2010–11 EDUCATIONAL PROGRAM
Design Research Report
Design Research Report _ June 2011
MOSCOW TALES 11 STORIES OF URBAN TRANSFORMATION Tutors: Stefano Boeri Francisca Insulza Alexei Muratov Design group: Anastasia Albokrinova Karina Bunyatova Victoria Kudriavtseva Evgeniya Nedosekina Yang Shi Merve Yucel Natalia Zaychenko
Moscow Tales collage on preceeding page Š Anastasia Albokrinova
Design Research Report _ June 2011
MOSCOW TALES 11 STORIES OF URBAN TRANSFORMATION Introduction Design research at Strelka this year focused on understanding the physical transformations that the city of Moscow has undergone in the twenty years that have passed since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Taking into account the powerful dichotomy that emerges when opposing a tradition of centralized planning against twenty years of newly instated free market enterprise, we were interested in discovering who is actually designing the city today and what role design and architecture have played in this period of transition. And, by recognizing Design broadly as the intention to change or enhance the performance of a space by adding (economical, spatial, aesthetical...) value to it, the study intentionally maintained an open outlook as to the processes and actors involved in these transformations. To this effect, a series of specific study cases, a combination of new and/or transformed spaces, were scrutinized from an interdisciplinary perspective that put particular focus and emphasis on analyzing the processes that have shaped their design strategies: the economic and social factors, the involved actors, the procedures and the new demands exerted on the development of specific projects. The research drew from an array of sources, picking up clues, so as to reconstruct a narrative or “plot� behind each transformation. The juxtaposition of cases creates an Atlas of Urban Transformation; a script of intersecting stories that represent the different facets of Moscow’s contemporary local space. Within the research process the focus also shifted alternately between the site specific cases towards wider and more general perspectives and discussions on contemporary Moscow and the social, political and economic transformation that have taken place. It is a crucial hypothesis of the research that it is through the study of local and physical space that we can better understand the essence and nature of social transformative processes. A second stage of the program proposed to use this contemporary atlas as the starting point to script and dramatize some of the stories behind the selected urban processes transforming them into theater pieces. This second, communicational, intention underlying the research proposal is intended to break open the disciplinary frame of the work taking the problematic of contemporary urbanism and the transformation of the city to a wider and heterogeneous audience.
Design Research Report _ June 2011
The approach to design was, in this way, two-fold: Within the first facet of the research (realizing the Atlas) Design was understood as a subject; one of the many energies or forces which determine urban processes of transformation and at the same time as a question constantly reformulated and rearticulated by other subjects at play. In the second segment of the research program (performing the Atlas) Design is instead assumed as creative practice; as the development of a series of techniques that are necessary to realize the performance. Both phases of the work required close collaboration and interaction with local experts and as such the creation of a local network was a fundamental aspect of the research program: the first with regards to the political, economical and social forces that have had an effect on the physical transformations of the city; the second in the form of a collaborative project for the actual mise-en-scène of the Moscow Tales (to be presented on June 29th, 2011).
The Eclectic Atlas as Urban Research
1
“Eclectic Atlases” propose new ways of examining correspondences between space and society. [They can be] heterogeneous (reports, photographic surveys, geographic and literary descriptions, classifications, research reports, qualitative investigations, essays and articles, anthologies and monographs, collections of plans or projects...), but they are similar in their visual approach. They tend to take on the form of an “atlas” because they seek new logical correspondences between spatial things , the words we use to name them, and the mental images we project upon them. And they tend to be eclectic because the criteria on which these correspondences are based are often multidimensional, spurious and experimental. (…) Eclectic atlases usually try to construct representations with “multiple entries” and to counteract the dominant [zenithal] paradigm. They attack laterally, moving at once toward physical space and mental space, because they believe in the existence of profound connections between the forms of vision and the forms of things seen. They look at inhabited territories in search of the individual, local, multiple codes that link the observer each time to the phenomena observed: the physical city, its inhabitants, and the “inner city” of the person observing. Perplexed by the linear progression of history, they prefer to use more “forms” to represent the flow of time in a territory. They produce provisional and inconsequential maps in which the territory is not represented as a continuous mineral substrate or as a layering of stable “states of things”, but as the interweaving of sinuous and multiple configurations which are reversible and which never share the same time-frame. In skeptical confrontation with an impersonal and synoptic gaze, these atlases most often use several angles of view simultaneously to look at the territory: from above, but also through the eyes of those who live within the 1 Excerpt taken from: Stefano Boeri, Eclectic Atlases in Multiplicity, USE Uncertain States of Europe, Skira, Milan, 2002.
Design Research Report _ June 2011
space, or from new, unprejudiced, experimental perspectives. They are particularly concerned to maintain the distinction between the subjectivity of the real observer (we who look at the landscape or observe its representations) and the simulacra of subjectivity incorporated in the technologies of representation. They display the conviction that our identity precedes vision, that it is “outside� the scene of the gaze. Deftly interweaving viewpoints, the eclectic atlases propose a multiple visual thinking which abandons the utopia of an all-embracing vision from an optimal angle of observation.
Methodological Notes The Design Research program anticipated from the outset two very distinct areas. The first dealt with the creation of an Eclectic Atlas of Moscow, the second proposed a performance of this atlas directed to a wider audience. Although each phase was anchored to a distinct disciplinary realm the methodological assumption was that both needed to be addressed contemporarily and from the beginning of the process. Starting from physical space and visible transformations that act as indicators of social change, the methodology then proposed to turn these urban stories into biographies and performance. The approach is intentionally subjective; it validates individual and collective urban experience and knowledge as information, and centers on the notion of the protagonists (be these real or created) and intertwining stories both for the creation of the atlas and the search for new spatial and social realities. 1. Constructing the Atlas of Contemporary Transformations The construction of the Atlas is primarily based on the examination of a series of case studies of urban transformations in Moscow. An Atlas that is defined as eclectic because it gathers different gazes and contributions; and is seen as ongoing as it does not presume to be comprehensive or finalized. The methodology for the research proposed to consider these transformations by looking at the real, physical space of the city, searching for clues that could highlight new social behaviors and broader questions with regards to the changes that have occurred. The cases were thus uncovered through a method of sampling, analogous to the notion of a biopsy to analyze tissue. Starting from the work realized during the Warm Up week, a specific and in detail observation of local spaces, its actors and the forces (political, social, economic) that have led to the physical transformations gave us a wide panorama of almost 30 processes that have shaped Moscow into its existing form. This large number of cases was then reduced to a selection that could best represent the transformation of Moscow during the last twenty years and then submitted to local experts – anthropologists, urbanists, photographers, economists, journalists,
Design Research Report _ June 2011
psychologists – within a seriesof interdisciplinary workshops aimed at producing an in depth analysis of the major transformations in Russia’s recent history. Selection also depended on three basic criteria: its relevance during the last twenty years, the physicality and visibility of the transformation and the relation between specificity and genericity of the phenomena. Research participants were specifically asked to recognize and represent the multifaceted forces that shape a particular process of transformation and its specific design. An eclectic approach to sources and gathering of materials was applied; in view of the ensuing phases of work, special emphasis was placed on the search for local accounts and every-day life and their depiction in newspaper chronicles and protagonists’ impressions and narratives. Specific research objectives for this phase also included: - defining criteria of sampling of the case-studies - assembling different gazes and perspectives on the same single case- study - creating a “biography” of each urban process (design plus financial energies plus…) - studying the position of each urban process (biography) within the Moscow context - studying the reciprocity between the studied urban processes (biogra phies) 2. Performing the Urban Atlas The second component of the Moscow Tales research refers to the production of the performance of the Atlas. Used as a starting point for scripting, the objective was to transform the studied processes into narratives to be dramatized and publicly presented. Specific research objectives for this phase included: - transforming of each biography and its context into a narrative - studying the best way to perform it (monologue, scene…) - combining the different narratives into a script - designing scenography, soundtrack, costumes, etc. for the performance Working through different approaches and with different theater professionals (see Performance on p. of this Report) Lera Surkova of Theatre.doc was chosen as the person to realize our idea. The performance will be presented at Strelka on June 29th. 3. Further presentation of the research The Moscow Tales research will also take form in the publication of a special issue of Project Russia centered on the urban transformations of Moscow during the last twenty years. This issue is planned for the end of 2011 and will be developed with the participation of the research group during the second half of the year. Additionally, the research was publicly presented this Spring at the Festarch initiative that took place between Perugia and Assisi between June 2nd and June 5th 2011.
