Surin Tong 2019 MArch 2 Final Thesis Report

THESIS REPORT University of Hong Kong Surin Tong

SUPER TONG

19 S/S The University of Hong Kong Department of Architecture Advisor Kurt Evans Tong Ka Hei Surin 3035422908

TONG ĺ ‚

Super Tong The Re-imagination and Re-representation of Chinatown in Los Angeles by Surin Tong Ka Hei Advisor: Kurt Evans

A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Architecture in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture in University of Hong Kong

Department of Architecture University of Hong Kong June 2019

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I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my advisor Mr Kurt Evans for his continuous support and unfailing guidance throughout my thesis, for his open-mindedness, passion, creativity and encouragement. His guidance has guided me through major bottlenecks where I encountered difficulties concerning the complexity of my project. He not only opened up options for me to explore, research and design, but also aided me in formulating the whole thesis statement and question which consolidated my thesis as a compelling story.

I would also like to especially thank Dr Sylvia Chan and Dr Cole Roskam who encouraged and guided me to pursue this area of knowledge through the two electives that I took in MArch 1.

In addition, thanks to my friends and family including Alice Ho, Patrick Tong, my dog Lok and my boyfriend Mr Austin Yiu that stayed up with me numerous nights and supported me throughout my thesis journey.

Last but not least, special thanks to interviewees and friends that helped me during my trip to Los Angeles, including Mr Eugene Moy, Ms Laureen Hom, Mr Rick Eng, Ms Monica Pelayo Lock and Mr Brian Chung who made my trip so successful and rewarding.

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Thesis Statement Super Tong

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This thesis uses Los Angele’s Chinatown as a case study to examine how to culturally reinterpret Chinatowns when juxtaposed with its physical socio-cultural decline in the greater host society. Both quantitative and qualitative research was done on site to substantiate the possibility of retaining L.A. Chinatown in-line with overall metropolitan development by transposing the conventional horizontal enclave settlement pattern into a densely-compacted vertical tower encapsulating Chinatown.

150 years ago, the first Chinese pioneers arrived in California. An enclave of Chinese immigrants was formed in the then burgeoning downtown of 1880s L.A., acting as the heart of mutual social support for newly arrived Chinese immigrants in a strange and foreign land. As more immigrants arrived, various regional and familial-based benevolent associations were formed. At various times, the aggregated L.A. Chinese community was large enough that 5 different areas were known as Chinatowns.

Nationwide demographic shifts however diluted the Chinese presence and receding Chinatown’s physical settlement across the continent. This exodus out of and gradual disappearance of the physical ethnic enclave, left only some keystone buildings and hollowed-out associations that attested to a former vibrant Chinese centric ethno-cultural hub.

A new building typology called “Super Tong” is presently proposed, serving to agglomerate Chinese benevolent associations and Tongs into one high-rise tower sitting in the heart of the existing Chinatown zoned for commercial use. Through vertical and horizontal re-expression, the Super Tong will manifest Chinatown’s prior boisterous Chinese culture and history again, re-interpret visual and social order, and be a civic nucleus for the Chinese-American community.

June 2019 Surin Tong

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CONTENTS Super Tong

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Acknowledgement Thesis Statement Content Page Literature Review of Chinatown Chapter 1 / The Chinese Diaspora The SSojourner’s journey worldwide and in the United States Chinatowns Worldwide Los Angeles’ 5 Chinatowns and their Origin Understanding L.A. Chinatowns Notions of Chineseness Chapter 2 / Los Angeles China Town Today Overview Field Research Documentation Current Developments and Problems Chapter 3 / What is Left is L.A. Chinatown? Zhonghua Hui GUan Benevolent Associations and their relation to Chinatown Understanding Benevolent Associations Socially Understanding Benevolent Associations Architecturally Chapter 4 / Super Tong Overview The Vertical Evolution Site Strategy Agglomeration of Associations Allocation of Associations and Programs Design Details of the Tower Overall Design Cultural Re-interpretation of L.A. Chinatown Appendix Reflections of 4 Reviews Final Review Panels & Final Thoughts Bibliography

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literature review of Chinatown

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(Partially adapted from author’s paper: Tong, Surin. “Oriental Romance: The Construction of Chinatownland in Los Angeles.” (2018).

“Chinatown” generally refers to the concentration of ethnic Chinese1 and related economic activities2 in a confined area, forming a self-contained3 “ethnic” enclave or community characterized physically by Chinese architectural elements4. Different scholars have provided various definitions to this, with their views incongruous by fact of differences in location and scope of analysis. The study of Chinatowns began in 1960s and flourished in the 80s focused mainly on the physical transformation and development of Chinatown in relation to Chinese-American (Zhou5) and the historical, economic and socio-political factors behind the transformations (Loo6, Luong7). Geographically, San Francisco Chinatown being the first American Chinatown established topped the chart in terms of investigation interests (Salter8, Yeung9), followed by New York (Tchen10) and Washington DC (Khoo11).

Departed from the majority of Chinatown studies, a handful of scholars investigated into the architectural significance of Chinatown in relation to its physical attributes (Lai12, Mak13, Wong14). Limited analysis was done on Los Angeles Chinatown, especially in the architectural discourse.

1 2

including immigrants from Mainland China, Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan

3 4

Lai, David Chuenyan. Chinatowns: Towns within Cities in Canada. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1988.

5 6 7

Zhou, Min. Chinatown : The Socioeconomic Potential of an Urban Enclave. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992.

8 9 10

Salter, Christopher L.1978.

Crowder, Linda Sun. “Mortuary Practices and the Construction of Chinatown Identity [Electronic Resource].” Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Hawaii, (2002): 384.

Including Chinese architectures and structures, detailing and decorations on facades, design motifs, signage with Chinese characters, use of brilliant colors and etc Lai, David Chuenyan. “Socio-Economic Structures and the Viability of Chinatown.” In Residential and Neighbourhood Studies in Victoria, edited by C N Forward, 101. Victoria: University of Victoria, 1973.

Loo, Chalsa M. Chinese America : Mental Health and Quality of Life in the Inner City. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage Publications, 1998.

Luong, Annie. “Introduction to New Chinatown.” http://www.chssc.org/History/ChinatownRemembered/Neighborhoods/. Bingham, Edwin R. “The Saga of the Los Angeles Chines.” Occidental College, 1942.

Yeung, Judy. Unbound Feet: A Social History of Chinese Women in San Francisco Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995.

Tchen, John Kuo Wei. New York before Chinatown : Orientalism and the Shaping of American Culture, 1776-1882. Orientalism and the Shaping of American Culture, 1776-1882. Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999.

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Khoo, Evelyn. “Under the Arch of Friendship : Culture, Urban Redevelopment and Symbolic Architecture in D.C. Chinatown, 1970s-1990s.” 2009.

12

David Chuenyan Lai has in fact a substantial amount of publications of the architecture of Chinatown mainly focusing in Canada’s Chinatowns.

Lai, David Chuenyan. 1988.

Lai, David Chuenyan. 1990.

13 14

Mak, Anna-Lisa. “Negotiating Identity: Ethnicity, Tourism and Chinatown.” Journal of Australian Studies 77 27, no. 77 (2003): 93-100.

Wong, Marie Rose. Sweet Cakes, Long Journey : The Chinatowns of Portland, Oregon. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2004.

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Chapter 1 The Chinese Diaspora Research & Justification

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The Sojourner’s journey worldwide and in the U.S. The major Chinese diaspora started in mid-19th century mainly caused by wars and starvation in Mainland China, invasion foreign countries, as well as internal political corruption1. Most emigrants were illiterate peasants and manual laborers, who emigrated to work in places such as that United States, Europe, Australia, South Africa and SE Asia.2 In the US, a lot of Chinese especially from the Guangdong and Fujian provinces migrated due to the Gold Rush in 1850s3. Among the provinces, Guangdong had historically supplied the largest number of emigrants, about 68% of the total overseas Chinese population at that time, mostly from the seven counties in the Pearl River Delta known as Sze Yup Sam Yup are from the area. The former was the “pre-eminent sending area” of emigrants to North America at that period, making Toishanese a dominant variety of the Chinese language spoken in Chinatowns in Canada and the United States. 4 The overseas Chinese, Huáqiáo not only brought along their language, but also brought impact to the visual landscape through establishing Chinatowns and Chinese architecture to provide mutual support and aid. Overseas that worked as workers in railway construction were soon viewed as a threat to the local Americans who were experiencing high employment rate at the time and the Chinese Exclusion Act was passed in 1882 to prohibit further migration5. Laws that discriminate Chinese as large were also passed and the repeal of the Act was not fully realized until 1965.6 The first batch of Chinese first gathered in large cities such as San Francisco, New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Los Angeles to establish ethnic enclaves and expanded further inland7. Today, many urban Chinatowns are becoming visitor centers and tourist spots rather than residential settlements as they 1

Refers to the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom (1851-1864) and unstable late Qing Dynasty political situations and unequal treaties signed with imperialist powers to control international trades Haiming, Liu. The Transnational History of a Chinese Family. New Brunswick, NK: Rutgers University Press, 2005.

2

SurveyLA, Marissa Moshier, Shane Swerdlow, Kathryn McGee, Jenna Snow, Erika Trevis, Jenny Cho, and Leslie Heumann. “Chinese American Historic Context Statement.” Los angeles, 2013.

3

Chen, WE-Wui Chung. “Changing Social-Cultural Patterns of the Chinese Community in Los Angeles.” University of Southern California,

4 5 6

Wikipedia. “Chinese Americans.” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinese_Americans.

1952.

Chang, Iris. The Chinese in America. New York: Penguin Group, 2003.

Loo, Chalsa M. 1998 Shim, Doobo. “From Yellow Peril through Model Minority to Renewed Yellow Peril.” Journal of Communication Inquiry 22, no. 4 (1998): 385-409.

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SurveyLA, Marissa Moshier, Shane Swerdlow, Kathryn McGee, Jenna Snow, Erika Trevis, Jenny Cho, and Leslie Heumann. “Chinese American Historic Context Statement.” Los angeles, 2018.

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The Chinese Diaspora

once were.

The Chinese came to California in large numbers during the California Gold Rush, with 8000 being recorded arriving yearly from 1850 to 18708. Chinese further worked as miners for Chinese-owned mining companies, railroad workers to build the first transcontinental railroad and the Southern Pacific railroad and etc. from 1850s to 1870s9. The population that first settled in San Francisco further spread out to nearby county including Los Angeles, San Diego. Various size of Chinatown were created by the agglomeration of overseas Chinese to protect their own benefits in view of the hostile attitude of local Americans and to provide mutual support to one another in the foreign land.

Overseas that first arrived Los Angeles developed the original Old Chinatown in late 19th century.

A large population resided in the downtown area which is where the Union Station situated today. It grew to approximately 15 streets and alleys containing some 200 buildings that are generic and not ornamented including a Chinese Opera theatre, temples and etc. The Chinatown began to decline in 1910s due to shrink in population caused by the Exclusion Act and residents were evicted to make room for the Union Station with plans for relocation. 2 Chinatowns were then proposed to relocate the Chinese and their business in 1938.10 The 1970s marked an age where a large amount of Chinese who originally stayed in Chinatown or newly migrated from mainland China or other areas migrated to nearby suburbs called the ethnoburbs after the repeal of the Chinese Exclusion Act and relaxation of laws constraining Chinese to reside in restricted areas11. Gathered around San Gabriel Valley, the community began to expand at its full strength due to vast supply of land, developed infrastructure and social support. Today, only a small amount of the Chinese population remains in downtown Chinatown with most being elderly and low income new immigrants.

8 9 10

Smithsonian. “Chinese Laborers in the West.” http://apa.so.edu/ongoldmountain/gallery2/gallery2.html.

Chen, WE-Wui Chung. 1952.

Josi, Ward. ““Dreams of Oriental Romance”: Reinventing Chinatown in 1930s Los Angeles.” Buildings & Landscapes: Journal of the Vernacular Architecture Forum 20, no. 1 (2013): 19-42.a

11

Chen, WE-Wui Chung. 1952.

SurveyLa. 2018.

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Chinatowns worldwide While it is a place where migrated Chinese reside and gathered, Chinatowns all over the world also serve as a place for exotic sensations and shaped views of non-Chinese on China. Traditional Chinese elements are not uncommon in over 100 Chinatowns in the world across 5 continents, with South East Asia countries being the earliest locations where Chinatowns formed in fostering economic activities and trade by Chinese businessman and merchants. Towards mid-19th century, Chinatowns begin emerging in the American Society in response to the Gold Rush in California. They first settled in San Francisco and slowly spread to other parts of the United States including New York, Los Angeles and Washington DC. Other than Chinese people who are the core of Chinatown themselves, Chinese architectural elements and Chinese architecture are arguably the most prominent features where non-Chinese can notice. Heavily ornamented Archways, lanterns, motifs, Chines pagodas and etc. are present almost in all Chinatowns. Theses as a whole forms an ethnic enclave that either developed linearly along a street for small-scaled cities (for instance Newcastle, United Kingdom) or form a settlement in downtown inner city areas for metropolitans (for instance Los Angeles and London).

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The Chinese Diaspora

ANTWERP 1970 | VAN WESENBEKESTRAAT BRUSSELS | ST-KATELIJNE ST. NEWCASTLE 1978 | STOWELL ST. MANCHESTER 1948 | FAULKNER ST. LIVERPOOL 1890 | SOUTH OF CITY CENTRE BIRMINGHAM 1960S | SOUTH OF CITY CENTRE LIMEHOUSE 1880-1950 | EAST LONDON LONDON 1970 | GERRARD ST.

EDMONTON EARLY 20TH | MCCAULEY, BOYLE ST.

CALGARY 1910 | NORTH OF DOWNTOWN EAST VILLAGE LETHBRIDGE 1910S | FORD STREET WINNIPEG 1909 | KING ST. BETWEEN JAMES AND HIGGINS AVENUES VANCOUVER 1886 | PENDER ST. VICTORIA 1858 | FISGARD ST. SEATTLE 1910 | KING ST. SPOKANE 1883 - 1960S | ALLEYS BETWEEN FRONT AV. & MAIN AV.

