emory globe
JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
spring 2018
masthead CONTACT US emoryglobe@gmail.com emoryglobe.com
EDITORS-IN-CHIEF David Hervey Andrew Teodorescu
PUBLICATION The Emory Globe is a studentrun publication published for and distributed to the Emory community. The statements and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the individual writers and do not necessarily reflect those of the entire staff or those of Emory University, its students, faculty, staff, or administration.
MANAGING EDITOR Namrata Verghese
LETTERS TO THE EDITORS The Emory Globe staff welcomes letters to the editors but reserves the right to edit all submissions for length, grammar, libel, obscenity, and invasion of privacy. ADVERTISING The Emory Globe does not host advertisements in its issues. DESIGN Cover: Image courtesy of NASA.
PUBLICATIONS EDITOR Pooja Kanabur ASSOCIATE EDITORS Cameron Hall Zoe Robbin TREASURER Camilo Moraga-Lewy IN THIS ISSUE Tejas Kashyap Presley West
contents 03 05 RISE OF THE PETROYUAN TEJAS KASHYAP
07 09 13 16
NEVER ASK A WOMAN HER AGE (IN AMERICA) ZOE ROBBIN
THE PARADOX OF AL JAZEERA PRESLEY WEST
CHINESE INVESTMENT IN LATIN AMERICA CAMILO MORAGA-LEWY
AFTERWORD
08 11 15 17
THE SLOW DEATH OF ITALIAN DEMOCRACY CAMERON HALL
THE WESTERN REACTION TO PALESTINIAN SUFFERING NAMRATA VERGHESE
THE ODDS AGAINST ISRAEL-PALESTINE PEACE DAVID HERVEY
MEET THE EDITORS
WORKS CITED
THE GLOBE | 2
RISE OF THE PETROYUAN TEJAS KASHYAP, Staff Writer
I
n what has been dubbed1 as “the single biggest change in capital markets, maybe of all time” by the head of AsianPacific fixed income markets at UBS, a leading banking institution, China has launched a crude oil futures exchange denominated in its national currency, the renminbi (yuan) on the Shanghai Futures Exchange. While on the surface, this may seem to be a rather inconsequential occurrence in the current turbulent2 financial markets, this move by Beijing threatens to undermine decades of US global monetary policy. The petrodollar—the system of pricing international oil markets in dollars—was set up by the US in the twentieth-century as a pricing strategy to allow worldwide dollar-dominance in the commodities sphere. However, by creating a rival yuandenominated market, China has effectively made clear its intention to fracture the grip of the dollar on the commodities market, creating a globe of localized petrocurrencies and pumping demand for yuan as a means of buying oil in the AsiaPacific. To understand the impact of this move, a historical overview of the US in the global economic landscape is necessary. Starting with the Bretton Woods Conference3 in 1944, after World War II, the US emerged as the global leader in the international monetary landscape with the creation of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. In order to trade commodities across borders without a gold standard and with world economies in shambles, it appeared necessary at the time to price in terms of one remaining stable currency; namely, the US dollar. The US dollar was used, almost counterintuitively, simply because the US held three-quarters4 of the world’s gold supply and backing a currency in dollars had become a substitute for backing a currency with gold. In 1973, US President Nixon unhooked the dollar from the gold standard due to a massive discrepancy between the value of gold and the dollar that could not be solved by the fixed exchange rates between nations. This move effectively ended the system of exchange rates fixed to the value of gold, and set the international landscape ablaze in a frenzy of floating exchange rates. Following the 1973 oil crisis, the Secretary of State at the time, Henry Kissinger, wisely made the move to negotiate with Saudi Arabia to price their oil solely in USD, in exchange for military protection for the kingdom. By 19755, all members of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) had agreed to sell their oil only in US dollars. This was important in that the demand for oil imports had been slowly building in other nations, including Germany and Japan. By pricing oil in US dollars, the US had created an artificial demand for US dollars linked to the demand for oil, requiring oil-dependent nations like Japan to either: trade yen for dollars on the foreign exchange market, with high exposure to floating rate risk; or engage in heavy export to the US of relatively cheap goods, with payments in dollars. These inflowing dollars could be turned back around to purchase commodities, like oil.
3
Outside of the US, there was a high demand for dollars. However, within the Federal Reserve and US government, the demand for US dollars justified a greater supply of dollars, which allowed the government to take on more debt and gave the Fed a “free pass”6 for seigniorage to fund government spending on the new American welfare state. The petrodollar system was created through political savvy: OPEC agreed to price in dollars because they were offered armaments and protections from the US. This agreement had power only because the ten OPEC nations at the time were producing the vast majority of oil in the world and worked in concert with each other to fix supply. As realized after the 1973 oil debacle, where oil prices quadrupled7 due to OPEC embargos, Nixon and Kissinger realized the importance of a stable connection with the oil-importers, as well as the significance of the dominance of the dollar in oil-based transactions. However, the global landscape is now changing. With new sources of oil outside of OPEC, like Russia, come challenges to the prominence of the petrodollar, and China has now found a niche for nondollar denominated oil markets that it can fill. According to data from the Energy Information Administration8, in 2016 eight of the top fifteen oil producers were in OPEC, with Russia claiming the top spot, producing an average 10.5 billion barrels per day. Because China surpassed the US in 2017 to become the largest oil importer9 in the world, it was able to attract a few nonOPEC countries, including Russia and Angola, to list prices in yuan, creating a “petroyuan” to counter the dominance of the petrodollar for the last several decades. China modeled Kissinger’s approach from 40 years prior, but this time, swayed Russia and Angola with financial windfall, rather than political gain. China’s reliance on oil is unlikely to abate in the next decade, providing lucrative opportunities for long-term deals for the Russians. Already since 2012, China has decreased10 its net crude oil imports from OPEC 11 percent, while Russia and Brazil have increased their exports to China by 5 percent and 3 percent, respectively, to counteract the drop in OPEC imports to China. China has dual interests in pushing towards the creation of the petroyuan; for one, it is only sensible that the largest oil importer in the world price oil in their own currency rather than that of the US. However, this move also provides the renminbi with some much-needed liquidity in the financial markets. Foreign investors are wary to provide capital to Chinese investments due to the risk of government intervention in the markets and the propensity of the Chinese government to clamp down on free-floating foreign exchange rates. However, after two relatively turbulent years of depreciation, the yuan has begun to become a significantly more stable11 currency in 2018.
