Martial Law Issue 2022

THE MARTIAL LAW ISSUE

Editor’s Note

This year, the declaration of Martial Law (ML) has reached its Golden Anniversary. True enough, we are also in the same year when the hopes of a second “Golden Era” resurfaced as another Marcos returned to Malacanang.

The return of the Marcoses also means that this is the very first ML issue of The Angelite that is released under a Marcos rule. Hence, it is imperative for us to defend and register the truth to the masses which has been critical now more than ever.

This magazine highlights art and feature stories that depict the truth of ML amid the alternative narratives brought by disinformation, whitewashed stories, and historical denialism. These alternative narratives are peddled by Marcos Jr. himself, his cronies, content creators, and influencers that undermine the credibility of historical data, historians, ML victims, and journalists.

Disinformation and misinformation are becoming more prominent when victims are receptive to them. Thus, we need to resist and continue to speak up for those who are silenced, neglected, and forgotten as well as for those who are with us in the fight.

To put the blame on each other and to have mere unity will not help to achieve a progressive democracy. Hence, it is now the time to hone ourselves to be discerning and critical to recognize both the truth and the fault and shall be demanding accountability; not settling for mediocrity or what is convenient.

The family name may have seen to repeat in history but not the dark legacy.

From then until now, Never again Never forget

Art By: Hedy Hazelene Pico

With the release of two controversial films that give competing views of Philippine history, the struggle over who gets to tell the definitive version of that history has now reached a new phase.

Katips, the first of the two films, returned to theaters on August 3rd, following its initial run last year, as a response to Darryl Yap’s Maid in Malacanang, the second film. The former is an adaptation of Vince Tanada’s 2016 stage musical that depicted the tale of Martial Law through the perspective of student activists and survivors of the time, while the latter is allegedly an insider’s account of the Marcoses’ final 72 hours in Malacanang prior to their downfall.

Vince Tañada, the director of Katips, deliberately squared off against Yap’s film, which has been accused of historical revisionism, as a reminder to audiences that Marcos’ rule was marred by numerous controversies. He admits that “Katips: The Movie” cannot compete with the film about the Marcos family, but he wants the public to see another side of the reality.

“As a writer, the film was written with the help of a historian to make sure the chronological accuracy of the events is given justice. I support against history revisionism as a parasitic fiber that continues to gnaw at society today, especially the young,” he shared.

Tañada’s film offers a rare glimpse into the life of progressive activists who bore the brunt of the cruel Marcos regime, rather than reiterating the conventional liberal-centrist tropes about the

former Philippine dictator. The horrors perpetrated upon them by the country’s martial law enforcers. Tortured through the pulling of the fingernails, backs flat-ironed, testicles electrocuted and women raped.

The film intends to educate audiences, particularly younger viewers, about the tragedies of martial law. Tañada was born two years after the imposition of martial law in 1972, and was a young boy when his activist and senator grandfather, Lorenzo Tañada, was arrested by the Marcos. “It’s painful as a child to experience this,” he wrote on Facebook, adding that those imprisoned were not the only victims.

Katips is a story depicting the youth’s fight for democracy. Tañada presents: “In the midst of uncertainty, there’s no other passion that can pull us back to freedom but the burning fire that hides within each of us. Katips is a tale of the young, in their fight for their ideals, how big can one get against a force too much bigger than yourself.”

In an era where “Red-tagging” has become ubiquitous, “Katips” is a notable attempt to humanize political activism and, at the very least, generate the passion required to inspire righteous protest.

However, despite its admirable aims, Katips possessed a number of obvious shortcomings. The film, adapted from the 2016 theatrical musical of the same name, intersperses musical moments with the drama of political conflict. This culminated in some extremely odd and unpleasant transitions, such as moving from a horrible torture scene to a bright and cheerful song and dance routine.

With a running time of 142 minutes, it also had too many unnecessary segments and would have benefited from more “origin story” components, given that the origins of fewer than two of the characters were thoroughly addressed, along with their decision to become politically active.

By contrast, Yap’s Maid in Malacanang is a film that stayed consistent with its message throughout. Filmed in the more manageable 1.33:1 aspect ratio and divided into 10 chapters with lyrical, almost poetic titles, Yap demonstrated his abilities as a storyteller and

filmmaker. With the assistance of executive and creative producer Imee Marcos, Maid in Malacanang humanizes and portrays the Marcoses as sympathetic characters.

Imee had even stated that Maid in Malacanang, which focuses on the family’s final 72 hours in power, would tell “the other side” of the Epifanio Delos Santos Avenue (EDSA) People Power Revolution, in which massive peaceful protests filled the EDSA, ultimately leading to the ouster of Marcos Sr. The family was dramatically flown out from the Malacañang Palace after being forced to flee the country in shame.

“I am not trying to rewrite history or revise anybody’s version. For me, the truth is that I’m not in EDSA. That’s why the truth is that I don’t have the right to talk about EDSA,” she remarked on a talk show. “I have the right [to talk about what happened] in Malacañang. They are not in Malacañang. I was in Malacañang.”

Yap asserts that Maid in Malacanang is not a biopic, yet the film’s use of historical footage and expositional title cards lend it a false sense of authenticity. As much as the film is accused of historical falsification, Yap’s exclusions are equally deceptive as his inclusions. The movie excludes topics such as the wealth of Marcos and allegations of human rights violations during Martial Law.

Instead, it merely displays a wealthy family being bullied by the general populace. Imee herself is the true hero of the story. Imee, portrayed by the shrill and brilliant Cristine Reyes, is summoned from Hong Kong to her father’s side at the beginning of the film and organizes their escape from Malacanang as the mobs draw in.

Marcos Sr. is consistently shown as a kind, compassionate man, with constant emphasis on his inability to hate or damage the Filipino people, despite the fact that a majority of them were now opposed to him. He laments that his humble origins and lack of elitism make his family an easy target for hostility. The movie is the pinnacle of Marcos’ myth-making, and viewers without a firm knowledge of history could be convinced.

Although, there are still reasonable aspects to the story. Those closest to the Marcoses likely held favorable opinions of them. The film tells the narrative of three of the family’s closest maids, and it is not unimaginable that they loved the Marcoses, who undoubtedly treated them generously.

