Surin Tong 2016 BArch Dissertation

Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions A case study on Hong Kong Public Rental Housing

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

The Cover was designed in this way to unveil people’s impression on public housing.

Looking monotonous and boring by their appearance, what is behind thousands of cubicles are the precious neighbourly relations that became memories after years.

Fig. 1 Cover Page Credits to Michael Wolf Fig. 2 Title Page (right) Credits to Hong Kong Housing Authority

TONG Ka Hei Surin

Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions A case study on Hong Kong Public Rental Housing

A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the degree of BA in Architecture 2016 TONG Ka Hei Surin 120517143

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Lists of Tables and illustrations Tables 1 Major Political and Social events related to the Public Housing Programme 2 Major case studies of the five periods that will be discussed in the paper 3 Summary on Evolution of PRH estates

author author author

Pictures 1

Cover Page

Michael Wolf

2

Title Page

Hong Kong Housing Authority

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Overcrowded living conditions camouflaged by colourful building facades Large amount of squatters emerged due to the massive influx of population in post-war period Post-war Kowloon peninsula showing rapid urban development and expansion towards the north A view of Wong Tai Sin showing the overcrowded living conditions today with most being Public Rental Housing Refugees affected from the Shek Kip Mei Fire queueing up for daily necessities Shek Kip Mei Fire in 1953

Jason Langley

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Hong Kong Government Information Services Hong Kong Government Information Services Wikipedia Vincent Yu Hong Kong Housing Authority

PRH tenants socializing and playing mah-jong in public spaces 10 PRH tenants say goodbye to their homes and memories due to redevelopment 11 Evolution of Public Housing from 1950s to 2000s

Hong Kong Housing Authority

12 Shek Kip Mei at its initial development

Skyscrapper City

13 Youngsters playing basketball in the open spaces which was equipped with facilities later 14 Owner Mr Chan with his shop Jen Fung Long Rice

Hong Kong Memories

15 Floor plan of the H-shaped Resettlement Estates and the standardized units 16 Floor plan of the H-shaped Resettlement Estates and the standardized units 17 Block 41 (Mei Ho House) before redevelopment

Docomomo

18 Building blocks as at 1975

Flickr user eatsee1

19 Communal latrines without doors

YHA Mei Ho House

20 Rooftop Primary Schools

Vincent Yu

21 Common corridors of two floors

Hong Kong Memories

22 Making use of open spaces

Hong Kong Memories

23 Interior of units

Michael Wolf

Hong Kong Housing Authority Hong Kong Housing Authority

Hong Kong Old Shop

Docomomo Wikipedia

TONG Ka Hei Surin

24 Sharing flats with strangers is common if there is less than 5 adults 25 Families will do take-home garment works with their neighbours to earn a living 26 Wah Fu Estate in 1970s and today

Hong Kong Memories

27 Wah Fu Estate in 1970s and today

South China Morning Post

28 Site plan of Wah Fu Estate including both phases

Fifty years of public housing in Hong Kong Author

29 Panorama showing the comprehensive planning of Wah Fu Estate 30 Podium connecting residential blocks and the commerical centre 31 Market below the podium for ventilation purposes

Hong Kong Housing Authority South China Morning Post

South China Morning Post Author

32 “Slab� blocks that are nearer to the sea were sunken according to the slope 33 Long single-sided corridors that act as open spaces

South China Morning Post

34 Open-ended lift lobbies that act as open spaces

Hong Kong Housing Authority

35 Taller twin towers were located at the hillside to maximize views 36 Floor plan of the Twin Tower block and a typical room floor plan in Wah Fu 37 Floor plan of the Twin Tower block and a typical room floor plan in Wah Fu 38 Images of the giant light well inside Twin Towers

Teoalida

39 Images of the giant light well inside Twin Towers

Hudson Ng

40 Typical layout of a room in ah Fu

Hong Kong Housing Authority

41 Sha Tin New Town in 1981.

Housing in Hong Kong

42 Chinese-themed park in Heng On Estate with covered walkway 43 Chinese-themed park in Heng On Estate with covered walkway 44 Clock tower in Kwong Yuen Estate

author

South China Morning Post

Hong Kong Housing Authority Hong Kong Home: multistoreys Wikipedia

author

46 Panorama of Kwong Yuen Estate

Fifty years of public housing in Hong Kong Lifestyle photographic competition author

47 Kwong Yuen Commercial Centre

author

48 Kwong Yuen Commercial Centre

author

49 mushroom kiosks

Link Reit

50 Kwong Yuen Estate housing blocks 51 Kwong Yuen Estate floor plan

The Hong Kong Institute of Architects Hong Kong Housing Authority

52 Kwong Yuen Estate room layout

Hong Kong Housing Authority

53 Tin Shui Wai New Town

Wikipedia

54 The isolated city is fenced by high-rise PRH blocks

Wikipedia

45 playground facilities

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

55 The isolated city is fenced by high-rise PRH blocks

Wikipedia

56 “Harmony” Blocks are the most common block type in Tin Shui Wai 57 A local newspaper using a tragedy that happed in Tin Shui Wai as headline 58 Floor Plan of precast element

Teoalida

59 Mechanized Construction of the foundation of Harmony Block 60 Modular Flat approach allowing configurations for different household size 61 Elevation of “Harmony 1”

Hong Kong Housing Authority

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Drieënhuizen, R

3-dimensional plan of “Harmony 1”

Apple Daily Hong Kong Housing Authority

Hong Kong Housing Authority Hong Kong Housing Authority

63 Typical Layout for a 3-room modular flat in a Harmony Block 64 Typical Layout for a 3-room modular flat in a Harmony Block 65 Mei Foo Estate in 1969

The Hong Kong Institute of Architects Hong Kong Housing Authority

66 Mei Foo Estate in 2000s

Property Station

67 A typical show flat designed by designers

Property Station

68 Overall development plan of Ngau Tau Kok Estate

Futurarc

69 Completed construction part of Phase 2 & 3 of the Upper Estate.

70 Ngau Tau Kok area in 1970

Wikipedia

71 Dangerous and dark long corridors present in LNTKE

Hong Kong Housing Authority

72 The interior of a restaurant in LNTKE was recreated in the Heritage Exhibition Area 73 Organizing workshops for residents to express their opinions 74 Open spaces designed and planned by residents and professinoals 75 Footbridge linking the Lower and the Upper Estate

Wikipedia

76 Monotonus Facades of UNTKE Phase 3

Wikipedia

77 Neighbours playing mah-jong inside one’s flat in Shek Kip Mei Estate 78 An emptied flat in Shek Kip Mei Estate

Michael Wolf

Flickr user change.obam

Flickr user change.obama

Hong Kong Housing Authority Wikipedia Wikipedia

Michael Wolf

TONG Ka Hei Surin

Table of Contents

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Preface

Preface

Fig. 3 Overcrowded living conditions camouflaged by colourful building facades Souce: Jason Langley

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Having lived in Hong Kong since birth, I have always mourned on how cramped and poor our living conditions are. Extravagant and colourful facades of buildings were designed as if to camouflage the true nature of people’s life behind the scene inside those cubicles, with an average living area of less than 15m² per person and even worse in Public Rental Housing (PRH) estates. This has initially interested me in discussing PRH problems in Hong Kong.

Nonetheless, I have changed my mind after talking to my parents, both former inhabitants of PRH. Having lived for over 20 years in an average living area of around the size of 2 double beds, what reminds them most is not the poor living conditions nor the lack of basic amenities, but the good-neighbourly relations within the community.

Contrary to most Hongkongers like myself who does not even know their neighbours’ surnames today, PRH in the past were often considered as a place where strong bonding between neighbours persist. This ironic negative relationship between the improvement in living conditions and the development of social interactions throughout the decades interest me and seek to find out the reasons behind this phenomena. I hope by examining architectures that promote neighbourly interactions in the past, a way to future social sustainability in PRH can be found.

Chapter I / Social Economic and Cultural Background to Lviing in Hong Kong

Chapter I / Social Economic and Cultural Background To Living in Hong Kong

Fig. 4 Large amount of squatters emerged due to the massive influx of population in post-war period Source: Hong Kong Government Information Services

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

` Fig. 5 Post-war Kowloon peninsula showing rapid urban development and expansion towards the north Source: Hong Kong Government Information Services

Chapter I / Social Economic and Cultural Background to Lviing in Hong Kong

1.1 Introduction

Hong Kong is one of the most densely populated cities in the world. With over 6,690 persons living per square kilometre1, housing problems have long been a major concern for the government. In PRH estates provided by the government, the average living area is 13.1m² per person2. Tracing back its history in 1950s, the average living area was even as low as 2.2m² per person3.

As terrible the scene may seem, former PRH estates were often conceived of a place where strong neighbourly interactions and mutual aid between tenants developed. Within an 11.15m² unit 4where 5 adults shared, these former PRH inhabitants clearly depicts the famous Chinese saying that goes “an afar off relative is not as helpful as a near neighbour”.

Ever since the development of public housing in 1950s, architecture along with poor living environments affected men and its neighbourhood. After the flourishing of the economy in the 80s, inhabitants started to alter architecture by demanding better-quality housing and living environments.

With much improved living conditions in the 21st century, the question now lies in how social sustainability can be achieved through the interaction between man and architectural designs of sites, housing blocks and the interior; thus reviving neighbourliness among the local community.

1

7.29 million Hongkongers are living in an area of 1104km² with less than 25% being developed as at mid-2015.

GovHK. (2015, April). Hong Kong: The Fact - Population. Retrieved January 6, 2016, from http://www.gov.hk/en/about/abouthk/factsheets/docs/population.pdf GovHK. (2015, August 15). Hong Kong – the facts. Retrieved January 5, 2016, from http://www.gov.hk/en/about/abouthk/facts.htm 2 As at end of Maarch 2015.

Hong Kong Housing Authority. (2015). Housing in Figures, 2015. [Statistical Report]. Retrieved 21 November 2015, from http://www.housingauthority.gov.hk/en/common/pdf/about-us/publications-and-statistics/HIF.pdf 3 Ho, K. L. D. (2013). Public housing and community consciousness. In H. French & Y. Lee (Eds.), Patterns of Living: Hong Kong’s High-Rise Communities (pp. 177–196). Hong Kong: New Talents Press.

4 French, H., & Lee, Y. (2013). Patterns of Living: Hong Kong’s High-Rise Communities. Hong Kong: New Talents Press.

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Fig 6 A view of Wong Tai Sin showing the overcrowded living conditions today with most being Public Rental Housing Source: Wikiipedia

Chapter I / Social Economic and Cultural Background to Lviing in Hong Kong

1.2 Economic Background

Over the past century in Hong Kong as elsewhere, the economic structure has undergone a rapid change from the labour-intensive manufacturing industry in the post-war 1950s, to a finance-based economy today. The share of service sector employment has increased from 47.1% in 1980 to 87.5% in 2010, in which tertiary industry dominates5. According to the estimates done by the International Monetary Fund in 2015, Hong Kong ranked 17 out of 186 in terms of per capita nominal GDP, just 3 rank behind the United Kingdom6.