At this point, the question is not whether the petroyuan will gain prominence; rather, the question is: when will the buck stop? As oil importers12 like India, Japan, South Korea and Germany begin to recognize their market clout, they may begin stepping away from standardized commodity exchanges pegged to the dollar and may opt instead for pricing in their own currency, rather than navigating exchange markets. Saudi Arabia13 has already acknowledged its propensity to begin listing oil exports to China in renminbi; what is to say that they will not be convinced by the India or South Korea to do the same for these countries’ currencies? The logical conclusion of this shift in commodity markets is that countries will begin to question the purpose of navigating foreign exchange markets and demand-pumping for another country’s currency when the pricing can separately occur in their own currencies. This will debase the influence of the dollar on world commodity markets, reduce dollar demand globally, and also reduce demand for American debt, as foreign companies, governments, and individuals will no longer need large reserves of dollars and, in turn, a market in which to invest them. A decline in demand for US debt could potentially have drastic effects on the US domestic economy. We have already seen one potential manifestation of this system in Venezuela, when President Nicolas Maduro created a cryptocurrency14 backed in oil reserves, dubbed the petro. While Maduro is using the currency as an alternative way to raise funds to evade traditional debt offerings, the concept of the coin still stands - it is a coin that can be exchanged for oil within Venezuela. Venezuelan oil can be priced in petros, just as Indian goods can be priced in rupees and Korean goods in won.
However, it is ambiguous as to whether this will actually happen. While the world could evolve to an extreme situation where oil is listed across numerous currencies, the most logical conclusion would be where the major importers determine commodity pricing, with the euro pricing oil to Western Europe, dollar to North and South America, and yuan to China. If Xi Jinping wants to change the narrative and obliterate the influence of the petrodollar on global exchanges, that is his prerogative, as his country does stand beyond all other importers in terms of market clout and financial upside for exporters. Additionally, there could be a situation where this foray into the foreign exchange markets does not bode well for Xi, due to worries from investors over the stability of his currency and risk-aversion to his market manipulations. Although the yuan has gained wider acceptance in recent years, repeated government interventions have ensured that there is still political risk to holding yuan, given that the Chinese government may take unilateral steps to change its value in a way that the US government or European Central Bank could not for their own currencies. As a representative 15 from Emirates NBD PJSC, a prominent banking service, has said, “The dollar is so entrenched that it’s difficult to see that role diminishing,” a point which is difficult to argue with. Introducing new markets to trade oil in different currencies would be a massively ambitious undertaking and introduce new elements of uncertainty into global commodity markets. The dollar still reigns king in terms of oil pricing, at least for now.
THE GLOBE | 4
THE SLOW DEATH OF ITALIAN DEMOCRACY CAMERON HALL, Associate Editor
A
little over two centuries ago, the Italian Peninsula hosted one of the world’s first representative democracies: The Roman Republic. Though this republic would not last, democracy was resurrected in Italy in 1946 following the collapse of Benito Mussolini’s fascist dictatorship. Fast forward 72 years and this new Italian Republic is suffering from the same pitfalls as its Roman predecessor: corruption is rampant, and politics is dominated by personalities unwilling to cooperate for the common good. These systemic problems have been compounded by a struggling economy and an overwhelming influx of migrants. Despite these dire circumstances, Italian politicians do nothing but blame each other. If democracy in Italy is to be saved, its credibility must be restored, and Italian politicians must take responsibility for doing so. Italy has long been famous for its gridlock and political instability, having had 65 governments1 since 1946 compared to the United Kingdom’s 25 or Germany’s 24. Deep regional and political divisions and a highly decentralized political structure with a weak executive have ensured2 that this is the case. However, instead of taking steps to improve these long-standing issues, Italian politicians are making them worse. Elections held March 4 returned3 a fragmented Parliament with bleak prospects for government formation. The largest party in Parliament is now the anti-establishment Five Star Movement, which does not have an absolute majority. The largest coalition is an alliance of right-wing parties led by The League, but they do not have an absolute majority. The center-left Democratic Party, which formed the previous three governments, cannot govern without the support of either of the two previously mentioned groups. With a new government nowhere in sight, Italy is left with no one to address pressing issues with corruption, the economy and migration, which have remained unsolved to the detriment of all. Unchecked corruption in the country is reflected by its position in the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), which ranks4 Italy fiftyfourth, well behind the rest of Western Europe. Transparency International has argued the issue is so bad that that an independent anti-corruption watchdog is needed to combat it. This corruption, coupled with the financial crisis of 2008 and its subsequent ripples, has caused economic difficulty in Italy, where unemployment hovers5 around 11.7 percent and government debt amounts to 155.6 percent of GDP. However, the main issue dominating Italian politics recently has been the influx of migrants crossing the Mediterranean from North Africa. In the last four years, Italy received6 over 600,000 migrants, whom the government has struggled to accommodate. Meanwhile, as in other European countries, many Italians have begun to blame migrants for their economic woes, high crime rates and a host of other problems. Enter the aforementioned right-wing alliance and Five Star Movement, both of which used anti-migrant sentiment to catapult themselves to electoral success in 2018. While both groups have presented themselves as panaceas for Italy’s problems, they are both playing starring roles in undermining democracy in Italy by fostering division and corruption.