TACOMA ?-1885

DEADWOOD 1880S PORTLAND 1922 | NEAR WILLAMETTE RIVER HELENA LATE 19TH - 1970S BIG TIMBER 1880S-1930S ROCK SPRINGS 1800-1927 | BRIDGER AV., N ST., RIDGE AV, ELK ST

MONTREAL 1877 | DE LA GAUCHETIERE ST. OTTAWA 1931 | SOMERSET ST.

TORONTO LATE 19TH | DUNDAS ST. W, SPADINA AVENUE SALEM 1890-1920 DETROIT 1889-2000S BOSTON 1890 | COMBAT ZONE CHICAGO 1880S | ARMOUR SQUARE CLEVELAND LATE 19TH | ROCKWELL AV., E. 22ND ST. NEW YORK 1880 | WHITESTONE CHINATOWN, E. HARLEM, MANHATTAN FLUSHING, QUEENS BROOKLYN BUTTE LATE 19TH - 1940S DENVER 1869-1880 CARSON CITY 1855-1950S PITTSBURG 1850S-1950S PHILADELPHIA MID 19TH | PENN CONVENTION CENTRE, VINE ST. EXPRESSWAY SACRAMENTO 1943 | NEAR SACRAMENTO RIVER ALONG 1ST ST. ST LOUIS 1869-1966 ROCKVILLE EARLY 20TH-1960S BALTIMORE 1880S-1960S LOCKE 1915-1990 STOCKTON 1906-1960S WASHINGTON DC 1930S-1997 | NEAR PENN QUATER OAKLAND 1860S | 8TH ST., WEBSTER ST. SAN JOSE 1887-1930S | MARKET ST., VINE ST., WOOLEN MILLS, SIXTH ST. SALINAS 1880S | NEXT TO EXPOSITION GROUNDS VENTURA 1880S | CHINA ALLEY PHOENIX 1870-1940 LOS ANGELES OLD CHINATOWN 1888-1938 | PRESENT UNION STATION MONTEREY PARK 1977 | S ATLANTIC BUILDING LOS ANGELES CHINA CITY 1938-1949 | PRESENT METRO PLAZA LOS ANGELES NEW CHINATOWN 1938 | NEAR DODGER STADIUM RICHARDSON 1975 | D-FW CHINATOWN SAN DIEGO 1870S | MARKET ST., 3RD AV. EUREKA 1880-1885 | FOURTH & E ST.

SAN FRANCISCO 1850 | GREAT AV., STOCKTON ST.

TIJUANA EARLY 20TH | LA MESA

PORTO 1999 | VILA DO CONDE MADRID 1980S | USERA, LAVAPIDS LISBON 1999 | MARTIM MONIZ SQUARE

HAMBURG 1930 | ST PAULI DISTRICT RE-ESTABLISHED 2010

AMSTERDAM 1931 | BINNEN BANTAMMERSTRAAT BERLIN 1920 | KANTSTRASSE OF CHARLOTTENBURG, ROTTERDAM 1991 | WEST-KRUISKADE DONG XUAN CENTRE AROUND HERZBERGSTRASSE LILLE | RUE JULES GUESDE PARIS1970 | 13TH ARRONDISSEMENT BELLEVILLE 1980 | BOULEVARD DE BELLEVILLE LYON 1856 | GUILLOTIERE MILAN 1920 | VIA PAOLO SARPI TOULOUSE | RUE DENFERT ROCHEREAU PRATO 1990S | WEST OF CITY BARCELONA 1920S | SOUTHERN CITY OF FUENLABRADA

NEW ORLEANS 1880S-1970S HOUSTON 1930S-70S | NEAR GEORGE R. BROWN CONVENTION CENTRE 1983 | BELLAIRE

CASABLANCA 1860S | DERB OMAR DUBAI 2018 | CREEK HARBOR

KARACHI 1940SCLIFTON, DHA ABU DHABI | MADINAT ZAYED

MANILA 1594 | BINONDO CALCUTTA 1780S | TIRETTA BAZAAR MAE SALONG 1961 | DOI MAE SALONG MOUNTAIN CHIANG MAI | TH CHANG MOI VIENTIANE 1950s | RUE CHAO ANOU & INTERSECTION WITH RUE SAMSENTHAI MUMBAI 1960S | MAZAGAON YANGON 1850S | WEST OF SULE PAGODA MANILA 1594 | BINONDO DISTRICT MANILA NEO CHINATOWN 2006 | DIOSDADO MACAPAGAL AVENIDA PHNOM PENH 15TH | 163 ST. HO CHI MINH CITY 1778 | CHOLON AREA PHUKET | SAI NAM YEN PLAZA MINDANAO 2003 | DAVAO CITY PENANG LATE 19TH | SEVEN STREETS PRECINCT, ARMENIAN ST., PENANG HERITAGE ENCLAVE KUALA TERENGGANU LATE 19TH | KAMPUNG CINA KUALA LUMPUR 1870 | PETALING ST. SINGAPORE GEYLANG CHINATOWN PRE-1819 | GEYLANG RD. BINTAN ISLAND 1800 | BANYAN TREE TEMPLE SINGAPORE NIU CHE SHUI 1843 | STRETCHED INWARDS FROM TELOK AYER BASIN BINTAN ISLAND& RIAU ISLAND 1820S | VIHARA BAHTRA SASANA

HAVANA 1847 | BARRIO CHINO MEXICO CITY EARLY 20TH | CALLE DOLORES SANTO DOMINGO 1950S | CALLE DOLORESDUARTE AREA 2006 | CALLE DOLORESAVENIDA DUARTE

HONOLULU 1890S | NORTH HOTEL ST., MAUNAKEA ST.

GOYANG 2005 | UKSAN INCHEON 1884 | JUNG-GU TOKYO 1980S | IKEBUKURO DISTRICT YOKOHAMA 1895 | DOWNTOWN BUSAN 1884 | ACROSS BUSAN STATION KOBE 1868 | SOUTH OF MOTOMACHI STATION NAGASAKI 1698 | DOWNTOWN

ATHENS 1990S | GAXI, KERAMIKOS, METAXOURGLO, PSIRI AREAS

MEXICALI EARLY 20TH | LA CHINESCA

GUATEMALA CITY EARLY 20TH | SEXTA CALLE BLUEFIELDS 1920 MANAGUA 1940 | ASSOCIATION CHINA NICARAGUENSE BARRANQUILLA VALENCIA 1847 | AVENIDA PRINCIPAL EL BOSQUE SAN JOSE-PASEO DE LOS ESTUDIANTES 2012 | 12 BLOCKS PANAMA CITY LATE 19TH | SAN FELIPE MEDELLIN BAGOTA | SAN VICTORINO CALI

BANGKOK 1782 | YAOWARAT RD., SAMPENG LANE CHONBURI | BANG LAMUNG DISTRICT

JAKARTA 1741 | NORTHERN JAKARTA BALI KLENTENG CAOW ENG BIO 1882 | SEGARA ENING, TANJUNG BENOA BALI DENPASAR KWAN KONG BIO 2001 | JAVA

CHICLAYO EARLY 19TH TRUJILLO EARLY 19TH CHIMBOTE EARLY 19TH LIMA EARLY 19TH | CALLE CAPON

DARWIN 1874-1913 | CAVANAGH ST. DARWIN 2010 | CHINATOWN BUILDING BROOME 1880 | CARNARVON ST.

ANTANANARIVO 1862 | QUARTIER CHINOIS PORT LOUIS 1944 | RUE ROYALE

EXISTING CHINATOWNS - 120 DISAPPEARED CHINATOWNS - 33

SAO PAULO 1930S | LIBERDADE DISTRICT

JOHANNESBURG 1948-1993 | COMMISSIONER ST. JOHANNESBURG 1970S | DERRICK AVENUE, CYRILDENE

BRISBANE 1987 | FORTITUDE VALLEY GOLD COAST 1990S | SOUTHPORT PERTH 1980 | ROE ST.

SANTIAGO LATE 19TH | EL DISTRICTO DE LA CHINESCA BUENOS AIRES 1980S | BELGRANO

PRE-1800 1800-1849 1850-1899 1900-1949 1950-1979 1980-PRESENT

NORTH AMERICA & CANADA

SOUTH AMERICA

SYDNEY 1920S | FROM CENTRAL STATION TO DARLING HARBOR

ADELAIDE 1960S | ADELAIDE CENTRAL MARKET PRECINCT CANBERRA 2000S | WOLLEY ST. CRESWICK 1850 - LATE 19TH | CALEMBEEN PARK BENDIGO 1850S-1964 | IRONBARK CAMP BALLARAT 1890 CASTLEMAINE 1860S | CORNER OF MOSTYN MELBOURNE 1951 | LITTLE BOURKE ST. AND UNION STREET

EUROPE

AFRICA

ASIA & AUSTRALIA

the worldwide chinese diaspora Mapping the Distribution, Origin, Location & Status of Chinatowns across the Globe

The Chinese Diaspora Worldwide

Chinese Diaspora in United States 17

The Overall Chi

18

The Chinese Diaspora

Chinese Diaspora in Southern California

inese Diaspora

Chinese Diaspora in L.A. County and State 19

Los

Angeles’

5

Chinatowns

and

their

Origin

Los Angeles Chinatown has transformed from only 2 Chinese men to 20,000 Chinese residents over 150 years. The Old Chinatown area that was developed along Alameda Street since 1880s has long been a home to Chinese immigrants for over 50 years until the development of the Union Station, the city’s major ground-transportation center. Due to limited land supply and increasing number of immigrants, East Adams and City Center was developed as a residential area and commercial wholesale market respectively in early 20th century. In 1938, New Chinatown and China City was planned as a business hub by Dr. Peter SooHoo, a Chinese-American and as a tourist spot by Christine Sterling, a Caucasian targeting different users. While the latter was destroyed and never rebuilt in 1949, New Chinatown has continued its development till today. Starting from the 70s, however, large number of inhabitants have moved away to San Gabriel Valley due to suburbanization and new Chinatown has since then experienced diminishing importance to the local Chinese-American community.

1880 Old Chinatown Large number of Chinese immigrants from the Guangdong province has arrived Los Angeles in view of the Gold Rush. Old Chinatown (The first Chinatown in LA) was originally situated in where the present Olvera Street is located. It was developed in 1880 to accommodate the Chinese population until the removal of the area then called Calle de los negros) in the 1900 has displaced the Chinatown to the premises where the present Union Station occupied1. While changes in location may be due to political reasons and general anti-Chinese sentiment due to overseas Chinese securing infrastructural-construction jobs in the midst of high employment rate, for instance the construction of Union Station in the then Old Chinatown location as a political tool to physical manifest the city’s controlled city image as a “White Spot” in the US landscape2, the geographical change in Chinatowns also reflect a demographic shift in the Chinese-Americans in different periods in history.

1

Randy Mai, Bonnie Chen. 2013.

Chen, WE-Wui Chung.1952.

2

Quintana, Isabella Seong-Leong. “Shaken as by an Earthquake: Chinese Americans, Segregation, and Displacement in Los Angeles, 18701938.”. Gum Saan Journal 32, no. 1 (2010).

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The Chinese Diaspora

Back in the Old Chinatown era, people that were displaced due to the Union Station construction began moved out to suburbs where low rent and better living environment is enjoyed. The others continued to stay in the Chinatown area after the New Chinatown and China City was completed.

1900s City Market The city market is the largest Pre-WWII wholesale produce distribution market operated by the Chinese community serving the whole county3. It was and founded by Louie Quan, an overseas Chinese, in 1908. Designed by prominent LA architectural firm Morgan & walls in 1909, a Mission Revival styled brick and reinforced concrete industrial building was completed and acted as a major business area for Chinese merchants. At its full development in the 1930s after demolition of the Old Chinatown, almost 80% of the produce consumed in LA was grown and distributed by Chinese merchants.

Restaurants, groceries, pharmacy and etc. were developed in the area.4 The area was sooner declined due to the opening of another business center formulated by Chinese merchants, the New Chinatown, in the 1940s. Today, the original premises are undergoing redevelopment and transforming into a fashion district5.

1920s East Adams East Adams was one of the first Chinese American suburbs before San Gabriel Valley emerged due to a lack of residential units in the city center and restrictive housing policy to immigrants. It is primarily residential especially filled with single family house due to the bachelor society. It was developed due to a lack of residential units in the densely populated downtown area and restrictive housing policy to Chinese immigrants. The racially mixed neighborhood provided facilities such as churches, groceries, benevolent associations, small local Chinese businesses and gas stations to residents before its decline

3 4 5

Fickle, Tara. “A History of the Los Angeles City Market: 1930-1960.” Gum Saan Journal 32, no. 1 (2010).

SurveyLA. 2013.

Barragan, Bianca. “Updated Renderings for Fashion District’s Immense and Transformative City Market.” (2017). https://la.curbed. com/2017/11/1/16593786/los-angeles-fashion-district-development-city-market.

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in the post-WWII period.6

1938 China City (partially adapted from author’s paper: Tong, Surin. “Oriental Romance: The Construction of Chinatownland in Los Angeles.” (2018).

China City, nicknamed Chinese Movie Land7, opened 3 weeks earlier than the New Chinatown. It was developed by Christine Sterling, who transformed the nearby Olvera Street into a romanticized Mexican-themed tourist attraction8 while downplaying undesired details that may drive away potential visitors9. She envisioned a Chinese-themed attraction that would model after Hollywood movie sets articulating towards the growing fascination with Chinese culture by Americans while providing jobs and stalls at a low rent to the dislocated Chinese community.

Paramount Studios set designer William Tuntke was commissioned to be the artistic director along with architect Frederick Hust in 1937 focusing on the overall planning and venture of the city instead of articulating Chinese architectural details. Clean and paved roads with narrow alleyways were created in an orderly and safe manner punctuated with courtyards and lotus ponds with reference to El Paseo, mimicking the planning of Old Chinatown. A “Great Wall”10 surrounded the whole premises was erected and dragon-shaped ornaments were used to decorate lampposts)11. Movie sets from the Academy-Award-winning-movie The Good Earth12 stood in front of the Chinese film museum, in which visitors can visit after viewing the film, creating an overlap of filmic and built landscape.

6 7 8

SurveyLA. 2013.

9

Gow, William. “Building a Chinese Village in Los Angeles: Christine Sterling and the Residents of China City.” Gum Saan Journal 32, no.

