Architecture & Urban Intervention | Part Two

POST-CIAM 1960-present Nineteenth century town planning was strongly influenced by illusory schemes for new settlements. Two visions which were especially influential at this time were that of Ebenezer Howard's 'Garden Cities' and Le Corbusier's 'Radiant City.' These movements, along with other ecological, economical, and social influences went hand-in-hand with a new comprehensive approach to city planning being developed. The year 1960 and its subsequent era, saw a shift toward the improvement of aesthetic considerations as well as the improved quality of the physical environment of urban areas and the desire to improve accessibility throughout the area.

The essays presented in this section tender upon these planning influences and reference to them from the terms in accordance with Congrès International d'Architecture Moderne (CIAM) movements. Together the town planning principles mentioned, and the tenets outlined in CIAM IV and more specifically, the Athens Charter, worked to inform architecture and urban design. The studies presented outline specific buildings having been constructed after 1960 and the fall-out of the CIAM movement. The studies relate the inherent architectural and planning properties to CIAM's movements and present a judgement as to whether or not the actions executed were effective or created a hindrance to the social, political, physical, and economic contexts.

The studied buildings are currently present in a broad range of countries and cities worldwide and therefore work toward representing the vastness of CIAM's influences across the globe. They are a direct representation of the fact that after the war period, CIAM's members travelled worldwide spreading their beliefs and the practices outlined in their movements, outside of Europe, most notably to the USA.

Conceived approximately twelve years after the dissolution of CIAM, Centre Pompidou reflected the main ideas specified in the Athens Charter. Divided in four sections, the Charter stated the importance of a functional city through habitation, leisure, work and traffic. These four concepts can be studied from the political, cultural and social perspectives in relation to the museum. A city like Paris in the 1970s was frantic for a cultural center, in which Georges Pompidou, the president at the time and main advocate was eager to achieve.

Richard Rogers and Renzo Piano won the competition aimed at finding a way to create and open a public space within the constraints of the city. Even though the museum did not respond to the urban fabric by utilizing similar materials to its context and defying tradition, it did respond to the human needs; it prioritized pedestrian flow by creating a square. Influenced by the English movement Archigram, Rogers brought to the design the principles of High-Tech and the creation of spaces dedicated to leisure. The center can be thought of as a success in the arts due to the proliferation of modern art to the public by having different programs within the structure; a library, an exhibition space and a performing space. This paper will analyze the relationship between Centre Pompidou and the city, and its impact and benefits on the political, cultural and social aspects.

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CENTRE POMPIDOU Richard Rogers and Renzo Piano 1971 - 1977 Paris, France Catalina Ardila Bernal

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Centre Pompidou was conceived in the beginnings of the 1970s, after the President Georges Pompidou announced an international competition. It took approximately eight years to be completed, from the announcement in 1970 to its opening in 1977. The location in the centre of Paris, in the 4th arrondissement known as Le Marais, or Beaubourg, used to be an area that needed a cultural centre and a space dedicated to the people. The architects who won it were Renzo Piano and Richard Rogers. They were two young architects who did not yet have the popularity or the experience, and reluctantly entered the competition. Their main principle was to create and design “buildings as a flexible service mechanism, which becomes a mere background of human activity”1. It was their desire to experiment and break the rules that caught the juries and president’s attention.

Out of all the entries, theirs was the only one that opened up and offered half of the site to public usage 2 as well as offering open flexible spaces within the building’s program.

These played a key role in their selection. It was ten years after the dissolution of CIAM, in which their principles were indirectly active. The congress’ main concept was to create a modern form of habitation, which included the division between pedestrian and traffic flow and, most importantly, the relationship between human and their built context (i.e the city and its region as in the Athens charter) and the economic, political and social relationships. All those concepts were incorporated and applied to Centre Pompidou; so that the city could present

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itself as a modern city. Georges Pompidou, who was the Prime Minister during the May 1968 protest, and later became president in 1970, was the main promoter of a centralised centre of culture and knowledge; and finally, the creation of the Centre Pompidou was also the result of social unrest during the revolutions of May 1968.

Before the Centre Pompidou was built, the site was a parking lot for Les Halles market.

In its larger context, the arrondissement is rich in historic and traditional architecture.

The site had undergone major renovations in the early 1930s, when it was revitalized from a slum and area of prostitution3. With the support of his government, Pompidou’s aim was the modernization of the city and the establishment of the cultural and economical core of Europe through the promotion of major renovations. After Rogers and Piano’s proposal was selected, people were afraid of how this modern building would look around historic and traditional architecture4. This fear also turned into anger after Parisians knew the plans for the major renovation of the iconic market of Les Halles, which was happening simultaneously with the Centre.

The site’s area is 100,000 square meters, in which half is dedicated to open public use5, with greater consideration to pedestrian circulation rather than vehicular traffic. Piano and Rogers also responded to the project through the flexible program, The modern Centre Pompidou is divided into a centre for contemporary art and a library, industrial design centre, and an auditorium6. During the 1960s urban planning administrations were

established such as the Plan for Development and Organization of Paris Region (PADOG) and the Urban Master Plan (PUD), among others7. The latter can demonstrate the urban legacy left by the CIAM because it was a proposal for a “new image of Paris, inspired

by Le Corbusier’s Athens of Charter”8.

Another administration group was the Coefficient d’occupation des Sols, which guarantees a proportional ratio between the overall area and the building’s net area , which the Centre clearly addresses by its half-of-the-site plaza. The main purpose of Parisian zoning and planning is aimed at retaining the fabric of the city. However, the Centre Pompidou does not follow the continuity with the same materiality but it does meet the maximum height requirement of 28 meters, so that firefighters’ ladders are able to reach its top9. The planning decisions were run by the city’s council and minister, where ultimate decisions were made by the President10, considering that Pompidou was keen to attain the cultural centre, he influenced the decisions and regulations for the conception of a distinctively unique building. The Centre “came to be in a city and nation not noted for its willingness to defy tradition”11.There is a contrast of urban fabric, as traditional architecture and the modern facade enclosing the square.

It is the duty of the Zoning Department to “ensure quality of well-being is accessible to everyone”12 . The Centre responds to the this zoning consideration through its central location, its proximity with main metro station of Châtelet-les-Halles and its easy accessibility by any means.

carry the name of a politician18. However, the proposal itself can also be considered as a response to the protest in the sense that it was against any conventional architecture, thus creating a ‘revolution’ and progression in how people perceive architecture and public space. As mentioned above, it was the only proposal that did not use the whole area, but dedicated half the space to people’s activities.

During the 18th and 19th century Paris had regulated the metropolitan development and planning by “imposing harmony and homogeneity on the city”19 through specific road widths, surface areas of courtyards, height of the buildings and shape of the roof.

All these parameters were changed with the Centre Pompidou; it broke the urban fabric by exposing the structure and mechanical system on the façade, but it created a square and a division between humans’ activities and transportation. The Athens Charter started to establish the division between these two activities. It is important to know that during the years following WWI, the use of automobiles was beginning to boom20. But “after WWII, problems caused

CATALINA ARDILA BERNAL

both consistent and contradictory reactions to the ideas of the protest of May 1968. This social background was the main driving force in the conception of the building. Georges Pompidou gained more popularity amongst the protesters in May 1968, than the president at the time, Charles de Gaulle, who left the country in the midst of the revolts.

This was a major reason for his success in the proposal of the centre two years later.

However, the protesters, especially students, were against capitalism, consumerism and centralization. People did not want a place where everything was in one single building.

Decentralization of culture was desired, meaning that the library, museum, offices should be spread throughout the city, but instead, a centralized building was created.

This makes it more accessible17, hence, this allows for the easy expansion of culture and knowledge. The architects considered a variety of types of circulation and addressed their placements; pedestrian with the plaza, parking with three underground levels of available parking and public transit with a subway station at the site and several bus stops near by. Another area of dissatisfaction by the public was the fact that the centre will

CENTRE POMPIDOU

Cultural, political and social contexts are three perspectives from which the Centre’s origin can be analyzed. President Pompidou was highly interested in the arts13. He believed that the city needed a reference library and a museum located in the city core. Rogers and Piano’s idea was a complex program with the museum, a library, auditorium, and the Industrial Design Centre. Politically speaking, the Centre brings together the proliferation of education for everyone. Nonetheless, the need for a centre became an issue of debate between politicians, demonstrating that architecture cannot just be by itself but it is controlled and carried by a superior power. Before its final design, the centre was conceived as a ‘live centre of information but the idea had to be dropped because “who would control it, left or right?”14. The architects ignored it and focused on creating a ‘geste architecturale’15, which is mainly based on the piazza and creating social change16. Another drawback was that followers of the May 1968 protest saw this as a mere bureaucratic act because it was considered as a palace for Georges Pompidou, even though it was really a centre for the people. The Centre was received with

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Site before 1970 Site after 1977 The centre + plaza + access points 'Live centre of information'

by demographics explosion and the increase in traffic” began to appear21. And by the 1950s, new neighbourhoods were created, but without any connections nor links to their surroundings. Before the 1970s, the site completely ignored the individuals’ activities, as the site was previously a parking lot, thus giving priority to traffic. The architects, the president and the program looked for the development of culture, or as it would put in the Athens charter, space dedicated for leisure. The building is clearly an example of ‘Nueu Sachlichkeit’22, or New Objectivity, because it is a symbol of modernity and cultural achievement. Piano and Renzo’s main driving force concerning the building was to create a ‘Live Centre of Information’ where the inner activities could be connected to the outside and exterior, showing human activity23. It is through the vertical accessibility (i.e the stairs) and the plaza that this purpose was achieved, thus becoming a connected space, rather than simply a building with a square in front.

The plan’s inception could be considered to come from Rogers and his time in Archigram.

This movement based its futuristic concepts on leisure, architecture as a system of communication, technologic innovation among others.

Approximately ten years after the dissolution of CIAM, the Centre Pompidou took into consideration a few important factors, specifically from the Athens Charter. From the four categories – habitation, work, traffic and leisure –it was analyzed, that it would be studied from the housing and leisure

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perspective since they are the most relevant to the centre. One of the issues that the charter addresses relates to density and space. If the density of some areas is not properly treated, no openness in the city would be available, and slums (or very congested areas) would be created24. The Centre Pompidou created that open space required in the centre of Paris and cleaned up the site, which although not a slum, was still an eyesore. This was a congested part of Paris with a lot of traffic and human movement, but since there were no voids, the space felt even more enclosed and deprived people of building community and interaction. The key feature of the design is that it resolves this issue and refers to the Athens charter with the square and open plaza as an “interaction with the urban context”25. Other than the physical context, the fact that the southern side is open helps gain the most from the “conditions of nature”. For leisure purposes it was said in the Athens charter that appropriate open spaces were too far from the residential areas consequently lacking its full usefulness.

The main purpose of having open spaces in the centre of the city is to allow workers to have an area to spend their free time, thus connecting to the city. Although the site is not specifically a green area, the plaza does offer a space for creating community.

These ‘green areas’ should also have more programs linked to it, like schools, which the centre Pompidou not only achieves with the building’s function, but also because there is a school adjacent to it. . Before the Centre’s formation, the city was not meeting its main function of creating human shelter, but

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instead was giving priority to cars and other traffic. However, thanks to George Pompidou and the outgoing imagination of Richard Rogers and Renzo Piano, this problem was solved and improved.

Centre Pompidou was conceived as a result of political, cultural, and social differences within Parisians. It was the result of political turmoil between left and right. The sociocultural revolution of May 1968 influenced the inception and idea of the project, since it motivated President Pompidou to create a cultural centre. It disregarded tradition, but it applied people’s needs into the design and concept, making this a regional planning project. The Centre works as an ‘organicism’26 within the city because of the relationship between the inner activities and plaza have an impact in the overall organization of the arrondissement and in a larger context in the city. It is without any doubt that the Centre Pompidou is appropriate to the city because it was designed for the improvement of community with their physical context.

Part of this success was the CIAM instigation and effect in urban planning and architecture years after its dissolution.

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1: "CentrePompidou (2005/01/21)" http://another29.exblog.jp/iv/detail/index.asp?s=6782945&i=200712/21/51/ d0079151_17264628.gif 2: " AD Classics: Centre Georges Pompidou / Renzo Piano + Richard Rogers"2010.ArchDaily.com. http://ad009cdnb.archdaily.net/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/1276226981-competition-drawings.jpg (accessed Ocotober 24, 2014) 3: Catalina Ardila Bernal. "The Plaza", Photograph, 2014.

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1. "Centre Pompidou." Architectural Design Magazine, February 1, 1977.

2. Blundell Jones, Peter, and Eamonn Canniffe. Modern Architecture Through Case Studies.

First ed. Oxford, UK: Elsevier, 2007.

3. "Centre Pompidou" Architectural Design Magazine, February 1, 1977.

4. Rattenbury, Kester, and Samantha Hardingham. Supercrit #3 Richard Rogers: The Pompidou Centre. First ed. New York, NY: Routledge, 2012. 19.

5. "Centre Pompidou." Architectural Design Magazine, February 1, 1977.

6. Ibid.

7. Simon, Philippe. Paris Visite Guidee: Architecture, Urbanism, History and Actuality.

Paris: Pavillon De L'Arsenal, 2007. 119.

8. Ibid.

9. Rattenbury, Kester, and Samantha Hardingham. Supercrit #3 Richard Rogers: The Pompidou Centre.

First ed. New York, NY: Routledge, 2012. 28.

10. "Centre Pompidou" Architectural Design Magazine, February 1, 1977.

11. Davis, Douglas. The Museum Transformed: Design and Culture in the Post-Pompidou Age. New York: Abbeville Press, 1990. 41.

12. Le Corbusier. The Athens Charter. New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973.

13. Davis, Douglas. The Museum Transformed: Design and Culture in the Post-Pompidou Age. New York: Abbeville Press, 1990. 41.

14. Rattenbury, Kester, and Samantha Hardingham. Supercrit #3 Richard Rogers: The Pompidou Centre.

First ed. New York, NY: Routledge, 2012. 19.

15. "Centre Pompidou" Architectural Design Magazine, February 1, 1977.

16. Rattenbury, Kester, and Samantha Hardingham. Supercrit #3 Richard Rogers: The Pompidou Centre.

First ed. New York, NY: Routledge, 2012.

17. "Centre Pompidou" Architectural Design Magazine, February 1, 1977.

18. Rattenbury, Kester, and Samantha Hardingham. Supercrit #3 Richard Rogers: The Pompidou Centre.

First ed. New York, NY: Routledge, 2012. 19 19. Simon, Philippe. Paris Visite Guidee: Architecture, Urbanism, History and Actuality. Paris: Pavillon De L'Arsenal, 2007.

20. Le Corbusier. The Athens Charter. New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973.

21. Simon, Philippe. Paris Visite Guidee: Architecture, Urbanism, History and Actuality. Paris: Pavillon De L'Arsenal, 2007.

22. "Centre Pompidou." Architectural Design Magazine, February 1, 1977.

23. Ibid.

24. Le Corbusier. The Athens Charter. New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973.

25. Blundell Jones, Peter, and Eamonn Canniffe. Modern Architecture Through Case Studies.

First ed. Oxford, UK: Elsevier, 2007.

26. Sadler, Simon. Archigram Architecture without Architecture. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2005. 117.

CATALINA ARDILA BERNAL

COVER IMAGE SOURCED FROM Catalina Ardila Bernal. "Panoramic at Night", Photograph, 2014.

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SANAA's New Museum of Contemporary Arts, located in the Bowery district of New York City, is an example of certain principles outlined by the Congrès International d'Architecture Moderne brought to fruition.

The contemporary and ethereal design of the museum stands high above its neighbors deliberately, speaking to CIAM's aspiration to extend the city through vertical construction, and allowing for better indoor quality.

Despite the building footprint, which covered the entire small site, SANAA's intent was to create architecture that did not appear completely solid in order to maintain an approachable street facade. The seamless and open aesthetic translates to all floor plans, and helps maintain a presence with the street's activity, as the ground floor is open to the public and free to explore.

The aesthetic of the new building is sincere to its grimy surroundings, still illuminating and eye-catching, but humble, with its cracked concrete floors, bare walls, and exposed mechanical and electrical systems.

Dimensions taken from the building form is consistent with both the urban fabric of the neighborhood and the entire city. Through further analysis of these points of interest and others, this essay demonstrates how CIAM's goals in designing for an urban fabric is evident in SANAA's approach to designing the New Museum.

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NEW MUSEUM OF CONTEMPORARY ART SANAA 2007 New York City Michelle Ashurov

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Sejima and Nishizawa and Associates, known as SANAA, is a Tokyo-based firm started in 1995 that has a desire to elevate architecture to a spiritual experience. Kazuyo Sejima and Ryue Nishizawa have received recognition for excellence within the field of architecture, significantly awarded the Pritzker Prize in 2010.1 SANAA’s otherworldly and contemporary design for The New Museum, located at 235 Bowery in the Lower East Side of Manhattan, exemplifies their trademark aesthetic and their ability to design unique buildings that still react to their surroundings. Built from 2002-2007, the museum’s opening marks a time of revival within its greater site. The building’s predecessors in comparison to the current building, and the physical form speak to both New York zoning unconformity and the acceptance and rejection of CIAM principles.

The New Museum is located in the historical Bowery district of Manhattan that has seen powerful transformation through the years.

Surrounding the museum are buildings of varying size and function, such as threestorey and six-storey commercial and residential constructions that stand on the North and South sides. A block and a half South of the museum, Bowery intersects Delancey Street, which progresses East into the Williamsburg Bridge and connects Manhattan to Brooklyn. A block East of the museum is Chrystie Street, which leads directly to the Manhattan Bridge, also connecting Manhattan to Brooklyn. Due to these two significant transportation hubs, Bowery experiences a substantial amount

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of vehicular traffic despite the street’s distance from the financial core. The Bowery is centrally located between frequented areas of the city such as East Village, NoHo, SoHo, Little Italy, Chinatown and Nolita, which in turn indicates there is considerable pedestrian flow along Bowery. The Metro offers many underground, bus and streetcar stops within a block or two of the museum, making it a highly accessible destination.2 The New York zoning maps labeled the site where the museum currently stands as C6-1.

This indicates that the area is to be developed as commercial, although this area could host a residential development with a smaller total building area to encourage commercial development. The Floor Area Ratio (FAR) or Floor Space Index (FSI) is 6.3 With the dimensions of the lot given as roughly 71 feet wide and 112 feet deep4, the total area of the lot is 7,952 square feet. This would mean the maximum total building floor area permitted is 47,712 square feet, while the museum’s total building area is roughly 57,000. A reasonable assumption is that the architect’s applied for a minor variance to allow for the increased area, or the zoning by-law may indicate that certain spaces, such as mechanical and electrical rooms which take up a significant portion of the building’s roof and basement, do not account for the total building area. This zoning label also indicates that there is no height limit, allowing the architects a freedom to introduce double or triple-storey spaces with any number of storeys they desired so long as the FAR is not exceeded.3 The building stands high above

its surroundings at 175 feet.4

The Bowery path is the oldest path of Manhattan Island, and has seen the footsteps of the Native Americans, before the Dutch arrived designating their newfound land as farms. At the end of 18th century, Bowery Street was New York’s most elegant street, featuring theaters, banks, mansions for the wealthy, and high-end stores. The Civil War era (1861-1865) marked a descent into the 19th century slums. Low quality residences were created for the countless waves of immigrants coming into the city by the end of the 19th century.5 German beer gardens, brothels, dodgy concert halls, pawnshops and flophouses replaced the distinguished programs frequented by higher class.

Construction for the Third Avenue Elevated Train in 1878 polluted and darkened the already glooming streets.

The street marked the east border of the slum known as Five Points, and housed one of the earliest American street gangs called the nativist Bowery boys. By the 1890s, the Bowery was a central spot for prostitution. Until the 1950s, the street was filled with employment agencies and cheap stores, cheap restaurants, cheap lodging and cheap saloons. From the 1940s to 1970s, the Bowery was New York’s Skid Row.6 After this point, the city made an effort to disperse the vagrant population of the district. The Bowery was recognized for it’s architectural value and proximity to prime districts such as Little Italy, Nolita, and SoHo, therefore leading to the gentrification of the site in

Another idea questioned by CIAM discourse was the conventional street patterns.

A simple solution to a block of low-rise buildings lining the perimeter is a highrise with a small building footprint and an expanse of open green space. While just one building cannot accomplish this, especially on a lot like the one The New Museum is situated on, SANAA designed a poetic relationship to city blocks with their stacked box aesthetic. Despite the stark contrast between the museum’s aesthetic and the

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While Jane Jacobs cherished the relationship between street and façade, Lewis Mumford called the lined streets “solidified chaos”.

Visionaries like Le Corbusier and Frank Lloyd Wright glorified the introduction of the vehicle, and thought cities should be redesigned to accommodate with freeways

and levels of traffic on designated roads.10 This idea does not specify for a relationship between street and building to exist, let alone allow for one to exist, seeing as how documents like the Athens Charter indicated levels of lanes designated for cars only to stand alone. Contrary to this idea, The New Museum has a large and inviting ground floor that is separated by a transparent vertical plane aligning to the facades of neighboring buildings, yet the transparency allows for an illusion of open space where it does not exist. This move extends the street into the building’s ground level, instead of separating the street from the building.

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The building replaces a site that has seen great inefficiency. Prior to the New Museum, the site hosted a parking lot.7 Earlier still, flophouses and cheap bars were hosted along the site. CIAM principles suggest that if a site is located in poor environmental conditions or if the building itself does not allow for a user to live healthy within it, the site and building should be abandoned rather than just sold for a reduced price.8 While just about any site in the heart of Manhattan is deprived of an abundance of fresh air, the lot receives a substantial amount of natural light, as the surrounding buildings are around six storeys or under. Since the required program is so large, with multiple gallery spaces, theaters, a café, a museum store, offices, and event rooms, the building had to take up the entire lot space. This poses a problem as the depth of the building exceeds the width along the street by 40 feet, and sunlight

becomes difficult to bring in to the centers of the building, which is a significant factor in choosing sites to build in according to the CIAM discourse. Luckily, the site allows for cross-ventilation. SANAA brought light into the building by creating a stacked box aesthetic with groups of floors. A smaller ‘box’ is offset from edges, allowing for the box below to have skylights in addition to windows. Exhibit spaces are located closer to the ground, while the workplace and event rooms are at the higher levels, where they can receive as much light as possible and maximum ventilation due to the lack of obstructions in the vicinity and smaller perimeter.9 In reference to CIAM’s ideas on buildings on healthy sites, the museum reflects the idea by replacing a history of buildings of poor living conditions for a wellventilated and well-lit building.

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the early 2000s. The New Museum was a prominent contribution and arguably the starting point to the urban renewal. Parallel to the museum’s construction, the number of high-rise condominiums along Bowery Street has risen.

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Figure-void plan of site before the new museum constructed 01 Figure-void plan of site after the new museum constructed 02 Block building height comparison 03

architecture of the surroundings, each box is proportional to another building. For instance, the first box on the ground floor is roughly the same height of the building to the North. When viewed in elevation or plan, the boxes show proportions of either existing buildings or actual street blocks. This shows how the architect’s chose to not break up the street wall, but played with breaking up monolithic extrusions into forms of a human and architectural scale. The mimicry of alternative block forms is a cheeky reaction to a proposition of CIAM that is difficult to achieve.

While CIAM was an organization of fundamental importance with regards to introducing a socialist outlook on quality of life in the city, zoning, and building typologies, these ideas are outdated and unfeasible.The desires behind their suggested urban layouts and building forms are valid, but the solutions proposed are outlandish and very radical. Unfortunately, in a dense and successful city like New York, remodeling even small areas like a lot the size of The New Museum is inefficient and would do more harm than good.11 Through analyzing indoor quality, building form, street facades, and relationships to surroundings, one could argue SANAA’S New Museum of Contemporary Art is designed in accordance and rejection of CIAM principles.

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MICHELLE ASHUROV NEW MUSEUM OF CONTEMPORARY ART POST-CIAM

1. "SANAA." Arcspace. http://www.arcspace.com/features/sanaa/ (accessed October 23, 2014).

2. "MTA." Getting Around with NYC Subways and Buses. http://www.mta.info/nyct (accessed October 23, 2014).

3. "Zoning Home." New York City Department of City Planning. http://www.nyc.gov/html/dcp/html/subcats/zoning.shtml (accessed October 20, 2014).

4. "New Art Museum / SANAA." ArchDaily. http://www.archdaily.com/70822/new-art-museum-sanaa/ (accessed October 20, 2014).

5. "The Bowery House." History. http://www.theboweryhouse.com/history.html (accessed October 20, 2014).

6. Roberts, Sam. "Behind the Facades, a Seedy Past Endures." The New York Times, April 17, 2013. http://www. nytimes.com/2013/04/18/nyregion/on-the-bowery-vestiges-of-a-seedy-past-seep-through.html (accessed October 8, 2014).

7. "Digital Archive." New Museum. http://archive.newmuseum.org/index.php/Features/Show/displaySet?set_=10id (accessed October 23, 2014).

8. Mumford, Eric Paul. The CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2000.

"Building." New Museum. http://www.newmuseum.org/building (accessed October 23, 2014).

9. Rudlin, David, and Nicholas Falk. Sustainable urban neighbourhood: building the 21st century home.

Oxford: Architectural Press, 2009.

10. "The Functional City as a doctrine of Modernist Urban Planning and its impact on current urban sustainability in Latin America." European Observatory of Doctoral Research in Architecture. http://www.enhsa.net/main/ observatory/the-functional-city-as-a-doctrine-of-modernist-urban-planning-and-its-impact-on-currenturban-sustainability-in-latin-america/ (accessed October 24, 2014).

11. DeLanda, Manuel. A New Philosophy of Society: Assemblage Theory and Social Complexity.

London: Continuum, 2006.

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The practice of Renzo Piano Building Workshop is characterized by its sensitivity to context and site as well as local tradition. As an exuberant and inventive design team there is great consideration to materiality and building techniques which not only achieve a high performance level but also a high level of integration into the existing urban fabric. This approach to design is evident in the completed Central St.Giles project, whose goal was to transform a dull, single use office tower into a mixed use development in order to become a new destination point within the surrounding local area.

In its original state, the site lacked key planning features such as permeability, integration, identity, safety, and sense of place. However the new development uses design considerations not only consistent with those characteristic of the architect, but also ideas proposed in the CIAM such as the inclusion of natural light, green space, and mixed use areas with a priority on the public realm. This paper argues that Central St.Giles, although a recently constructed building, adheres to the design guidelines outlined by the CIAM, and by doing so has become a permeable and valuable addition to the urban context in which it is situated.

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CENTRAL ST. GILES COURT Renzo Piano Building Workshop and Fletcher Priest Architects 2002-2010 London, United Kingdom Nicola Augustin

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Introduction Situated within the heart of central London, between Covent Garden and New Oxford Street, a permeable, vibrant, sculpturally exuberant volume known as Central St. Giles Court, has been added to the neighbourhood.

Within its walls is a multi-use space containing offices, apartments, restaurants, and retail; a vibrant change from the impenetrable block of offices it had once been. Commissioned by Legal and General alongside Mitsubishi Estate Co. and Stanhope PLC, architects Renzo Piano Building Workshop collaborated with Fletcher Priest Architects to create this mixed-use development1. Although the project was both initiated and completed post CIAM era (2002-2010) the main elements of the design coincide with the main principles of CIAM. These key elements are the inclusion of mixed uses to ensure public activity and surveillance at all times, enhancing the public realm within the building by introducing light, air and green space, as well as increasing pedestrian activity through the site with numerous access points2.

Physical Context At its central location, St. Giles Court lies amidst many of London’s most popular attractions. North of the site is Bloomsbury, which is home to several internationally prominent universities, as well as the British museum. East is Holbern, an area that has most recently seen a significant increase in office space and hotels. To the southwestern

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direction is Covent Garden with a variety of markets, restaurants, opera houses and historic streets, and finally, directly south is an abundance of theatres centered on Shaftesbury Avenue. With attractions at every angle, the previous building on the site, with no pedestrian pathways and high security all around, created physiological barriers for pedestrian movement through the area3. In order to bring this high volume of pedestrians into the site, St. Giles consists of two buildings, one for offices and the other for residential units. At the heart of the project, accessed through five passageways, is a new public courtyard where restaurants and cafes open up, activating the space.

The passageways used to access the public courtyard are through-routes, linking the streets on two sides of the building to the interior. The ground level of St. Giles Court was designed to be as transparent as possible with six-meter tall, fully glazed, low-iron glass facades, which would allow pedestrians to see through the development to the interior courtyard, thus creating the permeability intended for the site4.

Planning Context The site of St. Giles Court was viewed as a rare opportunity in providing exemplary sustainable mixed-use development in one of London’s most central locations.

The development is based on the unified and spatial framework of the Unitary Development Plan (UDP) and the London Plan (LP). Under the UDP, the central London area with which the site is located

is an area identified for having high public transportation accessibility and seeks to utilize this in meeting the demand for commercial development, as well as cultural, retail, and tourism use. The site was encouraged to be mixed-use with a priority on residential occupancy that included affordable housing, as well as being an area for potential business growth5. Within the LP, the design guidelines were based on policies outlined in the overall vision for London, as it strives to be an exemplary and sustainable city that encompasses three themes. The first of these themes is to create strong, diverse, and long-term economic growth. The second is social inclusivity to provide all citizens of London with an opportunity to share in the cities growth, and lastly to make significant improvements to London’s environment and consumption of resources6. The deployment of these themes into the site was the planning objective of the city, in order to begin deploying their city vision into a physical context. In terms of the site itself, St. Giles Court is large and relatively unconstrained due to its proximity to a conservation area whose buildings have upheld little architectural merit. With a multitude of building heights within the conservation area and in the immediate context of the site, the development of the site had to be sensitive to, and compatible with, the scale and general proportions of its surrounding context, including massing, height, and footprint, but it was not highly unconstrained due to the diverse context7.

The next priority of the LP was to enhance the public realm first attracting more people to the area at various times of the day12 along with the creation of through routes and public spaces within the site. In response to this, St. Giles court has an extremely permeable ground floor and an interior public courtyard.

The permeability of the site consists of five through route passageways that connect the two streets bordering the project with its interior, and the entire ground floor is designed to be as transparent as possible.

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With an entirely glazed ground level, 6m in height, sight lines also occur through the building, as pedestrians can see the interior courtyard from the street, making it a more integral part of the public domain. This is consistent with the ideals of the CIAM, as sun, vegetation, and space have been outlined as the fundamental triad of design13. In accordance to these fundamentals, St. Giles’s interior courtyard contains a large oak tree at the centre, and the oscillating volumes of its mass allow daylight to reach the interior.

Not only this, but the large courtyard and through routes provide pedestrians with the freedom of choice, as there is enough space dedicated to the passerby that the site can be experienced to its fullest. St. Giles also provided for the community surrounding it by replacing displaced earth back into the site as green roofs and roof terraces, where rainwater is collected and stored for irrigation14. These sustainable features are consistent with both the LP intentions, as the green roof adds to the biodiversity of the city, and the principles of CIAM, as they accord to the vegetation and sun exposures included in the fundamentals of design.

NICOLA AUGUSTIN

Prior to the development of St. Giles Court, the site had significant community safety issues that needed to be addressed. One of which was that the single office use left the site deserted after working hours. In addition to this the previous office occupancy required security, and caused the site to be inward looking. By turning its back on the rest of the neighborhood, it had little pedestrian flow and no through routes. This made the site disconnected from its context and added to its lack of identity and little sense of place. In order to improve this condition, the goal of the new development was to realize the full potential of the site and to integrate it within its surroundings8.

The completed development of St. Giles Court, accomplishes all of the requirements set forth by the city, as well as coinciding with many of the ideals which emerged from the CIAM (Congres Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne). As outlined as a priority in the LP, it was essential for this large new building to fit within the scale of this traditional area of London.

This recognition to scale is also seen in the CIAM, although not a main priority, the nonsuperfluous historical buildings that do not impede into the site are appropriate to pay homage to as an act of preserving historical heritage9, 10. This was accomplished through the breakdown of the solid mass into a series of smaller volumes, which respected the surrounding adjacent building heights.

In addition, each volume is different in height, orientation, colour, and relationship to natural light. The various colours are representative of the colours found around the historical area and therefore also help to integrate the structure11.

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CIAM and Planning

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Pre-development figure-ground 01 Post-development figure-ground 02 Plan diagram showing pedestrian through routes 03 Section showing permeable ground level and building heights 04 Interior courtyard view 05

The final development need, as put forth by the LP, was to create a truly mixed-use development, with a priority on residential spaces that included affordable housing15. St. Giles accomplished this request by including 56 private apartments and 53 affordable housing units that occupy 14 storeys on the western edge of the site. In addition to this, there is 38,000 m2 of office space divided over 10 floors and the ground level of the project consists of various retail occupancies16. The virtues of mixed use developments are that residence have the opportunity to work within the building, thus reducing commuting time, and incorporating live, work, and leisure all within an accessible distance. Within the ideals of the CIAM these zones would be in relatively close proximity with green zones of parks and recreation buffering them, and although the green zones of St. Giles are not buffers, they are interwoven into the fabric of the building and essential to the function and overall experience of the other spaces.

this. The second area of improvement was the single occupancy of the previous site, now changed to a mixed-use building; it contains a multitude of different programs such as retail, offices, and residential spaces.

Together, these programs generate a lively building at all hours of the day ensuring a safe and vibrant social dynamic. Lastly, the buildings various spatial volumes and the inclusion of numerous green spaces give back to the existing community by aiding its integration within the contextual building heights and shapes, as well as the provision of natural spaces with clean light and air. In summation, Central St. Giles Court is now an appropriate and well-conceived addition to the heart of London for its compatibility with the planning goals of the city and its evident influence of CIAM principles.

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Conclusion

The approach to design taken to complete the project of Central St. Giles Court, is a unique outcome of the desires of the city.

As put forth in the LP, and in conjunction with the UDP, the site required many alterations in order to be a safe, comfortable, lively environment for both locals and tourists. The first area addressed was the pedestrian ground plane, where it was once impenetrable and vacant; an entirely glazed ground floor with numerous access points to the public open space at the centre solved

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FIGURES 1.

Riddle, Paul and Stagg, Andy. "Renzo Piano: Central St. Giles , London." Architecture Today. 2010. http://www.architecturetoday.co.uk/?p=6229

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1. Central St. Giles Court Mixed-Use Development". Renzo Piano Building Workshop. 2014. http://www.rpbw. com/project/60/central-st-giles-court-mixed-use-development 2. "Central St. Giles Court / Renzo Piano & Fletcher Priest Architects" 17 Jan 2011. ArchDaily.

Accessed 23 Oct 2014. <http://www.archdaily.com/?p=104147>.

3. Camden. "Planning Brief for St. Giles Court". London Borough of Camden. 2004.

4. "Central St. Giles Court / Renzo Piano & Fletcher Priest Architects" 17 Jan 2011. ArchDaily.

Accessed 23 Oct 2014. <http://www.archdaily.com/?p=104147>.

5. Camden. "Planning Brief for St. Giles Court". London Borough of Camden. 2004.

6. The London Plan: Spatial Development Strategy for Greater London. Greater London Authority.

Feb 2004. www.london.gov.uk 7. Camden. "Planning Brief for St. Giles Court". London Borough of Camden. 2004.

8. The London Plan: Spatial Development Strategy for Greater London. Greater London Authority.

Feb 2004. www.london.gov.uk 9. Mumford, Eric Paul. "The CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960." MIT Press. 2002 10. Rubin, Eli. "The Athens Charter. In: Themenportal Europ채ische Geschichte." (2009). http://www.europa. clio-online.de/site/lang__en/ItemID__372/mid__11428/40208214/default.aspx 11. "Central St. Giles Court / Renzo Piano & Fletcher Priest Architects" 17 Jan 2011. ArchDaily.

Accessed 23 Oct 2014. <http://www.archdaily.com/?p=104147>.

12. Camden. "Planning Brief for St. Giles Court". London Borough of Camden. 2004.

13. Rubin, Eli. "The Athens Charter. In: Themenportal Europ채ische Geschichte." (2009). http://www.europa. clio-online.de/site/lang__en/ItemID__372/mid__11428/40208214/default.aspx 14. Central St. Giles Court Mixed-Use Development". Renzo Piano Building Workshop. 2014. http://www. rpbw.com/project/60/central-st-giles-court-mixed-use-development 15. The London Plan: Spatial Development Strategy for Greater London. Greater London Authority.

Feb 2004. www.london.gov.uk 16. "Central St. Giles Court / Renzo Piano & Fletcher Priest Architects" 17 Jan 2011. ArchDaily.

Accessed 23 Oct 2014. <http://www.archdaily.com/?p=104147>.

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In the 1930's and 40's, architecture and urban planning were dominated by the urgency to improve urban life. The International Congresses of Modern Architecture or known as CIAM, were a group of leading architects and planners who led this movement. Their views and principles on urban planning forever changed how architecture was practiced for the decades following. Looking at the City of New Haven in 1950's and 1960's, these influences are noticed when the city undertook a massive urban redevelopment project to revitalize the city. Buildings designed after this period were to follow these new values and beliefs on urban planning1. The Yale Centre for British Art designed by Louis Kahn for example initially encountered many obstacles and issues with the city board before finally receiving permits to construct the building.

The design of the building therefore was indirectly influenced by many of the urban principles set forth by CIAM decades earlier.

One of these was the theme of zoning and land use which was first discussed all the way back in 1930, its 3rd conference1. Four years later, they discussed the topic of height and light with regards to dwelling3. The city enforced this on the British Art Centre to limit its impact on the surrounding context.

Kahn then re-designed his initial form to better integrate the building to city with its form, faรงade, and height relationships. In the long term, it`s evident on how CIAM's principles on urban planning informed and changed Kahn's design of the building that better corresponds to the needs of the city.

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YALE CENTER FOR BRITISH ART Louis Kahn 1969 New Haven, USA Khaliq Azizi

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Introduction

Located within the heart of New Haven, the Yale Center for British Art, Louis Kahn’s last architectural work, marked the change and evolution in his transition to a contextual and social architect4. Working ever more so closely with the client and the city, it can be argued that the British Art Centre was perhaps his most integrated project up to date. Paul Mellon, an American business man and philanthropist, commissioned Kahn to design a museum to showcase his great collection of British paintings and sculptures which he donated to Yale University. The building’s design started in 1969 and was opened 6 years later to the public. New Haven at this time was going through its urban renewal project which sought to eliminate slums, regulate city traffic, and construct new buildings to increase commercial activity.

The city was experiencing its greatest change and development which of course had several influences and consequences to the design of the building. Planners and architects of that era, influenced by CIAM’s principles on architecture and urbanism, saw the redevelopment of the city as a way to save it5. The changes influenced by these principles are evident as one begins to notice the interplay between the influences of the CIAM’s principles and Kahn’s reinterpretation of these principles.

The Site

The site itself is located within the original nine square grid plan that was conceived

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during the city’s origin all the way back in 1638. John Brockett, a land surveyor from Massachusetts, laid out a ½ mile street parallel to west creek, the original landing spot for new colonists. From there he ran a series of criss-crossing streets both horizontally (east-west) and vertically ( north-south) which divided the land into nine squares, with the centre as an area of gathering and worship. Today that area is known as New Haven’s Town Green. The building is located one street block west of the green park and thus receives heavy traffic from the park and university campus around it. During 1960’s, the area and much of New Haven was under redevelopment, which changed the pedestrian and traffic flow.

Streets were widened to allow for better vehicular flow and thus allowed a mixture of both vehicular and pedestrian access to the site6. In addition to circulation access, the redevelopment also changed the surrounding context of the area with construction of new buildings such as Chapel Square mall and numerous housing projects to improve living conditions. As a result, Louis Kahn had to implement these factors into the design of the British Art Centre. To understand the impact of the city and urban fabric on the design, it is important to discuss and analyze how the building was initially conceived and what became of it. In the initial design, Kahn envisioned the building as a powerful monumental building that would stretch from High street right down to the Yale Repertory Theatre. It would consist of three stories with the whole ground floor as an entrance itself, similar to the Philips Exeter

Library. The overall form of the building was to be a rectangular block that was pierced through by two courts which illuminated the interior7. The program of the building was to be a mixed use of gallery spaces and studying spaces.

The City and Kahn

As discussed previously the urban redevelopment project of the 1950’s and 1960’s brought forth many changes to the city, both tangible and intangible. One of the major changes in New Haven at the time was the Oak street project which saw the massive resettlement of the Italian and Eastern European Jews to make room for the Oak street Connector, a highway that would facilitate east-west traffic movement. The problem of traffic flow was a major concern at the time due to the fact that most of the roads were designed for pedestrians and trolleys. The automobiles were clogging the cities because they were moving extremely slow, average speed was 5 to 7 miles per hour. Planners of the city thus recommended highways were necessary for the city to sustain itself8. Another major issue was the overwhelming number of slums. Dick Lee, the mayor, made the phasing out of slums one the major goals in the redevelopment project.

To accomplish this, he began first by tearing down old commercial, industrial, and used buildings that were worn down. Replacing them were a series of new housing projects, commercial buildings, and community buildings. This was seen as the first step in revitalizing the former thriving urban centres

As previously examined, the Yale British Art center originally was conceived as a three storey building, roughly 150 000 square feet, stretching from High Street straight to the Yale Repertory Theatre. The city however saw this as a major obstruction to the surrounding context, both in terms of views and light. First and foremost, it would have looked rather grotesque to have two buildings of different materials, form, and height next to one another. It would furthermore break the continuity of the street façade along Chapel Street. Additionally, it would completely

Another complication Kahn had to deal with was the zoning use of the site itself. At the time, the city governed the area to be a commercial-type building. Furthermore, the proposed Art Centre violated the boundary between the city and the Yale Campus.

STUDENT NAME

During the 1950’s and 1960’s, the city of New Haven became a testing ground for modernists’ theories of urban design. To them, the revitalization and redesigning of the physical content would thereby directly solve the problems of poverty, unemployment, and racial animosity11. As a result, these urban planners adopted many principles of CIAM’s principles on urbanism as evident by zoning and its city strict guidelines on what and where new buildings were to be built.

block natural light from reaching the west façade of the Yale Repertory Theatre and vice versa. The influence of height limitation can be traced back to the Fourth conference of CIAM, in which they looked at several densities of buildings and their effects on the surrounding context112 This was further outlined in the Athens Charter under principle 17, in which Corbusier asserts that the traditional alignment of buildings on edges of streets only ensures sunlight to only some dwellings13. As it pertains to the site, when these two “blocks” intersected, certain parts of the building would not receive any natural light. Hence Louis Kahn had to pull the building back which in turn generated a sunken courtyard between the two buildings and allowed maximum light infiltration.

However due to the reduced space, the building therefore became four stories rather than three.

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which had experienced a major decline in its industrial jobs and immigration. However not only were there changes to the buildings and the infrastructure, but furthermore to the zoning and the values of the city itself.

Pertaining to the site itself, there were a series of rules and regulations that shaped the form of the British Art Centre. First and foremost, the site was located between the boundary of the Yale University campus and the city9. This caused major complications in the approval process to obtain city permits.

The site’s use was defined as an area of residential or commercial building. The reasoning behind this was so that the city would receive income tax from the property.

In addition, Kahn had already designed the Yale Art gallery across the street, and so the city was not intent of having a similar building erected on the site. Furthermore, the city wanted to limit the height and scale of the building as to not overpower the surrounding context, such as the Yale Repertory Theatre10. To conclude these physical, social, and planning circumstances would eventually yield in great changes for the design of the British Art Centre.

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Figure-Ground pre building 01 Figure-Ground post building 02 Initial building form 03 Final building form 04

The City board, wanting not to lose further tax revenue to a non-taxable building, refused the initial building proposal. Zoning influences originated from CIAM 3 and â&#x20AC;&#x153;the Functional Cityâ&#x20AC;? in which the members saw fit to separate different land uses based on traffic level, noise, pollution, light, and space14. Kahn, along with Yaleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s governing body, therefore came up with the idea of having retail along the ground floor of the building. They argued that with the publicity and use of the Art Centre, the shops would subsequently generate greater profit. Kahn therefore, instead of separating the uses, incorporated them together. Although not what the city had in mind, he established an approach that would serve the necessities of the public and the city without compromising the overall design of the building.

Conclusion

As cities grew, the need to carefully plan and design them became ever so apparent in 20th century. The group known as CIAM, a collection of leading architects and urban planners realizing this, saw architecture as a mechanism in which to achieve these means. In New Haven, the influences of these principles are evident through its redevelopment era after WW2 and the years which followed. This is of course had severe impacts on how architecture and planning developed in the subsequent years. The Yale Center for British Art became an example on how influences of CIAM impacted architecture and consequently set a discourse on how architecture and urban planning

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would be in the future. In the case of the British Art Center, it became evidently clear that these principles positively influenced the building which led to a more integrated and appropriate design within the urban fabric of the city.

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1. Gambell, Tim. "Life in the Model City." Yale.Edu/. January 1, 2004. http://www.yale.edu/nhohp/modelcity/before.html.

2. Rykwert, Joseph. "Yale Center for British Art." In Louis Kahn, 185-199. New York: Harry N.Abrams, 2001.

3. Rykwert, Joseph. "Yale Center for British Art." In Louis Kahn, 185-199. New York: Harry N.Abrams, 2001.

4. Vincent, Scully. "Modern Architecture at Yale." In Yale in New Haven Architecture and Urbanism, 105-120. New Haven: Yale University Printer, 2004.

5. Gambell, Tim. "Life in the Model City." Yale.Edu/. January 1, 2004. http://www.yale.edu/nhohp/modelcity/before.html..

6. Gambell, Tim. "Life in the Model City." Yale.Edu/. January 1, 2004. http://www.yale.edu/nhohp/modelcity/before.html..

7. Wisemen, Carter. Louis Kahn Beyond Time and Style. New York: W.W. Norton, 2004. 160-171.

8. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998.

9. Cambell, Tim. "Life in the Model City." Yale.Edu/. January 1, 2004. http://www.yale.edu/nhohp/modelcity/before.html.

10. Wisemen, Carter. Louis Kahn Beyond Time and Style. New York: W.W. Norton, 2004. 160-171.

11. Wisemen, Carter. Louis Kahn Beyond Time and Style. New York: W.W. Norton, 2004. 160-171.Foucault, 11.

12. Gambell, Tim. "Life in the Model City." Yale.Edu/. January 1, 2004. http://www.yale.edu/nhohp/modelcity/before.html. “Panopticism.” In The Foucault Reader, 206-13.

Edited by Paul Rabinow. New York: Pantheon, 1984.

13. Mumford, Eric Paul. The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2000 14. Eardley, Anthony. "Generalities, Conclusions." In The Athens Charter, 41-90.

New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973 15. Mumford, Eric Paul. The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2000.

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Through his project for Centraal Beheer in Apeldoorn, Herman Hertzberger articulates a complex idea of worker experience both at collective and individual scales. Using a gridiron system as the framework for series of smaller environments, Hertzberger creates a network of smaller volumes with proportions in accord with those of the immediate surroundings. Seeing the project more as an urban settlement than as a single built volume, Hertzberger rejects the principles set out by CIAM. A return to the pre-industrial model of interconnected rooms, Centraal Beheer presents a radical departure from the functionalist organization of spaces subdivided by use.

The honeycomb of interpretable spaces making up the building were left deliberately unfinished, allowing the individual user to react to and to appropriate the space as they saw fit. In contrast with the modernist ideals of standardization advocated in Le Corbusier's Athens Charter, Hertzberger sought to produce a collective living pattern in a way that would allow for the individual to bring his own interpretation to the space. Introspective by design, Centraal Beheer is an outward rejection of modernist planning philosophies. Indifferent in relation to its immediate context, the complex bears no architectural element indicative of programmatic hierarchy such as a primary entrance. Lack of any such element furthers the complex's identity as a city within a city.

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CENTRAAL BEHEER Herman Hertzberger 1970-1973 Apeldoorn, Netherlands Nick Callies

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After the disbanding of the CIAM in 1959, new ideas on habitation and on social organization began to emerge. Herman Hertzberger directly addresses these issues in his plans for Centraal Beheer in Apledoorn, Netherlands. Through the lens of Dutch structuralism Hertzberger articulates a complex idea of worker experience both at collective and individual scales. The Centraal Beheer building was completed in 1972 to house the new headquarters for the Dutch insurance company Centraal Beheer.1 Using a grid system as the framework for the creation of a series of smaller scale environments, Hertzberger was able to create a network of smaller volumes with proportions in accord with those of the immediate surroundings.

Breaking away from the ideals of the functional city presented by CIAM, the complex is composed of a series of smaller volumes with entrances on all sides, allowing the complex to be seem more as an urban settlement than as a single build volume.