5
The electoral strategy of The League, which leads the rightwing alliance, has long been to turn Italians against each other, exacerbating societal divisions that have contributed to political gridlock. In the 1990s, when the party advocated the secession of Northern Italy to form a new country called Padania, members frequently referred to7 Southern Italians as “parasites” weighing down the country’s productivity. However, the party has since changed its tune to blaming migrants and foreigners for Italy’s problems. Party Leader Matteo Salvini has even gone so far as to call for8 a “mass cleaning” of migrants using “force if necessary.” His words appear to have been heeded by a supporter and League candidate for local office who murdered9 six migrants in the town of Macerata and made a fascist salute when arrested. The rhetoric and policy positions of Salvini and The League are a call back to the era of Mussolini, which can only mean they present an existential threat to healthy democracy in Italy. To form his right-wing alliance, Salvini has teamed up with Former Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, whose admiration10 for Russian President Vladimir Putin speaks to his democratic credentials. Berlusconi was banned11 from holding public office until 2019 following a tax fraud conviction in 2013, but his party, Forza Italia, forms the other major arm of the right-wing alliance. Despite being declared politically dead by many, Berlusconi has returned to lead it. He is currently appealing12 his ban to the European Court of Human Rights. Berlusconi is a symbol of the endemic corruption that has long
plagued Italy, and the fact that he has managed to evade prison and return to politics is yet another blow to democracy. In addition to his tax fraud conviction, Berlusconi has been found guilty of bribery13 (including of a witness in a case against him and of multiple senators to topple the government in 2006), perjury14, false accounting15 and embezzlement16. However, he was acquitted of all these crimes because they lie outside the statute of limitations, which in some cases had been reduced by a law passed by the Berlusconi government itself. He has even been accused17 of having ties to the mafia. Berlusconi should clearly not be let anywhere near the reins of power, and yet, he is poised to retake them, illustrating just how broken the political system in Italy is. During Berlusconi’s most recent tenure as prime minister, the Five Star Movement entered Italian politics with an anti-elite, antiestablishment message. They have since spent eight years railing18 against the establishment parties and the endemic corruption they have engaged in. Many Italians believe the Five Star Movement is just the change Italy needs, as illustrated by the party’s recent electoral success. Unfortunately, the Five Star Movement is already beginning to demonstrate that it is simply more of the same. The party has recently become embroiled19 in corruption charges of its own, largely regarding misuse of funds, and Mayor of Rome Virginia Raggi, who is a party member, is currently under investigation for abuse of office and providing false testimony. Furthermore, to bolster its populist appeal, the Five Star Movement has embraced20 the same xenophobic stances as The League, although not to the
same extreme, stoking the divisions plaguing Italian society. They have also encouraged division through their refusal21 to govern in a coalition. Even though they have since gone back on this promise, it idealized a refusal to compromise, which is exactly what Italy does not need. How have parties that are so toxic become so appealing to voters? One major tactic has been fake news. As has become the norm in recent Western elections, misinformation has been commonplace on social networking sites like Facebook and Twitter. One fake story in the leadup to the election claimed22 that a prominent member of the Democratic Party attended the funeral of a notorious mafia boss. Many other false stories and statistics about migrants spread across social media as various groups attempted to increase antiimmigrant sentiment. Such misinformation campaigns succeeded in making immigration the key issue in the election and obscured the modest economic improvements23 achieved toward the end of the Democratic Party’s time in power. While fake news presents problems worldwide, the issue is more pressing in Italy where democracy is already struggling to function effectively. Some blame also lies with the European Union, whose failure to assist Italy has amplified economic and migration issues that, while exploited by certain political parties, are legitimate concerns for Italian citizens. The large influx of migrants has put a strain on Italian resources that are already depleted because of a ruined (if improving) economy. Meanwhile, the EU continually fails to find an effective way to distribute migrants among its member states and upholds the Dublin Regulation, which requires24 asylum seekers to register in the first EU country they enter. This regulation swamps Italy and other countries in Southern Europe with migrants while countries in Northern Europe watch from a distance. With its common currency, the EU (or more specifically the Eurozone) also creates25 economic difficulties for Italy. The Italian economy has suffered from being monetarily tied to stronger economies, such as that of Germany. Being a Eurozone member has forced Italy to adopt and maintain a currency that is overvalued vis a vis its own economy, decreasing the competitiveness of Italian goods. Since it has augmented two of Italy’s biggest problems, the EU must play a role in alleviating the burden felt by Italian citizens. However, if Italian democracy is ever to truly recover, Italian politicians must recognize that they themselves are the problem. Not Southern Italians. Not migrants. Not elites. The politicians themselves. Former Prime Minister Matteo Renzi of the Democratic Party took a step in the right direction by proposing reforms to the constitution, although the effectiveness of these would-be reforms was questioned by many and they were ultimately defeated26 in a referendum. Since that time, Italian politics has been characterized by the very division and gridlock Renzi’s reforms sought to address. Unless Italy’s politicians want to be kings and queens of the ashes, it is time for them to stop lying, cheating and deceiving and commit themselves to reforming the system. Without change from within, democracy in Italy will collapse under the weight of its own dysfunction.
THE GLOBE | 6
NEVER ASK A WOMAN HER AGE (IN AMERICA) ZOE ROBBIN, Associate Editor
I
