MOOSHG
ARCHITECTURE THESIS OF PURE ESCAPISM ON MOON
MUHAMMAD SOFFIAN HASHIM UNIVERSITY OF MELBOURNE MASTERS OF ARCHITECTURE // DESIGN THESIS 2016
“BECAUSE WE CARE, WE SUFFER, WE VISIT DARK TOURISM SITES, BUT BECAUSE IN REALITY WE ARE CITIZENS OF ANOTHER TIME AND PLACE, WE ARE VISITORS RATHER THAN PARTICIPANTS. IN OTHER WORDS, ‘VENIMUS, VIDEMUS, ABIMUS’ - WE COME, WE SEE, WE LEAVE.” -MARINA NOVELLI
PRE DAWN IDEAS //
PRE DAWN IDEAS // NARCOS - BLACK MARKET -prostitution / drug labs / drug abusers / illegal fights / gambling / exotic items / animal tradings - Dark leisure / dark attraction / dark media / dark events
PRE DAWN IDEAS // TEMPER TRAP MENTAL INSTITUTION -heart break / sexually abused / bullying / social media addicts -Behaviour / feelings / thoughts / physical
PRE DAWN IDEAS // HEAVEN’S GATE CULT TEMPLE -Believers , trapped soul / extraterrastrial believes -Haunting/ pyschos / retards
PRE DAWN IDEAS // THE ART OF TRAVELLING - ALLAN DE BUTTON - Creative process / different perspectives -Creating the ‘perfect’ image’.
RESEARCH READINGS //
Spaces for healing represent some of the most personal and complex services provided: intimate personal information must be shared with strangers; complex and often frightening situations might occur; difficult decisions are constantly made; and the staff speaks an entirely different language. The building itself can help to reduce the stress experienced by patients, their families, and the teams caring for them. The rehabilitation environment is a work environment for the staff, a healing environment for patients and families, a business environment for the provision of healthcare, and a cultural environment for the organization to fulfill its mission and vision. In order to realize these environments, facility designs must be linked to the organization’s goals and objectives (Kellert). Traditional models of rehabilitation centers bring the people out of their environment in urban areas to the rural areas. The belief is that by taking the patients away from the negative distractions of urban environments and into the architectural healing environments architectural healing environments positive distractions of rural environments, the healing process will occur quicker and more effectively. An untraditional approach is to bring these natural elements, from the traditional approach, into the urban environment. Historically, areas for rehabilitation are placed outside of the urban fabric. This focus demonstrates the effort to disengage sufferers from the physical complexity and stimuli of an urban habitat. The removal sets a distance between the urban patient and their everyday life. Arguably, this displacement provides a challenge to the longevity of the success the individual has made in rehab. The environment of the rehabilitation center and the patient’s home is comparatively a dramatic difference. Mentally one begins to associate their “healed self” with the facility and their “old self” with their home. The shift sets a possibility of imbalance and even relapse of the issues treated.
Architectural Healing Environments -Brian Schaller
“If travel is mysterious, even miraculous, and often lonely and frightening, tourism is commonsensical, utilitarian, safe, and social, “that gregariouspassion,” the traveler Patrick Leigh Fermor calls it, “which destroys the object of its love.” Not self-directed but externally enticed, as a tourist you go not where your own curiosity beckons but where the industry decrees you shall go. Tourism soothes, shielding you from the shocks of novelty and menace, confirming your prior view of the world rather than shaking it up. It obliges you not just to behold conventional things but to behold them in the approved conventional way.” “Paul Fussell, “Travel, Tourism, Etc” 1988. Influence An influx in tourism has effects of influence over the local culture, not only within the existing framework of the city and the way it operates, but also in how the city evolves to meet the needs of outsiders. This can be seen in the divide of standard of living and amenities in tourist accommodations as compared to the average residence of the local. In Cuba the government has created policy to limit the interaction of locals and tourists. Through the creation of spacial divides, they have attempted to limit not the influences of outsiders on space, but the degree to which insiders can interact with the spaces of the outsider. This attempts to limit the interaction of individuals by restricting the access of different groups of people to different spaces. This distinction of space access cannot be distinctively determined, however, because of a bleed over in activity and use. For instance, until recently Cubans weren’t allowed in tourist hotels, but at the same time they worked in the hotels serving the tourists. How then, if at all, is control attempted in these bleed zones and what serves as the spacial boundary beyond walls?