1 (2010).

10 11 12

Ed Ainsworth. 1938. In Josi, Ward. 2013.

Luong, Annie. “Introduction to New Chinatown.” http://www.chssc.org/History/ChinatownRemembered/Neighborhoods/.

Tsui, Bonnie. American Chinatown : A People'S History of Five Neighborhoods. 1st Free Press hardcover ed. ed. New York: Free Press, 2009.

Josi, Ward. 2013.

The infamous movie that gained five Academy Awards nomination is based on a Nobel-Prize-winning novel set in a backward Chinese village by Pearl Buck in 1931. The actual filming took place near Los Angeles constructing sets with Chinese style and the sets and props were later donated to China City as tourist spots.

Estrada, William D. “Los Angeles’ Old Plaza and Olvera Street: Imagined and Contested Space.” Western Folklore 58, no. 2 (1999): 107- 129.

Wikipedia. “The Good Earth (Film).” 2018.

Xiaohui, Yuan. “電影：賽珍珠的「大地」Movie: Pearl S.Buck’s the Good Earth.” http://www.ritagiang.com/article.php?id=458.

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The Chinese Diaspora

Merchants selling goods in the area played the role of seller, tenant, actor and entertainer. While the selection of merchandise or creation of menus were strictly controlled by western business directors, Chinese were required to wear costumes and some were commissioned to do rickshaw rides. Chinese opera, performances and parades were also organized occasionally with costumed speakers speaking in English13. Despite reconstruction after a fire in 1939 by the China City Merchant’s Association formed by vendors, China city ultimately burnt down in 1949 was never rebuilt.

1938 New Chinatown (partially adapted from author’s paper: Tong, Surin. “Oriental Romance: The Construction of Chinatownland in Los Angeles.” (2018).

New Chinatown on the other hand was opened later and was originally named “Chinatown on Broadway”14. It was curated by Chinese American Peter SooHoo and run largely by Chinese-American merchants in Old Chinatown, which makes it the first enclave operated, owned and controlled solely by non-Americans in the US15. It aimed at rehabilitating dislocated Chinese-Americans and dealt primarily with the land ownership problem of the newly acquired land16. Nonetheless, the project also took a similar approach as the China City in becoming a tourist spot to boost businesses through architectural means and abundance of curio shops and restaurants17 catered for westerners pairing with occasional parades and outdoor festivals18.

In contrary to the remote setting and cramped alleys of China City, wide avenues were created with a centered-expansive courtyard (Fig. 17). Buildings were characterized with commercial spaces at ground floor and residential above, providing a place to live, contrary to China City. Lavish gateways (Fig. 18), pagodas (Fig. 19), Chinese motifs (Fig. 20) and fluorescent lighting highlight the roofline 13 14 15

Tsui, Bonnie. 2009.

16 17 18

“Chinatown Group Takes Land Option.” Los Angeles Examiner, 13 Aug 1937.

Gow, William. 2010.

Smith, Icy. The Lonely Queue: The Forgotten History of the Courageous Chinese Americans in Los Angeles. Gardena: East West Discovery Press, 2000.

Large numbers of restaurants sold Chop Suey, an Americanized version of Chinese food, and was not served in China.

Josi, Ward. 2013.

23

characterized buildings that were individually commissioned by merchants. Most hired the same architects19 commissioned by YC Hong (Fig. 21), a reputable Chinese-American lawyer who plays a major role in the development of New Chinatown20. The architects made reference to San Francisco’s Chinatown and books on Chinese art and architecture as inspirations for the architectural styles, internal furnishings, motifs and finishes. Chinese elements were all packed in cluster of shops and buildings. A new style called Chinese American, neither Chinese nor western, was being developed with the western architects’ perception and Chinese-Americans’ instructions and interpretation21. The area was expanded from the central plaza to western plaza, bamboo plaza and further away in the following decades and existed till today.

However, the New Chinatown has shrunk largely in size and experienced dramatic demographic shifts due to occurrence of suburbanization in the 70s. Now, majority of the population has been replaced by blacks and Latinos while others have moved to ethnoburbs in the San Gabriel Valley area as opposed to the traditional agglomeration of Chinese Americans in the downtown area.22

Ethnoburbs are suburban ethnic settlements that is different from traditional ethnic enclaves, for example contemporary Chinatowns due to differences in demographic characteristics, socio-economic status, and economic structure. This new type of suburban ethnic concentration area occurs in suburbs near to downtowns and business districts in large metropolitan areas. They were created through deliberate efforts of certain ethnic group within changing global, national and local context through years and resembles certain features of an enclave and certain features of a suburb lacking a specific ethnic identity. They coexist with traditional ethnic enclaves in contemporary American society.23 19

Erle Webster and Adrian Wilson Josi, Ward. 2013.

20

Chiavaroli, Linda. “Chinese-American Advocate, Y.C. Hong.” (2015). Published electronically 15 Dec 2015. http://huntingtonblogs. org/2015/12/chinese-american-advocate-y-c-hong/.

Josi, Ward. 2013.

Cheng, Suellen, and Munson Kwok. “The Golden Years of Los Angeles Chinatown: The Beginning “. In The Golden Years: Los Angeles 1938-1988.

California: Chinese Historical Society of Southern California, 1988.

21 22 23 24

Chaiwat, Pamanee. 2015.

SurveyLA. 2013.

Wei, Li. “Ethnoburb Versus Chinatown : Two Types of Urban Ethnic Communities in Los Angeles.” Cybergeo : European Journal of

The Chinese Diaspora

Los Angeles is one of the earliest place where ethnoburbs emerge due to the poor inner city condition24. Ethnoburbs are currently agglomerated in San Gabriel Valley and has become a more important Chinese residential area than Chinatown. According to Mai and Chen25, Asian population in Chinatown experienced a decrease in recent years while the overall Asian population in America has arisen.

Today, LA Chinatown is currently occupying central LA, bounded by East Cesar E Chavez Avenue, Sunset Boulevard, Main Street, Alameda Street, Cottage Home Street and the 110 Pasadena Freeway26.

Geography (1998).

24 25 26

2013.

Wikipedia. “Ethnoburb, Los Angeles “ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnoburb#Los_Angeles,_California.

Randy Mai, Bonnie Chen. 2013.

Randy Mai, Bonnie Chen. “The State of Los Angeles Chinatown - Asian American Studies M108/Urban Planning M122.” Los Angeles

25

19

Locations of the Chinatowns in L.A.

26

The Chinese Diaspora

13

Old Chinatown 1880-1938

City market in early 20th century(left), today and proposed development (right) 27

China City 1938-49

15

28

The Chinese Diaspora

New Chinatown 1938 - Present

Geographical Locations of the 5 Chinatowns 29

Understanding

the

chinatowns

&

Chineseness

The 5 Chinatowns were located in different areas and developed very differently in Los Angeles Downtown characterized by their nature. Old Chinatown being the earliest to emerge is a purely residential ethnic enclave for newly arrived Chinese immigrants to reside and offer mutual help. It was located at the heart of downtown where the present Union Station situated and where Little Italy was.

Least amount of Chinese ornamentations were found and their settlement pattern was mostly linear with a large majority being tenants1. It was wholly planned and initiated by residents without a leading group or organization and thus there was little to no planning. As time goes by, more and more Chinese ornamentations were found in residential flats, for instance decorated balconies, gates, Chinese motifs and etc.

Due to the rising population, people soon moved to East Adams in 1920s also mainly as a residential squad quite far away from downtown beneath little Tokyo. It was believed to be the first “suburb� in LA where Chinese still remained as tenants due to limitations caused by the federal laws. Similar to the Old Chinatown, East Adams is mainly a residential area with little to no planning with little to none Chinese Ornamentations

As business grew, city market, China City and New Chinatown was developed in 1900s and 1930s respectively to cater for Chinese merchants and businessman. While the former successfully developed into a wholesale market while Chinese owners start to own their business and land, both the later were in competition upon demolition of Old Chinatown and developed as a tourist spot and commercial center respectively.

The City Market that was flourished at a similar time, was intentionally planned and initiated by a Chinese Merchant Louie Quan as a wholesale market. It was wholly commercial and ownerships were 1

Greenwood, Roberta S. Down by the Station : Los Angeles Chinatown, 1880-1933. Los Angeles: Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles, 1996.

30

The Chinese Diaspora

diverse, from Chinese, Japanese to Anglos. However, it was designed as an industrial building with low levels of Chinese ornamentations.

China City developed and initiated by Christine Sterling was a highly commercialized Chinese “theme park” aiming at white tourists. Overseas Chinese were not involved in the planning and design project and thus the architectural outcome differs largely than that of other Chinatowns. Based on the Oscars movie “The Good Earth” that gains its popularity in 1938, China City was designed in a rural setting, mimicking the rural life in China. Moderate levels of Chinese ornamentations could be observed with a wall mimicking the Great Wall as the entrance. All buildings are destined for commercial purposes and Chinese “actors” are hired to perform in the theme park by wearing costumes, putting on Pidgin English and providing rickshaw rides.2

The New Chinatown that was opened in the same year took a similar approaching of establishing itself as a commerical center. Developed by Chinese merchants, the New Chinatown (now the Central Plaza area) differs from conventional Chinatowns by disregarding mixed use buildings. Buildings inside the plaza served initially as restaurants, offices and shops. Heavy Chinese ornamentations and Chinese motifs were used as a way to market the area to outsiders and visitors.

Notions of Chineseness Los Angeles Chinatown is defined by different interpretation of Chinese and portrayals by migrated Chinese from all over the world, including FuJian, TaiShan, Hong Kong, Taiwan and etc. These notions of chineseness and Chinese identity have in turned shaped and defined the architectural language and construction of LA Chinatown and transformed the area from a nuisance in the 1960s to a residential area to a tourist spot today. While the transformations are beneficial to improving living conditions of the Chinese Americans, they also served to transform the image and impression of Chinatown and more further the impression of Chinese to non-Chinese as it is today.

2

Quoting Hamamoto, Darrell Y. 1994 by Shim, Doobo. 1998

31

32

The Chinese Diaspora

Los Angeles Chinato

own History Collage 33

34

The Chinese Diaspora

Chinatown’s architectural comparison

Chinatown’s social comparison 35

Chinatown Timeline & Hollywood developments

The Chinese Diaspora

Chinatown that is primarily for business Film Industry & Outsider’s Attitude

Chinatown that is primarily for residing History of L.A. & US

36

1850-80

1850 CA Gold Rush

1850-80

20-38

1900s Consider Chinatown as unlawful Slums

1910s - 30s Fu ManChu Series

Late 1930s Anna May Wong The Good Earth

1920s 1930s Shooting films in Chinatown & using Charlie Chan Series Chinese as extras

1900-20

1951 Peking Express

45-60

China City 1938 - 1949

1930s -40s Sluming in Chinatown gains its popularity

38-45

80-1900

1882 Chinese Immigration Exclusion Act

1900-20

1914 - 18 WWI

1906 SF Earthquake Paper Son Practice

20-38

1930s Moon Festivals CNY Celebrations

1920s Opening of Civic Centre

38-45

1938 - 45 WWII

1943 Partial Repeal of Exclusion Act

1938 Completion of Union Station

45-60

1949 Burnt down of China City by a suspicious fire

City Market 1900 - 1950 Old Chinatown 1880s - 1938 East Adams 1920s - 1965

1870s The Yellow Peril

80-1900

1970s Bruce Lee Kung Fu Movies

70-80

Late 1980s Year of Dragon The Last Emperor

80-2000

1978 China Economic Reform Normalization of relations with PRC

60-70

70-80

1970s 1965 Complete Repeal of Construction of more Exclusion Act & allow buildings & Jazz freedom or residing Clubs in Chinatown

1960s Miss LA Chinatown

1970s Suburbanization into San Gabriel Valley & Speculation

80-2000

New Chinatown 1938 - Present

1961 Flower Drum Song

60-70

2000-Present

2003 Opening of Chinatown Golden Line Metro Station

2017 Redevelopment plans for City Market into LAf ashion district

2018 Crazy Rich Asians

2000-Present

Mapping of transformation of Chinese Building Typology & Ornamentations 37

Chinese Population 28883

% out of total population 47.9

25050

44.4

San Marino

5773

43.9

San Gabriel

16750

42.2

Temple City

14892

41.9

6

Rowland Heights CDP

18839

38.5

7

Alhambra

31015

37.3

8

East San Gabriel CDP

5374

36.1

9

Walnut

10500

10

Rosemead

18794

11

South San Gabriel

12

Diamond Bar

13

Chinatown

14

Hacienda Heights CDP

15

South Pasadena

16

Cerritos

Cities / Areas 1

Monterey Park

2

Arcadia

3 4 5

36 35

2182

27

14602

26.3

7892

25.4

13309

24.6

4022

15.7

7383

15.1

17

El Monte

15447

13.6

18

Temple City

27362

12.9

19

Chino Hills

7367

9.8

20

West Covina

9309

8.8

21

Rancho Palos Verdes

3593

8.6

22

Eastvale

4251

6.9

23

Palos Verdes Estates

859

6.4

24

Artesia

1018

6.2

25

Baldwin Park

3900

5.2

26

Pasadena

6991

5.1

27

Monrovia

1551

4.2

28

Montebello

2550

4.1

29

Chino Hills

2391

3.1

30

Thousand Oaks

3794

3

31

Pomona

3367

2.3

32

Westminster

1930

2.2

33

Lake Forest

1680

2.2

34

Newport Beach

1825

2.1

35

Riverside

4939

1.6

36

Orange

2225

37

Anaheim

4738

38

Garden Grove

2203

1.3

39

Corona

1445

0.9

40

Santa Ana

1982

0.6

41

San Bernardino

696

0.3

42

Oxnard

656

0.3

43

Moreno Valley

794

0.1

1.6 1.4

Monrovia Pasadena Arcadia

Thousand Oaks South Pasadena

Chinatown

San E. San Marino Gabriel

San Gabriel Alhambra

Temple City El Monte

RoseMonterey mead S. San Park Gabriel

Baldwin Park

West Covina

Rowland Heights Pomona Walnut

Montebello

San Gab Valley

HaciendaHeights CDP

Diamond Rowland Bar Heights CDP

Sacramento

San Francisco

Cerritos Artesia

% of CHINESE POPULATION IN LA COUNTY (2010) >40% 30-39% 20-29%

Palos Verdes Estates

San Jose

10-19% 5-9%

Rancho Palos Verdes

1-4% <1%

Los Angeles

San Diego

1850s - 70s Gold Rush Opium War

1882 Immigration act Yellow Peril

1943 Partial Repel of Immigration Act End of WWII

1965 Full Repel of Immigration Act

1970s Chinese no longer restricted to areas of residing

1980s China Open Door Policy & Speculation

(Population Bubbles not to scale)

38

L.A. Chinatown Today

chapter 2 Los Angeles Chinatown Today Analysis

39

Overview

&

Field

research

documentations

Majority of the land in Chinatown today is destined to commercial purposes, especially towards the east1. Differ from common believe, majority of the buildings present in Chinatown today purely conduct commercial activities or have mixed residential-commercial purposes. The remaining Chinese that resides in the area mainly elderly or new immigrants that could not afford to move to nearby suburbs2. They mostly stay in crowded flats or even single-room flats that have shared toilets and bathrooms built before Old Chinatown was established3. More than 40% of the residents in the area lived at or below the federal poverty line and are facing the dangerous of being increasingly priced out by rent hikes4. The poor and cramped living conditions have caused majority of the Chinese to move to suburbs in search for higher living standards, better living conditions, and better infrastructure and amenities.