In Lauren Greenfield’s Kingmaker, the audience observes Imelda handing out P1,000 to needy individuals without hesitation. It is plausible to assume that the Marcoses were exceptionally charitable with their servants. There is even a scene in which Imee asks an unfamiliar security guard, “Ilocos or Tarlac?”, he responds, “Ilocos, ma’am,” and reminds her that she gave him money for his wedding. Maid in Malacanang redeems the Marcos family name by careful attention to such finer details. Yap intentionally leaves out information such as the origin of the Marcoses’ wealth and has the maids unironically refer to themselves as ‘palamunin’ of the Marcoses, ignoring the fact that they provide a service and should be compensated for it.

Like pro-czarist depictions of the final days of the Romanov dynasty, the film brazenly displays the immense wealth and undeserved privileges of the pseudo-royalè family while demonizing government defectors and revolutionary militants as a bloodthirsty mob.

At the end of the film, viewers get a fascinating account of how the Marcoses justified their rule, writing off their opponents as a clique of jealous and resentful elitists (“elitista”). In a weird flight of fancy, their demise is portrayed as the result of a violent dictator’s alleged goodness, namely his reluctance to employ violence against protesters.

Overall, critics feel neither film is worth watching. While the idea behind Katips is worthy of praise, it’s not too brilliantly executed and there could be more interesting and entertaining methods to learn about martial law. On the other hand, Maid in Malacanang aims to re-establish the Marcoses’ good name and does an excellent job of doing so.

Pahina ng Kahapon

Written By Michelle Apostol Page Design By Lance Enguerra

Literatura ang siyang naging daan upang maipahayag sa bagong henerasyon ang nakaraan at tunay na karanasan ng ating bansa — ang mga madugong kaganapan at kung paano nakalaya ang ating bayan mula sa mga kaguluhan na dala ng mga mapang-aping dayuhan at diktador.

Ang mga libro ay hindi lamang basta laman ng silid aklatan o simpleng babasahin sapagkat karunungan, aral, at imahinasyon ang dala nito. Ang bawat tinta ay simbolo ng dugo’t pawis. Ang pahina ay kumakatawan sa bagong yugto at pakikipagdigma. Punong-puno ng kaalaman, madalas ay hango pa sa tunay na karanasan. Galit, takot, tuwa, kung minsan naman ay pangamba, halo-halong emosyon ang nilalaman. Utak kasabay ng pagsasapuso, isang akda o obra maestra ang mailalathala.

Taong 1986 ng mapatalsik ng People Power Revolution ang pamilyang Marcos sa Malacañang. Isang malaking bangungot sa ating nakaraan na ang ating minamahal na bansang pilipinas ay naisailalim sa batas militar ng halos labing-apat na taon ng dahil sa isang sakim, sinungaling, kurakot, mamatay tao at walang pusong diktador na si Ferdinand Marcos.

Nakakalungkot lamang isipin na libo-libong tao ang siyang nagbuwis ng buhay para lamang lumaya ang bansang Pilipinas sa kamay ng isang diktador ngunit hindi pinahalagahan ng marami sa modernong panahon.

Higit tatlumpu’t anim na taon ang nakaraan ng mawala ang pamilyang Marcos sa Malacañang, sa pangakong bente pesos kada kilo na bigas, napaniwala at nagkaroon ng pagkaka-isa ang milyon-milyong botanteng Pilipino upang manumbalik ang pamilya sa pamamagitan ng ikalawang anak ng yumaong diktador at Imelda Marcos. Naalarma ang karamihan at agaran na kumalat sa iba’t-ibang panig ng mundo ang pagkapanalo ng bagong presidenteng Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr.

Ang muling pamamayagpag ng apelyido ng mga Marcos, ang historya ng madugong kasaysayan sa ilalim ng batas militar ay unti-unting binabago ng mga maling impormasyon na nagkalat sa iba’tibang dako ng social

media tulad ng tiktok at facebook.

Sa kanilang pagbalik, ang mga pinto ng ating nakaraan ay pilit isinasara. Ang bawat pahina na kalakip ng madugong kahapon ay unti-unting pinaglalaho. Ang bawat patak ng tinta ay binubura upang pagtakpan ang masalimuot na karanasan.

Kamakailan lang, Agosto 9, 2022, ang Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino (KWF) ay nagpatupad na itigil ang pamamahagi ng mga sinasabing subersibong libro patungkol sa pamumuhay at historya ng ating bansa sa ilalim ng batas militar. Ilan sa mga libro na ito ay ang Tawid Diwa sa Pananagisag ni Bienvenido Lumbera: Ang Bayan, ang Manunulat at ang Magasing Sagisag sa Imahinatibong Yugto ng Batas Militar 1975-1979 ni Dexter Cayanes; Teatro Pulitikal Dos ni Malou Jacob; Kalatas: Mga Kuwentong Bayan at Kuwentong Buhay ni Rommel Rodriguez; May Hadlang ang Umaga ni Don Pagusara; at Labas: Mga Palabas ng Sentro ni Reuel Aguila. Ayon sa ibinabang memorandum ng KWF, sinasabing ang mga librong ito ay kumakalaban sa gobyerno at nag-uudyok na gumawa ng terorismo. Ang mga libro din na ito ay sinasabing lumalabag sa Artikulo 9 ng Anti-Terror Law. Ang Tawid Diwa sa Pananagisag ni Bienvenido Lumbera: Ang Bayan, ang Manunulat at ang Magasing Sagisag sa Imahinatibong Yugto ng Batas Militar 1975-1979 ay isang kritikal na pananaliksik sa ating kasaysayang pampanitikan at kultura na umiikot sa pagkamuhi sa diwa at sa mahigpit na kaugnayan sa isyu ng pagkasira ng diwang makabayan sa konteksto ng kasaysayang bayan na isinulat at inilathala ni Dexter Cayanes, kasalukuyang propesor mula sa De La Salle University. Binibigyang linaw ng libro na ito ang mga sakit upang makatawid ang diwang makabayan mula sa pag-aalsa noong taong 1986 hanggang sa muling pagbangon ng kilusang bayan noong dekada sitenta. Ito ay patungkol sa pagkasira ng kamalayan ng mamamayan at ni Bienvenido Lumbera – isang kilalang manunulat at nakilala din dahil sa kanyang makabansang gawain at sa kanyang malaking pakikilahok sa kilusang panitikan ng Pilipinas noong dekada sitenta na naging sanhi sa kanyang pagkakulong sa ilalim ng administrasyon ng Batas Militar ni Ferdinand Marcos Sr.