Architectural Healing Environments -Brian Schaller
Commodification, Branding, Theming Commodification is tangible product or place that has some value, use, advantage or profit that can be redeemed. Place is being commodified to the point, especially within the Caribbean, where the experience of the city as a commodity for outsiders is valued more than the place as shaped and belonging to insiders. The architecture of cities is used as a tool to attract and accommodate tourists, rather than as a place of exchange for insiders and outsiders. Place becomes a sterile, idyllic setting based on outsider preconception, rather than local reality. The identity of place becomes a brand, apart from authenticity, a sugarcoated version of reality to attract foreign investment. New construction then follows this ideal, based on this new desired identity of the place, to accommodate the new visitor, rather than the current inhabitant. New themed resort cities are created to be in line with the brand of the place. They function apart from cities or any existing infrastructure. They are self-contained environments solely for outsiders. However, the theming of space, especially in the Caribbean creates a generic atmosphere that no longer provides a unique experience, such as that within the city. For instance, in the Club Med resorts pictured to the right, the identity of the place is not decipherable from one image to the next.
Architectural Healing Environments -Brian Schaller
Policy and Control What control do locals have on the way they use the city? How does policy shape the way the city is constructed and functions? What influence do the people have on how the control manifests? Loopholes How do locals circumvent policy and what are the motives behind this? (money, interaction, etc) How does architecture challenge the control government seeks and policy they put in place? How are loopholes in the political system manifested in the form of space? Black Market What are existing types of spaces that use loopholes for specific types of social exchange? How can architecture create space for certain changing uses that are provided for because of policy? How can the space allow for change in policy that forces new modes of exchange to happen?
The Black Tourism -Christina Webb
A threshold of streetlife which is crucial in this regard is what Hillier (1996) terms ‘continuous co-presence’ – those public spaces with a continuous presence of at least two people within each field of view. Hillier suggests that people are alert to this condition of co-presence (linked to passive surveillance) and adjust their perceptions and behaviour accordingly. The condition of continuous co-presence throughout the day is linked to streets which are lined with front entrances, with all their comings and goings. The white areas of continuous co-presence throughout the day, while the degrees of grey show the degree of seclusion or separation from these areas of co-presence, coded according to the number of spatial turns or 10-metre segments deep into laneways. Also shows the injecting zones as white stars which appear most clearly against the deeper and darker sections of public space. A proportion of them (primarily toilets and public car parks) are lost in the zones of co-presence. It is notable that many of the deepest (darkest) segments of laneway are not used for injecting. The degree to which injecting behaviour is under (or potentially under) the gaze of others involves the confluence of several dimensions. First is the way sight lines are mediated by the spatial disposition of buildings, fences, trees and cars. The second involves the way windows and doors (coupled with traces of use) operate as signifiers of potential surveillance because someone could be watching or open the door. Exposure is also mediated by distance – beyond about 20–30 m exposure can protect privacy since intruders will become visible before they get close. Finally, contrasts of sun and shade enable the possibility of hiding in the glare. This quest for privacy is a dialectic process which mediates the spatial construction of social identity; the public location of drug use shapes the social identity of the user. The risk of disclosure is more than simply a risk of prosecution; exposure while injecting in public entails being labelled with the abject social identity of the ‘junkie’ which many users regard with some shame: ‘it makes me feel like I’m a, I’m a scumbag to be shooting up on the street.’ It is not only the act of Becoming Places: Urbanism/Architecture/ Identity/Power, Kim Dovey.
