Strengthening Diversity and Inclusion in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen

SESSION REPORT

544

Strengthening Diversity and Inclusion in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen

REFORM AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA

Session 544

Salzburg, March 28 to 29, 2014

Strengthening Diversity and Inclusion in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen Report Author: Louise Hallman

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Session 544 | Strengthening Diversity and Inclusion in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen

Contents 5

Introduction

7

Country and Context Updates: What Has Changed?

15

Country Proposals

26

Finding Support and Funding for Potential Projects

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Regional Approaches and Next Steps

Appendices

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Session Participants and Staff

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Salzburg Global Seminar Staff

Introduction “Diversity is what we have. Inclusion is making diversity work.” So said one participant last year during the session Getting Transition Right: A Rightsbased Approach to Diversity and Inclusion. The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region is unquestionably more than just “Arab” or “Muslim” (despite oft-made assumptions by many outside of the region); and since the upheavals of 2011, opportunities have arisen to make these diverse societies more inclusive. But how?

Salzburg Global Seminar has been involved in aiding social change processes since the organization was established in 1947 as a neutral place of dialogue between Europeans and Americans, who had just spent much of the past decade at war with each other.

Salzburg Global’s involvement in the Middle East’s post “Arab Spring” transition started with its program The Challenges of Transition: Sharing Experience in December 2011, 12 months after Tunisian street vendor, Mohamed Bouazizi’s revolution-sparking self-immolation.

That was the question that faced over 40 civil society activists, academics, donors and budding policy-makers who came together in Salzburg, Austria, in November 2013 for the aforementioned session [see www.salzburgglobal.org/go/508/report]. Over the course of five days, they took the opportunity to retreat from the hectic work in “post-revolution” Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen, and to take stock and formulate plans to help make their countries more inclusive and accepting of their long-established diverse communities.

The Arab Human Rights Fund, having participated in the Salzburg Global program Philanthropy in Times of Crisis and Transition:; Catalyzing Forces of Change in November 2012, chose to partner with Salzburg Global Seminar on the program, Getting Transition Right: A RightsBased Approach to Diversity and Inclusivity to look at how the debate surrounding human rights could be reframed and issues of diversity and inclusion could be better integrated into the evolving dialogue in the region. By focusing on diversity and inclusion it was hoped that the debate could be de-politicized and de-polarized in a region that is quickly finding new polarities and dichotomies along which to divide itself.

In March 2014, a dozen of this original cohort, plus select experts who were unable to join the original November program, convened again at Schloss Leopoldskron for the session Strengthening Diversity and Inclusion in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen to continue structuring their plans to create and build support across civil society for policy-relevant recommendations and related projects that demonstrate respect for diversity and foster inclusion.

Since the heady days of 2011, which saw several decades-old dictatorships across the region toppled in mere months of each other as whole swathes of society – men and women, old and young, from different classes, professions, religions, etc. – took to the streets to demand greater human rights and social equity, the early optimism has faded. In all four of the focus countries progress has been spasmodic or in some cases rolled back. As one Fellow remarked in November: “Death has become the new normal.” Indeed, so far violence has been one of the most evident drivers of change in the region, but engaging civil society is key to getting progress toward the goals of the uprisings (dignity, justice, equality) back on track.

The March 2014 follow-on meeting Strengthening Diversity and Inclusion in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen was funded by the United Kingdom’s Foreign and Commonwealth Office, and whilst not present in Salzburg for this event, the Fund remains invested in the multi-year program and its outcomes.

The four focus countries were selected owing to their “post” (though very much unfinished) revolutionary status; with new constitutions, democratic systems and governments in place—however precarious—the four countries of Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen are arguably best poised in the region to engage in new discourse and adopt new policies addressing diversity and inclusion. Despite the

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Session 544 | Strengthening Diversity and Inclusion in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen

set-backs currently faced in the transition process, it was still widely accepted at both the November and March programs that there is a window of opportunity in the region to initiate new processes that must not be missed.

The transition countries have deep-rooted problems, especially pertaining to inclusivity and diversity, and as one of the Salzburg Global Fellows pointed out in March, bringing together only politicians or “official” representatives will not solve such issues; there needs to be engagement and inclusion of all stakeholders.

This is especially important in countries like Egypt where power has shifted quickly and multiple times since the fall of Mubarak, meaning those that were once the “majority” have quickly found themselves marginalized once they lost their earlier status.

Civil society has a crucial role to play in delivering fairer, more inclusive change, embracing of all the diverse peoples and communities that exist across the MENA region. Diversity has always existed in the Middle East; despite the former prevalence of Arab nationalism, the region has never been homogenous. These diverse voices jointly clambered for change in the region, but they are not all currently engaged in the process. While civil society is rapidly developing in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen, this has not always been the case; much of civil society in these countries is still in the nascent stage. Yet, this sector, however inexperienced, and the people and communities it represents, needs to be an integral part of this transition process.

The original cohort of Salzburg Global Fellows selected in November came primarily from the four focus countries, with others coming from either elsewhere in the region, from organizations that operate in the region, or from “third countries” that have experienced similar periods of transition and struggles in adopting diversity and inclusion policies. The activists, advocates, academics and donors selected for the program had all been involved in their own countries’ transitions; those participating in the follow-on program in 2014 all agreed to try to help take the ideas forward with their compatriots from the original cohort, and their own networks, both through in-country work and via online platforms.

Over the course of the two-day March program, the 15 Salzburg Global Fellows reviewed and revised their project goals initially set in November, identifying key objectives for each of the four countries’ projects, and setting (hopefully) realistic next steps and outputs. What follows in this report is an overview of how, through the eyes of the Fellows, the situation has changed since the November session, the plans proposed by the four country groups, identification of immediate next steps, and how Salzburg Global intends to help support these efforts long-term as the “post-revolution” transitions turn into transformation of society in these four countries.

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Country and Context Updates: What Has Changed?

In the rapidly changing environment of post-2011 Middle East, it comes as no surprise that situations in each of the four focus countries had changed since the Fellows met in November 2013. Despite much talk about transition from dictatorships to democracy, there is little evidence of transformation; many of the problems that existed under the old regimes linger still.

Deep divisions still remain between different sectors of society, and minorities (and in some cases, the majority population: women and youth) remain excluded and/or marginalized from democratic processes—and society as a whole.