Ang libro na Teatro Pulitikal Dos ay naglalaman ng limang dula sa teatro, Juan Tamban, Macli-ing, Pepe, Anatomiya ng

Korupsyon, at Pulitika ng Buhay at PagIbig, na isinulat ni Malou Jacob, isang batikang manunulat. Nakapaloob sa libro na ito ang kumpletong skript, tauhan, at tagpuan ng bawat dula.

Si Agustin “Don” Pagusara, ay isang batikang makata at playwright. Siya din ay isang miyembro ng Davao Writers Guild. Ang kanyang sulatin na ‘May Hadlang ang Umaga’ ay isa sa mga sinasabing subersibong libro, ngunit ang nakapaloob lamang sa libro na ito ay isang dula na naglalarawan ng buhay sa bilangguan at sinabi din ng may-akda sa isang panayam na ito ay isang kathang-isip at hindi nilalayong maging isang dokumentaryo.

Social-realist flash fiction ang istilo ng libro ni Rommel Rodriguez, siya ay isang propesor mula sa unibersidad ng Pilipinas, Kalatas: Mga Kuwentong Bayan at Kuwentong Buhay. Sinabi at inamin ng may-akda na gumamit siya ng salitang “rebolusyon” sa kanyang akda ngunit hindi naman niya sinabi sa kanyang mga mambabasa na labanan ang gobyerno.

At ang huling libro na sinasabing subersibo ay ang isinulat ni Reuel Aguila, isa ring kinikilalang batikang manunulat at litarista. Ang Labas: Mga Palabas ng Sentro ay patungkol naman sa isang koleksyon ng tatlong dula tungkol sa noontime shows, isang dating preso na muling nakasama ng kanyang pamilya, at isang news photographer.

Tayo ay naninirahan sa isang malayang bansa. Ang bansang ligtas at may seguridad na magagawa o maipahahayag ng kanyang mamamayan sa kanilang nais sabihin o opinyon nang walang gobyerno o kung sino mang naghihigpit sa kanilang kalayaan. Ang bawat batas na ipinatutupad ay dapat bigyan ng maingat na kahulugan ang bawat probisyon dahil maaari itong magresulta ng paglabag sa karapatang pantao.

Hayaan nawang ihayag ng lahat ng manunulat at mga publikasyon sa buong bansa ang kanilang mga nais iparating sa publiko, pagka’t ang ligtas na bansa, lahat ng tao, simpleng tao man o nasa gobyerno, malaya niyang nai-papahayag ang kanilang sarili sa lahat ng kanilang posibleng anyo nang walang takot sa pinsala o pananakot. Maaari tayo na magkaroon ng isang ligtas na bansa nang walang lumalabag sa mga karapatan ng mga mamamayan pagdating sa usaping sa kalayaan sa pagpapahayag at pananalita.

HEIR TO THE DICTATORSHIP: PBBM IN THE TIME OF MARTIAL LAW

On June 30, we did not only witness the start of a new era as former Sen. Bongbong Marcos now leads over the whole country for the next six years, but also the return of a Marcos in the Palace. With that, his presidential term may lead to adding up another possible “conjugal dictatorship,” a term used to describe the period of Martial Law imposed by his parents former President Ferdinand Marcos Sr. and Imelda Marcos.

During that reign of terror, cases of human rights violations went high in the statistics, including massacres, arrests, physical assault and more, which all led to one primary suspect, the Marcoses. However, it was only Marcos Sr. who often bannered the headlines when it comes to their family in Malacañang. Now that his son followed his footsteps, he should also be given the spotlight like his father. As he mentioned several plans that he has for the Philippines in some interviews or statements, he also described how a young Bongbong Marcos was doing when his father was in the throne.

Born in September 1957, Bongbong spent most of his late childhood in Malacañang, where he was around seven to eight years old when his father became the leader of the country. In an interview with CNN Philippines, the incumbent president stated that he was “a little spoiled,” especially as a kid. He was very well attended to and cared for by everyone. Marcos also mentioned that it was a different setup from the rest of the kids his age. The young Bongbong, along with his siblings, had visited their friends’ places, but realized that theirs was different; they were living in a palace.

As his father continued his duties as the head of the country in those times, Bongbong was all eyes and ears. He stated that he had to be presentable every time he leaves his room, stating that his father had many unexpected visitors, like a president who is on a state visit with his father. However, Marcos mentioned in an interview with actress and host Toni Gonzaga that upon seeing the work of his father as president, he had no plans at that time to follow his footsteps.

“Ako naman sinasabi ko hindi na ako

papasok diyan. In fact, umiiwas talaga ako sa pulitika eh. Well, circumstances are what they are, I ended up here. Para sa akin hindi ‘yung ano eh “gusto kong maging presidente kahit na anong mangyari basta ‘yan lang ang gagawin ko sa buong buhay ko magpi-presidente ako.” It was never like that,” said Marcos in the interview, which contradicts the fact that he is now the 17th President of the Philippines.

As martial law was present in the Philippines in those times, several human rights violation cases were filed against the Marcoses, including against Marcos Jr. However, he was defended by Atty. Harry Roque, former Senatorial aspirant under BBM’s Uniteam, saying that the young Marcos was only 15 years old in 1972.

“Bilang isang abugado, sinisigurado ko sa inyo, wala akong nakitang kahit anong kaso pagdating sa pandarambong o paglabag ng karapatang pantao laban kay Bongbong Marcos,” Roque stated while in a campaign trail in Batangas.

Contrary to the statement above, Marcos was in his secondary level at Worth School, England when martial law was declared. When he turned 18 in 1975, he started schooling at Oxford University with an Undergraduate Degree in Special Studies. With regards to whether he stayed abroad for his studies or he was involved in his father’s works as the chief of state, there are not many documents pertaining to this matter. Nonetheless, Marcos was at least present in his father’s side during that period of tyranny, as he stated his views on his father’s declaration.

According to Marcos Jr., his father declared martial law not because he wanted to stay in power, but because of the wars they were fighting in

two fronts—the Communist Party of the Philippines-New People’s Army (CPPNPA) and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) led by Chairman Nur Misuari. It was the government’s act to defend itself from the rebels, as what the Marcoses call them, and the secessionist movement.

By the time martial law ended, Marcos Jr. left Wharton School of Business in University of Pennsylvania, USA, where he studied a Graduate Coursework in Business Administration. He assumed the position of vice governor in Ilocos Norte in the same year and served as the governor of the same province when his father ended his presidential term.