t was my first week of study abroad in Morocco and I was taking a train to a nearby city. I stood by the doors as the train screeched to a halt, my adrenaline building as I readied to bolt across the station to make my connection on time. H’shuma ya binti. Shame on you my daughter. I turned around to face an old, bearded man. Behind him stood a crowd of young and middle-aged Moroccans. Instantly, I realized my offence. Regardless of my tardiness, Moroccan culture mandated that the elderly in our car be let off first. This January, I returned from Morocco and readapted to many American cultural norms I once took for granted. Some were easy, like our propensity to form lines. Others were more difficult, like our peculiar handling of age. While most American dialogue on aging centers around material and medical resources, our elderly population lacks meaning and respect. This article seeks to demonstrate how Moroccan culture facilitates a culture of respect for the elderly, while allowing them to remain contributing members of society. If we take some steps to destigmatize the elderly, Americans may benefit from longer and more fulfilling lives. American treatment of the elderly would shame any Moroccan. Turn on the television, and chances are slim that you will see someone over 65. Researchers from the Media, Diversity and Social Change Initiative found that seniors represent slightly more than eight percent of regular characters in a series1, despite making up nearly fifteen percent2 of our population. If you do find an older sitcom character, they’re likely saying something crass, suffering through a bout of gas, or battling modern technology. Not only do Americans lack respect for the elderly. We routinely disparage and deride them. Off-screen, American seniors lack meaning and purpose. An accumulating body of evidence shows that psychological life purpose begins to decline3 steeply past retirement age. This may be tied to the weight that Americans place on productivity and work. In addition, middle-aged and younger Americans fail to care for the elderly on a personal level. About 40 percent of elderly people in the United States struggle with social isolation4, a condition that increases one’s risk of early death, heart disease, and cognitive decline. In stark contrast, Moroccan family honor is heavily tied to treatment of elderly matriarchs and patriarchs. In traditional households, children do not find new homes when they are ready to marry. Instead, a son’s wife moves in with the family. In many cases, three generations live in a single home, sharing
7
resources and childcare responsibilities. It has also become common for new families to live independently, yet nearby aging parents. These living arrangements provide for a high degree of personalized senior care. In addition, elderly family members are able to provide free childcare, thereby allowing both parents to work outside or inside the home. Many Moroccan seniors benefit from the interconnectedness of familial honor and eldercare; however, the system leaves those who lack prosperous families at a disadvantage. Walking through the streets, one cannot ignore the decrepit conditions in which many of the elderly live. It is not uncommon to pass a disabled, old man, crying to Allah as his shaky hands clutch a frail paper cup for donations. The pension system is in severe disarray, and covers less than 20 percent of retirees5. Although it is difficult to measure senior poverty in Morocco due to practice of intergenerational cohabitation, 64 percent of Moroccans over 65 lack their own resources6. Most seniors also lack health coverage7. While Moroccans would certainly give up their seat on a train car for any elderly person, these small acts of reverence do little to systematically feed, clothe, and house those unable to provide for themselves. In the United States, senior care is less tied to familial honor. Instead, the government systematically provides reliable assistance to most seniors through Social Security and Medicare. While both systems need reform, they are nonetheless instrumental and effective in providing medical and material resources for the elderly. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities estimates that without Social Security, 40 percent of Americans over 65 would live below the poverty line8. The popularity and efficacy of Social Security and Medicare clearly indicate that a senior care culture based primarily on familial honor is harmful. However, need among the elderly extends beyond the material. To increase the status of American seniors, the most important steps we can take are cultural. As college students, we can work to respect our grandparents. We also must destigmatize being old. As we buy anti-aging creams and dye our hair, we send a message to the elderly: it is shameful to grow old. Instead, we must be proud of our age. Everyone will die. Rather than shrouding this natural phase of life with silence and shame, we must instead celebrate life at all stages. While our federal government works to provide materially for the old, we must provide spiritually. We can only hope that this shift occurs before we reach retirement.
THE WESTERN REACTION TO PALESTINIAN SUFFERING NAMRATA VERGHESE, Managing Editor
I
n December 2017, Ahed Tamimi, a 16-year-old Palestinian girl, was arrested1 for confronting soldiers raiding her family’s backyard without a warrant. Partially due to her history2 of standing up to injustices in her community— Tamimi has previously protested Israeli invasion, and a video of her trying to protect her younger brother from soldiers went viral3 on social media platforms—the Israeli soldiers labeled her self-defense “assault” and Tamimi a “terrorist.” The soldiers’ raid turned violent as they shot Tamimi’s 15-year-old cousin in the head with a rubber bullet, seriously wounding the teenager4. Strangely, there has been minimal western media coverage of Tamimi’s bravery, even from feminist and human rights groups that purport to advocate for the rights of marginalized women. If Tamimi’s story sounds familiar to you, it may be because it has eerie parallels to that of another young female activist from the Middle East: Malala Yousafzai. As a 15-yearold, Yousafzai was shot5 in the head by a member of Tehrik-eTaliban. Notably, however, the western reaction to the steps Yousafzai took to defend herself and speak out against the injustice was starkly different to its reaction to Tamimi’s story: Yousafzai’s story went viral on media platforms, giving rise to hashtags such as #StandUpForMalala and #IamMalala. Soon after, Yousafzai met President Barack Obama, addressed the UN General Assembly, and received accolades ranging from Glamour Magazine’s Woman of the Year to the 2014 Nobel Peace Prize. The widespread coverage of her courage led to Yousafzai’s status as an international icon6 of female empowerment. While Yousafzai’s actions undeniably merited the attention, we must ask ourselves why we see no #StandUpForAhed hashtags. Why no influential groups or political figures have issued statements supporting Tamimi, or denouncing the actions of
the Israeli state. Why the U.S. denied7 her a visa for a highlyrequested speaking tour. The remarkably dissimilar media reactions to a similar story raise a disturbing question: why have western powers not rallied behind Tamimi as they did behind Yousafzai? The answer has sinister implications regarding the West’s relationship with Palestine, and the hypocrisy of our selective humanitarianism. One of the main factors we must consider is the positive relationship8 the West—specifically, the U.S—has with the Israeli state. International superpowers have and continue to ignore state-sanctioned violence9 in Palestine. While groups like the Taliban are ingrained as evil in the cultural psyche, state-sanctioned violence is seen as legitimate, even necessary. Israel justifies actions such as overt police brutality against Palestinians—but also more subtle attacks, such as assaults on land and water resources—by presenting Palestinians as dangerous aggressors who threaten the successful functioning of the state. It is easy to accept this superficial explanation, but the fact remains that Tamimi— and hundreds of other like her—face bodily and psychological violence inflicted by the state, and ignored by the world. Unfortunately, this pervasive erasure of Palestinian suffering exposes the dirty underside of the West’s humanitarianism: the fact that it is selective. Only certain individuals, groups, and causes are dubbed worthy of protection. Even fewer merit celebration. Not only is Tamimi’s courage in defending herself and her family from state-backed aggression actively ignored, but her story is generalizable to Palestinians at large. Their pain is ignored. Their stories and histories are erased. If nothing else, Tamimi’s plight and the western reaction (or lack thereof) should prompt us to interrogate and problematize what—and who— we deem worthy.