As new constitutions move from the drafting to the adoption stage, work now needs to be done to add more substance beyond the mere words of “do not discriminate.” As one Fellow pointed out, “at the end of the day, the constitution is just a text, a principle on which we agree, but the translation of the constitution into concrete laws still needs to be done.” Indeed, constitutions can be interpreted differently by different governments, and even if more specific laws are drafted, there is no guarantee that new governments will implement these laws fairly. Work needs to be done now to better embed a commitment to diversity and inclusion in not only these new constitutions and subsequent laws, but also society as a whole. The difficulty comes in how to guarantee communitylevel “buy in” for diversity and inclusion. Herein lies the role of civil society: to ensure that everyone can engage in the debate, regardless of background and education. “We have to explain to people that every law can be discussed at the community level and get them to participate,” the Fellow added.

Fellows of Session 544: Strengthening Diversity and Inclusion in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen

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Session 544 | Strengthening Diversity and Inclusion in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen

Egypt In Egypt, the region’s most populous state, there has been a virtual collapse of law and order. “These are dark days in Egypt,” remarked one Fellow working in researching the region.

The November session was held just as ousted president Mohamed Morsi’s trial was due to start and later placed on recess. Showing just how changeable the Egyptian presidency has become since the end of Mubarak’s decades-long tenure, the second program started just as former general Abdel Fattah el-Sisi – who had helped orchestrate the removal of Morsi – stepped down from the military to become eligible to stand as a candidate in the next presidential elections. Also in March, days before the second program began, over 900 members of the Muslim Brotherhood were sentenced to death in mass trials.

“The revolution is over and the military is coming back into power,” said one Egyptian Fellow bleakly. The Muslim Brotherhood, after their brief foray into legitimacy and power after years of being banned, is now again facing expulsion and exclusion from the political process. Having removed Morsi last summer, and with the death of many Muslim Brotherhood members and supporters, the military is reclaiming its long-held position of power, despite constitutional safeguards put in place to supposedly thwart this. Sisi has rescinded his military position, but as he does not belong to a political party, it is not clear where his pool of support is coming from. His lack of a political party does not seem to be hindering his presidential chances; there are no other real contenders, and the army, much like in the immediate aftermath of Mubarak’s removal, has successfully convinced much of the Egyptian population that they are the country’s “only salvation”, as one Fellow explained. Another Fellow suggested that people are only supporting Sisi because he “saved” them from the Muslim

Semal Kedra

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Brotherhood, not because he has a clear program of policies. “It’s not even about the Muslim Brotherhood versus the military anymore – the military has won,” the first Fellow added.

This continuing focus on the “false dichotomy” of the Muslim Brotherhood versus the military is successfully distracting the conversation away from the “real issues” of intolerance, exclusion, social and economic injustice and a lack of the rule of law.

The lack of rule of law was highlighted repeatedly by the Egyptian Fellows throughout the March program. The Ministry of Justice is seen as increasingly politicized and corrupt; one Fellow accused the ministry of promoting lawyers with little legal instruction and experience and of training incoming public prosecutors to be deliberately harsh towards the public at large, not only those seen to be supporting the Muslim Brotherhood. There needs to be a “true” rule of law, not just on paper, “before we can have any other real rights,” he added.

However, another Fellow argued that whilst rule of law is incredibly important, it is also too abstract a concept for many people to fully understand and appreciate its importance. “Most people are more concerned with their daily needs,” he countered.

There is a strong need for civil society to speak out and denounce the human rights violations being committed, from the mass trials, and widespread violence to media strangulation; to attempt to change the focus of the national dialogue away from the political power plays to how this is affecting ordinary people.

“Ignore who is in charge, and address the issues,” advised one Libyan Fellow to her Egyptian counterparts – advice to be heeded in her own country too, she contended.

However, speaking out in such a manner could be potentially dangerous. Unlike November, when the majority of Fellows spoke openly and on the record, there was in March a palpable sense of anxiousness and even fear to be associated with speaking out in favor of democracy and human rights in a manner which could be interpreted as either anti-military, or perhaps even worse, pro-Muslim Brotherhood. “The ‘War on Terror,’” one of the Egyptian Fellows explained, “has thrown everything up in the air.” The Fellows attending the session, and indeed all those working in the human rights and civil society sector, now need to work out how they can continue their work and engage with both society and those in power with this new dynamic.

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Session 544 | Strengthening Diversity and Inclusion in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen

Libya Meanwhile in Libya, there is a sense of inertia at best and deterioration at worst.

Civil society, one Fellow argued, needs to act quickly and nimbly as the power dynamic and security situation is changing so rapidly.

Efforts to bring together the various tribal, political, social, religious and militia groups in a positive manner following the revolution is currently under the auspices of the office of the Prime Minister, but there is little sign of progress and there is also little support for such efforts from the public, said one Libya Fellow.

Unlike its regional neighbors, pre-revolution Libya had virtually no civil society with such organizations banned under Gaddafi. The newly established civil society organizations that have sprung up are largely inexperienced, many of which are led and/or staffed by Libyans returning after years in the diaspora.

Although they currently make up a large portion of the new political leadership, and hold many of the seats in the national assembly, there is widespread distrust from the general public – who had lived under the Gaddafi presidency – directed towards those who have since returned, with “tensions rising everyday”. These former expatriates are generally still viewed as outsiders and “not real Libyans”; the solutions they propose are seen as not being truly applicable to Libya and the views they espouse are considered unduly and overly critical by their “real Libyan” compatriots who see greater progress compared to life under Gaddafi.

The security situation has deteriorated since November, with the UN Security Council expressing “grave concern at the worsening security situation and political divisions” and the Libyan General National Congress (GNC) declaring a state of emergency in the South of the country in January. Clashes continue in the South and East of the country between rival militias not disarmed since the removal of Gaddafi, the State, tribal groups and forces once loyal to the old regime. As reported in the March 2014 Security Council Report, “An overarching issue is the deteriorating security situation due to the existence of militias that challenge the state’s monopoly on the legitimate use of force. The fragility of the government and the continual threats against the GNC are related issues.” In a clear example, since the November session, two of the Libyan Salzburg Global Fellows have had to seek asylum in Europe following attempts on their lives in retaliation for their civil society work.