With all that is witnessed by the young Marcos in that reign of terror, one cannot say that he is just young when all the atrocities happened. Surely, he was still studying during that almost a decade period and cannot do much with what was happening in the country then, but then he chose to neglect those instead of doing something when he got older. This is because he continues to believe that his family, especially himself, has nothing to apologize for because the declaration was necessary. Now that he is the current president, Marcos promised that history will not repeat itself. “It has its place but it is only for war,” the incumbent president stated, continuing to believe that a martial law declaration is just because of wars.

Written By Sophia Suarez Page Design By Keisha Yu

NEVER AGAIN TO MEDIA CENSORSHIP AND BLACKOUT!

During the 14-year course of Martial Law under the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos Sr., he controlled the media that reached the Filipinos. He shaped it so that he always had the final say on what news came out and that he would always be shown in good light.

On September 22, 1972, the day after Marcos signed Proclamation 1081, he ordered the military to collect all the major media outlets’ assets and take over them. ABS-CBN Broadcasting Corporation and ABC were among those he linked to having plans of overthrowing the government (It’s hard to think it won’t happen again considering ABS-CBN was once again shut down not too long ago by the Duterte Administration who are now known allies of the Marcoses).

He knew that mass media was a powerful tool that can easily be used to expose his foul stench so he masked his scent by restricting what appears before the people. Journalists became targets and were constantly in Marcos’ crosshairs as he continues to attack press freedom, among those arrested are Teodoro Locsin Sr., Chino Roces, Luis Beltran, Juan Mercado, and a lot more. The national press wasn’t the only one

WrittenbyKhrisseanneSalvadorPageDesignbyHedyHazelenePico

affected by this instruction, campus journalism also took a big hit, and all student organizations were shut down.

For fourteen years, these manipulated broadcasted stories became the “truth”.

NEVER AGAIN TO THOUSANDS OF HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS!

Declaring martial law seems like a pass to continuously and repeatedly disregard the human rights of his fellow Filipinos. Records show thousands of torture cases, baseless imprisonments, and extrajudicial killings during this tragic time.

While the exact number of cases of human rights violations remains unknown as only those reported are accounted for, survivors and experts believe that the numbers are much higher than what is recorded in the books.

With about 3,240 extrajudicial killings, 34,000 tortures, and 77,000 imprisoned on record, it was hard not to wonder whether you were going to be home for

dinner, never be seen again, or end up dead in a ditch.

Human rights violations with the integration of media censorship, Marcos was able to get away and hide these skeletons in his closet for quite some time which can give the illusion that the Philippines was peaceful during his time, but the families of these victims will always have these eerie stories to tell. As the number of victims grew, the number of people who rejected him also grew to become courageous to tell their stories and fight for their rights.

Waking up fearing you might not be home for dinner is something no one should experience, but during the Martial rule, it was nothing but an everyday feeling for the Filipinos.

NEVER AGAIN TO BIG DEBTS THAT ONLY FUNDED THEIR FAMILY’S LUXURY!

In 1962 when Ferdinand Marcos Sr. became president, the country’s foreign deficit is at about $360 million and when he was ousted in 1986, it jacked up to about $28.3 billion as shown in the records of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF).

The estimation of some experts is that it will take the country up to 2025 to pay the debt in full which is about 40 years after Marcos is forced out of power.

Between 1970 to 1980, the $600 million government external debt of the Philippines went up to over $6 billion. Ferdinand Marcos put the Philippines’ debt way high and to cover this up, he paraded it as the “Golden Age of Infrastructure”. Despite having lots of

infrastructure projects, most of them were not safe for long-term use due to them being rushed. These infrastructure projects were allegedly used as a facade to get billions of dollars in kickbacks straight into their pockets simply by overpricing the cost of these architectures. These projects include the Cultural Center of the Philippines (CCP), the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant (BNPP), the Philippine International Convention Center (PICC), The Tanghanlang Francisco Balagtas (Folk Arts Theater), the famous Manila Film Center which caused a colossal tragedy, and many more.

The debts from these projects and the money embezzled by Marcos Sr. and his allies are still being paid for by the Filipinos to this day.

NEVER AGAIN TO DICTATORSHIP!

The Philippines is a democratic country which means that the people hold the power to vote and choose their leader. It is in the best interest of the people that laws are passed, supposedly. However, dictatorship is the exact opposite, the entire power rests in the hands of one man, one group, or a family. Democracy and dictatorship are two words that would never mix. Martial law was imposed simply because one man wants absolute control over a democratic country with little to no limitations. This gave way to a lot of corruption, debts, media control, human rights violations, and killings.

Without a proper revolution, Marcos Sr. would’ve continued to rule with no limits changing the constitution to one which suits him and his family. If the Filipinos did not oust Ferdinand Marcos Sr., we would still be ruled by a Marcos, well, except we are now again ruled by another Marcos. Filipinos can’t help but feel that their efforts to force Marcos out of power have gone down the drain.

No one man can stand against a dictator, but no dictator cannot stand against one united nation that shouts “Never again! Never again! Never again to Martial Law!”

NEVER FORGET THAT THERE WERE 3,257 EXTRAJUDICIAL KILLINGS DURING MARTIAL LAW!

It’s not new knowledge to us that there were people who lost their lives at the hands of the dictator, Ferdinand Marcos Sr. This was, however, tried to be kept under the table by censoring the media that reaches the Filipinos.

On the records, there were 3,257 who were slain by the military and the police during the martial law era. This number, however, is being disputed that it couldn’t be the real exact number of those who died, it could be downplayed, especially since the Marcoses have always been manipulating data.

The wounds left on the hearts and the characters of martial law victims seem to have been made fresh again by seating another Marcos in the highest position. Imagine this could have been their worst nightmare and it’s happening.

Those who’ve lost members of their family only for the Marcos family to grow in power and money will never forget and neither should we.

NEVER FORGET THAT THERE WERE 34,000 RECORDED TORTURES!

Some did not die, but they did suffer something worse than death itself, torture.

According to records, there are 34,000 cases of torture during the martial law era. Although this is not the exact number of cases, it is enough to paint the martial law era with blood.

Going over some of the torture methods used by the military may twist your guts, but this is what Filipinos had to stomach for fourteen years.