Design Research Report _ June 2011
_Reyner Banham, Los Angeles. The architecture of Four Ecologies, The Penguin Press, London, 1971. _Walter Benjamin, Moscow Diary, Harvard University Press, 1986. _Giovanna Borasi, Mirko Zardini (eds.), Sorry, Out of Gas, CCA Montreal, Corraini Editori, Mantova, 2007. _Francesco Careri, Walkscapes, Walking as an Aesthetic Practice, Gustavo Gili, Barcelona 2002. _James Corner, Alex Maclean, Taking Measures across the American Landscape, Yale University Press, New Haven, CT, 1996. _Merli Coverley, Psychogeography, Pocket Essentials, Harpenden, 2006. _Katherine Harmon, You Are Here: Personal Geographies and Other Maps of the Imagination, Princeton Architectural Press, New York, 2004. _Katherine Harmon, The Map as Art: Contemporary Artists Explore Cartography, Princeton Architectural Press, New York, 2009. _Harvard Project on the City, Shopping, Taschen, Colonia, 2002. _Harvard Project on the City, Great Leap Forward, Taschen, Colonia, 2002. _Momoyo Kaijima, Junzo Kuroda, Made in Tokyo, World Photo Press, Tokyo 2000. _Momoyo Kaijima, Junzo Kuroda, Pet Architecture, World Photo Press, Tokyo 2001. _Bruno Latour, Emilie Hermant, Paris Ville Invisible, Les EmpĂŞcheurs de penser en rond & La DĂŠcouverte, Paris, 1998. _Liz Mogel, Alexis Bhagat (eds.), An Atlas of Radical Cartography, Journal of Aesthetics and Protest Press, Los Angeles, 2007. _Multiplicity et al., USE-Uncertain States of Europe in Rem Koolhaas, Stefano Boeri, Sanford Kwinter, Hans Ulrich Obrist et al., Mutations, Actar, Barcelona, 2000. _Multiplicity, USE-Uncertain States of Europe, Skira, Milano, 2003. _George Perec, An Attempt at Exhausting a Place in Paris, Wakefield Press, Cambridge, 2010. _Wolfgang Scheppe, Migropolis: Venice : atlas of a global situation, Volume 1, Hatje/Cantz, Ostfildern, 2010. _Iain Sinclair, London Orbital, Penguin Group, London, 2003. _Studio Beirut (ed.), Beyroutes, a Guide to Beirut, Archis, 2010. _Kazys Varnelis, The Infrastructural City, Networked Ecologies in Los Angeles, Actar, Barcelona, 2008. _Robert Venturi, Denise Scott Brown, Steven Izenour, Learning from La Vegas: The Forgotten Symbolism of Architectural Form, MIT Press, Cambridge, MA, 1977.
Understanding Moscow today Expert workshops and Tea time lectures Invited guests: Evgeny Asse Vyacheslav Glazychev Bart Goldhoorn Yury Grigoryan Marina Khrustaleva Sergey Nikitin Grigory Revzin Olga Vendina Vladimir Paperny
Understanding Moscow today: Expert workshops and Tea time lectures Workshops and Tea time lectures presented different formats with a similar goal: to gain a better understanding the local social, political, historical and economical context and its transformation in the last twenty years through conversations with local experts from diverse disciplines. In particular, Workshops used the students on-going research as a common ground for discussion involving different experts at the same time and probing from each particular case study towards more general aspects of urban and social transformation. Tea time lectures, by contrast, were formulated as single interviews geared to discussing the changes produced after the dissolution of the Soviet Union starting from specific disciplinary perspectives towards the urban reality. Invited guests included: Evgeny Asse, Vyacheslav Glazychev, Bart Goldhoorn, Yury Grigoryan, Marina Khrustaleva , Sergey Nikitin, Grigory Revzin, Olga Vendina, Vladimir Paperny.
Case studies 11 Tales of an Urban Transformation 1. Political (de) Branding (Christ the Saviour) Shi Yang 2. The Shadow Empire. A Tale of One State (Cherkizovsky market) Evgeniya Nedosekina 3. Buried Freedom (Manezh) Evgeniya Nedosekina 4. Desires’ Design (Triumph Palace and Prestigious Real Estate) Natasha Zaychenko 5. Democratic Micro-transformations, Mutations of the Connective Tissue Merve Yucel 6. Bibirevo/ Segregated Landscapes, Kottedzhi of Rubljovka Merve Yucel 7. When Art Comes: Transformation of Industrial Territories of Moscow. Red October Creative Cluster Anastasia Albokrinova 8. Political (de) Branding 2 (VDNKh) Shi Yang 9. Emptiness with a History ( “Russia” hotel) Viсtoria Kudriavtseva 10. Moscow-city”- Alien heart”; Transplantation of the CBD model into Moscow realm Karina Bunyatova 11. Tsverskaya Road Design Research Group 1
Diagram on following page © Merve Yucel
the shadow emire
A TRAGIC TALE OF ONE STATE
One ant makes millions With the collapse of the old regime and the burst of free enterprise a new type of economy as well as power formed. A truly unique phenomenon of a city within a city, Cherkizovsky Market had its own culture and lifestyle. A city state that completely changed the consumption patterns of moscovites and the bilateral relations between Russia and the World. Following the decree for “Freedom of trade” in 1992 issued by president Yeltsin which legalized business in the form of trade, many people stepped into a new type of profession and entrepreneurship. Starting from kiosks and growing to markets one business-savvy man in particular established a whole empire based on suitcase trade and gray customs – Mr Telman Ismailov became one of the first millionaires of Russia, providing the disrupted and torn country with all kinds of products from abroad. Founded in 1993 Cherkizovsky market grew from just a few containers to a gigantic trading zone, transforming an empty unused space into a hub. Giving jobs to millions of people it established a steady relation with countries such as Turkey and China and developed the stagnated economy within Russia itself. Growing to the immense size of a state comparable to that of Monaco, Cherkizovsky market not only became a central spot for trade, but also an urban and social phenomenon bearing an informal character. Set up within Moscow’s territory it became an integral part of the city’s cultural landscape that formed a new type of design. A place where ethnic communities could co-exist in equity, having the possibility of creating their own roots and a sense of identity. Regarded mostly as a negative display of the country’s current situation, Cherkizovsky reflected the overall relationships between the now former republics and became a somewhat of an isolated city. While one big ant made millions by attracting other ants, another highly ambitious persona was determined to make Moscow a place for the high society and luxurious shopping, thus Okhotniy Riad was born in 1997. Destroying a central square for manifestations and protests, Yuri Luzhkov made his way onto the trading arena by constructing a high-class underground shopping mall for the future by investing 15 million dollars from the Moscow government budget (but in fact it was 350 mill $) and holding a competition for the reconstruction of the square. However the grand desire to make profit from selling expensive brands failed, as Moscow didn’t have enough consumers for such products and the “underground pit” brought more attention to the building itself rather than what it sold, being highly criticized by professionals and locals alike. Subsequently the concept turned towards attracting the newly formed middle class society, but still failed to address the majority of the population. The two contrasting strategies of development, one bottom-up, the other top-down show the different courses in which the market economy tried to develop the ideal commercial environment and what impact it had on design. Showing the formal and informal back to back, one was destroyed without a possibility to adapt, while the other became a national treasure.
State Cherkizovsky Market Founded: Area, ha: Government: Administrative division: Official languages: Population: Currency: Number of Tourists: GDP:
1993 234 Monarchy 12 retail spaces Chinese, Russian; Tadzhik, Vietnamnese, Azeri 100 000 Roubles, Dollars, Yen 2000 000 per weekend 110 000 000 $ annually
Telman Ismailov - owner of AST company, man behind Cherkizovsky
Yurii Luzhkov - ex-mayor of Moscow, rumoured friend of Telman Ismailov
http://specialplan.blogspot.com/
The market offered the best rental rates and conditions, security, parking to traders, that is why it was so big. The cost of renting a stall or place, according to the owners of containers, ranged from 1 to 4,500 dollar monthly, and the amount was paid directly to the leaser. Another 58,000 rubles a month, was paid directly to the market administration. The birth of “suitcase trade” in Russia is part of the liberalization time in economy and the development of international tourism of the late 80s. The main driving force stimulating the growth of the new middle class and the scale of its actions in the mid 90s was
the economical crisis that pushed a significant part of the population into business enterprise. The imperfection of the Russian legislation system allowed individuals to not register their businesses.The imperfection of the Russian legislation system allowed individuals to not register their businesses, therefore making possible the existence od such structures as Cherkizovsky market. Suitcase trade provided job opportunities for almost 10 million people in the mid 90s in Russia.
Microeconomics of “suitcase trade” Shop-tour payment
300-400$ for 3-4 day trip
Transport of goods
use of cargo-carriers 6-7$ per 1kg of product
Salary of market seller
150-200$ monthly rent of trading space 3000-4000$ per 1 sq meter annually
The weak development of the retail infrastructure and insufficient demand for consumer goods caused the spread of the suitcase trade in the early 90s. As a result suitcase trade was very effective. This efficiency and the scale of profit led to the formation of a developed infrastructure around suitcase trade, which included wholesale markets, tourist and transport companies in Russia, and also hotels, shops, storages and factories in Turkey and China, specializing on Russian clientele. Misrepresentation on the nomenclature of the imported goods allowed cargo-carriers, according to customs authorities, no extra cost to the budget of about $ 500 million annually. The average sales volume on markets constituted slightly more than 200 thousand roubles monthly per one outlet. In Moscow however the average turnover was almost 500 thousand roubles, which is explained by the fact that Moscow markets still act as transshipment bases for smaller traders in regions. The most usual complaints about suitcase trade had to do with the low quality of products. Some of these complaints resulted in political actions. For example in 1994 the Chinese government attempted to stop suitcase trade from Russia as it affected the reputation of China.
“ The positive effect was primarily the large number of commercial and near-commercial services - even working illegally (or maybe that's why), these services allowed to take quite cheap credit (2-3 times lower than bank interest), take the product credit under the honest word, transfer money (say, money to China could be transfered for 1-3%, and in 5 minutes), currency exchange, quickly sell the goods (container per day) in the case of urgent need of money, quickly deliver the goods and so on. Not one formal structure would go through this - and even if they would, then they would have asked an exorbitant for a suitcase trader amount of money (or, paperwork, often interchangeable). Ultimately it had the simple effect that some sneakers in Lugansk cost twice cheaper.�
http://specialplan.blogspot.com/
“The abundance of cheap authentic cuisine from all countries represented - certainly (where now can you get the fat-tailed sheep and fresh Chinese greens?).�
http://specialplan.blogspot.com/
All major market announcements were broadcast in Russian and Chinese languages, before Vietnamese and Azerbaijan were also added, but the Chinese finally won. 7 daily newspapers in chinese were published on the market. The most poorest and desperate of the chinese population came to work in Cherkizovsky market. In general the chinese did not want to assimilate in Moscow, they did not feel comfortable here, even if they have money to buy an appartment, they prefer to return home. The state also didn’t want them to assimilate and constantly
raided the market and those who stepped outside the premises. Some people did live directly on the market, but mostly they lived in the vicinity, 16 people in one flat.