The revolutions across the region started with marginalized groups like young people demanding their economic, social and political rights. However, whilst the old guard might have been removed, for the younger participants at both the November and the March session, there is a feeling that “the old men are back in power,” continuing the sense of exclusion and marginalization. Although a number of women stood in the elections for Constitutional Assembly elections

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Nabila Hamza

held in February, none of these female candidates stood independently. “Parties are just using women as a figure,” said one Fellow. There now need to be efforts made to build greater trust between society and the women – and all representatives, in fact – elected to parliament, she added.

The constitution drafting process continues apace with hopes to be concluded by next year, but as in November, elected officials remain elusive, with the lack of constituency offices stopping citizens from accessing their representatives. There is little debate or discussion about the “process” of democratic transition, one Fellow indicated, such as the process of budget making and allocation or voting registration and practices. As such, the nascent watchdogs established since the revolution are functioning in a reactionary rather than proactive manner in ensuring these processes are fair. Civil society should take the chance to take the lead in demanding transparency, urged one Libyan Fellow.

Much like in Egypt, the conversation in the country needs to be moved away from the “false paradigms” of Islam versus secularism and instead towards the “real issues” of transparency, rights, inclusivity and participation. Civil society has an important opportunity to start their own conversation, one Libyan Fellow contended, and change the paradigm. Despite the volatile security situation in the country, there did not seem to be the same level of fear of speaking out within the Libya contingent as there was for their Egyptian counterparts.

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Session 544 | Strengthening Diversity and Inclusion in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen

Tunisia

Since his participation in the November session, Salzburg Global Fellow Belabbès Benkredda, founder of the Munathara Initiative, a multimedia public debating platform, has been inspired to extend his vision further across the region.

As the starting place of the “Arab Spring”, Tunisia appears to have made the most positive progress. In November, much of the focus in the Fellows’ group work was on how diversity and inclusivity could be embedded in the constitution, then still in the process of drafting. In January, the newly written constitution was adopted, and was hailed as one of the Arab world’s most progressive constitutions.

However, also in January, the Prime Minister Ali Larayedh was pressured to step down – but this was done far more peacefully than neighboring Egypt’s removal of Mohamed Morsi. Speaking to reporters as he stepped down, Larayedh said, “I hope the country will be a model for democratic transition,” a sentiment that was echoed by Fellows in Salzburg. “Let’s not forget that Tunisia is doing a good job and could have a contagious effect in the long run,” said one Fellow. Transition to democracy and improvement of the faltering economy (a primary impetus for the revolution) has been slow, but so far the bloodshed seen in the three other countries has been largely avoided.

Returning to the March session, he explained how a new program in the same four focus countries of the Salzburg Global program has been established to stimulate public discourse across the region, with outreach workshops held in Egypt and Yemen by the time of the March session, and with imminent plans for Libya and Tunisia.

These workshops enabled young people to create videos of their arguments in debating the role of women in post-revolution parliamentary elections. Rather than focusing on whether women should be included or not, the point of debate focused around the issue of quotas and whether they should be introduced or not to ensure women’s participation in elections.

When we speak of civil society, much of the focus is placed on newly established non-governmental organizations and human rights activists, but as one Fellow reminded the group in March, trade and employers unions played an “instrumental” role in the de-escalation of the crisis in Tunisia, mediating, together with the Tunisian League for Human Rights (a leading human rights organization) and the legal bar association, between the government and the larger opposition parties. This concerted effort suggests that we should look beyond the usual suspects when considering the positive actors within civil society and with whom traditional civil society organizations could form valuable alliances, she argued.

This issue was chosen not only for its topicality in the region as nation’s hold elections and/ or draft constitutions that may include such quotas, but also because it moved the debate beyond simply whether one group or another should be included at all – that was a given for this debate – but instead discusses the best way that inclusion and representation can be implemented.

Unlike the other three focus countries, the security situation in Tunisia was not a focal point of discussion during the March session, possibly reflecting the fact that clashes have been primarily confined to the mountainous border region, rather than the populous coast.

Participants were encouraged to consider the model presented by the Munathara Initiative [see side bar] as one that could be replicated across the region and used toward the overarching program goals of promoting diversity and inclusion through policy processes.

As with the other debates hosted by the Munathara Initiative, the videos produced would be voted on online, with the winners selected to take part in a live televised debate to be held in Sana’a, Yemen in June.

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Rihab Elhaj and Belabbès Benkredda

Yemen Often overlooked by the international media, Yemen has made some stilted progress but also faced some serious setbacks since the group met in November, especially with regards to security.

The focus of group work in November was on ensuring diversity and inclusivity in the national dialogue society; however, one Fellow from Yemen conceded that whilst the exercise had been diverse in its inclusion of various sectors of society, it had been very disconnected from society. “Did they really represent the group they said they did?” she asked critically. Questions were also raised about whether the representatives in the dialogue were really committed to the same vision for the future of Yemen as that which had brought the youth and women out into the streets in 2011. “Diversity and inclusion are easy [concepts] to throw around, but are we really working towards it?” she added.

Now that the national dialogue exercise is reaching its conclusion with the publication of the Document of the National Comprehensive Dialogue in January, Yemen has now turned its attention to drafting its new constitution and preparing for elections. One of the returning Fellows, and the NGO that she cofounded, has been working to change the pronouns used in the constitution to ensure women’s rights are fully enshrined in the document. The NGO has been working on both a local and a national level to raise awareness and stimulate discussion around women’s rights in the country. On the local level, they have started a weekly radio show to discuss issues surrounding diversity and inclusivity. On the national level, they have been engaging directly with members

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Session 544 | Strengthening Diversity and Inclusion in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen

of the constitutional drafting committee. The committee meets once a month and reports to the National Dialogue Conference. Members can bring in up to two guests per round of meetings, and her organization has worked hard to find allies to ensure they are present at each monthly report back meeting. The NGO has also produced a series of four short videos on women’s rights, diversity and inclusivity and is showing them to the drafting committee in a hope to educate and influence them in the constitutional drafting process.

The target is to acknowledge the role of women in society, added another Yemeni Fellow. Work needs to be conducted at the grassroots level and in the rural areas to bring the “voices” of women, young women in particular, to Sana’a where the decisions are made, but where their stories and experiences are often ignored.

“We need to reclaim people’s stories,” said one Yemeni Fellow.

The security situation in the country, however, is precarious. In addition to tribal conflicts and secessionist movements in the South, the presence of Al Qaida in the Arab Peninsula (AQAP) in the country has led to an extensive drone campaign by the US, killing militants and civilians alike, with little international condemnation. “Women are afraid to even go to the store,” admitted one Fellow.

