The Jewish Star

An awful week in Israel: Suffering fanatics in our midst ‌ and recalling Sbarro bombing

LI reps Rice, Israel and Meng oppose Iranian nuke deal as ‘Shomer’ Schumer stays mum

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THE JEWISH August 7, 2015 • 22 Av 5775

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Not in Torah’s name Frum leaders condemn murders they “have no argument with people with kippot or beards. Our quarrel is with intolerance, with hatred.�

Prime Minister Netanyahu promised that “we will not allow a despicable killer to undermine the shared values underpinning Israeli society.�

Chief Ashkenazic Rabbi David Lau said “this is not the way of the Torah.�

Chief Sephardic Rabbi Yitzhak Yosef said, “It cannot be that a man should rise up and as if in the name of religion raise his hand against a soul of Israel.�

Rabbi Benny Lau, who leads a modern Orthodox congregation in Jerusalem and is related to the chief rabbi, told a Tel Aviv rally on motzei Shabbat: “All the worshippers in all the synagogues in Israel heard today the Ten Commandments. In the name of what Torah, in the name of what G-d, does someone go and murder, do people go and burn a baby and his entire family?�

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By Edwin Black While no one will ever resolve the endless Pollard intrigues, there is one haunting question towering above all others: Just why has Jonathan Pollard been imprisoned so long?

Pollard was convicted of a single count of disclosing documents to an ally foreign government, in violation of Title 18, section 794c. While the far more serious crime of selling classiďŹ ed information to an enemy nation violates section 794b and generally fetches a life sentence, those who divulge the nation’s secrets to allies under section 794c have always received lesser sentences.

Anti-Semitism has been ruled out by numerous Jewish organizations. Pundits, prominent and obscure, suggest the spy’s knowledge of America’s secrets are so sensitive, his enemies so powerful, the politics so volatile, his crime so severe, that he should never be released.

But after an intense review of thousands of pages of Pollard-related documents, and dozens of interviews with prosecutors, senior intelligence ofďŹ cers, current and former Israeli and American government ofďŹ cials, the defense attorneys, and Jonathan Pollard himself, the answer seems to focus on just two men. The ďŹ rst is Pollard’s own original defense attorney, Richard A. Hibey, who is accused in Pol-

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Leaders of observant Jewry have unequivocally condemned last week’s stabbling of marchers in Jerusalem’s gay pride parade. The attack resulted in the death of 16-year-old Shira Banki.

Outrage also followed the arson attack on a Palestinian home that killed a baby, although culpability for that crime has not been established.

The pride-march killer, who had been released from prison after serving a 10-year sentence for attacking a similar parade in 2005, was dressed in haredi garb. “Those who committed this heinous act is criminal in every respect,� said Jerusalem’s chief rabbi, Aryeh Stern.

Rabbi Stern visited wounded victims in a hospital, saying, “It is a day to pray for the safety of the wounded.�

Shira’s parents said they “are aware just how many teďŹ los were recited in private for her recovery.â€? They said

In 2002, reporter Edwin Black was the ďŹ rst journalist to visit Jonathan Pollard in prison; he reviewed documents relating to the case and extensively interviewed Pollard’s attorneys as well as then-former Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, former Defense Secretary Casper Weinberger, and many other key ďŹ gures.

Thirteen years later, as the U.S. prepares to release Pollard from prison and into a ďŹ ve-year probation, many people are puzzled by why Pollard was imprisoned for 30 years — three times longer than far more egregious offenders.

The Jewish Star is reprinting key parts of Black’s original 2002 article. In it, Black resolves some of the questions puzzling those who have long advocated for Pollard’s release.

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Why it took 30 years for Pollard to go free

lard’s court papers of failing his client with “inadequate and unprofessional handling� of the sentence phase. The other is, of course, Jonathan Pollard himself, whose provocative conduct while in federal custody sealed his own fate.

Pollard’s route to a life behind bars, when analyzed, follows six distinct phases: 1) the crime; 2) his alienating pre-sentencing media campaign; 3) the government’s retaliation; 4) the judge’s angry response; 5) the legal inaction of Pollard’s attorneys; and 6) the combative high-proďŹ le post-sentencing campaign to free him.

