‐black minorities was oc‐

1960

1970

1980

1990

2000

2007

Year

Fig 6: Similar trend as Fig 5.

Source: U.S. Census Bureau Graph: Generated by author

curring throughout the late 20th Century. The non‐black minorities went from occupying only 5% of the total population in 1970 to becoming more prominent than the white population in 2000 by occupying over 45% of the total population.

Page 6

Following an almost identical demographic trend as San Jose, San Jose’s MSA also had a

heavy increase in non‐black minorities during the late 20th century (Fig 6, on page 6). The white population during the fifties and sixties remained constant, while during the seventies, a major increase in non‐black minorities occurred. From 1980, the non‐black minority population kept gradually increasing until they occupied over 40% of the population in 2007 while the white population occupied a little over 50% of the population.

When comparing Forbes’ dying City of Springfield and its MSA to San Jose and its MSA in

terms of median household income, many clear distinctions may be made. Throughout the 57 year time period (1950 – 2007), it is evident that as time progressed, Springfield’s MSA’s median household income continually grew exponen‐ Springfield, MA & MSA Median Household Income 1950‐2007

tially when compared against the median Income in Dollars

$60,000

household income of the city itself (Fig 7).

While in 1950, the gap between Springfield

$50,000 $40,000 $30,000 $20,000

City of Springfield, MA

$10,000

Springfield MSA

$0 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2007

and its MSA is not evident, just 20 years later

Year

in 1970 the MSA’s median household income Fig 7: MSA surpasses City and increases at faster rate. is $4,000 higher. In another 20 years time in

Source: U.S. Census Bureau Graph: Generated by author

1990, the MSA’s median household income grows to become $10,000 higher than the actual city’s median household income. Just last year in 2007, Springfield’s MSA’s median household income is about $15,000 more than the actual city’s.

San Jose, CA & MSA Median Household Income 1950‐2007

On the other hand, San Jose and

its MSA share a different relationship. In two decennial years (1950 and 1990), San Jose reached a higher median household income

$100,000 Income in Dollars

$80,000 $60,000 $40,000

City of San Jose, CA

$20,000

San Jose MSA

$0 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2007 Year

than its MSA (Fig 8). While in other decennial years of the US Census, the MSA’s median

Fig 8: City and MSA follow similar trends.

Source: U.S. Census Bureau Graph: Generated by author Page 7

household income has been higher than San Jose’s, the gap between San Jose and its MSA is not as accented as the difference that is illustrated between Springfield and its MSA.

Also when comparing these two cities and their MSAs, it is evident that in Forbes’ growing

city, the median household income grew at an exponential rate compared to Springfield and its MSA (Fig 7 and 8, on page 7). In 1960, San Jose’s median household income was stated to be $7,000 more than Springfield’s median household income. As time progressed, San Jose’s median household income grew significantly and by 2007, it was stated to be approximately $42,000 more than Springfield’s median household income.

After gathering data for median housing unit values for Springfield, San Jose and

their respective MSAs, these new trends are similar to those that were illustrated by the median household income trends. When analyzing the median housing unit value data, it is evident that the gap between Springfield and its MSA continually grows further apart whereas the gaps be‐ tween San Jose and its MSA are not as extreme. During the fifties and sixties, the difference in Springfield, MA & MSA Median Housing Unit Value 1950‐2007

median housing unit value for Springfield and

the difference in median housing values is

$250,000

Value in Dollars

its MSA were barely evident. However, in 1970,

$200,000 $150,000 $100,000

City of Springfield, MA

$50,000

Springfield MSA

$0

stated to be about $10,000. As time pro‐

1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2007 Year

gressed, the difference grows from $20,000 in 1980, $30,000 in 1990, $45,000 in 2000, to

Fig 9: MSA surpasses City and increases at faster rate.

Source: U.S. Census Bureau Graph: Generated by author

about $55,000 in 2007 (Fig 9).

San Jose, CA & MSA Median Housing Unit Value 1950‐2007

unit values of San Jose and its MSA grew hand in hand as time progressed from 1950 to 1990

Value in Dollars

On the other hand, the median housing

$800,000 $700,000 $600,000 $500,000 $400,000 $300,000 $200,000 $100,000 $0

City of San Jose San Jose MSA 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2007 Years

(Fig 10). During the nineties however, there was a slight change and in 2000, the median

Fig 10: City surpasses MSA at points. Similar trends.

Source: U.S. Census Bureau Graph: Generated by author Page 8

housing unit value of the city significantly surpassed the MSA’s median housing unit value by about $25,000. Within seven years, San Jose’s MSA surpassed the city itself with recorded me‐ dian housing unit value of about $755,000 compared to the city’s recorded value of $688,000.

Similar to the median household income data, when comparing median housing unit

value data for Springfield, San Jose, and their respective MSAs, it is evident that the values in San Jose and its MSA grew at a more dramatic rate. While keeping similar values during the fifties, it was not until the sixties that the housing values of San Jose superseded Springfield’s. In 1970, the median housing unit values for both San Jose and its MSA almost doubled those of Springfield and its MSA. In 1980, San Jose’s values quadrupled those of Springfield. In 1990 the median household value for Springfield and its MSA was recorded at approximately $165,000 and $195,000 respectively while San Jose and its MSA reached values up to about $400,000. In the nineties, the median housing unit value dropped substantially in Springfield and its MSA by about $50,000 ‐ $65,000 while values for 2000 recorded in San Jose and its MSA continued to grow by about $25,000 ‐ $50,000.

Conclusion

According to data from the US Census Bureau, the following conclusions may be made.

Both cities have become ethnically diverse over time, but San Jose and its MSA experienced a more rapid increase in non‐black minorities. By 2000, San Jose’s non‐black minority population surpassed the white population. Springfield saw steady and gradual increases in black population since 1950, while its MSA experienced a minute increase in both minority populations. While Springfield’s black population was gradually increasing, the city experienced a non‐black inward migration during the seventies. In both cities, non‐white populations grew faster than in their MSAs. Median household incomes in Springfield’s MSA began to surpass the incomes earned in the city during the fifties. As time progressed, the median household incomes in Springfield’s MSA continued to grow faster and continued to be higher than the city’s median household Page 9

income. Median household incomes in San Jose and its MSA were not as extreme as those found between Springfield and its MSA. Median household incomes earned in San Jose and its MSA be‐ gan to grow at exponential rates that surpassed those of Springfield and its MSA. Similar figures are also associated when comparing both MSAs. Median housing unit values in Springfield and its MSA reflected similar patterns associated with the median household incomes. Median housing unit values in Springfield’s MSA started to grow faster than the city’s values in the sixties. Median housing unit values in San Jose and its MSA grew at similar rates from 1950 – 1990 but separated during the nineties.

Page 10

Sources Cited

American Factfinder. (2008, October 7). US Census. Retrieved October 7, 2008,

http://factfinder.census.gov

United States, Bureau of Census. (1950). Census of population. California.

United States, Bureau of Census. (1960). Census of population. California.

United States, Bureau of Census. (1970). Census of population. California.

United States, Bureau of Census. (1980). Census of population. California.

United States, Bureau of Census. (1950). Census of population. Massachusetts.

United States, Bureau of Census. (1960). Census of population. Massachusetts.

United States, Bureau of Census. (1970). Census of population. Massachusetts.

United States, Bureau of Census. (1980). Census of population. Massachusetts.

Page 11

Image Source: www.city-data.com

San Jose, CA

Image Source: http://www.bursteinlawoffices.com

Rapid Periods of Population Growth

San Jose, CA & MSA Population Growth 1950‐2010 2,500,000 2,000,000 Population

• Continually Growing since 1950.

• Most Rapid: fifties & sixties.

• Grew by over 110% each period.

• Continued to grow by: • 41% in the seventies • 24% in the eighties • 14% in the nineties

Springfield, MA

Raymond Chetti PD350 Fall 2008 S.S. Nagowski

1,500,000 City of San Jose, CA

1,000,000

San Jose MSA

500,000 0 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2007 2010 Year

Data Source: Graph based on raw data from the U.S. Census Bureau.

Graph: created by author.

• Expected Total Population Growth between 1950-2010:

910%

Periods of Population Decline Population

• Fluxuating and declining since 1950.

• Most Rapid: 19601980.

• 13% Decline • 1950-2000: • 6% Decline • Expected to lose another 4% by 2010.

Springfield, MA & MSA Population Growth 1950‐2010 900,000 800,000 700,000 600,000 500,000 400,000 300,000 200,000 100,000 0

City of Springfield, MA Springfield MSA

1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2007 2010 Year

Data Source: Graph based on raw data from the U.S. Census Bureau.

Graph: created by author.