Despite being an economically successful city worldwide, Hong Kong is the third priciest city in the world to own a property, ranking just behind Monaco and London7. While the average monthly salary in Hong Kong is HKD$14,8778, the average price of a 30m² 9private permanent housing is HKD$3.21 million, and the average monthly rent is HKD$9,66010 in Kowloon (approximately 65% of the salary).

A survey undertaken by the Hong Kong Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies in 200911 has shown that most interviewers have seen homeownership as impossible due to the limited supply of land and the unrealistic property price caused by property agents and the government’s land policy.

With an overall poor population of 970,000 and a poverty rate of 14.5% in 201312 (2015 Policy Address, 2015), housing rents and prices are beyond the general public’s affordability. A large portion of Hongkongers therefore rely on the providence of a PRH unit from the government, in which they can rent a 30m²-flat in Kowloon by only HKD$1,83013, much lower than that of the market price.

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Wong, Y. C. R. (2012, March 28). Economic Competition and Structural Change. Retrieved January 6, 2016, from http://www.wangyujian.com/?p=1487&lang=en 6 International Monetary Fund. (2015, October). World Economic Outlook Database-October 2015. Retrieved January 6, 2016, from https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/weo/2015/02/weodata/index.aspx 7 Global property guide. (2015). World’s most expensive cities. Retrieved January 6, 2016, from http://www.globalpropertyguide.com/most-expensive-cities 8 As at 2nd quarter of 2015 Trading Economics. (2016). Hong Kong average monthly salaries 1999-2016. Retrieved January 6, 2016, from http://www.tradingeconomics.com/hong-kong/wages 9 Figured used for easy comparison with public rental housing. It is the size of a typical one-bedroom unit that can be allocated to 3 to 4 persons, in which the typical household size of Hong Kong is 2.9 persons.

Cheng, E. (2011, April 13). LCQ17: Sizes of PRH units. Retrieved January 6, 2016, from http://www.info.gov.hk/gia/general/201104/13/P201104130138.htm 10 Hong Kong Housing Authority, 2015, op.cit.

11 The survey has interviewed 1011 people aged 18 or above in 2009 regarding their perceptions of homeownership and the evaluation of Hong Kong government’s housing policy Ho,W.H.T, Lam, K. and Wong,C.K.(2011) Hong Kong People's Attitude towards Homeownership and Their evaluation of Government Housing Policy. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press 12 2015 Policy Address (2015) Policy Address – Poverty Alleviation, Elderly Care and Support for the Disadvantaged. Retrieved April 6, 2015, from http://www.policyaddress.gov.hk/2015/eng/p109.html 13 Hong Kong Housing Authority, 2015, op.cit.

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Fig. 7 Refugees affected from the Shek Kip Mei Fire queueing up for daily necessities Fig. 7 Vincent Yu

1.3 Public Housing and Culture of Living in Hong Kong

Public Housing are state-owned low-rent housings provided to low-income households that could barely afford to enter into the private estate market14. It became popular with many governments of developing and developed countries in 1950s due to post-war population explosion, in which many developing countries launched public housing programmes in the 1960s and 1970s. Hong Kong is one of the examples that was being described as a “strong state provider and developer”15.

14

Van Vliet, W. (1998). The Encyclopaedia of Housing. Thousand Oaks: SAGE Publications.

Wu, M., & Yeung, Y. M. (2003). Introduction. In K. Y. T. Wong & Y. M. Yeung (Eds.), Fifty years of public housing in Hong Kong: A golden jubilee review and appraisal (pp. 1–18). Hong Kong: Chinese University Press.

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Chapter I / Social Economic and Cultural Background to Lviing in Hong Kong

In Hong Kong, public housing is a general term that indicates housings provided by the government. It can be divided into Public Rental Housing (PRH) (renting a flat from the government at a lower-than-market price) and Subsidized Sale Flats16 (government selling flats to low-income residents at a lower-than-market price). Today, 45.7% of Hong Kong’s population is living in public housing, in which 29.1% (around 2.12 million) lives in PRH17.

The culture of living in Hong Kong is closely related to its history and policy. Life in PRH is certainly an epitome of living culture and conditions of the first generation residents in the post-war period. Having lived through the war and escaped from the new Communist regime, first generation residents (mainly refugees from China) that identify themselves as Chinese were generally unskilled and poor educated. They regard the allocation of a PRH flat as a blessing and said it was like “winning a lottery at that time”18. Being politically tolerant and passive, they dare not to expect any major political changes in their lifetime but could only hope that their children can live a better life.

Second generation residents born and raised locally in the 60s, on the contrary, were deeply affected by socio-political movements such as the riots in 196719. They started to develop an indigenous Hong Kong identity and regard themselves as Hongkongers instead of being British nor Chinese. Most adopted a forward-looking attitude and strived for a better life by studying and working hard20. They did not see their poor living environment as a permanent misfortune. A set of values different from their parents has started to develop and has deeply affected the development of neighbourly relations in PRH.

16

Subsidized sale flats are mostly provided under the Home Ownership Scheme (HOS) proposed in 1976. The first HOS estate was sold to the public in 1978 and has enjoy high popularity among low-to-middle income families and better-off PRH tenants in achieving homeownership. They are usually 30 – 40% cheaper than market price.

17 As at 2014.

Hong Kong Housing Authority, 2015, op.cit.

18 Said by Mrs Leung, a former So Uk Estate resident.

Hong Kong Housing Authority. (2010). Light & shade : life passe in old estates. Hong Kong: Author.

19 The 1967 Leftists riots were a series of large-scaled strikes performed by local inhabitants expressing their discontent towards the British colonial rule. It was closely related to the poor design of resettlement estates started in 1954.

Ho, K. L. D, op.cit.

20 Yu, V. (2007). Our Home, Shek Kip Mei 1954-2006. Hong Kong: MCCM Creations.

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Fig. 8 Shek Kip Mei Fire in 1953 Source: Hong Kong Housing Authority

1.4 Origin of the Public Housing Program - Political and Social Background Hong Kong was ruled by the British as a colony since the mid-19th century. Attempts at improving living standards for Chinese residents can date back to 1903, but it was not until 1950s that the public housing programme started21. The sudden massive influx of Chinese refugees in the post-war period has affected Hong Kong’s housing policy at large. It was estimated that half of 600,000 refugees lived in squatters made out of timber and iron, prone to fire hazards in winter and typhoon in summer22. Continuous fire hazards occurred in various squatter areas during early 1950s, with the most serious one happened on Christmas Eve 1953 in Shek Kip Mei23. Over 53000 residents were rendered homeless overnight24. This has promoted the Government to provide a real large-scale commitment to prevent social unrest and gaining public support from local Chinese.

21

Cheung, C. H. S., & Ma, K. W. E. (1999). Advertising modernity: ‘home,’ space and privacy. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies.

22 Will, B. F. (1978). Housing Design and Construction Methods. In S. K. L. Wong (Ed.), Housing in Hong Kong : a multidisciplinary study (pp. 91–127). Hong Kong: Heinemann Educational.

23 Also known as the Shek Kip Mei Fire.

Yu, V, op.cit.

24 Ibid.

Chapter I / Social Economic and Cultural Background to Lviing in Hong Kong

As a result, the Resettlement Department was set up in 1954, and eight blocks of H-shaped six-storey resettlement blocks were built in December 1954 to provide victims a stable, safe and permanent living space. In the same year, the former Housing Authority was also established to provide and manage Resettlement Estates25. In the following year, one more storey was added and 21 additional blocks were built26. As the Resettlement programme was initially set up as a temporary body27 merely providing “shelters” to victims without “people” 28

and long term planning in mind, living conditions were very poor and no ancillary facilities

and services were accompanied.29 Later, as the government foresee that the resettlement plan could solve squatters and housing problems in Hong Kong, squatter-occupied areas were cleared for commercial development and more resettlement estates were constructed to meet housing needs. This is also the reason to explain why the government put clearing squatters as the priority instead of improving living conditions.

On the other hand, the Government Low Cost Housing (GLCH) programme was introduced in 1961 to solve the problem of overcrowded30 living conditions in private subdivided flats. This move not only provided PRH to fire hazard victims, but also to low-income families who are incapable of homeownership.

The new Hong Kong Housing Authority (HA) was formed in 1973 in long with implementation of the Ten-year public housing programme by Governor Sir Murray LacLehose. New towns were developed to accommodate the rising population and redevelopment projects were done in estates built before 1970s. At the same time, homeownership was promoted through the introduction of the Home Ownership Scheme (HOS) providing subsidized sale flats.

Following the introduction of the first Long-Term Housing Strategy in 1987, the housing programme has since then entered into a new era shifting its focus from providing a temporary shelter to providing quality housing that serves the general public.

25

Ibid.

Yu, V, op.cit.

27 Lau, C. P. (2010). We all grew up in So Uk Estate (我們都在蘇屋邨長大). Hong Kong: Chung Hwa Book.

28 Ho, K. L. D, op.cit.

29 Will, B. F, op.cit.

30 According to the population Census in 1961, 2.2 million people out of 3.13 million was living in substandard housing Lui, A. (2003). Social and Recreational Facilities. In T. K. Y. Wong & Y. M. Yeung (Eds.), Fifty years of public housing in Hong Kong: A golden jubilee review and appraisal (pp. 131–154). Hong Kong: Chinese University Press.

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Mid-19th century

- Taken over by the British

Post1950s

- Frist attempt at improving living standards - Set up Housing Commission to seek ways to increase housing supply and reduce residents’ burden on housing - A report regarding the congested housing problems was requested

by Sir William Peel from the Housing Commission - Japanese Occupation of Hong Kong

1903 1923 1935 19411945 1945-47, 1949-52 1948

1950s

1953 1954

- Post-war large-scale immigration waves from China due to its political instability - Formation of the Housing society31 - The Shek Kip Mei Fire - Establishment of the former Housing Authority - Set up of Resettlement Department - Starting of the public housing program

1954-64 Resettlement Period to relocating 50000 persons per year Target achieved, 600,000 persons were resettled while 240,000 were allocated to GLCH32 1960s

1961 1964 1965 1967

- Implementation of the Government Low Cost Housing (GLCH) Programme - Announcement of a ten-year building program under the HA - Total residents of public permanent housing reached 1 million - 1967 Leftist Riots

1964-73 Ten-year building program to accommodate 220000 persons per year Only 100000 persons were rehoused per year33 1970s

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1971

- Total share of public housing reached 52.1% of Hong Kong’s housing share34

1972

- Start of the Ten-year public housing programme by the new Governor Sir Murray MacLehose, later being extended to 1987  Decentralization of the population to self-contained new towns that provide job opportunities  Redevelop Resettlement Estates

1973

- Formation of the reconstructed Hong Kong Housing Authority (HA) by combining the Resettlement Department, the former Housing Authority and the Government Low Cost Housing Schemes - Set up the Housing Department serving as the HA’s executive arm implementing HA’s policies

The biggest non-profit-making housing agency financed by the Government which also provides PRH and subsidized housing. It was incorporated by the Ordinance in 1951.Their first public housing estate is the Sheung Li Uk Estate built in 1952.

Will, B. F, op.cit.