7KH FULPH Ironically, no one has ever been able to reliably identify exactly what secrets Pollard sold to Israel— not even generically. Jewish leaders, such as Anti-Defamation League national director Abraham Foxman, who have been briefed by trustworthy sources have constantly been told the same refrain: “If you only knew how severe the damage was!� Despite reams of guesswork, media speculation and Washington’s porous nature, the details are still undisclosed.

But those details are clearly enumerated in a 46page sworn declaration to the sentencing judge by then-Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger, most Continued on page 14

After war, a fruitful Long Island life

By Brian Racow Second of two-parts.

Walter Schacherl’s search for his relatives after World War II reconnected him with one cousin who survived the camps, but no others.

After his discharge from the British Army, Schacherl, then 27, returned to Palestine, where he had lived with his older brother before the war.

Hope for a Jewish homeland marked life there, but so did strife: There were spasms of violence between Arabs and Jews, and British rule was undemocratic and capricious. Despite Schacherl’s status as a British war veteran, he was arrested.

A printer by trade, Schacherl worked for years in the pressroom of the now defunct newspaper Davar, becoming the night foreman. He also resumed taking part in gymnastics, which would keep him energized and fit for decades.

Through the sport he met his future wife, Ryfka, also a gymnast.

The daughter of Polish Jews, Ryfka was raised in Dresden, until age 11. That year, 1933, the Nazis took power, and she, her three sisters and parents departed for Palestine. As a young teen, Ryfka began work as a seamstress.

A pivotal moment in Ryfka and Walter’s lives happened on New Year’s Eve in 1946. He invited her to a party at a Tel Aviv coffeehouse. “I fell asleep with my head in her lap,� Walter recalled 68 years later, sitting beside Ryfka at home in Merrick. “She let me sleep until 1 [am], then said it’s time to go home.�

They dated for three months and then married. Walter wore the only suit that he owned.

Unable to afford a honeymoon, Walter and Ryfka went back to work the next day.

Later in 1947 came a day that Zionists, including the Schacherls, had dreamed of for decades. The United Nations General Assembly voted for separate Jewish and Arab states in Palestine, giving the international community’s formal approval for a sovereign Jewish nation. “We listened on the radio� to the General Assembly vote count, Ryfka said. “It was exhila-

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Brian Racow

rating.� The Schacherls were among the thousands who danced all night in the streets.

The couple welcomed a son, Meir, in 1948.

In May, Jewish leaders issued Israel’s Declaration of Independence. The next day, five Arab armies launched war on the newborn country.

Demonstrating tenacity, the Israelis won the war and held onto their country. In Tel Aviv, Walter ignored Ryfka’s pleas to take shelter from falling bombs. “I said, ‘I was a soldier. I’m not scared’,� Walter said.

But the victory came with a heavy human price. Walter’s brother was killed, and Ryfka’s father was wounded.

In 1950, Israel reestablished the Maccabiah Games, an international Olympics-style competition, which had taken place twice in the 1930s in Palestine. Walter was one of 800 athletes from 20 countries at the games, and Ryfka was among the tens of thousands in attendance.

Sinewy and skilled, Walter captured the gold medal in high bar, silver in still rings and bronze in side horse. He also took home the gold for best all-around gymnast. The medals are now

proudly displayed in his Merrick home.

At Davar, Schacherl’s young apprentice, Chaim Topol, asked for advice. Should he pursue a career in printing, or follow his other love, acting? Schacherl said what he wished his own father had said to him. “I said, ‘What’s printing? Be an actor’,� Schacherl said. Topol later became one of Israel’s most famous stars of stage and film, immortalizing the character Tevye in the 1971 movie “Fiddler on the Roof.�

Money was tight, and Ryfka wanted a new start for the family in America. Walter reluctantly said goodbye to his beloved Israel.

The Schacherls had arranged to move in with Ryfka’s uncle in Long Beach.

Walter studied a dictionary, newspapers and movies to master English, one of seven languages he has known at various times, along with German, Yiddish, Hebrew, Arabic, Italian and French. An employment agency assisted in getting him hired at a printing press in Long Island City. Within a year of coming to America, the Schacherls welcomed a daughter, Berta.

Primary Care, Pediatrics and Urgent Care in Hewlett From left: Linda Bryant, MD, Internal Medicine; Carolina Murray, DO, Urgent Care; Joann Carcaterra, DO, Internal Medicine

After a second year in the apartment of Ryfka’s uncle, the Schacherls were ready for a place of their own. They wanted a house, but they could not make the down payment. A woman who Ryfka had befriended one day at the supermarket, Lea Baram, came to their rescue. She sold bonds that she owned and loaned the Schacherls $5,000, allowing them to move into a house on the 600s block of East Walnut Street. In took several years, but the Schacherls repaid Baram.