• Expected Total Population Decline between 1950-2010: -

San Jose, CA Demographic Composition 1950‐2007

White Black Asian, Native, Pacific Islander/Other

Population

Percent

Springfield, MA Demographic Composition 1950‐2007 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0%

10%

100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0%

White Black Asian, Native, Pacific Islander/Other

1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2007

1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2007

Year

Year

Data Source: Graph based on raw data from the U.S. Census Bureau.

Graph: created by author.

Data Source: Graph based on raw data from the U.S. Census Bureau.

Graph: created by author.

Both experienced rapid declines in white population San Jose experienced faster and more extreme periods of non-black population growth

Springfield, MA (MSA) Demographic Composition 1950‐2007

100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0%

White Black Asian, Native, Pacific Islander/Other

Percent

Percent

Springfield, MA Demographic Composition 1950‐2007 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0%

White Black Asian, Native, Pacific Islander/Other

1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2007

1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2007

Year

Year

Data Source: Graph based on raw data from the U.S. Census Bureau.

Graph: created by author.

Data Source: Graph based on raw data from the U.S. Census Bureau.

Graph: created by author.

City experienced steady and gradual increases in black and non-black population MSA experienced minimal increases in black and non-black population

Population

San Jose, CA Demographic Composition 1950‐2007 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0%

White Black Asian, Native, Pacific Islander/Other 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2007 Year

Data Source: Graph based on raw data from the U.S. Census Bureau.

Graph: created by author.

Data Source: Graph based on raw data from the U.S. Census Bureau.

Graph: created by author.

Both followed similar trends in demographic composition City: Non-black population supersedes white population in 2000.

Springfield, MA & MSA Median Household Income 1950‐2007

San Jose, CA & MSA Median Household Income 1950‐2007

$60,000 Income in Dollars

$40,000 $30,000 City of Springfield, MA

$20,000

Springfield MSA

$10,000

Income in Dollars

$100,000

$50,000

$80,000 $60,000 $40,000

City of San Jose, CA

$20,000

San Jose MSA

$0

$0 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2007 Year

Data Source: Graph based on raw data from the U.S. Census Bureau.

Graph: created by author.

1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2007 Year Data Source: Graph based on raw data from the U.S. Census Bureau.

Graph: created by author.

Springfield’s MSA surpasses the city’s median household income during the fifties and continues to grow at a higher rate Incomes between San Jose and its MSA were not as extreme

Data Source: Graph based on raw data from the U.S. Census Bureau.

Graph: created by author.

Data Source: Graph based on raw data from the U.S. Census Bureau.

Graph: created by author.

Springfield’s MSA surpasses the city’s median housing unit value during the sixties and continues to grow at a higher rate Median housing unit values of San Jose and its MSA grew at exponential rates during the fifties that surpassed those of Springfield and its MSA

“Being human is itself difficult, and therefore all kinds of settlements (except dream cities) have problems.”

-Jane Jacobs

Assignment 5 – Urban Barriers Buffalo, Interruptions in the Urban Fabric – Winspear Avenue and Main Street to Shoshone Park

The final assignment took the form of a group project where groups were assigned two locations that were about a 10-15 minute walk away from each other. The purpose of this assignment was to travel from your given “start” location to your “finish” location in an attempt to observe and document any “urban barriers” that one might encounter along the way.

Prior to going out and exploring our sites, we performed research and developed a literature review to gain a better understanding of our new subject.

After visiting and walking our route(s) to and from our two locations, we then had to analyze what “urban barriers” we encountered and then develop a series of recommendations to remedy the problems these barriers may cause.

While developing a comprehensive report about our site and the concept of “urban barriers,” we had to then present our findings and recommendations to guest critics, our instructor and TAs, as well as our fellow classmates.

W

IN S

WEST. NORTHRUP

PE AR AV EN UE

CUSTER STREET

LEGEND STARTING POINT END DESTINATION ROUTES TAKEN MINOR ROADWAYS MAJOR ROADWAYS

N M AI

HERT AL AV ENUE

ST RE E

T

DAY CARE FACILITY PARKING LOTS PROPOSED SHOSHONE VILLAGE SHOSHONE PARK UNIVERSITY AT BUFFALO

Introduction

The fabric of an urban environment is sometimes interrupted by a wide variety of

physical features that can be classified as urban barriers. These barriers can resonate as both natural and man made formations Several examples of natural barriers include cliffs, steep changes in topography, and rivers. The interruptions can also be caused by human design, not intended as barriers at all. Highways, elevated curbs, wide streets, and large areas are of surface parking are examples of man made developments that also interrupt the urban fabric of a city.

Breaks in urban built environment disrupt and prevent the mobility of certain indi‐

viduals, automobiles, or mass transit from reaching their specified destination. In planning for urban environments, planners strive to prevent the restriction of access among its users, as mobility plays a critical role in an urban environment. The slightest restriction in mobility creates an uncomfortable inconvenience for the user which results in longer travel times (if travel by car, more CO2 emissions and pollution).

While urban barriers hinder or prevent access to a certain destinations, they come in

a number of scales. Urban barriers maybe typically categorized into three different scales: small scale, medium scale, and large scale. Small scale barriers present a minor challenge to the user and maybe found at the street level (curb height or fences). Medium scale barriers present a strong local influence but do not affect the larger of the entity (large buildings of retail or industrial use). Lastly, large scale barriers are those which not only affect a small area, but affect a significantly larger portion or neighborhood (Interstates, turnpikes, and many waterways).

Page 1

Urban barriers take many shapes and forms; they vary in type, size, and impact. An

urban barrier can be formed either by man, by nature, or by mind. A small river or creek that splits a neighborhood is an example of a natural urban barrier. A section of the city that houses more minorities can create a psychological barrier. A structure as simple as a fence can constitute as a manmade barrier. Some urban barriers can have an effect on the city‐ scale and all the way down to the block‐scale. Typically, major barriers include highways, railroad tracks, and rivers. A smaller scale barrier would be the lack of a curb cut. The im‐ pacts of urban barriers do not necessarily increase as the size of the barrier increases. A few steps on a path could affect a whole senior citizen population who has difficulty walking.

Actions can be taken to mitigate the impacts of any urban barrier. From as drastic as tunnel‐ ing a seven mile stretch of highway, to building a small bridge over a creek, dealing with ur‐ ban barriers can greatly vary in scope and cost depending on the situation.

Barriers impact the mobility of singular and collective systems of movement, limiting

the movement of individuals and vehicles. Gaps in street design can impede pedestrian traf‐ fic, making it difficult, unappealing or unsafe to walk along certain paths. Disruption in the build environment can also limit vehicular traffic. Natural formations can disable automotive traffic. Wide streets with high levels of traffic density can create unsafe paths for bicyclists and inline skaters. Zoning and exclusive forms of development can hinder access to individu‐ als traveling on forms of mass transit. For people with mobility problems, such as individuals with physical impairments, the elderly and children, barriers can be not only frustrating but also completely disabling. For these reasons, it is vital to examine not only whom and what are impacted by these gaps, but how they limit or immobilize their ability to move Page 2

throughout the urban framework.

Page 3

Literature Review

Introduction

Barriers exist within all urban environments. If a person is unable to access destina‐

tions or easily navigate within places in which he or she is living, working or visiting, there are natural or manmade features that are limiting the user’s mobility. These formations become interruptions within the built form. Though culminating in different forms, physical, psycho‐ logical or visual, these barriers obstruct the movement of pedestrians, automobiles, mass transit, bikers and rollerbladers. For some individuals such as the elderly, the disabled and children, they may have a more severe impact.. The influence of a barrier is dependent upon the size of its scale, its location, and its surrounding vicinity.

These details become important when attempting to answer larger questions related

to urban areas. This paper has collected sources that exhibit strong research about the rela‐ tionship between the user and the build environment. It will provide a representation of view‐ points and discussion about different types of barriers (physical, psychological and visual) with the intention of organizing and critically analyzing prominent literature about this subject.

Within each subheading, specific issues concerning user type, environment type and remedies will be explored. Through this review a greater understanding about the existence and impact of urban barriers will be produced from a process of research, critique and discussion.

Universal Design

To begin this discussion, it is first important to understand a design framework in

which barriers do not exist. The principles of Universal Design, available electronically on The Center for Universal Design’s home page, outline seven key factors for design that produces Page 4

“environments…usable by all people, to the greatest extent possible, without the need for ad‐ aptation or specialized design” (Center for Universal Design, 2008, 1). To truly create a setting in which the movement and access of users is not hindered, it is vital for designers to integrate seven crucial elements to best create an equitable design. The Seven Universal principles ad‐ dress issues that create physical, psychological and visual barriers within the landscape.