32 Census and Statistics department. (2015, December 17). Statistics on domestic households. Retrieved January 18, 2016, from http://www.censtatd.gov.hk/hkstat/sub/sp150.jsp?tableID=005&ID=0&productType=8 33 Wong, Y. C. R. (1998). On privatizing public housing. Hong Kong: City University of Hong Kong Press.

34 Will, B. F, op.cit.

Chapter I / Social Economic and Cultural Background to Lviing in Hong Kong

1973-87 Ten-year housing program to accommodate 1535000 persons until 198335 Only 50% of the target was achieved while homeownership rate was 37.9% in 198636

1980s

1976

- Introduction of the Home Ownership Scheme programme to provide subsidized sale flats to low-to-middle income households

1981

- Total residents of public permanent housing reached 2 million

1987

- Announcement of the first Long-Term Housing Strategy(LTHS)

1987-2001 First LTHS to achieve 60% homeownership rate by 1997 Only 46.7% homeownership rate was achieved in 199737 1988 1990s 1997

- Launching of the Comprehensive Redevelopment Programme (CRP) to redevelop or demolish PRH built before 1973 - New towns expanded to further North - Centralized modern management of PRH estates introduced - Transfer of sovereignty from the United Kingdom.

Became a special administrative region of China.

- Announcement of a ten-year housing plan aiming to achieve a 70% homeownership by 2007

1997-2007 Ten-year housing plan to build 85,000 units per year (50000 being public housing), achieve 70% homeownership by 2007 Only 50,000 units produced per year (32,000 being public housing) while homeownership rate is 52.1% in 2006 and 50.0% in 2001538 1998

2000s

- Introduction of the Tenants Purchase Scheme to allow PRH tenants to purchase their flats at an affordable price in certain PRH estates and assist in homeownership

2002 2003 2005

- Formation of the Housing, Planning and Lands Bureau - Production of HOS flats was ceased indefinitely - A Quota-and-Points system was implemented to limit non-elderly one-persons applicants 2010 - End of CRP following the demolishment of Lower Ngau Tau Kok Esate 2014 - Formation of the second LTHS aiming at assisting all households in Hong Kong “gaining access to adequate and affordable housing�39.

- The HOS programme was resumed 2024-2025 The second LTHS suggesting a supply of 480000 flats in a public-private split of 60:40 by 202540 Table 1 Major Political and Social events related to the Public Housing Programme Source: Author

35

Wong, Y. C. R, op.cit.

Census and Statistics department, 2015, op.cit 37 Ibid.

38 Ibid.

39 Transport and Housing Bureau. (2014). long term housing strategy - December 2014. Hong Kong: Transport and Housing Bureau.

40 GovHK. (2015, August). Hong Kong: The Facts - Housing. Retrieved November 21, 2015, from http://www.gov.hk/en/about/abouthk/factsheets/docs/housing.pdf 36

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Chapter II / The Significance of Neighbourhood

Fig. 9 PRH tenants socializing and playing mah-jong in public spaces Source: Hong Kong Housing Authority

Chapter II / The Significance of Neighbourhood

Fig. 10 PRH tenants saying goodbye to their homes and memories due to redevelopment Source: Hong Kong Housing Authority

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Living in a city, all human beings are inevitably in connect with other individuals. The interactivity between different humans form relationships in homes, neighbourhoods, communities and cities. In city planning, although the physical planning of houses and roads are important, social planning of communities must not be neglected. Planners belief that designs, site plans and other man-made or natural aspects of the physical environment have direct behavioural and emotional effects on their users1. Thus sense of community spirit can be developed and enhanced by careful planning for “the social wellbeing … and development of people2”.

Humans built houses where homes are created through time. With respect to its physical structure including the flats’ interior, its physical form and the site in which it is located, social interactions occur and social structure is formed. Identity and sense of belonging is developed thus social ties and relationships are created3. As relations within the house develops, interactions within the place are also promoted.

Interactions are occurred in the “local place” as a geological area that opens up for participation4. Through bodily encounters and interactions with the environment, people from different “homes” build up memories, knowledge and experience of the local environment. A collective process of giving identity to the place and making sense of the neighbourhood was developed5. It is also when neighbourliness grow.

To engage in neighbour relations is to open up oneself and getting into the word of another, physical, socially and emotionally6. Through greetings, paying visits, gatherings and mutual support, people from different “homes” in a “local place” build lifestyle and emotional ties hence form a sense of community spirit.

1

Kan, W. S. A. (1978). A study of Neighbourly Interaction in Public Housing: The Case of Hong Kong. In S. K. L. Wong (Ed.), Housing in Hong Kong: A multi-disciplinary study (pp. 160–182). Hong Kong: Heinemann Educational.

2 Ibid.

3 Hallden, G. (2002). Children’s views of family, home and house. In P. Christensen & M. O’Brien (Eds.), Children in the city: Home neighbourhood and community (the future of childhood) (pp. 29–45). London: Routledge Falmer.

4 Ibid.

5 Christensen, P. (2002). Place, space and knowledge: children in the village and the city. In P. Christensen & M. O’Brien (Eds.), Children in the city: Home neighbourhood and community (the future of childhood) (pp. 13–28).

London: Routledge Falmer.

6 Neighbourhood Advice-Action Council, & Lee, K. Y. P. (1990). Structure and dynamics at a local neighbourhood : towards a community development model in a private housing estate : a collaborative research project. Hong Kong: n.p.

Chapter II / The Significance of Neighbourhood

A community share a strong sense of identity, belonging and pride of the place7. It is the most basic form of human organization that people are interconnected to one another in an informal and intangible network that is invisible to outsiders8.

Existence of neighbourliness and communities is important as mutual aid and concern is developed in the place to enhance social cohesion and strength community networks. The willingness to care for and support community members and uniting against a common enemy helps to stabilize the community and lessen impact of problems, for example controlling crime by safeguarding one another’s home9. Moreover, community members feeling connected to their estate are more willing to manage the place and carry out selfinitiated improvements as they regard the area as their long-term home10.

Although neighbourly interactions cannot measure physically, we can identify levels of neighbourliness through various human interactions. In casual neighbourly interactions11, people first know surnames then first names of one another. They will then greet and engage in random conversations with neighbours; perform house visits and gatherings; discuss building matters and shop and entertain together. After mutual trust is developed, crisisrelated neighbourly interactions12 through more intensive interactions. Neighbours are willing to help community members in times of crisis, both positive and negative. Positively, they are willing to borrow and lend daily necessities; take care of other’s children and watch out for one another’s safety. Negatively when, neighbours are willing to share familial matters and help neighbours when problems arise. 13 A famous Chinese saying indicates that nation goes before family. Similarly, homes are maintained based on the community network. In Chinese society, home literally means “the house in which we live”14, which indicates the primacy of family within the home.

7

Rudlin, D., Falk, N., & The Urban and Economic Development Group (1999). Building the 21st century home: The sustainable urban neighbourhood. Oxford: Architectural Press.

8 Duncan, P., & Thomas, S. (2000). Neighbourhood regeneration: Resourcing community involvement (area regeneration). Bristol: Policy Press 9 Rudlin, D., Falk, N., & The Urban and Economic Development Group, op.cit.

10 Ibid.

11 Kan, W. S. A, op.cit.

12 Ibid.

13 Neighbourhood Advice-Action Council, & Lee, K. Y. P, op.cit.

14 Lee, J. (1999). Housing, home ownership, and social change in Hong Kong. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing.

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Chapter III / Architectural Design in relation to Neighbourly Relations

Chapter III / Architectural Design in relation to Neighbourly Relations

Fig. 11 Evolution of Public Housing from 1950s to 2000s Source: Hong Kong Housing Authority

27

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Chapter III / Architectural Design in relation to Neighbourly Relations The development of the public housing programme in Hong Kong can be divided into 5 distinct periods since its development in 1954. PRH estates constructed before 1990s were said to have much more neighbourly interactions, with the most existed in the Resettlement Period. Throughout the decades, architecture plays a major part in providing a shelter, a home and a place that opens up for interaction and participation to residents. Social ties were created and formed intimate neighbourly relations.

3.1 Evolution of Design Period

Time Frame

Building block type

Major Case Studies & Year of construction

Resettlement period

1954-64

H-shaped

Shek Kip Mei Estate

1954

GLCH Programme

1964-73

Slab Twin tower

Wah Fu (I) Estate Wah Fu (II) Estate

1967 1970

Ten-year public housing program (New towns)

1973-87

Ten-year public housing program (Redevelopment) First LTHS Present (Redevelopment)

1987-2001 2001 present

Sha Tin New Town

1973

Linear, Trident 3 Trident 3, 41

Heng On Estate Kwong Yuen Estate

1987 1989

Slab, Linear

Shek Kip Mei Estate Redevelopment

1983

Tin Shui Wai New Town Harmony 1, Non-standard, Single Aspect building,

1987

Ngau Tau Kok Estate Redevelopment

2002 to 2009

Table 2 Major case studies of the five periods that will be discussed in the paper Source: Author

1

Different configurations of building block types were created to suit different sites before the formation of “Nonstandard” Blocks. For example, “Tridents blocks ranged from 1 to 4, while “Harmony” contains 1, 1A, 2 and 3.

Nevertheless, the design concept and shape is similar.

Chapter III / Architectural Design in relation to Neighbourly Relations

The design focus of PRH has transformed from being quantitative to qualitative from early 1950s to the present. As it is necessary to meet the huge demand for shelter by cost-effective methods at the outset, resettlement estates were built at the barest minimum. Resettlement blocks were mainly H shaped with less than 8 storeys in which internal kitchens, toilets and water supply are not available. Flats of 2.2 sq m per person were designed at the minimum living space recommended by the United Nations for undeveloped countries2. Few ancillary facilities were provided.

In 1960s, along with the introduction of GLCH programme, self-contained flats with a balcony were produced. Central corridors replaced single-sided ones to include more flats per floor. As the number of storeys increased, building forms also changed from H-shaped to Slab and Twin Tower design. Planning of the estate as a whole was also started at this time.

1970s is the watershed for PRH development. The failure of the Ten Year Housing Building Program and the high demand for housing has led the program to shift its emphasis into build better-quality self-contained housings.3 Different forms such as H block, Trident blocks and Linear form started to emerge in New Towns aiming at decentralizing the population. At the same time, redevelopment projects were initiated to improve post-70s PRH estates.

Internally, residents started to perform interior design according to their likings. During 1980s, multi-room flats were mechanically constructed in better-planned PRH estates with the incorporation of facilities and community services.

With the advancement in technology, prefabricated standardized units were developed in modular flat approach in 1990s. It was in line with new pre-cast construction technologies to improve building speed and quality. Towards the 2000s, mass production was enabled by standardized Harmony and site-specific non-standard housing blocks. Moreover as population continued to increase, site planning of a whole town emerged.

2

Chui, E. (2009). High density living in Hong Kong. In M. Wolf (Ed.), Hong Kong outside: Architecture of density. Hong Kong: Asia One Books.