The Schacherls spent 23 years in Long Beach, where they found middle-class prosperity and fell in love with the city and their adopted country. In the 1960s, Walter worked for the Grumman Corporation in Farmingdale, printing schemas for the Apollo space program. Ryfka worked as a seamstress and waitress. Meir served in the U.S. military in the Vietnam War. Jerry Kremer, a former state assemblyman from Long Beach and now a Herald columnist, aided the Schacherls in securing American citizenship.

Walter “was very anxious to become a citizen — it meant the world to him,� Kremer said. “He wanted so much to become part of this country.

He had an amazing life story. I consider it a badge of honor that I helped move that along.�

Walter retired at age 63 in 1981. The next year, he and Ryfka moved to Lehigh Acres, Fla. Not too long ago, Berta (married name Weinstein), who now has a family of her own and lives in Merrick, prevailed upon her father and mother, 97 and 93 respectively, to move in with her so she could assist with their needs.

The Schacherls have four grandchildren and two great-grandchildren. “What more could I ask for?â€? Walter said. “My daughter and son-inlaw do everything for me. ‌ I feel at home here and have no worries.â€?

Berta takes great pride and inspiration from her parents’ stories. “Through all their hardship, they succeeded in coming to a new country, started over many times, started a family with lots of determination and hard work and no handouts,� she said. “I think that’s really important. They lived to tell about surviving a terrible world war. They scrimped and worked side by side, together.�

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Fresh view of Lincoln’s Jewish ties

By Jennifer Brody, JNS.org At a time when America’s heroes are dwindling, filmmakers and historians are among those turning to Abraham Lincoln for inspiration.

The relationship of our 16th president with Jews is the inspiration for a groundbreaking exhibit, “With Firmness in the Right: Lincoln and the Jews,” that debuted at the New York Historical Society earlier this year and opens this week at the Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum in Springfield, Ill. It is based on the book “Lincoln and the Jews: A History,” by Jonathan D. Sarna and Benjamin Shapell.

“This is not the stories you’ve heard about Lincoln from textbooks. It opens up a whole

new world of another aspect of Lincoln’s life,” said Carla Knorowski, CEO of the Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library Foundation.

Considering that Lincoln grew up at a time of anti-Semitism, many people may be surprised to learn that he was deeply committed to religious pluralism and had more Jewish friends and acquaintances than any president before him. In 1809, the year of Lincoln’s birth, barely 3,000 Jews lived in America. By 1865, the year of Lincoln’s assassination, that number had increased to 150,000.

The exhibit includes a series of letters between Lincoln and Abraham Jonas, a Jewish lawyer from Quincy, Ill., who was instrumental in Lincoln’s political rise. In a friendship that spanned just more than two decades, Jonas was

one of the first to support Lincoln’s candidacy for president and urged the Republican Party to woo political outsiders like the “liberal and freethinking Germans” and “Israelites.”

In 1861, Lincoln rewarded Jonas’s contributions with the plum political appointment of Postmaster of Quincy. But perhaps the greatest testament to their friendship was Lincoln’s handwritten order in May 1864 to allow one of Jonas’s sons, Charles, then a Confederate POW, “a parole of three weeks to visit his dying father.”

Lincoln’s fundamental sense of fairness distinguished him throughout his political career. Evidence of this trait appears in many of the documents, photographs, letters, bibles, and other artifacts assembled for the “With

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Firmness in the Right” exhibit. The items are drawn from a variety of sources, including the Shapell Manuscript Foundation, the Chicago Historical Society, Brown University, and the Library of Congress. Some of them are being displayed publicly for the first time.

The exhibit includes a tracing of Lincoln’s own feet and highlights his close relationship with his eccentric foot doctor, the British-born Dr. Issachar Zacharie, who is buried in London’s Highgate Cemetery. In 1863, The New York World reported that the doctor “enjoyed Mr. Lincoln’s confidence more than any other private individual.”

The president even sent Zacharie on peace and intelligence missions to the South during the Civil War. Lincoln had just appointed General Nathaniel P. Banks to replace the anti-Semitic Benjamin F. Butler in the Gulf.