The guidelines provided by the Seven Principles for Universal Design are an integral part of the discussion of urban barriers. First, it can be used to define existing aspects of de‐ sign that hinder access to users on physical, psychological and visual levels. Each principle in‐ troduces the concepts of equity, flexibility, intuition, perception, error, effort and size, then naming possible barriers within each category” (Center for Universal Design, 2008, 1‐4). These principles can then be used a framework for the critique of existing environments and concep‐ tion for new ones. This document provides a holistic understanding of the ways in which de‐ sign can limit the access and mobility of users, while concurrently providing solutions for these problems.

Physical Barriers

To enhance the principles that have been defined and presented by The Center for Uni‐ versal Design, it is necessary to turn to research and discussion that is more conclusive about specific types of barriers and environments in which they exist. Physical barriers are the most obvious detriments within urban spaces and are therefore most widely considered within re‐ search and discussion. In a chapter titled “The Disabling City”, printed in the 2002 edition of The Blackwell City Reader, Gleeson writes about the way in which urban design and land use patterns can produce disabling environments for individuals with physical impairments and Page 5

mobility problems. He explains that the integration of careless design with broken surfaces can create physical barriers, preventing access or limiting movement of users within the built environment (Gleeson, 2002, 304). Additionally, Gleeson strengthens his examination by pro‐ posing conceptual changes concerning the approaches of environmental and architectural de‐ sign providing a new framework that considers the needs of users with varying levels of physi‐ cal abilities. He also describes specific examples of changes that can be implemented into haz‐ ardous environments that would transform spaces into “environments that would “accommodate a broader range of human capabilities” and “enable…independence for all us‐ ers” (Gleeson, 2002, 310). Gleeson’s argument is well supported with extensive research and effectively utilized examples illustrating his points. The consideration both theoretical and physical changes strengthen his critical examination of existing environments.

By providing a framework in which to improve the current state of the built world, Gleeson effectively addresses the problems caused by the physical barriers that he defined throughout his article. However, by extending his discussion to examine a more broad collec‐ tion of user types, he then weakens his analysis of the impact of physical barriers on users with physical disabilities. This query can be supplemented by a 2008 article entitled “The in‐ terrelationships between environment and disability”, which was written by Imrie and Tho‐ mas. The authors examine the impact that physical barriers can have on individuals with dis‐ abilities, explaining that spatial patterns can limit the mobility of these users, and conse‐ quently prevent one from full participating in the activity of a society (Irmie & Thomas, 2008).

This article is important because Imrie and Thomas establish a crucial point missing in the re‐ search and analysis presented by Gleeson. That is, physical barriers can be more cumbersome Page 6

for users with physical disabilities because they are limiting both physically and socially to these individuals. Physical barriers not only impact physical movement, but also interaction or access to people with disabilities, thus also limiting their ability to participate in social environ‐ ments.

The insight about urban barriers achieved by Gleeson, and Irmie and Thomas has pro‐

vided a foundation for the understanding of physical blockades within the built environment.

Concurrent analysis of these articles also illustrates the differences between different types of user groups. After examining the impact of physical barriers on needs and abilities of varying types of inhabitants, it is then natural to consider different types of spaces located within the urban environment. A great deal of emphasis in the field of city planning and design focuses on barriers located within public spaces. Regardless of social, economic or demographic dif‐ ferences, most people utilize these areas daily. A 1997 publication by Cooper‐Marcus and Francis titled People Places: Design Guidelines for Urban Open Spaces describe public spaces as “urban plazas, neighborhood parks, mini‐parks, campus outdoor spaces, spaces for he elderly, day care outdoor spaces and hospital outdoor spaces”. (Cooper‐Marcus & Francis, 1997, v).

The authors use maps, images and descriptions of these places to demonstrate unsuccessful and successful designs by identifying barriers within these environments and displaying solu‐ tions for described problems (Cooper‐Marcus & Francis, 1997, 91‐113) . This resource is a suc‐ cessful tool for the study of barriers because it uses existing examples as tools of identifica‐ tion, comprehension and solvents.

A greater understanding of physical barriers that are located in urban public spaces can

be achieved by examining resources that focus research and discussion on specific types of Page 7

environments. Open spaces in commercially developed areas of cities present different obsta‐ cles than green spaces. For example, a 2006 study conducted by Mukhija and Shoup examines the impact of large scale surface parking lots, concluding that these create “asphalt breaks in the urban fabric…interrupting streetscapes, expanding distances between destinations and undermining walkability” (Mukhija and Shoup, 2006, 1). This source is helpful because it ex‐ amines the ways in which parking lots create detrimental barriers within developed areas of the urban fabric. However, because the scope of the query is narrow, it is not a strong source in which to examine barriers on a more general level.

Similarly, other sources specifically analyze how the design of parks located within cit‐

ies impact accessibility for users and residents throughout the urban fabric. In a 1996 publica‐ tion titled Park: Design and management, Philips examines methods of optimal park design.

He uses a comparison of existing parks develop guidelines for park design, management and plant type, creating a manual for the successful creation and rendering of parks as public spaces (Philips,1996, 3‐17) . Similarly to Mukihija and Shoup’s publication, Philips’s book is an important resource when examining boundary prevention in a specific area of urban build en‐ vironment. However, due to the specific nature of his research and discussion, it is not appli‐ cable to all areas of discussion on this topic.

In addition to examining specific types of environments in the larger discussion

of urban barriers, it is also necessary to analyze the needs of people utilizing different types of movement systems. Physical barriers can pose great problems for vehicular traffic while yield‐ ing no obstruction to pedestrian traffic. In 2005, the Transportation Research Board National Research Council published a guidebook on how to incorporate satisfactory access for pedes‐ Page 8

‐train traffic. In 2005, the Transportation Research Board National Research Council published a guidebook on how to incorporate satisfactory access for pedestrians, bicyclists, motorists, transit riders, and communities when transportations infrastructure is built or changed. The report specifically examines the ways in which modification to the environment or its infra‐ structure can specifically hinder or enhance movement for specific types of traffic (Transportation Board National Research Council, 2005). This report is useful because it fo‐ cuses specifically on needs of different types of user traffic that occupies urban environments, interrogating barriers located within these areas. However, because this report is compro‐ mised of technical information specific to transportation, it is a limited resource because it re‐ quires some professional knowledge for its comprehension.

Psychological Barriers

Urban barriers can also be psychologically limiting to users. Therefore, it is vital to con‐

sider the mental influences that urban design can have because these types of obstructions can also have negative impact on people. Psychological barriers are located within the urban landscape and hinder accessibility. Due to the emphasis placed on the physical environment in the previous sources that were discussed, it is necessary to then utilize sources that focus on other types of barriers that users may encounter.

Psychological barriers located within urban spaces can greatly impact feelings of safety

and security that are experienced by users. These types of barriers can cause spaces to be in‐ accessible to people based upon negative feelings or experiences that they produce. Jane Jacobs’s1961 publication The Death and Life of American Cities examines the ways in which design influences a city’s vitality. Jacobs explains that poor planning or systems of land use Page 9

can lead to great periods of absence in urban public spaces (Jacobs, 1961,36). Without de‐ fined boundaries between public and private spaces, means of surveillance or public presence, areas of the city can become unsafe and thus unusable (Jacobs, 1961,36). Essentially, Jacobs is arguing that physical design or spatial designation can create psychological barriers in urban environments that affect user’s feelings of safety. These barriers thus make environments un‐ attractive, and empty.

Jacobs’s argument is successful because it extends the arguments presented by other examinations of physical barriers by also looking at the mental impact. She provides a strong resource within the larger discussion of urban barriers because her analysis not only examines accessibility in terms of physical mobility, but also in terms of safety, socialization and inhabi‐ tation. Jacob’s examines these problems in a holistic manner, considering the issues that she defines throughout her article on many levels.

Additionally, Jacobs also analyzes how the issues created by barriers affect individuals, as well as the public at large. Jacobs’s analysis provides a more in depth analysis of urban barriers, examining how physical design can create mental barriers for users. This is an important as‐ pect of a larger discussion of urban barriers because it provides greater detail about a less no‐ ticeable impediment that still greatly influences the way in which users experience the urban fabric.

Jacob’s argument successfully establishes a relationship between against vacancy and

empty land located in the urban built environments with safety issues. Jacobs demonstrates how a strong connection between physical blockage with psychological barriers experienced by users. The death and life of American Cities becomes a foundation for future research, Page 10

theory and practice within the field of city planning. However, due to the time period in which Jacobs writes, it can be somewhat limited because it is unable to address new issues that have surfaced in the urban built environment. It also does not encompass international cities or planning methods, also somewhat weakening its validity within the discussion of urban barri‐ ers.