If women are too afraid to leave their homes, this will make engaging with them even more difficult.

Abubaker Al-Shamahi and Kawa Hassan

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Country Proposals In considering their proposals in Salzburg in March, the returning Fellows were asked to review their earlier plans and ask themselves if the original goals still held.

Are concepts of diversity and inclusivity useful to (re) framing rights? Do they “translate” well (literally and conceptually) into Arabic and local dialects? Since November, and the changes in the countries’ situations, what remains essential? What may be irrelevant? What is missing?

Tasked with revising and refining these plans (or establishing new ones), the Fellows were encouraged to add clear structure to the plans with particular focus on next steps to be taken and by whom, and based on their review, consider what they may want to do differently, and what priorities might now need to change.

They were also encouraged to conduct basic preliminary stakeholder and initiative mapping to consider who is already engaged locally, and who should be engaged, in what order, and through what means, so as to add value to and enhance existing efforts, rather than create their plans from scratch.

In November, there were some misgivings raised by Fellows regarding the focus on policy recommendations. Many of the participants, coming from activist and advocacy backgrounds and mostly excluded from the formal processes of local, regional and national government policy making, remained unconvinced of their ability to influence this process – a continuing indication of the democratic deficit in the region. Whilst some of the participants had taken strides to engage themselves in the transition process, particularly in the formation of their countries’ new constitutions, many of the proposals formulated in this follow-on program focused on grass-roots, scalable projects that could be quickly adopted and moved forward. This, in many ways, aligns well with policy influencing processes; but the emphasis, especially as regards near term steps, was more heavily on community-focused activities.

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Session 544 | Strengthening Diversity and Inclusion in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen

Egypt In their proposals, the Egyptian Fellows focused on two main points: the long-term need for transitional justice and the more short-term need to begin constructing a new language and culture of respect, or as the Fellows put it: establish a new “code of ethics.” The overarching issue – that casts a shadow over all efforts – remains the ongoing “War on Terror” that the State is waging against the Muslim Brotherhood and its (alleged) supporters, as well as anyone else considered to be a threat to the State. Without transitional justice, a safe space for dialogue and development of a mutual respect cannot be achieved, which are both vital for the promotion and pursuit of diversity and inclusion in Egypt, the Fellows argued.

Since the events of January 2011 and beyond, transitional justice – despite there being a government ministry dedicated to it – has proven difficult to implement on any level. As one of the Egyptian Fellows pointed out, “This ministry has proven to be uninterested in pursuing such notions.” Another noted, “The very word reconciliation is an anathema and taboo in Egypt at the moment.” According to the Fellows, further pressure must be applied on the ministry by “coalitions of mutual interest” to make it pursue transitional justice and reconciliation [see below]. To be successful in doing so, those applying the pressure must be aware that this is a long-term effort—and that it will remain difficult to achieve in the short-term because of the prevailing “War on Terror” narrative being presented by the State. The “War on Terror” is not the only hurdle to pursuing transitional justice and reconciliation; other political developments, including the presidential and parliamentary elections, given diverging public opinion, also make it very difficult to implement at present. The biggest issue for these pressure groups at the moment is just to exist, avoid being shut down, and stick around long enough to be able to work once the space (hopefully) opens up and implementation can finally take place.

In the meantime, the Egyptian Fellows recommended, civil society groups concerned with pursuing transitional justice should establish fora for disputing parties and groups to engage in open and safe discussion. However, even this may prove difficult in the current toxic environment. The Fellows present in Salzburg raised the point that before having a discussion, it might be necessary to have a discussion about how to even have such a discussion. Given the current situation, where many groups are (rightfully) paranoid about being labeled as enemies of the State/Brotherhood supporters or sympathizers, discussions might need to first include only those who can be assured not to be labeled as such; the space for such a discussion is shrinking rapidly. Suitable frames of reference for such discussions need to be created, and one immediate step identified by the Egyptian Fellows was for an appropriately independent organization or institution to

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Salem Mostafa Kamel

conduct research into how this sort of pre-transitional justice work could take place given the current situation in Egypt—if at all.

“Coalitions of mutual interests” need to be established between the multiple stakeholders. Key stakeholders identified by the Egyptian cohort for this transitional justice and reconciliation project were not only human rights groups and government ministries, including the main ministry of justice, ministry of the interior and the intelligence agencies, as well as quasi-non-governmental organizations, such as the National Council of Human Rights, but also political parties and movements from all sections of society, including leftists, Islamists, liberals, Arab nationalists, and the media, including private and state funded media (newspapers as well as television and websites). All of these differing sectors should have an interest and a role to play in bringing about transitional justice and reconciliation, and enabling Egypt to be a less divisive, more inclusive society, more embracing of its diversity. These coalitions, the Fellows argued should have two main focuses: one which should be purely NGO in nature, and another which should be between the NGO and the government sectors.

Simultaneously, the Fellows felt that a new culture and language around diversity and inclusivity could be promoted through the crafting and adoption of a new “code of ethics” which should be adopted by all relevant sectors, most important of which are the professional syndicates, especially those for the media and lawyers and judges. Religious institutions, government ministries (especially for education and interior), and civil society organizations operating on both a national and local level should also adopt such a code. Although the Fellows agreed that a code of ethics should be written and adopted by the listed

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Session 544 | Strengthening Diversity and Inclusion in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen

bodies, there was not a clear plan of who should write this code or enforce its adoption; there was agreement, however that the State should not be involved in the drafting. The NGO sector, for example, should write its own code of ethics in consultation with other organizations in civil society, without pressure or interference from the government, they posited. A “safe and secure� environment should be provided in which these codes of ethics can be discussed, debated and drafted.

In addition to this code of ethics, regular fora should be established to increase awareness of the necessity of ethical conduct in each of the relevant sectors and across society. Training workshops should be run in each of the sectors to improve adoption of and reliance on professional codes of ethics. The media also has a vital role to play in helping this diversity and inclusivity code of ethics be adopted, and training should be provided to leading social commentators and social media leaders to help spread this message of diversity and inclusion across a range of media platforms.