With Jewish connections in New Orleans, Zacharie was the ideal choice to help repair relations with the area’s 2,000 Jews. Lincoln urged Banks to make somewhat mysterious use of Zacharie’s skills, saying, “I think he might be of service to you, first in his peculiar profession, and, secondly, as a means of access to his countrymen, who are quite numerous in some of the localities you will probably visit.”

Lincoln made bold decisions that transformed Jews from outsiders to insiders in American society. One significant example is Lincoln’s overturning of Ulysses Grant’s General Orders No. 11 (December 1862) that expelled Jews “as a class” from Union-controlled territory (including parts of southern Illinois, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Mississippi). Born out of frustration with some Jewish cotton smugglers, Grant’s edict qualified as “the most blatant state-sanctioned act of anti-Semitism in American history,” according to the “Lincoln and the Jews” book.

Daniel Stowell, the Lincoln Presidential Library’s curator for the exhibit, agrees that Lincoln’s countermand of Grant’s order shows how the president stood up to anti-Semitic generals.

“Lincoln gave wide latitude to generals that were succeeding, and Grant was one of them,” Stowell said. “Lincoln would have had no trouble if Grant said, ‘Okay, all peddlers need to leave the area,’ but Lincoln was quoted as saying he did not like condemning a whole group because of a few sinners.”

In September 1862, Lincoln took another bold action, appointing Rabbi Jacob Frankel of Philadelphia as the U.S. military’s first Jewish chaplain. The document formalizing that appointment is included in the Illinois exhibit. At that time, there were 7,000 Jews in the Union Army.

“Many Jews did feel like second-class citizens, especially in the decades prior to the Civil War, but Lincoln establishes this sense that all sorts of people should be treated as equals.

The Emancipation Proclamation was all about that idea,” said Stowell.

Regarding renewed interest in Lincoln— the man and the politician—Sarna speculates that, at a time when many Americans are disaffected by the political process, Lincoln’s mastery of politics is admired.

“There may be a certain nostalgia toward a president who was ‘Honest Abe.’ It’s really extraordinary when you see the extent to which he was able to live his values and accomplish so many things,” said Sarna.

In the days after Lincoln’s assassination, rabbis compared the anti-slavery president to the greatest of biblical heroes from the patriarch Abraham to the prophet Moses. When some of our heroes today have disappointed us, it’s comforting to know we still have Lincoln.

Three Long Island congress members — the North Shore’s Steve Israel, the South Shore’s Kathleen Rice, and Rep. Grace Ming of Central Queens — said this week that they would vote against the Iranian nuclear agreement.

Westchester Rep. Nina Lowey also said that she would vote against President Obama’s deal.

All are Democrats. “I tried very hard to get to ‘yes’ — but at the end of the day, despite some positive elements in the deal, the totality compelled me

THE JEWISH STAR August 7, 2015 • 22 Av 5775

LI Reps Rice and Israel won’t back Iran deal

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Ming said it was “unacceptableâ€? that “the inspections procedures set forth are awed.â€?

Rice, in a statement distributed by her ofďŹ ce, said “this deal represents a pause, not an end, to Iran’s quest for a nuclear weapon.â€?

Meanwhile, Senator Charles Schumer, whose active opposition to the nuclear deal is considered critical to a successful veto override, has declined to disclose his position.

Democratic House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi has called the agreement “a diplomatic masterpiece.�

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On Monday, the ofďŹ ce of South Shore Rep. Kathleen Rice distributed the following statement by the congressmember: Three weeks ago, President Obama announced that American and international negotiators reached a ďŹ nal agreement with Iranian leaders restricting Iran’s nuclear program in exchange for relief from economic sanctions.

I’ve since taken time to study the text of the proposed deal, and I’ve 5HS 5LFH VSHDNV ZLWK -HZLVK 6WDU 3XEOLVKHU (G :HLQWURE LQ WKH consulted with negotiators, nuclear QHZVSDSHUÂśV RIÂżFHV GXULQJ DQ H[FOXVLYH LQWHUYLHZ WKDW FRYHUHG experts, and my constituents. ,UDQ DQG RWKHU IRUHLJQ SROLF\ PDWWHUV The Jewish Star / Christina Daly President Obama entered into allowable limit? How far will Iran have to cross negotiations with Iran because he is a president interested in peace, in Israel’s se- the line to warrant sanctions snapping back? curity, and in avoiding the human and ďŹ nancial Who will decide what sanctions are re-imposed sacriďŹ ces of another American war in the Mid- and how quickly we will have them in place? dle East. I share these goals, and I genuinely This ambiguity gives me little conďŹ dence that believe the President sees this deal as the best Iran will be sufďŹ ciently deterred from bending – if not breaking – the rules of the pact, and all chance of achieving them. But I do not.