Social organizations such as recreational centers, medical centers and schools are extremely inadequate in the area and often could not serve the growing Chinese community. Taking the Alpine medical center as an example, reports revealed that the original hospital was forced to turn into a medical center due to inadequate equipment and supplies5. Castelar elementary school is the only school present in the area and is inadequate in serving all the nearby children.

Towards the west side of Chinatown, however, was largely redeveloped into new and expensive housing estates in which the new immigrants could not afford to reside in. As the Chinatown is stated in downtown Los Angeles, rent is too high that the redeveloped or newly-developed areas are not suitable for new immigrants to reside. Over the years, the size of Chinatown which original occupies the triangular shape has been shrunk to the area bounded by Yale Street at the west, Bernard Street at the north, N Broadway Road at the East and W Cesar Estrada Chavez Avenue at the south.

1 2

City of Los Angeles Department of City Planning. “Zoning/Property Info (Zimas).” http://zimas.lacity.org/.

Macias, Martin. “Chinatown Residents Feel Left out as La Booms.” (2019). https://www.courthousenews.com/chinatown-residents-feelleft-out-as-la-booms/.

3

Ibid.

According to the interview constructed with Chinatown leader Eugene Moy, these Italian brick buildings were established when Little Italy occupied the area prior to the development of Chinatown. It is currently occupied by Chinese elderlies at large.

4 5 40

“Senior Citizens in Chinatown Unsure of Housing Fate as Rent Hike Looms.” CBS Los Angeles, Jul 19 2018.

Credits to interview done with Eugene Moy.

L.A. Chinatown Today

23

Field Research Documentations

Suburbanization that started happening in L.A. since 1970s 41

While land ownership remains largely Chinese or Chinese-Americans, most lots owners have now moved to suburbs and rented out non-Chinese tenants, predominately Latinos, Blacks and Vietnamese as revealed by recent reports6 and articles7.

Field Research Documentations Field research, documentations and interviews were done in Los Angeles in March 2019. Credits to all interviewees, including but not limited to Mr Eugene Moy, Ms Laureen Hom, Mr Rick Eng, Mr Richard Liu, Ms Eileen SooHoo and Ms Monica Pelayo Lock.

A video was made capturing a Sunday morning scene in Central Plaza Chinatown. It could be viewed at: https://youtu.be/LhK610zH_Ew

Postcards were also produced using images and photos captured in the Chinatown area, recording Chinese decorative elements, ornamentations, motifs, architectural styles, roads, activities, store fronts, the streetscape and etc.

Conversations and interviews with stakeholders, Chinatown leaders, store owners and businessmen have given insights to this thesis to the current situation of Chinatown and problems it is encountering.

Contents of the interviews are incorporated in other sections together with other second hand resources including official city reports, census data, newspapers, journals and articles.

6 7

SurveyLA. 2013.

Trip Advisor. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Chinatown Los Angeles â&#x20AC;&#x153; https://en.tripadvisor.com.hk/Attraction_Review-g32655-d116599-Reviews-Chinatown-Los_Angeles_California.html.

42

L.A. Chinatown Today

Front Side of the Postcards

This thesis uses Los Angele’s Chinatown as a case study to examine how to culturally reinterpret Chinatowns when juxtaposed with its physical socio-cultural decline in the greater host society. Both quantitative and qualitative research was done on site to substantiate the possibility of retaining L.A. Chinatown in-line with overall metropolitan development by transposing the conventional horizontal enclave settlement pattern into a densely-compacted vertical tower encapsulating Chinatown.

A new building typology called “Super Tong” is presently proposed, serving to agglomerate Chinese benevolent associations and Tongs into one high-rise tower sitting in the heart of the existing Chinatown zoned for commercial use. Through vertical and horizontal re-expression, the Super Tong will manifest Chinatown’s prior boisterous Chinese culture and history again, re-interpret visual and social order, and be a civic nucleus for the Chinese-American community.

Surin +852

Tong

Ka

6083

Hei 6049

surin@connect.hku.hk HKU

MArch

Candidate

(Left) Exhibiting Postcards (Right) Back Side of the Postcards 43

Current Developments and Problems According to the Newspapers1 2, the whole Los Angeles Downtown area will undergo tremendous redevelopment and remake spanning across 20 to 50 years’ time from now. The Civic Center District tops the agenda by nailing down a redevelopment master plan that includes 6 phrases spanning from 2017 to 2032. Recent completion of the SOM-designed Los Angeles U.S. District Courthouse and the forthcoming First and Broadway park by OMA and Mia Lehrer + Associates marked the commencement of the master plan3. The plan aims to “convert the purpose-built bureaucratic and administrative quarter into a “Civic Innovation District”” and establish City Hall as the visual and conceptual locus for an area that would stitch together the nearby neighborhoods and the Chinatown area4. The current Chinatown is now also seeing a surge in interest from developers including high rise commercial and residential projects that will fill in vacant lots and redevelop old, torn down buildings.

The website of Curbed L.A.5 have indeed mapped out 12 sites that will undergo development or redevelopments. The lots near the LA State Historic Park is one of the area of focus, especially near the recently-completed Blossom Plaza. Most are mid-rise residential complexes with ground floor retailing with occasional lots being planned for high-rise towers that served mixed uses. These developments have been confirmed and have or will be commenced in the future. However, these developments were quite scattered geographically and are led by individuals, mostly developers and non-Chinese6.

In other words, there is a lack of an overall redevelopment proposal set out for the Chinatown area, which is adjacent to the Civic Center District.

1

Sharp, Steven. “Breaking Down the Proposed Civic Center Master Plan - Los Angeles Looks to Infuse Aging Civic Center with Residents, Retail and Green Space.” (2017). https://urbanize.la/post/breaking-down-proposed-civic-center-master-plan-0.

2

Kim, Eddie. “A New Vision with the Civic Center Master Plan - Six-Phase Plan Aims to Add Housing, Retail and a Lot of Office Space to the District.” (2017). http://www.ladowntownnews.com/development/a-new-vision-with-the-civic-center-master-plan/article_b3d6834a2918-11e7-ae2d-67458c53157b.html.

3

Pacheco, Antonio. “L.A. To Heal Planning Scars with Ambitious Civic Center Master Plan.” (2017). https://archpaper.com/2017/04/los-angeles-civic-center-master-plan/.

4 5

Ibid.

6

Including local Americans, Canadians and etc.

Barragan, Bianca, and Jenna Chandler. “Changes Underway in Chinatown, Mapped - from Mixed-Sers to Parks.” Curbed Los Angeles, https://la.curbed.com/maps/chinatown-development-gentrification-map.

44

L.A. Chinatown Today

Mapping Recent and Upcoming Developments in L.A>

45

The recent completed Blossom Plaza (2016) and Jia Apartment (2014) along N Broadway perhaps give an insight of expected outcomes of upcoming developments in the area. The former is designed

by Johnson Fain is a new 5-story residential complex with ground floor retail space and pedestrian plaza adjacent to the metro Gold Line light rail7. Externally painted in red and decorated with red lanterns at atriums, Chinatown leaders8 revealed that the tenancy rate for both retail space and residential apartments is not as satisfactory as expected. The field research conducted in this survey also revealed that the occupancy rate for ground floor retail space is low and is seemingly failing to reach its objective of “strengthening the neighborhood” to “enjoy an active lifestyle”9. The latter is a 6-story residential complex with ground floor retail space located right next to the Chinatown Golden Dragon Gate. It is the Chinatown’s first market rate housing development developed by Equity Residential, an American real estate investment trust10. Targeting high income groups, the high rent has indeed scared away many low-income residents and caused rental increase in the area11 12. The original ethnic enclave that provides affordable housing is gradually losing its edge.

Besides major demographic shifts, change in ethnicity and speculative developments, L.A. Chinatown is also experiencing gradual gentrifications13. The Western Plaza just across N Spring Street to that of rhe Central Plaza has experienced major transformstion in building use since the last century.

7

Wattenhofer, Jeff. “Blossom Plaza, Chinatown’s New Apartment Complex, Rents from $1,925.” Curbed LA, https://la.curbed. com/2016/9/1/12754612/blossom-plaza-apartments-open-chinatown.

8 9

Credits to Eugene Moy

Forest City Realty Trust. “Blossom Plaza Set to Welcome Curated Mix of Dining and Entertainment Options to Chinatown.” https://www. prnewswire.com/news-releases/blossom-plaza-set-to-welcome-curated-mix-of-dining-and-entertainment-options-to-chinatown-300561920.html.

10

Yen, Brigham. “Downtown La Chinatown’s New Jia Apartments: Amenity Rich and Super Pet Friendly.” Curbed LA, https://brighamyen. com/tag/jia-apartments-chinatown-los-angeles/.

11

Barragan, Bianca. “Chinatown’s Jia Apartments Opens with Rents Starting at $1,690.” Curbed LA, https://la.curbed. com/2014/3/4/10136378/chinatowns-jia-apartments-opens-with-rents-starting-at-1690.

12 13

“Chinatown Group Takes Land Option.” Los Angeles Examiner, 13 Aug 1937.

Huynh, Frances. “The Gentrification of Los Angeles Chinatown: How Do We Talk About It?” (2018). https://medium.com/@hifrankiehuynh/the-gentrification-of-los-angeles-chinatown-how-do-we-talk-about-it-26f459a241c1.

46

L.A. Chinatown Today

Unlike Central Plaza that remained as a commercial centre selling tourists goods and curios, most shops along Old Chung King Road that are formerly old storefronts are now rented to design and architectural studios, with upper floors served as residental apartments or lounge and ground floors serving as private studio or art galleries selling their works14. Only a handful or benevolent associatons and shops have survived and remained in the area. The norm of gentrification has futher expanded to other areas in these 20 years. A few design studios, a New Vietnamese restaurant and Jazz Clubs have opened their doors in Central Plaza, while some coffee shops have replaced old-fashioned retail space in other parts of Chinatown. Other local shops, including supermarkets, small business were priced out of the community due to speculations and gentrifications.15

These factors have added up contributing to what articles16 and visitors17 refer to the dying, fading or aging of Los Angeles Chinatown.

14 15 16 17

Macias, Martin. 2019.

Ibid.

Huynh, Frances. 2018.

Trip Advisor. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Chinatown Los Angeles â&#x20AC;&#x153; https://en.tripadvisor.com.hk/Attraction_Review-g32655-d116599-Reviews-Chinatown-Los_Angeles_California.html.

47

Mapping of Land Uses in L.A.

48

L.A. Chinatown Today

Change in ethnicity and % of Chinese in L.A.

(top) Proposed Civic Center (Bottom) New Developments

Upcoming approved Developments 49

50

Zhonghua Huiguan

chapter 3 whatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s left in chinatown? zhonghua huiguan Synthesis

51

What is left in chinatown?

With L.A. Chinatown undergoing tremendous changes and re-development, new high-rise towers and buildings are to be expected in the next 50 years. Major demographic changes have been happening since 1970s where the majority of Chinese has left downtown Chinatown to ethnoburbs such as San Gabriel Valley. While only a small proportion of elderly Chinese and new immigrants remained, most of the population, restaurant, services, entertainment and even gangsters have left in seek of better living standard and economic opportunities. So the question remains, what is left in L.A. Chinatown?

Should Chinatown still be kept? What is the value of Chinatown?

To answer this question, the thesis explored remaining traces of Chinatown that may serve as an opportunity to re-investigate Chinatown as a community instead of a physical entity â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the Benevolent Associations. While most of the people and shops moved away, most headquarters of benevolent associations still remained in the center of Chinatown after more than a century. Only 7 out of the 65 surveyed associations (including social organizations ) were located outside of Chinatown, with 3 locating within the city center area. These associations are mostly recently-formed associations that are outside the Guangdong and Fujian provinces, including the Hong Kong Association of Southern California and the Taiwan Benevolent Associations of California. Others that are formed much earlier and have a long history remained in Chinatown despite the fact that they may have moved several times due to land ownership problems. Today, most of the associations have their self-owned plot of land and property and hold meetings and gatherings regularly.

52

Zhonghua Huiguan

Mapping locations of Benevolent Associations

ALPINE ST.

Mapping locations of Benevolent Associations according to Streets 53

Benevolent Associations & their relations to Chinatown Benevolent Associations in Los Angeles Chinatown have existed over 150 years, even before the founding of the Old Chinatown in 1880s in Alameda and Macy Street. The organization and categorization of associations reflect the complexity of economic system, urban life and contemporary politics in America. They are end-products of the interactions between Chinese and American society and directly derived from the principles of the Chinese community, such as kinship, dialectal similarities and secret societies. While some societies are shaped by political events, others were formulated initially to provide mutual help and support among overseas Chinese and act as a middle man between overseas Chinese and their relatives in the motherland1.