To supplement Jacobs’s discussion on vacancy, it is vital to examine more current lit‐

erature about this topic. A 2004 publication written by Greenstein and Sungu‐Eryilmaz enti‐ tled Recycling the city: the use and reuse of urban land, explores the relationship between the designation and construction of the natural environment with the vitality of urban areas. The authors explore the same connection that is described by Jacobs, by examining the design or urban areas in connection with their levels of usability and human presence, which has been generally characterized as city success. The authors use strong and effective examples from European and other international cities to explore this connection between community devel‐ opment and inner cities (Greenstein & Sungu‐Eryilmaz, 2004). Specifically, Greenstein and Sungu‐Eryilmaz examine the essential role of Brownfield redevelopment in the revival of urban communities (Greenstein & Sungu‐Eryilmaz, 2004). This detail enhances Jacobs’s theory by adding a modern framework to the discussion. The piece may appear to be weak within a dis‐ cussion of psychological barriers because it seems to focus primarily on physical elements of urban spaces. However, when examined critically, Jacobs’s argument can be seen. Greenstein and Sungu‐Erylimaz examine vacancy in the same respect that Jacobs has, yet provide a mod‐ ern framework in which to begin further analysis of the connection between physical design and the formation of psychological barriers.

Page 11

Visual Barriers

Visual barriers can also impact accessibility of urban environments, limiting the mobil‐

ity of users due to poor aesthetic design or a lack of environmental cues. Spatial design and designation can impact the way in which people perceive and navigate within their environ‐ ments. This was a concern as early as 1952, when Lewis published an article titled Layout and design of parking lots: aesthetic considerations. In his articles, Lewis explains that large park‐ ing lots create visual voids within the urban landscape, impacting the traditional pedestrian nature typically associated with cities (Lewis, 1952, 27‐39). Lewis’s article may appear to be limited due to the time in which it was written and also the limited nature of its query. How‐ ever, his observations can be applicable to other aspects of the built environment, allowing for similar assumption to be drawn based on his conclusion. Like large scale surface parking lots, vacant lots and industrial projects located within urban spaces also create breaks within the built environment. Therefore, all of these things become empty spaces, thus becoming visual barriers that hinder movement within city spaces.

Similar to empty spaces, environmental cues also greatly impact the way in which users

are able to perceive their surroundings. Signage and other way finding cues become visual guides for people to navigate through urban environments. A 2001 publication by Strange and Banning entitled Educating by Design, explain the importance of signage within the built envi‐ ronment. As they explain, way finding systems (such as signage) “help users…to carry out [successful] movement within the environment” (Strange & Banning, 2001, 28‐29). As demon‐ strated through research and examination presented in this book, a lack of way finding ele‐ ments such as signage can prevent users from successfully locating a specific destination or Page 12

finding their way around within built spaces. Strange and Banning establish an important point within the larger discussion of visual barriers. Their analysis adds an additional factor that demonstrates the significant impact that visual barriers can have on users of urban spaces.

Conclusion

As illustrated throughout this review, urban barriers can exist on different scales and

through different formations. These barriers hinder movement throughout urban environ‐ ments by creating physical barriers that disable or impair users, psychological barriers that resonate feelings of insecurity or detraction and visual barriers that sway or mislead. Whether these obstructions result from nature or human design, they can be fixed through conscious planning efforts.

Page 13

Sources Cited

Cooper‐Marcus, C. & C. Francis (Eds.). (1997). People Places: Design Guidelines for Urban Open Space. New York: Wiley.

Gleeson, B. (2002) The disabling city. In G. Bridge. S. Watson (Ed.), The Blackwell City Reader. Blackwell Publishing.

Greenstein, R., Sungu‐Eryilmaz, Y. (2004). Recycling the city: the use and reuse of urban land. Toronto: Lincoln Institute of Land Policy/

Irmie, R., Tomas, H. (2008). The interrelationships between environment and disability. Local Environment. 13 (8), 477‐483. Retrieved October 28, 2008 from Aca‐ demic Search Premier database. <http://wen.ebscohost.com>

Jacobs, J. (1961) The death and life of great American cities. New York: Random House.

Lewis, H. (1952, January). Layout and design of parking lots: aesthetic considerations. Traffic quarterly, 6, 27‐39. Retrieved November 6, 2008 from Avery Index to Architectural Pe‐ riodicals database.

Mukhija, V. Shoup, D. (2006) Quantity versus quality in off‐street parking requirements. Jour‐ nal of the American Planning Association, 72(3), 296‐308. Retrieved November 6, 2008 from Avery Index to Architectural Periodicals.

Phillips, Leonard E. (1996). Park: Design and Management. New York: McGraw‐Hill.

Strange, C. Carney. Banning, James H. (2001).Educating by design: Creative campus learning, environments that work. San Francisco, CA: Jossey‐Bass.

The Center for Universal Design. (2008). “Universal Design Principles”. College of design, North Carolina State University. Retrieved on November 2, 2008 from http://www.design.nscu.edu.

Transportation Research Board, National Research Council (2005). A guidebook for including access management in transportation planning. Washington, D.C.

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Map

Page 15

Buffalo Interruptions into the Urban Fabric Introduction

A local example of an urban barrier within the City of Buffalo is a pathway that con‐

nects Winspear Avenue to Shoshone Park. Within this pathway, there are physical, psycho‐ logical and visual barriers that limits the mobility of all users who attempt to access the park.

There are also barriers within the park itself that pose limitations for a diverse range of resi‐ dents. These residents include, but are not limited to; senior citizens, college students, and families with children. The natural and built environments in and around this pathway present problems that plaque the “Queen City” today.

The park itself also has become a barrier, limiting travel within its surrounding vicinity.

Upon its conception, Shoshone Park was intended to be a neighborhood, recreational park built for the residents living near Hertel Avenue and the LaSalle NFTA Metro station. Accord‐ ing to an interview with University at Buffalo Professor Al Price, the design of the park was built so that only residents within the named areas had visible access to the park (Interview, November 3, 2008). Price explains that for this reason, the park had only two entrances: the first facing Hertel Avenue, and the second located at the end of Beard Street (Interview, No‐ vember 3, 2008). These entrances enabled the park to provide limited use for the residents of the specified communities.

However, gradually residents of the neighboring community of the University Heights

started using the park (Interview, November 3, 2008). Residents of the Hertel viewed these new users as outsiders, and believed that people from University Heights were bringing un‐ wanted “derby “such as, garbage into both the park and the area surrounding the it (Intervie‐ Page 16

‐w, November 3, 2008). Hertel residents felt threatened by the change in use of their park. Its intended design, a barrier between two very different neighborhoods and groups of users, was no longer effectively working.

Hertel residents tried to stop this change of use through a number of actions.

At one point the park’s main entrance was closed so that no one would be able to access the park (Interview, November 3, 2008). This was later changed since this did not prevent the per‐ ceived outsiders from entering the park. Instead, stakeholders from within the neighborhood influenced the construction of another entrance on the other side of the park near the LaSalle train station’s parking lot. (Interview, November 3, 2008). This entrance was intended for resi‐ dents of University Heights, attempting to isolate the flow of movement in to the Hertel neighborhood. After many unsuccessful actions taken to prevent use by people from Univer‐ sity Heights, Hertel residents surrendered their park.

Even today, many residents of the Hertel Avenue Neighborhood refuse to use the park

because it is no longer offers the limited access that the park’s original design has intended. In addition to the physical, psychological and visual barriers located on the path to the park and within the park itself, Shoshone has been, and will continue to be an intended barrier be‐ tween Hertel Avenue and the University Heights neighborhoods.

Physical Barriers

When heading to Shoshone Park from Main Street and Winspear Avenue, two large

scale urban barriers can be encountered. One of these barriers is a mammoth sized LaSalle metro station lot that will be encountered when one is going to the park and coming from Main Street. From an aerial picture, seen in Figure 1, the outlined parking lot has no divisions.

Page 17

It is simply a giant slate of unchanging asphalt, as seen in the picture. The park is estimated LaSalle Station Parking

to be on 12 acres of land, while the parking lot is estimated to be on 6.5 acres (Google). The continuous pavement of the parking lot sits on an area more than half the size of the area

taken by the park. The parking lot, however, is Figure 1: LaSalle Station parking lot as an urban bar‐ rier to Shoshone Park. used by multiple places. Its main function is to Data Source: Microsoft Live Search Maps

serve the LaSalle Metro Station located by Main Street. The second purpose for this lot, in more recent years, is to serve a day care center located in the back of the parking lot, the side of the lot that is opposite Main Street. The middle of the lot is sparsely used by visitors of Shoshone Park and usually sits empty.

The second large scale urban barrier

was observed when walking towards Sho‐ shone Park from the foot of Custer Street.

600’

Custer Street ends at an abandoned railroad line. The tracks have been removed, a long rolling hill blanketed in wild brush still re‐ mains, preventing the street grid from con‐ necting and separating two neighborhoods.