3 Lee, J, op.cit.

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Fig. 12 Shek Kip Mei at its initial development Source: Skyscrapper City

Chapter III / Architectural Design in relation to Neighbourly Relations

3.2 Resettlement Period 1954 – 1964

Under the Same Roof - Shek Kip Mei Estate Constructed in 1954 after the Shek Kip Mei Fire that rendered 53000 homeless, Shek Kip Mei Estate is the first PRH housing estate in Hong Kong. The whole estate was being constructed within 6 months as temporal housing estates, facilities were inadequate and living conditions were very poor. However, estates constructed in this period were regarded as places that brought people together and developed a sense of neighbourhood through mutual aid and care. An interview done by photographer Michael Wolf interviewing the remaining 100 residents of the estate indicates that 55 out of 100 interviewees liked most about their nice neighbours, followed by its low rent and its convenient transportation network4.

It marked the turning point in which a floating population of refugees could finally settle in permanent housing and re-establish local communities, and when people could live in a “home”. Although the estate was being demolished in 2007 for redevelopment, neighbours still keep in contact after leaving as this was the place where their childhood memories developed.5

4

Wolf, M. (2009). Hong Kong inside : one hundred by one hundred rooms at Shek Kip Mei Public Housing Estate.

Hong Kong: Asia One Books.

5 Hong Kong Housing Authority, 2010, op.cit.

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Fig 13 Youngsters playing basketball in the open spaces which was equipped with facilities later Source: Hong Kong memories

Fig 14 Owner Mr Chan with his shop Jen Fung Long Rice Source: Hong Kong Old Shop

3.2.1 Site planning

Shek Kip Mei estate is located at the valley-end of a series of hills. As the estate was meant to be temporal at the outset, no planning for public spaces and greenery took place. Bare open spaces were poorly outfitted and fragmented all over the estate. This, however, encouraged flexible use of easily accessible space and allow interactions between residents, given that the internal living conditions were extremely overcrowded.

Chapter III / Architectural Design in relation to Neighbourly Relations

Housewives would spend time together to perform private activities in the public spaces, for example hanging their blankets in summer, in which intimate connections were developed and collective consciousness has arisen6. In summer evenings, adults would all gather in scattered open spaces in between housing blocks to enjoy the cool evening breeze and socialize after a day’s physical work7.

Children, on the other hand, made use of small spaces and enjoyed all kinds of informal games with their peers. Street corners and spaces between housing blocks were children’s informal “playground”. They built up a detailed knowledge of the local environment during the process of exploring and sensing the place through bodily encounters and movements8. As most of their parents have to work in the daytime, children play games as a group and there is much time for interaction and communication. Some children for example catch water bugs in the hill behind the estate to compete with one another. These open spaces served as an important relief from the congested interiors9.

Moreover, facilities and services provided were limited in the estate. Other than small shops present in the ground floor, community centres and sportsground were absent. Local stores ran by individuals or families of several generation therefore act as an important place for residents to do shopping and socialize.

Jen Fung Long Rice located in the ground floor of block 16 for example is a dry-food store selling daily necessities. Owner Mr Chan who is over 70 years old still insisted to cycle to different blocks to deliver oil, rice and gas to homes of his customers in order to chat with them until demolition in 200710.

Mrs Poon11 selling dried foodstuff in the neighbourhood refused to be relocated at the time of redevelopment as she missed the network of customers she had. Local stores emphasized on human values and developed deep personal connection and trust in day-to-day conversations with residents over the years. It is the place where residents gather and interact, thus developed neighbourly interactions.

6

Ho, K. L. D, op.cit.

Lui, A, op.cit.

8 Christensen, P, op.cit.

9 Lui, A, op.cit.

10 Wu, W. Z. (2008). Hong Kong Old Shops (1st ed.). Hong Kong: HULU Concept.

11 Lee, J, op.cit.

7

33

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Fig. 15 16 Floor plan of the H-shaped Resettlement Estates and the standardized units Source: Docomomo

Block 41 (Mei Ho House) before redevelopment Source: Wikipedia

Building blocks as at 1975 Source: Flickr user eatsee1

Chapter III / Architectural Design in relation to Neighbourly Relations

3.2.2 Architecture of building blocks and floors

The six-storey housing blocks designed in an H-shaped plan were reminiscent of the early industrial housing in Northern England12. Cubicles were lined back to back on the long arms facing the one-sided access balconies connected by the cross piece. Access were provided from two external corridors encircling the long arms. The design was called Mark I13 in which strong emphasis was on the speed and cost. 60 rooms were settled in one floor constituting to a total of 360 rooms in one block, holding at least 1800 residents. Flush latrines, water supply, showering facilities provided on the cross piece shared by residents of the same floor served as a patio for residents to interact14. Hence, providence of communal facilities developed familiarity among neighbours as face-to-face contact were intense.

Every day in the morning, tenants would line up to collect buckets of water from the water tap15 and carry along the long corridors to their units for cooking and shower. Frequent skirmishes such as cutting in line always take place as people hopes to collect more water.

This has increased the contact between people.

In the afternoon, housewives would carry water buckets to communal latrines and bath together. It was due to the fact that latrine doors were absent in early resettlement period, which in turn fostered the neighbourliness between residents. Children were also asked to stay in front of toilet doors to maintain a place for family members to bath due to the high demand for washing after working hours16. Young girls and their mothers would also do the laundry in the open space next to the common latrines with their neighbours.17 Schooling mostly took place on rooftops of resettlement blocks as space was scarce. Many families sent their children as it was the only affordable schools for them. Children living in the same estate or even same block spent their day and night playing and studying with their friends, which formed intensive neighbourhood relations. In 2007, a former graduate of Shek

12 Early

industrial housing in Northern England were back-to-back housing that were lined in rows of streets equipped with a latrine in the backyard.

Lim, B., & Nutt, T. (2003). Planning and Locational Aspects. In T. K. Y. Wong & Y. M. Yeung (Eds.), Fifty years of public housing in Hong Kong: A golden jubilee review and appraisal (pp. 45–62). Hong Kong: Chinese University Press.

13 Early resettlement blocks evolved from 19605s to 1970s, which was named Mark I to VI. Incremental improvements were observed in each version to address design shortcomings in the previous version. Designs from Mark IV onwards became larger in size and were self-contained with provision of lifts as storeys increased.

Ibid.

14 Lim, B., & Nutt, T, op.cit.

15 Only one tap was provided per floor, there are also times were water supply was limited to once per four days.

16 Lee, J, op.cit.

17 Ibid.

35

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Fig. 19 Communal latrines without doors

Fig. 20 Rooftop Primary Schools

Source: YHA Mei Ho House

Source: Vincent Yu

Fig. 21 Common corridors of two floors

Fig. 22 Making use of open spaces

Source: Hong Kong Memories

Source: Hong Kong Memories

Kip Mei Government Primary School18 has organized a gathering in which over 700 former students attended19.

Open spaces were also open within housing block, along long corridors and places near staircases. Walking along the one-sided corridor, one can hardly miss anything happening in other’s flats. As wooden doors were often left often for air ventilation, only a piece of printed fabric were placed over the outer metal gate20. Quarry and gossips could be heard clearly and observed from outside21. Neighbours therefore are acknowledged of all the problems or events related to one another.

As there were no official regulations issued toward the use of corridors, tenants were given

18

Shek Kip Mei Government Primary School was established in 1959 and discontinued in 1980.

Lim, B., & Nutt, T, op.cit.

20 Hong Kong Housing Authority. (2013). Public housing : homes for the community : sixty years of public housing : cornerstone of Hong Kong’s development. Hong Kong: Author.

21 Kan, W. S. A, op.cit.

19

Chapter III / Architectural Design in relation to Neighbourly Relations

flexibility to alter public spaces to their likings. Personal belongings such as buckets and cooking utensils were often placed along the corridor due to the overcrowded interiors.

During the day, housewives would do take-home garment work with their children to supplement the father’s income22. Families would outsource the workload to their neighbours to advance the working process and work together on tables placed along the corridors.

Younger children will make use of the time to cycle, race and play plastic football along the corridor so that their mother could keep an eye on them23. After work, mahjong tables would be set up for housewives to play before their husband came home.

In the evening, cooking will be done along the corridor for better ventilation. Housewives or younger children would cook on kerosene stove and chats as flats are located very near to one another24. When one ran out of daily necessities, in particular salt and oil, others would borrow them instantly. After cooking, families would “take their rice bowls to eat in the corridor and share their dishes with one another25”. They will also share their day and guests at each other’s table from time to time.

After dinner, neighbours will crowd along the corridor in front of a better-off family who can afford to buy a television and a pay a cent to watch a popular television drama26. At night, neighbours would ensure young girls’ safety by going out to the corridor and watch them walk back their flats if they came home late27. Before bed in summer, folding canvas beds were also placed for tenants to sleep outside for better ventilation28.

During festivals, tenants will sit along the corridors or gather in the ground floor open spaces to perform traditional rituals. For example during mid-autumn festival, children will all light up and carry their self-made lanterns to the corridor trying to outshine those in other blocks.29 Although space is very limited along the long corridor and may cause conflict in occupying public spaces for private use, long corridors and fragmented open spaces increased human contact and promoted mutual respect and care between neighbours. In addition, as flats are located very near to one another, physical proximity initiated primary contacts between neighbours through routine activities30.

22

Lee, J, op.cit.

Er, D., & Li, J. X. (2012). Wandering around housing estates in Hong Kong Island and the Islands District (漫遊港島 離島屋邨). Hong Kong: Ming Po Publications.

24 Lim, B., & Nutt, T, op.cit.

25 Said by Ms Wong, a former tenant of Shek Kip Mei Estate.

Hong Kong Housing Authority, 2010, op.cit.

26 Ibid.

27 Ibid.

28 Lee, J, op.cit.

29 Hong Kong Housing Authority, 2010, op.cit.

30 Kan, W. S. A, op.cit.

23

37

38

Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Fig. 23 Interior of Units.

These were taken before the demolition of Block 41 (Mei Ho House). They have underwent redevelopment in 1970s, therefore flats are larger than 11.15m². However, building characteristics could still be seen. First, it is a rectangular room without partitions. Second, vents were still present at the top. Third, residents sleep in bunkbeds and placed family portraits (right) and family shrine as the price of place.

Source: Michael Wolf

(Left) Fig. 24 Sharing flats with strangers is common if there is less than 5 adults.

Source: Hong Kong Memories (Right) Fig. 25 Families will do take-home garment works with their neighbours to earn a living Source: Hong Kong Housing Authority

Chapter III / Architectural Design in relation to Neighbourly Relations

3.2.3 Internal design, layout and living conditions

Rectangular cubicles measuring approximately 3.8m X 3m (11.15m²) were designed for 5 adults31. Families with members less than 5 had to share the unit with strangers32. A typical family would consist of 2 grandparents, 2 parents and at least 5 children33. It was merely a room and was referred as a “pigeon hole” in Chinese34.

Each flat was equipped with a window beside the door facing the corridor and a vent in the shared wall facing the opposite back-to-back unit for ventilation. Children would look through the vents and pass sheets of paper across the vent as entertainment35.

As no internal partitions were present, flexible use of space was allowed. Multi-storey bunk beds which accommodate at least 4 people served as a place for sleeping and homework were placed on the sides. In the centre, there are either foldable tables and stackable chairs or a bamboo mat as area of interaction36. Shrines of ancestors, cabinets and the pride of place at home – a wooden stick hanging family portraits and certificates, were located in the remaining fragmented spaces37. The room served as multi-functional spaces which allowed interaction.