Program

Built in the center of Apeldoorn, a small city in the center of the Netherlands, Centraal Beheer takes on the form of a small urban settlement. The complex is set within an industrial suburban neighborhood, with ample seatbacks and spacing between the buildings.2 Consisting of a conglomerate of volumes interconnected by pedestrian laneways, the building was conceived from the inside outwards, its relation to to the surrounding build environment not considered as part of the design.3 Designed as

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a “house for 1000 people”,4 Hertzberger uses a structural framework to define an array of small-scale volumes separated by arcade-like passages.5 The smaller scale volumes, almost domestic in character, serve as workspaces, their scale immediately relevant to the individual working in the space. The arcadelike communal passages serve as streets in a spacial organization suggestive of a sort of workers village, an identity reinforced on a practical level by the building’s lack of a primary point.5 Multiple entrance points surround the building, enabling it it to be entered from all sides (figure 1).7 Context

Herman Hertzberger’s structuralist design for Centraal Beheer can be seen as the outcome of the cultural and political environment of the 1960’s in the Netherlands. Seeking a better life, the younger, post-war generation led the quest for cultural renewal through democratization and modernization.8 The Netherlands proved welcoming of Herman Hertzberger’s ideas on a new way of living.

Conceived at the same time as the city’s plans for the development of a new urban centre, Centraal Beheer was to mark the start of Apeldoorn’s modernization program.9 In keeping with the modernist tradition of the open plan, Centraal Beheer is built without strict alignment to the surrounding built environment, with no need the need to situate the building within a street wall ( figure 4).10 Like much of its surroundings, Centraal Beheer is set back from the street and from neighboring buildings enough to

be considered as an entity separate from the surrounding build landscape. Without the need to relate to the surrounding built context, Centraal Beheer could be designed introspectively. Envisioned by Herman Hetzberger as a “city within a city”,11 a structural framework is used to divide the complex into small blocks separated by a series of principal traffic routes.12 This division of interior space allows Central Beheer to resemble a sort of closed urban settlement. Furthering this identity is the large gathering space located at the center of the building, referencing a sort of city center, an idea that would have been furthered by the initial plans to link the complex with a neighboring train station.13 The original plans to link Centraal Behher with the train station would have introduced ticket sale booths into the central gathering space, further enforcing its identity as a sort of city center.14 A Response to CIAM

Herman Hertzberger was critical of reductive nature of the ideas promoted through CIAM such through the concept of The Functional city. Proposing a return to pre-industrial ideals, Hertzberger hoped to restore to architecture a sense of meaning, place and humanity that was critically lacking from modernism.15 Finding Claude Levi-Strauss’s ideas on structuralism particularly inspiring, Hertzberger began to apply ideas concerning the relationship between collective patterns and individual interpretations to his work.16 Forming what is now considered Dutch

Herman Hertzberger believed that the ideas of modernism as expressed through CIAM had failed to address the possibility for human expression and individual interpretation.19 Modernism presented blanket solutions to urbanism premised on the need for change, with architects such as Le Corbusier’s Athens Charter dispelling history entirely as the “cult of the past”.20 Hertzberger was skeptical if CIAM’s seeming addiction to change, an idea shared with fellow Dutch architect Aldo Van Eyck. In 1963, Hertzberger wrote “in place of prototypes which are collective interpretations of individual living patters, ( we must look for) prototypes which make

individual interpretations of the collective patterns possible.”21 This notion is expressed in the program arrangement of Centraal Beheer, where Hertzberger’s ideas are expressed in the division of program spaces into two primary zones: flexible workspaces, deemed ‘interpretive spaces’ and arcadelike passages comprising of the in-between spaces.11

The two district program zones are created by a structural framework that makes use of a gridiron system to create a network of smaller scale environments surrounded by arcade-like passages. The application of materials to both public and private zones helps to further differentiate them form one another.23 Office areas are fitted with carpets differentiated from the street-like character of the communal areas that are fitted with materials often used in exterior applications such as glass block and tile.24 The application of these materials creates a visual and tactile separation between program areas that serves to reinforce Hertzberger’s idea of creating a “city within a city”.25 Furthering this notion is the building’s use of natural light, which filters down through the arcade-

01 Multiple points of entry are arranged along the perimeter of the building.

like passageways, lighting the pedestrian roads below.26 These serve as circulation routes, separating the workspaces into a series of small-scale environments. The workspaces, deemed ‘interpretable zones’ are deliberately left unfinished to allow for the individual appropriation of the space.27 Conceived to fulfill any foreseen use, the workspaces can be occupied by either a group or by an individual; the furnishing of each space left entirely up to the end user. The character of each space is subsequently left to develop naturally in response to individual need, an idea premised on the notion that the more responsibility a user feels for an area, and consequently the more influence they will have on it, the more care and love they will be prepared to invest.28 Consequently, the building’s users in turn become its inhabitants, creating in an environment more conducive to human appropriation of space than the rigid, reductive nature of the open plan.

02 Non-heirarchical division of space

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Structuralistm, Hertzberger, along with fellow Dutch architect Aldo Van Eyck began to break away from abstract modernism, concerning themselves with the cultural importance of place rather than with rationalism or efficiency.17 Hertzberger’s ideas on the cultural importance of space are materialized in his building for Centraal Beheer, where his primary motive was to provide a framework for cultural expression by allowing for the individual appropriation of space.18

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Architect's drawing showing interior spaces 03 Plan of the site 04

Conclusion

The social, economic and political environment of the Netherlands in the late 1960’s inspired the creation of Herman Hertzberger’s Centraal Beheer. Designed not long after the after the end of the Second World War and the disbanding of CIAM, Centraal Beheer represents the people of the Netherlands’s quest for cultural reform. Responding to the precedent set by modernism, Herman Hertzberger sought to create an architecture more responsive to human need. Through the lens of Dutch Structuralism, Herzberger responds to the ideas of The Functional City set out by Le Corbusier in The Athens Charter. Critical of modernism’s obsession with rationalism and standardization, Hertzberger proposes a return to the pre-industrial model of interconnected spaces. By using a grid system to create a series of smaller environments, the architect is able to articulate an idea of worker experience both at collective and individual scales. Introspectively focused, the building can be seen as more as a type of urban settlement than as a single built entity. A utopian experiment in architecture, the complex was envisioned as part of a movement advocating for cultural reform.

Well received at the time of conception and still in use today, Centraal Beheer remains as a physical reminder of the social and political environment in which it was created.

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1. Hertzberger, Herman. Herman Hertzberger: Articulations. Munich: Prestel, 2002 2. Lüchinger, Arnulf. Herman Hertzberger : Buildings and Projects, 1959-1986.

Den Haag: Arch-Edition. 1987.

3. Ibid.

4. Frampton, Kenneth. Modern Architecture: A Critical History. London: Thames & Hudson, 2007.

5. Hertzberger, Herman. Herman Hertzberger: Articulations. Munich: Prestel, 2002 6. Ibid.

7. Ibid.

8. Hertzberger, Herman. Cultuur Onder Dak: Herman Hertzberger & Appeldoorn.

Rotterdam: 010 Publ., 2004.

9. Ibid.

10. Lüchinger, Arnulf. Herman Hertzberger : Buildings and Projects, 1959-1986.

Den Haag: Arch-Edition. 1987.

11. Hertzberger, Herman. Herman Hertzberger: Articulations. Munich: Prestel, 2002 12. Ibid.

13. Ibid.

14. Frampton, Kenneth. Modern Architecture: A Critical History. London: Thames & Hudson, 2007.

15. bid.

16. Ibid.

17. Strauven, Francis, and Aldo Van Eyck. Aldo Van Eyck: The Shape of Relativity.

Amsterdam: Architectura & Natura, 1998.

18. Ibid.

19. Somer, Kees, and Ed Taverne. The Functional City: The CIAM and Cornelis Van Eesteren, 1928-1960.

Rotterdam: NAi, 2007.

20. Ibid.

21. Frampton, Kenneth. Modern Architecture: A Critical History. London: Thames & Hudson, 2007.

22. Hertzberger, Herman. Lessons for Students in Architecture. Rotterdam: 010 Publ., 2000.

23. Ibid.

24. Ibid.

25. Ibid.

26. Ibid.

27. Hin, Kees, Maarten Kloos, and Herman Hertzberger.

Searching for Space: On the Architect Herman Hertzberger. Amsterdam: Interakt, 2010.

FIGURES 1,2. Plan referenced from: Hertzberger, Herman. Herman Hertzberger: Articulations. Munich: Prestel, 2002 3. Hertzberger, Herman. Drawing showing interior spaces. Graphite on paper. http://intern.strabrecht.nl/sectie/ckv/10/Architectuur/Struct/04.03_Hertzberger_Herman,_indruk_interieur_ kantoor_Centraal_Behaar.jpg 4. Site map referenced from: Hertzberger, Herman. Cultuur Onder Dak: Herman Hertzberger & Appedoorn. Rotterdam: 010 Publ., 2004. and OpenStreetMap. http://www.openstreetmap.org/.

5. Diepraam, Willem. "Centraal Beheer Apeldoorn Interior". Triton College. http://www.dezeen. com/2011/12/06/key-projects-by-herman-hertzberger/ (accessed Nov.3, 2014).

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COVER IMAGE SOURCED FROM “"Centraal Beheer Apeldoorn”". Triton College. http://academics.triton. edu/faculty/fheitzman/architecturalmethodology-C.html (accessed Nov.3, 2014).

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The Greater London Authority building (GTA), designed by Foster and Partners is a post-CIAM building (completed in 2002) which is heavily influenced by Congrès International d'Architecture Modern (CIAM). CIAM sought to revolutionize the way architecture and architectural domains such as urban planning, landscape, and industrial design could serve the public interest. Foster and Partner's GTA building abides by CIAM's principles of architecture for the people. The use of glazing on the exterior and interior allow for the people to see into the building and assembly spaces reflect the ideology of transparency of the democratic process between the government and the people. The GTA building is apart of a "London Masterplan", which consists of 9 mid-rise buildings of commercial use and public outdoor spaces on the South Banks of River Thames, London. Le Corbusier, a large contributor to the CIAM publications, ideals of having heavily planned cities, and people working in high rise buildings surrounded by parks, all of which are present in the"London Masterplan". It opposes CIAM principles in terms of segregting classes, as the South Banks has historically been for the poor, but it is now being planned and occupied for upper class workers and uses.

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LONDON CITY HALL Foster+Partners 1998 - 2002 London, England Tara Castator

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The London City Hall, is located on the South Banks of River Thames in London, UK. It is on a very rich cultural site, adjacent to Tower Bridge and opposite Tower of London in the heart of the city. The London City Hall project was designed by Foster and Partners, an internationally acclaimed architecture firm based in London. It was completed in 2002, and has since been London’s City Hall, and houses the offices of the mayoral staff and the London Assembly to Greater London Authority1. London City Hall is apart of a larger planning project known as “More London Development”. The general purpose for the redevelopment was to bring “social and economic regeneration”2 to an already rich cultural site of London. On the furthest side of River Thames, is London’s skyline, where the Swiss Re (‘The Gherkin’) building can be seen. The HMS Belfast, a floating museum that is a part of the Imperial War Museum, lies on the River itself. The Hays Galleria, a boutique shopping area with smaller restaurants and cafes, can be found next to this. Foster and Partners statement “Our architecture is driven by a belief that the quality of our surroundings has a direct influence on the quality of our lives”3 plays a huge role, as the project was set out to open up the South Banks, and allow more visitors to enjoy the space.

Site Conditions

The London City Hall is on a site that was fully pedestrianized; with no vehicles having access to the main site, it is only accessible through walking paths. The development is

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a commercial block. On the west side, there is a large amphitheater which leads visitors underground, making more open space for people to use. Although the site is largely pedestrianized, there is close proximity to several public transportation routes along the southern part of the site, which is a main street called Tooley street4. The site is also assessable through a River Bus, which drops passengers off at London Bridge City. It is a unique experience, having such an assessable site, while still maintaining a lot of pedestrian space and access to views around the River Thames.

London Plan

The mayoral staff that works in the London City Hall, comprises of the mayor and 25 Assembly staff5. The London Plan, is a “statutory spacial development strategy”6 that looks at London’s development in the bigger picture. It was first published in 2004, and had later revisions in 2008, 2011, with the latest revision being October 2013. It is a regional planning tool; the goal to have minor changes around London completed by 2031. The new Greater London Authority Act of 2007 gave the mayor more responsibilities and power in dealing with land and housing, with the abolishment of London Development Agency7. Therefore, much of the land and housing plans of London are being generated and approved of from inside Foster and Partner’s London City Hall. They have leased this building for 25 years, after switching from a more historical building in Westminster. The purpose was

to try and help the growth of London. There is a philosophical reason to changing the central location for London’s planning and development to a modern building, which is to promote the modernization and modern ideals on how the city should develop in the future. The goals of the London Plan are to help the city grow economically and grow in population. Other goals are to ensure London is remaining diversified, and has strong neighbourhoods. A main point of the London Plan is to make sure London becomes a world leader in improving the environment. This is reflected itself in London City Hall, as it is itself a “virtually non-polluting building”, using less than a quarter of the energy consumed of a typical office building8.

Foster and Partners in designing London City Hall, recognized that it is important for a political building, to follow the London Plan. They were successful in creating a building, part of a bigger picture of the More London Development, that increases the quality of the site, giving more open space back to the community, while still maintaining the mandate for economic growth9. The use of glazing on the exterior of the building and the interior assembly spaces reflect the ideology of transparency of the democratic process between the government and the people. It is not only symbolically important, but it also follows London’s Plan for the United Kingdom to become a world leader in improving the environment10.

Foster and Partners have computer modelled the building to be sustainable, and several passive and active systems in the building

Comparison to CIAM

The More London Development site is surrounded by not only commercial, but a lot of residential housing. The idea of segregating uses of CIAM principles are not holistically used, although there is the idea of residential housing being close to the place of work, while not being entirely mixed-use. Le Corbusier in A Contemporary City had the very central point be a hub for transportation, the airport15. All infrastructure would lead here. Similarly, the centralized offices of the More London Development are adjacent to London Bridge Underground station, a central railway station which connects five international airports and six railway stations.

Contrast to CIAM

One of the main criticism of CIAM principles are the lack of human scale, and the segregation of pedestrians, as cars are the main focal point. In CIAM main principles, infrastructure for cars plays a huge role in the planning process. Not only is cars the focal

point, but it creates cities where the citizens must rely on personal transportation in order to live, as functions are segregated. This causes problems living in the 21st century, with new knowledge of cars and their affects on the environment. This also goes against one of the main points in London’s Plan, which is to become a leader in sustainable practices. Creating more pedestrianized spaces, and prioritizing biking instead of driving is the direction for a sustainable city in the future, which is what London is currently implementing.

Another main principle of CIAM is not only segregating uses, but as well as segregating classes16. Historically, the South Banks of London was notoriously an industrialized area; home of many lower, working class habitants. Now, the site is currently being occupied by many upper class office buildings, as well as London City Hall itself which is an upper class, highly sustainable and forward thinking political building. This idea of mixed class sections of the city, where working class would interact with upper class people is against CIAM principles.

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location of London City Hall

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LONDON CITY HALL

CIAM, being arguably the most prominent force of modern planning, has effected the More London Development. In the grand picture, More London Development being just on the South Banks of River Thames, makes this a very centralized site. The Corbusier’s Contemporary City and Radiant City, had offices and infrastructure lead to the centre12. Not only are the offices of More London Development centralized, but they are also surrounded by large public spaces.

Foster and Partners in designing London City Hall dedicate over half of their site to public space. The space was planned in this manner to promote social interaction, and generate interest in the South Banks, as Le Corbusier’s ideas of having towers surrounding by large open spaces was about bringing people together in the city13. Le Corbusier’s idea of the “tower in a park”14 are seen very clearly in the More London Development. The offices are also all uniformly cladded in similar glazing panels, and are relatively the same height, making a

uniform aesthetic, similar to Le Corbusier’s aesthetic of the city.

TARA CASTATOR

help the building be virtually non polluting11.

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South banks in 1956 01 South banks in 2002 02 Built space vs. open space 03

The growth of London really boomed during the Industrial Revolution, and has been an economic and political power since. The planning of London is strategic; created to continue positive, economic and social growth. While in the past, the goal was primarily economic, there are hints of a changing mind-set in what makes a successful city. The mixed-class, pedestrian-friendly, sustainable More London Development hints at a future change of London. What makes More London Development, and in turn London City Hall so successful, is what CIAM principles they chose to incorporate. For example, having more open public space in the strategic location on the water. The outdated thinking of segregating classes and the heavy use of the automobile however was ignored, and for good reasons.

Even the London Bridge Underground Station is a more sustainable and public use transportation hub, which discourages the use of the personal automobiles. The London City Hall is also one of the most sustainable buildings in London, which sets a precedent for future building developments in the city.

03

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NOTES COVER IMAGE SOURCED FROM Foster + Partners. City Hall. http://www.fosterandpartners. com/projects/city-hall/ (accessed September 10, 2014).

1. Foster + Partners. City Hall. http://www.fosterandpartners.com/projects/city-hall/ (accessed September 10, 2014).

2. Jenkins, David. Catalogue, Foster + Partners. Munich: Prestel, 2008.

3. Jenkins, David. Catalogue, Foster + Partners. Munich: Prestel, 2008.

4. London City Hall - Famous Buildings and Architecture of London. London City Hall. londonci tyhall.htm (accessed September 10, 2014).

5. Foster + Partners. City Hall. http://www.fosterandpartners.com/projects/city-hall/ (ac

cessed September 10, 2014).

6. Major of London. The London Plan: Foreword. http://www.london.gov.uk/sites/default/

files/LP2011%20contents-intro.pdf. (accessed September 15th 2014) 7. Major of London. The London Plan: Foreword. http://www.london.gov.uk/sites/default/

files/LP2011%20contents-intro.pdf. (accessed September 15th 2014) 8. Major of London. The London Plan: Foreword. http://www.london.gov.uk/sites/default/

files/LP2011%20contents-intro.pdf. (accessed September 15th 2014) 9. Major of London. The London Plan: Foreword. http://www.london.gov.uk/sites/default/

files/LP2011%20contents-intro.pdf. (accessed September 15th 2014) 10. Foster + Partners. City Hall. http://www.fosterandpartners.com/projects/city-hall/

(accessed September 10, 2014).

11. Foster + Partners. City Hall. http://www.fosterandpartners.com/projects/city-hall/

(accessed September 10, 2014).

12. Corbusier , Le . The Athens Charter. New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973.

13. Mumford, Eric Paul. The CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT

Press, 2000.

14. Corbusier , Le . The Athens Charter. New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973.

15. Corbusier , Le . The Athens Charter. New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973.

16. Corbusier , Le . The Athens Charter. New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973.

LONDON CITY HALL POST-CIAM PLX 599

1. Foster + Partners. City Hall. http://www.fosterandpartners.com/projects/city-hall/ (accessed September 10, 2014).

2. London Map, 1936-52. Southwark http://maps.southwark.gov.uk/connect/ southwark.jsp?tooltip=yes 3. London Map, 2010. Southwark http://maps.southwark.gov.uk/connect/ southwark.jsp?tooltip=yes Photo 2 - Views of London, Changing the Landscape, 2002. London. http://tiggerrenewing. wordpress.com/2012/11/09/views-of-london-the-changing-landscape/

FIGURES

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The International Congress of Modern Architecture (CIAM) impacted the way modern architects approached urban planning and their overall conception of projects. The New Museum of Contemporary Art situated in New York City represents the rejection of early CIAM principles but also represents adopted principles of CIAM as proposed by team 10. While consciously relating to the existing neighborhood, the museum's rectilinear box-like form is a direct response to the strict zoning bylaws of the area. The architecture represents contemporary art itself, reflecting new ideas as a result of existing ones. Early CIAM principles emphasized the segregation of program as seen in Le Corbusier's Radiant City. Through this lens, the New Museum totally rejects this ideal through mixed and flexible program. However towards the end of CIAM, team 10-which included Jacob Bakema, sought to combine architecture and planning and believed order could be found in form. This ideal is clearly adopted in the distinction of program through the buildings shape. Through a thorough explanation of related CIAM principles to the New Museum of Contemporary Art, this museum exemplifies that building can be a synthesis of both planning and architecture.

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NEW MUSEUM OF CONTEMPORARY ART SANAA 2007 New York City, USA Ramoncito Espino

389

Introduction

The ideas and concepts conceived at the CIAM congresses have changed and influenced the way urban design and architecture is envisioned today. Whether these influences are adopted or a conscious rejection of these principles, the influence is there nevertheless. Current architects, Sejima and Nishizawa and AssociatesSANAA, hold a vision of building as a seamless whole with a subtle synthesis of context both physical and non-physical.1 Through their approaches of design, the New Museum of Contemporary Art in New York, NY, both rejects and adopts principles of early CIAM and late CIAM ideas as proposed by Team 10. The stacked box form of the museum is a direct building response to program and zoning requirements while maximizing the gross floor area and day lighting. The paradoxical conversation of whether or not the new museum relates to CIAM principles is strongest at its form and facade design as well as conceptual theories behind programming and site location.

Physical Context and Program

As one approaches the building from the street, its presence is made very clear with a building height almost double than the original street wall and an extremely contemporary façade that juxtaposes the existing neighbourhood. The façade is clad in a seamless, anodized aluminum mesh that wraps around the whole building engulfing windows and structure to creating more

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visual simplicity while allowing daylight to dynamically change the appearance.2 This is in contrast with the local context, which is mostly comprised of dated brick construction from the ‘70s and ‘80s.3 The stark difference of the dynamic, light, and simple form of the museum makes a strong architectural expression in context with the heavy, dated, colonial forms. Inside the museum is a very ambitious mixed-use program that incorporates an abundance of gallery space, educational programme, private office rooms, and event rooms as well as theatres.

The Floors closest to the street are open to the public as gallery, where the higher floors less connected to the street appropriately become more private for program such as office and educational spaces.

the search for a permanent site for the new museum. The site location was of strong significance to achieving these new goals and maintaining the concept of the new museum.

Not only did the site have a great vista from Prince St, but the site was a crossroads of many strong neighbourhoods, such as SoHo, Noho, Nolita, East village, Chinatown and little Italy.7 After 9/11, the decision was

Social, Political, Cultural and Planning Contexts The concept of the new museum was conceived from the founding director Marcia Tucker in 1976 as a response to the difficult recognition of new works by contemporary artists.4 Up until then, very few museums showcased modern art and so the “new museum” was in response to question other institutions as well as itself in a critical way.5 As Broadway radically transformed from a strip of sweatshops in the ‘70s, to one the busiest commercial blocks by the late ‘90s and innovations of the new museum had been absorbed by traditional institutions, the new museum was under pressure for a better gallery space, stronger public identity, and a wider audience.6 This pressure led to

Private Semi-Private Public 01

In lieu of poor urban design, and unhealthy living conditions in cities, early CIAM principles wished to separate uses to create a more rational system in the city thus creating order and efficiency. Their idea of segregated use is extremely identifiable in the Athens charter, which incorporated Le Corbusiers plan for the Radiant City in which there

the reason for the end of the CIAM as well.11 CIAM Principles Adopted

The story of team of 10 is similar to that of the archetypal battle of sons overthrowing their fathers.12 Team 10 was a fragment group of CIAM that began meeting in CIAM 9 and were to be passed the torch for driving design ideas. The “fathers” would be known as the ones who started CIAM, which included Le Corbusier, Walter Gropius, and Joseph Lluis Sert. On the other side would be third generation architects of the group Jacob Bakema, Aldo van Eyck, Geroges Candillis, Shadrach Woods, and Peter and Allison Smithson.13The younger architects came together between 1953 and 1956 allied by their dissatisfaction of CIAM as an institution and their functional approach to urban planning.14Team 10 wanted to look for a more “humanistic” approach at urban planning and resented the homogenous ideas of the Rational City.15 More specifically, Bakema considered the combination of architecture and planning and believed in the creation of order through form.16 This idea that planning can inform and influence

Stanton st

Stanton st

Bowery st

Bowery st Elizabeth st

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CIAM Principles Rejected

is a clear distinction of Dwelling, Work, Recreation, and Transportation.10 The New museum of Contemporary Art incorporates mixed use and completely rejects this rational approach. This mixed-use approach may be to encourage a broader mix of people to the bowery bringing not only artists but also business people to students. SANAA’s approach of design is also very different from that of CIAM principles. The Design decisions made regarding the building shape and material were very conscious of the local physical and historical context.

Much of the driving factor was to revitalize the local neighbourhood, while keeping in mind zoning and programmatic elements.

CIAM principles were more so about the larger regional plan of the city and did not pay particular attention to the local needs of its communities. If this Building were to be designed with CIAM principles, the driving factor would be contrived from an effort to aid the larger picture. As CIAM meetings continued, a younger generation of architects began to think that the early principles of CIAM could be redeveloped to be more appropriate. This led to a splinter group called team 10 which would eventually be

NEW MUSEUM OF CONTEMPORARY ART

made concrete to stay in the downtown core in motivation to move forward with more confidence.8 Prior to construction, the Bowery area was an infamous skid row associated with flophouses, street gangs, and substance abuse.9 Aware of the existing site, the new museum sought to revitalize the neighbourhood and aid the existing stigma associated with it. Amidst some minor gentrification, the street in which the fine art museum currently sits is still neighbouring to a gritty street mostly consisting of Industrial kitchen equipment shops but is on its way to restoration. Since the new museum has finished completion, new contemporary buildings have followed such as the Sperone Westwater tower by Foster + Partners.

391

Program diagram Site before museum Site after museum Elevation

architecture is evident in SANAA’s approach of form through zoning. When asked if zoning regulations were a major influence of the shape SANAA says, “Inevitably they were.

Being Manhattan, there were a multitude of rules the building had to satisfy…but we worked a lot to ensure the architecture was modeled from an aesthetic viewpoint, but we had to try to keep within the zoning constraints.”17 Although the zoning does not determine the architecture, it is undeniably an influence.

01 02 03 04

today but to completely ignore architecture could result in sterile cities. An appropriate synthesis of the two is the most favourable solution to create buildings that not only work for itself and its local context, but also for the grander scheme of things so as to also progress human concerns.

Conclusion

The combination of architecture and planning to create an “architect-urbanist” was the goal of Jacob Bakema and in a way most contemporary architects are so. The post modernism movement brought along with it a way of thinking that synthesises previous ideologies to create architecture.

This in mind, much of todays current view of architecture and architecture teachings are planning sensitive. How Architecture works in the fabric and in a larger scale is the result of current social, political, cultural and economic issues. More specifically, issues such as sustainability and urban density is has forced a planning influence on architecture.

The SANAA New museum of Contemporary Art is direct response to how architecture is conceived of today. Much thought goes into how local neighbourhoods are affected, and zoning parameters almost always go hand in hand with urban development.

To completely ignore planning would be to ignore the realities of current concerns

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52m

23m

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FIGURES 1. http://buildipedia.com/images/masterformat/Channels/In_Studio/SANAAs_New_Museum/SANAAs_ New_Museum_Stairwell_Credit_Dean_Kaufman.jpg

POST-CIAM

1. "Kazuyo Sejima and Ryue Nishizawa." Home. http://www.pritzkerprize.com/laureates/2010 (accessed October 25, 2014).

2. Grima, Joseph, Karen Wong, and Dean Kaufman. Shift: SANAA and the New Museum.

New York: New Museum ;, 2008.

3. Ibid.

4. "Building." :: New Museum. http://www.newmuseum.org/building (accessed October 25, 2014).

5. Grima, Joseph, Karen Wong, and Dean Kaufman. Shift: SANAA and the New Museum.

New York: New Museum ;, 2008.

6. Ibid.

7. Ibid.

8. Ibid.

9. Mumford, Eric Paul. The CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.:MIT Press, 2000.

10. Ibid.

11. Pedret, Annie. Team 10: an archival history. New York: Routledge, 2013.

12. Ibid.

13. Ibid 14. Mumford, Eric Paul. The CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.:MIT Press, 2000.

15. Ibid.

16. Ibid.

17. Grima, Joseph, Karen Wong, and Dean Kaufman. Shift: SANAA and the New Museum.

New York: New Museum ;, 2008.

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NOTES

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As World War Two came to an end, Toronto experienced a turning point in development and planning. Modernist thinking, which was at the heart of CIAM discourse, was finally being implemented in the city. At the same time, the notion of the city as the centre of the modern landscape was also gaining acceptance. In 1965, Toronto's New City Hall and Nathan Phillips Square brought downtown a new symbolic focus and became a local and national landmark. The project, although controversial, gained public approval immediately and represented the extent to which development became central to public interest. Viljo Revell's pure form embodies the spirit and innovative technology of the postwar modern era which looked to the future without any regard for the past, an idea consolidated in CIAM thinking. The New City Hall and Nathan Phillips Square ultimately transformed Toronto's downtown, becoming one of the first civic spaces with a multitude of uses. It was one of the rare occasions in which a city government truly demonstrated leadership in design, and an example of new planning applied to a large office building as a result of government initiatives. The project changed the public perception of Modern architecture, produced a sense of public purpose, and brought the district to life.

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NEW TORONTO CITY HALL Viljo Revell, John B. Parkin Associates 1965 Toronto, Canada Ryan Fernandes

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Introduction

vision for the city.

Every building reflects the era in which it is built in some way or another. From 1945 to 1965, Toronto underwent an architectural development that transformed the city into an international metropolis with a diverse culture. This era saw the best of Americanized International style architecture in Toronto, as well as the work of European pioneers.1 The buildings constructed during this time are expressions of the ideas that motivated modern architecture.

International Modernism sought to reinvent the making of buildings, basing design on science and rationality, focusing on the future and progress, without any regard for the past.2 Many of the principles of Modernism were consolidated in the ideology of the Congrès Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne (CIAM). Since CIAM, the focus of city planners shifted to strengthening the four key functions of urbanism: inhabiting, working, recreation, and circulation.3 The New Toronto City Hall and Nathan Philips Square designed in 1965 by Viljo Revell in partnership with John B. Parkin Associates, was an expression of the emergence of Toronto as a dynamic, forward-looking, international metropolis. After initial controversy, it quickly became a provincial and national landmark that transformed the public perception of modern architecture.

Rooted in CIAM tradition, the New Toronto City Hall became a symbol of Toronto’s new

The Site and the Competition

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On September 24, 1956, City Council declared an open competition for a new city hall and adjacent civic square. The site was a congested 13-acre plot located immediately west of the Third City Hall—a Romanesque Revival building, which was at one time the largest civic building in North America. City Council had approved funds to purchase the land in 1946 and called for a total clearance of the site.4 Two of Toronto’s most wellknown landmarks, Shea’s Hippodrome and the Beaux Arts Provincial Registry Office, as well as much of old Chinatown, had to be removed. The new city hall was to be regarded as a new city project on a clean slate.

In 1958, Revell’s design for the New City Hall and an adjacent civic space was selected out of some 500 entries, from 42 countries.

The adjudicating committee, consisting of big-name architects and designers such as Ernesto Rogers, Eero Saarinen, and Sir William Holford, praised Revell’s diversion from the slab tower and cool geometry of modernism.5 Due to the regulations of the competition, Revell entered into a partnership with the local firm John B. Parkin Associates that year. To the north of the site, stood the majestic and fluid City Hall; two curved office towers around a disk-like council chamber, atop a wide and low podium. These volumes faced a paved plaza and reflecting pool to the south. To enclose the plaza and

define the site, Revell designed a walkway 12 feet above grade around the perimeter of the site, so as to free up the ground plane for circulation. The New City Hall and Nathan Philips Square represented ideas of universal mobility and brought a symbolic focus reflecting Toronto as the centre of the metropolitan area.

The Project in Context

The New City Hall transformed Toronto’s public opinion of how buildings should look. It was part of a scheme to replace the Old City Hall with something larger, more modern, and more fitting to the new Toronto.6 However, the large civic square was perhaps a more radical departure than the building itself. Although the need for a civic square had been a well-known idea since 1911, Nathan Philips Square was the first truly civic space created in the city. The square was fully pedestrianized, encouraged social interaction, and allowed the public to view themselves as citizens rather than consumers and workers. It embraced aspects of the City Beautiful Movement and was the first to accommodate a multitude of uses- a new idea in Toronto.7 It was a big step in Toronto’s civic consciousness and produced a sense of public purpose. The project is an example of new planning applied to a large office building as a result of government initiatives. It was one of the rare occasions where a city’s government provided genuine leadership in design.8

The New City Hall was purposely designed to stand tall in order to minimize congestion and overcrowding at the ground level. This informed decision is directly linked to Le Corbusier’s Radiant City vision in which he describes successful cities as those that are designed for speed.13 He believed that open spaces in dense cities are needed to improve physical and mental health, and ultimately quality of life. The Athens Charter later described open spaces as “the lungs of a city”.14 The elevated walkway within the square was a play on Le Corbusier’s hierarchy of transportation. It provides efficiency in circulation, freeing up the ground plane from congestion. Nathan Philips Square brought out a civic consciousness to Toronto. It was a space for the individual as well as the collective.

RYAN FERNANDES

Toronto was determined to be the centre of the metropolitan area, and thus it had to be designed a certain way. The New City Hall and Nathan Philips Square brought a new icon to Toronto that looked to the future and embraced Toronto’s new identity. In looking to the future, the New City Hall required a new architecture that would contribute to a more humane environment. As a result, Revell’s design bears no resemblance to the buildings which surround it. In accordance with CIAM principles, it was meant to be linked to the future rather than the past.11 The New City Hall and Nathan Philips Square embody the spirit and technical innovation of the post-war modern era. Concrete was used as the main building material to achieve clarity and authenticity. The material had

recently gained prominence as a versatile material expressing the construction process.12 Generally speaking, the New City Hall took on a radical form, and emphasised organization in accordance to Modernist ideology.

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Many of the decisions that influenced the design of the New Toronto City Hall can be traced back to the ideas of CIAM and the city’s planning goals at the time. The end of World War II marked a turning point for development in Toronto and the implementation of planning ideals from Modernist thinking. Urban planning was a direct response to many of the frailties of the Industrial Revolution. The 1963 Plan for Downtown addressed many aspects of the city that needed to be improved upon. It was a modern plan rooted deeply in CIAM traditions. The plan was modern in terms of building types and in terms of the advocacy of modern planning principles.9 Many of the same ideas were also present in the Official Plan of the city, which called for the beautification of special areas like the Civic Square, an expansion of the subway, major road improvements, and new recreational facilities and parks. At this time, cities were viewed as inorganic entities that were to be planned rationally. Such thinking was not new. Decades earlier, Le Corbusier and members of CIAM pushed forth ideas

of decongesting the city centre, increasing density, freeing the ground plane, and eradicating pre-existing civic forms. These principles and others, which formed the basis of the Athens Charter, became widely accepted in planning circles by the 1950’s.10 In fact, when the Official Plan of Toronto was released in 1949, the public was very pleased.

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CIAM and Modern Thinking

02

01

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Figure ground 1947 01 Figure ground 2014 02 Program 03

The New City Hall and Nathan Philips Square is a project that was unquestionably appropriate at the time of conception.

Furthermore, the project continues to evolve Conclusion

The New City Hall and Nathan Philips Square is a project that was unquestionably appropriate at the time of conception.

Furthermore, the project continues to evolve today because of its deep rooted connection to the public. The project was meant to embrace the future of the new city, to create a landmark, and to provide the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s residents with a civic amenity. The project achieved all of this, and more. Furthermore, in the years following its construction, the New City Hall and Nathan Philips Square became a model for development in the downtown core; a high-rise tower atop a low podium, an open plaza at grade, and a vast underground parking area.

The New City Hall and Nathan Philips Square brought Toronto its new symbolic focus. It embraced Modernist thinking and ideas formulated within CIAM. Although controversial at first, it almost immediately gained public approval.15 It transformed the image of Toronto as well as the public perception of Modern architecture. Most importantly, it produced a sense of public purpose and brought a district to life.

03

Office Tower

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Office Tower

Council Chamber

Council Chamber

Civic Plaza

Civic Plaza

Carreiro, RĂŠmi . Nuit Blanche.Flickr. http://www.flickr.com/photos/69156591@N00/3985864858/ (accessed October 15, 2014)

NEW TORONTO CITY HALL

RYAN FERNANDES

FIGURES

POST-CIAM

1. Marc Baraness, Building Modern Ideas, In Toronto modern architecture, 1945-1965: catalogue of the exhibition with critical essays. (Toronto: Coach House Press, 1987), 25.

2. Baraness, Building Modern Ideas, 20.

3. Le Corbusier, The Athens charter (New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973), 95.

4. Sewell, The Shape of the City: Toronto Struggles with Modern Planning, 117.

5. Robert Fulford, Accidental City, (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1995), 2.

6. John Sewell, The Shape of the City: Toronto Struggles with Modern Planning. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press Incorporated, 1993), 139.

7. Robert Fulford, Accidental City, (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1995), 3.

8. Robert Fulford, Accidental City, (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1995), 7.

9. George Kapelos, Building Modern Ideas, In Toronto modern architecture, 1945-1965: catalogue of the exhibition with critical essays. (Toronto: Coach House Press, 1987), 38.

10. Kapelos, Building Modern Ideas, 39.

11. John Sewell, The Shape of the City: Toronto Struggles with Modern Planning. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press Incorporated, 1993), 117.

12. Baraness, Building Modern Ideas, 24.

13. Kapelos, Building Modern Ideas, 41.

14. Le Corbusier, The Athens Charter, 95.

15. Sewell, The Shape of the City: Toronto Struggles with Modern Planning, 119.

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COVER IMAGE SOURCED FROM Taxiarchos228 . Toronto: Nathan Phillips Square. Wikimedia. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Toronto_-_ON_-_Rathaus_und_Nathan_Phillips_Square.jpg (accessed October 15, 2014)

NOTES

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Completed in 2006, the Hearst Tower designed by Foster and Partners is an iconic tower located in New York City. The design of the tower demonstrates an outstanding relationship between old and new and has received many awards including the New York City MASterwork Awards for Best New Building, Emporis 'Best New Skyscraper of the Year for Design and Functionality', Council on Tall Buildings and Urban Habitat (CTBUH) Best Sustainable Building Award and many more local and international awards.

Although it was constructed many years after the disbandment of the CIAM (Congrès International d'Architecture Moderne), the Hearst tower displays many of the principles of this movement through its architectural design. The tower introduces the CIAM principle of height and light through its forty-four stories as well as optimizing natural lighting through its glazed facades.

The tower addresses the principle of utilizing technology through its structure with its triangulated 'diagrid' form, resulting in the use of 20% less steel than a conventionally framed structure. The Hearst Tower addresses the historical principles of the CIAM movement by preserving the historical landmarked base while creating new innovative styles throughout the tower portion.

The Hearst Tower is an exceptional example of an innovative iconic tower that addresses many of the CIAM principles.

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POST-CIAM 1960-present

HEARST TOWER FOSTER + PARTNERS 2000-2006 New York City, USA Danielle Fuller

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The Hearst Tower, completed in 2006

by Foster and Partners, was the first sustainable tower to be built in New York and is celebrated for its highly innovative design1.

Commissioned by the Hearst Corporation, Norman Foster designed a tower for the headquarters of the company based on top of the already standing 6 storey base. The base had been named a historical landmark in 1988 and because of this, the Landmarks Preservation Commission had to first approve of the design. In order to support the 44 storey tower, the framing of the base had to be redone and this lead Foster to demolish the interior and maintain only the exterior façade, creating a 6 storey atrium2. The tower itself has a triangular ‘diagrid’ structure that resulted in the use of 20% less steel than a conventional structure3. The tower was awarded LEED Gold status as well as the New York City MASterwork Awards for Best New Building, Emporis ‘Best New Skyscraper of the Year for Design and Functionality’, Council on Tall Buildings and Urban Habitat (CTBUH) Best Sustainable Building Award and many more local and international awards4. The tower was constructed many years after the disbandment of the CIAM, but a number of the movement’s principles are evident in the design of the building. These principle are the element of height, natural lighting and ventilations, technological advancements, and preservation of historical features5. The Hearst Tower is an example of an innovative and iconic tower that required immense amounts of design considerations with reference to many of the CIAM principles.

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Physical Context and Program

The tower is located in the downtown core of Manhattan at 959 Eighth Avenue, occupying the block between 56th and 57th Streets. The site touches three major roads on its north, east and south sides and a condominium building on its west. When the base of the Hearst Tower was completed in 1928 by architect Joseph Urban, the surrounding context would have been much different than it is now. In 1928 the New York Skyline consisted of primarily Art Deco style buildings. Joseph Urban designed the base to match the style of the surrounding buildings using cast stone masonry. This was meant to be the base for a tower but the project was halted due to the Great Depression. The design of the Hearst Tower began 72 years later when the New York skyline was dominated by towering glass and steel skyscrapers. The tower is located in a very busy area of New York therefore both the pedestrian and vehicular traffic is constantly heavy and dense. The tower is located on top of the Columbus Circle subway station which increases the amount of pedestrians flowing inside and outside of the building6. The base of the building is reserved for a 6 storey atrium that has a large café as well as escalators and elevators to the above floors of the tower. The tower floors above are the offices of Hearst Magazines.

The 29th floor is the research institute for Good Housekeeping and the 44th floor is a large open event space7. The design was able to successfully preserve the historical base while creating a tower that was able

to contrast remarkably while maintaining a strong connection.

Social Context and Zoning

With the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century, the world became more aware of global warming and the effects that humans were having on the environment. Architects began to design sustainable buildings and organizations, such as the U.S Green Building Council, were coming out with sustainable rating systems like LEED (Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design). The Hearst Tower was the first LEED Gold certified building in New York because of the immense amount of consideration that went into making the tower a sustainable building and has gone on to achieve LEED Platinum for its operation and maintenance. The building minimizes solar gain by providing high performance, low emission glass throughout with roller blinds integrated into the design to reduce glare.

The structure of the building is innovative and sustainable. A unique “diarid” structure was created using 20% less steel and was made from 85% recycled steel. The sustainable design incorporated efficient water fixtures and fittings that has led to a 30% reduction in water usage. The building also has a rainwater harvesting system on the roof that is used for irrigation and for the water feature in the atrium. The atrium’s water feature acts as a tempered wall as well as providing humidity control and acoustic dampening. The atrium also features large skylights in order to enable daylighting

01

of the area allows for adequate amounts of light and air to the surrounding streets and properties. The Commission may impose conditions to protect the character of the area9. The Hearst Tower follows very few of the zoning laws and had to apply for permits in order to achieve the design that Foster had conceived. The base of the building does follow the restrictions by maintaining the street wall and by having a height under 20 metres tall. However, the tower portion is 182 metres tall which is greatly outside of the maximum height requirement. The City Planning Commission approved the drastic change in height permit based on a condition that the project also improve the subway station, awarding the project with 20% bonus to the zoning area. This included the addition of a new entrance, three new elevators, as well as adding and moving stairwells10. The zoning bylaws and historical conditions for this building were created in order to better the community by maintaining continuity and connections with the past. Foster had unique aspects to consider when designing the Hearst Tower because of the historical base, the drive for a sustainable building, and the zoning laws.

02

CIAM Principles

The design of the Hearst Tower began 40 years after the disbandment of the CIAM discourse, but many of the movementâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s principles, especially the tenants outlined in Le Corbusierâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Athens Charter, are evident in the building. The first tenants that are relevant to the building are in reference to the health and enjoyment of the inhabitants; numbers 26 and 28. Tenant 26 outlines that all building must have access to natural light for several hours of the day, while 28 states that the element of height must be introduced in order to minimize sprawl. The Hearst Tower addresses the issue of height through its 44 storeys as well as optimizing natural daylighting through its fully glazed façade.

The second tenants that are relevant to the Hearst Tower are numbers 65 and 70, which reference the preservation of historical features. This section argues that all architectural assets must be protected so that the character and heritage of the area are upheld and that designing buildings based on past styles would be harmful and

PLX 599 POST-CIAM HEARST TOWER DANIELLE FULLER

to entre, despite the natural overshadow from the surrounding buildings. The office spaces on the above floors are equipped with AHUs that have an economizer cycle to provide fresh ventilation for 75% of the year8. A major driving force for the design of the building was sustainability in order to address societies growing environmental concerns. As with any city, New York has strict zoning laws regarding height, massing, use and accessibility, as well as approval processes. The site is located in the Special Clinton District (CL) which was created to preserve the character of the community, maintain a wide range of incomes, and to ensure that the community is not affected by harmful development. The general zoning laws for this area are that the street wall must be maintained along the entire lot frontage with a minimum base height of 15.24 metres and a max height of 20 metres. All development above the 20 metre base must be set back at least 3 metres with a maximum height of 25 metres. By special permit, the City Planning Commission may allow for modifications of height and setbacks. In order for the permit to be approved, the Commission must find that the distribution

403

Figure-ground prior 01 Figure-ground current 02 Zoning diagram 03

limit advancements. These tenants are clearly followed with the preservation of the historically landmarked base. Foster’s design did adhere to the principle of historical preservation while modernize the building clearly followed with the preservation of the historically landmarked base. Foster’s design did adhere to the principle of historical preservation while modernize the building with the addition of the innovative tower and by stripping the interior of the base and leaving only the exterior façade.

The next tenant that applies to the Hearst Tower is number 90 which outlines the importance of technological advancement.

This tenant encourages the exercise of modern technology for the purpose of advancements in modern construction and the importance of consulting specialists11.

The structure of the tower uses modern construction through the use of technological resources and consultants. The structure of the tower is very complicated because of the triangulated ‘diagrid’ form. The ‘diagrid’ structure required the assistance of structural engineers from The Cantor Seinuk Group and together they worked to develop the highly advanced structure that allows for vast open spaces, the reduction of steel use and an aesthetically striking façade12.

Conclusion

The Hearst Tower displays how a design can take a historical building built 72 years prior and create an innovative and aesthetically pleasing modern tower while maintaining

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a connection between old and new. The design incorporates the changing approach of modern design towards sustainability very successfully. The principles outlined in the CIAM are evident in the Hearst Tower through the towers use of height, natural lighting, preservation of history and technological advancements. The Hearst Tower is a complex project that underwent vast planning with consideration of client needs, sustainability, preservation of the historically landmarked base and zoning.

1. MIN. BASE HEIGHT OF 15.24 M AND MAX. BASE HEIGHT OF 20 M 2. ABOVE 20 M, SETBACK MIN. 3 M 3. MAX. HEIGHT OF 25 M 4. BONUS 20% TO ZONING AREA

4

3

2

1

03

COVER IMAGE SOURCED FROM http://www.fosterandpartners.com/projects/hearst-tower/ 1. Hearst Magazine Building - Top 25 NY Buildings." New York Architecture. http://www.nyc-architecture.com/MID/MID124.htm.

2. Dailey, Jessica. "Inside the Hearst Tower, New York City's First LEED Gold Skyscraper." May 1, 2011. http://inhabitat.com/nyc/photos-inside-the-hearst-tower-new-york-citys-first-leed-gold-skyscraper/.

3. "Hearst Magazine Building - Top 25 NY Buildings." New York Architecture. http://www.nyc-architecture.com/MID/MID124.htm.

4. "Hearst Tower New York, USA 2000 - 2006." Foster Partners. http://www.fosterandpartners.com/projects/hearst-tower/.

5. Le Corbusier. The Athens Carter. New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973.

6. "Hearst Magazine Building - Top 25 NY Buildings." New York Architecture. http://www.nyc-architecture.com/MID/MID124.htm.

7. Dailey, Jessica. "Inside the Hearst Tower, New York City's First LEED Gold Skyscraper." May 1, 2011. http://inhabitat.com/nyc/photos-inside-the-hearst-tower-new-york-citys-first-leed-gold-skyscraper/.

8. "Hearst Tower New York, USA 2000 - 2006." Foster Partners. http://www.fosterandpartners.com/projects/hearst-tower/.

9. "Zoning." NYC Planning. http://www.nyc.gov/html/dcp/html/subcats/zoning.shtml.

10. "Hearst Magazine Building - Top 25 NY Buildings." New York Architecture. http://www.nyc-architecture.com/MID/MID124.htm.

11. Le Corbusier. The Athens Carter. New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973.

12. "Hearst Tower New York, USA 2000 - 2006." Foster Partners. http://www.fosterandpartners.com/projects/hearst-tower/.

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The Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank designed by British architect Norman Foster and Associates stands on a prime piece of property in the heart of financial district of Hong Kong and set the precedent for skyscraper design in Far East. The building has served as a symbol of modern Chinaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s financial security after Hong Kongâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s return from the British colony and the importance of political turn over, while addressing Chinese culture and cosmology which includes Feng Shui, and the role these played in shaping a monumental modern institutional structure. Following CIAM principles, which intended to solve planning and zoning issues of urban space, the building volume is the result of various restricted zoning regulations such as setbacks, height and scale of neighbouring structures. Norman Foster took these guiding principles and constraints which he had to comply with and masterfully took advantage of them.