It’s inarguable that Iran’s top policy priority the while they will continue to reap the ďŹ nanis to obtain a nuclear weapon. Our top policy cial rewards of our concessions.

Iranian nuclear ambition isn’t the nation’s priority in this region is to prevent them from achieving that goal. If we are to believe this is only irresponsible agenda. Iran wants internaa good deal for our interests, then we must be- tional legitimacy. I’m bothered that we seem lieve that Iran has either entered into a deal poised to grant such legitimacy without requiragainst its interests, or that Iranian priorities ing Iranian concessions on its sponsorship of have changed. The former would be illogical terror. I’m unwilling to help economically emand we’ve seen no evidence of the latter. The power an Iranian regime that could use the only alternative conclusion is that Iran believes cash inux to make more muscular its support this deal does not compromise their agenda – of terror and more aggressive its antagonism of Israel and our other allies in the region. And and that’s deeply problematic.

This deal represents a pause, not an end, to I’m unwilling to grant such economic and politIran’s quest for a nuclear weapon. While no deal ical legitimacy to a regime that prides itself on or action – whether economic, diplomatic, or its persecution of women, children, journalists, military – can ensure a disarmed Iran in perpetu- religious minorities and political dissidents.

I ďŹ nd the main argument for this deal – ity, this deal’s search for peace seems too willing to gamble on social progress in Iran, especially that the only alternative is war – to be a false when Iranian leaders show little interest in help- choice. As President Obama has stated, his acing to foster it – and even less in becoming any- tions and economic sanctions brought Iran to thing near a responsible ally in the region. Here, the table. If that is true, and I believe it is, then the President is displaying an admirable politi- why wouldn’t continued political and economic cal vision and optimism, but I just don’t trust the pressure improve our leverage in forcing Iran progress of that social experiment enough to pay to agree to a better deal? The tipping point in such leverage must be Iran giving up its nuclear the cost of this gamble’s security risk.

And the fact that sanctions can snap back arms ambition, and renouncing and defunding into place if Iran cheats doesn’t give me enough its terror tentacles in the region and abroad.

Diplomacy was working, and we shouldn’t conďŹ dence to counter that risk. The sanctions we imposed on Iran that proved successful pull the plug on it. Instead, we need to convince were only successful over time. No matter how our P5+1 partners that a better deal can be had quickly we can re-impose these measures in by keeping the sanctions in place. With China the event we catch Iran cheating, it will take and Russia eager to trade with Iran, that won’t be years to recreate the economic pressure that we easy. But imagine how difďŹ cult it will be to rally this group to force Iran’s hand after they begin know inuences their decision making.

One of the biggest questions throughout reaping the beneďŹ ts of Iranian trade.

I suspect this deal will pass. I hope that histhis process has been whether outside inspectors will have the ability to tell if Iran is abiding tory will ultimately prove President Obama by this deal. I’m skeptical that they will. The right in his gamble on diplomacy and social fact that Iran would not agree to “anywhere, progress in Iran. But for me, it is a risk I cannot anytime� access is troubling - and an apparent support. It’s a gift of political legitimacy and economic empowerment that requires too little continuation of Iran’s history of deception.

And what if they do cheat? How will Iran Iranian maturation across too little of its danbe punished if they commit minor violations, if gerous agenda. For the sake of peace, we can they operate even one centrifuge more than the do better.

August 7, 2015 • 22 Av 5775 THE JEWISH STAR

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Exit clause lets Iran take the money and run JEFF DUNETZ POLITICS TO GO

D

espite what Secretary of State Kerry says, the P5+1 deal is not forever (most key provisions stopping Iran from enriching uranium expire after 10 years, the rest after 15). But if you read the entire 159 page agreement (and I recommend you do), according to Paragraph 36 on page 19, any party — be it the Supreme Leader of Iran, the Prime Minister of Great Britain, or a future U.S. president — any party — can kill the Iran nuclear deal with 35 days’ notice.