Figure 2: Abandoned Rail Corridor Showing the Separa‐ tion between the North Buffalo and University Heights Neighborhoods Data Source: Microsoft Live Search Maps

Getting from one side of the old rail corridor to the other side is not easy due to steep hills that need to be climbed and descended. As can be seen in Figure 2, from one side of the Page 18

arrow to the other side is only about 600 feet or .1 miles, but this is not a sensible path to take. All cars and most pedestrians would have to travel 7,276 feet or 1.4 miles to get from and to the two areas shown that are physically only 600 feet from each other. (Google).

A medium physical scale barrier can be found on Main Street . There are no bike lanes

found along this major route, forcing this traffic on to the sidewalks. Bicycle traffic can inhibit the safety of pedestrians using the sidewalks. Due to the differing types of movements on one pathway, there is a greater chance that pedestrians and bicycle traffic will collide. Shoshone Park also lack bicycling lanes, forcing users to ride their bikes on narrow paths where children and families are most likely to walk on. Without the installation of designated spaces for bicy‐ cle traffic, the safety of both pedestrians and cyclists will remain compromised on both Main Street, and within the park itself.

An additional medium physical scale

barrier found along Main Street is the loca‐ tion of industrial development. Mixed use design that is present on other sections of Main Street encourages movement and at‐ tracts activity to the area. Industrial devel‐ Figure 3. Industrial buildings that lie between Shoshone opment can impede this. As shown in Figure Park and Main Street Image Source: Created by author.

3, industrial developments can distract or inhibit pedestrians movement. These developments act like barriers due to the magnitude of their size. Large scale development take the focus away from the pathway and the park by creating a noticeable void within the natural flow of movement that is encouraged by Mixed Page 19

Use development. It also creates an industrial feel within this environment, taking away from the experience provided by the park and the surrounding development on Main Street.

Medium scale barriers are also imposed on to the park due the lack of entrance

points in which users can access this space. There are only three main entrance points to Shoshone: a main entrance point found along Hertel Avenue, a secondary entrance point found on Beard avenue, and a third entrance point found in the parking lot of the daycare center. The number and location of these entrances do not enhance the accessibility or welcoming nature of the space.

In fact, one of the most shocking findings regarding the lack of entrance points is

that one can be found at the end of Beard Avenue, which is marked as a dead end street.

The “Dead End” sign that is located at the top of the street may confuse first time visitors that are accessing the park by car. The sign masks this entrance, deterring users from travel‐ ing down the road. This is causes visitors to believe that this route is inaccessible by car, and therefore misleading them to think that there is only one entrance to the park.

In addition to large and medium scale barriers, small scale physical barriers can also

be found on route to and within Shoshone park. These barriers specifically impact pedestri‐ ans, local traffic and residents within t he park’s near vicinity.

These barriers can specifically hinder the accessibility of users with disabilities.

An article written by Imrie and Thomas highlights designs that strictly prohibit people with disabilities from accessing a significant part of the community environment as an act of “environmental injustice.” Their article goes on to discuss how mobility plays an important role in these people’s lives and how through poor design decisions, designers and decision Page 20

makers have the ability to either prohibit or create physical environmental barriers that would create additional limitations to their mobility.

Many of these small scale barriers can be found in the design of Shoshone Park and

its surrounding area. While attempting to access Shoshone Park from the east, it became clear that the only entrance on the east side fails to encompass the concept of universal de‐ sign as this entrance limits its users to able bodied individuals. Despite being the only en‐ trance to the park from the east side, this entrance acts as an urban barrier which will prevent people with disabilities from accessing the park. As shown in Figure 4, the east side entrance takes the form of a thin, concrete stairwell that is bounded by two steel handrails. While there are many able bodied people who are able

Figure 4: East side stairwell to Shoshone Park that serves as an urban barrier for physically disabled individuals.

Image Source: created by author.

to use this stairwell, there are also a number of individuals who are bounded by the physical limitation of a wheelchair or a physi‐ cal disability. Even though the east side entrance is approximately a 33 foot walk from the park, the distance to the Beard Avenue entrance (for a person who would be unable to ac‐ cess the east side stairwell), is approximately 585 yards (almost 6 football fields). The next closest entrance to the park (the Hertel Avenue entrance) is a 640 yard journey for person with a physical impairment (almost 6 and a half football fields).

While Beard Avenue serves as one of the primary entrances for the park, it also Page 21

serves as another small scale urban barrier that might prevent users from accessing it. The street lacks a sidewalk that connects the street to the main entrance of the park. (Figure 5) Even though Beard Avenue leads to a vehicular parking lot, the sidewalk ends in the middle of the street and does not connect us‐ ers to the entrance of the park.

For any pedestrian, the sidewalk repre‐ sents a form of safety from oncoming cars due to the clear distinction be‐ tween pedestrian traffic and vehicular traffic. In the case of Beard Avenue, the Figure 5: Beard Avenue's discontinued sidewalk forces sidewalk stops in the middle of the

individuals to intergrate with vehicular traffic.

Image Source: created by author.

street and would force pedestrians to integrate with vehicular traffic on the street. Since this road is the primary medium for ena‐ bling vehicular traffic to access Shoshone Park and its parking lot, this road might present a threat to young children, the physically disabled, and the elderly or even cyclists.

After Beard Avenue’s failure to incorporate sidewalks into its design, Beard Avenue then forces pedestrian traffic to navigate through a large parking lot which is another urban bar‐ rier in this area. Without any protection from moving vehicles, pedestrians are forced to in‐ tegrate with vehicular traffic which may cause dangerous conditions for both vehicles and pedestrians who are leaving or entering the parking lot. The integration of vehicles and pe‐ destrians without a physical edge boundary to separate the two different types of traffic cre‐ ates dangerous conditions for not only able bodied individuals, but also for people with Page 22

physical disabilites who are restricted to a wheelchair and the drivers of the automobiles themselves. As illumi‐ nated in Figure 6, the parking lot serves as a major urban barrier for not only physically disabled individuals, but also for any pedestrian as they must integrate with vehicular traffic.

Psychological Barriers

When considering the design

Figure 6: Beard Avenue parking lot as barrier between Shoshone Park entrance and Beard Avenue. No connec‐ tivity (sidewalks, paths) between Beard Avenue and en‐ trance.

Image Source: created by author.

and construction of public space, it is vital to also consider the psychological needs of users.

People can be positively or negatively impacted by spatial design on both mental and physi‐ cal levels drawing them to or pushing them away from an area. Mental barriers that are lo‐ cated within the urban landscape can also greatly hinder accessibility to these environments.

Psychological barriers impact a person’s feeling of security. These factors can be the

most detrimental causes of inaccessibility in urban public spaces. In her 1961 book The death and life of great American cities, author Jane Jacobs explains that the absence of cer‐ tain individuals or dynamics in street spaces within public spaces of cities can directly impact the way in which occupants perceive or experience security within their surrounding envi‐ ronments. She explains that boundaries and methods of surveillance are needed in order to ensure order within an urban environment within the public realm (Jacobs, 1961, 36).

Page 23

Jacobs explains that there must be a defined border between public and private spaces in or‐ der for “watch” to effectively take place (Jacobs, 1961, 36).

However, Jacobs does not describe the measures of surveillance needed to ensure the

safety of urban public spaces as a form of formal policing or control. Instead, Jacobs believes that public presence is vital for an area’s security. She described the phenomena as “eyes on the street”, that is “eyes belonging to those we might call natural proprietors of the street” (Jacobs, 1961, 35). These eyes can take the form of residents, storekeepers or busi‐ ness owners who have vested interest in the health and quality of their block (Jacobs, 1961, 35). These eyes become the guardians of the spaces, the watchers of the sidewalks. Addition‐ ally, Jacobs explains that the constant presence of human traffic and occupation can provide for an immeasurable amount of surveillance. Activity generates movement, attracting new eyes to watch over local residents and also strangers, creating a space that is truly public (Jacobs, 1961, 35‐36). Strangers are not bad, but instead provide security for both residents, and fellow visitors (Jacobs, 1961, 35‐36). This is effective, Jacobs explains because “Large numbers of people entertain themselves…by watching street activity” (Jacobs, 1961, 35). Peo‐ ple are constantly watching each other, noting the nature of their surroundings. The continu‐ ous flow of public movement, that is the combination of local residents with visitors coupled with the presence of local stakeholders, can provide the eyes needed ensure the security of a public.

To do so, public spaces must be well used. But human presence is more difficult to

plan for and to construct than might be thought. Jacobs explains, “You can’t make people use streets that they have no reason to use. You can’t make people watch streets they do not Page 24

want to watch” (Jacobs, 1961, 36). Physical attributes of public spaces can cause psychologi‐ cal barriers within a site, preventing access to or movement throughout an environment.

This is a true reality in the studied area.