THE GLOBE | 8
THE PARADOX OF AL JAZEERA PRESLEY WEST, Staff Writer
W
ith 65 Bureaus in 100 countries, 3,000 staff members, and 220 million1 households reached annually, Qatari-owned Al Jazeera has transformed the media landscape of the Arab world, giving Qatar outsize influence in the Middle East. Established in 1995, the network began to exert unprecedented influence2 over Arab perceptions of US involvement in Iraq and Afghanistan, the ongoing Arab Israeli Conflict, and the rise of fundamentalist Islam across the region as it rose to prominence during the early 2000s. Al Jazeera’s freewheeling style of journalism3—including spirited debates, blunt criticism of foreign leaders, and on air inclusion of men and women of all nationalities and religions including Israelis, secularists, and Islamic extremists—has led Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, the UAE, Bahrain, and even Israel to shut down Al Jazeera offices4 within their respective borders. Critics accuse5 Al Jazeera of inciting violence, supporting extremism, and acting as a propaganda mouthpiece6 for the Qatari government. Proponents argue that Al Jazeera’s unrelenting coverage of corruption in a region with more restrictions on press than any other in the world and its willingness to include extremists on both ends of the political spectrum has elevated the channel to that of a “watchdog of democracy.”7 In reality, Al Jazeera is neither a Qatari mouthpiece nor a democracy watchdog— it is an “imperfect medium in an imperfect world.”8 Al Jazeera’s undeniable symbiotic relationship with Qatar prevents it from being truly objective, but by criticizing foreign leaders and events, demanding international standards of professionalism from its journalists, and including opinions from across the spectrum, Al Jazeera has successfully established itself as a global “voice for the voiceless”9 despite strong regional support for its termination. It is no secret that Arab leaders dislike Al Jazeera; Al Jazeera offices have been closed down and journalists kicked out in nearly every corner of the Arab world. However, Al Jazeera is more than just a thorn in the sides of Arab officials frustrated by critical coverage of their leadership—it’s a fundamental component of an ongoing region wide dispute with Qatar. In June 2017, a Saudi led bloc cut of all diplomatic ties to Qatar due to the state’s funding of extremist groups and too-close-for-comfort relationship with Saudi rival Iran. Later that year, the bloc
9
presented the Qatari government with a list of thirteen demands for a resumption of normal diplomatic relations. The list included scaling back relations with Iran, severing ties with the Muslim Brotherhood and Hezbollah, shutting down10 a Turkish military base, and permanently shutting down Al Jazeera. As expected, Qatar ignored the request; Al Jazeera is one of its strongest tools. The small, oil rich country has effectively used the network to strengthen11 its influence across the Arab world—a reality that Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Jordan are all too aware of. While they paint their attempts to stifle Al Jazeera as an effort to stop the support of extremism, it’s just as likely that they wish to cease Qatar’s use of Al Jazeera to spread propaganda that conflicts with their own. As a vocal12 proponent of a free press in the Arab World, Al Jazeera would undoubtedly object to being called propaganda piece for the Qatari government.
However, there is no doubt that the royal family has a heavy-handed influence on what the network produces. As Washington Institute Gulf and Energy Policy Program Direct Simon Henderson claimed13 in 2000, “Al Jazeera is sensationalist, Islamic, and pan-Arabic, but it mirrors Doha’s policy concerns in more ways than it might care to acknowledge.” Al Jazeera condemned the Saudi led coalition’s demands as “nothing but an attempt to silence the freedom of expression in the region,” but in reality, the government of Qatar silences freedom of expression just as much within Qatar. Qatar’s constitution guarantees freedom of expression “according to circumstances and conditions,”14 but cybercrime laws in the country restrict freedom of speech on the internet; journalists can face up to three years of prison and a fine of what amounts to 137,000 US dollars for posting “false news,” jeopardizing “false news,” or defying “social values or principles.” Further, all newspapers and
television broadcasting stations within the country are state-owned, including Al Jazeera. This state ownership is reflected within Al Jazeera’s coverage of Qatar in contrast with its coverage of other Middle Eastern and North African countries. While Al Jazeera frequently provides thought provoking, critical analysis of current events around the regime, the network refrains from criticizing Qatar’s royal family or Islam. Along with spreading Qatari propaganda, Al Jazeera also faces harsh criticism for “flirting with the promotion of violence.”15 The network broadcast messages from Osama Bin Laden and hosted incendiary talk show “Sharia and Life” with Muslim Brotherhood theologian Yusuf al Qaradawi. In a region that moves from crisis to crisis, Al Jazeera thrives in its coverage of wartime and conflict— and attempts to employ those frames as often as it can: US involvement in Iraq was “portrayed virtually as a campaign of mass murder.”16 However, while Al Jazeera is not free in the Western sense, the network has undeniably made a positive impact on the Arab world’s media configuration. Whereas many media outlets in the region report only on official government reports, Al Jazeera—many of whose journalists were formerly employed by the BBC—has won a number of awards for its fact based, investigative reporting. Its journalists, as a whole, operate under international journalistic standards and provide vital information on current events to millions living in regimes in which speaking out against the government is punishable by death17. The network is heavily criticized for giving Islamic extremists a platform to speak, but by also giving Westerners and Israelis a platform to voice their opinions, it has also earned a global reputation for inclusiveness18. Al Jazeera exists as a paradox, and from the looks of things, it will continue to do for a long time; despite strong efforts from regional powers to shut it down, the network remains the most watched in the region. Perhaps in the future the network will fall in a clearer space on the spectrum of press freedom, but for now, as an inclusive watchdog of democracy employing pro-violence frames from a nation with severely limited freedom of speech, Al Jazeera continues to be an imperfect medium in an imperfect world.