In the development of the massing of the building, he created a stepped profile of three individual steel and glass towers that have voids on their facades, as well as addressing the complex pedestrian flow by integrating a public plaza on the buildingâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s lot. This paper will discuss how the design of HSBC Bank responds to its physical context, the cultural heritage, the economic and socio-political conditions of Hong Kong, and principles of CIAM in the post-CIAM era.

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POST-CIAM 1960-present

HONG KONG BANK Norman Foster 1985 Hong Kong Arman Ghafouri-azar

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In Chinese culture, the philosophy of Feng Shui means that those who have a direct view into a body of water are more rich and prosperous. This principle is adhered to in the design of the HSBC building, with a direct and unimpeded view towards Victoria Harbour. In addition, another important and socio-culture factor contributing to HSBC building was the integration of prefabricated materials shipped in from outside. This feature of Foster’s design incorporated factory-based mock-ups and prototypes which were built, tested, altered and tested again until their performance and quality was met with approval by Hong Kong planning regulators1. Additionally, in order to service the banks growing international needs, as well as the broadening social context of the electronic exchange of information, it was necessary that the bank headquartered in London take into account networks of telecommunications that allowed for the electronic exchange of information. As a result, it was the first bank in the Far East to incorporate electronic systems of information exchange2.

with Feng Shui in mind, recessed and separated from the street in order to meet Hong Kong planning regulations that stipulated that the sidewalks at street level receive adequate sunlight4. As a result, Foster and his team responded by prefabricating nearly all aspects of the building abroad, which meant that most of the building’s components were shipped in from abroad.

Hence, the social and cultural context also conforms to the main ideas developed by CIAM and disseminated through the Athens Charter. In particular, the ways in which the urban development of Hong Kong catered to a confluence of aggregate demands in terms of space, flow and movement. The development of the public plaza specifically conformed to the CIAM’s standard for building that have taken on considerable attention to the movement of people, conditions which were set forth in the Athens Charter. The rational governing the development of cities along a planning model that takes into careful consideration of the social and cultural aspects of a city are thus very evident in the HSBC building.

Furthermore, because the building was constructed in a former colony, this meant that there was a lack of heavy industry present, so everything including most building materials had to be shipped in3.

Consequently, the building used a steel suspension structure, plug-in pods, under floor services, thoroughgoing prefabrication, and a ground-level public plaza all designed

By the mid-1970’s it had become clear that HSBC had outgrown its previous structure and a new building was necessary to centralize offices that had been dispersed throughout the city5. The social context and cultural climate of Hong Kong is particularly unique, and since it is an island located in close proximity to China, as well as a former British colony, it was important

Site Context

408

Socio-Cultural Context

for Foster and his team to consider how to construct a building that would not ignore these important considerations. Due to the fact Foster’s design for the HSBC stands over Statue Square between Connaught Road Central and Des Voeux Road Central, pedestrian traffic in this area was manifestly important to consider as well, so Foster had to pay close attention to this when envisaging his construction. Additionally, land was very expensive in this are also, so HSBC, rather than purchasing new land, wanted to use the existing site rather than expanding to a different location. This required Foster and his team to carefully consider how to proceed, given that work must be done in order to not interrupt business as usual for the bank. In order to meet these complex socio-cultural challenges, Foster and his team needed seven years to plan and gain approval from Hong Kong zoning authorities. Yet, when all was said and done, the unique challenge of building in this socio-cultural climate gave way to an incredible and astonishing structure.

CIAM

The HSBC Hong Kong headquarters at the time it was built was the most expensive building in the world6. It is located along the southern side of Statue Square at 1 Queen’s Road Central in Central Hong Kong. The building stands at 180 metres in height, consisting of 47 storeys and four basement levels7. Foster designed the building with a unique elevation system, using elevators to only service a select few floors, supplemented

commission in order to gain approval for every single detail, which took an incredibly long time and meant that they had to open a special Hong Kong office to act as a liaison in dealing with government authorities12.

As Hong Kong had experienced significant architectural development since 1945 due to its heated relationship with Communist controlled China, the headquarters of the bank was meant to embody an embracing of the capitalist spirit. The political context is particularly noteworthy given the close proximity of Hong Kong to Mainland China.

Moreover, zoning laws at the time of its construction were very constraining and strictly controlled, “all proposals had to go through the Building Ordinance Office”13. This created an overall aesthetic of architecture in Hong Kong that appeared very uniform and homogenous, and so another model had to be conceived that would highlight the bank’s stature as a preeminent institution of international finance and economic activity. Hence, the political process in terms of gaining approval was very complicated, which required Foster and his team to take steps back in order to meet with Hong Kong planning regulations. Though

ARMAN GHAFOURI-AZAR

lamentable human and national protocol”10.

The fabrication and the building itself are testament to CIAM’s core principals of physical design, evidenced in not only the exterior but the interior as well. The inverted ‘va’ segments dispered through the suspension trusses formed a triangular interlocking mast, which allowed for the weight to be more even distributed throughout the structure. Nearly all of these elements were fabricated in Europe and the United States, shipped into Hong Kong, and assembled on site. As a result, the planning stages of the building and testing took years while the actual assembly paled in terms of the time it took to build on site.

The political situation during this time in Hong Kong’s history was also very intense, and subject to soft intervention by the Communist government in Mainland China. According to Cooke (2014), the Bank was to serve “as a political and economic tool following the region’s recent political turnover, as the bank was an arbiter in the region’s economic policy”11. The political context in which Foster and his team operated necessitated that they deal with the Hong Kong building ordinance

HONG KONG BANK

by a system of interconnected escalators8.

Another important physical feature of note is the use of lighting inside and outside the building, which makes use of giant mirrors at the top of the atrium that reflects the light downwards. The physical features of the buildings are also complimented by interlocking and removable flooring systems, which allow for quick and easy access to telecommunications, electricity and airconditioning networks. This feature of the building allowed for equipment to be easily installed and/or removed. In terms of its contribution to structural engineering, the building made use of displace from grade, voids in its façade, uneven loading, and use of light materials (which came as a result of zoning regulation)9. In total, 3,000 tons of steel and 4,500 tons of aluminum were used to compose the structure, consisting of eight groups of aluminum-clad steel columns.

The building is set on a site 99,000m² in size, largely conforming to the building philosophy known as Feng Shui. This conforms to the main principals of CIAM outlined in the Athens Charter, that “there will be a sordid zone of work and thought and a brilliant zone, and, bound by

Good Views to Water Heavy Traffic

Pedestrian flow from Star Ferry

Pedestrian zone Statue Square extended under new Bank to Queens Road

02

01

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Light Traffic

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Figure-ground showing before construction (left) and present time (right) 01 Site conditions and building response 02 Design process 03 Program distribution 04

once everything has been approved it only took 35 months to construct on-site, thanks in part to the heavy use of prefabrication. once everything has been approved it only took 35 months to construct on-site, thanks in part to the heavy use of prefabrication.

The political and economic factors of CIAM are thus manifestly evident in the HSBC building. According to the Athens Charter, “the economic situation is one of the mainsprings of life, determining whether its movement will be in a progressive direction or a recessive direction”14. In this respect the HSBC can be seen as in complete uniformity with CIAM’s principles as the building is designed to be a centre of commerce, where it will serve as an exchange of currency and international monetary transactions with the outside world.

CIAM consists of a distinctive focus on the idea that the design of cities must be based on the biological, cultural, sociological, cultural and economic needs of urban inhabitants, the main tenants of which the HSBC building certainly conforms to. While Foster’s Hong Kong Shanghai building does not formally belong to the CIAM era, it nonetheless embodies many of its principal concerns. Foster’s building is testament to a respect for the concept of Feng Shui, making the building a welcome addition to the overall social fabric of Hong Kong.

His innovative approach and the use of prefabrication created a built environment that heavily drew upon inspiration for urban reorganization—in particular the Athens Charter and adherence to zoning ordinances and urban planning—by giving pedestrians a

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safe place to circulate, evidenced in buildings recessed isolation from busy Connaught Road.

Conclusion

It is evident that Foster’s design allowed the new HSBC headquarters to break away from the traditional paradigm of architecture in Hong Kong at the time, while forging new ground by building a truly unique and remarkable structure. As a result, the Bank can be considered one of the most astonishing expressions of architecture as a prefabricated industrial process. And in this format Foster and his team developed a consequential structure that remains as one of the most important symbols of Hong Kong today. The format, values, flexibility and aesthetic all contribute to an overall sense of conformity to the philosophy of Feng Shui, effectively marking the confluence of Eastern and West influences. In conclusion, Foster’s masterpiece remains an inspiration for many architects longing to balance these unique design development methodologies.

One thing remains clear from the results: the Hong Kong Shanghai HSBC building developed an entirely new paradigm of architecture in confluence with industrial processes, contributing to a noteworthy and highly collaborative model of structural design, paving the way for future projects at the intersection of architecture, urban planning industrial manufacturing.

03 Helipad Visitors Gallery Chairman’s Flat Senior Executives Dining Executive Dining Group Head Office Officer Dining and Recreation

EDP

Central Conference Facility

Ancillary HK Office

Senior Management Office

HK Office and Retail Banking Banking Hall Entrance Reception Central Plant Vaults

04

ARMAN GHAFOURI-AZAR HONG KONG BANK

1. Treiber, Daniel. Norman Foster. London; New York: Spon, 1995.

2. Williams, Stephanie. Hongkong Bank. The Building of Norman Foster's Masterpiece.

Boston: Little, Brown, 1989.

3. "THE HONGKONG AND SHANGHAI BANK." HARVARD DESIGN SCHOOL. Accessed September 15, 2014. http://isites.harvard.edu/fs/docs/icb.topic32894.files/7-4_Hongkong.pdf.

4. "THE HONGKONG AND SHANGHAI BANK." HARVARD DESIGN SCHOOL. Accessed September 15, 2014. http://isites.harvard.edu/fs/docs/icb.topic32894.files/7-4_Hongkong.pdf.

5. Williams, Stephanie. Hongkong Bank. The Building of Norman Foster's Masterpiece.

Boston: Little, Brown, 1989.

6. Williams, Stephanie. Hongkong Bank. The Building of Norman Foster's Masterpiece.

Boston: Little, Brown, 1989.

7. Williams, Stephanie. Hongkong Bank. The Building of Norman Foster's Masterpiece.

Boston: Little, Brown, 1989.

8. Williams, Stephanie. Hongkong Bank. The Building of Norman Foster's Masterpiece.

Boston: Little, Brown, 1989.

9. Cooke, A. (2014). Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank. Architecture City + Form. Pp. 315-321.

10. Mumford, E. (1992). CIAM urbanism after the Athens charter.

Planning Perspective, 7(4), 391-417.

11. Cooke, A. (2014). Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank. Architecture City + Form. Pp. 315-321.

12. Williams, Stephanie. Hongkong Bank. The Building of Norman Foster's Masterpiece.

Boston: Little, Brown, 1989.

13. Cooke, A. (2014). Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank. Architecture City + Form. Pp. 315-321.

14. Mumford, E. (1992). CIAM urbanism after the Athens charter.

Planning Perspective, 7(4), 391-417.

POST-CIAM

COVER IMAGE SOURCED FROM "Hongkong and Shanghai Bank Headquarters." Foster Partners.

Accessed November 7, 2014.

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NOTES

1.. "Hongkong and Shanghai Bank Headquarters." Foster Partners. Accessed November 7, 2014.

FIGURES

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The McGraw Hill Building is part of the XYZ Building complex, an extension of Rockefeller Center in New York City.

The building, including with its adjacent towers (Exxon and Celanese Building), have been constantly criticized as conventional and monotonous. However, they remain one of the most feasible urban open spaces.

Planning and zoning seem to have defined the architectural form of McGraw Hill, in relation to the other XYZ buildings, in such a way that their plazas are utilized.

Their plans are the closest to Corbusiers ``The City of Towers published in 1923. ``The Athens Charter ,an urban planning document published by Le Corbusier in 1943, based on the older publication of 1933 at the CIAM (International Congress of Modern Architecture) 4th Conference in Athens, elaborates on ``The Functional City`` planning aspects. Most importantly it studies the urban planning in an economic, social and political complex.

In conclusion, this essay studies the McGraw Hill building in relation to the Exxon and Celanese buildings, to determine if it is successful in planning and organization. It will be compared to Le Corbusier's ``The Athens Charter`` in accordance to New York City planning and zoning regulations.

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POST-CIAM 1960-present

McGRAW HILL BUILDING Wallace K. Harrison 1972 New York Vlash Gjeka

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The McGraw Hill Building was conceived as an addition to the Rockefeller Centre. It is located on the west side of Sixth Avenue ( 1221 Avenue of The Americas) and, most importantly, is a part of the XYZ Building Complex. The multiplex also consists of the Celanese Building (accomplished in 1974, located south of the complex) and the Exxon Building (accomplished 1971, located north of the complex). Nelson Rockefeller – one of the biggest philanthropist of that time who grew on a political scale8 – was the client.

The architect of commission was Wallace K. Harrison, who had worked for Rockefeller in previous projects. During this active period, New York had passed the economic difficulties of the depression and continued on being further developed. Planning principles were out dated and demanded for new policies to accommodate future constructions. Although the buildings were realized after 1970, they were first proposed in 1963. During this period the zoning and by-law regulations just changed from the old amendment which was dated since 1916.

The new 1961 Zoning Resolution was based on incentive zoning9 – trading floor area for public amenities – that was inspired from Le Corbusier’s “Tower in the park” model ( Functional City). Harrison Wallace had a different idea for the layout of the project from that which was applied in the final stage. He visioned a large central pedestrian space. However due to client circumstances and zoning regulations, he was “forced” to comply with the outcome. The McGraw Hill Building will be analyzed, in relation to its adjacent buildings (Exxon and Celanese),

414

from the perspective of the architect, 1961 zoning regulations and The Athens Charter to conclude if the public open spaces created are successful.

Firstly, the location of XYZ Building Complex is in a commercial zoning district and therefore has a great flux of pedestrian traffic which occupies the public space in a dense manner. It is an extension to the Rockefeller Building, located to its west.

The site is bordered on the south (south of the Celanese building) by 47th street and on the north (north of Exxon building) by 50th.

Associate architects were Max Abramovitz and Michael M. Harris, the engineer was Edwards & Hjorth and the main developers of the project were The Rockefeller Center Inc and McGraw-Hill Inc who still co-own the development. Howard Wallace managed to attain the same structural expressiveness on the three towers. They maintain a structural exoskeleton of vertical slab repetition with opaque glass spandrels between the repetitions7. It is 205 metres tall (51 storeys).

No indication of floor levels is clear from the outside; making the three buildings resemble monumental brute architecture. The choice of material also added to this affect (plumy red granite – McGraw Hill and Exxon, limestone – Celanese). Originally Wallace used the buildings to frame a central sunken plaza that would accommodate for heavy pedestrian flows. The Y building (McGraw Hill) was originally positioned north south.

However, the scheme was turned down and concluded in the arrangement of 4 lined up parallel towers (including Time and Life

building) with similar west façade setback to accommodate for public open space.

The sunken plaza ended up being built in a smaller scale on this west façade setback of the McGraw Hill building. Setbacks and small public spaces are also opened on the north façade of both McGraw Hill and Exxon buildings.

The McGraw Hill is successful for its main focus of creation; financial. It recognizes the real estate potential. The whole building complex holds 80 000 office workers3 without advertising but is still well used.

However other functions seemed to be neglected. This is shown in the denial of Harrison’s primary scheme which potentially could have been successful in accomplishing the social attributes of the building (noting that it didn’t comply with the zoning). The old plan shows clearly that it is more socially oriented by arranging the complex to focus on a central open sunken plaza. Rockefeller had become more and more interested in politics.

He was elected in 1958 as governor of New York6, leading him closer to the presidential nominations. Therefore it is clear that his interest in buildings which he developed was purely economic. The accepted plan shows this clearly, by lowering the initial public space, occupying more area and also complying with the zoning. Relating to the social content, the 1961 zoning regulations for commercial district regulations2, adheres to 2 main purposes. They state in protecting retail and adjacent or close by residences against congestion and to provide space that is sufficient and appropriate (relating

Exxon

McGraw

49st

50st Exxon

Rockefeller

49st McGraw

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VLASH GJEKA MCGRAW HILL BUILDING

coordinate function and bulk regulations emphasizing on recreational spaces11. It allowed for bonus floor additions (to increase profit) if the investors would create public plazas.

It allows for 20% (maximum) increase in building floor area for residential and commercial occupancies10 (in height).

Like the Athens Charter it focuses on vertical densification. In addition the new zoning accommodated for a larger and higher office tower when located in commercial districts. McGraw Hill building is located in such a district in midtown Manhattan. It is a C5 restricted central commercial district ( in the contemporary regulations known as just central commercial district) which offers retail intended for offices and retail which serves the entire metropolitan region. The actual site is labeled as C5-3 commercial district (shown in the diagram axonometric).

Interestingly enough, the 20% increase has allowed for the investor to add 10 storeys of commercial occupancy for just simply offering 20% ground floor area in return.

The public area offered is only the scale of roughly ¼ of one added storey. Considering there to be added 10 storeys, the investor is getting in return 40 times the public area

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The New York zoning changed in 1961. The old zoning had shown through time that it didn’t account correctly for density and scale. If the zoning was left unchanged, the old regulations would allow for roughly 55 million people to be contained in New York, far from its actual capacity9. Therefore the 1961 Zoning Resolution was created to

Avenue of The Americas

The Athens Charter is one of the documents to be used to compare the buildings success informed by the zoning regulations. It was influenced by modern movement principles.

The Athens Charter was derived from the “Functional City” by Le Corbusier. Its scope was purely urban planning of strict functional zones and distribution of the population in large congested area (vertical densification)

in order to allow for open space. Their interests and ideologies had a social influence, relating to syndicalism movement.

It elaborates on the increase of height to be inhabited by a congested flux of users, but in the same time, providing opening space for recreational activity (incentive zoning). It states that regulations must be set to define the urban context and fabric for maintaining proper city growth4. The Athens Charter studies an element within the social, political and economic context. Everything should be designed in accordance to the human scale. This seems to be in conflict with the segregated zoning and vertical densification which do not consider the human scale. Such as the McGraw building which is raised in verticality in return for an open space devoted to the public.

Avenue of The Americas

to depth from street) to meet pedestrian and future commercial floor space. Perhaps the architect’s initial layout dealt with these situations as it focuses the pedestrian flow in one main space by centralizing it, thus allowing less congestion on adjacent residence and retail. However, Harrison created not only open spaces from the west ( which we question their success), there is also transitional open space on the north façade which has a sense of vitality. Exterior furniture is also minimally used, leaving the contours of greenery as seating. This adds to the ongoing rapid pedestrian flux of the site.

This being said, only the sunken plaza of the McGraw Hill seems to be the less utilized of all the spaces. It has a 35m setback for this sunken plaza.

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given back to the community. As much as zoning is to benefit the social context as well with the economic one, this type of “trade” seems to be very one-sided.

The plan for the McGraw Hill Building including the totality of the complex, has been informed clearly by the 1961 zoning which in itself was derived from The Athens Charter. Key concept for both is the incentive planning. McGraw offers more than 1/5 of its ground floor area for an open sunken plaza at the west façade and a transitional vest – pocket park that spans by a gate-like walk through waterfall. Therefore it allows for up to 20% increase in commercial scale.

In discussing its success, the sunken plaza compared to the adjacent open spaces is the least used. Potentially this is due to difficulty in accessibility or disjunction from the ground level. It does not allow for handicap access, the operable furniture is to a limited amount and used only by two retail. The scale of it is not as large enough to hold a sufficient amount of people as to which a plaza should recalling back on Harrisons first layout where a much larger area for public was formed. On street level it does offer two rectilinear smaller spaces for the public.

They seem to be more populated perhaps due to being lifted very slightly from the pedestrian level. It also offers fixed circular seating to enhance contact and conversation.

However the north open space is highly used as a connection route that can be described as vital and pleasant. It is densely used even though of its small area. Perhaps this is what these public spaces are more efficient for; simple routes that connect one space

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McGraw Hill Sunken Plaza 01 Initial and Final Plan 02 Zoning Regulation 03 North Facade Public Route 04

to another. They seem to not be to a large enough scale to create a utilized recreational space in the middle of a business centre. This recalls on the old plan suggested by Wallace Harrison. The area chosen for public space was meant to be much larger than what it actually is.

In conclusion, both the Athens Charter and the 1961 zoning inform the planning of the XYZ Building Complex. It was analyzed in relation to the social, political and economic context. Both informing ideologies rely on incentive zoning to open more space stating that this will maintain balance between individual and urban context. Interestingly the Athens Charter derives from social beliefs while the 1961 zoning governs planning for a democratic state. The McGraw Hill is successful for what it was built; financial profit. Rockefeller himself didn’t like the building showing also how “interested” he was on the project. Even the zoning which states to create spaces for the community, it continues to congest and scale up the actual building. Thus the problem is not solved but simply compensated in a different scale.

It does not give back to the community or city as much as it actually gives back to the economic sense due to political influences.

Over years, the emphasize on open space resulted in building that were too big for their surroundings.

Tower-in-the-park developments (incentive zoning) are viewed now a day as contrary to their goal. Zoning is never final, but will continue to develop according to social, political and economic changes.

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Commercial District Zoning C5-3 a Lot Size b Public Plaza c Possible Setback d Building 20% addition

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1. Alpern, Robert. "Zoning." In Pratt Guide To Planning And Renewal For New Yorkers, 177-187.

New York: New York Times Book, 1973 2. "Commercial District Regulations." In Zoning Resolution, 101-144. 1961.

3. Crane, David. "The New York Development Program." In Planning And Design In New York, 21-25.

New York: Institute of Public Administration, 1966.

4. Le Corbusier, The Athens charter.New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973.

5. Le Corbusier. Towards a new architecture.New York: Dover Publications, Inc, 1986 6. Moudry, Roberta, The American Skyscraper.

New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005.165-201 7. Nash, Eric, Mannhattan Skyscrapers.New York: Princeton Architectural Press,2005, 127-129 8. Newhouse, Victoria. Wallace K. Harrison, Architect. New York: Rizzoli, 1989. 156-163.

9. "NYC Zoning - About New York City Zoning." NYC Zoning - About New York City Zoning.

Accessed October 25, 2014 10. "NYC Zoning - Zoning Tools." NYC Zoning - Zoning Tools. Accessed October 25, 2014.

11. Stern, Robert, David Fishman, and Jacob Tilove. New York 2000.

New York: Monacelli Press, 2006. 581,625,663.

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The Congrès internationaux d'architecture moderne aimed to spread the principles of the Modern Movement, through the manifestation of their ideas of landscape, urbanism, and industrialization. Throughout this period of time, spanning 19281959, a pragmatic approach towards city planning was ushered into the post war era, which included the separation of dwelling, producing, and relaxation. Subsequently, the disbanding of CIAM and introduction of new groups such as Team 10, proposed new ideas of modernization which meant a shift from universal solutions for specific problems, to looking at the collective and individual as an identity, and taking inspiration from culture and society. This proves to be a tactic used by Renzo Piano, to realize the program and nature of the New York Times through his design of a 52-storey glass and steel structure.

Transparency and permeability through the building express the New York Timesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; concept of openness and acceptance to various social causes. The New York Times building is situated on 8th Avenue, between 40th and 41st Street, creating it as the epicenter of the revival of the West Side of Midtown, and captures the momentum of the Times Square District. The impact of the New York Times as a both a publication and a social construct among the city is manifested in Renzo Piano's design of the building that houses it.

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NEW YORK TIMES BUILDING Renzo Piano Building Workshop 2000-2007 New York City, USA Dana Gurevich

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The New York Times building, designed

by Renzo Piano, is heralded as the most significant new building to be designed for the New York City skyline in decades.

Commissioned via invited competition in 2000, Renzo Piano’s winning entry began construction in 2003, and was completed in 2007. Opening up a neglected Manhattan corner, opposite Port Authority on 620 Eighth Avenue, this 52 storey skyscraper is now the epicenter of the revival of the West Side of Midtown, and is home to the ever evolving New York Times publication.

Transparency and permeability through the building express the New York Times’ concept of openness and acceptance to various social causes, and creates an appropriate working environment to situate such a massively impactful commentary on our day to day lives. A distinguishing feature of this building is the double facade made up of an outer layer of 175,000 horizontal offwhite ceramic rods supported on a thin steel framework screens the floor-to-ceiling glass of the inner facade. The colour of the ceramic rods shifts in response to the changing city light and weather conditions. The rods also act as an energy-efficient sunscreen, capable of blocking up to 50% of the sun’s rays. Thereby, the inner facade can be made up of highly transparent glass, flooding the interior of the building with light, continuing the theme of transparency throughout the building.

The location of the building on 8th Avenue, between 40th and 41st Streets puts in right in the Times Square district, allowing it to

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capture and expand upon the momentum of the area and its constant development.

The New York Times building is highly accessible as it is in walking distance from the Port Authority Bus Terminal, as well as Grand Central Station, and Pennsylvania Station. Therefore, this strategic location allows direct and rapid transport from all the boroughs of New York as well as New Jersey, Long Island, and Westchester. The street facade of the building remains in conjunction with other buildings on 8th Avenue, making it highly accessible for pedestrians, who perhaps would want to use the unusually public ground floor lobby space as a shortcut from 40th to 41st streets. Floors zero to four step out behind the tower to fill the plot with a four storey podium. The lobby includes a garden, that acts as a backdrop to a 378-seat auditorium, from where it is possible to look right through the building to the pedestrians and taxis passing on Eighth Avenue. Floors one through twenty-eight are occupied by the New York Times newspaper, with other tenants occupying the remaining floors.

The New York Times building acts in accordance to New York’s 1961 Zoning Resolution. Taking into account the concept of incentive zoning, by adding a bonus of extra floor space to encourage developers of office buildings to incorporate public plazas in their projects, The New York Times Building is also home to commercial and retail program in its podium space.

Socially and culturally, this building aids in the transformation of Times Square into the most desired office district in the United

States, as well as touting restaurants, clubs, residential units, and other services, creating a true mixed use district. The New York Times building falls under a C6 Commercial District building, under Article III 31-15, in New York’s 1961 Zoning Resolution.1 This defines it as “a district designed to provide for the wide range of retail, office, amusement, service, custom manufacturing, and retail uses normally found ini the central business district.”2 Concerning the required open space ration in a C6 building, the requirement is zero, although the New York Times building does boast an indoor garden, as stated above. The setback on a wide street such as Eighth avenue for such a building is 15ft, which the street frontage of the building abides by, as does the rest of the urban fabric of this street. Urban design theories evolve over time, and currently tower-in-the-park developments, set back far from the city street, are often viewed as isolating and contrary to the goal of creating a vibrant urban streetscape. Currently the building stands at a total of 318.8m or 1045.9ft, taking into account the fact that there is no specific height restriction, but must abide by a Floor to Area Ratio, which is 15 for a C6 building such as this one3.

The Congrès internationaux d’architecture moderne, was an organization founded in 1928, made up of the most prominent architects of the time, whose objectives were to spread the principles of the Modern Movement throughout all the main domains of architecture4. Though they disbanded in 1959, the influence of the Modern Movement

The Functional City approach of CIAM demonstrated the fundamental importance of favourable solar orientation with “intensely used rooms”, and while this was referring to the topic of dwelling, one can argue that in present times, one can spend just as much time or perhaps more, in their workplace.

Therefore it is important to concede with the same standards that one may want for their home, to provide a pleasant working environment. Renzo Piano employed a

cruciform floor plan with distances of interior offices to facade of less than 25 ft ( 7.62m), view is available in three directions from most perimeter locations, again abiding by the daylighting concept, and creating a spacious, open plan, working space.

The principles of CIAM were also concerned with the concept of public open space, addressing the issues of inadequacy, poor location and a just proportion of constructed volumes to open space. New York, while being a convoluted urban jungle, has created a multitude of public parks, and accessible open spaces to the public, which in some cases does break up the urban fabric, but benefits the city dwellers immensely. Renzo Piano took it upon himself to incorporate a garden, in the lobby of the New York Times building, which is now considered the heart and soul of the building. The courtyard rests on Manhatten Schist bedrock, and is experienced 360-degrees of uninterrupted views from a variety of surrounding public spaces and office spaces above. “As a counterpoint to its dense, bustling Times Square neighborhood, the open-air garden’s central building location celebrates a serene

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The fourth CIAM congress talked about principles that were particularly applicable to the conception and design of the New York Times building. Occurring in 1933, Le Corbusier gave an address containing the most concise statement of his position on the idea of the Functional City. He stated that a fundamental principle of urbanism was that it is a three-dimensional science, and that height was the most important of those dimensions. Influenced by the solar regime of twenty four hours of the year, which commands distances and heights.5 If one were to build higher, and “contract” the city, according to Le Corbusier, concrete and steel must be used to preserve the “essential joys” of the sky, trees, and light. Abiding by this principle, the New York Times Building is constructed of glass, steel, aluminum and concrete. The idea of the best position for sunlight dictating the direction of the whole, can be interpreted through the importance of daylighting in Renzo Piano’s building and

the role that it plays towards the creation of a healthy, transparent working environment.

Daylighting has long been identified as a strategy with the potential to create large energy savings in buildings as well as enhancing the workplace environment. In the New York Times Building, daylighting works as follows- “on the 52-story tower façade, low-iron, water-white, double-pane spectrally selective glass forms the inner wall of the façade. Placed 1.5 feet off the face of this glazed façade are horizontal exterior ceramic rods spaced at variable center-tocenter distances. These rods shade the upper and lower portions of the main glazed façade on each floor.”6

DANA GUREVICH

on present day architectural principles and urban planning continues to resonate throughout the streets we walk through, in the present day.

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Figure ground 01 Incentive zoning 02 Courtyard 03

fragment of the Hudson River Valley woodland landscape at the heart of this manmade construct.”7 Keeping in mind that the lobby is publicly accessible, this courtyard can be experienced by not just those who work in the building. A contribution to a more pleasant working environment as well as a disjoint in the dense urban fabric, this courtyard is a feature of the building that addresses CIAM’s concerns in the Athen’s Charter about a lack of public open space in a city.

The New York Times Building designed by Renzo Piano, provides a transparent and permeable headquarters for the ever evolving publication of the New York Times. Although not inherently following the principles of the Congrès internationaux d’architecture moderne, certain aspects of their ideas can be seen as a theme throughout this building.

Daylighting and providing a pleasant working environment is one of the main concepts of the New York Times Building, which abides by the principles of CIAM in which the importance of the sun to human health, and building positioning are discussed. As well, the necessity of public open space plays a role in the building in the form of a publicly accessible courtyard. The New York Times building is one that is appropriate, through its concept of transparency and permeability to express the intrinsic link between the city and the publication.

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DANA GUREVICH NEW YORK TIMES BUILDING POST-CIAM

1. Zoning Maps and Resolution. New York : City Planning Commission , 1961.

2. Zoning Maps and Resolution. New York : City Planning Commission , 1961.

3. Zoning Maps and Resolution. New York : City Planning Commission , 1961.

4. "CIAM's." Modernist Architecture. http://modernistarchitecture.wordpress.com/2010/11/03/ciams-the-athens-charter-1933/ (accessed October 2, 2014).

5. "CIAM's." Modernist Architecture. http://modernistarchitecture.wordpress.com/2010/11/03/ciams-the-athens-charter-1933/ (accessed October 2, 2014).

6. "DAYLIGHTING THE NEW YORK TIMES BUILDING." Daylighting The New York Times Building. http://windows.lbl.gov/comm_perf/newyorktimes.htm (accessed September 13, 2014) 7.."The New York Times Building Lobby Garden / HM White Site Architects and Cornelia Oberlander Architects." ArchDaily. http://www.archdaily.com/102398/the-new-york-times-building-lobby-gar.

8. Jodidio, Philip. Renzo Piano Complete Works 1966-2014.. New York: TASCHEN, 2014.

9. "The New York Times Building." Renzo Piano Building Workshop. http://www.rpbw.com/project/56/the-new-york-times-building/ (accessed September 15, 2014).

10. DeLanda, Manuel. A New Philosophy of Society: Assemblage Theory and Social Complexity.

London: Continuum, 2006.

11. "NYC Zoning - About New York City Zoning." NYC Zoning - About New York City Zoning. http://www.nyc.gov/html/dcp/html/zone/zonehis.shtml (accessed October 23, 2014).

12. "The New York Times Building ." The New York Times Company. http://www.nytco.com/press/new-york-times-building/ (accessed September 13, 2014).

13. Scarangello, Thomas . "A statement in steel: The New York Times Building." civil + structural ENGINEER. http://cenews.com/article/4402/a-statement-in-steel-the-new-york-times-building (accessed October 23, 2014).

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Robin Hood Gardens, located in Poplar, London is a social housing project that was designed by two core members of team 10, Alison and Peter Smithson. Due to Alison and Peter Smithson's involvement in the congress of C.I.A.M, their philosophy of urban planning and zoning had a major influence on the design of Robin Hood Gardens. A brief investigation of the CIAM and principles and the Athens charter will provide a foundation for how both affected the design of Robin Hood gardens and the fabric surrounding it. Their design philosophy stated that buildings must respond and contribute to their surrounding context. To achieve their goal, the Smithson's chose to create two long, slab buildings that enclose a man-made garden built overtop of rubble.

The arrangement of the buildings runs parallel to the busy highway-like roads, on the outside border of the site, providing visual and acoustic and protection for the courtyard, and providing the residents with a sense of ownership. An analysis of the design and implementation of Robin Hood Gardens will be documented from the perspective of the architects as well as several news sources. In recent years the building has been scheduled for demolition due to many shortcomings that the building suffered from its initiation, however it remains as a powerful precedent for the urban design capabilities of architecture.

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ROBIN HOOD GARDENS Alison and Peter Smithson 1968-1972 London, England Ruslan Ivanytskyy

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Introduction

Robin Hood Gardens, a social housing project located on the east side of London, England was designed by Alison and Peter Smithson.1 Constructed in 1972, the two slab block buildings are a direct response to social, political, and physical problems clouding the area. The two lead architects, Alison and Peter Smithson were hired by the London City Council in 1964 to propose a solution to the congested housing with poor living conditions, while surpassing the previous density of the site.1 Both of the Smithson’s were vital members of Team 10, a team that pushed for the use of architecture and planning as catalyst for social, economic and political change.2 Robin Hood Gardens consists of two carefully moulded slab blocks that enclose a landscape park between them.

The primary driving factors behind the design of Robin Hood Gardens were intended to create a peaceful communal housing block that promoted social activity within the building. The Smithson’s accomplished this by creating wide, continuous balconies every 3 stories that formed “streets in the sky”. The streets in the sky were an attempt to achieve the positive aspects observed in traditional streets while riding above the local motor traffic. In addition to the concept of the street decks, the Smithon’s wanted to create a quiet, “stress-free zone” from the surrounding industrial environment.3 Due to the Smithson’s involvement in Team 10, which was a reform of CIAM, Robin hood gardens embraced many of the principles developed by the members of CIAM and

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stood as an important precedent for all social housing following it’s construction.

Site Information and Project Details

The site for the proposal was located in an area adjacent to an old industrial region of the city that consisted of docks and a railway station that were developed in the early 1800’s.4 The industrial context created poor living conditions for the slums that occupied the area in the 1800’s that caused the London City Council to demolish and re-build the slums with the Grosvenor buildings, a block of “model dwellings” for the time.5 The conditions continued to depreciate when the Blackwall Tunnel, a busy artery that crossed the river was built by the LCC In 1897. At the time of the project’s conception, the site was bounded on three sides by very heavy traffic.

To the east was the northern approach to the blackwall tunnel, to the south the east india dock road that was scheduled to grow form a 4 to a 6 lane highway, and to the north, was the main feeder road to the isle of dogs. To combat the noise, the Smithson’s used acoustic barriers along the perimeter of the site combined with a line of trees to break up the sound of traffic.

The buildings themselves were organized to protect the green space between them from noise, and create a “stress-free zone” for the community.6 The buildings were composed entirely of flow-through units, which allowed for the Smithson’s to strategically lay out the apartments to isolate the bedrooms and kitchens from the noisy streets. The street decks and the deep window mullions lining

the building also served as sound buffers from the street that would diffuse the sound of busy traffic significantly.7

Social and Political Context with Planning Regulations The Smithson’s were advocates for architecture as an agent of social and political change and wanted to tackle the problem of declining housing and living conditions within the public realm in London. They wanted to make a building that encouraged its residents to treat the public areas of the building with as much respect as they treated their own private residences. Aside from encouraging the residents to properly maintain their flat, they wanted Robin Hood Gardens to stand as a precedent of exceptional social housing, something that was lacking in post-war London.8 The Smithson’s understood that although the conditions of the local site were poor, they didn’t want to rely on any part of the site as being stationary due to the fluctuating nature of the context. They wanted to create a building that was both strong enough and large enough to be self-supporting, and carry the responsibility of providing urban renewal for the area.9 During the late 1960s and early 1970s (the time of the project’s conception) the city’s planning and zoning regulations for the Tower Hamlets Borough were controlled by the Borough and the Greater London Development Plan. The GLDP generally pushed for less rigid zoning, to encourage development and renewal in post-war London.10 This factor, combined

Within it’s conception, Robin Hood Gardens was a project that was heavily influenced by the principles developed by CIAM, as Alison and Peter Smithson were two key members of Team 10, which was a reform of CIAM.12 CIAM was an organization that was formed as a response to the poor planning, and living conditions of workers in the industrial era.

Members of CIAM believed that the social and planning problems found in cities could be resolved through decongestion and strict functional segregation within a city’s urban plan.13 CIAM believed that the collective interest is of greater importance than the private interests of people, and pushed for both housing and planning that took the

The design of RHG was unlike the design of many social housing projects before it because it derived the minimum requirements of a dwelling from the biological needs of a person as opposed to economic factors. The blocks themselves included a variety of sizes of flats, ranging from single-storey flats on the ground for elders, to maisonettes split among two floors. All of the units were built to the Parker Morris space standard, which set out guidelines for anthropomorphic requirements to move about a space and the furniture within it. The flats were arranged to open onto extra wide continuous street decks that formed what the Smithson’s referred to as “streets in the sky”. These

Poplar High Street + East indiana Dock rd

Robin Hood Lane + Blackwall tunnel approach

The Smithson’s, like many of the members of both Team 10 and CIAM, believed in a complete separation of vehicular and pedestrian traffic, this concept was carried through in the design of RHG. Alongside the acoustic barriers, which provided both acoustic and visual barriers from the traffic at grade, moats were cut in the ground along the portions of the perimeter that saw vehicular traffic. These moats contained all the vehicular movement into the buildings’ garage, ensuring that a resident ascending the building’s walk-up would never come into visual contact with the vehicles.16 This separation of traffic and housing through the use of vertical variance is a direct reference to the CIAM, and the planning concepts that derived from it. From a planning perspective, RHG successfully increased the density of the site while decongesting the ground level.

In comparison to the previously congested

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circulatory elements were designed to provide a feeling of community within the blocks, promoting social interaction and interconnectivity of residents. Aside from their social implications, they functioned as sound baffles from the traffic on the streets.15

RUSLAN IVANYTSKYY

The Project in light of CIAM and Planning

human scale into account during the design process. Their goal was to create cities that would fulfill the biological and psychological needs of their inhabitants based on a vision of modernity and progress for the future.14 Robin Hood Gardens committed to many of the CIAM principles in terms of its relation to the human scale, strict segregation of programme, socially connective qualities and decongestion of ground area for the allowance of green-space.

ROBIN HOOD GARDENS

with the fact that GLDP was enforced by the Greater London Council, who was the client for the project, meant that the Smithson’s had a significant amount of freedom within their design from a planning point of view.

Despite this, the Smithson’s wanted for RHG to reference the scale of the industrial region adjacent to it, while surpassing the density of the previous housing development before it.11

Feeder road to isle of dogs Cotton Street Legend

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Intro Image 01 Site response axonometric 02 Aerial of neighborhood surrounding RHG 03 Decongestion strategy 04 Figure ground prior to construction 05 Figure ground post construction 06

ground level condition that the Grosvenor buildings created, the Smithson’s increased the density by increasing the height of the buildings from five to ten stories, and by providing a large green space in between.

18 This concept is similar to principles found in The Plan for a Contemporary City by LeCorbusier, where housing took the form of tall skyscrapers that freed the ground level for the use of leisurely park space.

Similarly, both RHG and LeCorbusier’s plan incorporated a strict segregation of vehicular traffic from public leisure park space.18 It is without a doubt that principles developed through CIAM played a significant role in the conceptualization of Robin Hood Gardens.

Conclusion

From it’s conception, Robin Hood Gardens stood as a heroic project, one that strove to create a better environment for not only its residents, but the urban fabric surrounding it as well. It faced an incredibly undesirable site and tight budget constraints yet provided the residents with a conceivable approach to create a socially interactive and pleasant housing project. Despite it’s idealistic conception, RHG was not as successful as thought out to be. The building was subject to a great deal of vandalism, and developed problems with crime likely due to the large amount of corridors and narrow crevices. These problems arose due to the amount of trust that the Smithson’s placed in the hands of the residents of the building.19 The complex’s most valuable asset proved to be the garden space created between

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the two buildings, which became an oasis of peace amid the busy roads in the area.

A portion of the green space functioned as vegetable garden for many of the residents, and saw consistent use by children and other residents of the complex. It even saw modifications made by the residents, which, alongside the other factors proved that residents developed a sense of ownership for the public park.20 On March 5, 2008, the Tower Hamlets council agreed to demolish and replace RHG with new housing as a part of their regeneration plan of the Blackwall Reach area despite support from starchitects like Zaha Hadid, Richard Rogers and Stuart Lipton.21 While seemingly appropriate in its conception, RHG has failed to serve the needs of its residents, with 75% in favour

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of seeing the building being demolished and replaced.22 Despite this, Robin Hood Gardens stands as a powerful precedent of how architecture can correctly respond to its context and function as catalyst of social change.

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3. Robin Hood Gardens Revisions 7. http://ad009cdnb.archdaily.net/wp-content/uploads/2011/07/1310692998-108684710-b83914275c-o.jpg

ROBIN HOOD GARDENS POST-CIAM PLX 599

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1. Powers, Alan. Robin Hood Gardens re-visions. London: Twentieth Century Society, 2010.

2. Ainley, Rosa, Pamela Johnston, and Clare Barrett. Architecture is not made with the brain.

England: Dexter Graphics, 2005.

3. Powers, Alan. Robin Hood Gardens re-visions. London: Twentieth Century Society, 2010.

4. The Smithsons on Housing. Performed by Alison and Peter Smithson.

England: British Broadcasting Corporation, 1971. Film.

5. Powers, Alan. Robin Hood Gardens re-visions. London: Twentieth Century Society, 2010.

6. The Smithsons on Housing. Performed by Alison and Peter Smithson.

England: British Broadcasting Corporation, 1971. Film.

7. ibid 8. Smithson, Peter, Catherine Spellman, and Karl Unglaub. Peter Smithson: conversations with students : a space for our generation. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2005.

9. The Smithsons on Housing. Performed by Alison and Peter Smithson.

England: British Broadcasting Corporation, 1971. Film.

10. Winterbottom, David. "Greater London Council, "Greater London Development Plan Statement" (Book Review)." The Town Planning Review 43, no. 3 (Jul 01, 1972): 286. http://ezproxy.lib.ryerson.ca/login?url=http://search.proquest.com/docview/1302202573?accountid=13631.

11. Powers, Alan. Robin Hood Gardens re-visions. London: Twentieth Century Society, 2010.

12. Ainley, Rosa, Pamela Johnston, and Clare Barrett. Architecture is not made with the brain.

England: Dexter Graphics, 2005.

13. Banerjee, Tridib, and Anastasia Sideris. Companion to Urban design. London: Routledge, 2011.

14. Macburnie, Dr.Ian. "Lecture 1 Urbanization, Regulation and Design Part 1."

Lecture, PLX 599 - The Human World from Ryerson University, Toronto, September 19, 2014.

15. Powers, Alan. Robin Hood Gardens re-visions. London: Twentieth Century Society, 2010.

16. The Smithsons on Housing. Performed by Alison and Peter Smithson.

England: British Broadcasting Corporation, 1971. Film.

17. Powers, Alan. Robin Hood Gardens re-visions. London: Twentieth Century Society, 2010.

18. Macburnie, Dr.Ian. "Lecture 1 Urbanization, Regulation and Design Part 1."

Lecture, PLX 599 - The Human World from Ryerson University, Toronto, September 19, 2014.

19. BBC. "Row over 'street in sky' estate." BBC NEWS | UK (London), March 7, 2008. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/england/london/7281156.stm (accessed September 28, 2014).

20. Ainley, Rosa, Pamela Johnston, and Clare Barrett. Architecture is not made with the brain.

England: Dexter Graphics, 2005.

21. Gill, Rosalind. "LETTER : It may be Ugly, but it's Part of our National Heritage."

The Independent, Oct 05, 1995. http://ezproxy.lib.ryerson.ca/login?url=http://search.proquest.com/ docview/312409619?accountid=13631(accessed September 28, 2014).

22. Brooks, Richard. "Robin Hood Gardens." Sunday Times (London), July 6, 2008. http://search.proquest. com/docview/316535451 (accessed September 28, 2014).

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30 St Mary Axe, known primarily as The Gherkin due to its shape, is an iconic example of modern architecture and an important symbol of London. Located in the center of the financial district, The Gherkin's height and design were considered a risk for the planning and cohesiveness of the primarily mid-rise surrounding environment. Built by architectural firm Foster and Partners, development and construction were inspired from many of CIAM's critical architectural principles and ideas. Despite being completed in the spring of 2004, The Gherkin's planning and design adhere to CIAM IV's fundamental ideas of The Functional City: dwelling, work, recreation and transport. The multiuse tower conforms to these ideas by the un-imposing shape that blends well with the London skyline, the natural flow of circulation throughout the levels as well as direct access to public transit. The program of the building is comprised primarily of office space but has leisure components at the peak of the tower at the lounge and restaurant with its unobstructed 360 views.

The CIAM idea that architecture could be used as a political tool has been an everpresent concept with The Gherkin. With the successful application of political, social and environmental driving forces into an urban design, The Gherkin has remained an icon for the city of London.

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30 ST. MARY AXE Foster+Partners 2001-2003 London, England Alexis Johansen

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Prior to its completion in December of 2003, the downtown skyline of London, England, was almost composed entirely of mid-rise buildings. Located on the previous site of the Baltic Exchange, Swiss Re Reinsurance Company hired Foster and Partners to take on the role of designing a new ecological commercial skyscraper to be the first to pierce through the sight lines of London’s former skyline. As of the year 2000, permission was granted by the city to design and build a much taller building in the downtown core of the city that had ever been built before. Named 30 St. Mary Axe after its address, the building’s inclusivity of innovative approaches sustainable features and creative solutions to structural design make it a notable building. The multi-usage of the tower’s programming makes it cohesive with CIAM’s ideas of bringing fundamental programmatic elements together yet separate from one another. However, no feature of the building is more iconic than the shape of the building itself, which gives itself the unofficial name of The Gherkin.

The Site and Zoning

The idea of building a high-rise tower amongst a city of low to mid-rise buildings made the designing process especially difficult and unique. Especially, when taken into account the City of London regulation, which states that, no building should obstruct the sight lines of St. Paul’s Dome from the rest of the city’s downtown core. Fortunately, the location of the commercial building did not have to worry about obstructing sight

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lines, but it did need a convincing proposal to allow the approval of the required height.

Foster and Partners decided to design a unique form for the building to improve their chances of gaining approval if the building provided the city with a new architectural “icon”. Being in the downtown zone of London, the building was located directly over the London underground and multiple other transit routes, making the building highly accessible from all corners of the city.

The city’s zoning ordinances did not only affect the height of the skyscraper, it also affected the shape. The cylindrical shaft which is topped off by an egg-like dome was done purposefully to un-alter wind patterns as the size wanes towards the top and decrease blockage of sight lines from adjacent buildings. The dome shaped glass roof allows for wind to effortlessly pass by the building and decreased the force put against the structure. This design allows for minimum wind deflection towards the pedestrians below on street level compared to a rectilinear building of similar size. The effectiveness of the program is a result of the circulation, which architect Norman Foster has said was one of the key driving principles of the building.

Social, Political and Cultural Context

The success of this building, in large part, is due to its iconic shape and how it played a role in reinforcing London’s internationally acclaimed architectural image. Politically, the city thought a new symbol of the city would have multiple benefits. With

the London Summer Olympic Games approaching them, the city gave Foster and Partners the go ahead on the design. Being a historical city, London lacks their fair share if sustainable and green buildings compared to other world-renowned cities. The Gherkin is the first ecological skyscrapers to be built in the city. London is also a lead player in business and commerce and must support the economical growth and development. The opportunity to have large-scale businesses move into this ecological building was a large motivating factor. To increase the maximum allowable floor space, the final solution was to build upwards like originally planned.