San Juanico Bridge, also known as the “Love Bridge”, was built as a gift to her wife, Imelda Marcos. It is the longest

bridge in the Philippines as it links Samar and Leyte. But that’s not the only thing it meant during the dreaded era. It also meant torture. The victim will be made to put their head on the edge of one bed and their feet on the edge of another so that it looks like they are a bridge. If their body falls, they will be beaten to a pulp.

Electric shock is also another way to torment Filipinos. Electric wires will be attached to the fingers, heads, arms, and even the genitalia of the victims then will be shocked.

The truth serum was also used, they would inject the serum into the victim to make them talk as if they are drunk to make them tell the truth.

Russian roulette is a torture method commonly seen in movies, but during that time, victims wished they were in a movie. The torturers will load one bullet into one chamber of a revolver, spin the cylinder, close it, then force the victim to point the gun at their head and pull the trigger.

Beating, pistol-whipping, water cure with which water is forced into the victim’s mouth only to be beaten out of them, strangulation, cigar burns, flat iron burns, pepper torture with which a concentrated pepper substance is put on the lips and genitalia of the victim, and animal treatment with which they cage, shackled, fed, and treat people as animals are just some more ways the military would molest Filipinos then.

Salvaging, which meant “rescuing”, meant a whole lot different at that time, it meant torture and possibly death only for their bodies to be

dumped and discovered by civilians to scare them.

Survivors relive the pain every time they realize that another Marcos is in power. They fear it might happen all over again, to their children, to anybody, and to themselves again as they try to rewrite and distort history.

Forgetting and keeping mum is allowing it to happen once more. We should never let it happen again, we shall never forget.

NEVER FORGET THAT THERE WERE 77,000 IMPRISONED!

Imprisonment with no arrest warrants and no charges was common back then. No amount of explaining to the military can stop them from taking you and putting you in prison.

It does not matter what time it is, they will come

barging into a house late at midnight to take someone they want to imprison, even simply violating a curfew can land you jail time.

If they’re lucky, they may still go home, but sometimes they become “desaparecidos”. Desaparecidos was a term used to pertain to people who disappear and are presumed to be killed by the military or police. No one can prepare for losing a family member with no body to grieve for. It’s a strange sense of hope and despair at the same time.

NEVER FORGET THE PEOPLE POWER REVOLUTION!

The freedom that we have today was brought upon us by the people power revolution on February 22 to 25 1986 which forced the Marcoses out of power. Even though we celebrate it yearly and holidays are in place for this, it’s as if we’ve forgotten what our mothers and grandmother fought for, another Marcos is now back in power.

Remembering that we still have the power to unite and be heard is key to never succumbing to extrajudicial killings, tortures, human rights violations, media censorship, baseless imprisonments, corruption, and dictatorship. Knowing when to stop and reminding those in government positions that the people hold the real power.

Our responsibility as Filipino citizens is to stress that the government’s job is to serve, not to rule, to make the country grow, not to make them rich, to protect the people, and not to kill them, especially since they seem to forget it a lot. We have the power to put them in position, but we also have the power to take it away from them.

No matter the color or the figure of the revolution, we shall never forget that the people always have power over the government. The Philippines is still a democratic country after all and shall continue to persist.

Various challenges--dance, song, game, acting-- rose on social media platforms such as Tiktok, Facebook, and Youtube. Anyone can join in and bring entertainment. But do you know what the real challenge is? The challenge is to be critical amid the spread of misinformation and disinformation across these platforms.

An extensive network of websites and social media accounts shoot the works to escalate the Marcoses’ reputation and open the door for their further ascent in Philippine politics. These efforts sprouted propaganda and disinformation in the social media landscape where narratives are leaning in their favor. Social media platforms have created an environment of people pointing out each other as either misinformed or manipulated.

“Social media provided people this living archive that people could riff off from, could create YouTube channels out from, and then TikTok spin-offs and amateur videos from. It made for a playful environment for people to be exchanging Marcos myths and folklore, rejecting how the liberal elite politicians have excluded many people in their project of democratic reform,”said Jonathan Ong, a professor of global digital media at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst.

The disseminated claims were designed to change the way the public perceives the Marcos family, atrocities, and legacies. The narratives can play in between people’s reactions from “wow” to “aww.”

Alternative

Misinformation and disinformation were most evident in blowing up their claimed achievements to bury and bend the ugly truth of Marcos Sr’s rule. The most sought-after “Golden Age” asserts the Philippines to be the “richest in Asia,” with a low price of commodities, a booming economy, a disciplined citizenry, and a peaceful and easier life for Filipinos, in general. Who wouldn’t be enticed by those remarks and special effects and background music on top of that?

Many may agree or disagree but data says only say one thing: corruption was astounding that it was recognized by Guinness World Records as “The Greatest Robbery of A Government;” external debt surged to $28.26 billion in 1986 in comparison to $0.36 billion in 1961; by the time the Marcos rule ended, six out of ten families were poor, an increase from four out of ten before Marcos assumed

office in 1965; poor working conditions were seen by the significant growth in underemployment, which at one time affected a third of the workforce and the list goes on.

The one side of narratives celebrates their “legacies,” while there also exudes sympathy. People are being introduced to the narrative of a distorted history which insists to be far different from what has been taught in school and written in books; when presented with something contradictory particularly actual data, it is hardly accepted. Disinformation, in this way, is seen as a mere accusation and the Marcoses are victims of it. Nevertheless, what is much more challenging is the narrative which cannot be found all over but only from Marcos Jr himself.

In one episode of ToniTalks of Toni Gonzaga on Youtube, Marcos Jr sat for a one-on-one interview almost a month before his announcement of running for president and filing his certificate of candidacy. This received a huge backlash as it paved the way to whitewash the bloody and dark past of history. At the same time, this opens doors for people to be swayed by Marcos Jr’s tale about his father. This garnered stream of emotions of sympathy and affirmation as finally, they have witnessed an account of Martial Law and the Marcos Family that is not tainted with horror. It is like a bedtime story that caused a good sleep for others and a nightmare for many.

Supporters of the Marcos family give little credence to facts; they are taken very lightly. The alternative information reestablishes their image as victims and not oppressors.

Tsek.ph stated that Marcos is the biggest beneficiary of disinformation on social media but Marcos Jr opposed it.

“I don’t see how that is. Para sa akin, ako ang nabibiktima ng fake news. Dahil ang dami-daming sinasabi sa akin na di naman talaga totoo,” Marcos Jr. said during Go Negosyo’s KandidaTalks interview on March 21, 2022.