The Egyptian Fellows identified a number of key gaps which need to be filled before they could move forward with their proposals. These gaps included: Who could fulfil each of these action points? How long would each of these actions take? Who can be approached for funding? What intellectual resources would be needed? And from whom could they learn who had already helped to successfully build codes of ethics? The Egyptian cohort in Salzburg left Austria with the intention to continue discussions around these key points in Egypt with their November peers, as well as bringing in other likely supporting individuals and organizations.

Murad Gargoum and Ahmed Gebreel

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Libya Two distinct plans were initially proposed by the Libyan Fellows. Firstly one Fellow suggested that efforts must be made to bring together the disparate factions of Libyan society including politicians, tribal and religious leaders, civil society leaders, and the media. The gathering would be an exercise in diversity and inclusivity, with the inclusion of civil society leaders and the media in particular demonstrating to the other parties that these actors are important in rebuilding the state, post-Gaddafi.

Such a summit, the Fellow proposed, could be neutrally and independently chaired either by officials from neighboring Morocco or the Norwegian government, which has a long history in peace building and post-conflict diplomacy. There is no such initiative currently, he argued, and such leaders need to understand the impact and importance of diversity and inclusion, especially now they are currently in the process of writing the constitution. The purpose of bringing in external adjudicators to the process would be to avoid accusations of bias and to garner greater public support; such efforts are currently under the purview of the office of the Prime Minister, but there has been little progress and little support from a fractured public. An external government might also be able to put better pressure on these various groups to find a positive solution.

Despite the precedent for such initiatives in other post-conflict countries, there would be difficulty not only in gaining the support of the invited participants and deciding on which external government should chair the process, but in deciding who should be invited in the first instance. “How do we choose the right representatives?� asked one Libyan Fellow. Selection should be not about the individuals but the representation of a movement, she argued.

As the Libyan contingent moved on with their group work over the two-day program, they chose instead to move away from this idea for a high-level convening onto more grassroots-level approaches.

As Libya is still in the process of drafting its constitution, it was felt that this was a highly timely moment to introduce the concepts of diversity and inclusion by promoting a stronger sense of Libyan identity that is both diverse and inclusive.

The general perception is that to be Libyan is to be Muslim, Arab and Arabicspeaking, however there are many in Libya that do not fit this description; Libya is more diverse than the current overriding narrative recognizes and now is time to make Libyan identity more inclusive, the Libyan Fellows argued. A positive sense of Libyan identity is needed not only for minority ethnic groups, but also the marginalized majorities of women and youth that make up over 70% of the Libyan population of 6.2 million. Promotion of a Libyan identity would also seek to include the returning diaspora, who are often distrusted and not considered to

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Session 544 | Strengthening Diversity and Inclusion in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen

be “real Libyans” by many of those who did not “abandon” their homeland during the Gaddafi regime.

The proposed plan to address this issue is to launch a multimedia campaign – “We are Libya” – expressing “a positive, inclusive, diverse and accurate” Libyan identity. This is not to say that the Libyan Fellows in Salzburg wished to highlight the differences, as the messaging of “we’ve been oppressed, we’re different” is exclusive, not inclusive, they argued. (In Tunisia, similar work has been done by some civil society organizations to raise awareness of the issues faced by black and Jewish Tunisian minorities and the tribal groups, but this has been criticized in some quarters for creating more divisions rather than promoting cohesion; the Libyan cohort were keen not to fall into the same trap.)

The multimedia campaign would consist of three elements. Firstly, a series of national workshops would be held, bringing together various media groups, including photography organizations, cultural organizations, writers, videographers, minority rights groups and women’s rights groups, on how to create and contribute relevant positive content towards the media campaign.

Once this content, short videos or photos depicting “diverse” Libyans, has been created, the second phase would begin with this content shared both online on a dedicated Facebook page, in hope that this would “go viral” and be widely shared among young Libyans, and via short advertisements on television to reach a broader spectrum of society. Simultaneously, the third element would include conducting meetings with the Constitution Drafting Assembly (CDA) to present the content and advocate for the embedding of diversity and inclusivity in the new constitution. Photography exhibitions could be held in the headquarters of the CDA, bringing together the elected assembly members with the artists and the diverse groups represented, as well as other external parties.

The goals of this project are to rally broad-based support for promoting a diverse and inclusive national identity in Libya’s new constitution and to pressure the CDA to include measures that guarantee inclusiveness and diversity in the constitution, with the ultimate goal to be the development of a positive, diverse and inclusive Libyan identity as well as raising awareness for the importance of diversity and inclusion.

The next steps needed to bring this project to fruition would be to find credible and trusted civil society organizations in Libya to conduct the work. Such organizations could be found through the extensive personal and professional networks of the Libyan Fellows present in Salzburg in both November and March, who include filmmakers as well as activists, advocates and former diplomats. The Libyan Fellows also expressed interest in having representatives from Salzburg Global Seminar and the Arab Human Rights Fund at the initial meetings to provide institutional support. These preliminary meetings would not only discuss

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the project in more detail but also consider how the project could be funded [see Section Four – Finding Support and Funding for Potential Projects].

The general consensus of the Libyan Fellows as they were leaving Salzburg was that this was a good proposal, however before making any concrete plans to move the project forward, dialogue with local stakeholders would need to be held to ensure “local buy in” and thus legitimacy for the project.

Murad Gargoum and Enas Abdel Wanis

Tunisia In November, the Tunisian Fellows had been primarily concerned with how to embed the ideals of diversity and inclusion into the yet-to-then-be drafted new constitution. Following the new constitution’s adoption in January, the returning Fellows’ focus turned to improving the diversity and inclusivity of the electoral process. (On the first day, brief project proposals were also formed regarding fostering social cohesion to fight terrorism, extremism and political violence through a project similar to that proposed by the Libyan team, as well as promoting socio-economic equality and rights, but ultimately the group chose to expand upon their ideas for improving the electoral process.)

Tunisia is planning to hold presidential and Parliamentary elections in the coming year (an exact timeline has yet to be agreed), as well as local elections; action needs to be taken to ensure a more inclusive and diverse representation of Tunisian society in each level of the electoral process, argued the Salzburg Global Fellows.

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Session 544 | Strengthening Diversity and Inclusion in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen

The Fellows proposed a three-pronged plan: advocacy for greater parity between women and men in the electoral lists; programs to encourage women and young people to run for political office; and programs to build the capacity of such candidates to be able to do so.