The site was fairly small given the goals of the program, and therefore is set back on grade with the street and expands slightly to achieve its largest floor plan at floor 16 and tapers to reach its smallest at floor 41.

Socially, the building was widely accepted into the London skyline for its unique form and sleek design.

Relevance to CIAM and Planning

Congrès Internationaux d’Architecture Modern (CIAM) was an organization founded and headed in 1928 by Swiss architect Le Corbusier. The organization was active for 30 years than discontinued practice in 1959.

The events organized by CIAM took place in Europe and included some of the most notable architects of the era. This immensely influential organization was held at high acclaim with their fundamental architectural and urban planning principles. Their greatest achievement was determining the basis for

floor to circulate upwards through the 41 floors, providing a large decrease in air conditioning systems. This design reduces the energy consumption to a shocking half of what a similar tower would use. Not only does this fit within CIAM’s parameters of a socially and economically sound design, The Gherkin also includes multiple sky gardens along with multiple 360º views accessible to the public.

The element of Foster’s design that conforms the most to CIAM’s design principles is the programming. The multi-use tower includes appropriate planning for all of the fundamental programming zones described in “The Functional City”, excluding residential use. The building houses primarily office space, but includes cafes, lounges, gardens and shops as well. Foster’s wish to maximize public transit are seen in his design with multiple access points to the London Underground and also grade level public transit. CIAM’s design and urban planning elements were being implemented fully by Foster and Partners with exception to only few elements. The result of Foster’s experienced architectural design and with his following of 20th century design master

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of the surrounding context. This is what Sir Norman Foster along with his design team took very seriously. As explained before, the height of 180m is due to the maximization of office floor space by building vertically. Le Corbusier was not opposed to skyscrapers, as seen in his city design “The Contemporary City”. His designed features an idea to house 3 million inhabitants in 2 cruciform steel structured towers covered in glass glazing. The cruciform shape was for maximum natural light penetration, much like the glazing covered Gherkin.

The dome-shaped glass roof of the Gherkin is an effective response to the context of surrounding buildings and pedestrian traffic on grade. The structure of the tower follows directly the CIAM design principles of open floor planning. The diagonal steel braced structure forms a shell on the exterior of the building as opposed to most central core bracings of similar building towers. This allows for a column free and flexible floor plan for the multi use tower. The slightly rotating floor plan with each level results in atrium-like spaces that gradually spiral upwards towards the building’s apex. This allows the fresh air drawn in on the ground

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the Modern Movement as we continue to teach and practice today. CIAM wanted to spread the understanding that architecture and urban planning was a social art and must be treated as such. The forth conference held by CIAM was titled after the city it was held in to give its name The Athens Charter.

This was one of their most successful urban design documents and was based off of Le Corbusier’s hypothecical urban city design of The Radiant City (La Ville Radieuse, 1933). The Functional City was CIAM’s own design of a city that has been planned based of the 4 most functional programming zones: commercial, residential, recreational and transportation. It was decided that these programmatic zone should be thought out efficiently and placed within appropriate distance from one another.

The Gherkin, while not following all of CIAM’s main principles, follows the key principles and elements through its environmentally conscious form, exterior steel structured shell, and its effective programming.

An environmentally conscious form is described as a form that has been shaped through close inspection and analyzing

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Site plan in relation to direct context Key plan of London Plan of open atrium spaces Diagram of atrium spaces

Le Corbusier, the results of the Gherkin were a profound success.

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Open Atrium

Conclusion

There are multiple reasons for one to believe that The Gherkin, designed by Foster and Partners, was designed with CIAMâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s fundamental design principles in mind.

This lead to its ultimate appropriateness to the site and successful partnership with its surrounding context. Foster achieved his goals of creating an economical, social, and politically favourable tower with his environmentally friendly design, and simple form. Although the building faced similar issues upon completion as the Eifel Tower, being called an â&#x20AC;&#x153;eyesoreâ&#x20AC;? to the historical city skyline, the public soon after accepted its innovative design and The Gherkin became a catalyst for multiple ecological towers built shortly following. 30 St. Mary Axe was the building that was the building that the city requested, but The Gherkin was the towering icon that the historical city of London deserved and still adores.

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Open Atrium

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1. 30 St. Mary Axe, Modern Architecture London, (March, 2010), Accessed 12 Sep, 2014: http://modernarchitecturelondon.com/pages/30stmaryaxe.php 2. 30 St Mary Axe London, UK 1997 - 2004, Foster + Partners, (2014), Accessed 12 Sep, 2014: http://www. fosterandpartners.com/projects/30-st-mary-axe/ 3. Jonathan Massey, The Gherkin: How London's Famous Tower Leveraged Risk and Became an Icon,â&#x20AC;?

ArchDaily, (05 Nov, 2013), Accessed 12 Sep, 2014: http://www.archdaily.com/author/jonathan-massey/ 4. The Functional City Urban Tick (July 13th, 2009), Accessed Sep 23rd, 2014. http://urbantick.blogspot.ca/2009/07/book-functional-city.html 5. 30 St Mary Axe: The Gherkin, Design Book Magazine, (2009), Accessed October 21st, 2014. http://www.designbookmag.com/thegerkin.htm 6. Le Corbusier, CIAMs The Athens Charter (1933), Modernist Architecture, (Nov 11th, 2012). Accessed October 21st, 2014. http://modernistarchitecture.wordpress.com/2010/11/03/ciams-the-athens-charter-1933/

COVER IMAGE SOURCED FROM fosterandpartners.com

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Completed in 1969, the John Hancock Center is an iconic tower located in Chicago, Illinois. The tower designed by SOM Architects is recognized as one of the most influential developments in skyscraper design. The structure has received numerous accolades since its inception, including a national 25 Year Award for Architectural Excellence from the AIA, and has been inducted into the World Federation of Great Towers. Although constructed 10 years after the dissolution of the Congrès International d'Architecture Moderne (CIAM), the project is an exemplary example of the organization's doctrine. John Hancock Center upholds a variety of CIAM values through its architecture, specifically the idea of a functional city. John Hancock centre is considered to be the world's first mixed use tower in the world, the project houses residential, office, and commercial space over its 100 storeys. The centre reiterates CIAM's teachings of vertical development in lieu of horizontal sprawl to retain valuable street level space for public use in the high density context of downtown Chicago.

This research paper examines the evolution of the John Hancock centre from design to construction paying particular attention to how the architecture was informed by the changing social and economic contexts of Chicago, Illinois.

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JOHN HANCOCK CENTER Skidmore, Owings and Merrill 1969 Chicago, USA Ali Mohammed-Khaja

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Introduction

Located within the heart of Downtown Chicago, the John Hancock Center is an architectural icon embodying the spirit of American exceptionalism. At its completion 45 years ago, the tower was the second tallest building in the world at 457 m, and the world’s first mixed-use tower.1 The birth of the project is marked in the early 1960s, when developer Jerry Wolman approached Chicago’s Skidmore, Owings and Merrill to design a project on Chicago’s “Magnificent Mile”, one of the city’s most prestigious thoroughfares. The project was spearheaded

by Bruce Graham, and Fazlur Khan at SOM, who went onto develop a design with a variety of structural, programmatic and architectural innovations. The center, unveiled in 1969, was celebrated as a symbol of Chicago, undoubtedly so as it’s a project which was informed by the city itself.

Site

The project site is located on 875 N Michigan Ave, one of the city’s major commercial, cultural arteries. The avenue runs north from the Chicago River to the shore of Lake Michigan. In 1911, Daniel Burnham an American architect, and urban planner, proposed the Plan of Chicago a comprehensive future city plan for Chicago outlining new and widened streets, and development of parks, civic and infrastructure facilities. Among this plan, Burnham proposed the development of a Michigan Avenue bridge connecting Randolph Street, south of the Chicago River

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to Michigan Avenue.2 This connection served as the catalyst to transform the avenue from an insular thoroughfare to a highly connected and central avenue. Avenue experienced consistent development over the years.

However during the Great Depression, a renewed surge of development began under the control of Arthur Rubloff, a real estate developer that looked to transform the area into “a prestigious address in the city”.3 Rubloff undertook a strategic marketing campaign by first purchasing many properties along the avenue at depression level prices, and proposing new construction, a more efficient circulation system, and civic spaces. As a result of this intensive redevelopment, the avenue took on the name of the Magnificent Mile, a title it still holds today, featuring a number of the city’s greatest landmarks, luxury retailers, and restaurants.

In regards to the building, it’s housed on a 13,475m2 lot, and is bounded by East Delaware Pl on the North, Mies Van Der Rohe Way on the East, and East Chestnut St on the South. The centre’s frontage is on Michigan Ave, where upon it is recessed to provide for a sunken urban plaza. The Plaza hosts a unique water feature, public seating and urban planters to provide an escape from the busy avenue for passersby and building occupants.

Chicago 1969

1969 was a tumultuous time for Chicago; the city was experiencing a variety of issues ranging from urban population decline, racial

tensions, to intensive industrial growth and was at the verge of becoming a world class city.4 This title required a great deal of change for the city. The racial tensions within the black and white communities reached a point of climax during the 1960’s with many white residents engaging in “block busting” a practice of selling property at a loss, to artificially “ghetto-ize” the community.5 These residents would then move to the cheaper and better housing offered within the suburbs. Happening en-masse, the city was experiencing an urban population decline. However with jobs and industry still very much occurring within the downtown core, the commute, and public transportation became intensively burdened. The high congestion, and in efficient infrastructure design, required major changes.

From late 1957, the city began issuing reformed zoning ordinances in an attempt to managing the development for Chicago 1969, to Chicago 40 years in the future.6 These developments were highly pivotal in Chicago planning as they for the very first time created measures for “floor-area ratios, industrial performance standards...to assess the desirability of developments”.7 The new zonings also started providing incentives to developers for taking on larger planned developments to encourage growth, “gave developers of larger projects substantially more flexibility than could be provided through conventional zoning”.8 These provisions paved the path for many new developments to occur within downtown Chicago, including the John Hancock Centre.

storey height of the second scheme meant a height variance was needed. The city council approved these variances without issues as the concept of “world’s highest residences”, and the title of world’s first mixed use tower were appealing, and in line with the need for quality architecture within the downtown core as well as the strive for world class city status.

Through its architecture John Hancock centre promoted the concept of high density high-rise developments across the city, successfully establishing Chicago as a centre of innovation and leadership.

CIAM (Congrès International d’Architecture Moderne) was an organization founded in La Sarraz, Swistzerland, 1928, with the goal of promoting principles of modern architecture in regards to urban planning, landscape architecture, and design.10 The group was headed by Le Corbusier, in collaboration with 24 prominent European architects. The groups work received widespread attention; however the lasting legacy is contained within what is known as the Athens Charter. The Athens Charter is a document on urban planning published by

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In 1965, Jerry Wolman, a builder and developer approached SOM to design a mixed use development with property already purchased. Wolman believed that a development of a mixed-use tower would synergy well with the context of Michigan Ave. As such, SOM immediately began work on the project.

The designers proposed two distinct schemes for project, the first scheme involved the construction of two towers, one housing all residential program, whilst the other featuring exclusively office, propped up on a podium housing commercial space. The towers were to be 50 storeys, and 70 storeys respectively, with both boasting a 1 million Sq. Ft in area. However, the designers, and Wolman felt that this option didn’t fully serve the urban context, the podium added to the overwhelming nature of the streetscape, the two towers would further congest the already dense urban fabric, and the lack of civic space meant the architecture was not socially conscious.

As a result, a second scheme was drafted which featured a single tower, with mixeduse program arranged vertically through the building. This allowed the structure to not

only serve its programmatic requirements appropriately but also provide a large open ground plane to serve its immediate context.

However, single tower option brought with it many advantages and disadvantages. In regards to advantages, the smaller footprint of the building was able to free up to 60% of the ground plane, giving the designers an opportunity to design a unique urban plaza, something out of the ordinary within the Chicago urban fabric.

As for disadvantages this verticality meant innovative structural design, conventional structural methods available at the time could have technically achieved the desired 100-story tower, the high costs and low space-efficiency of such systems at significant heights were highly undesirable. Fazlur Khan from SOM brought forth an answer, an innovated diagonal bracing structure that allowed the building to reach the 100 storey height whilst significantly lowering material usage, and in parallel improving floor plate efficiency.9 Consequently, this new found verticality also required the designers to approach the city with zoning amendments. Michigan Ave has historically been zoned with residential use. The proposal of a new typology meant a change in land use. Moreover the 100

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Planning

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Figure ground comparison 1964-69 01 Ground plane organization 02 Vertical program organization 03

Le Corbusier in 1943.11 The work outlines a series of best practices for city planning, through the detailed analysis of 33 different cities.12 Although constructed 10 years after the dissolution of the Congrès International d’Architecture Moderne (CIAM), John Hancock Center is an exemplary example of the organization’s doctrine. The center upholds a variety of CIAM values through its architecture, specifically the idea of a functional city.

CIAM reiterated a hierarchy of four functions, Dwelling, Work, Leisure and Circulation, highly distinct, with key features defining each function. Dwellings were to be healthy, with plenty of fresh air, and daylight. Work spaces were to be clearly organized separated by type of trade. Leisure spaces were spaces of recreation, and relaxation for building occupants. Lastly, Circulation was to be highly efficient, with emphasis on commute time.

Although, CIAM strove for these ideals within a larger context of a city, this hierarchy can be clearly seen within The John Hancock Center.

The designers created the world’s first mixed use tower, by housing residential, office and commercial space over its large height.

Residential units are provided between the 44th – 97 floors of the center, providing plenty of fresh air, and daylight high above the city, work spaces are programmed closer to the lower levels to provide ease of access to commuting users, and to create a distinction between public and private.

Leisure space is achieved through sunken urban plaza on the ground level with

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water features, outdoor seating and urban vegetation. Finally, circulation is dealt through its above ground parking, which is easily accessed from ground level through a vehicular ramp. CIAM also responds to the growing congestion and abhorrent living conditions of industrial cities by proposing building vertically so that valuable ground space can be retained for leisure and public use. This idea was heavily referenced during the planning stages of the John Hancock Center, whereupon the designers forego an initial scheme of podium and towers, for a design that created a large civic space on its frontage. The space was only possible due to the designers engineering a system that could support a building with a 100 storey’s. The vertical development successfully retained valuable street level space for public use in the high density context of Chicago.

Magnificent Mile was transformed by waves of high density developments growing within close proximity of the Center. Although it may not be the tallest structure within the city, the John Hancock Center still stands with a quiet dominance over its peers on the Chicago skyline.

Conclusion

A recipient of the 25 Year Architectural Award of Excellence, the John Hancock center is a testament to great design.

However the structure was not always the icon it is now, initially the development was ridiculed as an unsavoury sight along Michigan Avenue. The 344m black monolith broke the “uniform and elegant mid and low-rise buildings” that covered Michigan Avenue. The icon status only came over the decades that followed it’s completion.

John Hancock Center’s innovation in programmatic distribution, structural form, and socially conscious planning ushered in a new paradigm of design for Chicago. The

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1. Kamin, Blair. Why architecture matters: lessons from Chicago.

Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001.

2. Menges, Axel. Architecture of Skidmore, Owings & Merrill, 1963-1973.

London: Architectural Press, 1974.

3. Schwieterman, Joseph P. , and Dana M. Caspall. The Politics of Place: A History of Zoning in Chicago.

Chicago: Lake Claremont Press, 2006.

4. Temkin, Jody. "Hancock's Atrium Plan Under Fire." Chicago Tribune, October 2, 1998.

5. The Athens charter. New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973.

6. "The John Hancock Center, Chicago." Chicago Architecture Info. http://www.chicagoarchitecture.info/ Building/1006/The-John-Hancock-Center.php (accessed September 15, 2014).

7. "The Electronic Encyclopedia of Chicago - Zoning." Zoning. Accessed September 15, 2014. http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/1401.html.

8. "The Electronic Encyclopedia of Chicago - Zoning." Zoning. Accessed September 15, 2014. http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/1401.html.

9. "The Electronic Encyclopedia of Chicago - Zoning." Zoning. Accessed September 15, 2014. http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/1401.html.

10. Mumford, Eric Paul. The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT, 2000. Print.

11. Mumford, Eric Paul. The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT, 2000. Print.

12. http://modernistarchitecture.wordpress.com/2010/11/03/ciam-the-athens-charter

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The John Hancock Center located at the Chicago Illinois USA was first constructed in 1965 and completed in 1969. It is 100 storys, 344m tall skyscraper and designed by Skidmore, Owings and Merrill and Fazlur Khan was in charge of the structure system. The John Hancock Center is one of the buildings that inherited key aspects of the CIAM doctrines as it was built in the post- CIAM era. The design of the building reflects the key characteristics of the CIAM principles such as promotion of new architecture, industrial, landscaping design and technology and its influence to the society. The John Hancock Center is one of the very first mix-use buildings that contains various functions such as residential space, retail space, office space and etc.. As located at the heart of downtown Chicago, residents and workers at the retail and office can have easier access to the public transportation. It is designed vertically rather than horizontally on the ground, in order to have better used of the land. It is built with a setback that keeps the building away from the Michigan Street for the hygienic and acoustic reasons but also to provide public spaces to people. The technology used to construct the John Hancock Center was the most up-to-date technology. Its structure not only promotes the aesthetic aspect of the building in its exterior but also provides the practicality to its interior.

As one of the most successful skyscraper that inherited the key concepts of the CIAM principles, the John Hancock Center is the member of the World Federation of Great Towers, and has won various awards for its unique design.

POST-CIAM 1960-present

JOHN HANCOCK CENTER Skidmore, Owings and Merrill and Fazlur Khan 1965 - 1969 Chicago, USA Min-Wook Kim

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The year of 1969 was special for Chicago, for celebrating the completion of John Hancock center, that the construction began in 1965, as the tallest building in the world outside of the New York City. It is 100 stories, 344 meters high designed by Skidmore, Owings and Merrill. Completion of John Hancock Center is significant in the history of architecture because it announced the era of tall, vertical building design, new technology for structural system, and influence of architecture throughout society.

The John Hancock Center is one of the buildings that integrated key aspects of the CIAM doctrines in the Post-CIAM era (1960 – present). The way the tower was planned and designed on the site offers the visitors to enjoy the luxury of the public outdoor space on the ground and below ground level, while having the vertically extruded mix-use tower with various programs such as residential, office, and retail for the very first time in the history of architecture. Moreover, the building was built keeping the distance away from the street as it was designed to provide comfortable inner space, free of air and acoustic pollution. Technology used in the skyscraper was the most up-to-date technology and it gave more freedom to designer to manipulate interior design to more extended level.

Site Context

Understanding the physical context of the site is necessary in order to understand and analyze the design of John Hancock center.

The tower was built vertically using only

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the 40% of the site plan by implementing CIAM doctrine into the design, and this is significant information in order to analyze the relationship between people, and the building and the site. Considering the fact that the site is located at the Michigan Avenue, along the “Magnificent Mile” at the heart of the downtown Chicago, it provides easy accessibility to the transportation to the residents, workers and visitors. However, due to its location, it causes extremely complex circulation on the site for both pedestrians and the vehicles. The John Hancock Center attracts visitors by providing easy access to retail/commercial spaces that are located in the first five stories. Moreover, visitors for the signature’s lounge located at the 95th floor increased as it built its reputation for its stunning panorama view. The design team of the site planning did great work in controlling the pedestrian circulation by designing the fully exposed below ground court yard/public space at the front of the main entrance. By being situated below ground level with full exposure, it functions as a void space that manipulates the pedestrian circulation into the main entrance of the John Hancock Center in two organized directions, rather than having incoming from various directions in unorganized manner.

Planning

As the first mix-use skyscraper built in the post-CIAM era, the John Hancock Center was significant building not only because it was built as the tallest building in the world outside of New York City, but because it was

planned with organized sets of zoning plan, following key aspects of the Athens Charter.

Zoning is a method or technique in urban planning which divides the use of land of the given site. Due of the Great Chicago fire in 1871, the building planning and zoning laws in Chicago became extremely strict. By the 1893, the tallest building that can be built in Chicago was 130 – foot and it became 260 – foot in early 1900’s and by 1920 – 1942, the height limit increased up to 400 - feet due to the shortage of office spaces but also the improvement of new structure technology.

Chicago became the leading city with great architecture and urban planning because of the lessons learned from the Great Chicago Fire in 1871, and became one of the few cities that integrate key concepts of the Athens Charter in urban planning and building design. Having the site at the heart of the downtown Chicago, the zoning of the site of the John Hancock Center had to be very efficient and effective.

When the Jerry Wolman, the developer of the John Hancock Center first approached SOM for the skyscraper design in current site, it was first designed to have two buildings on the site. One building was distinctively designated as the residential while the other one was designated as the office and commercial spaces. However the two building design was aborted as Jerry Wolman saw it was inappropriate for the site, therefore SOM came up with a design with having one building on the site, that compiles all residential, office and commercial spaces.

In order to fit all the necessary programs in

CIAM

The John Hancock Center can be considered as one of the first buildings that integrated the principle of ‘functional city’ in its design, as the building is designed with various spaces with different functions. The building was designed with key principles of functional city so that the, workers, residents and visitors can experience the building through different programs, distributed in efficient and organized manner. As one of

the very first mix-use building in the world, the John Hancock Center was designed with various programs, such as commercial, retail, offices, and residential.

The way the programs had been organized throughout the building is very innovative and practical, as the commercial, retail spaces are situated at the first five stories, in order to provide convenient accessibility to the visitors. The residential spaces have been situated at the higher levels, from 44th – 97th floors, in order to prevent any kind of air pollution, acoustic pollution in interior spaces, and provide better natural light coming into the interior space. As the building is situated in the downtown Chicago, where there are many other skyscrapers surrounding and blocking the lower stories of the John Hancock Center from the day light.

At the top floors, the signature’s lounge is situated where visitors can enjoy great bird’s eye view of Chicago with excellent service of eatery.

Conclusion

The key concept of the CIAM was to provide

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The CIAM was first formed in 1928 and disbanded in 1959. It was formed by iconic and prominent figures of architecture such as Le Corbusier, Hélène de Mandrot, and Sigfried Giedion. The main motive of CIAM was to implement the principles of modern architectural movement into all domains of society. The CIAM was very influential in variety parts of the society, as the architectural principles began to affect the physical context of the society and the urban planning. The CIAM IV is considered the most influential meeting of all the meetings due to the presentation of the concept of ‘functional city’ and Athens Charter. The

functional city is the concept that was presented by Le Corbusier, which proposes the efficient ways to plan sites and lands by creating different zonings by different functions. The zoning plan in the functional city is expected to be the efficient system that can critically analyze general development in the city and it provides better plans for the future development. CIAM in general argued that the residential spaces must be planned the best site, and the commercial and retail spaces should be located near the residential area in order to provide easy accessibility to the work place. Residential spaces should not be built near the transportation route for the residents’ comfort, and the site must have large green space.

MINWOOK KIM

one building, the height of the building is increased and it affected site as the building only required smaller portion of the land, as much as 40%. This gives the rest of the site, as much as 60% of the site, great opportunity to design public and green spaces for the visitors, residents and workers. The height of the building was not an issue as the height limit of the downtown Chicago was already generous since the mid 1900’s.

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street view 1 01 plan, section 02 interior 03 street view 2 04

better environment through implementing key architectural principles to urban development. The John Hancock Center in Chicago is one of the great example that illustrates core idea of CIAM principles through its design. Due to its programmatic distribution, residents, workers and visitors can enjoy different functions of the building. Moreover, pedestrian circulation on Michigan Street entrance to the building is manipulated in orderly fashion that it organizes the pedestrian circulation of the site. The below ground courtyard at the Michigan Street also provides public space, that visitors can enjoy, along with the commercial spaces situated at the same level. As a mix-use skyscraper built in postCIAM era, I believe that the John Hancock Center demonstrates various qualities of the CIAM principles, as various functions are organized throughout the building design but also through the site planning.

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JOHN HANCOCK CENTER

MINWOOK KIM

FIGURES : Image 01 The John Hancock Center, Chicago. Last modified March 2011, http://www.ctbuh.org/TallBuildings/ FeaturedTallBuildings/JohnHancockCenterChicago/tabid/1959/language/en-US/Default.aspx Image 03 http://duranvirginia.wordpress.com/2012/07/18/architecture-john-hancock-tower/ Image 04 http://fineartamerica.com/featured/looking-down-at-the-garden-plaza-level-of-the-johnhancock-center-in-chicago-christopher-purcell.html

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1. Joseph G. Burns, The Engineering Aesthetics of Tall Buildings: Proceedings of the Session (Michigan, American Society of Civil Engineers, 1985) 2. Billington P. David, The Tower and the Bridge: The New Art of Structural Engineering. (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1985) 3. Fazlur R. Khan, 100-story John Hancock Center in Chicago: A Case Study of the Design Process. (ABSE journal, Volume 3; Volume 1982 of IABSE periodica) 4. Laura Enright, Chicago's Most Wanted TM: The Top 10 Book of Murderous Mobsters, Midway Monsters and Windy City Oddities (Washington DC, Potomac Books inc, 2005) 5. Ezra Stoller, The John Hancock Center. (Princeton, Princeton Architectural Press, 2000) 6. Schwieterman, Joseph P. , and Dana M. Caspall. The Politics of Place: A History of Zoning in Chicago.

Chicago: Lake Claremont Press, 2006.

7. Duran, Virginia. "John Hancock Tower." Last modified July 18, 2012, http://duranvirginia.wordpress. com/2012/07/18/architecture-john-hancock-tower/ 8. "The John Hancock Center, Chicago." Last modified March 2011, http://www.ctbuh.org/TallBuildings/FeaturedTallBuildings/JohnHancockCenterChicago/tabid/1959/language/en-US/Default.aspx

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The Berlin Free University is an experimental project conceived by Candilis-Josic-Woods in partnership with Manfred Schiedhelm.

The idea for the university comes from the structuralism movement where focus is placed on the relationship between the parts and the whole, which is clearly read within the building's design. The design aims to maximize interactions between faculty and student body, thus the circulation pattern is a system of internal pedestrian streets and walkways with faculties decentralized and offices, seminar rooms, libraries spread throughout campus. The idea of continuous movement within a network, maximizing the interfaces and contact between programs, and shift to open ended, non-hierarchical organization method can be seen as a response to the historical context. The university is conceived from a design competition to create a campus that responded to the idea of the university which was "a place free from political and social standards" thus the term "Free University". The competition was opened in 1963, after the end of World War II and the disbandment of the CIAM organization. The university's core idea of interaction is addressed by having clusters of buildings two storeys in height, termed "mat-building" in opposition to the Rationalism movement of CIAM, along with the formation of Team X.

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FREE UNIVERSITY OF BERLIN Candilis-Josic-Woods 1963-1973 Berlin, Germany Yunhyung Kim

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Key Facts and Introduction

As times change, the dominant movement of the period changes accordingly in response to the major events, ideologies, and cultural contexts, whether it is for or against it. This phenomena is evident in all regions of the world with various members of the community expressing similar ideologies and goals but through different methods of execution.

Many movements were investigated during the post Second World War era - the modernism era - but the structuralism principles applied to the Free University of Berlin in relation to the historical context of the time created a new perspective on building design in effectively outlining the intent of the building. Located in the capital city of Germany, the Free University of Berlin introduced a revolutionary way of organizing the built environment in response to the socio-political turmoil of the 1950s and grounded the Candilis-Josic-Woods partnership as forefathers to mat-building4 by challenging the architectural and socio-political movement of its time. The three members of the winning design team formed a partnership after being active members of Team10, a loosely organized group of individuals who came together after the dissolution of the CIAM to further discuss the direction and state of architecture.11 Georges Candilis, a Greek architect who worked under Le Corbusier and assumed the head role of partnership11, Alex Josic, a Yugoslavian painter-turned-architect responsible for the visualization and concept sketches within the office11, and Shadrach Woods, an Ameri-

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can initially trained as an engineer working under Le Corbusier also and handled the construction and theoretician role in the partnership11.

Physical Context

The design consists of clusters of buildings two storeys high which are held together by a system of internal pedestrian streets and walkways with the main focus being maximizing the exchange between the faculties and students.13 Communication between the students of each discipline is a key component in the design of the building as a response to the Nazi regime’s strict regulation of topics of discussion.13 The plans for the Free University of Berlin is derived from the ideal city to encourage free social interaction and communication, resulting in faculty spaces, offices, seminar rooms, libraries all decentralized and spread throughout the campus so all the elements come to make up a larger whole13 with courtyards placed throughout the campus with wider public circulation halls which branch out into smaller, more private spaces.10 The horizontal structural organization is called a “groundscraper”, incorporating the ideas of “stems” connecting the buildings directly to each other and the “web” to shift the design from geometric forms to activity maps, creating polycentric environment system all across the campus. 9 This organization maintains the high density levels while overcoming the planes of isolation evident in the skyscraper institutions of the time and encouraging

pedestrian movement through the building.9 The circulation that runs horizontally along the planes is organized in a way that the public venues (exhibition spaces, auditoriums, lounges, cafes, shops, libraries) are located along the four main servicing lanes which are connected by secondary paths holding offices and smaller, more intimate spaces. The ground floor is public while the upper level is classrooms, study rooms, and housing; This scheme allows easy transition between private and public elements throughout the entire campus.9 Social, Political, Historical Context

The historical context in which the competition for a new campus for the Free University of Berlin was proposed played a quintessential role in orchestrating the events leading up to the final design being awarded to the Candilis-Josic-Woods partnership.

During the Third Reich, German was under heavy influence of the Nazi regime, led by Adolf Hitler. During this time any ideologies or political positions that the Nazi regime felt threatened their party were eradicated in a swift and sometimes violent manner15. The Nazi regime’s influence acted heavily upon the Humboldt University of Berlin, leading to two hundred and fifty Jewish professors and employees being fired under the “Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service”.15 Students and scholars who did not conform to the Nazi regime’s ideals were ejected from the university and deported or even arrested by the Soviet NKVD secret police.15 The Nazi regime regulated and

The initial design to the final working drawings took ten years for the Free University of Berlin and its form emphasized the horizontal urban planning and zoning derived from Woods’ ideologies.9 They desired to provide disciplinary shifts to greater communication, wider interactions,

The building’s movement can be categorized under structuralism due to the characteristics and the goal of the design of the university coinciding; Structuralism sought to restore meaning, place, and humanity back into the building and changing elements that are dependent on the whole to retain their meaning, making the relationship between the elements more important the elements themselves5. Another element of structuralism is the idea of binary pairs, such as indoors and outdoors, public and private and this idea of binary pairs is clearly evident in the organization of the entire structure between the programmed areas, major and minor circulation paths, and the outdoor courtyards. The Free University of Berlin suggests a model for an open society and provides a model of public and private spaces

YUNHYUNG KIM

Other projects that the Candilis-JosicWoods partnership worked on prior to the Free University of Berlin which served as precedents for it are the Toulouse-LeMirail building campaign and the FrankfurtRomerberg competition proposal. The “stem” was used as a linear alignment of built volumes in addition to the main circulation method while the “web” provided spaces for commercial zones while simultaneously being a overhead cover for the parking.3

and urban densification based on the idea of “habitat evolutif”: introducing growth, change, and mobility to traditional building models.9 Instead of using elevators and escalators, the entire campus uses ramps and stairs to connect the floors while providing seamless indoor/outdoor spaces with public spaces integrated into the circulation matrix.9

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Application of CIAM and Team10 Principles

The Free University of Berlin was a response

by Candilis-Josic-Woods to the ideas proposed during their CIAM meetings and

their philosophies as members of Team10.

The non-hierarchal organization of the building is a direct adaptation to the social and political turmoil at the time as the extensive circulation and placement of the program was to stimulate interaction between the students and faculty of the school.

FREE UNIVERSITY OF BERLIN

targeted the university to enforce their ideology to the masses; They erased any forms of humanistic thinking and converted universities into institutions that would expose ideas approved by the Nazi regime through new courses and revised curriculums for the nation’s elite.15 The students, scholars, and professors who did not conform to the Nazi regime’s far right political ideas demanded a “free” university.15 The term “free” represents individuals and countries that were not influenced by the ideals of the communist parties, and instead were in support of liberalism and capitalism15.

The non-Nazi conforming body demanded a democratic institution that guaranteed freedom in practice, avoidance of political repression, torture, censure, and other forms of denial of freedom15. And thus the Free University of Berlin was established in 1948 to contrast the increasingly Communistcontrolled Humboldt University of Berlin.15

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which integrates advanced democratic ideals with the building being “a city in microcosm and the ideas in it being ideas for cities.”9 While Candilis-Josic-Woods called their design a groundscraper, Alison Smithson of Team10 coined the term “Mat-Building” to describe the high density, midrise construction of the Free University of Berlin.

The term is used to describe its large scale, high density structure organized on a basis of an accurately modulated grid, which in the case of Free University of Berlin is 65.63m, representing roughly the distance covered by a one minute walk.4

response is very appropriate in response to CIAM’s principles in application to the socio-historical context at the time of conception, creating a new and revolutionary organization structure while serving as a strong precedent for post-modern projects.

Conclusion and Appropriateness

The Free University of Berlin clearly incorporates the ideas discussed by CandilisJosic-Woods as members of CIAM and Team10 in their response to the historical and social context required by the university.

During the 1950s the organization and response was very appropriate and highly revolutionary, with the exchange of ideas and communication between individuals being a core concern of the design with wider main streets for vehicular transport and narrower streets for pedestrian movements coherent with the Athens Charter. In modern times, as the building has aged the displacement of programs such as the offices, libraries and classrooms creates unnecesary travel times between the elements as the importance of circulation to encourage interactions and exchange is not a major concern with the communication methods available today.

Overall the Free University of Berlin’s

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IMAGES SOURCED FROM: http://cargocollective.com/brendancormier/The-Agency-of-Structuralism

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1.

"Alexis Josic." TEAM 10 Members. http://www.team10online.org/team10/members/josic.htm (accessed March 14, 2014).

2. Avermaete, Tom. "Another Modern, The Post-War Architecture and Urbanism of Candilis-Josic-Woods." the architectural review 219, no. 1312 (2006): 92.

3. Ballard, Andrew. "Case Study #3: Toulouse-Le-Mirail." New Existing. http://newandexisting.wordpress.com/2012/09/02/case-study-3-pedregulho/ (accessed March 14, 2014).

4. Calabuig, Debora, Raul Gomez, and Ana Ramos. "The Strategies of Mat-Building." The Architectural Review. http://www.architectural-review.com/essays/the-strategies-of-mat-building/8651102. article (accessed February 8, 2014).

5. Curl, James Stevens. "Structuralism." In A Dictionary of Architecture and Landscape Architecture.

2nd ed. Oxford [England]: Oxford University Press, 2006. 531.

6. Frampton, Kenneth. "3." In Modern architecture: a critical history. 3rd ed. London: Thames and Hudson, 1992. 269.

7. "Georges Candilis." TEAM 10 Members. http://www.team10online.org/team10/candilis/index.html (accessed March 14, 2014).

8. Hao, Jesse. "ĂŠ." case study: Berlin Free University. http://www.jessehao.com/portfolio/ case-study-berlin-free-university/ (accessed February 8, 2014).

9. Krunic, Dina. The Groundscraper Candilis-Josic-Woods' Free University Building, Berlin 1963-1973. Los Angeles: University of California, Los Angeles, 2012.

10. Soderqvist, Lisbeth. "Structuralism in Architecture: A Definition." Journal of Aesthetics and Culture 3 (2011): 1-6.

11. "TEAM 10." TEAM 10 Members. http://www.team10online.org/team10/woods/index.html (accessed March 14, 2014).

12.

13. "THE FREE UNIVERSITY STILL EMBODIES THE SOCIAL AND ARCHITECTURAL DYNAMIC OF THE 1960s."

Architects' Journal. http://www.architectsjournal.co.uk/home/the-free-university-still-embodiesthe-social-and-architectural-dynamic-of-the-1960s/135193.article (accessed February 8, 2014).

14. Teerds, Hans. "Candilis-Josic-Woods: dialectic of modernity." Archined. http://www.archined.nl/ recensies/candilis-josic-woods-dialectic-of-modernity/ (accessed February 8, 2014).

15. Trueman, Chris. "Universities in Nazi Germany." History Learning Site. http://www.historylearningsite.co.uk/universities_nazi_germany.htm (accessed March 14, 2014).

16. "What Does the "Leader of the Free World" Mean?." wiseGEEK. http://www.wisegeek.org/what-doesthe-leader-of-the-free-world-mean.htm (accessed March 14, 2014).

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The Aurora Place Office and Residential Complex, by Renzo Piano Building Workshop in Sydney Australia, is an excellent example of human and site oriented design. The building demonstrates the firm's focus on innovative, site-specific and technologically current architecture. Aurora Place is built in accordance with the CIAM principles for urban planning set forth by the Athens Charter. CIAM, through the Athens Charter, established urban design standards in 1943 to improve the individual housing conditions of workers to improve collective productivity. These principles are achieved on a city-scale by planning for open recreational green spaces, dwellings and workplaces to be all in close proximity, and at a site-specific scale to design open access to sunlight, fresh air and vegetation throughout.Aurora Place is designed to utilize the natural conditions of the site as proposed by CIAM, providing the workers with access to sunlight, space and vegetation. The mixed-use nature of the complex successfully brings work, home and recreational spaces together and ultimately improves the health, wellbeing and productivity of those who live and work there. Through application of the CIAM planning strategies Aurora Place enhances the living conditions for residents and more remarkably, enriches the workplace environment of the office tower through its human orientated relationships with the site and its surroundings.

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POST-CIAM 1960-present

AURORA PLACE Renzo Piano Building Workshop 1996-2000 Sydney, Australia Lauren Kyle

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Aurora Place, by Renzo Piano Building Workshop, in Sydney Australia is an excellent example of human and site oriented design.

The development of Aurora Place demolished an existing building on site for construction from 1996-20001. The building demonstrates the firm’s focus on innovative, site-specific and technologically current architecture8.

Renzo Piano’s design complimented the urban context by enhancing the pedestrian laneway by removing the podium, and forming two delicate towers, which capture the sea breeze8 and let sunlight flow down to the pedestrian streets. Creating such a healthy condition on the street and between buildings supports the criteria from the Athens Charter by CIAM for light, air and vegetation. As Renzo stated in an interview about his intent for the design: “My first aim is to design a non-hermetic tower. Australia, and Sydney in particular, have a culture sensible to the relation between the built environment and the natural environment. Certain countries live such a relationship in a programmatic or ritual manner, but Australia lives it authentically and profoundly: it is part of its DNA. I propose, then, that the building will open up, play with the light, the view, the sun, the breezes, the wind; that it might have a less arrogant and more gentle interaction with nature.’’9 Site and Programme

The site is a ten-minute walk south of the Sydney Opera House, on the corner of three streets and adjacent to the Royal Botanical

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Gardens. As prescribed in the Central Sydney Development Control Plan (DCP)2, development must sustain and enhance the inner laneway, Phillip Lane, between the block to remove service vehicles from main roads. Policy for the Management of Laneways, details which laneways in Central Sydney are significant and must be sustained to invite pedestrians to use them to improve East-West pedestrian commute3. Therefore, it was important to invite pedestrians to the site and have a visual connection to lead them to the gardens9. Macquarie Street is a heritage designated ‘Special Area’2 parallel to the Royal Botanical Gardens since 181610.

It requires specific frontage criteria for coherency and sun access planes2 to restrict buildings from shading the gardens. The site contains the 44 storey Aurora Place office tower and the 18 storey mixed-use residential building facing the gardens9. A café with outdoor seating space is situated between the two buildings under the glass-webbed canopy7 that connects the two buildings, unifying the site.

outdated and the government tenants had abandoned it9. The new development proposals with Piano’s design challenged the official plan of 1979 by not implementing a podium maintaining the “street wall” and to increase the zoned floor-space-ratio2. Piano succeeded in convincing Sydney’s Planning Committee that the new design proposes the criteria they were anticipating for future architecture in their Central Business District (CBD)9. Planning strategies such as energy efficiency, innovative façades and distinctive rooftop designs which enhance Sydney’s harbour skyline9, influenced the present Sydney Local Environmental Plan ( LEP) after this project won its appeal2.

The Eastern façade respects the heritage character of Macquarie Street by introducing the orange terracotta tiles and frit glass, which contrasts the 70s and 80s aluminum, concrete and glass buildings to create a new material palette to soften and add warmth to this heritage street.9

Context and Planning

CIAM through the Athens Charter 1943, established urban design standards to improve the individual housing conditions of workers to improve collective productivity5.

These principles are achieved on a cityscale: by planning for open recreational spaces, dwellings and workplaces to be all in close proximity, and at a site-specific scale: to design open access to sunlight, fresh air and vegetation throughout5. Aurora Place is designed to utilize the natural conditions of

The developers and Piano had to create many reports9 to appeal both the proposed design and the demolishment of the existing State Office Block on the site since 19641. The existing building was designed by architect Ken Woolley as a massive concrete toweron-podium structure in accordance with the Environmental Planning and Assessment Act of 19794. The building’s systems had become

Post-CIAM Influence

Politics and Economics

Natural Environment

According to the Athens Charter, the public health of a city requires adequate space provisions, access to sunlight, and vegetated leisure areas5. The physical and psychological conditions of people are affected by the

political and economic circumstances discussed previously5, but more directly can be influenced simply by the contact with the elements of nature. The quote by Piano about his design intent was for the buildings to capture the natural conditions of this site9.

He remarks on the culture of the coast, living with a strong connection to the sea breeze and sunlight as he captures in Aurora Place.

One of the tenants told the press that they were attracted to this building specifically because of its abundance of natural light and fresh air, which offers a more comfortable environment that could help mitigate stress during long hours at the office9. The winter gardens are rooms in the office tower that face the gardens and the harbour. The floorto-ceiling glass wall systems are completely operable to open, making the indoor space become outdoor space7. The temperate climate of Australia welcomes breezes during most months to passively cool the indoors rather than relying on air-conditioning. Each floor of the residential building is one entire unit; therefore the unit is cross-ventilated.

The free plan at grade allows for sunlight to shine through the site around corners and paths. This makes the site more welcoming

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AURORA PLACE

The development of Aurora Place required authoritative planning approvals9, which required not only an economically beneficial design but also design sensitive to the environmental and urban context. As defined in the Athens Charter, both the individual and collective of a city have to be valued and

in accordance5. In terms of private business interests versus private residential interests, the residential zone is more important5.

The issues with Aurora Place in relation to CIAM principles are the premium costs of this development, which means only wealthy tenants occupy this site9. CIAM presents this that the wealthy are given the most favourable sites in a city but that every resident deserves to live on healthy sites5.

The formal organization of the office tower is reverse of the pre-existing tower-on-podium, where the floor plan sets back as it rises.

Pianoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s tower does the opposite by its slender form raised off the ground plain becoming wider as it rises. This is socially beneficial at the ground plain to create a piazza space for the public and economically beneficial as each rising floor gains floor space with more premium views.

LAUREN KYLE

the site as proposed by CIAM. The mixeduse nature of the complex successfully brings work, home and recreational spaces together and ultimately improves the health, wellbeing and productivity of those who live and work there. Aurora Place enriches the workplace environment of the office tower through its human orientated relationships with the site and its surroundings. CIAM planning strategies are to be applied in a holistic process. Individual sites should be developed in accordance with the strategies for the city as a whole. Planning and architecture should consider how humans react both physiologically and psychologically to all the influences of their environment: the natural conditions, social factors, economic circumstances and political situations.5

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pre-development figure-ground diagram 01 post-development figure-ground diagram02 south elevation sun access plane diagram 03 interior photo of wintergardens 04 exterior photo in piazza of glass canopy 05

and supports the development intentions laid out in the DCP3. The 45º angle rooftop of the residential building is a direct response to the sun angle plane required on Macquarie Street2, which was not necessary but repeated on the office tower to match, allowing sunlight to enter the center piazza.

Social Environment

CIAM states that all dimensions of an urban system should be governed by human proportions5. The towers are lifted at ground to let the public pass through, giving back the site to the pedestrians, to the people.

The towers proportions are slender and unobtrusive at grade to the pedestrian’s perception. This design compliments the urban fabric and gives it more sunlight and space to breath at street level rather than massive podiums that steal all of the ground terrain from the public. The Athens Charter gives hierarchy to the residential zone, in belief that healthy dwellings improve the overall quality of life for the individual and the collective5. Aurora place applies this hierarchy by placing the residential building in the best location on the site, facing the Royal Botanical Gardens. The DCP encourages design to enhance the pedestrian experience in “special areas” and attracting them by social activities like cafés2. This is exactly what lies between the residential building and the office tower under the glass web canopy. The Aurora Place complex successfully combines work, home and leisure to improve social quality

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of life. Being a mixed-use complex adheres to CIAM’s principles of reducing distances between work and residence through a closeproximity of land uses5.

Aurora Place successfully applies CIAM planning strategies that compliment the urban context of Central Sydney. Creating a healthy environment for the workers, residents and the public who are able to experience this site. The Royal Botanical Gardens is the key factor to why this architectural solution supports not just the private interests of the wealthy in the CBD, but also shines light on the human connection from this site to the public gardens. Aurora Place challenged and influenced the future planning guidelines of Central Sydney by enhancing the pedestrian experience, passively creating a comfortable workplace environment and by successfully connecting the site to it’s surroundings.

45º Sun Access Planes Macquarie Street Max. of 55m

Max. of 45m

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NOTES

FIGURES Image 04 "The Building", Aurora Place, 2014, http://www.auroraplace.com.au/Core/Pages/SiteSpecific/ jll/Aurora/TheBuilding.aspx?menuUT=1.

Image 05 Wilkinson, Guy. "Aurora Place Looking Up to the Chifley Tower", Flickr, 2011, https://www.flickr. com/photos/ghee/6740032293/.

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Bressi, Rocco. "Aurora Place Commercial Office Tower 88 Phillip Street, Sydney." Tall Buildings and Urban Habitat 903 (2002): 449.

2. City of Sydney. "Central Sydney Development Control Plan 1996", Development Control Plans, 2012, http://www.cityofsydney.nsw.gov.au/development/planning-controls/development-control-plans.

3. City of Sydney. "Policy for the Management of Laneways in Central Sydney 1993", Laneway Revitalization, 2008, http://www.cityofsydney.nsw.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0018/120375/ManagementOfLaneways.pdf.

4. City of Sydney. "Sydney Local Environmental Plan 1996", Local Environment Plans, 2012, http://www. cityofsydney.nsw.gov.au/development/planning-controls/local-environmental-plans.

5. Congress Internationaux d'Architecture moderne (CIAM), La Charte d'Athenes or The Athens Charter, 1933. Trans J.Tyrwhitt. Paris, France: The Library of the Graduate School of Design, Harvard University, 1946.

6. Findley, Lisa. 2001. "For AURORA PLACE, a mixed-used complex, Renzo Piano designed towers that sail above Sydney." Architectural Record 189, no. 10: 133. Academic Search Premier, EBSCOhost.

7. Jahn, Graham. Award for Commercial Building. (2004). Architecture Australia , 93 (6).

8. Jodidio, Philip. Renzo Piano Building Workshop 1966-2005. Taschen, 2005.

9. McNeill, Donald. "Office buildings and the signature architect: Piano and Foster in Sydney." Environment and Planning A 39, no. 2 (2007): 487.

10. The Royal Botanical Gardens & Domain Trust. "Timeline", History, 2014, http://www.rbgsyd.nsw.gov. au/welcome/royal_botanic_garden/history.

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COVER IMAGE SOURCED FROM: "Aurora Place and Macquarie Apartments", SydneyArchitecture, 2004, http://www.sydneyarchitecture.com/cbd/cbd4-009.htm.

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De Rotterdam, designed by OMA was completed in Rotterdam, Netherlands in the year 2013. This project comprises of a of a mixed use building, 44 floors to a height of 150 meters. As the building houses multiple programs from offices, retail spaces, residential apartments to that of conference facilities and hotels.

The varying programs of De Rotterdam adheres perfectly to the underlying concept which Rem Koolhaus attempts to puts in motion, to define urban architecture as a "city within a city". This concept follows the CIAM teachings, that of a vertical city or functional city. Nonetheless OMA was able to compact these programs into distinct yet overlapping blocks, which create a pleasing visual experience. There is potential for community activity through the use of restaurants, and fitness centers for both office employees as well as building residents. The plinth which the programmatic blocks lie acts as a traffic hub as it houses the multiple lobbies in addition to retail space, which interestingly is not segregated from neither the outside world, nor the private spaces above. De Rotterdam aims at reviving the waterfront and urban life of Rotterdam through the concept of a vertical city.