All in all 12 nationalities existed on the market : vietnamese, chinese, korean, indian, afgan, azerbaiajn, ukranian, tadzhik, uzbek, russian
During the course of its existence of 17 years the Telman-created empire was constantly under attack by the Moscow government and many attempts were made to shut down the market. But not even a terrorist attack resulting in 16 deaths was a legitimate enough reason for its closure. By that time Telman already entered the cohort of businessmen close to the city authorities, including ex-mayor Luzhkov himself. In 2009 a June report tendered by Minister of Industry and Trade Victor Khristenko stated that contraband goods not only cost the government great loss in taxation, but also undermine the development of the country's light industry. The Supreme Arbitration Court of the Russian Federation on December 15 acknowledged the right of the federal property on all 66 acres of land under private Cherkizovsky market. The prime minister himself broached the matter at a cabinet meeting June 1, leaving little doubt what he had in mind. “The fight is on, but results are few,” Mr Putin said, referring to smuggled goods at the market, according to news reports. “The results in such cases are prison terms. Where are the prison terms?” (NY Times) The Moscow Arbitration Court upheld a claim by the Russian State University of Physical Culture, Sport and Tourism (RGUFK) to one of the tenants of the former Cherkizovsky Market LLC Fount groups "for the release of land. The court ordered the defendant to demolish illegally constructed stalls. In 2010 the demolition started.
The shutting down of the market left 100 000 people without work and had a serius impact on business not onlt with China and Turkey but also with Russian cities that relied on its trade. The closing of the market also created a dispute between the Russian and Chinese government, as many of Chinese entrepreneurs lost their business. The result was a government project to build new state controlled markets in Moscow, especially for those Chinese workers. From recent information in February this year the construction of a commercial complex, "Greenwood", into which 350 million dollars were invested by a Chinese company officially began to attract traders. As for the space, the former Cherkizon land will be converted into a sports complex made specially for the Russian Academy of Sports and PE. Cherkizovsky market had such a big impact on the everyday life of people, that its spirit got reincarnated into a television soap-opera called Cherkizon: Disposable people. Several pavilions of stage design with a total area of 4 thousand square meters were built on ZIL factory to recreate the market. The project is designed for a wide audience: "We expect that the audience iare those people who know what the market is, and realize that it was the only way to make money", - said Artem Ivanov, PR The show aired week days at 5:30 pm on Ren TV and ran for 60 episodes.
State of the territory now
Demolished
Empty conteiners
CUSTOMS
Legend
informal control (connected with corruption)
MIA and FSB
movement of goods
CARGO CARRIERS
cash flows
LOCAL AUTHORITIES AND MILITIA
SMALL WHOLESALE MARKETS
SUITCASE TRADERS
SHOPS
HOTELS
FACTORIES
TRAVEL COMPANY
AIRLINE COMPANY
RUSSIA
LOCAL AUTHORITIES AND MILITIA ABROAD
suitcase trade infrastructure (Demoscope weekly)
http://specialplan.blogspot.com/
The many faces of one square
In contrast with the self-organized structure of Cherkizovsky market, the Manezh Square or Okhotniy Riad is the epitomy of a direct top-down decision to commercialize a space in the very center of Moscow. By destroying the important place where people could manifest and protest, Luzhkov intended to suppress this notion and turn Moscow into a more global city. In 1990 the project of Moscow architect Boris Grigorevich Ulkin received the first award at an international competition for his project of Manezh Square. The original project had 7 underground levels, 40 meters in depth and 240 thousand sq meters as opposed to the 63 that is now. Its ground floors occupied parking places, and only a third of trade, and on the others there were cultural centers, restaurants and cafes, an underground historical city with an archaeological museum, children's theater, a canteen. But the private investors calculated the project to be inefficient; as a result we have what we see today. "Okhotny Riad" amazes as everything grand. Like “Titanic", the Egyptian pyramids, the Ostankino TV tower, or an elephant. It seems, Zurab Tsereteli, is indeed a gigantomaniac. Something in gold, glass, perfume, and pizza, faces questioning: is it a store or is it a museum?” (Komsomolskaya pravda) While being an attractive investment in terms of commerce and location, it fails to meet the demands of the leasers and customers alike, having little parking space and expensive rent.
However the place became very successful and attracts a lot of tourists, and is the top site to see when visiting Moscow.
Okhotniy Riad Area: Commercial space: Profit: Number of visitors: Rent rates:
62711 sq. m 29400 sq.m 190 000 000 $ annually 200 000 per weekend 3000 - 10000 $ annually
The initial concept of being a high-class shopping malls with boutiques failed soon enough, as it did not attract the desired customers. After the formal opening of the highly ambitious project and the cutting of the ribbon by Luzhkov, the underground center became unaccessible for the citizens. The object was off limits for journalists and protected. However, interestingly enough special excursions were held to this new “wonder” with tickets on sale for 10 000 roubles. Each level was done in it’s own style: the top level with the main boutiques is done in the art nouveau of the late 19th century, the middle one in the spirit of the 18th century , the lower one is stylised as 12th century with arches and wall paintings a la russe. The Manezh square became the second largest construction after Christ the Saviour costing the government approximately 400 million dollars.
When asked what people think of the Manezh Square, ordinary passers by answer that it is beautiful and grand. “It is a nice place to hang out here after work, drink some beer”, “it’s in the very heart of Moscow, next to the Red Square and . The vast majority of interviewed people consisted of visitors and migrants from other cities. Moscovites tended to be more negative with their reception of the square, where according to their opinion mostly teenagers and a rather low-class public spent their time. “ I don’t usually stay on this square, I pass by it on my way to and from work. I used to like all kids hang out here everyday, but now it’s not my kind of place anymore”. This is yet another observation which shows that moscovites mostly avoid public spaces, whereas visitors regard them as the main sites for sightseeing. Manezh square is no longer associated with the past spirit of protests and manifestations, the rare events that did happen there are not widely known among people. It is no longer the place that draws attention to people’s rights and desires. In this sense, the goal of eliminating such a chance was achieved.
http://picasaweb.google.com/yelena.rodina
The significance of Cherkizovsky market was that it supported small businesses, for which the main obstacle was always rent. While Cherkizovsky built the trade across all of the country, Okhotny Riad focused mainly on Moscow consumers. Markets do not only play the role of trading and working zones, but also give different people the opportunity to integrate into a society which is desintegrated by erasing the invisible borders. The environment of the informal can be designed in such away as to avoid the negative parameters and connect the infrastructure with the “civilized” world.
visualrian.ru
Meetings on Manezh Square, december 2010 “The pit at the Manezh seems like an underground parking, bomb shelter, but not a public space” Revzin, Architectural Critic Protest against ethnic crimes, devoted to the death of Spartak fan
20 years ago, when I was 8 years old, one of my most burning desires was to have a Barbie Doll - dream of all girls of the former USSR. In a way, Barbie manifests a turning point in a development of a post-perestroika period. Barbie lived in a North of Russia. She often looked through her parents’ stamp collection with Stalin’s scyscrupers and dreamed of moving to Moscow to live in a Palace. At the end of the 90s Barbie and Ken had an opportunity to do so. They moved to Moscow and bought an apartment in the Triumph Palace – a new Palace in a prestigious area, which reminded her of her parents’ stamps. Barbie and Ken have a good income, their business is going well, they travel a lot, analyse and compare, gradually changing their point of view on the Triumph Palace as a result. Opulence seems more and more comfort and qualitydriven to them, as opposed to a former showing off paradigm.
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II
III
TRIUMPH PALACE Biography of the place§
“7 SISTERS + 1”
PRESTIGIOUS REAL ESTATE General process
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TRIUMPH PALACE Biography of the place
Architect ANDREY TROFIMOV Head of TROMOS architects
The idea was not mine. The idea and the literary base was offered to us by the head of Don-Story, Maxim Blazhko. This building was treated like the “the next step� of the traditional Stalinist skyscraper, learning from the experience of 50-plus years. The building positioned itself as the eighth traditional Moscow skyscraper in traditional classical architecture. It is connected not so much by details but by configuration. The configuration is the core that distinguishes Triumph Palace from the others. In my opinion, there should not be a problem putting Triumph Palace amongst its cousins (existing Stalinist's skyscrapers). But our project was on another scale.
TROMOS architects
QUESTIONNAIRE 30 inhabitants of Triumph-Palace answered…
JULIYA actress 36 years old Lived in Belarus
Triumph Palace is the most beautiful house in Moscow. The fence is a masterpiece of contemporary art… There are modern conveniences in the house. I have the sensation of living in a palace from the ХIХ century. This is the best building in Moscow!
GEOGRAPHY OF TRIUMPH-PALACE Egor M - businessmen 47 years old Moscow born
When I first saw the project, I became interested at once with such power, scale. I like to live where i'm impressed. My joy begins at the checkpoint you approach, and becomes greater once you drive into the territory. Everything is pleasant. I never thought it to be possible to perfectly combine construction with poetry. Also I experienced the building process, I saw it as a skeleton, then fully clothed… All of which passed before my eyes. It is important for me, as the builder and father. I saw a house born, not built. I am happy with Don-Stroy.