Voluntary associations have been regarded as one of the “three pillars” of Overseas Chinese societies along with Chinese newspapers and Schools, playing an important role in the evolution of the Chinese Diaspora and overseas Chinese community2. They have laid the foundation for the growth and proposer of overseas Chinese community and Chinatown. Initially formulated to help members to adapt to their new life psychologically and needs physically, the benevolent associations have changed their role to assisting members in performing economic activities and establishing relationships with the government as a middleman3.

1 Crissman, Lawrence W. “The Segmentary Structure of Urban Overseas Chinese Communities.” Chap. 25 In The Chinese Overseas edited

by Hong Liu, 133-51. London: Routledge, 2006.

2

Liu, Hong. “Old Linkages, New Networks - the Globalization of Overseas Chinese Voluntary Associations and Its Implications.” Chap. 26 In The Chinese Overseas edited by Hong Liu, 152-82. London: Routledge, 2006.

3

Wickberg, Edgar. “Overseas Chinese Adaptive Organizations, Past and Present.” Chap. 23 In The Chinese Overseas edited by Hong Liu, 87-103. London: Routledge, 2006.

54

Zhonghua Huiguan

City block of New Chinatown with red indicating the 5 asso. present

Model showing locations of all asso. present in downtown L.A. 55

Understanding

Benevolent

Associations

socially

The earliest form of association is based on clans, where people of the same surname gathered to offer mutual social aid and support for the Chinese men in foreign land. The earliest association that was established is Lung Kong Tin Yee Association which is an association where people sharing the surname of Lau, Kwan, Cheung and Chiu gather in 1870 together with the Wong Family Benevolent Association, one of the most popular surnames in L.A. in the same year. Different forms of associations including those based on locality, social support, commerce purpose and etc. were consequentially formed in the late 19th century1.

Hop Sing Tong was the earliest Tong that was formed in 1875 in Los Angeles and was regarded as an association associated with crime, gangsters and Tong Wars in early years. Tongs gathered and welcomed everyone disregard their place of origin and surname in contrast to clans and other associations2. Kong Chow Benevolent Association, the first association based on place of origin, together with the Kong chow Temple was formed in 1889. It was still considered as an association with impact today. Due to the surge in association numbers, an umbrella association named the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association (CCBA) was formed in 1889 to oversee all the existing associations and to handle and maintain relationships with the Chinese and the federal government. Other social organizations for example the Chinese United Methodist Church formed in 1877 and Chinese Confucius Temple School formed in 1951 gradually appeared targeting to serve the wider Chinese community based on specific social activities and objectives.

An outward expansion of associations can be observed geographically throughout history. Most associations, disregard less of types, gathered near the new Chinatown area bounded by Bamboo lane And W College Street.

1

Wong, Bernard P., and Stanford University. “Social Structure of Chinatown.” Chap. 2 In Chinatown : Economic Adaptation and Ethnic Identity of the Chinese, 13-26. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1982.

2

Wong, Bernard P., and Stanford University. “Making a Living.” Chap. 5 In Chinatown : Economic Adaptation and Ethnic Identity of the Chinese, 37-56. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1982.

56

Zhonghua Huiguan

A lot of associations established in late 19th century and early 20th century, for example the CCBA, the Kong Chow Benevolent Association, Hop Sing Tong, Bing Kong Tong and Lung Kong Tin Yee Association etc were agglomerated.

Associations further expanded northwards to Bernard Street and Alpine Street, where a lot of clans established in the 20th century were established in the former and a lot of social organizations formulated in the post-war period were stationed in the latter. Organizations that were formed near the turn of the century mostly gathered in Ord St and South Oford St where it is already exiting the area of Chinatown.

Majority of the associations (excluding social societies) appear in late 19the century to mid-20th century while the overseas Chinese community remain a bachelor society comprising of predominately male engaging in infrastructural-construction works and later laundry shops and restaurants3. Majority of the clans appear first in 1870s but began to diminish in the post-war period. On the other hand, associations based on locality began to foster in early 20th century when groups of Chinese started to migrate with their relatives in early 20th century to Los Angeles in search for economic opportunities.

Tongs that served as a shelter for people not welcomed by other associations also appear as early as 1870s while the umbrella association emerged in late 19th century in view of the growing number of associations and mismanagement problems4.

3 4

Loo, Chalsa M. Chinese America : Mental Health and Quality of Life in the Inner City. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage Publications, 1998.

Thompson, Richard Henry. Torontoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Chinatown : The Changing Social Organization of an Ethnic Community. New York: New York : AMS Press, 1989.

57

The Umbrella Association The Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association (CCBA), also known as the Zhonghua Huiguan, is the umbrella association that overlooks and manages technically all benevolent associations in their state . The term umbrella association is quoted from (ref)5, referring to “association that federated and represented all the varying huiguan and special-interest associations that were now found in Chinatowns around the world and that could act as their spokesmen to host governments and Chinese officialdom. It exercise broad powers within the Chinese community and dealt with local host governments, Chinese consulates and other agencies of the Chinese government.

Due to cultural differences which led to misunderstanding by much of the American population, anti-Chinese anti-Chinese sentiment was observed in late 19th century. The CCBA was therefore formed out of the need for the Chinese to have an organized social, political and economic structure that overlooks and manage all existing associations6. The CCBA not only provide social aid and support to immigrants, but also established a close relationship to the federal and Chinese Government that aided in business and political activities.

In North America where social support is important and essential to overseas Chinese, the CCBA acted as the umbrella association to organize and supervise community welfare work. The current CCBA in L.A. formed in 1889 contains 27 members, including those from clans, from place of origins, Tongs and commerce-based organizations. Membership in huiguan and other associations are not mutually exclusive, president of certain organizations can also be members of huiguan and even participate in the annual election of presidents and board members. This interlocking officeship of huiguans and memberships made the president of CCBA essentially recognized as a top leader and major spokesmen to the Chinese government and the federal government with much bargaining power, representing the whole Chinese community.

5

Wickberg, Edgar. “Overseas Chinese Adaptive Organizations, Past and Present.” Chap. 23 In The Chinese Overseas edited by Hong Liu, 87-103. London: Routledge, 2006.

6 58

“Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association Los Angeles (Ccba-La).” http://www.ccbala.org/memebers.html.

Zhonghua Huiguan

However, as the community grew, the number of organizations have outsized the capacity of the existing management scope of the CCBA. While there are 44 benevolent associations (excluding social organizations) present in Los Angeles, the CCBA is merely managing 27 associations. Other new regional associations, for example Teo Chew Southern California Teo Chew Association established in 1982 and commerce-based association for example the Chinese Chamber of Commerce established in the 1955 are not under the control of the CCBA7.

In addition, the importance of CCBA has been diminishing since mid-20th century. Not only are the communities larger, but also diverse immigrants have complicated the management of associations8.

A substantial proportion of new immigrants are now highly-educated middle-class professional or business people that no longer relied on the social support provided by organizations and immigrants from places other than Fujian and Guangdong, for example Hong Kong, Taiwan and northern parts of China, started to emerge. They differ from the old sojourners that is in need for social support due to language barriers and social differences with the host society9. Due to differences in cultural and social backgrounds, adding to the advancement in technology, principal functions of associations that are social recreational are no longer as useful and as needed as they were.

However, other functions and services provided by CCBA still let the association prosper in the contemporary society. New associations that are business based will find it useful to contact business associates through the CCBA due to its developed business system, connections, reputation and trust.

Investment opportunities also encouraged associations to connect to the CCBA as they have established relationships with the Chinese and the federal government. They not only protect the interest of Chinese Americans, but their connections with other official associations, government, nonprofit charitable organizations of the larger society serve as bridges between Chinatown, Chinese and the U.S. society.

7 8 9

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association Los Angeles (Ccba-La).â&#x20AC;?

Wong, Bernard P., and Stanford University. 1982. Chp. 2.

Ibid.

59

The CCB have survived and even proliferated due to its flexibility in taking on new functions as new needs appear and old functions de-emphasized. It forms an important part of the socio-economic and political backbone of Chinatown that offered social support, emotional ties and economic opportunities.

Thus, this thesis takes opportunities from the CCBA to rethink the social structural organization of associations and how to organize and manage organizations from a new perspective.

Clans / Kinship Lung Kong Tin Yee Association is the first ethnic fraternity based on clans in L.A. The California Gold rush led many men, especially from Guangdong Province to migrate to California. The families of the same surname (often more than a few surnames) joined and formed associations to provide a space for meetings, social activities and provide social support to newly migrated members. Later on, more clan associations formed especially during the late 19th century until the post-war period.

They were among the first group of Chinese benevolent associations formed in Los Angeles and the wider American society as kinship relations were used to organize social and economic life even in the Chinese society. Many villages in rural China bear the same surname and members are usually linked to a common ancestor10. These family associations perform functions similar to that in their homeland, for instance social functions including gatherings and festival celebrations, rituals including worshiping ancestors, sending money back to their homeland, settling disputes, providing welfare to one another, and even burials.

At the outset of the establishments of clans, smaller surname groups united with others to formulate larger and more powerful alliances according to various methods including sworn brotherhood, fictions, historic figures (e.g. Romance of the Three Kingdoms), neighboring home districts in China, 10 60

Wong, Bernard P., and Stanford University. 1982. Chp. 2.

Zhonghua Huiguan

traditional friendships and etc11. This is also the reason why associations have some not-some-common names like Gee How Oak Tin Association and Gee Tuck Sam Tuck rather than the normal surnames.

Place of Origin Kong Chow Benevolent Association was formed in 1889 together with the Kong Chow Temple. It is the earliest association based on locality. Other associations based on the place of origin, however, were not gaining its wider popularity under the post-war period when the clan associations started to diminish in number. Most associations based on locality area areas in the Guangdong and Fujian province, in particular the 7 countries in the Pearl River Delta known as Sze Yup Sam Yup.12

Toisan as an example is one of the major â&#x20AC;&#x153;pre-eminent send areasâ&#x20AC;? of emigrants to North America in late 19th century to early 20th century that constituted to a Toishanese-speaking community at Chinatownâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s initial stage. The Ning Young Association remains the largest regional association composed of members from the Toisan district of China13. This category has experienced a boost in number starting from the 70s and 80s where more non-Guangdong-originated Chinese immigrants emerge. This has also caused the major dialect being spoken switched to Cantonese till today.

These regional and linguistic associations varies in levels of regionalism, from provincial, city level to village and even sub-village level. They provided a place and an organization to provide mutual protection and let members without family ties to join and support one another.14

11 12

Ibid.

13 14

Wong, Bernard P., and Stanford University. 1982. Chp. 2.

Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association Los Angeles. 125 Anniversary Editorial. Los Angeles Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association Los Angeles 2014.

Wong, Bernard P., and Stanford University. 1982. Chp. 2.

61

Tongs Chinese American Tongs (means Hall) first appeared in the 1870s in Los Angeles. Different from the common perception as being secret societies or sworn brotherhoods tied to criminal activity and gangs15, Tongs first emerged as mutual support organizations regardless of place of origins and surnames. It allowed individuals that are being rejected from other associations to join and gather. Scholars see the connection between the development of Tongs and the anti-Chinese environment after the passing of the Exclusion Act concluding that Tongs emerged and prospered as a result of overseas Chinese that desires for rapid social advancement were blocked by the general anti-Chinese climate16.

These fraternal-political organizations began to diminish its power to monopolize opportunities in view of the growing power of umbrella associations17 starting from the beginning of the 20th century.

Today, some tongs (e.g. Hop Sing Tong) are managed under the CCBA and transformed and â&#x20AC;&#x153;reformedâ&#x20AC;? into trade unions and merchant associations especially after the ill reputation they earned from operating illegal businesses and their associated notorious tong wars. However, they are still suspected by the federal government officials to have remaining ties to organized crime without solid proof18.

Social Organizations and Activities including linguistic associations, schools, churches Different forms of social activities, societies and organizations were formed as early as the 1870s serving the Chinese community in Old Chinatown. The Chinese United Methodist Church for example was formed in 1877 and served as an important place for Chinese to gather, socialize and most importantly learn English in the foreign land. Chinese schools, medical centers, banks, library, historical societies later consecutively emerged in the post-war period serving the growing population.

15

Chesneaux, Jean. Secret Societies in China in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. Ann Arbor, Michigan: The University of Michigan Press, 1971.

16 17 18 62

Wong, Bernard P., and Stanford University. 1982. Chp. 2.

Wickberg, Edgar. 2006.

Wong, Bernard P., and Stanford University. 1982. Chp. 5.

Zhonghua Huiguan

Types of Programs Found in Benevolent Associations 63

Evolution of Benevolent Associations According to Categories

64

Zhonghua Huiguan

Timeline of Asso.

65

Understanding

Associations

architecturally

Similar to the social structure or benevolent associations that resembles the traditional Chinese culture, architectural elements and programs also share a high degree of resemblance towards those in China. Benevolent Associations in Los Angeles were confined to the already-planned city master plan that is planned for the whole city. Wide roads and various parking lots may seem distant to what is traditionally conceived as traditional settlements. However, the internal layout and architectural elements are very similar to that of Chinaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s housings and buildings.

The center of focus is at 1st floor where the altar is situated. Rituals of worshiping, holding major meetings and elections are held in the place in front of portraits of their ancestors, gods and important figures of the organization. National flags were often also placed indoors alongside with the organization name placed above the altar. Towards the sides, long tables, benches and chairs are placed for members to gather and interact. Drawings, calligraphy and paintings area usually placed on the walls.

It is not uncommon that the ground floor, however, is occupied by tenants. As most of the buildings are self-owned lots and property, associations tend to rent out ground floor retail space to tenants selling Chinese goods for instance herbal shops, salon and etc. Only a sideway door or gate is left for members to access the first floor. The roof and exterior are places where Chinese ornamentations prospered. Other than using traditional Chinese colors such as red and yellow, Chinese motifs such as dragons and fictional characters are used and placed at roof eaves. National flags are placed at the roof to reinstate their political stance. While 2 organizations place flags of the U.S. and P.R.C, other organizations still uphold flags of the U.S. and Guomindang (Taiwan Flag) due to their differences in political stance.