In order to secure a constant flow of human traffic, it is first necessary for an environ‐

ment to provide incentives for users to visit and/or occupy its space. Jacobs explains that the presence of shops and businesses draw both visitors and residents to an area (Jacobs, 1961, 37). In fact, late night establish‐ ments such as restaurants and bars pro‐ vide for optimal security because they ensure constant activity in to the late hours of the night. Main Street does not currently provide for a constant en‐ vironment of activity within the studied area. The further away that people

Figure 7: Empty store fronts creating blank walls on Main Street.

Image Source: Created by author.

travel from the university and its sur‐ rounding developments, the fewer amenities they will encounter. The path to Shoshone Park becomes less dense and emptier. As shown in Figures 7 and 8, the sidewalk is marked by large scale surface parking lots, vacant store fronts, and blank walls. Along

Figure 8: A blank wall on Main Street.

Image Source: Created by author

Page 25

with these vacant storefronts and blank walls, there exists a predominant green space that acts as an urban barrier be‐ tween a residential development as marked by Figure 9. On the east side of the street, new residential development has been set back from the road. There is neither much attraction for the continua‐

Figure 9: Empty green space, creating a barrier between residential development and Main Street Image Source: Created by author.

tion of pedestrian traffic flowing to and from the university, nor a force stopping travelers of vehicular traffic. The environment is empty and therefore not usable or inhabitable, thus unsafe.

Levels of absence are also heightened physical factors that create mental barriers. The

appearance of the environment impacts the feeling of safety experienced by users. Poor light‐ ing and maintenance of the structures and grounds of an environment reinforce the feeling of absence that Jacobs describes as being the detriment of city landscapes.

This feeling of absence that Jacobs de‐ scribes can be clearly portrayed in Figure 10. Unmaintained properties on Hertel Avenue such as the one in to the right

Figure 10: Unmaintained property on Hertel Avenue that serves as a negative psychological barrier. serves as negative urban barriers that tend Image Source: Created by author.

Page 26

to drive users away from a specific area.

Graffiti may also impact the way in

which users perceive and experience an urban environment. As illustrated in Fig‐ ure 11., the graffiti on a basketball hoop exhibits a disconnection and lack of care or concern for Shoshone Park.. Similarly to lighting and maintenance issues, graf‐

Figure 11: Graffiti is prominent is Shoshone Park and serves as another physiological barrier.

Image Source: Created by author.

fiti can create a feeling of absence and neglect, causing users to feel uncomfortable or unsafe in an area. These factors cause spaces to appear empty, and therefore unused or inhabited by the public.

Visual Barriers

As previously discussed, physical and psychological barriers are very present within

the study area. As you walk from Winspear Avenue to Shoshone Park these physical and psychological barriers are visible in all sizes: small to large. Although these physical and psy‐ chological barriers are the main problem we are presented with, a few other barriers ap‐ pear.

The lack of signage within the study area is one of these barriers. As you proceed

from Winspear Avenue to Shoshone Park, there is no signage to direct you to the park. As you even walk around the park there is only one sign at the main entrance off of Hertel Avemie. This appears to be a major problem for people trying to use the park or find a place like Shoshone Park to use. As you travel throughout the city of Buffalo, there are signs di‐ Page 27

directing you to other parks within the Olmsted System. This is not present at all with Sho‐ shone Park. The idea of way finding does not exist for the people trying to find Shoshone Park. Way finding is a form of expression that should attract people to an area, not send them in the other direction. According to Kelan Smith in a September 2008 issue of Build‐ ings, “signs and signboards should make a good first impression on people. The best way finding programs provide a combination of manufactured and human elements to create a guided experience for visitors.” Kelan Smith has an excellent point in that more people rely on signage or other sources of direction like a GPS, to find their way around instead of rely‐ ing on their natural instincts.

The large parking lots and open

fields that surround the Shoshone Park area present a large visual barrier that needs to be addressed. The surface parking lot depicted in Figure 12 is a park & ride for the Niagara Falls Trans‐ portation Authority and the day care

Figure 12: Large parking lot east of Shoshone Park Image Source: Created by author

center on the back edge of the parking lot is an eyesore and mental barrier for many to cross. It first disconnects Main Street and the University Heights area from Shoshone Park.

There is nothing on the edge of the parking lot to suggest that there is a park that sits below it. The parking lot edge that touches Shoshone Park is not maintained at all. It is filled with garbage and over grown with weeds and trees that have fallen over or just grown out of the side of the parking lot.

Page 28

The vacant land behind the day

care center also creates a visual barrier within the studied environment.. Though once booming with rail transit , this space is no longer in use. As shown in Figure 13, the area is unlit and overgrown. This space thus unattractive to users, causing to it remain empty. Vacant spaces can also

Figure 13: Vacant land behind the day care center Image Source: Created by author

impact a person’s feeling of safety, further deterring potential use.

One of the last visual barriers that exist is within the pathway from Winspear Avenue

to Shoshone Park is that large amount of the vacant lots and empty store fronts down Main Street. As depicted in Figure 14. the “missing teeth” pattern that has resonated on route from Winspear Avenue to Shoshone Park. Empty store fronts, large vacant lots create open spaces that visually disrupt the urban fab‐ ric, discouraging movement. As previ‐ ously discussed, these barriers impact the effect on traffic flow that other mixed use development has created within the stud‐ ied area. This missing teeth pattern causes a visual barrier that detracts the

Figure 14: Vacant lots and empty store fronts on Main Street presence of users within the studied area. Image Source: Created by author

Page 29

The Park as a Barrier

Shoshone Park itself also poses a significant physical barrier within the larger area,

forcing users to redirect their travel route around the park. The park impedes all types of traffic, including pedestrian, bicycle and vehicular. Shoshone Park occupies a large surface area. With only three entrances, there is no central route that is easily accessible. Addition‐ ally, due to a lack of bike lanes or access roads, movement by bicycles and cars is nearly im‐ possible.. This poses a problem from someone who is trying to get from Main Street near W. Winspear Avenue to Hertel Avenue or Tacoma Avenue, are all highly traveled roads. This shows that Shoshone Park is a barrier in itself because it limits people to take the fastest most direct path from on area to another.

Shoshone Park has also created a major disconnect between the surrounding

neighborhoods: University Heights neighborhood on the east side of the park, and the North Buffalo neighborhood on the west side. Spatial separation reinforced through the park’s de‐ sign has continued to enable isolation of the two very different neighborhoods. At a much higher density, there are 8301 and 12625 residents per square mile living in the heights as opposed to the other side of “the tracks”. The North Buffalo Neighborhood has 2201 to 5000 people per square mile (Erie County GIS Office). These density variances creates neighborhoods with different volumes of occupation and use.

Housing values and types also impact these environments. On the east side of the

tracks, a majority of the houses are assessed between $38,000 and $70,000. On the other side of the corridor, houses are valued between $70,000 and $190,000 dollars (Erie County GIS Office). The University Heights Neighborhood is made up of several rental properties Page 30

occupied by student by students. The North Buffalo neighborhood is a healthier mix of family owned households and rentals. From the 2000 Census, the North Buffalo neighborhood has 3,644 occupied housing units. The total number of rental units was 1,929, with 34% of its households as rental property. University Heights Neighborhood, the 2000 Census records show that 54% of the neighborhood’s households were rentals (U.S. Census Bureau). Despite their proximity, the differing environments impacted by housing is also reinforced through park design.

There are several streets the run off Main Street that come to a dead end at the park;

W. Winspear, W. Northrup, and Custer. If the park were nonexistent these streets could have been extended all the way to Shoshone Street. If these streets were extended the entire Uni‐ versity District could be connected to the rest of North Buffalo which would make access to these parts of Main Street more convenient. The gap that separates these neighborhoods has in the recent years seen proposals to be filled in with a housing development. The most re‐ cent plan is provided in Figure 15 on page 18. The project includes a mix of single family homes, multi‐family homes, commercial space, and green space. 140 detached single family homes along with between 100 and 150 multi‐family homes (including senior housing and market‐rate rentals) will comprise a good portion of the project. Houses are expected to be valued at $180,000‐$350,000, well above the household values that exist on either side of this project. This project will undoubtedly have a major impact on both neighborhoods. Goals of this project are adding additional housing in an area of the city where demand exceeds supply, rebuilding street and neighborhood connections, create job and business opportunities for local residents, and create bike and walkway connections (Buffalo Rising).