Guardians of History

“Slow and steady wins the race” as the proverb says but not for the archivists who hasten to the race of truth. In pursuit of preserving the truth of history, archivists, academics, activists, and survivors of Marcos Sr’s rule, come together to save as many records of Martial Law as they can.

Some bookshops

have their history books on the atrocities of Martial Law sold out because of what Francis Gealogo, a professor of history at Ateneo de Manila University, regarded as “panic buying” weeks after Marcos Jr’s victory. To add, 1,700 academics have signed a manifesto committing to protect the truth and academic freedom.

“People were really concerned that even the printing of these books may no longer be allowed or [shops] may simply be pressured to stop,” said Gealogo.

Moreover, Carmelo Victor A Crisanto, the executive director of the Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission, who takes charge of the archives, safe keeps the personal records of the Martial Law victims.

These records are kept on cardboard boxes with a designation of numbers running from 1 to 10. Boxes are stacked up and aligned edge to edge, corner to corner but the weight of each varies from one to another. You can imagine as the designated numbers increase so does the level of excruciating and chilling brutality that the victims underwent-- 10 if tortured, murdered, or disappeared.

This collection is intended to be digitized, sent to the cloud, and disseminated to education institutions inside and outside of the country to assure their preservation.

These are the archive which is grounded on truth, substantial data, and existential sources that cannot be embellished with flashy effects and transitions and earworm-giver background music.

The past has inherited us records that tirelessly prove and keep the truth that we strive to preserve and fight for today. The archives are not only to be kept but to be utilized to give the future generation records of history which are not accessible by a single click of a hashtag; archival footage and documentation touched up by condescending texts, transitions, and music; and which sources start with @--followed by consonants, numbers and underscore.

BEHIND THE SCENES OF MiM FROM SCHOLARLY SHEETS TO Gossip in the Streets

“Have you heard the latest newsabout Aling Tessie? I heard her husband’s cheating on her.”

“OMG! Did you hear about whathappened with Marcus? Marie toldme that he got fired because his boss got very jealous of him.”

“Sis! Pia’s daughter got involvedin a scandal with the president’s sonand now, according to what a friendof a friend told me, she might getexpelled!”

Sound familiar? Chances are you are quite acquainted with statements that sound similar to the ones above - what with the culture of nosey gossip sharing being a prime pillar of modern-day Philippines that said gossip has earned itself a nickname: tsismis.

Derived from the Spanish word “chisme”, tsismis has been cemented as one of the guiltiest of pleasures partaken by even the most honorable of Filipinos. Curiosity, inquisitiveness, and an incensing desire to know the in’s and out’s of piping hot controversies irritate the itches shared by many – and so, we yearn for salves in the form of seeking out tsismis and dishing it out to anyone who would listen.

Though considered a fun pastime for many, tsismis is, quite obviously, seen as something that should be distrusted and discouraged due to the unverifiability of gossip and how the spreading of potentially false and often private information can cause more damage than entertainment – especially to the subjects of the stories being shared.

So, with tsismis’ rather unpleasant reputation given its untrustworthiness, it would be quite contradictory to equate tsismis with an academic discipline whose extensive background spans more than a millennium, right? Well, that is exactly what actress Ella Cruz did when she said that ““History is like tsismis. It is filtered and dagdag na rin, so, hindi natin alam what is the real history” in an interview with the Philippine Inquirer last July 22, 2022.

Her statement succeeded in gathering notoriety so remarkable that Cruz’s name was plastered all over news headlines and social media trending pages. Historians especially penned and vented their frustrations over the matter, with one Michael Charleston “Xiao” Chua - a Filipino historian and De La Salle University professor – stressing the importance of a rigorous methodological approach to history and the need for intensive research and peer corroboration in the field.

“Kung ang isang opinyon ay walang ebidensya, kung ang isang bias ay walang ebidensya, kung isang limitation ay walang ebidensya, ito ay nananatiling tsismis.

Hindi siya

history,” he said in an interview with Radio Singko 92.3 FM on July 4, 2022.

Nevertheless, the 25-year-old actress continued to defend her stance with even more interviews – one, in particular, featuring Cruz seeking advice from Senator Imee Marcos in a YouTube video produced by VinCentiments titled “History Is Like Chismis”

The clincher? VinCentiments, a studio infamous for brash and controversial short films and stints, is helmed by Darryl Yap –who not only wrote and directed the video featuring Senator Marcos and Cruz, but also worked with both in what could be the most contentious film to be released this year: Maid in Malacañang.

Premiering last August 3 in cinemas nationwide, Maid in Malacañang or MiM supposedly sheds light on the last 3 days of the Marcoses within the Malacañang before they were ousted during the 1986 People Power Revolution. Starring Cesar Montano as Ferdinand Marcos, Ruffa Gutierrez as Imelda Marcos, and Christine Reyes, Diego Loyzaga, and Ella Cruz herself as their children – Imee, Bongbong, and Irene respectively, the first release out of a planned trilogy turned out to be a box office hit, grossing over 650 million pesos or 11.42 million US dollars worldwide.

The massive ticket sales did nothing to withhold the intense backlash the film received, however. The production got heavily lambasted by many due to blatant attempts at historical distortion in favor of painting the Marcoses in a better light. One consensus reached regarding the film is that through framing civil unrest as disobedience and entitlement and through portraying the Marcoses as the unsung heroic victims of their time, the movie manages to justify a brutal dictatorship and militaristic regime and honor a family responsible for grave economic crises and human rights abuses. Justifiably, many weren’t pleased.

Nonetheless, director Darryl Yap remains persistent as ever in the pride he takes as MiM’s ringleader. He is also particularly insistent that it is well within his rights as a director to exercise his artistic license in the retelling of the flight of the Marcoses – henceforth brushing off critiques that attack falsities in the film. And, to hammer in his lackadaisical approach to historicity, he has shared sentiments similar to Cruz’s when it comes to giving due respect to the study of history – that being none at all.

In Boy Abunda’s The Interviewer Presents last August 4, 2022, Darryl Yap said “I don’t believe that historians should be a profession. I believe that historians are researchers.” According to him, though historians are hardworking at collecting information, he doesn’t believe that everything written by them can be wholly accepted as fact. He then proceeds to argue that “lahat ng tao naman ay historian eh. Sa palagay ko, lahat tayo, may pinanghahawakan sa kasaysayan, at may iba-iba tayong tingin sa kasaysayan.”