THE GLOBE | 10
WHY THE ODDS ARE AGAINST ISRAEL-PALESTINE PEACE DAVID HERVEY, Co-Editor-in-Chief
A
favorite goal of US Presidents is bringing peace to Israel and Palestine, but for all the accords, agreements, and front-page photographs of smiling Israeli and Palestinian leaders negotiating under the encouraging gaze of an American President, little appears to have come of all the peace efforts. Given the deep desire among commentators for a working peace agreement, it should be no surprise that Donald Trump’s well-known love of deals and his cryptic comments on the peace process sparked frenzied speculation as to whether he would be able to make real progress 1. Given the intransigence of the conf lict, it should be even less surprising that despite the hopes for progress, very little of substance has happened. To be fair, this isn’t Trump’s fault. There is no compelling reason that the Palestine conf lict is America’s to solve other than the importance of a peace deal to American voters. The problem is that not only have both Israeli and Palestinian leaders taken steps that are actively detrimental to the goal of peace, but both sides have incentives to continue the conf lict or to avoid addressing its causes. As long as the governments of Israel and Palestine have strong motivations not to make peace, the conf lict will continue no matter what any American politician says or does. One of the most obvious reasons that the conf lict continues is the continued existence of Israeli settlements in areas claimed by Palestine. While there is debate internationally as to whether the settlements are legal under international law, no court will be able to compel the Israeli government to dismantle the settlements unless doing so would bring Israel benefits that outweigh the costs of doing so. International debates over the settlements often neglect the fact that there are more than 350,000 people living in the settlements 2 . Resettling hundreds of thousands of people, many of whom would probably not move willingly, would require tremendous efforts by Israel, and would almost certainly result in no small amount of bad domestic publicity for any political leaders who carried out the removal. It is understandable that Israeli leaders would balk when faced with something that would be as politically disastrous as evicting the settlers, even though this would be an important step toward peace. In short, the costs of this olive branch may very well be too much even for the most dovish of Israeli
11
political elites to be willing to pay in reality. On the other hand, there would be serious costs of peace for Palestinian political elites as well. Palestine is among the world’s largest recipients of foreign aid per capita 3, and this is undoubtedly because the conf lict is such an important issue to aid donors both in the West and elsewhere in the Middle East. This is not to accuse the Palestinian Authority or its off icials of war prof iteering, because there are strong safeguards on aid money that are designed to prevent foreign funds from going to terrorist organizations that presumably work to prevent embezzling as well. However, Palestinian leaders must be at least somewhat conscious that much of their relevance is derived from the continuation of the conf lict and attempts at peace. Peace, therefore, would likely bring at least some reduction of foreign aid as Palestine dropped out of the headlines. In a nation with little industrial capacity or raw material endowment, a decrease in the amount of foreign aid money entering the economy through aid would present serious problems. For the Palestinian elites who attend peace conferences all over the world and do not feel the consequences of the conf lict like the average person does, it is hard to imagine the desire for peace being more urgent than the desire to maintain access to current levels of foreign aid. One of the most basic facts of making peace and resolving conf licts is that the belligerents need to want peace more than they want to avoid paying the costs of ending the conf lict. It is not clear that previous attempts at peace have been realistic about this. The costs of peace for both sides are very real: dismantling settlements that house 350,000 people is easier said than done, and the end of the conf lict would require the Palestinian government to take real steps to build the nation’s economy rather than rely on aid for sustenance. There are ways to allay these costs, perhaps by giving settlers monetary incentives to move and by promising continued to aid Palestine long after any peace deal, but until international negotiators confront the incentives on both sides to continue the conf lict, no US president will be able to mediate an agreement, no matter how much deal-making experience they have.
THE GLOBE | 12
HOW CHINESE INVESTMENT WILL FORCE THE US TO CHANGE ITS LATIN AMERICAN ECONOMIC POLICY CAMILO MORAGA-LEWY, Associate Editor
S
ince its beginnings, the United States has been first precocious, and later ferociously assertive in its approach to foreign policy. Its relationship with Latin America has followed the same path. In early dealings with Spanish settlements in Florida, the United States displayed a willingness to provoke and engage European powers in the Americas while carefully maintaining amazingly strong alliances with the same European nations on a global diplomatic scale. Long before being codified in the Monroe Doctrine1, the United States was already exhibiting its presumed right to political, military and economic domination over the Americas. This dynamic in Latin America was strengthened by Theodore Roosevelt 2 and subsequent leaders until it became a direct check on the autonomy of every Latin American country. And it continued on long after the prominence of European rule in Latin America; where the United States once insisted on being the only power to enforce or deny European economic and political claims in the Americas, it now enforced its own interests. Large U.S. firms like the United Fruit Company 3 worked with their own government to exploit the natural and human capital of Latin America while leaving little infrastructure and few institutions of any value in exchange. To enforce this, the United States had to apply their military dominance, provide regimes and
13
rebels with financial incentives, and illegally manipulate politics 4. The countless military insurrections against US-backed leaders throughout Latin America is strong evidence that Latin Americans do not see these operations as peace-keeping or benevolent. The Cold War created the first ideological and concrete challenges to U.S. dominance in the Americas in decades. While the end of the Cold War brought sweeping changes to the ruling regimes in Latin America, the region remained impoverished 5, and the continent’s dynamic of economic subjugation remained. Only in the last 50 years have economies like Mexico, Colombia, Argentina and Chile begun to advance, creating trade opportunities for the ever-present United States. However, the relative strength of these economies have made the U.S.’ trade dominance more difficult to enforce, creating opportunities for external competitors in the Latin American markets. China has seized this opening, as they have in other parts of the developing world, and Chinese inf luence now surpasses 6 the role of Western competitors in many Latin American countries. From a Latin American perspective, there are several key benefits in the proposition of trade with China over the United States. Chinese competitors do not ask for exclusionary trade, they provide goods at a cheaper
price, and they are willing to invest in projects working in alliance 7 with Latin American countries, not just as investors. They also provide an ideology-free approach to trade that operates regardless of regime type. This is appealing to the leadership of many Latin American countries after centuries of political manipulation by the United States. Yet a lack of concern for ideology in trade partners does not completely eliminate political factors. Strengthening economic ties in Latin America is one facet of China’s aggressive plan to expand its circle of inf luence 8. Interestingly, with the exception of a few of the aforementioned Chinese-funded developments, the nature of China’s trade with Latin America is remarkably similar to classical European-imperial mercantilism. China is importing a far larger proportion 9 of raw materials from Latin America than other trade partners, while providing mostly high-tech goods in return. Imports of raw materials from Latin America are exchanged for higher-value exports and sold back at a profitable balance. In the long run, this could build a harmful binding Latin American reliance on Chinese goods. In the short-term, however, these goods are demanded by the economies of Latin American countries. Time will tell if this trade dynamic with
China is truly beneficial for Latin American countries, or if they are merely headed into another structure of economic reliance. One thing is certain: having recently imposed trade sanctions on the US, under Xi Jingping’s leadership, China is one of the few economic forces in the world that will go blow for blow with the United States for economic inf luence. Looking forward, Donald Trump’s 10 concept of diplomacy and lack of consistent foreign policy strategy do not help the U.S.’ losing battle in Latin America. Trump’s negligent and strategically baseless actions, along with these economic conditions favorable to Chinese trade partners, shift the natural balance of trade in Latin America away from the United States. The United States has historically turned to nefarious and dangerous de-stabilization tactics to undermine threats to its dominance in Latin America. This time, the United States cannot simply turn to these same tactics that have damaged the strength of the global economy while proving ineffective in gaining reliable control. With new players in the region, actions such as these will no longer be overlooked by potential economic partners. The United States must acknowledge that it has left a legacy of political and economic oppression in Latin America. This does not need to come in a Trudeau-like apology, but in a push away from the U.S.’s attitude of ownership that the Latin American people have grown to expect and detest. The United States must begin by changing two aspects of their foreign policy towards Latin America: it must bring its political involvement out of the shadows and end its failing protectionist attitude towards trade in Latin America. The United States will find Latin America to be stronger and more economically useful if the State Department, and not a covert intelligence service, leads foreign policy. And the United States, in the modern world, will be much more economically successful if it cultivates healthy and amicable partnerships with growing economies like Brazil and Argentina, and invests in the continent’s poorer countries with economic, not political, motivations. Building a continent full of stable and economically successful allies is more productive for the United States than perpetuating economic oppression and political instability in Latin America. Otherwise, competitors who treat Latin American partners as equals will continue to cement economic control over the region. This is something that Trump’s administration appears not to understand, as it continues to build diplomatic barriers with Latin America. Improved economic conditions in Latin America will lead to decrease in northward migration, and stronger democratic institutions that would be more sustainable and effective in managing security threats. Although trade dynamics will be the driving force of change in US policy in Latin America, the results would be beneficial to US national security and international repute, beyond simply improving economic wellbeing.
