مجلة تفكر المجلد(5) العدد(1)

‫ﺗَﻔﻜﱡــﺮ‬ (1)

( 1424/ 2003)

‫א‬

(5) ‫اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺪ‬

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I

‫א‬ ‫" ﺗﻔﻜﱡﺮ" ﳎﻠﺔ ﳏﻜﻤﺔ ﻧﺼﻒ ﺳﻨﻮﻳﺔ ﺗﺼﺪﺭ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻌﻬﺪ ﺇﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ )ﺇﻣﺎﻡ( ﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﳉﺰﻳﺮﺓ‬ ‫)ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺩﺍﻥ( ﻭ ﺘﻢ ﺑﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺇﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻨ ﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘ ﺒﻴﻘﻴﺔ ‪.‬ﺗﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﺍ ﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻵﺗﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻲ ﻭﻋﻠﻮﻣﻪ ﺍﻟ ﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﺍ ﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟ ﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﺍﻟ ﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﺮﰲ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﱐ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ ﺃﻭﺭﺍ ﻟﻠﻨﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳌﺮﺍﺟﻌﺎﺕ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺮﺟﻰ ﻣﻦ ﲨﻴ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺘﻘﺪﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺄ ﺎﺛﻬﻢ ﺇ ﺍ ﻠﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎ ﺍﻵﺗﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﻳﻬﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺤ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺪﻣﺔ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﰲ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‬‫ﺃﻥ ﻳﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺤ ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﺇ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﻭ ‪.‬‬ ‫‬‫ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﺎﺳ ﺍﻟﺒﺤ ﻭﺃﺳﻠﻮﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮ ‪.‬‬ ‫‬‫ﻳﺸﺘﺮ ﺍ ﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻭﺷﺮﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺤ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ‪.‬‬ ‫‬‫ﻳﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺔ ﺃﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻵﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺮﻳﺞ ﺍﻷﺣﺎﺩﻳ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺃﺻﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺤ ‪.‬‬ ‫‬‫ﲨﻴ ﺍﳊﻠﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺎﳉﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻴﺔ ﻋﺪﺍ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺩ ﺕ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺗﺮﻓﻖ ﻛﻤﻠﺤﻖ ﻣﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫‬‫ﺃﺻﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺤ ) ﻳﻨﺸﺮ( ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻭﺿ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﰲ ﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤ ‪.‬‬ ‫‬‫ﻳﺮﺳﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺤ ﻣ ﺒﻮﻋﺎ ﰲ ﻧﺴ ﺔ ﻭﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﳏﻔﻮ ﺎ ﰲ ﻗﺮﺹ ﻛﻤﺒﻴﻮﺗﺮ )ﻧ ﺎﻡ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ 98‬ﺃﻭ‬ ‫‬‫‪ 2000‬ﺃﻭ ﺃ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺃﺧﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺇ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ 98‬ﺃﻭ ‪. (2000‬‬ ‫ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤ ﻗﺪ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﰲ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﺧﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‬‫ﻳﻜﺘ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣ ﻭﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﱪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍ ﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﱐ ﻭﺭﻗﻢ ﻫﺎﺗﻔﻪ ﻭﻓﺎﻛﺴﻪ ﰲ ﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‬ ‫‬‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺤ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳏﻜﻤﲔ ﺘﺎﺭﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻭﻟﻠﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﳊﻖ ﰲ ﺇﺟﺮﺍ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻼﺕ‬ ‫‬‫ﲢﺮﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﺲ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺤ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﲢﺠ ﺍ ﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺇﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺤ ﺇ ﺍ ﻜﻤﲔ ﻭﻛﺬﻟ ﺃ ﺎ ﺍ ﻜﻤﲔ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫‬‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣ ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮ ﻷﺻﺤﺎ ﺎ ﻗﺒﻠ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﺃﻡ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤ ﻋﻦ ﺲ ﻭﺛﻼﺛﲔ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ )ﺣﺠﻢ ‪ (A4‬ﻭﺗﺮﻓﻖ‬ ‫‬‫ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻣﻨﻔﺼﻠﺔ ﻟﻪ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺎﺋ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴ ﺍﻷ ﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻠﺔ ﻳﺄ ﺣﺴ ﺍﳌﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍ ﺪﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ‪.‬‬ ‫‬‫ﻨ ﺍ ﻴﺌﺔ ﺻﺎﺣ ﺍﻟﺒﺤ ﺍ ﻜﻢ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺄﺓ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬

‫‪II‬‬

‫א‬ ‫ﻜ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﺭﻴﺭ‬

‫‪2-1‬‬

‫ﻣﻠﻒ اﻝﻮﺣﻲ وﻋﻠﻮﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪‬‬

‫ﺍﻟ‬

‫*‬

‫‪‬‬

‫‪‬‬

‫ﺭﻴ ﺍﻟ ﻡ‪ ‬‬ ‫‪ .‬ﺠﻤﺎل ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺸﺭﻴﻑ‬ ‫‪‬‬

‫ﻤﻠﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‬ ‫‪*‬ﺍﻟ ﺭﻴ ﻴ ﺍﻟ‬ ‫‪‬‬ ‫‪‬‬

‫‪‬‬ ‫‪‬‬

‫‪‬‬

‫ﺎ‬

‫ﻤﻠﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ‬ ‫‪ *‬ﺍﻟ ﻟ‬ ‫‪ ‬‬ ‫‪‬‬ ‫‪‬‬

‫ﻴ‬ ‫ﺎ ﻘ‬

‫‪.‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻭﺭﻱ‬

‫ﻴ‬

‫ﺎﻴ ﺍﻟ ﺎﺭﻴ‬

‫ﺭ‬

‫ﺩ‪ .‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﺃﺒﻭﺸﻭﻙ‬

‫ﻣﻠﻒ ﺗﻘﺎرﻳﺮ وﻣﺮاﺟﻌﺎت‬

‫* ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍ‬

‫ﺎ ‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ﺎ ﺍﻟ ﻜ‬

‫– ﺍﻟ‬

‫‪58-3‬‬

‫"ﺍ ﻴ " ‪ ‬‬

‫‪82 -59‬‬

‫ﺍﻡ ﺍﻟ‬

‫‪126 -83‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭ ﺍﻟ ﺭﻴ ‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ﻡ‬ ‫ﺎ ‪ -‬ﺍ ﺎ ﺍﻟ ﻘ ﻴ ‪ ‬‬

‫ﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﱠﻌﻴﻡ‬

‫ﺎﺭﺍ ‪ ‬‬

‫‪162-127‬‬

‫اﻟﻘﺴﻢ اﻹﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰي‬

‫ﻣﻠﻒ اﻝﺘﺮاث اﻝﻤﻌﺮﻓﻲ اﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ‬‬

‫‪th‬‬

‫‪*Ibn al-Haytham 11 century test of Visual Illusions‬‬ ‫‪D.Omar Khaleefa‬‬ ‫‪1-30‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻒ وراﻗﻴــــــــــــــﺎت‪ ‬‬ ‫‪* Bibliography : Islamic Studies‬‬ ‫‪Ala -Addin Hassan Dbdel-Bagi‬‬ ‫‪31-60 ‬‬ ‫‪‬‬ ‫‪‬‬ ‫‪ ‬‬

‫‪‬‬

‫‪IV‬‬

‫ﻣﻌﻬﺪ إﺱﻼم اﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ )إﻣﺎم(‬ ‫ﺃﻨﺸ ﻓﻲ ﻴﻨﺎﻴﺭ ‪1991‬ﻡ ﺒﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﻟﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﻟﻸﺒﺤﺎﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺇﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍ‬

‫ﺍ ‪-:‬‬

‫* ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻊ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍﺀﺘﻴﻥ )ﺍﻟﻭﺤﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻭﻥ(‪.‬‬ ‫* ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺄﺼﻴل ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﻭﺭﺒﻁ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺒﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺤﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﺭﻴﻡ ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﺼﺭ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺩﻴﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻨﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﻤﻨﺎﻫ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﺩﺭﺱ ﻟﻠﻁﻼﺏ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻫ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻌﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﺩﺍﻨﻲ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺤﻠﻭل‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻤﺔ ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﻴﻜ ﺍ ﺍﺭﻱ ‪:‬‬

‫‪-1‬ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻴﺩ ) ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺇﻤﺎﻡ (‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻴﺔ ) ﺸﺌﻭﻥ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺸﺌﻭﻥ ﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ (‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻫ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺭﺍﻤ ) ﻗﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻭﺙ ‪ ،‬ﻗﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻫ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﺍﻤ (‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ) ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﻭﻗﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺸﻴﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺨﻼﺹ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺼﻐﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﻤﻴﺔ (‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻘ ﻡ ﺍﻟ ﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ اﻝﻨﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺃ‪ .‬ﺠﻤﺎل ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺸﺭﻴﻑ‬

‫اﻝﺘﻔﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻴﻦ اﻝﺰوﺟﻴﻦ ﻗﻀﺎ ًء‬ ‫ﻹﺻﺎﺑﺔ أﺣﺪهﻤﺎ ﺑﻨﻘﺺ اﻝﻤﻨﺎﻋﺔ اﻝﻤﻜﺘﺴﺐ "اﻷﻳﺪز"‬ ‫ﺃ‪.‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻭﺭﻱ‬

‫اﻝﻌﻮﻝﻤﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ أﻃﺮوﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ اﻝﺘﺎرﻳﺦ وﺻﺪام اﻝﺤﻀﺎرات‬ ‫ﺩ‪.‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﺃﺒﻭ ﺸﻭﻙ‬

‫ﻗﺮاءة ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ اﻝﻌﻠﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻝﻘﺮن اﻝﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻝ – ﺍﳊﺼﺎﺩ – ﺍﻵﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﱠﻌﻴﻡ‬

Engllish Section  *Ibn al-Haytham 11th century test of Visual Illusions D.Omar Khaleefa

* Bibliography : Islamic Studies Ala -Addin Hassan Dbdel-Bagi



‫آﻠﻤﺔ اﻝﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﻅﻴﻔﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻡ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﻜﺭﻴﻥ ﻴﺘﻤﺜﱠل ﻓﻲ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﻗﺩﺭﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤل ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻭﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺘﻘﺎل ﺒﻬﺎ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻷﻓﻀل ؛ ﻓﻼ ﺃﺤﺩ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ – ﺇﺫﻥ – ﺃﻥ ﻴﻨﻜﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻅﺭ ﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﻭﻅﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻴﻼﺤﻅ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺭ ﺃ ّ‬

‫ﺍﻨﻌﺯﺍل ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺘﺭﻓﱡﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺎِﻟﻡ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻷﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻨﻴﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺨﺭﻭﻴﺔ ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻻ ﻴﺨﺩﻡ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻷﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻨﻴﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺨﺭﻭﻴﺔ ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻼﻋﻠﻡ ﻫﻭ ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﺵ؛ ﺃﻱ ﺃﻨﹼﻬﺎ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺒﻼ ﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻔﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﻠﻭﻁ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻐﺸﻭﺵ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺅﻭل ﺍﻵﻥ ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﺤﻴﺎﻩ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻤﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﱠﻑ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻤﺔ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻨﻌﺯﻟﻭﺍ ﻋﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺸﺎﺭﻜﻭﺍ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺇّ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻤﺔ ﺒﺄﺘﺭﺍﺤﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﻓﺭﺍﺤﻬﺎ ﻭﺠﺎﻫﺩﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﷲ ﺤﻕ ﺠﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺒﺎﻟﻘﻠﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﱢﺴـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﱢﻨﺎﻥ؛ ﻭﺨﻴﺭ ﻤﺜﺎل ﻟﻬﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺸﻴﺦ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﺒﻥ ﺘﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻫﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻋﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺤﺩ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻋﺼﺭﻩ ﻋﻜﻭﻓﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻟـﺫﻱ‬

‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺤﺼﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺔ ﻭﺜﻐﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻬﺩّﺩﺓ ﺒﺨﻴل ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻓـﻲ ﻗﺼـﻴﺩﺓ ﻁﻭﻴﻠـﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﻁﻠﻌﻬﺎ ‪:‬‬

‫ﻴﺎ ﻋﺎﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻤﻴﻥ ﻟﻭ ﺃﺒﺼﺭﺘﻨﺎ‬

‫ﻟﻌﻠﻤﺕ ﺃﻨﹼﻙ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﺒﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﻠﻌﺏ‬

‫ﻭﻻ ﻨﺭﻴﺩ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻘﻭل ﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻤﺔ ﺍﻨﻔـﺭﻭﺍ ﺠﻤﻴﻌـﹰﺎ ﻟﺴـﺎﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﻭﻏﻰ ﻓـﻲ‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻐﻭﺭ ﻤﻬﺩﺩﺓ ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﱢﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﻕ ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻁﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﱡﻭﺩﺍﻥ ﻷ ّ‬

‫ﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻓﻌل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﻌﻠﻴﻪ ﺘﺴﺨﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻤـﻪ ﻟﺨﺩﻤـﺔ‬ ‫ﻨﺭﻴﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻘﻭل ‪ :‬ﺃ ّ‬

‫ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺃﻤﺘﻪ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻭﺍﺯل ؛ ﻭﻤﻥ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻊ ﻓﻌل ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻓﻌﻠﻴﻪ‬

‫ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﻴﺸﻐل ﺍﻷﻤﺔ ﺒﺴﻔﺎﺴﻑ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﻭﻴﻠﻬﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﻋﺩﻭﻫﺎ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋـﺩﻭﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﻻ‬ ‫ﺘﺨﻁﺌﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺨﻼﺼﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﺃﻨﹼﻪ ﻻ ﺨﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﻋﺎِﻟﻡ ﻻ ﺘﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩ ﺍﻷﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻪ ﻓﻲ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺃﺨﻁﺎﺀ ﻤﺎﻀﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﺼـﻭﻴﺏ ﻭﺠﻬﺘﻬـﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﺸـﺭﺍﻓﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻜﺭﻴﻡ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ ﻴﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﺍﻷﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﺠﻤﺎل ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺸﺭﻴﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻠﻑ ﺍﻟﻭﺤﻲ ﻋـﻥ‬

‫ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺒﻠﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻠﻑ‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻭﺭﻱ ﻴﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻋﻥ ﻗﻀـﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻬﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻟﻁﻼﻕ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﺍﺽ ﻻ ﺴﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﻴﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺜﱢﺭ ﺴﻠﺒﹰﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻤﺴـﺘﻘﺒل‬

‫ﺍﻷﻤﺔ ﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻬﺎ ﺒﻜﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩﻫﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﻠﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﻴﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﺃﺒﻭ ﺸﻭﻙ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤـﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬

‫ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻭﺼﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻑ ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﻠﻑ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻹﺴـﻼﻤﻲ‬

‫ﻨﺤﺭﺹ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻬﻤﺎ ﺒﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻨﺭﺠﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ "ﺘﻔﻜﱡﺭ" ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﺭﺸﻴﺩ ﺤﺭﻜﺘﻪ ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﻤﺸﻜﻼﺘﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺃﻥ ﺘﺴﺘﻌﻴﺩ ﺍﻷﻤﺔ ﻋﺎﻓﻴﺘﻬـﺎ ﻓﺘﻜـﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻤـﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺨﻴﱢﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺘﻤﻴﱢﺯﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺎﻫﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪.‬‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﻥ ﻴﻨـﺎﻗﺵ ﻤﻭﻀـﻭﻋﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﻠﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﺈ ّ‬

‫ﻤﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺘﺄﺘﻲ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺘﻪ ﻟﻤﺭﺩﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋـل‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺴﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﺍﺀ‪.‬‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﻋﻤﺭ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺘﺤﺩّﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻠﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺴﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﻠﻴﺯﻱ ﻓﺈ ّ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻋﻥ ﺍﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺜﻡ ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺘﻪ ﺍﻷﺼﻴﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻹﺒﺼﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻲ "ﺴﺎﻴﻜﻭ ﻓﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻹﺒﺼﺎﺭ" ﻭﻜﺘﺏ ﻋﻼﺀ ﺍﻟﺩﱢﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﻥ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻗﻲ ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻭﺭﺍﻗﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬

‫ﻨﺴﺄل ﺍﷲ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻨﺘﻔﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﹼﺎﺱ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻴﺜﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻜﺘﺒﻭﺍ ﺨﻴﺭﹰﺍ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭ ﺩﻋﻭﺍﻨـﺎ‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺩ ﷲ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃّ‬

‫א‬

‫ﻧﻈـﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﻨﻈـﻢ‬ ‫‪.‬‬

‫ﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﻴ‬

‫ﺭﻴ‬

‫*‬

‫ﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻨﻲ ﻭﻻ ﻤﻥ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ – ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻜﺎﺜﺭ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﻌﺩﱡﺩﻫﺎ – ﻗﺩ ﺒﻠﻐﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﱡﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﱠﻤﻴﱢﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﱢﻗﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻠﻐﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺼﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻵﻓﺎﻕ ﻋﺎل ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﺔ ؛ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺫﺍﻙ ﺇﻻ ّ‬ ‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻗﺩ ﻜﺸﻔﺕ‪ -‬ﻭﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺴﺒﻕ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻤﺜﻴل – ﻋﻥ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﱢﻱ ﻭﺃﺒﺎﻨـﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺘﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺒﻪ ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ؛ ﻤﺅﺴﱢﺴﺔ ﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﺅﻁﱢﺭ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭ ؛ ﻓﺘﺭﺒﻁ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﺌﻴﺎﺕ ﺒﻨﻅﺎﺌﺭﻫﺎ ﻟﺘﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻴـﺔ ﻭﺘﻨﺴـﺠﻡ‬ ‫ﺠﺯﻴﺌﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺩﻗﺎﺌﻘﻬﺎ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻌل ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻨﺢ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻗﺩﺭﹰﺍ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻜﺸﱠﻔـﺕ‬ ‫ ﺒﺎﻨﻜﺸﺎﻑ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ – ﺃﺴﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻭﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻪ ﻭﺩﻗﺎﺌﻕ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻴـﻪ ﻭﺠﻤﺎﻟﻴـﺎﺕ‬‫ﻨﻅﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺌﻊ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﻤﻔﺼﻠﺔ ؛ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺤﺘﺠﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻜﻤﺎﻤﻬﺎ ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ – ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ – ﻓﻼ ﻏﺭﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﺘﺏ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﻤﺎ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﺘﺏ ﻟﺴﻭﺍﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻀﻤﺎﺭ ؛ ﺇﺫ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻓﺘﺤـﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻭﺃﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺒﻜﺭﹰﺍ ؛ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﻭﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻬﺎ ﻴـﺭﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺠﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻓﻴﺼﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺭﻱ ﻭﻻ ﻁﺎﺌل‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻜﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺼﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻔﺭﱢﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻼﺤﻡ ﻗﺩ ﻜﺎﻨـﺕ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻻ ﺸﻙ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺃﻅﻬﺭ ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻭﺃﻭﻀﺢ ﺴﻤﺎﺘﻪ؛ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﺎ ﺴﻤﻲ ﻗﺭﺁﻨﹰﺎ ﺇﻻ ﻟﺴـﺒﺏ ﻤﻌـﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺭﺽ ﻤﺨﺼﻭﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺩﻻﻟﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻀﻡ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺌﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﺘـﺄﻟﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻤﻴﱢـﺯ ؛‬ ‫*‬

‫ﻤﺤﺎﻀﺭ ﺒﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺇﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ – ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ‪.‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﻓـﻲ ﻫـﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻋﻥ ﺠﻤﻌﻪ ﻟﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﻭﺨﻼﺼﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ؛ ﺇﻻ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻓﻀ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻀﻤﺎﺭ ﻗﺩ ﻤﺭﱡﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻭﻫﻡ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻌﺭﻀﻭﻥ ؛ ﻭﻨﻅـﺭﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻋﻠﻴـﻪ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻭﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻤـﺩﻟﻭ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ – ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺇﻟﻬﻴﹰﺎ ﺃﻡ ﺒﺸﺭﻴﹰﺎ – ﻓﻠﻤﺎ ﺃﻟﻔﻭﻩ ﻟﻔﻅﹰﺎ ﺩﺍ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻟﻭﺍ ﻜل ﺍﻟﻤﻴل ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺤﺩﻫﻤﺎ ﻓﺎﻗﺘﺼﺭﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴـﻪ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻵﺨـﺭ ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﻭ ﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺒﻴﻨﻭﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺠﻤﺎﻟﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﻭﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺩﻗﺎﺌﻘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺇﻋﺠـﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻻ ﺒﻨﻭﺍ – ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺨﺭ ‪ -‬ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﻨﻬﺽ ﺩﻟﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻴﺯﻩ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ ؛ ﺇﺫ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﺠﻨﺤﻭﺍ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺼﺭﻭﺍ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﻟﻬﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﻗﺔ – ﺃﻥ ﺴﺎﻭﻭﺍ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻩ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﻭﻴﺔ؛ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺒﱡﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻔﺭﱡﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺒﺄﻤﺭ ﺯﺍﺌﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻁﹰﺎ ﻟﻪ ﻋﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺠـﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺒﻴﱢﻨﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻴﻤﻥ ﻭﺤ ﹼ‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺘﻘﻠﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﺠﻨﺤﻭﺍ ﻟﻠﻔﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺨﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻔﺭﱢﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﻀﻌﻪ ﺍﷲ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﻼ ؛ ﺇﺫ ﺭﻀﻭﺍ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻌﺯﻟﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻹﻟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺯﻻﺕ ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﻘﻠﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻁﻤﺄﻨﻭﺍ ﺒﺎﻷﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺴﻠﺨﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻨﻲ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺴـﺎﻭﻭﺍ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﻤﻔـﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻭﺴﺎﺌﺭ ﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻲ ؛ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺯﺍل ﺸﺄﻨﻬﻡ ﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻓﻀﻠﻭﺍ ﺒﻌـﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻭﺠﻌﻠﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﻀل ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻨﻬﺎ ؛ ﻭﺫﻟـﻙ‬ ‫ﺒﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺴﻘﻴﻤﺔ ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﻜﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﺃﻓﻀﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺠﻤﻠﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺯﺍﺀ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﻹﻓﺭﺍﻁ ﻭﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻁ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﻭﺠﻬﻪ ﺃﻨﺼﺎﺭﻩ ﻻ ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺌ ﺒﺸﻲﺀ ﻤﻘﺒﻭل‪ ،‬ﺘﺤﻴﺭ ﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻭﺼﻔﻭﺍ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﻠﻴل ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﺃﺩﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺤﺭ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻜﻪ ﻭﺃﻫﻭل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭ ﺘﺴﺘﺤﻴل ﺍﻹﺤﺎﻁﺔ ﺒﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ – ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻋﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺴﺎﻟﻙ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﺘﺸﻌﺏ ﻁﺭﺍﺌﻘـﻪ ﻭﺘﻌﺜﱡـﺭ‬ ‫ﺇﻻ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻓﻴﻪ – ﻅل ﻴﺘﻠﻤﺱ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺌﻙ ﺒﺭﺅﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻌﺒﻘﺭﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺫﺓ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﻜﺸﱠﻔﺕ ﻟﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺍﺭ ﺠﻼﺌﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺩﻗﺎﺌﻘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻜـﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺭﺤﻤـﻪ‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‪ -‬ﻴﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻻﺒﺩ ﻟﺘﻤﻴﱡﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻭﺘﻔﺭﱡﺩﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺴﺒﺏ ﻤﻌﻘﻭل ﻴﺭﺩ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻭﻋﻠـﺔ ﻤﻨﻀـﺒﻁﺔ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻴﻘﺒل – ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻀﺒﻁﺔ – ﻭﺼﻔﹰﺎ ﻤﺠﻤـ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻼ ؛ ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺸﺄﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻗﹼﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻤﺭﺴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻗﻭ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﻌﺩ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺩﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺤﻴﻨﺌﺫ ﻭﺘﻨﻬﺽ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﱢﻥ ﻟﻠﻔﻜـﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨـﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﻭﻻ ﺸﻙ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻫـﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺇﻻ ﻤﺤﺠﻭﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﻜﻨﻭﻨﹰﺎ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﻅﻬﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻴﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻌﻠـﻭﻡ ﺃ ﱢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻅﻬﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻷﺼل ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﻠﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺒﻴﺎﻨﻪ ﻤـﻥ ﺠﻬـﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻴﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻤﻊ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻜﻪ ﻭﻤﻌﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺨﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﺒﻜﺎﻓـﺔ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩﻫـﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﻻ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ‬ ‫ﻭﺠﻤﺎﻟﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﻻ ﺃﺩﻟﺔ ﻟﻪ ﻭﻤﺼﺭﻓﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻜﻤﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻨﺴﻠﺨﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻭﻤﻨﻌﺯﻟﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ؛ ﺇﺫ ﻻ ﻴﺘﺤﻘـﻕ ﻫـﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻁﻼﻕ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﻭﺸـﺎﺌ ﻤﻌﻘـﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺍﺒﻁ ﻤﺨﺼﻭﺼﺔ؛ ﻓﺘﺼﻴﺭ ﺤﻴﻨﺌﺫ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺸـﻜﱢل ﻓﻜـﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻫﻭ ﺠﻭﻫﺭ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺫﻫﺏ ﺼﺎﺤﺒﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ‪ :‬ﻻ ﻓﻀـل ﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺒﺤﺴﺏ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺭﻜﻴﺏ؛ ﻭﺒﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺼﺩ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺅﻤـﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﻠﻡ ﻭﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻤﻴﱢﺯﺓ ﻗﺩ ﻜﺸﻔﺕ ﻋﻥ ﺠﻤﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺌﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺒﺎﻨﺕ ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻷﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﺍﻹﻟﻬﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻔﺭﱢﺩ ﻭﺘﻭﻟﺕ ﺇﻴﻀﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺸـﺎﺒﻜﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺹ ﻭﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩﻩ ﻭﻭﻀﺤﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺒﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅﻴﺔ ﻟﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺨﺭ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺜﻴﻕ ﻭﻓﻀل ﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻫﺘﻤـﺕ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻌـﺎﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻀﺎﻤﻴﻥ؛ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺴﻌﻰ‪ -‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻭل= ﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻹﻟﻬﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻤﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﻠﻭﺏ؛ ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻋـﺩ ﺍﻹﻤـﺎﻡ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺯﻤﺨﺸﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺴﺭ ﺍﻹﻟﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻭﻤﺭﺍﻋﺎﺘﻬـﺎ‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻴﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭ ﻭﻴﻤﻜﱢﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺭﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻴﻬﻴ‬ ‫ﻭﻤﺎ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺇﻻ ﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻨﺎﻅﺭ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﻤﺴﺎﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻭﺸﻌﺎﺒﻪ ﻭﺃﺴﺭﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﺨﻔﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻥ – ﻜﻤﺎ ﺫﻜﺭ ﺍﻟﺯﻤﺨﺸﺭﻱ – ﻫﻤﺎ ﺃﺼل ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻫﻭ ﺃﺼل ﻫﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺅﻁﺭﻫﻤﺎ ﻭﻴﻀﺒﻁﻬﻤﺎ ﻭﻴﺒـﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻋﻨـﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻭ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻫﺩ ﻭﺘﻨﺼﺏ ﺍﻟﺩﻟﻴل ﻭﺘﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻟﻨﻅـﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ‪":‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﺒﺎﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺃﻨﺕ ﻓﺘﺤﺘﻪ ﺍﻁﻠﻌﺕ ﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻭﺍﺌﺩ ﺠﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺸﺭﻴﻔﺔ ﻭﺭﺃﻴﺕ ﻟﻪ ﺃﺜﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻋﻅﻴﻤﹰﺎ ﻭﻓﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﺠﺴﻴﻤﺔ؛ ﻭﻭﺠﺩﺘﻪ ﺴﺒﺒﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺴﻡ ﻜﺜﻴـﺭ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﻭﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺯﻴل ﻭﺇﺼﻼ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﻠل ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﺄﻭﻴل ؛ ﻭﺇﻨـﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺅﻤﻨﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻐﺎﻟﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻭﺍﻙ ﻭﺘﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻐﺯﺍﻙ")‪.(3‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ﺭﻴ‬

‫ﻴ ﺍﻟ ﺭ ﺎ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻭ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻬﻭﺭ ﻤﺠﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺃﺒﻭ ﺒﻜﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﻫﺭ ﺒـﻥ ﻋﺒـﺩ ﺍﻟـﺭﺤﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﺕ‪471‬ﻫـ ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻤﻴﺯﻴﻥ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﻜﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺒـﺎﺭﺯﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﺘﻘﺘﻔﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺁﺜﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﻭﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺨﻁﻭﺍﺘﻬﻡ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗـﺩ ﺒـﺭﻉ‬

‫)‪ (1‬ﺍﻟﺯﻤﺨﺸﺭﻱ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻜﺸﺎﻑ ‪.302/3‬‬ ‫)‪ (2‬ﻋﺩ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺯﻤﺨﺸﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺃﺼل ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺫﻫـﺏ ﺇﻟـﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴـﻴﺭ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻌﻪ "ﺇﻻ ﺭﺠل ﺒﺭﻉ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻤﺨﺘﺼﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻭﻫﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺘﻤﻬل ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺘﻴﺎﺩﻫﻤﺎ ﺁﻭﻨﺔ ﻭﺘﻌﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺭ ﻋﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺃﺯﻤﻨﺔ ﻭﺒﻌﺜﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﻤﻅﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﻟﻁﺎﺌﻑ‬ ‫ﺤﺠﺔ ﺍﷲ ﻭﺤﺭﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻴﻀﺎ ﻤﻌﺠﺯﺓ ﺭﺴﻭل ﺍﷲ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺁﺨﺫ ﻤﻥ ﺴﺎﺌﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺤﻅﹰﺎ "‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺸﺎﻑ‬ ‫)‪ (3‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ‪ :‬ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺸـﺎﻜﺭ‪ ،‬ﻁ‪ ،2‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒـﺔ ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﻫﺭﺓ‬ ‫‪1992‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.41‬‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﺫ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺘﺒﺤﺭ ﻓﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺴﻁﻊ ﻨﺠﻤﻪ ﻭﻋﻠﺕ ﻤﻨﺯﻟﺘﻪ ﻭﻋﺩﱢ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺌﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻜﺎﺒﺭ‬

‫؛ ﻓﺒﻠ ﺼﺩﺍﻩ ﺍﻵﻓﺎﻕ‪.‬‬

‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ – ﺭﺤﻤﻪ ﺍﷲ – ﺸﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻨﺎﺀ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻔﺎﺀ ﺒـﻪ؛ ﻭﺫﻟـﻙ ﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ – ﻋﻨﺩﻩ‪ -‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻋﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺌل ﻭﺃﺭﻓﻌﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﺤﻘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻅﻴﻡ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨـﺕ‬ ‫ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻴﻨﺎل ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﺸـﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻻﻋﺘـﺩﺍﺩ ﺒـﻪ ﻜﺜﻴـﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻋﻤﺎل ﻟﻪ؛ ﻭﻟﺸﺩﺓ ﺘﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻭﺤﺭﺼﻪ ﻭﻜﺜﺭﺓ ﻭﻗﻭﻓﻪ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻻ ﻴﻘﺒل‬ ‫ﺭﺃﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻤﻬﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﺕ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺼﺎﺤﺒﻪ ﻭﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻗﻠﻭﻥ ﻟﻪ ﺇﻻ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﺤـﺹ ﺍﻟﺸـﺩﻴﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻤﺤﻴﺹ ﺍﻟﺩﻗﻴﻕ ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﻘﻠﻴﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﺠﻭﻩ ﻜﻠﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻜﺜﻴـﺭ ﺍﻟـﺭﻓﺽ‬ ‫ﻟﻸﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺌﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺭ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺩﻗﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻤﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻴﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﻴﺭﻩ‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫؛‬

‫ﻥ ﺸﻴﻭﻉ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ‪-‬ﻋﻨﺩﻩ ‪-‬ﺤﺠﺎﺏ ﻴﺤﻭل ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅـﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻬـﺎ ﻭﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل‬ ‫ﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﺄ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ؛ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﻗﻭﺍﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻬﻭﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻀﻤﺎﺭ ‪" :‬ﺍﻋﻠﻡ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺴﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺨﻭل ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺼﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻋﻥ ﻗـﻭﻡ ﻟﻬـﻡ ﻨﺒﺎﻫـﺔ ﻭﺼـﻴﺕ ﻭﻋﻠـﻭ‬ ‫ﻤﻨﺯﻟﺔ‪ .....‬ﺜﻡ ﻭﻗﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻟﺴﻥ ﻓﺘﺩﺍﻭﻟﺘﻪ ﻭﻨﺸﺭﺘﻪ ﻭﻓﺸﺎ ﻭﻅﻬﺭ ﻭﻜﺜـﺭ ﺍﻟﻨـﺎﻗﻠﻭﻥ ﻟـﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺸﻴﺩﻭﻥ ﺒﺫﻜﺭﻩ ﺼﺎﺭ ﺘﺭﻙ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺴﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩ ﺩﻴﻨﹰﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺃﻴﺕ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻫـﻡ ﺃﻫـل‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﺠﻼل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻭﻁﻲ ‪ :‬ﺒﻐﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻋﺎﺓ ﻁﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﻭﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺤﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺃﺒﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﻀل ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻁ‪ /‬ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺭﻴﺔ ‪.106/2‬‬ ‫)‪ (2‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﻙ ﻭﺍﻻﺭﺘﻴﺎﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻗﻭﺍل ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﻤﻬﻤﺎ ﺫﺍﻉ ﺼﻴﺘﻬﻡ ؛ ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻟﻡ‬ ‫ﻴﻘﺒل ﺭﺃﻴﹰﺎ ﺇﻻ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﺤﺹ ﺍﻟﺸﺩﻴﺩ ﻭﺇﻨﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺜﺒﺕ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻟﺩﻴـﻪ ﻤـﻨﻬ ﺸـﻜﱢﻲ‬ ‫ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﻜﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﻩ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻐﺯﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺃﺸﻌﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﺸﺎﻓﻌﻴﹰﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺒﺠﺭﺠـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻀﺎﻕ ﺫﺭﻋﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺠﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺤﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻷﻗﻭﺍل ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺯﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻐﺎﻟﻁﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻏﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻠﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻜـﺭﻱ ﺍﻟـﺭﺍﺒﻁ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺘﺒﻠﻭﺭ ﻟﺩﻴﻪ ﻤﻨﻬ ﺸﻜﱢﻲ ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻟﻪ ﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﻨـﻰ‬ ‫ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺇﻻ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺒﻬﺎ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻴﹰﺎ ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻐﺯﺍﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﺒﻠﻭﺭ ﻟﺩﻴﻪ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﱢﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﺎﻤـل ﺍﻟـﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺭﻀﻪ ﺒﺎﻟﻜﻨﻅ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﻓﻘﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﻌﺘﻪ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻨﺯﻋﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﻭﻓﻴﺔ ﻓﻀ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺄﻟﻭﻓﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻐﺯﺍﻟﻲ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻘﺫ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻀﻼل ﺹ ‪."162 ،132 ،625‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﻭﻥ ﻟﻪ ﻜﺎﻷﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﻭﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺒﻭﻟﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤل‬ ‫ﺒﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﻜﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻭﻭﺠﺩﺘﻬﻡ ﻗﺩ ﺃﻋﻁﻭﻩ ﻤﻘﺎﺩﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﺃﻻﻨﻭﺍ ﻟﻪ ﺠﺎﻨﺒﻬﻡ ‪ ...‬ﻭﻟﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﻅﻨﻭﺍ ﺃﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺼﺤﻴﺤﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻟﻪ ﺃﺼ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻟﻡ ﻴﺸﻊ ﻭﻟﻡ ﻴﺘﺴﻊ ﻭﻟﻡ ﻴﺭﻭﻩ ﺨﻠﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺴﻠﻑ ﻭﺁﺨﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻭل ﺇﻻ ﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻟﻅﻬﺭ ﺍﻟﺩﺨل‬ ‫ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﺃﺨﺫ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻌﺩﻥ ﺼﺩﻕ ﻭﺍﺸﺘﻕ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺒﻌﺔ ﻜﺭﻴﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻟﻭ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺩﺨﻭ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻘﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺯﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻜﺭﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﻴﺎﻡ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻁﺄ ﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﻗﺩ ﺤﻅﻲ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺏ ﻋﻨﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺒﻭﺃﻭﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺨﺹ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻠﻭﺒﻬﻡ ﻭﻤﻨﺤﻭﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﻗﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻔﻭﺴﻬﻡ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻭﻋﻁﻔﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﻁﻑ ﺍﻷﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﻫﺎ"‬

‫‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻴﺴﺘﻨﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﺤﺹ ﺍﻟﺸﺩﻴﺩ ﻟ ﺭﺍﺀ ﻗﺒل ﻗﺒﻭﻟﻬﺎ ؛ ﻓﺈﻨﹼﻪ‬ ‫ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍل ﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻫﺩﻡ ﺃﺸﻬﺭ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭﻫﺎ ﺸﻴﻭﻋﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭﹰﺍ ؛ ﺘﻡ ﺃﻋﺎﺩ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠـﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻏﺩﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻴﺩﻴﻪ ﺼﺭﻭﺤﹰﺎ ﺸﺎﻤﺨﺔ ﻤﺸﻴﺩﺓ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻭﻀﻊ ﻓﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﺴﺱ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺃﺭﺴﻰ ﻟﻬﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺭﺼﻴﻨﺔ ؛ ﺩﺍﺤﻀﹰﺎ ﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﺩﻋـﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺤﺠﺠﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺯﺤﻤﻭﺍ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻵﻓﺎﻕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﺴﻔﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﺭﺜﻬﻤﺎ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﺫ ﻟﻸﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟ ﻭﺼﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻵﻓﺎﻕ ﻋﺎل ؛ ﺇﺫ ﺃﺸﺎﺩ ﺒﺠﻬﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻘﺩﻤﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺘﺄﺨﺭﻭﻥ ؛ ﺇﺫ ﻤـﺎ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ ﻭﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻘﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻘﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺭﻴﺦ ﺒﻌﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﻭﻓﻴﻬـﺎ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺌﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻓﺫﺍﺫ ﻤﻥ ﻴﻌﻠﻰ ﺸﺄﻨﻪ ﻭﻴﻌﻅﱢﻡ ﺠﻬﺩﻩ ﻭﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺇﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻴﺩل‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻟﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﻨﺯ ﻟﻴﺨﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﺤﺴﺏ ﺒل ﻅﻬﺭ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻬﺩﻩ ﻓﻐﺩﻭﺍ‪ -‬ﺒﺫﻟﻙ‪ -‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺃﺌﻤﺔ ﺃﻋﻼﻤـﹰﺎ ؛ ﻨﺤـﻭ ﺍﻹﻤـﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺯﻤﺨﺸﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺴﺭ ﻭﺍﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻤﻠﻜﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻲ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﻤﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻘﺘﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻭﻴﻪ ﺒﺠﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ‪-‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﻤﻥ ﻤﺨﺼﻭﺹ؛ ﻭﻟﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻡ ﺘﻨﺤﺼﺭ ﺍﻹﺸﺎﺩﺓ ﺒﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻘﻌﺔ – ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺴﻴﻁﺔ – ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ؛ ﻓﺈﻨﻨﺎ ﻨﺠـﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻹﺼـﻼ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪.465-464،‬‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺭﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻐﺭﺏ ﻴﻌﻨﻭﻥ ﺒﻪ ﻏﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﻴﺔ ﻭﻴﻭﻟـﻭﻩ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻡ ﻤـﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﺴﺘﺤﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺘﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺭﺸﻴﺩ ﺭﻀﺎ)‪(1‬ﻭﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﺒﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﻫﺭ ﺒﻥ ﻋﺎﺸﻭﺭ‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻼﻤﺔ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯﻱ ؛ ﻭﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ‬

‫ﻋﺒﺩﻩ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺍﺭ ‪":‬ﻟﻡ ﺃﺭ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﻥ ﺒﻘﻠﻡ ﻤﺘﺄﺨﺭ ﻭﻻ ﺒﻘﻠﻡ ﻤﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺒﻘﺭﺏ ﻫـﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ")‪.(3‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﺒﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻼﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯﻱ ﻟﻤـﺎ ﺃﺤﺴـﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﺤﺴﺏ ﺒل ﺇ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﺇﻟﻴـﻪ ﻤﺎﺴـﺔ ﻗﺎﻤـﺎ ﺒﺘﺼـﺤﻴﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﻘﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻴﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﺩﻻﺌل ﻭﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻪ؛ ﻭﻴﻌﻠﱢﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻤﺔ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺸﺎﻜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﻘﻭﻟﻪ ‪" :‬ﻭﻨﺎﻫﻴﻙ ﺒﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺃﺼﻠﻪ ﻋﻼﻤﺘﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻘﻭل ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﻘﻭل")‪.(4‬‬ ‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺨﺭ ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﻷﺩﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﻴﺭ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﻨﺩﻭﺭ‪" :‬ﺇﻨﻨﻲ ﻻ ﺃﻋـﺩل ﺒﻜﺘـﺎﺏ‬ ‫"ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ " ﻜﺘﺎﺒﹰﺎ ﺁﺨﺭ")‪.(5‬‬

‫)‪ (1‬ﻗﺎل ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺭﺸﻴﺩ ﺭﻀﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻜﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﻗﺩ ﻗﺭﺭ ﺘـﺩﺭﻴﺱ ﺩﻻﺌـل‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭ ﻟﻤﺎ ﺭﺃ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺘﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﺭ ﻭﻓﺎﺌﺩﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻤﻰ ‪":‬ﻭﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺎل ﺃﺤﺩ ﻓﻀﻼﺀ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺘﺫﺓ ﺒﺎﻷﺯﻫﺭ ﺇﻨﻨﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺍﻜﺘﺸﻔﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻥ " ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺫﻟﻙ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻌﻡ ﺨﻔﺎﺠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺸﺭﺤﻪ ﻷﺴﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ‪ ،‬ﻁ‪ /‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‬ ‫‪.92/1‬‬ ‫)‪ (2‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﻫﺭ ﺒﻥ ﻋﺎﺸﻭﺭ ﻤﻬﺘﻤﹰﺎ ﻏﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﺄﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﻜﺘﺏ ﺇﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤـﻪ‬ ‫ﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺒﺸﺭ ﺒﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺇﺼﻼ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺘـﻭﻨﺱ ﺘﻠـﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻨﺫﺭ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎﻫﺎ ﺒﻌﻘﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻗﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﻫﻲ ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﺒﻥ ﺨﻠﺩﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺠﺎﺓ ﻻﺒﻥ ﺴﻴﻨﺎ ﻭﺃﺴﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﻭﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻟﻌﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﻫﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﺼﻨﻴﻊ ﺍﺒﻥ ﻋﺎﺸﻭﺭ ﺒﺩﻋﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻹﺼﻼ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺸـﺭﻕ ﺃﻴﻀـﹰﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺴﺎﻭﻱ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﻫﺭ ﺒﻥ ﻋﺎﺸـﻭﺭ ﻭﻜﺘﺎﺒـﻪ ﻤﻘﺎﺼـﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻁ‪ /‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺼﺎﺌﺭ ﻟ ﻨﺘﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺴﻨﺔ ‪1998‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪. 39‬‬ ‫)‪ (3‬ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﺒﺩﻩ ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ ‪. 42/2،‬‬ ‫)‪ (4‬ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻤﺔ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺸﺎﻜﺭ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻪ ﻟﻠﺩﻻﺌل ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪ (5‬ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻌﻡ ﺨﻔﺎﺠﺔ ﻟﻸﺴﺭﺍﺭ ﺹ ‪.14‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺓ ﻭﻋﻠـﻰ ﻫـﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻘـﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎل ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺏ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜـﻥ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺤﺒﻴﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻭﺤﺩﻩ ؛ ﺒل ﺇﻨﻨﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺸﺌﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻀﺭﺏ ﺼـﻔﺤﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻥ ﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﺜﱡﺭ ﻭﺍﻷﺨﺫ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻁﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ؛ ﻓﺈﻨﻨﺎ ﻻ ﻨﺠﺩ ﻤﻨﺎﺼﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻘﺭ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﺘﺸﺎﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺩﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺫﺓ ﻭﺒـﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﻐﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺨﺭ ؛ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺫﻫﺏ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻀﻤﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ‬ ‫ﺃﻤﺜﺎل ﺩﻱ ﺴﻭﺴﻴﺭ ﻭﺘﺸﻭﻤﺴﻜﻲ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﻤﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻟﻔـﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺸﺎﺌ )‪ ،(1‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻤﺜﱠل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﻱ ﻋﻨﺩﻫﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﺅﻁﱢﺭ ﺩﻗﺎﺌﻕ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻟﺩﻴﻬﻡ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﺭﺁﻫـ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺒل ﻭﻅل ﻴﺠﺎﻫﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺇﺜﺒﺎﺘﻪ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺨﺭ ﺒﻬﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻴﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻠﺫﻴﻥ ﻻ ﻨﺠﺩ‬ ‫ﻼ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻬﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻀﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻤﺜﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻏﻡ ﺍﻟﺼﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﺤﺩﺜﺘﻪ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺭﻏﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﻓﻴﻌـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺤﺘﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺼﺎﺤﺒﻬﺎ ﻗﺩ ﻋﺎﻨﻰ ﺸﻅﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺵ ﻭﺫﺍﻕ ﻤﺭﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﺩﻋﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﻗﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻤﻴﺯﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﺃﻨﻌﻡ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﺒﺒﻠﻭ‬ ‫ﺒﻨﻌﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﻜﺎﺀ‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫‪ ،‬ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻘﻭل‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻘـل ﻭﺍﺒـﺘﻼﻫﻡ‬

‫)‪(3‬‬

‫)‪ (1‬ﺃﻨﻅﺭ ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻌﻡ ﺨﻔﺎﺠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺍﺭ ﺹ ‪ .23‬ﻭﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﻨﺩﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﺹ ‪ . 147‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪ (2‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﺍﻟﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎل ﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻤﺘﺩﺍﻭل ﻭﻗﺩ ﻭﺭﺩ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻗﻭل ﺃﺒﻲ ﺘﻤﺎﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻴﻨﺎل ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻰ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺠﺎﻫــل ﻭﻴﻜﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻫﺭﻩ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻭ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻷﺭﺯﺍﻕ ﺘﺠﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺎ ﻫﻠﻜﻥ ﺇﺫﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﻠﻬــﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎﺌﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻤﻨﻪ ﻗﻭل ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻓﻌﻲ ﺭﺤﻤﻪ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺒﻨﺠﻭﻡ ﺃﻗﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺀ ﺘﻌﻠﻘــﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻭ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﺤﻴل ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻲ ﻟﻭﺠﺩﺘـﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻀﺩﺍﻥ ﻤﻔﺘـﺭﻗﺎﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺘﻔــﺭﻕ‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺭﺯﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺎ ﺤﺭﻡ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻰ‬ ‫)‪ (3‬ﺒﻐﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻋﺎﺓ ‪106/2‬‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻜﺒﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻴﺎ ﺨﻠﻴﻠـﻲ‬

‫ﻭﻤل ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻬل ﻤﻴل ﻫﺎﺌﻡ‬

‫ﻭﻋﺵ ﺤﻤﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﺘﻌﺵ ﺴﻌﻴﺩﹰﺍ‬

‫ﻓﺎﻟﺴﻌﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻁﺎﻟﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎﺌـﻡ‬

‫ﺎ ﺍﻟ ﺭﻴ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﺒﺘﺼﻨﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻟﺩﻻﺌل ﺃﻥ ﻴﺅﺴﱢﺱ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺴـﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻤﻨﻬﺠﻪ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺠﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻭﻴﺒﻨﻲ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺜﺎﺒﺘﺔ ﺍﻷﺼﻭل ﺭﺍﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﺩﺍﻡ ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻟﻴﻑ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺸﻭﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﻭﺍﺌﺏ ﻭﺘﺘﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺩﺍﺨﻠﺔ ؛ ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻻ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﻫﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻭﻫﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ؛ ﻭﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﻓﻼ ﻏﺭﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻤﺔ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺸﺎﻜﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻤﻪ ﻟﻠﺩﻻﺌل ‪" :‬ﺒﺩﺍ ﻟﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺭﻴﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺅﺴﱢﺱ ﺒﻜﺘﺎﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﹰﺎ ﺠﺩﻴـﺩﹰﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺴﺘﺩﺭﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺴﺒﻘﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺌﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻜﺘﺒﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ "ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ" ﻭﻓﻲ "ﺇﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻘـﺭﺁﻥ" ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻏﺭﻴﺒﹰﺎ ﻋﻨﺩﻱ ﺃﺸﺩ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺍﺒﺔ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﻪ ﺴﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻴﺅﺴﱢـﺱ ﻋﻠﻤـﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﺠﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ …‪ .‬ﺒل ﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ ‪ -‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻴﺅﺴﱢﺱ ﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ ‪ -‬ﻤﺸﻭﺒﹰﺎ ﺒﺤﻤﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻌﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻤﻨﺎﺯﻋﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻨﺎﺀﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﻭﻴﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ ﻭﻜﺄﻨﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺠﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻤﺭﻩ ﻭﻜﺄ ّ‬ ‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻜل ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﻴﺭﻴﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺠﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﺒﺭﺍﻋﺘﻪ ﻭﺫﻜﺎﺌﻪ ﻭﺴـﺭﻋﺔ ﻟﻤﺤـﻪ ﻭﺒﻘـﻭﺓ‬ ‫ﺤﺠﺘﻪ ﻭﻤﻀﺎﺀ ﺭﺃﻴﻪ")‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻏﻡ ﻜل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﺈﻨﱢﻪ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﻭﻴﺏ ﻴﺘﻜﺸﱠﻑ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﺭﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﻴﻀﻊ ﺍﻷﺴﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ؛ ﻭﻴﺩﺤﺽ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺨﺼﻭﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ؛ ﻭﻴﺅﺴﱢﺱ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺴﹰﺎ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻔﺼـﻴل‬ ‫ﺫﻟﻙ ﻜﺎﻵﺘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﻡ‪:‬‬

‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻫﺘﻡ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﺒﺩﺤﺽ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺨﺼﻭﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺕ ﺤﻭل ﻗﻀﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻤﻌﺠـﺯﹰﺍ ؛ ﻭﻫـﺫﻩ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺇﻥ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻘﻕ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺸﺎﻜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﻻﺌل‪.‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟـﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺘﻜﺎﺜﺭﺕ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺒﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﻌﺩﺩ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﺫﻜﺭ ﻟﺼﺎﺤﺒﻪ ﻭﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﻟﻤﺫﻫﺒﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﺭﻏﻡ ﻜل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺤﺼـﺭ ﻫـﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ‪ -‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﺘﻨﻭﻋﺕ‪ -‬ﻓﻲ ﻤﺤﻭﺭﻴﻥ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﻥ ﻫﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﺃﻨﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺃﻨﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅ‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﻔﺼﻴل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻜﺎﻵﺘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺭ‬

‫ﺎﺭ ﺍﻟ‬

‫‪:‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﻭﻻﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺴﻤﻴﻥ ﻫﻤﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺎﺭ ﺍﻟ ﻟ ﺍﻟ ﺭ ‪:‬‬

‫)(‬

‫ﻻ ﻤﺘﻨﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺸـﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺒـﺔ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻟﻠﺩﻻﻻﺕ ﻭﺠﻭﻫﹰﺎ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﱢﺩﺓ ﻭﺃﺸﻜﺎ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺇّ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻷﺤﻭﺍل ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻠﻬﺎ ﺘﺤﻤل ﻤﻌﺎﻥ ﻭﺘﺩل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻤﻭﺭ ﻤﻌﻴﻨـﺔ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭ ﺭﻓﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻓﺼﺎﺤﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﺇﻋﺠﺎﺯ؛ ﺇﺫ ﻫﻭ ﻻ ﻴﻌﺘﺩ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ – ﺍﺒﺘﺩﺍﺀ ‪-‬ﺇﻻ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻷﺴﻠﻭﺏ ؛ ﻴﻘـﻭل "ﺘـﺭ‬ ‫ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻻ ﻴﺭ ﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺭ ﻟ ﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺒﺎﻟﺭﺃﺱ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻥ ﻭﻤﺎ ﻴﺠـﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺨﻁ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩ")‪.(2‬‬ ‫) (‬

‫ﺎﺭ ﺍﻟ ﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﻘ ‪:‬‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻨﺸﺄ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﻴ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﻜﻴﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺩ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺇّ‬ ‫ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺤﻔل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺀ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻭﻤﻪ ﻭﺇﻁﻼﻗﻪ؛ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻠﻐل ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻴﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﻼﻡ؛ ﻭﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻟﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻭﺠﻤﺎﻟﻪ ﺃﻓﻀﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﻪ ﺇﻟـﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻭﻨﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻌﺠﺯﺓ ﺍﻷﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺨﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺼﺭﻓﺘﻪ ؛‬ ‫ﻭﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﻴﻬﻭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻟﻴﺱ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻤﻌﺠﺯ ﺃﻭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻌﺠﺯ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬ ‫)‪(3‬‬

‫)‪(3‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺼﻭﺩ ﺒﺄﻨﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﻨﺼﺎﺭ "ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﺓ" ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺭﺩﺓ ﻭﺃﻨﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅ ﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.6‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪،‬ﺹ‪.257‬‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻭﺠﻪ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﺸﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻨﻜـﺎﺭ ﻫـﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤـﺫﻫﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻁﺤﻲ ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﻋﻴﺎ ﺃﻤﺭﻩ – ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ – ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻘـﺩﻴﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ؛ ﻭﻤﺎ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻟﻜـﻼﻡ – ﻋﻨـﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠـﺎﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻭﻻ ﻴﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻫـﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺎﺤﻅ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ – ﺇﻻ ﻜﻤﺜل ﺍﻟﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺼﻭﻴﺭ ﻓﻼ ﻴﻌﻘل ﺃﺼ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺘﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻘﻭﺵ – ﻓﻨﻴﹰﺎ‪ -‬ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺼﻨﻊ ﻓﺤﺴـﺏ؛‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻤﺜ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﺇﻻ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺘﻘﻭﻴﻤﹰﺎ ﻟﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻫﻭ ﺨﺎﺘﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ – ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺩﺍﺀﺘﻪ‪ -‬ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻗﺩ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﻟﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺄﻤـل‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻷﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺇﻻ ﺨﺩﻡ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﻤﺼﺭﻓﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻜﻤﻬـﺎ ؛‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻕ ﻤﻌﻪ؛ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻭﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺃّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ‪-‬ﻋﻨﺩﻩ – ﺼﺤﻴﺢ؛ ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻟﻴﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻁﻼﻗﻪ ؛ ﺇﺫ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺍﻷﻟﻔﺎﻅ ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﺇﻁﻼﻗﹰﺎ ﻭﻻ ﺘﺴﻔﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﻬﺎ ﺇﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﻴﻘﻭل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻋﻥ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ‪ ":‬ﺍﻋﻠﻡ ﺃﻨﹼﺎ ﺇﻥ ﻜﻨﺎ ﺘﺘﺒﻌﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﻌـﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﻤـﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻭﻴل ﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻭﺍﺏ ﻤﻌﻬﻡ ﻭﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻴﻬﺠﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻤﻴﺭ ﻭﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﺃﺭﺍﻨﺎ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻷﻤـﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﻀـﺩ ﺇﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻻ ﻴﺴﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﺒﺨﻼﻓﻪ ‪ ...‬ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﺠﺌﻨﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﺎﺌﻕ ﻭﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺼﻠﻭﻥ ﻷﻨﻨﺎ ﻻ ﻨﺭ ﻤﺘﻘﺩﱢﻤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﻤﺒـﺭﺯﹰﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺸﺄﻭﻫﺎ ﺇﻻ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻴﻨﻜﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﻱ ﻭﻴﻌﻴﺒﻪ ﻭﻴﺯﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌل ﺒﻪ ﻭﻴﻐﺽ ﻤﻨﻪ"‬ ‫ﺎ ﻴﺎ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺭ‬

‫ﺎ ﺍﻟ‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﺭ ‪-:‬‬

‫ﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻭﻟﻡ ﻴﻤﻘﺕ ﻤﺫﻫﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﺜل ﻜﺭﺍﻫﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﻤﻘﺘﻪ ﻟﻠﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅـﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺫﻟﻙ ﺘﺭﺍﻩ ﻜﺄﻨﹼﻤﺎ ﻨﺫﺭ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﻟﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺘﻔﻨﻴﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﺌـﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺘﻪ ؛ ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﺤﺴﺏ ﺒل ﻴﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺀ ﺩﻭﻴﹰﺎ ﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻋﻼﺠﻪ؛‬ ‫ﻭﻨﺒﺎﺘﹰﺎ ﻁﻔﻴﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﻴﺠﺏ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﺠﺘﺜﺎﺜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﺎﺕ– ﻓﻲ ﺭﺃﻴﻪ‪ -‬ﻗﺩ ﻨﺸﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻠـﻭﺏ‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻭﺘﺄﺸﺏ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺩﺨل ﺒﻌﺭﻭﻗﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻭﺍﺤﻴﻬﺎ؛ ﻭﻟﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﺈﻨﻙ ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﻗﻠﻌﺘﻪ ﻋﺎﺩ ﻓﻨﺒﺕ؛ ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻷﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﻫﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅ ﻗﺩ ﻤﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻨﻔـﻭﺱ ﻭﺨﺎﻤﺭﻫـﺎ ﻭﺍﺴـﺘﺤﻜﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻴـﻬﺎ‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﱠﺎﺱ ﻗﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺩﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻤﻌﺎﺭﻓﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴـﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺤـﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﻤﺎ ﺫﺍﻙ ﺇﻻ ﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﻫﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻴﱡل ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﺃﺩل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅﻲ‪-‬ﻋﻨﺩﻩ‪ -‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺇﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺇﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻴﻘﻭل‪ ":‬ﻟﻴﺱ ﻟﻤﻥ ﺤﺎﻡ – ﻓﻲ ﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻴـﺔ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪ -‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅ ﻭﺭﺍﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺠﻌﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﻴﻠﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺍﻟﺘﺴـﻜﻊ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻴـﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺭﻭ ﻤﻥ ﻓﺎﺴﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺜﻠﻪ"‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅﻲ ﻟﻪ ﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻤل ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻔﻨﻴﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﺩﺤﺽ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﺌﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻔﺼﻴل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻜﺎﻵﺘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫)(‬

‫ﺎ ﺍﻟ ﺭ ﻟ ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﺭ ‪:‬‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺯﻭل ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﺴﻠﺦ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻤـﻥ ﺸـﺄﻨﻪ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺇّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻗﺩ‬ ‫ﻴﺒﻁل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﻭﻴﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ؛ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺫﺍﻙ ﺇﻻ ﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺃﻟﻔﺎﻅﹰﺎ ﻋﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺸﺎﺌﻌﺔ ﻤﺘﺎﺤﺔ ﻗﺒل ﻤﺠﻲﺀ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ؛ ﻓﻼ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺎل ﺘﻠـﻙ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺘﺘﺠﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﻭﺘﺼﻴﺭ ﻤﻌﺠﺯﺓ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻨﺯﻭل ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒـل‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﻜﺫﻟﻙ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﻗﺩ ﻭﻗﻊ ﺒﺄﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﺒﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻐـﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻤﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺘﺴﺘﻌﺼﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺤﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ ﻭﻻ ﺘﺘﺄﺒﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.365‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.92‬‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﻴ ﺘﻨﺴﺏ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ ﺃﻗﺎﻤﻬـﺎ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﺃﺩل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺘﻭﺨﻰ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻭ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﺩل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻨﻴﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺘﻨﺴﺏ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﻠﻡ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻪ ﺒﺤﺎل ﺃﻥ ﻴﺼﻨﻊ ﺘﻠﻙ‬ ‫ﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ؛ ﺇﺫ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ –ﻟﻠﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ‪ -‬ﺃﻭ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻟﻴﺱ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻫﻭ ﺇﻥ ﻓﻌل ﺫﻟﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻭﺃﺒﻁل ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺘﻜﻠﻤﹰﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻷﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺘﻜﻠﻤﹰﺎ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﺴـﺘﺨﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻭﻀﻌﺕ ﻟﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻹﺩﻋﺎﺀ ﺒـﺄﻥ ﻤﻔـﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻐـﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﻌﺠﺯﺓ ﺃﻤﺭ "ﻟﻭ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺸﻲﺀ ﺃﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎل ﻭﺃﺸﻨﻊ ﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﺇﻴﺎﻩ"‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﺠـﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻷ ّ‬

‫ﺴﻤﺔ ﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻟﻠﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺒﺤﺎل‪.‬‬ ‫ﺎ ﺍﻟ ﺭ ﻟ‬

‫) (‬

‫ﻟ ﺍﻟ‬

‫‪:‬‬

‫ﺃﺸﺘﺭﻁ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻴﻴﻥ ﻟﻠﻔﻅ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﻴ ﺸﺭﻭﻁﹰﺎ ﻤﺨﺼﻭﺼﺔ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻠﺴﺎﻥ ﺒﺩﻴﻌﹰﺎ ﺭﺸﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻵﺫﺍﻥ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺤﺩﺩﻭﺍ ﻟﻪ ﺃﻭﺼﺎﻓﹰﺎ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺴﻬ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﻴﻠﺘﻕ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻭﻑ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻴﻌﻜﺭ ﺼﻔﻭﻩ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠـﺎﻨﻲ ﺘﻌﺠﺒـﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻤﻥ ﺴﻠﻙ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻘل ﺒﻪ ﺃﺤﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﻐﺎﺀ ﺍﻟـﺫﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻊ ﻓﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ؛ ﻴﻘﻭل " ﻭﻟﻡ ﻨﺭﻫﻡ "ﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ " ﻗﺎﻟﻭﺍ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻲ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺤﺩﺍﻫﻡ – ﻭﻫﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺭﻓﻭﻥ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺼﻨﻊ – ﺒﺄﻥ ﻴﺴﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻠﺘﻕ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺤﺭﻭﻑ ﺘﺜﻘل ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻤﻊ")‪.(2‬‬ ‫ﻼ ﻋﻥ ﺘﻌﺠﱡﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺸﺎﻉ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺼﺭﻩ ﺘﺭﺍﻩ ﻴﻨﻜﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻀ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺼﺤﺘﻪ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﻨﻬﺽ – ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭﻩ – ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻟﻴل ﻤﻘﻨﻊ ؛ ﻴﻘﻭل " ﻤـﺎ ﺭﺃﻴﻨـﺎ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺠﻌل ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻓﺼﻴﺤﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺒﻠﻴﻐﹰﺎ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻻ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺭﻭﻓﻪ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺜﻘل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻠﺴـﺎﻥ ؛‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻗ ﹰ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.387‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.475‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻷﻨﱡﻪ ﻟﻭ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﱡﻭﻗﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻔﺴﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﺭﺩﻱﺀ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺭ ﻓﺼﻴﺤﹰﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﺨﻔﹼﺕ ﺤﺭﻭﻓﻪ")‪.(1‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬

‫ﺎ ﺍﻟ ﺭ ﻟ‬

‫ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺍﻟ‬

‫‪:‬‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﺇﻨﻤـﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﹰﺎ ﻴﺅﻜﱢﺩ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺒﻪ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻗﻼﻨﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻫﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺭﺍﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅ ﻭﻓﺨﺎﻤﺘﻪ ﻭﻟﻡ ﻴﻌﻠﻕ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻗﻼﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓـﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺘﻪ‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺇﻻ ﺃ ّ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻗﺩ ﺭﻓﺽ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ؛ ﺇﺫ ﺃﻥ ﻏﺭﺍﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻔـﻅ ﻋﻨـﺩﻩ ﻟﻴﺴـﺕ ﻤﻌﻴـﺎﺭﹰﺍ‬ ‫ﺼﺤﻴﺤﹰﺎ ﻟ ﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﻻ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺴﹰﺎ ﺴﻠﻴﻤﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺎﻀل ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ؛ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻼ– ﻻ ﻴﺴﺘﺤﺴﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﻴﺒﺔ ﻭﻻ ﺘﻌﺠﺒﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﺤﺸﻴﺔ ؛ ﺜﻡ‬ ‫– ﻜﺎﻟﺠﺎﺤﻅ ﻤﺜ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﻜﺫﻟﻙ ؛ ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ‪" :‬ﻜﻴﻑ ﻭﺃﻨﺕ ﺘﻘﺭﺃ ﺍﻟﺴـﻭﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻁﻭﺍل ﻓﻼ ﺘﺠﺩ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﻴﺏ ﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻭﺘﺘﺄﻤل ﻤﺎ ﺠﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺭﻴﺏ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻓﻼ ﺘﺭ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﻴﺏ ﺇﻻ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻴل‪ ...‬ﺜﻡ ﻟﻭ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻏﺭﻴﺒﹰﺎ ﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺤـﺎ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﻴﺩﺨل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻴﺼﺢ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ‪....‬ﺃﻻ ﺘﺭ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﺘﻌﺫﺭ ﻋﻠﻴـﻙ ﺇﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺭﻓﺕ ﻤﺎ ﺠﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﻴﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﻁﻭﻴل ﺃﻥ ﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻤﻥ ﻴﻘﻭل "ﺍﻟﺸﻭﻗﺏ" ﺒـﺄﻥ‬ ‫ﺘﻘﻭل "ﺍﻟﺸﻭﺫﺏ" ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻗﺎل "ﺍﻷﻤﻕ" ﺃﻥ ﺘﻘﻭل "ﺍﻷﺸﻕ " ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻴل")‪.(3‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬

‫ﺎ ﺍﻟ ﻴ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻤﻨﺕ ﺍﻟﺯﺨﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﺒﺩﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻷﺩﺒﻴﺔ ﻗﺒل ﻋﻬـﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺨﺫﺕ ﺘﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻓﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻀﺎﻕ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﺴـﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏـﺔ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺫﺭﻋﹰﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻴﻌﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﻭﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ؛ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺭﻓﺽ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻗﻼﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻌﺭﻓـﺔ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬ ‫)‪(3‬‬

‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪.519،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻗﻼﻨﻲ ‪ :‬ﺇﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.167‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.397‬‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺩﻴﻊ‪-‬ﻋﻨﺩﻩ‪ -‬ﻟﻴﺱ ﻓﻴـﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻀﻤﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺩﻴﻊ ؛ ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﻤﺎ ﻴﺨﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﻭ ﻴﺨﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻑ ﺒل ﺇﻨﹼﻪ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺩﺭﺍﻜﻪ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﻌﻠﱡﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺼﻨﱡﻊ ﻟﻪ)‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻠﻡ ﻴﺴﺘﺤﺴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺩﻴﻊ ﺇﻻ ﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺨﺎﺩﻤﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻭﻗﻌـﻪ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺇﻻ ﻟﻴﺒﻴﱢﻥ ﻤﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭﻤﻘﺼـﺩﻩ ؛‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﻠﻡ – ﻋﻨﺩﻩ‪ -‬ﻤﺎ ﺘﻜﻠﻡ ﺃﺼ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﺤﻤﻴﺩﹰﺍ ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻟﻴﻭﺸﻲ ﻜﻼﻤﻪ ﺒﻨﻤﻨﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺩﻴﻊ ﻭﺯﺨﺎﺭﻓﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﺃﺠﻠﺏ ﻟﻼﺴﺘﺤﺴﺎﻥ – ﻋﻨﺩﻩ – ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﺘﺭﺴل ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺠﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻷﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﻷﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﻤـﻥ ﻁﻠـﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻌـﺎﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻸﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺨﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺃﺘﻰ ﺃﻤﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻨﻜﺭﹰﺍ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻓﻌﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺄﺨﺭﻭﻥ ؛ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪" :‬‬ ‫ﻨﺠﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺄﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻜﻼﻤﹰﺎ ﺤﻤل ﺼﺎﺤﺒﻪ ﻓﺭﻁ ﺸﻐﻔﻪ ﺒﺄﻤﻭﺭ ﺘﺭﺠﻊ ﺇﻟـﻰ ﻤﺎﻟـﻪ ﺍﺴـﻡ "‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺩﻴﻊ" ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻨﺴﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺘﻜﻠﻡ ﻟﻴﻔﻬﻡ ﻭﻴﻘﻭل ﻟﻴﺒﻴﻥ"‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﻓﻬﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺄﺨﺭﻭﻥ ﻟﺸﻐﻔﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﺒﺩﻴﻊ ﻭﺘﻌﻠﻘﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺩﻴﺩ ﺒﻪ ﻀﺎﻤﻭﺍ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟـﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻭ ﺃﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻨﺎﻴﺔ ؛ ﻴﻘﻭل ﺃﺒﻭ ﺘﻤﺎﻡ)‪:(3‬‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻑ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺴﻤﺘـﻪ ﻫﻴﺒﺘـﻪ‬

‫ﻟﻤﺎ ﺘﺨﺭﻡ ﺃﻫل ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻤﺨﺘـﺭﻤﹰﺎ‬

‫ﻗﺭﺕ ﺒﻘﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻨﺘﺸﺭﺕ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻷﺸﺘﺭﻴﻥ ﻋﻴﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻙ ﻓﺎﺼﻁﻠﻤﺎ‬

‫ﻭﻗﺎل ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺫﻫﺒﺕ ﺒﻤﺫﻫﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺴـﻤﺎﺤﺔ ﻓﺎﻟﺘﻭﺕ‬

‫ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻅﻨﻭﻥ ﺃﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﺃﻡ ﻤﺫﻫــﺏ‬

‫ﻓﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﻠﻭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ – ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ‪ -‬ﻟﻡ ﻴﺯﺩ ﺼﺎﺤﺒﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺴﻤﻌﻙ ﺤﺭﻭﻓﹰﺎ ﻤﻜﺭﺭﺓ ﻻ ﻓﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬ ‫)‪(3‬‬

‫ﺇﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.163-162‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺃﺴﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.6‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.524-523‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺎ ﺍﻟ ﺭ ﻟ ﺍ‬

‫‪-‬‬

‫ﺍ‬

‫ﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﺇﻗﺤﺎﻡ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺇّ‬

‫ﻥ ﺫﻟـﻙ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻜﻨﺎﺕ ﺼﻔﺔ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺤـﺩﻱ ؛ ﺇﺫ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃ ّ‬

‫ﻤﺩﺨل ﻟﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺼﺎﺤﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻭ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻜـﺫﻟﻙ ﻟﺨـﺭ ﺍﻷﻤـﺭ – ﻋﻨـﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ – ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﺎﻁﺎﻩ ﻤﺴﻴﻠﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺠﺎﺀ ﻟﺤﻤﺎﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺄﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﻜﺄﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻨﺤـﻭ‬

‫ﻗﻭﻟﻪ " ﺎ‬ ‫‪-‬‬

‫ﻴ ﺎ ﺍﻟ ﺎ ﺭ‬

‫ﺎ ﺍﻟ ﺭ ﻟ ﺍﻟ ﺍ‬

‫‪:‬‬

‫ﻟﺭ‬

‫ﺎ ﺭ ")‪.(1‬‬

‫ﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻴﻡ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻓﻭﺍﺼل ﻭﻨﻬﺎﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﺘﻤﺔ ﺒﺤﺭﻭﻑ ﻤﺘﺸﺎﺒﻬﺔ‬

‫ﻓﻘﺩ ﻗﺭﻥ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﻭﺍﺼل ﺍﻵﻱ ﻭﺍﻷﺴﺠﺎﻉ ؛ ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﺤﻤل ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻗﻼﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﻗﺒل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻊ ﺤﻤﻠﺔ ﻋﻨﻴﻔﺔ ﻭﻨﻔﺎﻩ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻭﻨﺯﻫﻪ ﻋﻨﻪ ؛ ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﺤﺴﺏ ﺒـل‬ ‫ﺘﻌﺴﻑ ﺘﻌﺴﻔﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻷﺩﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ)‪.(2‬‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﻭﺍﺼل ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺴﺨﺭﻤﻤﻥ ﺨﻴﱢل ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺃ ّ‬

‫ﻥ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﻡ ﻭﻀﻊ ﻓﺼﻭل ﻜﻼﻡ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭﻫﺎ ﻜﺄﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﺍﻵﻱ ﻤﺜل " ﻴ‬ ‫ﺃّ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺸﺒﺎﻩ ﺫﻟﻙ ؛ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻨﻪ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﻴﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻭﻴﺠﺎﺭﻴﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬‬

‫ﺎ ﺍﻟ ﻡ ﺍﻟ‬

‫‪:‬‬

‫)‪(3‬‬

‫‪.‬‬

‫"ﻭ"ﻴ‬

‫"‬

‫ﻼ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺍﹰ؛ ﺒل ﻋﺩﻩ ﺍﻷﺼل‬ ‫ﻋﻭل ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺘﻌﻭﻴ ﹰ‬

‫ﻥ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﺤﺩﺩﹰﺍ ﻟ ﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺩﻭﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃ ّ‬

‫ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﺒﺘﺩﻋﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﻨﺎﻭﻟﻬﺎ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴـﺭﻭﻥ؛ ﻭﻟﻜـﻨﻬﻡ ﺫﻫﺒـﻭﺍ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻜل ﻤﺫﻫﺏ ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺭﻓﺽ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻜل ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻟﻡ ﺘﺴـﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﺴـﻠﻙ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻨﻬﺠﻪ ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻘﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩ ﻭﺍﻀﺢ)‪:(4‬‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.474‬‬ ‫)‪ (2‬ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻗﻼﻨﻲ‪، :‬ﺹ‪.113-111‬‬ ‫)‪ (3‬ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.387‬‬ ‫)‪ (4‬ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.9‬‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺇﻨﻲ ﺃﻗﻭل ﻜﻼﻤﹰﺎ ﻟﺴﺕ ﺃﺨﻔﻴـــﻪ‬

‫ﻭﻟﺴﺕ ﺃﺭﻫﺏ ﺨﺼﻤﹰﺎ ﺇﻥ ﺒﺩﺃ ﻓﻴـﻪ‬

‫ﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻤﻌﺠـﺯﺓ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺇﻻ ﺒﻤﺎ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺃﺒﺩﻴـﻪ‬

‫ﻥ ﻟﻠـﻨﻅﻡ ﺘﻔﺴـﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺘﻌـﺩﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﻻﺃّ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻴﺩﻉ ﻟﻠﺸﻙ ﻤﺠـﺎ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﺇﻴﻀﺎﺤﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻨﻭﻋﺔ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺭﺽ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﻟﻡ ﻴﻌﺘﺩ ﺒﻬﺎ؛ ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻴﻘـﻭل "‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﺎﻁﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺯﺍﻋﻡ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺤﺎﻭل ﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻪ؛ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻻ ﻴﻌﺭﺽ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﻌﻴﺩﻩ ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻴﻪ ﻟﻠﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﺼﻭل ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺩﻤﻨﺎ ﺫﻜﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﻻ ﻴﺴﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻨﻬﺠﻨﺎﻫﺎ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻤﺭﻩ ﻭﻓﻲ ﻏﺭﻭﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﺍﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﻀﺎﻟﻴل"‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫‪.‬‬

‫ﻼ ﻭﺇﺩﻋﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻤﺭﺴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻭﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﻫﻭ ﻗﻭ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻟﻸﻤﺭ ﺃﺼﻭ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﻷﺠل ﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺒﻼ ﺇﻴﻀﺎ ﻭﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺘﻔﺼﻴل ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺩﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻴـﺯ ﺒﻬـﺎ ﻤـﻨﻬ‬ ‫ﻤﺠﻤ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﺘﺭﺍﻩ ﻴﺭﻓﺽ ﻗﻭل ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻀﻲ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﺎﺭ ‪ ":‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﺎﺤﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻓـﺭﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﻀﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻤﺨﺼﻭﺼﺔ "‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﻌل ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺄﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻟﻜﻼ ﺍﻟﺭﺠﻠﻴﻥ ﻴﻅﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻀﻲ ﻫﻭ‬ ‫ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﺒﺎﻟﻀﺒﻁ ؛ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻴﺭﻓﺽ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻷﻨﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫـﺫﺍ ﺍﻟـﻨﻅﻡ‬ ‫ﻨﻅﻤﹰﺎ ﺼﻭﺘﻴﹰﺎ ﻻ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻘل ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﻼ ﺍﻋﺘﺩﺍﺩ ﺒﻪ – ﻋﻨﺩﻩ – ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻨـﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺜﺒﺕ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺩﺍﺩ ﺒﺎﻟﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻟﺼﻭﺘﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺓ ﻓﻼ ﻤﺒﺭﺭ ﻟﻼﻋﺘﺩﺍﺩ ﺒﻪ ﻋﻨـﺩ ﺍﺘﺤـﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﺎﺤﺔ ﺼﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻫﻭ ﻟﻔﻅ ﻭﻨﻁﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻡ ‪ ،‬ﻴﻘﻭل ‪ " :‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﻤﺜل ﻤﻥ ﻴﺯﻋﻡ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻟﺴﺎﻥ؛ ﺜﻡ ﻴﺯﻋﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺩﻋﻴﻬﺎ ﻟﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﺤﺭﻭﻓﻪ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺁﺤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ‪ -‬ﺇﻻ ﻤﺜل ﻤـﻥ ﻴـﺯﻋﻡ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻨﺴ ﻤﻨﻪ ﺜﻭﺏ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﺤﻤﺭ ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻓﺭﻕ ﻭﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺨﻴﻁﹰﺎ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻜـﻥ ﻓﻴـﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻫﻨﺎ ﻏﺯ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺤﻤﺭﺓ ﺃﺼ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻼ")‪.(3‬‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬ ‫)‪(3‬‬

‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪،‬ﺹ‪.393‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻐﻨﻲ ‪،‬ﺹ‪.199/16‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪409‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺫﻜﺭﻨﺎ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻀﻡ ﻤﺨﺼﻭﺹ‬ ‫ﻴﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﻴﺠﻤﻊ ﺸﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﻴﺘﻭﺨﻰ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻭ ﻭﺃﺤﻜﺎﻤﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻓﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻨﻁﻘﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﻠﻔﻅﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﻤﻨﻔﺼل ﻋـﻥ‬ ‫ﻼ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪ " :‬ﻟﻴﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺎﻗل – ﻓﻲ ﺭﺃﻴﻪ ‪-‬ﻴﻌﺘﺩ ﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﺃﺼ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻡ ﺒﻌﻀـﻬﺎ ﺇﻟـﻰ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﻋﺎﻗل ﻴﻔﺘﺢ ﻋﻴﻥ ﻗﻠﺒﻪ ﺇﻻ ﻭﻴﻌﻠﻡ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﺒﻌﺽ ﻭﺘﻌﻠﻴﻕ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻨﻁﻕ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺒﻌﺽ "‬

‫ﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻻ ﻴﻘـﻴﻡ‬ ‫ﺇﺫ ﺃ ّ‬

‫ﻼ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻀﻡ ﻓﻌﻠـﻴﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺤـﺭﻓﻴﻥ ﺇﻟـﻰ ﺒﻌﻀـﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﻻ ﻴﺸﻜﱢل ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﺜ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻼ " ﻀﺤﻙ ﺨﺭ " ﺃﻭ " ﻋﻥ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻌﻁﻴﺎﻨﻙ ﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺃﻭ ﻴﻜﻭﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻠﻘﻲ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ؛ ﻗل ﻤﺜ ﹰ‬ ‫" ﻓﻠﻴﺱ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻜﻼﻤﹰﺎ ﺒﺤﺎل ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻻ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻜﻼﻤﹰﺎ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﺘﻭﺨﻰ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻗـﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺤـﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺤﻜﺎﻤﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺼﻭﺩ ﺒﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻫـﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻀـﻤﺎﺭ ﻤﻌﺭﻓـﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻜﻨﺎﺕ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬

‫ﺎ ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺍﻟ‬

‫‪:‬‬

‫ﻥ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻭ ﻭﺃﺤﻜﺎﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﻭل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺘﻪ ﻟـﻴﺱ‬ ‫ﺴﺒﻕ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺼﻭﺩ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﺭﺍﺏ ؛ ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺼﻭﺩ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ ﺘﺠﻤـﻊ‬ ‫ﺸﻤل ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﺭﻜﺒﻬﺎ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﹰﺎ ﻴﺩل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ ﺍﻟﻤـﺘﻜﻠﻡ ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻨﻴـﻪ‬ ‫ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻱ‪ :‬ﻫﻭ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻘل ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻌﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﺭﻭﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻟﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺽ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻡ ﺘﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﻷﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻁﻕ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺃﺼﻭﺍﺘﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﻤﺘﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺽ ﻫﻭ ﺘﻨﺎﺴﻕ ﺩﻻﻻﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻡ ﻭﺘﻼﻗﻲ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﻴﺭﺘﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻭ ﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﻟﻔﻅﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﻀﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺠﻌل ﺫﻟـﻙ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩﻩ ﻟﻠﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻜﻨﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻡ ﻓﺤﺴﺏ ﻤﺤﺎﻭ ﹰ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.466‬‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺼﻔﺔ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻀل ﻭﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺘﻨﻬﺽ ﺃﺭﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻼل‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺸﺄﻨﻪ ﻭﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻤﺭﻩ ؛ ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻷﻨﹼﻪ ﻻ ﻴﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻫﻡ ﻭﻻ ﻴﺼﺢ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻘـل‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﻤﺭﺘﺒـﺔ ﺘـﺄﺘﻲ ﺒﻌـﺩ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻋﺭﺍﺏ ﺃﻤﺭﹰﺍ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻀل ؛ ﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻟـﺫﻱ ﻴﺘـﻭﻫﻡ ﻓﻴـﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻠﺤﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻁﺄ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻭﻱ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ؛ ﺜﻡ ﺇ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻀل ﺃﻤﺭ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ ﻜﻠﻬﻡ ﻻ ﺘﻨﺩ ﻋﻨﻬﻡ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺸـﺎﺭﺩﺓ ﻭﻻ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺨﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺴﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻨﺤـﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﻜﻼﻡ ﻋﺭﺒﻲ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻤﻬﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺩﺭﺠﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﺠﻤﻴﻌـﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﺘﺩﺤﺽ ﻗﻭل ﻤﻥ ﺠﻌل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺴﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺎﻀل ﻭﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻟﻼﺴﺘﺤﺴـﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏـﺔ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ " ﺜﻡ ﺭﺃﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﺃﻅﻬﺭ ﺸﻲﺀ ﻋﻨﺩﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻨـﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﺼـﺎﺤﺔ ﺘﻘـﻭﻴﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻋﺭﺍﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻔﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻠﺤﻥ ﻓﻠﻡ ﻴﺸﻜﻭﺍ ﺃﻨﹼﻪ ﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻌﺘﺩ ﺒﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺯﺍﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ‬ ‫ﻴﺘﻔﺎﻀل ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻜﻼﻡ ﻭﻜﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﺎﺤﺔ"‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺎ‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻤﺭﻫﻡ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻋﺠﺒﹰﺎ ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﺎ ‪:‬‬

‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺩﺍﺩ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻘل ﻭﻗﺒﻭل ﺃﺤﻜﺎﻤﻪ ﻁﺎﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻋﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﻭﺴﻤﺔ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻗﺎﺼﺭﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺯﻟﺔ ﻭﺤﺩﻫﻡ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺴـﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻨﻔﺭﺩﻭﺍ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﻡ ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﺸﺎﻋﺭﺓ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﻡ ‪-‬ﻴﻌﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻠﻲ ﺃﻤﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﺍﺠﺒﹰﺎ ﻻ ﻤﻨﺎﺹ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻭﻻ ﺤﻴﺎﺩ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺩﻻل‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫؛ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻷﻨﻪ ﺃﺤـﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺘﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻨﺩﻫﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﺒﻬـﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻘـﺩﺭ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺩﺍﺩﹰﺍ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﺠﻌﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺤـﻭﺭ ﺍﻟـﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﺤﻭﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ؛ ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻐﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻬﺠﻪ ﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﻭﻻ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺇﻻ ﺃﺩﺭﺠﻬﺎ ﻓـﻲ ﺫﺍﻙ‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.399‬‬ ‫)‪ (2‬ﺍﻟﺯﺭﻜﺸﻲ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻴﻁ ‪ ،31/1‬ﺍﻵﻤﺩﻱ‪ :‬ﺃﺒﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺼﻭل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ‪، 4 / 1‬ﻤﺨﻁﻭﻁﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻓﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺨل ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺹ ‪.140‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻨﻘ ﹰ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﻭﺃﺴﺒ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺒﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺭﻤﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻭل ﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﺨﻠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺴﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻨﺤﻭ " ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﻡ " ﻭﺘﺤﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻅﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴـﺔ‬

‫ﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺠﻨﺢ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺃﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺘﻪ ﺒﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﻗﺴﺎﻤﻬﺎ ﻭﻫـﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻜل ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ﻘﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﻡ‬

‫ﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﺎ‬

‫)‬

‫ﺭ ﺍﻟ ﺭﻴ (‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻓﺼل ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﻀﻊ ﻤﺘﻔﺭﻗﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﻪ "ﺍﻟ‬

‫" ﻭﻗﺩ‬

‫ﺫﻜﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺔ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻗﺴﻤﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻷﺘﻲ )‪:(1‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻤﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻭ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﺠﻭﻩ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻪ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻟﻴﺱ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻏﺎﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﻑ ﻋﻨﺩﻫﺎ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ ﻭﺍﻷﻏﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﺘﻠﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻭﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ؛ ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻬﺎ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺼـﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ"‪.‬‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.78‬‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﻜل ﻋﻨﺼﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻻ ﻴﻌﻤل ﻤﻨﻔﺭﺩﹰﺍ ﻭﻻ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﺭﺃﺴﻪ؛‬ ‫ﻭﻻ ﺸﻙ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺇﺫ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺃﺸﺩ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ ﻭﺍﻷﻏﺭﺍﺽ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺍﺘﻀﺢ ﺴـﺎﺒﻘﺎ ؛‬ ‫ﻭﺇﻻ ﺨﺭ‬

‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﻓﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻜﻤـﺎ ﺴـﺒﻕ ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺎﻟﻨﻅﻡ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ "ﺍﻷﻏﺭﺍﺽ " ﻭﺠﻬﺎﻥ ﻷﻤﺭ ﻭﺍﺤـﺩ ؛ ﺇﺫ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌـﺎﻨﻲ ﺇﻨﻤـﺎ ﻫـﻲ ﺍﻷﻤـﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺼﻭﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻤﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻥ ﻟﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺼﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﺒﻠﻐﺎ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺴﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻭﺩﺓ ﻭﺸﺄﻭﺍ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻀل ﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻏﻴـﺭﻩ ﺒﻤﻘـﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺠﻭﺩﺓ ﺫﺍﻨﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺼﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻴﻪ ؛ ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺘﻨﺸﺄ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﻜﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ؛ ﻴﻘـﻭل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ‪ " :‬ﻟﻴﺱ ﻤﻥ ﻓﻀل ﻭﻤﺯﻴﺔ "ﺃﻱ ‪ :‬ﻓﺭﻭﻕ" ﺇﻻ ﺒﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻊ "ﺃﻱ‪ :‬ﺍﻟـﻨﻅﻡ "‬ ‫ﻭﺒﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﺭﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﺅﻡ"‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﻔﺼﻴل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻜﺎﻵﺘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ :‬ﺍﻟ ﺎ‬

‫ﺍ ﻜﺎﺭ‪:‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﻟﻠﻤﺘﻜﻠﻡ ﺨﻭﺍﻁﺭ ﺘﺠﻴﺵ ﻓﻲ ﺼﺩﺭﻩ ﻭﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻥ ﺘﺨﺘﻠ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻫﻨﻪ ؛ ﻭﻫـﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻻ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺇﻻ ﻤﻜﻨﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﺤﺠﻭﺒﺔ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﻅﻬﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻴﻬﺎ ؛ ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺨﻠﻭ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﺤﺎل ؛ ﻭﺇﻻ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺜﹰﺎ ﺒﻼ ﺠﺩﻭ ﻭﻻ ﻓﺎﺌـﺩﺓ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺼﺩ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺘﻜﺯ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﺼل ﺍﻟـﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻴﺏ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻴﻌﻭل ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺒﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﺠﻤﺎﻟﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﺇﻻ ﺨﺎﺩﻡ ﻟﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﻜـﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﻤﺼﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻜﻤﻬﺎ ؛ﻓﺎﻟﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﻜل ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﺇﺫﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻨﺒﻁﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﻠﻭﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻌﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻟﻸﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﻤﻥ ﻓﻀل ﺴﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ‬ ‫ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ؛ ﺇﺫ ﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺇﻻ ﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﺩﻟﻴل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ – ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫– ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﻟﻠﺩﻟﻴل ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺭﻴﻙ ﺍﻟﺸﻲﺀ ﻭﻴﺭﺸﺩﻙ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻭﻴﺅﺩﻴﻪ ﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺼﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺸـﻲﺀ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﺩﻟﻴل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﻔﺔ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻟﻪ– ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺩﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅﻴﻴﻭﻥ – ﻓﻬﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻴﺼﺢ ﻭﻻ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ)‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﻼ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﻭﺍﻷﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻜﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭ ﻭﺇﻨﻤـﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺘﻘﻠﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﻀﻊ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺴﺏ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺤﺩ ﻴﻨﻜﺭ ﻤﻨﺯﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻟﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤـﺩﻟﻭل‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ؛ ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻟﻭل ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﻤﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻪ ﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﻌﻜﺱ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻴـﺘﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺠﺏ ﺇﻻ ﺒﻪ ‪ -‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﻷﺼﻭﻟﻴﻭﻥ – ﻓﻬﻭ ﻭﺍﺠﺏ ؛ ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻜﺘﺴﺏ ﺍﻟـﺩﻟﻴل‬ ‫ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﻋﻅﻴﻤﺔ ﻟﻤﻭﻗﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻟﻭل ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺼل ﺇﻻ ﻤﻌﺎﻥ ﻴﻨﺸﺅﻫﺎ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺴـﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺜﺒﺕ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﻭﺼﻑ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ ﻭﺃﻏﺭﺍﺽ‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﻜﺭ ﺇﻨﻤـﺎ ﻴﺠـﻲﺀ ﺒﺎﻷﻟﻔـﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻓﺈ ّ‬

‫ﻥ ﻫـﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﻤﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻁﻘﻪ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻭﺍﻨﺘﻅﻤﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻫﻨﻪ ؛ ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﺒﻼ ﺭﻴﺏ ﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻭﻤﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﻟﻪ؛ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻼﺯﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺄﻨﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺠﻌل ﺍﻷﻟﻔﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺇﻨﻤـﺎ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻓﻼ ﺸﻙ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻤﺭﺁﺓ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ؛ ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻭﺍﻷﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻗﻠﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﺘﻐﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺴﺎﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﻗﻴﻕ ؛ ﻭﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﻻ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻹﺤﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺘﻴﻥ ﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺨﺭ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺃﺤﺩﻫﻤﺎ ﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺱ ﻟﻸﺨﺭ‬

‫)‪(3‬‬

‫‪.‬‬

‫ﻥ ﻟﺸﺩﺓ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﺜﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﺒﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﻨﺘﺎﺌ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺩل ﻤﻔـﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﻻ ﺸﻙ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻟﻠﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻜﺭﺓ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅ ﻴﺩل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨـﻰ ﺒﻨﻔﺴـﻪ ﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﺒﻥ ﺘﻴﻤﻴﺔ ‪ " :‬ﻟﻡ ﻴﻘل ﺃﺤﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻼﺀ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺩ ﺃﺤﺩ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﻻﺯﻤﺔ ﻟﻪ")‪.(4‬‬

‫)‪ (1‬ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.488‬‬ ‫)‪ (2‬ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.528‬‬ ‫)‪ (3‬ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.260‬‬ ‫)‪ (4‬ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﻓﺘﺎﻭ ﺸﻴﺦ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﺒﻥ ﺘﻴﻤﻴﺔ ‪ ، 17 ،‬ﺹ ‪.417‬‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺘﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻷﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﻌﻁﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﻻﻻﺘﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺒﻴﻨﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺃﺭﺩﺕ ﺩﻟﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺴﺘﻘﺭ‬

‫ﻟﻔﻅﺔ "‬

‫ﻼ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻨﻲ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺠﺩﻫﺎ ﺘﻌﻁﻲ ﺩﻻﻻﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔـﺔ‬ ‫" ﻤﺜ ﹰ‬

‫ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻥ ﻤﺘﺒﺎﻴﻨﺔ ﻴﺤﺩﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ )‪ ،(1‬ﺇﺫ ﺘﺠﺩﻫﺎ ﻤﺭﺓ ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﻤـﺩﺓ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺯﻤﻥ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﻟﻪ ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ‪  :‬א‪‬א‪"  ‬ﺴـﻭﺭﺓ ﻴﻭﺴـﻑ‪"45 :‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺠﺩﻫﺎ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﺠل ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻊ ﻟﺼﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺅﺘﻡ ﺒﻪ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﻟﻪ ﺘﻌـﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫‪  :‬א‪" ‬ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﺤل ﺍﻵﻴﺔ‪:"120 :‬‬ ‫ﻭﺘﺠﺩﻫﺎ ﺘﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﺨﺭ ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟـﺩﻭﺍﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻁﻴـﺭ‪  :‬א‪‬‬ ‫א‪" ‬ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻵﻴﺔ‪"38 :‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺠﺩﻫﺎ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻻ ﻴﺠﻤﻌﻬﻡ ﺸﻲﺀ ﺴﻭ ﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﻟﻪ ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ ‬א‪" ‬ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺹ ﺍﻵﻴﺔ‪"23 :‬‬

‫ﻭﺘﺠﺩﻫﺎ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻴﺠﻤﻌﻬﻡ ﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻭﻋﻘﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﺘﻔﻘﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﻟﻪ ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫‪  ‬א‪"  ‬ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻨﺒﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻵﻴﺔ‪"92 :‬‬

‫ﻼ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻟﻪ ﺃﻤﺜﺎل ﻤﺘﻌﺩﱢﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺃﺭﺩﺕ ﺩﻟﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺫﻜﺭﻨﺎ ﻓﺨﺫ ﺃﻟﻔﺎﻅﹰﺎ ﻤﻌﻴﱢﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻠﱡﻐﺔ ﻭﻗﺩﺭ ﺩﻻﻻﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺤﺩﺩ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﻗﺒل ﺃﻥ ﺘﻨﺘﻅﻡ ﻭﺘﺸـﻜل‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻟﻠﻔﻅ "ﺃﻤﺔ" ﻤﻌﺎﻥ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ ﻴﺤﺩﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺼﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﻕ؛ ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻁﺒﻲ ‪" :‬ﺍﻷﻤﺔ ﺍﺴﻡ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﻴﻘﺎل‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻭﺠﻪ "ﻓﺫﻜﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺜﻡ ﻗﺎل‪ " :‬ﻭﺍﻷﻤﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻤﺔ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻁﻭل ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﻴﻘﺎل ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ‪ :‬ﻓﻼﻥ ﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺔ ﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻤﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻷﻤﺔ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺭﺠل ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻔﺭﺩ ﺒﺩﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺤﺩﻩ ﻻ ﻴﺸﺭﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺃﺤﺩ ﻗﺎل ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻲ ﺼﻠﻰ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺴﻠﻡ ‪ " :‬ﻴﺒﻌﺙ ﺯﻴﺩ ﺒﻥ ﻋﻤﺭﻭ ﺒﻥ ﻨﻔﻴل ﺃﻤﺔ ﻭﺤﺩﻩ "ﻭﺍﻷﻤﺔ ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﻡ‬ ‫ﻴﻘﺎل ‪ :‬ﻫﺫﻩ ﺃﻤﺔ ﺯﻴﺩ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻡ ﺯﻴﺩ " "ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻊ ﻷﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ‪، 9‬ﺹ‪ 10‬ﻭ ‪ ،2‬ﺹ‪"127‬‬ ‫ل ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻴﺠﻤﻌﻬﻡ ﺃﻤﺭ ّﻤﺎ ِﺇﻤﺎ ﺩﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻴﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﺼﻔﻬﺎﻨﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺠﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﻟﻪ ‪" :‬ﺍﻷﻤّﺔ ﻜ ﱡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﺃﻭ ﺯﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻊ ﺘﺴﺨﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺃﻭ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﹰﺍ" ﻏﺭﻴﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ‪ ،1 ،‬ﺹ ‪ : 23‬ﻭﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻴﻡ ‪ ، 2 ،‬ﺹ ‪."439‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻼ ‪) :‬ﺍﻷﺼﻡ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻜﺭﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﺸﻙ ‪ ،‬ﺜﻴﺎﺒﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﺭﻡ( ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﻤﻘﺼﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﺨﺼﻭﺼﹰﺎ ﻗل ﻤﺜ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻘﻭل ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻴﻬﺎ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺼﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻻ ﻴﺴﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺭﻴﻡ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻁﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺸﻙ ‪ :‬ﻀﺩ ﺃﻴﻘﻥ‬ ‫ﺜﻴﺎﺒﻪ‪ :‬ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﺒﺴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻼﺒﺱ ﻴﺴﺘﺭ ﺒﻪ ﺠﺴﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻤﺤﺭﻡ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺭﻴﻡ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴل‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﺭﻏﻡ ﻜل ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭل ﻋﻨﺘﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﻜﻜﺕ ﺒﺎﻟﺭﻤﺢ ﺍﻷﺼﻡ ﺜﻴﺎﺒﻪ‬

‫ﻟﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﻜﺭﻴﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎ ﺒﻤﺤﺭﻡ‬

‫ﻓﺸﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺕ ‪ :‬ﺘﻔﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻁﻌﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﺭﻤﺢ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺼﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺏ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻻ ﺘﺠﺎﻭﻴﻑ ﻓﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻻ ﻴﻨﻜﺴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺜﻴﺎﺒﻪ ‪ :‬ﺠﺴﺩﻩ ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻗﻭﻟﻪ ﺘﻌـﺎﻟﻰ ‪   :‬ﺃﻱ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺠﺴﺩﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺭﻡ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﻗﺭﺏ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﻓﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺭﻑ ﻤﻨﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻁﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺤﺭﻡ ‪ :‬ﻤﺴـﺘﺤﻴل‬ ‫ﻭﻤﻤﺘﻨﻊ‪ .‬ﺃﻻ ﺘﺭ ﻜﻴﻑ ﺘﻐﻴﺭﺕ ﺩﻻﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺴﻠﺨﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻋﻨـﺩﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻨﺘﻅﻤﺕ ﻓﺸﻜﻠﺕ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻭﻤﻘﺼﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﹰﺎ)‪ .(1‬ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﻌﻘـل‬ ‫ﺇﻁﻼﻗﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻌﺯﻟﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻭﺇﻻ ﻟﻤﺎ ﺘﺼـﻭﺭ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺒﻴﻨﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﱡﻕ ‪ -‬ﻓﺎﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﻼ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺃﺭﺩﺕ ﺩﻟﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻟﻸﻋﺠﻤﻲ ﻓﻜﺭ ﺃﺼ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻼ ؛ ﻓﺈﻨﻙ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﺩﻨﻰ ﺸﻙ ﻻ ﺘﺭﻴﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻤﻊ ﻤﻌﻨﻰ )ﺨـﺭ (‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺕ "ﺨﺭ ﺯﻴﺩ" ﻤﺜ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻭﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺸﺭ ﻟﻪ ﻤﻌﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻌﺭﻓﻪ ﺒﺯﻴﺩ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻤﻪ ﻟـﻪ ﻟﻠﻤـﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺨﺭ ﻭﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﺯﻴـﺩﹰﺍ ﺍﺒﺘـﺩﺍﺀ ﻗﺒـل‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ – ﺒل ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻟﻪ ﺃﻭ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻋﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺘﻌﻠﻤﻪ ﺃﻨﺕ ﺒﺈﺴﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺨﺭﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺕ ﻤﻀﻰ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺯﻴﺩ ﻫـﺫﺍ‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﺠﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺯﻴﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻨﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺘﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ )‪ ، (1‬ﺴﻨﺔ ‪2000‬ﻡ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺹ‪.79‬‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﺭﻓﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺸﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻏﺎﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻓﻌﻠﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺇﻋﻼﻤـﻙ ﻟﻠﺴـﺎﻤﻊ ﺒﻨﺴـﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﺭﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺯﻴﺩ ﻭﺇﺴﻨﺎﺩﻩ ﻟﻪ‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫‪.‬‬

‫ﻼ ﺁﺨﺭ – ﻤﻥ ﺃﺩﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﺒـﺎﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺃﺭﺩﺕ ﺩﻟﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﻐﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﺄﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺒﻴﺕ ﺇﻤﺭﻱﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺱ ﺤﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﺯﺍل ﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺘﻪ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻭﺍﻀـﻌﻬﺎ ﻭﻴﻨﺘﻔـﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺭﻜﻴﺏ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﻨﺎﺩ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻤﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻤﻥ ﻨﺒﻙ ﻗﻔﺎ ﺤﺒﻴﺏ ﺫﻜﺭ ﻤﻨﺯل)‪.(2‬‬ ‫ﻫل ﺘﺠﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ ﺃﺯﻴﻠـﺕ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺘﻬـﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻤﻴـﺔ‬

‫)‪(3‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻭﺍﺏ ﺒﺎﻟﻁﺒﻊ ﻻ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﺴﻠﻔﻨﺎ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺘﻌﻠـﻕ ﻫـﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺇﻻ ﺘﺼﻭﺭﹰﺍ‬

‫)‪(4‬‬

‫ﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ –ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ – ﻻ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺒل ﺇ ّ‬

‫ﻼ ﻟﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﻻ ﺘﻘﻭﺩ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻭﻀﻊ ﺃﺼ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ؛ ﻭﺇﻻ ﺃﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻴﺸﻙ ﻋﺎﻗل ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺤﺎﻟﺘﻪ؛ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻫـل‬ ‫ﻼ"‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻗﺩ ﻭﻀﻌﻭﺍ ﻟﻸﺠﻨﺎﺱ ﺃﺴﻤﺎﺀ ﻻ ﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺇﻻ ﺒﻬﺎ؛ ﻭﻜﺄﻨﻬﻡ ﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﻟﻭ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻘﻭﻟﻭﺍ ﻤﺜ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺭﺠل ‪ ،‬ﻓﺭﺱ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ" ﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺎﺱ ؛ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺃﻤـﺭ ﻓـﻲ ﻏﺎﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻨﺎﻋﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺴﻤﺎﺀ ﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺇﻻ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﻋﻼﻤـﺎﺕ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺫﻭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻤﺘﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﺼ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻼ ؛ ﻭﻻ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﻭﻻ ﺘﻘﻭﺩ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ)‪.(5‬‬

‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬

‫)‪(3‬‬ ‫)‪(4‬‬

‫)‪(5‬‬

‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.412‬‬ ‫ﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺕ ﺒﻭﻀﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻫﻭ ﻗﻔﺎ ﻨﺒﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻜﺭ ﺤﺒﻴﺏ ﻭﻤﻨﺯل ﻭﺘﻤﺎﻤﻪ ﺒﺴﻘﻁ ﺍﻟﻠـﻭ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﺨﻭل ﻓﺤﻭﻤل ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻁﻠﻊ ﻤﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺇﻤﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.410‬‬ ‫ﻴﻘﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺸﻘﻴﻥ ﻫﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﻭﺘﺼﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺁﺤـﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺩﻴﻕ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺃﻤﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﺴﻠﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺏ " ﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻨﻔـﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻹﺜﺒﺎﺕ" ﺃﻭ ﻗﺩ ﺴﻤﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺘﺼﺩﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﻷﻨﻪ ﻴﺘﻁﺭﻕ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺩﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﺫﻴﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻟﻐﺯﺍﻟﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ‪ ،‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻤﻠﺤﻡ ﻁ ‪ 1 /‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﻼل ‪1992‬ﻡ ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪. 40‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.416‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻌﺯﻟﺔ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﻨﺴـﻠﺨﺔ ﻋـﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅـﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺏ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺩﺨل ﺍﻹﺴﻨﺎﺩ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻬﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻜـﺭ ؛ ﺇﺫ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻓﻜﺭ ﻓﻬﻭ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﺴﺏ ﺍﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻓﻬﻭ ﺇﻤﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﻴﺨﺒﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺸﻲﺀ ﺒﺸﻲﺀ‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻀﻴﻑ ﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺸﻲﺀ‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺸﺭﻙ ﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻜﻡ ﺸﻲﺀ‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺨﺭ ﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺤﻜﻡ ﻗﺩ ﺴﺒﻕ ﻤﻨﻪ ﻟﺸﻲﺀ‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺠﻌل ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺸﻲﺀ ﺸﺭﻁﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺸﻲﺀ ﺁﺨﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﻴﻔﺼﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺤﺩﻴﺜﻪ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻭ ﻭﺃﺤﻜﺎﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺴﻴﺄﺘﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻟﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﻼﻡ ‪-‬ﻋﻨﺩﻩ ‪-‬ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻌﻠـﻕ ﺒـﺎﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ؛ ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪ " :‬ﻻ ﻴﺨﻔﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻥ ﻟﻪ ﺃﺩﻨﻰ ﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻏـﺭﺍﺽ ﻻ‬ ‫ﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺼﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺠﻤـﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻜـﻼﻡ ﺃﺩﻟـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻏﺭﺍﺽ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ")‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ ﻻ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ – ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ‪ -‬ﺒ ﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻡ ؛ ﺒـل ﺒـﺎﻟﻨﻅﻡ؛‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﺘﻼﻗﻰ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﺘ ﺯﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺤﻭ ﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩل ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻨﻅﻤﻴﺔ – ﻓـﺈﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﻱ ﻴﺫﻜﺭﻨﺎ ﺒﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻭل ﺍﻟﻐﺯﺍﻟﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺸﻌﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺭﺒـﻁ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ؛ﺤﻴﺙ ﺠﻌل ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻲ– ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺴﻤﻴﻪ ﺒﺎﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﺃﻴﻀـﹰﺎ –‬ ‫ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺒﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻷﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫‪.‬‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻔﺴـﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﺘﻀﺢ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻭﺜﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻅﻭﻡ ؛ ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ – ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭﻩ ﻜل ﻤـﺫﻫﺏ – ﺇﻻ ﺒﻤﻌـﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺤـﻭ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪،‬ﺹ ‪.539‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.143‬‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻅﻤﺔ ﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻘل‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﻘﺭﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﺒﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻜـل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ؛ ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻫﻭ ﺒﺴﻁﻬﺎ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﻜل ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻓﻌﻠـﻪ ﻋﺒـﺩ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺴﻴﺒﻭﻴﻪ ﻭﺇﻥ ﺘﻜﻠﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻭ ﻓﻘﺩ ﻨﺒﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻼﻤﻪ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭ ؛ ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻁﺒﻲ‪" : :‬ﺇ ّ‬ ‫ﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ ﻭﺃﻨﺤﺎﺀ ﺘﺼﺭﻓﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻟﻔﺎﻅﻬﺎ ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻨﻴﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻡ ﻴﻘﺘﺼﺭ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋل ﻤﺭﻓﻭﻉ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻔﻌﻭل ﺒﻪ ﻤﻨﺼﻭﺏ ﻭﻨﺤﻭ ﺫﻟﻙ ؛ ﺒل ﻫﻭ ﻴﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﺒﺎﺏ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ‬ ‫ﺒﻪ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺍﺤﺘﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻥ")‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﻟﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻷﻏﺭﺍﺽ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻅﻤﻰ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻤﻤﺎ ﻻ ﺭﻴﺏ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﻭﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭﻫﺎ ؛ ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻅﺭ ‪ -‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ‪ -‬ﺫﻟﻙ ﻭﺤﺎﻭل ﺍﻟﻠﻬـﺙ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻷﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺭﺩﺓ ﺃﺩ‬

‫ﺫﻟﻙ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺨﻠل ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻬﻡ ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ؛ ﺒل ﺭﺒﻤـﺎ ﺃﺩ‬

‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺭﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻬﻠﻜﺔ ﺃﻴﻀﺎﹰ؛ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻤل ﻤﻌـﺎﻥ ﺃﻋﻤـﻕ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﻻﻻﺕ ﺃﺒﻌﺩ ﻏﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻻ ﻴﻘﺘﺼﺭ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﻴـﺘﻡ ﻓﻬﻤﻬـﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ – ﺒﺤﺴﺏ ﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ‪ -‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﺩﺍﻩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻠـﻙ ﺍﻟﻨﺼـﻭﺹ ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ‬ ‫ﻴﺫﻫﺏ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺫﻫﻥ ﻜل ﻤﺫﻫﺏ؛ ﺭﻏﻡ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺸﻲﺀ‬ ‫ﻻ ؛ ﻓﻔﻲ ﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﺇﻥ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺘﻘﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻅﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻡ ﻴﺒﺩل ﻨﻅﻤﻬﺎ ﻋﺩﻭ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺃﺭﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﻠﻡ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻻ ﺸﻙ ﺴﻴﻀل ﻓﻲ ﻓﻬﻤﻪ ﻭﺇﺩﺭﺍﻜﻪ ؛ ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻋﻅﻤﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺠـﺔ‬ ‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺫﻟﻙ ؛ ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﻤﺜ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻗﻭﻟﻪ ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ‪  :‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪" ‬ﺴـﻭﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻵﻴﺔ‪"110 :‬‬

‫ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺃﺠﺭﻴﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺭﻱ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺼـﺩ ﺨﺭﺠـﺕ‬ ‫ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ‪ -‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻴﺎﺫ ﺒﺎﷲ‪ -‬ﻓﻲ ﻏﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻓﺎﺜﺒﺕ ﻤﺩﻋﻭﻴﻥ ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻴﻙ ﻜﻤـﺎ‬ ‫ﺘﻘﻭل ﻟﺭﺠل ﺁﺨﺭ ‪ :‬ﺍﺩﻉ ﺯﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﺃﻭ ﺍﺩﻉ ﻋﻤﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﺄﻴﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺩﻋﻭﺕ ﻓﺈﻨﻲ ﺃﺭﻴﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻜـﻥ ﺍﻷﻤـﺭ‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ‪.76 / 4 ،‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺒﺨﻼﻑ ﺫﻟﻙ ؛ ﺇﺫ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ‪ :‬ﺴﻤﻭﻩ ﺍﷲ ﺃﻭ ﺴﻤﻭﻩ ﺍﻟﺭﺤﻤﻥ ﻓﺒﺄﻱ ﺩﻋـﻭﺘﻡ ﻓـﺈﻥ ﻫـﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺴﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﻰ ﻟﻪ ﺘﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ )‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﺴﻠﻔﻨﺎ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ ﻫﻲ ﻜل ﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻜـﻼﻡ ؛ ﺇﺫ‬ ‫ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺨﻼﺼﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﻠﻡ ﺘﻭﺼﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺯﺒﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻤﻊ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻜﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺨﻼﺼﻬﺎ ؛ ﻭﻟﻭﻻﻫﺎ ﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ؛ ﻭﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﻋﻅﻤﺕ ﻓﺎﺌﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﺎﺸﺘﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺒﻬﺎ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜل ﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺁﻨﻔﹰﺎ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﻴﺘﻌﻠـﻕ ﺒﺘﺭﻜﻴـﺏ ﺍﻟﻜـﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻻ ﻴﺨﺎﻟﻁﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻙ ﻭﻻ ﻴﻌﺘﺭﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﻴﺎﺏ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﻨﻅﻤﻪ ﻻ ﺒﺎﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺴﻠﺨﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﻌﺯﻟﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﺼـﺔ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻋﻤـل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺘﺭﺘﻴﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻪ ﻤﺨﺼﻭﺹ ﻭﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨـﺔ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻟﻸﻏﺭﺍﺽ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﻭﺘﺸﻜﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺩﻟﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻴﻔﻌﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻤﻊ ﻭﻁﺭﻴﻘﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜـﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺃﻴﻀﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺒﺴﻭﺍﻩ ﻻ ﻴﺼل ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻤﻊ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺸﻭﺩ ﻭﻻ ﺍﻟﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻠﻭﺏ ؛ ﺒل ﺭﺒﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﺘﻭﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻴﻘﺎل ‪ ،‬ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻤﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﻭﺃﻤﺭﹰﺍ ﻓـﻲ ﻏﺎﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﻁﻭﺭﺓ ؛ ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺭﺴﻴﻥ ﻟ ﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺒﻪ ﻭﻋﻅﻤﺕ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺘﻪ ﻋﻨﺩﻫﻡ ؛ ﺇﻻ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫـﻭ‬ ‫ﺃّ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻜﺘﺏ ﻟﻪ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺘﻌﺎﻗـﺏ ﺍﻟﻘـﺭﻭﻥ ﻭﺘﻁـﺎﻭل ﺍﻟـﺩﻫﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻷﺯﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺎ ﻴﺎ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟ ﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ ﻴﺘﺤﻘـﻕ ﺒﺘﺤﻘﻘﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﺇّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎل ﻭﻴﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﺒﺎﻨﺘﻔﺎﺌﻬﺎ ؛ ﺇﺫ ﻻﺒﺩ ﻟﻜل ﻋﻤل ﺒﺩﻴﻊ ﻭﺼﻨﻌﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﺤﺴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺁﺼﺭﺓ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.375‬‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻜﻡ‬ ‫ﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺅﺘﻠﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺘﺸﺎﺒﻪ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺭﻴﺏ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺼﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻼﺤﻡ ﻟﻬﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺨﺹ ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻭﺃﺩﻕ ﺼـﻔﺎﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﺎ ﺴﻤﻰ ﻗﺭﺁﻨﹰﺎ ﺇﻻ ﻟﺴﺒﺏ ﻤﺨﺼﻭﺹ ﻭﻏﺭﺽ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ؛ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺽ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻟﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻀﻡ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺌﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﻟﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺼﻑ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻟﻴﺱ ﻟﻪ ﻤﺜﻴل)‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ‪ " :‬ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﺭﺁﻨﹰﺎ ﻭﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﷲ ﻋﺯ ﻭﺠل ﺒﺎﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻫﻭ ﻋﻠﻴـﻪ ")‪.(2‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺘﻔﻴﺩﻩ ﺃﻭﺼﺎﻑ ﺃﺨﺭ ﺫﻜﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﷲ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﻪ ؛ ﺇﺫ ﺫﻜﺭ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺃﺤﻜﻤـﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺴﺭﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻹﺤﻜﺎﻡ )‪:(3‬ﺍﻹﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺼﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﻟﻴﻑ)‪.(4‬‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﻜﻠﻤﺔ )ﻗﺭﺍﻥ( ﺘﺸﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻀﻡ ﻭﺘﺩل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻟﻴﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻤﻊ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻤﺨﺘﻭﻡ ﺒـﺎﻷﻟﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻭﻥ ﻜﺎﻟﺭﺠﺤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻔﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺭﻗﺎﻥ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻌل ﻗﺭﺃ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻭﻓﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻀﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺃﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺼﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﻭﻱ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻓﻬﻲ ﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻀﻡ ﻴﻘﻭل ﻋﻤﺭﻭ ﺒﻥ ﺃﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻜﻠﺜﻭﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻤﻨﺕ ﻋﻴﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺸﺤﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺘﺭﻴﻙ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺩﺨﻠﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨـﻼ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻠﻭﻥ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻘﺭﺃ ﺠﻨﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺫﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻴﻁل ﺃﺩﻤﺎﺀ ﺒﻜـﺭ‬ ‫ﺃﻱ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻀﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺤﻤﻬﺎ ﺠﻨﻴﻨﹰﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻪ ﻟﻔﻅ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻭﺀ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻊ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻹﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺩﻡ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺭﺤﻡ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﻗﺎل ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ‪  :‬א‪  ‬ﻗﺎل ﺍﺒـﻥ ﻋﺒـﺎﺱ ﺃﻱ ﺇﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺠﻤﻌﻨﺎﻩ ﻭﺃﺜﺒﺘﻨﺎﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺼﺩﺭﻙ ﻓﺎﻋﻤل ﺒﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎل ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻗﺩ ﺴﻤﻰ ﻗﺭﺁﻨﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻭﻨﻪ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﹰﺎ ﻟﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ‪ )،‬ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ‪ :‬ﻏﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻟﻠﺭﺍﻏﺏ ﺍﻷﺼﻔﻬﺎﻨﻲ ‪.402/1‬‬ ‫)‪ (2‬ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.519‬‬ ‫)‪ (3‬ﺘﺩل ﺍﻵﻴﺔ ‪   ‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻜﻠﻪ ﻤﺤﻜﻡ ﻷﻨﻪ ﺇﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺼـﻑ ﻭﺫﻟـﻙ‬ ‫ﻷﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻴﻔﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻭﻡ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺫﻜﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻁﺒﻲ ﺃﻨﻪ ) ﻗﻴل ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻜﻠﻪ ﻤﺤﻜﻡ ﻟﻘﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺃﺤﻜﻤﺕ ﺁﻴﺎﺘﻪ )ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻊ ﻷﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ‪ (10 /4‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺫﻜﺭ ﺍﺒﻥ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻜﻠﻪ ﻤﺘﺸـﺎﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻨﻘل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﻋﻥ ﻤﺠﺎﻫﺩ) ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻴﻡ ‪ (51 / 4‬ﻭﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻁﺒﻲ ﺃﻴﻀـﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻤﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ )ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻊ ﻷﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ‪ (10/4‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻗﻴل ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻨـﻰ ﺍﻹﺤﻜـﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺸـﺎﺒﻪ ﻤـﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻜﻡ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺴﺦ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺘﺸﺎﺒﻪ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺴﻭ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻬﺎ ‪ :‬ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺃﻗﻭﺍ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻴﺤﺘﻤل ﻭﺠﻭﻫﹰﺎ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﺎﻟﻤﺤﻜﻡ ﺃﺼل ﺘﺭﺩ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻭﻉ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺘﺸـﺎﺒﻪ ﻫـﻭ ﺍﻟﻔـﺭﻉ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻬـﺎ ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺎﺕ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺤﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺏ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻬﺎ ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻜﻡ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﺃﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺘﺸﺎﺒﻪ ﻫﻭ ﻤـﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻓﻴﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻴل ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺎﺕ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻵﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻻﻟﺔ‪ )،‬ﺃﻨﻅﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟـﻙ ﺇﻟـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻊ ﻷﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ‪،10/ 4‬ﻭﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻴﻡ‪ ،345 ،51/ 4‬ﻭﻏﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ‪.255 /1‬‬ ‫)‪(4‬ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻊ ﻷﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ‪ ، 4 ،‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻌﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﺩﻭﻨﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻁ‪ /‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺼـﺭﻴﺔ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.10‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻭﺠﻪ ﻓﺈﻨﹼﻪ ﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻤﺭﺍﻋﺎﺓ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻌﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ؛ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﺴﺒﺎ ﺼﻔﺎﺕ ﻭﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﺨﺭ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺨﻁﺭ ﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺩ ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭﻫﺎ ﺨﻁﺄ ﻭﺸﻁﻁﹰﺎ ﻭﻏﻠـﻭﹰﺍ ﻟﻬـﻲ ﺘﻠـﻙ‬ ‫ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻪ ؛ ﺇﺫ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺘﺴﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﺒﻌﺩ ﻋـﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﻭﻀﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭ ؛ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻋﻥ ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺘﺼل ﻓـﻲ ﻨﻬﺎﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻻﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﺩ ﻨﻘﺩﻩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻓﻀ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺎﻑ ﺇﻻ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺘﻘﺒﻠﺔ ﻭﻻ ﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺃﻤﺭ ﻤﻌﺭﻭﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﻭﻤﹰﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻀﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺼﻑ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺌﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﻟﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﺒﺩﻴﻊ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﺒﺭﺯ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻭﺃﻅﻬﺭ ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺼﻪ ﻭﺃﻭﻗﻌﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻭ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻤـﻥ ﺃﻫـﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺼـﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻴﺎﺼﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺩﻓﻊ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺩﻴل ﻭﺘﻤﻨﻊ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺸـﺎﺌﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺭﻴـﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴـﺭ ؛ ﺇﺫ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻟﻜﻭﻨﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻭﺜﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺭﻭﺍﺒﻁ ﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻬﻭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻗﺎﺒل ﻟﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻟﻴﺱ ﻤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻁﻼﻕ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺭﻕ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻭﺸﺎﺴﻊ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻹﻟﻬﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻅﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺸـﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨـﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺤﻅ ‪" :‬ﻭﻓﺭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻭﺘﺄﻟﻴﻔﻪ ﻭﻨﻅـﻡ ﺴـﺎﺌﺭ ﺍﻟﻜـﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﺄﻟﻴﻔﻪ")‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻟﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﺭﻭﺍﺒﻁ ﻭﺩﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺇﻥ ﺸﺎﺒﻪ ﺸﻲﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺸﻭﺍﺌﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭ‬ ‫ﺒل ﺇ ّ‬ ‫ﻁﺭﺤﻪ ﻭﻅﻬﺭ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﻭﺯ ﻜﺄﻭﻀﺢ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﻭﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺨﻠل ﻜﺄﻅﻬﺭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻥ؛ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺫﺍﻙ ﺇﻻ ﻟﺩﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻭﺇﺤﻜﺎﻤﻪ ؛ ﻭﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻁﺒﻲ ‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﺁﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﻗﺩ ‪:‬‬ ‫" ﻨﻅﻤﺕ ﻨﻅﻤ ﹰﺎ ﻤﺤﻜﻤﹰﺎ ﻻ ﻴﻠﺤﻘﻬﺎ ﻤﻌﻪ ﺘﻨﺎﻗﺽ ﻭﻻ ﺨﻠل")‪ .(2‬ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ‪ ‬א‪ ‬א‪‬א‪‬א ‪" ‬ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ‪ "82،‬ﻭﺒﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻵﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﺭﺭ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻟﻔﺔ – ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﻷﺼﻭﻟﻴﻭﻥ ‪ -‬ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.16‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻊ ﻷﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ‪.2/ 6 ،‬‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺩ ﻭﺠﺩﻭﺍ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺘﻨﺎﺴﻘﹰﺎ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﹰﺎ ﻻ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﺤﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻠﻐﺎﺀ ﺍﻹﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﺒﻤﺜﻠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﻟﻴﻑ ؛ ﺇﺫ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻨﺹ ﺇﻟﻬﻲ ﻤﺘﻤﺎﺴﻙ ﺍﻷﺠﺯﺍﺀ؛ ﻤﺘﻼﺌﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺏ؛ ﺁﺨﺫ ﺒﻌﻀﻪ‬ ‫ﺒﺤﺠﺯ ﺒﻌﺽ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺠﻭﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻁﺭﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻴﺠﻌل ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻜﺎﻟﻤﺅﺘﻠﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻟﻤﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﺠﺩ ﺨﻼﻓﻪ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻨﻅﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭ ﻭﺘ ﻟﻴﻔﻬﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺴـﺎﻤﻲ ﺍﻟـﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﺫﻜﺭﻨﺎ ﻓﻘﺩ ﻭﺠﺏ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻨﺎﺀ ﺒﻪ ﻭﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ؛ ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺴﺭﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻴـﻪ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻟ ﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﻤﻨﺎﻁﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺩﻱ ؛ ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻁﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﻗﻭﻟﻪ ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺩﻭﻩ ﺃﺼ ﹰ‬ ‫‪  :‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪" ‬ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﻫـﻭﺩ ﺍﻵﻴـﺔ‪" "13:‬ﻜﺄﻨـﻪ‬ ‫ﻴﻘﻭل‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﻴﺘﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻅﻡ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ )‪ (‬ﻭﻋﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺎﻋﻤﻠﻭﺍ ﻋﺸﺭ ﺴﻭﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺠـﻨﺱ‬ ‫ﻨﻅﻤﻪ ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻋﺠﺯﺘﻡ ﺒﺄﺴﺭﻜﻡ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻤﻭﺍ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻟﻴﺱ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻅﻤﻪ")‪ .(1‬ﺃﻱ ﺍﻨﻪ ﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻤﺘﻔﺭﺩ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭ ﺍﻹﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﺒﻤﺜﻠﻪ ﻤﻬﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺩﺭﺠﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﺎﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺇﻻ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﺴﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻭﺒﺩﻴﻊ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻟﻴﻑ ﻭﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻀﻤﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﺼـﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﺔ‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻫﻭ ﺃﺼل ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ‬

‫)‪(3‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﺼﺎﻑ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ ﺇﻻ ﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ‬

‫ﻟﻪ ﻭﺨﺎﺭﺠﺔ ﻤﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺒﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﻭﺼﺎﻑ ﺤﺎل ﺇﻓﺭﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻭﺍﻨﺴﻼﺨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻻ ﺘﺴﺘﻌﺼﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ ﻭﻻ ﺘﺘﺄﺒﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ؛‬ ‫ﻥ ﻓﺼﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻷﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺓ ﻤﺜ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺇﺫ ﻫﻲ – ﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﻱ – ﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﻭﻥ ﻭﺃﻟﻔﺎﻅﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻨﻅﻤـﻭﻥ ﻭﻫـﻲ‬ ‫ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻟﻐﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﻫﻡ ﺃﻫﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺒﺠﺩﺘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺭﺩﺓ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺇﻻ ﻜـﺫﻟﻙ ‪،‬‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬ ‫)‪(3‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻊ ﻷﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ‪.71 /1 ،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻊ ﻷﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ‪.343 / 80 ،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ‪.‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﻋﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻷﺼل ﻭﻤﻜﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻭﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻴـﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺴﻭﺍﻩ ﺇﻻ ﺘﺎﺒﻊ ﻟﻪ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺫﻜﺭ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺯﻤﺨﺸﺭﻱ‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﻤـﺎ ﻴـﺫﻫﺏ ﺇﻟﻴـﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺭﺴﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺒﻼﻏﻲ ﺃﻭ ﻟﻔﻅﻲ "ﺼﻭﺘﻲ" ﺃﻭ ﻤﻌﻨﻭﻱ ﻤﺠﺭﺩ "ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺇﺨﺒﺎﺭﹰﺍ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﻐﻴﺏ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻘﺩﻤﻭﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻋﺠﺎﺯﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻨﺤﻭﻩ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﻭﻥ" ﻓﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻤﻭﺭ ﺘﻨﺩﺭ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﻭﺠﻭﻫﹰﺎ ﻤﻘﺒﻭﻟﺔ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻨﻔﺭﺩﺓ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺕ ﻟﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻜﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭ ﻭﻋﻤﺎ ﺴﻭﺍﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻼ ﺍﻋﺘﺩﺍﺩ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻻ ﺸﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺠﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻗﺩ ﻭﺠﺩﺕ ﺤﻅﺎ ﻜﺒﻴـﺭﹰﺍ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤـﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻗﺩﻴﻤﹰﺎ ﻭﺤﺩﻴﺜﺎﹰ؛ ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻫﺎﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﻤﺭ ﻋﻠﻡ ﻭﻤﻨﻬ ﻴﺭﺒﻁ‬ ‫ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﺌﻴﺎﺕ ﺒﻨﻅﺎﺌﺭﻫﺎ ﻟﻴﺩﺭﺠﻬﺎ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﻀـﺭﻭﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻟﻬﻲ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻬـﺩﻱ ﺇﻟـﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺘـﺎﺌ‬ ‫ﺃّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺩﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻨﺴﺠﻡ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴـﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻀﻤﺎﺭ ﺒﺎﻷﻗﻭﺍل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺴﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﺼﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ ﺘﻘﻨـﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﺼ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﻫﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺄﻤل ﺩﻭﻥ ﻤﻨﻬ ﻭﻻ ﻜﻠﻴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻠﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻤﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺘﻠﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻭﻟﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻤﺭﹰﺍ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﻀﺒﻁﻬﺎ ﻓﻘـﺩ ﺤﻔـل ﺒﻬـﺎ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺴﺭﻭﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺯﻤﺨﺸﺭﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺴﺭ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬

‫؛ ﻭﻤﺎ‬

‫ﺫﺍﻙ ﺇﻻ ﻷﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻁﺎﺌﻑ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻤﻨﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟـﺭﺍﺯﻱ‬

‫)‪ (1‬ﺍﻟﻜﺸﺎﻑ‪.302 /3 ،‬‬ ‫)‪ (2‬ﺍﻟﺯﺭﻜﺸﻲ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻫﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ ‪1988‬ﻡ ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.36‬‬

‫‪ ،1‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺃﺒﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﻀل ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻁ ‪ /‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﻴل‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺨﺒﺭ ﻁﺭﺍﺌﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﻭﻋﺭﻑ ﻤﺴﺎﻟﻜﻪ ‪" :‬ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻟﻁﺎﺌﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﻤﻭﺩﻋـﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺘﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﻭﺍﺒﻁ"‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﺃﻭل ﻤﻜﺘﺸﻑ ﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ؛ ﺒل ﺴﺒﻘﺘﻪ ﺇﺸـﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻕ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ؛ ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻓﺴﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﹰﺎ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺴﺒﻘﻪ ﻋﻠﻴـﻪ‬ ‫ﺃﺤﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﺭﺃ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﻠﻡ ﺒﺎﻷﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺃﺸﺒﻪ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺒﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻨﻊ ﺒﻤﺎﺩﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻡ ؛ ﺇﺫ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺼﻨﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻨﻊ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺼﻨﻊ ؛‬ ‫ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻏﺎﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻓﻌﻠﻪ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺃﻋﺎﺩ ﺘﺸﻜﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﺒﺘﺼﻤﻴﻡ ﺒﻌﻴﻨﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﺭﺃ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻜل ﻤﺎ ﻴﻔﻌﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﻠﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﻘﻴﻡ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻴﺘﻭﺨﻰ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻭ ﻭﻤﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﻜﻴﺏ ﻭﻴﻨﻅﻤﻬﺎ ﻟﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﻏﺭﻀﹰﺎ ﺨﺎﺼﹰﺎ ﻭﻤﻘﺼﺩﹰﺍ ﺒﻌﻴﻨـﻪ –‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻷﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻭﻀﻊ ﻟﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺩ ﺫﻫﺏ ﺇﻟﻰ ‪" :‬ﺇ ّ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ؛ ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻷﻥ ﻴﻀﻡ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻓﻴﻌﺭﺽ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻭﺍﺌﺩ"‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺼﻑ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻡ ﺸﺭﻴﻑ ﻭﺃﺼل ﻋﻅﻴﻡ ؛ ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻭﺠﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﻴﺘﻪ ﻟﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﺘﻀﺢ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻻ ﻓﻀل ﻟﻠﻤﺘﻜﻠﻡ ﻓﻴﻬـﺎ ﻓﺈﻨـﻪ ﻴﻨﺒﻐـﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﻀل ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺁﺨﺭ؛ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﺌﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﺩل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻜـﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻘـل ﻋﻨـﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺒﻁ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ‪ -‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺴﺒﻕ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻫﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺁﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻜﺱ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺘﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺫﻫﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺭﺃ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻬﻤـﺔ‬

‫ﻼ‪" :‬ﺨﺭ ﺯﻴﺩ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﻠﻡ ﻫﻲ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻨﺎﺩ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ؛ ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻗﻠﺕ ﻤﺜ ﹰ‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.539‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺯﻴﺩ ﺨﺎﺭ " ﻭﻨﺤﻭﻩ ﻓﺈﻨﻙ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻔﻌل ﻓﻲ ﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺃﺴﻨﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﺭﻭ ﺇﻟـﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻴﺩ ﻓﺤﺴﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺃﻱ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻨﺎﺩ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻘل ﺃﺸﺩ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻬ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ؛ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻨﺤﻥ –‬ ‫ﺒﺼﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻋﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻨﺎﺩ ﻫﻭ ﺠﻭﻫﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠـﺎﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﺀ ﺒﻌﺩﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﻴﻴﻥ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﻴﻨﺸﺅﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﻭﻴﻘﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﺇﻻ ﻭﻫـﻲ‬ ‫ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﻨﺩ ﻭﻤﺴﻨﺩ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻭﻓﻀﻠﺔ ﺃﻭ "ﻗﻴﺩ" ﻭﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻜل ﺍﻵﺘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻜــﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻠـﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻨﺩ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻨﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻔﻀﻠﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺩ‬

‫ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺴﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ ‪ -‬ﻭﺒﺸﻜﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺴﻁ ﻫﺫﺍ ‪ -‬ﺘﻨﺩﺭ ﺘﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻓـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺴﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻭﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﻼﻡ‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺤﺩﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﻭﺘﻨﺸﺄ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﻭﻴـﺔ ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﺸﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻜﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻭﻟﺩ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﻭﺘﻨﺩﺭ ﺘﺤـﺕ ﺘﻠـﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺴﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺫﻜﺭﻨﺎ – ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭﻟﻪ )‪:(2‬‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﺃﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻨﺩ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋل ﻭﻨﺎﺌﺒﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺒﺘﺩﺃ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺃﺼﻠﻪ ﻤﺒﺘﺩﺃ ) ﺍﺴﻡ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺃﺨﻭﺍﺘﻬﺎ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺃﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻨﺩ ﻓﻤﻨﻬﺎ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻔﻌل ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻡ ﻭﺨﺒﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺘﺩﺃ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺃﺼﻠﻪ ﺨﺒﺭ ﻤﺒﺘﺩﺃ ) ﺨﺒﺭ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺃﺨﻭﺍﺘﻬﺎ (‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﻌل ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺎﺌﺏ ﻋﻥ ﻓﻌل ﺍﻷﻤﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻭﺩ ﻓﻤﻨﻬﺎ ‪ :‬ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻁ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻔﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻔﺎﻋﻴل ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺎل ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻭﺍﺒﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻭﺍﺴﺦ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪ (2‬ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.7/4‬‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻡ ﺜﻼﺙ‪ :‬ﺍﺴﻡ ﻭﻓﻌل ﻭﺤﺭﻑ ﻭﻟﻠﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻁﺭﻕ ﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻻ ﺘﻌﺩﻭ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻗﺴﺎﻡ ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺍﺴﻡ ﺒﺎﺴﻡ‬‫ ﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺍﺴﻡ ﺒﻔﻌل‬‫ ﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺤﺭﻑ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‬‫ﻻ ﻤﻨﻪ ﺃﻭ ﺘﺎﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻟﻪ ﺼـﻔﺔ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻻﺴﻡ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻻﺴﻡ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺨﺒﺭﹰﺍ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺃﻭ ﺤﺎ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺘﻭﻜﻴﺩﺍ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻁﻑ ﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺒﺤﺭﻑ ﺃﻭ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻤﻀﺎﻓﹰﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺒـﺄﻥ ﻴﻜـﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭل ﻴﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻋﻤل ﺍﻟﻔﻌل ﻭﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋل ﻟﻪ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﻌﻭل ﻭﺫﻟﻙ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋل ﻭﺍﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﻌﻭل ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺒﻬﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺘﻤﻴﺯﹰﺍ ﻗﺩ ﺠﻼﻩ‬ ‫ﻤﻨﺘﺼﺒﹰﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﻡ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻ ﻓﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭﹰﺍ ﻗﺩ ﺍﻨﺘﺼـﺏ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻟﻪ ﻤﻔﻌﻭ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺍﻻﺴﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﻔﻌل ﻓﺒﺄﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﺎﻋ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺯﻤﺎﻨـﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻜﺎﻨـﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺒﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻅﺭﻓﹰﺎ ﻤﻔﻌﻭ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺒﻪ ﻭﻴﻘﺎل ﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﻌﻭل ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻠﻕ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻔﻌﻭ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻌل ﻤﻨﺯﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﻌﻭل ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺒﺭ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻟﻪ ﺃﻭ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻨﺯ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻤﻌﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻔﻌﻭ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻤﻔﻌﻭ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺃﺨﻭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺎل ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺼﺏ ﻋﻥ ﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻑ ﺒﻬﻤﺎ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﺃﻀﺭﺏ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍ‬

‫‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﻴﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻌل ﻭﺍﻻﺴﻡ ﻓﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺠﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺸـﺄﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺘﻌﺩﻱ ﺍﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺘﻌﺩ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺒﺄﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﻤﺎﺀ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﺎ‬

‫‪ :‬ﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻑ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻁﻑ ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﺎﻟ ‪ :‬ﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﻜﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺤﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺭﻁ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺯﺍﺀ ﺒﻤـﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﺩﺨل ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻡ ﺒﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺘﻬﺎ ؛ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻟﻴﺴـﺕ ﺴـﻭ‬ ‫ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻭ ﻭﺃﺤﻜﺎﻤﻪ ؛ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺃﻤﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻴﺠﺭﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﻭﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﺃﺸﺩ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻤﺎ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻕ ؛ ﻓﻌﻨﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺘﺘﺭﺘﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻫﻥ ﻓﺘﺘﺭﺘﺏ ﺍﻷﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻜـﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺤﺴﺏ ﺘﺭﺘﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻫﻥ ﻜﺎﻟﻤﺭﺁﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻜﺱ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﺼـﻭﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﻤﻤﺎﺜﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﺸﺄ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺘﺘﺎ ﻟﻠﺫﻫﻥ ﺨﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﻭﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺏ ﻤﺘﻨﻭﻋﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻨﺘﻘﻰ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺒ ﱢﺭ ﺒﻪ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺭﺍﺩ ﺇﺒﻼﻏﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺼﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭﻱ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺘﻨﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﺃﻤـﺎ ﻓـﻲ ﺤﺎﻟـﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻌﻴـﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻭﻤﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺤﺩﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻨﻘﺴﻡ ‪-‬ﺤﺴﺏ ﺭﺃﻴﻪ‪ -‬ﺇﻟـﻰ ﺘﺴـﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻭﻀﻭﺤﹰﺎ ﻜﺎﻵﺘﻲ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺸﺭ ﻨﻭﻋﹰﺎ ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﺘﺸﻜﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﺴﻡ ‪ " +‬ﺍﺴﻡ ‪ +‬ﺨﺒﺭ "‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺍﺴﻡ ‪ " +‬ﺍﺴﻡ ‪ +‬ﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ "‬ ‫‪-3‬‬

‫ﺍﺴﻡ ‪ " +‬ﺍﺴﻡ ‪ +‬ﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ "‬

‫‪ -4‬ﺍﺴﻡ ‪ " +‬ﺍﺴﻡ ‪ +‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ"‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺍﺴﻡ ‪ " +‬ﺍﺴﻡ ‪ +‬ﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ "‬ ‫‪ " -6‬ﺍﺴﻡ ‪ +‬ﺍﺴﺘﻔﻬﺎﻡ" ‪ " +‬ﺍﺴﻡ ‪ +‬ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ‪ +‬ﻤﻔﻌﻭﻟﻴﺔ"‬ ‫‪ -7‬ﻓﻌل ‪ " +‬ﺍﺴﻡ ‪ +‬ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ "‬ ‫‪ -8‬ﻓﻌل ‪ " +‬ﺍﺴﻡ ‪ +‬ﻤﻔﻌﻭﻟﻴﺔ "‬ ‫‪ -9‬ﻓﻌل ‪ " +‬ﺍﺴﻡ ‪ +‬ﺴﺒﺒﻴﺔ "‬ ‫‪ -10‬ﻓﻌل ‪ " +‬ﺍﺴﻡ ‪ +‬ﻤﺼﺩﺭﻴﺔ "‬ ‫‪ -11‬ﻓﻌل ‪ " +‬ﺍﺴﻡ ‪ +‬ﻤﻌﻴﺔ "‬ ‫‪ -12‬ﻓﻌل ‪ " +‬ﺍﺴﻡ ‪ +‬ﻅﺭﻓﻴﺔ "‬ ‫‪ " -13‬ﻓﻌل ‪ +‬ﻨﺴﺦ " ‪ " +‬ﺍﺴﻡ ‪+‬ﺨﺒﺭﻴﺔ "‬ ‫‪ -14‬ﻓﻌل ‪ " +‬ﺍﺴﻡ ‪ +‬ﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ "‬ ‫‪ -15‬ﻓﻌل ‪ " +‬ﺍﺴﻡ ‪ +‬ﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ "‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫‪ -16‬ﻓﻌل ‪ " +‬ﺍﺴﻡ ‪ +‬ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ "‬ ‫‪ -17‬ﻓﻌل ‪ +‬ﺤﺭﻑ ‪ +‬ﺍﺴﻡ‬ ‫‪ -18‬ﺍﺴﻡ ‪ +‬ﺤﺭﻑ ‪ +‬ﺍﺴﻡ‬ ‫‪ -19‬ﺤﺭﻑ ‪ +‬ﺠﻤﻠﺔ‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺼﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠـﺎﻨﻲ ﻴﻨﻀـﺎﻑ ﺇﻟﻴﻬـﺎ ﻋـﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺎﺕ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ؛ ﻭﻫﻲ ‪ :‬ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻴﺘﺴﻊ ﻤﺩﺍﻩ ﺒﺈﺩﺨﺎل ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺇﻀﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﻜـﺎﻹﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺜﻨﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻤـﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻜﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﺨﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺫﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻻ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﻀﻡ ﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺨﺭ ﻜﻴﻔﻤﺎ ﺠﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﺘﻔﻕ؛ ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠـﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻻﻟـﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﻼﻗﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﺘﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺇﻟـﻰ ﺤﺭﻜـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻟﻨﺴﻴ ﺍﻟﺩﻗﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻻﺒﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺩﻗﺘﻪ ﻤـﻥ ﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒـﺔ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻭﻋﺭﻀﺎ ﻭﺒﻡ ﻴﺒﺩﺃ ﻭﺒﻡ ﻴﺜﻨﻲ ﻭﺒﻡ ﻴﺜﻠﺙ ﻤـﻥ ﺨـﻼل‬ ‫ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺨﻴﻭﻁﻪ ﺠﻴﺌﺔ ﻭﺫﻫﺎﺒﹰﺎ ﻁﻭ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺩﻗﻴﻕ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺠﺒﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺭﺘﻴﺏ ﺃﻟﻔﺎﻅﻪ ﻭﺘﻌﻠﻴـﻕ ﺍﻟﻜﻠـﻡ ﺒﻌﻀـﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺒﺒﻌﺽ؛ ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﺄﺘﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻕ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺩﻻﻟﻲ ﻤﺤـﺩﺩ ؛‬ ‫ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﻜﺘﺴﺏ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻨﺤﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺘﺭﺘﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻨـﻭﻉ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﻼ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺫﻱ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺜ ﹰ‬ ‫‪ " -1‬ﻤﺒﺘﺩﺃ ‪ +‬ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ" ‪" +‬ﺨﺒﺭ ‪ +‬ﺘﻨﻜﻴﺭ" ﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﺠﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻙ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻁﻑ ؛ ﺇﺫ ﻴﻤﻜـﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﻨﻘﻭل ‪ :‬ﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻭﻋﻤﺭﻭ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ " -2‬ﻤﺒﺘﺩﺃ ‪ +‬ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ" ‪ " +‬ﺨﺒﺭ‪ +‬ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ" ﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﺍﻤﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻙ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻁﻑ ؛ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻴﺠﻭﺯ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻘﻭل ﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻭﻋﻤﺭﻭ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﺠﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺯﻴﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺘﻔﻜﺭ‪، 2 ،‬ﻉ ‪، 2‬ﺴﻨﺔ ‪ 2000‬ﻡ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺠﻭﺍﺯ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل؛ ﻭﺫﻟﻙ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺤﺩﱢﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺫﻫﻥ ﻭﻴﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﻤﻊ ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﺨﺒﺭ ﻫﻭ ‪ :‬ﺇﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺇﺜﺒـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻷّ‬ ‫ﺍﻨﻁﻼﻕ ﻤﺨﺼﻭﺹ ﻗﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﺜﺒﺕ ﻟﺯﻴﺩ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺼﺢ ﺇﺜﺒﺎﺘـﻪ ﻟﻌﻤـﺭﻭ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻻ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺘﺩﻋﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺯﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻭﺤﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺴﻭﺍﻩ ﺜﻡ ﺘﺸﺭﻙ ﻤﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺃّ‬ ‫ﺘﺭ ﺃﻨﻙ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻋﻘ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺭﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻌل ﻴﺭﺍﺩ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺤﺎﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻬﺩﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻤﺎ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺇﻻ ﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﻋﺭﻓﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻼﻕ ﻜﺄﻨﻤﺎ ﺨﺼﺼﺕ ﺯﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺴﻭﺍﻩ ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻜﻴﺭ ﻓﻴﻔﻴﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل‬ ‫‪‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻁﻼﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻌﻀﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻻ ﺘﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﷲ ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻗﺩ ﻗﺎل ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺴـل ‪  ‬‬ ‫"ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﺤل ﺍﻵﻴﺔ ‪ "66:‬ﻓﻨﻜﱠﺭ ﻟﻔﻅ "ﺸﻔﺎﺀ" ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﺩل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻔﺎﺀ ﻀﺭﻭﺏ ﻭﺃﻨـﻭﺍﻉ ؛‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺴل ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻩ ؛ ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﻤﻨﺤﺼﺭﹰﺍ ﺒﻜﻠﻴﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺴل ﻜﻤﺎ ﺩﻟﺕ ﺍﻵﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻪ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﺸﻔﺎﺀ ﻟﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻌﻠل ﺩﻭﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻭ ﻗﺎل ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﻔﺎﺀ ﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟـﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﻴﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﻫﻭ‪ :‬ﺇﻓﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﻭل ﻭﺍﻹﺤﺎﻁﺔ؛ ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﺤﺎل‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻻﺸﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻜﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﻤﻌﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺫﻜﺭﻨﺎ ؛ ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﻤﺜﻠﻨـﺎ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻟﻡ ﻨﺫﻜﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻗﺎﺼﺭﹰﺍ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻫـﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺎ ﺫﻜﺭﻨﺎ ﺩﻟﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﺘﺩ ﻭﻴﺘﺴﻊ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﺸﻤل ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻔﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻌﺎﻥ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﻻﻻﺕ ﺒﺩﻴﻌﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻌل ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺄﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻻﻻﺕ ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﻔﺭ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟـﻨﻅﻡ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻻﺕ ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻥ ﺒﺩﻴﻌﺔ ؛ ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺫﻜﺭ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺘﻔﺼﻴ ﹰ‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﺫﻜﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺴﺭﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻟﻔﻅ )ﺸﻔﺎﺀ ( ﻟﻴﺱ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻭﻡ ؛ ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻁﺒﻲ‪) :‬ﻭﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺩل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻟﻴﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻭﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺸﻔﺎﺀ ﻨﻜﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻹﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﻻ ﻋﻤﻭﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺃﻫل ﺍﻟﻠﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﻤﺤﻘﻘﻲ ﺃﻫل ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺃﻫل ﺍﻷﺼﻭل( ) ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻊ ﻷﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ‪ (137/10‬ﻓﺎﻟﻌﺴل ﻟﻴﺱ ﺸﻔﺎﺀﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﻜل ﺩﺍﺀ ﻜﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻵﻴﺔ؛ ﺇﺫ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻗﺩ ﻨ ﱠﻜﺭ ﻟﻔﻅ )ﺸﻔﺎﺀ( ﻭﻟﻡ ﻴﻌﺭﻓﻪ ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﺒﻥ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ‪) :‬ﻗﺎل ﺒﻌﺽ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺘﻜﻠﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻁﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻭﻱ ﻟﻭ ﻗﺎل ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﻔﺎﺀ ﻟﻠﻨﺎﺱ ﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺍﺀ ﻟﻜل ﺩﺍﺀ ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻗﺎل ﻓﻴﻪ ﺸﻔﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻨﺎﺱ ( ) ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻴﻡ ‪(576/2‬‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺘﺸﻜﱢﻠﻪ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﻭﺇﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻴﻨﺎل ﻜـل‬ ‫ﺠﺯﺌﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺯﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻭﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﻜل ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻗﺎﺌﻘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ؛ ﺤﻴـﺙ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻌـﺎﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺫﻜﺭﻨﺎ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﻨﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﱡﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﺸﻜﺎﻟﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺩﻴﻌﺔ ﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻴﱢﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺎ ﺴﻭﺍﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ ﻭﻋﻥ ﻤﺎ ﺴﻭﺍﻩ ﻤﻥ ﻜـﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭ ؛ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﺭﺯ ﻭﺠﻭﻩ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﺜﺒﺕ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻤﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺃﺸﺩ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻅـﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺯﻋﻡ ﺃﻥ ‪":‬ﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻭﺤﺴﻥ ﺘﺄﻟﻴﻑ ﻜﻠﻤﺎﺘﻪ ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﺒﻤﻌﺠـﺯﺓ ﻟﻠﻨﺒـﻲ )‪ (‬ﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﺩﻗﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻭﺍﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻭﺓ ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﺩﻗﻪ ﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺨﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﻭﺏ "‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﺘﻐﺩﻭ ﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﹰﺎ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺘﻤﺎﺴﻜﺔ ﺒل ﻭﻤﺘﻬﺎﻓﺘـﺔ ﻜـﺫﻟﻙ ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤـﺎ ﺘﺼـﺒﺢ‬

‫ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅﻴﻴﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻀﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻴﺴﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﺴﻠﻜﹰﺎ ﻓﺭﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺼﺤﺔ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﺘﻜﺫﻴﺏ ﺩﻋﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺩﺤﻀﻬﺎ ؛ ﺤﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﺒﻠﻔﻅﻴﻥ ﺃﺤﺩﻫﻤﺎ ‪ :‬ﺤﺴﻥ ﺠﻤﻴل ؛ ﻭﺍﻵﺨـﺭ ‪ :‬ﺨﺸـﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﻟﻁﻴﻑ – ﺤﺴﺏ ﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅﻴﻴﻥ – ﻓﻴﺴﺘﻘﺭ ﻫـﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅـﻴﻥ ﺩﺍﺨـل ﺍﻟﻨﻅـﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ؛ ﻓﻴﺠﺩ ﻫﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅﻴﻥ – ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻔﺎﻭﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﺤﺎل ﺍﻹﻓﺭﺍﺩ – ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﻭﺍﺤـﺩﺓ ؛ ﺇﺫ‬ ‫ﻴﺤﺴﻨﺎﻥ ﺘﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﻴﻨﺎﻟﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﺢ ﻭﺘﻌﺘﺭﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻤﻭﻗﻌﻬﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺭﻜﻴـﺏ‬ ‫ﺘﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﺨﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺘﺭﻙ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻟﻬﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻋﺎﻭ ﻤـﺎ ﻴﺘﻜﺌـﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻴﻘﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ‪ ":‬ﺭ ﺍﻟﻜ‬