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DE ROTTERDAM OMA 2009-2013 Rotterdam, Netherlands Eric Lachance

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Designed by Rem Koolhaas, founding partner of the architectural practice OMA, De Rotterdam’s conception began in 1997 however construction only began in 2009 and took four years to complete. It is a mix used building with a wide variety of programs that vary from hotel rooms, cafes and office spaces, to shops, workout facilities and restaurants. De Rotterdam is comprised of three towers 150 meters high, which lie on a six storey base 30 meters high. This plinth is the key element that acts as a common hall that is able to blend the varied programs together, “Despite its scale and apparent solidity, the building’s shifted blocks create a constantly changing appearance”1. De Rotterdam is experienced visually mostly along the bridge and sweeping roadway where viewers can observe the multiple angles of this complex within a matter of seconds.

Originally OMA designed each tower to have seperate integrated facade tectonics yet due to the drop in budget this could no longer be possible. Koolhaus and and his design partners decided to implement a unitary cladding system to the whole complex2.. As it is like no other, De Rotterdam paves the way for high-rise projects in the Netherlands, as it is the largest building, not only in height but in density as well. It has a combined floor area of 1600m2 on an area the size of just one football field. The underlying principles that Rem focused on when comprehending this project was to generate a building which is dense and diverse through its program and form. The result a communal hub that is perceived as a vertical city

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In Site

Nestled gently between the Maas river to the north, and a Wilhelminakade street to the south, KPN tower and a cruise terminal to the east and west respectively. De Rotterdam is situated along the banks of the Rotterdam harbor, Wilhelmina Pier to be precise. Wilhelmina Pier was the house of the Holland America Line where nearly half a million passengers crossed the ocean with hopes of findings a better future3. Between 1971 and 1978 only cruise ships are used along the pier, this pier grew into an international atmosphere where old piers and quays are used for living, working and recreation. A mixed us of new cultural hotspots, hotels and restaurant cafes could be found.4 Today the pier is as vibrant as ever after the construction of the largest buildings in Europe. Wilhelmina pier is still an international hotspot with 1400 apartments and penthouses, 200,000 m2 of office space, 14 internationally known restaurants and many cultural institutions5.

The project was named names after one of the original ships on the Holland America line which transported thousands of European immigrants to new york6, that is located to the west of the site. This harbor once thrived on trade as it is the largest port in Europe and the fourth largest in the world. De Rotterdam attempts to revive the bustling urban life of trade, which was once standard along the Maas River.

Efficiency played a large role during construction of the project. The During excavation the location of this project served a huge purpose, as opposed to having 800 trucks maneuveur through the city carrying the excavated materials, they were carried down river by ship7.

Relation to CIAM

The Congres International Dâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Architecture Moderne CIAM was a collection of the prominent figures in urban planning and architecture realm of 1928-1959. They were put together to rethink the modern world of city planning. While De Rotterdam was designed by an architect who widely rejected many CIAM principles, one could claim that this might not entirely be true in light of this project. As Rem first started out designing and still is designing small villas and houses it is clear he understands the idea of the

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individual and his or her activity in a space.

This project does the same as it creates interesting circulation, which stimulates the user within the spaces. It underlies the role of the individual yet in a larger context connects it to idea of the collective, which Le Corbusier a member of CIAM uses in his design of The Contemporary City.

Le Corbusier is socially aware of the benefit of designing for a collective, this type of design is considered to be social planning.

De Rotterdam could possibly be viewed as urban planning project as it is essentially a city within a city. It is an entity that is able to be self-sustaining due to its wide range of program. De Rotterdam relies and thrives in the assortment of programs and would not be as successful without them.

The athens charter states that urbanism is not only concieved in plan but is a three dimensional sience and that height plays a major role in its conception8. De Rotterdam as explained previously reaches heights typically not seen in rotterdam. It is also recommended that full use of modern building techniques should be used in

02

constructing highrise apartments9. These highrise aparments should have a minimum number of sunlight hours to penetrate each dwelling unit. De Rotterdam is cladded with glass held together through vertical mullions to accomodate the wide varied program.

The depth of these mullions are 150mm on a 900mm wide grid. OMA was able to determine the percentage of glass to width of the mullion and spandrel panel depending on each program10. One reason to have modern building techniques implemented is a free up areas along the street for green spaces for public interaction. While no green spaces are present in De Rotterdam as it makes use of the full site, a large atrium space 6.5 meters high acts a community space where public interaction is encouraged.

CIAM puts a great deal of emphasis on the importance of vehicular transportation as at the time played a pivotal role in society and still does. However due to its location along the Maas River De Rotterdam needed not to draw attention to this topic of vehicular circulation. Its goal, reinvigoration of the harbor could be seen as an attempt to speak to transportation of a larger scale, that of

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The vertical city contrasts its surrounding low dense context through its enormously high dense volumes. This project is a juxtaposition that speaks to its larger context as it is placed in the least dense area yet the tenth most dense European nation in terms of people. One could stipulate that De Rotterdam is attempting to head the movement for more compact buildings in the Netherlands. Through its intensive program De Rotterdam strives to be vibrant at all times a day, and when considering its many aspects may not be too far fetched.

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FIGURE GROUND AFTER 01 FIGURE GROUND BEFORE 02 PROGRAM 03

ships and cruise liners. De Rotterdam is situated to the east of a cruise terminal.

Perhaps this revitalization of the harbor would be less through the trade of goods and items and more so the trade of ideas and customs. The Goal of CIAM was to unite modern thinkers for the sole goal to advance society through architecture that is what this building could be perceived to do as well.

Conclusion

It is remarkable considering the size and density that when describing De Rotterdam the words heavy, bulky and enormous are left out from its description. Due to its varied programming and varied amenities this project as understood was a vertical city. The increased size of circulation and public access allow a higher level of public interaction. While it contrasts the typical low density context of the city it successfully blends into its surroundings through its form and homogenous facade. The public to private interface is designed seemlessly through its large interior spaces. While Rem Koolhaus does not fully adress all topic covered by CIAM it is clear why he is considered to be one of the greatest architect and designers of the 20th century.

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"OMA- OMA Completes De Rotterdam." OMA- OMA Completes De Rotterdam. Accessed November 7, 2014. http://www.oma.eu/news/2013/oma-completes-de-rotterdam/.

2. "De Rotterdam." | Office for Metropolitan Architecture | Rotterdam. Accessed November 7, 2014. http://archrecord.construction.com/projects/portfolio/2014/03/1403-De-Rotterdam-Office-for-Metropolitan-Architecture.asp.

3. "Facts & Figures." The Pier in the Old Days. Accessed November 7, 2014. http://www.derotterdam.nl/ en/facts__amp__figures/facts___figures/the_pier_in_the_old_days.

4. "Facts & Figures." The Pier in the Old Days. Accessed November 7, 2014. http://www.derotterdam.nl/ en/facts__amp__figures/facts___figures/the_pier_in_the_old_days.

5. "Facts & Figures." Wilhelmina Pier Today. Accessed November 7, 2014. http://www.derotterdam.nl/ en/facts__amp__figures/facts___figures/wilhelmina_pier_today 6. "OMA- DE-ROTTERDAM." OMA- DE-ROTTERDAM. Accessed November 7, 2014. http://www.oma.eu/ projects/1997/de-rotterdam/.

7. "Facts & Figures." Efficiency. Accessed November 7, 2014. http://www.derotterdam.nl/en/facts__ amp__figures/facts___figures/efficiency.

8. ARCHITECTURE URBANISM." : March 2011. Accessed November 7, 2014. http://architectureandurbanism.blogspot.ca/2011_03_01_archive.html.

9. "Abstract: Charter of Athens (1933)." Abstract: Charter of Athens (1933). Accessed November 7, 2014. http://www.getty.edu/conservation/publications_resources/research_resources/charters/ charter04.html.

10. "De Rotterdam, Netherlands." De Rotterdam. Accessed November 7, 2014. http://www.designbuild-network.com/projects/de-rotterdam/.

11. Duivenbode, Ossip Van. De Rotterdam by OMA. Digital image. Arcspace.com. N.p., 14 Feb. 2014. Web. 22 Oct. 2014. <http://www.arcspace.com/features/oma/de-rotterdam/>.

12. http://photos.planete-tp-plus.com/picture.php?/2837/most_visitedDeLanda, Manuel. A New Philosophy of Society: Assemblage Theory and Social Complexity. London: Continuum, 2006.

13. . "pien's fotoblog." : Rotterdam, De Rotterdam van architect Rem Koolhaas. http://pienw.blogspot. ca/2014/02/rotterdam-de-rotterdam-van-architect.html (accessed October 25, 2014).

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The Mcgraw-Hill Building was completed in 1969 and designed by Wallace Harrison.

In addition to existing as part of the Rockefeller Centre, it stands as part of three similar massings known as the "XYZ" buildings. The New York Zoning resolution of 1960 allowed a myriad of architectural freedom not possible within the once rigid planning and design guidelines of Manhattan. Harrison implemented principles apparent in the building`s design that can be understood as already established CIAM principles interpreted in an updated, modern, and urban context. In the dense financial district of midtown, the McGrawHill Building's contrasting setback from the street face established pockets of public space. Not only does this space act as a buffer between office and street (as green spaces were designed with CIAM principles to act as a buffer between work and home), it encourages pedestrian permeation in a contrastingly dense urban environment.

This blatant idea that embraces a dedication to leisure in an already established area of work is undoubtedly influenced by CIAM principles. To compliment this, McGrawHill's straight cut verticality embraced the noted CIAM importance of height within urbanism this was allowed only post the emergence of the 1960 resolution which promoted the development of Manhattan`s modern architecture by abolishing vertical setbacks. Modern in its design, the McGraw Hill Building represents an interpretation of accepted CIAM principles in which Harrison presents a manifestation of verticality, public space, and pedestrian development.

POST-CIAM 1960-present

MCGRAW-HILL BUILDING Wallace Harrison 1963-1969 Manhattan, New York Marco Lee

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Following the conclusion of World War II, architectural expression had grown unreceptive of change; especially in the case of American architects - conceptual thinking had long been engrained in the paradigms of theories conceived in the 30’s and 40’s.

The implication of socialist and functionalist principles, such as those of introduced by CIAM, was appropriately familiar; however, the over-dominance of the International Style during the mid-century resulted in an architecture accustomed to social idealisms, yet conflicted in its application.8 Similar to the way Corbusier gained a name for repeated themes of functionality in design, by mid-century Wallace Harrison’s name had elevated to being synonymous to the high rise office tower. Not only did he complete the Rockefeller Center in 1939, numerous large projects were envisioned in his name as well. Existing as an extension of the original Rockefeller Center and continuing to maintain its conceptive principles, Harrison’s McGraw-Hill Building was completed in 1969. Despite its commercial success, the project was considered shallow and uninteresting.4 Nevertheless, an attractive sensitivity to aspects of importance in the human scale is apparent in its cumulative design along with planning principles relative to the ones found in the CIAM discourse of urbanism years before.1 Likewise, as part “Y” of the “XYZ” massing scheme proposed for the Avenue of the Americas, its final relation to the encompassing urban fabric exhibits the engaging intents of Manhattan’s city planning on an increasingly modern architecture.

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First proposed in 1963, the site for the three extensions was to be located on the west side of Sixth Avenue (also known as Avenue of the Americas) in between 47th and 50th street. Harrison, who had also designed the Time and Life Building in 1946, which was located adjacent to the presently prescribed lots, incited a series of imitations along Sixth Avenue.8 The McGraw-Hill Building’s programme revolved around functional office space and typically, like most other sites within the developing city, existing were no physical features engaging enough to offer a potentially radical solution. This “monumental sterility” of the street seemed inevitable as the imitations of the Time and Life Building began surrounding the site – a series bland and monotonous developments.9 Retail along Sixth Avenue was non-existent, as was benches, seating, and other aspects of human use, concluding in a street-face seemingly lacking in vitality despite its high flow of not only foot traffic, but automobiles as well.8 Nevertheless, despite the nature of the site, the introduction of the modernized New York Zoning Resolution reflected the potential for engaging design of not only the McGraw-Hill building, but all of New York City.

By the beginning of the 1960’s the postwar economic boom had begun to gradually fade, and unlike the European countries, who smartly utilized the boom to fund infrastructure projects, the economic manifestation within the States was seen in suburban sprawl – appropriate for growing automobile ownership. More locally, Nelson

Rockefeller, by now a consistent patron of Harrison, had plans for running for governor – avenues of business and growth for the Rockefeller group were handled by other members of the family. The McGrawHill Building was no exception; Lawrence Rockefeller and other financiers represented the family, presenting a divergence from the efficient unification of ideas present in working with only one client. It was also during this era a scene of avant-garde expression had emerged in New York City– artists, musicians and designers began to find new outlets of expression, resulting in not only a youth inspired by the dysfunctional workings of rough Manhattan, but the beginning of a wave of planning modifications to update the city. Two years prior to the proposal of the project, the New York Zoning Resolution of 1961 by James Felt signified significant changes to the fabric of Manhattan’s architecture. Prior to this, the zoning of 1916 had created a 40 year long “physical patchwork” of contextual change.

In many aspects similar to CIAM, Felt’s work intended to renew the urbanism of the city. The resolution emerged to fit the needs of the developing automobile industry, an increasing population of domestic and foreign citizens and a booming age of business and manufacturing – America, not only New York, was undoubtedly in a prosperous state of affairs. Felt only further pushed the idea of a renewed urbanism by dividing the city into residential, commercial and manufacturing zones. In context to not only the McGraw-Hill building (which resided in a commercial zone), but all high

As a result, the final plan saw the XYZ buildings to be “bleakly arranged”: all three towers ended up following the avenue parallel to one another. McGraw-Hill’s original plaza had been realized in a smaller scale and though maintaining the ability to connect to the rest of the buildings, remained a fraction of the statement it could have been. In a positive perspective, despite the pedestrian nature of Harrison’s scheme, it unarguably blocked the continuality of 48th Street and would have indefinitely disrupted the flow of traffic, whether that be foot or automotive. Especially important in Manhattan’s era of automotive rising, the final revision of the plan caters to the existing infrastructure rather than imposing change, indicating a contrasting sensitivity from the aforementioned plan, as well as realizing the city as a larger entity defined by the functionality of its smaller parts.

Although not in direct correlation with CIAM, but more a product of both Felt’s resolution and Harrison’s functional aesthetic, the form of the McGraw-Hill Building undoubtedly reflects an understanding for the need of height in determining urbanism.

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MCGRAW HILL BUILDING

CIAM, though not many countries in power adopted its ideals, remained to influence planning and architecture in subtlety. Without ever realizing it, Felt’s resolution was, in a sense, very CIAM-like.

Its intentions for a continued urbanism, the attention it paid to improving public and green space, its dense zoning requirements and sensitivity to circulation mirrors New York City’s need for a functional progression. Taking full advantage of Felt’s incentive zoning, Harrison, with the help of Abramovitz and Harris, intended to setback each of the three “XYZ” buildings various distances from Sixth Avenue. The McGraw

Hill building would be orientated north-west halfway between Sixth and Seventh on the east-west axis. The unbuilt half-block east of the McGraw-Hill building was envisioned as a sunken landscaped plaza connecting the project to the remaining shops underground the existing Rockefeller Center. Much like CIAM’s conclusion on the importance of green space between work zones, the scheme not only maximized daylighting on east and west faces of all three buildings, it more importantly expressed a concern for the state of pedestrian engagement in the local context of Sixth Avenue, and in the greater context, urbanism in general.8 All buildings in the Rockefeller center were conceived as whole; each building designed with individual specification up to a point where going any further would affect the identity of the plan.3 The extension of 1963 was no exception – it followed the rationality and planning of the original center while integrating the new requirements for open space seamlessly.

Although its configuration can be imagined to have been quite successful, it was unfortunately rejected and revised by Harris.

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rise office towers, Felt’s resolution presented incentive zoning as an attractive alternative.8 Essentially, developers were enticed to compact their design, resulting in a greater area of increased density, so that the freed floor space could be programmed for public interaction. The New York Zoning Resolution of 1961 reflected the changing pathology of architects and planners in preparation for a modern urbanism, where the marriage of city planning and architecture would ultimately lead the development of growing cities.

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01

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HARRISON's ORIGINAL SCHEME 01 HARRISON'S FINAL MASTER PLAN 02 HARRISON'S BUILDINGS IN CONTEXT TO THE EXISTING PLAN 03

The contrast between its straight cut edges and the vertical setbacks of buildings designed just years before are not only are an updated illustration of CIAM beliefs, this aesthetic represents the manifestation of the functional acceptance found in modern architecture. However, it is this same absence of aesthetic gratification, despite its fitting modernity, that publically condemned the project’s success; critics and architects alike saw the project as a major step in continuing the sterility of Sixth Avenue.

Nevertheless, similar to the rejection of CIAM ideals by German and Soviet authorities, the intentions of the McGraw Hill building were most likely misunderstood and perhaps too different for social acceptance. The context of the period reflected an era of economic prosperity that required an updated Manhattan – Harrison’s various solutions served a purpose larger than the scope of the critic. In continuation, Felt’s resolution of 1961 resulted in McGraw Hill’s accentuated verticality, its intended public programming and respect for automotive circulation; all of these aspects of design undoubtedly reflected the remains of CIAM’s influence in Manhattan’s modern age. Despite the harsh nature of public opinion, the building has proven itself as a successful extension to the original Rockefeller center – its programme fit the needs of the users while its arrangement respected the knowledge of the greater city plan, demonstrating a selfless design intended to develop a united urbanism rather than the stand-alone project.

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FIGURES Image 01 "WALLACE K. Harrison" by Victoria Newhouse Image 02 "WALLACE K. Harrison" by Victoria Newhouse Image 03 "WALLACE K. Harrison" by Victoria Newhouse

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Cannife, Eamonn. "ARCHITECTURE URBANISM." The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism 1928-1960 (2002). January 1, 2002. Accessed October 30, 2014.

City, NYC. "New York City 1960 Zoning Resolution." NYC Planning Department. 1961.

EGroup, Rockefeller. "1221 Avenue of the Americas." Building Specifications. July 14, 2014. Accessed October 30, 2014.

Lockwood, Charles. Manhattan moves uptown: an illustrated history. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1976.

Morris, Jan. Manhattan '45. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987.

"Michael M. Harris, Architect." August 19, 1982, New York Times, Obituaries sec.

Nash, Eric Peter, and Norman McGrath. Manhattan skyscrapers. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1999.

Newhouse, Victoria. Wallace K. Harrison, Architect. New York: Rizzoli, 1989.

ANew York, New York: A Study of the Quality, Character, and Meaning of Open Space in Urban Design. San Francisco: [Chapman Press], 1968.

Porter, Douglas R., Patrick L. Phillips, and Terry J. Lassar. Flexible zoning: how it works. Washington, D.C.: Urban Land Institute, 1988 Stern, Robert A. M., Thomas Mellins, and David Fishman. New York 1960: architecture and urbanism between the Second World War and the Bicentennial. New York, NY: Monacelli Press, 1995.

"Zoning - New York City Department of City Planning." Zoning - New York City Department of City Planning. http://www.nyc.gov/html/dcp/html/subcats/zoning.shtml (accessed September 15, 2014)..

COVER IMAGE SOURCED FROM: EMPORIS STATISTICS

MCGRAW HILL BUILDING

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Villa VPRO, located in Hilversum, Netherlands, is an unconventional, five storey, office building for the Dutch broadcasting corporation, VPRO. The previous VPRO headcounters were separated into 13 individual villas, each encompassing an office for a discipline within the industry (television, communications, radio etc.). The challenge for the architect, MVRDV, was to switch urban scales and programme these villas, metaphorically, into one single and unified office building. The result was the most horizontally dense office building in the Netherlands.

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Being an architecture and urban design practice, MVRDV took a more interactive, socially inclusive and a user-considerate approach to the design development. The building attempts to provide solutions to contemporary architecture and urban issues by focusing on its efficiency, function, connection with the outside and overall user benefit, bringing the building to a human scale; This design method addresses some of the issues with the modernist approach of the Congrès International d'Architecture Moderne (CIAM). Rather than designing a building that will look good and achieve the function of having a dense workspace, VPRO includes a combination of features that allow it to provide a comfortable and flexible office space through an open floor plan, separation of programme through staggering floor heights and a connection of the inside with outside. With the use of landscaping, open terraces and accessible rooftops, the buildings inside and outside separation is minimal, bringing the building into a human scale on every level.

POST-CIAM 1960-present

VILLA VPRO MVRDV 1993-1997 Hilversum, Netherlands Marta Lehzdyn

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Villa VPRO, is a five-storey office building located in Hilversum city in the Netherlands.

It houses a variety of programmes for the Dutch broadcasting corporation, VPRO. Organized metaphorically as “villas”, Villa VPRO is based on the previous concept of the headquarters, which was divided into 13 individual villas1 . The design was done by the Netherland-based architecture and urbanism practice based in Rotterdam, MVRDV, in 1993 and completed in 1997.

Villa VPRO was the firms’ first project, which successfully took off their career in the architecture and urban design industry1 . The key design principle that MVRDV focused on in the conception of the building was to use the available land in the best way possible in term of buildings’ function, economics and efficiency but most importantly to keep the element of the human scale, which was present in the small scale individual villas of the previous headquarters2 . Unifying the individual villas into one single building was a challenge MVRDV dealt with in an urban and architectural approach. The outcome of the design was Netherlands most horizontally dense office building2 . This development postdates the Congrès International d’Architecture Moderne (CIAM) but seems to encompass some of the design principles as outlines in the Athens Charter.

The Physical Context

Hilversum city is known for its three main features: modern architecture, the media industry and landscapes4. These features are all important to the reputation of the city

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so the outcome of Villa VPRO had to take them all into consideration. Being the media capital of the Netherlands4 , it was the perfect site selection for villa VPRO. To match the surrounding architecture, a modern design was a part of the cities requirements for the building. The city is very hilly, contains many gardens and consists of sandy soil; it is often referred to as the Garden of Amsterdam, attracting travelers to experience its surrounding forest and heath.

Zooming into the immediate context of the building, villa VPRO deals with the three required features through the interaction of landscape features with the interior of the building, both on large and small scales. The frontage was a result of zoning requirements2 . MVRDV originally wanted to completely leave out the exterior enclosure so that the building had a strong connection with the outside and easy access to views5 . They proposed to enclose the façade with intensive air-blowing fans to keep the heat of the building controlled despite the weather outside. This idea was shut down by the Netherlands zoning bylaws so to keep the idea of minimal separation from interior to exterior, MVRD design a system of windows ( Title Page Fig.) achieving a similar outcome to the original plan. MVRDV also succeeds in bringing the building to the human context by closely combining landscape features with the interiors of the building (Fig. 4).

It is planned for people to have pleasant experiences accessing the site both by foot or car. The land was replaced by a building that holds a green roof and a geological

01

The Social, Political, Cultural and Economic Context

The population of Hilversum reached its peek of 103,000 people in 1964 but continued to decline to a current population of approximately 86,500. A smaller number of family members, housing shortage, high unemployment rates and an increase in property value were all factors that lead to the decline in population of the city. Although Hilversum has experienced many social, economic and political urban issues, the city is making an effort to improve its position by renovating its train station, shopping mall, and developing new dining and retail districts downtown. The city moved from

02

residential to public, larger scale buildings ( Fig. 02, 03). Focusing on encompassing radio communications, television and broadcasting buildings, the city became synonymous with the Dutch media industry and became known as “Media City”6 , thus, the perfect location for the VPRO headquarters building. Villa VPRO helps contribute to the economy by producing income for the city.

Hilversum was the first city to encounter the populist movement called Leefbaar (livable)3 , founded by Pim Fortuyn. Leefbaar is an urban focused political party in the Netherlands, concerning with creating a livable city, democratizing society and pragmatically solving political issues. MVRDV take the political movement into the buildings’ design consideration by providing the workers and visitors with flexible spaces they can enjoy and experience in a way that is not defined for them. This helps people perceive the building as a political solution through democracy and the “livable” environment.

Culturally, the city is known to be home to many landscape artists in the 19th century, including Barend Cornelis Koekkoek.

Therefore, the city prides itself in its cultural

03

reputation through beautiful landscapes.

Villa VPRO responds to the surrounds by turning a lot of its design focus to the landscaping in and around the building.

In the Light of CIAM

Villa VPRO can be analyzed in terms of the urban movement of the Congrès Internationaux D’architecture Moderne ( CIAM). CIAM is an international urban planning movement, often classified as the requirements for “The Functional City”9 .

Many CIAM terms for urban and architectural design were taken into consideration in MVRDV’s conception of the Villa VPRO; not always following the terms but improving on them, the architects recognized the issues with the movement. As an urban practice, MVRDV observed the urban trends, both historically and at the time of Villa VPRO. The increasingly industrial and automobile based trends of CIAM were seen as a negative feature for a building of a human scale. Rather than being defined by these past principles, MVRDV chose to bring the building down to the human, pedestrian-scale that interacted with the surrounding context.

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formation made up by the staggering level heights (Fig. 1). The use of landscape, open terraces and accessible rooftops allows the daily users and visitors of the building to have access to a ground-like level from every floor (Fig. 4). Through the use of staggering floors, MVRDV managed to achieve the metaphorical separation and organization of spaces encompassing the 13 individual villas into one building.

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Villa VPRO Floor Plates Diagrams 01 Hilversum Villa VPRO plan (1993) 02 Villa VPRO Site Plan (2012) 03 Connections Between outside and inside 04

Creating more of a livable and relatable human experience, MVRDV focused on a design of an unconventional office building.

An office building is typically seen as a large-scale project that deals more with the efficiency of space for work, highly dense in height, and very little with creating an enjoyable experience for the users of the space. Villa VPRO was designed to account for the human scale rather than the efficiency or density7 . Because the designers had to separate the villas, one solution would be to build vertically and separate the villas as individual floors. Instead, they decided to spread the programme out horizontally. This helped them achieve a human scale as well as connecting the building with the surrounding landscapes on a more intimate level.

The building therefore complies with the Athens Charter principles of a post-CIAM idea. The Athens Charter is a document written in 1943 by the architect, Le Corbusier, as a response to CIAM9 . The Athens Charter attempts to solve the contemporary architecture and urban design issues by bringing the focus back to the human scale.

Villa VPRO encompasses some of the key tenets of the Charter. Considering the tenet that states that town planning should be separated into four different functions: housing, leisure, recreation and traffic, MVRDV responds by strictly separating the spaces for work and play within the building.

They further elaborate on this tenet by allowing automobiles to enter straight into the site, creating a pleasant entry experience both by foot and by car (Fig. 5). Another one of Le Corbusier tenets introduces the

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third dimension of height into planning9 .

Three-dimensionality was introduced to the building from the start of the requirements when the clients requested that the 13 individual villas are to be organized into a smaller footprint. MVRDV therefore dealt with height as an obstacle through which they could continue to keep the human scale and separation of the 13 villas through a five-storey building. They did this through designing multiple voids within the building.

The voids not only de-cluttered the density within the building but also allowed for separations to be emphasized between the villas, metaphorically.

Therefore, one of the most followed tenets from the Athens Charter embodied in this building is that the architect must focus on human scales. MVRDV achieved a close relationship between the site and the building, the, the user and the interior and therefore, provided an enjoyable experience for the human.

Conclusion

Overall, Villa VPRO was a successful urban and architectural project. By recognizing the issues with the past methods described in the principles of CIAM, MVRDV were able to create a building that functions better both architectural and within the urban planning and design realms. The outcome of analyzing and improving on the previous issues of contemporary architecture and urbanization was an appropriate building for the human, immediate context, the city and even the county.

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NOTES

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Agamben, Giorgio. Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life. Translated by Daniel Heller-Roazen.

"ABOUT." MVRDV. http://www.mvrdv.nl/about/ (accessed September 13, 2014).

2. "ArchDaily." MVRDV | ArchDaily. http://www.archdaily.com/tag/mvrdv/ (accessed September 13, 2014).

3. "Town Hall Hilversum by Willem Marinus Dudok at GreatBuildings." GreatBuildings. Accessed October 14, 2014. http://www.greatbuildings.com/buildings/Town_Hiversum 4. Diefendorf, Jeffry M. "German Anti-Modern Modernism." In Transnationalism and the German City, 99-100.

5. "MVRDV: Villa VPRO broadcasting company headquarters and studios in Hilversum." morfae RSS. http://www.morfae.com/0057-villa-vpro-mvrdv/ (accessed September 14, 2014).Agamben, Giorgio.

Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life. Translated by Daniel Heller-Roazen. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998.

6. Ede, Lisa and Andrea A. Lunsford. "Collaboration and Concepts of Authorship." PMLA116, no. 2 (March 2001): 354-69. http://www.jstor.org/stable/463522.

7. "ARCHELLO YOUR CONNECTION WITH ARCHITECTURE." Archello.com. http://www.archello.com/en/ project/villa-vpro (accessed October 25, 2014)."Panopticism." In The Foucault Reader, 206-13. Edited by Paul Rabinow. New York: Pantheon, 1984.

8. "De architectuur van het interieur / Architecture of the interior. MVRDV: Villa VPRO." Volume RSS. http://volumeproject.org/1997/05/de-architectuur-van-het-interieur-architecture-of-the-interior-mvrdv-villa-vpro/ (accessed October 25, 2014).

9. "CIAM's 'The Athens Charter' (1933)." Modernist Architecture. http://modernistarchitecture.wordpress.com/2010/11/03/ciam's-'the-athens-charter'-1933/ (accessed September 15, 2014). Continuum, 2006.

10. "MVRDV: Villa VPRO broadcasting company headquarters and studios in Hilversum." morfae RSS. http://www.morfae.com/0057-villa-vpro-mvrdv/ (accessed September 14, 2014).Agamben, Giorgio.

Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life. Translated by Daniel Heller-Roazen. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998.

11. DeLanda, Manuel. A New Philosophy of Society: Assemblage Theory and Social Complexity. London: Continuum, 2006.

12. Ede, Lisa and Andrea A. Lunsford. "Collaboration and Concepts of Authorship." PMLA116, no. 2 (March 2001): 354-69. http://www.jstor.org/stable/463522.

13. "Rotterdam." Welcome to Rotterdam. http://en.rotterdam.info/visitors/ (accessed September 15, 2014).

FIGURES Image 01 "Villa vpro." Mvrdv. Http://www.Mvrdv.Nl/projects/villa_vpro/.

Image 02 Https://www.Google.Ca/maps/search/vpro headquarters hiversum/@52.2352018,5.1696676,503M/data=!

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1.

477

Seattle Public Library by OMA was developed from the result of the interactions between political ideals, social consideration of the public body, the perspectives of employees, and economic forces. It is located in the central business district of downtown Seattle, WA, comprising an entire city block, and is easily accessible to the public. An expressway divides the gridded city, with large-scale commercial and institutional buildings residing on the west side and smaller commercial or residential neighbourhoods in the east; this division of uses define the planning organization of Seattle.

The library is a conceptual reflection on CIAM III's principals of planning functionalism regarding places for dwelling, working, recreation and leisure, and traffic, segregating uses on a further scale derived from the notion that spaces are more functional when separated.

However, OMA initiates social interaction within these isolated spaces through the design of large, open reading rooms to facilitate the opportunity for a more socially collective experience rather than one individualistically based; an ideal identified in CIAM I. This essay will investigate how Seattle Public Library satisfies the intellectual, technological, and material demands of present day life, and how the principals and ideals of city planning are manifested within the project to serve a higher cultural ideal of what a library should emulate.

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POST-CIAM 1960-present

SEATTLE PUBLIC LIBRARY OMA 1998-2004 Seattle, WA Sarah Lipsit

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Seattle Public Central Library is located in the central commercial downtown core of Seattle, WA, USA, adjacent to other large scale industrial and office buildings. Sited on the same block on which two previous libraries resided, it comprises an entire city block, bound by 4th Ave, 5th Ave, Madison St and Spring St; large industry in Seattle is separated on a larger scale from residential areas by the I – 5 Expressway.

An international design competition was held by the city of Seattle to encompass the four main values of Seattle’s comprehensive plan; Community connections, environmental stewardship, economic opportunity and security, and social equity. Although not initially invited, the Office for Metropolitan Architecture provided an inspiring design `for his experimental strategies regarding flexibility and growth, which would create a new paradigm in a city known for its architectural blandness1.

Developed from the consideration of the public body, the perspectives of employees, and the planning visions of Rem Koolhaus and Joshua Prince-Ramus, these processes reflect CIAM principles outlines in the Charter of Athens, particularly referencing how political and private entities delicately navigate social concerns, all the while maintaining respect for the city`s economic and social situation.

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Physical Context

Because the library occupies the entire city block, pedestrian traffic is unbroken, and is allowed to circulate for a full 360 degree view inwards and outwards of the building, with main entrances located on Fourth and Fifth Avenue. Vehicle traffic is brought in from two major expressways, the I-5 interstate travelling North-South, and I- 90 if travelling East-West, which connect major parts of the city; 143 vehicles can be accommodated in the parking underground garage. All bus routes that provide service to downtown Seattle come within walking distance of the library, most stopping within one block3.

Visual links to Lake Union to the North, Mount Rainer in the South, and Elliot Bay in the West are made available throughout the library, especially in reading rooms, to stimulate the user and connect to the beautiful landscape surrounding Seattle.

Social, Political, Cultural and Planning Contexts In October of 1998, Seattleites agreed to further tax themselves under the “Seattle Proposition 1” Campaign to help fund the new library1; and in November of 1998, Seattle voters approved the $196.4 million “Libraries for All” bond measure, allowing OMA’s design to be constructed, and other branches renovated4.

The city initiated their Environmental Management Program, created in 1998, with intents to promote environmental

and urban sustainability action agendas, and systematically aims to reduce the environmental impacts of the city’s operations. The Environmental management program represents the core values and system of beliefs of Seattle residents articulated through strong community activism and civic engagement: community, environmental stewardship, economic opportunity and security, and social equity5.

This helped inform the design for the library, as Seattle residents wanted the project to be a reflection of the city’s culture, expressing the sophistication and essence of Seattle’s intellectual and unique character; they wanted it to surpass the generic model of a book repository, but further resemble a modern information storehouse, redefining the traditional library. OMA worked alongside public political bodies and select representatives such as Mayor Paul Schell and City Librarian Deborah Jacobs to adhere to the desires of the Seattle public. Seattle has a long history of keeping their public informed and involved with planning processes; for example, Neighbourhood Planning Processes is a measure in which each neighbourhood puts together their own plans, outlining how they would implement the City’s sustainable planning initiatives specific to their community – able to influence planning and design in their neighbourhoods 6 .

Encouragement of public involvement and community activism generates actions that more accurately reflect the needs and vision of the community. These processes are also outlined in the CIAM documents, primarily referring to the dissertations on Architecture

The CIAM conferences most significantly describe town planning and zoning to organize the functions of a city into regions determined by use. The Athens Charter states that human activities must follow the path of the sun, specifically “the sun dominates all” 7. This is particularly important because zoning allows for spaces in which people can enjoy away from their home during the day, whether for work or leisure, and a separate zone for the home to return to when the sun goes down. As previously mentioned, Seattle Public Library is situated in the downtown core of Seattle, adjacent to other institutional or large scale commercial buildings which are to be used by the public allowing for daytime

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for flexibility and innovation, as Koolhaas designed each floor to integrate both static and elastic programs, conducive for future growth.

During the CIAM 4 Conference in Athens, Le Corbusier argued the importance that planning must be thought of in 3D, and introducing the element of height will help solve problems of traffic by creating free space. As zoning requirements in this area ensure that all buildings are to a minimum of 35 ft; Seattle Public Library utilized height as an important condition to accommodate program, it reaches 186 ft. However, to mimics the aesthetics of the surrounding area and blend into the urban fabric, Koolhaas designed the library with a with large curtain walls to provide light and seem transparent and unobtrusive, employing modern materials [steel] for its structure.

Other planning fundamentals that parallel CIAM is the hierarchy of circulation, with a premise to put people first and make traffic routes accessible to alleviate confusion within the city. On the site, the building negotiates public space between its neighbours by allowing small green-spaces as buffer zones, primarily located at the main entrances and

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Relation to CIAM Principles and Planning

human activities such as work and leisure, yet closing down at night. This informs the zoning parameters and site selection of the library.

Planning and zoning have determined the parts of Seattle, dividing neighbourhood uses most prominently with the I-5 and I—90 Expressways, that act as catalysts of movement that connect all parts of the city.

Inside the library, the concept of housing, put forth by the Athens Charter where space, fresh air, and sunshine are plentiful is inherent in the design. Similarly, in the 1930’s CIAM Conference in Brussels, points were stressed about favourable solar orientation, for the building and for human activity to follow, and light permeable facades. The library lets in enormous amounts of natural light, and embodies an open sense of shared space making it comfortable for the visitor.

The library was something to be appreciated from the inside, so there were many fine details employed to resemble the comforts of dwelling, and special consideration to the views outwards to Elliot Bay, Lake Union and Mount Rainer to achieve a sense of permanent place within the library. The interior was organized to accommodate

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and Public Opinion, and Architecture and its Relation to the State. Koolhaas made several presentations to the public, fostering different opinions of the design, forcing the project to go through many different approval processes. As these comments were catalogued, they helped influence the final design, resulting in a certain transparency of democracy.

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Figure - ground drawing previous to intervention 01 Figure - ground drawing after intervention 02 Vehicle circulation ( ) and public green space 03 Zoning requirement of min. 35 ft height 04 Zoning areas, transition from large scale commercial/industrial (grey) across the expressway (cyan) to smaller-scale residential and commercial 05 atrium 06 Reading room 07

at the corner of 4th Ave and Spring Street.

On architecture and public opinion, another point of the CIAM conferences described the importance of architecture influencing and teaching the public about contemporary architecture. In his discussion of the central library, Koolhaas’ repeated attention to contemporary social themes – global politics, commercialization, technologization, privatization – reflected in his intention to link his design to a larger framework, a context that extended beyond the immediate time and place to include the social, political, economic and technological disruptions wrought by globalizations 8. Furthermore, Koolhaas’ went even further and requested public input from those who would be using the space. Throughout the design phases, Jacobs organized 10 workshops and over 100 meetings to address the needs of the different communities, such as the arts, business, and disabled bodies. In these workshops, all public voices were equally valued, and design reiterations were made. Although the core design scheme stayed intact, program layout – both in plan and section, entrances were changed to allow direct and easy access to important areas, public open spaces were made visible at street level, and spatial characteristics were refined9.

CIAM principles; more particularly those put forth in the fourth conference and Charter of Athens, concerning contemporary planning under the jurisdiction of many different public and private bodies. The library is responsive to the delocalized, highly dynamic forces of modernization and also embodies Seattle’s civic values, to convey a sense of wonder, expectation and discovery.

It engages with and expresses the richness of Seattle’s public, cultural and intellectual life, making knowledge and information accessible in a contemporary and exciting environment.

Conclusion

To understand the success of Seattle Public Library, it is important to consider the social, economic, and political influences that OMA had considered from its conceptual inception, to the final design. A clear reflection of the

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FIGURES Images 01 to 05, Sarah Lipsit Image 06 http://www.richardsilverstein.com/images/seattle_library.jpg Image 07 James Elliot Bailey Flickr

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1. Kubo, Michael, and Prat, Ramon. Seattle Public Library, OMA/LMN. Barcelona: Actar, 2005.

2. Mattern, Shannon. "How Public is Seattle Public Library? Publicity, Posturing, and Polotics in Public Design." Journal of Architectural Design, 57 no http://www.jstor.org/stable/1425735 3. Seattle Public Library, http://www.spl.org/locations/central-library/cen-getting-there-and-parking 4. Mattern, 10 5. Magari, Monica. "Implementing Strategic Sustainability Planning Processes: Lessons from Three U.S Cities." (Tufts University; Proquest, 2008), 48-51.

6. Mageri, 49 7. Eardley, Anthony. Athens charter. New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973.

8. Mattern, 14 9. Mattern, 12 10. Kenney, Brian "After Seattle " Library Journal Archive Content * (August 15th, 2005), accessed September 13, 2014 http://lj.libraryjournal.com/2005/08/ljarchives/after-seattle/.

11. Mattern, Shannon."Designing with Communities: The New Downtown Library." (Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 2007) 12. Seattle Public library, http://www.spl.org/locations/central-library/cen-building-facts/cen-construction-facts-and-timeline

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Torre Agbar (Agbar tower) is a 33 storey structure that was designed by Jean Nouvel and b720 architects, it got erected in Barcelona city between the timeline of 1999 to 2004, and on the June of 2005 was opened to public. The Agbar tower is located in a revitalized industrial area of Barcelona, exactly at the square of the Placa de les glories which 3 main communication arteries of Barcelona intersects, the diagonal avenue , Meridina avenue and Gran Via de les Corts Catalanes. As mentioned the Agbar tower is situated on the revitalized industrial district of Barcelona, the area that was for centuries used to be the home for the lower class people as it was the shoreline of the city used as industrial region during the industrial revolution. After the 20th century the city anticipated in revitalization of these areas by changing them from industrial into and urban knot that resembles the culture of modernity and technology and business through use of innovative technologies a nd architecture. These changes triggered the new vertical densification and new political and historical transformation.

Transforming a city running on leisure industries into a city with a vibrant financial district known as district 22 .the Agbar tower is one of the initiative constructions in that area, allowing vertical densification, essentially being one of the pioneer pieces of architecture of the changes mentioned, the roots of these changes can be traced back to the concepts of CIAM back in 1930.

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TORRE AGBAR Jean Nouvel 1999-2004 Barcelona Spain Kavosh Maleki

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Barcelona is one of the cities that has been illustrious for its amazing architectural built world and the vitality of its city due to its planning and culture. This city however, at the beginning of 19 century during its industrialization, the Catalan Capital turned in to the main industrial location of Spain’s industrial factories. This phenomena caused an exponential growth of the population and increased the amount of immigrants that were overflowing into Barcelona 3.

Social, Political and Cultural Context

The increase in population and change in demographic of a city has its customs of benefiting and harming the city. Similarly to a lot of other cities that went through the industrialization, Barcelona had become one of the modern capitals of Europe 2 .Conversely Barcelona profited and developed in economically and politically through the industrialization, however the negative side of this phenomena was unavoidable. The growth in population caused overcrowded contaminated streets, increased the density and increase in building construction. This resulted in low sanitation and lack of clean water causing the pandemic Cholera (a water based disease) outbreak 9. The answer to these problems through the city was only resolvable with planning by restructuring the city in its physical form and also by implementing laws on boundaries of construction. These points were acknowledged in the innovative plan for the reform of Barcelona by Ildefons Cerdà.

He established a grid of 113 by 113 meters for each city block (creating perimeter block

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types with corner cut outs) and also a low rise height restriction. This planning was a foundation for the numerous urban planning projects that composed the city of Barcelona of today. Within 19 century Le Corbusier and the GATCPAC (Grupo de Artistas y Técnicos Españoles Para la Arquitectura Contemporánea) formed in 1930 as branch of CIAM in Spain. They articulated their modernist visions on the city planning and the ideas of CIAM in a form of the plan called Macia 2. The city development was trailed with the construction boom for the summer Olympics of 1992, with the Plan General Mertopolitano (PGM). This plan set aside numbers of locations for creation of parks and open spaces, to allocate paths for pedestrian and vehicular traffics. It also created a district civic center and compact commercial zones to operate the abandoned industrial sites 6. Throughout the PGM planning there was a scheme called “Pla 22@bcn” that focused on transforming the old industrial zone of the city into the commercial – residential -financial district of downtown Barcelona (district 22@). The district 22@ starts at the intersection of Avinguda Diagonal and Palca de les Glories Catalanes which is adjacent to the Torre Agbar (Agbar Tower) designed by the famous contexts driven architect Jean Nouvel. The tower became the foundation and bench mark at the 22@ district development; a yardstick to the future plan to revitalize the old industrial part of the city into the future financial district that was imaged by Cerda for the city of Barcelona.

The Torre Agbar is a 475 feet or 144.78 meters tall, one of the tallest skyscrapers of Barcelona which started construction on 2001 and was open to public at 2004.

It represented the new era of urban development for Barcelona .The tower became the symbol of the “factory of Spain” 3 , resulting in an economic growth and raised a new wave of vertical densification of residential and commercial within district 22@ . This passage will investigate the importance of change in height and vertical densification due to the Agbar tower. It considers the impact on city planning and the urban fabric of Barcelona in relation to CIAM principals or better said CATCPAC. Physical Context

The Agbar tower or the torre Agbar construction and creation began when a local architectural office (b720 Architects) was commissioned to create a plan for the lot adjacent to the placa Glories .Through the 22@ guidelines the b720 architects recognized a possibility of placing a skyscraper on that spot. It would create an iconic figure that would complement the Placa Glories and also complement the continuation of Avinguda Diagonal Boulevard on both sides. Acting as a center of the Avinguda Diagonal Boulevard, This would also bring attention to the newly introduced financial district. Through this the client Agbar (Sociedad General de Aguas de Barcelona) water company, their selection for an architect that was one of the Pirtzker award winner, 2008 Lauraete Jean Nouvel.

and workers. Torre Abgar as mentioned was one of the buildings that introduced vertical densification in the district of El Poblenou that changed the district into the new financial district of Barcelona.

CIAM and Planning

Barcelona in form of city planning is the perfect example of effective urban planning inspired by the ideas and theories of modernist era as it is completely shows that the planning within the city of Barcelona is the re-rendering and re-imagination of CIAM ideas By CATCPAC. This resulted in an organized field suitable for accepting works of amazing architects such as Antoni Gaudi’s Sagrada Familia , Mies van der rohe’s Barcelona pavilion , Olympic fish of Frank Gehry and the Torre Agbar by Jean Nouvel.

The introduction of sky scrapers to Barcelona was not carrying the American ideology that was always attached to these mega structures ( economic power and materialism)shown in some of the buildings done by Mies Van Der Rohe for example the Seagram Tower, the

Palca de les Glories Catalanes Avinguda Diagonal torre Agbar

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work of Jean Nouvel was a translated and reimagined vision for an American skyscraper , as it follows the height of the other sky scrapers but it is not about singularity and power as it relates and blends to the landscape and city fabric of Barcelona , the building is reflecting the culture and spirit of Catalans and creates social collectiveness and represents the culture. Similarly related to the ideas of Walter Gropius on building heights presented during the CIAM meeting in Brussels in 1930 3 .Closely related to the idea of Le Corbusier, Jean Nouvel and b720 Architects proposed the Torre Agbar to be a response in a form of high rise to revitalize the dead and unhealthy industrial part of the city in political, economic and biological.

The idea of high density and verticalized density can be connected to Walter Gropius ( the founder of Bauhaus) and his train of thoughts towards modern office towers 7 .He thought that a modern office tower will have adequate natural light while framing a pleasant view, then he would compare them to the low and dense and crowded low rise building and he expresses the contrast

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He is specialized in context driven designs that are ironically designed to be fitted in their context as he quoted “each new situation requires new Architecture”4 and design of torre Agbar is not an exception . Torre Agbar’s design is based on the symbolism of Catalan culture and the multiplicity of Barcelona’s architecture. The building is created with a concrete shell on exterior and a reinforced concrete core with aluminum cladding in different color of red and blue covered with a membrane of glass louvers. The buildings form and design was inspired by the Montserrat Mountain , the form of the building also resembles the eruption of Geyser spring and The top portion of the building also relates to the forms created by Antoni Gaudi. Barcelona’s proximities to the surrounding mountain scape is also resembled by the towers physical formations. The two different range of colors red and blue are used to be shown through the glass membrane that represent the colors used in Catalans old flag. This building is used as a private head quarter of Agbar (Sociedad General de Aguas de Barcelona) Water Company therefore the access to the building is limited to its staff

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between the vertical densification and horizontal low rise densification and the benefits of vertical densification. Closely to Walter Gropius thoughts the CATCPAC group with involvement of Le Corbusier had also predicted that the city of Barcelona and its sky line will not be an exception of the dominance of high office building as they proposed in the Plan Macia.

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At the 1930 CIAM meeting there was correspondingly the idea of thinking outside the box and using more organic forms instead of generic geometric forms such as rectangular base towers3 .This also relates to the form that was used by Jean novel in the design of Torre Agbar as his design for the form of the building was driven from the natural land scape of Barcelona, using Montserrat Mountain form and the eruption of Geyser spring.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the symbol to represent the city of Barcelona in 21st century cannot be any structure but The Torre Agbar as it responds to context in sense of city planning relating to Ildefons Cerdaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s city planning, the Mecia planning by CATCPAC and Le Corbusier, representing CIAMs Ideologies. in addition it responses to the natural forms of land scape and city scape of Barcelona such as relating to Montserrat Mountain and Geyser spring or even relating to iconic Architects and their buildings Such as Antoni Goudiâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Sagrada Familia While placing a benchmark in the revolutionary introduction of vertical densification that improved and changed the economic and social demographics and occupancy of the district 22 and the city of Barcelona.

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n.d. emporis. Accessed October 22, 2014. http://www.emporis.com/building/torreagbar-barcelona-spain.