Life inside the cubicle is never private, as doors were always left open and neighbours always pay visits. Choice in the style of life was also minimal and designs of flats were similar using bowls, dishes and furniture of same design38. Although interpersonal conflicts were not uncommon in Shek Kip Mei Estate, many former tenants described that as the best time in their life and all the neighbours “were like a family” supporting one another39.

31

French, H., & Lee, Y, op.cit.

Hong Kong Housing Authority, 2013, op.cit.

33 Families of size were the norm in the 60s. Families would usually give birth to 5 to 6 children as there was high infant mortality.

Rudlin, D., Falk, N., & The Urban and Economic Development Group, op.cit.

34 Lee, J, op.cit.

35 Hong Kong Housing Authority, 2013, op.cit.

36 Hong Kong Heritage Museum, & Leisure & Cultural Services Dept (n.d.).Hong Kong home: multi-stories. Hong Kong: Leisure & Cultural Services Dept 37 Turner, M. (n.d.). The Kitchen God’s Design. In Hong Kong Heritage Museum & Leisure & Cultural Services Dept, (Eds.), Hong Kong home: Multi-stories (pp. 13–21). Hong Kong: Leisure & Cultural Services Dept.

38 Au Yeung, Y. C. C. (n.d.). The Ambitious Dreamer - The Living experience of the new generation in Hong Kong. In Hong Kong Heritage Museum & Leisure & Cultural Services Dept. (Eds.), Hong Kong home: Multi-stories(pp. 38–47).

Hong Kong: Leisure & Cultural Services Dept.

39 Hong Kong Housing Authority, 2010, op.cit.

32

39

40

Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Fig. 26 27 Wah Fu Estate in 1970s and today Source: South China Morning Post

Chapter III / Architectural Design in relation to Neighbourly Relations

3.3 Government Low Cost Housing Programme 1964 – 1973

Construction of a Self-sufficient Town - Wah Fu Estate

Fig. 28 Site plan of Wah Fu Estate including both phases Source: Fifty years of public housing in Hong Kong

Wah Fu Estate is one of the ten GLCH estates built from 1964 to 1973. Construction was started in 1963 and the estate was divided in two parts, providing housing to 50,000 low-tomiddle income residents. As it was located in the then rural area surrounded by hills, initial low intake was observed. Designed by former Director of Housing Mr Donald Liao, the selfsufficient town marked a significant upturn in Hong Kong’s PRH living standards. It is also often regarded as a cradle for Hong Kong’s middle class due to the people-oriented design and the tranquil living environment.

41

42

Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Showing a road leading to open space downslope, a “slab� residential block and the podium leading to the commercial centre

Multi-storey carpark, which was a pioneer concept at the time of construction

Shops and mutual aid committees below housing blocks serving residents Fig. 29 Panorama showing the comprehensive planning of Wah Fu Estate Source: Author

Fig. 30 Podium connecting residential blocks and the commercial centre

Fig. 31 Market below the podium for ventilation purposes

Source: South China Morning Post

Source: Author

3.3.1 Site planning Wah Fu Estate was the first PRH estate that was planned as a self-sufficient neighbourhood estate in the housing programme40. Only basic planning was observed in previous estates.

40

Lim, B., & Nutt, T, op.cit.

Chapter III / Architectural Design in relation to Neighbourly Relations

A multi-level composite building containing a market, a library, a multi-storey carpark, schools and etc was situated in the middle of the estate, easily accessible by residents on foot41. Pedestrian-only areas were enabled for neighbourly interactions and recreational uses by designing bridges and a podium connecting housing blocks to the transportation hub and the composite building so that residents could access all areas without changing levels42.

Although open spaces remained featureless, they are no longer fragmented. More trees were also planted after construction for residents to socialize in the shade43. Residents were all allocated 1 m² levelled open space, while outdoor furniture in durable materials such as concrete started to emerge44. This enables larger-scaled social interactions to take place within open spaces. In order to prevent occurrence of children problems, playground facilities also started to develop. Children can therefore spend their day in the playground climbing on the 5-level monkey bars, sliding from the 2-storey high slides and jumping off seats when they reach the highest point on the swings45. As living conditions remained overcrowded, it is the only area that children could play with their peers and meet new friends. Moreover, parents could see their children out from the balconies and could shout out to remind them for lunch and dinner.

For adults, the first community centre providing community-based activities for all age groups was established in 196046. In Wah Fu, there is a community room that allowed residents to hire for self-initiated activities47. This provided a place for residents to hold large-scaled gatherings and socialize as a whole.

Small local stores were also present in this stage. Wah Fu Silver Cafe for example was opened in 1967. This Cha Chaan Teng (Chinese restaurants providing Hong Kong-style Western cuisine) that existed till today served as a place where residents eat, chat and socialize despite the average food quality48.

41

The concept of having a multi-storey composite building remains was pioneer at the time of completion as there were absent of similar buildings in all former already-built estates.

Lui, A, op.cit.

42 Radio Television Hong Kong (2014). Hong Kong Stories (the 12th volume): Cosy Nest of the Past [Video File]. Available from http://podcast.rthk.hk/podcast/item_epi.php?pid=684&lang=en-US&id=42542 43 Ibid.

44 Lui, A, op.cit.

45 Liang, G. F. (2014). Goodbye. Playground (再會.遊樂場). Hong Kong: Chung Hwa Book.

46 Neighbourhood Advice-Action Council, & Lee, K. Y. P, op.cit.

47 Lui, A, op.cit.

48 Wu, W. Z. (2008). Hong Kong Old Shops (1st ed.). Hong Kong: HULU Concept.

43

44

Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Fig. 32 “Slab� blocks that are nearer to the sea were sunken according to the slope Source: South China Morning Post

Fig. 33 34 Long sing-sided corridors and open-ended lift lobbies that act as open spaces Source: South China Morning Post; Hong Kong Housing Authority

Fig. 35 Taller twin towers were located at the hillside to maximize views Source: Teoalida

Chapter III / Architectural Design in relation to Neighbourly Relations

3.3.2 Architecture of building blocks and floors

Due to the ever-increasing demand for PRH in this period, the government built housing blocks of different shapes to identify the most effective ones, which was eventually Old Slab49 and Twin Tower50. Twelve 12 to 13-storey slab blocks were finished in 1967. Emphasis was stressed on the difference in heights of the slope in order to conserve the original landscape, with the ones near the sea sunken according to the slope. The shape was similar to Mark I despite without the cross piece. Design of single-sided corridors facing the main roads and flats facing the sea was adopted in blocks near the main roads so to minimize noise pollution.

While blocks located far away from blocks adopted the design of central corridor to maximize sea view and increase the distance between blocks51. While corridors were widened, open spaces were also made available near the lift52. The open-ended elevator lobbies was as large as two flats that could accommodate 8 adults each. They were left emptied intentionally by the architect for residents to move around and interact53.

On the other hand, six 20 to 23- storey twin tower blocks were completed in 1970. The plan of this block type resembles two hollow squares with a 15m X 15m central courtyard joining at on corner forming the number “8”, while the adjoining space are elevators and staircases54.

It was the first twin tower design in the housing programme. Mr Liao explained that he designed out of environment, social and economic concern.

Environmentally, these taller towers were built according to topography and located on the hillside sites, so that lower seaside slab blocks will not block views of residents. Distance between different blocks were kept at a minimum of 20m to allow ventilation. As the courtyard served as a giant light well, maximum daylight penetration and stack effect in ventilation was allowed. Also, it was the most economical construction that required minimum steel bars.55

49

It was called “Slab” block until the emergence of the new “Slab” block and “Linear” Block. The HA changed its name to “Old Slab” in 1973 to prevent confusion between the three block types. However, the configurations of the three housing types were very similar Wikipedia (n.d.). Old Slab (舊長型大廈).Retrieved November 6, 2015, from https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E8%88%8A%E9%95%B7%E5%9E%8B%E5%A4%A7%E5%BB%88 50 Hong Kong Housing Authority, 2013, op.cit.

51 Radio Television Hong Kong, op.cit.

52 Lifts started to emerge in 1960s, in which initial ones serve every third floor.

Lim, B., & Nutt, T, op.cit.

53 Ibid.

54 Hui, S. (2013). Reading Hong Kong’s Architecture (築覺： 閱讀香港建築). Hong Kong: Joint Publishing.

55 Ibid.

45

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Fig. 36 37 Floor plan of the Twin Tower block and a typical room floor plan in Wah Fu Source: Hong Kong Housing Authority; Hong Kong Home: multi-storeys

Fig. 38 39 Images of the giant light well inside Twin Towers – neighbours can easily see one another’s door, while children plays in the courtyard downstairs Source: Wikipedia; Hudson Ng

Fig. 40 Typical layout of a room in ah Fu, in which the right hand side is the kitchen. One can walk out the balcony and the toilet will on the right Source: Hong Kong Housing Authority

Chapter III / Architectural Design in relation to Neighbourly Relations

Socially, the courtyard enabled residents to socialize and became a playground for children.

As PRH estates are generally unsafe, parents often only allow their children to interact in courtyards, corridors and elevator lobbies to ensure their safety. Long rectangular corridors are one of the favourite spots for children to play hide-and-seek. In addition, as internal corridors face the courtyards and most tenants kept their doors open for ventilation, the design enable residents of different floors to see each other’s flat and watch out for robbery to optimise security. This design that enforced security was particularly important as gangsters were often observed in PRH estates back then.56

3.3.3 Internal design, layout and living conditions The average space standard in this stage has improved to 3.3m² per person57. Flats were selfcontained with a living-sleeping room and private balcony. The toilet and cooking space is located next to the balcony for ventilation purpose while internal water tap and electrical points were also provided. Varied room size from 28m² to 40m² also started to develop enabling residence of different family sizes58.

As flats became more self-sufficient, it decreased the need to lead a communal life and socialize with neighbours. The increase in room size also enabled more partitions within the flat to create individual private spaces. The living-sleeping room also enabled more activities to take place and lowered the importance of socializing in the corridor. However, as the flat was not equipped with metal gates and fluorescent lights initially, this constituted to the establishment of the Wah Fu Estate Credit Union to lend money to residents at low-interest loans.

Despite flats became self-contained, the people-oriented site-specific design by Mr Liao has shifted areas of social interactions to the estate and housing blocks, which is an estate that is suitable for living.

56

Radio Television Hong Kong, op.cit.

Dwyer, D. J. (1971). Housing Provision in Hong kong. In D. J. Dwyer (Ed.), Asian urbanization : a Hong Kong casebook (pp. 33–47). Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press.

58 Will, B. F, op.cit.

57

47

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Fig. 41 Sha Tin New Town in 1981.