‫ﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺎ ﻴ‬

‫ﺭ‬

‫ﺘﺜﻘل ﻋﻠﻴﻙ ﻭﺘﻭﺤﺸﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺁﺨﺭ؛ ﻜﻠﻔﻅ ‪" :‬ﺍﻷﺨﺩﻉ" ﻓﻲ ﺒﻴﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺎﺴﺔ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺘﻠﻔﺕ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﻲ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻭﺠﺩﺘﻨﻲ‬

‫ﻭﺠﻌﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺼﻐﺎﺀ ﻟﻴﺘﺎ ﻭﺍﺨﺩﻋﺎ‬

‫ﻭﺒﻴﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺘﺭ ‪:‬‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻊ ﻻﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ‪.73/1‬‬ ‫)‪ (2‬ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻕ ‪ 143‬ﻭﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻠل ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺤل ‪.57‬‬ ‫* ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺕ ‪ :‬ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻕ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺨﺩﻉ ‪ :‬ﻋﺭﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻕ‪.‬‬

‫*‬

‫ﺎ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺇﻨﱢﻰ ﻭﺇﻥ ﺒﻠﻐﺘﻨﻲ ﺸﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻰ‬

‫ﻭﺃﻋﺘﻘﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺎﻤﻊ ﺍﺨﺩﻋﻲ‬

‫ﻥ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻴﺨﻔﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻥ؛ ﺜﻡ ﺃﻨﹼﻙ ﺘﺘﺄﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻴﺕ ﺃﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﺘﻤﺎﻡ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻴﺎ ﺩﻫﺭ ﻗﻭﻡ ﺃﺨﺩﻋﻴﻙ ﻓﻘﺩ‬

‫ﺃﻀﺠﺠﺕ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﻨﺎﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﺭﻗﻙ‬

‫*‬

‫ﻓﺘﺠﺩ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﻘل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺱ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻐﻴﺹ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﺩﻴﺭ ﺃﻀﻌﺎﻑ ﻤـﺎ ﻭﺠـﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﻭ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻔﺔ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻴﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻬﺠﺔ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﻋﺠﺏ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻟﻔﻅﺔ " ﺍﻟﺸﻲﺀ " ﻓﺈﻨﹼﻙ ﺘﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﻤﻘﺒﻭﻟﺔ ﺤﺴـﻨﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﻤﻭﻀـﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﻜﺭﻫﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺁﺨﺭ؛ ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺃﺭﺩﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﺎﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻗﻭل ﻋﻤﺭ‬ ‫ﺒﻥ ﺃﺒﻰ ﺭﺒﻴﻌﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﻤﺎﻟ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺸ ﻏﻴﺭﻩ‬

‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺽ ﻜﺎﻟﺩﻤﻰ‬

‫ﻭﻗﻭل ﺃﺒﻰ ﺤﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻘﺎﻀﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺀ ﻴﻭﻡ ﻭﻟﻴﻠﺔ‬

‫ﺘﻘﺎﻀﺎﻩ ﺸ ﻻ ﻴﻤل ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻀﻴــــﺎ‬

‫ﻓﺈﻨﹼﻙ ﺘﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺘﻘل ﻭﺘﻀﺅل ﺒﺤﺴﺏ ﻨﺒﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﺤﺴﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺘﻘﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺒﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﻓﺈﻨﹼﻙ‬ ‫ﺘﺠﺩ ﻤﺘﻰ ﺸﺌﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﺠﻠﻴﻥ ﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﻼ ﻜﻠﻤﹰﺎ ﺒﺄﻋﻴﺎﻨﻬﺎ ؛ ﺜﻡ ﺘﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻗﺩ ﻓـﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﺴـﻤﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﺭ ﺫﺍﻙ ﻗﺩ ﻟﺼﻕ ﺒﺎﻟﺤﻀﻴﺽ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻭ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺤﺴﻨﺕ ﺤﺴﻨﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻔﻅ ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﺴﺘﺤﻘﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺭﻑ ﺍﺴﺘﺤﻘﺕ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻨﻔﺭﺍﺩﻫـﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺤﺎل ﻟﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺃﺨﻭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻟﻤﺎ ﺍﺨﺘﻠـﻑ ﺒﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎل ؛ ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺇﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﺴﻥ ﺃﺒﺩﹰﺍ ﺃﻭ ﻻ ﺘﺤﺴﻥ ﺃﺒﺩﹰﺍ "‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻴﻡ ﻗﺩ ﺤﻁﹼﻡ ﻜل ﺩﻋﺎﻭ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ ﺘـﺩﱢﻋﻰ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺒﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ؛ ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻰ ﺨﻁﺄ ﻋﻅﻴﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻏﻠﻁ ﻤﻨﻜﺭ ﻴﻔﻀﻲ ﺒﻘﺎﺌﻠﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻻ ﻴﻌﻠﻡ ؛ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﺜﺒـﺕ‬ ‫* ﺍﻟﺨﺭﻕ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺤﻤﻕ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪.48-46،‬‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ‪ -‬ﻋﻨﺩﻩ – ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﺜﺒﺕ ﻤﺯﺍﻴﺎ ﺘﻔﻭﻕ ﻋﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭ ﻭﺘﻘﺼﺭ ﻗﻭ ﻨﻅﺭﻫﻡ ﻋﻨﻬـﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻴﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻫﻭ ﺴـﻤﺔ ﺩﻗﻴﻘـﺔ ﻴﻜـﻭﻥ ﺒﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻀل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﻐﺎﺀ ؛ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺏ ﻭﺘﺨﺘﻠـﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻅـﻭﻡ ﺒﺤﺴـﺏ ﺩﺭﺠـﺔ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ – ﻜﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ – ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ؛ ﻭﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻨﺴﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﺸﻙ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻨﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺱ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻀﻁﺭﺍﺒﻪ ﺃﻴﻀﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﺜﱢـل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻰ ﻟﻠﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻀﻁﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻨﺘ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻀﻁﺭﺏ ﺒﻘﻭل ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺯﺩﻕ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﻤﺎ ﻤﺜﻠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺇﻻ ﻤﻤﻠﻜﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺕ ﺴﻴ‬

‫ﺃﺒﻭ ﺃﻤﻪ ﺤﻲ ﺃﺒﻭﻩ ﻴﻘﺎﺭﺒﻪ‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻓﺎﺴﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﻜﻴﺏ؛ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺫﺍﻙ ﺇﻻ ﻻﻀﻁﺭﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﺘﻌﺎﻁﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﺎﻁﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﻭﺍﺏ‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﻨﺴﺠﻤﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺘﻨﺎﺴﺒﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﻭﻴﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺒﻁـﺔ ﺤﺘـﻰ ﺘﻨـﺎﺘ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ؛ ﻭﻴﻤﺜﱢل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻀل ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺤﺼﻠﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻰ ﻟﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﻘﻭﻟﻪ ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ‪ :‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬‬ ‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪"  ‬ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﻫﻭﺩ ﺍﻵﻴﺔ‪ "44 :‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻨﻙ ﻟﻡ ﺘﺠﺩ ﻤﺎ ﻭﺠﺩﺕ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻀﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺇﻻ ﻷﻤﺭ ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﻫـﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠـﻡ ﺒﻌﻀـﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺒﺒﻌﺽ‬

‫)‪(3‬‬

‫‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﺸﻜﻜﺕ ﻓﺘﺄﻤّل ‪ :‬ﻫل ﺘﺭ ﻟﻔﻅﺔ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻭ ﺃﺨﺫﺕ ﻤـﻥ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﺃﺨﻭﺍﺘﻬـﺎ‬

‫ﻭﺃﻓﺭﺩﺕ ﻷﺩﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﺎﺤﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺅﺩﻴﻪ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻵﻴﺔ‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺕ ﻫﻭ ‪ :‬ﻤﺎ ﻤﺜﻠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺤﻲ ﻴﻘﺎﺭﺒﻪ ﺇﻻ ﻤﻤﻠﻜﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺒﻭ ﺃﻤﻪ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺃﺏ ﻟﻬﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻙ؛ ﺃﻱ ﺒﺎﻟﺠﻤﻠﺔ ‪ :‬ﻻ ﻴﻘﺎﺭﺒﻪ ﺇﻻ ﺨﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫)‪ (2‬ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺹ ‪.84‬‬ ‫)‪ (3‬ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻁﺒﻲ ﻋﻥ ﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻵﻴﺔ )ﻗﻴل ‪ :‬ﻟﻭ ﻓﺘﺵ ﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺠﻡ ﻤﺎ ﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻵﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺴﻥ ﻨﻅﻤﻬﺎ ﻭﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﺭﺼﻔﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺸﺘﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ( )ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻊ ﻷﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ‪(4/9‬‬ ‫ﻭﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻁﺒﻲ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭﻫﺎ ‪):‬ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺀﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻤﺭ ﻗﺩ ﻗﺩﺭ ﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻨﺯل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺀ ﻓﺄﻤﺭ ﺍﷲ ﻤﺎ ﻨﺯل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺀ ﺒﺎﻹﻗﻼﻉ ﻓﻠﻡ ﺘﻤﺘﺹ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻤﻨﻪ ﻗﻁﺭﺓ ﻭﺃﻤﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺒﺎﺒﺘﻼﻉ ﻤﺎ ﺨﺭ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻗﻭﻟﻪ ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ‪ :‬ﻭﻗﻴل ﻴﺎ ﺃﺭﺽ ﺍﺒﻠﻌﻲ ﻤﺎﺀﻙ ﻭﻴﺎ ﺴﻤﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺃﻗﻠﻌﻲ ﻭﻏﻴﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﻗﻴل ‪ :‬ﻤﻴﺯ ﺍﷲ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺀﻴﻥ ﻓﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺃﻤﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﺒﻠﻌﺘﻪ ﻭﺼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺀ ﺒﺤﺎﺭﺍ ﻗﻭﻟﻪ ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ‪ ) :‬ﻭﻏﻴﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺀ ( ﺃﻱ ﻨﻘﺹ ﻴﻘﺎل ‪ :‬ﻏﺎﺽ ﺍﻟﺸﻲﺀ ﻭﻏﻀﺘﻪ ﺃﻨﺎ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻗل "ﺍﺒﻠﻌﻲ" ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺤﺩﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻗﺒﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭ ﺴﺎﺌﺭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻴﻬﺎ ‪ " :‬ﻭﻜﻴﻑ ﺒﺎﻟﺸﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻭﻤﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻭﺩﻴﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺜﻡ ﺃﻤﺭﺕ ﺜﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺩﺍﺀ ﺒـ" ﻴﺎ" ﺩﻭﻥ "ﺃﻱ" ﻨﺤﻭ "ﻴﺎﺃﻴﺘﻬـﺎ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ " ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺜﻡ ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺀ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻑ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﺎل "ﺍﺒﻠﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺀ" ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺘﺒـﻊ ﻨـﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﻤﺭﻫﺎ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺄﻨﻬﺎ – ﻨﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﺃﻤﺭﻫﺎ ﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺨﺼﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺜـﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻴـل "‬ ‫ﻭﻏﻴﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺀ " ﻓﺠﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻔﻌل ﺒﺼﻴﻐﺔ "ﻓﻌل" ﺍﻟﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻐـﺽ ﺇﻻ ﺒـﺄﻤﺭ ﺁﻤـﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻭﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭﻩ ﺒﻘﻭﻟﻪ ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ‪  :‬ﺍﺴﺘﻭﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠـﻭﺩﻱ‪ ، ‬ﺜـﻡ‬ ‫ﺇﻀﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﻴﻨﺔ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﺫﻜﺭ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺸﺭﻁ ﺍﻟﻔﺨﺎﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻅـﻡ ﺍﻟﺸـﺄﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺜـﻡ‬ ‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ " ﻗﺒل " ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺘﻤﺔ ﺒـ"ﻗﺒل" ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺘﺤﺔ‬

‫ﺃﻓﺘﺭ‬

‫ﻟﺸﻲﺀ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺨﺼـﺎﺌﺹ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻠﺅﻙ ﺒﺎﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﻋﺔ ﻭﺘﺤﻀﺭﻙ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺘﺼﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﺒـﺔ ﺘﺤـﻴﻁ ﺒـﺎﻟﻨﻔﺱ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﻗﻁﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺘﻌﻠﻘﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﻠﻔﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻫﻭ ﺼﻭﺕ ﻤﺴﻤﻭﻉ ﻭﺤﺭﻭﻑ ﺘﺘﻭﺍﻟﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻁﻕ ﺃﻡ ﻜل‬ ‫ﺫﻟﻙ ﻟﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻷﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﺴﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺠﻴﺏ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺍﺘﻀﺢ ﺍﺘﻀﺎﺤﹰﺎ ﻻ ﻴﺩﻉ ﻟﻠﺸـﻙ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﻻ ﺘﺘﻔﺎﻀل ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﻤﺠﺭﺩﺓ ﻭﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻫﻲ ﻜﻠﻡ ﻤﻔﺭﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﻤﺠﺎ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﻴﻠﺔ ﻭﺨﻼﻓﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻼﺌﻤﺔ ﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅﺔ ﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺃﺸﺒﻪ ﺫﻟﻙ؛ ﻤﻤـﺎ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﻟﻪ ﺒﺼﺭﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅ"‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻭﻻ ﻴﻘﺘﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻴﻤﺔ ﻟ ﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺭﺍﺒـﻁ ﺍﻷﻟﻔـﺎﻅ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺓ ﻓﺤﺴﺏ ؛ ﺒل ﻴﺘﻌﺩﺍﻩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺭﺒﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻤﻠﺔ ؛ ﻭﻴﺼـﻑ ﻫـﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺭﺒﻁ ﺍﻟﺠﻤل ﺒﺄﻨﹼﻪ ‪ :‬ﺨﻔﻲ ﻭﻏﺎﻤﺽ ﻴﻘﻭل‪ " :‬ﺍﻋﻠﻡ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻠﻡ ﻤـﻥ ﻋﻠـﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﺃﻨﺕ ﺘﻘﻭل ﻓﻴﻪ ‪ :‬ﺇﻨﻪ ﺨﻔﻲ ﻏﺎﻤﺽ ﻭﺩﻗﻴﻕ ﺼﻌﺏ ‪ -‬ﺇﻻ ﻭﻋﻠـﻡ ﻫـﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺒـﺎﺏ‬ ‫= ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﺎل ‪ :‬ﻨﻘﺹ ﺒﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻭﻨﻘﺼﻪ ﻏﻴﺭﻩ ﻭﻴﺠﻭﺯ ﻏﻴﺽ ﺒﻀﻡ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﻥ ) ﻭﻗﻀﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ( ﺃﻱ ﺃﺤﻜﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺭ ﻤﻨﻪ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻫﻠﻙ ﻗﻭﻡ ﻨﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺇﺤﻜﺎﻡ …‪ .‬ﻗﻭﻟﻪ ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ‪ ) :‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻭﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻴل ﺒﻌﺩﺍ ﻟﻠﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻅﺎﻟﻤﻴﻥ ( ﺃﻱ ﻫﻼﻜﺎ ﻟﻬﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻭﺩﻱ ﺠﺒل ﺒﻘﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺼل ﺍﺴﺘﻭﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﻴﻨﺔ(‬ ‫) ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻊ ﻷﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ‪( 41/9‬‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪. 46-45‬‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺃﻏﻤﺽ ﻭﺃﺨﻔﻰ ﻭﺃﺩﻕ ﻭﺃﺼﻌﺏ"‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺩﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﻭﻟ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻗﻴل ﺇﻨﹼـﻪ‬

‫ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ؛ ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺼﻨﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﻤل ﻤﻥ ﻋﻁﻑ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻌﺽ‬ ‫" ﺍﻋﻠﻡ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﺘﺭﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﻁﻑ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺠﻲﺀ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻤﻨﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﺴﺘﺄﻨﻑ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﺨﺭ – ﻤﻥ ﺃﺴـﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﻭﻤﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻴﺘﺄﺘﻰ ﻟﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺼﻭﺍﺏ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺇﻻ ﺍﻷﻋﺭﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﺹ ﻭﺇﻻ ﻗﻭﻡ ﻁﺒﻌﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﻭﺃﻭﺘﻭﺍ ﻓﻨﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ – ﻓﻲ ﺫﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ – ﻫﻡ ﺒﻪ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺒﻠ ﻤﻥ ﻗـﻭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﺠﻌﻠﻭﻩ ﺤﺩﹰﺍ ﻟﻠﺒﻼﻏﺔ ؛ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺠﺎﺀ ﻋﻥ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﻡ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺴﺌل ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻘـﺎل ‪:‬‬ ‫"ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺼل ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺼل" ﻭﺫﺍﻙ ﻟﻐﻤﻭﻀﻪ ﻭﺩﻗﺔ ﻤﺴﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﻜﺘﻤل ﻹﺤﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﻴﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻪ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺇﻻ ﻜﻤل ﻟﺴﺎﺌﺭ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ")‪.(2‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺭﺒﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻤل ﻋﻠﻡ ﻋﻅﻴﻡ ﺘﺘﻜﱠﺸﻑ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻴﺘﻜﺸﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻭﺍﻩ ؛ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺫﻜﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﺃﻨﹼﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻗﺔ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻟـﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻻﻨﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻌﻁﻑ ﻻ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻟﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻙ ؛ ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺸـﺭﻁﻪ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻠﺘﻴﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﺒﻁﻬﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻟﻨﻅﻴﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺭﻴﻜﻴﻥ ؛ ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ؛ ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﻌﻁﻔﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻭل ﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻟﻴﺱ ﻤﻨﻪ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﻭﻻ ﻫﻭ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺫﻜﺭ‬ ‫ﺒﻪ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺴﺘﻘﻡ؛ ﻓﻠﻭ ﻗﻠﺕ ‪ " :‬ﺨﺭﺠﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺃﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻘﻭل ﺒﻴﺕ ﻜﺫﺍ" ﻗﻠـﺕ ﻤـﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﻀﺤﻙ ﻤﻨﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻋﺎﺒﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺒﻲ ﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻭﻟﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻻ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻭ‬

‫ﺼﺒﺭ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺃﺒﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻜﺭﻴﻡ‬

‫ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻷﻨﹼﻪ ﻻ ﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻜﺭﻡ ﺃﺒﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﻤﺭﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻭ ؛ ﻭﻻ ﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﻷﺤﺩﻫﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻵﺨﺭ)‪.(3‬‬

‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬ ‫)‪(3‬‬

‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.231‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.222‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.225‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻭﻴﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻴﻑ ﻓﻴﻘﺴﱢﻡ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻋﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ)‪ ،(1‬ﻭﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺩﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺠﺏ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺭﻱ؛ ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺫﻜـﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺼـﻴل ؛ ﻭﺇﻨﻤـﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺽ ﻫﻭ ﺘﻭﻀﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﺴﺭﺍﺭ ﻭﻋﺠﺎﺌﺏ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻤل ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻨﻴﺔ ﻤـﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺜﺒﺕ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻴﻤﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻻ ﻴﻘﻑ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺤﺩ ﻋﻨﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺒل ﻴﺘﻌﺩﺍﻩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻤﻭﺭ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺃﻤﺭ ﺸﺎﻤل ﻴﻨﺘﻅﻡ ﻜل ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺇﺫ ﻻ ﻴﻘﺘﺼﺭ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺒل ﻴﺘﻌﺩﺍﻩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺴـﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ؛ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻵﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻤل ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻨﻴﺔ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻨﺤﻥ ﺒﺼﺩﺩﻩ‪ -‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻨﺒـﻪ ﻋﻠﻴـﻪ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﺃﺴﺭﺍﺭﹰﺍ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﺃﺸﺎﺭﻭﺍ ؛ ﻭﺫﻜﺭ ﺃﺒﻭ ﺒﻜﺭ ﺍﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺴﱢﺭ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻗل ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺒﻪ ؛ ﻴﻘﻭل‪ " :‬ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺒﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻜﺎﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ؛ ﻤﺸﺘﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ؛ ﻤﻨﺘﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﻋﻅﻴﻡ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﻟﻪ ﺇﻻ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﻭﺍﺤـﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤل ﻓﻴﻪ ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻘﺭﺓ ﺜﻡ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﷲ ﻋﺯ ﻭﺠل ﻟﻨﺎ ﻓﻴﻪ؛ ﻓﻠﻤﺎ ﻟﻡ ﻨﺠﺩ ﻟـﻪ ﺤﻤﻠـﺔ ﻭﺭﺃﻴﻨـﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻕ ﺒﺄﻭﺼﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﺒﻁﻠﺔ ﺨﺘﻤﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺠﻌﻠﻨﺎﻩ ﺒﻴﻨﻨﺎ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﷲ ﻭﺭﺩﺩﻨﺎﻩ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ"‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﻭﻻ ﻴﻘﺘﺼﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻭﻑ ﻭﻻ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﻻ ﺍﻟﺠﻤل ﻭﻻ ﺍﻵﻴﺎﺕ –‬ ‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ‪ -‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﺩﺍﻩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﺭ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻭﺃﺸـﻤل ؛ ﻭﻗـﺩ ﺃﺸـﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤـﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻘﺩﻤﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻁﺒﻲ ‪:‬‬

‫)‪ (1‬ﻴﻘﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﻤل ﺇﻟﻰ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﺍﻀﺭﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻬﺎ ﺒﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ‪:‬‬ ‫* ﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﺤﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺒﻠﻬﺎ ﺤﺎل ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺼﻭﻑ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﻴﺘﺭﻙ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻁﻑ ﻷﻨﻪ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺜل‬ ‫ﻋﻁﻑ ﺍﻟﺸﻲﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﺤﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺒﻠﻬﺎ ﺤﺎل ﺍﻻﺴﻡ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﺇﻻ ﺍﻨﻪ ﻴﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻡ ﻭﻴﺩﺨل‬ ‫ﻤﻌﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺤﻘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻁﻑ ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺸ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﻥ ﺒل ﺴﺒﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺒﻠﻬﺎ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻻﺴﻡ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻻﺴﻡ ﻻ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺸ ﻭﺤﻕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺘﺭﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﻁﻑ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﺔ" ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺹ‪ 243‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩﻫﺎ"‪.‬‬ ‫)‪ (2‬ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻫﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ‪.36/1‬‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺘﺄﻟﻴﻑ ﺴﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺼـﺤﻔﻨﺎ‬ ‫"ﻗﺎل ﻗﻭﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫل ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺇ ّ‬ ‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﻗﻴﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻲ )‪ ...(‬ﻓﺎﺘﺴﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﺭ ﻜﺎﺘﺴﺎﻕ ﺍﻵﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺭﻭﻑ ﻓﻜﻠـﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻥ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺨﺎﺘﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻴﻴﻥ )‪ (‬ﻋﻥ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﻥ ؛ ﻓﻤﻥ ﺃﺨﱠﺭ ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﻘﺩﻤـﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻗـﺩّﻡ‬ ‫ﺃﺨﺭ ﻤﺅﺨﺭﺓ ﻜﻤﻥ ﺃﻓﺴﺩ ﺍﻵﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻭﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ" )‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﻼ ﺒﻴﱢﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﺫﻜﺭ ﻓﺘﺄﻤل ﺃﻭﺍﺨﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﺭ ﻭﺃﻭﺍﺌل ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺃﺭﺩﺕ ﺩﻟﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ؛ ﻭﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﻼﻤﺢ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﺁﺨﺭ ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺀ‪  :‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪… ‬‬‫ ﻭﺃﻭل ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻜﻬﻑ‪  :‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪…‬א‪‬א‪‬‬‫א‪‬א‪‬א ‪. ‬‬ ‫ ﻭﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺁﺨﺭ ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺭﻴﻡ ‪……  :‬‬‫ ﻭﺃﻭل ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﻁﻪ ‪  :‬א‪.‬‬‫ ﻭﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺁﺨﺭ ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺤﻘﺎﻑ‪’  :‬א‪‬א‪‬‬‫ ﻭﺃﻭل ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ‪  :‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪.  ‬‬‫ ﻭﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺁﺨﺭ ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻁﻭﺭ ‪ ‬א‪‬א‪. ‬‬‫ ﻭﺃﻭل ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﺠﻡ ‪  :‬א‪‬א‪.   ‬‬‫ ﻭﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺁﺨﺭ ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ‪  :‬א‪. ‬‬‫ ﻭﺃﻭل ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺩ ‪  :‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪.‬‬‫ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺤﻤﺯﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺭ ﻴﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺒﻤﻨﺯﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺤـﺩﺓ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍﺀ ﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﻭﺼل ﺍﻟﺴﻭﺭ ﺒﺴﻜﺕ ﻭﺒﻼ ﺴﻜﺕ ﻭﻟﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﺫﺍﻫﺏ)‪.(2‬‬

‫)‪ (1‬ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻊ ﻷﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ‪.60/1‬‬ ‫)‪ (2‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻁﻴﺏ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺸﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺃﺸﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ ﻭﺼﻨﺎﻋﺘﻬﺎ ‪.783-782 /3 ،‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺴﺒﻘﺕ ﺘﻜﺸﻑ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺸﻲﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺼﻐﻴﺭﹰﺍ‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺇﻻ ﻭﻟﻪ ﻨﻅﺎﻤﻪ ﻭﻁﺭﻴﻘﺘﻪ ﺍﻹﻟﻬﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺸﹼﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺜل ﻫـﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﻴﺠﻌل ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺎﻤﺔ؛ ﻓﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ – ﻭﺇﻥ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺘﻨﺎﻭﻟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻘﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴل؛ ﻓﻬﻡ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺸﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﺨﺒﻲ ﻟﻴﻁﻠﺏ ﻭﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﺩﻓﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻓﻴﺨﺭ ؛ ﻭﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻘﻴﺏ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻨﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺴﺘﺄﻨﻑ ﻤـﺎ ﺒـﺩﺃﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺅﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻘﺩﻤﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻓﺫﺍﺫ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺸﹼﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻜﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺘﺠﻌل ﺘﻌﺎﻤﻠﻨﺎ ﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻔﻭﻀﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺴـﺎﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﹰﺎ ﺴﻠﻴﻤﹰﺎ ؛ ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺘﻌﺎﻤ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﻭﻤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺼﺭﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻀﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ﺭ‬

‫ﻴ ﺍﻟ ﺎ ﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺭ ﻴ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻴﻡ ﻻ ﻴﻀﺎﻫﻴﻪ ﻨﻅﻡ ﻭﻻ ﻴﺩﺍﻨﻴﻪ ﻜﻼﻡ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺇﻟﻬﻴﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﺜﺒﺕ ﺃ ّ‬

‫ﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻨﺴﻴ ﻭﺤﺩﻩ ﻭﻫـﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﻤـﺔ ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ ﻻ‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﺒﺸﺭﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺍﺘﻀﺢ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻴﺩﻉ ﻟﻠﺸﻙ ﻤﺠﺎ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺘﺭﺘﻘﻰ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺘﻨﺎل ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺄﻭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻻ ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ؛ ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺒﻤﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﺒﻤﻨـﺄ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺴـﻪ ؛ ﺒﺤﻴـﺙ‬ ‫ﻋﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﺒﻬﺔ ﺃﻱ ﻜﻼﻡ ﺁﺨﺭ؛ ﻓﻬل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺘﻔﺎﻀ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻴﻔﻭﻕ ﺒﻌﻀﻪ ﺒﻌﻀﹰﺎ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺤﺩ‬

‫ﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ‬ ‫ﻻﺸﻙ ﺃ ّ‬

‫ﻋﻨﺩ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻪ ﻴﺤﺘﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﺩﻗﻴﻕ ﻭﺘﺼﻨﻴﻑ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﻓﻴﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﻭ‬ ‫ﻴﻨﻘﺴﻡ ﺒﻁﺒﻴﻌﺘﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻵﺘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﻴ‬

‫ﻴ ﺍﻟ ﺎ ﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺭ ﻴ‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺭﺩﺓ ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﺒﺄﺼل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻨﻲ ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﺼل ﻫﻭ‬ ‫ﺴﺒﻕ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﺍل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻜﻠﻪ ﻤﻌﺠﺯﹰﺍ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻟﺘﻔﻀﻴل ﺒﻌﻀـﻪ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻀل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺭﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﺃﺼ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻌﻨﻰ ؛ ﺇﻻ ﺃ ّ‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻗﺩ ﺍﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻓﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﺴﻌﹰﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺫﻜﺭ ﺍﺒﻥ ﺘﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻤﺘﻨﺎﺯﻋﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺘﻨﺎﺯﻋﹰﺎ ﻤﻨﺘﺸﺭﹰﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ﺭﻴ ﺍ‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﻥ)‪.(2‬‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻜل‬ ‫‪ :‬ﺫﻜﺭ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺒﻪ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻓﻀل ﻟﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻌﺽ؛ ﻷ ّ‬

‫ﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﷲ؛ ﻭﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﷲ ﻻ ﻨﻘﺹ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﻀﻴل ﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﺒﻨﻘﺹ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﻀﻭل؛ ﻭﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﻫﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻀل ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺤﺎل‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﻤﺎﻟﻙ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻗﺎل‪ " :‬ﺘﻔﻀﻴل ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻘـﺭﺁﻥ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫ﺒﻌﺽ ﺨﻁﺄ"‬

‫)‪(3‬‬

‫ﻭﻋﻠل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻀﻴل ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻴﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘـﺭﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺤـﺩﻴﺙ‬

‫ﺒﺘﻔﻀﻴل ﺍﻟﺜﻭﺍﺏ ﻭﺍﻷﺠﺭ ﻻ ﻏﻴﺭﻩ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﻗﺩ ﻨﺎﺼﺭﻩ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻷﺸﺎﻋﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺫﻫﺏ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻷﺸﺎﻋﺭﺓ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺃﻟﺠﺄﺘﻬﻡ ﻤﻨﺎﻗﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺯﻟﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺭﺩ ﻫـﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻀـﻴل ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺒﻥ ﺘﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻤﺨﻠﻭﻕ ﻓﻀﻠﻭﺍ ﺒﻌﻀﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻌﺽ ؛‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺯﻟﺔ ﻟﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﻭﺍ ﺇ ّ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺎﻟﻭﺍ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﻤﺎﺜل ﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﻔﺎﻀل ﺍﻟﻤﺨﻠﻭﻗﻴﻥ ﺃﻤﺭ ﻻ ﻴﻨﻜﺭﻩ ﺃﺤﺩ)‪.(4‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ﺭﻴ ﺍﻟ ﺎ ‪ :‬ﻗﺎﻟﻭﺍ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﻔﻀﻴل ؛ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻀﻴل ﺍﻟـﺫﻱ ﺫﻫﺒـﻭﺍ ﺇﻟﻴـﻪ ﻤﺘﻌﻠـﻕ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﺎﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻵﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻻ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﻋﻨﺩﻫﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﺼﻔﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺩل ﻫـﺅﻻﺀ ﺒﻘﻭﻟـﻪ‬ ‫ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ‪"    :‬ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻘﺭﺓ ﺁﻴﺔ ‪"106:‬‬

‫ﻓﺩﻟﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻵﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺩﻫﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺜل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻵﻴـﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨـﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺴﻤﻴﻥ ﻫﻤﺎ ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﺍﻹﻨﺸﺎﺀ "ﺍﻷﻭﺍﻤﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻭﺍﻫﻲ"‪.‬‬‫ ﺍﻷﺨﺒﺎﺭ"ﺍﻟﺤﻘﺎﺌﻕ"‪.‬‬‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻀل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻭﺍﻤﺭ ﺃﻤﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﷲ ﻗﺩ ﺃﻤﺭ ﺒﻜﺘﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ )ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺽ( ﻭﺘﺩﻭﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻭﺃﻤﺭ ﻓـﻲ ﺁﻴﺎﺕ ﺃﺨـﺭ‬ ‫ﻤﺜ ﹰ‬

‫ﺒﺎﻟﺘﻭﺤﻴـﺩ ؛ ﻓـﻼ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻜﺘـﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴــﻥ‬

‫)‪ (1‬ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﻓﺘﺎﻭ ﺸﻴﺦ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﺒﻥ ﺘﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪.10/17 ،‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﻓﺘﺎﻭ ﺸﻴﺦ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﺒﻥ ﺘﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ، 54/17 ،‬ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻊ ﻷﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ‪.110-109/1 ،‬‬ ‫)‪ (3‬ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻊ ﻷﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ‪.109/1 ،‬‬ ‫)‪ (4‬ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﻓﺘﺎﻭ ﺸﻴﺦ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﺒﻥ ﺘﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪.54/17 ،‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﻲ ﻋﻥ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺸـﺭ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻜﺎﻟﺘﻭﺤﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻭﺍﻫﻲ ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﻤﺜ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺒﻌﺽ ﻓﻼ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﻴﺘﻔﺎﻀل ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻲ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻵﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺤـﺩﺙ ﷲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﻥ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻭﻭﺼﻔﻪ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺼﻑ ﺒﻪ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻭﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﻥ ﺒﻌـﺽ ﺨﻠﻘـﻪ‬ ‫ﻼ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺼﻔﻪ ؛ ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ "ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺨﻼﺹ" ﻭ"ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺩ" ﻤﺜ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﺼﻔﻪ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﻭﺼﻔﻪ ﻷﺒﻲ ﻟﻬﺏ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ )‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺫﻜﺭﻨﺎ ﻓﻘﺩ ﻗﺎل ﺍﻟﺒﻬﻭﺘﻲ ‪ " :‬ﺒﻌـﺽ ﺍﻟﻘـﺭﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﻓﻀل ﻤﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﻤﻨﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺼـﻔﺔ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻟﻤﺎ ﺫﻜﺭﻨﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻀﻴل ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﻻ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺕ")‪.(2‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻀـل ﻻ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﺫﻜﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﻴﻘﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻵﻴﺎﺕ ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ؛ ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺒﺭ ﻋﻨﻪ ؛ ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟـﻙ‬ ‫ﺠﻌل ﺍﺒﻥ ﺘﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﻼﻡ ﻨﺴﺒﺘﺎﻥ)‪:(3‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺨﺒﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺨﺒﺭﻋﻨﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﷲ ﻭﻨﺴـﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﻊ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻀل ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﻊ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻀل ‪ ،‬ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﺒﻥ ﺘﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ " :‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺭ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﺒﺭ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻴﻠﺤﻘﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻀل ﻤـﻥ ﺠﻬـﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺒـﺭ ﻋﻨـﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻁﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻼﺀ ﺃﻥ ﻜ ﹰ‬ ‫)‪(4‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺄﻤﻭﺭ ﺒﻪ"‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺒﺭ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺄﻤﻭﺭ ﺒﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﻲ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺃﻤﻭﺭ ﺨـﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻅـﻭﻡ؛‬ ‫ﺇﻻ ﺃ ّ‬

‫ﻼ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ؛ ﻭﻻ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻴﻘﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻀـل‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻅﻭﻡ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﺃﺼ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﻜﻼﻡ ﻭﻜﻼﻡ ؛ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻭﺠﻪ ﺘﻌﻠﻘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺘﻴﻥ ﻫﻤﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬ ‫)‪(3‬‬ ‫)‪(4‬‬

‫ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﻓﺘﺎﻭ ﺸﻴﺦ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﺒﻥ ﺘﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪.58،60 ، 54 ، 10/17 ،‬‬ ‫ﻜﺸﻑ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﻉ‪.337/1 ،‬‬ ‫ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﻓﺘﺎﻭ ﺸﻴﺦ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﺒﻥ ﺘﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪.61/17 ،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ‪.‬‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺼﺩﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﻠﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻨﺸﺄ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻴﺩل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﻴ‬

‫ﻴ ﺍﻟ ﺎ ﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺭ ﻴ ‪:‬‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻔﺎﻭﺘﺔ ﻭﻤﺭﺍﺘﺏ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔـﺔ‬ ‫ﺴﺒﻕ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﺒﺫﺍﺕ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ؛ ﺇﺫ ﺃﻥ ﺸﺭﻁ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺒﺭ ﻋﻨﻪ‪ -‬ﺒﻐﺽ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺘﻪ – ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﺍل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻤﺠﺭﺩﹰﺍ ﻟﻴﺱ ﻟﻪ ﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺭﺩ ؛ ﺒل ﺍﻟﻔﻀل ﻜل ﺍﻟﻔﻀل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﺎﺒﻕ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻥ؛ ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ‪":‬ﻟﻴﺱ ﻤﻥ ﻓﻀل ﻭﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺒﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻊ "ﺃﻱ‬ ‫ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ" ﻭﺒﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﺭﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﺅﻡ"‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫‪.‬‬

‫ﻥ ﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻀل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﺒﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺇﻨﻤـﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﻫﻲ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﻤﻁﺎﻑ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺩ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻤﺠﺭﺩﹰﺍ ﺃﻭ ﺒﺎﻟﻠﻔﻅ ﻤﺠﺭﺩﹰﺍ ؛ ﻭﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﻴﻘـﻭل ﺍﺒـﻥ‬ ‫ﺴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻔﺎﺠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺯﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻤﺎل ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅ ‪ " :‬ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﺎﺤﺔ ﻓﺎﻷﻤﺭ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﻻ ﻴﺨﻔﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻠﻕ ﺒﻁﺭﻕ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺸﺩﺍ ﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﺴﻴﺭﹰﺍ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺯﺍل ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻴﻔﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﻤﻭﺍﻀﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻴﻌﺠﺒﻭﻥ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﻭﺤﺴﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻟﻴﻑ …‪ .‬ﻓﻠﻭ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﻴﺫﻫﺒﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﺴﺎﻭﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﺎﺤﺔ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻹﻓـﺭﺍﺩﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻗـﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺼﻭﺼﺔ ‪ -‬ﺩﻭﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ – ﻤﻌﻨﻰ؛ ﻭﻟﻴﺕ ﺸﻌﺭﻱ ﺃﻱ ﻓﺭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺨﻠﻕ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻭﺠﻬﻴﻥ ﺃﺤﺩﻫﻤﺎ ﺃﺤﺴﻥ ﻭﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﻜﻼﻤﻴﻥ ﺃﺤﺩﻫﻤﺎ ﺃﺒﻠ ﻭﺃﻓﺼﺢ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﻟﻴﺱ ﻷﺤﺩ ﻤﻤﻥ ﻴﻨﻜﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺃﻓﺼﺢ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻴﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻐﺘﻪ ﺃﻓﺼﺢ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺭﺍﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻐﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺠﻴل ﻓﻲ ﻟﻐﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺯﺒﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻁﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺏ ﻋﻨﺩﻩ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻤﻌﺠﺯﺓ ﻟﺨﺭﻗﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﺎﺤﺔ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻜـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻟﻐﺘﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﷲ ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ‪ .‬ﻓﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻨﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻜﻼﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺃﻓﺼﺢ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪.78،‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺒﻌﺽ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺁﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﻪ ﺃﻓﺼﺢ ﻤﻥ ﺁﻴﺔ ‪ -‬ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﷲ ‪ -‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺠـﺎﺯ ﻋﻨـﺩﻩ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺃﻓﺼﺢ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﻴل ﻭﺇﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﷲ؛ ﻭﻫـﺫﺍ ﻻ ﻴﺨﻔـﻲ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫ﻤﺤﺼل")‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻷﻤـﺭ ﻓﻴـﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻏﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﻤﺘﻤﺎﺴﻜﹰﺎ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﹰﺎ ﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﻘﻴـﺎﺱ ﺇﻻ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻁل ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺱ ؛ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺒﻨﻲ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫ﺒﺨﻼﻑ ﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﻅﺎﻫﺭ ؛ ﺇﺫ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺃﻤﻭﺭ ﻟﻴﺱ ﺒﻪ ﺒﺎﻟﺼﺤﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻔﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺒﺘﺩﺍﺀ ﻭﻫﻲ ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ :‬ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﺍﺒﻥ ﺴﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﻨﻰ – ﻫـﻲ ﻗﻀـﻴﺔ )ﺨﻠـﻕ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ( ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺯﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻬﻭﺭﺓ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻴﻨﺘ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ -‬ﺒﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺒﻨﺎﺌﻬﺎ – ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﷲ ﻭﻻ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺒﻬﺎ؛ ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻫـﻲ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻀل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﻠﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺃﻤﺭ‬ ‫ﻤﺨﻠﻭﻗﺔ ﻟﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺤل‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻴﻨﻜﺭﻩ ﺃﺤﺩ ﻭﻻ ﻴﺭﺩﻩ ﺃﺤﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﺃﻟﻔﻰ ﺍﺒﻥ ﺴـﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋـﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩﻴﺔ ﺤﺎﻀﺭﺓ ﻟﺩﻴﻪ ﻓﺒﻨﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻓﺎﻀل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻭﺠﻌـل ﻫـﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻀل ﻜﺘﻔﺎﻀل ﻭﺠﻭﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﺒﻥ ﺴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺒﻪ ﻴﻘﻴﺱ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ – ﻋﻨﺩﻩ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺎ ﻴ ﺎ‪ :‬ﺇ ّ‬ ‫ﺃﻤﻭﺭ ﺠﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻔﻅﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺎﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩ‪ -‬ﺃﻭ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ ﺠﺎﻫـﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺭﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺒـﻥ ﺴـﻨﺎﻥ ﻴﻨـﺘ ﻋﻨﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺩﺍﺩ ﺒﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻨﻲ ﺒل ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺨﺭ ؛ ﻓﻴﺴﺘﺤﺴﻥ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻭﻴﺴﺘﺒﺸﻊ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻴﻔﻀﻲ ﺇﻟـﻰ ﺭﻓـﻊ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺒﻌـﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﻔـﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺠﻤﻠﺔ؛ ﺇﺫ ﻴﻨﺘ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﺒﺄ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﻐﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻟﻡ ﺘﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻟﻬﻲ ﺃﻓﺼﺢ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻜﻤـﺎ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ –ﺤﺴﺏ ﺯﻋﻤﻪ‪ -‬ﻴﻘﻊ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻅ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻴﺢ ﻭﺍﻷﻗل ﻓﺼﺎﺤﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻴﺢ‪،‬‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﺴﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﺎﺤﺔ ‪.216-215 ،‬‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﺘﻔﺎﻀﻠﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﺒﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﺩﻨﻰ ﺭﻴﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﻭﺍﻀـﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻁﻼﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺃﻓﺼﺢ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺭﺍﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺠﻴل ﻭﺍﻟﺯﺒﻭﺭ؛ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻜﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺎﻟ ﺎ‪ :‬ﺒﻨﻰ ﺍﺒﻥ ﺴﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺠﺭ ﻟﻴﺱ ﺒﺎﻷﺯﺭﻕ ﺇﻁﻼﻗﺎ ؛‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺀ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺯﺭﻗﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺠﺭ ؛ ﻤﻊ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺯﻋﻡ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺜﻡ ﺭﺠﻊ ﻓﺎﻋﺘﺭﻑ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺏ ‪ -‬ﻭﺍﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﷲ ‪ -‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻬـﺎ ﻟﻴﺴـﺕ‬ ‫ﺒﻤﻌﺠﺯﺓ ﻜﺎﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻟﻌﺩﻡ ﺨﺭﻗﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﺎﺤﺔ ؛ ﻓﻜﻴﻑ ﺒﻨﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻟـﻡ‬ ‫ﺘﻜﻥ ﻤﻌﺠﺯﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﺎﺤﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﺨﺭ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻘل ﺃﺤﺩ ﺒﺈﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺏ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﺎﺤﺔ ؛ ﻓﻼ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻟﻌﺎﻗل ﺃﻥ ﻴﺠﻌل ﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻤـﺭﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻥ ﺁﺨﺭﻴﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺠﻌل ﺍﺒﻥ ﺴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻘـﺭﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻠﻴ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻘل ﺒﺒﻼﻏﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﺤﺩ – ﻤﻘﺩﻤـﺔ ﻴﻘـﺭﺭ ﺒﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻀل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﺎﺤﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﻴﻐﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﻤﻐﺎﻟﻁﺔ ﺒﻴﱢﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻁﻼﻥ ؛ ﺇﺫ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺎ ‪ :‬ﺍﺴﺘﺩل ﺍﺒﻥ ﺴﻨﺎﻥ ﺒﺈﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻟﻤﻭﺍﻀﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻭﻡ – ﺒـﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺤﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻟﻴﺱ ﺒﺄﻤﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻤﻨﻀﺒﻁ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻻ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺭﺃﻱ – ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻨﻁﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ؛ ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺩﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺭﺏ ﻤﻭﻀـﻊ ﺍﺴﺘﺤﺴـﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺠﻴـﺩﹰﺍ‬ ‫ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺒﺤﺴﺏ ﺨﻠﻔﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻌﻠل ﺍﺴﺘﺤﺴﺎﻨﻪ ﺘﻌﻠﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﺫﻜﺭ ؛ ﻓﺒـﺎﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻔﻴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻻ ﻴﻨﻬﺽ ﺩﻟﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﺸﺭ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻤﻭﺍﻀﻊ ﺍﺴﺘﺤﺴﺎﻨﻬﻡ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺃﻤﺭ ﻤﻌﻠﻭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻀل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﺒﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻀـل ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻻ ﺸﻙ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺃﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻭﻡ ﺃﻤﺭ ﻻ ﻴﻌﺘﺩ ﺒﻪ – ﺤﺴﺏ ﻤـﻨﻬ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠـﺎﻨﻲ – ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻹﻋﺠـﺎﺯ‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺭﺩﺓ ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﺒﺸﻲﺀ ﻴﻌﺘﺩ ﺒﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺇﻻ ﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺩﻩ ؛ ﻭﺇﻻ ﻟﻤﺎ ﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻋﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﻭﻴﺔ ؛ ﺒل ﻟﻤﺎ ﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﻓـﻲ ﺒﻌـﺽ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻴﻪ ﻋﻥ ﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻴﻬﻡ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻨﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺘﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﻭﻻ ﺘﺘﻔﺎﻀل‬ ‫ﻥ ﺸﺭﻁ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏـﺔ‬ ‫ﺇﻻ ﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻭﻡ ؛ ﺃﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻼ ﺘﺘﻔﺎﻀل؛ ﺇﺫ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﺎﺒﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﻗﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﻗﻴﻕ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻜﻠﻪ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻁﺎﺒﻘﺕ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻴـﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻨﻅﻭﻤﻪ ﺘﻁﺎﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﺸﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺒﻠ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺄﻤل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺀ ﺒﺘﻔﺤﺹ ﺸﺩﻴﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻁـﺎﺒﻕ‬ ‫ﻴﺠﺩ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺃﺼل ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﻅﻡ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﻀل ﻭﺘﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﻭﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﻔـﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺩﻴﺩ ﻭﻴﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺒﻌﻀﹰﺎ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻨﻘﻁﻊ ﺍﻷﻁﻤﺎﻉ ﻭﺘﺤﺴﺭ ﺍﻟﻅﻨﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﺴﺘﻭﻱ ﺍﻷﻗﺩﺍﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺠﺯ ؛ ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺒﻠﻐﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺴﻭﺍﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻗﺩ ﻓﺎﻕ ﻜل ﻜﻼﻡ ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺘﻔﺎﻀل ﺍﻟﺘﻌـﺎﺒﻴﺭ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻻﺨـﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﺒﻌﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﻌﺎﺒﻴﺭﻩ ﺃﻤﺭ ﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﻻ ﻴﻨﻜﺭﻩ ﺃﺤﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻫـﻭ ﺍﻟﻤـﺭﺁﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﻗﻴﻘـﺔ‬ ‫ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻤﺭﻩ ﻤﻭﺍﺯﺍﺓ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﺩ ﻭﺩﻗﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﺎﺒﻕ ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻨﻰ ؛ ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺍﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺒﺎﺨﺘﻼﻓﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﻭﺘﻐﻴﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟـﻙ ﺘـﺭ ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺁﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺄﺨﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺁﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭ‬

‫ﻭﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺁﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻜﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ‬

‫؛ ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺫﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻜﺭ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺫﻟـﻙ ﻤـﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻜل ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺼﺎﺒﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﺩ ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻨﺴﺏ ﺍﻷﻟﻴﻕ ؛ ﻭﻟﻭ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻟﻜل ﻜﻼﻡ ﻤﻘﺎﻡ ؛ ﻭﻟﻜل ﻨﻅﻡ ﻭﺘﺭﻜﻴﺏ ﻤﻌﻨﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﻭﻀﻊ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺤﺴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﻻ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ؛ ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﻏﺭﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻅﻭﻡ ؛ ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ‪ ":‬ﺍﻋﻠﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺠﻭﻩ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ ﻟﻴﺱ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻏﺎﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﻑ ﻋﻨـﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫… ﺜﻡ ﺍﻋﻠﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻟﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﺒﻭﺍﺠﺒﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻫﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻁﻼﻕ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜـﻥ‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﺒﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﻏﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻭﻀﻊ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ؛ ﺜﻡ ﺒﺤﺴـﺏ ﻤﻭﻗـﻊ‬ ‫ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺒﻌﺽ"‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﺜﺒﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﺒﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻤﺘﻔﻘﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺤـﺩ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺴﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎل ؛ ﺇﺫ ﻟﻜل ﺁﻴﺔ ﻤـﺎ ﻷﺨﺘﻬـﺎ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻀل ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﻤﻭﻀﻌﹰﺎ ﻟﻸﺴﺭﺍﺭ ﻭﺒﺭﻫﺎﻨﹰﺎ ﺘﺘﻜﺸـﻑ‬ ‫ﺒﻪ ﺨﺒﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻨﺠﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠـﺎﻨﻲ ﻴﺸـﻤﺭ ﻟﻬـﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﻭﻴﺼﺭﻑ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻗﺩﺭﹰﺍ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺩﻩ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﺠﻤﺎﻟﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻨﻴﻬﺎ؛ ﺇﺫ‬ ‫ﺘﺭﺍﻩ ﺘﺎﺭﺓ ﻴﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﺨﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻫﻭ ﻋﻨﺩﻩ ﺒﺎﺏ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻭﺍﺌﺩ ﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺼـﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺒﻌﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻴﺔ‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﺜﻡ ﺘﺭﺍﻩ ﺘﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﺨﺭ ﻴﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﺍﻟﺫﻜﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺫﻑ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻫﻭ ﻋﻨﺩﻩ ﺒـﺎﺏ ﺩﻗﻴـﻕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻙ ﻟﻁﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺄﺨﺫ ﻋﺠﻴﺏ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ‬

‫)‪(3‬‬

‫ﺜﻡ ﺘﺭﺍﻩ ﺘﺎﺭﺓ ﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﻴﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻜﻴـﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺭﻴـﻑ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺭﻭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻻ ﺸﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﻗﻭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺒﻌﺒﻘﺭﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﺫﺓ ﻭﺒﻤﺠﻬﻭﺩﺍﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻴﻤﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺼﺎﺭﺕ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺒـﻴﱢﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻟﻙ ﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺴﺘﺤﻕ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺇﻤﺎﻤﺎ ﺇﻤﺎﻤﺔ ﻻ ﻴﻨﺎﺯﻋـﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﺃﺤﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻟﻠﻤﺘﻜﻠﻡ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻥ ﻭﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ ﻻ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺇﻻ ﻤﺤﺠﻭﺒﺔ ﻤﻜﻨﻭﻨـﺔ ﺤﺘـﻰ‬ ‫ﺴﺒﻕ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻴﻅﻬﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻴﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺼـﻭل ﺇﻟـﻰ ﻓﻬـﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌـﺎﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﺭﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺍﺘﻀﺢ ﺍﺘﻀﺎﺤﹰﺎ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺒﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﺠﻤﺎﻟﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺇﻻ ﻭﺴـﻴﻁ‬ ‫ﻻﺃّ‬ ‫ﻴﺩﻉ ﻟﻠﺸﻙ ﻤﺠﺎ ﹰ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬ ‫)‪(3‬‬

‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪.78،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪.106،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ‪.108،‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ ﻭﻤﺼﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻜﻤﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﺭﻏﻡ ﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺒـﺭ ﻟﻬـﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﺒﺄﺼل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺯﻴـﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤـﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺘﻌﻠﻘﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﺩﺓ ﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺠﺯ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻴﻨﺸـﺄ‬ ‫ﻭﺒﻬﺎ ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻬﻡ ؛ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺼﺩﻕ ﺍﻷﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﻋﺩل ﺍﻷﺤﻜﺎﻡ ؛ ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻴﺔ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﻜﺎﺩ ﺘﺨﻔـﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻜﻠﺔ ﻓﻜﺄﻨﻤﺎ ﺃﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﷲ ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﺘﻨﻔﺼـل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻅﻭﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻅـﻴﻡ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺹ ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻨﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻴﺨﻔﻰ ؛ ﺇﺫ ﻻ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻻ ﺸﻙ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺭﺩﺓ ﻭﻻ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺒﺘﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻭﺹ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ ﻻ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻷﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﺍﻟﻤﻔـﺭﺩﺓ ﺤﺘـﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻅﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﻟﻬﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺴﺒﻕ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺘﺼﻴﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻭﻤﻘﺼـﺩﹰﺍ ﻭﺍﻀـﺤﹰﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺔ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﺍﺒﺘﺩﺍﺀ ﺒﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﻴﺸﻜل ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﻹﻟﻬﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻫﻭ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺠﻭﻫﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﻭﻤﻨﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﻫـﻭ ﺍﻟﻭﺴـﻴﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺠـﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﻟﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺄﻤﻭﻨﺔ ﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺫﺍﻙ ﺇﻻ ﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻫﻭ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻭﺃﻅﻬﺭ ﺴﻤﺎﺘﻪ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻷﺼل ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ؛‬ ‫ﻭﻷﺠل ﺫﻟﻙ ﻋ ﱢﺩ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺯﻤﺨﺸﺭﻱ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺃﻫﻡ ﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟـﻴﺱ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻤﺨﺸﺭﻱ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻁﺒﻕ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻟـﻨﻅﻡ‬ ‫ﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﺤﺴﺏ ؛ ﺒل ﺇ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭﻩ ﺒﻤﻘﺘﻀﺎﻫﺎ ﺨﺭ ﺒﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺒﻬﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻗﻴل ﻓﻴﻪ "ﻟﻭﻻ ﺍﻷﻋﺭ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﺩ ﻓﺘﻕ ﺒﻬـﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺔ ﺃﻜﻤـﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻭﺴ ﻟﻅل ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺒﻜﺭﹰﺍ " ﻭﻤﺎ ﺫﺍﻙ ﺇﻻ ﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺴﻤﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻭﺼﻔﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺼﻭﺼﺔ ﻭﻨﻅﺎﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜـﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻨﻪ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ؛ ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﺍﻹﻟﻬﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻔﺭﺩ ﻗﺩ ﺼﻴ ﺒـﻨﻤﻁ ﻤﻌـﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻗﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﻁﺎﺒﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﺩ ﻤﻁﺎﺒﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻤﺨﺼﻭﺼﺔ ﻓﺈ ّ‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻻ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻟﻐﻴﺭﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻱ ﺒﺤﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ ﻓـﺎﻕ ﺒﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻜل ﻜﻼﻡ ﻭﺃﺭﺒﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜل ﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻤﻬﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﺕ ﺩﺭﺠﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ﻭﺴﻤﺕ ﻤﻨﺯﻟﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻗﻴﻘـﺔ ﻻ ﻴﺘـﺄﺘﻰ ﺇﻻ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﺎﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻥ ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺴﺒﻕ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺒﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻭﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻤﺴﺎﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﺨﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻌﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺇﻻ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺭﻑ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺨﺒﺭﻩ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺭﺏ ﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﺤﺭﻜﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻗﺩﻤﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺨـﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺄﻓﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻔﻴﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻀﻌﻬﺎ ؛ ﻭﺭﺏ ﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﺤﺫﻓﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻀـﻴﻔﺕ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺩل ﺒﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﺒﺄﻱ ﺸﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻭل ﻓﺄﻓﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻤﺎ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻟﻴﻔﻴﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻠﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺤﺎﻭل ﻓﻬﻡ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﻀﺎﺭﺒﹰﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﻭﻻ ﺫﻟﻙ ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﺸﻙ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﻠﻴل ﺼﻔﺤﹰﺎ ﻓﻬﻭ ﻜﻤﻥ ﺨﺎﻁﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻋﺭ ﺒﻘﻭﻟﻪ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺘﺭﺠﻭ ﺍﻟﻨﺠﺎﺓ ﻭﻟﻡ ﺘﺴﻠﻙ ﻤﺴﺎﻟﻜﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﻴﻨﺔ ﻻ ﺘﺠﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻴﺒﺱ‬ ‫ﺇّ‬

‫‪:‬‬

‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻷﺼﻔﻬﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﻏﺭﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺴﻴﺩ ﻜﻴﻼﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻁ‪ /‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻗﻼﻨﻲ ‪:‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻀﻲ‪ :‬ﺇﻋﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻌﻡ ﺨﻔﺎﺠـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻁ‪ ،1‬ﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﻴل ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ ‪1991‬ﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺍﻟﺒﻐﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻕ ﻭﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻤـﻨﻬﻡ ‪ :‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴـﻕ‬ ‫ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺯﺍﻫﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﺜﺭﻱ ﻁ‪ ،1‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺍﺒﻥ ﺘﻴﻤﻴﺔ ‪ :‬ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﻓﺘﺎﻭ ﺸﻴﺦ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺭﺤﻤﻥ ﺒﻥ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﻗﺎﺴﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺼﻤﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺔ ‪1404‬ﻫـ‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺤﻅ ‪ :‬ﻋﻤﺭﻭ ﺒﻥ ﺒﺤﺭ ‪:‬ﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﺠﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺸﺭﻴﻑ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻨﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺘﻔﻜﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﺴﻨﺔ ‪2000‬ﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -7‬ﺍﻟﺯﺭﻜﺸﻲ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻫﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺃﺒﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﻀل ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻁ ‪ /‬ﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﻴل ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ ‪1988‬ﻡ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫‪ -8‬ﺍﻟﺨﻔﺎﺠﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﺒﻥ ﺴﻨﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺴﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﺎﺤﺔ ‪ :‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌـﺎل ﺍﻟﺼـﻌﻴﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻁ‪ /‬ﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺼﺒﻴﺢ ‪1969‬ﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -9‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻭﻁﻲ ‪ :‬ﺒﻐﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻋﺎﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻁﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﻭﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺤﺎﺓ‪ :‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺃﺒﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﻀـل‬ ‫ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -10‬ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻁﺒﻲ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ‪ :‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻁ‪ /‬ﻤﻁﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻨﻲ ‪1969‬ﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -11‬ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺭﺴﺘﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻠل ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺤل ‪ :‬ﻁ ‪ /‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ‪1997‬ﻡ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -12‬ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻁﺒﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻊ ﻷﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ‪ :‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﺩﻭﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻁ‪3/‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -13‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻀﻲ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﻤﺩﺍﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﻐﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺨـﻭﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻁ‪ /‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘـﺏ‬ ‫‪1960‬ﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -14‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﺠﺎﻨﻲ ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﺩﻻﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺯ ‪ :‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺸﺎﻜﺭ‪ ،‬ﻁ‪ ، 2‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ ‪1992‬ﻡ‪.‬‬‫ ﺃﺴﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻏﺔ ‪ :‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻌﻡ ﺨﻔﺎﺠﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻁ‪ /‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪.‬‬‫ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺸﺎﻜﺭ‪) ،‬ﺒﺫﻴل ﺩﻻﺌـل ﺍﻹﻋﺠـﺎﺯ( ﻁ‪ ، 2‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒـﺔ‬‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ ‪1992‬ﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -15‬ﺍﻟﻐﺯﺍﻟﻲ ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ‪ :‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻤﻠﺤﻡ‪ ،‬ﻁ‪ ، 1‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﻼل ‪1992‬ﻡ‪.‬‬‫ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ‪ :‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺒﻭ ﻤﻠﺤﻡ‪ ،‬ﻁ‪ ، 1‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﻼل ‪1991‬ﻡ‪.‬‬‫ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻘﺫ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻀﻼل‪ ،‬ﻁ‪ /‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ ‪1985‬ﻡ‪.‬‬‫‪ -16‬ﺍﺒﻥ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ‪ :‬ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻁ‪ /‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ‪1981‬ﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -17‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺴﺎﻭﻱ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﻫﺭ ﺒﻥ ﻋﺎﺸﻭﺭ ﻭﻜﺘﺎﺒـﻪ ﻤﻘﺎﺼـﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻁ‪ /‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺼﺎﺌﺭ ﻟ ﻨﺘﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺴﻨﺔ ‪1998‬ﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﻹﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﺤﺩﻫﻤﺎ ﺒﻨﻘﺹ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺴﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻴﺩﺯ " ‪"AIDS‬‬ ‫ﺃ‪.‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻭﺭﻱ‬

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‫ﺸﺭﻉ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺍ ﺤﻔﻅﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻔﻁﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺴـﻜﻨﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻟﻠﻤﻭﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺤﻤﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺠل ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺃﺴﺭﺘﻴﻬﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻤ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﻠﺏ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﺒﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺃﺴﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺼﺤﻴﺢ ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻋﻁﻰ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺒﻁﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺴـﺘﺤﻘﻪ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺩﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﻋﻨﺎﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺭﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺍﻤﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺤﺴﻥ ﺤﺎل ﻟﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﻭ ﻟﻠﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻭﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻨﻔﻊ ﻟﻠﻨﺎﺱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺭﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﺭﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﺭﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺍ ﺒﺸـﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﺴـﺎﺌل ﺇﻻ ﺇﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺼﻠﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﻭﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻭﻤﺔ ﻴﺴﺘﺤﻴل ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﺔ ؛ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻨﻔﺫﺕ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺭﺒﺎﻁ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺤﺩﺙ ﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﺠﻌل ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺼﺎﻟﺤﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻏﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺼـﻭﺩﺓ ﻤـﻥ ﺸـﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟـﺯﻭﺍ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻴﻌﺭﻀﻬﻤﺎ ﻟﻠﺨﻁﺭ ﻭﺍﻷﺫ ﻭﺍﻟﻀﺭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺨل ﺒﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺠﻌﻠﺕ ﻓﺭﻗـﺔ ﺍﻟﻁـﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﺠﹰﺎ ﻟﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺸﺭﻋﺕ ﻓﺭﻗﹰﺎ ﺃﺨﺭ ﺘﺘﻡ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ ‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﻬـﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴـﻕ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻌﻠل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺩ ﻴﺼﺎﺏ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺒﺤﺜﻨﺎ "ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ ﻹﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﺃﺤﺩﻫﻤﺎ ﺒﻨﻘﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺴﺏ "ﺍﻷﻴﺩﺯ" ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺍﻨﺘﺸﺭ ﺤﺩﻴﺜﹰﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻴـﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﻭﻴﺒﻨـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻟﻠﻌﻠل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎﺀ‬ ‫* ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻪ ﻭﺃﺼﻭﻟﻪ ﺒﺎﻟﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺎﻟﻴﺯﻴﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﺴﻼﻤﻲ‬

‫ﺘﻔﻜﱡﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺩ )‪ ، (5‬ﻋﺩﺩ )‪2003 ، (1‬ﻡ ‪1424 /‬ﻫـ‬

‫ﻤﻨﻪ ﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﺴﻨﻘﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻁﻠﺒﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻨﺘﻜﻠﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴـﻕ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻟﻠﻌﻠل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪:‬ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟـﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻹﺼـﺎﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﺤﺩﻫﻤﺎ ﺒﻨﻘﺹ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺴﺏ "ﺍﻹﻴﺩﺯ"‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍ‬

‫ﺍﻟ‬

‫‪ :‬ﺍﻟ ﺭﻴ‬

‫ﻴ ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﺭ ﻴ ‪:‬‬

‫ﻴ ﻟ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠل ‪ :‬ﻟﻐﺔ ﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻠﱠﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺀ ﻓـﻲ ﻟﺴـﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌـﺭﺏ ‪" :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻋل ﻴﻌل ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘل ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻤﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻭ ﻋﻠﻴل"‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻁﻠـﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻴـﻭﺏ ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻴﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻴﺒﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻭﺼﻤﺔ)‪.(2‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺼﻁﻼ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﻲ ‪ :‬ﻫﻲ ﻋﻭﺍﺭﺽ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻭﺼـﺎﻑ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴـﻕ ﻤﻘﺎﺼـﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺍ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺸﺭّﻋﻬﺎ ﺍﷲ )‪(‬‬ ‫ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻠل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺫﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺒﺘﻐﺎﺌﻬﺎ)‪.(3‬‬

‫ﻟﻠﻔﻘﻬﺎﺀ ﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻠل ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺇﺭﺠﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﻴﻥ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍ‬

‫ﺎ ﺍ‬

‫‪ :‬ﻴﺭ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺠﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻠل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺃﻭ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﺃﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺒﺎﻟﺯﻭ ﺃﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﺯﻭﺠﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﻅﺎﻫﺭﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻜﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺘﻴﺒﺔ‬

‫)‪(5‬‬

‫ﻭﺃﺒﻲ ﻗﻼﺒﺔ‬

‫)‪(6‬‬

‫)‪(4‬‬

‫‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤـﺭﻭﻱ‬

‫ﻭﻋﻤﺭ ﺒﻥ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺍﺴﺘﺩﻟﻭﺍ‪:‬‬

‫)‪ (1‬ﺍﺒﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ‪ :‬ﻟﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ‪،4 ،‬ﺹ‪.3080‬‬ ‫)‪ (2‬ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪ (3‬ﻤﺩ ﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ‪،‬ﺹ‪.238‬‬ ‫)‪ (4‬ﺍﺒﻥ ﺤﺯﻡ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻰ ‪،10 ،‬ﺹ‪ 58‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪ (5‬ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻡ ﺒﻥ ﻋﺘﻴﺒﺔ ﻭﻴﻘﺎل ﺃﺒﻭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻓﻲ ﺘﺎﺒﻌﻲ ﺜﻘﺔ ﺤﺠﺔ ﺃﻓﻘﻪ ﺃﻫل ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻓﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﻌـﻲ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺘﻭﻓﻲ ‪103‬ﻫـ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻴل ﻏﻴﺭ ﺫﻟﻙ‪،‬ﺘﻬﺫﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺫﻴﺏ ‪،2 ،‬ﺹ‪.434‬‬ ‫)‪ (6‬ﻫﻭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﺒﻥ ﺯﻴﺩ ﺃﻭ ﻗﻼﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﻤﻲ ﻤﺤﺩﺙ ﺘﺎﺒﻌﻲ ﺘﻭﻓﻲ ﺴـﻨﺔ ‪104‬ﻫــ ﺘـﺫﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﻔـﺎﻅ‪،‬‬ ‫‪،1‬ﺹ‪،94‬ﻁﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ‪،‬ﺹ‪.211‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ‬ ‫‪-1‬‬

‫ﺃ‪ .‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻭﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺒﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﻥ ﻋﺎﺌﺸﺔ ﺭﻀﻲ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﺕ ‪ :‬ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺃﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺭﻓﺎﻋﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻲ‬ ‫)‪ (‬ﻓﻘﺎﻟﺕ‪ :‬ﻜﻨﺕ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺭﻓﺎﻋﺔ ﻓﻁﻠﻘﻨﻲ ‪،‬ﻓﺒﺕ ﻁﻼﻗﻲ ﻓﺘﺯﻭﺠﺕ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺭﺤﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﺒﻴﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻤﻌﻪ ﻤﺜل ﻫﺩﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻭﺏ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺒﺴﻡ ﺭﺴﻭل ﺍﷲ )‪ ، (‬ﻓﻘﺎل ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺃﺘﺭﻴﺩﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺭﺠﻌﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺭﻓﺎﻋﺔ ﻻ‪ .‬ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﺫﻭﻗﻲ ﻋﺴﻴﻠﺘﻪ ﻭﻴﺫﻭﻕ ﻋﺴﻴﻠﺘﻙ"‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﻟﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺯﻭﺠﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻴﻨﹰﺎ ﻭﺸﻜﺕ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺴﻭل ﺍﷲ ﺘﺭﻴﺩ ﻤﻔﺎﺭﻗﺘﻪ ﻓﻠﻡ‬ ‫ﻴﺸﻜﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻡ ﻴﻀﺭﺏ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻡ ﻴﻔﺭﻕ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫‪-2‬‬

‫ﻤﺎﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ )‪(‬‬

‫ﺃﻨﻪ ﻗﺎل‪ :‬ﺃﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺠل ﺘﺯﻭ ﺃﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻤﺠﻨﻭﻨﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺤـﺩﺒﺎﺀ‬

‫ﺃﻭ ﺒﺭﺼﺎﺀ ﺃﻭ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻤﺭﺽ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺃﻤﺭﺃﺘﻪ ﺇﻥ ﺸﺎﺀ ﻁﻠﱠﻕ ﻭﺇﻥ ﺸﺎﺀ ﺃﻤﺴﻙ)‪.(2‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻭﻜﺎﻨﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﺤﻴﺙ ﻗﺎل ﺒﻌﺩ ﻋﺭﻀﻪ ﻟﻸﻗﻭﺍل ﻭﺍﻵﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ‪":‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺠﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺼﻠﺢ ﻟﻸﺴﺘﺩﻻل ﺒﻪ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺦ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎﺀ")‪.(3‬‬ ‫ﺍ ﻟ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺎ‬ ‫‪-1‬‬

‫ﺍﻋﺘﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺩﻻل ﺒﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺭﻓﺎﻋﺔ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺦ ﺒل ﻓﻬـﻡ ﻤﻨﻬـﺎ)‪(‬‬

‫ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺭﻴﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺭﺍﺠﻌﻬﺎ ﺭﻓﺎﻋﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺨﺒﺭﻫﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺭﺤﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺫﻕ ﻋﺴـﻴﻠﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻻ ﻫﻲ ﺫﺍﻗﺕ ﻋﺴﻴﻠﺘﻪ ﻻ ﻴﺤﻠﻬﺎ ﻟﺭﻓﺎﻋﺔ‪ .‬ﻴﺅﻴﱢﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺃﺨﺭ ﻤﺎﻟﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻁﺄ " ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺭﺤﻤﻥ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻤﺴﻬﺎ ﻓﻁﻠﻘﻬﺎ ﻓﺄﺭﺍﺩ ﺭﻓﺎﻋﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻨﻜﺤﻬﺎ ﻭﻫـﻭ ﺯﻭﺠﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭل ﻓﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺘﺴﺘﻔﺘﻲ ﺭﺴﻭل ﺍﷲ )‪ (‬ﻓﺄﺠﺎﺒﻬﺎ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺘﺤل ﻟﻪ")‪.(4‬‬

‫)‪ (1‬ﺭﻭﺍﻩ ﻤﺴﻠﻡ‪،‬ﻤﺴﻠﻡ ﺒﺸﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻭﻭﻱ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪.606‬‬ ‫)‪ (2‬ﺍﺒﻥ ﺤﺯﻡ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻰ ‪،10 ،‬ﺹ‪.62-61‬‬ ‫)‪ (3‬ﺍﻟﺸﻭﻜﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻨﻴل ﺍﻷﻭﻁﺎﺭ‪،6 ،‬ﺹ‪.178‬‬ ‫)‪ (4‬ﺍﻟﺼﻨﻌﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺴﺒل ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪.127‬‬

‫ﺘﻔﻜﱡﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺩ )‪ ، (5‬ﻋﺩﺩ )‪2003 ، (1‬ﻡ ‪1424 /‬ﻫـ‬ ‫‪-2‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ )‪(‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﺴﻼﻤﻲ‬

‫ﻓﻔﻴﻪ ﺍﻀـﻁﺭﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘـﺩ ﺃﻭﺭﺩ ﺼـﺎﺤﺏ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﻴﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ" ﻓﺯﻭﺠﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﺨﻴﺎﺭ ﻤﺎ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻤﺴﻬﺎ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺃﻤﺭﺃﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺸﺎﺀ ﺃﻤﺴﻙ ﻭﺇﻥ ﺸﺎﺀ ﻁﻠﱠﻕ")‪.(5‬‬ ‫‪-3‬‬

‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺫﻜﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﻭﻜﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺠﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺼﻠﺢ ﻟﻼﺴﺘﺩﻻل ﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﻗﺩ ﺃﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﻪ ﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺩ ﻋـﺩﺩﹰﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺦ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻴﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺒﺄ ّ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﻭﺍﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻵﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺼﻠﺢ ﻟ ﺴﺘﺩﻻل ﺒﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﻭﺴﺘﺄﺘﻲ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺃﺩﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺫﺍﻫﺏ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ )‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﺎ ﺍﻟ ﺎ ‪ :‬ﻭﻴﺭ ﺠﻭﺍﺯ ﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﻟﻠﻌﻴﻭﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻟﻴـﻪ ﺫﻫـﺏ‬

‫ﺍ‬

‫ﻥ ﻟﻬـﻡ‬ ‫ﻻﺃّ‬ ‫ﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻨﻔﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻨﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺯﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻤﺎﻤﻴـﺔ)‪ .(2‬ﺇ ﹼ‬ ‫ﺨﻼﻓﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻴﻥ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺤﻕ ﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﻟﻠﻌﻠل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﻴﺜﺒﺕ ﻟﻜﻼ ﺍﻟـﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﺃﻡ ﻟﻠﺯﻭﺠـﺔ‬ ‫‪ :‬ﻫل ﺃ ّ‬

‫ﺍ‬

‫ﻓﻘﻁ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ﺎ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻭﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺜﺒﺕ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺤﻕ ﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺎﺍ‬

‫‪ :‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺫﻫﺏ ﺃﺒﻭ ﺤﻨﻴﻔﺔ ﻭﺃﺼﺤﺎﺒﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺠﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴـﻕ ﻗﻀـﺎﺀ ﻟﻌﻴـﻭﺏ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﺔ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﺯﻭﺠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺃﺠﺎﺯﻭﺍ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻟﻠﺯﻭﺠﺔ ﻟﻌﻠل ﺒﺎﻟﺯﻭ ‪ ،‬ﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺒﺎﻋﻁﺎﺌﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﱠﻬـﺎ ﻻ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻀﺭﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺇ ﹼ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﺤﻕ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻴﻔﺎﺀ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺘﻤﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻁﻼﻕ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻷ ّ‬

‫)‪ (5‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﻴﺭ‪،4 ،‬ﺹ‪.294‬‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﺍﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﻭﺯﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺩ‪،4 ،‬ﺹ‪.31-30‬‬ ‫)‪ (2‬ﺍﻟﻬﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﺭ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﺭ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪ .267‬ﺍﻟﺨﻁﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻤﻭﺍﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﻠﻴـل‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪ .483‬ﺍﻟﻤﻬـﺫﺏ ‪،‬‬ ‫‪،2‬ﺹ‪ .48‬ﺍﺒﻥ ﻗﺩﺍﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻐﻨﻲ ‪ ،7 ،‬ﺹ‪ .603‬ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭ ﺍﻟﺯﺨﺎﺭ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪ ،60‬ﺸﺭﺍﺌﻊ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪،2 ،‬ﺹ‪.320‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ‬

‫ﺃ‪ .‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻭﺭﻱ‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻔـﻭﺍﺕ ﺒـﺎﻟﻤﻭﺕ ﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﺨﺘﻼﻟﻪ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻴﻭﺏ ﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺏ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺦ ‪ ،‬ﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﻴﻭﺠﺒﻪ ﻓﻬﺫﺍ ﺃﻭﻟﻰ)‪.(3‬‬ ‫ﻭﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺎﻓﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻨﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻤﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺯﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺜﺒﻭﺕ ﺤﻕ ﻁﻠـﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﻟﻠﺯﻭ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺜﺒﺕ ﻟﻠﺯﻭﺠﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻭﺠﺩ ﺍﻟﺯﻭ ﺯﻭﺠﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﺒـﺔ ﺒﻌﻴـﺏ‬ ‫ﺘﻨﺎﺴﻠﻲ ﻴﻤﻨﻊ ﺍﻻﺘﺼﺎل ﺒﻬﺎ ﺠﻨﺴﻴﹰﺎ ‪،‬ﺃﻭ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺠﻨﻭﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺠـﺫﺍﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺒـﺭﺹ ﻟﺘﻀـﺭّﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺯﻭ ﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻭﺏ ﻭﻟﻌﺩﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻭﺠﻭﺩﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻕ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﻜﺎﻟﺯﻭﺠﺔ‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺩﻟﻭﺍ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﻥ ﺯﻴﺩ ﺒﻥ ﻜﻌﺏ ﻗﺎل ﺘﺯﻭ ﺭﺴﻭل ﺍﷲ )‪ (‬ﺃﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻨﻲ ﻏﻔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺭﺃ ﺒﻜﺸﺤﻬﺎ ﺒﻴﺎﻀﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎل ﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻲ)‪" : (‬ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﻴﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﻘ‬

‫"‬

‫ﺭﻭﺍﻩ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ)‪ .(2‬ﻓﺭﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺯﻭﺠﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﻴل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻟـﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﺒﺭﺹ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻠﺤﻕ ﺍﻟﺭﺩ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻠل ﺍﻷﺨﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻨﺎﻫـﺎ ﻀـﺭﺭﹰﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻨﻔﺭﺓ)‪.(3‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻤﺎﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﻥ ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺏ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻗﺎل ‪ :‬ﻗﺎل ﻋﻤﺭ ﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻁـﺎﺏ ‪ " ‬ﺃﻴﻤـﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺠل ﺘﺯﻭ ﺃﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺒﻬﺎ ﺠﻨﻭﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺠﺫﺍﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺒﺭﺹ ﻓﻤﺴﻬﺎ ﻓﻠﻬﺎ ﺼﺩﺍﻗﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻤﻼﹰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻟﺯﻭﺠﻬﺎ ﻏﺭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻟﻴﻬﺎ")‪.(4‬‬

‫)‪(3‬‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬ ‫)‪(3‬‬ ‫)‪(4‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺴﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺒﺩﺍﺌﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﺌﻊ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪ .1537‬ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴل ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﺎﺭ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪.158‬‬ ‫ﺃﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻭﻜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﻨﻴل ﺍﻷﻭﻁﺎﺭ‪،6 ،‬ﺹ‪.177‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺫﺏ‪،2 :‬ﺹ‪.48‬‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻟﻙ‪،:‬ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻁﺄ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.135‬‬

‫ﺘﻔﻜﱡﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺩ )‪ ، (5‬ﻋﺩﺩ )‪2003 ، (1‬ﻡ ‪1424 /‬ﻫـ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﺴﻼﻤﻲ‬

‫‪ -3‬ﻤﺎ ﺭﻭ ﻋﻥ ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺏ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻗﺎل ‪" :‬ﻗﻀﻲ ﻋﻤﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻴﻥ ﻴﺅﺠل‬ ‫ﺴﻨﺔ" ﻗﺎل ﺍﺒﻥ ﺤﺠﺭ‪ :‬ﻭﺭﺠﺎﻟﻪ ﺜﻘﺎﺕ)‪.(5‬ﻭﻨﻘﻠﻪ ﺍﺒﻥ ﻗﺩﺍﻤﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻋﻤﺭ ﻭﺍﺒﻥ ﻤﺴﻌﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﺒﻥ ﺸﻌﺒﺔ ﻭﻗﺎل ‪ :‬ﻭﻻ ﻤﺨﺎﻟﻑ ﻟﻬﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺎ‬

‫ﻟ ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺭ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -1‬ﺃﻋﺘﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﺩﻻل ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭ ﺒﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺍﻟﻐﻔﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺦ ﻟﻠﺒﺭﺹ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﺩل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﺹ ﻴﻔﺴﺦ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﻜﺎ ﺼﺭﻴﺤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻻﺤﺘﻤﺎل ﻗﻭﻟـﻪ )‪(‬‬ ‫"ﺍﻟ ﻘ‬

‫" ﺃﻨﻪ ﻗﺼﺩ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻁﻼﻕ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺠﻴﺏ ‪ :‬ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻴﺔ ﻻﺒـﻥ‬

‫ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻟﻠﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺎل‪ " :‬ﻟ ﻡ‬

‫")‪ .(1‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺩﻟﻴل ﻋﻠـﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺦ ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﻁﻼﻕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺩﻻل ﺒﺭﻭﺍﻴﺔ ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺏ ﻋﻥ ﻋﻤﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺒـﺄ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺏ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺴﻤﻊ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻤﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺤﻨﺒل ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻓﻘﺎل‪ ":‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻘﺒل ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴـﻴﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﻥ ﻋﻤﺭ ﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﺎﺏ )‪ (‬ﻓﻤﻥ ﻴﻘﺒل ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺌﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻫﻡ ﻴﺤﺘﺠﻭﻥ ﺒﻘـﻭل‬ ‫ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﺍﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺏ ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎل ﺭﺴﻭل ﺍﷲ )‪ ، (‬ﻓﻜﻴﻑ ﺒﺭﻭﺍﻴﺘﻪ ﻋﻥ ﻋﻤـﺭ )‪ (‬ﻭﻗـﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺼﻑ ﺍﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺭﺍﺽ ﺒﻌﺩﻡ ﺴﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺏ ﻋﻥ ﻋﻤﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﻬـﺫﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺨـﺎﻟﻑ‬ ‫ﻻﺠﻤﺎﻉ ﺃﻫل ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻗﺎﻁﺒﺔ)‪ .(2‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﺴﻼﻤﺔ ﺃﺩﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭ ﻭﻗﻭﺓ ﺭﺃﻴﻬﻡ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﺒﻭﺍ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ ﻟﻜﻼ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﻠﻴل ﺍﻟﺤﻨﻔﻴﺔ ﻟﻘﺼﺭ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺯﻭ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﺔ ﻻﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻟﺯﻭ‬ ‫ﺤﻕ ﺍﻟﻁﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻴﻠﺯﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻟﺯﻭ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻟﻁﻼﻕ ﺘﺤﻤﱡﻠﻪ ﻀﺭﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻀـﻴﺔ‬ ‫)‪(5‬‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺼﻨﻌﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺴﺒل ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪.136‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﻨﻌﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺴﺒل ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪.135‬‬ ‫ﺍﺒﻥ ﻗﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﻭﺯﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺩ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪.31‬‬

‫ﺃ‪ .‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻭﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ‬

‫ﻭﺁﺜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻀﺭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺭﺘﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻁﻼﻕ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻬـﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴـﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻀﺤﻴﺔ ﺘﺩﻟﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴل ﻟﻌﻠﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺎ ﺍﻟ ﺎ ‪ :‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻭﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠل ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺠﻭﺯ ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ ﻓﻠﻠﻔﻘﻬﺎﺀ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺭ ﻱ ﺍ‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠل ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻟﺤﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻭل ﺩﻭﻥ ﻭﺼﻭل ﺍﻟـﺯﻭ ﺇﻟـﻰ‬ ‫‪:‬ﺃّ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺠﺘﻪ ﻭﺤﺼﺭﻫﺎ ﺃﺒﻭ ﺤﻨﻴﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺼـﺎﺀ)‪ ،(3‬ﻹﺨﻼﻟﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻘﺼﻭﺩ ﺃﺼﺎﻟﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻜﺎ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﺴل ﻭﻗﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟـﻭﻁﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺒﺨـﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻫـﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـل‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺘﺎﻉ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﻌﻬﺎ؛ ﻭﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻭﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠل ﺍﻷﺨﺭ ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﻗﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺯﻭﺍل ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺴـﺒﻴل ﻟـﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻀـﺭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺭﺘـﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻬـﺎ ﺇﻻ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ‪،‬ﻭﺍﷲ )‪ (‬ﻴﻘﻭل ‪ ‬ﺎ‬

‫ﺎ‬

‫ﺭ‬

‫ﺭﻴ‬

‫ﺎ ‪‬‬

‫"ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻘﺭﺓ ﺍﻵﻴﺔ‪."229:‬‬

‫ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻤﺴﺎﻙ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻌﺭﻭﻑ ﻭﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺯﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﺈﺤﺴﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺈﺫﺍ ﻟـﻡ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﻔﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﺯﻭ ﺯﻭﺠﺘﻪ ﺒﺎﻟﻁﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻀﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﻤﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻁﻠﺒـﺕ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠـﺔ ﺫﻟـﻙ‪ ،‬ﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻤﺘﻨﺎﻋﻪ ﻴﻌﺩ ﻅﻠﻤﹰﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﻀﻲ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﺠﻌل ﻟﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻟﻡ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻫﻨﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺔ ﻻ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺇﻻ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺄﺠﻴل ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻴﻥ ﺴﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻭل ﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﺃﻫل ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺃّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻴﻥ ﻴﺅﺠل ﺴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺠﺯ ﺒ ﻓﺔ ﺃﺼﻠﻴﺔ)‪ .(1‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻤﺭ ) ‪ (‬ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠل ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺠﻭﺯ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﺴﺒﺒﻬﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﺀ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺭ ﻱ ﺍﻟ ﺎ ‪ :‬ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺤﻘﻬﻤﺎ ﻤﻌﹰﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻔﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﻠل ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻘﺩﻤـﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﺠـل‪،‬‬

‫)‪ (3‬ﺍﻟﺠﺏ ﻗﻁﻊ ﻋﻀﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﺴل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺠل ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻨﺔ ‪ :‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺘﺼﺎل ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺼﺎﺀ‬ ‫‪ :‬ﻗﻁﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻀﺘﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﻴﺔ ﻫﺎﻤﺵ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﺭ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪ ،262‬ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺫﺏ‪،2 ،‬ﺹ‪.49‬‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﻴﺔ ﻫﺎﻤﺵ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﺭ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪ ،263‬ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ‪،4 ،‬ﺹ‪،158‬ﺍﻟﻤﻐﻨﻲ‪،7 ،‬ﺹ‪.603‬‬

‫ﺘﻔﻜﱡﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺩ )‪ ، (5‬ﻋﺩﺩ )‪2003 ، (1‬ﻡ ‪1424 /‬ﻫـ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺘﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﺴﻼﻤﻲ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠل ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻔـﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ ﺍﺸـﺘﻬﺭﺕ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﺒﺔ – ﺍﻟﺠﻨﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺫﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺭﺹ‪ -‬ﻭﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﻗﺎل ﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎﺀ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﺤل ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﺠﻤﻴﻌﻬﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺩ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﻡ ﻋﻠـل ﻤﺭﻀـﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﺨﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﺸﺎﻓﻌﻴﺔ ﺤﺼﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺫﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺒـﺭﺹ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻟـﺯﻭ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﺠل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺘﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻋﻴﺒﹰﺎ ﻭﻗﺎل ﺍﻟﺤﻨﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ :‬ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻋﻴﺒﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﺠل ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴـﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺴﻊ ﻋﻠل)‪.(3‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺤﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻌﻠـل ﻤﻌﻴﻨـﺔ ﺭﺃﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻻ ﺩﺍﻋﻲ ﻟﺫﻜﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠل ﺒﺎﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴل ﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﻤﺭﺠﻭ ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﺒﺭﺍﺠﺢ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺴﻴﺄﺘﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺫﻜﺭﻫﺎ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻟﻤﺜـﺎل ﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺼﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺩل ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻌﻠل ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫‪-1‬‬

‫ﺒﺎﻷﺜﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻩ ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺏ ﻋﻥ ﻋﻤﺭ ﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﺎﺏ )‪‬‬

‫(ﺃﻨﻪ‬

‫ﻗﺎل‪ ":‬ﺇﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺠل ﻨﻜﺢ ﺃﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺠﻨﻭﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺠﺫﺍﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺒﺭﺹ ﻓﻤﺴﻬﺎ ﻓﻠﻬﺎ ﺼﺩﺍﻗﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻜﺎﻤﻼﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻟﺯﻭﺠﻬﺎ ﻏﺭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻟﻴﻬﺎ"‪.‬‬ ‫‪-2‬‬

‫ﻭﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ )‪ (‬ﺃﻨﻪ ﻗﺎل ‪ :‬ﻴﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﻜﺎ ﻤـﻥ ﺃﺭﺒـﻊ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻟﺠـﺫﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻨﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺭﺹ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺘﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻨﺤﻭﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻬﻘﻲ ﻭﺍﺒـﻥ‬ ‫ﺤﺠﺭ)‪.(1‬‬

‫‪-3‬‬

‫ﻭﻷﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺘﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﻴﺨﻼﻥ ﺒﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺍ ﻭﻴﺘﻌﺫﺭ ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺘﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻟﺠﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﺩﺍﻋﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫)‪(3‬‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ‪ :‬ﻏﺫﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻻﺘﺼﺎل ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻲ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺘﻤﻨﻊ ﻤﻨﻪ ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺘﻕ‪ :‬ﺍﻨﺴﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﻀـﻭ ﺍﻟﻤـﺭﺃﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﺴﻠﻲ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻨﻊ ﺍﻻﺘﺼﺎل ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻲ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ‪.‬‬ ‫ـﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ـﻭﻗﻲ ‪، 3 ،‬ﺹ‪ ،277‬ﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌـ‬ ‫ـﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﺴـ‬ ‫ـﺭ ﺒﺤﺎﺸـ‬ ‫ـﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴـ‬ ‫ـﺫﺏ‪ :‬ﺩ‪،2‬ﺹ‪ ،48‬ﺍﻟﺸـ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻬـ‬ ‫‪،4‬ﺹ‪،30‬ﺸﺭﺍﺌﻊ ﺍﻻﺴﻼﻡ‪، 2 ،‬ﺹ‪.318‬‬ ‫ﺒﻠﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﻡ ﺒﺸﺭ ﺴﺒل ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪ ،136‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﻴﺭ‪،4 ،‬ﺹ‪.493‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ‬

‫ﺃ‪ .‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻭﺭﻱ‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺸﻲﺀ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺫﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺭﺹ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺨﻁﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻀﺭﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺸﻲﺀ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻨﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﻔﺭﺓ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻜـﺎﻥ ﺃﺤـﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻤﺼﺎﺒﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﺠﻨﻭﻥ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﻋﺎﺵ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﻗﻠﻕ ﻭﺨـﻭﻑ ﻭﺨـﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻙ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺍﺤﺔ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﺤﺩﻫﻤﺎ ﻤﺼﺎﺒﹰﺎ ﺒﺠـﺫﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻨﺤﻭﻩ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺭﺓ ﺤﺎﺼﻠﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻁﺒﻊ ﻭﺨﺸﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺭﻴﺎﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﺩﻭ‬

‫ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺴـﺭﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴل ﻭﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻻﻋﻔﺎﻑ ﺃﻭ ﻨﻘﺼﺎﻨﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﺜﺒﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﺒﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﻠل ﺜﺒﺕ ﺒﻬﺫﻩ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠل ﺒﺎﻟﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﺩﻻل ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻵﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻭﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﺒﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻡ ﺘﺫﻜﺭ‬ ‫ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻭﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠل ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﺼﺎﺹ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺼﺭ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻤـﺎ ﻋـﺩﺍﻫﺎ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺘﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘـﺭﻥ ﻤﻤـﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻻ ﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺭﺘﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻨﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﻔﺘﻕ ﺃﻭ ﻗﻁﻊ ﻭﻨﺤﻭﻩ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻴﻔﻭﺕ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻟﺯﻭ ﺒﻬﻤـﺎ ﺒﺨـﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﺠـﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻨﺔ ﻓﻬﻤﺎ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻴﻔﺎﺀ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺠﺏ ﻓﻭﺍﻀﺢ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺔ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺒﻌـﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺠﻴل ﺴﻨﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺄﺱ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻼﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺍﻡ)‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺭ ﻱ ﺍﻟ ﺎﻟ ‪ :‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﺤﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺠﻭﺯ ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻌﻠـل ﻤﻌﻴﻨـﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻭﺯ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻜل ﻋﻠﺔ ﻴﻨﻔﺭ ﺒﺴﺒﺒﻬﺎ ﺃﺤﺩﻫﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﻭﻴﻠﺤـﻕ‬ ‫ﺇﺫ ﻭﻀﺭﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﺤﺼل ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﻤﻘﺼﻭﺩ ﺍﻟـﺯﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺤﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﺸﺭﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻀﻲ)‪ ،(2‬ﻭﺍﺒـﻥ ﺸـﻬﺎﺏ‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺫﺏ ‪،2 ،:‬ﺹ‪،48‬ﺍﻟﺨﻁﺎﺏ ‪ ،‬ﻤﻭﺍﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﻠﻴل ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪،482-481‬ﺍﺒـﻥ ﺭﺸـﺩ‪ ،‬ﺒﺩﺍﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻬﺩ‪،2 ،‬ﺹ‪.55‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺴﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﺩﺍﺌﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﺌﻊ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪.1538‬‬ ‫ﻫﻭ ﺸﺭﻴﺢ ﺍﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺭﺙ ﺒﻥ ﻗﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﻜﻨﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﺃﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺼﺤﺒﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺇﻤﺎﻡ ﺜﻘﺔ ﻭﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﺸﻬﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺘﻭﻓﻲ ﺴﻨﺔ ‪78‬ﻫـ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻴل ﻏﻴﺭ ﺫﻟﻙ ‪ .‬ﺍﺒﻥ ﺤﺠﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﺒﺔ ‪،2 ،‬ﺹ‪.2‬‬

‫ﺘﻔﻜﱡﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺩ )‪ ، (5‬ﻋﺩﺩ )‪2003 ، (1‬ﻡ ‪1424 /‬ﻫـ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺯﻫﺭﻱ)‪ ،(3‬ﻭﺃﺒﻭ ﺜﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻐﺩﺍﺩﻱ‬

‫)‪(4‬‬

‫ﻭﺒﻪ ﻗﺎل ﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﺴﻼﻤﻲ‬ ‫)‪(5‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺩﻟﻭﺍ ﺒﻤـﺎ‬

‫ﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﺩل ﺒﻪ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻋﻥ ﻋﻤﺭ ﻭﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻀﻲ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻼ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺒﻌـﺽ‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻩ ﺍﺒﻥ ﺴﻴﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﺭ ﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﺎﺏ )‪ (‬ﺒﻌﺙ ﺭﺠ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﺎﺓ ﻓﺘﺯﻭ‬

‫ﺇﻤﺭﺁﺓ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻴﻤﹰﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎل ﻟﻪ ﻋﻤﺭ )‪(‬‬

‫‪ :‬ﺃﻋﻠﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﻨـﻙ‬

‫ﻋﻘﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎل ﻻ ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎل ‪ :‬ﻓﺎﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻤﻬﺎ ﺜﻡ ﺨﻴﺭﻫﺎ)‪.(6‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻤﺎﺭﻭ‬

‫ﻥ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ‬ ‫ﻋﻥ ﺍﺒﻥ ﺴﻴﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻗﺎل ‪ :‬ﺨﺎﺼﻡ ﺭﺠل ﺇﻟﻰ ﺸﺭﻴﺢ ﻓﻘﺎل ‪ :‬ﺇ ّ‬

‫ﻗﺎﻟﻭﺍ ﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﺇﻨﹼﺎ ﻨﺯﻭﺠﻙ ﺃﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺠﺎﺅﻨﻲ ﺒﺈﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻋﻤﻴﺎﺀ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎل ﺸـﺭﻴﺢ ‪:‬‬ ‫"ﺇﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﺱ ﻟﻙ ﺒﻌﻴﺏ" ﻟﻡ ﻴﺠﺯ)‪.(1‬ﻓﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﺸﺭﻴﺢ ﺒﺎﻟﺭﺩ ﻭﻗﻭﻟﻪ‪" :‬ﺇﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﺱ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻜل ﻋﻴﺏ ﺩﻟﺴﺕ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻟﻠﺯﻭ ﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻙ ﺒﻌﻴﺏ" ﻴﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﻭﻗﺎل ﺍﻟﺯﻫﺭﻱ‪ :‬ﻴﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﻜﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻜل ﺩﺍﺀ ﻋﻀﺎل)‪.(2‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﻗﺎل ﺍﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻭﺭﺩ ﺁﺜﺎﺭ ﺘﺩل ﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺍﻨﺘﺼﺭ ﻟﻪ ‪ ":‬ﻭﺃﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻴﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺴﺘﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺴﺒﻌﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺃﻭﻟﻰ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﻤﺴﺎﻭ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻓﻼ ﻭﺠﻪ ﻟﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻌﻤﻰ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺭﺱ ﻭﺍﻟﻁﺭﺵ ﻭﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻘﻁﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﺩﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺭﺠﻠﻴﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﺤﺩﻫﻤﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺠل ﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻋﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻔﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻜﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻗﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﺘﺩﻟﻴﺱ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺵ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﻨﺎﻑ ﻟﻠﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﻁﻼﻕ ﻴﻨﺼﺭﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ‬ ‫)‪ (3‬ﻫﻭ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﻤﺴﻠﻡ ﺒﻥ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﺒﻥ ﺸﻬﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺯﻫﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺸﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻨﻲ ﺃﻭل ﻤﻥ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻭﺃﺤﺩ‬ ‫ﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺩﺜﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎﺀ ﺘﺎﺒﻌﻲ ﺘﻭﻓﻲ ﺴﻨﺔ ‪124‬ﻫـ‪ .‬ﺘﻬﺫﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺫﻴﺏ‪،9 ،‬ﺹ‪.445‬‬ ‫)‪(4‬ﻫﻭ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﺒﻥ ﺨﺎﻟﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻐﺩﺍﺩﻱ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺤﺩﺙ ﻭﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻷﺌﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻬﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺘﻭﻓﻲ ﺴـﻨﺔ ‪240‬ﻫــ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺒﻐﺩﺍﺩ ‪،6 ،‬ﺹ‪.65‬‬ ‫)‪ (5‬ﻫﻭ ﺸﻤﺱ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﺒﻭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺃﺒﻲ ﺒﻜﺭ ﺍﻟﺯﺭﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻤﺸﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﻴﺭ ﺒﺎﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﻭﺯﻴﺔ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻷﺼﻭﻟﻲ ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻤﻨﺔ‪ ، 3 :‬ﺹ‪.400‬‬ ‫)‪ (6‬ﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺩ ‪،4 ،‬ﺹ‪.31‬‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪ (2‬ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ‬

‫ﺃ‪ .‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻭﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻤﺔ ﻓﻬﻭ ﻜﺎﻟﻤﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﻋﺭﻓﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎل ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ‪ :‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﻥ ﻜل ﻋﻴﺏ ﻴﻨﻔﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺯﻭ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻭﻻ ﻴﺤﺼل ﺒﻪ ﻤﻘﺼﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﻜﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺤﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻭﺩﺓ ﻴﻭﺠﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺎﺭ)‪.(3‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻻﻁﻼﻕ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﺼﺭﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﺩﻻل ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺙ ﺒﺄ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻤﺔ ﻓﻬﻭ ﻜﺎﻟﻤﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﻋﺭﻓﹰﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﻤﺒﻨـﻰ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻭﻉ ﺃﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺍ ﻓﻐﻴﺭ ﻤﻘﺒـﻭل‪ ،‬ﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺠﻴﺏ ‪ :‬ﺒﺄ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﺭﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻴﻭﻉ ﻤﺒﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻜﺴﺔ)‪.(4‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬

‫ﻗﻴﺎﺴﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻰ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺭﺱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺫﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺭﺹ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻨﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ ﺃﻤﺭﺍﺽ ﻤﻌﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻨﻔﺭﺓ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻨﺘـﻘل ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺴل‬ ‫ﻤﺴﻠﱠﻡ‪ ،‬ﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻭﺭﺍﺜﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻻ ﻴﺅﻤﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻓﺘﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺏ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺒﺼﺎﺤﺒﻪ ﻜﺎﻟﻤﺠﻨﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻰ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻤﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺭ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ﺭ ﻴ ‪ :‬ﺒﻌﺩ ﻋﺭﺽ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎﺀ ﻭﺃﺩﻟﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻠل ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻴﻭﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ‬

‫ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺒﺴﺒﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﻭﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﻨﻤﻴل ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘـﺭﺠﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺫﻫﺏ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﺼﺭﻫﺎ ﺒﻌﻠل ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜل ﻋﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺘﻠﺤﻕ ﺍﻷﺫ ﻭﺍﻟﻀﺭﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﻭﺘﻨﻔﺭﻩ ﻤﻨﻪ ﻭﺘﻨﻐﺹ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﺔ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﻘﺎﺀ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺴﺒﺒﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﻁﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﺜﺎﺒﺘﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺴﺘﻌﺼﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻼ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻭﻗﺕ ﻗﺭﻴـﺏ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﺴﺒﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﻴﻭﻡ ﺴﻬل ﺍﻟﻌﻼ ﻭﻻ ﻴﺠﻭﺯ ﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺎﻟﺒـﺔ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ‪.‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻜﺸﻔﺕ ﺍﻷﻴﺎﻡ ﺃﻤﺭﺍﻀﹰﺎ ﺸﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻙ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺨﻁﻭﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻟـﻡ‬ ‫ﺘﻜﻥ ﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺴﺏ "ﺍﻷﻴﺩﺯ" ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺴﻨﺘﻜﻠﻡ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫)‪(3‬‬ ‫)‪(4‬‬

‫ﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺩ‪ ،1 ،‬ﺹ‪.31‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺩ ‪ ،4 ،‬ﺹ‪.31-31‬‬

‫ﺘﻔﻜﱡﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺩ )‪ ، (5‬ﻋﺩﺩ )‪2003 ، (1‬ﻡ ‪1424 /‬ﻫـ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﺴﻼﻤﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻜﺘﺸﻑ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﺃﻤﺭﺍﻀﹰﺎ ﺃﺸﺩ ﻓﺘﻜﹰﺎ ﻭﺨﻁﻭﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل‪ ،‬ﻟﻬﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺇﻨﺎﻁﺔ ﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺽ ﻴﻌﻁﻲ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺠﺏ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻀﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﻌﺎﻨﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻁﺏ ﻟﻴﺘﺨﺫ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺒﺸﺄﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ)‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﺭﻴ‬ ‫ﻴﺸﺘﺭﻁ ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺯﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﺩﻭﻨﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﹰﺎ ﺒﻌﻠﺔ ﺼﺎﺤﺒﻪ ﻗﺒل ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺍ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﻴﺭﻀﻰ ﺒﻪ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻋﻠﻤﻪ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺍ ﺼﺭﺍﺤﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻘﻭل ﺃﻭ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﺴﻜﻭﺕ ﺒﺈﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺴﻜﻭﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻻ ﻴﺴﻘﻁ ﺤﻘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﻻﺤﺘﻤﺎل‬ ‫ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺯﺍﻟﺕ ﺘﺄﻤل ﺯﻭﺍل ﻋﻠﺔ ﺯﻭﺠﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻁﻠﺒﻬﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺩﻟﻴل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻴﺄﺴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺸﻔﺎﺌﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -4‬ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻁﺎﻟﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﻤﺼﺎﺒﹰﺎ ﺒﺠﻨﺱ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺩﻋﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﺎﺤﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﺫﺭ ﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻗﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻓﻌﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻴﻌﺎﻑ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻟﻜل ﻤﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺎﺭ ﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻨﺎﺒﻠﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﻟﻬﻤﺎ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺭﻩ ﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻴﻌﺎﻑ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻪ ﻗﺎل ﺍﻟﺯﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﺘﺤﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﺔ ﺃﻡ ﺍﺨﺘﻠﻔﺕ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻨﻤﻴل ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﺭﺠﻴﺤﻪ ﻟﺤﺼﻭل ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺭﺓ ﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﻻﺤﺘﻤـﺎل ﺴـﺭﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤـﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎﻟﻪ)‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﺍ‬

‫)‪ (1‬ﺃﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺇﻨﺤﻼل ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺍ ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.215‬‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﺒﺩﺍﺌﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﺌﻊ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪ ،15312‬ﻤﻐﻨـﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘـﺎ ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪ .207-203‬ﺍﻟﺒﺤـﺭ ﺍﻟﺯﺨـﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ،3،62‬ﺤﺎﺸﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﻭﻗﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴﺭ‪،2 ،‬ﺹ‪.277‬‬

‫ﺃ‪ .‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻭﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ‬

‫ﻴﺭ ﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎﺀ ﺠﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﻟﻠﻌﻠل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺼـﻴﺏ ﺒﻬـﺎ ﺃﺤـﺩ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺒﻌﺩﻩ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺼﻴﺏ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﻤﺎﺜﺒﺕ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺨﻴـﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩ ﻭﻟﻡ ﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﺇ ﹼ‬ ‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﹰﺍ ﺤﺎل ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩ ﺜﺒﺕ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺎﺭ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺤﺩﺙ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩ)‪.(2‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻭﺼل ﺇﻟﻰ ﺯﻭﺠﺘﻪ ﻭﻟﻭ ﻤﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺃﺼﻴﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﻨﻔﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺒﻌﻠﺔ ﻤﺎﻨﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﺼﺎل ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻲ ﻓﻼ ﺨﻴﺎﺭ ﻟﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﹼﻪ ﻭﺼل ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺤﻘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﻭﻁﺀ ﻤـﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻴﺎﺭ ﻟﺘﻔﻭﻴﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﺤﻕ ﻭﻟﻡ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ)‪ .(3‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﻤﺭﺠﻭ ﻟﺒﻌﺩﻩ ﻋـﻥ‬ ‫ﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻊ ﻭﻤﻨﺎﻓﺎﺘﻪ ﻟﺴﻜﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺱ ﻭﺤﺼﻭل ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺤﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺭﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺸـﺎﺭﻉ‬ ‫ﺴﻨﺔ ﻤـﺎ ﻴـﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺒﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺍ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﺩﻟﻴل ﻴﺅﻴﺩﻩ ﺒل ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻟ ﱡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎل ﺍﷲ ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﻴﻤﻥ ﻴﱢﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﻴﻘﺭﺒﻥ ﺯﻭﺠﺘﻪ‪ :‬ﻟ ﻴ ﻴ ﻟ‬ ‫ﺎ ﻡ ﺭ‬ ‫ﺍ‬

‫ﺭ‬ ‫ﻴ‬

‫ﺭ‬

‫ﺎ ﺍ‬

‫ﺍ‬

‫ﺭ ﺭ ﻴﻡ‬

‫ﺍ ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﻴﻡ‪" ‬ﺍﻟﺒﻘﺭﺓ ﺍﻵﻴﺔ‪."227-226:‬‬

‫ﻓﻘﺩ ﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﻨﻔﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺯﻭﺠﺘﻪ ﺨﻼﻟﻬﺎ ﻁﻠﻘﺕ ﻤﻨﻪ ﻁﻠﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﺌﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻭ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺸﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻌﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺯﻭﺍ ﻤﺩﺓ ﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ )‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺯﻭﺠﺔ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﺒﻥ ﻋﻤﺭﻭ ﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺹ ﺸﻜﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺭﺴﻭل ﺍﷲ )‪(‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﻗﺭﺒﺎﻥ ﺯﻭﺠﻬﺎ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻟﻜﺜﺭﺓ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺘﻪ ﻭﺼﻼﺘﻪ ﻓﺄﺭﺴـل ﺇﻟﻴـﻪ ﻋﻠﻴـﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻴﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻋﻥ ﺼﺤﺔ ﺩﻋﻭ ﺯﻭﺠﺘﻪ ﻓﺎﻋﺘﺭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﻤﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﺯﻭﺠﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎل ﻟﻪ ‪" :‬‬

‫ﻟ‬

‫ﻴ‬

‫ﻘﺎ" ﻓﻠﻭ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺤﻘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻓﺤﺴﺏ ﻟﺴﺄﻟﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ‬

‫ﺫﻟﻙ ﻭﻷﺨﺒﺭﻫﺎ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺤﻕ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻟﻭ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺨل ﺒﻬﺎ ﻤﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ)‪.(2‬‬

‫)‪(2‬‬ ‫)‪(3‬‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺫﺏ‪،2 ،‬ﺹ‪ ،48‬ﺍﻟﻤﻐﻨﻲ‪،7 ،‬ﺹ‪ ،583‬ﺍﻟﺘﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﻜﻠﻴل ﻟﻤﺨﺘﺼﺭ ﺨﻠﻴل‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪.485‬‬ ‫ﺒﺩﺍﺌﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﺌﻊ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪.1532‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﺭ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﺭ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪.184‬‬ ‫ﺭﻴﺎﺽ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻟﺤﻴﻥ ‪،1 ،‬ﺹ‪.81‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﺴﻼﻤﻲ‬

‫ﺘﻔﻜﱡﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺩ )‪ ، (5‬ﻋﺩﺩ )‪2003 ، (1‬ﻡ ‪1424 /‬ﻫـ‬

‫ﻥ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺘﺎﻉ ﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﻤﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻟﺭﺍﺠﺢ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺤﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻋﻨﻴﻨﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺼﺎﺭ ﻤﺠﻨﻭﻨﹰﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﺼـﻴﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻭﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺒﺄﻱ ﻋﻠﺔ ﻤﺨﻠﺔ ﺒﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺍ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺘﻠﺤﻕ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﺒﺄﺫ ﺃﻭ ﻀﺭﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ‬ ‫ﺍ ﻴ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﺎ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟ ﺭﻴ‬

‫ﻴ ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﻴ‬

‫ﺎ ﻘ‬

‫ﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﻜ‬

‫"‪."AIDS‬‬ ‫ﻭﺴﻨﺘﻜﻠﻡ ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻠﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺭﻋﻴﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻉ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺽ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﻭﻗﺎﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻷﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﺃﺤﺩﻫﻤﺎ ﺒﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ﺭ ﺍ‬

‫‪ :‬ﺍﻟ ﺭﻴ‬

‫ﺍ ﺍﻟ ﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﺎﻴ‬

‫‪:‬‬

‫‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺽ‪ :‬ﻗﺒل ﺃﻥ ﻨﺘﻜﻠﻡ ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤـﺭﺽ ﻴﻨﺒﻐـﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻌـﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻋﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻟﻐﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺤﺼﺎﻨﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ ‪ :‬ﻤﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻲﺀ ﻤﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻓﻬﻭ ﻤﻨﻴﻊ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﻌﺴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻼﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺯ ﻭﻤﻨﻌﺔ ﺃﻱ ﻫﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺯ ﻭﻤﻥ ﻴﻤﻨﻌﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺸـﻴﺭﺘﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺼـﻥ‬ ‫ﻤﻨﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻤﻨﻊ ﺒﺎﻟﻀﻡ ﻤﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺭﻡ)‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﺼﻁﻼ ﺍﻷﻁﺒﺎﺀ‪ :‬ﺘﻁﻠﻕ ﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜل ﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﻤﻨﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﻔﻴﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺠﺴﻡ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﻁﻠﻕ ﻓﺭﻁ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ‪ “AILEYGIE" ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜل ﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﻤﻨﺎﻋﻲ ﻤـﺅﺫ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺠﺴﻡ)‪ .(2‬ﻭﻜﻠﻤﺔ "ﺍﻷﻴﺩﺯ" ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺸﺘﻬﺭ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺽ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﺨﺘﺼـﺎﺭ ﻟﻠﻤﺼـﻁﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻲ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﻠﻴﺯﻱ ” ‪ “Acquired Innune Deciency Syndrome‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻘﺎﺒﻠﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺘﺴﻤﻴﺔ "ﻤﺘﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺴﺏ ")‪ .(3‬ﻭﺍﻷﻴﺩﺯ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋـﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻋﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺩل ﻅﻬﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﺠﻬـﺎﺯ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬ ‫)‪(3‬‬

‫ﻟﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ ‪،6 ،‬ﺹ‪.4277‬‬ ‫ﻤﺭﺽ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﺯ‪ ،‬ﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ ﻁﺎﺭﻕ ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻰ ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺓ ‪،‬ﺹ‪.17‬‬ ‫ﺤﻘﺎﺌﻕ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﺯ ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺍﻹﻴﺩﺯ ﺒﺎﻟﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﻗﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃ‪ .‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻭﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺠﺴﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻜﺎﺌﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﺴﺭﻁﺎﻨﻴﺔ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺴﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺏ ﺒﻤﺭﺽ "ﺍﻷﻴﺩﺯ" ﻓﺭﻴﺴﺔ ﺴﻬﻠﺔ ﻟﻤﻬﺎﺠﻤـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺌﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻋﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺭﻭﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺭﺍﺜﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻁﻔـﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻁﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﺴﺭﻁﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻠﺩﻴﺔ)‪.(4‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺽ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺨﻁﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﻭﺒﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﺭﻓﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﺤﺘـﻰ ﺍﻵﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺸﺩﻫﺎ ﻓﺘﻜﹰﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﻀﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜل ﻓﺭﺩ ﻴﺼﻴﺒﻪ)‪ .(5‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺩﻟﱠﺕ ﺍﻹﺤﺼـﺎﺌﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺜﺒﺘﺕ ﺇﺼﺎﺒﺘﻪ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺽ ﻻ ﻴﺒﻘﻰ ﺤﻴﹰﺎ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺜﻼﺙ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﺔ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻴﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﷲ ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺫﻟﻙ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﺠﻭﺩﻩ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺼﻔﻭﺍ ﺃﻭﻟـﻰ ﺤﺎﻻﺘـﻪ ﻋـﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪1981‬ﻡ ﻭﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﻓﺭﻴﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻁﺒﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺩﺭﺴﻭﻥ ﻫـﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤـﺭﺽ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻤﻭﻁﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺀ ﻫﻭ ﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻭﺴﻁﻰ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻨﺘﻘل ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺠﺯﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺭﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﻨﺘﺠﻌﹰﺎ ﺼﻴﻔﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﺸﻬﻭﺭﹰﺍ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﻭﻥ ﻗﻀـﺎﺀ ﻋﻁﻠـﺘﻬﻡ ﻓـﻲ ﻫـﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺠﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺠﺯﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺭﻴﺒﻲ ﺘﻡ ﻨﻘﻠﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻤـﺭﻴﻜﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸـﺎﺫﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻹﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺎﺙ ﻏﻴـﺭ‬ ‫ﺠﻨﺴﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺫﻭﺫ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺩﻤﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺩﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﻨﺘﺸﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺽ ﺒﺴﺭﻋﺔ ﻤﺫﻫﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﺎ ﻭﺃﻭﺭﺒﺎ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺨﻴﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻫﻴﺔ ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻨﺘﺸﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎل ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﻼﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪":‬ﻟﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺭ ﺍﻟ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻡ ﻜ‬

‫ﻡ‬ ‫ﻡ ﺍﻟ ﻴ‬

‫ﻴ‬

‫ﺍ‬

‫ﺎ‬

‫ﺎ ﻴ ﻡ ﺍﻟ ﺎ‬

‫ﺍ")‪ ، (1‬ﺼﺩﻕ ﺭﺴﻭل ﺍﷲ )‪‬‬

‫ﺍ‬

‫ﺎ‬

‫(‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺫﺍ ﻤﺎﻴﺤﺩﺙ‬

‫ﺍﻵﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺩﱢﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺩﱡﻡ‪ ،‬ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺤﺸﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻋﻠﻨـﻭﺍ ﺒﻬـﺎ‬ ‫)‪ (4‬ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ ‪ ، ،‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺢ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﻁﺎ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪ 7‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪ (5‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻁﻠﻕ ﺍﻷﻁﺒﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻁﺎﻋﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﻋﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﺒﻴﺽ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺃﺤﺎﺩﻴﺙ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻷﺤﺎﺩﻴﺙ‪.‬‬

‫ﺘﻔﻜﱡﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺩ )‪ ، (5‬ﻋﺩﺩ )‪2003 ، (1‬ﻡ ‪1424 /‬ﻫـ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﺴﻼﻤﻲ‬

‫ﻓﺎﺒﺘﻼﻫﻡ ﺍﷲ ﺒﺄﻭﺠﺎﻉ ﻭﺃﻤﺭﺍﺽ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺴﻤﻌﻭﺍ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺠﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟـﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺯﻕ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻟﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻋﺩﻭ "ﺍﻷﻴﺩﺯ" ﺃﺼﺎﺒﺕ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻴﺔ ﻋﺩﺩﹰﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1993‬ﻡ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻴﺘﺭﺍﻭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﺸﺭﺓ ﻤﻼﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﻓـﻲ ﻋـﺩﺩ ﻜﺒﻴـﺭ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻠـﺩﺍﻥ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻘﺭﺏ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺼـﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺒﻭﻥ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺽ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﺇﺫ ﺘﻔﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﻴﺭ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻤﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﺸﺨﺹ ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﺃﻋﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺽ ﺴﻨﻭﻴﹰﺎ )‪ .(2‬ﻭﻴﺘﻭﺍﺠﺩ ﻓﻴﺭﻭﺱ "ﺍﻷﻴـﺩﺯ"‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺃﻨﺴﺠﺔ ﻭﺴﻭﺍﺌل ﺠﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺏ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻟـﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺴـﺎﺌل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﻓﺭﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺒﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻨﺘﻘل ﻓﻴﺭﻭﺱ ﺍﻹﻴﺩﺯ ﺒﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻁﺭﻕ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭ ﺍ‬

‫ﺎ‬

‫ﺍ ﺍﻟ ﺭ‬

‫‪:‬‬

‫‪ -1‬ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻻﺘﺼﺎل ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺤﻤﻠﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﺭﻭﺱ "ﺍﻷﻴﺩﺯ" ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻫـﻭ‬ ‫ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺽ ﺸﻴﻭﻋﹰﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺴﺒﺏ ﺤﺎﻟﻴﹰﺎ ﺃﻜﺜـﺭ ﻤـﻥ ‪ %90‬ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻹﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﺩﻭ‬

‫‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻴﻨﺘﻘل ﻤﻥ ﺭﺠل ﻤﺼﺎﺏ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻤـﺭﺃﺓ ﺃﻭ ﻤـﻥ‬

‫ﺇﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﻤﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺭﺠل ﺃﻭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻭﺍﺫ ﺠﻨﺴﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﻨﻘل ﺍﻟﺩﻡ ﻭﻤﺸﺘﻘﺎﺘﻪ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻨﻘل ﺍﻟـﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻠـﻭﺙ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺤـﺩ‬ ‫ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻭﺼـل‬ ‫‪ -3‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻤل ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﺩﻭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺠﻨﻴﻨﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻭﻀﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺽ ﻭﻤﺴﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻜﻴﻔﻴـﺔ ﺘـﺩﻤﻴﺭﻩ ﻟﻜـل‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﺴﻡ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﺼل ﺒﺎﻟﺼﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺁﺨﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺎﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﻭﻤﺔ ؛‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺯﻕ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﺨﻼﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺎﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﺯ ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻓﺤﺘﻪ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﻁﺎ ﺍﷲ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺭﺽ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﺯ ﻁﺎﻋﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪ ،55 -8‬ﺃﻴﺩﺯ ﺍﻟﻭﺒﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺭﻫﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺘل‪ ،‬ﺘﻌﺭﻴﺏ ﺃﻤﻴل ﺨﻠﻴل ﺒﻴﺩﺱ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃ‪ .‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻭﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻷﻁﺒﺎﺀ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺘﻭﺼﻠﻭﺍ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻵﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻜﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﻋﻼ ﺃﻭ ﻟﻘـﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﺃّ‬ ‫ﺇﹼ‬ ‫ﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻬﺎﻟﻜﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻴﻤﻨﻊ ﺍﻹﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻭﻗـﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻅﻬـﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼ ﺃﻭ ﻟﻘﺎ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺽ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﻤﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻁﺒـﺎﺀ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻐﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺎﻁﻲ "ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻜﺭﻱ"‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻷﻁﺒﺎﺀ ﻴﺭ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻴﻤﻨﻊ ﺘﺴﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺭﻭﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺹ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺏ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻏﻴﺭﻩ ﺨـﻼل ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﻗﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻀﻤﻭﻨﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻬﺎ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻓﻠﺤﺕ ﻤﺭﺓ ﻓﻠﻥ ﺘﻔﻠﺢ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻐﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺎﻁﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻜﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻷﺨﺭ‬

‫ﻻ ﻴﻔﻠﺢ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨـﻊ‬

‫ﻼ ﻓﻼ ﺸـﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺃﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺼﻨﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠﻠﻬﺎ ﺃﺼ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺃّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎل ﺘﻤﺯﻗﻪ ﺃﻭ ﺘﺴﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺭﻭﺱ ﻤﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺘﻤﺯﻗﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻜﺒﻴﺭ)‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻼ ﺍﻟﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻌّﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺤﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﺤﺔ ﺤﺎﻟﻴﹰﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺍﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺸـﺭ ﻗﺒـل‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻭﻋﻪ ﺒﺎﻻﺒﺘﻌﺎﺩ ﻋﻥ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻟﺨﻁﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻟﺭﺸﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻌـﻭﺩﺓ ﺇﻟـﻰ ﺍﻹﻁـﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺨﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺭﺴﻤﻪ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﻟﺘﺯﺍﻡ ﺒﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻤﻪ ﻭﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺫﻴﻠـﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺎﺤﺸﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺼﻼ ﺃﺠﻬﺯﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻭﻗﺎﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺽ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻜﻔﻴﻠﺔ ﺒﺈﻏﻼﻕ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻷﺒﻭﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺘﻭﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺩﺨل ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻭﺒﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻤﺭ ﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ)‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﺍ ﺍﻟ ﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﺎﻴ‬ ‫ﺍ ﻟ ﺍﻡ‬

‫ﺎﻟﻴﻡ ﺍ‬

‫ﻡ‬

‫ﺎﻴ ﻟ‬

‫ﺎ‬

‫ﺍ ﺍﻟ ﺭ‬

‫ﻟﻘﺩ ﺃﺤل ﺍﷲ ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺍ ﻭﺭﻏﱠﺏ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻭﺤﺽ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺤـﺭﻡ ﻤـﺎ ﺴـﻭﺍﻩ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺘﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻤﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﻟ ﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺤﺭﻡ ﻜـل ﻤـﺅﺜﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺨﺩﺭ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻔﺘﺭ ﺃﻴﹰﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻨﻭﻋﻪ ﺒﺼﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺘﻨﺎﻭﻟﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﺠـﺏ‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﺃﺒﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻼ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻁﺎﻋﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﺒﻴﺽ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.115‬‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ ‪ :‬ﺹ‪ 1‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻘﺎﺌﻕ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﺯ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﻗﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﺴﻼﻤﻲ‬

‫ﺘﻔﻜﱡﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺩ )‪ ، (5‬ﻋﺩﺩ )‪2003 ، (1‬ﻡ ‪1424 /‬ﻫـ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﻅﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻋﻨﺎﻴﺔ ﺘﻤﻨﻊ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﻭﻉ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺒﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺼﺎﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻷﻤﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻠﻜﺔ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺼﺭﻨﺎ ﻫـﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻤـﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻘﻭﻟـﺔ ﺠﻨﺴـﻴﹰﺎ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺍ ﻨﻌﻤﺔ ﺃﻤﺘﻥ ﺍﷲ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺨﻁﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﺭﺽ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﺯ ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺭﻴﻡ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺎل ﺍﷲ ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺍ‬ ‫ﺭ ﻜﻡ‬

‫ﻴ‬

‫ﻟﻜﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ﻴ ﺎ‬

‫ﻜﻡ‬ ‫ﺎﻟ ﺎ‬

‫ﺍ ﺎ‬

‫ﻟﻜﻡ‬ ‫ﺍ‬

‫ﻴ‬

‫ﺍ ﻜ ﻡ‬

‫ﻡ ﻜﺎ ﺭ‬

‫"ﺍﻟﻨﺤل‬

‫‪‬‬

‫ﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺸﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻹﺴـﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻵﻴﺔ‪ . "72:‬ﻭﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﺍﻟﺴﱡﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻭﻴﺔ ﺘﻔﻴﺩ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺯﻭ‬ ‫ﺘﺤﺼﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻭﻜﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺭﺘﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺒﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﻴﻘﻨﻊ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﺒﻤﺎ ﺃﺤل ﺍﷲ ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﺘﻌﺩ ﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﷲ ﺒﺎﻨﺘﻬﺎﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺭﻤﺎﺕ ‪ ،‬ﻟﺫﻟﻙ ﺃﻤﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺭﺴﻭل )‪ (‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺍ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎل ‪" :‬ﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺎ‬

‫ﺍ‬

‫ﻴ‬

‫ﻴ‬

‫ﻜﻡ ﺍﻟ ﺎ‬

‫ﻴ‬

‫ﻡ‬

‫ﻟ‬

‫ﺎﻟ‬

‫ﻟ‬

‫ﺭ‬

‫ﺎ ")‪.(2‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﻤﻘﺼﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﻜﻡ ﺭ‬

‫ﺭ‬

‫ﻟ ﻴﺭ‬

‫ﻴ‬

‫ﻟ‬

‫ﺎ‬

‫ﺭ ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﻟ ﻡ‬

‫ﺭ‬

‫ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﻟﺭﺴـﻭل )‪(‬‬

‫‪ ":‬ﺍ‬

‫")‪.(1‬‬

‫ﺎ ﻜﺎ‬

‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺍ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻋﻤ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﻤﺭ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺒﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻲ ﻜﺎﻤ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻴﺅﺠﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻨﺹ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺭﻴﻡ ﻨﺼﹰﺎ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﹰﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺤﺼـﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺸـﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺍ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩ ﻜل ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺠﻨﺴﻲ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻪ ﻋﺩﻭﺍﻨﹰﺎ ﻤﺤﺭﻤﹰﺎ ‪ .‬ﻗﺎل ﺍﷲ ﺘﻌـﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫‪ :‬ﺍﻟ ﻴ‬ ‫ﻴ‬

‫ﻡﻟﺭ‬ ‫ﺍ‬

‫ﻡ ﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﻟ‬

‫ﺍ ﻡ‬ ‫ﻟ‬

‫ﻡ ﺍﻟ ﺎ‬

‫ﺎ‬

‫ﻜ‬

‫ﻴ ﺎ ﻡ‬

‫‪" ‬ﺍﻟﻤﺅﻤﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻵﻴﺔ‪."7-5 :‬‬

‫ﻡ ﻴﺭ‬

‫ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻑ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺃﺤﺼﻥ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺒﻪ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺤﺎل ﺒﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﺨﻁﺭ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻹﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺩﻭ ﺒﻭﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﺯ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻩ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻤﺴﻠﻡ ﺒﺸﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻭﻭﻱ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪.546‬‬ ‫ﻤﺴﻠﻡ ﺒﺸﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻭﻭﻱ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪.550‬‬

‫ﺃ‪ .‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻭﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ‬

‫ﻻ ﺒﺯﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻘﻭﻟﺔ ﺠﻨﺴﻴﹰﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺼﺩ ﻻ ﻴﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺇ ﹼ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻔﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﻗﺎﻤﻪ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻟﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻵﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻀـﺎﺭﺓ‬

‫ﻟﻠﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺭﻴﻡ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻨـﻭﺍﻉ ﻫـﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺨﺎﺭ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺤﺭّﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺯﻨـﺎ ﻭﺤﺎﺭﺒـﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴـﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺩﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻟﻤﺎ ﻟﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻨﺤﻼل ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﻭﺘﻔﻜﻴﻙ ﺍﻟﺭﻭﺍﺒﻁ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﺭﺘﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻁﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﻭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻨﻬﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺨﻼﻕ ﻭﺍﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻘﻭﻟﺔ ﺠﻨﺴﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺭﻴﻡ ﻋﻥ ﺘﺤﺭﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺯﻨﺎ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻤﺎﺜﻠﻬﺎ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻲ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺭﻤﺎﺕ ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎل ﺍﷲ ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻴ‬

‫ﺎ‬

‫‪‬‬

‫ﻘﺭ ﺍ ﺍﻟ ﺎ‬

‫ﻜﺎ‬

‫ﺎ‬

‫"ﺍﻹﺴﺭﺍﺀﺍﻵﻴﺔ‪ . "32:‬ﻭﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﺘﻑ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺒﻤﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﻌل ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺍﻡ ﻭﺤﺩﻩ ‪ ،‬ﺒل‬

‫ﺤﺭﱠﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﱡﺒل ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺼﻠﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻟﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﻨﻊ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻭﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺠل ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺠﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺭّﻡ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻁ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻀﺒﻭﻁ ﺒﻀﻭﺍﺒﻁ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺭﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻓﺭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺱ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﺒﺸﻬﻭﺓ ﻭﺘﻠﺫﺫ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺤﺭﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺤﺭﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺭﺽ ﻋﻘﺎﺒ ﹰﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻋﹰﺎ ﻟﻤﺭﺘﻜﺏ ﺠﺭﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺯﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﺠﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺼﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺯﻭ ‪ ،‬ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻠﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻁﻬﺎﺭﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﺤﺭﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻓﻘﺩ ﻨﻬﻰ ﺭﺴﻭل ﺍﷲ‬ ‫‪ ‬ﻋﻥ ﺍﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺭﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎل ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﻼﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪":‬‬ ‫ﻟ ﺭ‬

‫ﺎ‬

‫ﺭ ﺎ")‪ .(1‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺤﺭﻡ ﺠﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻴﺽ‪،‬‬

‫ﺭ‬

‫ﻗﺎل ﺍﷲ ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ‪ ‬ﻴ ﻟ‬ ‫ﻘﺭ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻴ ﺭ‬

‫ﻴ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﻴ‬

‫‪‬‬

‫‪" .‬ﺍﻟﺒﻘﺭﺓ ﺍﻵﻴﺔ‪."222 :‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻬﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﺭ ‪،7 ،‬ﺹ‪.198‬‬

‫ﺎ‬

‫ﻟ ﺍ ﺍﻟ ﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﻴ‬

‫ﺘﻔﻜﱡﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺩ )‪ ، (5‬ﻋﺩﺩ )‪2003 ، (1‬ﻡ ‪1424 /‬ﻫـ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﺴﻼﻤﻲ‬

‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺤﺭﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻜل ﻤﺎ ﻴﻀﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻘل ﺃﻭ ﻴﺫﻫﺒﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻴﻔﺴﺩﻩ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺤﺭّﻡ ﺍﻟﺨﻤﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺸﺭﺒﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻭﺤﻴﺎﺯﺘﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺴﺩ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺫﺭﺍﺌﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﻭﺼل ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺍﻡ ﻭﺸﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺩﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺯﺍﺠﺭﺓ ﻟﻠﺠﺭﺍﺌﻡ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﻴﺭﺓ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﺠﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺸﺭﻋﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻤﺘﻬﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻴﺽ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺏ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﺩﻭ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻴﻌﺘﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜﺭﺍﻤﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻤﻬﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻭ‬

‫‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﺏ ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻴﺽ ﺒﺤﺎﻟﺘﻪ ﻭﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺨﺎﻟﻁﻴﻪ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺯﻭ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺀ‬

‫ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﻟﻤﻨﻊ ﺍﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﺃﻗﺎﺭﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ﺭ ﺍﻟ ﺎ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟ ﺭﻴ‬

‫ﻴ ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﻴ‬

‫ﺎ‬

‫ﺎ"ﺎ ﻴ "‬

‫ﻅﻬﺭ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻟﻠﻌﻠل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠل ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﻤﺤﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺒﻌﻠل ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻜل ﻋﻠـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎﺀ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺠﺢ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻤﻨﻔﺭﺓ ﺘﻠﺤﻕ ﺃﺫ ﻭﻀﺭﺭﹰﺍ ﺒﺎﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺨل ﺒﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺍ ﻴﺠﻭﺯ ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﻁﻠـﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻪ ﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﻋﻠل "ﻜﺎﻷﻴﺩﺯ" ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻋﻠل ﺃﺨﺭ ﺃﺸﺩ ﻓﺘﻜﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠل ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺒﻁ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺭﺽ "ﺍﻷﻴﺩﺯ" ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﻭﺒﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺩﻴﺔ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻜل ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺃﺼﻴﺏ ﺃﺤﺩﻫﻤﺎ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺽ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺨﺒﺭ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﺒﺫﻟﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻟﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜل ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺭﺠل ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺭﺃﺓ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﺤﺩﻫﻤﺎ ﻤﺼﺎﺒﹰﺎ ﺒﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺨﺒﺭ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﻗﺒل ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻋﻁﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﺤﻕ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻴﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺃﺼﻴﺏ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺽ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻀﻲ ﻴﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺯﻭﺠـﻪ ﻹﺼـﺎﺒﺘﻪ ﺒﻬـﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﻴﺭﺓ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻀﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻔﺭﻕ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺎﻨﺘﻪ ﺒﺎﻟﻁﺏ ﻟﻠﺘﺄﻜﱡﺩ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﺘﺸﺨﻴﺹ ﺍﻹﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺽ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻜﻴ ﻴ ﺍﻟ ﺭﻴ ﻟ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﺭ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺃ‪ .‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻭﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ‬

‫‪ :‬ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﻟﻠﻌﻠل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ‪:‬ﺴﺒﻕ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻜﺭﻨﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺜﺒﺘـﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺃﺤـﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻟ ﺨﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻘـﻭﻡ ﺒﻬـﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴـﻕ‬ ‫ﻭﻴﺤﻜﻡ ﺒﻪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻟﺫﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺤﻨﻔﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻨﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻭﺒﻌﺽ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺸـﺎﻓﻌﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﻻ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺇﻻ ﺒﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻪ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺘﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻨﻅﺭ ﻭﺘﺤﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺯﻴﺩﻴﺔ)‪ ،(1‬ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﺠﻬﺩ ﻹﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺴﺒﺒﻪ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻻ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺇﻻ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺒﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﺎﺌﻕ ‪":‬ﺜﻡ‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﺨﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻗﺔ ﺃﻤﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻀﻲ ﺍﻟﺯﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻁﻠﻘﻬﺎ ﻁﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﺌﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﺒﻰ ﻓﺭﻕ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﻭﺠﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺫﺏ" ﻭﻻ ﻴﺠﻭﺯ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻭﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠل ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺇﻻ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﻷﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻓﻴﻪ‬

‫)‪(3‬‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻷﺼل ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﻭﻷ ّ‬

‫ﺎ ﻴﺎ ‪ :‬ﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻗﺔ‪ :‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﺜﺒﺘﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﺼل ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻀﻲ ﻓﺎﻟﺫﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻓﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻨﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺯﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻤﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﺇﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺭﻗﺔ ﻓﺴﺦ)‪(1‬؛ ﻷﻨﹼﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺭﻗﺔ ﻻﺘﻘﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻴﻘﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺯﻭ‬

‫ﻭﻻ ﻤﻥ ﻴﻨﻭﺏ ﻋﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻓﺴﺨ ﹰﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﺴ ﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺭﻗﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺭﻀﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻷﻨﹼﻬﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻟﻌﻴﺏ ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻓﺴﺨﹰﺎ ﻜﻔﺴﺦ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺘﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩ ﻟﻠﻌﻴﺏ)‪.(2‬ﻭﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﻨﻔﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻓﻌل ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻀﻲ ﺃﻀﻴﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻭﺭﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻨﹼﻬﺎ ﻓﺭﻗﺔ ﻁﻼﻕ ﺒﺎﺌﻥ)‪ ،(3‬ﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺯﻭ ﻓﻜﺄﻨﻪ ﻁﻠﻘﻬﺎ ﺒﻨﻔﺴﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻗﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻠﻴﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﺌﻨﺔ ﻷﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺼﻭﺩ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻅﻠﻡ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻜﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻓﺫ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻡ ﻻ ﻴﻘﺒل ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺦ ﻋﻨﺩﻫﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻻ ﻴﺤﺼل ﺇﻻ ﺒﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻷ ّ‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﺒﺩﺍﺌﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﺌﻊ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪ ،1533‬ﻤﻐﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﺎ ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪،205‬ﻤﻭﺍﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﻠﻴل ﻟﺸـﺭ ﻤﺨﺘﺼـﺭ‬ ‫ﺨﻠﻴل‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪،489‬ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻓﻲ ‪،2 ،‬ﺹ‪،687‬ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭ ﺍﻟﺯﺨﺎﺭ ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪.740‬‬ ‫)‪ (2‬ﺍﻟﺯﻴﻠﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺘﺒﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﺎﺌﻕ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪.24‬‬ ‫)‪ (3‬ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺫﺏ‪،2 ،‬ﺹ‪.48‬‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺫﺏ‪،2 ،‬ﺹ‪،49‬ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻓﻲ‪،2 ،‬ﺹ‪،687‬ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭ ﺍﻟﺯﺨﺎﺭ ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪ ،60‬ﺸـﺭﺍﺌﻊ ﺍﻹﺴـﻼﻡ‪،2 ،‬‬ ‫ﺹ‪.32‬‬ ‫)‪ (2‬ﺃﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫)‪ (3‬ﺍﻟﻬﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﺭ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﺭ ‪،2 ،‬ﺹ‪ ،264‬ﺍﻟﺸﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﺒﺤﺎﺸﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﻭﻗﻲ‪،2 ،‬ﺹ‪.282‬‬

‫ﺘﻔﻜﱡﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺩ )‪ ، (5‬ﻋﺩﺩ )‪2003 ، (1‬ﻡ ‪1424 /‬ﻫـ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﺴﻼﻤﻲ‬

‫ﺇﻻ ﺒﺎﻟﻁﻼﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻀﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺇﻤﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺯﻭ )‪ .(4‬ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻨﻤﻴل ﺇﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻗﺔ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻠل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺩ ﻓﺴﺨ ﹰﺎ ﻟﻌﺩﻡ ﺘﻭﻗﻔﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻴﻘﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺯﻭ‬ ‫ﺘﺭﺠﻴﺤﻪ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻓﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺦ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻘﻭﺓ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺦ ﺒﺠﺎﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺏ ﻭﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﺩﺨﻭل ﻟﻌﻴﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻭﺠﺏ ﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺩﺨﻭل ﻴﺠﺏ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺃﻗل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻤﻰ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻬﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺜل‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺇﺤﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺨﺭ‬

‫ﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﻼﻑ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎﺀ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻤﺭﺓ‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻗﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭﺕ ﻓﺴﺨﹰﺎ ﻭﻋﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﺎﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﻘﺩ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ‬ ‫ﺃّ‬

‫ﻴﻤﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺯﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻁﻠﻘﺎﺕ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻗﺔ ﻁﻼﻗﹰﺎ ﻓﺘﻌﻭﺩ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺒﻤﺎ ﺒﻘﻰ ﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﻼﻕ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺘﻌﻭﺩ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺒﻁﻠﻘﺘﻴﻥ ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﷲ ﺃﻋﻠﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﺠﻊ‬

‫‪-1‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﻪ ‪ :‬ﻤﺩ ﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﻗﻀـﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﺸـﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﻑ ﺒﺒﻐﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-2‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﻴﺤﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺘﻀﻰ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭ ﺍﻟﺯﺨﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻊ ﻟﻤﺫﺍﻫﺏ ﻋﻠﻤـﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻤﺼـﺎﺭ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺃﻨﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻤﺩﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-3‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﺍﺴﺤﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺭﺍﺯﻱ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺫﺏ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺒﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻠﺒﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-4‬ﺃﻜﻤل ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺒﺭﺘﻲ ‪ :‬ﺸﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻬﺩﺍﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-5‬ﺃﻤﻴل ﺨﻠﻴل ﺒﻴﺩﺱ ‪:‬ﺍﻹﻴﺩﺯ ﺍﻟﻭﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺭﻫﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺘل ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺒﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﻗﺎﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﺸـﻭﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻵﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(4‬‬

‫ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﻴﺔ‪،3 ،‬ﺹ‪.364‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺭﻴﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻭﺠﻴﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ‬

‫ﺃ‪ .‬ﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﻭﺭﻱ‬

‫‪-6‬ﺍﺒﻥ ﺤﺠﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻘﻼﻨﻲ ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﺼﺎﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻁﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴـﻌﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼـﺭ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺘﻬﺫﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺫﻴﺏ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻬﻨﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-7‬ﺍﺒﻥ ﺤﺯﻡ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﺭ ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-8‬ﺍﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﺎﺏ ‪ :‬ﻤﻭﺍﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﻠﻴل‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺠﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-9‬ﺍﻟﺨﻁﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﺒﻴﻨﻲ ‪ :‬ﻤﻐﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺒﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻠﺒﻲ ﻤﺼﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-10‬ﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺒﻥ ﺨﻴﺎﻁ ‪ :‬ﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻤﻁﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺒﻐﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-11‬ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺩﻴﺭ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺸﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺨﺘﺼﺭ ﺨﻠﻴل‪ ،‬ﻤﻁﺒﻌﺔ ﻋﻴﺴـﻰ ﺍﻟﺒـﺎﺒﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻠﺒـﻲ‬ ‫ﻤﺼﺭ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-12‬ﺍﻟﺫﻫﺒﻲ ‪ :‬ﺘﺫﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﻔﺎﻅ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ‪:‬ﻁ‪.1‬‬ ‫‪-13‬ﺍﺒﻥ ﺭﺸﺩ ‪ :‬ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻬﺩ ﻭﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺘﺼﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺯﻫﺭﻴﺔ ‪،‬ﻤﺼﺭ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-14‬ﺍﻟﺯﻴﻠﻌﻲ ‪ :‬ﺘﺒﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﺎﺌﻕ ﺸﺭ ﻜﻨﺯ ﺍﻟﺩﻗﺎﺌﻕ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻤﺼﺭ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-15‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻏﻲ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﻴﺭ ﺸﺭ ﻤﺠﻤـﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻔﻘـﻪ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴـﺭ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒـﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﻴـﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-16‬ﺍﻟﺸﻭﻜﺎﻨﻲ ‪ :‬ﻨﻴل ﺍﻷﻭﻁﺎﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺒﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻠﺒﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-17‬ﺍﻟﺼﻨﻌﺎﻨﻲ ‪ :‬ﺴﺒل ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺸﺭ ﺒﻠﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﻡ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺒﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻠﺒﻲ ﻤﺼﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-18‬ﻁﺎﺭﻕ ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻰ ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺓ "ﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ"‪ :‬ﻤﺭﺽ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﺯ ‪ ،‬ﻤﻁﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻬﻤﺩﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﻐﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-19‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﻁﺎ ﺍﷲ ‪:‬ﻤﺭﺽ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﺯ ‪ ،‬ﻁﺎﻋﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﺀ ﻟﻠﻁﺒﺎﻋﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-20‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﷲ ﺒﻥ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺼﻠﻲ ‪:‬ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴل ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﺎﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻤﻁﺎﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺏ ﻤﺼﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-21‬ﻋﻼﺀ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺴﺎﻨﻲ ‪ :‬ﺒﺩﺍﺌﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﺌﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺭﺘﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﺸـﺭﺍﺌﻊ ‪،‬ﻤﻁﺒﻌـﺔ ﺍﻹﻤـﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻤﺼﺭ‪.‬‬

‫ﺘﻔﻜﱡﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺩ )‪ ، (5‬ﻋﺩﺩ )‪2003 ، (1‬ﻡ ‪1424 /‬ﻫـ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﺴﻼﻤﻲ‬

‫‪ -22‬ﺍﺒﻥ ﻋﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﻭﻗﻲ ‪ :‬ﺤﺎﺸﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﺴﻭﻗﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴـﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﺴـﻰ ﺍﻟﺒـﺎﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻠﺒﻲ ﻤﺼﺭ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-23‬ﺍﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺩ ‪ :‬ﺸﺫﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺫﻫﺏ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺼﺩﻕ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺼﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-24‬ﺍﺒﻥ ﻗﺩﺍﻤﺔ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻓﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺒﻥ ﺤﻨﺒل ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺏ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺩﻤﺸﻕ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻐﻨﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻔﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻭﺩﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-25‬ﺍﺒﻥ ﻗﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﻭﺯﻴﺔ ‪ :‬ﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺼﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-26‬ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻤﻴﺔ ‪ :‬ﺤﻘﺎﺌﻕ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﺯ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﻕ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-27‬ﺍﻹﻤﺎﻡ ﻤﺎﻟﻙ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻁﺄ ‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻵﻓﺎﻕ ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-28‬ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﻠﻲ‪ :‬ﺸﺭﺍﺌﻊ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻨﺠﻑ ‪،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﻕ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-29‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﺃﺒﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﺀ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻁﺎﻋﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﺒﻴﺽ‪ ،‬ﻨﺸﺭ ﺠﻤﻌﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻡ ﻭﺍﻹﻴﻤـﺎﻥ‪،.‬‬ ‫ﻤﺼﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-30‬ﻤﺴﻠﻡ ﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺎ ‪ :‬ﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻤﺴﻠﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﻁﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺏ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-31‬ﺍﺒﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ‪ :‬ﻟﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻤﻁﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-32‬ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﺨﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺎﻴـﺔ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻹﻴـﺩﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻓﺤﺘﻪ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-33‬ﺍﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻕ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﻜﻠﻴل ﻟﻤﺨﺘﺼﺭ ﺨﻠﻴل‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺠﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-34‬ﺍﻟﻨﻭﻭﻱ ‪:‬ﺭﻴﺎﺽ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻟﺤﻴﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-35‬ﺍﺒﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻤﺎﻡ‪ :‬ﺸﺭ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻤﺼﺭ‪.‬‬

‫א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬‬

‫اﻟﻌﻮﻟﻤﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ أﻃﺮوﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎیﺔ اﻟﺘﺎریﺦ وﺻﺪام اﻟﺤﻀﺎرات‬ ‫ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﺃﺒﻭﺸﻭﻙ∗‬ ‫ﻘ‬ ‫ﺍﺤﺘﻠﱠﺕ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﻤﻭﻗﻌﹰﺎ ﻤﻬﻤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻋﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺒﺸﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﻗﻔﺕ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻤﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺼﻁﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺸﻜﺎﻟﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻓﺭﺍﺯﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﱢﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤ ﱢﺩ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻭﻻﺘﺯﺍل ﺘﻤﺜﱢل ﻤﻭﻁﻥ ﻨﺯﺍﻉ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﺃﺨﺘﻠﻔﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺨﻠﻔﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﺼﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻨﻁﻠﻘﺕ‬ ‫ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﻭﻀﻴﺢ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻬﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻭﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭﻫﺎ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺁﺤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺘﺼﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﺍﻹﻤﺒﺭﻴﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺘﺄﺭﺠﺢ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺄﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﱡﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﺄﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﻴﺭ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﻨﺘﺎﺠﹰﺎ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴ ﹰﺎ ﻹﻓﺭﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺩﺓ)‪ ،(1‬ﻭﺁﺨﺭ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭﻫﺎ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻤﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﻤﺘﻁﻭﺭﺓ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻭﻗﺎﺌﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺠﻠﱠﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﺙ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﻴﺔ‬ ‫∗‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻗﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺎﻟﻴﺯﻴﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴل ﺍﻨﻅﺭ‪:‬‬

‫‪Marc F. Plattner and Aleksander Smolar, eds., Globalization, Power, and Democracy,‬‬ ‫;‪Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000, pp. xi-40‬‬ ‫‪Frank J. Lechner and John Boli, The Globalization: Reader, Oxford: Blackwell‬‬ ‫‪Publisher Ltd., 2000.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺩ ﻴﺎﺴﻴﻥ‪" ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ" ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ‬ ‫‪ ،228‬ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ ‪.1998‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺅﻤﻥ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺒﻬﺎ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻟﻬﻡ ﺭﺴﺎﻟﺔ ﺴﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ)‪ .(1‬ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﻴﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺠﺯﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺼﻤﻭﻴل‬ ‫)‪( 2‬‬

‫ﻫﻨﺘﻨﻐﺘﻭﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺒﺭﱢﺭ ﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺘﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻘﻭﻟﻪ ﺃﻥ‬

‫"ﺍﻷﺼﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺏ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻀﻠﺔ ]ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺏ[ ﻷﻨﻪ ﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﻤﻴﻥ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻘﺘﻨﻌﻭﻥ ﺒﺴﻤﻭ ﺜﻘﺎﻓﺘﻬﻡ ‪ ...‬ﻭﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﺒﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺘﺎ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺏ ﻫﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ]ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ[ ﻷﻨﻪ ﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﻤﻴﻥ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻘﺘﻨﻌﻭﻥ ﺒﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﺜﻘﺎﻓﺘﻬﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﻔﻭﻗﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻔﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﻨﺸﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ")‪ .(1‬ﺒﻴﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﻴﻌﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺯﻭﻗﻲ‪" ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻭﻨﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺩﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﺍﻻ ﻟﻤﺒﻭﺭ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻌـﺔ ﺍﻹﺴـﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻟﻴﺯﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻏﺴﻁﺱ ‪/1998‬ﺭﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ ‪1419‬ﻫـ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.48-11‬‬ ‫‪Ali A. Mazrui, "Interview Corridor", The Association of Muslim Social‬‬ ‫‪Scientists Bulletin, vol. 3, no. 2, pp. 9-11; "Globalisation and the Future‬‬ ‫‪of Islamic Civilisation", A Public lecture delivered at Westminster‬‬ ‫‪University, London, September 3, 2000.‬‬ ‫)‪ ( 2‬ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺼل ﻴﻬﻭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻤﺘﺨﺼﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻭﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺩﻴﺭ ﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺠﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﻟﻴﻥ ﻟﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻫﺎﺭﻓﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺴﻨﺩﺕ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻤـﺎ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﻋـﺎﻤﻲ ‪1977‬‬ ‫ﻭ‪ 1978‬ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻗﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺸﺭﺍﻑ ﺒﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ‪ .‬ﻨﺸﺭ ﻤﻘﺎﻟﻪ "ﺼـﺩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ" ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻭﺅﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺼﻴﻑ ‪ .1993‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺜﺎﺭ ﻫـﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻘـﺎل‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻭﺩ ﻓﻌل ﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﺠﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺅﻟﻔﻪ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻤﺭﻤﻭﻗﺔ ﻭﻤﺅﺜﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎل ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻗﺩﻡ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺇﻁـﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤ ﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ‪" :‬ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺼـﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻤﻴـﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴـﺔ"‪ ،‬ﺃﻀـﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟـﻰ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻁﺭﻭﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺩﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺘﺏ ﺘﻌﺩ ﺃﻁﺭﻭﺤﺔ ﺠﺭﻴﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﺭ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺒﺘـﺩﺒﺭ‬ ‫ﻴﻠﺤﻅ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺭﻜﺕ ﺒﺼﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻬﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺤﻅﻰ ﺒﻪ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺼﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻘﺩ ﻁـﻭّﺭ ﻫﻨﺘﻨﻐﺘـﻭﻥ ﺃﻁﺭﻭﺤﺘـﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺼﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪.1996‬‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﺼﻤﻭﺌﻴل ﻫﻨﺘﻨﻐﺘﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺼﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪:‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬

‫א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻤﻊ ﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﻫﻨﺘﻨﻐﺘﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺩﺍﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻪ ﻴﻘﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍ‬ ‫ﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﷲ ﺴﺒﺤﺎﻨﻪ ﻭﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺨﺭ‬

‫ﻴ ﺘﺴﺘﻤﺩ‬

‫ﻴ "ﺃﻭ ﺤﻠﻭﻟﻴﺔ" ﺘﺴﺘﻘﻲ ﺤﺠﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ‬

‫ﺤﺎﻜﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻱ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺓ ﺍﻟﻭﺤﻴّﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺼّﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻬﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻟﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ)‪.(2‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺒﻠﻲ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻭﺫﺠﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺨﻼﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﻀﻌﻲ ﺘﺤﺎﻭل‬ ‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺄﻁﺭﻭﺤﺘﻲ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻭﺼﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻭﻁﱢﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺒﻌﺭﺽ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ﻤﻭﺠﺯ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﺭﻩ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺯﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺘﻔﺼﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺠﻌﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺼﺩﺍﻡ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻭﺫ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺨﻼﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﺘﺄﺜﺭﺕ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﺒﺈﺨﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ﻟ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﺎﺭﻴ‬

‫ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺍ ﻴﻴ ﻟ‬

‫ﻗﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺭﺨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻓﺘﺭﺘﻴﻥ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﺘﻴﻥ ﻋﺭﻓﺘﺎ‪ :‬ﺒﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺠﻌﻠﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﺨﻁ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺼل ﺒﻴﻥ ﻜﻠﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻜﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻭل ﺒﺘﺩﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺎﺌﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻨﻘﻠﺕ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺭﻭﺍﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻔﻭﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﺎﻴﺸﻬﺎ ﻭﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺘﻬﺎ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﺵ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻔﻴﺩﻨﺎ ﺃﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﺤﻜﻡ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﻁﺭﻱ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺘﺩﺍﺨﻠﺔ ﺤﻀﺎﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ‬

‫‪Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and Making of World Order, New‬‬ ‫‪York: Simon & Schuster, 1996, pp. 217-218.‬‬

‫)‪ (2‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﻴﻌﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺯﻭﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪20-19‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﺒﻌﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺩﺍﺨل ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻀﻴﻕ ﻭﺘﺘﺴﻊ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﺎﺭﺴﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﻭﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺁﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻫﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺩﻴﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﻱ ﺠﻠ ﱢﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺴﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﻭﻨﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻁﺎﺌﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻤﻴﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺤﻭﺽ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭ ﺍﻷﺒﻴﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﺩﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﹰﺎ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺄﺜﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻋﻭﻨﻴﺔ "ﻤﺼﺭ" ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﻁﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺘﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻤﺭﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻡ ﺘﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺎﺒﻠﻴﺔ "ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺍﻕ" ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺩﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﺤﻤﻲ‪ .‬ﺇ ﹼ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻘﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺒل ﺘﻌﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺃﺨﺭ‬

‫ﻤﺘﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﺃﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻤﻭﺭﻭﺜﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﺩﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺃﺨﺭﺠﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺜﻭﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻠﻴﻨﺴﺘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻨﺠﺒﺕ ﻨﺨﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻔﻁﺎﺤل ﺃﻤﺜﺎل ﺒﻘﺭﺍﻁ "ﺕ ‪357‬ﻕ‪.‬ﻡ" ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻁﺏ ﻭﻓﻴﺜﺎﻏﻭﺭﺱ "ﺕ ‪ 500‬ﻕ‪.‬ﻡ"‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﺭﺴﻁﻭ "ﺕ ‪ 322‬ﻕ‪.‬ﻡ" ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻔﻀل ﻤﺠﻬﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﻼﻤﻴﺫﻫﻡ ﺃﻀﺤﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻠﻴﻨﺴﺘﻴﺔ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻨﻤﻭﺫﺠﹰﺎ ﻴﺤﺘﺫ‬

‫ﺒﻪ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻋﺎﻟﻤﻴﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ‬

‫ﺘﻤﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﺙ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺘﺭﺍﻜﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻠﻐﺕ ﺫﺭﻭﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻬﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺴﻜﻨﺩﺭ ﺍﻷﻜﺒﺭ "‪ 323-356‬ﻕ‪.‬ﻡ" ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻉ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻭﺴّﻊ ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﻨﻔﻭﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﱢﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻨﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﱢﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺠﻌل ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﻭﻋﺎﺀ ﻋﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﻟﺒﺙ ﻗﻴﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻠﻴﻨﺴﺘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻀﺤﺕ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺇﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﻤﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺘﻌﻜﺱ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﻀﺭﺒﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻀﺭﻭﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻘﺭ ﻓﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺩﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﺇﻨﻁﻼﻗﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺭﺴﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬ ‫ﻁﻤﻭﺤﺎﺕ "ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ" ﻭﺘﻁﻠﻌﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﺔ)‪.(1‬‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻟﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴل ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫‪86‬‬

‫א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻠﻴﻨﺴﺘﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺭ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﺘﺭﻜﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻨﻘﻠﺕ ﺤﺎﻀﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺭﻭﻤﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺴﻁﻨﻁﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 330‬ﻤﻴﻼﺩﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺘﺘﻀﺢ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺯﻨﻁﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﺠﺔ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﺘﺨﺫﺕ ﺍﻟﻴﻭﻨﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻐﺔ ﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺜﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺴﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺩ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻼﺘﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﻌﻠﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﺔ ﺩﻴﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻹﻤﺒﺭﻁﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻤﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻹﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺭﺴﻤﻰ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺄﺨﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻤﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻟ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻗﺭﻭﻥ ﺠﺎﺀ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻹﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻨﻔﻭﺫﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺒﺎﻟﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺠﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺤﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﻨﻴﺎ ﻭﺃﻤ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺩﺭﻴﺠﻴﹰﺎ ﺨﻠﻕ ﺍﺘﺴﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ‬ ‫ﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﹰﺎ ﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺤﺎﻭﻟﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺘﺨﺫﻫﺎ ﺇﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﻟﺒﺴﻁ‬ ‫ﺴﻠﻁﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻌﻭﺏ ﺍﻹﻤﺒﺭﺍﻁﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﺔ ﻜﻬﻴﺌﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﻌﻨﻭﻱ ﺘﻤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺘﻁﻠﻌﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻀﺤﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺴﻁﻨﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻗﻁﺏ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﻁﺎﺏ ﻭﺒﺙ ﺤﻀﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺘﺸﻜﱠﻠﺕ ﺨﺎﺭﻁﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺴﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﱢﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺤﻘﻘﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺯﻨﻁﻴﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻭﺽ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺭ ﺍﻷﺒﻴﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﺩﻨﻰ ﻭﺸﻤﺎل ﺃﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺼﺎﺤﺒﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﱢﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ‬

‫‪= W. L. Langer, comp. ed., An Encyclopedia of World History: Ancient, Medieval‬‬ ‫‪and Modern, 5th edn., Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, pp. 40, 46-51, 58, 69,‬‬ ‫‪78-80, 87, 95-96; F. W. Walbank etal, eds., The Cambridge Ancient History, 2nd‬‬ ‫‪edn., vol. vii/I, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 352-383.‬‬

‫ﺃﺭﻨﻭﻟﺩ ﺘﻭﻴﻨﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻬﻠﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪" ،‬ﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ ﺭﻤﺯﻱ ﻋﺒﺩﻩ ﺠﺭﺠﺱ"‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ :‬ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺠﻠـﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪1963 ،‬؛ ﻟﻁﻔﻲ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﻫﺎﺏ ﻴﺤﻴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻴﻭﻨﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.1979 ،‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﻼ ﻤﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺠﻌل ﻋﻤﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺯﻨﻁﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﺜﻭﺍﺒﺕ‬ ‫ﺘﺠﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻭﺍﺯﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻓﻀﻰ ﻜ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺘﺭﺘﻜﺯ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ )‪ .(1‬ﻭﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺸﻜل ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻭﺫ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺨﻼﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻭﺫ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺃﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﱢﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺯﻨﻁﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﺫﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻭﺜﻨﻴﺔ ﻨﻤﻁﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺴﺎﺩﺕ ﺫﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻜﺫﺍ ﻅﻠﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻠﻴﻨﺴﺘﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﺔ ﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺒﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺒﺯ ﻓﺠﺭ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻊ ﻟﻠﻤﻴﻼﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺴﺦ‬ ‫ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﻴﻤﺜل ﺇﻤﺘﺩﺍﺩﹰﺍ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﺩﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺤﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺤﺎﻭﻟﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺭ ﱢ‬ ‫ﻤﺒﺎﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺤﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﺎﺩ‬

‫ﺒﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﻟﻲ ﺇﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤ ﹰﺎ ﺨﺎﺼ ﹰﺎ‬

‫ﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻓل ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺜﺭﻭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺜل‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﻱ ﻟﻠﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺴﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺜﻭﺍﺒﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺩﺕ ﺸﺭﻋﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺤﻭﻟﺕ ﻤﺒﺎﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﻭﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻗﻴﻡ ﺤﻀﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﻤﺎﺭﺱ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻓﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺨﻼﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻨﺘﺸﺭ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺩﻴﻨﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ‬ ‫ﻅﻬﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺸﻜل ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺘﺴﺘﻤﺩ ﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﷲ ﺴﺒﺤﺎﻨﻪ ﻭﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﺘﻭﻁﱠﻥ ﻟﻌﻁﺎﺌﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺼﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺴﺴﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺇﺴﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﺠﻤﻌﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﺃﻗﺭ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭﻩ ﻜﺩﻴﻥ ﺠﺎﺀ ﺴﺎﺒﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﻤﻪ ﻜﺩﻭﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺤﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ "ﺩﻭل ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺁﺴﻴﺎ" ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺼل ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺩﻋﺎﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭ)‪ .(2‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩ‬

‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺩﻭﻟﺘﻪ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺘﺴﺎﻤﺤﺔ ﻤﻊ‬

‫ﻨﻌﻴﻡ ﻓﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺯﻨﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﻤﺸﻕ‪ :‬ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺩﻤﺸﻕ‪1992 ،‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.60-5‬‬ ‫ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﺃﺒﻭﺸﻭﻙ ‪" ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺁﺴﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ"‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻴﺕ‪ :‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻴﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌـﺩﺩ‬ ‫‪ ،81‬ﺸﺘﺎﺀ ‪ ،2003‬ﺹ‪.79-41‬‬ ‫‪88‬‬

‫א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ‬

‫ﻭﻤﺘﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺸﻌﻭﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻗﺭﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺩﻴﻨﹰﺎ‬

‫ﻭﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻜﺘﻔﺕ ﻓﻘﻁ ﺒﺎﻟﻭﻻﺀ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺭﻓﻀﺕ ﺍﻹﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻌﺘﻘﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻤﺭﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺯﻤﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻭﺏ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺤﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﻴﻔﺴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻨﺸ‬

‫ﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﺴﺘﺨﻼﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﻭﻋﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻁﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺇﺴﺘﻭﻋﺒﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺤﻬﺎ ﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻠﻴﻨﺴﺘﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺯﻨﻁﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻅﻔﺕ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻬﻨﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻀﺤﺕ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺠﺯﺀﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺴﻴﺠﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺨﻼﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﺨﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺒﻲ ﻤﻊ ﺘﺭﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻭﺏ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ )‪ .(1‬ﻭﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﺃﻀﺤﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻭﻥ ﻴﻤﺎﺭﺴﻭﻥ ﻋﻭﻟﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺴﺘﺨﻼﻓﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺸﻌﻭﺏ ﻗﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻡ "ﺁﺴﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﺭﺒﺎ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻙ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻋﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻌﻤل ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﺁﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺇﺴﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﻟﺘﺭﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﻗﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﻟﺘﻬﺫﻴﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺒﺜﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺴﻊ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﻀﻲ ﺴﺒﻌﺔ ﻗﺭﻭﻥ "ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻊ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻟﻠﻤﻴﻼﺩ" ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻁﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺩﺭ ﻜﻤﹰﺎ ﻭﻜﻴﻔﹰﺎ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺤﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺨﻼﻓﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺘﻤﺭ ﺒﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺠﺘﺭﺍﺭ ﺘﺭﺍﺜﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻴﺽ ﻨﻠﺤﻅ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ‬ ‫ﺘﺘﺤﺴﺱ ﺨﻁﺎﻫﺎ ﺘﺒﺎﻋﹰﺎ ﺼﻭﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻭﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺩﺍﺜﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻤﺨﻀﺕ ﺤﺼﻴﻠﺔ ﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﻫﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻘﺏ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ "ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻭﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺩﺍﺜﺔ" ﻓﻲ ﺍﺒﺘﺩﺍﻉ ﻨﺴﻕ ﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻴﺴﺘﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺸﺭﻋﻴﺘﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺤﺎﻜﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺤﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺼﱢﻠﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻗﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺃﺜﺭﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺭﻤﺔ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﺒﻁـﺔ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻹﺴـﻼﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫‪1416‬ﻫـ؛ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺭﻭﻱ ﻭﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎ ﺸﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻀـﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻴﺕ‪ :‬ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﺴل‪ ،1984 ،‬ﺹ ‪28-15‬؛ ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎ ﻋﺎﺸـﻭﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺤﻀﺎﺭﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻁ ‪ ،1‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ :‬ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺏ‪ ،1987 ،‬ﺹ ‪.198-157‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻨﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﻭﺍﺱ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ)‪ .(1‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ‬ ‫ﺃﻀﺤﺕ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﻜﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻭﻀﻌﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻀﻴﻴﻕ ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻹﻟﻬﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﺴﻁ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺭﺅﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ)‪ .(2‬ﻭﺃﺨﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺘﺠﻠﱠﺕ ﺨﻭﺍﺘﻴﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﺤﻼل‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺨﻼﻓﻲ ﺒﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺇﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺃﻀﺤﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﺩﺒﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﻗﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺘﻘﺔ ﺘﻤﺜل‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺭﻭﺤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺩﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﻤﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺭﺽ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﺼﻨﻔﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺙ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﻨﺸﺄﺕ ﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﺎﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﻔﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺘﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﺴﺏ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﺠﺩﻋﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻴﻬﺩﺃ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺒﺎل ﺇﻻ ﺒﺈﻓﺘﻌﺎل ﺍﻟﺼﺭﺍﻉ‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻨﻁﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﻠﺴﻭﻑ ﺍﻷﻟﻤﺎﻨﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﻨﻭﺌﻴل ﻜﺎﻨﻁ "‪1804-1724‬ﻡ" ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻋﻤـل ﺃﺴـﺘﺎﺫﹰﺍ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺒﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻜﻭﻨﺠﺴﺒﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺭﺱ ﺠﻬﺩﻩ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻤﻀﺎﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻬﻨـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺩﺭﻴﺱ ﺒﺎﺤﺜﹰﺎ ﻭﻤﻨﻘﺒﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻴﺘﺎﻓﻴﺯﻴﻘﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺯﺍﻭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺯﻋﺘﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﺘﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﺎ ﻟﻬﻤﺎ ﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﻜﺜﻴﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓل ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﺎﺼﺭﻫﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﻁ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺴﻬﻡ ﻜﺎﻨﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺜﻘﻴﻑ‬ ‫ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻨﻁﻼﻗﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻓﺭﻀﻴﺘﻪ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌـﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻜـﻭﻥ ﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤـﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺇﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺘﻁﺎﺒﻘﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﻻ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﺇﻻ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻗﺒﻠﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻜل ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻘﻭﻻﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﻓـﺈﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﻭﻻﺕ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻲ ﻭﻴﻌﺩ ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴـﻔﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻤﻥ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻟﻠﻤﻴﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺤﺎﻭﻟﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺯﻋﻡ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺩﻭﺭ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﻭﻟﻴﺴـﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺩﻭﺭ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺭ ﻜﺎﻨﻁ‪ .‬ﻟﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴل ﺍﻨﻅﺭ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻌﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻔﻨـﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻁ ‪ ،1‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺒﻥ ﺯﻴﺩﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩ‪.‬ﺕ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.377-372‬‬ ‫)‪ (2‬ﻟﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴل ﺍﻨﻅﺭ‪:‬‬

‫‪R. R. Palmer and Joel Colton, A History of the Modern World, 5th edn., New York:‬‬ ‫‪Alfred A. Knopf, 1978, pp. 269-294.‬‬

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‫א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻔﻀﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ "ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺴﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ")‪ .(1‬ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﹰﺎ ﻟﻬﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻌﻴﺔ ﻨﺸﻁﺕ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺸﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻤﻬﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ ﺘﺠﻠﱠﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺙ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺤﻜﻤﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺘﻭﺍﺭﺕ ﺃﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﻨﺸﻁﺕ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻬﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻨـﺯﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ "ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻭﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻌﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻟﻐﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻋﺎﺩﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺩﻫﺎ ﺒﺎﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﺍﺜﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ")‪ .(2‬ﻭﻋﻨﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻌﻁﻑ ﺒﺭﺯﺕ ﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﺭﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻴﺘﻴﻥ "‪-1914‬‬ ‫‪ "1945-1939/1919‬ﻜﺎﻨﺎ ﻫﺩﻓﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﺴﻤﻰ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﺭﺘﻴﺏ ﻤﻭﺍﺯﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﺎﺌﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻌﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ)‪ .(3‬ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻭﻀﻌﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻭﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻨﻅﺎﻤﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻲ ﺒﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻓﻴﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺒﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻓﻴﺘﻲ ﻗﺩ ﺨﺴﺭ ﺍﻟﺭﻫﺎﻥ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻨﻀﺎل ﺩﺍﻡ ﻗﺭﺍﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤﺎﹰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺒﺈﻨﻬﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﺇﻨﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻓﻴﺘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﺘﻬﺕ ﺤﻘﺒﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﺒﺎﺴﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻓﺭﻏﺕ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﻤﺔ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺃﻭل ﻭﺜﺎﻥ ﻭﺜﺎﻟﺙ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺤﺘﻭﺍﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﺠﺩﻋﺎﻥ‪" ،‬ﻤﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻴﻥ ﻟﺤﻅﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﺒﺤﺜﹰﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﻱ"‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻴـﺕ‪ :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ ‪ ،519‬ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ ‪ ،2002‬ﺹ ‪.114-113‬‬ ‫)‪ (2‬ﺤﺴﻥ ﺤﻨﻔﻲ‪" ،‬ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺏ ﻭﺃﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ﻋﺩﻭ"‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻴﺕ‪ :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ ‪ ،518‬ﻴﻨﺎﻴﺭ‬ ‫‪ ،2002‬ﺹ‪.134‬‬ ‫)‪( 3‬‬ ‫ﻟﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴل ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺘﻴﻥ ﻭﻨﺘﺎﺌﺠﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻨﻅﺭ‪:‬‬ ‫‪W. R. Thompson, On Global War: Historic-Structural Approaches to World Politics,‬‬ ‫‪Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1988.‬‬

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‫‪1424200315‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﻭﺒﺭﺯ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺜﻨﺎﺌﻲ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﺘﺼﺩﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺜﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻤﺼﻨﱠﻔﺔ ﺨﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺨﺎﺭﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻟﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻭﺜﱠﻘﻭﺍ ﻟﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺒﻭﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺎل ﻨﺸﺭﺘﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﻟﻴ ﺍ ﺭﻴﻜﻴ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ "ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ‬

‫ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻟﻸﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ")‪ .(1‬ﻭﻴﺭ‬

‫ﺒﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﺒﻌﺼﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺤﺩﺩﺕ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﻤﻬﺎ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺘﻁﻠﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﻤﺜﻠﻪ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ "ﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻤﻲ"‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻭﻡ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺘﺤﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺸﻜﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺒﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺴﻘﻭﻁ ﺍﻻﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻓﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫"ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻭﻋﻴﺔ" ﻗﺩ ﺨﻠﻕ ﻨﻭﻋ ﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ "ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻭﺭﻭﺒﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺎﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﻟﻴﺎ" ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺯﻋﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻀﻭﺀ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻭل ﺃﻀﺤﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺘﺸﻜل ﻗﻭﺓ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﻤﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻜﻤﻥ ﻏﺎﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻠﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺭﺽ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﺭﺍﻤﺠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻌﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﺠﺔ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺜﻭﺍﺒﺕ ﺃﻗﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻵﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺒﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺌﻴﺔ)‪.(2‬‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺒﻭﺯﺍﻥ‪:‬‬

‫‪Barry Buzan, "New patterns of global security in the twenty-first century",‬‬ ‫‪International Affairs, vol. 67 No. 3 July 1991, 431-452.‬‬ ‫)‪( 2‬‬

‫ﻟﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴل ﺍﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪.‬‬

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‫א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺨﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻴﻘﻭﺩﻨﺎ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺠﺯ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﻤﻠﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻤﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁﻬﺎ ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻟﻤﻬﺎ ﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺃﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻭﺫﺠﻴﺔ ﻟ ﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻨﻤﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺭ‬

‫ﺃﺒﻭ ﻴﻌﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺯﻭﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﺼﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻤﻭﺫﺠﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻌﺎﺭﻀﻴﻥ‪:‬‬

‫ﺃﺤﺩﻫﻤﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﻼﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﻭﻀﻌﻲ "ﺤﻠﻭﻟﻲ"‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻭﺫ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺨﻼﻓﻲ ﺘﻤﺜﻠﻪ ﺴﺎﺌﺭ ﺍﻟﺭﺴﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺤﺎﺭﺒﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎل ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺸﺨﺹ ﻓﺭﻋﻭﻥ)‪ ،(1‬ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺒﻼﻁ ﻋﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﺼﺭ)‪ ،(2‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻘﻭﻁ ﺍﻷﺨﻼﻗﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺴﺎﻁ ﻗﻭﻡ ﻟﻭﻁ ‪ ،(3)‬ﺜﻡ ﺠﻤﻌﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺨﻼﻓﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺴﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﺴﻁﻰ ﺘﺒﻠﻭﺭ ﻋﻁﺎﺅﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ )‪ .(‬ﺇﺫﹰﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻭﺫ ﻴﺴﺘﻤﺩ ﺸﺭﻋﻴﺘﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻭﺤﻲ ﻭﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺭﺴـﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺴـﻤﺎﻭﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻴﺭﺘﻜﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺭﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒـﺎﺭﻩ ﻤﺴـﺘﺨﻠﻔﹰﺎ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻤﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﺭﺴﺎﻟﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺴﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺫﻟـﻙ ﻤـﻥ ﺨـﻼل‬ ‫ﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻲ ﺤﺎﺫﻕ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻭﺫ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻌﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﻓﻬﻭ ﻨﻤﻭﺫ‬

‫ﻤﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻟﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺨﻼﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻪ‬

‫ﻴﺠﻌل ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻤﻴﺔ ﻟ ﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﻴﺭﻓﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﺒﺘﺔ ﷲ )‪ (‬ﻓﻲ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﻑ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺼﺩﻕ ﺸﺎﻫﺩ ﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻭﺫ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﺼﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﻪ ﻓﺭﻋﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﺒﻲ ﺍﷲ ﻤﻭﺴﻰ )‪ .(‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺘﻌﻜﺴﻪ ﺃﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬ ‫)‪(3‬‬

‫ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺯﺨﺭﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻵﻴﺎﺕ ‪.54-51‬‬ ‫ﺴﻭﺭﺓ ﻴﻭﺴﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﺍﻵﻴﺔ ‪169-160‬؛ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻜﺒﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻵﻴﺔ ‪29-29‬؛ ﻫﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻵﻴﺔ‪.80-87 ،‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻭﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺩﺍﺜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻋﻠﻨﺕ ﺼﺭﺍﺤﺔ ﻤﻭﺕ ﺍﻹﻟﻪ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻓﻌل ﺍﻟﻔﻴﻠﺴﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻟﻤﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﺭﻴﺩﺭﻴﻙ ﻨﻴﺘﺸﻪ "‪1900-1844‬ﻡ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺎﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺒﺤﺎﻜﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻠﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻟﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻠﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﺒﺩﻟﺕ ﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺀ ﺒﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺃﻗﺭﺕ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺤﺴﺏ‬ ‫ﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻓﺭﻏﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺤﺘﻭﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺭﻭﺤﻲ ﻭﺤﺼﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺘﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻲ ﺤﺒﻴﺱ "ﺒﺎﻁﻥ ﻤﺯﻋﻭﻡ ﻟ ﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻻ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻟﻪ ﺒﻤﺠﺭﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﻨﻴﻭﻴﺔ")‪ ،(1‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻀﺤﻰ ﺘﻁﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﺤﻭﻅ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﺤﺭﺯﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻀﻭﺍﺒﻁ ﺃﺨﻼﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻅﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﺸﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ ﻗﺩ‬ ‫ﺃﺜﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﻟﻬﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﺒﺘﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻟﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺴـﺎﻥ)‪ .(2‬ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻗﺩ ﺠﻌل ﻓﺭﺍﻨﺴﻴﺱ ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤﺎ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬

‫)‪(3‬‬

‫)‪(3‬‬

‫ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭﺭ‬

‫ﺃﺒﻭﻴﻌﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺯﻭﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.21‬‬ ‫ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﺃﺒﻭﺸﻭﻙ‪" ،‬ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻲ"‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺴـﺎﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻥ‪ :‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪....،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺭﺍﻨﺴﻴﺱ ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤﺎ ﻤﻔﻜﺭ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺼﻭل ﻴﺎﺒﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﻌﻤل ﺍﻵﻥ ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫﹰﺍ ﻟﻼﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺠﻭﻥ ﻫﻭﺒﻜﻨﺯ ﺒﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺠﻭﻥ ﺃﻭﻟﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﺒﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺸﻴﻜﺎﻏﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺸﻐل ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺭﺍﻨﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﺸﻨﻁﻥ‪ .‬ﻟﻪ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻬﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺘﺨﺼﺼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﺫﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﺼﻴﺘﹰﺎ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻴﺭ ﻟﻠﺠﺩل‪" :‬ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ"‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻨﻭﺍﺓ ﻫـﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﺘـﺎﺏ ﻤﺤﺎﻀـﺭﺓ ﻗـﺩﻤﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤﺎ ﺒﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺠﻭﻥ ﺃﻭﻟﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1989‬ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ "ﻫل ﻭﺼﻠﻨﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ "‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺤﻅﻴﺕ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺤﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺼﺩﻗﺎﺌﻪ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﺸﺠﻌﻭﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﻨﺸﺭﻫﺎ ﺘﻌﻤﻴﻤـﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻔﺎﺌـﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﺤﻭل ﻓﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ "ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﺭﺍﻟﻴـــﺔ‬ ‫‪94‬‬

‫א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺴﻴﺭ ﺒﻤﺘﻭﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﻫﻨﺩﺴﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺏ ﺨﻠﻘﻲ ﺴﻴﻘﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺤﺯﻴﻨﺔ)‪ ،(1‬ﻷﻥ ﻓﺭﺽ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺠﻌل ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻴﻔﻘﺩﻭﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﻗﻴﻤﻬﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻭﺍﻓﻌﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺨﺘﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻋﺒﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺤﺴﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ)‪ .(2‬ﻭﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺩﻤﻬﺎ ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺴﻭﻡ ﺒـ" ﺎﻴ ﺍﻟ ﺎﺭﻴ‬

‫ﺍ‬

‫ﺎ ﺍ‬

‫ﻴﺭ" ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﻨﺫﻴﺭ ﺸﺅﻡ ﻟﺩﻋﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺎﻗﻭﺱ ﺨﻁﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺁﺫﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻘﻁﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻭﻡ ﻭﻴﺘﻭﻫﻤﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺩﻭل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﻫﻲ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎل ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻲ ﻟ ﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻅل ﺸﻐﻠﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻏل ﺃﻥ ﻴﺘﻘﻔﻭﺍ ﺃﺜﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺒﻨﻔﻲ ﻜل ﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻴﺯﻫﻡ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﺘﻜﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﻡ ﻟﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻨﻭﺍ ﻤﺜﻠﻬﺎ ﺃ ﹼ‬ ‫ﻤﺼﻴﺒﺔ "ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺤﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺭﻭﺤﻲ" ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺯﻭﻗﻲ ﻗﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺩﺜﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺘﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ)‪.(3‬‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫= ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﺭ"‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﺒﻠﻭﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺴـﻭﻡ ﺒــ "ﻨﻬﺎﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﺘـﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ"‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺼﺩﺭﺕ ﻁﺒﻌﺘﻪ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1992‬ﻭﺘﺭﺠﻤﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﻷﺼﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﻟـﻰ‬ ‫ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﻟﻐﺔ ﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻘﺎل ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﻠﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﺩ ﺴﺠل ﺭﻗﻤﹰﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺒـﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺭﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺎﺒﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴل ﺤﻭل ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺎﺅﻤﻲ ﺃﻨﻅﺭ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺴﻭﻡ ﺒـ "ﻤﺴـﺘﻘﺒﻠﻨﺎ ﻤـﺎ ﺒﻌـﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺘﺩﺍﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻭﺘﻜﻨﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ"‪.‬‬

‫‪Francis Fukuyama, Our Post-human Future: Consequences of Biotechnology‬‬ ‫‪Revolution, Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2002.‬‬ ‫) ‪(2‬‬

‫ﻓﺭﺍﻨﺴﻴﺱ ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ]ﺏ[‪.‬‬

‫‪Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man, New York: Avon Books,‬‬ ‫‪1992, p. 311.‬‬

‫)‪ (3‬ﺃﺒﻭﻴﻌﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺯﻭﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.20‬‬

‫‪95‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﺍ‬

‫ﺎ ﺍﻟ ﺎ‬

‫ﻟ‬

‫ﻟ‬

‫ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﻴ ﺍﻟ ﺎ ﺭ‬

‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺴﻠﻴﻁ ﺍﻟﻀﻭﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﻭﻤﻨﻁﻠﻘﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻴﺘﺤﺘﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻘﻑ ﺒﺘﻤﻌﻥ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻤﻴﱢﺯﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻀﺭﻭﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﹰﺎ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺭﺍﺽ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﻔﺼﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﻌﻴﻨﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﻁﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﻁﺭﻭﺤﺘﻲ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻭﺼﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺨل ﻤﺤﻴﻁ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ‬ ‫ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﻫﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﻷﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ :‬ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﻘﺎ‬

‫ﻻ ﺠﺩﺍل ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﻤﺤﻭﺭﺕ ﺤﻭﻟﻪ ﺇﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﻫﻭ‬ ‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﺴﺘﻤﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻓﻜﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﺍﺜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻲ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻔﺭﺽ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻨﻤﻁ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺤﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﻭﺠﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﻁﻭﻴل ﻭﻤﺭﻴﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﺠﺴﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺤﺼﻴﻠﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺤﻼل ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻤﺤل ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻷﺭﺴﻁﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻭﺍﺭﺜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﺠﺭﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺴﺭﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻐﺯﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺭﻭﺤﻲ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺭﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﷲ ﺴﺒﺤﺎﻨﻪ ﻭﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻭﱢﻟﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﺸ‬ ‫ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺭﺍ‬

‫ﻴﻨﺘﻔﻊ ﺒﻪ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻟﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﻜﺎﺌﻥ ﺃﺭﻀﻲ ﻻ ﺘﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﻗﻴﻡ ﺭﻭﺤﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻴﺨﻀﻊ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻁﻭﺭﺓ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺯﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﻘﺩﺭﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﺼﻠﺤﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺘﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻗﺎﺩ ﺘﻠﻘﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻼﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻀﻭﺍﺒﻁ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺨﻼﻑ ﻭﻏﺎﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻠﻰ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﺄﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪96‬‬

‫א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻲ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻨﻤﻭﺫﺠﹰﺎ ﻟ ﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻤﺜﺎﻟﻲ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ)‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﺎﻴ‬

‫ﻭﺯﺒﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﺃﻥ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺜﺎﻟﻭﺙ "ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺭﻴ‬

‫ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﻴ ﺍﻟ ﺎﺭﻴ ﻴ " ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻤﻨﻅﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻲ ﻗﺩ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻗﺩ ﺒﻠ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻤل ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻤﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﹰﺍ ﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﻔﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﺎﺸﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻅﻼل ﺃﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻠﻴﻨﺴﺘﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻟﻲ ﻴﻌﻁﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﻫﻠﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺸﻌﻭﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ‬

‫ﻟﻴﺨﺭﺠﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺎﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﻁﻔﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺩﺜﺭﺓ ﺒﻠﺒﻭﺱ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺭﺍﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺭﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﻀ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺘﺘﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﻁ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﻓﻕ ﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻀﻲ ﺒﺩﺤﺽ ﻜل ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ‬ ‫ﻤﺴﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺜﻭﺍﺒﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻵﺨﺭﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻨﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻁﺔ ﺘﺘﺠﻠﱠﻰ ﻤﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺒﺎﻟﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻠﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻓﻲ ﺃﺤﻴﺎﻨﹰﺎ ﻟﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﷲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺘﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﺸﻤﻭﻟﻲ ﻟﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻜﻠﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺤﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﻀﺤﺕ ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺜﺎﺒﺘﺔ ﻟﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻟﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻭﻥ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﺴﻴﺩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻨﻘﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻁﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪Seyd Muhammad Naguib al-Attas, Islam, Secularism and the Philosophy of the‬‬ ‫‪Future, London. New York: Mansell Publishing Limited, 1985, pp. 13-46.‬‬

‫ﻨﻘل ﺍﻷﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻁﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻨﺸﺭﻩ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻋﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻤﺩﺍﺨﻼﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﺍﻻ ﻟﻤﺒﻭﺭ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﻓﺠﺭ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺎﺌﺱ‪.2000 ،‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﺎ ﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺍ‬

‫ﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺘﻌ ّﺩ ﺍﻟﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻨﺠﻠﺘﺭﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻋﻅﻡ ﻤﻨﺠﺯﺍﺕ ﻋﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﺍﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺩ‬ ‫ﺃﺴﻬﻤﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﺘﻜﺯﺕ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻭﻟﺩ ﻋﺸﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﻁﻴﻡ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻭﺘﻘﻠﻴﺹ ﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﺍﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻼﻫﻭﺕ ﻟﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺠﻌﻠﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺩ ﻴﻤﺜل ﺍﻟﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻜﻤﻬﺎ ﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻗﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﻅﻴﻔﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻔﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺭﺅﻭﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺍل ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎل ﻭﺍﻟﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﺠﻭﺍﺯﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺴﻴﻁﺔ)‪ .(1‬ﻭﻭﻓﻕ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻕ‬ ‫ﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻨﺼﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻔﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺤﻭل ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺠﺔ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎ ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺩﺭﻴﺠﻴﹰﺎ ﻗﺎﺩﺕ ﺤﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻓﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﻭﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻭﺴﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺸﻤﻠﺕ ﺩﺍﺨل ﻤﺩﺍﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ "ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺙ"‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻠﺘﻴﻥ ﺘﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭﻫﻤﺎ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺙ‬ ‫ﻭﺜﺭﻭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻜﻐﻨﺎﺌﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻤﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺃﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻨﺫﺍﻙ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﻅﻠﺕ ﺃﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻌﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻅﻬﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻲ ﻜﻤﻨﺎﻓﺱ ﺨﻁﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﻓﻌﻬﺎ ﻟﺠﺫﺏ ﻗﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻋﺯ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻟﻰ‪" ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﺍﺜﺔ"‪ ،‬ﺇﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﺭﻨـﺩﻭﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻬـﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﻟﻠﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺒﻊ‪ ،‬ﺃﺒﺭﻴل ‪/1996‬ﺫﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﻌﺩﺓ ‪1416‬ﻫـ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.111-107‬‬ ‫‪98‬‬

‫א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﻤﺼﻴﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻭﻗﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺯﻭﺍﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ ﻀﻴﻘﺔ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻭﻁﺄﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺴﺢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻨﻬﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻓﻴﺘﻲ ﻭﺘﺼﺩﻉ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﻤﺘﻪ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺩ ﺃﻓﺴﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎل ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺃﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻨـﺯﻴﺔ‬

‫)‪( 1‬‬

‫ﺫﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﻟﻼﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺭﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺘﻭﺤﻴﺩ "ﺭﺅ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ "ﺃﻤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ" ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺨﻠﻕ ]‪ [...‬ﻭﻻﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺘﺭﺒﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ")‪ .(2‬ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎل ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺨﻼﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺩﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻭﻟﺒﺔ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﻗﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﺎﻓﺌﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺤﺩﺩﺕ ﻤﺴﺎﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﻠﻴﺯﻱ ﺠﻭﻥ ﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭﺩ ﻜﻴﻨـﺯ "‪ "1946-1883‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺍﺸﺘﻬﺭ ﺒﺘﻔﻭﻗﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﻬﺎﻤﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺎﺫﹰﺍ ﺒﺠﺎﻤﻌـﺔ ﻜﻤﺒـﺭﺩ ‪ .‬ﻋﻤـل‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﻬﻨﺩ ﻗﺒل ﺇﻟﺘﺤﺎﻗﻪ ﺒﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻜﻤﺒﺭﺩ "‪ ،"1908-1906‬ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻅل ﻤﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻴﻁﺎﻨﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺨﺘﺹ ﺒﺎﻟﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻌﺏ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﺒﺎﺭﺯﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻜﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ‬ ‫ﺸﻬﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺜﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺨﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺘﺒﻠﻭﺭ ﻋﻁﺎﺅﻩ ﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺴﻭﻡ ﺒـ "ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﻭﺴﻌﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﻭﺩ"‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺘﺠﻠﱠﻰ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻨﻘﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﺭﻴﺢ ﻟﻼﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﻭﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﺭﻴﺌﺔ ﻟﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﻁـﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﺩﺨل ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻟﺴﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺹ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺼل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺘﻭﺠﻴـﻪ ﻤﺴـﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻤﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻔﻭﻀﹰﺎ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﻴﻁﺎﻴﻨـﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺒﺭﻴﺘﻭﻥ ﻭﻭﺩﺱ "‪ "Bretton Woods‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﺘﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﺼـﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻘـﺩ ﺍﻟـﺩﻭﻟﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻨﻅﺭ‪:‬‬

‫‪Donald Kuttherford, Dictionary of Economics, London. New York: Routhedge, 1992,‬‬ ‫‪pp. 252-254.‬‬

‫)‪ (2‬ﻤﻬﺎﺏ ﺫﻴﺎﺏ‪" ،‬ﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﻭﻁﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻲ"‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ ‪ ،276‬ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴـﺭ ‪،2020‬‬ ‫ﺹ ‪.155-154‬‬ ‫‪99‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻕ ﺘﻁﻠﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺎﺕ)‪ .(1‬ﻭﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﺃﻀﺤﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﺨﻁﻭﻁ ﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺘﺭﺒﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺴﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺴﻬﻴل ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺭﺍﻀﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻨﻭﻙ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﻤل‬ ‫ﺒﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺸﺎﻋﺔ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﺴﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﻭﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻬﻼﻜﻴﺔ ﻤﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻤﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺁﻟﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻼﻗﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻋﻠﻤﹰﺎ ﺒﺄﻥ ‪ %95‬ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻜﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﺘﻭﻁﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺅﻭﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺍل ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺒﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﻤﺯﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻬﺎﻙ ﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺯﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺩﻭل‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﹰﺎ ﻹﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺸﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺎﻭل ﺃﻥ ﺘﺠﻌل ﻤﻨﻬﺎ "ﺃﻱ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ" ﺴﻭﻗﹰﺎ ﻜﺒﺭ‬

‫ﻟﺭﻓﺩﻫﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺨﻴﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﺴﺘﻬﻼﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻟﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﻤﻨﺘﺠﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺎﺌﺩ ﺭﺒﺤﻲ ﻓﺎﺤﺵ)‪.(2‬‬ ‫ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﻋﺎﺩل ﻟﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺜﺭﻭﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺒﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺤﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺭ‬

‫ﻤﻬﻴﻭﺏ ﻏﺎﻟﺏ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺤﺘﻤﹰﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺴﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﺠﻤﻌﺎﺀ)‪،(3‬‬

‫ﻭﻴﻌﻜﺱ ﻨﻤﻁﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺨﻼﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻠﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﻋﻜﺱ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﺨﻤﺱ ﺍﻟﺜﺭﻱ ﻤﻥ ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﻤﺎﺒﺭﺤﺕ ﺘﺘﻁﺎﻭل‬ ‫ﻥ ﻏﺎﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻠﻰ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻏﻨﺎﺌﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺤﺵ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﺃﺨﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻔﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺘﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﺌﺩ ﺍﻟﺭﺒﺤﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﺎﻅﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺓ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺎﻫﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺜﺭﻭﺓ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺭﺅﻭﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺍل ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﻴﻥ ﺘﻌﺎﺩل ﺃﻭ ﺘﺯﻴﺩ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬ ‫)‪(3‬‬

‫ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪149-148‬‬ ‫ﻤﻬﻴﻭﺏ ﻏﺎﻟﺏ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪" ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ‪ :‬ﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻀﺭ ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل"‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒـﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ ‪ ،256‬ﻴﻭﻨﻴﻭ ‪ ،2000‬ﺹ ‪.64‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬

‫א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺜﺭﻭﺍﺕ ﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﺭﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺜﺭﻭﺓ ﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﺭﺒﻌﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺸﺨﺼ ﹰﺎ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﹰﺎ ﺘﺯﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺜﺭﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺼل ﻋﺩﺩ ﺴﻜﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ 1.2‬ﻤﻠﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻨﺴﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺒﻠ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺘ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻹﺠﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺴﺒﻌﻤﺎﺌﺔ ﻤﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻻﺭﹰﺍ ﺴﻨﻭﻴﹰﺎ)‪ .(1‬ﻭﻤﻤﺎ ﻻ ﺸﻙ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻟﻠﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﺴﺘﺘﺒﻠﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎل ﻤﻘﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻭﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﺼﺩﺭﻩ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ "ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﺎ" ﻭﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻘﺩﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻅل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﺎﻓﺌﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻭﻡ ﺴﻴﻨـﺯﻭﻱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺭﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻜﻥ ﻗﺼﻲ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻀﻐﻁ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻟﻠﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺎﻟ ﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﻴﺎ‬

‫ﻟﻘﺩ ﺃﻜﺘﻤل ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻜل ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺭﺒﺎ ﺒﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻌﺕ ﺸﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﺨﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺎﺩﺕ ﺒﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺏ ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻗﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻟﻔﺼل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ "ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺌﻴﺔ " ﺒﺤﺠﺔ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺼﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺸﺩﺩﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺤﻜﻭﻡ ﻭﻓﻕ ﻨﺴﻕ ﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﻴﺤﺩﺩ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺍﺠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻜﻠﻴﻬﻤﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻘﺎﻟﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺭﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻼ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﻓﻜﺭﻱ ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻁﻭﻴل‬ ‫ﻭﻭﻀﻌﺕ ﺤﺩﹰﺍ ﻓﺎﺼ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺘﺩﺜﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻨﻑ ﺃﺤﻴﺎﻨﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﺤﻴﺎﻨﹰﺎ ﺃﺨﺭ ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻼ ﻋﻥ "ﺘﻘﺭﻴﺭ ﺒﺭﻴﻁﺎﻨﻲ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ"‪ ،‬ﺍﻨﻅﺭ‪ :‬ﻤﻬﻴﻭﺏ ﻏﺎﻟﺏ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.64‬‬ ‫ﻨﻘ ﹰ‬ ‫‪101‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﺫﻜﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻌﻤﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺨﻀﻌﺕ ﻻﺤﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺎ ﻭﺁﺴﻴﺎ ﻭﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﺎ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﻭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ‬ ‫ﺴﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻗﻬﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻨـﺯﺍﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻭﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺤﻀﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﻑ ﻗﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﺨﺎﺀ ﻭﻨﻜﺴﺕ ﺸﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺒﺭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺼﻴﻐﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﺄﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺴﺘﻤﺩ ﺤﺠﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺩﻋﺎﺀ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺸﻌﻭﺏ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻻﺯﺍﻟﺕ‬ ‫ﺘﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺘﺨﻠﻑ ﻭﺒﺩﻭﺍﺓ ﻤﺠﺩﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﺒﻴﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻀﻐﻁ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ ﻟﻠﻭﺠﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺩ ﺠﻌل ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻌﻤﺭ ﻴﻌﺩل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻼﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﺒﻨﻰ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﺯﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺸﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺠﱢﺢ ﺍﻟﻅﻥ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺴﺘﻜﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﻓﻀل ﺍﻟﺒﺩﺍﺌل ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺭﻭﺤﺔ ﻟﺤﻜﻡ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺭﺤﻴل ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻌﻤﺭ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﺭﺍﺯﻴﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻌﻤﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﻨﻔﻭﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﺩﻟﻴل ﺃﻥ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻭﻟﺌﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻌﻤﺭﻴﻥ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻔﻠﺤﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻨﺠﺩﻫﻡ ﻗﺩ ﺍﻜﺘﻔﻭﺍ ﺒﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺸﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻴﺩﻱ ﻨﺨﺏ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﺭﻓﺕ ﺒﺜﻘﺎﻓﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺄﺜﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻀﺢ‬ ‫ﺒﺄﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﺍﺜﺔ ﻭﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺫﻱ ﺍﻟﺠﺫﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻟﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﺘﻠﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻭﺏ)‪ .(1‬ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤـﺜﻠﻲ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻭل ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻭل ﺇﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺠﻌل ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺘﻭﺍﺒﻊ ﺘﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻌﻤﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺜﻭﻴﺭ ﻨﻔﻭﺫﻩ ﺍﻹﻤﺒﺭﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺒﺴﻁ ﺴﻠﻁﺎﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻨﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺸﺌﺔ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﺎﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺒﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ‪ -‬ﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺤﻀـﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻌـﻭﺩﺓ ﺇﻟـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺨﻼﻕ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﻤﺢ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺩﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﺤـﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،1997 ،‬ﺹ ‪.100‬‬ ‫‪102‬‬

‫א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻨﺸﺌﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻨﺔ ﻟﻡ ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻊ ﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺭ ﻗﺩﻤﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺨﻁ ﺴﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻌﺜﺭ ﺒﻔﻌل ﺍﻟﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺫﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺜﻘﻠﺕ ﻜﺎﻫﻠﻬﺎ ﻤﺤﻠﱢﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻔﻌل ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻓﺱ ﺍﻹﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻲ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻤﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻗﺎﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﺸﻅﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﻘﻭﻗﻌﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺘﺘﺒﻠﻭﺭﺕ ﺃﺨﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺤﺼﻴﻠﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻁﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺃﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺤﻜﻡ ﺸﺒﺔ ﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﺨﺭﻱ ﻋﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻁ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺼل ﺒﻴﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺨﻁ ﹰﺎ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﹰﺎ ﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻗﺴﻤﺎﺕ ﻨﺴﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻭﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻤﺔ ﻷﺤﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺴﻘﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺴﻜﺭ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻲ ﺒﺭﺯ ﺇﻟﻲ ﺤﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﺩﺜﺭ ﺒﻌﺒﺎﺀﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻀﻊ ﻟﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻨﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻌﻁﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺭ‬

‫ﺒﺭﻫﺎﻥ ﻏﻠﻴﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻌﺎﻟﺕ ﺼﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﺭﻭﻴ ﻟﻠﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ)‪ .(1‬ﺇﻻ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻅﺭ ﺒﺘﻤﻌﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻔﺭﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤ ﹰﺎ ﻭﻋﺎﻟﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻤﺩ‬

‫ﺠﺩﻴّﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻨﺸﺭ ﻗﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﺃﻗﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﺩﻑ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻨﺎﺭﻴﻭﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻥ ﻫﻭ "ﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻷﺸﺭﺍﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺼﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺩ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ")‪ .(2‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻓﻭﻋﺔ ﺒﺎﺴﻡ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﺒﺭﻫﺎﻥ ﻏﻠﻴﻭﻥ‪" ،‬ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺠﺫﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﻭﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻭ"‪ ،‬ﺒﺭﻫﺎﻥ ﻏﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤـﻭل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻁ ‪ ،1‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴـﺔ‪ ،1994 ،‬ﺹ‬ ‫‪.116‬‬ ‫ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ‪.‬‬ ‫‪103‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﻏﺎﻴﺎﺕ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺩ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﻫﺎﻤﺵ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﻤﺘﻌﺕ ﺒﻪ ﺃﻗﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺙ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ)‪ .(1‬ﻭﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﻨﺼل ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﻫﻭ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﺯﺩﻭ ﻭﻤﺘﻨﺎﻗﺽ ﻓﻲ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻪ ﻴﺴﻌﻰ ﻟﻔﺭﺽ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺎﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻘﻊ ﺨﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﻨﻔﻭﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺎل ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭل ﺸﺭﻕ ﺃﻭﺭﺒﺎ ﻤﺜﻼﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺤﺎﻭل ﺠﺎﻫﺩﹰﺍ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺤﻤﻲ ﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﺎﺘﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﻨﻔﻭﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻱ ﺒﺤﺠﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻷﻋﻅﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺸﻌﻭﺏ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﻤﻨﺎﻫﺽ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﺭﻴﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﺒﺯﻭﺍل ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺫﻭﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺤﻴﻁ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺸ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻤﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺒﺎﻨﹰﺎ ﻜﺎﻤ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺴﺘﻅل ﻗﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﺸﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺴﺘﻤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻓﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺸ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺴﻴﻘﻠل ﻤﻥ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ ﻭﻴﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺨﺎﻀﻌﺔ ﻟﺴﻠﻁﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻤل ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﺒﺎﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ "ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻲ" ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻟﺘﻤﻜﱢﻴﻥ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺍ‬

‫ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﻫﻭ ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﻁﻠﻴﻕ ﻻ ﺘﺤﺩﻩ ﻗﻴﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺯﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻜـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻷﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻼﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﺤﺭﻙ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺘﻘﻴﺩﻩ ﺜﻭﺍﺒﺕ ﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﻷﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﻁ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺘﻡ ﺫﻟﻙ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺭ ﺒﺭﺍﻤ ﺇﻋﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻭﺠﺔ ﺘﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘـﺭ ﱢﻭ ﻟـﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻟﺤﻴـﺎﺓ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ‪.‬‬ ‫‪104‬‬

‫א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻭﺫ ﺍﻷﻤﺜل ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﺘﺩﻱ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻴﺒﺙ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻤﺴﻤﺎﺌﺔ ﻗﻤﺭ ﺼﻨﺎﻋﻲ ﺘﺩﻭﺭ ﺤﻭل ﻜﻭﻜﺏ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﻴﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺒﺜﻬﺎ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﻤﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺘﻠﻔﺎﺯ)‪ .(1‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺸﺎﻫﺩﺘﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻠﻔﺎﺯ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﺒـﺈﻥ ﺇﻋـﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺍﻟﺯﻤـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﻭﻤﺅﺜﺭ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻪ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺘﺠـﺎﻭﺯ ﺒﻌـﺩ ّ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﻥ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﻴﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﻴﻨﻘل ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺤﺎل ﻭﻗﻭﻋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﻋ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺯﻟل ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺘﺭﻨﺔ ﺒﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﺨـﺯﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﺎﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻷﺸﻜﺎل ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻘل ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻤ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺎﻟﺏ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻴﺯﺍﻭ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﺘﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺒﻌﺽ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻟﻨﺹ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﻭﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻭﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻭﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻭﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺌﻴﺔ)‪.(2‬‬ ‫ﻭﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻉ ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺤﺭﺭ ﺇﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﺸـﻌﻭﺏ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﻗﻴﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﺯﻩ ﻟﻤﺤﺎﺴﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻭﺫ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻲ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻨﻤﻭﺫﺠﹰﺎ ﻋﺼﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻨـﺯﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﱢﻥ ﻟﻠﻤﺘﻌـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺭﻓﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﻔﺎﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻴﺘﺠﺎﻭﺏ ﻤﻊ ﺤﺎﺠـﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﺴـﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺼـﺔ ﺒﺯﻴـﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻗﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺨﺭ )‪.(3‬‬ ‫ﻭﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﻨﺨﻠﺹ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭ ﻟﻴﺱ ﻏﺎﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤ ّﺩ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ ﻭﺇﻨﻤـﺎ ﻫـﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻹﺯﺍﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻭﺍﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻤـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺃﺩﺒﻴـﺎﺕ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫)‪(2‬‬

‫)‪(3‬‬

‫ﻫﺎﻨﺱ ﺒﻴﺘﺭﻤﺎﺭﺘﻴﻥ ﻭﻫﺎﺭﺍﻟﺩ ﺸﻭﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺦ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺩﺍﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﻓﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪" ،‬ﻨﻘﻠـﻪ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻋﺩﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻲ"‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻴﺕ‪ :‬ﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ‪ ،1998 ،‬ﺹ ‪.43‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺩ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻲ ﻋﻤﺭ‪" ،‬ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﻭﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻬﻠﻙ" ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌـﺩﺩ ‪،256‬‬ ‫ﻴﻭﻴﻨﻭ ‪ ،2000‬ﺹ ‪.81‬‬ ‫ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.79-77‬‬ ‫‪105‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺩﺍﺜﺔ ﻭﻤﺎﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﺍﺜﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺸﻭﺩﺓ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻉ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺨﻠﻕ ﺸـﺒﻜﺔ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻹﺘﺼﺎل ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺙ ﺍﻟﺴﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﻭﻋﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺴﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻀﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺒﻌﺭﺽ ﻤﺘﻜﺭﺭ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻟـﻰ ﺘﺭﺴـﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺭﺴﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﻫﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻤﻌﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﺭﻴﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺼﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺌﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺘﺒﻠﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻠﻕ ﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﺘﺭﺒﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺃﺸﺭﻨﺎ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻋﻼﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ﻟ‬

‫ﺎﻴ ﺍﻟ ﺎﺭﻴ‬ ‫ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺇﻓﻼﺱ ﺍﻻﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻓﻴﺘﻲ ﺇﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﻬﻴﺎﺭ ﺤﺎﺌﻁ ﺒﺭﻟﻴﻥ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻟﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺭﻋﺕ‬ ‫ﺇﻨﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﱠﺏ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭ‪ .‬ﻷﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺍﺸﺭﻨﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺼﺭﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻅﻠﺕ ﺭﺤﺎﻫﺎ ﺘﺩﻭﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻗﻁﺎﺭ ﺤﻠﻑ ﺸﻤﺎل ﺍﻷﻁﻠﺴﻲ ﻭﺤﻠﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺴﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺭﻑ "ﺒﺎﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ" ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﻋﻠﻥ ﺸﺭﻋﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﺒﻕ ﺠﻭﺭ‬

‫ﺒﻭﺵ "‪ ."1992-1984‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﻤﻲ‬

‫ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺤﺎﻭﻟﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻌﻁﻲ ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺤﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﻁﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎﻫﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻭﻅﻴﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻬﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻴﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺠﺫﺒﺕ ﺍﻨﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺤﻜﻭﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﺄﻥ ﻫﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﱢﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺭﺍﻨﺴﻴﺱ ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺴﻭﻤﺔ ﺒـ "ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ"‪ .‬ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﻀﺤﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﻟﻑ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺔ ﺭﻗﻡ "‪ ،"94‬ﺇﻥ ﻓﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻗﺩ ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫‪106‬‬

‫א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﺒﺎﺩ‬

‫ﺃﻤﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺸﻜل ﻤﺤﺎﻀﺭﺓ ﻗﺩﻤﻬﺎ ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤﺎ ﺒﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺠﻭﻥ ﺃﻭﻟﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﺤﻕ ﺒﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ‬

‫ﺸﻴﻜﺎﻏﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1989‬ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ "ﻫل ﻭﺼﻠﻨﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ "‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻀﺭﺓ ﻗﺩ ﺤﻅﻴﺕ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺤﺴﺎﻥ ﺃﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻲ ﺸﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺘﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﻨﺸﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺘﻌﻤﻴﻤﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻔﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﺤﻭل ﻓﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ‬ ‫"ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﺭ"‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺨﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺸﻜل‬ ‫ﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻤﻭﺴﻭﻡ ﺒـ "ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ"‪ ،‬ﺼﺩﺭﺕ ﻁﺒﻌﺘﻪ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪ .1992‬ﻭﻴﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻤﻥ ‪ 441‬ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﻘﺴﻤﺔ ﺇﻟﻲ ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻭﺨﻤﺴﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﺒﻭﺍﺏ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﻟﻑ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺠﻬﺕ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻁﱠﻥ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﻔﺼﻴﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻌﻀﺩﹰﺍ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﻘﺎﺓ‬ ‫ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﺭﻀﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻴﺭﺓ ﻟﻠﺠﺩل‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺘﻤﺸﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﻊ ﻏﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻴﺩﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻁﺭ ﺴﺅﺍﻟﻴﻥ ﻤﺤﻭﺭﻴﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﻤﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺘﻨﺩ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺭﻀﻴﺔ "ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ" ﻭﻤـﺎﻫﻲ ﻋﻼﻗـﺔ ﻫـﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺒﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﻬل ﺍﺠﺎﺒﺘﻨﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺴـﺅﺍﻟﻴﻥ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻨـﺎ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻨﺴﺘﺄﻨﺱ ﺒﻘﻭل ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ "ﺇﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻨﺸﺎﻫﺩﻩ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻟﻴﺱ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺩﺓ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﺇﻨﻨﺎ ﻨﻤﺭ ﻋﺒﺭ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺇﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻨﺸـﺎﻫﺩﻩ ﻫـﻭ ﻨﻬﺎﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺃﻭ ﺒﺎﻷﺤﺭ‬

‫ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻲ ﻟ ﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﺎﻟﻤﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴـﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻜل ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺌﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ")‪ .(1‬ﻭﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺹ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻓﺭﺍﻨﺴﻴﺱ ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤﺎ‪" ،‬ﻫل ﻭﺼﻠﻨﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ " ]ﺃ[‪.‬‬

‫‪Francis Fukuyama, "Have We Reached the End of History", February 1989, Rand‬‬ ‫‪Library Collection, p. 2.‬‬ ‫ﻨﺸﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎل ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ”‪ “The National Interest‬ﻓﻲ ﺼﻴﻑ ‪1989‬ﻡ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪" :‬ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ"‪.‬‬

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‫‪1424200315‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﺘﺠﺴﺩ ﺨﻭﺍﺘﻴﻤﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺴـﻴﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﻁﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻟﺸﻜل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺌﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻤﻊ ﺘﻁﻠﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﺍﻟﺤﻀـﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺘﺏ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻭﺼل ﺇﻟﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻗﺩ ﺃﺴﺱ ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺍ ﻟ ﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﻭﻓـﻕ ﻤﻨﻁـﻕ‬

‫ﻴﺅﻤﻥ "ﺒﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺠﻬـﺎ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺸل ﺃﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻠﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﺎﺘﻭﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸـﻤﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻁﻤﻭﺤﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺼﻭ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺘﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﺄﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺩﺓ ﻨﻤﺎﺫ ‪ ،‬ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﻨﻤﻭﺫ ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﺎﺘﻭﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺤﺎﻭﻟﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺴـﻴﻁﺭ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﺎ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﻭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﻐﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﻘﻴـﻕ ﺍﻷﻤـﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﺴـﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻹﻨﻌﺎﺵ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺤﺼﻴﻠﺔ ﺘﺠﺎﺭﺒﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﺄﻥ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻤﺨﻀﺕ ﻋﻥ ﻓﺸل ﺫﺭﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺃﺴﻘﻁ ﺃﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻭﺤﻭّل ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺤﻜﻡ ﻗﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺘﺤﻅﻰ ﺒﺄﻱ ﺘﺄﻴﻴـﺩ‬ ‫ﺸﻌﺒﻲ)‪ .(1‬ﻭﻴﻠﻴﻪ ﻨﻤﻭﺫ ﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺤﺎﻭﻟﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻔﺭﺽ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻭﺭﻭﺜﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴـﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻻﺘﺤـﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻓﻴﺘﻲ ﻭﺸﺭﻕ ﺃﻭﺭﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺠﻬﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺒﺎﺀﺕ ﺒﺎﻟﻔﺸل ﻭﺍﻟﺸـﺎﻫﺩ ﻓـﻲ ﺫﻟـﻙ ﺍﻷﺯﻤـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻴﺸﻬﺎ ﺤﺎﻟﻴﹰﺎ ﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻓﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﺴـﺎﺒﻕ)‪ .(2‬ﺃﻤـﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻭﺫ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺙ ﻓﺘﻤﺜﻠﻪ ﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺴﻌﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺠﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﺼـﻼﺤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺭ ﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻔﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﺎ "ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯﻴﺔ" ﻭﺇﻴﻁﺎﻟﻴﺎ "ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺸﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﻓﺭﺍﻨﺴﻴﺱ ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ ]ﺏ[‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.38-23‬‬ ‫ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ‪.‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬

‫א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﺠﻬﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺒﺩﺩﺕ ﻭﻗﺎﺩﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻨﺩﻻﻉ ﺤﺭﻭﺏ ﻤﺩﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻨﺘﻅﻤﺕ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺃﺭﺠـﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﻟﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺘﺒﻠﻭﺭﺕ ﺨﻭﺍﺘﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺼ ﱡﺩﻉ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺎﺸﻴﺔ ﻭﺴﻘﻭﻁﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴـﺭ ﺭﺠﻌـﺔ)‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﻭﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤﺎ ﻓﺸل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﺩﻟﻴل ﻗـﺎﻁﻊ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻨﺠـﺎ‬ ‫ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﻔﺯ ﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻜﻤﹰﺎ ﻭﻜﻴﻔﹰﺎ ﻤـﻥ ﺜـﻼﺙ‬ ‫ﺩﻭل ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺴﻭﻴﺴﺭﺍ ﻭﻓﺭﻨﺴﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋـﺎﻡ ‪1790‬ﻡ ﺇﻟـﻰ ﻭﺍﺤـﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺴﺘﻴﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻤﻭﺯﻋﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻭﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1990‬ﻡ)‪.(2‬‬ ‫ﻭﺘﻠﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍ‬

‫ﺎﻴ‬

‫ﻴ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌـﺎﻟﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺴـﻤﺎﺕ‪،‬‬

‫ﺘﻤﺜﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺠﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺭﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺙ ﺇﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻷﻭل "ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻲ" ﺍﻟـﺫﻱ ﺘﺴـﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤـﺎ ﻫـﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﺠـﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻤﺅﺸﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻴﹰﺎ ﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺠﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺃﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﺨﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﺎل ﺍﻟـﺫﻱ ﻜـﺎﻨﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﻴﻌﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻤﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻼﺩﻫﻡ ﺍﻷﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﺠﺯﺕ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﻟﻬﻡ ﺃﺩﻨﻰ ﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻴـﺎﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺭﻴﻤﺔ)‪.(3‬‬ ‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﺎﻟ‬

‫ﻓﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﻘ ﻴ ﺘﺘﻁﺭﻕ ﺇﻟـﻰ ﻓﺸـل ﺍﻟﺒـﺩﻴل ﺍﻹﺴـﻼﻤﻲ‬

‫ﻼ ﻤﺘﻘﻭﻗﻌﹰﺎ ﻻ ﻴﺭﻀﻲ ﺇﻻ ﺘﻁﻠﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻁﺭﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭﻩ ﺒﺩﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺼﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﻘﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﻴﺤﻜﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤﺎ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪( 2‬‬

‫ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺭﺍﻨﺴﻴﺱ ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤﺎ‪" ،‬ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺩﻴﻜﺎﻟﻴﻭﻥ" ]ﺠـ[‪.‬‬

‫‪Francis Fukuyama, "Radical Islamists are the Fascists of the Modern World",‬‬ ‫‪Newsweek, issues 2002, December 2001-Feburary 2002, pp. 49-51.‬‬ ‫) ‪(3‬‬

‫ﻓﺭﺍﻨﺴﻴﺱ ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ ]ﺏ[‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.278-277‬‬ ‫‪109‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﺒﺩﻴل ﻓﺎﻗﺩ ﻟﻠﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺠﺯﻴﺌﺎﺘﻪ ﺘﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻤﻊ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻨﻴـﺔ "ﺃﻱ ﻓﺼـل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ" ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﺜل ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺘﻜﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺴﺘﺸﻬﺩ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﻔﺸل ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻁﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻨﺴـﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻴﻘـﻭل‪:‬‬ ‫"ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻭﻋﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻜﻡ ﺭﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺼﻭﻟﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺈﻥ ﻤﻌﻅـﻡ ﺍﻹﻴـﺭﺍﻨﻴﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻴﻔﻀﻠﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﺭﺍﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺸﺎﺭﻜﻬﻡ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﺸـﻌﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﺠﺭﺒﻭﺍ ﺤﻜﻡ ﻁﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺘﺭﺠﻡ ﻜﺭﺍﻫﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴـﻠﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺸﻜل ﺃﻱ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻴﺘﺒﻊ")‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﻭﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺤﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ ﻗﺩ ﻗـﺎﺩ ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤـﺎ ﺇﻟـﻰ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘـﺎﺩ ﺒـﺄﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻠﻰ ﻟﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻲ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻤﺘﻠﻙ‬ ‫ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺫﺍﺘﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺼﺎﻟﺤﺔ ﻟﻜل ﺯﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺘﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺭﻱ ﺍﻟـﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﻴﺭﺘﻜﺯ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺘﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺄﻨﻴـﺔ ﻟــ"ﻨﻬﺎﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ" ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺇﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤﺎ ﺒﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻟﻲ ﻴﻜﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺴﺦ ﺒﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺘـﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ﺍﻟـﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﺘﻔﺭﻀﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺎﻫﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ‬ ‫ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺩﻴﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻀﺒﻁ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﺘـﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﺠﺎﻨﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﻅﺭﻩ ﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺅﻫـل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺴﻁ ﺴﻠﻁﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ "ﺃﻭ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺙ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﺘﻔﻭﻕ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺤﺜﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺩﺅﻭﺏ ﻋﻥ ﺃﺴﻭﺍﻕ ﺤﺭﺓ ﻻﺴـﺘﻘﺒﺎل ﻤﻨﺘﺠﺎﺘﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻟﺭﻓﺩﻫﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺨﻴﺼﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﺠـل ﺒﻠـﻭ ﻫـﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻴـﺎﺕ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻓﺭﺍﻨﺴﻴﺱ ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ ]ﺠـ[‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.51-49‬‬ ‫‪110‬‬

‫א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻤﺒﺭﻴﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﺴﺏ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺇﺩﺨﺎل ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻬﺠﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺭ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﻏﺭﺱ ﻗﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﺍﺜﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺒﺫﺓ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺸـﺎﺌﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻭﺍﺭﺜـﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺒـﺩﻱ‬

‫ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤﺎ ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭ‬

‫ﺒﻘﻭﻟﻪ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎل ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻀـﺩ ﺍﻻﺴـﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺙ ﻗﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﻭﺍ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺁﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﺍﺜﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻹﻨﻌﺘﺎﻕ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺠل ﺍﻷﺒﻴﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﻡ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺎﻟﻭﺍ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﻼﻟﻬﻡ ﻗﺩ ﺘﻘﻔﹼﻭﺍ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﺴـﺘﻌﻤﺭ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﺠل ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺒﻴﺌﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻼ‬ ‫ﺸﻙ ﺃﻥ ﺤﺼﻴﻠﺔ ﻜﻼ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺩﻴﻥ "ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻟﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺠﺏ" ﻗـﺩ‬ ‫ﺘﺒﻠﻭﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺼﺩﻉ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﺘﺴﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﺍﺜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻅـﻡ ﺠﻭﺍﻨـﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﻫـﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤـﻭّل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻔﻲ ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﺴﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﻤﺴـﻴﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻀـﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺼـﻭﺏ‬ ‫"ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻋﻭﺩﺓ" ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺸﺒﺙ ﺒﺎﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﺭ)‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﻭﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻴﻌﻁﻲ ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ "ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ" ﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﺴﺘﻨﺩﺍ ﺒﻤﺘﻭﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﻫﻨﺩﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ‬ ‫ﺃﻗﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﻤﺎﺩﺍﻤﺕ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ‪-‬ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﺩﻓﻭﻋﺔ ﺒﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ ﻭﺘﻁﻠﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺌﻤﺔ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺩﺍﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﻅﺭﻩ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺜﻠﻰ ﺇﻻ ﻓﻲ ﻅﻼل ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺭﻓﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺘﺭﻡ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺅﻤﻥ ﺒﻌﻠﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﻓﻀﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﺸﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﻭﺤﺔ "ﺃﻋﻨﻲ ﺃﻁﺭﻭﺤﺔ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ" ﺘﻌ ﱡﺩ ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﺭﺅﻴﺔ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.15‬‬ ‫‪111‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﺘﻔﺎﺅﻟﻴﺔ ﺼﺭﻴﺤﺔ ﻟﺘﺭﺴﻴﺦ ﻴﻘﻴﻥ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ "ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ" ﺒﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻜﻭﻋﺎﺀ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺒﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻟﻪ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﺸﻌﻭﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻨﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻁﺔ‬ ‫ﻴﻜﻤﻥ ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺘﻜﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺴﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻲ ﻭﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺒﺎﻷﺤﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻜﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﺍﺜﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﻬﺎﺠﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻤﻴﻡ ﻭﺘﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻁ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺤﺘﻤﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻴﺭﺠﱢﺢ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻅﻥ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺨﺎﻟﺩﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺼﻭﺏ ﺃﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺒﻌﺩ‬ ‫ﺃﺤﺎﺩﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ﻟ‬

‫ﺍﻡ ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺎﺭﺍ‬

‫ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺃﻁﺭﻭﺤﺔ "ﺼﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ" ﻓﻲ ﺒﺎﺩ ﺃﻤﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺃﻋﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﱢﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﺼﻤﻭﺌﻴل ﻫﻨﺘﻨﻐﺘﻭﻥ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺩﻤﺕ ﻟﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺠﻭﻥ ﺃﻭﻟـﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻫﺎﺭﻓﺎﺭﺩ ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺴـﻭﻡ ﺒــ ‪:‬‬ ‫"ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﻨﺸﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ ﻻﺤﻘـﹰﺎ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﻤﺠﻠﺔ "ﺍﻟﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ" ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1993‬ﻭﺃﺨﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺍﻜﺘﻤﻠـﺕ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﻤـﻪ ﻭﺍﺘﻀـﺤﺕ ﻗﺴـﻤﺎﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺸﻜل ﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻴﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ‪ 367‬ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ‪ ،‬ﻨﺸﺭﺕ ﻁﺒﻌﺘـﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪.1996‬‬ ‫ﻭﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺤ ﱢﺩ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺜﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻪ ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻓﺭﻀﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﺅﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻟﻠﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺩﺓ ﻟﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴ ﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺴﻴﺘﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺨﻁﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻭﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺼﻠﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺤﺴﺏ ﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﻫﻨﻨﺘﻐﺘﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺎﺅﻤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫‪112‬‬

‫א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﻫﻲ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﺠﺫﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ)‪ .(1‬ﻟﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻴﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻡ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺴﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﺴﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺘﺼﺩﻉ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﻀﻌﻑ ﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﻴﻨﺒﺜﻕ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻌﻁﻑ‬ ‫ﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﻔﻘﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺴﺘﺠﺩ ﻀﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺼﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺒﺜﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺼﻔﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻭﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺤﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻭﺫﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻬﻨﺩﻭﺱ)‪ .(2‬ﻭﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﻫﻨﺘﻨﻐﺘﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺸﻁﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻴﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺴﻁﻰ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻬﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻤﺜﻠﻭﻥ ﻗﻭﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺸﻜﻠﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺭﻓﻀﹰﺎ ﺼﺭﻴﺤﹰﺎ ﻟﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻴﺵ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺭﻓﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ "ﻨﺤﻥ" ﻤﻘﺎﺒل "ﻫﻡ" ﺴﺘﻌﻤﻕ ﺠﺭﺍﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻭﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺼﻠﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻴﻨﺘ‬

‫ﻋﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺼﺩﺍﻡ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺎﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺎل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻭﺴﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻭﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﻨﻴﺠﺭﻴﺎ ﻭﺇﻨﺩﻭﻨﻴﺴﻴﺎ)‪ ،(3‬ﻭﺼﺩﺍﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺩﻋﻲ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻋﺼﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﺯﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺭ‬

‫ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺼﺩﺍﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﺍﻩ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻲ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺤﺎﻟﻑ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺘﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻨﻔﻭﺸﻴﺔ‬

‫)‪(4‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺸﻜل ﺨﻁﺭﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬

‫ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺘﺏ ﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﻓﺭﻴﺩﺓ ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ)‪.(1‬‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﺼﻤﻭﺌﻴل ﻫﻨﺘﻨﻐﺘﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺼﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ]ﺃ[‪:‬‬

‫‪Samuel P. Huntington, "The Clash of Civilizations?", Foreign Affairs, summer 1993,‬‬ ‫‪vol. 73 no. 3, pp. 24-25.‬‬

‫)‪ (2‬ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.25‬‬ ‫)‪ (3‬ﺼﻤﻭﺌﻴل ﻫﻨﺘﻨﻐﺘﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ ]ﺃ[‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪26‬؛ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ ]ﺏ[‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.264-263‬‬ ‫)‪ ( 4‬ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.46‬‬ ‫ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺃﺼل ﺍﻟﻜﻨﻔﻭﺸﻴﺔ "ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻨﻔﻭﺸﻴﻭﺴﻴﺔ" ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﻜﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻴﻠﺴﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻨﻲ ﻜﻭﻨـ ﻟﻴـﻭ "‪469-551‬‬ ‫ﻕ‪.‬ﻡ"‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻌ ﱡﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺒﺭﺯ ﺤﻜﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻥ ﻭﺭﺠﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﻠﺤﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻁﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺴﺎﺩ ﺘﺄﺜﻴـــﺭ‬ ‫‪113‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﻭﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻴﺩﺤﺽ ﻫﻨﺘﻨﻐﺘﻭﻥ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﺭ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻪ ﻴﺭ‬

‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﻟﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺴﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭﹰﺍ ﺤﻴﻭﻴﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﺼﺩﺍﻡ ﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺘﺅﻤﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻜﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﻻ ﺒﺄﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻨﻤﻁ ﹰﺎ‬

‫ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎﻴﺵ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﻌﻠل ﻟﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﺘﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺼﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﺩﺓ ﺇﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺫﻭﺭ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﻏﻴﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻨﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎل ﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﺘﺸﺒﺜﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﹰﺎ ﺒﺘﺭﺍﺜﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﻨﺩﻭﺴﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﺠﻭﺍﻫﺭﻻل ﻨﻬﺭﻭ ﺫﻱ ﺍﻟﺴﺤﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﻘﻤﺹ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺒﺎﻥ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﹰﺎ ﺍﻨﻜﻔﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺘﺭﺍﺜﻪ ﺍﻵﺴﻴﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻌﻠﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺭﻓﻀﹰﺎ ﺼﺭﻴﺤ ﹰﺎ ﻟﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺴﻁ ﻤﺅﻜﺩﺓ ﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻭﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺭ ﺍﻟﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻬﻬﺎ)‪ .(2‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﻴﺯﻋﻡ ﻫﻨﺘﻨﻐﺘﻭﻥ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻴﺼﻌﺏ‬

‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬

‫= ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻷﻟﻔﻴﻥ ﻭﺨﻤﺴﻤﺎﺌﺔ ﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺴﺒﻘﺕ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1911‬ﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻨﻔﻭﺸﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺃﺨﻼﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺎﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻌﺎﻟﻴﻡ ﻜﻭﻨ ﻟﻴﻭ ﻭﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻭﺫﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺭﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻷﻤﺜل ﻟ ﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺒﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻔﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻠﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺘﻤﺩ ﺸﺭﻋﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﻷﺠﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻀﻭﻉ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺴﻬﻤﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺭﺴﻴﺦ ﺜﻭﺍﺒﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺤﻜﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﻅـﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﻴﻤﺜل ﺍﻟﺤﻠﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺇﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺀ "ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻷﺭﻭﺍ " ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺃﻀﺤﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻨﻔﻭﺸﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﻜﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻜﻤل ﻭﺍﻷﻋﻤﻕ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻐﻠﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﻔﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺒﺤﻀﺎﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﻤﻊ ﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺜـﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺼـﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺠﻬـﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻨﻔﻭﺸﻴﺔ ﻫﺠﻭﻤﹰﺎ ﻋﻨﻴﻔﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺩﻤﻬﻡ ﻤﺎﻭ ﺘﺴﻲ ﺘﻭﻨ "‪ ،"1976-1893‬ﺍﻟـﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻉ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺤﺼﺭ ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﻨﻔﻭﺫﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺘﻌﺒﺩﻱ ﻀﻴﻕ‪ .‬ﻟﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴل ﺍﻨﻅﺭ‪:‬‬ ‫"ﺍﻟﺩﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻤﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﺩﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ ،2000 ،‬ﺹ ‪49-38‬؛ ﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻁ ‪ ،3‬ﺠـ ‪ ،5‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺭ‪ ،1996 ،‬ﺹ ‪.29-288‬‬ ‫ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.46 ،43-42‬‬ ‫ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.26‬‬ ‫‪114‬‬

‫א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻭﻤﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺌﻨﺎﺱ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﺨﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﺎل ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺴﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺠﺭ‬ ‫ﺒﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ)‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻨﻁﻼﻗﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﻴﺤﺎﻭل ﻫﻨﺘﻨﻐﺘﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺤﺩﺩ ﻤﺴﺎﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻘﺎﺒﻠﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺎﺭ ﺍ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻭﺘﻪ ﻟﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ "ﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻟﻠﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ" ﺒﺄﻥ ﺘﺅﺴﺱ ﺇﻁﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﺃﻓﻀل ﻟﻠﺘﻤﺎﺯ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻜﱢﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﺠﻬﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺤﺜﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﺴﻴﻊ ﺃﻭﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺘﻭﺍﺼﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﺒﻀﻡ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﺒﻠﻁﻴﻕ ﻭﺴﻠﻭﻓﻴﻨﻴﺎ ﻭﻜﺭﻭﺍﻴﺘﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺴﻁ ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺒﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺒﻲ ﻭﺤﻠﻑ ﺸﻤﺎل ﺍﻷﻁﻠﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺘﻐﺭﻴﺏ ”‪ “westernization‬ﺩﻭل ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻼﺘﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺎﺒﺎﻥ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻴﻌﺎﺩ ﺘﺄﻫﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﻀﺒﻁ ﺤﺭﻜﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺨل ﻤﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻲ ﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻁﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻭﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺼﻠﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺘﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻨﻔﻭﺸﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺎﺭ ﺍﻟ ﺎ‬

‫ﻓﻬﻭ ﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺫﻭ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﺯﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﺤﺙ ﻫﻨﺘﻨﻐﺘﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺩﻭل‬

‫ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﺠﻴﻡ ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ ﻟﺩ‬

‫ﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﺠﺔ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ)‪ .(2‬ﻭﻴﺸﺠﻌﻬﺎ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺒﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ ﺘﺭﺴﺎﻨﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻋﹰﺎ ﻷﻱ ﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﻔﺭﻀﻪ ﺨﺼﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺎﻟﻑ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻨﻔﻭﺸﻲ ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻼ ﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻭﻤﺔ ﻴﺤﺭﱢﺽ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺍﻟﺨﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﻘﻠﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻴﺩﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.46-45‬‬ ‫‪115‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻭﻨﻔﻭﺸﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﺁﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﻷﻀﻌﺎﻑ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻭﻡ ﻭﻀﺒﻁ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﻤﺔ ﺇﻨﻬﺯﺍﻤﻴﺔ ﻴﺤﺩﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ "ﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ" )‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﻭﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺯﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﺴﻔﺔ ﻴﺤﺎﻭل ﻫﻨﺘﻨﻐﺘﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻌﻴﺩ ﻋﻘﺎﺭﺏ "ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ"‬ ‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﺒﺯﻋﻤﻪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻭﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺼﻠﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﺴﺘﻜﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺌﻘﹰﺎ ﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﹰﺎ "ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﺃﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﹰﺎ" ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺘﺴﺎﻉ ﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﺃﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﺴﺘﺴﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﻴﺤﺎﻭل ﻫﻨﺘﻨﻐﺘﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﺴﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﺭﺠﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺨﺎﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺩﺍﺨﻠﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ "ﺒﻘﻠﻡ ﺤﺎﺩ" ﻴﺒﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻨﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﻭﻨﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻭﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺼﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻜل ﺘﺭﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﻭﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﻭﻏﺎﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺸﻭﺩﺓ)‪ .(2‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺭﻫﻁﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺘﻤﻴﻥ ﺒﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‬ ‫)‪( 3‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ‬

‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﻴﻨﺘﻘﺩﻭﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻬﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺘﻘﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬

‫ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.46-45‬‬ ‫ﻓﺅﺍﺩ ﻋﺠﻤﻲ‪،‬‬

‫‪Fouad Ajami, "The Summoning: 'But They Said, We will not Hearken", Foreign‬‬ ‫‪Affairs, September/October 1993, vol. 72 no. 4, pp. 2-9.‬‬ ‫)‪(3‬‬

‫ﻨﺫﻜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎل‪:‬‬

‫‪Fouad Ajami, op. cit, pp. 2-9.‬‬ ‫‪Kishore Mahbubani, "the Dangers of Decadence: What the Rest can teach the West",‬‬ ‫‪Foreign Affairs, September, vol. 72 no. pp. 4, 10-14.‬‬ ‫‪Robert L. Bartley, "The Case for Optimism: The West should Believe in itself",‬‬ ‫‪Foreign Affairs, vol. 72 no. 4, pp. 11-18.‬‬ ‫‪Liu Binyan, "Civilization Crafting: No Culture is an Island", Foreign Affairs, vol. 72‬‬ ‫‪no. 4, pp. 19-21.‬‬

‫‪116‬‬

‫א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﺭﺌﻴﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴﺕ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ "ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺎﺒﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻬﻨﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻼﻓﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺜﻭﺫﻜﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻼﺘﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﻓﺭﻴﻘﻴﺔ" ﻗﻭﺍﺴﻡ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﺘﻘﻭﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﺤﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘ ﻟﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺼﻨﱠﻑ ﺍﻟﺒﻘﻴﺔ "ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻨﻔﻭﺸﻴﺔ" ﻓﻲ ﺨﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺠﺔ ﻋﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺠﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ ﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﻱ ﻻ ﻴﻐﻴﺏ ﻋﻥ ﻓﻁﻨﺘﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻤﻌﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺇﺭﺘﻜﺯ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻫﻨﺘﻨﻐﺘﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﺘﺠﻠﻰ‬

‫ﺒﻌﺽ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺒﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺘﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺎﺒﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻭﺫﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺘﺸﻜل ﻗﻭﺍﺴﻡ‬ ‫ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﻨﻔﻭﺸﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻨﺘﻭﻴﺔ)‪ ،(1‬ﻭﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﻓﺽ ﺍﻟﺼﺭﻴﺢ ﻟﻠﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺤﺩﺙ‬

‫‪= Jeane J. Kirkpatrick and others, "Modernizing Imperative: Tradition and Change",‬‬ ‫‪Foreign Affairs, vol. 72 no. 4, pp. 22-26.‬‬

‫ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﺎﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺒﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.133-83‬‬ ‫ﻨﺠﻴﺏ ﻏﻀﺒﺎﻥ‪" ،‬ﺼﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ"‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜـﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ ‪ ،226‬ﺴﺒﺘﻤﺒﺭ ‪ ،1997‬ﺹ ‪.148-138‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻁﻴﺏ ﺯﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺒﺩﻴﻥ‪" ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻭﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺼﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ"‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺴﻼﻡ ﺁﺒـﺎﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤ ‪ 35‬ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ ‪ ،2‬ﺇﺒﺭﻴل‪-‬ﻴﻭﻨﻴﻭ ‪ ،2000‬ﺹ ‪.84-65‬‬ ‫)‪ (1‬ﺍﻟﺸﻨﺘﻭﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻋﻘﻴﺩﺓ ﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻴﺎﺒﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻗﺩﻴﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺜﻭﺍﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻟﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻗﻭ ﺍﻟﺨﻴـﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺸـﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﻅﺭﻫﻡ ﻴﺘﺠﺴﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻭﻜﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺱ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﻘﺎل ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺄﺜﺭﺕ ﻓـﻲ ﺒﻌـﺽ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺒﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺒﻭﺫﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻨﻔﻭﺸﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻀﺤﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻤـﺎ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﻋـﺎﻤﻲ ‪ 1868‬ﻭ‪1946‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻴﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺒﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﻨﻔﻭﺫﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻗﺩ ﺒﺩﺃ ﻴﻨﺤﺴﺭ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻫﺯﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺒـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﺃﻀﺤﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻨﺘﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻓـﻲ ﺒﻌـﺽ ﺍﻟﻁﻘـﻭﺱ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺩ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﺯﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻤﺔ ﻭﺇﺤﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻋﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺸـﻌﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻌﺘﻘـﺩ‬ ‫ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺒﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻨﺘﻭﻴﺔ ﺘﺯﺨﺭ ﺒﻘﻴﻡ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺼﻠﺔ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﺨـﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻟﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴل ﺃﻨﻅﺭ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪ ،‬ﺠـ ‪ ،3‬ﺹ ‪495-494‬؛ "ﺍﻷﺩﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻤﺔ"‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺴـﺎﺒﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺹ ‪.71-63‬‬ ‫‪117‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪‬‬ ‫"ﻭﻻ ﻴﺯﺍل ﻴﺤﺩﺙ" ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺒﺩﻟﻴل ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﻤﺴﺘﺨﻠﺹ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻘﺕ ﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﻫﺫﺒﺕ ﻭﻓﻕ ﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺜﻭﺍﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻭل ﺒﺘﻘﻠﻴﺹ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻹﺩﻋﺎﺀ ﺒﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺴﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺭﻙ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻟﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﺅﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻔﻴﻪ ﺸ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻤﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﻓﺭﺯﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻀﺒﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﻨﻅﻭﻤﺔ ﻫﻨﺘﻨﻐﺘﻭﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﻻ ﺘﺘﺼﺎﺭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻨﺘﻤﺎﺀﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺘﺼﺎﺭﻉ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻭل ﺤﻭل ﻤﻜﺎﺴﺏ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻔﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻓﺱ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﻨﺨﻠﺹ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﻀﻌﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﺘﻨﻐﺘﻭﻥ ﻟﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺇﻻ ﺸﻭﺍﻫﺩ ﺘﺒﺭﻫﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻲ ﻻﻴﺯﺍل ﻤﺤﻜﻭﻤﹰﺎ ﺒﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﺒﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺜﺎﺒﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻠﻡ ﺃﻭﻟﻭﻴﺎﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻫﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺓ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﺒﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺸﻭﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻟﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺒﺭﻱ ﻴﺼﻑ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ "ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺒﺎﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﺨﺭ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ]‪ ...‬ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ[ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻴﻘﻔﺯ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻴﺽ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻴﺽ‬

‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﺒﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﺒﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺏ ﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﻤﺱ ﻤﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺏ ﺃﻭ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻬﺩﺩﻫﺎ ]ﻴـ[ـﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻗﻑ)‪.(1‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻀﺩ ﻓﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺒﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺫﻜﺭ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﻴﺘﺭﻤﺎﺭﺘﻴﻥ ﻭﺸﻭﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺴﻭﻤﺔ ﺒـ‪" :‬ﻓﺦ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻹﻋﺘﺩﺍﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺭﻓﺎﻫﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺤﺩ ﻓﻘﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻋﺒﺭ‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬

‫ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﺎﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺒﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.127‬‬ ‫‪118‬‬

‫א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻁﻭﻴل ﻻ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ "ﺇﻻ ﻤﺎﺘﺭﺍﻩ ﻴﺨﺩﻡ ﻤﺼﻠﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻟﻴل ﺍﻟﻤﺼﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺄﻥ ﻫﻭ ﺩﻋﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻭﻱ ﻟﺩﻭل ﺃﻭﺭﺒﺎ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ "ﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺤﺴﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻟﻴل ﺃﻜﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺸل ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻭﻋﻴﺔ")‪ .(1‬ﻭﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺘﻼﺸﻰ ﺨﻁﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻘﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺩﱢل ﻨﻅﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﺘﺠﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺩﻭل‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻀﺤﺕ ﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﹰﺎ ﺨﻁﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺘﺠﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﺒﻕ ﺒل ﻜﻠﻴﻨﺘﻭﻥ "‪ "2000-1992‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺼﺎﺩﻗﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻏﺴﻁﺱ ‪1996‬ﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ "ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺘﻤﻨﻊ ﺒﻤﻭﺠﺒﺔ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺎﺒﺎﻨﻴﺔ – ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺸﻁﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺒﺘﺭﻭل ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻭﺹ‪ -‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺩﺨﻭل ﺇﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ")‪ .(2‬ﻓﻼ ﻋﺠﺏ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﺇﻗﺤﺎﻡ ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ ﻭﺇﻴﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻻ ﻴﻌﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﺫﺭﻴﻌﺔ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺎﺒﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﻭﺍﻕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﺍﺌﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺭﺒﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻓﺭ ﻟﻠﻤﺼﺎﻨﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺭﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻭﻁﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(1‬‬ ‫)‪(2‬‬

‫ﻫﺎﻨﺱ ﺒﻴﺘﺭﻤﺎﺭﺘﻴﻥ ﻭﻫﺎﺭﺍﻟﺩ ﺸﻭﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.389‬‬ ‫ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ‪.‬‬ ‫‪119‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﺃﻋﻼﻩ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺭﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺴﺴﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﻫﻲ ﻨﺘﺎ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﺍﺜﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﻬﺎﺠﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﺴﻁﻴﺔ "ﺃﻱ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ" ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻟﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺘﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺒﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻌل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩﻴﺔ "ﺍﻟﻠﻭﻟﺒﻴﺔ" ﻭﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﻟﻸﺼﻠﺢ ﺃﻴﹰﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻨﻁﻠﻘﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻤﺭﺠﻌﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺭﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺩﻱ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﺴﺱ ﻓﻭﻜﻭﻴﺎﻤﺎ ﺃﻁﺭﻭﺤﺔ "ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ" ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻀﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺒﺼﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﺭ ﻟﻜل ﺯﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﻅﺭﻩ ﻴﻤﺜﻼﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺼل ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﻟﻸﺼﻠﺢ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻨﺠﺩﻩ ﻴﻐﻠﱢﺏ ﺍﻟﻅﻥ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﺭ ﺴﺘﻤﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﻟﻤﻴﻼﺩ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﺘﻭﺤﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺸﺨﺼﻪ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﻴﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ ﻭﺘﻁﻠﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺩﺍﻟﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻠﻲ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻕ ﺃﺴﺱ ﻫﻨﺘﻨﻐﺘﻭﻥ ﺃﻁﺭﻭﺤﺔ "ﺼﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ" ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻔﺘﺭﺽ ﺠﺩ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻷﺒﺩﻱ ﻭﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﻟﻸﺼﻠﺢ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺜﻡ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﹰﺎ ﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﺍﻟﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﺤﻭل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﻁﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻭﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺼﻠﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻭﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺴﺘﺸﻬﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻀﻤﺎﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺤﺩﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺎﺩ‬

‫ﺃﻤﺭﻩ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺒﺎﻁﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻷﻤﺭﺍﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ‬

‫ﺃﻋﻘﺒﻪ ﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﻼﻫﻤﺎ ﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺩﺓ‪.‬‬ ‫‪120‬‬

‫א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﻭﻴﺭ‬

‫ﺃﻥ ﺨﻭﺍﺘﻴﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺴﺘﺘﺠﺴﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺼﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺘﻘﺏ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﻁﺭﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺘﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻨﻔﻭﺸﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺜﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﻴﺤﺙﱡ ﻫﻨﺘﻨﻐﺘﻭﻥ ﺩﻭل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻵﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﺤﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻁﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ "ﺇﺭﺜﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻴﺩ" ﻭﺘﺅﻫﻠﻬﺎ ﻟﺘﺩﻤﻴﺭ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺩﺤﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺎﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺘﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺩﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﻓﻌﺔ ﻟﺸﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺭﻏﻴﺏ "ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ" ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻟﺴﻼ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﻫﻴﺏ "ﺼﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ" ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﻁﺭﻑ ﺁﺨﺭ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺸﻭﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻓﻴﻥ ﻫﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺤﺩ‪ ،‬ﺘﺘﺠﻠﱠﻰ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﻤﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺭﺽ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﻤﺱ ﺍﻟﺜﺭﻱ ﻤﻥ ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻤﻭﺭﻭﺜﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﺃﺨﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺼﻔﺎﺕ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻀﻴﺔ ﺒﺨﻔﺽ ﺃﺴﻌﺎﺭ ﺼﺭﻑ ﻋﻤﻼﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺃﺴﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ "ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻲ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﻭﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﻔﺘﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻻ ﺘﻤﻠﻙ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺃﺩﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻤﻘﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺤﺜﱢﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻘﻠﻴﺹ ﺒﻨﻭﺩ ﺼﺭﻓﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﺩﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺇﻟﺤﺎﻗﹰﺎ ﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﻴﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻘﻠﺹ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻁﺎﻋﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺨﻔﺽ ﺃﺠﻭﺭﻫﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﻡ ﺒﺤﺠﺔ ﺘﻬﻴﺌﺘﻬﻡ ﻟﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺴﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺭ‪ .‬ﻓﻼﺭﻴﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻭﺼﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﻠﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﻓﺽ‬ ‫ﻷﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺨﻼﻑ ﺴﺘﻘﻭﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻔﺴﱡﺦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﻁﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻔﺘﺭﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺸﻜل ﺃﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺩﻴﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻓﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺤﺘﻭﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﻟﺸﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺩﺍﻟﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﺭﺴﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﻜﺘﺎﺘﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺴﺘﻤﺤﻭ ﺃﺜﺭ "ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﻓﺎﻫﻴﺔ" ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﺭﻀﺘﻬﺎ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺏ‬ ‫‪121‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺩﺓ ﻭﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻘﻭﻴﺽ ﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﺍﻷﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ‬ ‫ﺘﺠﺎﻫﺭ ﺒﺨﺼﻭﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺒﺸﱢﺭ ﺃﻨﺼﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﺎﻁﻔﻴﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺠﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻴﺩﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﺒﺯﻭ ﻓﺠﺭ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ "ﺇﻥ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻜﺎﺫﺒﹰﺎ" ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺩل ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪.‬‬

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‫א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬‬ ‫‪ :‬ﺍﻟ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺎﻟ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﺭ ﻴ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﺭﺍ‬

‫‪ -1‬ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺭﻭﻱ ﻭﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎ ﺸﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺠﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻀـﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻴﺕ‪ :‬ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﺴل‪.1984 ،‬‬

‫‪ -2‬ﺃﺒﻭ ﻴﻌﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺯﻭﻗﻲ‪" ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻭﻨﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺩﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﺍﻻ ﻟﻤﺒﻭﺭ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺎﻟﻴﺯﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻏﺴﻁﺱ ‪/1998‬ﺭﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ ‪1419‬ﻫـ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -3‬ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﺃﺒﻭﺸﻭﻙ‪" ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺸﺭﻕ ﺁﺴﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬

‫ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﺩﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ"‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻴـﺕ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻴﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ )‪ ، (81‬ﺸﺘﺎﺀ ‪2003‬ﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ "ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻜـﺭ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒـﻲ " ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠـﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺴـﺎﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻥ‪ :‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -4‬ﺃﺭﻨﻭﻟﺩ ﺘﻭﻴﻨﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻬﻠﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪” ،‬ﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ ﺭﻤﺯﻱ ﻋﺒﺩﻩ ﺠﺭﺠﺱ“‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺠﻠﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺭﻴﺔ‪1963 ،‬؛‬

‫‪ -5‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺩ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﻤﺼﻁﻔﻲ ﻋﻤﺭ‪" ،‬ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﻭﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻬﻠﻙ" ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ ‪ ،256‬ﻴﻭﻴﻨﻭ ‪2000‬‬

‫‪ -6‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺩ ﻴﺎﺴﻴﻥ‪" ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ" ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴـﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜـﺯ ﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ ‪ ،228‬ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ ‪.1998‬‬

‫‪ -7‬ﺒﺭﻫﺎﻥ ﻏﻠﻴﻭﻥ‪" ،‬ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺠﺫﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﻭﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻭ"‪ ،‬ﺒﺭﻫـﺎﻥ ﻏﻠﻴـﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺁﺨﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺍﺴـﺎﺕ ﻨﻘﺩﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻁ ‪ ،1‬ﺒﻴـﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜـﺯ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.،1994 ،‬‬

‫‪ -8‬ﺤﺴﻥ ﺤﻨﻔﻲ‪" ،‬ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺏ ﻭﺃﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ﻋﺩﻭ"‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻴـﺕ‪ :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ ‪ ،518‬ﻴﻨﺎﻴﺭ ‪ ،2002‬ﺹ‪.134‬‬

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‫‪1424200315‬א‪‬‬ ‫‪ -9‬ﺴﻌﻴﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎ ﻋﺎﺸﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺤﻀـﺎﺭﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻁ ‪ ،1‬ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺏ‪. ،1987 ،‬‬

‫ﺃﺤﻤﺩ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﺃﺒﻭﺸﻭﻙ‪" ،‬ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺒﻲ"‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﻠـﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫‪ -10‬ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻌﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻔﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻁ ‪ ،1‬ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺒﻥ ﺯﻴﺩﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩ‪.‬ﺕ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -11‬ﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﺠﺩﻋﺎﻥ‪" ،‬ﻤﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻴﻥ ﻟﺤﻅﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻭﺍﺭ ﺒﺤﺜﹰﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﻱ"‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒـﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻴﺕ‪ :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ ‪ ،519‬ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ ‪2002.‬‬

‫‪ -12‬ﻟﻁﻔﻲ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﻫﺎﺏ ﻴﺤﻴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻴﻭﻨﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﺤﻀـﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴـﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪.1979 ،‬‬

‫‪ -13‬ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﺎﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺒﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ‪ -‬ﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺤﻀـﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻭﺩﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﺨﻼﻕ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﻤﺢ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘـﻴﻡ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴـﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺩﻴﻨـﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﺒﻴﺭﻭﺕ‪ :‬ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪. 1997 ،‬‬

‫‪ -14‬ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻗﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺃﺜﺭﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺭﻤﺔ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﺒﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﻟﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪1416 ،‬ﻫـ ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -15‬ﻤﻬﺎﺏ ﺫﻴﺎﺏ‪" ،‬ﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﻭﻁﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻲ"‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌـﺩﺩ ‪،276‬‬ ‫ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ ‪.2020‬‬

‫‪ -16‬ﻤﻬﻴﻭﺏ ﻏﺎﻟﺏ ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‪" ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤﺔ‪ :‬ﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻀﺭ ﻭﺘﺤـﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴـﺘﻘﺒل"‪،‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ ‪ ،256‬ﻴﻭﻨﻴﻭ ‪. 2000‬‬

‫‪ -17‬ﻨﻌﻴﻡ ﻓﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺯﻨﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﻤﺸﻕ‪ :‬ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺩﻤﺸﻕ‪1992 ،‬ﻡ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -18‬ﻫﺎﻨﺱ ﺒﻴﺘﺭﻤﺎﺭﺘﻴﻥ ﻭﻫﺎﺭﺍﻟﺩ ﺸﻭﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺦ ﺍﻟﻌﻭﻟﻤـﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﻋﺘـﺩﺍﺀ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺭﻓﺎﻫﻴﺔ‪" ،‬ﻨﻘﻠﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻋﺩﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻲ"‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻴـﺕ‪ :‬ﺴﻠﺴـﻠﺔ‬

‫ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ‪.1998 ،‬‬

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‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ : ‫ﻴ‬

‫ﺍ‬

‫ﺎﻟ‬

‫ ﺍﻟ ﺭﺍ‬: ‫ﺎ ﻴﺎ‬

1-Ali A. Mazrui, "Interview Corridor", The Association of Muslim Social Scientists Bulletin, vol. 3, no. 2, pp. 9-11; "Globalisation and the Future of Islamic Civilisation", A Public lecture delivered at Westminster University, London, September 3, 2000.

2-Barry Buzan, "New patterns of global security in the twenty-first century", International Affairs, vol. 67 No. 3 July 1991.

3-Donald Kuttherford, Dictionary of Economics, London. New York: Routhedge, 1992.

4-Francis Fukuyama, Our Posthuman Future: Consequences of Biotechnology Revolution, Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2002.

5- Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man, New York: Avon Books, 1992,.

6-Francis Fukuyama, "Have We Reached the End of History", February 1989, Rand Library Collection, .

7-Francis Fukuyama, "Radical Islamists are the Fascists of the Modern World", Newsweek, issues 2002, December 2001-Feburary 2002.

8-Fouad Ajami, "The Summoning: 'But They Said, We will not Hearken", Foreign Affairs, September/October 1993, vol. 72 no. 4, 9- F. W. Walbank etal, eds., The Cambridge Ancient History, 2nd edn., vol. vii/I, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,.

10- Frank J. Lechner and John Boli, The Globalization: Reader, Oxford: Blackwell Publisher Ltd., 2000.

125

‫א‬1424200315 11-Jeane J. Kirkpatrick and others, "Modernizing Imperative: Tradition and Change", Foreign Affairs, vol. 72 no. 4..

12-Jeane J. Kirkpatrick and others, "Modernizing Imperative: Tradition and Change", Foreign Affairs, vol. 72 no. 4,.

13-Liu Binyan, "Civilization Crafting: No Culture is an Island", Foreign Affairs, vol. 72 no. 4.

14-Liu Binyan, "Civilization Crafting: No Culture is an Island", Foreign Affairs, vol. 72 no. 4,.

15- Marc F. Plattner and Aleksander Smolar, eds., Globalization, Power, and Democracy, Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000.

16-R. R. Palmer and Joel Colton, A History of the Modern World, 5th edn., New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1978.

17-Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and Making of WorldSchuster, New York 1996, 18-Samuel P. Huntington, "The Clash of Civilizations?", Foreign Affairs, summer 1993, vol. 73 no. 3 19-Seyd Muhammad Naguib al-Attas, Islam, Secularism and the Philosophy of the Future, London. New York: Mansell Publishing Limited, 1985, 20-W. R. Thompson, On Global War: Historic-Structural Approaches to World Politics, Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1988.

21-W. L. Langer, comp. ed., An Encyclopedia of World History: Ancient, Medieval and Modern, 5th edn., Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company,.

126

‫ﻗـﺮاءة ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ اﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻝ‪ -‬ﺍﳊﺼﺎﺩ – ﺍﻵﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪.‬‬

‫ﺍ‬

‫*‬

‫ﺍ ﻴ ﺍﻟ ﻴﻡ‬

‫**‬

‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺃﺨﻁﺭ ﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺴـﺎﻨﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻋﻅﻤﻬـﺎ ﺘﻤﺜـﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ – ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻗل‪ -‬ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺘﻀﺎﻋﻔﺕ‬ ‫ﻤﺭﺩﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋل ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺴﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﺴـﻭﺍﺀ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺒﺎﺘﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺃﻫ ّﻡ ﻓﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺒّﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻤـﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻜﻴﻑ ﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﺒﺩﺍﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺤﻴﻘﺔ‬

‫ﻜﻴﻑ ﻨﻤﺎ ﻭﺘﻁـﻭﺭ ﻋﺒـﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻏﺭﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻜﻨﺩﺭﻴﺔ ‪ ..‬ﻟﻤﺎﺫﺍ ﺒﻠ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺃﻭﺠـﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﻴﻑ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻫـﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﻀـﻴﺔ ﺇﻟـﻰ‬ ‫ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ‬

‫ﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻨﺒﺜﻕ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺭﺒﺎ ﻜﻴـﻑ‬

‫ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺎﻤﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺴﻘﻪ ﻓﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‬

‫ﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﻙ‬

‫ﻟﻤﺎﺫﺍ ﺘﺤﺘـل ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀـﻴﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺯﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﻠﻘﺏ ﺒﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﻜﻴﻑ ﺍﺘﹼﺤﺩ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺩﻻل ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀـﻲ ﻤـﻊ ﻭﻗـﺎﺌﻊ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﻭﻜﻴﻤﻴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻴﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﻟﺘﻌﻁﻲ ﻤﺜ ﹰ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻜﻴﻑ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺩﻓﻌﻬﺎ ﻗﺩﻤﹰﺎ‬

‫ﺼﺎﻏﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻴﱢﺯ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻜﺄﻨﺠﺢ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻴﻨﺠﺯﻩ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ؛ ﺍﻋﺘﺭﻀﺕ ﻤﺴﺎﺭﻩ ﺃﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﺴﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﺍﻨﺘﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﻜﺎﻥ ﻅﻬـﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﻨﺩﺴـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻟﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺃﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﺭﺘﻘـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻼ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﺎﻏﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺘﻤﺜﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻜﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻨﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻜﺄﻨﺠﻊ ﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎﻤـل‬ ‫ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ .‬ﻜﻴﻑ ﻨﺸﺄ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻲ ﻟﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﻋﺼـﺒﹰﺎ ﻟﻔﻠﺴـﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻘـﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸـﺭﻴﻥ‬ ‫*‬

‫ﺩ‪ .‬ﻴﻤﻨﻰ ﻁﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﺨﻭﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ ‪2000‬ﻡ‪.‬‬

‫**‬

‫ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﺒﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺇﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ‪ -‬ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺭﺓ‪.‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺩﱡﻡ ﻤﻔﻁﻭﺭ ﻓـﻲ ﺒﻨﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺘﻁﻭﺭﺕ ﺒﻔﻀﻠﻪ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺩﱡﻡ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺘﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻜﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﺒـﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﻀﻭﺀ ﺘﻁﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ‪ .‬ﺤﺩﺙ ﺃﺨﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺘﻼﻕ ﺤﻤﻴﻡ‬ ‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻪ ﻓﺄﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺸﻤﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﻔﺘﺤﺕ ﺃﻤﺎﻤﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﻤﺴﺘﺠﺩﺓ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺎﻟﺠﻬﺎ ﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘـﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸـﺭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﻟﻠﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭﺓ ﻴﻤﻨﻰ ﻁﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻟﺨﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺒﻌﺔ ﻓﺼﻭل ﻭﺨﻤﺴـﻤﺎﺌﺔ ﺼـﻔﺤﺔ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻁـﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻴﺘﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﻗﻡ "‪ "264‬ﻟﺸﻬﺭ ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ‬

‫‪200‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺘﻌﺔ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺇﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻤﺘﺤﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﻋﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﺅﺍل ‪ :‬ﻜﻴﻑ ﺘﺴﻠﹼﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﻜﻴﻑ ﺘﻁﻭﺭﺕ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻤـﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﻜﻴﻑ ﺃﺴﻠﻤﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ﻡ ﻴ‬

‫ﺎﺭﻴ‬

‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺩﺨل ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﻴﻤﺜﱢل ﺍﻟﻔﺼل ﺍﻷﻭل ﻓﻴﻪ ﻭﺒﺩﺃﺘﻪ ﺒﺎﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻋـﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗـﺔ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻻ ﻴﻔﻜﱢـﺭ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻭﺘﺭﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻪ ﻤﺴﺘﺸﻬﺩﺓ ﺒﻤﻘﻭﻟﺔ ﻫﻴﺩﺠﺭ " ﺇ ّ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺘﻪ" ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﹼﻪ ﻻ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺒﺫﺍﻜﺭﺘﻪ ﻭﻻ ﻴﻠﺘﻔﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺎﻀﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺩﻴـﺩﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻡ ﻫـﻭ ﺃﻥ‬

‫ﻴﺼﺤﱢﺢ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ ﻭﻴﺠﺩﱢﺩ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻭﻴﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻨﺎﻫﻴﻙ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ ‪ .‬ﺇﻨﹼـﻪ ﻴﺸـﺤﺫ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﺼﻭﺏ ﺍﻹﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﺫﻴﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺼﻭﻴﺏ ‪ ،‬ﺼﻭﺏ ﻤﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺩﱡﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺸﻑ ؛‬ ‫ﺃﻱ ﺼﻭﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺩﻭﻤﹰﺎ ‪ .‬ﻟﺫﻟﻙ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻪ ﻤﻤﺎﺜﻠﺔ ﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻌل ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻴﻁﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ – ﻗﺒل ﺃﻱ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺒﺭﺯ ﻜﻴﻑ‬ ‫ﺸﻲﺀ ﺁﺨﺭ‪ -‬ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻡ‬ ‫ﺘﻨﻔﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﻭﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻻ ﻴﻔﻜﹼﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺫﺍﺘﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻜﻔل ﺒﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﺏﺀ ﻭﺘﻀﻁﻠﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻡ … ﻓـﻲ ﻤﻨﻬﺠـﻪ‬

‫ﻭﻤﻨﻁﻘﻪ ﻭﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺸﺭﻭﻁﻬﺎ ﻭﻁﺒﺎﺌﻊ ﺘﻘﺩﱡﻤﻬﺎ‪.‬ﻭﻜﻴﻔﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﻭﻋﻭﺍﻤﻠـﻪ…‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪–‬א‪–‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻻ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺒﺴﺘﻤﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ – ﺃﻱ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪ -‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻨﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺠﻤﺎ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ‪ .‬ﻜﻤـﺎ ﺃﺼـﺒﺤﺕ‬

‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻻ ﺘﻨﻔﺼل ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﺒﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻟﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻓﻐﺩﺕ ﺸﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﻴﺔ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻨﺸﺄﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺴﻊ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻤﻘﺘﺼﺭﺓ – ﻭﺤﺘـﻰ ﺃﻭﺍﺴـﻁ ﺍﻟﻘـﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ – ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻜﻤﻨﺠﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻥ ﺘﻁﹼﺭﺩ ﻜﺸﻭﻓﻪ ﻭﻴﺘﻭﺍﻟﻰ ﺘﻘﺩﱡﻤـﻪ ﻟﻴﻐـﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻪ ﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺸﺎﺤﺒﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺼﻠﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ؛ ﺜﻡ ﺤﺩﺙ ﺍﻹﻗﺘﺭﺍﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻪ ﻜﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﻭﻨﻤﺎﺀ ﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ – ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﺜﻠﺙ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ – ﻤﺘﺭﻭﻜﺔ‬ ‫ﻜﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﻫﺎﻤﺸﻲ ﻟﻠﻬﻭﺍﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﺭﻓﻴﻥ ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻟﺤﺎل ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜـﺎﻥ ﻫـﺅﻻﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻓﻼﺴﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﻭﺍ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻪ ﻜﻤـﺎ ﻓﻌـل ﺇﺭﻨﺴـﺕ ﻤـﺎ "‪"1916-1838‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺁﻨﺫﺍﻙ ﺴـﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺇﻫﻤـﺎل ﺸـﺩﻴﺩ ﻟﻠﺒﻌـﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺒﻴﻴﺭﺩﻭﻫﻴﻡ" ‪ "1916-1861‬ﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺒﺎﺤﺜﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﹰﺎ ﻓﺭﺩﻴﹰﺎ ﺠﺎﻨﺒﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺎﻤﺵ ﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺎﺘﻬﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﻫﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻡ ﻜﻨﺠﺩﻭﻥ ﻜﻠﻴﻔﻭﺭﺩ "‪ "1879 -1845‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‬

‫ﻥ ﻤﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺭﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻨﺸـﻘﺕ ﻭﺘﻌﻤﻘـﺕ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺃ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﱢﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﱢﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﺜﻡ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﻟﻭﺭﺩ ﺴﻨﻭ ﻭﺠﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺴﺎﺭﺘﻭﻥ "‪1956-1884‬ﻡ" ﻤﺅﺴﺱ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﺏ ﺍﻟﺭﻭﺤـﻲ ﻟﺠﻌﻠـﻪ‬ ‫ﻤﺒﺤﺜﹰﺎ ﻨﻅﺎﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﺃﻜﺎﺩﻴﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﺄﺴّﺴﺕ ﺃﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﻤﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻓـﻲ ﺘـﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﺠﺎﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪1950‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻨﺘﺸﺭﺕ ﺒﻌﺩﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻨﺤﺎﺀ ﺸﺘﱠﻰ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺇﻏﻔﺎل ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻗﺼﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓـﻲ ﺒﻨﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴـﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤـﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻻﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﻩ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻓﻌﻠﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺘﻁﻭﺭﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻼﺤﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺸﻬﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺘﺴﺎﺅﻟﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺘﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﺼـﻭل ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻡ ﺍﻟﺤـﺩﻴﺙ ﺼـﻨﻴﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻁﺭﻭﺤﺎﺕ ‪ .‬ﻜﺭﺍﻭﺜﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺭﻜﱠﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃ ّ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﺠﻭﺍﺯﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻜﹼﻠﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﺤـﺩﻴﺙ ﻭﺸـﻜﹼﻠﺕ ﺒـﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﻤـﻪ؛‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻁﺭﻭﺤﺎﺕ ﺠﻭﻥ ﺩﻴﺯﻤﻭﻨﺩ ﺒﺭﻨﺎل ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺤﻤل ﻋﺭﻀﻪ ﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻡ ﺘﻤﺠﻴـﺩﹰﺍ ﻟﻠﻘـﻴﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﺩﺤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻁﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺠﻌﻠﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻷﻤـﺩ ﻁﻭﻴـل‬ ‫ﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﺃﺭﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﺠﻭﺒﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻭل ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻫﻭﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺏ ‪ .‬ﻭﺫﻜﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺙ ﻨﺴﺒﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﺄﺼـﻭل ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻅـﺭﻱ ﻫـﻭ ﺘﻁـﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻸﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻱ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺇﺫ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺃﺘﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻨﻴـﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺒﺩﺃﻭﻩ ﺒﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺘﺤﺎﻭﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻁـﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻭﻤـﺔ‬

‫ﻻ ﺠﺩﹰﺍ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻁـ ﱡﻭﺭ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺭﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﺩ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺠﻨﺒﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻴﺠﻌﻠﻨﺎ ﻨﻠﻤﺢ ﺘﻭﺍﺯﻴﹰﺎ ﺩﺍ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻜﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﻨﻀ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﻪ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺼﺩﺩ ﺘﻁﺭﻗﺕ ﻷﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺇﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺇﻴﻔﺎﻨﺯ ﺒﺭﻴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻭﺴـﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻔﻰ ﺒﺭﻴل ﻭﺴﺎﻥ ﺴﻴﻤﻭﻥ ﻭﺃﻭﺠﺴﺕ ﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻭﺠﻭﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﺘﺸﺎﻴﻠﺩ ﻭﺜﻭﺭﻨﻐﺎﻟﺩ ﻭﻤﺎﻟﻴﻨﻭﻓﺴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﺎﻴﻠﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻤﺘﻁﺭﻗﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺸـﺎﺭﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻅﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻷﺼﻭل ﺍﻷﻨﺜﺭﻭﺒﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻟﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺘﺘﺒﻌﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﺔ ﺴﻴﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺸـﺭﻗﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﻏﺭﻴﻘﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻴﻭﻨﺎﻨﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ … ﺍﻟﺦ ﺜﻡ ﺘﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺩﱢﺭ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺘﺨﺫ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﺭﺤﺎﹰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺍﻨﺒﺜﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻨﺴﻘﻴﺔ ﻤﻬﻴﺄﺓ ﻟ ﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﺘﺤﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺼـﻠﺏ ﺫﺍﺘﻬـﺎ ﺤﻴﺜﻴﺎﺘﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺘﻨﺎﻤﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺘﻘﺩﱡﻤﻬﺎ ﺫﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺴـﻘﻴﺔ ﻫـﻲ‬ ‫ﻤﻭﻁﻥ ﻟﺘﻤﻴﱡﺯ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻓﺎﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﻴﺤﺘﻭﻴـﻪ‬ ‫ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻀﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﺒﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺒﻤﻨﺎﻫﺠﻬﺎ ﻭﻨﻭﺍﻤﻴﺴـﻬﺎ ﻭﺸـﺭﺍﺌﻌﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺠﺎﻻﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻨﺩﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺨﺼﺹ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﺭﺱ ﻷﺒﺤﺎﺜﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﻤـﺎ ﺘـﺭ‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﺘﻐﻴﱡﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻁﻭﱡﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺁﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺴﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺤﺜﻪ ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻨﻘﻠﺔ ﺤﻀﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺸﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺒﺩﺃ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﻪ ﻴﻨﻤﻭ ﻭﻴﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩ ﺤﺘـﻰ ﺍﻤﺘﺜـل‬ ‫ﻨﺼﺏ ﺍﻷﻋﻴﻥ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﻗﺎﻁﻊ ﺃﻻ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻤـﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒـﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌـﺭﻭﻑ ﺒﺎﺴـﻡ‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪–‬א‪–‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺀ "‪ " Induction‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺒﺎﺕ ﻤﻌﺘﻤﺩﹰﺍ ﺒﻭﺼﻔﻪ ﺸﺭﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤـﺩﻴﺙ ﻭﻨﺎﻤﻭﺴـﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺴﺭ ﻋﻅﻤﺘﻪ ﻭﺃﻭﻀﺢ ﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺘﻪ ﻭﻋﻥ ﺁﻓﺎﻗﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻬﺩﻓﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻴﻜ‬

‫ﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺭ…‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﻡ ﺍﻟ ﻴ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺼل ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻴـﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻟـﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﺘﺴﻠﱠﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻭﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﻫـﻭ ﺍﻟﻤـﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒـﻲ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺌﻲ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺸﺭﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺭﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﻔﻴﻠﺴﻭﻑ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﻠﻴﺯﻱ ﻓﺭﻨﺴﻴﺱ‬ ‫ﺒﻴﻜﻭﻥ " ‪1626 -1561‬ﻡ" ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﹰﺎ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﻪ "ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺠﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ" ﺍﻟـﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﻨﺸﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪1620‬ﻡ ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻭﺭﺠﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺃﺭﺴﻁﻭ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺼـﺒﺢ‬

‫ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﻗﺩﻴﻤﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﻜﺘﺎﺒﻪ ﻴﻘﺩﱢﻡ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻵﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﻹﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺭ ﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﻪ ﻫﺎﺠﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻷﺭﺴـﻁﻲ ﻭﺃﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺼـﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻭﺴﻁﻰ ﺇﺩﺍﻨﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻫﻲ ﻋﺼﻭﺭ ﺃﻫﻤﻠﺕ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌـﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌـﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﺌﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺒﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴـﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺃﺘﻬﺎ ﺘﺤﻁ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻻ ﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻨﺸﻐل ﺇ ﹼ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺭﺴﻁﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺴﺘﻨﺒﻁ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﺯﻡ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺄﻭﺼﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺒـﺎﺏ ﺃﻤـﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴـﺒﻴل ﺍﻟﻘـﻭﻴﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺒﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺨﺒﺭﻨﺎ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻓﺘﻘﺩﻭﺍ ﻏﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﻭﻫﺩﻓﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺨﺘﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﺨﺎﻁﺌﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﺘﺒﺎﻋﻬﻡ ﻤﻨﻬﺠﹰﺎ ﻟـﻴﺱ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺸﺄﻨﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﺸﻑ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﻱﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺀ ﺇﻟـﻰ ﻭﺼـﻑ ﺘﻔﺴـﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻅـﻭﺍﻫﺭ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺒﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻔﻀﻲ ﺒﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻜﺘﺸـﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻜل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﻭﺭ "‪ "Forms‬ﺃﻱ ﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﺎﺌﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺴﻴﻁﺔ "‪ "Simple Natures‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺭﺃ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺸﻲﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﺎﺌﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺴﻴﻁﺔ ﻋﺩﺩﻫﺎ ﺃﺜﻨﺘﺎ ﻋﺸﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻜﺎﻟﻀﻭﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺯﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺭﺍﺭﺓ ‪ ..‬ﺍﻟﺦ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﺎﺌﻊ ﻭﺘﻔﺭﻗﻬﺎ ﺘﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺴـﺎﺌﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﺍﺕ ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺩﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻜﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻁﺒـﺎﺌﻊ ﺃﻱ ﺼـﻭﺭﻫﺎ‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﻤﺜﱢل ﻋﻠﺔ ﻤﻌﻠﻭﻟﻬـﺎ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻟﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﺘﺠﺭﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﺃﻭ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﻤﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺇ ّ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺒﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻟﻡ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﺎﺌﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺴﻴﻁﺔ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﻤﻴﺘﺎﻓﺯﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻻﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﻭﻀﺢ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺴﻴﻁﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﺩ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻴﺘﺨﱠﻠﺹ ﺘﻤﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺸﻭﺍﺌﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻭﺴﻁﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺭﻓﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺘﺎﻓﺯﻴﻘﻴﺎﺕ ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺒﻘﻰ ﺃﻫ ّﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤ ﺨﺫ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻨﻬ ﺒﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﻭ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻔﻁﻥ ﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻭﺽ ﺒل ﺤﺫﹼﺭ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﺴـﻤﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺴﺘﺒﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ " ‪ " Anticipation of Nature‬ﺃﻱ ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺘﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻟﻠﻌﻘـل ﺍﻹﻨﺴـﺎﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﻨﺼﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺘﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺨﺒﺭ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﻫﺠﻭﻤﻪ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻷﺭﺴﻁﻲ ﻫﺎﺠﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻭﺽ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻜﺎﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﺭﺴﻁﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﻟﻔﻅﻴﺔ ﻭﻟﻴﺴﺕ‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻭﺽ ﻫﻲ ﺴﺭ ﺘﻘﺩﱡﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ؛ ﺇﻥ ﻟﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻫـﻲ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺃ ّ‬

‫ﻥ ﺃﻭﺠﻪ ﻗﺼﻭﺭ ﻤﻨﻬ ﺒﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﻜﺭﺓ ﻻ ﺘﺒﺨﱢﺱ ﺃﺒـﺩﹰﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻴﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻭﻴﻪ ﺒﺄﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻭﻴل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻜﺘﺴـﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻌـﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻴﻁ ﺒﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﺘﺠﺴﻴﺩ ﻟﺭﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺭ ﺘﺠﺴﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻗﻭﻴﹰﺎ ﺤﻘﹼﻕ ﻤﺄﺭﺒـﻪ ﻓـﻲ ﺘﺤﻁـﻴﻡ‬ ‫ﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺃﺭﺴﻁﻭ ﻜﻤﻨﻬ ﻭﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﻋﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻲ‪ ..‬ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺴﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻻ " ﻨﺎﻓﺦ ﺒﻭﻕ" ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﻭﻱ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﻘﻭل ﺒﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻋﻥ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺇﻨﻪ ﻟﻴﺱ ﺇ ﹼ‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ﻡ ﺍﻟ ﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﻤﺔ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻨﻬﺠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘـﻲ‬

‫ﺘﺤﻤل ﻤﻀﻤﻭﻨﹰﺎ ﺇﺨﺒﺎﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻗﻭﺓ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﻁﺎﻗﺔ ﺘﻨﺒﺅﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺼﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻨﺤﻴﺎ ﻓﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻨﻘﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺩﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻨﺒﺜﺎﻗﻪ ﻭﺘﺸﻜﱡﻠﻪ ﻭﺘﻨﺎﻤﻴﻪ ﻭﺘﻜﺎﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻲ ﻓﺭﺽ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺱ ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﻓﺭﺽ ﻤﺨﺘﺹ ﺒﻔﺭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﻠـﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺒل ﻜﺎﻥ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺼﻭﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﺯﻤﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﻭﻥ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻴﺴﺘﻘﻴﻡ ﻨﺴﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺩ ﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻓﺭﺽ ﻜﻼﺩﻴﻭﺱ ﺒﻁﻠﻴﻤﻭﺱ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﻨﺩﺭﻱ " ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﺒﻌـﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻴﻼﺩ" ﺍﻟﻤﺄﺨﻭﺫﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻫﻴﺒﺎﺭﺨﻭﺱ " ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﻤﻴﻼﺩ" ﻭﻫـﻭ ﻓـﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺜﺎﺒﺘﺔ ﻭﻜل ﺍﻷﺠﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ ﺘﺩﻭﺭ ﺤﻭﻟﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺩ ﻅﻠـﺕ‬ ‫ﻴﻨﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻁﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﺃﺭﺒﻌﺔ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻗﺭﻨﹰﺎ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻟﺯﻤـﺎﻥ ﺇﻟـﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺠـﺎﺀ ﻨﻘـﻭﻻ‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪–‬א‪–‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻜﻭﺒﺭﻨﻴﻜﺱ " ‪ "1543 -1473‬ﻟﻴﺜﺒﺕ ﺨﻁﺄ ﺒﻁﻠﻴﻤﻭﺱ ﻓـﻲ ﻜﺘﺎﺒـﻪ " ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻜـﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﻭﻴﺔ " ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺒﺴﺒﺒﻪ ﺘ ّﻡ ﺘﻜﻔﻴﺭﻩ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﺜﺒﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺱ ﻋﻜﺱ ﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺘﺒﻨﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﺒﺭﻨﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃﺯﺍﺤﺕ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻥ ﻭﻭﻀﻌﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺱ ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺠﺎﺀ ﻴﻭﻫﺎﻨﺱ ﻜﺒﻠﺭ "‪ "1630-1571‬ﻟﻴﻌﻁـﻲ ﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺔ ﻜـﻭﺒﺭﻨﻴﻜﺱ ﺃﺴﺴـﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺤﺠﺠﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺽ ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﻠﺠﻲ ﻭﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﺍﻜﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺼل ﺇﻟﻴﻬـﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻟﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﻜﺒﻠﺭ ﻓﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻤﺼﻤﺘﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺒﺄﺴﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻴﺩﻴﻪ ﻷﻨـﻪ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻜل ﺍﻷﺠﺴﺎﻡ ﺘﻤـﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺨﺫ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﺠﻴﻠﺒﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﻨﺎﻁﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻤّﻤﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎل ﺇ ّ‬ ‫ﺠﺫﺒﹰﺎ ﻭﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺘﺎ ﻟﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺫﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻟﻐﻰ ﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺌﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻲ " ‪ " anima‬ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺃﺤل ﻤﺤﻠﻬﺎ ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ " ‪ " Vis‬ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻬـﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺤﻴّﺔ ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻨﻬﺎﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺼـﻭﱡﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﻴـﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺘﺼﻭّﺭ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺃﻨﻬﻰ ﻋﻬﺩﹰﺍ ﻗﺩﻴﻤﹰﺎ ﻁﻭﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺩﺍﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺴﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻜﺒﻠـﺭ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻴـﻕ ﺃﻤـﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﺘﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﻟﻠﻜﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺃﻨﺠﺯﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤـﺩﻴﺙ ﺒﻨﺠـﺎ‬ ‫ﺴﺎﺤﻕ ﺴﺤﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﻪ ﺃﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻴﺘﺎﻓﺯﻴﻘﻴﺎ ﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺘﻔﺭﱡﺩﻩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺜﻡ ﺠﺎﺀ ﺠﺎﻟﻴﻠﻴﻭ "‪ "1642-1564‬ﻟﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻘل ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤـﻲ ﺍﻟﺤـﺩﻴﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻀ ﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻠﱡﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﻗﺎﺌﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺭﻭﺽ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﻟﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﻋﺒّﺭ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ‪ ،‬ﺁﻤﻥ ﺒﺄ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺯﺌﻴﺔ ﺘﻤﺜﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺒﻤﻘﻭﻟﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﻴﺭﺓ " ﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻴﺩ ﻤﻜﺘﻭﺏ ﺒﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀـﻴﺎﺕ"‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺜﺎﻏﻭﺭﺜﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻓﻼﻁﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻴﻤﺔ ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺠﺎﻟﻴﻠﻴﻭ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﻠـﻡ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻗﺎﺒل‬ ‫ﻨﺎﻀ ﺒﺎﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻋﻨﺩﻩ ﻫﻭ ‪" :‬ﻻ ﺸﻲﺀ ﻗﺎﺒل ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺇ ﹼ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻜﻤﻲ"؛ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜ ّﻡ ﻗﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻟﻐﻰ ﺃﻱ ﻋﻨﺼﺭ ﻜﻴﻔـﻲ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻀﺎﻓﻬﺎ ﺠﺎﻟﻴﻠﻴﻭ ﻟﺘﻤﺜﱢل ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺴﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻫﻲ‬

‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺤﻜﱡﻡ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﺴـﻤﺎﻭﻴﺔ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺘﺤﻜﱡﻡ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻁﺢ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﺴﻡ ﻴﺴﻘﻁ ﺒﺴﺭﻋﺔ ﺘﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ‬ ‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﺒﺤﺙ ﺠﺎﻟﻴﻠﻴﻭ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺴﻘﻭﻁ ﺍﻷﺠﺴﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃ ّ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻷﺠﺴﺎﻡ ﺘﺴﻘﻁ ﺒﻌﺠﻠﺔ ﺃﻱ ﺒﺘﻐﻴﱡﺭ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻨﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺯﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺃﻥ ﺒﺩﺃ ﻴﺴﻘﻁ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﱡﺭﻋﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﺠﻠﺔ ﺜﺎﺒﺘﺔ ﺃﻱ ﺘﻐﻴﱡﺭ ﺜﺎﺒﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﱡﺭﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﱡـﺭﻋﺔ ﺘﺴـﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺠﻠـﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﻀﺭﻭﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺯﻤﻥ ‪ ...‬ﺍﻟﺦ ﻭﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ ﺍﻨﺘﺯﻉ ﺠﺎﻟﻴﻠﻴﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﻜـﺎ ﻤـﻥ ﺃﺴﺴـﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻜل ﺠﺴﻡ ﺜﺎﺒﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺅﺜﱢﺭ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻗـﻭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﺒﻭﺘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺭﺴﺎﻫﺎ ﺃﺭﺴﻁﻭ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻓﺘﺭﺽ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺘﺠﻌﻠﻪ ﻴﺘﺤﺭﻙ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺭﺴﺎﻫﺎ ﺠﺎﻟﻴﻠﻴﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺱ ﻜﻴﻨﻤﺎﺘﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺃﻱ ﺤﺭﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻘﺘﺼـﺭ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻘﻁ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺭﱡﺽ ﻟﻠﻘﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺩﺜﻪ ﻟﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺠـﺎﻟﻴﻠﻴﻭ ﺃﻨﺠـﺯ ﺇﻨﺠـﺎﺯﹰﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺴﻌﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺴﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺒﺎﻟﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﻀﻌﻬﺎ ﻟﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﺴﺒل ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴـﻁﺢ‬

‫ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ؛ ﻭﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﻤﻤﻬﺩﹰﺍ ﻟﻠﺨﻁﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺎﺴﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺴﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻴﺩ‬

‫ﺍﺴﺤﻕ ﻨﻴﻭﺘﻥ "‪."1727-1642‬‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪1687‬ﻡ ﻨﺸﺭ ﻨﻴﻭﺘﻥ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻅﻴﻡ "ﺍﻷﺴﺱ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ"‬ ‫ﻤﺤﺘﻭﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻬﻴﻜل ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﻟﻠﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﺴﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﻟﻨﺴـﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻡ ﺍﻟﺤـﺩﻴﺙ‬ ‫ﺒﺄﺴﺭﻩ ﻻ ﺴﻴﻤﺎ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻜﺘﻤﻠﺕ ﺘﻤﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﻤﻊ ﻨﻴﻭﺘﻥ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻘﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻻ ﺴﻴﻤﺎ ﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﻩ ﻭﺯﻤﻴﻠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺭﻭﺒﺭﺕ ﻫـﻭﻙ‪ .‬ﻭﺒـﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻨﻴﻭﺘﻥ ﻭﻜﺄﻨﻪ ﻭﺼل ﺒﻨﺴﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺫﺭﻭﺓ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﺎﻏﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻴﺔ ﻷﻋﻅـﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺭﻭﻀﻪ ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺸﻤﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﺤﻜﻡ ﻗﺒﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜل ﻭﺃﻱ ﺤﺭﻜـﺔ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻜل ﺠﺴﻤﻴﻥ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻗﻭﺓ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻓﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺫﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻨﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺘﺠﺎﺫﺏ ﺘﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﻁﺭﺩﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﻊ ﻜﺘﻠﺘﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﻭﻋﻜﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺭﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻓﺔ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ‪ .‬ﻓﻭﻀﻊ ﻨﻴﻭﺘﻥ‬ ‫ﻷﻭل ﻤﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻜل ﻭﺃﻱ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻤﻜﻨﻪ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻴﻀﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺤﻠﺘﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻘﺘﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺴﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺘﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺴﻕ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺯﻴﺎﺌﻲ ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﻭﺒﺤﻜﻡ ﻋﻤﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﻭﺸﻤﻭﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﺭﺒﻌﻬـﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻗﻤـﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺨﺒﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺒﺄﺴﺭﻩ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻘﺩ ﺃﻴﻘـﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻴـﻊ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻨﻴﻭﺘﻥ ﺍﻜﺘﺸﻑ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺃﻨﹼﻪ ﺸﻜﱢل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺁﻟﺔ ﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻀﺨﻤﺔ ﻤﻐﻠﻘﺔ‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪–‬א‪–‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﻁﺎﻗﺔ "ﻗﻭ " ﺘﺴﻴﺭ ﺘﻠﻘﺎﺌﻴﹰﺎ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﻋﻠﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻟﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺼﺎﺭﻡ ﺘﻔﻀﻰ ﻜل ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺭﺍﺤﻠﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﺤﻠـﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴـﺔ؛ ﺃﻱ‬ ‫ﻴﺅﺫﻥ ﺤﺎﻀﺭﻫﺎ ﺒﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻬﺎ ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻡ ﺘﺒﻕ ﺇﻻ ﺭﺘﻭﺵ ﺘﻔﺼﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻜﺘﻤل ﺍﻟﺼـﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺌﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺴﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺩﱡﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻡ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﺤﺭﺯﻩ ﻨﻴﻭﺘﻥ ﻫﻭ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﻠﺔ ﻭﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯﻫﺎ ﻋﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻭﺯﻥ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﻜﺘﻠﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻤﻘﺩﺍﺭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺘﻭﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﺴﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻭﺯﻥ ﻓﻬﻭ ﻤﻘﺩﺍﺭ ﺠـﺫﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻟﻠﺠﺴﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﻋﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﱡﺭﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﺜﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺓ ﻤﻊ ﻜﺘﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺴـﻡ ﺒﺤﻴـﺙ‬ ‫ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺓ ﺒﺤﺎﺼل ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻜﺘﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺴﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺤﺩﺜﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﺤﻅﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﻜل ﺍﻷﺠﺴﺎﻡ ﺘﺴﻘﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﺠﻠﺔ ﻨﻔﺴـﻬﺎ ﻜﻤـﺎ ﺃﻭﻀـﺢ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺫﺒﻴﺔ – ﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻭﺯﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﻤﻜﺎﻥ – ﺘﺘﻌﺎﺩل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﻠﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺠﺎﻟﻴﻠﻴﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﺒﻊ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﻜﻔﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﻟﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﺎﻤﻴﻜﺎ ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺴـﺘﺤﻴﻠﺔ ﻤـﻥ ﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺠﺎﻟﻴﻠﻴﻭ‪.‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻨﻅﺭﻨﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻓﻠﻥ ﻴﺩﻫﺸﻨﺎ – ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺭ ﺘﺸﺎﺭﻟﻲ ﺩﻨﺒـﺭ‬ ‫ﺒﺭﻭﺩ‪ -‬ﺃﻨﹼﻬﺎ ﺘﺤﺘﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﻋﻘﻠﻴﻥ ﻤﺜل ﺠﺎﻟﻴﻠﻴﻭ ﻭﻨﻴﻭﺘﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﻭﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺴﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺒﺩﻭﺭ ﻴﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺒـﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻓﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺫﺒﻴﺔ ﺒل ﻴﻔﻭﻗﻪ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﻜﻤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﺭﱢﻴﺎﻀﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻴﺏ ﺍﻟـﻼﺯﻡ ﻟﻠﻘـﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻴﺤﺘﺫ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻴﺩ ﻨﻴﻭﺘﻥ ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻴﻜﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﺩ ﺍﺒﺘﻜﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﻨﺩﺴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺤﺭﺯ ﻜﻤﺎ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻻﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﺒﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺤل ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻟﻬﻨﺩﺴﻴﺔ ﻜﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻜﻤﻴـﺎﺕ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺴﻭﻡ ﺠﺎﻟﻴﻠﻴﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁﻴﺔ ﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻷﺠﺴﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﻫﺘﻡ ﻨﻴﻭﺘﻥ ﺒﻜﻼ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻨﺒﻴﻥ ﻟﻴﻜﺴـﺒﻬﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺔ ﺃﻋﻅﻡ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺜﻠﻤﺎ ﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﻜﺎ ﺠﺎﻟﻴﻠﻴﻭ‪ ،‬ﺴـﺎﻫﻡ ﺃﻴﻀـﹰﺎ ﻓـﻲ ﺘﻁـﻭﻴﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻨﺩﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﺭﻭﻉ ﺃﺨﺭ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﱢﻴﺎﻀﻴﺎﺕ ‪ .‬ﺜ ّﻡ ﻗﺩّﻡ ﺍﻨﺠـﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻷﻋﻅـﻡ ﻭﻫـﻭ‬

‫ﺇﺨﺘﺭﺍﻉ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﺭﻴﺎﻀﻴﺔ ﻓﻌّﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﺤﺘﺎﺠﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺌﻴـﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺇﻨﻬـﺎ "ﺤﺴـﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻀـل‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻤل " ﻭﺇﻥ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻌﻁﻪ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﺴﻡ ﺒل ﺃﺴﻤﺎﻩ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻓﻕ "‪" Fluxional Method‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﻠﺴﻭﻑ ﺍﻷﻟﻤﺎﻨﻲ ﺠﻭﺘﻔﺭﻴﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻬﻠﻡ ﻟﻴﺒﻨﺘـﺯ "‪-1646‬‬ ‫‪. "1716‬‬ ‫ﻴﺴﺘﻭﻗﻔﻨﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻨﻴﻭﺘﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻨﺴﻲ ﺴﻴﻤﻭﻥ ﺒﻴﻴﺭﺩﻭ ﻻﺒﻼﺴﻲ "‪ "1827-1749‬ﺒﺴـﺒﺏ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻋـﻥ ﺘﺄﺴﻴﺴـﻪ ﺤﺴـﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﻪ " ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻷﻓﻼﻙ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﻭﻴﺔ" ﻓﻀـ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻤﺎل ﺒﻜﺘﺎﺒﻴﻪ " ﻤﻘﺎل ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻤﺎل" ﻭ " ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﺤﺘﻤـﺎل" ﺜـﻡ‬ ‫ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺃﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺠﻭﻥ ﺁﺩﺍﻤﺯ ﻭﺃﻭﺭﺒﺎﻥ ﻟﻭﻓﺭﻴﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻠﻜﻲ ﺍﻷﻟﻤﺎﻨﻲ ﺠﺎﻟـﻪ ﻟﺘﺄﻜﻴـﺩ ﺼـﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﻭﺘﻨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻨﺩﺭ ﺴﺎﺌﺭ ﻋﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻤـﺎﺩﺓ ﻜﺎﻟﻜﻬﺭﺒﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻐﻨﺎﻁﻴﺴـﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻕ ﻭﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺠﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻭﻀﻊ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺘﻀﺎﻫﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﻗـﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻨﻴﻭﺘﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﺍﺘﺭﺕ ﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻟﺘﻨﻌﺵ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﻤل ﻓﻔـﻲ ﺇﻴﻁﺎﻟﻴـﺎ ﺃﺜﺒـﺕ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻟﻠﻬﻭﺍﺀ ﻀﻐﻁﹰﺎ ﻴﻘل ﺒﺈﺯﺩﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺇﺨﻀﺎﻋﻪ ﻟﻠﺘﻜﻤﻴﻡ ﺍﻟـﺩﻗﻴﻕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺘﻭﺭﺘﻴﺸﻠﻠﻲ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﻭﻀﻊ ﺒﻭﻴل ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻜﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻀﻐﻁ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ ﻭﺤﺠﻤﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻅﻬـﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻟﺘﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﻘﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻤﺎﺌﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺃﻅﻬﺭ ﻫﻤﻔـﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻪ ﺍﻟﻜﻬﺭﺒﻲ ‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺃﻭﺠﺩ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻵﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﺩﻭﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﻴـﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻬﺭﺒﻲ ‪ .‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻉ ﺠـﻴﻤﺱ ﻜـﻼﺭﻙ ﻤﺎﻜﺴـﻭﻴل ﺘﻭﺤﻴـﺩ ﺍﻟﻅـﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﻬﺭﺒﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻐﻨﻁﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻀﻭﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺘﻔﺎﻀﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻋﻅﻡ ﺍﻨﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻘـل ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴـﺎﺌﻲ‬ ‫ﻼ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﻗﺔ ﻤﺘﻁﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺃﺼ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺃﺜﺒﺘﺕ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻤﻴﺎﺀ – ﻗﺭﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﻭﺃﻗﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﺨﺒﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ‪-‬ﻓـﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﻁﻭﻴل ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺭﻴﺽ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻗﺩ ﺠﻌل ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻬﺎ ﻤﻠﺒﺩﹰﺍ ﺒﻜـﻡ ﻫﺎﺌـل ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﺭﺍﻓـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺯﻋﺒﻼﺕ ﻋﺭﻗﻠﺕ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻤﻴﺎﺀ ﻟﻠﺤﺎﻕ ﺒﺭﻜﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺒﺭﺯ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﺯﻋﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻤﻴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﻭﺠﺴﺘﻭﻥ ﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻠﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﺭﺍﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻠﻭﺠﺴﺘﻭﻥ ﺸـﻲﺀ ﻤﺸـﺘﺭﻙ ﺒـﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴـﺎﺕ‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪–‬א‪–‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻤﻴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻕ ﻭﺘﻜﻠﺱ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺨﻼﺹ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺯﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺨﺎﻤﺎﺘﻬﺎ ‪ .‬ﺜﻡ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﺒﺤـﺎﺙ‬ ‫ﺃﻨﻁﻭﺍﻥ ﻟﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻻﻓﻭﺍﺯﻴﻴﻪ "‪ "1794-1743‬ﻭﺒﺭﻴﺴﺘﻠﻲ "‪ "1804 -1733‬ﻟﺘﻁﺭﺩ ﻓﻜـﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﻭﺠﺴﺘﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺭﺠﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﺠﻭﺯﻴﻑ ﺒﻼﻙ ﻗﺩ ﺍﺨﺘـﺭﻉ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﻡ ‪1754‬ﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻤﻴﺎﺌﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﻤﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻭﺍﻟﺕ ﺍﻻﻨﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺒﻬﺔ ﻭﺍﻨﻔﺘﺢ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺃﻤـﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻤﻴـﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺸﻴﻴﺩ ﻨﺴﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﺩ ﻨﺎﻟﺕ ﻨﺼﻴﺒﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻨﺩﺭﺠﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺴﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﻜﺎﻤﻠﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﻭﻜﻴﻤﻴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺸﻴﻴﺩﻩ ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺒﻔﻀل ﺍﻤﺘﺜﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻨﻤﻭﺫ ﺍﻟـﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻤﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻜﺩﺘﻪ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻨﻴﻭﺘﻥ ﻭﻓﺭﻀﺘﻪ ﻜﺈﻁﺎﺭ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﻟﻠﻌﺎﻟﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻭﺫ ﺍﻵﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺘﻤﻲ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﺼﻁﻨﻌﺘﻪ ﺘﻤﺎﻤﹰﺎ ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﻜﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺎ ﻋﻘﻴﺩﺓ ﻭﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻋﻤل ﻓﻴﺴﻠﻴﻭﺱ ﻭﻓﺎﺒﺭﻴﺯﻱ ﻭﻫﺎﺭﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺭﻨـﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻴﻭﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻨﻅﺭﻭﺍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻲ ﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺃﻱ ﺒﻭﺼﻔﻪ ﺁﻟﻪ ﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺭﺘـﺩ‬ ‫ﻜل ﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ‬ ‫ﻜل ﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﺴـﺎﺱ ‪ .‬ﻭﻫـﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﺃﻁﺎ ﺒﻤﻘﻭﻟﺘﻴﻥ ﺤﻠﻘﺘﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺠﻭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﻭﻴﺔ ﻫﻤﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻓﺘﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻭ‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺌﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻲ ﻤﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻴﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺠﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻀﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺃ ّ‬

‫ﺒﻘﻭﺓ ﺤﻴﻭﻴﺔ ﺘﻨﻅﱢﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻭﺃﺩﺍﺀﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﻟﻭﻅﺎﺌﻑ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻭﺘﺤـﺭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺅﺜﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﻭﻜﻴﻤﻴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﻌﺩ ﺠﻭﺭ ﻜﻭﻓﻴﻴﻪ "‪ "1832-1769‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﺒـﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺃﻨﺼﺎﺭ ﻓﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﺩ ﻫﺎﺠﻡ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﻭﺭﺁﻩ ﻋﺒﺜﹰﺎ ﻻ ﻴﺠﺩﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺍﻓﺘﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺌﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺔ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﻤﺎ ﺒﺩﺍ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻜﻴﱡﻑ ﻁﺒﻴﻌـﻲ ﻴـﻭﺤﻲ‬‫ﻼ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻏﺎﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺼﻭﺩﺓ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﻗﺒ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻜﻠﻭﺩ ﺒﺭﻨـﺎﺭ " ‪ "1878 -1813‬ﺃﺒـﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻻﻓﺘﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻗﺩ ﺭﻓﻀﻪ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻁﺎ ﺒﻪ ﺘﻤﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻭﻀﻊ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﻔﺴﱢـﺭ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﺴﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻀﻭﻱ ﺒﻭﻅﺎﺌﻔﻪ ﻜﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﻤﻨﺴﺠﻤﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻠﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺩﺭﺱ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻁﺢ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺍﻁﺎﺤﺕ ﺒﻬـﺎ ﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻁـﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺘﺸﺎﺭﻟﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻥ "‪ "1882-1809‬ﺤﻴﻥ ﻭﻀﻌﺕ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺁﻟﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﹼﻴﹰﺎ ﻟﻨﺸﺄﺓ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺌﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﻁﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺒﻘﺎﺌﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻨﺩﺜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﺩ ﺴﺒﻘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻁﺭ ﻓﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﺒﺭﺯﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺌﻔﺔ ﺍﻹﺴﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻴﺔ "ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﻴﺔ" ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻭﻓﺔ ﺒﺎﺴﻡ " ﺇﺨﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺼـﻔﺎﺀ ﻭﺨـﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺎﺀ" ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻗﺘﻔﺎﺀ ﻤﺜﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻨﺴـﻕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻭﻤﺒﺎﺩﺌﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺒﻤﺒﺭﺭﺍﺘﻪ ﻭﺩﻭﺍﻓﻌﻪ ﻭﻁﻤﻭﺤﺎﺘﻪ ﻴﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﻠﺴﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺃﺸﻌﻴﺎﺒﺭﻟﻴﻥ "‪1998 -1909‬ﻡ" ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪ ":‬ﻭﺍﻵﻥ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻨﻴﻭﺘﻥ ﻗـﺎﺩﺭﹰﺍ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﻜل ﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻭﻜل ﻤﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﻘﻴـﺔ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺼﻐﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻠﻘﺔ ﺃﻟﻥ ﻴﻨﺎﻗﺽ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﺍﻻﻓﺘﺭﺍﻀـﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺌل ﺇﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﻤﻨﺎﻫ ﻤﻤﺎﺜﻠـﺔ ﻟـﻥ ﻴﻔﺴـﺭ ﺍﻷﺤـﺩﺍﺙ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﻗـﺎﺌﻊ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﻜﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺃﻨﻨﺎ ﻨﻌﺭﻑ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻗل ﻜﺜﻴـﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﻤـﺎ ﻨﻌﺭﻓـﻪ ﻋـﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻗـﺎﺌﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﻭﻜﻴﻤﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻫل ﺜﻤﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﺭﺍﺽ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻨﺎ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻜﺸـﻑ‬ ‫ﻴﻭﻤﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻌﻁﻴﻨﺎ ﺘﻨﺒﺅﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻔـﺱ ﺩﻗـﺔ ﺘﻨﺒـﺅﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺇﺫﻥ ﻻﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜﺸﻑ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻨﺴـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺩﺭ ﻜﺎﻑ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺫﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻴﺎل " ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺤﻠﻡ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺴـﺎﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺨﺼﻭﺼﹰﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺱ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﻨﺎﺯﻋﻬﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻠﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﻅﻔﺭ ﺒﻤﻨﺯﻟﺔ ﺘﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻤﻨﺯﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺒﻤﻨﺎﻫﺠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺒﺭﺯ ﻤﻥ ﺴﺎﻫﻤﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﻫـﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺤﻜـﻡ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻼﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻭﻴﺭﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻤﻥ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻫﻭﻟﺒـﺎ ﻭﺩﻭﻻﻤﺒﻴـﺭ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻨﺴـﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻤﺘﺯﻱ ﻭﻜﻭﻨﺩﺭﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻭﺠﺴﺕ ﻜﻭﻨﺕ "‪ "1857-1798‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺭﺃ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻴﺴﺘﻭﻋﺏ ﺍﻟﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺠﻤﻴﻌﹰﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻋﺩﺍ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﺒﺩﺍ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺒـﺎﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻀـﺭﻭﺭﻴﹰﺎ‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪–‬א‪–‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻲ ﻴﻜﺘﻤل ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻓﺩﻋﺎﺀ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺒﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺃﻱ ﺒﺎﻟﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺴّﻡ ﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺇﻟـﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﻴﻥ ﻫﻤﺎ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﺎﻤﻴﻜﺎ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺭﻜﻴﺘﻬـﺎ ﻭﺘﻘـﺩﻤﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺎﺘﻴﻜﺎ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺜﺒﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺴـﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺨـﻼل‬ ‫ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻬﺎ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻟﺫﻟﻙ ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺭﻑ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺒﺄ ّ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﹰﺍ ‪ ،‬ﻟﺫﻟﻙ ﻨﺒﺫ ﻜﻭﻨـﺕ ﻤﺼـﻁﻠﺢ‬ ‫"ﻓﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ" ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ" "ﺴﻭﺴﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ " ﻭﺠـﺎﺀ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺒﻌﺩﻩ ﺇﻤﻴل ﺩﻭﺭﻜﺎﻴﻡ "‪ "1917-1858‬ﻟﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻗـﺎﺌﻡ ﺒﺫﺍﺘـﻪ ﻭﻴـﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﻻ ﻴﺸﺎﺭﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻱ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ﻋﻠل ﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺜﻡ ﺃﺭﺴﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺃﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﺎ ﺃﻤﺜﺎل ﻓﻴﺒﺭﻩ ﻭﻫﻠﻤﻬﻭﻟﺘﺴﻰ ﻭﻓﺨﻨﺭ ﻭﻓﻭﻨﺕ ﺃﺴـﺱ ﻋﻠـﻡ‬ ‫ﻤﺤﺩﺩ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﻜﻭﻓﻴﺯﻴﻘﺎ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﻴﻭﻟﻭﺠﻲ ﻭﺘﺒﻠﻭﺭﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻭﻑ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﺎ ﻭﻟﻴﻡ ﺠﻴﻤﺱ "‪ "1910 -1842‬ﻓﻲ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﻪ " ﻤﺒـﺎﺩ ﺀ ﻋﻠـﻡ ﺍﻟـﻨﻔﺱ"‬ ‫ﻭﻨﻀﺠﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ ﺃﺒﺭﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺼـﺩﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺸﺘﻠﻁ ﻭﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﺭﻭﻴﺩ ﻭﺃﺸﻴﺎﻋﻪ ﻭﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻁﺴﻥ ﻭﺴﻜﻴﻨﺭ ﻭﺃﺨﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻋﻠـﻡ ﺍﻟـﻨﻔﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﻠﺙ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻀﻁﻠﻊ ﻴﻭﻫﺎﻥ ﻫﺭﺒـﺎﺭﺕ "‪-1776‬‬ ‫‪ "1841‬ﺒﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻡ ﻨﻔﺱ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻡ ﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﻜﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻨﻬ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺒﻁﺎﻥ – ﺃﻱ ﺘﺄﻤل ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺩ ﻟﺫﺍﺘﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻟﺤﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﻭﺴـﻴﻠﺔ ﻻﺴﺘﻜﺸـﺎﻑ ﺍﻟـﻨﻔﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺱ – ﻤﺴﺘﻌﻴﻨﹰﺎ ﺒﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻭﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﻭﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﺎﺘﻪ ﻭﺒـﺒﻌﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻠﻐﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﻨﻀﺠﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺃﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﺭﻭﺴـﻲ ﺇﻴﻔـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻓﻠﻭﻑ "‪ "1936-1849‬ﻓﻲ ﺃﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻴـﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺴـﺎﻥ ﻋـﻥ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺁﻟﻴﺔ ﺭﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻷﻓﻌﺎل ﺍﻟﺸﺭﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻌﻜﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻨﻁﺒﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻴﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻭﺍﺀ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺭﺴﻰ ﺃﺴﺱ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﻭﺍﻨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺸﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺴﻊ ﻋﺸﺭ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺒﺨﻼﻑ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻟـﻨﻔﺱ ﻨﺸـﺄﺓ‬ ‫ﻓﺭﻭﻉ ﺃﺨﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻴﺩ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺴﻤﻴﺙ ﺜ ّﻡ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ‬ ‫ﻤﻊ ﻜﺎﺭل ﻤﺎﺭﻜﺱ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺠﺫﻉ ﻋﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﱢﻴﺎﺴـﺔ ﻭﻤﻨﻬـﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﱢﻴﺎﺴـﻲ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﹰﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﻤﻨﻀﺒﻁﹰﺎ ﻴﺴﺘﻌﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌـﺽ ﻓﺭﻭﻋـﻪ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﻤﻨﺎﻫ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﺃﻜﻔﺄ ﻟﻠﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻭﻟﻠﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺁﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﺭ ‪ .‬ﻭﺼـﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻡ ﺘﺤﺭﺯ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺩﱡﻡ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺤﺭﺯﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺃّ‬ ‫ﺃﺜﺒﺘﺕ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻜﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﻤﻨﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻨﺴﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺍﻨﻔﺘﺢ ﺃﻤﺎﻤﻬﺎ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﻪ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﺒﻤﺯﻴـﺩ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺩﱡﻡ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﹰﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍ‬

‫ﻟ ﻴﺎ ﺍﻟ ﻡ ﺍﻟ ﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﺒﺴﺘﻤﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻨﻅﺭﺘﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺴـﻠﻤﺎﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻭﺤﺩﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻨﺒﺜﺔ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻟﺴﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻟﻔﺔ؛ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺍﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻤﺎﻤﻨﺎ ﻜﻴﻑ ﺍﻨـﺘﻅﻡ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻟﻜل ﻤﻜﻭﱢﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻭﻀﻌﻪ ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻨﺴﻘﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﻘﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺭﻓﻌﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺸﻬﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﻭﺍﺱ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﻗﺎﺌﻊ ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﻤﻁﻠﻭﺏ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻭﻡ ﺼﻭﺭﻴﺔ" ‪" Formal Scienence‬‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﺘﺄﺘﻲ ﺒﺨﺒﺭ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺘﺘﻠﻭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﺨﺒﺎﺭﻴﺔ " ‪ " Iformative Sciences‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﺄﺘﻴﻨﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﺨﺒﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ؛ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﻨﺘﻅﻡ – ﻜﻤﺎ ﺭﺃﻴﻨﺎ‪ -‬ﻓﻲ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻜﺒﺭ ﻫـﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﻭﻜﻴﻤﻴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺜﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﻭﻴﺔ ﺜﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﻲ ﺘﺒﻌـﹰﺎ ﻟﺩﺭﺠـﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻬﺎ ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻘﺼﻭﺩ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻤﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨـﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﻁﺭﺩﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺴﺎﻁﺔ ﺃﻱ ﻋﻜﺴﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻘﻴـﺩ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻘﺼﻭﺩ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩ ﻜﺜﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪–‬א‪–‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺘﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻟﻤﺴﺘﻭ ﺘﻌﻘﻴﺩ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻬﺎ ﻴﻭﺍﺯﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺘﺩﺭ ﻋﻜﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﻭ ﺘﻘﺩﱡﻤﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺩ ﻨﺴﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﺼﻭﱡﺭ ﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ؛ ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﺨﻁﺭ‬ ‫ﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻭﱡﺭ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌـﺔ ﻤﻭﻀـﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓـﺔ ؛ ﺃﻱ‬ ‫ﺘﺼﻭﱡﺭ ﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﻘﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺒﻠﻭﺭﻩ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻫﻴﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺤﻜﻤﻪ ﺃﻱ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻟﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ "‪ " Determinism‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺘﻤﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻨﻁﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﹰﺎ " ﻭﺠﻭﺩﻴﹰﺎ " ﻭﺇﺒﺴﺘﻤﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﹰﺎ " ﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﹰﺎ " ﻓـﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺤـﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺘﺼـﻭﱡﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﻘﻲ – ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻥ ﻭﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺃﺤﺩﺍﺜﻪ – ﻭﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺒـﻪ ﺃﻱ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻨﻪ ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﻏﺭﻭ ﻓﻠﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻨﺴﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺒﺄﺴـﺭﻩ ﺇ ﹼ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻤﺠﺭﺩﹰﺍ ﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻨﺤﻴﺎ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﺁﻨﺫﺍﻙ ﻤﺠﺭّﺩ ﻤﺒـﺩﺃ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺘﻤﺜﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻤﺒﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺭﻜﻴﺯﺓ ﻴﺭﺘﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻫﺩﻓﹰﺎ ﻤﻨﺸـﻭﺩﹰﺍ ﻴﺴـﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻭﺼﻭل ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﺅﻜﱢﺩ ﻜﻠﻭﺩ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﺭ ﺃﻨﹼﻬﺎ – ﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻟﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺴﺎﻨﺩﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺼﻭﻟﻨﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺤﻜﻤﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺘﻤﻴـﺔ ﻤﺅﻜﹼـﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻨﻁﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﺒﺴﺘﻤﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﹰﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻁﺭﺩ ﺜﺎﺒﺕ ﺸﺎﻤل ﻓﻬـﻭ‬ ‫ ﺃﻨﻁﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﹰﺎ‪ -‬ﺃﻱ ﻭﺠﻭﺩﻴﹰﺎ‪ -‬ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﺃ ّ‬‫ﺫﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻋﱠﻠﻴﱢﺔ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺜﺎﺒﺘﺔ ﺘﺠﻌل ﻜل ﺤﺩﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺤﺩﺍﺜﻪ ﻨﺘﻴﺠـﺔ ﻀـﺭﻭﺭﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻻ " ﻟﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ﻭﻤﻘﺩﱢﻤﺔ ﺸﺭﻁﻴﺔ " ﻋﻠﹼﺔ " ﻟﻤﺎ ﺴﻴﻠﺤﻕ ﺃﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻜـﻭﻥ ﻓـﻲ ﺃﻱ‬ ‫"ﻤﻌﻠﻭ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻅﺔ ﻤﺤﺼﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﺘﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻟﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺜﺎﺒﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺇﺒﺴﺘﻤﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺜﺒﻭﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻁﺭﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﻴﻘﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻓـﻼ‬‫ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻭﻻ ﺘﺨﻠﱡﻑ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻻ ﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺠﻭﺍﺯ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺭﻀـﻴﺔ ﻤـﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻤﺕ ﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﻓﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﻜل ﺤﺩﺙ ﻤﺤﺘﻭﻡ ﻭﺴﻭﺍﻩ ﻤﺴﺘﺤﻴل ‪.‬‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﱢﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﻠﺒﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ – ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺒﺸﺄﻨﻪ ﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭ‪ -‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺼﺭﻴﺢ ﻻﺒﺩ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻴﺴـﻠﱢﻡ ﺒـﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻴـﻊ‬ ‫ﺘﺴﻠﻴﻤﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻠﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﹼﻴﻪ " ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺒﻴﺔ" ﻫﻭ ﺴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﺄﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻲ ﺘﻌﻠﻴل ﻜل ﺍﻟﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﹼﺔ ﻜل ﺤﺩﺙ ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻔﻀل ﺍﻟﻌﻠﹼﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺘﻀﻔﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻁﺭﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺫﺍ ﻋﻤﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻁﻠﻘﺔ ﻓﻼ ﻴﺤﻜﻡ ﺤﺎﻻﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺃﻤﺎﻤﻨـﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺤﺴﺏ ﺒل ﻜل ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻤﺎﺜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀـﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘـﻲ ﺴـﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﹼﻴﻪ ﺼﻠﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻭﺠﻬﹰﺎ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻟﻬﺎ ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﺘﻌﻤﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻤﺘﺭﺍﺩﻓﻴﻥ؛ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﹼﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﻜﱢﺩ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺘﻤﻲ ﻭﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺘﺴﻠﺴل ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﻓﻴـﻪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺩﺙ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻋﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻼﺤﻕ ﻤﻌﻠﻭل ﻓﻴﺘﺩﻓﻕ ﺍﻟﺯﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺘﺠـﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺤـﺩ ﻤـﻥ ﻤﻁﻠـﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﻁﻠﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ‪ .‬ﺇﻨﹼﻪ ﺍﻟﺯﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻠﻕ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﺒﺘﺎﻥ ﻟﺠﻤﻴـﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺼﺩﻴﻥ ﻤﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﺨﺘﻠﻔﺕ ﻤﻭﺍﻗﻌﻬﻡ ﻭﻫﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﻨﻴﻭﺘﻥ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺠﺎﺀ ﻻﺒﻼﺱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪1814‬ﻡ ﻟﻴﺼﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﻪ " ﻤﻘﺎل ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻤﺎل‬ ‫" ﺃﺸﻬﺭ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺅﺩﺍﻫﺎ ﺃﻨﻨﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﺴﺘﻁﻌﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺠﻤﻊ ﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘـﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻥ ﻜل ﺍﻟﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﻷﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻼﺤﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﻜل ﺩﻗﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺤﻴﺩﺓ ﺃﻨﻨـﺎ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻓﺎﺌﻘﹰﺎ ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﻜل‬ ‫ﻻ ﻨﻌﻠﻡ ﻜل ﺍﻟﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻲ ‪ .‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﺘﺼﻭﺭﻨﺎ ﻋﻘ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﻫﻥ ﻟﻜل ﻤﻜﻭﻨﺎﺘﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻴﻌﻠﻡ ﻜل ﺘﻔﺎﺼـﻴل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﺈﻨﱡﻪ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺒﺅ ﺒﻤﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺍﻟﺩﱢﻗﺔ ﺒﻭﻀﻊ ﻜل ﺠﺴﻴﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻟﺤﻅﺔ ﻭﻟﻥ ﻴﻜـﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺜﻤﺔ ﺃﻱ ﺸﻲﺀ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻴﻘﻴﻨﻲ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺒل ﺃﻥ ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﻌﻘﺩ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻘـﺩﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻨﻔﺠﺭﺕ ﺃﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﺴﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻌﺼﻑ ﺒﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻹﺒﺴﺘﻤﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻔﺎﺌﻠـﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻨﻅﺭﹰﺍ ﻟﻠﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﺭﱢﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻟﻠﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﺄﺯّﻡ ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺒﺄﺴﺭﻩ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺃﺼـﻭﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ !‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪–‬א‪–‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ﻴ ﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻜ‬

‫ﻴﻜﻴ‬

‫ﺃﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﺴﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘـﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺴـﻊ ﻋﺸـﺭ‬ ‫ﺘﺘﻠﺨﺹ ﻓﻲ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﺌﻊ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﻴﺯﻴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﺴـﺘﺤﺎﻟﺕ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺘﻨﺤﺼﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻁﺭ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻻﺒﺴﺘﻤﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺘﺒﺩ ﺨﻀﻭﻋﻬﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ ﻟﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻴﻭﺘﻨﻴﺔ – ﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﺴﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ -‬ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻻﻗﺘﺤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﻟﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺠﺩﻴـﺩﺓ ﻤﺜـل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺃﺒﺤﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﻀﻭﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻅـﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﻬﺭﻭﻤﻐﻨﺎﻁﻴﺴـﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﻫـﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻥ ﻴﺭﺴﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺃﺴﺎﺴـﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻔـﻅ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻜﺘﺸﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺃﻁﺎﺤﺕ ﺒﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻘﺎﺀ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ‪.‬‬‫ ﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﻗﺔ‪.‬‬‫ ﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﻠﺔ‪.‬‬‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﺴﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺘﺼﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﺴـﺭﻩ ﻨﻅﺎﻤـﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﺘﺕ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﻜﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﻐﻠﻘﹰﺎ ﻓﺴﻬل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻴﻘﻴﻨﻲ ﺒﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻔﻅ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻘـﺎﺀ ‪ .‬ﻭﻓـﻲ ﺍﻟﻘـﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻨﻬﺎﺭ ﺘﻤﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﻠﻕ ﻟﻠﻜﻭﻥ ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻘﺩ ﺍﻨﻁﻠﻘﺕ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ‬ ‫ﺃﺜﺎﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﺎﻤﻴﻜﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﺴﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻤـﻥ ﺇﻗﺤﺎﻤﻬـﺎ ﺍﻹﺤﺼـﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﻭﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻤﺎل ﻜﺄﺩﺍﺓ ﺘﻔﺭﻀﻬﺎ ﻓﺭﻀﹰﺎ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﻭﺴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻜﺎﺘﻔﺕ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻴﻨﺎﻤﻴﻜﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﺍﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺅﻜﱢﺩ ﻋﺠﺯ ﻤﻨﺎﻫ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻻﺤﺼﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻻﺤﺘﻤﺎل ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﻔﻕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﺴﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻟﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﻓﻬﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻐﻴﱡﺭ ﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﻭﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﻋﺸﻭﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺘﻅﻤـﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌل ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﺨﺭﻭﺠﹰﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻷﺨﻁﺭ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﺍﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺘﺎ ﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻥ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﺠـﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻜل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻟﻠﺫﺭﺍﺕ ﺘﻭﻀﱢﺢ ﺒﺠﻼﺀ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺠﺯﺌﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ .‬ﻭﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻓﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﺒـﺩﺃﺕ ﺘﻨﻬـﺎﺭ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺒﺴﺘﻤﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﺴﻴﻜﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻠﺨﺹ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻭﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﻭﺴﻲ ﻓﻴﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﻴـﺩﻨﻴﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺒﻘﻭﻟﻪ " ﻤﻊ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺴﻊ ﻋﺸﺭ ﺃﻀﺤﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﻜﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﻭﺘﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻗـﻑ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﺴﻘﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ ﺘﺴـﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻤﺘﺄﺯﻡ ﻭﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻓﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﺍﺘﻀﺢ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻟﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﻜﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻡ ﻴﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﺴﻴﻁﹰﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺤﺩ ﻭﻻ ﺒﺎﻗﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫ﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﺒﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻡ ﺘﺠﻠﺏ ﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﻜﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﺍﻨﺘﻡ ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﻋﺭﻓﺎﻨﹰﺎ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻓﺤﺴﺏ ﺒل ﺃﻋﻁﺘﻨـﺎ‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻟﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﹰﺎ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻓﹰﺎ ﺠﺫﺭﻴﹰﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻷﻭل ﻤﺭﺓ ﻴﻌﺘﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺭﺍﻓﹰﺎ ﻜﺎﻤ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺼﺎﺩﻓﺔ‪ ."...‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﻜﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﺍﻨﺘﻡ ﻭﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﺘﺎﻥ ﺃﺒـﺩﻋﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻘـﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺨﺭﺠﹰﺎ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺇﻨﻬﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﻜﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻨﻴـﻭﺘﻥ ﻗـﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﺇﻨﻬﻴﺎﺭ ﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻥ ﻭﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻠﺘﻴﻥ ﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻅـﻥ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﺴـﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺴـﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻜﺘﺸﻔﻬﻤﺎ ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﻋﻬﻭﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻁﻌﻲ ﺍﺘﻀﺢ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻜﺘﺸﺎﻓﹰﺎ ﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﺃﻭ ﺫﺍﻙ ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﺍﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﻋﺒﻘﺭﻱ ﻭﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻨﺎﺠﺤﺔ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺴﻁﺤﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ﻡ ﺍﻟ ﻴ "ﺍﻟﻜ‬

‫ﻴﻜ "‬

‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﺼل ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺙ ﻨﺎﻗﺸﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺃﺭﺒﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻴﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭ ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺍﻟ ﻡ ﺍﻟ ﻴ‬

‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻨﺸﺄﺓ ﻓﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺒﻤﻨﺯﻟﺔ ﺍﻨﻔﺼﺎل ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﺘﺎﻡ ﻟﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﻋـﻥ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻴـﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻜﺘﻴﺎﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻤﺎﻴﺯﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﺒﻴﺩ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﻁﺎﺏ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺒﻠﻭﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﺎﻨﻌﻜﺴﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﺜﺎﻟﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﻭﻁﺒﺎﺌﻌـﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺸﺭﺍﺌﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺒﺤﻜﻡ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺴﺒّﺎﻗﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﺴـﺘﻘﻁﺎﺏ ﻟـﺭﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻭﻋﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻓﻠﺢ ﻓﺭﻨﺴﻴﺱ ﺒﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ؛ ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻟﺭﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺒﻠﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺒﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺀ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺼﺎﺕ ﻟﺸﻬﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﻭﺍﺱ ﻜﻤﺼﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﻭﻴﺠﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﻠﻭﻟﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﻫـﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻘـل‪.‬‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪–‬א‪–‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺠﻠﻴﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺯﻭﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺘﺎﻓﺯﻴﻘﻴﺎ ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺒﻠﻐـﺕ ﺍﻟـﺫﺭﻭﺓ ﻤـﻊ ﺠـﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻭﻙ"‪ "1704-1632‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻫﺎﺠﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﺭﺴﻁﻲ ﻭﺭﻓﺽ ﺍﻻﺩﻋﺎﺀ ﺒﻭﺠـﻭﺩ ﺃﻓﻜـﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻤﻔﻁﻭﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻱ ﺘﺭﺘﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺫﺍﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ؛ ﻭﺃﻜﹼـﺩ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﻴﻭﻟﺩ ﺼﻔﺤﺔ ﺒﻴﻀﺎﺀ ﺜﻡ ﺘﺨﻁﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﺒـﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻘـﺩّﻡ ﺠـﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺒﺭﻜﻠﻲ "‪ "1753-1685‬ﺒﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺤﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﻁﺭﻓﹰﺎ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﻭﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﺨﻠﻴﺹ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻟﻭﻙ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﻻ ﺘﺘﺴﻕ ﻤـﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴـﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺄﻨﻜﺭ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻻ ﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﺭﻜﻠﻲ ﻻ ﺘﺠﻌل ﺍﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﻤﻌـﺎﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻟﻠﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﻜﺠﻭﻫﺭ ﻤﺴﺘﻘل‪ .‬ﺇ ّ‬ ‫ﺒل ﺘﺠﻌل ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺃﺸﻴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜل ﺸﻲﺀ ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﻓﻘﻁ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻟﺫﻫﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ ﻜﻤﺤﺴﻭﺴـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺠﺯﺌﻴﺔ ﻭﻻ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻟﻠﻜﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻫﻜﺫﺍ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺒﺭﻜﻠﻲ ﺇﻟـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﺒﻁ ﺍﻟﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺒﺈﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺕ ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻼﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺜﻡ ﺘﺯﻋﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺠﻠﻴﺯﻴﺔ ﺸـﻜﹼﺎﻙ ﺍﺴـﻜﺘﻠﻨﺩﺍ ﺩﻴﻔﻴـﺩﻫﻴﻭﻡ "‪"1776-1711‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻫﻴﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﻁﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﺎﺘﻬﺎ ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻨﻁﺒﺎﻉ ﻫـﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﺒﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﺭ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺩ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻴﺩﺭﻙ ﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﺒﺤﻭﺍﺴﻪ ﺃﻭ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻴﻌـﻴﺵ ﺤﺎﻟـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻨﻔﺼﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺨﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﻻﻨﻁﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺼﻭﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺫﻜﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﺘﻜﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺘﺩﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻜﻭﻟﻭﺠﻲ ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﻫﻴﻭﻡ ﻜل ﺸـﻲﺀ ﺇﻟـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺨﺒﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﺤﺴﻭﺴﺎﺕ ﺃﻱ ﺍﻻﻨﻁﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻷﻭل ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀـﻴﺔ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻘﺘﺼﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻟﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻼﻗـﺎﺕ ﻟﺯﻭﻤﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻓﻬﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻹﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻜﻤـﺎ ﺘﻔﻌـل‬ ‫ﻻ ﺍﻨﻁﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺱ ﻭﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺏ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﻻ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺇ ﹼ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻵﻭﻨﺔ – ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻑ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻤﻥ ﻋﺸﺭ – ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺯﺩﻫﺭ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺭﻨﺴﺎ ﻭﺃﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻭﻴﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺭﺠﺕ ﺨﻼﺼﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻘﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻭﺍ ﺤﻭل ﺩﻴﻨﺱ ﺩﻴـﺩﺭﻭ "‪ "1784-1713‬ﻤـﻥ ﺃﺠـل ﻭﻀـﻊ‬ ‫ﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﺌﻊ ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻻﻤﺒﻴﺭ "‪ "1783-1717‬ﺍﻷﺸﺩ ﺘﺤﻤﺴﹰﺎ ﺤﻴﺙ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺠﻡ ﺒﻀﺭﺍﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺘﺎﻓﺯﻴﻘﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﺜﻡ ﺸـﺎﺭﻙ ﻤﻭﻨﺘﺴـﻜﻴﻭ "‪ "1755-1689‬ﻭﺠـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺴﻭ "‪ "1787-1712‬ﻭﻓﻭﻟﺘﻴﺭ "‪ "1778-1694‬ﻭﺩﻋﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﺔ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺴﻭﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﻘﻭﺍ ﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺤﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻤـﺫﻫﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻼﻓﺕ ﻟﻠﻨﻅﺭ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺔ ﻭﻴﻔﺴﱢـﺭ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺠﻭﺩﹰﺍ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﺴﺘﻘ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻻ ﻴﻌﺘﺭﻑ ﺇ ﹼ‬ ‫ﻜل ﺸﻲﺀ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻠل ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺘﻌﺘﺭﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﻻ ﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻜﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺃﻱ ﺘﻐﻴﱡﺭﺍﺕ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺇﺭﺠﺎﻉ ﺃﺼﻭل ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺤﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴـﺘﻘﺎﺓ ﻤـﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅـﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺠﻴﻭﺭﺩﺍﻨﻭ ﺒﺭﻭﻨﻭ "‪ "1600-1548‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻓﻌل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺒﺘﺄﻭﻴﻠﻪ ﻟﻠﻜﻭﺒﺭﻨﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻟﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺤﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺘﺴـﺘﻠﺯﻡ ﺒﺎﻟﻀـﺭﻭﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻜﺘﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺤﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺘﻤﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻀﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﺇﻨﻜﺎﺭ ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﻭﻤﺩ ﻨﻁﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﻜـﺎﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﺇﻟـﻰ ﻅـﻭﺍﻫﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻭﻋﻲ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺤﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﺎﻤﻠـﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻨﺠﻠﺘﺭﺍ ﻤﻊ ﺘﻭﻤﺎﺱ ﻫﻭﺒﺯ "‪ . "1689-1588‬ﻭﻟﻘﺩ ﺸﻬﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺴﻊ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﺨﺭ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺤﺭﻜﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺘﻜﺘﻔﻲ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺘﻌﺯﻭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﻐﻴﱡـﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻜﻤﻴﺔ ﺒل ﺘﻌﺯﻭ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺘﻐﻴﱡﺭﺍﺕ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﺩ ﻭﻀﻌﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﺭل ﻤﺎﺭﻜﺱ "‪"1883-1818‬‬ ‫ﺒﺭﻓﻘﺔ ﻓﺭﺩﺭﻴﻙ ﺇﻨﺠﻠﺯ" ‪ "1895-1820‬ﻓﻲ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟﺘﻪ ﻟﺠﻌل ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻤﹰﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﹰﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺃﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﺎ ﺒﻠ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﻟﻤﺎﻨﻲ ﺫﺭﻭﺘﻪ ﻤﻊ ﺇﻴﻤﺎﻨﻭﻴـل ﻜـﺎﻨﻁ "‪"1804-1724‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺌﻌﺔ ﻓﻴﻔﺭﱢﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﻓـﻲ ﺫﺍﺘﻬـﺎ " ﺍﻟﻨﻭﻤﻴﻨـﺎ"‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪–‬א‪–‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﻟﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ " ﺍﻟﻔﻴﻨﻭﻤﻴﻨﺎ" ﺍﻟﻨﻭﻤﻴﻨﺎ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺘﺎﻓﻴﺯﻴﻘﻴﺎ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻗﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻟ ﺩﺭﺍﻙ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﻨﻭﻤﻴﻨﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﻓﻬﻲ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺃﺠﻭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﺼـﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺴﻊ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻤﻬﻴﺄﺓ ﻟﻁﺭ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ ﺴـﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺘﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺃﻻ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻀـﻌﻴﺔ " ‪ " Positivism‬ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ ﺘﻌﻨـﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺃﻤﺎﻤﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟـﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒـﻲ ﻭﺭﻓـﺽ ﺃﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺘﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺘﺎﻓﻴﺯﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻨﻁﻼﻗﹰﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺭﻓﺽ ﻜـل ﻤـﺎ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻴﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻁﺭ ﺴﺎﻥ ﺴﻴﻤﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻭﺠﺴﺕ ﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻤﺅﺴـﺱ ﻋﻠـﻡ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺼﻴﻐﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺭﻨﺴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭﺃﺘﺒﺎﻋﻪ ﺇﻤﻴل ﻟﻴﺘﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻴﻴﺭ ﻻﻓﻴﺕ ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺘﺠﺴﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻟﺭﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻨﺘﺸﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺭﺒﺎ ﻓﻼ ﺘﻨﻔﺼل ﺍﻟﺒﺘـﻪ ﻋـﻥ ﺍﺘﺠـﺎﻩ ﺠـﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺴﺘﻴﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻤل ﻭﻫﺭﺒﺭﺕ ﺴﺒﻨﺴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻨﺠﻠﺘﺭﺍ ﺃﻭ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﻴﻨﺎﺭﻴﻭﺱ ﻭﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴـﺎ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺴﻊ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻨﺸﺄﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺴـﻴﺎﻗﻬﺎ ﻜﻤﺒﺤـﺙ‬ ‫ﺘﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺘ ّﻡ ﺍﺤﺘﻭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺭﻭ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺯﻋﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ﻡ‬ ‫ﻅل ﺍﻟﺴﺅﺍل ﻋﻥ ﺍﻻﺒﺴﺘﻤﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻁﺭﻭﺤﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻨﺸـﻐﺎل ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴـﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺒﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﻋﻤﻭﻤﹰﺎ ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺼﻴ ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﻟِﻡ "‪ “Scientist‬ﻓﻘـﻁ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﺭﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺴﻊ ﻋﺸﺭ ﻟﺘﻌﻴﻴﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﺭﺍﻓﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﻨﺌﺫ ﻓﻘـﻁ‬ ‫ﺘﺭﺴّﻤﺕ ﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻜﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺘﺨﺼﱡﺼﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﻘل ﻭﻤﺘﻤﻴﱢﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﺍﻟﺕ ﺃﺩﺒﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺒﻭﺼﻔﻬﺎ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﹰﺎ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻋـﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺒﻠﻭﺭﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻟﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ – ﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻤـﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤـﻲ ﻫـﻭ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ ﻭﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺠﻤﺎﻉ ﻭﻟﺤﻘﺒﺔ ﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ ﻻﺤﻘـﺔ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺀ ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻠ ﺍﻹﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺒﺎﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺀ ﻜﻘﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﺘﻨﻅﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻨﺘﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺤـ ّﺩﹰﺍ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﺠﻌل ﻓﻼﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻴﺘﺒﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺘﺭﺘﻴﺒﻬﺎ ﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺼﻭ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻁﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﻟـﻰ ﻫـﻲ‬ ‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻜﺸﻑ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻫ ّﻡ ﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺭﺘﻴﺏ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻁﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻤﻴﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺌﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻭﻗﺎﺌﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻟﻭﺤﻅﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻁﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺌﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺭﺍﺽ ﻓﺭﺽ ﻴﻌﻠﱢـل‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﻴﻔﺴﱢﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻤﻴﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻁﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺒﻌﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﱡﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺽ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺇﺫﻥ ﻓﺤﻴﻥ ﺘﺒﻠﻭﺭﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻤـﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺒﺤﺙ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺍﻨﻔﺼل ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺔ ﻋـﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻨﺤﺼﺭ ﻫ ّﻡ ﻓﻼﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻁﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻫﻭ ﺘﻘﻨﻴﻥ ﻟﻼﻨﺘﻘﺎل ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻼﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﺯﺩﻫﺭ ﻭﺴﺎﺩ ﻁﻭﺍل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺴﻊ ﻋﺸﺭ ﺘﻨﺎﻤﺕ ﻤﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺍﻴﻨﻌﺕ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺨﻁﻭﺍﺘﻪ ﻭﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻭﻁﺒﺎﺌﻌﻪ ﻭﻤﻘﻭﻻﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻟﺤﺘﻤﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﻘـﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﺤﺘﻤﺎﻟﻴـﺔ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺼﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﺒﺅ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺃﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺠﻭﻥ ﺴﺘﻴﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻡ ﻻ ﺘـﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻟﻤـﻨﻬ‬ ‫ﻭﻭﻟﻴﻡ ﻫﻴﻭﻭل ﻭﻜﻠﻭﺩ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻜ ّﺩ ﻫﻴﻭﻭل ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺇﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺘﻪ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺃﻱ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﻋﻲ ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻪ ‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﻤل ﻓﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺘﻁﺭﻓﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺘـﻪ ﺤﺘـﻰ ﺒﻠـ ﺃﻴﻤﺎﻨـﻪ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﺒﻠﻐﹰﺎ ﻟﻡ ﻴﺒﻠﻐﻪ ﺃﺤﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﻭﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻌﺩﻩ ﻓﺎﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺀ ﻋﻨﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻭﺤﻴﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻷﻱ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺼﺤﻴﺤﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺀ ﻫﻭ ﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﻤﻨﻁﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﻭﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﻭﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺒﻴل ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﺘﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻭﻀﻊ ﻤل ﻟﻼﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺀ ﻟﻭﺍﺌﺢ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻨﺎﻫ ﻀﻤّﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺙ ﻤﻥ "ﻨﺴﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻕ" ﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻤﻨﺎﻫ ﺭﺃﻫﺎ ﻤل ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺔ ﻤﺎﻨﻌﺔ ﻷﺴﺎﻟﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠـﻲ ﻭﻭﺴـﻴﻠﺔ‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪–‬א‪–‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻻﻜﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺜﺒﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻕ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤـﻨﻬ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻊ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﺒﻭﺍﻗﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﺘﻼﺯﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﱡﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﻜﻠﻭﺩ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﻤﺜﹼل ﺍﻹﺒﺴﺘﻤﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﺴﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﺘﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻤﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﻜﺒﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺸﺘﻘﺔ ﻤﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺯﻋﺔ ﺍﻻﺴـﺘﻘﺭﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻀـﺎﻑ ﺇﻟﻴﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺽ ﻭﺒﻔﻀل ﺒﺭﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺽ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻻﺴـﺘﻘﺭﺍﺌﻲ ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺼـﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﺨﺒﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﺎﻤﺘﻴﻥ ﻫﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺽ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺏ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺇﻴﺫﺍﻨﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﺒﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺠﺫﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﻜل‬ ‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺎﺫ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﻴﺜﻭﺩﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ – ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ‪ -‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁـﺎﺭ ﺘﺴـﻠﻴﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻟﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﺠﻬﻬﺎ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻤـﻴﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺌﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫ ﻴﺩﺨل ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺽ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﻴﻐﺩﻭ ﻗﺒﻭﻟﻪ ﻤﺴﺘﻨﺩﹰﺍ ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻌﻤـﻴﻡ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﻟﺕ ﻤﻠﺤﺔ ﻓﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺌﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻜ ﺍ‬

‫ﻘﺭﺍ‬

‫ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺀ ﻫﻲ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺘﺒﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻔﺯﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻤﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻋـﺩﺩ ﻤﺤـﺩﻭﺩ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺎﺌﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻜﻠﱢﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻱ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺘﻤﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻤﻴﻡ ﺍﻻﺴـﺘﻘﺭﺍﺌﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻭ ﺼﻠﺏ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﻨﺘﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅل ﺍﻜﺘﺴﺏ ﺨﻁﻭﺭﺓ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻟﻤـﺎ‬

‫ﺘﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻲ ﻤﺴﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻓﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺀ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺠﻭﻫﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﱢﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻴﻔﻴﺩﻫﻴﻭﻡ ﺃﻭل ﻤﺘﺤﺩ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﱢﻴﺔ ﺤﻴـﺙ‬ ‫ﻏﺩﺕ ﻋﻨﺩﻩ ﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﻌﻠﻨﺎ ﻨﺘﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﻁـﺭﺍﺩ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻟﺤـﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺘﻜﺭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺨﺒﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﺜﻡ ﺘﻘﺩّﻤﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺨﻁﻭﺓ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ ﺃﺒﻌﺩ ﻭﺃﺠﺭﺃ ﻟﺘﺅﻜﱢﺩ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺀ ﻜﻤﻨﻬ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻲ ﻟﻴﺱ ﺒﻪ ﻤﺜﺎﻟﺏ ﻭﺃﻏﺎﻟﻴﻁ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ ﻓﺤﺴـﺏ‪ ،‬ﺒـل ﺒـﻪ‬ ‫ﻼ ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﻌﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻤﻭﺠﺯﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﺩﺀ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﻴﺴﺘﺤﻴل ﺃﻥ ﻴﻔﻀـﻲ ﺇﻟـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺴﺘﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ ﺃﺼ ﹰ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻭ ﻨﻘﻁﺔ ﻨﻬﺎﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴـﺭ‬ ‫ﺸﻲﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ‪-‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻁﺭﺤﻬﺎ ﺠﺎﺴﺘﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﺸﻼ – ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻻ ﻨﻘﻁﺔ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻼﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻑ ﺍﻟﺜـﺎﻨﻲ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺃﻤﻌﻨﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﻁﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻜﻥ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻜل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﻭﻁ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺩّﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺤﺎﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻭﻗﺎﺌﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻨﺎﻗﺵ ﺒﻭل ﻓﻴﻴﺭﺍﺒﻨﺩ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻡ ﻁﺒﻴﻌـﻲ‬ ‫ﺒﻐﻴﺭ ﺨﺒﺭﺓ ﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺒﻐﻴﺭ ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺤﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﻡ ﺍﻟ ﺭ‬

‫‪ :‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺭ ﺍﻟ ﺭﻴ‬

‫ﻥ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻤﻬﺎﺕ ﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺇﻁﻼﻗﹰﺎ ﻷﻨﱠﻬﺎ ﻤﺸـﻜﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺇّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﺭ ‪ ..‬ﺍﻟﺤﻭﺍﺱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻘل‪..‬ﺍﻟﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻤﺎ ‪ ..‬ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻜـﺭ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻼ ﺭﺩﺤﹰﺎ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺒﻤﺼﻁﻠﺤﺎﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺭﺽ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺅﺍل ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻅل ﻤﺎﺜ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺯﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻭ‪ :‬ﺃﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﺃﺴﺒﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﺃﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺽ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﺅﺍل ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻁﺭﺤـﹰﺎ ﺍﻨﻘﻼﺒﻴـﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻥ؛ ﻓﻠﻭ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﻫـﻲ ﺍﻷﺴـﺒﻕ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺘﻌﻤﻴﻡ ﺁﻟـﻲ ﻟﻠﻭﻗـﺎﺌﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺭﺽ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻴﺘﺒﻌﻬﺎ – ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﺹ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺀ – ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ ﺘﺎﺒﻊ ﺴﻠﺒﻲ ﻫﺎﻤﺸﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻁ ﻴﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻼﺤﻅـﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺴـﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺨـﺭ‬ ‫ﺒﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺭﺃﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺼﻠﺏ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻲ ﻓﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻴﻘﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺤﺘﻤﻴـﺔ ﻭﻴﻐـﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻨﺴﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﺸﻴ ّﺩﹰﺍ ﺭﺍﺴﺨﹰﺎ ﻴﻌﻠﻭ ﻭﻟﻜﻥ ﻻ ﺘﺒﺩﻴل ﻭﻻ ﺘﻌﺩﻴل ‪ .‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻔـﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺩﻉ ﻟﻠﻔﺭﺽ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺨﻠﻕ ﻤﻠﺤﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻴﺩﺓ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻭ ﺍﻷﺴﺒﻕ ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻴﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﱢﻴﺔ ﺒل ﻴﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﻬﺎ ﻟﺘﻤﺤﻴﺹ ﻭﺘﻘﻨـﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻔـﺭﻭﺽ ‪ ،‬ﻟﻘﺒﻭﻟﻬـﺎ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻀﻬﺎ ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﻅل ﺩﺍﺌﻤﹰﺎ ﺇﺒﺩﺍﻋﹰﺎ ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﹰﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜل ﺸﻲﺀ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﱢﺭ ﻭﻤﺘﻁـﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻼ ﻴﻌﻭﺩ ﻨﺴﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﺸﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﺒل ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺤﻴّﺔ ﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺘﻁﻭﺭﺓ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﹰﺎ ‪ .‬ﻫﻜـﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺩّﻤﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺘﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻲ ﻤﺘﻘﺎﺒﻠﺘﻴﻥ ﻭﻤﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒﺘﻴﻥ ؛ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﺘﺒـﺩﺃ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺒﺩﺃ ﺒﺎﻟﻔﺭﺽ ‪ .‬ﻓﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺒﺩﺃ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﺃﻱ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴـﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﻭﺍﻜﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺴﻊ ﻋﺸﺭ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﺴﻴﻜﻲ‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪–‬א‪–‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺘﺅﻁﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﻨﻴﻭﺘﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺒﺩﺃ ﺒﺎﻟﻔﺭﺽ ﻭﺘﻬﺒﻁ ﻤﻨﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻭﻗﺎﺌﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴـﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻟﻌﺒﻘﺭﻴﺔ ﻜﻠﻭﺩ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﺫﻫﺏ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻭﻟﻴﻡ ﻫﻴﻭﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺴﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﺭ ﺒﻴﺩ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﻔﺭﻀﻬﺎ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻡ ﻭﺍﻻﺒﺴـﺘﻤﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﻓـﻲ ﺍﻟﻘـﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺁﻴﻨﺸﺘﻴﻥ ﺨﻴﺭ ﻤﻤﺜل ﻟﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺼـﻴﻐﺕ ﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﻤـﻨﻬ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺩ ﺒﺎﻟﻔﺭﺽ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺭﻑ ﺒﺎﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻀﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁﻲ ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻫ ّﻡ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻴﱢـﺯ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺩﻻل ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻲ ﻋﻤﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺭﻱ ﻭﺃﻫ ّﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﺌﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺏ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺽ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻟﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﺒﻤﻨﺯﻟﺔ ﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﻜـﺎﺩ ﺘﺸـﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺜـﻭﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺇّ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺘﻐﻴّـﺭﺕ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﻤـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻭﺒﺭﻨﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﻀﻌﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺱ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﹰﺍ ﺒﺩ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﻠﹼﺕ ﺇﺸـﻜﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺒﺴـﺘﻤﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺠﻤـﺔ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺜﻭﺩﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴـﺔ –‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺘﺴﻡ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﻟﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﻤﺘﺴﺎﺭﻉ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺃﻱ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺘـﻲ ﺘﺒـﺩﺃ ﺒـﺎﻟﻔﺭﺽ ﻻ ﻴﻘﺘﺼـﺭ ﻤﺭﺩﻭﺩﻫـﺎ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺒﺴﺘﻤﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺃﻴﻀﹰﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻲ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻼﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻭﺼﻔﻪ ﻗﻭﺓ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴـﺔ ﺍﻤﺘﻠﻜﻬـﺎ ﺍﻹﻨﺴـﺎﻥ ﻭﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺤﻀﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼﻟﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﺴﺨﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻴﻥ ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨـﺕ‬ ‫ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻀﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﻗﺩ ﺍﺭﺘﻬﻨﺕ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺃﻨﹼﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻻﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺎﺭﻋﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺤﻤـﺕ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺼﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺫﺨﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺫﺭﺓ ﻭﺃﻏﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺀ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻕ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻨﺘﺎﺠﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺭﻨﺕ ﺒﻬـﺎ ﻤﻁـﺎﻟﻊ ﺍﻟﻘـﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻤﺎ ﺨﻁﺏ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺜﻭﺭﺓ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟ ﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅل ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻟﻑ ﺍﻟﺫﻜﺭ ﺨﺼّﺼﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺼل ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺒﻊ ﻟﻠﺤـﺩﻴﺙ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻋﻥ ﻓﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻜـﻭﺍﻨﺘﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻥ ﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻓﺘﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﺃﻭ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﻋﻠﻨﻪ ﻤﺎﻜﺱ ﺒﻼﻨﻙ"‪ "1945-1858‬ﻓﻲ ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ ‪1900‬ﻡ ﻭﻟﺤﻘﺕ ﺒـﻪ ﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺔ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﻴﺔ ﻵﻴﻨﺸﺘﻴﻥ "‪ "1955-1879‬ﺒﻌﺩ ﺨﻤﺱ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺇﻴﺫﺍﻨﹰﺎ ﺒﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻭﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺒﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﺘﻜﺯﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﺎﻤﺘﻴﻥ ﻫﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﺍﻨﺘﻡ ﻭﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺴـﺒﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﻤـﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺭﻨﺭﻫﻴﺯﻨﺒﺭ "‪ "1976-1901‬ﺤﺩﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﻋﻅﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﻼﺩ ﺍﻟﺜـﺎﻨﻲ ﻟﻠﻜـﻭﺍﻨﺘﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻭﻀﻊ ﻤﺒﺩﺃﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻭﻑ ﺒﺎﺴﻡ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻟﻼﺘﻌﻴﱡﻥ؛ ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨـﺕ ﺍﻟﻜـﻭﺍﻨﺘﻡ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﻴﺔ ﻨﺠﺤﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎل ﺍﻟﻀـﻭﺀ‬ ‫ﻨﺠﺤﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﻌﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﻀﻭﺌﻲ ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﺤﺭﻜﺘﻪ ﻭﺘﺒﻠﻭﺭﺕ ﻫﺎﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺤﻭل ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻓﻴﺯﻴﺎﺌﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﺤـﺩﺓ ﻫـﻲ ﺍﻷﻤـﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻀﻭﺌﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﻤﻌﹰﺎ ﻫﻤﺎ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﺭ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻨﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﺒـﺎﻫﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍ‬

‫ﻟ ﻴﺎ ﺍﻟ ﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭ ﺍﻟ ﺭﻴ‬

‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﺜﻭﺭﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﺍﻨﺘﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺤﺩﻴﺜﹰﺎ ﺒـل ﺃﺼـﺒﺢ ﻴﻨﻌـﺕ‬ ‫ﺒﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ "ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﺴﻴﻜﻲ "ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺩﺍﺜﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﺍﺜﺔ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘـﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ "‪ "Modern‬ﺍﻵﻥ ﻫﻲ ﻓﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸـﺭﻴﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺯﻴـﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻭﺍﻨﺘﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻨﻭﺍﺘﺠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﻠﺕ ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺩ ﺃﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﻴﺔ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺠﺫﺭﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭﻨـﺎ‬ ‫ﺤﻭل ﺍﻟﺯﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺎﺫﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﺯﻤﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴـﺎ – ﺃﻱ ﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺔ ﺘﺼـﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻭﻥ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻜﻼﺴﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻥ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﺒﺎﻟ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻻﺒﺴﺘﻤﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺴـﺨﺔ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ‪ ...‬ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﻴﺔ ﺘﺩﺨل ﺍﻟﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺭﻓﺔ ﻜﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﺭﺯ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻨﻘـﺎﺽ ﻤﻭﻀـﻭﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻨﻴﻭﺘﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﻫﻭﻤﺔ ﻭﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﱡﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﻟﻠﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﺜﺭﹰﺍ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻋﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺒﻴﻨﺕ ﺘﻔﺎﻫـﺔ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﺍﻨﺘﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﺘـﻴﻥ ﺘﻌﺯﺯﺘـﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺤﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﺯﺯﻫﺎ ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺫﺍ ﻓﺈ ّ‬ ‫ﺒﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﺩ ﺃﻗﺎﻤﺘﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﺨﺒﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺱ ﻭﻤﻨﻁﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻗﻠﺒﺘﺎ ﺭﺃﺴﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻘﺏ ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﺒﺴﺘﻤﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺭﺍﺴﺨﺔ ﻜﺎﻟﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﻜﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﻁـﺭﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺜﺒﻭﺕ ﻭﻴﻘﻴﻥ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻨﻬـﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻀـﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻟﻜﻠﻴﻬﻤـﺎ – ﻟﻠﻁﺒﻴﻌـﺔ ﻭﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻨﻬـﺎ –‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪–‬א‪–‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻠﻘﺔ ﻭﻜﺘل ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺭﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻭ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻁﻠﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻀﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻤﻁﻠﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺃﻱ ﻗﻀـﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﺒﻘﻰ ﺃﺒﺭﺯ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﺒﺴﺘﻤﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻨﺘﻬﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺇﺨﺒﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺇﺨﺒﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﻅل ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺘﻘﺩﱡﻡ ﻓﻴﺯﻴـﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻘـﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺘـﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﻁﺭﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻼﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﻟﻼﹼﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺤﺼﺎﺌﻲ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻤﺘﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﺇﻟـﻰ ﻓـﺭﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ‬

‫ﺒﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺱ ﻭﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﻟﺘـﺎﺭﻴﺦ‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﺒﺯّﺕ ﻜل ﻓﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻁﺭﺤﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴـﻔﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺭ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﻭﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﺄﻜﹼﺩ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻴﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻴﺜﻭﺩﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺒﺴﺘﻤﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻷ ّ‬ ‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﹰﺎ ﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﻓﻴﺯﻴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﺘﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﺍﻨﺘﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﻊ ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﻘـﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺤﺩﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﻭﺭﺅﺍﻩ‪ ..‬ﻭﻜل ﻫـﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺴـﺒﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺠﻌﻠﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﺭﺘﻬﻨﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﻭﺘﺩﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤـﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺒـﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺤﺎﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﺫﻟﻙ ﻋﺎﻟﺠﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺼل ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻤﺱ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ‬ ‫ﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺤﺩﻴﺜﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻌﺘﺒـﺭ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪1900‬ﻡ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺸﻬﺩ ﻓﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻜﻭﺍﻨﺘﻡ – ﺤﺎﻤﺴﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺃﻴﻀـﹰﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺒﺄﺴﺭﻫﺎ ﺘﻨﻘﺴﻡ ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﻤﺒﺩﺌﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺸﻬﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺼﺩﻭﺭ ﺃﻋﻤﺎل ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻴﺔ ﺭﺍﺌﺩﺓ ﻭﺘﻜﺎﺜﻑ ﻟﻤﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﻨﺎﻤﻰ ﻭﺍﺯﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﺩﺍ ﺘﻘﻠﹼﺹ ﻨﻔﻭﺫ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺘﺎﻓﺯﻴﻘﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻟﺼﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﺜل ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻠـﻭ‬ ‫ﺸﺄﻨﻬﺎ – ﻜﻤﹰﺎ ﻭﻜﻴﻔﹰﺎ‪ -‬ﺃﻫﻡ ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻻﻟﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻤﺒﺭﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ ﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴـﺙ ﻫـﻲ‬ ‫ﺇّ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﺨﺒﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﻭﻜﻴﻤﻴﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻴﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺫﻭ ﻫـﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺫﻭ ﻭﺘﻀﻁﻠﻊ ﺒﺎﻻﺨﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻗﻭ ﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﻤﻤﻴﱡﺯ ﻭﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻡ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺩﺨﻭل ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻠﺒﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻟﻐﺔ ﻟ ﺨﺒـﺎﺭ ﻋـﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗـﻊ ﻭﺃﺩﺍﺓ‬ ‫ﻟ ﺴﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺩﻗﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﻭﻟﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺒل ﻤﺠﻲﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻟﻴـﺔ ﺍﻷﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻨﻁﻴﺔ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﹰﺎ ﻗﻭﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﻤﺘﺭﺍﻤﻲ ﺍﻵﻓﺎﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺸﺘﻰ ﻤﻭﺍﻁﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺒﻴﺔ ؛ ﺤﺘـﻰ‬ ‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 1900‬ﻟﺘﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻟﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺸﺘﻰ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔـﻲ ﺃﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴـﺎ‬ ‫ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻅﻬﺭ ﺇﺩﻤﻭﻥ ﻫﻭﺴﺭل "‪1938-1861‬ﻡ" ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﺴﺱ ﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﻨﻭﻤﻴﻨﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴــﺎ‬ ‫"‪"Pheno-menollogy‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻅﺎﻫﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺸـﻘﺕ ﻁﺭﻴﻘـﹰﺎ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔـﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻌﻠـﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻴّﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺨل ﺍﻟﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﻟﻠﻌﻠـﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺇﻨ ّﻪ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻴّﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻤـل ﺍﻟﻁـﺎﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﺒﺎﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﻨﻭﻤﻴﻨﻭﻟﻭﺠﻲ ﻻ ﻴﺒﻘﻰ ﺇ ﹼ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻟﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻫﻭ ﺇﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺇﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ ﻓﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺒﻭﺼﻔﻬﺎ ﺘﻴﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﻭﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻁﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﻨﻭﻤﻴﻨﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﻭﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﺒﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺨﺒﺭﺍﺕ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺃﻓﻌ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺎ ﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﻗﻭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﹰﺎ ﻓـﻲ ﻤﺠـﺎل ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺭﻤﻴﻨﻭﻁﻴﻘـﺎ‬ ‫"‪ Hermeneutics‬ﺃﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﻭﻴل ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﻨﻭﻤﻴﻨﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺤﺭﻴﺼﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﻨﻭﻤﻴﻨﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺙ ﻭﺃﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﻟﻠﻨﻅـﺭ‬ ‫ﺘﻤﺜﻴل ﻤﺎ ﻟﺭﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ‪ ،‬ﺨﺼﻭﺼﹰﺎ ﻭﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﺔ ﻤﺼﻔﻭﻓﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﺎﺌﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺘﺎﻓﺯﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻠﻘﺔ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻌﺎﻗل ﺍﻟﻬﺠﻭﻡ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻟﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻁﻠﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻟﺭﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﺎ ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﺍﺠﻤﺎﺘﻴـﺔ ﻭﺃﻭل‬ ‫ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﻤﺜﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺼﺎﻏﻬﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺘﺸﺎﺭﻟﺯ ﺴﺎﻨﺩﺭﺯﺒﻴﺭﺱ "‪1914-1839‬ﻡ" ﺜﻡ ﺘﺤﺩّﺩﺕ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﺍﺠﻤﺎﺘﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻴﺩ ﻭﻟﻴﻡ ﺠﻴﻤﺱ ﺫﻱ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺭﺍﺩﻴﻜﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﻤﺫﻫﺒﹰﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻴﹰﺎ ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻤ ﹰ‬ ‫" ﺍﻟﺠﺫﺭﻴﺔ" ﻭﻴﺭﺍﻩ ﺒﺭﺘﺭﺍﻨﺩ ﺭﺴل ﺼﺎﺤﺏ ﺃﻗﻭ‬

‫ﺃﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻘﻭﻴﺹ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻘـﺩ‬

‫ﻥ ﺠﻴﻤﺱ ﺤﻤﻠﺔ ﺸﻌﻭﺍﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻫﻴﺠل ﻭﻤﻁﻠﻘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺩّﻡ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻤـﻥ ﺃﻗـﻭ‬ ‫ﺸّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﺍﺠﻤﺎﺘﻴـﺔ ﻭﺍﺘﺴـﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻴﺼﺢ ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻡ ﺒﺄ ّ‬ ‫ﻤﺩﺍﻫﺎ ﻤﻊ ﻓﻼﺴﻔﺔ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﻴﻥ ﻻﺤﻘﻴﻥ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﹰﺎ ﺠﻭﻥ ﺩﻴﻭ "‪ "1952-1859‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻴﺭ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﻟﻠﻌﻤل ﻓﺘﻨﻌﺕ ﺒﺭﺍﺠﻤﺎﺘﻴـﻪ ﺩﻴـﻭ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﻭﻅﻴﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﻭﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺃّ‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪–‬א‪–‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﻴﺤﻘﱢﻕ ﻫﺩﻓﻪ ﺤﻴﻥ ﻴﻘﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺒﺄﻨﹼﻬﺎ ﻭﻅﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺩﺍﺘﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﺨﻼﺼﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﺍﺠﻤﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺼﺎﺤﺒﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤل ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺤﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺠﺤـﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺘﻘـﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺇﻻ ﺒﻨﺘﺎﺌﺠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻱ ﺒﻔﺎﺌﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻫﻜﺫﺍ ﺘﻨﺘﻘﻲ ﺘﻤﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﺎﺌﻕ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﺒﺘـﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻜـﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻁﻠﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺤﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎل ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﻴـﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺘﻨﺸﺄ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺘﻐﻴﱢﺭﺓ ﻤﺘﻁﻭﱢﺭﺓ ﺘﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻟﻨﻭﺍﺘ ﺍﻟﺨﺒﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻬﺩ ﺒﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻘﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤل ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﺍﺠﻤﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﺭﻴﻨﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺫﺍﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴـﺔ ﺘﻨﻁﻠـﻕ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﺒﺭﺓ "‪ "Experience‬ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺒﺭﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻨﺎﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﹰﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺌﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺨﺒﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺅﻜﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺭﺍﺠﻤﺎﺘﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻘﻭﻟﺘﻴﻥ ﻗﻭﻀﺘﺎ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺴﺎﻫﻤﺘﺎ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺠﻌل ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺜﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺼـﻠﺔ ﺒـﺭﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟ ﻘ ﻟ ﺍ ﻟ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺭﺍﻑ ﺒﺎﻟﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘل‬ ‫ﻼ ﻭﺍﺤـﺩﻴﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﻟﻴﺱ ﻜـ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻟ ﻘ ﻟ ﺍﻟ ﺎ ﻴ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺩﱡﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻤﺤﻜﻭﻤﹰﺎ ﺒﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﻻ ﺃﺠﺯﺍﺀ ﻟﻪ ﻭﻻ ﺘﻜﺜﺭ ﻓﻴﻪ – ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺫﻫﺏ ﻓﺭﻨﺴﻴﺱ ﺒﺭﺍﺩﻟﻲ –‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺘﻌﺩّﺩ‬ ‫ﺒل ﺇ ّ‬

‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻜﺜﺭﺓ ﻤﺘﻜﺜﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺎﺌﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺯﻴﺌﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻬﻤﺎ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻤﺭ ﻓـﺈ ّ‬

‫ﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺘﻁﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﻤﺘﺒﺼﺭﺓ ﻭﻤﺩﺠﺠـﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺨﺘﻠﻔـﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻓﹰﺎ ﻤﻠﺤﻭﻅﹰﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺫﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺒﻠﻭﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺯﻋـﺔ ﺍﻻﺴـﺘﻘﺭﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﺤﻴـﺙ‬ ‫ﺘﺴﻠﹼﺤﺕ ﺒﺒﻌﺩﻴﻥ؛ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﺴﻠﹼﺤﺕ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺃﻨﺠﺯﺘﻪ ﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺯﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﺭ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺘﺼﻭﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻲ ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺴﻠﹼﺤﺕ ﺒﺄﺩﺍﺓ ﻨﺎﻓﺫﺓ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻲ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻫﻭ ﻋﺼﺏ‬ ‫ﺘﻤﻴﱡﺯ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻭﻡ ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻭﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎ‬

‫ﻟ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭ ﺍﻟ ﺭﻴ‬

‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻨﺸﺄﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﻗﺔ ﺘﻤﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﻟﻨﺸﺄﺓ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻡ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺯﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﻭﻟﻠﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺒﺭﺭﺍﺕ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺘﻘﻨﻴﻥ ﺃﺴـﺱ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻡ ﺍﻟﺤـﺩﻴﺙ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺤﺼﻬﺎ ﻓﺤﺼﹰﺎ ﻨﻘﺩﻴﹰﺎ ﻓﻼ ﻏﺭﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻲ ﻤﻊ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﻴﺘ ﺯﺭ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻜﺎﺩﺕ ﺘﻠﺤﻕ ﺒﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻅﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺨﺼﻭﺼﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺼﻭﺭﻱ ﻭﻓﻠﺴـﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺤﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻤﺴﺘﻐﺭﻗﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺅﺍل ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﻓﻘﻴل ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻫﻲ ﻤﻨﺎﻫ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻲ ﻭﻤﺎﺯﺍﻟﺕ ﻜﺜﻴـﺭ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺘﺨﺼﺼﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﺤﺩﹰﺍ ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻘﺩ ﻟﻌﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﹰﺍ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺇﺫ ﺃﺤﺭﺯﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺘﻘﺩﱡﻤﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﺘﻘﻨﻴﹰﺎ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﹰﺍ ﺒﻔﻀﻠﻪ ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﻌﻁﻑ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺠﻌل ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻘـﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸـﺭﻴﻥ ﺘﺼـﻁﺒ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻠﻐـﺔ‬ ‫ﺒﺼﺒﻐﺔ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﺒﻭﺃﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺴﺭﻑ ﺘﺸﺎﺭﻟﺯ ﺒﻴﺭﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﻀﺎ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﻴﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻹﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺠﻭﻫﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺠﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺘﻨﺎﻭﻟﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ﻤﺠﻬﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﻟﻭﺩﻓﻴ ﻓﺘﺠﻨﺸﺘﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻴﻕ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺼﺒ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻟﺼﺒﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻘﻨﻴﻨﹰﺎ ﻭﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﹰﺍ ﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻭﺇﺤﻜﺎﻤﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ‬ ‫ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﻗﺼﺭ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴـﺔ ‪ .‬ﻜﻤـﺎ‬ ‫ﺃﺒﺭﺯﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ﻤﺠﻬﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﺃﺴﺘﺎﺫﻩ ﺒﺭﺘﺭﺍﻨﺩ ﺭﺴل ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻟﻤﺠﻬﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﻟﻭﺩﻓﻴ ﻭﺭﺴل ﺃﺜـﺭ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺭﺴل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﻋﻠﹼﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﻜﻴﻑ ﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ ؛ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺭﺅﻴﺘﻪ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﹼﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺀ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺼﻭل ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﺴﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺴـﻡ ﻓـﻲ ﺜـﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻲ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺠﻌل ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻘـﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸـﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﺼـﻁﺒﻐﺔ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﺼﺒﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﺒﺭﺯﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ﻤﺠﻬﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺩ ﻨﻭﺭﺙ ﻫﻭﺍﻴﺘﻬـﺩ ﺼـﺎﺤﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺭﺅﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻀﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻴﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺸﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻬﻤﺎ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻤـﺭ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﻟﻡ ﻴﻌﺩ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﹰﺎ ﺒﺎﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻁﻭﺍل ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺄ ّ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻭﻭﺜﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﺒﺎﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺒﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺃﺨﺭ‬ ‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻋﻠﻤﹰﺎ ﻤﺴﺘﻘ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺒﺭﻨﺎﺘﻴﻜﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﻤﺜل ﺍﻟﻜﻤﺒﻴـﻭﺘﺭ‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪–‬א‪–‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﻴﻴ‬

‫ﺘﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻁﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻨﺸﺄﺓ ﻭﻨﻤﺎﺀ ﻭﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴـﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻴﺔ ﺃﺘﺕ ﺒﺎﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﺃﻱ ﺃﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤـﺫﻫﺏ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺃﻱ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﺠﺭّﻫﺎ ﺭﺴل ﻭﺼﺩﻴﻘﻪ ﻤﻭﺭ ﻭﺘﻠﻤﻴﺫﻩ ﻓﺘﺠﻨﺸﺘﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﻓﻼﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺎﻤﺒﺭﻴﺩ ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻜﺴﻔﻭﺭﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺠﻴﻠﺒﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻴل‬ ‫ﻭﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺴﺘﻥ ﻭﺒﻴﺘﺭﺴﺘﺭﺍﻭﺴﻭﻥ ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﺴﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺴﻭ‬ ‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﺘﻘﺎﺭﺩﻭﻓﺴﻜﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺤﺩّﺩ ﺴﻜﻭﻟﻴﻤﻭﻓﺴﻜﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴـﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻭﻟﻨﺩﻴـﺔ – ‪ 1967‬ﺃﺭﺒـﻊ‬ ‫ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺘﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺴﺎﺌﺭ ﻓﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤـﺎ ﺒﻴﻨﻬـﺎ ﻤـﻥ ﺨﻼﻓـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻭﺍﺭﻕ ﻭﻫﻲ‪-:‬‬ ‫ ﺍﻹﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﺒﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻓﺄﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ‪.‬‬‫ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺘﻴﺕ ﺒﻐﺭﺽ ﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﻴﺔ ﺠﺯﺀ ﺠﺯﺀ ﻭﻭﺠﺩ ﻫـﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺘﻴـﺕ ﻟﻐﺘـﻪ‬‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﺍﻟﺫﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ ﻜﺭﺴل ﻭﻓﺘﺠﻨﺸﺘﻴﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺍﻟﺴﱢﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜل ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺸـﻜل ﺃﻭ ﺒـ ﺨﺭ ﺒﻤﺸـﻜﻼﺕ‬‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻌﺎﻟﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻲ ﻓﺎﺘﺼﻠﺕ ﺒﻔﻠﺴـﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻡ ﻭﺃﻓﻀـﺕ ﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻥ‪ -‬ﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﻲ ﻻ ﻴﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﺨﺭ ﺒـل ﻟـﻪ‬‫ﺩﺍﺌﻤﹰﺎ ﻤﻌﻨﺎﻩ ﻭﻤﺩﻟﻭﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﺫﻭﺍﺕ ﺠﻤﻴﻌﹰﺎ ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻴﻥ‪ -‬ﺫﺍﺘﻴﺔ ﻫـﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﻬـﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭ ﻟﻠﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻔﺎﺩﻱ ﻟﻤﺸﺎﻜﻠﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻻ ﻫﻭ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻲ ﻭﻻ ﻫﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﻭﻱ ﻭﻻ ﻫﻭ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﻴ ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﻘﻴ ‪:‬‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻡ ﺍﻷﺼﻠﻲ ﻟﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ ﻫﻭ "ﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﻓﻴﻨﹼﺎ" ﺒﺯﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﻤﻭﺭﻴﺘﺱ ﺸﻠﻴﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫"‪ "1936-1882‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺌﻬﺎ ﻫﺭﺒﺭﺕ ﻓﻴﺠـل ﻭﻓﻴﺯﻤـﺎﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺴـﺘﺎﻑ ﺒﻴﺭﺠﻤـﺎﻥ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻴﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﻜﺭﺍﻓﺕ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻟﻑ ﻜﺎﺭﻨﺎﺏ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺘﺨﺫﻭﺍ ﻤـﻥ "ﺍﻟﺭﺴـﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴـﻔﻴﺔ"‬ ‫ﻼ ﻟﻠﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺘﻔﻘﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﻱﺀ ﺘﻤﺜﹼـل ﺩﻋـﺎﺌﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴـﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﻀـﻌﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻔﺘﺠﻨﺸﺘﻴﻥ ﺇﻨﺠﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬‫ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬‫ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺇﻤﺎ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﻤﺎ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬‫ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺘﺎﻓﺯﻴﻘﺎ ﻟﻐﻭ‪.‬‬‫ﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺴﻴﻤﺎﻨﻁﻘﻴﺎ ﻭﻟﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺴﻴﻨﺘﺎﻁﻴﻘﻴﺎ ﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠـﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻌﻴﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻤﻘﺘﺼـﺭﺓ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴـل‬ ‫ﺒﺨﺼﺎﺌﺼﻪ ﺍﻷﺭﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺫﻜﻭﺭﺓ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﺘﻴﺘﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒـﻴﻥ ﺫﺍﺘﻴـﺔ‪ .‬ﺜـﻡ ﺘﺘﻤﻴﱢـﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ ﺒﻘﺼﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺒﺄﺩﻭﺍﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺒـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴـﺔ ﻻ‬ ‫ﺴﻭﺍﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺘﻐﺩﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﺠﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺘﺎﻓﻴﺯﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻴﻜـل ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﻤﻀـﻤﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻏﺎﻴﺘﻬـﺎ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻭﺩﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻲ ﺒﺄﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻨﺎﻓﺫﺓ ﻴﻘﻁﻌﻭﻥ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺃﻭﺼـﺎل ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺘﺎﻓﻴﺯﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﻨﺘﻬﻭﺍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻜﻼﻡ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺫﻱ ﻤﻌﻨﻰ ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﺘﺒﻠﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻲ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﺘﺠﺴﻴﺩ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﺍﻫﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘـﻕ " ‪ " Criterion Verification‬ﺍﻟـﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﻴﻤﻴﱢﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻴﻤﺜﹼل ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺼل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻼﻋﻠﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﹼﻡ ﺘﻌﺩﻴل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻟ ﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻨﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﺭل ﺒﻭﺒﺭ ‪ .‬ﻭﺤﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺠﻬﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﺠـﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻴﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻓﻘﻁ‬ ‫ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﻜﺎﺭﻨﺎﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﻲ ﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻤﻊ ﻭﺼﻑ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺯﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﺒﻁﻬـﺎ‬ ‫ﺒﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ‪ .‬ﻭﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺯﻜﻲ ﻨﺠﻴﺏ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ "‪ "1993 -1905‬ﺭﺍﺌﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺼﺭﺓ‪.‬‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪–‬א‪–‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺍ ﺍﻴ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻫـﻭ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺘﻴـﺔ " ‪" Instrumentalist‬‬ ‫ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺴﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻭﺼﻔﻬﺎ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﻟﻠﺭﺒﻁ ﺒـﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻅﻭﺍﻫﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﺒﺅ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﻁﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺘﻭﺼﻑ ﺒﺎﻟﺼـﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻋـﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺼـﻼﺤﻴﺔ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﺴﺕ ﺘﻌﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺒﺎﻟﺼﺩﻕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻜﺫﺏ ‪ .‬ﻓﺘﻘﺎﺱ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻘﺩﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺩﺍﺀ‬ ‫ﻭﻅﺎﺌﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﺒﻘﺩﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗـﻊ ﺒﺼـﺩﻕ ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤـﻲ‬ ‫ﻻﻴﺼﻑ ﺍﻟﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻟﻌﻠﻪ ﻴﺼﻑ ﺘﺼﻭﺭﻨﺎ ﻟﻠﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﺩ ﺇﺭﻨﺴـﺕ ﻤـﺎ ﺭﺍﺌـﺩﹰﺍ‬ ‫ﻟﻸﺩﺍﺘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﺒﻴﻴﺭ ﺩﻭﻫﻴﻡ ﻭﻫﻨﺭﻱ ﺒﻭﺍﻨﻜﺎﺭﻴﻪ ﻭﻫﻤـﺎ ﻤﺅﺴﺴـﺎ ﺍﻹﺘﺠـﺎﻩ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺘـﻲ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺤﻘـﺎﺌﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁـﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻭﻑ ﺒﺎﺴﻡ ﺍﻻﺼﻁﻼﺤﻴﺔ " ‪ " Coventionalism‬ﻭﺘﻬﻨﻲ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺭﻴﺎﻀﻪ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﻀﻌﺎﺕ ﺃﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻤﻬﺎ ﺘﺒﻌﹰﺎ ﻟﺭﻤﻭﺯ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﻗﻭﺍﻋـﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺩﻻل ﻭﺘﻅل ﺼﺎﺩﻗﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﻤﺕ ﺘﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘـﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﺘﻔﻘﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﺭﻤﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﺒﺼﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺜﻡ ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﺨﺭ‬