Meanwhile, programs and activities in associations are very diverse depending on the nature and categorization of associations. Programs ranges from social, cultural to educational and commerce-based activities. The most common and fundamental programs provided by associations are social and educational functions including providing a space for members to interact, gather, read newspaper, watch TV and etc. It is also a place for meetings to be held and occasionally be a space for interest groups to

66

Zhonghua Huiguan

conduct classes and tutorials including sports, martial arts, Chinese dance, calligraphy and etc.

Influenced by their Chinese cultural roots, cultural programs for example ancestral worship, festival performance, parade and etc are also held either that the building or rented space to accommodate larger groups of people. The Chinese New Year Gala is one of the largest and most-celebrated festival in Chinatown where different organizations cooperate and organize. Lion Dance shows and Chinese Dance shows are performed during the Gala. Not to mention the annual election of Miss Chinatown Los Angeles which is also happening today.

On the other hand, associations also provide occasional commerce-based services and programs such as business consultation, funding, borrowing and lending and even business talks. Not only do commerce-based associations like Chinese Chamber of Commerce are activity participating in these activities, but also new associations for example the Hong Kong association of southern California are active organizers.

67

Elements Present in a Typical Benevolent Association

68

Zhonghua Huiguan

Glossary of the Elements Present

A typical internal layout of associations

Typical settings & furnitures present in associations 69

Examples of Benev 70

Zhonghua Huiguan

volent Associations 71

72

SUPER TONG

Chapter 4 Super Tong The Design

73

Overview & the veryical evolution The meaning of the project, “Super Tong”, is threefold. While it represents the agglomeration of benevolent associations, also called Tongs by many Chinese-Americans, into one single tower, “Super” also revealed hidden meanings of the Chinese, or China in general, as a rising super power. The tower was situated at the center of Chinatown, which is also the area just opposite to the power of focus of the federal government, the Civic Center to ideologically represent the rise of a super power in foreign land in view of the current political situation of the Chinese-American relations due to the trade war1.

The name also made referenced to the author’s surname “Tong” which contributed to a triple meaning in the naming of the project.

The Vertical Evolution The idea of agglomerating all benevolent associations was first inspired by Charles Jenck’s Theory of Evolution diagram 2 published at the turn of the century. A conceptual diagram was produced with reference to the theory showing the evolution of different categories of associations since the 1850s, with the older societies on the left and the newer ones on the right. The diagram was created in reference to the 5 categories of benevolent associations present in Los Angeles, namely (from left to right) social activities, Tongs, clans, locality and the CCBA (situated in the middle). From bottom to top, different time periods, for example from 1880 to early 20th century, the post-war period, the cold war period and etc. divided up different time zones.

The blanked areas represented that no societies were established and formulated at that time. For instance, large amount of blank space is found towards the left, representing associations based on locality did not happen until 1900s. It can also be observed that much blank space towards the right as the number of associations established have been on their decline since late 20th century.

1 2

Bisley, Nick. “Us-China Relations Are Certainly at a Low Point, but This Is Not the Next Cold War.” The Conversation, 2019.

Jencks, Charles. “2000 July: Jencks’ Theory of Evolution, an Overview of 20th Century Architecture.” ( 2011). https://www.architectural-review.com/essays/archive/2000-july-jencks-theory-of-evolution-an-overview-of-20th-century-architecture/8623596.article.

74

SUPER TONG

CCBA being the umbrella association is situated at the middle occupying the largest proportion and symbolizing its umbrella status towards all other associations. Other categories have varied widths and portions depending on their dominating period.

Taking Tongs as an example, they first appeared in large numbers in 1870s but did not reappear until 1970s. As they are being transformed to trade unions and are diminishing in recent years, there are no Tongs present towards the top. In fact, it is quite obvious that only a relatively small amount of associations remained today, mostly those offering social activities and those based on place of origins outside Guangdong Province.

However, why should history be always viewed horizontally? Why can it not be viewed vertically?

This is where the vertical evolution of associations took place and formulated. When the diagram was viewed vertically, not only was a vertical timeline being established, but also a very clear sense of time, categories and hierarchy came into place. The diagram was later further translated into vertical tower that pushed forward the idea of encapsulating hierarchy of associations into one building.

75

Charles Jenckâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Theory of Evolution

76

SUPER TONG

Evolution of Benevolent Asso.

CCBA

Clan

Tongs

Locality Social Activities

The Vertical Evolution 77

Site STrategy The site of the project is stated at 924 N Broadway Road, which is currently occupied by a Chinese tower and gate. A restaurant formerly owned the space but was left vacant for a long time due to poor business and other reasons. Other small business still occupy the space but was confirmed by Chinatown leaders that they are moving in the near future. The lot is largely vacant and is wholly owned by Chinese-Americans, thus, land reclamation would not be difficult as the lot is destined for commercial purposes according to the city planning department .

The 1700 square-metered lot is not only largely vacant, but is a located at a strategic location in view of the project brief. As mentioned in the previous section, Super Tong has its ironic and hidden meaning as a cultural symbolism of super power in its host society. This location is not only situated in an area that is undergoing massive development and redevelopment as highlighted in the drawings , but also occupies a central location in view of the whole Chinatown urban fabric in contrast to the civic center area just across Santa Ana Freeway.

In addition, the site is just situated across N Broadway Road where the present CCBA completed in 1952 and New Chinatown established in 1938 sits. Foreseeing that the present Chinatown and its building and associations will gradually disappear along with the metropolitan redevelopment plan in 30 yearsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; time, the would site serves as a reminiscence of the physical site and history Chinatown and former CCBA building that use to exist.

78

SUPER TONG

Chinatown Now New Chinatown

China City Old Chinatown

City Market

7

3

Social Place / Organizations Benevolent Associations Associations - Umbrella Asso Associations - by Locality Associations - by Surname Associations - Commerce

4

Associations - Tongs

2 7 14

1880s Old Chinatown

1900s City Market

1920s East Adams

East Adams

1938 China City

1938 New Chinatown

$

Present LA Chinatown

$

Site Strategy Diagram 79

Agglomeration of Associations The project takes the assumption that the initiator of the project is the president of the CCBA and would like to search for a new location and new building for the headquarters for his association. As mentioned in Chapter 3, the CCBA is currently managing 27 associations while others are operating on their own. Members of the CCBA is obliged to send out representatives to attend CCBAâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s monthly meetings and annual elections to hold activities and run the organization for members, for instance the Chinese New Year Gala, fund-raising, hosting Chinese Traders Convention and Exhibitons, annual dinners and etc. The current CCBA headquarters consists of 5 stories and was completed in 1952 and designed by Chinese-American architect Eugene Choy. The second floor is rented out to two associations that do not have a permanent building nor address, namely the Kuo Min Tang Association and the Chinese Womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s New Life Movement Club . Other floors are either rented out as temporary venues for holding offices or office spaces for CCBA members to work and handle daily matters. 1

Due to redevelopment plans of the overall Los Angeles downtown area, the whole Chinatown is expected to be redeveloped and relocated. This is where opportunities for the project rise â&#x20AC;&#x201C; to find a place that can accommodate all the remaining buildings and headquarters for the associations and serve as a reminiscence of the then-relocated or diminished Chinatown.

Henceforth, a proposal of agglomerating all the existing associations (including those that are currently not managed by CCBA) is being proposed, and a new tower that holds all the associations will be created as a new building typology.

1

Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association Los Angeles. 125 Anniversary Editorial. Los Angeles Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association Los Angeles 2014.

80

SUPER TONG

Building in context

Clans

Social provide social support

Locality

Societies

Traditional Asso.

CCBA (umbrella asso)

Tong Money-Making benefits business

Chambers Commerce New Associations

Hierarchy of Benevolent Associations 81

Allocation of Associations and Programs The associations previously divided into 5 categories are allocated in the building according to their history, nature, category, hierarchy, physical required size and functions. In general, associations in upper floors tend to share similar qualities of:

•

Lower level of interaction with other associations

•

High level of interaction with money-making associations and economic opportunities

•

More able to pay higher rent for better views

•

Required less space due to the shorter history and less number of members

•

Less gathering

•

Less Ornamentations

•

More variety in activities and programs

•

Mores Shared space and programs needed, for example to hold business talks, exhibitions and

etc •

Lower Level of exclusiveness

They tend to be newer associations that have higher purchasing power and able and willing to pay higher rent. Excluding the 9 associations that are Tongs and commerce-based, 20 stories will be offered to the remaining 35 associations as indicated in yellow. Depending on their purchasing power, associations can either occupy one whole floor or choose to share with other associations to share the rent.

The CCBA that is the umbrella association and owner of the building will have spaces throughout the building as indicated in the diagram in red, occupying the most prominent and strategic locations including ground levels, the top levels and interim levels that separate programs and associations. They will have double floor heights and higher ceiling-to-floor space to hold exhibitions, talks and etc.

Historic Associations for example Kong Chow Benevolent Association and Long King Tin Yee Association that existed for over 150 years and have a prominent member base and require large floor space

82

SUPER TONG

40

Groupings of Benevolent Associations 83

will be destined to allocate to favorable locations near the CCBA as indicated in pink. They will enjoy higher ceiling-to-floor space and larger floor plates compared to other associations.

Tongs and Commerce-based associations are separated from other associations due to their special nature as indicated as light green. As mentioned, a lot of Tongs were now â&#x20AC;&#x153;reformedâ&#x20AC;? to trade unions, either to make money or to conceal their unlawful acts. As it is uncertain whether these organizations are running white or black business, it is essential to separate these associations from others offering social functions and support. However, interestingly, Tongs are the associations that make a lot of money and are willing to pay higher rent for higher views and exclusiveness. Therefore, Tongs and Commerce-based associations will be located at the upper levels alternating with normal market-rate offices a offering to Chinese businesses s indicated as dark green to complement one another and offer more economic opportunities.

2 private clubhouses as indicated in dark grey are allocated at the basement and the second top level, serving community and association leaders and acting as reception to delegates. The clubhouse at the basement act as a reception to welcome leaders and guests that arrived directly from the carpark as indicated in light grey. An exclusive elevator will lead them into the upper floors associations, Tongs, restaurants and clubhouses. The top floor clubhouse located at 34th floor will be able to view the whole downtown area with magnificent views. High proximity will be shown between Super Tong and the Civic Center. Guests will also be welcomed to visit the CCBA headquarters located at the top floor for exclusive meetings and elections. After their visit, they could also enjoy their meals in the top-floors restaurants that offer a variety of cuisines as indicated in beige. The restaurants and clubhouses not only provides a place for members to interact, but also adds a level of exclusiveness to leaders and members, and most importantly, generate revenue for the CCBA.

In addition to different organizations and programs, the project further defined shared and unshared programs between different associations. As certain functions, for example ancestral worship, internal meetings, gathering among members are exclusive to their respective associations, it is essential that only certain programs can be shared as indicated in the diagram.

84

SUPER TONG

• • • • •

• • • • •

• •

• • •

•

• • •

•

• • • • •

41

Diagram showing shared and unshared programs

Diagram showing allocation of spaces & programs 85

Design Details Building core 2D The tower is designed at a 35 square meters times 35 square meters lot with 35 stories and 150m high. The building consists of a double building core that consists of 2 elevators and an escape staircase each. These elevators and staircases majorly serve all benevolent associations and do not serve other programs such as the clubhouses, restaurants, top and basement floors. It is designed in such a way to provide exclusiveness to association members without being disturbed by visitors, guests and non-members unless invited.

The center of the building consists of a major building core that have 3 elevators and one escape staircase. The central core connects the building from basement to the ceiling. One of the elevators are exclusive to VIPS, leaders, delegates and guests that allow them to reach top floors from the exclusive carpark without having to stop over at other floors. Others provide visitors an alternative route to reach restaurants and view point at the top floor.

Spatial Configurations Internal spatial configurations are described in the previous section. Various tests and try-outs were made based on different floor plate sizes. Solids and Voids were created to achieve a balance in form and function in the overall design. The project also experimented with division of spaces between different organizations tested on different floor plates so to meet the requirements of actual needed space for organizations.

Facade All associations are allowed to express their identity through alternating their portion of glass faรงade with different patterns of traditional window frames or extracting essential elements from their previous buildings. Templates and patterns will be provided to members and CCBA officers will assist members in designing their faรงade. It is also free for members if they wish not to design their faรงade

86

SUPER TONG

and leave it empty, especially for newly established associations that do not have a historic trace and more commerce-oriented.

It is expected that associations towards the lower floors, that have much historical significance, will constitute to more traditional patterns while the associations towards upper floors will have rather abstract patterns or even none.

Relation to the site A podium is created to connect to the existing the upcoming developments in the area to the existing metro station. The existing podium now connects the recently completed Blossom Plaza, a 7-storey residential complex, to the metro station. This extended podium will serve as a platform to connect all neighboring buildings and upcoming complexes into one to increase connectivity and convenience.

87

88

SUPER TONG

Overall Design Diagram

43

Spatial Configurations Diagrams

Testings of spatial configurations based on floor plates 89

Building Core Diagram

90

SUPER TONG

Facade Concept

Different designs of facade for tenants to choose from

Design varies from degree of privacy, chineseness, traditional elements & etc.

91

Connecting the metro station & developments to Super Tong

92

SUPER TONG

Design Diagrams 93

Overall Design Super Tong not only provides an opportunity for cultural re-interpretation for Los Angeles Chinatown, but also serve as a prototype to provide planning principles, faรงade concept and offer a solution how to deal with historically significant yet dying Chinatowns in general. The groupings of associations are vital in this project in the sense that it aims at providing insights to how these seemingly on longer important association should be viewed and treated. The CCBA that acts as an integrating organization also acts as the owner of the building that manages the associations physically as tenants and socially as organizations.

The internal arrangements and allocations of associations together with their complexities in programs took reference to traditional planning concepts and urban arrangements of the original buildings in its original context to provide a collective cultural symbolic expression of Chineseness. The sequence of space and visual and social order expressed the way how the original extensive urban fabric is being translated to a vertical tower encapsulating the original Chinatown. In addition, the extremely dense environment made reference to the crowded urban conditions that the current Chinatown is facing.

Tenants are able to share facilities, venues, and programs while retaining a high level of exclusiveness through their own destined space performing rituals or other social functions. This configuration not only benefit associations, but also can generate higher revenue through additional of other programs for instance market rate offices, restaurants and private clubs.