Page 31

Portion of Rail Corridor

North Buffalo Neighborhood on the West Side of Rail Corridor

University Heights Neighborhood on the East Side of abandoned Rail Corridor

Figure 15: Latest Proposed Plan for Abandoned Rail Corridor Data Source: Buffalo Rising

If these goals can be realized through this project, along with increasing property values on either side of the project, residents will be satisfied. As of now, concerns are raised as to whether a green corridor should be developed on while the city already has a surplus of ex‐ isting housing. Not everyone is convinced that demand exceeds supply in this area, and rather thinks that the development could pull people from these two existing neighbor‐ hoods. Another concern is this project might make any future plans of extending the light rail system into the Tonawanda’s and maybe North Buffalo impossible. What exists right now is a Right of Way that could be used for an extension of Buffalo’s current light rail sys‐ tem. The impacts of this project will be substantial, but as of now they are unknown. Some of the residence in the North Buffalo neighborhood might love having the park where it is acting as a barrier to the University District because the mass chaos that comes with areas Page 32

that are heavily occupied by young college students. This is one of the few situations that a barrier can act as a positive aspect.

Those who live on or around Hertel Avenue. and Shoshone Street may see the park

as nuisance. There could a situation where someone wants to get from there home to the subway station which is located on the opposite side of the park. Unless traveling by foot you are forced to go around the park. If you were to travel by foot through the park you would find many inconveniences; there is no direct route from one side to the other, just a path which mainly circles the perimeter of the park. The park is not well maintained other than the grass is being cut regularly. In the fall leave clean up is poor covering all the main pathways there are a lot of fences and bleachers that are old and/or damaged (Figure 16). Leonard Phillips suggests adding parking meters to the lots to help generate revenue to fund maintained. (Phillips, 1996) This would be Figure 16: Within Shoshone Park main path around the an effective way of providing more main‐

park Image Source: Created by author

tenance given that you have a lot of people coming to the park and parking in that lot. The benefit could outweigh the loss; as long as the park being better maintained drew more peo‐ ple to the park Phillips method would be successful. Also if you were traveling at night it would not be desirable to walk though the park because there is no lighting and it’s a large open space leaving one completely exposed. If one was not familiar with Shoshone Park and Page 33

were trying to get to the subway station, one would most likely take the fastest most direct path through the park assuming that you will be able to find an exit. Although, on the east end of the park there is only one entrance, in this case exit, so for the person who walked to the south east end of the park, nearest to the subway station, they would have to walk ei‐ ther north or south to find an exit. To the north east point there is a stair way out then you would have to walk across a huge parking lot. To the south there is Beard Ave. which brings you to Hertel Avenue. then you would have to walk up Main just to get to the subway sta‐ tion.

Recommendations 1. NFTA / Daycare Parking Lot

In an article by Vinit Mukhija, he explains that local governments tend to place em‐

phasis on the quantity of parking opposed to the quality of parking. This surely holds true for the parking lot described above. An abundance of space is provided for cars, but abso‐ lutely no consideration is given to making it a friendly or safe environment for cars or pedes‐ trians. A walk through this parking lot will not be comfortable for a person. The vast emp‐ tiness, free range cars, sun reflecting off the blacktop, and lack of any green or path at all make for an uncomfortable experience for a pedestrian or bicyclist. This parking lot does act as urban barrier when the park is the destination. The challenge of a parking lot is that it is difficult to create a defined space. Measures can be taken such as landscaping and path making to improve the quality of parking lots. Other measures that can be used to minimize the impact of a parking lot on urban design are reducing the number of spaces and placing Page 34

the cars out of view. Cars can be hidden by lowering the grade of the parking lot; therefore, a person would naturally look over the cars (Mukhija 2006).

2. Rail Corridor

The Transportation Research Board determined including access management into

transportation corridor projects, such as railroad lines. Access management is a broad term that refers to certain guidelines that should be followed to allow a satisfactory amount of ac‐ cess by users of the transportation structure and its neighbors. When these guidelines are fol‐ lowed, the transportation project will create many different benefits, including economic and community benefits. A specific guideline that fits in with this topic of the rail corridor is pro‐ viding reasonable access to adjacent land uses The Transportation Research Board 2005). This was not followed when the rail line was put in decades ago.

3. East Side Stairwell

A simple improvement that can be made is to improve the stairs at the northeast side

of Shoshone Park. By improving the stairs and adding handicap access ramps to the east side of the park, handicapped individuals will have one less thing to worry about when attempting to enter the park from the east side. An illustrated recommendation (Figure 17) is included at the end of this section.

4. Visual Barriers / Signage

Another minor improvement along the pathway is to add more signage to direct peo‐

ple to Shoshone Park. By adding signs on either Hertel Ave or Main St., pedestrians and po‐ tential park users will feel informed and not lost in the area. The minor recommendations should be closely looked at but there are also some major improvements that can also be Page 35

made. A simple improvement would be by adding some lights in Shoshone Park at the access points, edges, and along the pathways. Also by adding bike lanes within the park and along Main St., would make pedestrians feel safer and not have to look out for traffic.

5. Shoshone Park

There are also three major improvements that would have positive long term affect for

Shoshone Park and the surrounding areas. One of these improvements is to add a retaining wall along the whole northeast side of Shoshone park that would help clean up the brush and add more access points for citizens trying to use the park. The second improvement is to re‐ move the existing pathways and replace the existing pathways with new asphalt and the new pathways for better accessibility for the users of the park. The third and last major improve‐ ment would be to divide the large parking transit parking lot into a grid pattern. This would be easy to do by adding pedestrian lanes to allow the citizens to believe they are walking more safely within the parking lot. Also by adding some island with small trees and shrubs would create a more welcoming environment day and night.

6. Psychological Barriers / Safety

To bring a greater level of safety to the studied area, it is first vital to draw a greater

presence of human activity within public spaces located on Main Street and within Shoshone park. To achieve this, more development should be encouraged to link the spatial gap that is presently existing in the form of parking lots, empty industrial spaces, and vacant lots and storefronts. Better lighting must also be provided on Main Street, on side streets and in the park as well. Maintenance must be made and kept up in both public and private spaces. Fi‐ nally, graffiti should be cleaned up to encourage people to visit and occupy these spaces.

Page 36

Research Methods

Identifying urban barriers encountered when traveling from a designated starting point

to a designated ending point required various steps of research methods. The initial step in‐ cluded learning how to identify urban barriers, and how they impacted society. Literature, mainly in the forms of books and electronic journals, was used to gain this understanding of urban barriers. The next step was to decide how many and which paths would need to be taken to thoroughly examine the study area. Maps provided by Google and edited by a group member were used to identify the paths that would be taken. The group went to the study area; walking, taking pictures, and documenting urban barriers that were observed. To help the group gain understanding on possible reasons why the barriers existed, Professor Al Price was asked questions regarding the area. Professor Price has a Masters in Urban Planning and Architecture, as well as having grown up near the subject area. Additional literature was used in the critiquing of the barriers, and for the recommendations that could be made to mitigate the barriers.

Page 37

Sources Cited

Erie County GIS Office (2005). Erie County Internet Mapping Project. Retrieved November 11, 2008 from www.gis1.erie.gov

Gleeson, B. (2002) The disabling city. In G. Bridge. S. Watson (Ed.), The Blackwell City Reader. Blackwell Publishing.

Google (2008). Google Earth. Retrieved November 11,2008, from www.earth.google.com

Greenstein, R., Sungu‐Eryilmaz, Y. (2004). Recycling the city: the use and reuse of urban land. Toronto: Lincoln Institute of Land Policy/

Irmie, R., Tomas, H. (2008). The interrelationships between environment and disability. Local Environment. 13 (8), 477‐483. Retrieved October 28, 2008 from Aca‐ demic Search Premier databese. <http://wen.ebscohost.com>

Jacobs, J. (1961) The death and life of great American cities. New York: Random House.

Lewis, H. (1952, January). Layout and design of parking lots: ashtetic considerations. Traffic quarterly, 6, 27‐39. Retireved November 6, 2008 from Avery Index to Architectural Pe‐ riodicals database.

Microsoft Corporation, 2008. Live Search Maps. Retrieved November 11, 2008, from www.maps.live.com

Mukhija, V. Shoup, D. (2006) Quantity versus quality in off‐sreet parking requirements. Journal of the Americam Planning Association, 72(3), 296‐308. Retrieved November 6, 2008 from Avery Index to Architecural Periodicals.

Phillips, Leonard E. (1996). Park: Design and Management. New York: McGraw‐Hill.

Transportation Research Board, National Research Council (2005). A guidebook for including access management in transportation planning. Washington, D.C.

U.S. Census Bureau (2000) American FactFinder. Retrieved October 2,2008, from www.factfinder.census.gov

West Coast Perspective (October 19, 2007). Main LaSalle Proposal‐ “Shoshone Village.” Buffalo Rising. Retrieved November 11, 2008, from www.buffalorising.com/story/ mainlasalle_proposal_shoshone Page 38

U

R

B

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B U F FA LO INTERRUPTIONS HIGH

DENSITY

TRAFFIC

“MISSING TEETH”

LACK

OF

BIKE

LANES

IN THE URBAN FABRIC

Breaks in the urban built environment that DISRUPT and PREVENT the mobility of certain individuals, automobiles, or mass transit from reaching their specified destination.