To establish parity in the electoral lists, the Tunisian Fellows proposed lobbying political parties and members of the current Constituent Assembly to change the current electoral laws, as well as lobbying donors and funders to increase pressure on the government. In addition to direct lobbying, the Tunisian Fellows also proposed social and mainstream media campaigns – as well as peaceful demonstrations such as sit-ins – to raise the public’s awareness of and support for changes to electoral parity laws.\ There was debate between the Tunisian Fellows and amongst the group as a whole as to whether electoral quotas are the best way to ensure female and youth inclusion in Parliament (indeed, this is the main theme of a series of regional debates run by Tunisia-based debate forum the Munathara Initiative – see side bar in Section Two). Whilst quotas might guarantee a higher quantity of women candidates, and/or, depending on the type of quota, more women elected to office, they cannot ensure the quality of the candidates selected or elected, thus the Tunisian contingent proposed that increased parity could only be one facet of improving inclusivity and diversity: women and young people need to also be encouraged and enabled to run for public office.

In order to encourage more women and young people to both stand and vote in the upcoming elections, the Fellows proposed both social and mainstream media campaigns as well as a “door-to-door” bus tour to reach people in the interior who may not have easy access to TV, radio and the internet.

They also proposed the continuation of work on the (thus far incomplete) database of qualified women candidates, which would provide information about women who had already and/or potentially could run for elections and hold executive positions in government. The database will help address the claim that there are no qualified women to place on party lists and/or that party leaders do not know how/where to locate qualified women.

Building the capacity of potential women and youth candidates to run for public office would need to come in the form of training and coaching in areas such as public speaking, communications, preparation of campaign materials, campaign finance, etc., as well as exchanging experiences between successful and aspiring candidates. Voters and candidates, the Fellows argued, need to be better educated about and prepared for running for public office at the various levels of government.

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The immediate next steps identified by the Tunisian Fellows in Salzburg were to develop the concept notes for the projects and to reach out to their own extensive networks in the country and the region to find suitable people and organizations to take these ideas forward (some of whom had already been identified). In all three of these areas, there are already numerous donors and civil society organizations on these issues; the Salzburg Global Fellows proposed trying to “build coalitions” to establish greater coherence and collaboration between these civil society activists and groups’ numerous efforts.

Siwar Aouadi

Yemen As with their initial plans in November, the focus of the project of the Yemeni contingent was on women’s rights, this time with particular focus on young women. The main proposal of the Yemeni team was a “Women2Women” educational bus that would travel between the capital Sana’a and Yemen’s fourth largest city Hodeida on the Red Sea coast with the key objective of educating and empowering women about their rights and history, using local and culturally relevant stories, and to value themselves and their position in society. The project would be delivered for women, by women.

The primary target group for the project would be young women in and around these two cities, and stops along the way, and the Yemeni Fellows hoped to engage such stakeholders as women in the informal sector (who make up the majority of Yemen’s female working population), local NGOs and women’s unions,

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Session 544 | Strengthening Diversity and Inclusion in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen

community leaders (both male and female), and the Ministry of Human Rights and the Ministry of Education to make this project a reality.

Although the transition period in Yemen is shaky (at best), there is a sense that now the national dialogue has finished, there is a growing opportunity for a project such as this, as women’s rights are finally starting to appear “on the agenda”.

The bus is based upon a similar idea, already successfully implemented, of a mobile cinema, which travels around the villages outside of the cities and has been supported by mobile network provider, MTN. In addition to finding other appropriate donors (the lesson of working with MTN being that partners can be found outside the “typical” donor community), the Yemeni cohort identified that to take the project forward, they would need to conduct field research – finding potential communities whom they could reach with this project – and resource collection, connecting with educators, professors and historians to find suitable stories and create the curriculum around these stories, before moving on to the practical logistics (finding a bus, electricity generator, security, etc.).

The bus would house educational tools to help young women understand Arab and particularly Yemeni women’s history, bringing women together in a safe space to help them make the connection between personal struggles and systemic oppression, and providing relevant examples of what others have done to address oppression. Activities would include workshops and film showings, as well as drawing on Yemen’s strong traditions of oral storytelling and poetry, using “everyday” accessible language.

The reasoning behind the bus, rather than a permanently fixed center in either city was not only to enable the project to reach more people and reduce start up and running costs, but also to provide a safe, moveable space given the precarious security situation in the country.

Besides the volatile security situation, there are other distinct challenges the Yemeni project faces, both on a practical level – electricity supply is unreliable and the ongoing petrol crisis in the country makes running a generator expensive – and on a societal level – Yemen remains an extremely patriarchal society with women expected to fulfill the “traditional” roles of wife and mother; according to UNICEF approximately 12 percent of girls in Yemen were married before age 15, and 32 percent before age 18 between 2002 and 2012, with less than one in three girls attending secondary school between 2008 and 2012 (more are enrolled but simply do not attend). Encouraging the target audience to come out and “get on the bus” will depend very much on getting the right sort of partners in place and buy-in from local communities.

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To ensure community support – both from the target audience of young women and the city neighborhood and village communities at large – and the ultimate success of the project, the Yemeni Fellows identified a number of “test points.”

First and foremost, before heading out on the road, there would be “training of the trainers” to ensure everyone involved in the project was well-informed of the project’s goals and well-trained to deliver them. The women working on the bus, and preferably those training them also, should come from the local communities to gain “greater credibility.” As well as launching the project as a six month-long pilot, the Yemeni Fellows also proposed to have “debriefs” with participants and the community after every session to enable constant evaluation. This would provide the opportunity to gain vital feedback and thus hopefully generate support from the communities they are hoping to serve. Feedback would also be sought from local media and the various stakeholders at the end of the pilot before continuing.

Beyond the short-term goals of providing a safe space for women to discuss women’s personal struggles and systemic oppression, and learn about Yemeni and Arab women’s history, the bus would have the longer-term goals of changing the mentalities of both men and women in the communities served, and move beyond the current rhetoric of women’s equality to foster women’s inclusion and build confidence in women, as well as building a culture of inclusivity and diversity for women by women.

Upon their return to Yemen, the Fellows planned to refine the project plan and start seeking out suitable local partners who would be willing to take the project forward. Much like other countries’ proposals, engagement of local partners at all stages of this project would be key to establishing legitimacy and support.

Rooj Alwazir

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Session 544 | Strengthening Diversity and Inclusion in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen

Finding Support and Funding for Potential Projects Throughout the session, when discussing potential supporters and donors of their projects, concerns were raised as where best to seek such support.