The objectives of Super Tong is to display a balance of power with economic, social, cultural and political forces. It aims at mobilizing people, whether members or non-members of the association to asset community interest and safeguard their welfare and turf through establishing a tower that is prominent in its physical standings and social status as a spokesmen of the Chinese community in Los Angeles Chinatown .

94

SUPER TONG

Long Section

95

Basement Private Club & Carpark & Ground Floor Entrance

96

SUPER TONG

Benevolent Associations (Social)

Benevolent Associations (Social), historic asso & CCBA

97

Tongs, Commerced-base associations & offices

98

Restaurants, Private Club & CCBA Headquarters

SUPER TONG

99

100

SUPER TONG

101

102

SUPER TONG

103

104

SUPER TONG

105

106

SUPER TONG

Perspective showing t

the site & Super Tong

107

108

Cultural Re-interpretation

Cultural Re-interpretation of L.A. Chinatown Conclusion

109

This comprehensive study and exploration of Chinatowns in general has not only covered the extensive history of Los Angeles Chinatown and Benevolent Associations, but also studied the Chinese Diaspora in general. The thesis commenced with the general history of the Chinese Diaspora and the journey of sojourners back in mid-19th century. Chinatown was the initial place where the overseas Chinese first settled, gathered and interacted. It also provided a breeding ground for benevolent associations to develop and grow when the overseas Chinese faced suppression and discrimination from the host society. Such historical studies along with the larger socio-economic and political environment presents an inspiring ground for the thesis to take off.

Opportunities of interpreting Chinatowns in general have been explored in various ways in order to explore whether Chinatown, under the worldwide phenomenon of globalization today, still has its standings. As an example of re-interpretation of Chinatown, Super Tong has provided a different perspective to re-discover the value of diminishing or decaying Chinatowns in view of its declining position in the greater host society. It has demonstrated redevelopment or revitalization is not the only way to view or save the ethnic enclave that seemingly has nothing but visual qualities and Chinese ornamentations left.

Exploration, research and analysis of the history of Chinatown and benevolent associations has been vital in this thesis in establishing a platform for speculation of an alternative re-imagination of the traditional ethnic enclave thatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s no longer residential based. It is only by research can this thesis reveal that Los Angeles has as much as 5 Chinatowns, contrary to common believes. It is also only by research that the design intent, origins, operations and etc. of the Chinatowns could be revealed and thus paved way for the cultural re-interpretation to take place. Only when re-interpretation takes place, can Chinatowns be freed from bounding by standard interpretations of a normal residentially-based ethnic enclave and more importantly interpretations of Chineseness.

110

Cultural Re-interpretation

The further exploration between generic and very specific buildings or towers have deepened the discussion of different viewings of Chineseness in Chinatowns. Notions of Chineseness has always been different to everyone, even to different stake holders in Chinatowns. Based on different clans, associations or place of origin, people make different notions of Chineseness architecturally in Chinatowns or even in turn, “marketed” their Chinese identity through Chinese architecture as confirmed by interviewees and leaders in Los Angeles Chinatown. The thesis explored heavily on the direction of self-orientalism used as a method of save the neighborhood to ensure continual survival, which also led to the question of what is defined as “authentic” Chinese and how is the Chinese identity architecturally related to self-orientalism. While the thesis took the position of putting forward a generic appearance of the tower and preserving Chinese elements in the interior, there is no standard answer as to what Chinese architecture means to everyone.

Los Angeles is so unique to this spectrum of study to the sense that it is one of the most prominent examples of decaying and failing Chinatowns that was once historically significant and one of the first Chinatowns that experienced suburbanization. The significant drop in percentage of Chinese residing and visiting the area not only represented major demographic shifts that L.A. Chinatowns have experienced since the 70s, but also raised the question of who Chinatown really belongs to and what is the real challenge that is facing dying Chinatowns. On a broad stoke, not much academic papers and research were done in L.A. Chinatown, especially targeting the architectural discourse. A large extent of misconceptions were also made towards viewing huiguans and benevolent associations as secret societies associated with criminal activities and Tong Wars since the beginning of last century.

This thesis will contribute to a new perspective of viewing, re-interpreting and re-imagining dying Chinatowns by discussing and questioning the value, essence and authenticity of Chinatowns in contemporary setting. Through different notions and interpretation of Chineseness, the thesis hopes that the definition of a “real” Chinatown in present terms could be defined by readers and ultimately have their own re-interpretation and re-imagination of Chinatown not bounded to the current scope of study and conventional way of viewing a physical ethnic enclave.

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Appendix Reviewe Panels & Reflections

112

Appendix

First Review I divided my project into 3 stages namely research, analysis and assimilation in my first review and presented it to the advisers. I used drawings to convince the advisers that I am already starting my first stage, which is research, by mapping the Chinese Diaspora trend worldwide, in the US, in China and in the Los Angeles County. My intent was to use this as a starting point to look into L.A. Chinatown in details from visualizing the sociological point of view of the Chinese diaspora. However, the advisers were confused and advised I should just focus on the Chinese diaspora in my site, which is L.A. instead of being distracted.

Personally, I feel my direction and drawings are quite clear but my presentation was a bit hard to follow, perhaps it is hard for me to just use 3 minutes (our group just got 3 minutes each) to introduce the complicated background, history of Chinatowns and then focus onto the L.A. part and then to my work focus and etc. Though time is really limited in my point of view, I also admit my inadequacies in time management and failing to present the whole story of it. For example the advisers question why didnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t I put drawings of the plans of L.A. for better discussion of its history as I have wrongly assumed that they have read my proposal and saw the plans attached and thought I should present some new work and start the project instead. I think the advisers and the students are unclear whether the review should serve as an overview introducing the project or should start working and researching on the project, in which I did the latter.

The major problem I received is that my project is too sociological and lacks an architectural question and is unclear on what to produce for the final product. The problem, which is the suburbanization of Chinatowns I presented, was criticized by the advisers that it is a long-lasting sociological phenomenon and that the project seems too ambitious. I got suggestions onto rethinking the way to define what Chinatown is and how to deal with it, for example to rethink the film aspect of it to make it more architectural. I would rank my project 3 at this moment.

113

Second Review I divided my project into 3 stages namely research, analysis and assimilation in my first review and presented it to the advisers. I used drawings to convince the advisers that I am already starting my first stage, which is research, by mapping the Chinese Diaspora trend worldwide, in the US, in China and in the Los Angeles County. My intent was to use this as a starting point to look into L.A. Chinatown in details from visualizing the sociological point of view of the Chinese diaspora. However, the advisers were confused and advised I should just focus on the Chinese diaspora in my site, which is L.A. instead of being distracted.

Personally, I feel my direction and drawings are quite clear but my presentation was a bit hard to follow, perhaps it is hard for me to just use 3 minutes (our group just got 3 minutes each) to introduce the complicated background, history of Chinatowns and then focus onto the L.A. part and then to my work focus and etc. Though time is really limited in my point of view, I also admit my inadequacies in time management and failing to present the whole story of it. For example the advisers question why didnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t I put drawings of the plans of L.A. for better discussion of its history as I have wrongly assumed that they have read my proposal and saw the plans attached and thought I should present some new work and start the project instead. I think the advisers and the students are unclear whether the review should serve as an overview introducing the project or should start working and researching on the project, in which I did the latter.

The major problem I received is that my project is too sociological and lacks an architectural question and is unclear on what to produce for the final product. The problem, which is the suburbanization of Chinatowns I presented, was criticized by the advisers that it is a long-lasting sociological phenomenon and that the project seems too ambitious. I got suggestions onto rethinking the way to define what Chinatown is and how to deal with it, for example to rethink the film aspect of it to make it more architectural. I would rank my project 3 at this moment.

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Appendix

third review For the third review, I have completed stage 2 of my design schedule, which is the analysis stage.

First, I refined all the drawings from stage 1 to fully depict the Chinese diaspora globally, continentally and even locally. I then further mapped out comparison of the 5 Chinatown in L.A. to illustrate the uniqueness of L.A. Chinatown from other cities. The next step was to display problems and current developments the area is experiencing to bring out what is being left in Chinatown now and possible solutions to remain these building typologies, which is benevolent associations. Afterwards, I used drawings and collages to show the history of these associations, groupings, hierarchy, types, mappings and evolution to bring out the differences and similarities in programme and internal layout. From this, I finally illustrated my concept of designing a new building typology by grouping all existing benevolent associations together with commercial uses to create a tower that serves commercial and social purposes in the middle of Chinatown using conceptual diagrams and site strategy mapping.

Critics generally felt it is an interesting topic and site to work with, but suggested me to open up more discussions as to how to view Chinatown instead of jumping to a conclusion as to “save” Chinatown via a new building typology. They appreciated the level of detailed research and analysis that I did and complemented my effort in displaying the whole problem and present situation in such short time. However, critics suggested me that the final product may not necessarily be about designing one single building, but may explore different cultural extractions and meanings of Chinatown to enrich the discussions. They also stressed that I should not aim only to “save” Chinatown, but how to “read” Chinatown and re-imagine and re-represent it is equally important in depicting the cultural continuity of Chinatown.

The only thing that concerns me is that I have already considered these directions and possibilities beforehand but did not continue as I can solve the most fundamental question, why should I still “save” Chinatown when most Chinese has already moved out. To me, my next step is really to dive into the design and think about how different spaces and program interact and work together to function as one tower that agglomerates all the benevolent associations, including those operating bright and dark businesses. While my advisor agreed with me on this direction, I will work on illustrating the process more clearly in the next review so to avoid critics thinking that I jumped into this conclusion way too quickly.

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First Review 18.01.2019

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Appendix

Second Review 15.03.2019

Third Review 17.04.2019

117

Final Review For the final review, I have presented all 4 stages of my design to the critics. I first mapped out the whole Chinese diaspora to depict my interest in the Chinatowns, furthered and focused the discussion onto L.A. Chinatown through comparison of the 5 Chinatowns in the area and its history to illustrate why my project is highly site specific and then displayed problems and current developments that the site is having to bring out my final area of interest and design, which is benevolent associations.

I explained what benevolent associations are and its relation to Chinatowns, its uniqueness and thus brought out my design of a new Chinatown building typology that grouped all existing Tongs with market-rate offices and other programs together to create a tower that encapsulates the existing Chinatown through a very different experience. After explaining all the concepts and designs, I ended my presentation stating my role in the project as a member of the umbrella association, the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Associations of Los Angeles and my thesis significance, aim, question and statement. My project can bring up discussions regarding the value, essence and authenticity of Los Angeles Chinatown in contemporary setting and offer a new cultural re-interpretation of Chinatown in view of its physical socio-cultural decline in the greater host society while retaining Chinatown at is minimal physical setting from its original extensive urban fabric.

Critics generally applauded me of my extensive research and documentations, very clear logic flow and interactive and interesting way of presenting my project. Discussions were made generally towards the decision of me choosing the form of the building as a generic building and the act of putting everything into a box. They discussed with me what chineseness should be and how should we view it â&#x20AC;&#x201C; are ornamentations still important and should be expressed at the exterior of the building as they suggested or should it be concealed into the interior. While they understand it is my decision informed by my interviews and research that I chose the latter, they expressed the concern that I may have missed design opportunities in the translation of ornamentations.

Critics further discussed the expression of identities of individual organizations and is it effective for such configurations to express their individual identity. While I answered it is my intention to have a

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building that looks very generic but internally very Chinese, it stirred up discussions regarding separating versus mixing of programs and generic versus super specific. The Bunker Hill development competition was brought up to aid the discussion. While some critics think my tower is not generic in the wider regional context of Los Angeles, others think that it is neither flexible enough to accommodate all the programs and complexities of the organizations and Chinatown.

To end the discussion, critics further discussed my approach of dealing with such a big topic and extracting key elements to develop in the tower, which they think it is an interesting and rare approach.

The cultural symbolism of the project name, brief and etc were also interesting points that the critics think are worth discussing.

While the complexity of the problems that I dealt with must be acknowledged, I understand that it is really hard to physically condense Chinatown, a place that is physically, architecturally, socially, cultural and even economically and politically significant, into one single building that can satisfy everyone. I have gone through many hardships in reaching my final product and struggled really hard to produce a final outcome that I re-interpret and re-imagine Chinatown. While it is seemingly to be largely a research project, I aim to find a way to view Chinatown differently through a new building typology different from how it is viewed conventionally. I also aimed to condense all my research, documentations, analysis and synthesis into a densely-compacted vertical tower encapsulating Chinatown. Although the final product may not satisfy everyone, I feel honored and proud to research and design something that I am deeply interested in in the architectural discourse. My electives in year 1 semester 1 and 2 have certainly paved way to develop my interest in architectural history, Chinese architecture, Chinatowns and most importantly how do I translate, re-interpret and re-imagine history in contemporary setting. mk east

119

final review panels & photos 美国

SEATTLE 1910 | KING ST. SPOKANE 1883 - 1960S | ALLEYS BETWEEN FRONT AV. & MAIN AV.

TACOMA ?-1885

PORTLAND 1922 | NEAR WILLAMETTE RIVER HELENA LATE 19TH - 1970S BIG TIMBER 1880S-1930S

HEILONGJIANG

JILIN

LIAONING

INNER

XINJIANG

BEIJING

MONGOLIA

TIANJIN

SAN FRANCISCO 1850 | GREAT AV., STOCKTON ST. OAKLAND 1860S | 8TH ST., WEBSTER ST.

HEBEI NINGXIA

SALEM 1890-1920 DEADWOOD 1880S BOSTON 1890 | COMBAT ZONE DETROIT 1889, 1960S | CASS AV. & PETERBORO NEW YORK 1880 | WHITESTONE CHINATOW ROCK SPRINGS 1800-1927 | BRIDGER AV., N ST., RIDGE AV, ELK ST MANHATTAN FLUSHING, QUEENS BROOKLYN BUTTE LATE 19TH - 1940S CHICAGO 1880S | ARMOUR SQUARE CLEVELAND LATE 19TH | ROCKWELL AV., E. 22ND ST. CARSON CITY 1855-1950S PHILADELPHIA MID 19TH | PENN CONVENTION PITTSBURG 1850S-1950S SACRAMENTO 1943 | NEAR SACRAMENTO RIVER ALONG 1ST ST. LOCKE 1915-1990 CENTRE, VINE ST. EXPRESSWAY ROCKVILLE EARLY 20TH-1960S STOCKTON 1906-1960S DENVER 1869-1880 BALTIMORE 1880S-1960S SAN JOSE 1887-1930S | MARKET ST., VINE ST., WOOLEN MILLS, SIXTH ST. WASHINGTON DC 1930S-1997 | NEAR PENN QUATER SALINAS 1880S | NEXT TO EXPOSITION GROUNDS ST LOUIS 1869-1966

EUREKA 1880-1885 | FOURTH & E ST.