2. Ingrosso, Chiara. 2011. Barcelona: Architecture, City and Society: 1975 - 2015. milan: Skira Editore .

3. Mumford, Eric. 2009. Defining Urban Design: CIAM Architects and the Formation of a Discipline, 1937-69. New Haven: yale university press.

4. Nouvel, Jean. 2006. Jean Nouvel : 1987 - 2006. Tokyo: a+u.

5. n.d. skyscraperpage. Accessed October 22, 2014. http://skyscraperpage.com/cities/?buildingID=1374.

6. Busquests, joan, Barcelona:the urban evolution of a compact city.Rovereto: Nicolodi,2005 7. Whiteford, Frank, Bauhaus, London : Thames and Hudson,1984 8. 2014. torre agbar. Directed by Francesco Azzone.

9. Kohn, George C. 2008. Encyclopedia of Plague and Pestilence: From Ancient Times to the Present. NewYork: infobase .

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Completed in 2004, the Seattle Central Library by OMA is one of the most iconic buildings in an American urban environment demonstrating unique articulation and thorough understanding of spatial relationships of the program with the site. Located in the central business district of the Seattle, Washington, the site of the building covers an entire city block of the gridded city with unprecedented conditions on each side. Although the building was designed many years after the CIAM period, OMA reflects some of its traditional concepts on functionalism into the planning of the library. Evidence of CIAM III's principle The Functional City, of dwelling, work, leisure and circulation can be identified through the spatial compartments of the library, consisting of five plates with individual functions, forming a mixed use building. One of CIAM IV's main principles is the importance of height in urbanism, which the library illustrates this dimension through the continuous curtain wall structure which connects the five plates together. Coincidently, the library is also a result of great political, economic and social involvement. The Seattle Central Library is a prime example of a successful contemporary design that expresses many CIAMs concepts while maintaining the title of innovative and visually intriguing.

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SEATTLE PUBLIC LIBRARY OMA/LMN 2004 Seattle, WA Adrian Mann

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Opened in 2004, the Seattle Central Library was designed by the globally recognized OMA, partnered with the local Seattle architects, LMN to challenge the old concept of what defines a library and incorporate their new urban ideas into their design. Lead

by Rem Koolhaas and Joshua Prince-Ramus of OMA New York, the creative team entered the international library design competition of May 1999 with an experimental approach, exploring methods regarding flexibility and future developments of the library.6 Working closely with Seattle Public Library and the librarians of the original library, OMA reconfigured the program and proposed the idea of flexible compartmentalization, which allows individual programed components to expand but not to interfere with existing spaces and evidently integrate as one unified body.1,6 By breaking up the building based on its unique function, each series of points have a rational notion of space and is articulated and grouped based on the site conditions, order of circulation, and social relationships. Given a tight budget from the city, the design demonstrates modern rationalism of CIAM and the Athens Charter, through the efficiency of space and the façade design, which reflects interior function.

The Office for Metropolitan Architecture closely analyzes the demographics and the surrounding urban fabric to design a library that considers that social context.

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Located in the west coast city of Seattle, Washington, the site is enriched with visually appealing vantage points of large bodies water and mountainous terrain surrounding the city.5,14 The library situates on a sloping site in the central business district of downtown Seattle, occupying an entire city block of the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s gridded plan between 4th and 5th avenue and Madison and Spring Street. The attractive design generates large amount of visitors on a daily basis thus making the building itself and local attraction. Fortunately, the functional design of the building is able to house the visitors and address the public.

With pedestrian traffic flowing around the building the entrances on 4th and 5th avenue directs the pedestrian circulation to flat side of the site, which are the denser points of circulation due to the major avenues and public transportation access.6 In terms of vehicular traffic, the site is located near two major highways, the I-5 and the I-90 express, which connects the downtown Seattle with other neighbourhoods including multiple of larger suburban cities. Addressing these site conditions, OMA articulated the program with major shifts in the form to visible from the I-5 highways, Mount Rainier, and the Elliot Bay.6,11

Social, Political, Cultural and Planning Context Built on the site of the original Old central library, the original building was replaced

due to the lack of sufficient space and utilities to house the growing population.

In addition, with the growth of modern technology, the research and study spaces require computers and other digital tools, which the original design didnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t account for.3 In concept development, OMA predicts the new library to be more than just a space, which is dedicated to book but a central hub for social interaction and functions.1 Meeting the modern needs of society, only one third of the design is for books while the rest is intended for social programs.11 Although, the main client was the Seattle public library, indirectly the public voice was the true backbone to the project. In October 1998, the Seattle Proposition 1 campaign was introduced as an agreement to the people that the increase in taxes will help fund the renovation and expansion of the public library system, which 194.6 million dollar bond will support the new library development.6 Working with Major Paul Schell and City Librarian Deborah Jacobs, OMA received a better understanding of the local demographics, resulting in a design that would satisfy the public.6,11 With the site conditions in the financial district, the building was abide by the zoning bylaws of an office building with a 11 storeys at 56 meters tall and a gross floor area of 355,000 square feet. Having minimal impact, the library meets the height restriction of downtown Seattle, which is governed by the view to the mountains and the appearance of the city skyline.3,7 Following all the height limitations, setback restrictions, and zoning

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In CIAM IV, commonly recognized as “the most significant” meeting, Le Corbusier forged the concepts into his publication, The Athens Charter, which focuses on improving the relationships of the people and the city.2 A key principle in the Charter deals with organizing an uncontrolled concentration in cities, which in OMA’s situation is breaking through the typical library design of one single space with multiple of uses.11 Further extending the compartmentalization concept, the clear separation of program

Another key principle from the Athens Charter that the library design adopted is the improvement of the four functions: dwelling recreation, work, and transportation.2,10 Le Corbusier suggested that living conditions deserve a good exposure to natural sunlight, ventilation, and view of typography. OMA expressed these principles through the use of their innovative façade design. Using glass embedded with metal particle acting as micro louvers, it allows the perfect amount of sunlight into the building for reading and other activities through out the day. In addition, the façade not only improves air circulation, it visually connects the program through the use of modular frames and offers lateral support as a structural element.11 With rationalization and economical purpose often referred in the CIAM, the multi-purpose skin supports this theory and executes it in high efficiency.12

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Although the Seattle Central Library is designed more than 40 years after the disbandment of the CIAM (International Congresses of Modern Architecture), OMA demonstrates many traditional concepts of rationalism and functionalism in the design, reflecting a lot of CIAM’s original ideas. In the 3rd CIAM meeting, located in Brussels, the concept of The Functional City and rational land development was first introduced.9 This theoretical approach addresses the issues of building high-rises and that a building should take into account the psychological and social demands. OMA’s design responds by stating that by genetically modifying the arrangement of floors in the typical high-rise, a building can create a sensitive interior space controlling natural light while contextually react differently to the specific urban conditions.6 The outcome of these shifts and pulls of the program freed the

allows visitors to be directed to a certain platform with their specific purpose while still remaining connected. A similar approach was also found evident in Le Corbusier’s Radiant city plan.

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design from the idea of maximizing property exploitation of the high-rise, generating a functional form. CIAM also introduces the idea of the open green space, where people can use this space for recreation and a separation from the city.10 This concept is translated into the design through the use of functional void space, or as OMA likes to address it as the “unstable” spaces between the platforms. Labeling as the reading room, mixing chamber, living room, and kids zone, the intent of these spaces stimulate the social connections between the librarians and the visitors, resulting in ideal spaces for work, interaction, and play.6

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codes, OMA states that the sculptural appearance of the building was direct result of shifting and pushing of the program and reflected the function within.13

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Furthermore, in Le Corbusierâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Athens Charter, it indicates the importance of the third dimension of architecture, which is the height. Stated in paragraph 82, the method of extending the building vertically opens spaces on the lower floors can reduce the density on ground level and increase density for the tower above.2 As a result of planning the arrangement of the library, an augmented mix-use design was created with the 5 compartments.6 By bring the dense book spiral compartment above ground level it decreases the density on the lower floor, establishing an open space improving free circulation. The design explores the meaning of verticality by creating a soft street level presence using the angular walls as an outcome from the shifted floors.3 In addition, the entrances of the library is created using a canopy that is an extension from the façade of the building, which not only generate an experience that respects the human scale but emphasize a monumental presence in the urban scale.

plan, proposed by the Development and planning department, the library brings a new perspective of community to the Seattle neighbourhood. Coincidently, OMA incorporates the key principles of CIAM, The Athens Charter, and the essence of The Functional City into the design through the use of separating the building by its program, verticality, and the sustainable measures of designing a health environment. This timeless unique design by OMA is a prime example of combining innovative theory with the classic virtues of modernism.

Conclusion

As an iconic piece of contemporary architecture, the Seattle Central Library was brilliantly designed to accommodate the social and intellectual needs of the city.8 OMA explores the concept of flexibility and mix-used libraries by accommodating for the future as society enters the digital age of mixed media. With the help of social and political involvement, the design has a high degree of efficiency. Understanding and satisfying the Seattle Comprehensive

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NOTES COVER IMAGE SOURCED FROM: Seattle Central Library / OMA + LMN." ArchDaily. N.p., n.d. Web. 25 Oct. 2014. <http://www.archdaily.com/11651/seattle-central-library-oma-lmn/>.

Image 01 to 02 "Seattle Central Library by bpelectricjojo on deviantART." Seattle Central Library by bpelectricjojo on deviantART. N.p., n.d. Web. 25 Oct. 2014. <http://bpelectricjojo.deviantart.com/art/ Seattle-Central-Library-155128297>.

Image 04 Kubo, Michael, and Ramon Prat. Seattle Public Library, OMA/LMN. Barcelona: Actar, 2005.

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"< Back to Seattle Central Library / OMA + LMN." Architecture Photography: 1739357218_ spl-aerial-exterior-day-prat (11652). http://www.archdaily.com/11651/seattle-central-library-oma-lmn/1739357218_spl-aerial-exterior-day-prat/ (accessed October 10, 2014).

2. Eardley , Anthony . The Athens charter. New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973.

3. Gargiani, Roberto. Rem Koolhaas, OMA: the construction of merveilles. Lausanne: EPFL Press ;, 2008.

4. Gold , John. "Gold, J.R. (1998) 'Creating the Charter of Athens: CIAM and the Functional City, 1933 43', Town Planning Review, 69, 221-43.." Academia.edu. http://www.academia.edu/4189299/ Gold_J.R._1998_Creating_the_Charter_of_Athens_CIAM_and_the_Functional_City_1933_43_ Town_Planning_Review_69_221-43 (accessed October 21, 2014).

5. Klingle, Matthew W.. Emerald city: an environmental history of Seattle. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007.

6. Kubo, Michael, and Ramon Prat. Seattle Public Library, OMA/LMN. Barcelona: Actar, 2005.

7. Mattern, Shannon Christine. The new downtown library: designing with communities. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2007.

8. "Mission Statement." About the Library. http://www.spl.org/about-the-library (accessed October 15, 2014).

9. Mumford, Eric Paul. The CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2000.

10. Pilling , Matthew. "ARCHITECTURE + URBANISM." : Eric Mumford: The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism 1928-1960 (2002). http://architectureandurbanism.blogspot.ca/2011/03/eric-mumford-ciam-discourse-on-urbanism.html (accessed October 20, 2014).

11.

Ramus , Joshua . "Transcript of "Behind the design of Seattle's library"." Joshua Prince-Ramus: Behind the design of Seattle's library. http://www.ted.com/talks/joshua_prince_ramus_on_seattle_s_library/transcript?language=en#t-204350 (accessed October 20, 2014).

12. Sanders, Jeffrey C.. Seattle and the roots of urban sustainability: inventing ecotopia. Pittsburgh, Pa.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2010.

13. "Seattle Public Library by Rem Koolhaas at GreatBuildings." GreatBuildings. http://www.greatbuildings.com/buildings/Seattle_Public_Library.html (accessed October 20, 2014).

14. "Seattle Visitor InformationDescription." Seattle Washington Description. http://www.gonorthwest. com/Washington/seattle/description.htm (accessed October 15, 2014).

15. Tyrwhitt, J. "Abstract: Charter of Athens (1933)." Abstract: Charter of Athens (1933). http://www. getty.edu/conservation/publications_resources/research_resources/charters/charter04.html (accessed October 20, 2014).

ADRIAN MAN

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Josep Lluis Sert advocated for the need of an urban consciousness. An effort found predominately during his time spent as the president of CIAM (1947-1957) and the dean of GSD (1953-1969). Here, Sert was able to introduce critical ideas that eventually sparked a singular platform finally capable of dealing with the complexities of city making. Furthermore, his approachable yet scholarly teachings of the modern movement allowed for the inclusion of a broader audience. This exacting approach parallels ideas that would then be further enriched through his architecture, such as the Peabody Terrace housing. This architectural work (Peabody Terrace Housing) is clearly a reflection of CIAM strategies, a paradigm from the past.

The Peabody Terrace housing attributes to the success of urban planning and architecture as one, being the first of few to successfully execute both. Although renovations have governed it and these same ideas a problem, the eight-story wings that connect the three towers define an appropriate urban oasis for the Harvard students. Despite Sert's ability to carry forth his own ideas throughout his actual work, time has seemingly revealed issues that effected many students forced to live there. Through the need for renovations, and near abandonment, this housing complex faces the realities of CIAM strategies and do little to hide the reverence once found for the modern movement.

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POST-CIAM 1960-present

PEABODY TERRACE COMPLEX Joseph Lluis Sert 1962-1964 Massachussetts, US Stefan Miller

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Josep Lluis Sert began his architectural career in the late 1920s, working under the eccentric Le Corbusier in Europe his ideals and efforts were overshadowed by the prominent Bauhaus movement. After his time as president of CIAM during 1947-56, an interesting turn of events forced Sert to move to the US as a political exile. Becoming Dean of Harvard’s Graduate School of Design from 1953-1969, Sert believed and advocated for the need of an urban consciousness.

Here, Sert was able to commence the first American degree program in urban design.

Giving way to an architectural motive that finally considered “thinking about the city as a whole and not only about individual buildings”.

In 1964, Josep Lluis Sert’s Peabody Terrace housing complex was realized, a precursor for progressive modern ideals. During his tenure at the Graduate School of Design, Sert enabled himself to put forth his vision and beliefs into projects designed for Harvard’s campus. Confiding in CIAM strategies, Sert appropriated the use of scale, mixed used program, landscape design, open spaces and a design aesthetic akin to hints of vibrancy and playful colours. What was seen as an admirable step in the eyes of a community fixated on modernistic ideals, left a cold and unforgiving projection to commoners and students outside the architectural realm.

Peabody Terrace is situated 1km from Harvard’s Yard, the building behaves as a kind of protuberance from Serts own Holyoke Centre; the two seem as though they have been married to one another. The

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space gives way to three towers of twenty two stories each that connect the eight storey wings arranged to form small quadrangles.

The landscape provides larger spatial organizations that contain recreational spaces, and a parking structure for off-street parking. The towers should be noted for there exemplary use of alternate-level corridors, meeting national fire codes while still maintaining an aesthetically pleasing facade.

Through the use of balconies, fire-codes regulations were resolved with the inclusion of alternative exits via adjacent apartments.

The organization was contrived through an interesting configuration conducive to the every-third-level corridor system. At the corridor levels where through apartments are not possible, there are small studio units with kitchen and living and dining areas, and one-bedroom units with living area and bedrooms to the outside opening to balconies.

Non corridor floors are left with maximized floor areas that have one- and two-bedroom through apartments each fit with a balcony fulfilling the fire safety building codes. The overall effect leaves a spatial configuration of expanding units, which are in fact quite small.

Sert was successful in his choosing to include several unit types, the arrangement of varying scales ultimately embedded a unit to whole attitude found not only in each building but also within the landscape.

Furthermore, the three towers of varying scales infuses the underlying unit types found within each. Cleverly conforming to fire code regulations, while still achieving a

variety and uniqueness proves this buildings scheme to be advantageous and appropriate.

The focus and organization of this buildings program allows for 497 housing units, a playground, paved roof terraces, three nurseries, two laundromats with sitting rooms, a drugstore, two seminar rooms, laundry rooms, a large meeting room with a kitchen, basement and ground floor storage facilities, and a garage that can hold 325 cars. The variety in apartment sizes allows for a total of four different types; 415 square foot one-bedrooms, 766 square foot two-bedrooms, and 960 square foot three bedrooms. The total site manages to cover 5.9 acres.

The attention and focus on colour finds itself along the facade, Sert felt a need to “bring the colour and life of the Mediterranean to the white cubist architecture of northern Europe”. Doing little to nothing for the bleak shear walls constructed out of cast-in-place concrete, in turn contrast the exterior walls of concrete and glazing. Louvres take on a dynamism, playing into the bright colours that define the elevations. These techniques and ideals have made the Peabody Terrace a habitable and lively condition for those in need of accommodations. However, the complex was harsh on dwellers inside looking out, quoted as being, “a building beloved by architects and disliked by almost everyone else.” While reviews and publications at the time were high respecting of Sert’s approach, it seemed as though a step away from contemporary modern housing projects were anything but disadvantageous.

Peabody Terrace is a clear reflection of CIAM strategies, straying away from its contemporary counterparts, this exemplary push towards a new modernity breathes life into the highly respected movement of the time. A 1964 article in Progressive Architecture notes the Peabody Terrace as being an “efficiently workable interior arrangement, a lively sequence of exterior spaces, and a fluent continuity from low to high, and from old to new structures.” It isn’t too surprising to also note that Sert, Jackson and Grouley received the Harleston

Parker Medal from the BSA as well as the Gold Medal of the AIA. Their efforts were praised for being what they were, a deep consideration and austerity for ideas embedded in what is now an outdated and forgotten outlook; CIAM. Thirty years later, the so eloquently titled article “Yesterdays Paradigm, Todays Problem” was written by the same publication, noting that the project had become “an embarrassment to Harvard, and the last resort for graduate students who couldn’t find a better ‘place to live”.

Renovations drove a necessary change that would address outdated conditions while maintaining the most critical aspects of Sert’s design. The renovations were completed in 1996 by Bruner/Cott, improvements and fixes to the windows and cast in place concrete were made. Also, expanded kitchens along with the important need to resolve accessibility inadequacies and upgraded mechanical systems throughout the building.

These renovations leave the question of just how effective are CIAM strategies? Due to the nature of these issues its apparent that intrinsic and overlooked qualities carry doubt and struggle over time. Had these problems not occurred, Peabody Terrace

could have been an exemplar to a timeless effort of function and form. However, this is not the case, common spaces were also renovated and the terrace spaces required a complete change. Perhaps the changes now made can benefit CIAM, despite being a result of CIAM strategies, the building today is now rehabilitated in terms of its place in history, as well as its function at Harvard.

Overall, Sert was able to exercise his belief in CIAM strategies and the modern movement.

Bridging the gap between contemporary modern architecture. Creating an “urban conscious’’ not only for those dwelling at Harvard but for those dwelling within the architectural realm. Peabody Terrace allowed Sert to express what he advocated for the greater part of his architectural career, taking not just the individual building into account but the often missed opportunity to include the landscape as part of the whole.

Peabody Terrace exudes the need for change that many felt was lacking during this time. however, the timed effort is to no avail timeless, for renovations and disconnect have rendered the building without context to commoners alike. The changes have resolved this issue, but without the need for change

PEABODY TERRACE ROAD LANDSCAPE EXISTING ROADS, NOW IN USE 01

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PLX 599 POST-CIAM PEABODY TERRACE COMPLEX STEFANMILLER

Due to Sert’s beliefs and reverence found for the modern movement, ideals infused within his own work play a tole on there conception.

CIAM was built on a platform indicative of Sert’s very own ideals and strategies, it is clearly an endearing and motivational link to Sert’s beliefs. This becomes evident throughout Peabody Terrace, open courts and differential scales of units express a shift from contemporary ideas, alongside a respect for CIAM strategies. By moving towards an “urban consciousness” Sert enabled himself and other CIAM members to consider more than just the building.

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Site Plan 01 Circulation 02 Arial View0 03 Axo of Tower 04 Selected Floor Plan 05

it is difficult to consider CIAM successful in their strategies. However, it is through these changes in time that we now are able to take from the ingenious approaches to problems resolved then with problems we now face.

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1. Campbell, Robert, in the film J.L. Sert/A Nomadic Dream.

2. Roger Sherwood, Modern Housing Prototypes (Cambridge, Mass, : Harvard University Press, c1978), 159 3. Campbell, Robert, in the film J.L. Sert/A Nomadic Dream.

4.Campbell, Robert, "Why Don't the Rest of Us Like the Buildings the Architects Like?", Bulletin of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences (Summer 2004): 22.

5. "Harvard's new married student housing." Progressive Architecture 45, 122-[133].

6. Dixon, John Morris. 1994. "Yesterday's paradigm, today's problem." Progressive Architecture 75, no. 6: 100-107.

7."CIAM (Congres Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne)", Accessed September 15, 2014, http://www.open.edu/openlearn/history-the-arts/history/heritage/ciam-congres-internationaux-darchitecture-moderne.

8. Richards, Simon, Mumford, Eric Sarkis, and Hashim. "Josep LluĂ­s Sert: The Architect of Urban Design, 1953-1969." Urban History 36, no. 2 (08, 2009): 352-354. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0963926809006373. http://ezproxy.lib.ryerson. ca/login?url=http://search.proquest.com/docview/200579008?accountid=13631.

9. Mumford, Eric Paul, Hashim Sarkis, and Neyran Turan, Josep LluĂ­s Sert. 1st ed. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008), 1-9.

10. Miller, Michelle."AD Classics: Peabody Terrace / Sert, Jackson & Gourley" 13 Mar 2014. ArchDaily. Accessed 06 Nov 2014. <http://www.archdaily.com/?p=486015>

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In 1971, Richard Rogers and Renzo Piano entered an international design competition set forth by the President of France. The competition called for an information, entertainment and cultural centre for the city of Paris. This centre was to fit within the planning of the Beaubourg district, yet was executed as an integral new element of a rundown neighbourhood in need of regeneration.

Designed after the era of CIAM, the Centre Pompidou encompassed the ideals set forth by CIAM's Athens Charter; which placed importance upon the administration of habitation, leisure, work and traffic for a functional city. The Athens Charter proposed the segregation of these ideals - with the separation of residential neighbourhoods and transport arteries, and further proposed zoning with the division of different functions. Noting their importance, the Centre Pompidou focuses on integrating these sections, in attempt to achieve enhanced public environment and participation. The building encompassed only half of the Beaubourg site, creating outdoor space, which was high in demand for inner city Paris. The Centre Pompidou features adaptable space throughout, and can therefore be described as a structure with the potential to accommodate the unforeseen future.

This paper will explore how through the integration of program and adaptable space, the Pompidou excels as a versatile building. The continued success of the Pompidou speaks of the changing needs of its users and the significance of one building in helping revitalize a neighbourhood.

POST-CIAM 1960-present

CENTRE POMPIDOU Richard Rogers & Renzo Piano 1971-1977 Paris, France Emily Mutch

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The Pompidou Centre is a radical entity within the heart of Paris. Following a design competition set forth by the President of France, the Pompidou was executed as an innovative and high-tech building composed of steel and glass. Evidently it quickly became a controversial structure and a cultural icon for the existing medieval neighbourhood Les Halles, and the neighbouring Marais district. At the time of construction, both neighbourhoods were desperately in need of regeneration1. The design expressed the belief of Rogers and Piano – that it should be able to change and allow different program and freedom of expression as seen fit – ideally a flexible container to be constructed within the heart of Paris. The integration of multiple forms of program and the ability to accommodate various exhibits and functions speaks to the Pompidou’s adaptable nature.

By dramatically positioning against the norm of what once existed, the Pompidou revisits the existing zoning and planning of Paris and strode towards innovation.

In turn this was highly influential on the surrounding neighbourhoods, resulting in the revitalization which was so desired.

The Site The Pompidou arose in an area of Paris desperately needing invigoration. In the 1930s, the edge of the Marais district was cleared of housing, resulting in a decrepit parking lot – an expanse that was utilized as

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a makeshift market with individual vendor carts - in the medieval district of Les Halles.

French government planners proposed the removal of the market and its carts, with the promise of returning culture to the neglected site2. To supply Paris with what was missing culturally, and to help restore the neglected districts, President Pompidou announced an international design competition in 1970. Within Paris’ dense urban fabric, an invigorating 1 million square foot cultural centre was to be constructed, containing but not limited to; a museum of modern art, a reference library, bookshops, restaurants, cinemas and various activities for children3.

Subsequently, the competition received 681 entries, but ultimately was won by Rogers and Piano for their scheme consisting of visible structure, flexibility and technology3.

It was to be interactive, a democratic place for all individuals – whether visiting or residents – and to be the opposite of what was existing within the planned urban fabric of Paris. To achieve this flexibility, the architects decided to push the structure to the exterior – along with the stairs and services. This permitted the interior to function as a free entity with endless possibilities for changing use4. Their design strived for a highly adaptable interior, but also a strictly rectilinear space that would in turn interact with the urban site.

Additionally, the façade became interactive, with the escalators providing excellent views of Paris and the abundant activity

surrounding the centre4.

The French government is highly influential in Paris’ urban planning. The political elite control the market, which in turn dictates the Parisian skyline. Furthermore, the discretion between private enterprise and public business has always been unclear – one does not so much try to invite investors – instead it is much more likely to propose realistic possibilities to politicians who have considerable economic resources to promote and facilitate the land5. The Marais neighbourhood was lacking a cultural outlet.

Paris’ strategy for dealing with lacking neighbourhoods was tied into their methods for post-industrial transformation. This ultimately is linked through the country’s political structure, economic conditions, and the willingness to promote physical growth5.

Half of the total allowable site was set aside for development as a piazza. This piazza acted as a congregating and meeting place, used by visitors to the Pompidou, and residents alike. The neighbourhood spills into the public open space, it is surrounded by residences, cafes, businesses and shops.

The Piazza teems with life. The design of the piazza successfully integrates the high-tech structure of the building into its traditional surroundings, engages Paris’ street life and introduces a new pedestrian flow into the area. The planning of the site had to take into consideration of rezoning the circulation

To accommodate the size of the piazza, the Pompidou had to reach a high enough height to accommodate the 90,000 square metres of program demanded by the competition brief3. The library occupies the first three floors of the building, while the permanent art collection and installations are housed on floors 4 and 57. The front façade facing west was planned to bring the natural movement of people through the large piazza up to the main entrance. The building would be parallel and flush against the main road to protect the public from noise and pollution2.

Additionally, along the eastern façade, exposed mechanical equipment runs parallel with fast paced traffic.

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CIAM Flowing into the 1930s the organization known as the Congrès International d’Architecture Moderne (CIAM) had various ideas for social organization through urban planning. The development of the Athens Charter (published in 1943) would propose the implementation of cities in a new and unconventional way. Furthermore, to CIAM, effective town planning is the organization of the functions of collective life; it extends over both urban and rural. Town planning is the proper, and logical organization of life in all regions8.

There was a unanimous opinion from CIAM that there was an inherent inhuman character to large cities. Ultimately, this resulted in the conclusion that the transformation of the city structure was essential. Cities possess a multitude of unorganized problems and unpredictability. CIAM aimed to supply regulation to the city, in order of satisfying the needs of their inhabitants8.

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CIAM’s guidelines for the execution of a proper urban plan fell under 4 key tenents: living, working, recreation and circulation ( traffic)8. Respecting each tenent, they all need their own distinctive space and allocation within the urban fabric. Providing links between these various functions by the means of a traffic network facilitates movement from place to place while respecting the distancing rights of all. All are important, separately, and through the connected network.

As CIAM proposed segregation, and the appropriate allocation of space for each function of the successful urban plan, the Pompidou took a different course. As the Pompidou site was cleared of its slum blocks, its creation was destined to incorporate many functions within one building. The opening of a piazza within the pre-existing urban planning brought people of many functions together, for work, recreation and to live.

This was a building whose program was open to change, and people would use in many different fashions. Freedom of movement

PLX 599 POST-CIAM CENTRE POMPIDOU EMILY MUTCH

paths. The neighbouring streets with traffic remain, and are flush up against the Pompidou’s eastern façade. To generate a healthy pedestrian area around the piazza, roads have restricted car access to allow overflow of businesses, cafes, and slower paced life6.

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FIGURE GROUND PRE-CONSTRUCTION 01 SIZE OF THE PIAZZA 02 FIGURE GROUND POST-CONSTRUCTION 03

was universal at the Pompidou - whether within the vast gallery spaces, the snaking diagonal stair running up the exterior, or the generous piazza outside.

The proximity and integration of traffic ( both pedestrian and vehicular) at the Pompidou are strongly opposed to CIAM’s belief that buildings should not be built in close proximity of transportation routes9.

Modern techniques according to CIAM would be to facilitate grand distances between dwellings, to accommodate for large parks and to alleviate density. Such a fashion is not innate to the existing planning of Paris. Ultimately, the Pompidou Centre was to fit into the existing fabric of Paris.

design of the piazza successfully integrates the high-tech structure of the building into its traditional surroundings, engages Paris’ street life and introduces a new pedestrian flow into the area. The pompidou centre aims to integrate all function, and fit within the diverse needs of urban Paris. By integrating CIAM’s tenents for an effective urban plan, alternatively from the proposed segregation, the Pompidou is a successful, unique, diverse and innovative space for all of Paris to benefit from.

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Conclusion The dialectic nature of the Pompidou with its surroundings has not gone unnoticed. Unlike anything before it, the Pompidou pushed the boundaries, and certainly what Paris was comfortable with.

The Pompidou has withstood the test of time, and is an asset to the arts and culture world of Paris. Its ability to fit the changing needs of the Marais benefits not only the individual visiting strictly for a certain program, it would also benefit tourists and locals on a day to day basis. The Pompidou provides a dynamic meeting space, where one can find a variety of functions all within. The

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ALLOCATION OF THE POMPIDOU SIZE OF PIAZZA

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COVER IMAGE SOURCED FROM: Centre Pompidou, Exterior Image, Centre Pompidou Officiel. Available from: https://www.flickr.com/photos/centre_pompidou/

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1. Rogers Stirk Harbour + Partners: Centre Pompidou. (2014) Retrieved October 16, 2014 from http://www. richardrogers.co.uk/work/buildings/centre_pompidou/conception 2. Silver, Nathan. The Making of Beaubourg: a building biography of the Centre Pompidou, Paris. (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1994).

3. Powell, Kenneth et al. Richard Rogers: Architecture of the future. (Basel; Boston: Birkhåuser, 2006).

4. Rogers Stirk Harbour + Partners: Centre Pompidou. (2014) Retrieved October 16, 2014 from http://www. richardrogers.co.uk/work/buildings/centre_pompidou/conception 5. Savitch, H. Post-Industrial Cities: Politics and Planning in New York, Paris, and London. Princeton, NJ: Princton University Press, 1991.

6. Poderos, J. Centre Georges Pompidou Paris. New York: Prestel 7. Renzo Piano: The Architect's Studio. (2003). Retrieved October 16, 2014, from http://www.arcspace.com/ architects/piano/Louisiana/louisiana.html 8. The Athens Charter. (New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973).

9. Mumford, Eric Paul. The CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2000).

10. "Within the Framework of the meetings on The Grand Paris," The Centre Pompidou, accessed September 24, 2014, http://metropoles.centrepompidou.fr/alainseban.php 11. Renzo Piano: The Architect's Studio. (2003). Retrieved October 16, 2014, from http://www.arcspace.com/ architects/piano/Louisiana/louisiana.html FIGURES Image 01 Centre Pompidou, Exterior Image 2, Centre Pompidou Officiel. Available from: https://www.flickr. com/photos/centre_pompidou/ Image 05 A View on Cities, Centre Pompidou. Accessed September 28th, 2014, http://www.aviewoncities. com/paris/centrepompidou.html

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Designed by Finnish architect Viljo Revell, New City Hall in Toronto has taken a major step in the development of the modern architecture at the heart of its city since its birth in 1958. Toronto City Hall has been acknowledged for its programmatic elements as well as its symbolic and monumental architectural form that has vowed to portray the future of its nation as well as its government. The programmatic elements of this monument consist of a podium, council chamber and most significantly a civic square that is in parallel with CIAM principles. Although the building was opened in 1965, yet its initial proposal was submitted in 1958 which is a year before CIAM was disbanded.

As result of this time frame, numerous programmatic developments of this well known monument have arguably been influenced by CIAM principles. Its futuristic form, modern glazing and its expressive materiality all depict modernism. In spite of all its modernist elements, New City Hall has successfully emerged a dramatic change up on its nation's architecture and set a new standard for the future architecture.

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POST-CIAM 1960-present

NEW TORONTO CITY HALL Viljo Revell 1965 Canada, Toronto Kousha Omidishaneh

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Introduction

The post-World War II era saw a boom in industrial technology. Concurrently, Modernism as an aesthetic in architecture was in full bloom. The City of Toronto, in the post-war era, was quickly turning into a modern metropolis. Conflicts naturally arose over how contemporary public architecture should look. In architectural circles, since the establishment of CIAM (The International Congresses of Modern Architecture), modernist ideology had taken root. According to the Athens Charter, It is necessary that architecture, instead of calling almost exclusively upon the services of an anemic craftsman class, make equal use of the vast resources afforded by industrial engineering, even though such resolve would lead to achievements quite different from those that were the glory of ages past.”1 The public at large tended toward a conservative aesthetic which was reflected in most of the pre-existing Toronto architecture.

It was clear to everyone, however, that Toronto needed to replace its old City Hall, which was quickly becoming outdated and over occupied. Previous attempts had been made to accomplish this, but after voter rejections, and criticisms of earlier plans, Mayor Nathan Phillips, through extensive political maneuvering finally convinced the city council to sponsor an international competition for the new City Hall design.

The original cost, according to Mark Osbaldeston, was $18 million.2 The deadline for the competition was set for 1958, and

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out of about 510 finalists Finnish architect Viljo Revell’s design was selected. Revell was a modernist schooled in the Finnish Functionalism aesthetic. Since Revell was not a member of the Ontario Association of Architects, under the rules of the competition, he had to team with the local firm John B. Parkin Associates of Toronto. In spite of cost overruns, the project was completed to the original specifications on 12 acres of land in the heart of downtown Toronto. It was opened in 1965, about a year after Revell’s death. Like most large, public architectural projects the New City Hall engendered opposition and controversy. However, as Derek Murr points out, it is these tensionsbetween what people want for their city, between differing motives, between differing visions of the future, between what is dreamed and what is simply, palely, possiblethat characterize the built fabric of Toronto; it is the balance between these tensions that makes Toronto actually work.3 Physical Context

mi lobortis suscipit at eget quam. Mauris The plan included four elements: a podium, on which the buildings sat, two curved towers of different heights, the futuristic council chambers and the civic square. The downtown location had to accommodate large pedestrian and vehicle traffic flows.

The materials of the completed project included steel, reinforced concrete, marble chips, limestone, glass, and black granite which where all reflecting modernity.

Construction started on November 7th, 1961,

and was completed on September 13th, 1965.

Its form was circular in plan, constructed out of reinforced concrete with a steel structure that was strong in symbolizing Modernism.

According to Mark, The Civic Square was given as an option for the new city hall to be built on, however in the initial design, City hall was near the southern side of civic square which would turn its back at the old city hall. It was then that council decided to announce an entirely new program that included a public civic square as well as the city halls form would respect the Old City Hall. The civic square was to welcome social interactions and involve the city hall and its political projection with its society. As Mark stated “A landscaped open space of great beauty serving as a forecourt to the city hall”

Social, Political, Cultural and Planning Contexts Revell’s design was arguably the most modernistic of all of the competition finalists.

Nevertheless, it effectively fulfilled most of the precepts of the city plan and soon became an important symbol. According to architect Marco Polo, Revell’s idiosyncratic city hall and generous civic square quickly became symbols for Toronto and introduced to the downtown core the Modernist paradigm of high-rise tower with low podium, open plaza, and vast underground parking garage.”4 The modernist nature of the design was in contrast to most of the pre-existing public architecture in the city, and represented a new era befitting a modern industrial city.

The design functionally accommodated

Relationship to CIAM

By the 1950s the principles of CIAM, as stated in the Athens Charter, had become wellestablished in architectural circles. These principles included a view of the architect as a sort of proselytizer for modernism: “It is essential that the architects exert an influence on public opinion and bring the means and the resources of the new architecture to its attention.”7 In this respect Revell was successful. However, this success was more a matter of example rather than advocacy.

Revell himself was apparently a relatively modest and quiet man, not necessarily prone to public advocacy like Le Corbusier, for instance. Nevertheless, the completed project represents a significant shift in the architectural aesthetic of Toronto. CIAM, as represented by its most visible advocate, Le Corbusier, was concerned with humanizing the public space through functional utility.

Members of CIAM considered the role of the architect to be crucial in establishing an ethos of city planning that would accommodate human needs in the face of modern technology. This included, “a sound notion of the human scale and a profound respect for individuality.”8 The CIAM form of Modernism, as pointed out by Vanderbeek and Irazabal, was closely connected to the ideals of socialism, “The product of European leftist intellectuals, CIAM was initially closely tied to a socialist agenda, including ideas of land redistribution, social solidarity, and labor reform.”9 Near the end of CIAM, Le Corbusier had grown disenchanted with the institution. According to Eric Mumford, Le Corbusier asserted that the generation that formulated the Athens Charter must step aside for the generation of 1956, which

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NEW TOROTNO CITY HALL

By the time the City of Toronto announced its international competition for the design of the new city hall in 1958, CIAM, after decades of meetings and proclamations, had all but officially disbanded. According to Eric Mumford, “Despite a postwar atmosphere

favorable to modern architecture and town planning, in the six years since the end of the Second World War CIAM had been unable to regain its avant-garde role in Europe.”5 Nevertheless, the influence of the organization continued to be felt in architecture and city planning circles around the world. According to Stefanos Polyzoides, “The Charter of Athens was the critical instrument in establishing the ideology and the global urbanist domination of CIAM and the Modern Movement.”6 Viljo Revell was associated with the group largely through his mentor and colleague, Finnish architect Alvar Aalto, who was closely associated with CIAM.

KOUSHA OMIDISHANEH

the traffic and pedestrian flows of the downtown location, and provided ample public accessibility in keeping with the zoning, scale, and density requirements of the city plan. The New City Hall has proven to be a successful public gathering place, due in large part to the accessibility and use of the town square. Its successful completion was an important milestone in the political and cultural evolution of the city. As it turned out, the international competition was an effective political device that was instrumental in the project’s completion.

In spite of cost overruns, and complaints

by Revell and his team about bureaucratic delays and obstructions, the end product was highly successful in providing Toronto with an authoritative, yet accessible monument for city government.

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ASPECTS OF CITY HALL 01 1957 MAP OF SITE 02 SOLID & VOID COMPARISON 03

would be capable of implementing Le Corbusier’s ‘three human establishments.’10 Le Corbusier, in his preface to the Athens Charter, expresses some of the concerns of the time that required a new approach to architecture. He asserts that modern technological stresses could lead to public alienation and result in, “an ever more isolated intelligence that will no longer be able to impose its own virtues and its own character upon a people except by artifice or tyranny.”11 For this reason it was necessary for modern architecture to respect individual rights and the needs of humanity as a whole: Every limitation placed on the way a citizen is granted his urban rights and allowed to enjoy them gives rise to a state of inequality which tends precisely to break up the body politic and to break down the country’s overall functions.12

City Hall is an effective representation of CIAM principles.

The site where the New City Hall was built The site where the Old City Hall was built

In conclusion, the new Toronto City Hall was a highly significant achievement that sprang from many of the principles asserted

by CIAM. Not only has it proven to be a successful public space, and a generally functional administrative space, it represents a significant milestone in the evolution of Toronto architecture into a more modernist aesthetic.

City of Toronto Planning Board atlas, ca. 1957-1960

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Conclusion

Although Revell’s design seems to accommodate human social needs, particularly in the use of the town square, it could be argued that symbolically, at least, the New City Hall has authoritarian overtones. One of its programmatic elements is the so-called “eye of government,” an effect visible from the air above the two towers and the council chambers. In addition, as Polo points out, “the towers turn their monolithic backs to the larger part of the city. Clearly not the intended symbolism, this view of the building suggests that City Hall is insular and inward-looking.”13 However, this is a matter of interpretation. In most respects, the New

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City of Toronto 2014

City of Toronto 1957-1960

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FIGURES Image 04 A step forward in time: Sod turning - Web exhibits - What's online http://www1.toronto.ca/ wps/portal/contentonly?vgnextoid=260a757ae6b31410VgnVCM10000071d60f89RCRD

NEW

TORONTO CITY HALL

KOUSHA OMIDISAHNEH 04

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1. Le Corbusier. The Athens Charter. (New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973), 7.

Mark Osbaldeston. Unbuilt Toronto: A History of the City that Might Have Been. (Toronto: Canada Council for the Arts, 2008), 92.

3. Derek Murr. "The History of Toronto's Future." In Utopia: Towards a New Toronto, edited by Alana Wilcox and Jason McBride, 54. Toronto: Canada Council for the Arts, 2010.

4. Marco Polo. "Toronto City Hall." The Canadian Architect 39.3. (Mar 1994): 42.

5. Eric Mumford. The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism, 1928-1960. (Boston: MIT, 2000), 215.

6. Stefanos Polyzoides."Housing Fabric as Urban Form." In Beyond New Urbanism, 51.

7. Le Corbusier. The Athens Charter. (New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973), 8 8. Ibid., 5.

9. Michael Vanderbeek and Clara Irazabal. "New Urbanism as a New Modernist Movement: A Comparative Look at Modernism and New Urbanism." TSDR XIX (2007): 248.

10. Eric Mumford. The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism, 1928-1960 (Boston: MIT, 2000), 258.

11. Le Corbusier. Forward to The Athens Charter. (New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973), xvi.

12. Ibid., xix.

13. Marco Polo. "Toronto City Hall." The Canadian Architect 39.3. (Mar 1994): 43.

14. Mark Osbaldeston. Unbuilt Toronto: A History of the City that Might Have Been. (Toronto: Canada Council for the Arts, 2008), 92.

2.

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COVER IMAGE SOURCED FROM: Toronto New City Hall: (wikipedia ) http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/ commons/0/03/Toronto_City_Hall_night_view.jpg

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The agenda of this paper is to assess the Linked Hybrid through CIAMs sociopolitical and economical lens by focusing on Steven Holls intention and expression in his architecture and the change in zoning which further impacts the planning of Dongzhimenwai area of Beijing. The arguments will engage the pros and cons of Mr. Holls commitment to CIAM principles by cross referencing them to how people of Beijing and the West experience the building today. The direction of gentrification in this specific area of Beijing is unique because of the changing infrastructure adjacent to it. Infrastructure both in macro and micro scale such as a highway and community gate will be respectively discussed again in the light of CIAM and China today. The Linked Hybrids mix use of gender, age and amenities as an introverted community will engage with the adjacent communities in radical ways because it is a jewel in the sky. So aesthetically appealing in its architectural composition, yet controversial to some surrounding communities. Did Steven Holl knit the Linked Hybrid into the fabric of Beijing or did a tabula rasa impose a new zoning will be some of the questions addressed by the conclusion of this paper.

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POST-CIAM 1960-present

LINKED HYBRID Steven Holl 2003-2009 Beijing, China Masih Khalili-Pooya

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In post-CIAM Beijing, China, the Dongzhimenwai neighborhood is the site for Steven Holl’s Linked Hybrid residential complex. Located on a prominent site just outside of the inner city on the first ring; it sits on the northeast junction of the highway (S12) that connects Beijing International Airport through the 4th, 3rd and 2nd to the 1st ring. This prime intersection between the airport through five city rings creates a diagonal short cut as opposed to the traditional zigzag circulation for the twenty one million occupants of Beijing.

Consequently, the Linked Hybrid is exposed not only to a luxurious residential destination but also a jewel to look at during daily commute. The complex is also known as the Grand MOMA, its client is the international developing company named ModernGreen.

ModernGreen also acquired the land across the site and developed Wangguocheng MOMA in 2003 POP MOMA in 200511. In the lens of CIAM, these development sites appear to be under a larger master plan scheme7. The scheme originated in the nineties where an old Paper Mill Factory was losing business and an opportunity came to develop the site from an industrial use to a residential commercial. Additional agenda was to continue gentrification in the inner city and create housing for the expanding population on lands that deemed underdeveloped economically.

Thus, ModernGroup proposed luxury housing for the future of the site, where exposure at the Olympics would increase revenues which would side step the 2008 economic crash11.

Designed by the Washington born architect,

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Steven Holl at the age of fifty five started his first of seven projects in China2. Constructed between 2003 to 2009, the Linked Hybrid consists of eight sixty meter tall residential towers with one hotel standing at thirty five meters. This 220, 000 sqm site connects the nine towers with eight steel bridges. These bridges are one of the most unique features of this project because of their diverse functions: swimming pool with a gym, spa, two cafés and bars, book shop and gallery3.

Physical Context

The entire complex acts as a threedimensional urban space in which buildings below the ground interact with the building on the ground and in the sky. The excavation process was two-fold: 655 geo-thermal wells are to support heating and cooling of 644 units8, and the soil subtracted is made into five mounds of landscaping at ground level for different kinds of users1. The Mound of Childhood is associated with a kindergarten and a playground portal. The Mound of Adolescence consists of a basketball court and roller blade and skate board area. In the Mound of Middle Age, a coffee and tea house welcomes all the age groups in addition to a Tai Chi platform and two tennis courts. The Mound of Old Age holds a wine tasting bar and the Mound of Infinity is for meditation and a ritual space6. Also winning the AIA New York Chapter Sustainable Design Award in 2008 makes Linked Hybrid one of the largest green residential projects2. Approximately 220, 000 liters of gray water is recycled and used for landscaping and toilet flushing.

In regards to energy efficiency, Linked hybrid’s geo-thermal wells cover 70% of the complex’s annual heating and cooling load6.

These geo-thermal wells have replaced the mechanical equipment necessary on top of the buildings, therefore increasing available green areas, minimizing noise pollution and significantly reducing the CO2 emissions.

Additional innovations are considered for indoor environmental quality such as a technique called displacement ventilation8, in which air that is slightly below desired temperature in a room is discharged from the floor. The cooler air replaces the warmer air, causing it to be released from the room and resulting in a cooler overall space and a fresh breathing environment8.

Social and Political Context

China, a walled country, uses gates to create more privacy. During the 1950s where the Paper Mill factory was prosperous, there was a wall segregating the workers’ houses from the factory. And now, a wall separates high end housing from low end housing. A completely different realm of separation is implemented in order to achieve privacy between two different housing typologies while fifty years before it segregated the land due to its core function. The local view of gated communities is not so much a critique of capitalism but more a discussion about the conflicts between two power systems clashing spontaneously as time evolves.

On the one hand, the issue addresses the influence of the traditional legacy of power to govern and control the community (by the

01

Workers community Wall between two communities Newly constructed wall Highway S12

not necessarily related to the issue of crime it is merely an issue of private territory and real-estate. Something that Steven Holl and his team endlessly promote by referring to their project as ‘Open City Within a City’1.

player mentioned that the acoustic conditions under the bridge are the biggest reason that he plays there. In addition, the canal cools down the temperature during hot summers and the bridge shades him from the sun.

Focusing on the habitation realm of CIAM, statement number sixteen suggests that structures built along transportation routes and around intersections are detrimental to habitation because of noise, dust, and noxious gasses7. This is ironic because after the completion of the highway and the MOMA complexes, a variety of spontaneous activities surrounded the bridge underpass between the north and south buildings. The first is the commercial activity of illegal hawkers.

They sell second-hand books, fake antiques, and second-hand domestic appliances5. They collect materials from different communities and nearby demolition sites to sell them at the market. The second type of activity is the recreational activity of local residents and workers. This includes fishing along the canal, playing musical instruments, and sleeping under the bridge. A saxophone

In respect to work via CIAM, factories, craft workshops, business and pulic adminitration offices, and commercial premises – are no loger rationally located within the urban complex since the growing city constantly needs to evaluate its functions7. Since there was a need for a shortcut highway to connect the international airport to the first ring diagonally rather than a zigzag motion, the site’s function no longer is satisfied as industrial. A commercial and luxury housing

CIAM

02

In regards to CIAM’s leisure gestures, point thirty seven states that green areas must serve clearly defined purposes, namely, to contain the kindergartens, schools, youth centers, and all other buildings for community use, closely linked to housing. The close proximity of the variety of ammenities provided on the ground level to the sky look clearly satisfy CIAM’s concern for relativness of leisure to housing7.

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management office), and, on the other hand, the issue highlights the residents’ newly acquired power as consumers. The role of the security guard transformed as Chinese society moved from the socialist-communist age to the market-economy age4. Currently, security guards at residential units act as intermediaries between law-enforcement agencies and service-management agencies5.