injecting but also the location which constructs this identity through its connections of derelict space to derelict identity, homelessness and social marginality. INJECTING ZONES Primary injecting zones range from about 10 m to 100 m from the Smith Street selling zones. Injecting zones range in size from tiny alcoves to long linear strips; they are often neither centred nor bounded. The only thing that they all have in common is minimal degrees of seclusion. They are also prone to cycles of use and displacement as resident or police action is taken to stop them being used and as the street trade rises and falls with supply, media publicity and police operations. Figure 9.6 shows more detailed patterns of use. Areas of continuous co-presence are again shown in white, grading to dark grey with degrees of seclusion; injecting zones are shown as white stars. While there is no dominant type of injecting place, the zones can be loosely categorized into public toilets, laneways and car parks. There were two public toilets accessible within a few metres of the selling zone on Smith Street. The toilets offer public access with private control, public identity with private behaviour. So long as the general public continue to use the toilets then they act as camouflage for heroin use. The toilets, however, are not safe in the event of an overdose, as is recognized by users. ‘people are going into the cubicles and use, and if they’re gonna OD they’re gonna sit down, and no one’s there to help them . . . and that’s a real big risk I suppose, they could be there for a long time before someone notices.’
Becoming Places: Urbanism/Architecture/ Identity/Power, Kim Dovey.
injecting but also the location which constructs this identity through its connections of derelict space to derelict identity, homelessness and social marginality. INJECTING ZONES Primary injecting zones range from about 10 m to 100 m from the Smith Street selling zones. Injecting zones range in size from tiny alcoves to long linear strips; they are often neither centred nor bounded. The only thing that they all have in common is minimal degrees of seclusion. They are also prone to cycles of use and displacement as resident or police action is taken to stop them being used and as the street trade rises and falls with supply, media publicity and police operations. Figure 9.6 shows more detailed patterns of use. Areas of continuous co-presence are again shown in white, grading to dark grey with degrees of seclusion; injecting zones are shown as white stars. While there is no dominant type of injecting place, the zones can be loosely categorized into public toilets, laneways and car parks. There were two public toilets accessible within a few metres of the selling zone on Smith Street. The toilets offer public access with private control, public identity with private behaviour. So long as the general public continue to use the toilets then they act as camouflage for heroin use. The toilets, however, are not safe in the event of an overdose, as is recognized by users. ‘people are going into the cubicles and use, and if they’re gonna OD they’re gonna sit down, and no one’s there to help them . . . and that’s a real big risk I suppose, they could be there for a long time before someone notices.’
Becoming Places: Urbanism/Architecture/ Identity/Power, Kim Dovey.
Informality’s market test The production of architecture may not depend on a stable market, but the market does depend on architectural production within the structures of civil society. As Foucault has noted in his writings on homo oeconomicus, there are several preconditions for the functioning of markets, including relations of mutual trust, expedient spatial production and a proper socio-institutional layout. The question is always just how much market we can afford within the matrix of civil society.13 Along the fringes of this matrix, informal markets behave as a mobile stage on which civil society and its relation to territorial, political and global power is questioned and negotiated through temporary arrangements and an unmediated collision of worlds. This is showcased in the attempted nation building around the now disappeared informal market in Topkapı Istanbul, in the initiation of a regional economy in Br˘cko and in the abstruse revitalisation of a former Olympic site in Moscow. These three markets vary significantly in how they deploy structures of indeterminacy, but they are all recognised as urban catalysts in the making of cultural co-existence: Moscow’s Izmailovo Market is a complex assemblage of layers held together through formal and informal segments of economic activities, Arizona Market could be seen as the transformation of a black market into a strategically formalised economic hub in Bosnia and Herzegovina, while Istanbul’s Topkapı market simply disappeared after the modern transport infrastructure had been completed and the market site cleared [2]. In close vicinity to strategic elements of urban planning, military and transport infrastructure, sports facilities and tourist attractions, these markets all employ creative structures based on principles of non-linear interaction between many different people and produce effects that were neither planned nor intended. Given their proximity to the transformation of large-scale urban infrastructures, what can be the role of these markets in terms of subject formation?
Becoming Places: Urbanism/Architecture/ Identity/Power, Kim Dovey.