It illustrates the aim of New Town development – to have a mix of different types of housing Source: Housing in Hong Kong

Chapter III / Architectural Design in relation to Neighbourly Relations

3.4 Ten-year Public Housing Programme 1973 – 1987

Emergence of New Towns with Distinct Local Identity - Sha Tin (Heng On Estate and Kwong Yuen Estate)

In order to increase supply of land for more PRH estates and decentralize the urban population, areas located in the urban periphery were chosen to be developed into selfsufficient satellite cities in 1970s. Sha Tin was one of the earliest new town that was located 30 km for city centre1. The whole town was well-planned with separate regions of appropriate share of different land uses housing 630,0002. The area was well linked by transportation network and provided adequate job opportunities, recreational facilities and open spaces. It was said that the design has followed Le Corbusier’s avocation of housing in “A Contemporary City of Three Million People”3.

Hui, S. (2013). Reading Hong Kong’s Architecture (築覺： 閱讀香港建築). Hong Kong: Joint Publishing.Hui, S, op.cit.

2 As at 2011.

Census and Statistics Department. (2011). 2011 population census - Sha Tin district. Retrieved December 19, 2015, from http://www.census2011.gov.hk/en/district-profiles/sha-tin.html 3 Hui, S, op.cit.

1

49

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Fig. 42 43 Chinese-themed park in Heng On Estate with covered walkway provided a distinct local identity Source: Author

Fig. 44 Clock tower in Kwong Yuen Estate; Fig 45. Playground Facilities Source: Fifty years of Public Housing in Hong Kong; Lifestyle photographic competition

Chapter III / Architectural Design in relation to Neighbourly Relations

3.4.1 Site planning

As a self-sufficient new town, Sha Tin was well-equipped with better-planned supporting facilities in large-scale PRH estates. High-rise housing blocks were integrated with landscape design and low-rise commercial centres, recreational facilities, schools, community centres and transportation hub, forming an overall well-planned compressive community4. Large amount of facilities were provided to attract and decentralize the urban population.

Moreover, local identity was provided to different PRH states to enhance a sense of community and pride.

In Heng On Estate, a Chinese park is located in the centre with surrounded commercial centres, sportsground and housing blocks and linked by covered walkways and footbridges access. It was intended to “provide a pleasant environment that could relate to the culture and heritage of people�5. In Kwong Yuen Estate, the architect built a 26m-high brick tower that could be recognized from as far as the Shing Mun River to serve as a focal point and landmark to unite residents and develop a sense of community and pride.

As the housing programme became more developed, use of public spaces for private use became under strict control6. Basic model of living was shifted from the communal area into individual households. Nonetheless, more open spaces and landscape architectures were introduced for social interaction. In Heng On Estate, Chinese gardens with moon gates, pavilions and fish ponds were designed to impart a sense of unique cultural identity different from other PRH7. Shading structures and convenient covered access to recreational facilities was designed to encourage social interaction at all times. Moreover, quality of play equipment was largely improved and issues of safety was being addressed to encourage children interaction8. The overall outdoor area formed a pleasant environment for community interaction to take place outside their high-rise high-density indoor units.

4

Lim, B., & Nutt, T, op.cit.

Lau, P. (2003). Architectural Innovations and Awards. In T. K. Y. Wong & Y. M. Yeung (Eds.), Fifty years of public housing in Hong Kong: A golden jubilee review and appraisal (pp. 63–84). Hong Kong: Chinese University Press.

6 Ho, K. L. D, op.cit.

7 Lau, P, op.cit.

8 Lui, A, op.cit.

5

51

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Left is the transportation hub with a pedestrian walkway linking to the shopping centre Right is a multi-storey carpark

Left is a pedestrian elevator linking to the upper hill housing blocks Middle is the village-like commercial centre Right is a market

Left is the gentle ramps and staircases ;Right is the village style commercial centre Fig. 46 Panorama of Kwong Yuen Estate; Fig 47 48 Kwong Yuen Commercial Centre Source: Author

Fig. 49 Mushroom Kiosk Source: Link Reit

Chapter III / Architectural Design in relation to Neighbourly Relations

Due to the large population size in new towns, small local stores were gradually replaced by commercial centres while retaining local identity. Design of Kwong Yuen Estate Commercial Centre aimed at creating a “pleasant commercial environment on a human scale at the heart of the estate9” serving 30,000 residents. As the estate was located next to the Siu Lek Yuen Valley, the architect designed a non-air-conditioned village-style commercial centre with red corbel-bricks, pitched roofs and courtyard that created a village-like atmosphere.

The two-storey commercial blocks were divided into 5 clustered groups located at different levels due to the hilly site. The architect provided a human approach by punctuating the complex with “gentle ramps, sculptural staircases, steps, planters and seating benches… to encourage residents… linger without being intimidated by the levels.10” This neighbourhoodoriented design approach encouraged social interaction and created a strong local identity within the estate.11

Another special feature of PRH estates in Sha Tin was the present of mushroom kiosks. They are semi-covered cooked footstalls ran by individuals that emerged in 197412. Inside a squareshaped structure with a pointed edge resembling the form of a mushroom, a wide range of food is provided. Although non air-conditioned, it is a place where residents eat under sweat and socialize after work as it is closed at midnight.

9

Lau, P, op.cit.

Ibid.

11 Ibid.

12 Ho, G. Y. (2015, May 30). Evolution of Mushroom Kiosks (毋忘冬菇進化史). Retrieved January 12, 2016, from http://hk.apple.nextmedia.com/supplement/food/art/20150530/19165112 10

53

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Fig. 50 Kwong Yuen Estate housing blocks – Mainly “Trident” block Source: Hong Kong Housing Authority

Fig. 50 51 Kwong Yuen Estate Floor plan and room layout Source: Hong Kong Housing Authority ; The Hong Kong Institute of Architects

Chapter III / Architectural Design in relation to Neighbourly Relations

3.4.2 Architecture of building blocks and floors

Trident-form housing blocks started to emerge in this period. Kwong Yuen Estate and Heng On Estate both contained this block type. Single-sided enclosed rows of units in multi-room design were arranged in 3 wings to radiate from a central access core forming a “Y� shape plan13. Number of storeys has increased to 35 and more emphasis was put on spaciousness, individuality and privacy in the interior. Internal open spaces in lift lobbies and near staircases no longer act as socializing areas. Enclosed corridors due to the increasing height also hindered neighbourhood interaction across storeys.

3.4.3 Internal design, layout and living conditions

Living conditions have been much improved in this period. Internal space standard has increased to 4.25 m² per person and floor plans became flexible14. Tenants are allowed to partition the rooms according to their likings, thus multi-rooms were enabled. Although some of the flats still open their doors for air ventilation due to the lack of windows in units, most flats were installed with air conditioners, thus lowering the chance of neighbourly interactions. There is no longer a need to live a communal life from this period onwards as the interior is already self-sufficient.

13 14

Hong Kong Housing Authority, 2013, op.cit.

Lim, B., & Nutt, T, op.cit.

55

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Fig. 53 Tin Shui Wai New Town Source: Wikipedia

Chapter III / Architectural Design in relation to Neighbourly Relations

3.5 Present Problems 1987 – Present

City of Sadness – Tin Shui Wai

High-rise blocks built after 1990s have worked well functionally to fulfil the needs of residents – a secure and private home with well-connected infrastructures. However, less emphasis were put on construction of public spaces and green areas to promote residents interaction.

Tenants often find themselves alienated from the neighbourhood although being physically located “side-by-side”. They no longer interact at the corridors and in open spaces. As the design intention and outcome of PRH is similar, the 3 periods15 after 1987 could be commented as one.

Being described as the “City of Sadness”, Tin Shui Wai was developed as a residential new town in 1987, with a total of 11 PRH estates. Numerous social problems and anti-social behaviour16 caused by the poor urban planning of the constituted its nickname until present.

15

They are the first Long Term Housing Strategy (1987 – 97), Ten Year Housing Plan (1997 – 2007) and the second Long Term Housing Strategy (2014 – 2025) respectively.

16 Incidents including committing suicide and domestic violence happened on a frequent basis in the last decade.

Between 2000 and 2008, 20 people died in 6 suicide incidents. High-profile incidents that have been reported emotionally by local media and have horrified the general public, thus constituting its nickname as “City of Sadness”.

Asia Sentinel. (2007, December 14). Tin Shui Wai: City of sadness. Retrieved December 1, 2015, from http://www.asiasentinel.com/mask-of-china/tin-shui-wai-city-of-sadness/

57

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Fig. 54 The isolated city is fenced by high-rise PRH blocks Source: Tin Shui Wai is about to take off

Fig. 55 The isolated is city fenced by high-rise PRH blocks Wikipedia

Chapter III / Architectural Design in relation to Neighbourly Relations

3.5.1 Site planning

At this stage, planning as a whole town was carried out17. Building blocks started to adopt a site-responsive approach and more technological solutions were implemented. Although green areas were designed by landscape architects to allow interaction, large-scale commercial centres hindered interactions. Free public space was kept to bare minimum18 as one will have to pay before enjoying social spaces. Supermarket chains and fast food restaurants operated by conglomerates filled shopping malls managed by centralised management19. As the rent is too high, local stores could not exist. Hawkers were also not allowed in PRH estates while mushroom kiosks being revitalized were also ran by conglomerate, losing its humanity20. People-oriented qualities were missing and social interaction between residents and shop owners was prohibited. The scene of residents sitting inside local stores chatting with owners and helping out with their business without consuming anything disappeared.

Tin Shui Wai as an example is notorious for the poor overall planning. The homogeneity in land use, especially in the north has caused a serious imbalance in social mix. Over 85% of residential land use is PRH housing in Northern Tin Shui Wai and high percentage of new Chinese immigrants reside21. Contrary to Sha Tin, there were no industrial areas nearby that can provide job opportunities. Also, there is absent of a clear town centre that provide a focal point for people to interact22. Poor transportation network and the lack of job opportunities within the town have constituted to building of a “City of isolation�23. It is difficult to escape from the area being fenced by tall and monotonous building blocks. People generally have to take approximately a 2-hour single journey to reach the city centre, causing people to wake

17

Lim, B., & Nutt, T, op.cit.

Wong, T. K. Y., & Yeung, Y. M. (Eds.). (2003). Fifty years of public housing in Hong Kong: A golden jubilee review and appraisal. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press.

19 Ho, K. L. D, op.cit.

20 Revitalization of Mushroom Kiosks were done in 2005 with similar appearance. However, as most of them were operated by conglomerates afterwards, humanity and memories were lost.

Ho, G. Y, op.cit.

21 Chui, E., Law, C. K., Lee, K. M., Lee, V., Pong, Y. Y., Wong, Y. C., & Yu, R. (2009). A study on Tin Shui Wai New town.

Retrieved from http://www.pland.gov.hk/pland_en/p_study/comp_s/tsw/r3.pdf 22 Asia Sentinel, op.cit.

23 Ibid.

18

59

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Fig. 56 “Harmony� Blocks are the most common block type in Tin Shui Wai Source: Teoalida

Fig. 57 A local newspaper using a tragedy that happed in Tin Shui Wai as headline A mother threw her two children out of a 24-storey flat followed by herself jumping down in 2007 Source: Apple Daily

Chapter III / Architectural Design in relation to Neighbourly Relations

up at 6 and get back at 8 from work24. This largely reduced the time for people to interact with others within the area.