Like Cruz’s statement, Yap’s assertions won him the trending

page for the day as he and his Marcosfocused film were dogpiled once more by scathing commentaries and critiques. The very same Xiao Chua from earlier also made reappearances by responding to Yap’s quotes with a tweet saying “Being a historian SHOULD not be a profession? I am just an ordinary person, but with whatever little power I have, I will give my middle finger to you” and through a session with Chris Esguerra’s Facts First podcast stating that history is a profession because it requires education and in-depth analyses.

In any case, as much as Cruz and Yap try their best to justify their stances, quite a considerable number consider their opinions as flimsy at best and downright disrespectful at worst. However, the memes and jokes borne out of the situation do nothing to erase the underlying grave concern many share when it comes to Made in Malacañang: after all, why would people working on a film supposedly built on untold historical facts share such blatant disregard to the professional field of history?

What’s more, MiM’s creative producer Imee Marcos is absolutely adamant that the film is accurate and historically correct – but given Cruz’s and Yap’s attitudes towards the study of history and that Marcos herself has stated that recovering her family name and restoring her father’s legacy takes priority, can we really trust the supposed truth-telling intent of Made in Malacañang?

Overall, one wouldn’t be unreasonable to be concerned about what mentalities are being cultivated and ingrained among those involved in the making of Made in Malacañang and one would definitely be justified to worry about how such a blatant act of historical distortion will remold how the masses will view past, present, and future circumstances in regards to the Marcoses. As so, vigilance and historical literacy are musts especially in current times wherein a former dictator’s son is now at the country’s helm. As we continue to fight for truth in the midst of an era of falsities, may we remember to also respect the backbones of our historical narratives and those hard at work in ensuring that Philippine history receives its due respect.

So, the next time you decide to indulge yourself in another round of tsismis, please refrain from pulling an ‘Ella Cruz’ and know the difference between the gossip in the streets and hard-earned scholarly sheets.

Written By Izzy Daguay

Design By Mary Rose Samson

Back to Red:

The Country’s Greatest Turncoats

“Marcos, Layas!”

This was what the song of people longing for change chanted thirty-six years ago in 1986 as they battled strongman Ferdinand Marcos and his family out of Malacañang. To what was regarded as an administration tainted with atrocities, human rights violations, and highlights of Marcos’ declaration of Martial Law in 1972, many people rallied, and many political allies of the late dictator defected to regain the democracy that was long lost in the hands of a terror president.

But fifty years later,the tides have changed.

“Marcos pa rin!” has been the music to the ears of many Filipinos as they paraded another Marcos into Malacañang. With the presidency of Ferdinand R. Marcos, Jr., a crucial part of Philippine history seemed to be erased, forgotten, and contaminated with disinformation that sought to whitewash history and rinse away the blood that the Marcos surname drew. But what is more depressing is the fact that the most prominent people who have seated Marcos Jr. in the position are the same people who overthrew his dictator father—turncoats or political balimbings in simple terms. Wearing red, going to yellow, back to red, or whatever color may be appropriate to further their personal agenda, these people have continuously altered the flow of politics in the Philippines, whether it be for good or worse. Who are these people, and how significant are they to our country’s blurring history?

Juan Ponce Enrile: 98 Years and Faces… and counting

First on the list is the ‘puppet master’ of modern Philippine politics, Juan Ponce Enrile, who, despite his age, is still able to advance his political blueprint, whoever the sitting president is. He served as both a Marcos enabler and a defector, by working as the Minister of Defense during the regime of Marcos Sr. and as one of the key people behind the 1986 EDSA People Power Revolution. He was very well known for the failed staging of a coup against Marcos, and was one of the key figures in recognizing former President Corazon Aquino’s presidency. He was also the same central personality in what was again a failed coup attempt, but to Aquino’s presidency, in December 1989, where he was charged with rebellion and murder. But Enrile seems to have a habit of jumping fences—just months ago, he poured support behind the son of the president that he denounced, endorsing Marcos Jr. as the “next president of the north.” Now, Enrile holds the position as Marcos Jr.’s Presidential Legal Counsel, where he suggested to the Senate the ratification of the constitution and to allow the president to declare Martial Law on the basis of imminent danger, which seems to be a ticket to another dictatorship, which Enrile once fought back then.

Gringo Honasan: Fighter of Atrocities to Ally of Unity

Gregorio Honasan II, more commonly known as Gringo Honasan, was not that different from Enrile. He was a military

officer during the Marcos dictatorship, an aide-de-camp to then-Defense Minister Enrile, and was part of the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM), a group of soldiers who fought against the military corruption during the Marcos Administration, where he assisted Enrile in the failed mutiny against Marcos. Honasan’s efforts leading to the EDSA People Power Revolution were instrumental in putting Aquino as President of the Philippines. As much as it can be noted that his deeds were ‘heroic,’ he was also one of the people responsible for not just one, but two failed coups against Aquino, the same commander-in-chief that he had helped into office. Just recently, he turned coat to the Marcoses and enabled a Marcos return through his unsuccessful senatorial bid under the Uniteam slate of Marcos Jr., stating that “It’s not right that we blame the son for the sins of the father.”

Harry Roque: Where Principles Die, Loyalty Arises

An anti-Marcos activist, a human rights lawyer, and a promising figure for accountability. This was how Harry Roque, former spokesperson for Rodrigo Duterte, could be described. A vocal critic of the atrocities and corruption committed by Marcos, he served as a representative of the Kabayan Partylist where he pushed for the permanency of the Human Rights Victims Claims Board (HRVCB), a government body that mandated compensation to the victims of the regime of Marcos Sr. In 2016, Roque also spoke at the University of the Philippines (UP) about the atrocities of Marcos in a forum referred to as “Never Again, Never

Forget: Martial Law, the Academe, and the Public.” He also openly declared as spokesperson back in 2018 that there were “grave human rights violations,” ‘misfeasance,’ and ‘malfeasance’ during the martial law era and the Marcos regime at large. However, on November 25, 2021, he openly delivered his support to the Marcos-Sara Duterte tandem for the 2022 elections, gunning for a Senate seat under the Marcos wing, seemingly scrapping his long-standing statements and position against the Marcoses.