Iran might need to wait a little longer (an extra 30) working days because of a sentence in Annex IV. But, after that, under Paragraph 36, Iran can claim that any of the P5+1 is “not meeting its commitments” under the agreement. That triggers a 35-day set of meetings.

Once that clock runs, Iran can claim the issue

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“has not been resolved to [its] satisfaction” and that it “deems” that the issue “constitutes significant non-performance.” Iran can then “cease performing its commitments under this JCPOA in whole or in part.” The agreement is done.

On the other hand, once Iran has its $150 billion (okay Kerry says it’s only $100 billion) and made some long term oil deals they can give the nuclear agreement the big heave ho and just take the money and run.

Iran has already made a claim that the U.S. is in “material breach” of the understandings.

The letter, posted on the IAEA’s website, cites July 17 statements from White House Press Secretary Josh Earnest as the source of the complaint.

Trying to sell the deal, Earnest made the ridiculous claim that the military option was still on the table and followed up with a hypothetical: “So when it comes to the targeting decisions that would be made by military officials either in Israel or the United States, those targeting decisions would be significantly informed, and our capabilities improved, based on the knowledge that has been gained in the intervening

years through this inspections regime.”

Iran’s complaint said in part, “The threat or use of force under any circumstances except in self-defense is a violation of the fundamental principles of international law and the Charter of the United Nations, and such statements constitute a breach of erga omnes obligations under Article 2(4) of the Charter. Moreover, at a time when the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) is successfully concluded between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the P5+1, such a statement is totally unwarranted and seriously undermines the very basic principles required for its implementation that is expected to begin soon.”

It is doubtful that Iran will kill the deal before they get their $150 Billion.

The exit provision also allows a new president to ditch the lousy deal. Per an analysis by Owen Alterman of the Institute for National Security Studies Tel Aviv: “On Jan. 21, 2017, a new U.S. president could point to an Iranian breach and, on Feb. 25, 2017 pull the United States out of the agreement. He could also have diplomats sit through the five weeks of meetings and then exit at some later date; Para-

graph 36 sets no deadline.”

A future U.S. president does not need to renounce the agreement; he can simply exit the agreement under the agreement’s own terms.

Expect this to be an issue in the 2016 campaign.

But honestly I do not see a new president, even if it is a Republican, killing the deal without the support of the international community.

Paragraph 36 purports to be a dispute resolution clause. Underneath nice headline it is really a termination clause. According to Alterman: “Those who disagree will likely point to three arguments. First, they will say, moving along the exit ramp depends on making the case that someone else has violated the deal. If the P5+1 is keeping its end of the bargain, they will argue, then Iran would have no grounds to cut and run.”

Yet in a complex deal such as this one, a party will likely be able to point to some plausible story of breach. Iran has a ready candidate.

Paragraph 25 says that if any U.S. state or local government “is preventing the implementation Continued on page 17

Iran: More you know, less you trust BEN COHEN VIEWPOINT

W

hen it comes to the nuclear deal agreed to a fortnight ago in Vienna. there’s a pattern evolving that should be worrying the Obama administration: the more you know about it, the less you like it.

A new opinion poll conducted by the organization I work for, The Israel Project, reveals that an increasing number of Americans are anxious about national security—after the economy, it’s the issue voters take most seriously—and that the Iran deal has exacerbated their concerns.

More than 75 percent of Americans say they have learned “some” or “a lot” about the deal.

That learning curve has been accompanied by a disapproval curve that is climbing steadily upwards among Democratic voters as well as independents and Republicans.

According to the survey, when assessing the deal based on just their own knowledge, 47 percent of Americans reject it and 44 percent support it. But when presented with a number of talking points both for and against the agreement, an aggregate of 51 percent of respondents say Congress should reject it, while 35 percent favor approving the deal.

Of particular concern for President Barack Obama, on a personal level, is that disapproval of his handling of the negotiations with Iran (52 percent) is 15 percentage points greater than approval (37 percent) of his dealings with the Islamic Republic—by far his worst issue.

As encouraging as this trend is for opponents of the deal, this is no time for them to rest on their laurels. As Congress heads for summer recess, we need to keep our attention focused on preparations for what will happen after Labor Day, when federal legislators will make a historic decision on whether to accept or reject the deal. Our message needs to be that a better deal is possible, because this one is going to result in an Iranian nuclear weapon. It’s also going to help Iran achieve regional dominance, boost its terror proxies from Lebanon to Iraq, directly cause more death and suffering in Syria’s civil war, and straightforwardly assist the Tehran regime in its repression of human rights.