20% 40% 15%
Tatyana Z - dentist 45 years old
25%
PRICES – CHANGING VALUE 13 000$
3 500$ 1500$
I would like to reflect on the quality of life inside, and then the facade. The load-bearing frame does not coincide with the facade on 20 - 50 centimeters in process of increase of floors. I don't like the windows, which are almost impossible to maintain (120 х 330 cm) . They possess such windage, and strong wind beat on window's fasteners and part of the hinged plate. The lifts are out of order on windy and snowy days. I would have bought lifts taking into account aerodynamic turbulence and possibilities of the freezing conditions of our climate. Or I would pressurize shafts more reliably…
STEREOTYPE from the past
II
. “7 SISTERS + 1”
PUBLIC vs. PRIVATE and QUIET PUBLIC WITH SECURITY
High-rise buildings became a symbol of Moscow.
security guard = 80 security officers Triumph palace Embankment apartment ATTRACTIVE FACADES = FREEDOM CITY FENCES = FEAR IN THE CITY
Tattoo on a back of Alexey Dolmatov, aka GUF - rapper
Roughly speaking, in the beginning of the 90s, Moscow was divided. There were government properties available and it was possible to take it over and create a general plan. Everyone wanted to be like the west. One of Don-stroy’s shareholders was married to Luzhkov's assistant. Money didn't play a role. ALEXEY SCHUKIN Journalist The object, with the name, is in my opinion absolutely secondary. People unfortunately, aren't able to see architecture that foreigners that ours. It is a symptom of sharp falling of cultural level. All Stalinist's skyscrapers are monuments of regional value since 2005 in the country. However Russian buildings do not figurate in the list the world heritage. NATALIYA DUSHKINA the historian of architecture
BIGNESS
Triumph Palace acquired ф nickname "Stalin's 8th Sister" as it was designed to copy the castle-like (Seven Sisters) skyscrapers in Moscow built by Stalin in the 1950s Triumph Palace exceeded in height all of Moscow’s skyscrapers before it was superseded by the Moscow-City towers. In addition, Triumph Palace was the tallest building in Europe for almost a year.
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CHANGING VALUE business class
. PPRESTIGIOUS REAL ESTATE
1998
General process
2001
2005
2011
IRINA EGOROVA HEAD OF SOHO REAL ESTATE AGENCY In the sector of prestigious real estate Don-stroy is the economic variant, latest in any of classifications, formal classification isn't complete till now. Nowadays it is difficult to raise money in this sector. So called elite market, a class A property is only centrally located and up to 25 apartments, in a class B up to about 50 apartments. Don-stroy has occupied a niche, has generated the mass market of so-called prestigiousness. It was possible to choose - either the old Stalin house or the new, 'stylish' house from a Don-stroy with protected territory.
A PORTRAIT OF an elite CONSUMER
NEW RUSSIANS
1992-1997 At the beginning of the 1990s, money was spent just as quickly as it was made. Demand was the highest for the “most of the most”: the most dazzling, most expensive, and the loudest things. Most of all, luxury became a show.
Alyona Doletskaya, ex editor-in-chief of Russian VOGUE
SUCCESSFUL BUSINESSMEN
1997-2000 People began to adapt to large incomes. Capital became something valued by a wider range of social levels, not just the criminal and sub-criminal elements of society. Luxury became something that was not just expensive, but also elegant.
OLIGARCH LIGHT
2000 - … Elegant tastes prevail over regular consumer demands. Wealth is measured not by quantity, but quality. Showing-off and the ‘epidemic of imitation’ go out of style. To be original and show your uniqueness , but not to go completely against the grain becomes the main task of the new consumer.
O. Trushenko
HISTORY OF SOCIAL SEGREGATION IN MOSCOW Ivan Kalita
Yuri Dolgorukiy
1156 - Yuri Dolgorukiy ordered the construction of a wooden wall, the Kremlin, which had to be rebuilt multiple times, to surround the emerging city. Moscow becomes not princely village,it's the whole regiment of a princely military team.
1325 – 1340 - Moscow becomes the political and spiritual center of Russia because the Russian metropolitan has moved. Moscow becomes the main center of gravity for the higher nobility, princes, boyars, a top of clergy and rich merchant class.
XVII-XVIII.
RULING ESTATES AND DOMINATING SOCIAL GROUPS OCCUPIED THE CAPITAL CENTER AND IDENTIFIED IT'S SYMBOLICAL VALUE.
WEST the clergy
1564 - oprichnina (special administrative elite under tsar Ivan the Terrible; its territory and army) Tsar declared the property in Moscow «streets Arbat, Sivtsev Vragek, Nikitskaya with different large villages, whence it was necessary to send all noblemen and the mandative people who have been not written down in imperial one thousand.»
EAST
Boulevard Ring
KREMLIN the merchants the boyars the nobility
Garden Ring
1989
Ivan the Terrible
KITAY-GOROD
the craftsmen's order the third estate 1 - Kremlin the peasantry 2 - Kitay-gorod 3 - Bely Gorod 4 - Zemlyanoy Gorod 5 - Zamoskvorechye 6 - Zayauzye
Privileged functionary, member of the bureaucratic establishment / elite Working class districts Administrative manager’s districts
Form the IV century Kremlin has remained the focus of political and spiritual power. It was the architectural centre for Governmental institutions and public administration, so called "public offices" of high-ranking officials, up to 1917 representing the selected layers of the nobility, and in the Soviet era - nomenklatura. Since the eighteenth century quarters to the west, southwest and northwest of the Kremlin were most densely populated by privileged estates where cultural spots and educational institutions (university, gymnasiums, thetres, libraries, museums) appeared faster than in any other areas of the city. In the past 20 years, within the advent of Luzhkov point buildings appeared and commercial race per square meter started, which the enitre country and former USSR “friends” bought. Proximity of different segments of the population and security serviced territories of residentions in various parts of the city have increased. Stereotypes of territorial settlement have began to fade away. Aggressive “point development” gradually changes the picture in a formerly least prestigious areas, making new rich live right next to the new poor, formerly being separated into the gated communities in order to avoid the latter. Accessories of the luxury refer to the old traditions and shapes and reproduce them, often lacking a good taste or technical quality. Kitsch is an essential stage, a turning point in a formation of a society. With time the appearance looses its prime importance, giving way to an inner aesthetics and an adequate comfort and quality. Efficiency, economy and education dictates new solutions an can change major stereotypes.
Microrayon re-invented fragmentation of the connective tissue Bibirevo Moscow
14:05 Sacha comes school 8:05 Sacha leaves home
Microrayon, definition of the primary structural element of the residential area construction in Russian cities after the 60s that has been subject to massive changes in the last 20 years. The absence of private land, private investors and private builders, the need of urgent housing stock and ideology of unification, have been the perfect breeding ground for the occurrence of these large housing areas with highly standardized apartment blocks. But the dissolution of the Soviet Union led to a sharp decline in management, construction and organization in the Microrayon and challenged the very normative concepts of living. In a positive vein, this also triggered a set of creative, innovative and opportunistic processes that help structure the most important part of a society, the social actions and organizations. The research explores how these transformations have become visible in physical spaces of the Microrayon Bibirevo, and the contributions of its from actors in order to realize 15:25 Sacha plays with his frineds them. 16:45 Sacha goes to the bakery
8:10 Sacha arrives at school
Scale and the myth After Khrushchev’s speech in 1956, the microrayon concept became accepted as the fundamental building unit for planning urban expansion. This structure was rigid and had a standard layout that consists of a number of large urban blocks separated by main roads, grenways and natural obstacles. The design was focused on the production of an industrialized, rationalized and massively urbanized society. The uniformity of residential buildings represented equality and stability in the Soviet Union. This indeed was the success of the microrayons. Everybody lived here. A university professor, a factory worker and a bus driver could all be neighbors living in the same building. From 1950’s onwards, the Microrayon has been the only form of housing built in Moscow. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, other forms of housing has also appeared but the city still continues to use the traditional Soviet methods of standard housing design and construction. Today the microrayon dominates the Moscow urbanity. Moreover the existing buildings have an expiration date, and the strategies to deal with this heritage remain insufficient.
Story of a demolition
February 2003 Protest against the quality of the new public housing given to those relocated residents.
Arithmetic Equations
demolition erasure
abandon-
infrastructural reconstruction
YOU’RE FIRED!
Five months later a new list of buildings to be demolihed were released densification additional
public space rennovation
addition of new buildings
new constructions
Typically when the city approves a new development proposed by a private developer part of the recompense is to be paid in kind, up to 40% of a residential complex’s elite apartments. To avoid building public housing developers usually pay the city in cash or built it somewhere else.
Mr Luzhkov positioned himself as a friend of public and fired the chief housing inspector. The city sat up a ‘HOTLINE’.
Mr Luzhkov was forced to acknowledge that such an aproach (rennovation) will save the city a lot of money and made comments in favor of rennovations.
Even after being convinced about the quality of the new housing residents were still unwilling to leave their neighborhood to the periphery. But the city authorities conceive shelter in terms of geometric area and checklist conveniences.