In his essay ‘Actor Network Theory: The Market Test’ (a term borrowed from Foucault’s analysis of political economy), Michel Callon has argued that market transactions depend on continuous processes of decontextualisation and dissociation of sellable things from other objects or human beings. Actor Network Theory pictures a market world in which the disentanglement of objects from producers, former users or contexts enables buyers and sellers to achieve a market situation where both ends of the transaction are quits once the deal is done.14 This suggests a view of the market in which framing dissociates individual agents from one another and allows for the definition of objects, spaces, goods and merchandise which are perfectly identifiable. As one withdraws from old relations, transformation takes place through turning associated goods into commodities. As the dynamics of informal markets demonstrate, however, the terms of transformation that pertain to these sites have much more to do with structures of prolonged entanglement; it is not despite but because of this entanglement that such assemblages transform themselves into something new. They reshape themselves into amphibian structures, meaning that rather than disentangling themselves, they multiply. This mechanism has less to do with a dissociation of market transactions from other cultural contexts than with a multiplication of entanglements on various levels. And this is precisely the structure through which information passes between informal market structures and the political subjectivities emerging from these complex sites. The subject as a boundary process, a deformable and deforming composite, a resilient force that defies determinateness in trading objects as much as in trading itself. There is a lively entanglement of actors evoked by the processes which stimulate the self-organisation of informal markets and guide their transactions. It is because of family ties, the prospect of a brisk sale or the chance to sell items on at other markets, because of friendships, dependencies, liabilities or debts to suppliers, because of unexpected twists in one’s life or in the light of newly emerging relations, that people come together in an environment where they can benefit from other worlds. It is not the constitution of leakage points – points where Becoming Places: Urbanism/Architecture/ Identity/Power, Kim Dovey.
overflowing is allowed to occur and the commodification of things is partially suspended – but a much more generous and inconspicuous opening up of many different worlds to each other that generates the exuberant dynamics and maximises the turnover of the informal market. Drawing on analyses by the Swiss sociologists Urs Bruegger and Karin Knorr Cetina, Brian Holmes has pointed out how markets can be described as knowledge constructs. They act as epistemic objects within a sphere of technological and institutional frames. They are highly unstable and variable in their nature, as they always remain incomplete and changing. This variability makes them seem alive and unpredictable.15 Informality adds another epistemic dimension to markets: as much as they can be conceptualised as knowledge constructs, they also act as a knowledge filter, allowing only parts of the goings-on of the market to become intelligible, while certain secrecies, dubious relations and equivocal transactions are to remain unframed. It is particularly these sites of knowledge and interest, the deferral, obfuscation and active fragmentation of archival composition, which accounts for much of the activities that define informal trade as well as accounting for the spatial emergence, dispersal and re-aggregation of informal markets. Perhaps, this is the model of fertile undercodings and misapprehensions which emerges in the trajectories of informal markets: the lack of price tags, the false trade descriptions, the improvised trading places, the mutability of constellations, the devalued spaces filled with hybrid cultural entities, the abundance of strange objects that can be used for almost anything. They allow us to consider the potential of cultural encounters outside the formal market prerequisites of transparency, clear calculation and disentanglement. A cacophony ofsounds, voices and accents making themselves heard publicly, prior to any neatly designed arrangement for ideal speech situations. Scattered informal arrangements of stalls, trailers, trucks and tent cities that do not lead to what architects, politicians and planners might consider a rich form of cultural cohabitation but to a place elsewhere. Spaces of Encounter : Informal markets in Europe, Peter MÜrtenbÜck and Helge Mooshammer.
DRUGGIES CHARACTERISTICS //
TRAFFICKING
CONSUME
x
JAIL TERM EXPOSURE
DEATH OVERDOSE
RAVE ARENA
BLACK MARKET
RESEARCH LAB
DRUG LAB
BLACK MARKET / RAVE ARENA / TREATMENT AREA
DRUG LAB / RESEARCH LAB
TREATMENT AREA
ONE ELEMENT
PRIVATE
SEMI PRIVATE PUBLIC SEMI PRIVATE PRIVATE
PRECEDENTS STUDIES //
DARK MOFO
BURNING MAN
DAFT PUNK // MARTIN PHILIPS DESIGNER
LAKOV CHERNIKHOV ARCHITECT
LEBBEUS WOODS ARCHITECT
“THE AIM IS NOT TO DISTURB THE STABILITY, BUT TO PROVIDE STRATEGIES FOR ADAPTATION WHEN TRANSFORMATION OCCURS. EVEN MORE, THEY CELEBRATE CHANGE AND THE ENERGIES DRIVING IT, AS THE ESSENCE OF EXISTENCE.” - LEBBEUS WOODS
THESIS STATEMENT //
THESIS STATEMENT : MOOSHG This thesis is about a festival that investigates human’s ultimate escapism from earth and enjoying the uncharted freedom of space through architecture. 5 main drivers of how escapism is tested in order to achieve the ultimate escape fantasy; - Celebrate the dark through art, food, music, light and sound. - Uncharted territory and new experience for the audiences. - Challenging audiences to be pushed out of their comfort zones. - Radical Inclusion; welcoming and respectful of everyone. - Communal effort.