The ubiquity of the security unit at the gated community was first encouraged by the government when the government tried to move some of its social responsibilities to individual communities (privatization) due to the increase in the urban population and to rapid urban development5. This ironic growth where the solution opens new doors to problems is a basic human fundamental cause-and-effect. However, positive growth needs to be calculated, digested, and matured so that the identity of the locals is not jeopardized. Gating, policing, governance, and isolating communities are the most direct responses to the diversifying social structure in China: members of the upper class attempt to differentiate themselves from the lower class living next to them in the dense city.

Gated-community phenomenon in China is

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Before and After Site Plan 01 AFTER SITE PLAN 02 Spatial organization and development of the MOMA Complex 03

will not only increase the status but would also generate more economic profit.

Finally, in respect to traffic mentioned by CIAM point sixty two diretly supports the linked hybridâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s pedestrian oriented sky loop as one type of circulation and the mounds on the ground level as another; the pedestrian must be able to follow other paths than the automoile network7.

Conclusion

It can be summarized that the conception of the Linked Hybrid by a renown architect excels in light of CIAM principles as an excellent architectural vision. Respecting the housing units with ammenities via bridges, literally recycling the earth for further leisure and work while responding to the growing economy on a neighborhood scale and Beijing on an international scale. Appropriate detail is given to this gated community because of its location and time of development. However, critical extrapolation needs to be respected also in terms of future goals for the city. The long term effects of densifying horizontally and vertically is a big concern for China. A country with a history of one child per family to the largest populated country to date and the worldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s economically driven production assembly line, no limits bound them.

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1. Zhang Lians home 2. Wang Jis home 3. New gate of Linked Hybrid 4. New gate of Wanguocheng MOMA 5. Public park used to be workers housing 6. Wall between Linked Hybrid and workers community 7. Public space and informal market between Linked Hybrid and Wanguocheng MOMA 8. North gate of workers community 9. Cinema in the centre of Linked Hybrid 10. Li Hus old office for OPEN Architecture 11. Steven Holls architectural office in Beijing 12. Li Hus new office for OPEN Architecture

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COVER IMAGE SOURCED FROM: http://www.stevenholl.com/ (accessed September 30, 2014).

04

1. Holl, Steven. Architecture spoken. New York, NY: Rizzoli, 2007.

2. Holl, Steven. Edge of a city. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1991.

3. Holl, Steven. Urbanisms working with doubt. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2009.

4. Kuipers, Rutger. "Modernizing Beijing." (2010): Pages 7-20, 28-34. (September 14, 2014) http://ebookbrowse.com/modernizing-beijing-chapter-i-to-iv-rutger-h-kuipers-tudelft-msc3-explorelab2006-pdf-d43066391 5. Lam, Tat. "Linked Hybrid in Beijing" Placing an American Building and its Architectural Concept in its Chinese Context' (2011) (September 14, 2014). http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1344054/1/1344054.pdf 6. Melvin, Jeremy. "Dynamic Hybrid." Architectural Review (2008): 50. (September 14, 2014).

7. Mumford, Eric Paul. The CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2000.

8. Oldfield, Francis Philip. "Tall Buildings and Sustainability." (2012): Pages 14-15. (September 14, 2014). http://etheses.nottingham.ac.uk/2700/1/PO_TallBuildingsAndSustainability_Abstract.pdf 9. "STEVEN HOLL ARCHITECTS." STEVEN HOLL ARCHITECTS. http://www.stevenholl.com/project-detail.php?id=58 (September 14, 2014).

10. "STEVEN HOLL ARCHITECTS." STEVEN HOLL ARCHITECTS. http://www.stevenholl.com/ (accessed September 30, 2014).

11. "Modern Green." Modern Green. Accessed November 7, 2014. http://moderngreen.ca/.

FIGURES Image 01 and 02 Holl, Steven. Urbanisms working with doubt. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2009 Image 03 "STEVEN HOLL ARCHITECTS." STEVEN HOLL ARCHITECTS. http://www.stevenholl.com/project-detail.php?id=58 (September 14, 2014) Image 04 Holl, Steven. Urbanisms working with doubt. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2009.

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The LVMH Tower built in 1999 by Christian de Portzamparc in New York City, is a product of the zoning laws of New York City and the dense urban context of Manhattan.

It is not an offshoot of the tenets of the CIAM conventions from 1928-1959, which developed new ideas about architecture and urban planning. The LVMH Tower rejects the Athens Charter's programmatic separation of uses and by the nature of its location discounts the recommendations for segregated towers. De Portzamparc reinterprets the zoning laws of Manhattan to create a building which influences the design methodologies of architecture in New York City because of its ability to distinguish itself from its neighbours. It moves towards an architecture which attempts to bend the laws, rules and regulations that govern architecture as much as necessary to create an architectural landmark. Unlike previous noteworthy buildings in Manhattan, de Portzamparc created a remarkable building that is notable because of its re-imagining of the restrictions that were placed upon it, not simply because of its height.

De Portzamparc's re-interpretation of the zoning laws questions the benefits of strict urban planning, and started a tendency to think of planning and zoning not as beneficial for the city and its citizens, but as obstacles in the way of good architecture.

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POST-CIAM 1960-present

LVMH TOWER Charles de Portzamparc 1999 New York City, USA Jacob Ragetli

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Introduction

“The idea came after a year of different models and hypotheses and meetings...

It is not just quick inspiration. You have to balance that. It’s 80% calculation and 20% intuition.”1 Christian de Portzamparc was tasked by Louis Vuitton Moet Hennessy(LVMH) to design a headquarters for their offices, a retail space, and various meeting and gathering spaces, in New York City. Finished construction in 1999, Christian de Portzamparc’s design reflects as much the context in which it was developed, as it does his ideas and theories about architecture and urban planning. The LVMH Tower does not follow in the footsteps of the CIAM conventions that prescribed a singular use, or separated buildings, and neither does it follow exactly in de Portzamparc’s philosophies of the “open block,”1

“The classical principle is that every building is attached, more or less, and this is the reason the modern says they cast a shadow on the street. What I say is, you can make your buildings separate, with private gardens.

Then you can read the street clearly, but at the same time you have light.

When the buildings are not attached, there is more diversity. In a classical city, with the buildings stuck together, you are obliged to say, ‘Let’s make them all gray or white because it’s homogeneity, harmony.’ When buildings are separate, you can replace them.

Today, this one might be made of glass, the next one could have a beautiful color and the third one could be made of copper and

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wood.”1 - Christian de Portzamparc

This invites comparison to Rem Koolhaus’s ideas of architecture in the New York city, where the freedom of the grid allows individual interpretation. Perhaps Koolhaus did not realise that with the ever intensifying city would come restrictions about architecture that would confine architecture to one option- to build up. De Portzamparc understands that the city grid of New York is not the most beneficial form for the individual development of architecture in a city, as new buildings must rely on the forms of old buildings to exist. The site constraints and the rigorous zoning by-laws of New York City forced Christian de Portzamparc to design a building that would define itself by how it dealt with those constraints. The confluence of de Portzamparc’s philosophies of the city, and the necessities of the city resulted in a tower which attempts to ignore its surroundings by developing its own character through an inventive use of the zoning by-laws. Held between two distinctly dated buildings, the Chanel S.A. Headquarters built in 1995 surprisingly close to the construction of the LVMH Tower, and a standard 1920s corner-lot bank building.

LVMH Tower is distinctly separate from its neighbours, only the IBM tower by Edward Larrabee Barnes & Associates across the street shows any aspect of modernity in its immediate surroundings. The building appears to have two separate entities rising together made of a coloured glass, either bluegreen or green-blue. It angles and distorts

the eye to create a dialogue of void spaces and angles that refuses to communicate with the buildings surrounding it.

Context The building is situated near 57th Street and Madison Avenue, just south-west of Central Park in New York City. Pedestrian traffic is very heavy along 5th Avenue because of the multitude of high-end retail outlets along the avenue, which is just a block away. ( See figure 3) Closer to LVMH Tower, and the further east one walks away from 5th avenue, the buildings typically become more centred on office-use and residential and less about ground-level retail. A six lane road fronts LVMH Tower, and with minimal pedestrian traffic, focus on the connection to the street was not foremost in the design of the building- more attention was given to the sight of the building from afar. There was originally a plan for an extension of the building that would take over the site of the bank building at the corner of Madison Avenue and 57th in order to a more visible landmark that would be seen from blocks away. The LVMH Tower itself can be seen from 5th Avenue because of the reflective quality that the glass has, and the angle of part of the building’s facade. LVMH Tower contains a main floor which holds a small lobby and retail space designed by Hillier Group, after which there are twenty office levels. The plan of the office is very small and somewhat ordinary (see figure 4), due to de Portzamparc’s focus on the exterior qualities

Zoning The zoning by law of New York City denotes that the region wherein LVMH Tower resides is within a Restricted Central Commercial District (Community Facilities) named, C5-3.

Floor Area Ratio of 15.0, which is one of the main determining factors in the height of the building along with the sky exposure plane, which is a ratio of height to length of 7.6:1 at 26m above street level. (See figure 1)Because of its designation of C5-3 the LVMH Tower

is also considered a “tower,”2 and therefore can exceed the sky exposure plane as long as it doesnt exceed the maximum floor area ratio. In order for approval an application proccess necessitates contacting local offices for Pre-Application Statement and an Interdivisional Meeting and Reasonable Worst case Development Scenario for environmental process. After initial steps are taken a draft environmental analysis and land use application are submitted to the Department of City Planning to review and comment on, then a fee and final review are given, and certification or referral to go through the Uniform Land Use Review Procedurem which “codifies the public review process.”2 At the time when LVMH Tower was being designed and constructed it was a a moment in western culture where everything seemed to be getting better and better, with a lack of regard for the economy for the environment and expansion in all sectors. It was a time when everything seemed possible. Long enough after the oil crisis and before the vent of September 11th, 2001 the world seemed a place full of possibilities. Developments in technology and materials were expanding rapidly and

2 1

01

02

Cornice line and setback 01 Existing windows on adjacent building requires setback 02

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the digital age was beginning to influence thinking and the design of architecture. New York City’s official city planning division is mostly concerned with developments of infrastructure specific changes to the zoning regulations of areas such as West Chelsea, and affordable residential development.

CIAM and Planning The building responds to its context through the interpretation of the architect Christian de Portzamparc. With his views on what modernity should look like, and how zoning should be appreciated in light of Le Corbusier’s ideas about the separation of buildings, and how cities should appear in the future. He believes buildings should be able to be separate identities, and this is reflected in his work, especially in LVMH Tower. The zoning by-laws of New York City state that, there must either be public space given over to the city, or the building must set back a certain amount at a certain height in order to provide sunlight to the street and to adjacent buildings. Due to the limitations of the site, which is only about 360 sq.m.,

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of the building, and the importance of going higher instead of maximising floor plates creates very tight plans. The gross floor area of the building is 8683 sq.m. Occupying each floor is a differing aspect of the business.

The circulation core is centred at the rear of the building where there is little or no natural light. The building is clad in two distinct types of glass, one which is white and one which is blue-green. There is a ten metre setback after the 10th storey, after the setback, the building’s facade splits in two through a diagonal reveal that separates the coloured glass.

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Zoning Diagram 01 Figure Ground Post Construction 02 Site Plan 03 Typical Floor Plan 04 Reflection Diagram 05

de Portzamparc decided that it would be beneficial to simply have setbacks that did not look like setbacks.

In light of CIAM with its depiction that “life only flourishes when the individual and the collective work together. Life flourishes only to the extent of accord between the two contradictory principles that govern the human personality: the individual and the collective,”3 the LVMH Tower seems to begin to address the aspect of the collective because of its outward appearance that is pleasing to the eye. Its novelty in a city that is filled with monotonous buildings is a relief to the collective consciousness. Yet the individual is missing from the architecture that is prescribed. The connection at-grade is so minimal as to be completely ignored and the interior is read as too small and claustrophobic.

What are the benefits of strict urban planning? They, it would seem to architects, attempt in every way to stifle creativity and undermine the very nature of architecture which we espouse. Christian de Portzamparc has realized that change must occur in cities if we are to evolve the discipline of architecture and if we are to improve the lives of people,“We must remain conscious that the city (collectively) is more important than each building, but each building can contribute much to create or transform the city. This is what guides me as an architect.”4 Through the design of the LVMH Tower Christian de Portzamparc has definitely created change in New York, but is it the

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right kind of change?

As Suzanne Stephens asks, “If a building is a mask, can it be architecture?”5 the only way for a building to hope to have anything of importance to show, if it desires to show itself off, to be interesting, to be different than its predecessors, with such controlled planning as is seen in the major cities of the world, in particular New York City, it must, in some way mask the defining forces behind it. It must either mask the forces that are controlling it or submit to the pressure of the old and forever outdated system and concede its design to another monotonous building.

Christian de Portzamparc has realized that buildings must contribute something to the city in order to be meaningful. He has created through the LVMH Tower a new method of interpretation of old methods of design, and used new materials in an effort to enliven the street facade. Yet these design decisions completely ignore some of the more pressing needs of people and office buildings in New York City- the amount of fresh-air and natural day-lighting that is available to the office-workers. As stated by Suzanne Stephens in her critique The Seductive LVMH Tower, “most floors of the 24-story structure host cramped, windowless offices and showrooms for LVMH Moet Hennessy Louis Vuitton luxury goods.”5 If Christian de Portzamparc believes that we must re-think our changing world, then I believe he has gone about changing architecture in the wrong way. By creating a mask over what is already there, he has not solved any problems with the system or

attempted to re-invent how urban planning functions in connection to architecture. “In order to create a new understanding between architecture and the city... I believe we must re-think and adapt to a changing world.”4 He has definitely adapted to the changing world but only as a superficial solution to a larger underlying problem.

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05

COVER IMAGE SOURCED FROM: http://www.portzamparc.com/en/projects/lvmh-tower/

06

1. Dagmar Aalund. "True to Life: Architect Builds from Experiences --- De Portzamparc Stresses Need for `Quality of use' and some Quiet Space." Wall Street Journal, Apr 04, 2001, Eastern edition. http://ezproxy.lib.ryerson.ca/login?url=http://search.proquest.com/docview/398770575?accountid=13631. What is an Author? In The Foucault Reader, 101-20. Edited by Paul Rabinow. New York: Pantheon, 1984.

2. http://www.nyc.gov/html/dcp/pdf/ap/dcpprocessmap.pdf 3. Le Corbusier. The Athens Charter. New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973.

4. http://www.pritzkerprize.com/sites/default/files/file_fields/field_files_inline/1994_bio.pdf 5. Stevens, Suzanne. "Criticism: The Seductive LVMH Tower by Christian de Portzamparc revisits a century-old question about the nature of architecture." Architectural Record. Date Accessed: 2014/10/01.www.lexisnexis.com/hottopics/lnacademic. Dean, Jodi. Democracy and Other Neoliberal Fantasies: Communicative Capitalism and Left Politics. Durham: Duke University Press, 2009.

6. Zoning Handbook: A Guide to the Zoning Resolution of the City of New York. New York: City Planning Commission, 1961.

7.

Iovine, Julie V. "Designing the Nouveau Building on the Block." New York Times, Dec 15, 1999, Late Edition (East Coast). http://ezproxy.lib.ryerson.ca/login?url=http://search.proquest.com/ docview/431308545?accountid=13631.

FIGURES Image 06 http://www.portzamparc.com/en/projects/lvmh-tower/

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Willis tower, originally named Sears Tower built in Chicago contributes heavily towards defining Chicago architecture. The tower built post-CIAM was influenced by CIAM's main principles such as the notion of architecture working hand in hand with government, politics, and economic and social conditions.

Bruce Graham, the architect along with the mayor's support, created a consolidation office tower in the place of several other small Sears's offices throughout Chicago. The mayor, considering the economic and social aspects thought this project would attract future commerce. He had previously lifted the height restriction on buildings through a zoning ordinance revision in 1955, which allowed for the large height. The grand scale is also a result of the demand of enormous office space. More considerations for zoning are seen through aspects like restricting the height to manage air traffic, maintaining the interior space requirements by cutting down the floor plates. These acts were not only required but also gave the building a distinctive form of an enormously tall building. Bruce Graham believed that the buildings define cities and his mindset of responding to the Chicago's downtown urban context is further explored. This essay will further investigate how the building follows the CIAM principles of adjoining architecture with government, economic conditions, principles of following a functional order and finally the principles of creating a zoned city.

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POST-CIAM 1960-present

WILLIS (SEARS) TOWER Skidmore, Onwings and Merril 1974 Chicago, United States Rabia Randhawa

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Introduction

Chicago, United States post the great fire had reinvented itself by replacing old wooden buildings with new non-combustible masonry and eventually steel frame buildings.1 This new era of steel framing and modern architecture emerged with the concept of achieving vertical city density.1 This was prominent soon after World War II during the reinvention of the city as office buildings started emerging. One of these buildings that set a landmark in Chicago’s skyline was the Willis tower, originally named ‘Sears Tower’.

Sears tower emerged due to the spatial needs of the world’s largest retailer at the time, as they wanted to combine all the offices scattered throughout Chicago, to a single tower in the heart of the west loop.2 Bruce Graham, the architect of the building played a big role in establishing Miesian building principles throughout Chicago, which is also visible in this building.4 He was influenced by the CIAM principles that were used in the tower such as following a functional order, standardizing dwellings, creating a zoned city and using architecture in the light of politics, economic and social conditions.5 The Site

Several offices were bought from 100 different owners on the site, parcel by parcel to build this tower.6 The site chosen was close to the south Chicago River.7 It is a two-block area with Adams Street on the north, Wacker drive on the west and Quincy Street running through the middle between the two lots.7

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The existing site was partly undeveloped and lacked commerce. South Wacker drive was the city center and the downtown core, by moving there the company wanted to make a statement. They wanted to gather smaller offices throughout Chicago to one big tower that would fulfill the growing needs of office spaces.2 Situating the tower on the site made it more prominent and attractive to the traffic flow moving on all four streets.

the tallest building at the time was not a big problem because it was only going to bring profit in the future. The cutting back of floor plates also gave this building a unique and a defining look. The height was also increasing the vertical density concept, which was being promoted in Chicago.

Planning / Zoning Informing Architectural Form

The selection of the site followed many permit and approval processes. Quincy Street running through the two lots had to be vacated, as the architects wanted to combine the two blocks into one whole space.7 The aim was to make space for 2-4 million square feet but at the same time make it cost effective. Fazlur Khan, the engineer came up with the bundled tube system, which solved both the concerns but also needed the building to be extremely tall with 110 stories.2 Another reason for the height was the requirement of smaller floor plates for the latter floors. The executives wanted to give out the higher floors for rent, which required them to be smaller in size.2 This led to smaller floor plates that required a taller structure.2 The height restrictions came into play at this point. The zoning requirement by the mayor was set at sixteen times the area of the lot, which allowed for the height.7 They had to make sure to restrict the height enough to not interfere with the air traffic.2 The approval of the height requirement of

01

Thirdly, the principle of following a functional order is implemented.2 Aestheticism is not the first priority but functionality is. The evidence lies in the offsets of the floor plates that were created to cater to the needs of the program. It is also seen by using the tubular frame structure to increase structure stability and cost efficiency. The aesthetics were not the driving force of these moves but rather

the result of these moves.

The idea of following zoning requirements is also a derivative of the CIAM principles.

The jumble of streets houses and shops to be replaced with zoned dwellings was implemented.2 The designers strategically placed the tower in the center of the city where other similar buildings were built or to be built. The placement within a future commercial sector is following zoning guidelines to differentiate work sector from residential from leisure.

Conclusion

All in all, the project was considered not only in the light of zoning guidelines but also CIAM principles. Acquiring the existing site, occupying the Quincy Street, restricting the height and setting back of the towers followed the zoning. They wanted to use the building as a social tool to make a statement of becoming the largest retailer and employing thousands of people. The building followed the principles of using architecture along with politics to improve economic and social conditions. The CIAM principles of following a functional order,

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WILLIS (SEARS) TOWER

The moves of the project were not only driven by zoning but also were accompanied by many CIAM principles. Prior the CIAM conferences, the situation of many cities were chaotic and lacked some sort of concrete guidance. The ideas brought forth defined many cities, Chicago being one of them.

The architect Bruce Graham incorporates these concepts into this building. One of the first principles was to not think of architecture separate from political, social and economic conditions.2 This promotes the idea of using government alongside social planning which would in turn create more economic opportunities. This was evident in this project as the architect received mayorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s support to acquire the site, which would benefit the future of the commercial industry in central Chicago.2 More economic development would occur in the sector due to the tower. The public also supported this project as Sears was employing hundreds of workers in city, which were unemployed beforehand.

Another principle used was using rationalized methods to achieve efficiency so that society becomes industrialized.2 Prefabrication played a big part in defining this principle. New construction techniques were being implemented in this project, which was one of the main CIAM principles.

Structural units for two storeys were welded off site and brought to the site.3 The designers saved money and time by bringing prefabricated components to the site. From there, standardized machinery was used to put the pieces together.3 Another tool used to increase efficiency was computer modeling.2 These methods promoted using a standardized method for building which was a modern movement promoted by the CIAM.6

RABIA RANDHAWA

In the light of CIAM

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bundled tube system. setbacks to create different sizes of floor plates 01 figure ground (solid/void) image of the site post development with immediate surroundings 02 diagram showing quincy street which originally pierced through the two blocks 03 initial construction of the site 04 image of the completed tower 05

using rationalized methods and creating standardized dwellings were also followed.

This project is an appropriate one because it fit in the existing context but also improved it. The addition of vertical density, the attraction of future commerce and future developments all emerged due to this project.

As it was the tallest tower at that time, much higher than others it inspired other tall buildings in the area. Though this tower is not used for the same purpose as it was built for, it sets a fabric for the city of Chicago. It went through a change of name from Sears tower to Willis tower, which is still being protested by the locals, which speaks a lot for the buildingâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s identity and what it holds for the general public. This significant building is now an attraction point for tourists.

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NOTES COVER IMAGE SOURCED FROM: Sears Tower. photograph. travel mint.com. http://cdn.travelmint.com/photos/chicago-illinois-usa/the-ledge-at-willis-tower-193.jpg

Image 04 Stoller,ezra."Willis Tower".Photograph.SOM.com.http://www.som.com/FILE/18929/willistower_ structural_700x800_som_02_new2.jpg?h=800&s=17 (accessed October 23.2014) Image 05 Stoller,ezra."Willis Tower".Photograph.SOM.com. http://www.som.com/FILE/14756/willistower_1400x800_som_01jpg.jpg?h=800&s=17 (accessed October 23.2014) Image 06 Stoller,ezra."Willis Tower".Photograph.SOM.com. http://www.som.com/FILE/14757/willistower_1400x800_ezrastoller_esto_04jpg.jpg?h=800&s=17 (accessed October 23.2014)

WILLIS (SEARS) TOWER POST-CIAM PLX 599

FIGURES

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"Chicago." History.com. A&E Television Networks, Web. 19 Oct. 2014. <http://www.history.com/topics/ chicago.

2. "Sears Tower - Fazlur Khan - Structural Artist of Urban Building Forms." Sears Tower - Fazlur Khan Structural Artist of Urban Building Forms. Web. 05 Oct. 2014 3. "Made Possible With Lincoln Electric." Willis Tower. Web. 19 Oct. 2014. <http://madepossiblewith.com/ campaigns/willis-tower/> 4. "Bruce Graham/ SOM - Great Buildings Online." Great Buildings Online. Web. 19 Oct. 2014. <http:// www.greatbuildings.com/architects/Bruce_Graham-SOM.html> 5. "CIAM (Congres Internationaux D'Architecture Moderne)." Open Learn. Web. 19 Oct. 2014. <http://www. open.edu/openlearn/history-the-arts/history/heritage/ciam-congres-internationaux-darchitecture-moderne>.

6. "ARCHITECTURE + URBANISM. Eric Mumford: The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism 1928-1960 (2002). Web. 19 Oct. 2014.

7. The Sears Tower in Chicago, Illinois." City Data.com. Web. 19 Oct. 2014. <http://www.city-data.com/ articles/The-Sears-Tower-in-Chicago-Illinois.html> 8. Adams, Nicholas. Skidmore,Owings and Merrill: SOM since 1936 / Nicholas Adams.Milan. Electa Architecture. Phaidon Press, 2007. Print 9. Lepik, Andres. Skyscrapers/Andres Lepik. Munich, London, Prestel, 2008. Print 10. "Bruce Graham Architect - Chicago Architecture - E-architect." E-architect. RSS. Web. 23 Sept. 2014 11. Adams, Nicholas. Skidmore,Owings and Merrill: SOM since 1936 / Nicholas Adams.Milan. Electa Architecture. Phaidon Press, 2007. Print.

12. Lepik, Andres. Skyscrapers/Andres Lepik.Munich, London, Prestel, 2008. Print 13. "A History of Architecture- Post Modernism." World Museum. Web. 23 Sept. 2014 14. America's Tallest Building Video. History.com. A&E Television Networks, Web. 19 Oct. 2014. <http:// www.history.com/topics/chicago/videos/americas-tallest-building-the-sears-tower> 15. "City of Chicago." City of Chicago's Official Site. Web. 19 Oct. 2014.

16. "Department of Zoning & Land Use Planning: Liability." Department of Zoning & Land Use Planning: Liability. Web. 19 Oct. 2014.

17. "Sears Tower - Sears Tower Information and Pictures." Go There Guide. Web. 19 Oct. 2014. <http:// www.gothereguide.com/sears%2Btower%2Bchicago-place/> 18. "Sears Tower." A View on Cities. Web. 19 Oct. 2014. <http://www.aviewoncities.com/chicago/searstower.htm> 19. "Store History - Chicago, Illinois." Store History - Chicago, Illinois. Web. 19 Oct. 2014.

20. "The Willis Tower, Chicago." Chicago Architecture Info. Web. 17 Oct. 2014. <http://www.chicagoarchitecture.info/Building/375/The-Willis-Tower.php> "Sears Tower Forever." Chicago Tribune. N.p., 18 Mar. 2009. Web. 24 Oct. 2014.

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The end of World War II was the turning point for future redevelopments and urban planning ideas that initiated from modernist principles. New York City, has always been one of the leaders in the field of urban planning in North America.

In the early 1960s David Rockefeller, the director of downtown-lower Manhattan association, had proposed the World Trade Center complex that would convert the lower Manhattan as the central location that promotes international commerce as a means of improving the economics of the entire New Jersey and New York region. In 1962, the port Authority of New York and new jersey commissioned Minoru Yamasaki and Emery Roth & Sons to Design the complex on a 17-acre site, located on the west side of the Manhattan. Yamasaki's design followed many of the fundamental CIAM's principles such as using architecture as an economic and political tool to create an active mercantile capital which function as a financial center and the seat of government. The world trade center was not limited to its signature 110-story twin towers, four smaller buildings and a hotel, altogether surrounding a 5-acre central landscape plaza, complete the unique complex which follows the CIAM's concept of making a great place for working, recreation, and circulation.

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POST-CIAM 1960-present

WORLD TRADE CENTER Minoru Yamasaki 1981 New York City, U.S.A. Alborz Razavitousi

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The Physical Context

Before construction began on the Twin Towers, the Port Authority of New York City decided on a site bounded by West, Church, Liberty and Vesey streets to develop. Indeed, after numerous stages of planning and development, proposals and designs, the Port Authority of New York’s commission created a new standard of international style, dedicated to the aforementioned principals of urban planning and design in concert with economic and socio-cultural interests, transformed the skyline of Manhattan and spread the ideas of CIAM even further.

Yamasaki was commissioned by the Port Authority to design the World Trade Center with the New York firm of Emery Roth and Sons.1 Worthington, Skilling Helle and Jackson developed a tube-frame structural system that allowed for open floor plans without columns in the office spaces.2 In total, the plan for the World Trade Centre complex comprised of six buildings comprised of 10 million square feet of office space. At the core of this project were the Twin Towers, which at 110 stories (1,368 and 1,362 feet each) would be the world’s tallest skyscrapers.3 Moreover, the building faced a number of structural challenges due to its proximity to the Hudson River.4 Only a few feet down, the soil was completely saturated and if builders started digging the excavation site would be completely flooded. This required the design of a “bathtub,” consisting of solid steel enforced concrete walls underground, which formed a watertight parameter wall for the towers foundation structure.

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The overall design for the site consisted of a square plan approximately 207 feet in dimension on each side. The buildings were designed with narrow office windows 18 inches wide. The façade of the building was covered in aluminum-alloy.5 Many architectural innovations were eventually employed by Yamaski and his team, including load bearing exterior which also served to brace against wind, and high-speed elevators, sky lobbies and a “hollow tube” building model that distributed weight across floor trusses to the exterior’s closely spaced steel columns.6 The physical context of the building emphasized the core principles of CIAM post-war influence, which had a huge impact on planning based on the idea of a “functional city”, taking into account how a site’s design can pave with way for contours and paths of circulation that take into account the economic, social and political values that in turn shape the environment and expression of the architectural design itself. Hence, the physical features of the building give way to ordinances and guidelines set forth by CIAM and the desire to make architecture assessable to urban planning and as a key feature of city design.

The physical features of the World Trade Centre were thus designed to conform to post war CIAM principles, which conformed to the idea that economic activity should be a key factor into aspects of urban planning and architectural design.

Socio-Cultural Context

It is also important to consider how the socio-

cultural context of New York City existed at the time of the World Trade Centre’s conceptualization and construction. At this time in New York City there was an immense push underway to re-consider architecture in lieu of CIAM principles, as had been evidenced in light of others buildings such as the Barclay-Vesey building years earlier. This trend gave way to building committees and plans based on zoning ordinances and city planning. Indeed, in the post-war context of New York, in particular lower Manhattan, it is manifestly important to consider how building permits were granted that sought to integrate the city’s skyline with concerns for pedestrian traffic and public space. These ideas certainly held sway over Yamaski’s design for the World Trade Center in that by working with existing groups, bodies and committees such as the New York Port Authority, the building’s design and implementation conformed to the sociocultural context of revitalizing Manhattan into a more pedestrian friendly place.

As such, this building was to be used as a site of commerce, exchange and mercantile relations, in addition to a place where the public could move around and access its various shops and surrounding city streets.

Underpinning section 4 of the Athens Charter, which reads: “whether it be a circumstance of wealth or of poverty, the economic situation is one of the mainsprings of life, determining whether its movement will be in a progressive of a recessive direction”.7 Yamaski commented at the time, “economy is not in the sparseness of materials that we

and CIAM’s principles following the Athens Charter.

The political context is also important to consider in this regard. The administrative system of the New York Port authority hoped to energize the area with this new construction, in much the same way that mid-town Manhattan was revitalized in the 1930s with the addition of the Rockefeller Centre. The Twin Towers complex was to be dedicated to international trade, proposed

by David Rockefeller (whom was governor of New York State at the time), which he argued would be the exact thing needed to spur economic growth in the area.11 It was thought that a world trade centre would be the perfect way to bring together people from all over the world, an architectural endeavour of truly international scope and size. In the political context of the post-war environment, this noble ideal followed the pursuit of internationalism in architecture

The Port Authority is a government institution that heads up public projects in New York and New Jersey port area. “While the Port Authority is a public organization, it functions like a private corporation – it charges its “customers” directly and profits from investments, rather than taking tax money”.12 Since its inception in 1921, the Port Authority had been mainly concerned with transportation infrastructure such as bridges, tunnels, airports and buses, and had never undertaken a project of the size and scale of the World Trade Center before, but nevertheless due to its unique position in terms of government contacts, private resources and support of corporate entities, it was the natural and was logical choice to oversee the commissioning of the project. According to Harris, “Rockefeller commissioned early designs for the WTC in 1958, the Port Authority got involved in 1960, and the initial plans were made public in 1961”.13 This situation made the World Trade Centre a truly unique enterprise of architectural engineering, both in terms of

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The Political Context

WORLD TRADE CENTER

From the very beginning Yamasaki designed the space to include an open plaza. This was done so visitors could approach the site, which also had to accommodate for facilities and sub-way connections so people could access the skyscraper. Moreover, Yamasaki designed the plaza so that it would shelter visitors from the wind of the Hudson River, containing five story buildings that housed shops, exhibition pavilions and a 250-room hotel.10 The socio-cultural context of the site in lower Manhattan, chosen by the Port Authority, gave planning ordinances to

design that emphasized its primary location as a centre for commerce, which necessitated that the design function in convenient contact with the surrounding landscape, consisting of other high-rise buildings.

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use,” referring to the $350 million estimated cost, “but in the advancement of technology, which is the real challenge”.8 The sociocultural context of the building was that its function, as a financial centre, should follow CIAM’s principles, all together contributing to a unique design made for work, recreation and circulation of bodies. By the time of its full completion and occupancy in 1973, Some 50,000 people worked in the buildings, while another 200,000 visited or passed through each day.9 This made for a very unique sociocultural context, which Yamaski and his team carefully considered.

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World trade center locator 01 Figure-ground analysis pre-construction 02 Figure-ground analysis post-construction 03 Below the twin towers 04 The world trade center buildings 05 Transportation 06

its design principals, but also with respect to the unique political climate that emerged facilitating its completion.

Conclusion

The twin towers debut in 1971/72 as the tallest buildings in the world provided tenants with over 10 million sq. ft. of office space, a truly remarkable feat given the unique structural, engineering, sociocultural and political objectives that had been met decades earlier. From the perspective of CIAM principles in the post war era, the World Trade Centre conforms to the idea of architecture in servitude of urban planning.

In terms of construction and the sheer engineering feats conquered by Yamasaki and his team, the World Trade Centre site is testament to the idea that architecture can serve an international purpose of bringing people together. In particular, it can be argued that the World Trade Centre marks the beginning of a different international style—informed by CIAM’s principles and the Athens Charter—created to facilitate international trade and commerce at a level never before seen. In this respect, the World Trade Center’s unique socio-cultural, political and architectural conquests make it a complex worthy of international acclaim.

In sum, it can be said the structure and design of the facility coalesced around a set of principles designed to bring people, ideas and commerce together.

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SHOPPING MALL CAR PARKING

WTC 1

WTC 2 WTC 3

WTC 4 WTC 5 Plaza

WTC 6 UNDERGROUND RAIL(PATH)

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HIGHWAY

PATH TRAIN SUBWAY 06

WTC 7

MAIN STREETS

ALBORZ RAZAVITOUSI WORLD TRADE CENTER

FIGURES Image 07 http://thecoincidentaldandy.blogspot.ca/2011/09/as-they-were-remembering-world-trade.html

07

1. Harris, Tom. "The World Trade Center." How Stuff Works. Accessed September 13, 2014. http://science.howstuffworks.com/engineering/structural/wtc.htm.

2. "WTC History." World Trade Center. Accessed September 14, 2014. http://www.wtc.com/about/wtc-history.

3. "WTC History." World Trade Center. Accessed September 14, 2014. http://www.wtc.com/about/wtc-history.

4. Gillespie, Angus K. Twin Towers the Life of New York City's World Trade Center. New Brunswick, N.J. :Rutgers University Press, 1999.

5. "WTC History." World Trade Center. Accessed September 14, 2014. http://www.wtc.com/about/wtc-history.

6. "WTC History." World Trade Center. Accessed September 14, 2014. http://www.wtc.com/about/wtc-history.

7. Mumford, E. (1992). CIAM urbanism after the Athens charter. Planning Perspective, 7(4), 391-417.

8. Yamasaki, Minoru. A Life in Architecture. New York: Weatherhill, 1979, pp.112-128 9. Harris, Tom. "The World Trade Center." How Stuff Works. Accessed September 13, 2014. http://science.howstuffworks.com/engineering/structural/wtc.htm.

10. Harris, Tom. "The World Trade Center." How Stuff Works. Accessed September 13, 2014. http://science.howstuffworks.com/engineering/structural/wtc.htm.

11. Harris, Tom. "The World Trade Center." How Stuff Works. Accessed September 13, 2014. http://science.howstuffworks.com/engineering/structural/wtc.htm.

12. Harris, Tom. "The World Trade Center." How Stuff Works. Accessed September 13, 2014. http://science.howstuffworks.com/engineering/structural/wtc.htm.

13. Harris, Tom. "The World Trade Center." How Stuff Works. Accessed September 13, 2014. http://science.howstuffworks.com/engineering/structural/wtc.htm.

14. Stephens, Suzanne, and Ian Luna. Imagining Ground Zero: Official and Unofficial Proposals for the World Trade Center Site. New York: Rizzoli :, 2004.

POST-CIAM

COVER IMAGE SOURCED FROM: http://thecoincidentaldandy.blogspot.ca/2011/09/as-they-were-remembering-world-trade.html

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Toronto-Dominion Centre, designed and constructed from 1963 to 1969, is a realization of paradigmatic urban space characterised by public accessibility amidst Toronto's formerly private financial district.

Project architect, Ludwig Mies van der Rohe, reveals a dynamic architectural model conceived to anticipate future development and densification of the surrounding urban fabric. Resolution of the multi-building urban complex is predicated on the unification of the highrise block and public plaza, promoting spatial permeability at the human scale.

Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne (La Sarraz Declaration, 1928) influences a rationally organized and standardized planning form of the Miesian complex; tower, pavilion and plaza.

Interchangeability of built form, adaptable to situational conditions and planning regulations, provides a model for repetition within urban contexts; an architecture infused with the physical, cultural, social and political systems. A demand for economic efficiency, both on-site and through industrial processes, is addressed by a simplification of building materials, tectonics and construction methods.

Introduction of an underground shopping concourse acknowledges subsequent tenets outlined by CIAM, promoting developments which embrace the cultural and social lifestyles of users through programmatic functionality. Ludwig Mies van der Rohe's Toronto-Dominion Centre presents an architecture of movement, resolving issues of pedestrian circulation, public access and open space within the dense core of the North American city.

POST-CIAM 1960-present

TORONTO-DOMINION CENTRE Ludwig Mies van der Rohe 1963-1969 Toronto, Canada Daniel Rosati

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Toronto-Dominion Centre, initiated in 1963, presents the introduction of largescale commercial development with critical regard for the working population amidst the context of Toronto’s urban periphery.

A partnership between Montréal-based developer, Cadillac Fairview and Dominion Bank aimed to establish the institution as a main proponent in the financial landscape of Toronto. On the basis of recommendation, Allen Lambert, president and chairman of the board of the Toronto-Dominion Bank, engaged the architectural services of Ludwig Mies van der Rohe in association with John B. Parkin Associates and Bregmann & Hamann. The project brief specified the development of over 3 million square feet of multi-tenancy office space, complimented by extensive public amenities to be sited on a 5.5 acre precinct within the heart of the city’s financial district.1 Concerns of future development and densification, demanded a dynamic architectural model adaptable to the changing urban fabric.2 The integration of complimentary facilities, including; shops, restaurants and landscaped public plazas acknowledges tenets established by Congrès Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne (La Sarraz Declaration, 1928), which embrace the cultural and social lifestyles of the urban population.3 As in previous interventions, Mies’s architectural approach focuses upon technological innovation and economic efficiency, characterized by a simplification of building materials, tectonics and construction methods; an architecture infused with the general economic system.4 Toronto-Dominion Centre establishes a

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precedent for the multi-building urban complex, addressing issues of adaptive public space, circulation and accessibility.

Bounded by King, Bay and Wellington Street, Toronto-Dominion Centre (19631969) occupies a 5.5 acre site located five blocks north of Lake Ontario and three blocks south of Toronto’s City Hall. The multi-building urban complex is comprised of two towers and a low clear span pavilion, elevated on a podium above street level, forming two interlinked public plazas. The project brief specified the development of 3.1 million square feet of multi-tenancy office space articulated in two stages of construction, respectively, 1.7 million and 1.4 million square feet; predicated upon initial market demand. In addition, a banking space of 22 500 square feet accommodates the headquarters branch of Toronto-Dominion Bank, replacing the existing premises on site.5 Rising 56 stories, Toronto-Dominion Bank Tower occupies the southern portion of the block, while its 46 storey high-rise counterpart, Royal Trust Tower, flanks King Street along with the single-storey TorontoDominion Bank. Three main traffic arteries King Street, Bay Street and Wellington Street - are accommodated by direct vehicular access to a multi-level parking facility below grade. An underground shopping concourse is developed over the entire site, providing connections to each component of the multi-building urban complex. The scheme presents a more dynamic and progressive approach to the typical Miesian complex, incorporating tower, pavilion, plaza and

concourse. The integration of public amenities, including; shops, restaurants, cinemas and theaters continue to stimulate one of the most extensive underground cities in the world, since repeated by new developments on adjacent blocks.6 Within proximity to major public transit systems, Toronto-Dominion Centre provides a readily accessible hub for professional and leisurely interaction, contributing to the rejuvenation of Toronto’s financial district, as a whole, since its realization.7

Toronto-Dominion Centre presents a more open and accessible organizational form of similar elements - tower, pavilion and plaza prevalent in other large-scale developments proposed by Ludwig Mies van der Rohe.8 Initially, a series of iterative schemes were engaged to investigate the arrangement of elements on site, assessed according to physical, social and economic considerations of development. The first of two considered arrangements, Scheme A, places the 46 storey Royal Trust Tower at the intersection of King and Bay Street, while the 56 storey Toronto-Dominion Bank Tower occupies its current position on the southern portion of the site. The single-storey Toronto-Dominion Bank is pushed to the northwest corner of the block, referencing interlinked public plazas to the east and south. Preferred by Mies, this scheme offers the ideal approach to a multiphase development, leaving the existing branch bank in its location at the corner of King and Bay Street, during the first phase of construction. Accordingly, the scheme would ensure a more intimate relationship between

01

Primarily guided by the agenda and ideals of Le Corbusier, the congress of CIAM IV, themed ‘The Functional City,’ coincides with the development of the architect’s own

TORONTO-DOMINION CENTRE POST-CIAM

Toronto-Dominion Centre presents the introduction of large-scale commercial development with critical regard for the social and cultural demands of a working population within the urban context.

Providing attractive working environments supported by readily accessible public amenities inspired a re-evaluation of the urban condition.15 Beginning with a partnership between Montréal based, Cadillac Fairview and Dominion Bank, both developer and owner felt it imperative to support multi-tenancy office space with various retail functions, ensuring a multifaceted urban development and a secure outlet for investment.16 Toronto-Dominion Centre exemplifies an enlightened planning approach in which the organization of programmatic function renders its primary success. The multi-building urban complex acknowledges such tenets, as established

by Congrès Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne. A focus of the Athens Charter, further addressed by the theme ‘The Heart of the City,’ affirms a need for urban development which represents the social and community life of users, to provide significant functional fulfilment.17 Realizing the city’s first underground concourse, Toronto-Dominion Centre is a response to the professional and leisurely activities of a daytime population of over 20 000, accommodated within a unified architectural scheme.18 The complex provides a foundation for a network of major and minor street-like routes connecting retail stores, restaurants, cinemas and public transit systems to neighbouring developments throughout the city. Elaborated upon in subsequent decades, this underground circulatory system, known as the PATH, is a reflection of CIAM tenets addressed by the theme ‘The Functional City.’

DANIEL ROSATI

landscaped south-facing plaza. Initially unable to acquire the site, the proposal was not realized in the overall development (1963-1969).13 Toronto-Dominion Centre is the largest and most complex development that Ludwig Mies van der Rohe ever realized - “the largest Mies in the world,” as claimed

by Philip Johnson.14

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Developed on a 5.5 acre block, TorontoDominion Centre provides a gross floor area of 2.89 million square feet above grade, occupying 33% of its urban site and resulting in 3.5 acres of outdoor public space. The multi-building urban complex maximizes the permissible floor area ratio of 12:1, resulting in a density of 3280 persons per acre, on a basis of 200 square feet per person. A total of three floors below grade

provides a gross floor area of 700 000 square feet, accommodating the concourse level and provisions for 700 automobiles.11 Multi-tenant occupancies accommodate office and retail functions concentrated both above and below grade, within TorontoDominion Bank Tower, Royal Trust Tower and the concourse level. Mies insisted that incorporating banking functions within one of two high-rise developments would hinder spatial efficiency, instead providing a singlestorey clear span pavilion, 22 500 square feet in area and over 30 feet in height. The more substantial, 56 storey Toronto-Dominion Bank Tower provides over 1.3 million square feet of net floor area, ranging from multitenant occupancies occupying one or more floors to areas of only 360 square feet. A structural bay of 30 feet by 40 feet maximizes the efficiency and flexibility of interior spaces by an absence of free-standing columns. A 15% saving in office area and 5% increase in employee efficiency render a total rental saving of over $2.00 per square foot, as assessed by management services.12 Studies were undertaken to assess the feasibility of proposing a third office building to occupy the western edge of the site, framing the

built form and open space following the second phase of development, realizing Royal Trust Tower.9 The chosen arrangement, Scheme B, favours the corner of King and Bay Street for the location of Toronto-Dominion Bank. Desired by the client, the crossing has been “long identified as the banking centre of the city,” requiring demolition of the existing beaux-arts structure during the first phase of construction.10 Primary access to the site is therefore from the corner, establishing a ceremonial gesture as the pedestrian steps up to a granite plinth to be greeted by the first of two interlinked public plazas. A pair of staircases along King Street, axially centred on Toronto-Dominion Bank Tower, lead to the concourse level below grade.

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Site Plan 01 Figure/Ground, 1969 02 Figure/Ground, 2014 03

1928 and Athens Charter, 1943; the Radiant City is a response to a rational-comprehensive method of planning, as applicable within an urban context.19 Perhaps more than any other development within the city of Toronto, Ludwig Mies van der Rohe’s TorontoDominion Centre exemplifies a similar approach to urban design and planning in the realization of the multi-building urban complex. Occupying a mere 33% of its site, Toronto-Dominion Centre provides 3.5 acres of landscaped public space divided between two interlinked plazas. Elevated on a podium above street level, the ensemble reflects the qualities of Le Corbusier’s Radiant City by virtue of developing a continuous pedestrian promenade; provision of the “essential joys of sun, space and green.”20 The elevated podium consciously separates pedestrian and vehicular traffic, organizing functional requirements vertically to promote accessibility and efficiency.

Substantial setbacks and spacing between buildings, beyond minimums specified by zoning requirements, ease the transition from the sidewalk to building access points while providing unobstructed views of the city on upper floors. Maximizing the permissible floor area ratio within highrise developments is reminiscent of Le Corbusier’s concentration of density, according to function, within the cruciform towers proposed for the Radiant City. Below grade, separation of the street from the sidewalk is realized by the PATH system, connecting users to the amenities of the city at large. Most notably, the integration of public transit systems with significant urban

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complexes, particularly Toronto-Dominion Centre, noting its proximity to Union Station.

The Miesian complex establishes itself as an active participant and crucial component of the functional North American city.

Ludwig Mies van der Rohe’s TorontoDominion Centre is a realization of multifaceted urban development characterized by public accessibility and a critical regard for the working population amidst the context of Toronto’s financial district. The complex reveals a dynamic architectural model conceived to adapt to the changing urban fabric.21 Initiated in 1963, the project realized Toronto’s first underground concourse, a result of re-evaluating the urban condition, propelling the city toward the modern age. A Miesian organizational form - tower, pavilion and plaza - is infused with tenets inspired and established by Congrès Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne; La Sarraz Declaration, Athens Charter and Radiant City.22 The multi-building urban complex establishes a precedent for integrating public amenities, including; retail shops, restaurants and landscaped public plazas, with multi-tenancy office space. Accordingly, the project evaluates the physical, cultural, social and economic implications posed by large-scale commercial development, rejuvenating the financial district as a whole and ensuring investment. An enlightened planning approach, informed by rationalcomprehensive methods, organizes programmatic function both vertically and horizontally; separating the pedestrian from the automobile. Toronto-Dominion Centre

presents an architecture of movement, resolving issues of adaptive public space, circulation and accessibility within a unified scheme intended for the North American city.

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NOTES

Image 01 Mies van der Rohe, Ludwig, Phyllis Lambert, and Werner Oechslin. Mies in America. Montréal: Canadian Centre for Architecture, 2001.

Image 04 Arban, Tom. Toronto-Dominion Centre. Toronto, Canada, 2010. Photograph. http://www.tomarban.com/.

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FIGURES

04

1. Carter, Peter. Mies van der Rohe at Work. London: Phaidon, 1999.

2. Mies van der Rohe, Ludwig, Phyllis Lambert, and Werner Oechslin. Mies in America. Montréal: Canadian Centre for Architecture, 2001.

3. Frampton, Kenneth. Modern Architecture: A Critical History. London: Thames and Hudson, 2007.

4. Blaser, Werner. Mies van der Rohe, Continuing the Chicago School of Architecture. Basel: Birkhäuser Verlag, 1981.

5. Carter, Peter. Mies van der Rohe at Work. London: Phaidon, 1999.

6. Mertins, Detlef. Mies. London: Phaidon, 2014.

7. Carter, Peter. Mies van der Rohe at Work. London: Phaidon, 1999.

8. Mies van der Rohe, Ludwig, Phyllis Lambert, and Werner Oechslin. Mies in America. Montréal: Canadian Centre for Architecture, 2001.