Gazeta publishes a list of resettler’s rights including the right to refuse resttlement (2004)
170 CASES IN COURT 2003
Microrayons have been subject to massive changes since the start of privatization in 1991. The so-called transition from a socialist to a market economy may generally speaking have been completed by the early 21st century but the process in the housing sector is not yet finished. Deteriorating apartments, new constructions, housing scams and expert’s debates are constant subjects of discussion in the Russian media. This draws attention to State’s policies in dealing with this Soviet heritage. Since 2002 City Hall has been designating five-story khrushcheby, for removal and replacement. This is not only expensive, but also a destruction of social and cultural heritage. According to initial plans the Khrushchev’s slums should have long ago disappeared from the face of Moscow. In the last 5 years 1477 buildings have been demolished. By 2014, 1512 more buildings are scheduled for demolition, which implies that the inhabitants of these buildings are waiting to be evicted and relocated. The Soviet habit of conceiving the shelter in terms of geometric area and a checklist of conveniences still continue. It is hard for the city authorities to understand the human attachment to place, to home and neighborhood. An other option is infrastuctural reconstructions and rennovations. In the last two years 866 building have been rennovated. Generally these interventions are limited to sheating or painting. The repetition of faded colors in the facades creates an other type of absurd harmony. There are many other strategies, like adding floors or new buildings to densify, "My yard, my porch," programs to beautify
Story of of Bibirevo Changes in the facades -balcony extensions -first floor additional
agricultural land cultivation
Masonary changes in the pigeon housesaddition of two interior floors privatized space
fleuners of Bibirevo public meeting room used for
new housing unit with fenced garden
window bars fences steel doors
library addition garage collectives
cars parked on secondary roads home-office commercialized apartment trade on first floor kiosks
supermarket
babushkas street vendors
MICRO-TRANSFORMATIONS
spatial influences of the sociatal change piegeon houses
balcony extensions
material changes
garage collectives
additional rooms in
parking garages
facade changes
interior design
rakushka appropriation
differentiation
urban argiculture
Micro-transformations fenced gardens
supermarkets first floor commercialization home-offices kiosks insecurity babushkas street vendors
fences around steel doors
window bars
The connective tissue of the Soviet is fragmented and appropriated by a multitude of private owners. Moscow is becoming an urban texture flooded by a diffuse tremor of microtransformations. We selected the example of Bibirevo to understand how management, ownership and organization in the microrayons have transformed. Bibirevo is a microdistric located in the northeast edge of Moscow. It is one of the greenest areas in the city. Ever since the beginning inhabitants felt responsible for their private spaces, but the communal spaces – including staircases, lifts and courtyards – were considered public property and treated as a kind of no-man’s land that everyone could use but no one cared for. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union people have gained the possibility to own their apartments. But legal ownership is not necessarily the limit of the private realm. Those who feel responsible can earn the ownership by taking care of these spaces. In Bibirevo most of the porticos (Russian word for staircases) are dirty and smelly. Walking around the neighborhood, we come across a small agriculture garden in the entrance of apartment No: 12. Three babushkas, Anna, Tatyana and Alexandra took the initiative to plant this small garden. They grow tomatoes, peppers and cabbages on approximately 25 sq meters of land. They invite us inside the apartment; the entrance hall is almost like a small living room, with plants and paintings on the walls. The elevator, which is very dirty in other buildings, is very clean and decorated with paintings. All the staircases are embellished with plants, and the small windows are covered with curtains. The seventh floor, where Anna lives is the most remarkable one. She has a variety of beautiful flowers matching the colors of the wall paintings made by her grandchildren. The three babushkas are deservedly very proud of themselves for initiating a common thoughtfulness in the community. Their achievement is not only limited to the glorified commo spaces. They have also pioneered the establishment of a cooperative in this apartment.
iNSECURITY/PRIVATIZATION Microrayon was designed to be a safe environment for its community. The initial designs had no fences, no boundaries except for the major roads surrounding the blocks. Even staircases of apartment buildings were open and were used for informal socializing. Public buildings such as schools or kindergartens were accessible to everyone. Openness forced or voluntary, was a fundamental aspect of the microrayons. Nowadays, the spatial implications of the desire for privacy is visible through bars in the windows, steel doors and fences. One of the major changes in the structure of the microrayon is the fences around the schools and kindergartens, which alters the accessibility of public spaces. Are these symbols of salvation from forced collectivity? COMMERCIALIZATION During the time of transition commerce also left its mark on the post-socialist Moscow. Consolidation of public life was achieved mostly by individual practices. Commercial adaptations in Bibirevo follow the patterns of daily routines of the inhabitants. The most visible example commerce is the kiosks. Kiosks always existed in the Soviet Union. Alexander Rodchenko in 1919 won a competition for a "stand for the distribution of printed matter". 1971 there were officially 5915 in Moscow stands and kiosks. In the mid-80s older women ("babushkas") appeared to offer goods for sale mainly on to transportation hubs. Their locations were a few years later, the locations of the first kiosks. By no later than 1992, with the introduction of the new free market eceonomy, thousands of kiosks flooded the streets of Moscow. Meeting points between selforganization and daily needs, these kiosks may easily adapt to seasonal scarcities. Microrayons depend on such trading resources to make their environment more habitable. In Bibirevo, they are usually grouped around the corners of the blocks, but you can still come across babushkas on the exit of the metro station.
ACTORS OF BIBIREVO AND THEIR RELATIONSHIPS
The State
W
HAT IS SOCI The rent is determined by the location, amount of goods sold, and a vague standard called ‘social significance’
Currently there are 5 dfferent companies responsible for infrastructural maintenance in Bibirevo
AL
CAN IFI SIN
E?
UPRAVA
st enate te un rp it ris ary e
Z IMI IT
Moscow City Government
ED
DEZy
1000$
management companies
O INF
RMAL
Entrepreneurs
in
self-organized
TSZh en
t
Housing Cooperatives
This terro act is illegal
mashrutka
Garrage collectives
350000 RUBLES
UPTIION - VAGUE SELECTION CORR
RS RENEU HIP RP E T EN val i v r u S
Spontaneous and mobile and informal structures
they are selfgoverning organizations, BUT they are also a result of the reform by authorities, closerstate than other social organizations
m ge a na m pe ate oo c priv of ion t u l evo
ra
Kiosk owners
are obliged to dents resi management company e h T se a choo
,
ectives e col 4 garag
Today to open a kiosk, one must obtain a permit from the UPRAVA. A sketch of the structure and the fee for the clerk, who processes it, must be included to the application.
Moscow DEZy improperly spent more than 10 million budget allocated for the maintenance and repair of apartment buildings in 2009-2010
tiv e
LE G
Private Investors
The organization of local government puts emphasis on executive power and one-man management. Head of the district board is appointed by the major.
self-organized
Land Squatters
INHABITANTS They were erected without official permission
rakushka
SEGREGATED LANDSCAPES Kottedzhi of Rubljovka Road
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK LARGE SCALE alll the settlements in Rubljovka
MEDIUM SCALE selected settlement in Rubljovka
permanence of process
REALITY CHECK
future possiblities
Nature of development
form
different typologies dacha, cottage, town house,
function
change in landuse patterns and infratructure
global-local dualism hypertrophic growth westernatlization in post-socialist context
Suburbanization
social polarization Price range - property market differentiation Desire of nouveau-riches
COTTAGES on Rubljovka Social segregation
Spatial-Urban change
policy instruments affecting change legislations, land codes, local politics
segregation of landscapes
New behavioral patterns – economic activities, spatial mobility
Actors involved
DACHA culture New LIFE STYLE
SEGREGATED LANDSCAPES of RUBLJOVKA Triggered by the reorganization of the societal and economic system, the outskirts of Moscow became an investment zone in the last 20 years. The outskirts has always been attractive for Muscovites, especially those with young children. They enjoyed moving to the suburbs for the weekends or summer months, where they owned or rented a vernacular seasonal house called dacha (wooden summer houses). But this tradition is now giving birth to an other suburban Moscow, where single family brick and stone houses and mansions cost up to several million dollars. The Kottedzh is the Russian translation of the word cottage, to emphasize the resemblance to its foreign cousins. They appeared only in the 1990s, after the construction of private houses became possible, and dramatically transformed the suburban landscape of Moscow
obessive surveillence environmental destruction forced evictions GATED LANDSCAPES
Bureaucracy
constrution workers policy makers Private interests architects-residents The Market real estate businesses
territory. Initially they were wooden and in close proximity to the city. But as more and more 'Nuevo riches' started to appear, their size and price began to grow rapidly. The kottedzh became stone or brick, two-tofour story, stylized medieval castles. They spread rapidly, either inside existing dacha settlements or on the fringes of farming fields. What is more striking than the gradual process of suburbanization, is the excess of surveillance in such settlements. The majority of the new developments are not only fenced, but strictly controlled by private security guards, surveillence cameras, checkpoints, alarm systems and so on. The research investigates this phenomena throught the protagonists of the Rubljovka Road, a symbol of wealth, social ascent and decadent lifestyles.
supermarket
KOTTEDZH appeared in the real estate terminology THE CRIME RATE IN Moscow region is at its peak, since the hungry year 1948 Volokomskoe
Dmitrovskoe
Pyatnitskoe
Kaluzhskoe Kievskoe
Rublevo
SUBURBANIZATION
SEGREGATED LANDSCAPES 3ring
developmet of moscow OUT of the MKAD 1ring 2ring
great increase in the number of advertisements
4ring
5ring
20 sotka
10 sotka
developmet of moscow OUT of the MKAD
the prices for renting countryside cottages have been higher than the average annual prices by 15 percent to 25 percent
AVARAGE PRICE OF 1 SOTKA DEPENDING ON RIRECTION
Novorizhskoe
Muscovites began to exchange their apartments in the center for small houses on the outskirts
Leningradskoe
established a rudimentary land market for the suburban land. Restrictions and Gray areas remained Minskoe
argued the need to conduct an inventory of agricultural territories and reallocate the land that was used inefficiently Mozhaiskoe
10 sotka
dacha
600.000 commuters per day Simferopolskoe
6 sotka
50 percent of the people in Moscow Region were commuting 75 km or more to the
INDIVIDUAL GARDEN PLOT CULTIVATORS
primary concern was USE of land not OWNERSHIP
the oblast' administration decided to allot up to 40 000 hectare land for cottage development
everyone is speculating with dachas, throughout the country. There are a whole lot of disgraceful phenomena in evidence
Moscow set the target of providing not less than 300 m2 for each family
COLLECTIVE FARMS
CP’s central committee had dacha acommodations for 1800 families in Moscow
PRIVATIZATION often with reduction in the size 6ring
2 million commuters per day
decrees issued
on land reform
11
10
09
08
07
06
05
04
03
02
01
00
99
98
97
96
95
94
93
92
91
70% of the adversitements for cottages in Moscow promote some sort of security measures.