THESIS STATEMENT : MOOSHG Here are the main programs that will test out the investigations of the thesis. - The Purging: Immense yourself with the darkness of space; Inviting you to scribble your deepest and darkest fears and secrets by working your way to the main festival hall, optimizing the lightweight-ness of space. - ‘KRUMBLES’ Space gathering hall : A communal effort to craft a grand feast or share their experiences / exploration connecting them through their creativity. - Unconscious Collective : A chilly pilgrimage into the dark heart of the unknown. - Radiant Electrons : The centre piece of the arena elevating the experience through thumping bass and rhythmic melodies with shaft of lights piercing through the thin air of space. - The Hot House : ‘Rest now child.’ To reflect, respond and ultimately rest the exhausted body, mind and soul.
PRE- DAWN MOOSHG DESIGN //
RADIANT ELECTRONS
DRUG LAB
RESEARCH LAB
INITIAL SKETCH DESIGN //
SKETCH DESIGN DEVELOPMENT //
SITE MAP : MOLKE CRATER
NARCOS HEADQUATERS
KRUMBLES AND HOT HOUSE
PLAN DESIGN DEVELOPMENT //
FANTASYLAND
BREAKDOWN ZONING OF FANTASYLAND
MAP OF BURNING MAN
BREAKDOWN ZONING OF BURNING MAN
MOOSHG INITIAL PLANNING STAGE - ZONING
MOOSHG INITIAL PLANNING STAGE - ZONING AND FORM FINDING
MOOSHG INITIAL FORM FINDING
MOOSHG INITIAL ENTRY TO MAIN SPACE
MOOSHG INITIAL ENTRY TO MAIN SPACE
MOOSHG INITIAL ENTRY TO MAIN SPACE
LABYRINTH STUDY DEVELOPMENT //
MELBOURNE’S LANEWAY
MELBOURNE’S LANEWAY
KABUKICHU, SHINJUKU TOKYO’S RED LIGHT DISTRICT MAPPING
KABUKICHU, SHINJUKU TOKYO’S RED LIGHT DISTRICT MAPPING
LABYRINTH DEVELOPMENT / UNCONSCIOUS COLLECTIVE
LABYRINTH STUDY DEVELOPMENT PHYSICAL MODEL - FORM FINDING //
1ST ITERATION
1ST ITERATION
1ST ITERATION
2ND ITERATION
2ND ITERATION
2ND ITERATION
2ND ITERATION
3RD ITERATION
3RD ITERATION
3RD ITERATION
3RD ITERATION
4TH ITERATION
4TH ITERATION
4TH ITERATION
4TH ITERATION
3D MODEL DEVELOPMENT - FORM FINDING AND FUNCTIONS //
1ST ITERATION
2ND ITERATION
3RD ITERATION
4TH ITERATION
5TH ITERATION
6TH ITERATION
7TH ITERATION
8TH ITERATION
9TH ITERATION
10TH ITERATION
ADVANCE SKETCH DESIGN BASED ON FORM AND FUNCTIONS //
FORM OF ENTRANCE // - LIGHTWEIGHT-NESS - THROUGH DARKNESS
FORM OF ENTRANCE // - LIGHTWEIGHT-NESS - THROUGH DARKNESS
FORM OF ENTRANCE // - LIGHTWEIGHT-NESS - THROUGH DARKNESS
ENTRANCE // ATMOSPHERIC APPROACH
TESTING OF FUNCTION FOR ‘KRUMBLES’AND ‘PURGING’.