THE GLOBE | 14
MEET THE EDITORS CAMERON HALL, an Associate Editor for the Globe, is a sophomore from Bexley, OH majoring in International Studies and minoring in Economics. He is particularly interested in separatist movements, press freedom and freedom of speech, and the European Union. DAVID HERVEY, Co-Editor-in-Chief for the Globe, is a senior from San Diego, CA majoring in Political Science and Economics. His research interests are in maritime issues, low-intensity conflict, and Latin American politics. POOJA KANABUR, Publications Editor for the Globe, is a sophomore from Charlotte, NC intending to major in Finance. She is specifically interested in how public policy affects human rights, women's rights, and access to education around the world. ZOE ROBBIN, an Associate Editor for the Globe, is a junior from Fairfield, CT majoring in Quantitative Science and Global Health. She has previously interned in Amman, Jordan with Reclaim Childhood, an organization devoted to young refugees. She hopes to pursue a career in migration policy and global health care. ANDREW TEODORESCU, Co-Editor-in-Chief for the Globe, is a sophomore from Johns Creek, GA majoring in Economics and Mathematics. He is particularly interested in Eastern European politics, international trade, and global education rights. NAMRATA VERGHESE, Managing Editor for the Globe, is a junior majoring in Psychology & Linguistics and English & Creative Writing. Born in India, raised in England, and currently living in the US, her travels have fostered in her a deep-seated passion for international cultures and languages. An aspiring journalist, she combines her love of writing and global perspectives through her position as a Communications Intern at The Carter Center.
15
AFTERWORD Dear Readers, The members of the Globe are excited to present our Spring 2018 print journal. The Globe is Emory University’s premiere undergraduate periodical and journal of international and foreign affairs, featuring a team of staff writers covering topics from all across the world. In addition to producing a monthly collection of research-based articles regarding foreign affairs for publication on our website, the Globe releases a print journal each semester. Continuing in the tradition established in our Winter 2017 print journal, this journal is a compilation of selected original works from staff writers and editors of the Globe. If you are interested in writing for Globe, or if you would simply like to read our most recent articles, please visit us at our website: emoryglobe.com. We hope that you enjoyed reading our Spring 2018 print journal and will continue to follow our future publications. Thank you for your support. Andrew Teodorescu Co-Editor-in-Chief
THE GLOBE | 16
works THE RISE OF THE PETROYUAN
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
http://business.financialpost.com/commodities/energy/update-1-chinese- oil-futures-launch-may-threaten-primacy-of-u-s-dlr-ubs?inf_contact_ key=07cbe21bdefadcb03cc769c3da1d3fdd2eb45bf507bc00115056b8ee d944965a https://finance.yahoo.com/quote/%5eVIX/ https://2001-2009.state.gov/r/pa/ho/time/wwii/98681.htm https://www.thebalance.com/bretton-woods-system-and-1944-agree ment-3306133 http://aheadoftheherd.com/Newsletter/2012/Nixon-Gold-and-Oil.htm http://www.jpost.com/Opinion/The-Petrodollar-System-Holds-a-Stable- Middle-East-504489 https://www.federalreservehistory.org/essays/oil_shock_of_1973_74 https://www.eia.gov/beta/international/data/browser/#/?pa=000000000 00000000000000000000000002&c=ruvvvvvfvtvnvv1vrvvvvf vvvvvvfvvvou20evvvvvvvvvvvvuvo&ct=0&tl_id=5-A&vs=INTL.57-1-AFG-TBPD.A&v o=0&v=H&start=2014&end=2016 https://www.maritime-executive.com/article/china-surpasses-u-s-as-largest- crude-oil-importer#gs.Pp8keVY https://www.maritime-executive.com/article/china-surpasses-u-s-as-largest- crude-oil-importer#gs.Pp8keVY https://www.dbs.com/aics/templatedata/article/generic/data/en/ GR/112017/171115_insights_the_age_of_the_strongman.xml&cid=aio_ heroblock_gl_ec_03 https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/ran korder/2243rank.html https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2017-12-06/petro-yuan-de lays-show-hurdles-confronting-china-s-currency-push https://www.reuters.com/article/us-crypto-currencies-venezuela/venezue la-to-sell-petro-cryptocurrency-via-dicom-forex-system-idUSKCN1GI330 https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2017-12-06/petro-yuan-de lays-show-hurdles-confronting-china-s-currency-push
THE WEST & PALESTINIAN SUFFERING
1 https://www.cnn.com/2018/02/13/middleeast/ahed-tamimi-trial-intl/ index.html 2 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ahed_Tamimi 3 http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-42612666 4 https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2018/country-chapters/israel/pales tine 5 http://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-24379018 6 http://unfoundationblog.org/malala-a-global-icon-for-girls-education/ 7 http://mondoweiss.net/2016/12/tamimi-denied-speaking/ 8 https://www.vox.com/cards/israel-palestine/united-states 9 https://www.vox.com/cards/israel-palestine/united-states ers-have-taken-streets-macron-s-labour-reforms- split-france
NEVER ASK A WOMAN HER AGE (IN AMERICA)
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
http://variety.com/2017/tv/news/scripted-series-snub-se niors-1202556072/ https://www.census.gov/newsroom/facts-for-features/2017/cb17-ff08. html https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/making-sense-cha os/201404/the-pernicious-decline-in-purpose-in-life-old-age https://www.nytimes.com/2016/12/22/upshot/how-social-isolation-is- killing-us.html?mtrref=www.google.com https://social.un.org/ageing-working-group/documents/sixth/PolicyBrief. pdf https://www.moroccoworldnews.com/2017/10/230279/nearly-half-of- moroccos-sick-elderly-cant-pay-for-healthcare/ https://www.eldis.org/document/A73209 https://www.cbpp.org/research/social-security/policy-ba sics-top-ten-facts-about-social-security