DEVELOPMENT NAME
AREA (ha)
Alpijski
11
Avrora
Not Available
Barvikha-Club
6.28
Belgijskaja dervenya
28
Benilux
107
Bor
8.09
Chigasovo-2
9
Domik v lesu
10.3
Evropa
Not Availabe
Finskaya Derevnya-2
10
Fortun
Not Availabe
The new cottage setlements imitate the western typologies of suburbanization with a Russian mannor. The transition from the Soviet to post-Soviet period manifested itself in increasing production of segregated space in the suburban areas outside of the beltway. Single-family housing construction in general started in the mid-1990s, but the real spurt began on 2000s. ‘‘In 2001 there were only about 30 such settlements in the suburban region and by the end of 2007 there were already more than 700 settlements of the economy and business class types and about 80 in the elite-class.’’ Based on a recent IRN report, western and northwestern destinations experience the biggest development in Moscow Oblast. Rublevo-Uspenskoe highway in the western direction is the most popular and expensive one. Rubljovka always had a magnetic attraction, especially for the ruling elite classes.
Today the Nouveau riche upstarts have caused the price of property on Rubljovka to rocket sky-high. At the beginning of the 1990s the real estate market in the Moscow suburban areas initially emerged as a “dacha market” serving seasonal usage. This dominant feature of socialist suburbia experienced a kind of physical upgrading. Dachas were converted from seasonal use into permanent residences. The elimination of restrictions on suburban housing construction manifested itself in extreme liberalization of planning control and unregistered land acquisition through so-called gentlemen’s agreements. The laws and regulations on agricultural, settlement, and forest lands are ambigous. The cottage settlements are being illeagally constructed as a land terrorism.
CONCLUSION This adaptation of the foreign model for suburban developments are recomposing the landscape and fragmenting the idea of garden city. The newly erected suburban settlements are isolated from their surroundings in both a physical and social sense. It would not be a mistake to conclude that although the market is in a stagnation period at the moment, it will continue to grow in a dispersed setting. As a result of the ambigous regulations and fragmented local government structure, the restructuring processes in Moscow Oblast are uncontrolled: the quick suburban growth and urban sprawl leads to the ‘usual’ environmental problems of suburbanization. Moreover, in addition to that, due to the quick population increase also new tensions are emerging within the suburban settlements, between the original residents and the newcomers. During our site visits we came across the unknown actors of Rubljovka. The locals that are witnessing a gentrification process and the construction workers who are creating an informal network.
‘‘We came to Russia to earn money. Many are here from Ex-Soviet countries. We are 16 people in this shelter. We have gas and water. We also pay rent: 10,000 rubles a month. Rubljovka is a work place, everybody here works without permit. If the police stops us on the street they take us to the infirmary and then we are quickly sent back home, but we come back next year.’’
BEYOND MOSCOW DACHA MAKES WAY FOR SUBURBIA Price Boom In CIty FAuels Middle Class Exodus
Fear and reentment as Moscow’s rich grab land for luxury home
Owners of shabby wodden dachas forced out amidtales of threats, corruption and now murders
‘‘There was a forest over there, The green lung of Moscow. You would hear bird chirpings like music in the morning. And now there are only buildings everywhere, only roofs. They destroyed the forest. The noise has increased dramatically, either day or night. We have no access to the river or to the forest. All around there are only fences behind guys with machine guns. We were surrounded on all sides as Indians on the reservation.’’
demolition war over 12 dachas in rubljovka
Moscow police report sharp rise in crime rate
summary
THE EMPTINESS WITH A HISTORY THE STORY OF THE PLACE IN THE HEART OF MOSCOW THAT CAN NOT FIND PEACE
I consider a place located in the center of Moscow. It is waste ground surraunded with a fence. The address is Varvarka, 6. On the one hand it is in a zone of influence of the Kremlin, Red Square and Vasilevsky spusk, on another hand it is the Moskvoretskaya embankment which most of the time occupide with traffic jam, and all this is in the center with historical buildings. Earlier here was a hotel constructed in 1967. Till 1970 it was the biggest hotel in the world, and VICTORIA KUDRIAVTSEVA after it remained the biggest hotel in Europe, it could place 5890 persons. The hotel had a symbolical name "Russia" and workers of hotel identified it with the whole country. There was even a proverb that in the small "Russia" the big Russia is reflected as in a water drop. If we look at the history of this place we can be convinced of the truth of this comparison. The settlement on this place has arisen in XII—XIII centuries, and untill 30s it was traid Jewish area. In 30s there were first offers on building of this place. A number of competitions was held, it was supposed to construct there a minestry of heavy industry, a huge building which would symbolize technical progress and the advanced positions of the Soviet union, it should dominate over Kremlin and express Stalin ambitions. After war the idea to construct a series of high-rise buildings in Moscow was born. The Palace of Soviet on the place of Christ the Savior Cathedral should become the main building. in Zarjadye was planned to erect an administrative building that should be second-large after the Palace of Soviet. A building have started to build. the underground part and the first 7 storey skeleton has been built, but Stalin's death has prevented realization of this grandiose plan. The function of skyscrapers was merely representative. They showed greatness of the winning country. Skeleton have disassembled and the place was empty till 1964 when the construction of the hotel "Russia" has begun. The hotel was designed by the same architect who worked before over the project of a high-rise building in Zarjadye, D.Chechulin. He used the skyscraper bases (the underground part, the bunker and a course connecting a building with a Palace of congresses remained from a Stalin skyscraper). The hotel was a front line for that time, it expressed new ideas, and it was built with new constructions. The number of hotel rooms was strictly corresponded to the number of participants of congresses. The hotel has existed for 40 years, and in 2004 it has been decided to demolish it, though such thoughts were since 1997. Developer competition on building of this site has been made specially for S.Chigirinskiy and his company ST Development, who had good relations with the mayor and his wife, and he has certainly won. Demolition started in 2006. Not won participants of the tender were unsatisfied by results and submitted the claim to arbitration court . The results of competition have been admited invalid. Also there was a conflict between Chigirinsky and Baturina (wife of exmayer Luzhkov) and as a result the place is still empty. Luzhkov planned to construct new hotel complex with small 4 and 5 star hotels with shops, underground parking and a new concert hall instead of "Russia" hotel. The idea was to lower height to 3-5 storeies and to try to recreate trace of streets of old Zarjadye. With the new mayor appeared the idea about the parliamentary center where the top and bottom chambers of parliament, the government of Moscow and other governmental structures would take place. And the empty site was suggested as potential place. But this idea was also remained not confirmed. But the difference in approaches of mayors characterizes directions of their understanding of Moscow and its requirements very accurately. In this story my interest is Emptiness which pursues this place. The first stage of emptiness was since 1932 to1964 and the second stage was since 2006 to 2011. What does this emptiness reflect if we continue a metaphor with a water drop? The question is what is emptiness in general and what is emptiness in a city? This place possesses all signs of empty lot, but it has very strong content. It is memory of a place, memories of people who are connected with it, these are constant discussions about its destiny and about possible projects and offers. Emptiness, isn't anything, in this case it provokes, it is active and indicative.