As the initial government plan was to wait until adequate population reside in the town before constructing more facilities, a severe inadequate in supporting facilities was observed in the early years of intake. Open spaces were also lacking due to the incomplete planning processes.

Moreover, as entertainment facilities especially for the youth for example karaoke was nearly absent within the area, youngsters have to seek entertainment by travelling to other towns, thus Tin Shui Wai is unable to provide a ground for people to socialize25.

News Magazine (1991). Public Rental Housing in Tin Shui Wai (天水圍公屋) [Video File]. Available from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XyX3Q6hXLJI 25 M21 (2014). I live in Tin Shui Wai (我住天水圍) [Video File]. Available from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GzztZZE1qgU 24

61

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Fig. 58 Floor Plan of precast elements Source: Hong Kong Housing Authority

Fig. 59 Mechanized Construction of the

Fig. 60 Modular Flat approach allowing

foundation of Harmony Block

configurations for different household size Source: Hong Kong Housing Authority

Chapter III / Architectural Design in relation to Neighbourly Relations

3.5.2 Architecture of building blocks and floors

Repetitive and monotonous high-rise residential blocks with standardized facades were often being criticized by the public in this stage. Homogeneity in most housing estates made people think that development modes were merely being copied from one to another26.

Tin Shui estate was among the first batch of PRH estates with “Harmony” blocks. It is a 40storey cross-shaped building in a compact shape built on improved construction technology.

Building components were mainly pre-cast and prefabricated while mechanised construction systems were adopted27. Flats were designed based on universal modular flats approach in which different standardized configurations of units for various family sizes were available to choose from28. Newer estates for instance Tin Ching Estate contains “Non-standard” blocks that is site specific and harmonize with the landscape29. However, emphasis was put on the environmental aspect while the modular flat approach was still being widely adopted.

Although being cost-effective and consistent in construction standards, the mass prefabrication process limited design variations producing flats of standardized designs and structure, thus reducing the sense of community due to absence of local identity. With the loss of local features and public space, tenants began to seek human interactions outside the estate.

26

Hui, S, op.cit.

Hong Kong Housing Authority, 2013, op.cit.

28 Wai, C. C. R. (2011). Planning, design, and delivery of quality public housing in the new millennium. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Housing Authority.

29 Hong Kong Housing Authority, 2013, op.cit.

27

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Fig. 61 (Left) Elevation of “Harmony 1” Fig. 62 (Right) 3-dimensional plan of “Harmony 1” Source: Hong Kong Housing Authority; Drieënhuizen, R

Fig. 63 64 Typical Layout for a 3-room modular flat in a Harmony Block Source: The Hong Kong Institute of Architects ; Hong Kong Housing Authority

Chapter III / Architectural Design in relation to Neighbourly Relations

3.5.3 Internal design, layout and living conditions

Internal minimum space standard has increased to 7 m² per person in 199130. Multi-room flats with optional moving partitions were accessed by internal corridor access31. As room size increased, different generations possess their private space that reflect their identity in the interior design and decorations32. The shared living room decorated with different materials, colours and designs became the socializing area for family members to interact.

The pride of place has shifted from family portraits to magnificent furnishment and television sets, reflecting owners’ taste and prestige 33. Housing flats no longer reflect traditional family customs that develop a sense of identity and place. This act of comparing interior design with neighbours promoted individualism thus lowered sense of community.

As the spacious interior was well-equipped with entertainment facilities and the housing units were self-contained, families developed into independent units that barely undergo social interactions. In addition, compared to playground facilities where safety mats and materials were already used, “home” is the safest place regarded by parents. Therefore parents no longer allow children to interact with others within the estate in the courtyard. Besides, as airconditions became increasingly popular, residents began to shut their doors for security reason. It is also unnecessary to open the doors, as corridors were enclosed and building blocks were too high to interact with others.

With living conditions much improved compared to previous decades, sense of community were contrarily diminishing.

30

Wong, T. K. Y., & Yeung, Y. M, op.cit.

Lim, B., & Nutt, T, op.cit.

32 Ng, C. H. (n.d.). From ‘Shelter’ to ‘Home’ - How do we grow up? In Hong Kong Heritage Museum & Leisure & Cultural Services Dept. (Eds.), Hong Kong home: Multi-stories (pp. 29–37). Hong Kong: Leisure & Cultural Services Dept.

33 Turner, M, op.cit.

31

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Summary of Evolution of PRH

Early Resettlement Period 1954 - 59

Latter Resettlement Period 1959 - 1964

GLCH Programme 1964 - 1973

Internal Design Room size Number of windows Balconies Partitions / Multi-rooms

11.15m² for 5 adults (2.2m² per person)

36-44m² for 4-8 adults 3.3m² per person 1

Single rectangular room

Internal toilets Toilets Kitchen Internal fresh water supply Measures against risks, noise, pollution

Communal toilets In the corridor

 Single rectangular room Self-partitioning 

Internal Bathroom Private toilets communal shower In the balcony   

Design within the building Building form and shape Storeys Flats per floor Lifts Corridor Public spaces within buildings Flexibility in using public spces for private use distance between flats

Mark I (H-shaped)

Mark II – VI (Slab)

6 to 7 30

16 20 to 23 60 34 Every third floor All floors One-sided corridor Central Corridor    Tenants given flexibility to alter the space to their likings (e.g. placing stoves and canvas bed outside the corridor) Very short Very short Very short

The building Management of the buildings Prefabricated standardized modular flats

Residents-initiated Mutual Aid Committees

Site and neighbourhood planning Planned public spaces Greenery after construction Playground Community centre Shops and restaurants

Slab, Twin Tower

not important feature Local

Local

  ↑ in number, no safety mats Local

Chapter III / Architectural Design in relation to Neighbourly Relations

10-year Public Housing Programme

Long Term Housing Strategy

Present

1973 – 1987

1987 – 2001

2001 - Present

35-49m² for 4-6 adults varied, 4.25m² per person ≥2 External Access Single rectangular room Self-partitioning 

varied depending on household size, minimum 7m² per person ≥4 (living room, bedrooms, kitchen and bathroom)

Private Toilets

≥2 toilets

67

Multii-room Design; Self-partitioning 2 toilets

Individual Kitchen Space   



Trident (Y-shaped), Linear, H block 34 24

short



Trident, Harmony 35 18 All floors Enclosed internal corridor

Harmony (Cross-shaped), non-standard site-specific 40 Varied to different sites

Use of public spaces (exterior walls or units, corridors, vacant space) was under strict control moderate

Residents-initiated Mutual Aid Committees

Estate Management Advisory Committees by the govt since 1996 







kept to minimum   Landscape architecture Safety-oriented and for all abilities in playground Fitness facilities for elderly  Shopping Centres and Retail outlets by conglomerate Table 3 Summary on Evolution of PRH estates Source: Author

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

3.6 Relationship between Evolution of PRH and Neighbourly Interaction

Neighbourly interaction has gradually diminished throughout the decades due to change in design and improved housing conditions. The area of interaction has changed from internally, within the housing block, to within the domain of the housing estate. As flats evolved to becoming larger, self-contained and multi-roomed, physical distance between one another increased. People became less inclined to lead a communal life and develop close acquaintances with their neighbour. According to Kan’s research34, physical proximity is an important factor in initiating contacts between strangers. Contacts are natural by-products through routine activities, for example working, eating and studying together, when people are near one another. Social relationships are influenced by functional distance for example the location of buildings, open spaces availability and their location. Communal facilities are also places where most interactions happened.

Due to the extremely poor living environment in the Resettlement Period, this demand for quality housing became increasingly high since 1970s, which transfsormed into designing better-quality PRH. This in turn has encouraged demand for spaciousness, privacy and security and thus developing independent housing units with public spaces kept to a bare minimum and hindered social interactions. This cycle has created the evolution process of PRH which as clearly affected the development of neighbourly interactions.

34

A research base on level of neighbourly interactions in PRH done in the early 70s.

Kan, W. S. A, op.cit.

Chapter IV / Other Factors

Chapter IV / Other factors

Fig. 65 66 One of the earliest and largest Private Housing Estate - Mei Foo Estate in 1969 and in 2000s Source: Flickr user change.obama; Property Station

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Although architecture played a role in developing and fostering neighbourly relations, there are many other factors that constituted neighbourhood bonding in the past. They will be addressed briefly in this paper as the focus remains on architectural designs.

The most important factor is the economic boom since 1980s together with political changes in response. The transition into a finance-based economy has constituted middle-class young professionals that was born after the 60s to emerge. Compared to traditional working class that worked physically for long hours, the middle class has more leisure time and demand quality of live. As symbols of status and prestige became increasing important, they no longer satisfy living in PRH after gaining the ability to move out.

At the same time, the government has implemented different policies that changed people’s attitude towards PRH. The “frozen policy� that allowed life-long ownership of PRH units was suspended in late 1970s while the Home Ownership Scheme (HOS) was introduced in 1976 providing subsidized sale flats to existing PRH tenants and low-to-middle income families to encourage homeownership1. The latter policy became very popular and made better-off tenants felt a possibility in homeownership one day.

On the other side, private housing developers started to develop large-scale housing estates due to favourable government regulations and the booming economy2. Advertisements using emotional appeals and displaying western-styled show flats designed by designers for public viewing, has caused the public to redefine quality housing apart from mere practical concerns3. In addition, 24-hour security force and strict access controls were introduced to create the feeling of exclusiveness that became a symbol of status and identity4. The privatized outdoor spaces for example clubhouses were only made accessible to middle-class residents. The vision of living in a safe, comfortable, self-sufficient and private house promoted by developers has caused tenants to develop an aspiration in owning a proper flat that could nurture the next generation. Privacy and spaciousness has then became a social desire for quality housing among PRH tenants5.

1

Ho, K. L. D, op.cit.

Hong Kong Heritage Museum, & Leisure & Cultural Services Dept, op.cit.

3 Cheung, C. H. S., & Ma, K. W. E, op.cit.

4 Hong Kong Heritage Museum, & Leisure & Cultural Services Dept, op.cit.

5 Ng, C. H, op.cit.

2

Chapter IV / Other Factors

In early 1990s, a new policy required tenants to declare their assets periodically to prove incapable of homeownership. All these factors together created a labelling effect that caused the general public to regard PRH as a place for grassroots that lacked the financial ability to achieve homeownership. With Tin Shui Wai mentioned in section 3.5 as an example, tenants reluctant to acknowledge their “grassroots” identity no longer see their flats as a permanent housing, but as a transitory flat. They believe that they will move out once they have financial ability. PRH has eventually became “a roof over their head”, thus residents are no longer interested in engaging themselves with the community as they did not regard themselves as part of it anymore6.

Other factors for example social homogeneity, import of western cultures, introduction of modernized management systems and time also played a role in affecting neighbourly interactions, though not playing an as important role as economic and political factors.

Fig. 67 A typical show flat designed by designers in Private Housing Estates showing magnificent furniture and emphasizing on spaciousness Source: Property Station

6

Ho, K. L. D, op.cit.

71

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Chapter V / Challenges Ahead

Fig. 68 Overall development plan for Ngau Tau Kok Estate.

Phased constructions are still taking place.