CHINESE INVESTMENT IN LATIN AMERICA
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
https://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?flash=false&doc=23 https://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?flash=false&doc=56 https://www.nytimes.com/2008/03/02/books/review/Kurtz-Phelan-t.html https://revista.drclas.harvard.edu/book/united-states-interventions https://www.nytimes.com/1992/05/30/world/after-cold-war-views-latin- america-sweeping-political-changes-leave-latin-poor.html https://www.as-coa.org/articles/infographic-china-latin-america-trade http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2017-09/02/c_136575462.htm https://thediplomat.com/2016/12/is-latin-america-of-strategic-impor tance-to-china/ https://www.as-coa.org/articles/infographic-china-latin-america-trade http://thehill.com/opinion/international/373334-america-first-surren ders-the-world-to-chinese-influence
WHY THE ODDS ARE AGAINST ISRAEL-PALESTINE PEACE
1 2 3
http://nationalinterest.org/feature/one-state-two-states-the-power-trumps-r oll-the-dice-19686 http://www.btselem.org/settlements/statistics https://fas.org/sgp/crs/mideast/RS22967.pdf
cited THE SLOW DEATH OF ITALIAN DEMOCRACY
THE PARADOX OF AL JAZEERA
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
http://www.euronews.com/2016/12/13/why-do-italian-govern ments-change-so-often https://www.economist.com/blogs/economist-explains/2013/04/ economist-explains-8 https://www.theguardian.com/world/ng-interactive/2018/mar/05/ italian-elections-2018-full-results-renzi-berlusconi https://www.transparency.org/news/feature/corruption_percep tions_index_2017 https://data.oecd.org/italy.htm https://www.nytimes.com/2018/02/05/world/europe/italy-elec tion-northern-league-populists-migrants.html https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/mar/01/matteo-salvini- extends-his-far-right-appeal-as-far-as-sicily https://www.gazzettadiparma.it/video/italia-mondo/413282/salvi ni-su-immigrati-serve-una-pulizia-di-massa.html http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-42930749 https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/ wp/2015/07/24/silvio-berlusconi-and-vladimir-putin-the-politi cal-bromance-that-endured/?utm_term=.8ba3065d65aa https://www.reuters.com/article/us-italy-politics-berlusconi/ italys-berlusconi-takes-fight-against-ban-from-office-to-european- court-idUSKBN1DM01N https://www.echr.coe.int/Pages/home.aspx?p=hearings/gcpend ing&c= https://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/feb/25/silvio-berlus coni-bribery-case-court https://www.channel4.com/news/how-does-silvio-berlusconi-stay- out-of-prison-ruby-heartstealer-karima-el-mahroug-bunga-bunga http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/berlus coni-cleared-of-false-accounting-775774.html http://www.nytimes.com/2013/08/02/world/europe/ruling-on-ber lusconi-case-by-italys-top-court-is-expected.html http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/silvio-and-the- cosa-nostra-berlusconis-links-with-italian-organised-crime-con firmed-9358790.html https://www.thelocal.it/20180206/political-election-understanding-it alys-five-star-movement-m5s-di-maio-grillo https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2018/02/13/italys-anti-corrup tion-five-star-movement-embroiled-graft-scandal/ http://www.dw.com/en/italys-five-star-movement-feeds-on-voters- anger/a-42711560 http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-43209525 https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2018/02/europe- fake-news/551972/ https://www.ft.com/content/d9532ffe-c562-31cf-b63a-ffbc83934b8e https://ec.europa.eu/home-affairs/what-we-do/policies/asylum/examina tion-of-applicants_en https://www.reuters.com/article/us-eurozone-economy-italy-analysis/two-rea sons-why-italians-are-turning-sour-on-the-euro-idUSKBN17E1K0 https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/dec/04/matteo-renzis-future-in-the- balance-amid-high-turnout-in-italy-referendum
https://www.aljazeera.com/aboutus/2010/11/2010 1110131438787482.html https://global.oup.com/academic/product/fridays-of-rage- 9780199337385?cc=us&lang=en& https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2018/04/mbs-israel-remarks-tim ing-labelled-absolutely-worst-180403194922795.html https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2017/08/the- countries-closing-ranks-on-al-jazeera/536061/ https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2017/08/the- countries-closing-ranks-on-al-jazeera/536061/ https://www.bloomberg.com/view/articles/2017-06-23/the-former- anchor-who-says-al-jazeera-aids-terrorists https://global.oup.com/academic/product/fridays-of-rage- 9780199337385?cc=us&lang=en& https://www.newsbusters.org/blogs/nb/noel-shep pard/2011/01/30/sam-donaldson-thanks-anti- american-tv-network-al-jazeera https://www.aljazeera.com/aboutus/ https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/06/arab-states-issue-list-de mands-qatar-crisis-170623022133024.html https://www.economist.com/news/middle-east-and-af rica/21724366-arab-worlds-leading-news-channel-inde pendent-voice-or-propaganda https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/06/demand-shut-al-jazeera- threat-media-freedom-170628103831517.html https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/ wp/2017/06/23/why-saudi-arabia-hates-al-jazeera-so- much/?utm_term=.7bce837337fe https://freedomhouse.org/country/qatar https://www.economist.com/news/middle-east-and-af rica/21724366-arab-worlds-leading-news-channel-inde pendent-voice-or-propaganda https://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/18/opinion/why-america- turned-off-al-jazeera.html http://www.nbcnews.com/id/3340156/ns/world_news-brave_new_ world/t/defense-al-jazeera/#.WsKrW2bMxE4 https://global.oup.com/academic/product/fridays-of-rage- 9780199337385?cc=us&lang=en&
THE GLOBE | 18
emoryglobe.com