RAYMOND CHETTI RICHARD HERNANDEZ LANCE LOWELL STEVE MANNELLA ALEXANDER RUSSO MOLLY RANAHAN GRAFFITI

&

VANDELISM

NO

HANDICAP

ACCESS

LARGE

AREA

OF

ASPHALT

B A R R I E R S

GROUP PD 350 S. S.

NUMBER 8 FALL 2008 NAGOWSKI

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IN S

WEST. NORTHRUP

M I N O R

U R B A N

B A R R I E R S

LACK OF PROPER PATHWAYS

U N M A I N T A I N E D

LACK

PE AR AV EN UE

CUSTER STREET

LEGEND STARTING POINT END DESTINATION ROUTES TAKEN MINOR ROADWAYS MAJOR ROADWAYS DAY CARE FACILITY

PROPOSED SHOSHONE VILLAGE

N

UE

SHOSHONE PARK

M AI

HERTA L AVEN

ST RE E

T

PARKING LOTS

UNIVERSITY AT BUFFALO

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PROPOSED A C C E S S SOURCE: LANCE LOWELL

PROPOSED P A R K I N G SOURCE: BUFFALORISING.COM

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PEDESTRIAN

N

SAFETY

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PROPOSED SHOSHONE VILLAGE AT NORTHEND OF NFTA PARKING LOT SOURCE: BUFFALORISING.COM

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GROUP 8 PD 350 FALL 2008 S.S. NAGOWSKI

URBAN BARRIERS

Breaks in the urban built environment that DISRUPT and PREVENT the mobility of certain individuals, automobiles, or mass transit from reaching their specified destination.

O

STUDY AREA

Source: Google Earth Image

ROUTES TAKEN WITH FOCUS AREAS

Background •Area consists of single parent households, married households, senior citizens, and college students.

•Land uses consist of residential, public, private, and mixed use.

•Shoshone Park and parking lot originally constructed for the LaSalle Metro stop.

•Shoshone Park was originally constructed for just the Hertel Avenue neighborhood.

Major Urban Barriers •Streets •Highways •Railways •Bodies of Water •Large Industrial Buildings

Main Street PROBLEM #1 : HIGH DENSITY TRAFFIC •High density traffic with no buffer between sidewalk and vehicular traffic PROBLEM #2 : “MISSING TEETH” •Impermeable surfaces between existing structures PROBLEM #3 : LACK OF BIKE LANES •Dangerous for bicyclist to commute with high density vehicular traffic

Problem #1: High Density Traffic

Problem #2: “Missing Teeth”

Problem #3: Lack of Bike Lanes

NFTA Parking Lot

PROBLEM #1 : “GIANT” SLAB OF ASPHALT •No division within asphalt •Just painted lines PROBLEM #2 : LACK OF PEDESTRIAN SAFETY •No sidewalks within parking lots for pedestrian traffic to walk through parking lot •Very few lights in parking lot for night safety •No curbs to stop traffic from driving in certain areas of parking lot

Problem #1: “Giant” Slab of Asphalt

Problem #2: Lack of Pedestrian Safety

East Side of Shoshone Park

PROBLEM #1 : UNSAFE STAIRS •Stairs are unmaintained out of date •Only wide enough for one person to walk up or down at a time PROBLEM #2 : NO HANDICAP ACCESS •No handicap ramp for access to lower level park •Does not meet ADA (American Disabilities Act) regulations PROBLEM #3 : UNMAINTAINED •Overgrown with vegetation •Rusty fence divides the Shoshone Park and parking lot levels •Garbage is collecting along this side making the park unattractive

Problem #1: Unsafe Stairs

Problem #3: Unmaintained

Minor “Urban Barriers” •Sidewalks •Pathways •Seating Areas •Signage •Lighting •Garbage •Graffiti

Hertel Avenue

PROBLEM #1 : NO PROMINENT FRONT OF SHOSHONE PARK •No “Main” entrance to Shoshone Park PROBLEM #2 : NO PARKING FOR SHOSHONE PARK •No parking on Hertel Avenue for outside visitors •Needs to be parking for visitors since the park needs to expand its user area PROBLEM #3 : LACK OF BICYCLE LANES •Like Main Street Hertel Avenue does not invite bicycles to use its road for commuting

Problem: No Entrance or Parking for Shoshone Park

Lack of Signage for Way-finding

PROBLEM #1 : NO PARK SIGNS ON MAINT STREET OR HERTAL AVENUE •Unlike Delaware Park and other Olmsted Parks, the little unknown Shoshone Park has no signs helping visitors or users direct themselves to the park.

PROBLEM #2 : PARK DEFINITION •No prominent sign at the front of the park on Hertel Avenue or on Main Street to show the park is there

Lack of Lighting

PROBLEM #1: LACK OF LIGHTING WITHIN SHOSHONE PARK •No lighting for activities that run later at night.

•Unsafe for users to use park at night for a healthy lifestyle PROBLEM #2 : LACK OF SAFE LIGHTING FOR PEDESTRIANS ON MAIN STREET •Lighting only signs on the street for vehicular traffic •Sidewalks not properly lit for the heavy pedestrian traffic at night •Many crimes are committed on this street and lighting can partially be blamed.

PROBLEM #3 : PARKING LOT NOT PROPERLY LIT FOR NIGHT USAGE •Lighting outdated for the amount of usage of the lot •Does not make pedestrians feel safe at night to walk through

Problem #1: Lack of Lighting in Shoshone Park

Problem #2: Lack of safe lighting down Main Street

Problem #3: Lack of Lighting in Parking Lot and Edges

Beard Avenue & Sidewalk

PROBLEM #1 : UNFINISHED SIDEWALK AND LACK OF SIGNAGE •Sidewalk disappears into the grass and asphalt of Beard Avenue •No definitive edge for pedestrians and vehicular traffic •No signage to welcome users to Shoshone Park PROBLEM #2 : LACK OF SAFETY FOR PEDESTRIANS •No edge to help provide buffer from vehicular traffic •Improper lighting for pedestrian traffic

Problem #1: Unfinished Sidewalk and Lack of Signage

Problem #2: Lack of Safety for Pedestrians

Graffiti & Garbage

PROBLEM: GRAFFITI AND GARBAGE WITHIN SHOSHONE PARK •Creates unsafe environment for children to play in •Sends potential users of the park away •Destroys the neighborhood character of the park

Recommendations MAIN STREET •Install bicycle lanes for safety reason •Install more lighting for pedestrian safety •Install new signs for Shoshone Park and parking areas •Remove “missing teeth” with new store fronts or “green” usage and create new store fronts on existing businesses for a community feeling

SHOSHONE PARK AND HERTEL AVENUE •Create a new grounds staff for better upkeep •Create a new front entrance of park with parking area •Create possible new pathways within baseball diamonds and parking lot PARKING LOTS AND EAST SIDE OF SHOSHONE PARK •Create a grid pattern within parking lot by adding curbs and trees •Create prominent pedestrian pathways within parking lot •Add retaining wall for structural support and aestethics of Shoshone Park •Create handicap access and new stairs between Shoshone Park and parking lot •Add better lighting between park and parking lot

Potential of Main Street with Bicycle Lanes

Proposed Shoshone Village

Source: BuffaloRising.com

Proposed Parking Lots and Pedestrian Safety

Source: BuffaloRising.com

Proposed East Side of Shoshone Park

Rendering of Proposed Accessibility Source: Lance Lowell

East Side of Shoshone Park

Rendering of Proposed Accessibility

Source: Lance Lowell

Questions?

GROUP 8 PD 350 FALL 2008 S.S. NAGOWSKI

RAYMOND CHETTI RICHARD HERNANDEZ LANCE LOWELL STEVE MANNELLA ALEXANDER RUSSO MOLLY RANAHAN

“Planning is a dynamic profession that works to improve the welfare of people and their communities by creating more convenient, equitable, healthful, efficient, and attractive places for p r e s e n t a n d f u t u r e g e n e r a t i o n s . ” -American Planning Association Concluding Remarks Through out the semester, while working independently on a number of research assignments, we have also worked as a team in order to develop an impressive portfolio of complete works.

As we re‐vised, re‐edited, and re‐designed our assignments, we have in essence, practiced essential skills that urban planners use on a daily basis: researching, collaboration and consensus building, professionalism in academic writing, as well as presentation skills.

This portfolio of completed works represents the skills we have learned and practiced over the course of the semester.

Hayes Hall School of Architecture and Planning University at Buffalo

Image Source: http://www.ap.buffalo.edu