A briefing book I’ve just edited, titled “Surrender in Vienna: Why We Need A Better Nu-

clear Deal With Iran,” explores these distinctyet-overlapping issues in greater detail. In his introduction to the collection, Allan Myer, a former senior U.S. defense official who served as president Ronald Reagan’s speechwriter, digs deep into the assumptions that led the Obama administration to tear up the existing playbook that had guided Western interactions with the Tehran regime for more than a decade.

That playbook didn’t contain a foolproof strategy: uranium enrichment continued at open and concealed sites, sanctions were circumvented, the Revolutionary Guards Corps and the Qods Force were emboldened in carrying out external operations, and we had to listen to a constant stream of anti-Semitic, Holocaust-denying invective from the Iranian regime. With the Vienna deal, not only will all that continue, but it will get worse. And the reason why that’s the case, Myer says, is because the current administration is driven by a worldview that defies realities on the ground.

For example, the assumption that Iran is a stabilizing power is nonsensical. Even if Tehran could claim the entire support of those 15 percent of Muslims who are Shi’a (and it cannot), it would still be at dangerous loggerheads with both the Sunni Muslim majority, the State of Israel, and non-Muslim minorities in the region—many of whom, like the followers of the gentle Baha’i faith, are viciously persecuted in Iran itself.

So if the Iranian regime can’t win the trust

of its neighbors, and in fact increases their suspicions, how are we going to avoid another war—the very war that Obama insists he wants to avoid? Obama’s messaging on Iran was echoed this week by celebrities like Jack Black and Morgan Freeman in one of the most inane videos I’ve ever seen. Do they honestly think the Iran deal is going to be like that final scene in “The Shawshank Redemption,” when Tim Robbins and Morgan Freeman embrace in Pacific sunshine after being reunited?

It is unlikely that a war in the Middle East involving American troops will occur while this president remains in the White House. But when Obama’s successor takes over in January 2017, and we’ve had an even greater glimpse of how this deal has legitimized what was once regarded as Iran’s nuclear cheating, the outcome could be very different. Nobody in his right mind would definitively predict that another Middle Eastern conflict involving the U.S. is out of the question over the next 20 years.

What needs to be considered is whether this deal makes such an outcome more likely.

Increasingly, Americans are beginning to understand that it does, and that knee-jerk slogans like “No War on Iran” are no guarantee that there won’t be a war with Iran. That is precisely why we need a better deal.

To begin with, the deal needs to fix the painfully large holes in the inspection regime.

It means getting Iran to accept the “anytime, anywhere” principle on inspections. It means getting absolute clarification on the existence of concealed nuclear facilities. Most importantly, it means a candid and honest account of Iran’s past nuclear activities—chiefly, the military aspects of such work.

Partisans of the current deal will say that under no circumstances would Iran sign such an alternative deal. They conveniently ignore that that regime was six months away from a severe balance of payments crisis when this negotiating round began! The mullahs, therefore, will be reminded of the leverage we have over them only if Congress rejects this deal and recommends a better one.

That can’t happen unless, during this long, hot summer, the American people tell those whom they elect that they are no longer prepared to accept the false choice of “take this deal or risk another war.” Because while this administration may have given up on the goal of peacefully dismantling Iran’s nuclear program, the rest of us can’t afford the same luxury.

Ben Cohen, senior editor of TheTower.org

RABBI BINNY FREEDMAN THE HEART OF JERUSALEM

F

ourteen years ago this week (on Aug 9, the 20th of Av, in 2001), in a Sbarro pizzeria on a beautiful Jerusalem afternoon, a fanatical terrorist entered with a guitar case full of explosives and, yelling that G-d is great, set off a bomb that murdered 15 Israelis, including seven children and a pregnant woman. I am here writing these words because I was sitting in the back of the pizzeria, and Hashem decided I would be spared; many others, including 130 wounded, were less fortunate.

The fanatical belief of the bomber, Iz al-Din Shuheil al-Masri, was that his truth was the only truth. He murdered innocents in pursuit of that truth and in name of his warped perception of G-d’s will.

Last week, in two events that occurred over the same weekend, once again innocent children were being murdered in the name of that same G-d and that same ever elusive truth.