users: hotel stuff tenants concert hall cinema restaurants
St. Anna's conception chirch in the corner, 1549
112.34
2500 5890 2458 1500 900
stars sqare 90 stars
tower with hotel logo
total (max) 13390 functions: hotel concert hall cinema restaurants shops museum constructions: prefab. H-type concrete panels, marble cladding
multifunctional concert hall
to 2600 people
hotel rooms western enterence room with the view to the Kremlin
Ruins of concert hall
users: guards and "metrostroy" workers 3 shift by 100 about 300
fence 1 metall grid
Kitaygorod wall
St. Anna's conception chirch in the corner, 1549
fence 3 withh passage and edvertisment
securety box
functions: not defined
7 boxes on the territory, 2 guards in each works 2 weeks
constructions: metall fance
cinema enterance in the stylobate fence 2 corrogated metall
fence 3 enterance to the passage
gates with a small hole
(as a simbol of openness)
competition: house of industry 9 storeys, no towers not realised winner: Golosov Stalin
1930
1934 1935 1936
1940
Stalin
project of demolition of 2nd competition Zaryadye Narcomtyazhprom (people's commissariat of hevy industry) representation simbolism Moscow as examplary socialist sity competition: power 2nd house of SNK site: Zaryadye not realised not realised winner: Vesnins Stalin Stalin
1st competition Narcomtyazhprom (people's commissariat of hevy industry) representation change state style site: adjacent to Red sqare Zaryadye - park not realised 12 partisipants winners: 1 Fomin 2 Vesnins 3 Ginzburg Stalin
1947
2nd phase of demolition of Zaryadye
1951
demolition of part of administrative building in Zaryadye that was built rationalisation Khrushchev
1953 1954 1955
Khrushchev
1960
resolution which condemn architectural extravagances and embellishment rationalisation solve settle problem fast and easy Khrushchev
1964
"Russia" hotel constructing completion
1967
administrative building in Zaryadye representation simbolism power skyline 32 storeys, h=275m site S=15ha Chechulin Stalin
final demolition of Zaryadye
"Russia" hotel constructing representation power settl all participants of congresses 12 storeys (architect wanted 9 storeys) 3182 rooms site S=13ha Chechulin
Brezhnev fire in "Russia" hotel 42 persons were lost, 52 persons have received traumas more than 100 hotel rooms have burned out
1977
1984 1985
Gorbachov
Andropov Chernenko
1982
camping infront of hotel "Russia" justice
1991 1992
Eltsin
1997 1999
Putin
Luzhkov
2004
"Russia" hotel demolition Moscow government, Luzhkov
2006
Sobyanin
2010 2011
Medvedev
2008
competition for "Russia" hotel reconstruction Multifnctional complex (hotels and shops), 4-6 storeys pedestrian area underground parking for 2000 cars winner: ST development architect: Dolgushina Moscow government, Luzhkov
"Russia" hotel underground part demolition FPK Satori Public corporation "Russia"
resolution about confirmation of Moscow Kremlin preservation zone save historical look of Moscow center "for "Russia" hotel territory,- active renovation and transformation of space-planning structure with demolition (in perspective) of discording object, with historical scale restoration. " Zaryadye is a part of preservation zone Moscow government
project goal commission description architect iniciator
Zaryadye TRAID district juish community
Christ the Saviour Cathedral
RELIGION
symbol of victory
1900s Administrative highrise in Zaryadye
POWER
Balance Kremlin as a constant cetral part that formes recogniseble Moscow skyline always was a point relative to wich site of former „Russia” hotel and site of Crist the Saviour Cathedral tends to be in balance. This balance can be regarded as physical, as masses, as skyline that opens from the river side, but it can also be regarded as balance between content of two sides. The function and the meaning of this territories were chhanging according to the political and economic situation in Russia.
Palace of Soviets
POWER, CENTRALISATION
Site as a mirror of time
symbol of comunism
new state that's ready to head the world proletarian revolution
1950s "Russia" hotel
TOURISM
symbol of openness
Administrative highrise in Zaryadye "Moscow" sweemming pool
socialist state, scientific and technological progress
SPORT
symbol of openness
1970s
„Russia” hotel Emptiness
?
economy crisis, money hunger, desisional making sistem inability
New Christ the Saviour Cathedral
SYMBOLISM,
RELIGION
symbol of power
emptiness 2000s
EMPTINESS 1. IN PHYSICS
vacuum the state of containing nothing
NOTHINGNESS
The particular meanings of “emptiness” vary with BOREDOM VOID the particular context. The EMPTINESS word “emptiness” has a lot ZERO VACUUM of meanings and the particular meanings vary ABANDONMENT with the particular context. The most simple DISTANCE ROOM definition in a dictionary is: Emptiness is the state SPACE of containing nothing or in other wards it is total PLACE n tio absence of matter. It also c n fu called Nothingness, or REPOSITORY Void. VASSEL While Christianity and RECEPTACLE Western sociologists and psychologists view a state CONTAINER of emptiness as a negative, unwanted LIMITS condition, in some Eastern philosophies such as BOUNDARIES Buddhist philosophy and Taoism, emptiness FRAMES (Sunyata) is a realized BORDERS achievement. (wikipedia) In architecture emptiness connected with a concept of space, that can be open and close. Space can be called empty if there no things or there no people.In urban planning space is quite the same as in architecture, different zones with different purposes, variety of spaces for different activities.The function of space is to contain something, so next concept is receptacle. All this three notions accompanied with the notion of boundaries, that can be tangible and intangible. What can be called emptiness in a city? Parks, streets, roofs? It depends on peoples attitude to places. There is a concept of waste ground or vacant lot. In a dictionary it defines as the vacant, abandoned, neglected space near habitation or on a place of the former habitation. From this definition is clear that waste ground is a place without particular function and if it is neglected does that mean that people who walks by this place interpret it as a non place? In case of „Russia” hotel the site is not physicaly empty. There are ruins of concert hall, trees, paths, security boxes, debris and remaining underground part of the hotel. There are also three types of fances that surround the territory. This place keeps memories about all former incarnations: trade district, administrative high rise and all unrealised projects, hotel, it keeps even some little stories of people who lived and worked here. Now the place changed it’s character, it’s function, it lost the main element and does not have identification yet. The site is closed for general public. One needs permission from FSB to visit this territory, that’s so because of underground bomb shelter that connected with palace of congresses in Kremlin. Every day this site attended only by guards. It is this radical change and uncertainty of the place that allow us to consider it empty. FRIVOLOUSNESS
in
3. IN PSYCHOLOGY sense of generalized boredom, social alienation and apathy; a desolate sense of loss
4. IN PHILOSOPHY form is emptiness; emptiness is form Buddhist philosophy paradox; Emptiness is a mode of perception, a way of looking at experience. (Thanissaro Bhikkhu)
5. IN MYSTICISM a state of “pure consciousness” in which the mind has been emptied of all particular objects and images
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number zero
c ite ch ar
2. IN MATHIMATICS
WESTERN culture emptiness - negative
RUSSIAN culture emptiness - ?
EASTERN culture emptiness - positive
from the largest hotel in Europe to the largest outdoor platform in Russia Exibition of edvertisment next to the Kremlin S = 10900 m2 l = 726 m h = 15 m 5 parts: Smin = 1455 m2 Smax = 3090 m2 The exclusive rights for the duration of construction belong to News Outdoor.
2006 Sony Ericsson size: 404x15 176 projectors at night advertisment agency MEDIAEDGE: CIA
2007 biggest social avertising in the world total surface area abot 6000m2 design: LBL group
2008 BMW Group Russia M-Wall real sized 3D models of BMW cars: BMW M3 Coupe, BMW M5, BMW M6, BMW Z4M Coupe made by We R.Signs printed by the Mir Reklami weight of each model is 200kg 2009 BMW Group Russia BMW 7 Series 3D banner with lighting/spatial effect printed by the Mir Reklami
2010 Emporio Armani and Reebok colection Reebok/EA7
open embankment, water transportation stop
nice location and view, city center, metro
formal; empty at winter
true Russia!
small 5 and 4 stars hotels; reconstruction of „Russia”; new hotel „Russia”
no living zones around; for tourists, people after work or during lunch, students. For weekends
3-7 floors; open space in balance with Kremlin for big amount of peopl, potencial meeting place near to the Kremlin. It reminds me Manezh square...
archeological, galeries,
reconstruction of remaining part
new history, that has already started edvertising as contemporary art, the largest banner in Russia PLACE YOUR AD is an envelope for any function
stadium; swimming pool
traffic problems: traffic jams parking
close territory, large volume
reconstruction of Leonidov's project
for deputies, celebrities, very reach persons
"Moscow-city"- Alien heart";Transplantation of the CBD model into Moscow realm.
In the begining it was Thor's project. Rounding spring of skyscrapers, slightly reminding Stalin's style buildings that where actually emboarding the whole ensemble. Speaking of which – they are like a little hint to american architecture of their time. A small «buildings» game. Chaos ans corruption – those words sound pathetic, but the city obeys these rules.
So what is Moscow City today and what are the major steps of it's statement:
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Most of the projects were practically made by foreign architects.
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Reasons for choosing the place Boris Thor: " I have offered the variant of development of the central part of a city in 4 km from the Kremlin walls, on coast Moskva River. On the one hand, it didn't break a historical dominant of the Kremlin, with another allowed to create its modern analog concentrated round 648 meter towers Russia which in my project carried out functions of a belltower of Ivan The Great." Skyscrapers of "Moscow-city" had become such symbols of Moscow, as well as the Ostankino television tower. The "Moscow-City" structure is observed from all view points of a city and causes many disputes concerning its esthetic value. But it tells all about that it does really deserve such attention. The complex has changed city skyline for ever. Development consists of 12 high-rised buildings, «Bagration» bridge, metro stations,new mini-metro line, leisure and shopping malls.
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Everyone knows facts and each one, depending on the social group he is surrounded with, either compliments it or blames the Sky for such an ugly creature in the heart of the city. Internet forums, society, loud mottos and posters where we see a photo of some mediocre photographer picturing Moscow Kremlin and The City behind it, whispering, wining, complains of «I know it all» people: this is one side if the coin. Looking from the diffirent angle gives us other impression: modern, complexe and accomplished project, breath of the fresh air, new (is it so?) technologies, constructive notes of well-‐known architects, project, city, Moscow's own Manhatten. Maybe sometomes we don't see the most important and even less often we can find a new and true sence that is deeper than talking and seeng. Our purpose was to think about how has the city changed during past 20 years, how and why. And here we see the city as a human body, even as a real human. Moscow caught a breath of freedom in 1991 and finaly took of her bovver boots and forgot to unwind her footcloth before putting her feet into brand new french shoes. And went limping. I think buildings of the early 90-‐th will perfectly explain this methaphor. But Moscow is very romantic, you know. She was before she started to give herself away for money and luck – with passion at first and showing no interest after and until now. By the way the bovver boots are are still there in the closet and still smell the same way. But Moscow didnt manage to make any big steps in tight shoes, havent learned to stand on high heels and didn't get the idea of what freedom was. Starting with romantic crazy and eclectic she ended up to be a cash machine. So did most of russian people.