‫ﻟﻸﺩﺍﺘﻴﺔ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺎ ﺃﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺇﺴـﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﺌﻴــــﺔ " ‪ " Operationalism‬ﻭﺼﺎ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺒﻴﺭﺴﻲ ﺒﺭﻴﺩﺠﻤﺎﻥ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻭ ﻤﺫﻫﺏ ﻴﺭﺒﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﺈﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻤﺤﺼﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﻭﻴﺴﺘﺒﻌﺩ ﻜل ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺘﺘﻌﻴﻥ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺌﻴ ﹰﺎ ﺒﻭﺼﻔﻬﺎ ﻟﻴﺴﺕ‬ ‫ﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻴﻐﺩﻭ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺒﺄﺴﺭﻩ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺙ ‪ .‬ﺜﻡ ﻭﻀﻊ ﻓﺎﻴﻨﺠﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﻫﺎﻡ " ‪ " Fictions‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺇﻫﻤﺎل ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻔﺼﺎل ﻋﻨﻪ ﻟﻴﻨﺼﺏ ﺍﻹﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺘﺸﻴﻴﺩ ﻜﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﺼﻑ ﺒﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﻤﻌﻴّﻨﺔ ‪ .‬ﺜﻡ ﺠﺎﺀ ﺴﺘﻴﻔﻥ ﺘﻭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﻔﻴﺩ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺘﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺒﺄﻓﻜﺎﺭﻩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺘﻴﺔ ﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻭﻱ ﻭﻤﺘﻤﻴﱢﺯ ﻭﻴﻤﺜﹼل ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻟﻔﻠﺴـﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻻ ﺸﻙ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺇّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺠﺢ ﻓﻲ ﺤل ﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﻘﺩﺓ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺠﻤل ﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺘﻴﺔ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺒـﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻘل ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺩﻉ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺨﻠﻕ ﻗﺼﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺭ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤـﻥ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺏ ﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺘﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺯﻉ ﺍﻟﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﻁﻠﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺒﺄﺴﺭﻩ ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻨﺼـﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺠﻤﻴﻌﹰﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻨﻁﻠﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﻻ ﺘﺒﻘﻰ ﺇﻻ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﻤﻔﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﺠل ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺨﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻀﻤﻭﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺠﺎﺀ ﻨﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﺭل ﺒﻭﺒﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺴﻡ ﻟ ﺩﺍﺘﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻜـﺎﺭل ﺒـﻭﺒﺭ‬ ‫ﺃﻋﻅﻡ ﻓﻼﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻜﻴﻑ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺘﻪ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻸﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻴﺤﺘﻠﱠﻬﺎ ﺒﻭﺒﺭ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺨﺼﺼﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺼل ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺱ ﻟﻠﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻋﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻜﺎﺭل ﺒﻭﺒﺭ "‪1994-1902‬ﻡ" ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭﺘﻪ ﻨﻘﻁﺔ ﺘﺤﻭل ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ‬ ‫ﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺘﺒﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻴﺩﻴﻪ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﻠﺕ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺭﻴﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﻜﺸﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﻟﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴـﺎﺱ ﻤـﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺒﻠﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭﺓ ﻟ ﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﺫﻴﺏ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺒﻭﺒﺭ ﺒﺄﺴـﺭﻫﺎ ﺘﺴـﺘﻨﺩ ﺇﻟـﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻴﺯﺓ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺘﻜﺫﻴﺏ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫـﻲ ﻗﺎﺒﻠﻴﺘـﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭﺓ ﻟﻠﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻭﻗﺎﺌﻊ ‪ ،‬ﻟﻠﻨﻘﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺭﺍﺠﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻜﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﺍﻷﺨﻁﺎﺀ ﻭﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻭﻴﺏ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺭﺍﺏ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺩﻕ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺩﱡﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﺘﺘﻔﻕ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻜﺎﺭل ﺒﻭﺒﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻷﻭل ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ "‪"390-327‬‬ ‫ﺃّ‬ ‫ﻨﺎﻗﺸﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ﻜﻴﻑ ﺃﻥ ﻜﺎﺭل ﺒﻭﺒﺭ ﻨﻘﻁﺔ ﺘﺤﻭل ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻴﻑ ﺃﻨـﻪ ﻭﻗـﻑ‬ ‫ﻀﺩ ﺍﻟﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺌﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻹﺒﺴﺘﻤﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭﺭﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻜـﺫﻴﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻜﻴﻑ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻟﺤل ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻭﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻟﻠﺘﻤﻴﻴـﺯ‬ ‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺎﻫﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻻ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ﻡ ﺍﻟ‬

‫ﺎﺭﻴ ﺍﻟ ﻡ‬

‫ﻥ ﺍﻨﺘﻘـﺎل ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﻫﻭ ﻋﻨﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺼل ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻊ ﻭﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺫﻜﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺭﻴﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺩﱡﻡ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌ ﻭﻤﺤﺼـﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺠﻤﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻘﺘﺼﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺴﻬﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺤل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻠﻙ؛ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺇﺴﺘﺸﺭﺍﻑ ﺍﻵﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ ﻟﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻘﺎل ﻓﺄﻟﻘﺕ ﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﺸﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺼﺎﺩ ﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻜﺘﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻭل ﺍﻟﺴﺘﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻭﺫﻟﻙ ﻟﺘﻭﻀﻴﺢ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺒـﻭﺒﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺩﺭﺠـﺕ ﻫـﺫﺍ‬

‫‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪–‬א‪–‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺼﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻴﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻟ ﺎ‪ :‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻡ ﻻ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻪ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﻟﻤﺎ ﺫﻜﺭﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼل ﺍﻷﻭل ﻋﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻫﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨـﻪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺎﻴ‬

‫ﺎ‪ :‬ﺜﻭﺭﻴـﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘـﺩﻡ‬

‫ﻭﻤﺸﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﻭﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻴﻪ ﺘﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺭﻜﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﻤﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻜﺫﻴﺏ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﺴﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﺴـﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﺍﻟـﻭﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ‪.‬‬

‫ﺎﻟ ﺎ‪ :‬ﺤﻠﻭل ﺍﻟﻭﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ‪ :‬ﺘﻭﻤﺎﺱ ﻜﻭﻥ ﻭﻓﻴﻪ ﺘﺤﺩﺜﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ﻋﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻁ ﻜﻭﻥ ﻟﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ "ﺍﻟﺜﻭﺭﺓ" ﻤﻥ ﺒﻭﺒﺭ ﻟﻴﻘﻴﻡ ﺒﻨﻴﺎﻨﻪ ﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻔﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴـﺎﺱ‬ ‫"ﺍﻟﺜﻭﺭﺓ" ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎل ﻤﻥ ﻨﻤﻭﺫ ﻗﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﺇﺭﺸﺎﺩﻱ " ‪ " Paradigm‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻓﻴﻤـﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻤﻨﺯﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺭﻴﺢ ﻟﺤﻠﻭل ﺍﻟﻭﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ﻓـﻲ ﺼـﻠﺏ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ‪ .‬ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺎ ‪ :‬ﺫﺭﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﻭﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ‪ :‬ﺇﻤﺭ‬

‫ﻻ ﻜﺎﺘﻭﺱ ‪،‬‬

‫ﺎ‬

‫ﺎ ‪ .‬ﺇﻨﻁﻼﻗـﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻭﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ‪ :‬ﻓﻴﻴﺭﺁﺒﻨﺩ ‪ ...‬ﻭﺍﻟﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺨﻴـﺭ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﻨﻌﺵ ﺍﻟﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻼﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺒﻠ ﺍﻟﻭﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻤﻌﻪ ﺇﻨﻁﻼﻗﺔ ﻻ ﺘﺤـﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺤﺩﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﻋﻨﺩﻩ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺩّﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﻭﻀـﻭﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻼﺴﻠﻁﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﻓﺽ ﺒﺸﺩﺓ ﺘﻨﺼﻴﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﱡﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻠﻡ ﺒﺎﻟـﺫﺍﺕ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺩﱡﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺭﻓﻲ ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺇﻁﻼﻕ ﻁﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺒﺩﺍﻉ ﻭﻟﻴﺱ ﺒﺎﻟﺘﺸﺩﻴﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﻤﻨﻬ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺨﺘﻤﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺘﺒﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺼل ﺒﺎﻟﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺫﻟﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺁﻓﺎﻗـﻪ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﺕ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻓﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺒﻬـﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻜﱠﺩﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺴﺭ ﻋﻅﻤﺘﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺤﺴﻥ ﺘﺸﻐﻴﻠﻪ ﻭﺘﻭﺠﻴﻬﻪ ﻟﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻤﺴـﺘﺠﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺒﻔﻌﻠﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒﻴل ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻴﻜﻭﻟﻭﺠﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻨﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻁﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺯﻭﻨـﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﺭﺍﻜﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺎﻴﺎﺕ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺠﻴﻨﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺭﻱ ﻭﺃﺨﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻨﺴﺎ ﻭﺍﻟـﺘﺤﻜﱡﻡ ﻓـﻲ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺍﻟﻘـﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻭﺭﺍﺜﻴﺔ ﻟ ﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﻷﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺩﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻤل ‪ ...‬ﺇ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﻫﻭ ﻋﺼـﺭ ﺘﻭﻅﻴـﻑ ﻭﺘﺸـﻐﻴل ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤـﺔ ﻭﺍﻟـﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﺎﻤﻠـﺔ‬

‫‪1424200315‬א‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺩﺍﺨﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺭﺍﻤ ﺍﻟﻤﺭﻜﺒﺔ ‪ ....‬ﺘﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺠﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻟﺴﺩ ﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﻠﺤﺔ ﻭﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩﺓ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟ ﺎ‬ ‫ﻴﻼﺤﻅ ﻗﺎﺭﻱﺀ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺠﺩﻴﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺠـﺩﻴﺭ ﺒﺎﻹﻋﺠـﺎﺏ – ﻏﻴـﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻭﻥ ﻗﺩ ﺃﺴﻬﻤﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺃﺼﻭل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺃﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺃﺴﺴﻬﺎ ﺇﻻ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺴﺱ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﻭﺍﻜﻴﺭ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﻜـﺎﻥ ﺜﻤـﺔ‬ ‫ﺤﻀﻭﺭ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻴﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻨﺠﺎﺯﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﺘﻤﺜﹼل ﻓـﻲ ﺜﻼﺜـﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ؛ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻤﺠﻬﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻜﺴﺘﺎﻨﻲ ﺒﺭﻭﻓﻴﺴﻭﺭ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁـﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻜـﻭﺍﻨﺘﻡ‬ ‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﻜﻬﺭﻭﻤﻐﻨﺎﻁﻴﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻟﻨﻭﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﻀﻌﻴﻑ ‪1971‬ﻡ‬ ‫‪ .‬ﻭﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﺎﺌﺯﺓ ﻨﻭﺒل ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ‪1979‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﺠﻬﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺭﻱ ﺃﺤﻤـﺩ ﺯﻭﻴـل‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺫﻱ ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻉ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺃﺸﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺯﺭ ﺘﺼﻭﻴﺭ ﻤﻴﻼﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺯﻱﺀ ﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩﹰﺍ ﻤـﻥ ﻨﻅﺭﻴـﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﻔﻭﻀﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﻀﻌﺕ ﺍﻷﺼﺒﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻤـﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒـﻲ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺠﻬﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺩﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﺯﻜﻲ ﻨﺠﻴﺏ ﻤﺤﻤﻭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻅﻴﺭ ﻟﻠﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺭﺴﺎﻟﺔ ﺘﻨﻭﻴﺭ ﺒﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻷﻨﻅﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺒﺩﻗﺔ ﻭﺼﺭﺍﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤـﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻥ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻜﺘﺎﺒﺎﺘﻪ ﻭﻭﺠﻬﺕ ﺒﻬﺠﻭﻡ ﺤﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺭﺒﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﻤﻤـﺎ ﻻ ﺸـﻙ ﻓﻴـﻪ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﻤﻬﻤﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﺎﺘﻨﺎ ﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﻤﺠﺎﺭﺍﺓ ﻟﻠﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺌﻊ‪ ":‬ﻤﻥ ﺘﻔﻠﺴﻑ ﻓﻘـﺩ‬ ‫ﺘﺯﻨﺩﻕ" ﻓﻜﻴﻑ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﻭﻋﻲ ﺒﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﻭﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻪ ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺭﻭﻥ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺒﻬﺎﺭ ﺒﺎﻟﻌﻠﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺘﻭﻅﻴﻔﻪ ﻓﺈﻨﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﻟﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ ﻤﺎ ﺯﻟﻨﺎ ﻨﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻌل ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺘﻨﺎ ﻟﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﺎﺘﺤـﺔ‬ ‫ﺨﻴﺭ ﻟ ﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻡ‪.‬‬

Ibn al-Haytham 11th century test of Visual Illusions Dr. Omar Khaleefa* Abstract

The present study showed that Ibn Al-Haytham employed throughout Maqala III of Kitab al-Manazir or "The Book of optics" the term aghlat al-basar “error of visions” or visual illusions in modern psychological terms. Additionally, he described a series of I'tibar or experiments for measuring them.

His test was applied to a group of mu'tabroun 1077 “8-70 years” from Bahrain. The number of males 498 “46,2%” and females 579 “53,8%”. The group was selected with respect to seven age groups as well as five educational levels. The most remarkable finding of the present study is that Ibn al-Haytham's 11th century replicates to 78.2% by the measures under modern conditions.

The study also showed that Ibn al-Haytham's five experiments were reliable and valid. *Associate Professor,University of Khartoum, Sudan .

‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ 1424200315  ‫א‬ Introduction Kitab Al-Manazir Ibn Al-Haytham, an early Arab optician. In the first half of the 11th century, produced a manuscript titled "Kitab Al-Manazir" or The Book of Optic. Sabra, the historian of optics at Harvard University, relied on the al-Fatih's manuscript of Kitab alManazir for his excellent edition, with introduction, Arabic-Latin glossaries and concordance tables. The National Council for Culture, Arts, and Letters in the State of Kuwait published the first volume of Kitab al-Manazir, which has the Arabic text of Books 1-111 “Sabra, 1983”. The book has also been translated

by Sabra and published with introduction, commentary, glossaries, concordance and indices by Warburg Institute at the University of London “Sabra, 1989”.

It is divided into seven Maqalas or Books. Maqala 1 discussed vision generally, Maqala 11 detailed the visual properties, Maqala 111 described errors of sight in what is perceived directly, and their causes. Maqala 1V described the manner of visual perception by refraction from smooth bodies, Maqala V described the positions of images, Maqala V1 described visual errors in what is perceived by reflection, and

Ibn al-Haytham 11th century test of Visual Illusions

Omar Khaleefa

their causes, Maqala V11 explained visual perception by refraction through transparent bodies whose transparency differs from that of air. al-ghalat al-basari or error of vision Ibn al-Haytham employed throughout Maqala 3 or Book 111 of Kitab al-Manazir the term aghlat al-basar or error of vision such as al-ghalat fi al-bo'd or distance, al-ghalat fi al-wad' or position, al-ghalat fi al-tagsim or solidity, al-ghalat fi al-shakl or shape, al-ghalat fi al-o'zm or size, al-ghalat fi al-tafaruq or separation, al-ghalat fi al-ittisal or continuity, al-ghalat fi ala'dad or number, al-ghalat fi al-al-harakah or motion, al-ghalat fi al-sukun or rest, al-ghalt fi al-khushuna or roughness, al-ghalat fi al-malasa or smoothness, al-ghalat fi al-shafif or transparency, al-ghalat fi al-kathafa or opacity, al-ghalat fi al-dhil or shadow, al-ghalat fi al-dholma or darkness, al-ghalat fi al-husn or beauty, al-ghalat fi al-qobh or ugliness, al-ghalat fi al-tashaboh or similarity, al-ghalat fi al-ikhtilaf or dissimilarity.

Ibn Sina, an early Persian Muslim scholar, in Kitab al-Shifa has used the term alkhata' al-basar or mistake of vision “Qanawati & Zai'd, 1975”. Modern psychology uses the term visual illusions. Two contemporary psychologists “Howard, 1996; Taha, 1990” employed Ibn al-Haytham's term al-ghalat albasari as al-khida' al-basari for visual illuions. There are both "binocular" and "monocular" visual states and Ibn al-Haytham's

‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ 1424200315  ‫א‬ contribution is concerned with the binocular vision. He noted that because the two eyes are slightly separated in the head, the two retinal images of a real scene are slightly different. Boring (1957) observed that binocular vision furnished one of the most obvious conundrums in this field. Look at something with both eyes and nearly always there is only one 'look', whether one thinks about the objects or about the eyes that are seeing it. How does twoeyed vision get single? Boring discussed three theories.

The astronomer Kepler (1611), claimed that singleness of vision is due to projection of the seeing to the object seen, the object theory, which works in touch where a pencil feels like a single pencil when held between two fingers. Porta, a physicist, had previously suggested (1593) that the two retinal images alternate in perception, first one and then the other, as occurs in what is now known as retinal rivalry. Gall, the anatomistphrenologist, also held this view. The correct explanation, however, was anatomical. Half of the fibers from each retina cross at the optic chiasma and half do not. This fact suggests that the projections of the two retinas on the brain by the nerve fibers are superimposed, and that singleness of vision results when one brain pattern coincides point-for-point with the other. As early as the second century Galen, conceived this kind of function for the

Ibn al-Haytham 11th century test of Visual Illusions

Omar Khaleefa

chiasma, and Newton accepted the view in 1717. In the nineteenth century Muller is found accepting it and elaborating it “Boring, 1957”.

Perhaps, the most remarkable series of neglected theories and discoveries in Ibn al-Haytham's book Kitab al-Manazir or Optics are those concerning binocular vision, which are set in Chapter 2 of Book 111. His ideas on how the optic nerves combine in the optic chiasma were described in Book 1 and were derived from Galen. These ideas have been well cited; however, Howard found no later reference to the ideas on binocular vision contained in Book 111 and most of these ideas were not described again until the nineteenth century “Howard & Rogers 1995”. Ibn al-Haytham mentioned that an object appears double when one eye is pushed by the finger and, like Galen, pointed out that the visual axes converge on the object of interest. He wrote: "when one eye moves for the purpose of vision, the other eye moves for the same purpose and with the same motion; and when one of them comes to rest, the other is at rest" “See Appendix 1 for Ibn al-Haytham's anatomy of the eye”.

Ibn al-Haytham concept of I'tibar or test In the Optics of Ibn al-Haytham there appeared for the first time a distinct concept of experiment consistently associated with three cognate words, i'tabara, I'tibar and mu'tabir, which the Latin translation of the book rendered as experimentare,

‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ 1424200315  ‫א‬ experimentatio and experimentator, respectively. Sabra argued that the appearance of this concept of experiment, being essentially different from the Aristotelian and medical emeiria “almost always expressed in the Arabic literature by tajriba, experience” should be regarded not as a development within Aristotelianism or Galenism but as a 'result of taking over into optics an idea [of testing] which had had an established career in astronomy' “Sabra, 1971”. The belief that Ibn al-Haytham's method is a continuation of Ptolemy's method is based on a superficial comparison. The similarity is less evident when a strict comparison of the two methods is made “Omar, 1981”.

In Arabic, common usage of the verb 'abara “from the trilateral root 'BR” and of the eight form i'tabara reveals two related senses which persisted in the later technical application of the latter term. One is the general sense of examining “something”, and the other is that of comparing or measuring something with another. Thus, 'abara could mean to examine or seek to determine, as in 'abara al-darahima, to weigh the dirhams, seeking to know their value. Similarly, i'tabara alshay'a is to examine or test the thing; and i'tabara ba'da al-kitabi bi-ba'dihi is 'to consider and compare one part of the book with another part, in order to understand it'. I'tabara occurs in the

Ibn al-Haytham 11th century test of Visual Illusions

Omar Khaleefa

Qur'an “lix.2” in the sense of to take heed or warning or example from past happenings, the sense frequently encountered in works of history or moral teaching, as, for example, in the title of Ibn Khaldun's famous book, Kitab al-'Ibar “Sabra, 1971”. Ibn alHaytham's concept of al-ghalat al-basari, he used in connection with binocular vision and his method of I'tibar or test, are needed, empirically, to be verified.

Aims of the empirical study First: How well does Ibn-Haytham's test replicate at the beginning of the 21th century?

Second: what is the mean of performance in the different experiments by Ibn al-Haytham?

Third: what is the influence of age on aghlat al-basar or error of vision?

Fourth: what is the influence of gender on aghlat al-basar?

Fifth: what is the influence of education on aghlat al-basar?

Sixth: what is the interaction between age and education on aghlat al-basar?

Seventh: what is the reliability of Ibn-Haytham test?

Eighth: what is the validity of Ibn-Hyatham test?

Method Mo'tabaroun or Sample

‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ 1424200315  ‫א‬ In the present study we use the term mu'tabir for experimenter or examiner and mu'tabireen for experimenters or examiners and mu'tabar for examinee, mu'tabaroun for examinees, subjects or sample. For example, Ibn al-Haytham wrote : "thomma yarfa' al-mu'tabar"; "thomma ya'tamid almu'tabar"; "idha nazar al-mu'tabar"; "thomma yanbaghi lilmu'tabar". In all these cases al-mutabar means the examinee or the participant.

As a pilot study, Ibn al-Haytham's I'tibar or test was applied to a group of 50 students from the University of Bahrain both males and females to ensure the suitability of instructions, Ibn alHaytham's terms, positions of lines, pin objects, and angles. The main 1077 mu'tabaroun constituted the total sample from the present population of the State of Bahrain: 498 males “46.2%” and 579 females “53.8%”. Mu'tabaroun were divided to seven age groups “Table 1”. Additionally, they were divided to five educational levels “Table 2”. Other variables such as occupation, geographical distribution, and socioeconomic level were also considered.

I'tibar or test

Ibn al-Haytham 11th century test of Visual Illusions

Omar Khaleefa

Ibn al-Haytham used the term I'tibar for experiment and test. In the present study we use the term I'tibar as a test which includes five experiments. He verified empirically his theory of aghlat al-basar or error of vision and his I'tibar or test. He put the mathematical as well as the geometrical basis of his psychological test “Khaleefa, 1999”.

He wrote: "Take a light-weight wooden board of a pale color, one cubit in length and four fairly large digits wide. Its surface should be even and smooth and its longitudinal and latitudinal edges should be parallel. Draw two intersecting diameters on it and from the point of intersection draw a straight line parallel to its length and another straight line perpendicular to the first, middle line. Paint these lines in different bright colors to make them visible, and paint the diameters in one color. In the middle of the board's shorter edge and at the end of the middle straight line between the diameters, make a round but narrowing opening whose wider part at the beginning is large enough for inserting the bridge of the nose so that the board may rest upon it in such a way that the board's corners will be extremely close to the middles of the eyes' surfaces, so close in fact that they almost touch them without actually doing so" “p. 238” “see the diagram in the appendix”.

He continued: "Let the board be like the figure ABGD “Appendix 2 shows a diagram of the test”: the diameters are AD,

‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ 1424200315  ‫א‬ BG; the intersection point is K; the longitudinal line extending in its middle is EKZ; the line intersecting this line at right angles is HKT; and the opening in the middle of the board's latitudinal side is contained by the line MEN". He added "Once the board has been prepared and the lines have been drawn in it in this manner, take a small piece of white wax and make three small cylindrical objects out of it and paint them in three different colors; place one of the objects in the middle of the board at point K; fasten it there so that it cannot be removed from this position and let it stand upright on the board; place the other two objects at the ends of the transverse line, at points H, T; the three objects will lie on one line" He added: "The experimenter should then raise the board and , placing the opening in the middle of its side on his nose, insert the bridge of his nose in it so that the corners of the board will be close to touching the middles of the surfaces of the eyes.

The experimenter should then endeavor to look at the object in the middle of the board, fixing his gaze intensely on it. When the experimenter does this, the axes of the two eyes will meet on that object and either coincide with or be parallel to the diameters; the common axis we have already defined will coincide with the line extending through the length of the board “p. 239”. In the present

Ibn al-Haytham 11th century test of Visual Illusions

Omar Khaleefa

study we have replicated five experiments of Ibn-Hytham as described below.

Experiment 1 With both eyes focused on the object at K, the point in which the common axis EZ cuts the transverse line HT at right angles: (1)The two objects at H and T, and all points on HT, are seen single; the line HT appears as a single line; and (2)The line EZ is seen as two lines that intersect at K, and so is each of the diameters AD and BG. Experiment 2 With the eye fixed on the object at H or at T- a case in which the visual axes are not symmetrically situated with respect to the common axis EZ. (1)The objects at H, K, T, and all points on HT, are seen single; the line HT appears as a single line; and (2)The line EZ, and each of the diameters AD and BG, are seen double.

Experiment 3 With two objects at L and F on the common axis EZ (=c), before and after K, respectively, and with the eyes focused on K: (1)The two objects appears as four- two over to the right, and two over to the left; and

‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ 1424200315  ‫א‬ (2)Each of the four objects “i.e. images” appears on one of the two lines into which c has been doubled.

Experiment 4 Three cases are considered: (a)With the eyes fixed on K and the objects O1, O2 placed at two points on one of the diameters, then on the other, one object, O1, before, and the other, O2, beyond K: Each of the two objects, and each of the diameters, appears double. (b)`With the eyes fixed on K, and the objects O1, O2 placed on the near segments of the diameters: The two objects appear as four-two closer together, and two farther apart. (c)With the eyes fixed on K, and the two objects placed on the far segments of the diameters: The two objects appear as four, as in case (b), two closer together and two farther apart.

Experiment 5 The eyes are fixed on the middle object at K while regarding an object placed, first, at a point I beyond H but very close to it, then at a point Q farther away from H- both I and Q being on the right edge of the board: The object appears single when regarded at I, and double when regarded at Q.

Ibn al-Haytham 11th century test of Visual Illusions

Omar Khaleefa

The replication In the present study we employed Ibn al-Haytham's I'tibar or test. He specified clearly the length of his psychological test as 'looh min khashab' or a wooden board, according to the measure of his time: "One cubit in length and four fairly large digits wide". In Arabic we read "Tolaho qadr a'zm al-dhira' wa a'rdaho arba' asabi' mogtadirah". According to Nazif “1942” the lengths of cubit and four fairly large digits are 50 and 8 centimeters, respectively. A renewed and revived looh or wooden board had been designed to be 50 X 8 cm musfar alloon or "pale color", amlas or "smooth" and its "nihayata tolaihi wa a'rdaho" or "longitudinal and latitudinal edges" were mutawaziyain or "parallel". We have drawn all khotoot or lines and asbagh or paintings in the looh or board according to Ibn al-Haytham description. Khargan mustadiran or the round and narrowing point for the board has been designed to be 2 X 3 cm for adults and 2 X 2.5 cm for children “Appendix 1 shows a diagram of the test”.

Ibn al-Haytham “p.238” specified the size of zawaya or angles in a broad description. We have tried to convert these measures to modern ones. The angles of HBI, IBQ and QBG were 11, 30 and 36 degrees, respectively. We have tried to make thalatha ashkhas sighar ostowaniya or "three small cylindrical objects" from al-shama' al-abyad or white wax as Ibn al-

‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ 1424200315  ‫א‬ Haytham mentioned. However, we have some problems with this, including the design, size and color. Additionally, Ibn alHaytham said that these objects were fastened hatta la yazol min mawdi'hi or "so that it cannot be removed"; this was very difficult to be achieved. The objects that we made from wax were unsatisfactory. For these reasons we used three pin objects similar in function to the shape, size and color “green, blue and red”. Pins are sharp and stand steadily in the wooden board without movement.

Procedures The reconstructed test was applied individually for mu'tabaroun or participants at their homes by trained students from the University of Bahrain. Suitable physical and social conditions were created for the administration of the scale.

Mu'tabireen or examiners explained the purpose of the study to all participants. Clear instructions were given to and results were written in the record forms.

One problem which faced

mu'tabireen was that some mu'tabaroun, particularly those who were more than 50 years old and illiterate, are "yatamalaloon" or get bored with the test. However, there was a good response from younger participants “10-30 years”. Another problem was that administration of the test required full "tahdiq" or gazing,

Ibn al-Haytham 11th century test of Visual Illusions

Omar Khaleefa

contemplating and fixing of the two eyes on the specified objects and lines according to Ibn al-Haytham's instructions. Some participants found it difficult to do that “Appendix 2 shows how the test was placed on the nose”.

Results Ibn al-Haytham's results Ibn al-Haytham “p. 240” found that: in the figure ABGD, draw lines BH, BI, BQ; lines HB will be greater than line BT, but line HK is equal to line KT; therefore, angle TBK is greater than angle KBH. But angle TBK is equal to angle HAK, therefore, angle HAK is greater than angle HBK. Therefore, the distance of line AH from the axis AK is greater than that of line BH from the axis BK, but the difference between the two distances is small because the difference between angles HAK, HBK is small. Now the objects at point H is always seen with both eyes as one if the two axes meet on the object at point K; and lines AH, BH as in the same direction as the two rays proceeding to the object at point H, if the axes meet on the object at point K. He added: "While in this situation, the experimenter should contemplate every-thing on the surface of the board. He will see each of the three objects at points H, K and K single, and will also find line HKT to be one. But line EZ, which extends through the length of the board, will appear as two lines intersecting at

‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ 1424200315  ‫א‬ the middle object. Similarly, when contemplating the diameters while in this situation, he will find them to be four, each of them appearing double".

Further: "It is clear from this case that an object opposite the middle of one eye and displaced from the middle of the eye will be seen double. For the form of the point that occurs in the middle of one eye will proceed to the Center, whereas the form of the point that is displaced from the middle of the other eye will occur in a point other that the Center and its displacement from the Center will be according to the point's displacement on the surface of the eye".

"It is clear evident from all the experimentation we have described and from our explanation, that the object on which the two axes meet is invariably seen single; that an object will also be seen single if the rays that meet on it lie in the same direction and there is no great discrepancy between their distances from the axis; that an object will be seen double if the rays that meet on it have the same direction but differ greatly with respect to their distant from the two axes; that an object will be seen double if it is perceived through rays of different directions through their distances from the two axes may be equal; and that all this will be so long as the two axes meet on a single object. We have now

Ibn al-Haytham 11th century test of Visual Illusions

Omar Khaleefa

shown, both by reasoning and experiment, the reason why each of the familiar objects is seen single by both eyes “pp. 241-242”.

The present Results (1) How well does Ibn-Haytham's test replicate at the beginning of the 21th century?

The most remarkable finding of the present study is that his 11th century results replicates to 78.2% by the measures under modern conditions.

(2) What is the mean of performance of the different tests?

The study showed that the average performance of mu'tabaroun in all five experiments of the test was 3.91 “SD=1.06” out of a possible total of 5. There are some differences between means of these experiments “Table 3”.

(3) What is the influence of age on aghlat al-basar or error of visions?

The study showed that error of vision decreases with the increasing of age “Table 1”.

(4) What is the influence of gender on aghlat al-basar?

The study showed means 3.86 for females and 3.97 for males.

Males were more susceptible to error of vision than females “Table 4”.

(5) What is the influence of education on aghlat al-basar?

‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ 1424200315  ‫א‬ The study showed that errors of vision increase with education but decrease slightly during secondary and university level “Table 2”.

(6) What is the interaction between age and education on aghlat al-basar?

The study showed that there was an interaction between age and education. With increasing of age errors of vision decrease and with the increasing of education it increase too “Fig. 1”.

(7) What is the reliability of Ibn-Hyatham test?

Ibn-Haytham experiments were applied to a group of 60 mu'tabaroun for test-retest reliability. The correlation between the first and second application was +.92. The reliability coefficient for alpha was +.96, and the standardized item alpha was +.96. Guttman split-half reliability of the test was +.88, and the reliability given by the equal length SpearmanBrown test was +.88.

(8) What is the validity of the test?

The correlation coefficient between Ibn al-Haytham Form 1 and Ibn al-Hyatham Form 11 was +.81. Form 1 consisted of 24 positions or points while Form 11 of 10 points.

Ibn al-Haytham 11th century test of Visual Illusions

Omar Khaleefa

Discussion Naturally, there are some difficulties in discussing an experiment whose description data from the 11th century. A part from anything else, Ibn al-Haytham's treatment of vision was a form of tarkib, or a synthesis of physics, geometry, mathematics and psychology. which reveal that it is unlikely that any simple model can account for all visual illusion, we will compare Ibn alHaytham's original results and those of our replication with a number of similar modern studies.

Ibn al-Haytham grasped that aghlat al-basar, or error of vision, is an unavoidable psychological perceptual phenomenon.

Thus, we may analyze his study in both old and current psychological terms. Hilgard, Atkinson and Atkinson “1979� wrote in their well known" Introduction to psychology" that for the most part, our perceptions serve us very well. Most of the time, seeing is believing. However, our perceptions do fail at times, and such failures provide important clues about how the perceptual process works. Hence, in the study of perception, psychologists have turned to illusions, in which perceptions are misleading, in order better to understand the process.

Psychologists have studied geometrical illusions for many years but still do not totally agree on their explanations. Some illusions are based on relative size in contrast with surroundings, other

‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ 1424200315  ‫א‬ may be understood if we suppose the figures to be projected in the third dimension.

The overall finding of the present study indicated the accuracy of Ibn al-Haytham test at 78.2% with a difference of only 0.2. This finding confirms our first study with Form 1 of the test, which showed 78% accuracy. These findings gave strong support to Ibn al-Haytham's doctrine on aghlat al-basar or errors of vision. There are several explanations which can be made for the accuracy of this ancient psychological apparatus; and the difference between the expected degree “100%” and the actual one “78.2%” can be related to several factors. One factor might be the differences in detail of the apparatus such as using pins instead of wax objects and variation in colors.

Another factor is that some ma'tabroun found it difficult to follow Ibn al-Haytham's terms, such as tahdiq “focusing” and qotr “diagonal”. Also, many mu'tabaroun became yatamalaloon, or bored with the procedure. This is quite consistent with the conclusion reached by Omar “1981” that one of the important characteristics of Ibn al-Haytham's method was that he repeats the observations of any phenomena under investigation. He did not accept any theory without numerous and frequent observations in order to prove its validity.

Ibn al-Haytham 11th century test of Visual Illusions

Ibn

al-Haytham

interpreted

his

Omar Khaleefa

psychological

study

regarding aghlat al-basar in terms of differences of angles and lines during tahdiq or focusing. Many psychologists to day also discuss visual illusions in terms of variations in angles “Allport & Pettigrew, 1957; Dodwell, 1981; Gregory, 1968”. One of the most striking aspects of regularity is the presence of right angles in the artefacts and the overestimation of

acute angles

“Derogowiski, 1980”.

Ibn al-Haytham wrote: "Similarly, with the object at point I: the rays proceeding to it will have the same direction as lines AI, BI, and it will be seen single. Angles IAK, IBK, too, will not differ greatly, because angle HBI will have no sensible magnitude if point I lies very close to point H. From this it is clear that an object on the same side of both axes will be seen single with both eyes, provided that no great discrepancy exists between the distances of the rays drawn to it from the two eyes.

But angles QAK, OBK, are appreciably different; and the object at point Q is seen double when the two axes meet on the object at point K. It is therefore clear from this that when the positions of the rays drawn to an object from the two eyes differ greatly with respect to their distance from the axes, then that object will be seen double, even if it is situated on the same side of both axes" “pp. 240-242”

‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ 1424200315  ‫א‬ Ibn al-Haytham has also interpreted his psychological study in terms of size constancy, which equates to constancy of scaling in current psychological studies “Fisher, 1968; Gregory, 1963, 1966, 1970; Schiffman, 1982; Thiery, 1896 “. He argued that sight might also mistake the size of an object for the reason that the object's distance has exceeded the moderate range. Thus an object perceived from an excessively great distance will appear smaller than its real size. And since size can be perceived only by inference, this will be an error in that inference". As he put it: "The reason why sight perceives as object at an excessively great distance to be smaller than its real magnitude is that the size of an object is perceptible only by estimating the object's size by the angle of the cone that surrounds it together with the magnitude of the object's distance “p. 284”.

One remarkable finding of the present study is that aghlat al-basar or errors of vision decrease with the increase of age.

Young mu'tabaroun are more susceptible to illusion than to elder ones. This result is similar to Khaleefa and Manaa' “2000, 2001” studies with regard to Form 1 of Ibn al-Hytham test. It also supports those of many contemporary psychologists that children have higher scores on illusion than adults “Derogowiski, 1980; Segall, Cambell, & Herskovits, 1966; Wagner, 1977”. Several

Ibn al-Haytham 11th century test of Visual Illusions

Omar Khaleefa

explanations can be suggested for understanding this. Lack of attention and concentration with increasing of age may be one factor.

Cognitive

components

that

contribute

to

perceptual

distortions include such as those supposed in the perspectiveconsistency mechanism and, in general, the incorporation of depth cues in perceptual judgement. Other cognitive-type factors may involve attention, attitude and past experience “Schiffman, 1982”. Attention especially may be one factor that may influence the susceptibility of illusion “e.g., Davis, 1970; Derogowiski, 1980; Jahoda & Stancey, 1970”.

The study showed that aghlat al-basar increases with increasing education on Ibn-Haytham test. Illiterate mu'tabaroun showed fewer errors of vision compared to literate ones while those with university education have high scores. This result supports the results of our study of Form 1 of Ibn al-Hytham test.

Many investigators in contemporary psychology showed that education increases attention “e.g., Derogowiski, 1980; Jahoda & Stancey, 1970”: more tahdiq or focusing. Psychological studies have shown that groups differing in education differ also in the way in which they react to exposure to new stimuli and perhaps to the very task of being tested “Derogowiski, 1980”.

Our result contradicted the conclusion reached by Jahoda that education tends to reduce illusion. Also, it contradicted

‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ 1424200315  ‫א‬ Derogowiski's finding that the more educated subjects adapt to such a situation with greater ease and therefore the decline of the illusory effect, which is associated with repeated presentation of the stimulus, begins, in their case, relatively early. The less educated do not adapt as easily and the decline, if any, is therefore retarded “Derogowiski, 1980”. One might argue that aghlat al-basar as measured by Ibn al-Haytham's experiments is a form of secondary illusions in which the magnitude of such illusion typically increased to a certain degree “cf Piaget, 1969”.

Possibly illusion decreases with education in simple geometrical shapes, such as the Muller-Lyer, Ponzo and VerticalHorizontal, while it increases with education on complex ones such as Ibn al-Haytham's test, which relies on binocular vision.

Khaleefa and Manaa (2000) found that when covering one eye there is no error of vision in Ibn Al-Haytham test. Empirically, in Bahrain, all one-eyed individuals or awar or one eyed mu'tabaroun have no error of vision. Additionally, their study showed that attention improves binocular vision, whilst, lack of attention increases illusions such as the Muller-Lyer and Ponzo.

More theoretical and empirical studies are needed to differentiate between these possibilities.

Ibn al-Haytham 11th century test of Visual Illusions

Omar Khaleefa

Finally, the study showed that the Ibn-Hyatham test was reliable and valid. The reliability of the scale in terms of the correlation coefficient ranged between +.88 to +.92, which is very high. The validity of the scale, in terms of the correlation coefficients between Ibn al-Haytham experiments Form 1 and Ibn al-Haytham Form 11, was +.81. This is a remarkable success for a psychological apparatus that was devised in the 11th century and revived and renewed at the beginning of the 21th century.

Conclusion Some findings stand out in the present study. From the beginning of Magala 1 of Kitab al-Manazir in which optics is treated theoretically to the applied psychological topics of Magala 11 and 111, Ibn al-Haytham tested his ideas against observation. He displayed pioneering genius in grouping that since the 11 the century that psychological phenomena, such as aghlat al-basar, or visual illusions can be studied quantitatively not until the nineteenth century was this insight be achieved.

Perhaps, it was the first time in the history of science the concept of I'tibar or test was introduced, which can be easily distinguished from other methods of investigation. He not only formulated new theories and pioneered a new approach, he also devised his own apparatus to test them. Our replication of his studies of aghlat Al-basar or visual illusions come to underline

‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ 1424200315  ‫א‬ how advanced his thinking and practice were. His long neglected work deserves detailed study by all those interested in the history of measurement in psychology.

Table (1)Summary of Means and SDs for the Age Groups Age group

Mcan

SD

Number

1-10

4.20

0.83

25

11-20

4.16

1.05

258

21-30

4.11

1.14

254

31-40

3.86

0.93

200

41-50

3.82

0.92

179

51-60

3.42

0.97

123

61-70

2.86

1.08

32

Total

3.91

1.06

1077

Table (2)Summary of Means and SDs for Educational levels Educational level

Mean

SD

Number

Illiterate

3.23

1.04

160

Ibn al-Haytham 11th century test of Visual Illusions

Primary Education

3.77

Omar Khaleefa

1.02

176

Intermediate

3.92

0.80

170

Secondary

4.11

1.21

342

University

4.18

0.69

229

‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ 1424200315  ‫א‬ Table (3) Summary of means and SD for five experiments of the test experiment

Mean

SD

1

0.91

0.26

2

0.81

0.35

3

0.70

0.36

4

0.62

0.36

5

0.87

0.51

Table (4) Summary of Means and SDs for Gender and the Entire Sample Gender

Mean

Variance

Number

Male

3.95

0.99

498

Female

3.86

1.21

579

Ibn al-Haytham 11th century test of Visual Illusions

Omar Khaleefa

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Gregory, R. (1966). Visual illusions. In New Horizons in Psychology. Edited by B. Foss. Baltimore: Wiley.

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Gregory, R. (1970). The Intelligent Eye. London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson. Hilgard, E., Atkinson, R., Atkinson, R. (1979). Introduction to Psychology. New York: Harcourt.

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Sabra, A. (1983). Kitab al-Manazir. Edited with introduction, concordance tables, by A. Sabra. Kuwait: The National Council for Culture, Arts, and Letters.

Sabra, A. (1989). The Optics of Ibn al-Haytham, Books 1111. Translated with Introduction and Commentary by A. Sabra. London: The Warburg Institute.

Segall, M., Campbell, D., & Herskovits, M. (1966).

Influence of Culture on Visual Perception. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merill.

Schiffman, H. (1982). Sensation and Perception: An integrated approach. 2rd edition. New York: John Wiley & Sons.

Taha, Z. (1990). Psychophysics according to Ibn al-Haytham.

Arab Journal of Psychiatry, 1, 256-273.

Thiery, A. (1896). Uber geometrische-optische tauschungen.

Philosophische Studiern, 12, 67-126.

Wagner, D. (1977). Ontogeny of the Ponzo illusion: Effects of age, schooling and environment. International Journal of Psychology, 12, 161-176.

Bibliography about Islamic Studies Ala-Addin Hassan Abdel-Bagi * Introuductian Alfarougi Library of Imam contains many foreign references and Journals of Islamic Studies .The importance of these references and Journals gives us the pleasure to write this bibliography for the sake of the library user.

Subject Headings A. Awqaf B. -Family in Islam

*

1-2 3

C. Figh

4-12

D. Glorious Qur’an

13-14

E. Hadith

15-20

F. Hijab

21-22

G. Ibadat

23-25

H. Ijtihad

26-28

I. Islamic Arts

29-30

J. Islamic Culture

31-37

K. Islamic Law

38-49

L. Islamic Medicine

50-51

M. Islamic Science

52-57

N. Islamic Technology

58

O. Jihad

59-62

Alfarougi Library (IMAM)

1424200315  ‫א‬ P. Justice of Islam

63

Q. Muslims and Christians `

64-65

R. Philosophy of Islam

66-78

S. Qura’nic Science

79-93

T. Riba

94

U. Seera

95-101

V. Sufism

102-108

W. Tafsir

109-111

X. Tawheed

112-117

Y. Urf

118

Z. Usul AL-Figh

119

AA.Woman In Islam

120-128

BB.Zakah

129-130 (A) Awqaf

(Books Review) 1- Leeuwen, Richard Van Awqaf and Urban Structures. by/ Kana’an, Ruba, JIS, vol. 12, No.1 , Jan.2001,Oxford Un. Press, London Pp: 88-89.

2-Mc Chesney R.D. Waqf in Central Asia, by/ Kozlowski, Gregory C., JIS, vol. 4, No.1, Jan.1993. Oxford Un. Press, London. Pp: 133-135.

 ‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ (B) Family in Islam 3- Abdal’Ati, Hammudah The Family Structure in Islam, International Graphics Printing Service, Maryland, 1977. 360 p.

(C) Figh (Books Review) 4- Al-Zurayqi, Jum’aa Mahmud Nizam Al-Shahr Al-Iqari Fil- Shari ‘a Al-Islamiyya, by/ Izzidien Mauil ,JIS.vol.3.No.2,July1992.OxfordUn.Press,London.

Pp.235-240.

5- El-Malik, Walid Minerals Investment Under the Shari ‘a Law. by/ Izzidien, Mawil,JIS,vol.6.No.2.July,1995.Oxford. Un. Press, London, Pp. 257-258 6- Taher, Mohamed Sharia: its Substance and Significance, by/ Dalvi ,Muhammad Abudur-Rahim, AJISS.vol.13.No1.Spring.1996.IIIT,Virginia Pp.115-116.

7- Anasri, Zafar Ishaq The Contribution of the Qura’n and Prophet to the Development of Islamic Figh ,JIS.vol.3.No.2, July, 1992. Oxford Un. Press, London. Pp. 141-171.

1424200315  ‫א‬ 8- Hallaq, Wael B. Usul Al-Figh: Beyond Tradition, JIS.vol.3.No.2.July 1992.

Oxford Un. Press, London, Pp. 172-202 9- Pacaci, Mehmet The Role of The Subject (Mujtahid) in alshafi’i’s Methodology: A Hermeneutic Approach., AJISS.vol.14.No3.Fall.1997.

IIIT,Virginia ,Pp.1-16.

10- Al-Alwani, Taha J. The Crisis in Figh and the Methodology of Ijtihad, AJISS,vol.

8.No.2.Sept.1991. IIIT,Virginia, Pp.317-338.

11- Azizy, A. Qadri Ikhtilaf in Islamic Law with Special Reference to the Shafi’i School., I.S. vol.34.No.4.Winter.1995. I.I.U.Islamabad Pp.367-384.

12- Sabiq, As-Sayyid Fiqh us – Sunnah, American Trust Publications, Indianapolis, 1989.156 p.

(D) Glorious Qur’an (Book Review) 13- Zidan, Ahmed Translation of the Glorious Qura’n by/ Mir – Mustansir JIS.vol,6.No.2. July, 1995.Oxford.Un.Press London. Pp. 256-257

 ‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ 14- Indexing of the Qur’an (7/18-19/89) AJISS,vol.6, No.2, Dec. 1989, IIIT,Virginia,Pp.361-365.

(E) Hadith (Book Review) 15- Siddiqi, Muhammad Zubayr Hadith Literature, by/ Nadwi, Mohammad Akram JIS,vol.7, No.1, Jan. 1996, Oxford Un. Press,London.

Pp. 90-91 16- Zaman, Ifrikhar The Science of Rijal as a Method in the Study of Hadiths.

JIS.vol.5.No.1,Jan.1994.Oxford.Un.Press, London,Pp. 1-34.

17- Khan, Muhammad Summarized Sahih Al-BuKhari,Maktaba Dar-Us-Salam, Riyadh 1994.1096 p.

18- An-Nawawi An-Nawawi’s Forty Hadith I.I.F.S.O.,Kuwait, 1988.127 p.

19- Khan, Muhammad Muhsin Sahih Al-Bukhari, vol. 1,2,3,4Dar Al fikr, Beirut 20- Imam Muslim Sahih Muslim, vol.1Dar Al Arabia, Beirut.

(F) Hijab

1424200315  ‫א‬ (Book Review) 21- Shirazi, Faghen The Veil Unveiled: The Hijab in Modern Culture by/ Hossain Mary,JIS,vol.13.No.3 , Sep,2002 . Oxford Un. Press , London.

Pp. 361-363 22- Hommor, Juliane Prayer, Hijab and the Intifada,Islam and Christian –Muslim Relations,.vol.11.No.3.October.2000. Carfax. Pub., London Pp. 299-320.

(G) Ibadat 23- Badri- M.B. Islam and Alcoholism, American Trust Publications, Indiana, 1976.68 p.

24- Ansar,Syed Jalaluddin Maroof & Munkar I.IF.S.O.Kuwait.1989.301 p.

25- Sawaf, Shaikh Muhammad The Muslim Book of Prayer I.IF.S.O.Kuwait.139 p.

(H) Ijtihad 26- Saeed, Abdullah Ijtihad and Innovation in New- Modernist Thought in Indonesia

 ‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ Islam and Christian Muslim Relations. vol.8.No.3.October.1997.

Carfax. Pub, London,Pp.279-296.

27- Molloy,Rebecca JihadinClassicaland Modern Islam, AJISS.vol.18.No.4.Fall.2001.

IIIT,Virginia, Pp.187-190.

28- Hoffman, Jamaluddin Between Jihad and Salaam: Profiles in Islam, AJISS.vol.19.No.1.Winter.2002.IIIT,Virginia,Pp121-123.

(I) Islamic Arts (Books Review) 29- Grube, Ernest J. Islamic Arts. by/ Bahnassi, Afif JIS, vol. 4, No.1, Jan.1993, Oxford Un. Press, London.

Pp: 132-133 30- Allen. Terry Five Essays On Islamic Art, by/ Finster, Barbara, JIS.vol.3.No.2, July, 1992.Oxford.Un. Press, London,Pp. 314-318.

(J) Islamic Culture (Book Review) 31- Faksh, Mahmud A. The Future of Islam in the Middle East. by/ Choueiri, Yousif M. JIS.vol.11.No.1.Jan.2000, Oxford Un. Press, London,Pp.96-97.

1424200315  ‫א‬ 32- Qutb, Sayyid Islam the Religion of the Future, I.I.F.S.O. Kuwait,127 p.

33- Qutb, Sayyid This Religion of Islam,I.I.F.S.O. Kuwait,1988.104 p.

34- Kutub, Muhammed Islam the Misunderstood Religion, I.I.F.S.O. Kuwait,1988.199 p.

35- Nasr, Seyyed Ideals and Realities of Islam,George Allen & Unwin, London, 1988.188 p.

36- Abd Alati, Hammudah Islam in Focus,Islamic Teaching Center,211 p.

37- Alnadwi, Abul Hassan Islam and the World,I.I.F.S.O.Kuwait.1989.210 p.

(K) Islamic Law (Books Review) 38- Gerber , Haim Islamic Law and Culture 1600-1840. by/ Hassan Hussein JIS , vol . 12 .No. 2, May 2001,Oxford Un. Press , London, Pp. 203-206 39- Weiss, Bernard G. The Spirit of Islamic Law by/ Hassan, Hussein JIS,vol.12,No.3.Sep.2001.

 ‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ Oxford Un. Press, London.

Pp.327-328 40- Roberts, Robert The Social Laws of The Qura’n. by/ Izzidien, Mawil JIS,vol.3,No.1,January, 1992.

Oxford Un. Press, London Pp. 105-106 41- Gleave, Robert Islamic Law: Theory and Practice. by/ Hassan ,Hussein JIS.vol.13.No.1.Jan,2002.

Oxford Un. Press, London,Pp. 50-51.

42- Vogel, Franke Islamic Law and Legal System: Studies of Saudi Arabia, by/Zaman, Muhammad Qasim, JIS.vol.13.No.1.Jan,2002.

43-Burton, John The Sources of Islamic Law: Islamic Theories of Abrogation. by/ Dutton, Yasin, JIS.vol.4.No.2, July,1993.

Oxford Un. Press. London,Pp.237-240.

44- Mallat, chibli The Renewal of Islamic Law. Muhammad Baqer As- sadr , And The Shi’ International .by/ Izzidien, Mawil JIS. vol. 6, No.1, Jan, 1995.Oxford Un.. Press, London, Pp. 100-102.

45-Peters, Ruud

1424200315  ‫א‬ Islamic Law and Human Rights Islam and Christian- Muslim Relations,vol.10.No.1.March.1999.

Carfax Pub. London,Pp. 5-14.7.

46- Khalfaallah, Haifaa The Elusive, Islamic Law Islam and Christian –Muslim Relations,vol.12.No.2.April.2001.

Carfax.Pub., London,Pp.143-152.

47- Jackson, Sherman A. Muslim, Islamic Law and the Sociopolitical Reality in the United States.AJISS.vol.17.No.2.2000.IIIT,Virginia,Pp.1-28.

48- El-Awa,Mohamed Punishment in Islamic Law American Trust Publication Indianapolis.1982,A148 p.

49- Baderin, Mashood A. The Evolution of Islamic Law of Nations and the Modern International Order.AJISS.vol.17.No.2.2000.IIIT,Virginia Pp29-56.

(L) Islamic Medicine (Books Review) 50- Ullmann, Manfred Islamic Medicine, by/ Smith , Emilie’ Savage JIS. vol.13. No. 3 Sep. 2002.Oxford Un. Press, London

 ‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ Pp. 335-338 51- Chaim, Vardit Rispler Islamic Medical Ethics in the Twentieth Century by/ Izzidien, M.JIS,vol.7.No.1, Jan. 1996.

Oxford Un. Press, London,Pp. 111-112.

(M) Islamic Science (Books Review) 52- Hofmann, Murad Islamic, the Alternative. by/ Hossain , Marry ,JIS. vol. 6, No.1 Jan. 1995,Oxford.. Press. London,Pp. 95-96.

53- Gloss, Cyril The Concise Encyclopedia of Islam. by/ Hofmann, Murad JIS,vol.13.No.2, May, 2002 .Oxford Un.. Press. London.

Pp. 184-186.

54-Ruthven, Malise Islam: A very short Introduction. by/ Dutton,Yasin JIS, vol. 10, No.3, Sep. 1999,Oxford Un. Press, London.

Pp: 319-321 55- Al-Attas, Sharifa Shifa Islam and the Challenge of Modernity. by/Manzoor, Parvez JIS, vol. 10, No.3 , Sep..1999, Oxford Un. Press, London.

Pp: 335-336.

56- Mas’ud, Muhammad Khalid

1424200315  ‫א‬ Studies in Qur’an and Hadith,AJISS.vol.6.No.2.Dec.1989.

IIIT, Virginia,Pp.329-336.

57- Mir, Mustansir Towards Under Tending the Qur’an,AJISS.vol.7.No.2. .1990.

IIIT, Virginia,Pp.257-258.

(N) Islamic Technology (Book Review) 58- Al-Hassan, Ahmed Y. Islamic Technology by/Allan J.W JIS.vol.4.No.2.July,1993.Oxford Un. Press, London.

Pp. 296-298.

(O) Jihad (Books Review) 59- Dekmejian , R. Hrair Islam in Revolution, by/ Abu-Rabi, Ibrahim Jis,vol.7.No.1. Jan, 1996 .Oxford Un. Press, London.

Pp. 122-125.

60- Firstone , Reuven Jihad: the Origin of Holy War in Islam, by/ Moussalli Ahmad S. JIS,vol.12.No.3, Sep.2002 .Oxford Un. Press, London Pp. 325-326.

 ‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ 61- Sodiq, Yushau Pragmatism In the age of Jihad.AJISS.vol.13.No1.Spring.1996.

IIIT,Virginia,Pp.109-111.

62- Mududi, S. Abul A’la Jihad in Islam,I.I.F.S.O. Kuwait .533 p.

(P) Justice of Islam (Book Review) 63- Rosen, Lawrence The Justice of Islam. by/ Hassan, Hussein JIS.vol.13.No.1. Jan, 2002.Oxford Un. Press, London. Pp. 37-41.

(Q) Muslims and Christians (Books Review) 64- Zebiri, Kate Muslims and Christians Face to Face. by/ Siddiqui, Ataullah JIS, vol.12, No.1 , Jan.2001,Oxford Un. Press, London. Pp: 111-112.

65- Nielsen, Jorgan S. The Christian- Muslim Frontier.by/ Mullaney, Frank JIS, vol.

12, No.1, Jan. 2001.Oxford Un. Press, London. Pp: 90-92 (R) Philosophy of Islam (Books Review)

1424200315  ‫א‬ 66- Daiber,Hans Bibliography of Islamic philosophy vol.1: Alphabetical list of Publications vol.2: Index of Names , Terms and Topics, by/ Gutas,

Dimitti,JIS.vol.11.No.3,Sep.2000.Oxford

Un.

Press.

London,Pp.368-371.

67-Brown, Daniel Rethinking Tradition in Modern Islamic Thought.by/ Dutton Yasin.JIS, vol. 9, No.1 , Jan.1998, Oxford Un. Press, London.Pp: 78-81.

68- El-Affendi, Abdelwahab.

Turabi’s Revolution: Islam and Power in Sudan.by/ Esposito, John L.JIS, vol. 4, No.1, Jan.1993 .Oxford Un. Press, London.

Pp: 114-115.

69- Netton, Ian Richard Farabi and his School.by/ Kemal, Salim.JIS.vol.5.No.1. Jan, 1994.Oxford.Un. Press, London,Pp. 108-111.

70- Atallah,Amjad Ethical Theories in Islam. by/ Fakhry, Majid, AJISS, .vol.13.No.1.Spring.1996.IIIT,Virginia,Pp.117-119.

71- Corbin, Henry History of Islamic Philosophy, JIS, vol. 6, No.1, Jan.1995,Oxford Un .press, London. Pp. 106-107.

72- Janssens, Jules

 ‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ Al- Ghazzali’s tahafut :Is it Really a Rejection of Ibn Sina’s Philosophy? JIS, vol. 12, No.1 , Jan.2001, Oxford Un. Press, London,Pp: 1-17 73- Al-Najjar, Abdul Majid Classification of Sciences in Islamic Thought: Between Imitation and Originality.AJISS.vol.13.No1.Spring.1996.IIIT,Virginia.

Pp.59-87.

74- Mutahhari, Ayatullah Murtaza Fundamentals of Islamic Thought Mizan Press, Berkeley,1985.235 p.

75- Acirgenc,Alpaslan A concept of Philosophy in the Qur’anic Context , AJISS.vol.11.No.2.Summer.1994.IIIT,Virginia,Pp.155-182. ( Revew Essay ) 76- Ibn Abdul Murad M. Hazim shah Islam and Contemporary Western Thought.

AJISS,vol.13.No.2.Summer.1996.IIIT, Virginia,Pp.261-264.

77- Ceylan, Yasin Al-Ghazali Between Philosophy and Sufism AJISS.vol.12.No.4.Winter.1995.IIIT, Virginia Pp.584-589.

78- Ansari, Abdul Haq Islamic Ethics, AJISS.vol.6.No.1.Sept.1995.IIIT, Virginia Pp. 81- 92.

1424200315  ‫א‬ (S) Qura’nic Science (Books Review) 79- Hawting G. R. Approaches to The Qura’n ,by/Ayoub, Mahmoud JIS.vol.10.No.1.1999.Oxford Un. Press, London.

Pp. 50-51 80-Esack,Farid Qura’n, Liberation and Pluralism, by/ Mir, Mustansir JIS,vol.10.No.1,Jan. 1999.Oxford Un. Press. London Pp.52-55 81- Bewley, Aisha The Noble Qura’n: Anew Rendering of its Meaning in English by/ Mir, Mustansir,JIS.vol.11.No.3,Sep,2000.Oxford Un. Press.

London,Pp.362-363.

82- Ibn warraq The Origins of the Kora’n: Classic Essays on Islamic Holy Book. by/ Dutton, Yasin,JIS.vol.11.No.2. May, 2000.

Oxford Un. Press, London,Pp. 229-231.

83- Robinson, Neal Discovering the Qur’an: A Contemporary Approach to a veiled text.by/ Dutton, Yasin, JIS, vol. 9, No.1 , Jan.1998,Oxford Un. Press, London.

 ‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ Pp: 60-62.

84- Kaltner, John Ishmael Instructs Issac: An Introduction to the Qur;an for Bible Readers, by/ Mir Mustansir,JIS, vol. 12, No.1 , Jan.2001.

Oxford Un. Press, London,Pp: 65-67.

85-Watt, Montgomery Muhammad’s Mecca: History in the Qur’an .by/ Angawi,Sami JIS, vol.3, No.2, July.1992, Oxford Un. Press, London.

Pp: 240-242.

86- Nadwi,Riad The Great Themes of The Qur’an,by/ Jomier, Jacques AJISS.vol.17.No.1.Summer.2000.IIIT, Virginia,Pp.107-110.

87- Mc Auliffe, Jane Dammer The Qura’nic Context of Muslim Biblical Scholarship Islam and Christian –Muslim Relations.vol.7.No.2.June.1996.

Carfax.Pub. London,Pp.141-158 88- Robinson, Neal Sectarian and Ideological Bias in Muslim Translations of the Qur’an, Islam and Christian -Muslim Relations, vol.8.No.3.October,1997.

Carfax. Pub, London,Pp.261-278.

89- Chaudhary, Mohammad A. Orientalism on Variant Readings of the Qur’an: The Case of Arthur Jeffery,AJISS.vol.12.No.2.Summer.1995.

1424200315  ‫א‬ IIIT, Virginia,Pp.170-184.

90- Qur’anic Concept of Human Psyche AJISS.vol.6.No.2.Summer.1995.

IIIT, Virginia,Pp.351-353.

91- Al-Alwani, Taha Jabir The Qur’an and the Sunnah,I.I.I.T. Virginia, 1991,64 p.

92- Moore,Keeth L. Qur’an and Modern Science Islamic, Academy for Scientific Research, Makka,50 p.

93- Hussain,Shabbir Qur’anic Text on Gravestones at Makli I. S .vol.32.No.1.Spring.1993.I.I.U.Islamabad.Pp.77-92.

(T) Riba 94- Saeed, Abdullah The Moral Context of the Prohibition of Riba in Islam Revisited AJISS.vol.12.No.4.Winter.1995.IIIT,Virginia,Pp.496-517.

(U) Seera (Books Review) 95- Choudhury, Golam W.

 ‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ The Prophet Muhammad: His life And Eternal Message, by\ Abul- Musaffar, JIS. vol. 6. No. 1, Jan. 1995, Oxford Un . Press, london,Pp.97-99.

96- Buaben, Jabal Muhammad Image of the Prophet Muhammad in the West. by/ Hossain, Mary.JIS, vol. 12, No.1 , Jan.2001,Oxford Un. Press, London, Pp: 68-69 97- Sarwar, Ghulam Prophet Muhammad and his Western Critics, by/ Qureshi, Zafar,Ali,AJISS,vol.14.No.1 Spring.1997.IIIT, Virginia Pp.114-115.

98- Hofmann, Murad Wilfried Why Muhammad? AJISS.vol.12.No.4.Winter.1995.IIIT, Virginia Pp.534-538.

99-Bashir, Zakaria Hijra: Story and Significance,The Islamic Foundation, London, 1983,110 p.

100- Dawud, Abdul’l-Ahad Muhammad in the Bible Ministry of Awqaf & Islamic Affairs, Doha, 1994.263 p.

101- Hykal, Muhammad Husyan The Life of Muhammad,639 p.

(V) Sufism

1424200315  ‫א‬ (Books Review) 102- Lings’ Martin What is Sufism? by/ Winkel, Eric JIS, vol.6,No.1,Jan.1995,Oxford Un. Press. London.

Pp.108-109.

103- Chittick, William C. Faith and Practice of Islam: Three Thirteenth Century Sufi Texts. by/ Johansen, Julian,JIS, vol.5. No. 2, July, 1994,Oxford Un. Press, London,Pp. 279-280.

104- Mojaddedi, Jawid A. The Biographical Tradition in Sufism by/ Graham Terry JIS, vol. 13,No.3, Sep.2002,Oxford Un. Press, London, Pp. 339-342.

105- Sirriych, Elizabeth Sufis and Anti-Sufis. by/ Umar, Muhammad S. JIS.vol.11.No.1.Jan,2000,Oxford Un. Press, London.

Pp. 76-77.

106- Buehler, Arthur F. Sufi Heirs of the Prophet … by/ Damrel, David JIS, vol. 11, No.2 , May 2000 ,Oxford Un. Press, London.

Pp: 251-254.

107- Lewisohn, Leonard

 ‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ The Heritage of Sufism. vol.111: late Classical Persianate Sufism( 1501- 1750).by/ Dahnhardt, Thomas JIS, vol. 12, No.1 , Jan.2001,Oxford Un. Press, London Pp: 76-78.

108- Al-Halveti, Shaykh Hadrat’ Abd Al-Qadir Al-Jilani’s The Secret of Secrets. by/ Johansen, Julian,JIS.vol.5.No.1.Jan.1994.Oxford. Un. Press, London, Pp. 115-116.

(W) Tafsir (Book Review) 109- Ceylan, Yasin Theology and Tafsir in the Major Works Fakhr Al- Din AlRazi.by/ Mir, Mustansir,JIS, vol. 10, No.3 , Sep.1999, Oxford Un. Press, London,Pp: 322-323 110- Cragg, Kenneth Tafsir and Istifsar in the Qur’an Islam and Christian –Muslim Relations, vol. 8.

No.3.October1997. Carfax. Pub, London, Pp.309-322.

111- Qutb, Sayyid In the Shade of the Qur’an. vol.30.MWH, London Publisher1979.366 p.

(X) Tawheed

1424200315  ‫א‬

(Books Review) 112- Abrahamov’ Binyamin: Al.Kasim B. Ibrahim , On the proof of God’s Existence .by/ Fakhry, Majid JIS, vol.6, No.1, Jan. 1995,Oxford Un. Press, London.

Pp. 101-102.

113- Burrell’ David B. Al- Ghazali: The Ninety Nine Beautiful Names of God: AlMaqsad Al-Asna Fi Sharh Asma’ Allah Al-Husna, by/ Johnstone P.,JIS, vol.5.No.2, July 1994.Oxford Un. Press, London.

Pp. 277-278.

114- Abul-Fadl,Mona Contrasting Epistemic: Tawhid, the Vocationist and Social Theory,AJISS.vol.7.No.1.March.1990.IIIT, Virginia,Pp.15-38.

115- Al-Tantawi, Shaikh Ali The Faith,Ministry of Awqaf & Islamic Affairs, Doha, 1994.

167 p.

116- Masri, Ghalib A glimpse of Islamic Faith, Riyadh, 92 p.

117- Ibn’Abdal Wahhab Muhammad Kitab Al Tawhid,I.I.F.S.O.Kwait.191p.

(Y) Urf

 ‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ 118- Faruqi, Muhammad Y. Consideration of Urf in The Judgements of The Khulafa al Rashidun and The Early Fuqaha,AJISS.vol.9.No.4.Winter.1992.

IIIT, Virginia,Pp.482-498.

(Z) Usul AlFiqh 119- Al-Alwani, Taha Jabir Usul Alfiqh Alislami,I.I.I.T. Virginia, 1990,84 p.

(AA) Women in Islam (Books Review) 120- Roald , Anne Sophie Women in Islam. by/ Hossain, Mary,JIS.vol. 13, No. 3, Sep, 2002 ,Oxford Un. London,Pp. 357-359.

121- Ask, Karin Woman and Islamization by/ Ezzat,Heba Raouf JIS.vol.11.No.1.Jan.2000.Oxford Un. Press, London. Pp. 112114.

122-Stowasser, Barbara Freyer Women in the Qur’an, Traditions, and Interpretation. by/ Mir, Mustansir.JIS, vol. 9, No.1 , Jan.1998 ,Oxford Un. Press, London. Pp: 63-67.

123- Muhsin, Amin

1424200315  ‫א‬ Qura’n and Woman,by/ Barazangi, Nimat JIS.vol.6.No.2.July, 1995.Oxford.Un.Press, London. Pp. 324-325.

124- Engineer, Asghar Ali The

Rights

of

Women

in

Islam.by/

Barazagi,

Nimat

JIS.vol.6.No.2,July,1995.Oxford.Un. Press, London.Pp. 326-329.

125- Roded, Ruth Women in Islamic Biographical Collection: From Ibn Sa’d to Who’s Who.by/ Waddy, Charis,JIS.vol.8.No.1.Jan.1997.

Oxford.Un. Press, London,Pp. 140-141.

126- Muhsin, Amina Wadud Women in the Qur’an, Traditions and Interpretation. by/ Stouwasser, Barbara Freyer,AJISS.vol.12.No.2.Summer.1995.

IIIT, Virginia,Pp.268-269.

127- Sikand, Yoginder S. Women and the Tablighi Jamaat Islam and Christian –Muslim Relations.vol.10.No.1.March.1999.

Carfax Publications, London,Pp. 41-52.

128- Siddiqi M. Women in Islam Adam Publishers & Distributions, New Delhi, 1980,157 p.

(BB) Zakah 129- Khan, Muhammad Akram.

 ‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ An-Evaluation of Zakah Control Systems in Pakistan I.S.vol.32.No.4.Winter.1993.IIU.Islamabad,Pp.413-432.

130- Abu-Saud, Mohmaoud Contemporary Zakat Zakat and Research Foundation, Cincinnati, Ohio,1988.

199 p.

Authors Index

1424200315  ‫א‬ 1. Abd Alati, Hammudah

3,36

2. Ibn- Abdal Wahab, Muhammad

117

3. Ibn-Abdul Murad M

76

4. Abrahamov, Binyamin

112

5. Abul- Fadl , Mona

114

6. Acirgenc, Alparslan

75

7. Al-Affendi, Abdelwahab

68

8. Ask, Karin

121

9. Allen, Terry

30

10. Al- alwani, Taha J

10,91,119

11. Ansari, Abdul Haq

78

12. Ansari, Zafar Ishaq

7

13. Ansar, Syed Jalaluddin

24

14. Atallah, Amjad

70

15. Al-Attas, Sharifa Shifa

55

16. El- Awa, Muhammad

48

17. Azizy, A. Qadri

11

18. Baderin, Mashood

49

19. Badri, M.B.

23

20. Bashir, Zakaria

99

 ‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ 21. Bewley, Aisha

81

22. Brown, Daniel

67

23. Buaben, Jabal Muhammad

96

24. Buehler, Arthur F

106

25. Burrell, David B.

113

26. Burton, John

43

27. Ceylan, Yasin

77,109

28. Corbin, Henry

71

29. Chaim,Vardit Rispler

51

30. Chittick, William C.

103

31. Choudhury, Golam

95

32. Choudhury, Mohammad A.

89

33. Cragg, Kenneth

110

34. Daiber, Hans

66

35. Dawud, Abdu’L-Ahad

100

36. Dekmejan, R. Hrair

59

37. Engineer, Asghar Ali

124

38. Esack, Farid

80

39. Faksh, Mahmud A.

31

40. Farooqi, Mohammad, Y.

118

41. Firestone, Reuven

60

42. Gerber, Haim

38

1424200315  ‫א‬ 43.Gloss, Cyril

53

44.Gleave, Robert

41

45.Grube, Ernest J.

29

46.Hallaq, Wael B.

8

47.Al- Halveti, Shaykh

108

48.Al Hassan, Ahmed Y.

58

49.Hawting G.R.

79

50.Hofmann, Jamaluddin

28

51.Hofmann, Murad Willfried

52,98

52.Hommer, Juliane

22

53.Hussain, Shabbir

93

54.Hykal, Muhammad Husayn

101

55.jackson, Sherman A.

47

56.Janssens, Jules

72

57.Kaltner, John

84

58.Khalafallah, Haifaa

46

59.Khan, Muhammad Akram

17,19,129

60.Leeuwen, Richard Van

1

61.Lewisohn, Leonard

107

62.Lings, Martin

102

63.Majaddedi, Jawid A.

104

64.El-Malik, Walid

5

 ‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ 65.Mallat, Chibli

44

66.Masri, Ghalib

116

67.Mas’ud Muhammad Khalid

56

68.Mc Auliffe, Jane Dammer

87

69.Mc Chesney R. D.

2

70.Mir, Mustansir

57

71.Mojaddedi Jawid A.

104

72.Molloy, Rebecca

27

73.Moore, Keith L.

92

74.Mududi, S.Abul A’la

62

75.Muhsin, Amin Wadud

123,126

76.Muslim, Imam

20

77.Mutahhari, Ayatullah Murtaza

74

78.AL-Nadwi, Abul-Hassan

37

79.Nadwi, Raid

86

80.AL- Najjar, abdul-Majid

73

81.Nasr, Seyyed

35

82.An-Nawawi

18

83.Netton, Ian Richard

69

84.Nielsen, Jorgan S.

65

85.Pacaci, Mehmet

9

86.Peters, Ruud

45

87.Qutb, Mohammad

34

1424200315  ‫א‬ 88.Qutb, Sayyid 32,33,111 89.Roald, Anne Sophie

120

90.Roberts, Robert

40

91.Robinson, Neal

83,88

92.Roded, Ruth

125

93.Rosen, Lawrence

63

94.Ruthven

54

95.Sabiq, As- Sayyid.

12

96.Saeed, Abdullah

26,94

97.Sarwar, Ghulam

97

98.Abu- Saud, Mahmoud

130

99.Sawaf, Muhammad

25

100.Shirazi, Faghen

21

101. Siddiqi M.

128

102.Siddiqi,Muhammad Zubayr

15

103.Sikand, Yoginder S.

127

104.Sirriych, Elizabeth

105

105.Sodiq, yushau

61

106.Stowasser, Barbara Freyer

122

107.Taher, Mohammed

6

108.Tantawi, Ali

115

 ‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬‫א‬ 109.Ullmann, Manfred

50

110.Vogel, Frank E.

42

111.Ibn Warraq

82

112.Watt, Montgomery

85

113.Weiss, Bernard G.

39

114.Zaman, Ifrikhar

16

115.Zebiri, Kate

64

116.Zidan, Ahmed

13

117.Al-Zurayqi, Jum’aa Mahmud

4

 Editorial Board

Members: *Ahmed M.EL Hassan Shanan Prof. M.ohammed El. * Musa Adam Abu Zurqa Hassan B.Ibrahim * Gamal AL- Shareef * Yousof Al - basheer Editor-in-Chief: M. Dr. Abdalla M. AL . * Gasim Omer Abu

Chairperson:

El khair

Amin AL. Na’em :

Correspondence Editor- in – Chief: IMAM, P.O. Box 526, Wad Medani, Sudan.

Fax: 00249-511/ 43399- 20428 Tel: 00249 - 511 / 20420 - 20421- 20425 E.mail : Tafakur- Imam @ hotmail com

III

‫ﻠ‬ ‫ﺎ ﺔﺍ‬

‫ﺔ‬

‫ﺍﳌ ﻓﺔ‬

‫‪526 .‬‬

‫ﻠﺎ‬

‫‪24951143399‬‬

‫ﻓﺎ‬

‫‪24951120428‬‬

‫ﺴﻴ ﺔ ﺘ ﺍ‬ ‫ﺍ‬

‫‪..................................................................................:‬‬

‫ﺍ‬

‫ﻮﺍ ‪................................................................................. :‬‬

‫ﺍﺎ‬

‫‪ ............................... :‬ﺍ ﺎ‬ ‫‪ /1‬ﻓ‬

‫ﻮ ﺍ ﺘﺍ ‪:‬‬

‫‪........................................ :‬‬

‫ﺩ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺴﺎ ‪:‬‬

‫‪/2‬‬

‫ﻴ ﺔ ﺍ ﺘ ﺍ ﺍﺴﻮ ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ /‬ﺩﺍ‬ ‫‪ /‬ﺎ‬ ‫•‬

‫‪ /1‬ﺍﻷﻓ ﺍﺩ ‪) :‬‬

‫ﺍ ﺴﻮﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺴﻮﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺘ ﺍ ﻓ‬

‫‪ /1‬ﺍﻷﻓ ﺍﺩ ‪) :‬‬ ‫ﻴ‬

‫ﺎ‬

‫ﺍ ﺴﻴ ‪/‬‬

‫ﻴ‬

‫ﻮﺩﺍ ( ‪ /2‬ﺍﳌ ﺴﺎ ‪) :‬‬

‫ﺩﺎ‬ ‫ﺩ‬

‫ﺍ(‬

‫‪ /2‬ﺍﳌ ﺴﺎ ‪) :‬‬

‫ﺍﳌ ﻓﺔ ‪.‬‬

‫ﺔ‬ ‫ﻮ ﺩ‬

‫ﺩﺎ‬ ‫ﺍ(‬

‫ﻮﺩﺍ (‬

‫אא‬ ‫א‬

‫א‬

‫א א‬

‫ ﻧﺒﺎﺗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﻔﺔ‪.‬‬‫א א‬

‫ ﺍﳌﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﳉﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺼﺎﺭﻑ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺃﲪﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﷲ ‪.‬‬‫ ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﳌﺎﺫﺍ ؟ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﺑﺮﳝﺔ ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬‫ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﻭﻓﺴﲑ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﳏﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳎﺬﻭﺏ ‪.‬‬‫ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻐﺬﺍﺋﻲ )ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﺗﺄﺻﻴﻠﻴﺔ( ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﻭﻓﺴﲑ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ ‪.‬‬‫ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﺛﺮﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ‪ :‬ﳏﺎﺳﻦ ﺟﺎﺩ ﺍﷲ ﳏﻤﺪ‪.‬‬‫א‬

‫א‬

‫א‬

‫ ﳏﺎﺿﺮﺍﺕ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﻭﻓﺴﲑ ﻃﻪ ﺟﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﺍﱐ ‪.‬‬‫ ﺇﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺑﻮﻳﺔ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﺳﺮ ﺍﳋﺘﻢ ﺃﲪﺪ‪.‬‬‫ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﺬﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﱘ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﻔﺔ‪.‬‬‫ﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﲦﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﱴ ﺍﻵﻥ ‪.‬‬