International, local and individual philanthropy all have their roles to play and offer valuable resources— but each sector also has it weaknesses.

Large international funders are able to offer the largest amount of funds, and in times of crisis, such as earlier in the “Arab Spring” they are often able to act quickly as they have the human and financial capital to mobilize swiftly. But just as quickly, they can leave (either as a consequence of local political pressure or because of their own shifting priorities outside of the country) leaving projects half-finished or unrealized. There is also the fear, explained some Fellows, of being associated with a larger “Western” agenda that might delegitimize their own projects.

As stated in the recent Hivos-led research project Foreign Funding in the Arab World, conducted in partnership with the think tanks, FRIDE and Arab Forum for Alternatives, “Foreign funding of local civil society initiatives, and the political agendas associated with them, remains a highly sensitive issue in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) following the ‘Arab Spring’.”

Regional donors, such as the Arab Human Rights Fund or Foundation for the Future, were highlighted as a much less contentious source of funding.

However, in much of the region, there is little available local funding given the lack of indigenous philanthropy for social change, leaving little alternative to international funding. Regional donors also are not as well-funded as their Western counterparts, and preference for their support is increasing demands on their already limited resources. One way to make non-local funding more palatable (and to also offer support to regional donors) is multinational funding, i.e. money that does not come from just one government or (Western) source.

This approach, the Fellows agreed, is more widely accepted, with the greatest preference being for funders from the region, followed by “neutral” European funders, such as the Scandinavian governments.

Individual philanthropy (despite the long-established Muslim practice of zakat, and similar giving traditions) does not currently provide a significant pool of funding for social change activities. However, for countries such as Libya with large (and wealthy) diaspora populations, funding from these non-residents could

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be tapped—but this again could prove problematic given the antagonism felt towards the diaspora by many long-resident Libyans.

In each of these cases, “legitimacy” was raised as the greatest concern. The advice offered repeatedly from Fellow to Fellow was to increase a project’s legitimacy, one ensure the engagement of local partners and the “buy-in” of the local community, regardless of who is providing the funding. Additionally, as with all the proposed projects, any potential funding solutions must be considered within a country and local context.

Schloss Leopoldskron, home of Salzburg Global Seminar

Regional Approaches and Next Steps As was stated in the November session, the Arab region should not be seen as homogenous and individual country contexts must be taken into consideration when planning any project to promote diversity and inclusion in the Middle East and North Africa. However, that is not to say that some projects could not be replicated—with country-specific modifications—in multiple countries. The Yemeni “Women2Women” bus project was highlighted as one such project, with multiple buses, targeting different groups and telling different, relevant histories in all four focus countries and beyond.

The “regionalization” of the Munathara Initiative post-November was also highlighted as a way in which a more region-wide approach to diversity and inclusion could be applied. Indeed, the idea of region-wide debates in a similar format to Munathara was one of the initial proposals considered in March.

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Session 544 | Strengthening Diversity and Inclusion in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen

However, despite Munathara’s current expansion and success, the Egyptian Fellows in particular cautioned against rolling out public debate fora, regardless of whether they were run by national, regional or international partners. In Egypt, they claimed, any dialogue that has anything to do with the Muslim Brotherhood, as a topic or with them as participants, is very dangerous right now and people are generally afraid of speaking out and distrustful of platforms that encourage this, less they be entrapped and possibly arrested. The State is “paranoid”, they added, with offices raided and people banned from travel.

One regional forum that could be established, however, is one for civil society activists and organizations (rather than the public), to help these groups coordinate efforts, share resources and experiences, and find potential partners and donors. A regional committee and a network of local chapters of NGOs and CSOs concerned with diversity and inclusion, complete with a website, resource portal, blogs and social media sharing would demonstrate the region-wide interest in working in this field, thus serving the dual purpose of strengthening the linkages within the field and convincing donors to invest in their efforts. However, initial investment would also be needed to build the network. A regionally, rather than nationally or internationally-focused donor would be best placed to help fund and establish the platform, Fellows suggested.

As the March program came to an end, there was a clear interest from the Fellows present in Salzburg to continue their networking, through on-line options, as well as either returning to a neutral setting like Salzburg or meeting in-region, in country/topic-specific groups or with the full cohort from both March and November, with new members invited to the forum as their work continues.

Whilst Salzburg Global Seminar was accepted as a neutral, non-contentious setting and facilitator for this burgeoning network of diversity and inclusivityfocused civil society activists and organizations, it was also important that funding come from a diverse range of sources. The Fellows expressed interest in keeping a regional partner/donor such as the Arab Human Rights Fund involved as they argued that a regional donor’s support gave a greater sense of legitimacy to the initiative.

Participants in the March meeting agreed to continue to scope out the amount and type of work needed to make these proposals a reality. They expressed an interest in having continued support from Salzburg Global and AHRF in their efforts. The first action on the part of Salzburg Global to facilitate this continued networking has been to establish a group on the Salzburg Global Fellowship Yammer network – a closed social networking platform used to continue discussions and share resources. Salzburg is also identifying other ways to continue to support the vitally important efforts of the Fellows, and remains committed to helping them in their efforts to institute changes that will build support for diversity and inclusion in their societies.

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Appendix I

Session Participants

Session Staff

Enas Abdel Wanis

Kawa Hassan

Nancy Smith

Head of Documenting & Monitoring, National Council for Civil Liberties & Human Rights, Libya

Knowledge Officer, Hivos, the Netherlands

Program Consultant

Salem Mostafa Kamel

Program Associate

Legal Consultant, ABA-ROLI, Egypt

Benjamin Glahn

Kamal Sedra

European Development Director

Bushra Al-Fusail Activist and Feminist Photographer, Support Yemen, Yemen

Abubaker Al-Shamahi

Managing Director, The Development & Institutional Support Center, Egypt

Louise Hallman

Anonymous Fellow

Stanislava Gaydazhieva

Activist and Journalist, Yemen

Marooj Alwazir Co-Founder, Support Yemen; Human Rights Community Organizer; Photographer, Yemen

Ginte Stankeviciute

Egypt (this Fellow requested to have their name removed from the report due security concerns)

Editor and Rapporteur

Program Intern

Alexander Jackson Communications Intern

Siwar Aouadi Master’s Student of International Development Cooperation, Park Chung Hee School of Policy and Saemaul Yeungnam University, South Korea; previously Euro-South Project Coordinator, BBC Media Action, Tunisia