9. Mies van der Rohe, Ludwig, Phyllis Lambert, and Werner Oechslin. Mies in America. Montréal: Canadian Centre for Architecture, 2001.

10. Mies van der Rohe, Ludwig, Phyllis Lambert, and Werner Oechslin. Mies in America, 417. Montréal: Canadian Centre for Architecture, 2001.

11. Carter, Peter. Mies van der Rohe at Work. London: Phaidon, 1999.

12. Carter, Peter. Mies van der Rohe at Work. London: Phaidon, 1999.

13. Mertins, Detlef. Mies. London: Phaidon, 2014.

14. Mertins, Detlef. Mies, 438. London: Phaidon, 2014.

15. Carter, Peter. Mies van der Rohe at Work. London: Phaidon, 1999.

16. Carter, Peter. Mies van der Rohe at Work. London: Phaidon, 1999.

17. Frampton, Kenneth. Modern Architecture: A Critical History. London: Thames and Hudson, 2007.

18. Carter, Peter. Mies van der Rohe at Work. London: Phaidon, 1999.

19. Frampton, Kenneth. Modern Architecture: A Critical History. London: Thames and Hudson, 2007.

20. Frampton, Kenneth. Modern Architecture: A Critical History, 180. London: Thames and Hudson, 2007.

21. Mies van der Rohe, Ludwig, Phyllis Lambert, and Werner Oechslin. Mies in America. Montréal: Canadian Centre for Architecture, 2001.

22. Frampton, Kenneth. Modern Architecture: A Critical History. London: Thames and Hudson, 2007.

DANIEL ROSATI

COVER IMAGE SOURCED FROM: Arban, Tom. Toronto-Dominion Centre. Toronto, Canada, 2011. Photograph. http://www.tomarban.com/.

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Commissioned by the Sears Roebuck Company and designed by SOM (Skidmore, Owings and Merrill), The Willis Tower formerly known as the Sears Tower was completed in 1973. The building is essentially a tower that is made up of 9 smaller component towers each with a footprint of 75 squared feet and varying heights.

Following the principles and influences of CIAM, the Sears Roebuck Company decided to collaborate with the mayor of Chicago in the designing of the building in order to gain the support of the people of Chicago, creating a piece of architecture that is a social and political tool. It also helped to bring a new level of commercial activity and economic development to the Chicago Loop area, which at the time was only a partly developed area. Sitting at 108 stories, the Willis Tower was at one point the tallest building in the world.

The varying heights of the 9 component towers helped to meet set back regulations as well as create varying sizes of office spaces, larger spaces near the bottom of the tower and smaller spaces at the top of the tower. At the time of its completion, the Willis Tower was a unique piece of modern architecture in a period dominated by international styled buildings.

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POST-CIAM 1960-present

WILLIS (SEARS) TOWER Skidmore, Owings and Merrill 1973 Chicago, Illinois Jeffrey Szeto

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Introduction

The Willis Tower formerly known as the Sears Tower is located in the downtown district of Chicago. The American architectural and engineering firm Skidmore, Owings and Merrill, designed the tower. It was completed in 1973 and was once the tallest building in the world. The Sears, Roebuck, and Company commissioned SOM to work on the project in 1969 and they were to design a building that would become the headquarters for the Sears Company. The primary design principle in the tower is the bundled tube structural system, which was developed by Fazlur Rahman Khan, the project engineer for the Sears Tower roject10 . The structure of the tower is comprised of nine tube structures each with an area of 75 x 75 feet, which are separate. The tubes are then interlocked into a 3 x 3 grid with each tube rising to varying heights. The introduction of the bundled tube structure is what gives the building its staggered height appearance. The building was designed in the Post-CIAM era and follows many of the CIAM’s concepts and principles including the political, economic, social context of the project. The buildings efficiency due to its structural design also complies with principles from CIAM. Physical Context

The Tower is situated on the west side of Chicago’s central financial district, the loop.

The site is bounded on all four sides by Adams Street to the north, Franklin Street

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to the east, Jackson Boulevard to the south and Wacker Drive to the west. The site has a natural downward sloping topography towards Lake Michigan. The building is situated in a particularly significant site; it lies on the southeast corner of a main intersection, Adams Street and Wacker Drive. Adam Street can be considered as a main axis to The Loop with the Chicago Art Institute at the end of the road and Wacker Drive defines the western boundary of the district. A plaza that is open to pedestrians is located on the southern part of the site and is a key feature of the site that opens up a path for pedestrians moving from Franklin Street to Wacker Drive giving them an alternative to the side walks located on Jackson Street as well as giving a large space for tourists visiting the observatory platform which is entered from the southern entrance of the building. This is quite important as the site has prominent vehicular and pedestrian traffic on all four sides. The access points into the building are located at the western and eastern sides. Due to the natural eastern downward slope, the east side entrance is set a storey lower than the west side entrance.

The southern side of the building also has an entrance but is reserved for tourists to access the Skydeck which is an observation deck located on the 103rd floor of the tower.

Until 1992, the Willis Tower was primarily an office building. Since the Sears Company vacated the building, the program has changed to include commercial and retail space and is also a major tourist attraction due to the Skydeck observation platform.

Social, Political and Economical Contexts

Chicago first began to implement building laws after the Great Chicago Fire of 1871, such as minimum and maximum building heights. However, Chicago’s first attempt at urban planning happened in the 1890’s with the City Beautiful Movement. The movement was influenced mainly by the Beaux-arts and Neo-classical ideologies and was a response to the rise in density of low class neighbourhoods in Chicago, which led to public health and safety concerns. Daniel Burnham, a leader in the City Beautiful Movement also developed the Plan of Chicago or more popularly known as the Burnham Plan 9. Although the Burnham’s plan was never realized, the city officials of Chicago in 1923 did put together its first zoning ordinance that many considered poorly planned9. In 1957, almost 35 years after the city had put together its first zoning ordinance, Chicago city officials, led by Harry F. Chaddick executed a Comprehensive Amendment to the 1923 Zoning Ordinance, making it the city’s very first complete zoning plan. The 1957 ordinance focused heavily on building heights and leaned heavily towards high-density developments. A primary regulation in the plan was called the Floor Area Ratio, and it was adopted to regulate the height and girth of buildings. FAR helps a developer to choose the height of the building relative to the floor area. The taller a building is the smaller the floor area would be and vice versa. The site the tower is situated on was given designation “Downtown Core District” with a Floor Area Ratio of 16 (DC-16) and

CIAM Influences

CIAM principles influenced many aspects of the project. CIAM advocated for the use of architecture as a social, political and economical tool. Thus, the designers and client collaborated with the local government. The development of the building was situated in an area that was otherwise underdeveloped and thus the project brought along increased economic attention to the area. This in turn caused a positive social reaction to the building10.

Sears wanted to build the tower in Chicago due to the fact that it was the city it was founded in and the fact that the company’s success can be attributed in part to the

financial gains it received locally. The Sears Company collaborated with Richard Daley who was the Mayor of Chicago at the time.

Daley fought with the city council to lift many height restrictions to allow the building to reach a FAR of 36 which allowed SOM to design a building for Sears that would become the world’s tallest building for a long time to come10. The bundled tube system was an efficient structural system that allowed the building to have wide-open office plans with no columns obstructing in the middle of spaces. The efficiency of the building also allowed the Sears Company to save money on the steel and concrete construction of the building. This complies with the CIAM’s principle of “assembly line efficiency” which was presented in the 1929 CIAM II7. The 1933 meeting of CIAM IV was were the idea of “The Functional City” was developed. In the concept, Le Corbusier argues that the most important feature to urban planning is the height of buildings because urban planning is a science of three dimensions7.

The height of buildings play a large role in how much sunlight would penetrate to the street level. He says that sunlight directs the movement of pedestrians and that the height

50 floors

66 floors

of a building can either impede or promote the movement of pedestrians. With a FAR of 36, the Willis Tower also has a high density, which is a key proponent in the Athens Charter. The public plaza on the southern edge of the site complies with the charter’s principle that high-density zones need to have public parks and open spaces that go along with it7. SOM is known for making the style of box like buildings wrapped in glass a style that would be used internationally. thus The bundled tube system allowed SOM to create a building that was unique and moved away from the international style that they had become famous for.

Conclusion

The Willis Tower is known as an architectural treasure and an engineering wonder.

Following the principles and influences of CIAM, the Sears Roebuck Company decided to collaborate with the mayor of Chicago in the designing of the building in order to gain the support of the people of Chicago, creating a piece of architecture that is a social and political tool. It also helped to bring a new level of commercial activity and economic

90 floors

108 floors

floors 91 - 108 floors 67 - 90 floors 51 - 66 floors 1 - 50

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PLX 599 POST-CIAM WILLIS TOWER JEFFREY SZETO

the building was classified as commercial 9.

The FAR regulation was also implemented with a system that provided developers with incentives if the building had set backs and open spaces. The setbacks at increased heights would allow sunlight and fresh air to penetrate into the street levels of the city.

Therefore, the Willis Tower’s varying heights and the public plaza at the southern part of the site are responses to these bylaws1.

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Plan view of the tower in relation to the site 01 Bundled tube configuration 02 Floor area ratio diagram 03

development to the Chicago Loop area, which at the time was only a partly developed area.

Sitting at 108 stories, the Willis Tower was at one point the tallest building in the world.

The varying heights of the nine component towers helped to meet set back regulations as well as create varying sizes of office spaces, larger spaces near the bottom of the tower and smaller spaces at the top of the tower. At the time of its completion, the Willis Tower was a unique piece of modern architecture in a period dominated by international styled buildings.

03

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COVER IMAGE SOURCED FROM: http://i.huffpost.com/gadgets/slideshows/193115/slide_193115_401611_ free.jpg 1.

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Brown, Albert, and Oswald W. Grube. Skidmore, Owings & Merrill: Architecture and Urbanism, 19731983. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1983.

2. CIAM (Congres Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne). OpenLearn. http://www.open.edu/openlearn/ history-the-arts/history/heritage/ciam-congres-internationaux-darchitecture-moderne 3.

"CIAM 4 | CIAM 4." CIAM 4 | CIAM 4. N.p., n.d. Web. 25 Oct. 2014. <http://www.ciam4.com/ciam4/>.

4. Fainstein, Susan. "Postwar approaches." Encyclopedia Britannica Online. http://www.britannica.com/ EBchecked/topic/619445/urban-planning/258085/Postwar-approaches 5. Kriken, John Lund, and Philip Enquist. City building nine planning principles for the twenty-first century. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2010.

6. Menges, Axel. Architecture of Skidmore, Owings & Merrill, 1963-1973. London: Architectural Press, 1974.

7. Mumford, Eric Paul. The CIAM discourse on urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2000.

8. Mumford, Eric Paul. Defining urban design: CIAM architects and the formation of a discipline, 1937-69.

New Haven: [Yale University Press], 2009.

9. Schwieterman, Joseph P., and Dana M. Caspall. The Politics of Place: A History of Zoning in Chicago.

Chicago, IL: Lake Claremont Press, 2006.

10. "Sears Tower - Fazlur Khan - Structural Artist of Urban Building Forms." Sears Tower - Fazlur Khan - Structural Artist of Urban Building Forms. http://khan.princeton.edu/khanSears.html 11. "Research ProjectCIAM 4. The Functional City." Research Project â€' CIAM 4. The Functional City â€' gta Archives. N.p., n.d. Web. 25 Oct. 2014. <http://www.archiv.gta.arch.ethz.ch/research/ ciam-4-the-functional-city/infor>.

12. Zhou, J, D. P. McMillen, and J. F. McDonald. "Land Values And The 1957 Comprehensive Amendment To The Chicago Zoning Ordinance." Urban Studies 45.8 (2008): 1647-1661. Print.

13. "Zoning." Zoning. N.p., n.d. Web. 25 Oct. 2014. <http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/1401.html>.

FIGURES Image 04 http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Sears_Tower_ss.jpg

PLX 599 POST-CIAM WILLIS TOWER JEFFREY SZETO

NOTES

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The Toronto Dominion Centre is one of the iconic landmark buildings in Toronto designed primarily by Ludwig Mies van der Rohe in 1963. The complex was further developed by John B. Parkin Associates and Bregman and Hamann Architects after Mies' death. Located in the core of the financial district of downtown Toronto, the complex consists of six individual structures, of which a low banking pavilion and two darkly colored glass and steel office towers were conceived by Mies. By setting the structures back from the streets and placing them around a landscaped plaza, Mies created a gathering space for people in the city, as well as a respite for people working in surrounding neighborhoods. Surrounded by a dense urban environment, the structures of TD Centre were three dimensionally organized in a rigid and mathematical order, creating a proportioned built form in the downtown fabric. The significance of TD Centre is far beyond architecture.

The erection of TD Centre changed the city and its skyline, and made the complex an inspiration of building constructions across the country. Following the ideas of the CIAM, downtown Toronto needed rejuvenation and modernization in the 1960s. TD Centre brought new architectural languages into the downtown core and demonstrated a more creative way of using modern forms.

It has become a new driving force of Toronto's modernization.

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POST-CIAM 1960-present

TORONTO-DOMINION CENTRE Ludwig Mies Van De Rohe 1963-1969 Toronto, Canada Jue Wang

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Located in the heart of the business district of downtown Toronto, the Dominion Centre, designed primarily by Ludwig Mies van der Rohe, gave a new identity to the urban fabric of Toronto in the 1960s. Being asked to design an office building with a program of unprecedented scale by Cadillac Fairview Corporation and Toronto-Dominion Bank, Mies addressed the problems of urban life, in response to the failure of CIAM, by providing people opportunities of having a more interactive social and working environment1.

The Dominion Centre complex was conceived

by Mies and further expanded by John B. Parkin Associates and Bregman + Hamann Architects. The original structures designed

by Mies comprise two office towers and a banking pavilion, and are organized around a central plaza. By integrating a public open space into the dense urban fabric, Mies has created a healthier working culture and a more people-friendly urbanism. Situated in the bigger social, political, and cultural context of Toronto, Mies’ approach brought new thoughts to urban modernization and became a vital driving force of Toronto’s rejuvenation.

TD Centre is given a site located in the core of the financial district, the southwest corner of Bay Street and King Street West, with a 5.5 acre landscaped and traffic-free area2. The area occupies an entire city block, bounded by King, Bay, Wellington, and York Street. The whole complex consists of six towers: the Ernst & Young Tower, Royal Trust Tower, Canadian Pacific Tower, 95 Wellington, Maritime Life Tower, and

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the TD Bank Tower3, accommodating a 3.1 million square feet (288,000 m2) office space, a 154,000 square feet (14,300 m2) retail space, and a underground parking for 700 cars4. The shopping concourse that is created underground is a connection between individual buildings and has formed a PATH as an extensive network in downtown Toronto5. Surrounded by a dense urban fabric, the elegant office towers of TC Centre stand out with Mies’ theme of dark colored and steel and glass structure. An over 3 acres outdoor courtyard and plaza is created for social activities for workers in surrounding buildings and pedestrians in the city5.

Being built in an era when the world was moving into a new modernization stage, the Toronto Dominion Centre became a significant stimulation in revitalizing downtown Toronto. It was a time when new demands were coming along, and the cities were facing the challenges of meeting those needs. New modern cities were being built around the world at the time, such as New York and Chicago however, Toronto was not quite ready to embrace the changes and risks. Toronto has once been a conservative city6. The downtown area was sitting comfortably with the past with old and small buildings, and watching itself being increasingly disconnected with the future.

The notion of modernism in Canada was brought in and facilitated by the post-war economic development, during which period large amount of immigrants came to Toronto seeking better social life. Together with the

stimulus of baby boom, affordable housing was the prior demand, following which was the need of business district development7.

Constructions were started in Toronto, leading to a boom in economic growth. TD Centre played a leading role in rejuvenating the economy of Toronto. In the whole complex, TD Bank needed only seven storeys of the first tower, meaning that the rest of the spaces had to be leased6. This was a big risk at the time however, noticing the demands of modern business and the immediate needs of banking, Allen Lambert, chairman of TD Bank, took a crucial step in making Toronto a more competitive player in the world. TD Centre is an answer of downtown Toronto to the modernization and it has changed the direction and future of the city.

The site where the Toronto Dominion Centre is located falls under CommercialResidential category in Toronto Zoning Bylaw with no height limits and 5.5m setbacks8. At the completion, the highest tower of TD Centre ended up being 223m, becoming the tallest building in the country.

With this unsurpassable height at the time, TD Centre reshaped Toronto’s skyline ( Image 01). As TC Centre has become the place where a lot of people come for work, it is important to accommodate parking and public access. Two layers of parking are offered underground, complementing by the PATH, which is connected to subway and streetcar systems. Now TD Centre has become the home to over 20,000 office workers daily9.



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01



Office Tower

Bank Pavilion

02

03

Public Open Spaces Vegitation

Offset Structural Grid

JUE WANG TORONTO-DOMINION CENTRE

In addition, the Toronto Dominion Centre exemplifies some of the key ideas of Le Corbusier’s. Corbusier was one of the proponents of CIAM and the Athens Charter.

In his plan of the Radiant City, first presented in 1924, he conceived a utopian society that brings people together12. Corbusier’s focus was designing people a better city by offering means of transportation, green spaces, and sufficient sunlight13. Mies brings the principles of the Radiant City to TD Centre.

The dense urban fabric offers various means of transportation and parking

POST-CIAM

The Toronto Dominion Centre is an excellent model demonstrating the principles of CIAM and the idea Le Corbusier conceived in Athens Charter which was publish in 1943. After CIAM, designers started to rethink about how cities should be planned and care about the people living in the city. The goal is to create a better living condition and build healthier cities11. The site selection of TD Centre reflects CIAM’s principle of offering public transportations and shortening commute times. In this project, Mies takes a different approach from all others. He minimizes the building footprint instead of building to the full site, and creates an attractive public space for people in the city. By setting the structures back from the streets, a buffer zone is created

for pedestrians between streets and working places. Similarly, the open plaza in the center of the structures provides opportunities to engage people on the street into the working environment. Due to the variety of program provided in TD Centre, including shopping center, theater, and restaurants, the office workers are offered a distinctive social environment that helps keep them competitive. Although the building is conceived as “an office tower”, it has created a unique social and culatural environment with various programs that engages all residents in the city.

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mathematically ordered built form in the dense downtown fabric4. Mies believes that one of the means to realize the beauty of architecture is propotion10. By designing TD Center with a rigid proportioned order, he demonstrates a creative way of using built form and a new standard of design.

TD Centre has become an inspiration for architects throughout the country.

The Toronto Dominion Centre complex comprises six towers and a pavilion, which are organized in an asymmetric and mathematical order both in plan and three dimensionally. The original three structures, conceived by Mies, are arranged around an open plaza. The low banking pavilion occupies the corner of King and Bay streets, the main tower, the 56-storey TD Bank Tower, is in the center, and the Royal Trust Tower is located at the northwest corner.

From the plan it can be clearly seen that each of the structure is one bay of structural grid offset along the long side from the adjacent, dividing the public space into an open square at the front and a landscaped square at the side (Image 03). Both squares are used by people who work in surrounding buildings as eating and gathering area. They are also used by the public for performances and exhibitions. Mies is sensitive to urban environment. He decided to build the banking pavilion single-storey with clear span in order to address the site’s corner condition accommodating its flexible function and create an inviting environment.

The heights of other towers are proportioned to their widths and depths, creating a unique

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Toronto Skyline 1970 01 Toronto Skyline 2010 02 Plan at Plaza Level 03 Pre-Development Figure Ground 04 Current Development Figure Ground 05

issue is accommodated. The public open spaces between towers are use by people as diagonal shortcuts in addition to gathering and eating area. The landscaped plaza promotes interactions and brings people in the city together, as well as provides office workers a pleasant working environment.

By minimizing the footprint and allowing open spaces in between, daylight is able to come into each tower from all sides, creating a healthy working space that keeps people productive. Moreover, TD Centre demonstrates a similar idea with Corbusierâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s key concepts in the Athens Charter, a document on urban planning published after the fourth CIAM conference. In the Charter, it is believed that the key functions of a city are dwelling, recreation, working, and transportation14. TD Centre is not only an office tower, but also an recreation place which is connected with a variety means of transportation. The Charter also argued that high-rises should be built to increase the density, so that more land could be freed for parks14. Mies takes a similar strategy in TD Centre. The density is increased by minimizing the footprint, and by doing so, more space is allowed for creating a public plaza, offering people space for relexing and interactions. Therefore, TD Centre has addressed the issues that were brought up by CIAM and created an attractive and vibrant urban life.

The Baby boom and the wave of immigrants accelerated the development of Toronto in the post-war period. The intrusion of the Toronto Dominion Centre into the downtown

554

fabric rejuvenated the financial district and transformed Toronto from a conservative city into a dynamic one that is playing a leading role in the world today. Mies has achieved his international style in TD Centre, but the influence of TD Centre is profound and far beyond architecture. Situated in a distinctive social, political, and cultural context of Toronto, TD Centre brings in new architectural languages and has become a model of modern mixed-use office building design which concerns both its workers and the people in the city. In respond to CIAM, TD Centre reshapes designers thinking of how a city should be designed for the benefit of its people and their wellbeing, making it a great inspiration of building design in Canada.

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05

NOTES

1. "Toronto Skyline 1970." Photograph. Condo. Accessed October 24, 2014. http://www.condo.ca/ wp-content/uploads/2013/07/Toronto-Dominion-Centre-skyline-LEED-Gold-certficiation-environmental-sustainability-emissions-carbon-energy-conservation-Condo.ca_.jpg 2. Fernz03. "Toronto Skyline." Photograph, 2010. Deviantart. Accessed October 25, 2014. http://th00. deviantart.net/fs70/PRE/i/2010/333/c/e/toronto_skyline_by_fernz03-d33bxyq.jpg 6. Thomas. "Toronto-Dominion Centre." Photograph. Archikey. Accessed October 24, 2014. http://archikey. com/building/read/1562/Toronto-Dominion-Centre/1072/

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1. "Toronto-Dominion Centre." B+H Architects. Accessed October 17 2014. http://www.bharchitects.com/en/projects/85#1 2. Carter, Peter. Mies van der Rohe at Work. London: Pall Mall Press, 1974.

3. "Toronto Dominion Centre, Toronto." Galinsky. Accessed October 17 2014. http://www.galinsky.com/buildings/tdcentre/index.htm 4. Kalman, Harold. "Modern Architecture and Beyond." in A History of Canadian Architecture, 779-844.

Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1994.

5. "Toronto-Dominion Centre." Canada's Landmark Urban Destination. Accessed October 17 2014. http:// web.archive.org/web/20080802092735/http://www.tdcentre.ca/home/index.ch2?pageNumber=10 6. Folly, Lambert. "More TDC History." Toronto Dominion Centre. Accessed October 17 2014. http://www.tdcentre.com/en/About/Pages/History.aspx 7. Arthur, Eric. Toronto: No Mean City. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 1974.

8. "Zoning Bylaw Interactive Map." City of Toronto. Accessed October 18 2014. http://map.toronto.ca/maps/map.jsp?app=ZBL_CONSULT 9. "Toronto Dominion Centre Tenant Manual." Cadillac Fairview. Accessed October 18 2014. http://www. tdcentre.com/en/tenants/Documents/TD%20Centre%20Tenant%20Manual.pdf 10. Hilberseimer, L. Mies Van Der Rohe. Chicago: Paul Theobald and Company, 1956.

11. Mumford, Eric Paul. The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism, 1928-1960. Cambridge: MIT Press, 2000.

12. Merin, Gili. "AD Classics: Ville Radieuse/Le Corbusier." Archdaily. Accessed October 18 2014. http://www.archdaily.com/411878/ad-classics-ville-radieuse-le-corbusier/ 13. Tungare, Amit. Le Corbusier's Principles of City Planning and Their Application in Virtual Environments.

Ottawa: Carleton University, 2001 14. "The Athens Charter of the CIAM." Planering. Accessed October 18 2014. http://www.planering.org/ images/artikelbilder/pdf/ffs_syd_CIAM_4_The_Athens_Charter.pdf

JUE WANG

COVER IMAGE SOURCED FROM: Johnson, Philip. "The Largest Mies in the World." Photograph, 2010. Toronto Buildings. Accessed October 24, 2014. http://torontobuildings.files.wordpress.com/2010/10/tdc.jpg

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At the intersection of University Avenue and College Street, the Discovery District, Queens Park, and the University of Toronto Campus meet. The Leslie L. Dan Pharmacy Building lies on its Northwest corner and acts as a gateway to the surrounding city.

Foster and Partners won the international competition based on their ability to respect the surrounding context, green space, and the University's constraints. Foster and Partners had an initiative to change local zoning, which goes against the ideas of the Congrès International d'Architecture Moderne (CIAM). A Functional City was based on appropriately planned zoning, derived from local analysis. Regardless, Foster and Partners found it necessary to challenge the existing zoning to be able to align with not only the adjacent heritage building, but also its contemporary neighbour. CIAM also firmly believed in urban density and the fundamentality of physically opening up the city. Through the rezoning of building height, Foster and Partners was able to design a building capable of housing more students, as well as creating a larger open leisure space.

The resulting form of the current building was shaped through the principles and guidelines of the area. This essay will analyze how the Leslie L. Dan Pharmacy Building is a product of working with and against CIAM ideas of planning, in order to create a greater connection to site and city.

556

POST-CIAM 1960-present

LESLIE L. DAN PHARMACY BUILDING Foster and Partners 2002-2006 Toronto Briana-Nicole Zitella

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Introduction

In 2002, the University of Toronto reached out to the international architecture community with a competition to design their new pharmacy building that would stand to represent the gateway into the university. Located at the edge of the university, as well as the prominent intersection of College Street and University Avenue, the context demanded a building that upheld it’s important presence. Foster and Partners, the appointed firm, made it a primary goal to connect the Leslie L. Dan Pharmacy Building and the site.1 The site presented opportunities for Foster to address certain city components, namely green space, historical context, and the local urban community. Congrès International d’Architecture Moderne (CIAM) comments on these urban issues in the Athens Charter ( 1943) and their influence can be seen in the pharmacy building. Their promotion of statistically justifiable city zoning, expansive green space, and density are all noted in Foster’s design.2 Each factor played a role in the resulting design of the Leslie L. Dan Pharmacy Building, which is a pure and elegant expression of a box atop a box – two interacting volumes of solid and void.

Context

The University of Toronto is home to a number of specialized pharmaceutical degrees.3 Previously enrolment was at a standstill, with no space for more students.

The university concluded that the best

558

solution to its expanding department was a new building on campus for the benefit of faculty and students.4 Site selection was not overlooked, as the university wanted the very best for the faculty’s facility upgrades. The site chosen for the construction of the new pharmacy building, at College Street and University Avenue, is where Queens Park, the Discovery District, and the University of Toronto meet. This is important to note because this surrounding location gave students a better and more immediate access to other centers for research and learning, including other University of Toronto buildings.

The area is largely defined by its green space, which is overlaid with a number of pedestrian pathways. This intersection is also home to the Queen’s Park subway station, along the Yonge-University-Spadina line. This program initiates a constant flow of underground and aboveground traffic, creating opportunities for the pharmacy building to address its frequent passersby.

Several historic buildings lie next to the Leslie L. Dan Pharmacy Building, which required careful attention in the opinion of those involved in the project. In particular, a series of historic greenhouses lay on the site prior to construction. Controversy arose when the plan to demolish this historic property was set, but the university promised to replace at least one elsewhere.5 Respecting the presence of the remaining buildings was key to the successfulness of Foster and Partners’ design, but it was crucial that the importance

of the pharmacy building not be undermined by the desire to maintain the weight of its historic neighbors. This cohesiveness was achieved through the precise alignment of the lower box clad in glass, which sits below the solid volume above.6 Program and Zoning

Foster and Partners’ proposal for the pharmacy building respected the site, surrounding buildings, local green space, and handled budget and time constraints.7 The Leslie L. Dan Pharmacy Building contains lecture halls for 24-300 students, graduate student education spaces, study spaces, a resource center, administrative offices, laboratories, two pods, and a 14 storey atrium.8 The problem that the design team faced was providing this necessary programming for the expansion of the program on a small footprint, while maintaining a high quality space.9 The Toronto Zoning By-laws were insufficient and posed a challenge to the university’s requirements. The 18 meter height restriction related to the neighboring historic buildings, but limited the space available for the facilities.10 Foster and Partners argued that by extending the building upwards to 56 meters and manipulating its form, the pharmacy building would better address the lower lying historic context, as well as the surrounding high rise structures. This careful examination of site allowed for height rezoning, and gave the building its definitive two-volume form.

Although appearing over four decades after the end of CIAM, the Leslie L. Dan Pharmacy Building exemplifies several ideas

aware of this integral space and formed the lower half of the building to extend the parks pathways around its perimeter. Rather than close the building off to the exterior, Foster made the design choice to make the building transparent. He went through the trouble of ordering oversized glazing panels from Luxembourg so as to minimize the obstruction of mullions.19 Transparency between the interior atrium and the exterior public park creates a unified movement from one space to the other. There is no question that CIAM, as well as other city movements, played a role in defining the importance of this open space in the urban context.

A Functional City is an initiative presented

by CIAM as part of the fourth congress that detailed the need for a zoning system for city planning.20 The initial zoning regulations put forth by the City of Toronto did not benefit the aims of the University of Toronto and Foster and Partners, therefore rezoning was required.

The requested rezoning contradicts an area of CIAM’s views, but the overall vision for the application was in line with their initial reasoning. The belief is that, “To deal with [cities] with

BRIANA-NICOLE ZITELLA

CIAM’s Influence

and principles set forth by the congress.

Opinions on urbanism as presented in the Athens Charter address flaws and their solutions necessary in moving cities forward.15 Situated in a definitive urban area of Toronto, the pharmacy building was faced with the concerns of the city. Foster was driven to address open space, built form, the public and existing context.

The eleventh tenet of the Athens Charter focuses on the physical expansion of the city’s open space for public health, stating that “[The] elements that are indispensable to living beings [are]: sun, space, and verdure”.16 The public park movement during the 19th century became a large focus of CIAM and city planning – a result of poor living conditions due to overcrowding in cities.17 With the congestion of high-rise buildings and narrow streets, planning initiatives aimed to reintroduce areas of vegetation.

They provide both physical and mental benefits, improving the overall conditions of city living. Queen’s Park – located north of College Street, along University Avenue – was a product of this movement and lies next to the pharmacy building.18 Foster was

LESLIE L. DAN PHARMACY BUILDING

Another strategy used to enhance the formal aesthetic of the building was the addition of two hanging pods, floating within the 5 storey atrium. The “egg shaped”11 pods invade the interior space and provide a break from the rectilinear form. Each houses a lecture room inside and a study space on top.

Illuminated at night, these pods bring the interior and exterior of the building to life and greet passersby.12

Foster also focused on natural light within each of the spaces, something he integrates in every design. He believes that natural light creates a poetic quality to the spaces it sculpts and is essential to successful design.13 Foster achieves this elemental space through the 14 storey atrium. Not only does this atrium provide a visual connection between all 14 programmed floors, but it also carries natural light down within them from the large skylight above the void.14

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POST-CIAM

01

03

02

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PRE-CONSTRUCTION FIGURE-GROUND DIAGRAM 01 POST-CONSTRUCTION FIGURE GROUND DIAGRAM 02 QUEEN'S PARK ADJACENCY TO THE LESLIE L. DAN PHARMACY BUILDING 03 ORIGINAL ZONING BY-LAWS ONLY ALLOWED FOR A HEIGHT OF 18 M, INSUFFICIENT FOR THE PROGRAM 04 REZONING ALLOWED FOR A GREATER BUILDING HEIGHT 05

complete effectiveness one must know these cities, learn what they are and what they are made of”.22 The restrictions on building height were set to maintain alignment with the surrounding site. However, these regulations were outdated, did not promote density, and inhibited connection with contemporary buildings in the area. With Foster’s proposition that could retain the integrity of the entire site, the City saw just reason to issue the variance. With these appropriate zoning ordinances, Foster was able to provide a space for greater enrolment and further the connection to ideas of zoning and density presented by CIAM.23

There are strong notices of Le Corbusier’s beliefs in the Athens Charter as he was a member and strong proponent of CIAM. He promoted the use of modern technology, and so was evident in his works and proposals.24 Corbusier used the current era’s technology to raise his buildings and make room for open space. The technique of elevating built form above the landscape defined a new relationship to context. Not only was it aesthetically pleasing, but it served a functional purpose. Pilotis – or columns – were one of Corbusier’s Five Points Towards a New Architecture, and one that is well referenced in the pharmacy building.25 The upper 9 storey volume is lifted above the ground level and supported by exterior columns that line the setback perimeter, creating a “unique corner condition”.26 Foster clad the lower half of the building entirely in glass, a decision made to remove the visual obstruction that the building

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could have posed on the site. The void space presents the building as a floating mass. This expression of solid and void is a response to the city and the context.

Conclusion

Architecture is always under great influence of political, economic, and social elements, and the Leslie L. Dan Pharmacy Building is no exception. Foster and Partners were selected based on their ability to deal with these factors and, by extension, the University of Toronto’s needs. Still after CIAM’s formation and dissolution are there examples of their principles in contemporary architecture. Their influence on zoning, green space, structure, and density – overall

04

city planning – are present in the building’s design. These were the contributing factors to the final design. The building is an elegant representation of two volumes – one solid, one void – that reach out to the Toronto landscape and built fabric. The Leslie L. Dan Pharmacy Building is a product of working with the CIAM’s past ideas of planning and present urban conditions to create a building that is a gateway into the university it represents, as well as the surrounding context.

05

NOTES

LESLIE L. DAN PHARMACY BUILDING POST-CIAM

FIGURES Image 06 Remi Carreiro "Leslie L. Dan Pharmacy Building" July 8 2010.

06

Hume, Christopher. "Brit Design Good Medicine." The Toronto Star, April 27, 2006. Accessed October 8, 2014.

2.

Le Corbusier. The Athens Charter. New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973.

3.

"Programs and Admission." University of Toronto. Accessed October 15, 2014.

4.

Mollins, Julie. "London-based Architects to Design Pharmacy Building." The Varsity, January 1, 2002.

Accessed September 24, 2014. http://thevarsity.ca/2002/04/15/london-based-architects-to-design-pharmacy-building/.

5.

Ferguson, Ian. "Pharmacy Building to Replace Greenhouses." The Varsity. November 15, 2001. Accessed October 14, 2014.

6.

"Leslie L. Dan Pharmacy Building." Foster and Partners. Accessed September 14, 2014.

7.

Mollins, Julie. "London-based Architects to Design Pharmacy Building." The Varsity, January 1, 2002.

Accessed September 24, 2014. http://thevarsity.ca/2002/04/15/london-based-architects-to-design-pharmacy-building/.

8.

"Leslie L. Dan Pharmacy Building." University of Toronto. Accessed October 14, 2014.

9.

"Communication." Associations of Faculties of Pharmacy of Canada. January 1, 2004. Accessed October 16, 2014.

10. "By-law No. 438-86 : Zoning By-law for the City of Toronto." Government of Ontario. 1986.

11.

Goodfellow, Margaret, and Phil Goodfellow. A Guidebook to Contemporary Architecture in Toronto.

Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre, 2010.

12. Ibid.

13. "Design Services / Architecture." Foster and Partners. Accessed September 14, 2014.

14. Hume, Christopher. "Brit Design Good Medicine." The Toronto Star, April 27, 2006. Accessed October 8, 2014.

15. Le Corbusier. The Athens Charter. New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973.

16. Ibid.

17. "Queen's Park, Toronto." Government of Ontario. July 1, 2010. Accessed October 18, 2014.

18. Ibid.

19. Foss, Krista. "An Esthetic Marvel." U of T Magazine, January 1, 2006.

20. Le Corbusier. The Athens Charter. New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973.

21. Mollins, Julie. "London-based Architects to Design Pharmacy Building." The Varsity, January 1, 2002.

Accessed September 24, 2014.

22. Le Corbusier. The Athens Charter. New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973.

23. Dr. Ian MacBurnie, "Urbanization, Regulation & Design Part 1" 24. Le Corbusier. The Athens Charter. New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973.

25. Le Corbusier, and Fredrick Etchells. Towards a New Architecture. New York: Dover Publications, 1986.

26. Goodfellow, Margaret, and Phil Goodfellow. A Guidebook to Contemporary Architecture in Toronto.

Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre, 2010. 66.

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BRIANA-NICOLE ZITELLA

COVER IMAGE SOURCED FROM: Sam Janarouh "The Leslie L. Dan Pharmacy Building at College and University" August 14 2008.

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This scheme Danforth East Streetcar Yards was conceived by a small group of Ryerson University Architectural Science students, in collaboration with the Danforth East Community Association (DECA), and faculty experts. This project aims to further Danforth East's vibrant community endeavors, provide services for local residents and business owners, and to respect the heritage of the site. We hope that this will ignite an initiative to protect public interest on this valuable and historic site.

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DANFORTH EAST STREETCAR YARDS Ivana Digirolamo Anne Kwan Dana Salama Alvin Yonatan Tanoko Stephanie Tung with Brian Spratley Stephen Wickens [Danforth East Community Association] and Hitesh Doshi, P.Eng Dr. Mark Gorgolewski Dr. Ian MacBurnie [Department of Architectural Science, Ryerson University]

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Danforth East Streetcar Yards will be a crucial revitalization project for the Danforth East community. The site holds tremendous value for the neighborhood, and should be developed to promote collective needs and values. This is not a new model for the City of Torontoâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Wychwood Barns, Artscape projects, 401 Richmond, and Evergreen Brickworks have demonstrated that existing industrial or institutional buildings can become invaluable social and cultural facilities.

Our scheme for Danforth East Streetcar Yards sees the opportunity to create playful gathering spaces and bring vitality back to Danforth Avenue. On a site that has been directly tied to the growth and decline of the neighborhood, a new trajectory can be initiated.

This site should incorporate program which brings revenue, density, and innovation to Danforth East. The building becomes a mixer for different demographics, activities and collaborative projects, bringing latent community activities to the public realm.

A view of the site from Danforth Avenue

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Poor structural integrity of existing building—there are many solutions to this.

Site contaminated with diesel fuel—site remediation is required Connection to Coxwell TTC station across the street is indirect .

Lack of street crossings to the North side of Danforth Avenue.

Length of residential blocks on the north side of Danforth Avenue are too long. This is not conducive to pedestrian activity.

Vacant storefronts on Danforth Avenue.

Opportunities

Large open space in a low-density residential neighborhood Bringing vitality and pedestrian activity to the Danforth strip Bring public amenities to the Danforth strip DECA: community in need of a “fish market, really good supermarket, places to purchase clothing, bike infrastructure” Threats

Securing funding to develop the site as a public amenity

DIGIROLAMO, KWAN, SALAMA, TANOKO, TUNG DANFORTH EAST STREETCAR YARDS

Weaknesses

POST-CIAM

The ‘bones’ of the building are historically and aesthetically important.

DECA has been playing an active role in generating public interest for this site.

The size of the site allows for a myriad of schemes which could benefit the community.

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Strengths

SWOT ANALYSIS

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APPROACH

1. Minimal Intervention

Minimal intervention has a two-fold benefit. Firstly, it allows for a light approach which strategically brings as much benefit onto the site as possible while maintaining the bones of a valuable heritage building. Secondly, by deploying a sustainable process of phytoremediation on the site, we provide a fantastic vegetated public space while allowing the site to rejuvenate naturally.

2. Mixed-Use Block

By supplying a mixed-use block, the Danforth East Streetcar Yard becomes a vibrant community hub. Catering to different user groups and bringing spaces where these occupants may meet brings vitality to the Danforth Avenue strip—positively influencing community spaces, businesses, and bringing intellectual capital to the Danforth East neighborhood. The variety of users within this block will allow for a wider range of pedestrian activity at different times of day.

3. Public Interest

The crux of these efforts is to create a community space—where varying interests and collective goals mix. A site which contributes to a healthy neighborhood becomes a valuable amenity—one which people will want to protect and develop over time. This plan intentionally leaves room for growth; a back garden with temporary structures which can become anything once the soil is remediated, and large flexible open spaces wrapped by an envelope which references old industry and collective effort.

4. Capital Fundraising

We suggest that the community consider the Build Toronto financing model for this site. Build Toronto lists its strategic priorities as “Engagement, Livable Neighborhoods, Sustainability, Employment and Transit-Oriented Development (Build Toronto.)” These values are in line with the development of the Danforth East Streetcar Yards as a community hub.

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A view of the street adjacent to the community cafe looking south at the live/work units.

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1915

1891

1959

1912

1925

1946

1954

1954 – CARHOUSE BEGINS SERVICE AS BUS GARAGE – RESPONSIBLE FOR HANDLING SIGNIFICANT PORTION OF TTC BUS FLEET 1946 – CITY OF TORONTO RESIDENTS APPROVE SUBWAY PLAN 1923-1925 – FULL CONNECTION TO WEST END OF CITY 1921-1922 – EXPANSION PLAN TO SERVICE NEW CAPACITY IS FORMED ($235 000) 1918 – NEWLY FORMED TTC EXTENDS/CONNECTS EASTERN DANFORTH LINE TO DOWNTOWN 1915 (SEPTEMBER) – DANFORTH CARHOUSE BEGINS SERVICING STREETCARS 1913-1915 – WORK BEGINS ON BUILDING DANFORTH CARHOUSE (BLDG. COST IS $25 000) 1912- TRC ABANDONS FRANCHISE WITH CITY OF TORONTO AND CITY BEGINS MUNICIPAL PROJECT TO EXTEND STREETCAR SERVICE TO EAST VILLAGE OF TORONTO (DANFORTH AVE) 1893- ELECTRIC CARS COME TO BLOOR STREET

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1891- CITY OF TORONTO GRANTS 30 YEAR FRANCHISE TO THE TORONTO RAILWAY COMPANY (TRC)

DIGIROLAMO, KWAN, SALAMA, TANOKO, TUNG

TIMElINE

2000

2014

2002 – DANFORTH BUS GARAGE OFFICIALLY REPLACED AND BEGINS SERVICE AS TTC SURPLUS MATERIALS STORAGE SPACE, OFFICE SPACE FOR STATION COLLECTORS AND SUBWAY OPERATORS 2000 – ADDITIONAL STORAGE BUILDINGS WHICH OCCUPY SOUTH SIDE OF LOT USE UP VALUABLE SPACE – NEEDED EXPANSION IS NOT POSSIBLE AT THIS TIME 1968 (MAY 11) – FINAL DAY OF BLOOR-DANFORTH// CARHOUSE IS NOW AN ALL-BUS GARAGE 1967 – CARHOUSE IS RENOVATED TO HANDLE 134 BUSSES, SPACE FOR WASH RACK, DIESEL FUELLING STATION, SIX HOISTS, 8 INSPECTION PITS

POST-CIAM

1967

WHAT DOES THE FUTURE HOLD FOR THE DANFORTH EAST STREETCAR YARDS?

DANFORTH EAST STREETCAR YARDS

1964

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1966 – SUBWAY TRAINS BEGIN RUNNING UNDER BLOOR

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PROXIMITY TO TRANSPORTATION

MAIN STATION

WOODBINE STATION

DANFORTH GO STATION RAIL

COXWELL STATION GREENWOOD STATION DONLANDS STATION

PAPE STATION

5 MIN WALK 10 MIN WALK

SUBWAY STATION STREETCAR LINE

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2 5 500 m

DANFORTH EAST STREETCAR YARDS

10

POST-CIAM

0 1

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DIGIROLAMO, KWAN, SALAMA, TANOKO, TUNG

N

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FIGURE GROUND ANALYSIS

LAND USE 1. Holy Trinity Eastern Ortodox Church 2. Pegasus Studios, Kimbourne Church , East End Children Center 3. Earl Beatty Jr and Senior Public School 4. St Brigid Catholic School, Childspace Daycare 5. Toronto Public Library 6. Earl Haig Jr Public School 7. Monarch Park Collegiate Institute 8. Robertson Parkette 9. Monarch Park 10. East Lynn Park 11. Merrill Bridge Road Park 12. Williamson Park Ravine 13. TTC Subway Danforth Station 14. Monach Park Stadium 15. Shoppers Drug Mart 16. TD Canada Trust 17. McDonalds 19. Ethiopian Association in Toronto

4

3 2 1

18

10 13

16 15 17 5

8

11

6

12 7

9

572

14

Parking Recreation Market Communal Commercial, Bank Restaurant, Cafe Health-related, Clinic Transportation Park Sports Institutional Housing Rails

B

A

C

A : 1555 Danforth Road Park B : East Lynn Park C : Merrill Bridge Road Park D : Williamson Park Ravine E : Monarch Park

DIGIROLAMO, KWAN, SALAMA, TANOKO, TUNG DANFORTH EAST STREETCAR YARDS

18

POST-CIAM

PROXIMITY TO PARKS

E

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D

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1920â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Commercial Strip Buildings - North Danforth

DANFORTH & COXWELL - looking East

Existing Mid-Rise - South Danforth

574

Coxwell Subway Station & Shoppers - North Danforth

DANFORTH & HILLINDON - looking South

Garage Elevation - South Danforth

Library Elevation - South Danforth

575

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POST-CIAM

DANFORTH EAST STREETCAR YARDS

DIGIROLAMO, KWAN, SALAMA, TANOKO, TUNG

SITE IMAGES

SITE PLAN

576

577

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DANFORTH EAST STREETCAR YARDS

DIGIROLAMO, KWAN, SALAMA, TANOKO, TUNG

PROGRAM DISTRIBUTION

SUN STUDY SUN STUDY

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SUMMER 9 AM

SUMMER 1 PM

SUMMER 6 PM

WINTER 9 AM

WINTER 1 PM

WINTER 5 PM

Hordeum Spontaneum (a barley species of vegetation) will be used for the phytoremediation of this portion of the deisel-contaminated site.

This species of plant has demonstrated a notable resilience to deisel-contaminated soils, and an ability to germinated within them (Saadoum).

Several growing seasons may be required for the full remediation of these soils depending on their specific level of toxicity. (Saadoum).

Once vegetation has taken root in the soil and has germinated results should begin to appear (Saadoum).

DIGIROLAMO, KWAN, SALAMA, TANOKO, TUNG DANFORTH EAST STREETCAR YARDS POST-CIAM

An elevated boardwalk allows for pedestrians and users of the site to cross its expanse. This also allows for the uninterrupted continuation and first-hand observation of the phytoremediation process to occur.

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Modular assembly of lightweight steel scaffolding in the site allows for various configurations of temporary sculptural walkways.

PHYTOREMEDIATION

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10 0

580

5

20 m

581

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DANFORTH EAST STREETCAR YARDS

DIGIROLAMO, KWAN, SALAMA, TANOKO, TUNG

ELEVATION

582

583

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DANFORTH EAST STREETCAR YARDS

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NORTH-SOUTH SECTION

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585

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DANFORTH EAST STREETCAR YARDS

DIGIROLAMO, KWAN, SALAMA, TANOKO, TUNG

EAST-WEST SECTION

An image of the scaffolding garden (phytoremediation site) looking north

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DIGIROLAMO, KWAN, SALAMA, TANOKO, TUNG DANFORTH EAST STREETCAR YARDS PLX 599

POST-CIAM

Build Toronto. "A New Model for City Building." Build Toronto. N.p., n.d. Web. 16 Oct. 2014.

Saadoun, Ismail, and Ziad Al-Ghazawi. American-Eurasian J. Agric. & Environ. Sci. Rep. no. 1818-6769. N.p., 2010. Web. 5 Nov. 2014.

Mallion, Godfrey. ``Transit Toronto." Danforth Carhouse and Garage. N.p., 15 Oct. 2014. Web. 20 Oct. 2014.

NOTES

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AFTERWORD Architecture and urban planning are continuously evolving and adapting to a perpetually shifting technological, social-cultural, political and economic landscape.

Clearly evidenced in this collection of essays, every urban project responds to its context in a unique way. Architects and planners have consistently worked to achieve mastery over the urban environment to solve day to day issues. However, cities are unpredictable entities that grow along multiple paths leading to perpetual entropy. Development in cities is in constant flux, formed out of a complex network of factors that combine the human scale with the functional city to achieve a perfect built environment. Any scale of planning can be considered successful in its own right: minor interventions and major master plans both provide a step towards enhancing the system to develop a functional city.

CIAM, a collaboration of renowned architects, played a significant role in shaping urban landscapes. With a clear approach to planning principles and futuristic thinking, CIAM established itself as an important movement for architecture and urban planning, and its influence continues to persist to this day. It was because of the CIAM conference that professionals began to address the complex system of the city in order to develop new approaches with which to dissect urban issues.

With the current trend of unprecedented growth of cities across the world, innovative notions about living in an urban environment will need to be generated in order to maintain a functional urban environment. Future cities depend on the maintenance of economic, social, and architectural structure with a consideration of sustainability and human scale.

589