TESTING OF CIRCULATION
TESTING OF OVERALL CIRCULATION
TESTING OF OVERALL ZONING
TESTING OF OVERALL ZONING
SECTION TESTING OF UNCONSCIOUS COLLECTIVE
SECTION TESTING OF RADIAN ELECTRONS
TESTING METHODS OF SUSPENDING ‘KRUMBLES’
TESTING METHODS OF SUSPENDING ‘KRUMBLES’
TESTING ENTRANCE METHODS TO HOT HOUSE AND PURGING
TESTING ENTRANCE METHODS TO HOT HOUSE AND PURGING
TESTING ENTRANCE METHODS TO HOT HOUSE AND PURGING
TESTING JOINERY METHODS BASED ON ‘CONSTRUCTIVIST ARCHITECTURE’
SKETCH OF FINAL FORM AND FUNCTIONS
SKETCH OF FINAL FORM AND FUNCTIONS
SKETCH OF FINAL FORM AND FUNCTIONS
FINAL : MOOSHG
FINAL : MOOSHG
FINAL : PLAN
FINAL : AXO
A
B
B
A
FINAL : EXPLODED AXO
FINAL : SECTION A
䴀伀伀匀䠀䜀
⼀⼀䴀伀伀一 匀䠀唀䜀䄀匀⼀⼀
ᠠ䴀椀猀猀椀漀渀ⴀ 愀爀礀ᤠ
ᠠ刀攀愀爀 洀攀ᤠ
ᠠ伀洀瀀栀ᤠ
ᠠ匀瀀漀漀渀ᤠ
FINAL : SECTION B
FINAL : SITE INFO AND PLAN
FINAL : ENTRANCE
FINAL : ‘KITCHEN’
FINAL : ‘KRUMBLES’
FINAL : PURGING AND HOT HOUSE
FINAL : RADIANT ELECTRONS
ONLINE ACCESS - http://www.havocscope.com/market-value/ - http://www.therichest.com/rich-list/the-biggest/8-of-americas-big gest-black-market-industries/ - http://www.americanbar.org/groups/young_lawyers/publications/ the_101_201_practice_series/space_law_101_an_introduction_to_ space_law.html - http://www.unoosa.org/oosa/en/ourwork/spacelaw/index.html - http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/next/space/space-law/ - http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-3027088/A-Human-Harvest-Chinas-organ-trafficking-exposed-shocking-documentary-alleges-illegal-trade-worth-staggering-1-billion-year.html - http://www.sbs.com.au/news/dateline/story/human-harvest-chinas-organ-trafficking - http://www.ungift.org/knowledgehub/en/about/trafficking-for-organ-trade.html - http://www.blouinartinfo.com/news/story/839584/why-the-unbuilt-visions-of-architect-lebbeus-woods-matter - http://lebbeuswoods.net/ - https://lebbeuswoods.wordpress.com/2009/10/19/constant-vision/ - http://www.worldofleveldesign.com/categories/architecture/constructivist_architecture/constructivist_architecture.php - http://surface.syr.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1063&context=architecture_theses - http://cor.web.uci.edu/files/2013/02/kenneypaper.pdf BOOKS -Routledge, Francis Taylor, ‘The architecture of Drug Trafficking: Network Forms of Organisation in the Columbian Cocaine Trade’, 2007. -Ballantyne, Andrew and Smith, Christopher, ‘ Architecture in the space of flows.’ -Dovey, Kim, ‘Becoming Places : Urbanism / Architecture / Identitiy / Power.’ 2010 THESIS ARTICLES AND JOURNALS -Webb, Christina, ‘Black Tourism Market’. Syracuse University, 2011. -Peter Motenback and Helge Mooshammer, ‘Spaces of Encounter:
“ONCE YOU FREE YOUR MIND ABOUT THE CONCEPT OF HARMONY AND OF MUSIC BEING CORRECT, YOU CAN DO WHATEVER YOU WANT. SO NOBODY TOLD ME WHAT TO DO AND THERE WAS NO PRECONCEPTION OF WHAT TO DO.” -Giovanni Giorgio Moroder