All positions correct at time of session (March 2014)

Belabbès Benkredda Founding Director, Munathara, Germany/UAE

Rihab Elhaj President and Co-Founder, New Libya Foundation, Libya

Murad Gargoum Documentary Filmmaker, The Libyan Eye Organization for Civil Liberties and Human Rights, Libya

Ahmed Gebreel Political Advisor, National Transitional Council, Libya

Nabila Hamza President, Foundation for the Future, Jordan

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Session 544 | Strengthening Diversity and Inclusion in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen

Appendix II

Salzburg Global Seminar Staff Senior Management Stephen L. SALYER, President & Chief Executive Officer Patricia BENTON, Vice President & Chief Operating Officer Clare SHINE, Vice President & Chief Program Officer George ZARUBIN, Vice President & Chief Development Officer

Program and Administrative Staff

Hotel Schloss Leopoldskron

Thomas Biebl, Director, Marketing and Communications Diasmer Panna Bloe, Program Director Jemma Clerkin, Program Associate Charles E. Ehrlich, Program Director Jochen Fried, Director of Education Rachelle Giard, Individual Giving Manager Benjamin W. Glahn, European Development Director David Goldman, Associate Director of Education Michaela Goldman, Intern Program Manager Louise Hallman, Editor Jan Heinecke, Fellowship Manager Astrid Koblmüller, Program Manager Jackie Koney, US Development Director Camilla Leimisch, Assistant, Registration Department Tatsiana Lintouskaya, Program Director (on leave) John Lotherington, Program Director Sharon Marcoux, Financial Manager, US Paul Mihailidis, Program Director,

Richard Aigner, Hotel Operations Manager Margit Fesl, Housekeeping Supervisor Gerhard Haumtratz, Service Supervisor Ernst Kiesling, Executive Chef Karin Maurer, Reservations and Revenue Supervisor Matthias Rinnerthaler, Maintenance Supervisor Karin Schiller, Sales and Marketing Manager Daniel Szelényi, General Manager Natascha Weissenbäck, Events Coordinator Veronika Zuber, Events Coordinator

Salzburg Media Academy

Edward Mortimer, Senior Program Advisor Daniel O’Donnell, Development Associate Beth Pertiller, Director of Administration Bernadette Prasser, Program Officer Michi Radanovic, Asst. Director Finance & HR Assistant Ursula Reichl, Assistant Director Finance, Salzburg Manuela Resch-Trampitsch, Director Finance, Salzburg Marie-Louise Ryback, Program Consultant,

Holocaust Education and Genocide Prevention Initiative

Astrid Schröder, Program Director,

Global Citizenship Program

Katharina Schwarz, Special Assistant to the President Susanna Seidl-Fox, Program Director, Culture and the Arts Nancy Rae Smith, Program Consultant Ginte Stankeviciute, Program Associate Julia Stepan, Program Associate Eszter Tóth, Program and Development Assistant

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Seminar Interns (at time of program)

Stanislava Gaydazhieva, Program Alexander Jackson, Communications Daniel O’Donnell, Program

Report Author: Louise Hallman is the editor at Salzburg Global Seminar. In her role she creates, commissions, and edits content for SalzburgGlobal.org; manages social media platforms; edits, writes and designs Salzburg Global’s session reports and marketing materials; contributes features to external publications; liaises with visiting members of the press; and manages other in-house journalism and marketing projects. Prior to joining Salzburg Global in April 2012, she worked for the World Association of Newspapers and News Publishers (WAN-IFRA) as the manager and publication editor for their ‘Mobile News in Africa’ project, and the International Press Institute as a press freedom advisor and in-house journalist, where she focused on Latin America and Europe. During her studies, she undertook internships at media outlets including Al Jazeera and the Yemen Times. Ms. Hallman holds an M.A. (Hons) in international relations and Middle East studies from the University of St. Andrews, UK, and an M.A. in multimedia journalism from Glasgow Caledonian University, UK.

Salzburg Global Seminar is grateful to the United Kingdom’s Foreign and Commonwealth Office for their generous support of Session 544

Salzburg Global Seminar would like to thank the pariticpants for generously offering their time and expertise, and contributing their intellectual capital and superior ideas.

For more information contact:

Clare Shine

Charles Ehrlich

Ginte Stankeviciute

Vice President and Chief Program Officer

Program Director

Program Associate

cshine@salzburgglobal.org

cehrlich@salzburgglobal.org

gstankeviciute@salzburgglobal.org

For more information visit: www.salzburgglobal.org/go/544

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Salzburg Global Seminar Salzburg Global Seminar was founded in 1947 by Austrian and American students from Harvard University.

Convinced that former enemies must talk and learn from each other in order to create more stable and secure societies, they set out to create a neutral international forum for those seeking to regenerate Europe and shape a better world. Guided by this vision, we have brought over 31,000 participants together from 160 countries for more than 500 sessions and student academies across cultural and ideological barriers to address common challenges. Our track record is unique – connecting young and established leaders, and supporting regions, institutions and sectors in transition.

Salzburg Global’s program strategy is driven by our Mission to challenge present and future leaders to solve issues of global concern. We work with partners to help people, organizations and governments bridge divides and forge paths for peace, empowerment and equitable growth.

Our three Program Clusters - Imagination, Sustainability and Justice - are guided by our commitment to tackle systems challenges critical for next generation leaders and engage new voices to ‘re-imagine the possible’.

We believe that advances in education, science, culture, business, law and policy must be pursued together to reshape the landscape for lasting results. Our strategic convening is designed to address gaps and faultlines in global dialogue and policy making and to translate knowledge into action.

Our programs target new issues ripe for engagement and ‘wicked’ problems where progress has stalled.

Building on our deep experience and international reputation, we provide a platform where participants can analyze blockages, identify shared goals, test ideas, and create new strategies. Our recruitment targets key stakeholders, innovators and young leaders on their way to influence and ensures dynamic perspectives on a given topic.

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We maintain this energy and engagement through the Salzburg Global Network, which connects our Fellows across the world. It provides a vibrant hub to crowd-source new ideas, exchange best practice, and nurture emerging leaders through mentoring and support. The Network leverages our extraordinary human capital to advise on critical trends, future programs and in-region implementation.

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