But the small group of peolpe, that do believe in Moscow's devepoping which is going towards becoming civilized western and capitalistic, these people never stop doing someting, but not as easy as it was in 90-‐th – now they are strugling with the flow. And these people are true romantics because even if their dreams will come true, that might not happen during their live. So Moscow City is one very expensive project, incredibly complexe in technical and organizing parts (wich can be pluralized in hundreds of times considering corruption), but is the stronghold of the romantic idea and a big question to answer for Moscow. Is she ready for these changes? Is it possible for her to move on? Do we need all this freedom, that each and every day taken away by small portions? What is tomorrow like? And when we can throw away and burn those bovver boots? Are we ready to answer these questions? Is anyone else? Are we ready to put the offices of our corporations in open spaces and pay taxes and sallarys as in civilized world? Can we
stop being so insecure and look out for neighbour's loan and secretly hope for him to screw up? Can we be like those people who where changing this country in early 90-‐th with their heart open just go forward? Yes, developing is a hard job with many temptations and distractions. We mostly end up with forgetting where we were going and find ourselves some steps away from where we started. But that doesnt actually work with buildings -‐ that huge movement that was done by people who built the City is haevy and impossible to be undone. Moscow is petrified with fear when its about west, thow she does like it. City is that alien component of civilized west, that developement and movement that is so necessary but so hard to go through. But as we are all aware if there s no progress, the death is near. Without breaking stereotypes there will never be any hope to score in creating such right and smart western sosciety, that rusiia interferes so much. Yes, city is alien but in the way of being an alien cancer treatment. Unfortunatly even that might nt work on moscow, thow the way was long and many things are done. The City is vital for Moscow as a reminding of where the romantics of 90 were going to do. Few of those of 2000-‐th try to remind people of what they wanted in hungry soviet period. And that wasn't just american jeans and books and movies. Freedom was the goal.
This project has to stand as a question to all of us, thow it will be always judged and people will talk ways, but we need to remember what we can do if we think deep and big. And even if I' m makin up these stories of just an annoying object in the heart of city it is still a reason to think of all these things. And for me The City is one of last symbols of trust in people who get a lot but take a little cause they dont understand what is fortune and freedom. These things get well only in the heart and the mind of well educated civilised west-‐orientated human. And for me and for you all i think City is more an answer than a question. And yes, people judging things they cant see because they can't lift their heads that high – they are majority. But democracy was never about majority. I like City. I like to see it and have all those things in mind. And i hope The city is one of the best places of that born-‐to-‐be Moscow. And I’ m waiting for that birthday.
Performing the Atlas
Process and preparation for the performance of June 29th, 2011
Trenscending the eclectic atlas into a performance Performing the Eclectic Altlas
“The theater, which is in no thing, but makes use of everything gestures, sounds, words, screams, light, darkness - rediscovers itself at precisely the point where the mind requires a language to express its manifestations. To break through language in order to touch life is to create or recreate the theatre.” Antonin Artaud How can you make an extensive work more accessible and closer to the non-professional public? After all the research doesn’t only consist of pure data and fact but also, in the case of Moscow’s rich history, it consists of stories.The idea to make research materials and the work done for the past several months more comprehesible for the general public transformed into the concept of creating a theatrical performance. By interpreting the 11 cases as 11 biographies og places, each with it’s own unique story, we tried to bring data and art together. Starting from emmersing into spacial experiences with Alexander Andriyashkin we used such tools as “architecture”, “levels”, “movement”, ”motors”, “emotional center” and “energy center” to establish the flow of energy within a space and between people. The next step was a series of exercises devoted to storytelling by creating random inputs such as layers, shifts, actors, emotions, climax and etc to see how a story can transform having been influenced by these inputs. This in turn led us to the point of rediscovering our cases through casual dialogues, creation of characters and body movements.
3 CONCEPTS
Having gone through excercises we moved to developing initial proposals for the concept of our performance piece. Three different proposals were made by students that were to be submitted to theatre directors.
Second concept is more closer to the format of presentation. A standard,dry and directed architectural presentation becomes a beautiful, scandalous show, which will be clearly understood by professionals and the general public alike. We represent an eclectic atlas, a set of stories, fairy tales, which illustrate the processes of transformation of Moscow in the past 20 years. The main processes - is the total work which we represent as a structure-matrix, where each one of us is part of the process, t the actor, who explains the process and occupies a place in the space of a scene or a yard. This structure is duplicated by graphical material to explain why it is 20 years and 11 stories (2011). Next, each illustrating the process, tells the story about the case,on the background there is a slideshow, and an additional screen with a video-portrait of the place. In the end, we show a comparison of Moscow of the 1990 and 2011. Nataliya Zaychenko
3 APPROACHES
The first concept is focused on a more interactive, storytelling type approach. The performance is 11 stories of Moscow, told around campfire. The heroes of these stories are iconic buildings and locations in Moscow, which in themselves have experienced the incredible transformation that took place between 1991 and 2011. Some of these heroes are old and saw what was there before, some have been crippled and irrevocably changed by the course of history, some were born thanks to these events. The storytellers (performers) - are people who traveled around Moscow and collected these stories, listening to the protagonists, all because of whom and with whom it was experienced, be it Luzhkov, or a grandmother from a nearby porch, a foreign developper, Moscow. The action itself is simple enough, storytellers light a bonfire in the center of the stage and share their stories, supplementing and interrupting each other, showing a game involving each other and the audience sitting afar. The most atmospheric part of performance is the night and the feeling of the quivering, whispering forest that is played in a video projection, which varies from the abstract cityscapes to sudden bright individuals that are snatched away by the darkness, to say one word, or other bright pictures from the life of the heroes, and sounds just moving from the background noise and music to a clear statement. Anastasia Albokrinova
The third concept is focused more on an artistic approach, which is supported by visual art and sound and implies an emotional influence on the audience. The main character is Moscow, which is represented as an image of a person (woman) undergoing a variety of emotional states. Each case – is a new story! In each story, the heroine stands before the audience on an emotionally new level of life, caused through the events. We show the processes that happened. Rebelious spirit; greed; new opportunities, starlight; forgetting; adapt, update, beautify; desire for new ambitions, jump higher; new faith; nostalgia; erasure; new trend, new path. For the past 20 years Moscow has undergone transformations in an accelerated mode of fast forward. On the basis of the events that happened and experiences associated with them can we make the assumption who is she, Moscow, in fact, and what is waiting for her in the future? Jenny Nedosekina
THE PERFORMANCE
After meeting with several directors from different theaters, Lera Surkova of Theatre.doc was chosen as the person to realize our idea. Having a diverse background in the field of theatre, film and documentaries, with her widely acclaimed play “Alconovellas�, Lera created a cross-disciplinary script which brought together the pure factual aspects of research and the narrative element of stories. By having students participate in the actual performance, her goal was not to make a classical play, with people acting, but to embed a piece of realism, thus making the research work comprehensible for a wider public. Another aspect of the goal of creating a performance was to experience and learn collaborative working with people from other professions. Transmiting the data can be done not only theatrically, but also visually with the help of interactive design and coding. Using such innovative technologies and inviting interactive designer Vadim Smakhtin to help us, we try to take our performance onto a completely new level. In this way the decorations become more visual rather than physical, having several screens with video projections that create a certain atmosphere and flow of processes. Every student wrote a story about their case, thus creating the 11 tales of Moscow. Collected interviews, tea talks with experts have all been used for the base of the overall script.
report done by: Jenny Nedosekina
Fieldtrip FestArch, Perugia-Assisi May 25th-June 5th, 2011
Postscriptum
11 Questions on the Future of Moscow
Christ the Savior: a Place for Ghosts
LEGITIMATION How long can Moscow, as Capital of Russia, legitimate its National Identity through an old repertoire of symbols? Will images of the past continue to represent Russian Character?
Manezh Square : Loss of Generosity
LOSS Is contemporary Moscow condemned to lose the generous and unpredictable nature of its old communist public spaces?
VDNKh: from Empire to Shopping
PRESERVATION In Moscow’s future, will diffused and chaotic shopping be the best solution to preserve and conserve the memory of a lost past? Will commerce become a form of amnesia? And a form of preservation?
Triumph Palace: The design of desire
DESIRE In Moscow’s future, will the Stalinist empire buildings remain an object for desire? Which new living models will take this role?
Microrayon : Democratic Micro-trasformations
DEMOCRACY In Moscow’s future, will microtrasformations become the way to represent the paradigm of a new democratic protagonism?
Dachas vs. Kottedzhe: Recomposing the landscape, fragmenting the “garden city”
LEARNING Can Moscow learn from the mistakes made in the over suburbanization of Europe and the US? In Moscow’s future, will the delay of suburbanization be fertile? Will Moscow be able to, once again, adapt a foreign model for its suburb?
Cherkizovsky Market : a City within the City
PLURALISM In Moscow’s future, where will ethnic communities be able to express themselves?
Hotel Russia : Inertia of a Void
MEMORY Is emptiness the unique alternative to a decisional system that can’t find a solution for the expectations of a monumental place?
Creative Clusters : From opportunism to catalyst of transformation
ART In Moscow, can “art real-estate� create lasting transformations or does it simply change the market values?
Moscow City : an Alien Heart
BUSINESS Can Moscow adopt western models of business districts?
Tvservskaya Street : Moving through an urban corridor
CAR-CULTURE In Moscow, can a major road become a central place?
MOSCOW TALES 11 Tales of an Urban Transformation Tutors: Stefano Boeri Francisca Insulza Alexei Muratov Design group: Anastasia Albokrinova Karina Bunyatova Victoria Kudriavtseva Evgeniya Nedosekina Yang Shi Merve Yucel Natalia Zaychenko