These people are just some of those who have turned away from their principles to expand their political aspirations—there are so many like them, stemming even from smaller government units. But what is more dispiriting is that this practice has yielded a culture of historical denialism, which has extended even to simple Filipinos. Many Filipinos were driven by the political lies of the country’s turncoats and seemed to forget the history that had placed the country in the mess of violence. We have seen how mundane the ‘red’ administration was 50 years ago, and there is no reason to support its return. Until there are political figures who choose to further their political interests over their principles and public service, the Filipino society will continue to forget, the likes of the Marcoses will continue to prevail, and the culture of violence, corruption, and various atrocities will continue to govern.

Written by Godwin Pring Page Design by Ruthie Torres

The Faux ‘Gold’ of the Marcos Regime

Written by Brienne David Page Design by Xia Xinjie

It has been perceived that the two generations past us may often say that the regime of Ferdinand Marcos Sr. was dubbed as the “Golden Era” of the Philippines. Aside from that, we are now commemorating the 50th anniversary of Martial law ironically, the golden anniversary to date.

As time swiftly passed, the remnants of the implementation of the barbaric martial law continue to haunt its victims and their families, dead or alive. People would like to call the era “golden” as if no Filipino was brutally killed and tortured during Marcos’s Sr. regime. Now, as the golden anniversary of Martial law proceeds, we also honor those who have innocently died and been tormented by the hands of the military alongside those who are slaughtered for fighting what is just and right for our countrymen. These people are the real gold in this year’s—rather every year we commemorate Martial law. Marcos Sr. outdid himself when it came to the economy. Beautiful infrastructures were built to attract powerful and significant visitors. With many infrastructures created, debt also rose. Ordinary workers carried the brunt of the economy’s downfall as the Marcoses continued to raid the public treasury and overspend the money that these workers poured to pay their taxes. The external debts of the Philippines soared to an appalling amount of $28.26 billion in 1986 as opposed to $0.36 billion in 1961. With that, workers were paid too little, may

they be skilled or unskilled.

Moreover, it has been word of mouth that massacres were nonexistent during Martial law. Juan Ponce Enrile Sr, as per his words, “Only one executed, none arrested,” as Martial law was implemented in the country. Various people—journalists, students, and ordinary citizens were tortured and killed by the military as if they were pigs to slaughter. Families of victims continue to mourn as their family members are suddenly missing, thinking they were either killed or persecuted by the military. A word of opposition from the government during this time can get one and their family eliminated. Ironically, the truth behind the almost perfect facade said by past generations shadows the blood spilled by innocent Filipinos that were killed and tortured during the Marcos regime.

Human rights were forgotten, resulting in losing thousands of lives that fought for the country. Military abuse was clearly evident as Filipinos of different occupations were killed for reasons that deteriorate a person’s human rights. Day by day, we are reminded that these are the people whose lives are sacrificed in the name of freeing the country from the dictator. The blood of the innocents and those who fought for

the country’s liberation from Martial law are spilled like they meant nothing to the government. This is history that could never be rewritten or changed. This is a whole chapter that should be remembered and should haunt those who are ignorant and blinded by historical revisionism.

These are facts that are constantly ignored by many. Various people remain to glorify Marcos’ regime regardless of how much blood is sacrificed for Marcos Sr. to be ousted from the country and the Philippine government. The Filipino people fought courageously for the dictator to be thrown out. The so-called “Golden Era” of the Philippines in the Marcos regime will evermore prevail to be faux—fake, false, and untrue.

The golden anniversary of Martial law is for the Filipinos whose lives were sacrificed for the country. The Filipino people now, especially the youth, remember—will always remember. The Marcos regime persists as the darkest era of the Philippines and the Filipinos living at that time. Now, we continue to never forget and shout never again to Martial Law.

IN THE NAME OF THE FATHER AND OF THE SON

In the most recent election, Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., displayed the victory sign just like his father did before him. Others consider this as a move to carry on the awful job that his father started and clear his family’s name of the atrocities that they did, while others believe that this is a chilling sign that the Marcoses are getting ready to return to Malacañang.

However, this can be interpreted as a rhetorical move based on the family’s disinformation propaganda, which they have been able to create over the years and which is based on the strongman’s tarnished image that they continually beautify.

In his inaugural address, the notable highlights of Bongbong Marcos was that of how he put praise into the name of his deceased dictatorial father. “I once knew a man who saw what little had been achieved since independence, in a land of people with the greatest potential for achievement; and yet they were poor. But he got it done …. so will it be with his son,” the president-elect ambitiously stated.

It would appear that Marcos Jr. paid respect to his father, who was the architect of a dictatorship that was plagued by severe breaches of human rights and widespread corruption. A homage from the son to the father, as well as an additional building block to the Marcos rehabilitation initiative.

Ironically, Marcos Sr. once noted him as a sort of the weakest link in their family in his life diary, noting that Marcos Jr. is too “carefree” and “lazy” and that he is their family’s “principal worry.”

Much of

WRITTEN BY MC GIORGE DAVID

Marcos Jr.’s adult life was spent in the shadow of his infamous father. Many people felt that he lacked the academic credentials and the strong ambition of the previous Filipino dictator, who enjoyed the longest tenure of any ruler in the country’s history. This can be evidenced by the fact that during the election season, Marcos Jr. appeared to focus his campaign efforts on social media, depriving traditional media outlets the option to invite him to debates unlike his father who certainly loved these and who often publicly called out his opponents to do a discourse with him. This eventually created a substantial impediment for journalists in a polarizing election in which facts and lies played a big part.

While a disinformation machine in the shape of memes and other text materials that benefited his reputation continued to run rampant on the internet, he effectively drew the masses by centering his campaign texts on the concept of unquestioning obedience in the form of oneness.

Marcos Jr. greatly admires his father’s authoritarian rule as he keeps his mouth shut from all the monstrosity that transpired in the dictator’s regime. His presidency has all the tools necessary to craft a despotic regime without imposing Martial Law, including his allies’ super majority control of the legislature, the anti-terror law, the loyalty of state forces, massive disinformation in his favor, and a well-oiled state media to infiltrate the media sphere in combating hard-hitting truths.

Given the success of the Marcos family to regain Malacañang and have the illustrious power that they once already got, one may then ask, how can we stop the problem child from repeating the monstrosity of his father? We collect, organize, and resist.

DESIGN BY WINSTON ADAM LEJARDE

Art By: Lance Jester Enguerra

Art By: Juan Gabriel Simbulan

Rica

Salvador