Source: Futurarc

Chapter V / Challenges Ahead

Fig. 69 Completed construction part of Phase 2 & 3 of the Upper Estate.

It is where well-planning was taken place Source: Wikipedia

73

74

Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Fig. 70 Ngau Tau Kok area in 1970 Source: Flickr user change.obama

Fig. 71 Dangerous and dark long corridors present in LNTKE Source: Hong Kong Housing Authority

Chapter V / Challenges Ahead

Housing implies more than just a physical area. Living in it necessarily means living in a community and become inevitably bounded with others. Although not living a communal life anymore, it is meaningful to promote dependence among local community members to retrieve mutual aid and support thus social harmony among Hongkongese.

The challenge now lies in striking a balance between privacy and social interaction in designing PRH as individualism predominates. Although modifications in architectural designs could provide a medium to initiate initial social interactions, whether or not it could be developed still depends on individuals. The recent redevelopment of Ngau Tau Kok Estate (NTKE) could be seen as a role model in developing future designs that can foster neighbourly interactions by comprehensive site planning.

5.1 Redevelopment of Ngau Tau Kok Estate (NTKE) NKTE is located in an industrial district consist of the Upper Estate (UNTKE) and the Lower Estate (LNTKE). They were a resettlement estate and a GLCH estate built in 1960s respectively.

The whole estate has been undergoing redevelopments since 1997 due to the overcrowded living conditions of less than 4.5 m² living space per person1. The most successful redevelopment is phase 2 & 3 of UNTKE that started in 2002 and ended in 2009. It was the first PRH estate that constructed six 40-storey “Non-standard” blocks and successfully rebuild the original neighbourhood. Apart from communal and welfare facilities provided for all ages and abilities, internal floor area also increased to 7.5 m² per person2.

5.1.1 Approach The estate was redeveloped aiming at preserving memories of the old estate and constructing a sustainable local community. Three methods were used in order to achieve this.

1

Hui, X. X. (2013). Housing, Urban Renewal and Socio-Spatial integration. Delft: Delft University of Technology.

2

Ibid.

75

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Fig. 72 The interior of a restaurant in LNTKE was recreated in the Heritage Exhibition Area, which provides a seating area for people Source: Wikipedia

Fig. 73 (left) Organizing workshops for residents to express their opinions to professionals at all stages of development Fig. 74 (right) Open spaces designed and planned by residents and professinoals Source: Hong Kong Housing Authority ; Wikipedia

Chapter V / Challenges Ahead

5.1.2 Three Methods Firstly, NTKE underwent phased reconstruction and resettlement in the same estate. Phased reconstructions were launched to avoid displacement of local communities, so that residents were not required to leave the neighborhood during construction. Phase 2 & 3 of UNTKE rehoused affected residents of the adjacent LNTKE. Tenants were either relocated in the same building or the same floor depending on their choice. This ensured community cohesion in the redeveloped estate.3

Secondly, residents are no longer passive information providers but were actively and fully involved in the whole redevelopment process. A bottom-up approach that largely encouraged community participation successfully shifted the balance of decision power away from professionals towards residents4. This not only enabled residents to understand the design process and outcome, but also provided opportunities for residents to take the lead and build their community through direct interaction with district councils and professionals in various meetings and workshops.

Thirdly, the project was redeveloped as a human-centred neighbourhood with local identities. As tenants were fully involved in the design process, the outcome was accustomed to their opinions. The “Heritage Exhibition Area� and the grab rails along corridors for the elderly were examples of the collective process5. The former is an exhibition area that displays historic photos and cultural elements of LNTKE. A transplanted heritage tree and the interior of a LNTKE restaurant was also present to reflect life back then6. This helped establish social and cultural identity within the community.

In the planning and design stage, numerous workshops and briefing sessions were held to allow residents to work in partnership with action groups, community organizations and professionals to draw up master layout of the project. This allowed opinions from all ages and

3

Ibid.

Duncan, P., & Thomas, S, op.cit.

5 Hong Kong Housing Authority. (2009). From Lower to Upper Ngau Tau Kok Estate. Retrieved 22 November 2015, from https://www.housingauthority.gov.hk/en/common/pdf/about-us/publications-and-statistics/UNTK.pdf 6 Hui, X. X, op.cit.

4

77

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Fig. 75 Footbridge linking the Lower and the Upper Estate Source: Wikipedia

Fig. 76 Monotonus Facades of UNTKE Phase 3 Source: Wikipedia

Chapter V / Challenges Ahead

abilities to be considered for the future estate. During construction from 2006 to 2008, workshops that helped visualization of the interior by building models of the future living spaces were held, so that tenants could choose their apartment and plan their furniture layout according7. This was particularly useful to tenants who did not move for over 30 years.

Tenants’ suggestions throughout the construction period were also taken account to continuously revise and optimize the design in suiting their needs.8 In the intake period in 2009, briefings were also formulated to familiarize tenants with the intake procedures.

Afterwards, parties and gatherings were organized to welcome tenants.

A sense of community and social cohesion was strengthened throughout the redevelopment process by tenants rebuilding the estate themselves.

5.1.3 Shortcomings Nonetheless, there are no housing estates that is completely perfect. Although the site planning of NTKE encouraged neighbourly interactions, problems with the standardized housing blocks and internal layout still persists. The six 40-stroey blocks in UNLTKE are Harmony blocks built by mechanised construction consisting of prefabricated modular flats9.

As they were constricted under the cost-effective principle and bounded by the limited supply of land, housing blocks and flats are standardized and monotonous. Commercial centres are also run by conglomerates that discouraged neighbourly interactions within paid areas.

Moreover, the time for redeveloping community-involved projects is very long compared to government-initiated redevelopments. Continuous political, financial, technical and local support through the process was also required to ensure proper implementation of the project10.

Yet, the NTKE redevelopment project represented a possible approach in designing humancentred estates with considerations of social and human elements. A PRH neighbourhood of strengthened social identities for the community was rebuilt.

7

Hui, X. X, op.cit.

Hong Kong Housing Authority, 2009, op.cit.

9 Ibid.

8

10

Duncan, P., & Thomas, S, op.cit.

79

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Fig. 77 Neighbours playing mah-jong inside one’s flat in Shek Kip Mei Estate Source: Michael Wolf

Chapter VI / Endnote

Fig. 78 An emptied flat in Shek Kip Mei Estate Source: Michael Wolf

81

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

Chapter VI / Endnote Hong Kong people has a housing story that they took pride on. The housing programme proved that Hong Kong as a small city of 1104 km², has its ability to solve the problem of shelter for 7.29 million inhabitants through their own ways1. The housing programme has laid solid foundation for the city to develop and prosper which brought about a virtuous cycle of increasing aspirations and demand for better housing quality and living environment ever since 1954. PRH estates were more than bricks and mortars that provided a shelter, they were stories of residents who strived in adversities and changed their destiny with the support from the neighbourhood. They were collective memories of tenants that built up the history of the remarkable housing program and were remembered and missed after years.

People gone, buildings now demolished. Filling the spaces are reminiscences of the fond memories and intimate neighborliness established over the years. Noises of parents shouting to their children for dinner, of housewives playing mahjong and of children playing plastic football in the corridor still linger in the aura, just like everything remain unchanged after all these years. Things that worth a dime in the past became life-long and remarkable memories.

However, once a home to many in which they regarded as the best time of their life, PRH today were merely regarded as shelters for grassroots that are incapable of private homeownership. Although living conditions, building services and internal space standard are much improved, neighbour relations are gradually worsening.

Design priorities of PRH has changed from being cost-effective to being environmentally sustainable in recent decades, while the aspect of social sustainability was always being largely neglected. Only few resources were used to address problems of creating spaces that are socially sustainable. It may seem negligible in the short run, but if communities fail to prosper in in the long run, “dead cities” that lack social cohesion will be resulted. Sense of identity and community could not be established and residents not willing to interact with one another will become isolated and provide a breeding ground for social problems to flourish2.

1

Only less than 25% of the land was being developed.

GovHK. (2015, August 15). Hong Kong – the facts. Retrieved January 5, 2016, from http://www.gov.hk/en/about/abouthk/facts.htm 2 Woodcraft, S., Hackett, T., & Caistor-Arendar, L. (2011). Design for social sustainability. Retrieved October 15, 2015, from http://www.futurecommunities.net/files/images/Design_for_Social_Sustainability_0.pdf

Chapter VI / Endnote

Being named “the city of sadness” by local media in early years due to high amount of social problems, negative perceptions of the communities in Tin Shui Wai still persists after years.

It is essential to plan PRH estates with good social infrastructure and adequate open spaces involving residents in all development stages. This provide opportunities for intangible local network of neighbourly relations to develop. Without social support and local involvement, no matter how economically flourished and environmentally friendly estates are, they are not sustainable3.

If design processes and outcomes favouring development of neighbourliness were implemented at the outset, early-stage interactions and even friendships could be easily triggered after intake due to high demand for friendship in a completely new living environment4. The physical planning of the estate could also promote establishments of social networks by providing a medium for a potential local communities to develop and encouraging social interactions between individuals from different walks of life. Although not the most important factor, architectural designs did play a significant role in primarily initiating neighbourly contacts and enhancing interactions between individuals.

However, a “true community” could not be accomplished by mere good architectures5. Other factors including economic, political, social and cultural influences are decisive in transforming causal neighbourhood relationships into long lasting and serious ones through time. After all, it is the interplay of different factors including architecture that constituted development of local communities and neighbourly interactions.

Although the life of opening doors and socializing in the corridors were rendered impossible nowadays, architects should develop designs and site plans that encourage neighbourliness to counteract other factors. A family requires family members to maintain physically and psychologically through time. Similarly, a community could not be sustained without neighbourly interactions between individuals.

3

Rudlin, D., Falk, N., & The Urban and Economic Development Group, op.cit.

Kan, W. S. A, op.cit.

5 Ibid.

4

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Architecture as a role in fostering Neighbourly Interactions

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Appendix

Appendix Evolution of Resettlement Estate Design – Mark I to Mark VI

Type

Building Characteristics

Mark I 1955-61

6-7 storeys Mostly H-shaped plan with some I-shaped plan Back to back units with external corridor access Public toilets and public bathrooms 60-72 units per floor

Mark II 1961-64

7-8 storeys (Similar to Mark III) Enclosing the open ends of the H-shaped plan Creating 2 internal courtyards Back to back units with external corridor access Public toilets and public bathrooms 60-72 units per floor

Mark III 1964-67

8 storeys Single slab block Central corridor in each floors with two rows of units facing the corridor Private balcony as kitchen 2 families sharing one toilet 32 units at each level

Mark IV 1965-69

16 storeys Lift access to certain flors Private balcony with toilet

Mark V 1966-71

16 storeys (Similar to Mark IV) Single slab block Private balcony with toilet 58 units at each level

Mark VI 1970s

16 storeys (Similar to Mark V) Larger floor area

Living Unit Characteristics

Building Services

Single room No partition

No water and power supply for individual units

Single room Self partition Column and Beam for room variety

No water supply for individual units Power Supply available

Single room Self partition

Water and Power Supply Lift access to every third floor

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Special thanks to my parents who provided precious information on the architecture, living conditions and living experience of their childhood in PRH.