SHANXI SHANDONG

QINGHAI GANSU

SHAANXI

HENAN JIANGSU

TIBET SICHUAN

ANHUI

HUBEI CHONGQING

ZHEJIANG HUNAN

JIANGXI

GUIZHOU

YUNNAN

SHANGHAI

VENTURA 1880S | CHINA ALLEY L.A. OLD CHINATOWN 1888-1938 | PRESENT UNION STATION MONTEREY PARK 1977 | S ATLANTIC BUILDING L.A. CHINA CITY 1938-1949 | PRESENT METRO PLAZA ORIGINS OF CHINESE L.A. NEW CHINATOWN 1938 | NEAR DODGER STADIUM MIGRANTS (HUAQIAO) PHOENIX 1870-1940 SAN DIEGO 1870S | MARKET ST., 3RD AV. IN MILLION RICHARDSON 1975 | D-FW CHINATOWN

FUJIAN

GUANGXI

GUANGDONG

TAIWAN

HONG KONG MACAU

HOUSTON 1930S-70S | NEAR GEORGE R. BROWN CONVENTION CENTRE 1983 | BELLAIRE

HAINAN

ORIGINS OF CHINESE MIGRANTS (HUAQIAO) IN MILLION

Place of Origin of Overseas Chinese

>20 10 -20 2 - 10 1-2 0.5 - 1 < 0.5

NEW ORLEANS 1880S-1970S

NUMBER OF CHINESE-BORN IN A METROPOLITAN AREA

POPULATION OF ASIANS IN AMERICA (2010) IN THOUSANDS

< 50,000 50,000 - 100,000 100,001 - 200,000

CHINATOWN DISTRIBUTION IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

> 200,000

>1000 500 - 1000 250 - 500 100 - 250 50 - 100 < 50

The Chine

Mass Chinese emigration that occured since the 19 The major Chinese diaspora started in mid 19th cenutry mainly caused by wars and starvation inMainland China, invasion foreign countires, as well as internal political corruption. Most emigrants were illiterate peasants and manual labourers, who emigrated to work in palces such as thet United States, Europe, Australia, South Africa and SE Asia. In the US, a lot of Chinese especially from the Guangdong and Fujian provinces migrated due to the Gold Rush in 1850s. Among the provinces, Guangdong had historically supplied the largest number of emigrants, about 68% of the total overseas Chinese population at that time, mostly from the seven counties in the Pearl River Delta known as Sze Yup Sam Yup are from the area. The former was the "pre-eminent sending area" of emigrants to North America at that period, making Toishanese a dominant variety of the Chinese language spoken in Chinatowns in Canada and the United States.The overseas Chinese, Huáqiáo not only brought along their language, but also brought imapct to the visual landscape through establishing Chinatowns and Chinese architecture to provide mutual support and aid. Overseas thatworked as workers in railway construction were soon viewed as a threat to the local Americans who were experiencing high employment rate at the time and the Chinese Exclusion Act was passed in 1882 to prohibit further migration. Laws that discriminate Chinese as large were also passed and the repeal of the Act was not fully realized until 1965. The first batch of CHinese first gatherd in large cities such as San Francisco, New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Los Angeles to establish ethnic enclaves and expaned further inland. Today, many urban Chinatowns are becoming visitor centers and tourist spots rather than residential settlements as they once were.

OLD CHINATOWN

CITY MARKET

EAST ADAMS

CHINA CITY

NEW CHINATOWN

1880

1900S

1920S

1938

1938

Large number of Chinese immigrants from the Guangdong province has arrived Los Angeles in view of the Gold Rush. Old Chinatown was developed in 1880 to accomodate the Chinese population. Later, the anti-Chinese sentiment was observed amongst white locals.

The city market is the largest Pre-WWII wholesale produce distribution market operated by the Chinese community serving the whole county. Almost 80% of the produce consumed in LA was grown and distributed by Chinese merchants. Restaurants, groceries, pharmacy and etc were developed in the area.

East Adams was one of the first Chinese American suburbs before San Gabriel Valley emerged due to a lack of residential units in the city center and restrictive housing policy to immigrants. Its primarily residential especially filled with single family house due to the bachelor society.

Developed by social activist Christine Sterling, China City was planned and developed as a tourist spot serving white visitors. Rickshaw rides, movie sets from “The Good Earth” are part of the Chinese countryside themed park that stood for 9 years before it is destroyed by a suspicious fire.

Peter Soohoo was the initiator of New Chinatown, a new Chinese business center serving the Chinese community and operated by Chinese merchants. The area was expanded from the central plaza to western plaza, bamboo plaza and further away in the following decades.

The Chines 1851 to 1 of Transcon ing Los An own bene

SAN GABRIEL VALLEY

LOS ANGELES CHINATOWN history

Los Angeles Chinatown has transformed from only 2 Chinese men to 20,000 Chinese residents over 150 years. The Old Chinatown area that was developed along Alameda Street since 1880s has long been a home to Chinese immigrants for over 50 years until the development of the Union Station, the city’s major supply and increasing number of immigrants, East Adams and City Center was developed as a residential area and commercial wholesale market respectively in early 20th century. In 1938, New Chinatown and China City was planned as a business hub by Dr Peter Soo Hoo, a Chinese-American and as a tourist spot by users. While the latter was destroyed and never rebuilt in 1949, New Chinatown has continued its development till today. Starting from the 70s, however, large number of inhabitants have moved away to San Gabriel Valley due to suburbanization and new Chinatown has since then experienced diminishing importa

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Appendix

华人移民史

一九七零

一八八零

一八五零

WN, N

Arcadia

R

Sacramento Temple City East San Gabriel

South Pasadena

San Francisco

Alhambra

SAN FRANCISCO

Chinatown

San Jose

Monterey Park Rosemead

Monrovia Pasadena

South Pasadena

Chinatown SAN LUIS OBISPO

Los Angeles

KERN

San E. San Marino Gabriel

San Temple City Gabriel Alhambra El Monte RoseMonterey mead S. San Park Gabriel

VENTURA

Baldwin Park

West Covina

Pomona Walnut

San Gab Valley

HaciendaHeights CDP

LOS ANGELES

ORANGE

Rowland Heights

Hacienda Heights

Montebello

SAN BERNARDINO

SANTA BARBA

South San Gabriel

Arcadia

Thousand Oaks

RIVERSIDE

San SAN DIEGODiegoIMPERIAL

Southern California Chinese Diaspora

Diamond Bar

RESIDENTIAL CONCENTRATION OF CHINESE-AMERICANS IN LOS ANGELES COUNTY

% of CHINESE POPULATION IN LA COUNTY (2010) Cerritos Artesia

>40% 30-39% 20-29% 10-19% 5-9%

Palos Verdes Estates Rancho Palos Verdes

1-4% <1%

Los Angeles County Ethnic Chinese Concentration 1850s - 70s Gold Rush Opium War

ese Diaspora

Rowland Heights CDP

1882 Immigration act Yellow Peril

1943 Partial Repel of Immigration Act End of WWII

1965 Full Repel of Immigration Act

1970s Chinese no longer restricted to areas of residing

1980s China Open Door Policy & Speculation

9th century in the United States from Mainland China

se came to California in large numbers during the California Gold Rush, with 40400 being recordedas arriving from 1860. The Central Pacific Railroad further recruited large labor gangs, many on five-year contracts to build its portion ntinental Railroad in 1860s. The population that first settled in San Francisco further spread out to nearby county includngeles, San Diego. Various size of Chinatown were created by the agglomeration of overseas Chinese to protect their efits in view of the hostile attitude of local Americans and to provide mutual suppor to one another in the foreign land.

The 1970s marked an age where a large amount of Chinese who originally stayed in Chinatown or newly migrated from mainland China or other areas migrated to nearby suburbs called the ethnoburbs after the repeal of the Chinese Exclusion Act and relaxation of laws constraining Chinese to reside in restricted areas. Gathered around San Gabriel Valley, the community began to expand at its full strength due to vast supply of land, developed infrastructure and socail support. Today, only a small amount of the Chinese population remains in downtown Chinatown with most being elderly and low income new imigrants.

洛杉矶唐人街之历史及变迁

NEW CHINATOWN NOW

Overseas that first arrived Los Angeles developed the original Old Chinatown in late 19th century. A large population resided in the downtown area which is where the Union Station situated today. It grew to approximately 15 streets and alleys containing some 200 buildings that are generic and not ornamented including a Chinese Opera theatre, temples and etc. The Chinatown began to decline in 1910s due to shrink in population caused by the Exclusion Act and residents were evicted to make room for the Union Station with plans for relocation. 2 Chinatowns were then proposed to relocate the Chinese and their business in 1938.

NOW Since suburbanization that happened in the 70s, the New Chinatown has shrunk largely in size and experienced dramatic demographic shifts. Now, majority of the population has been replaced by blacks and Latinos while others have moved to San Gabriel Valley.

r ground-transportation center. Due to limited land Christine Sterling, a Caucasian targeting different ance to the local Chinese-American community.

121

3

Social Place / Organizations Benevolent Associations Associations - Umbrella Asso Associations - by Locality Associations - by Surname Associations - Commerce

4

Associations - Tongs

2 7 14

洛杉矶唐人街历史及现况

7

Chinatown Now New Chinatown China City Old Chinatown

City Market

$

East Adams

New Immigrations agglomeration

1880s Old Chinatown

1900s City Market

1920s East Adams

Recreational Hub

Central Plaza, CCBA, Major Asso

Markets & Shopping

1938 China City

1938 New Chinatown

$

SITE

New Development Hub

Present LA Chinatown

$

LOS ANGELES CHINATOWN history The History of the 5 Chinatowns The 5 Chinatowns were located in different areas and developed very differently in Los Angeles Downtown characterized by thier nature. Old Chinatown being the earliest to emerge is a purely residential ethnic enclave for newly arrived Chinese immigrants to reside and offer mutual help. It was located at the heard of downtown where the present Union Station situated and where Little Italy was. Least amount of Chinese ornamentations were found and their settlement pattern was mostly linear with a large majority being tenants. Due to the huge population, people soon moved to East Adams in 1920s also mainly as a residential squad quite far away from downtown benealth little Tokyo. It was believed to be the first “suburb” in LA where Chinese still remained as tenants due to limitations caused by the federal laws. As business grew, city market, China City and New Chinatown was developed in 1900s and 1930s respectively to cater for Chinese merchants and businessman. While the former successfully developed into a wholesale market while Chinese owners start to own their business and land, both the later were in competition upon demolition of Old Chinatown and developed as a tourist spot and commercial center respectively.The later were located at the present Chinatown and remained a focal point for oversea Chinese for a long time.

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Kim Sing Theatre 2 Stories Coffee Shop, Restaurant

Velvet Turtle Lot 7 Stories Resi-Commerical

Studio Gang Tower 26 Stories Resi-Commerical

Bunker Heights 6 Stories Residential

Los Angeles Civic Center To be redeveloped in 6 phrases by govt 2017 - 2032

New High Rise Residential By individual developers Present

Capitol Milling College Station Company 7 Stories 6 Stories Resi-Commercial Microbrewery, restaurant, office

211 Alpine Street 7 stories Resi-Commercial

洛杉矶唐人街现时及未来发展蓝图

Yale & Ord

by Govt Street Park

Elysian Park Lofts 14 stories Resi-Commercial

Harmony 27 Stories Res- Commerical

Proposed Commercial- Residential Complex By individual developers Present - ?

Redevelopment of L.A. State Historic Park

By Government Recently completed (2018)

L.A. chinatown development plans Recent & Planned Developments in 50 Years Time According to the Los Angeles City Council and Curbed LA, the whole Los Angeles Downtown area will undergo treamondous redeveopment and remake spanning across 20 to 50 years time from now. The Civic Center District tops the agenda by nailing down a redevelopment master plan that includes 6 phrases spanning from 2017 to 2032. Recent completion of the SOM-designed Los Angeles U.S. DIstrict Courthouse and the forthcoming First and Broadway park by Mia Lehrer + Associates and OMA marked the embarment of the master plan. The plan aims to convert the purpose-built bureaucratic and administrative quarter into a “Civic Innovation District”and establish City Hall as the visual and conceptual locus for an area that would stitch together the nearby neighborhoods and the Chinatown area. The current Chinatown is now also seeing a surge in interest from developers including high reise commerical and residential projects that will fill in vacant lots and redevelop old, torn down buildings.The lots near the LA State Historic Park is one of the area of focus.

123

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概念之垂直进化图

the vertical evolution Conceptual Diagram showing the Vertical Evolution and History of Benevolent Associations & Tongs This conceptual diagram is based on Charles Jencks’s Theory of Evolution diagram published in 2000. Instead of arranged horizontally, the diagram was arranged in a vertical manner, with the bottom black and white part indicating the past and the top colored part indicating the present. The diagram was created in reference to the 5 categories of benevolent associations present in Los Angeles, namely (from left to right) social activities, Tongs, clans, locality and the CCBA (situated in the middle). From bottom to top, different time periods, for example from 1880 to early 20th century, the post-war period, the cold war period and etc divided up different time zones. CCBA situated in the center remains the largest and most prominent portion as it oversees all associations. Other categories have varied widths and portions depending on their dominating period. Taking Tongs as an example, they first appeared in large numbers in 1870s but did not reappear until 1970s. As they are being transformed to trade unions and are diminishing in recent years, there are no Tongs present towards the top. In fact, it is quite obvious that only a relatively small amount of associations remained today, mostly those offering social activities and those based on place of origins outside Guangdong Province.

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127

128

Appendix

129

Reminiscence of Los Angeles Chinatown

Super Tong

130

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Final Review

w 03.06.2019 131

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