Only this time the murderers are Jewish. It seems no one has a copyright on fanaticism.

An 18 month old toddler was burned alive and his parents are fighting for their lives as these words are written, and the police suspect a fringe element of Jewish terrorists; and Shira Banki, a 16-year-old girl marching in Jerusalem’s gay pride parade, was stabbed to death along with five others wounded by a Jew calling himself ultra-Orthodox and purporting to be acting in G-d’s name against the LGBT community.

While there are certainly differences between these cases, now is not the time to focus on those differences. Rather, we must struggle with what they have in common: the challenge of overcoming bigotry, intolerance and fanaticism.

Indeed, we find ourselves in the midst of the traditional seven weeks (and seven weekly Torah portions) of comfort (the shiva de’nechemta) wherein the Jewish people attempt to find comfort after the destruction of the Temple on the Ninth of Av and the subsequent exile and destruction we faced as a people for over two millennium. The Talmud suggests that this destruction occurred because of

the blind and pointless hatred (sinat chinam) which was prevalent in that generation of Jews 2,000 years ago.

How sad that in the midst of such a powerful lesson, we are still repeating the same mistakes. t is interesting to note, given that last week’s portion of Va’Etchanan was the first of the portions designed to comfort, and this week’s portion of Ekev is the second, that these two portions must be connected. And in fact, a cursory glance reveals an obvious connection in that last week we read the first paragraph of the Shema, and this week we read the second.

Yet these two paragraphs could not be more different in their messages.

The first paragraph (Devarim 6: 4-9), beginning with the injunction to Love G-d with all our hearts, is about developing a deep and meaningful relationship with Hashem. The second paragraph (Devarim 11: 13-21), in contrast, is about the reward and punishment we can expect from G-d based on the relationship we embrace or neglect.

In the first paragraph we are spoken to in the singular — “and you (individual) shall love G-d, with all your (individual) heart soul and might.” Yet in the second paragraph in this week’s portion, we are spoken to in the plural form — “And if you will hearken to my commandments … and love your (plural) G-d with all your hearts and souls…” Why the difference?

Note that the verses regarding the mitzvah of tefillin and the teaching of our children are repeated in both paragraphs, yet they are in reverse order. In the first paragraph of the Shema the Torah tells us (6:7-8) to teach our children and speak to them, and then to tie these words as a “sign on our hand,” which is the mitzvah of tefillin. Yet in the second paragraph of the Shema, in this week’s portion (11:18-19), the mitzvah of tefillin actually precedes the mitzvah of teaching our children. Why the reverse order?

I

Rashi points out that when the verses tell us to teach our children in the first paragraph of the Shema it is actually referring to a teacher’s obligation to teach his students (as a teacher’s students are considered to be like his children) whereas in the second paragraph of the Shema the same verse is referring more literally to the parents’ obligation to teach his children.

Perhaps there is a message which can help us connect all these dots, beginning with what the mitzvah of tefillin is all about — what indeed does it mean that we are meant to tie the tefillin on our hands and our heads every day?

The Maharsha (Rav Shmuel Eidels of Krakow, 1555-1631 author of the chidushei halachot on the Talmud) suggests (Tractate Berachot 6a) that when we bind the tefillin to our bodies, we are attempting to demonstrate that we wish to bind ourselves to G-d (dveikut). But how does one bind one’s self to G-d? How indeed do we develop our relationship to Hashem?

Truth be told, we can learn a lot about our potential relationship with Hashem from the way we develop our relationships with our fellow human beings. One of the most important things in any healthy relationship is to figure out what the people we love really need and want from us, what is meaningful to them and what touches their hearts. Imagine you are newly married and on your first anniversary you find the perfect gift for your beloved wife. And imagine the special look on her face when she opens up the beautifully wrapped surprise and discovers … an electric power drill; probably not a happy ending.

Knowing what drives those we love and how we can be there for them is how all of our relationships grow, which is just as true of our relationship with Hashem. But how do we tap into what Hashem really wants of us? Our Torah is the recipe Hashem has given us for how we can make a difference and live a meaningful life.

Which leaves only the question of how we

We must struggle with what this week’s murders have in common: the challenge of overcoming bigotry intolerance and fanaticism.

know we are getting it right. How do we know that the way we are interpreting G-d’s word is really true?

Perhaps this explains the questions we raised in seeing the different perspectives of the first two paragraphs of the Shema.

The first paragraph relates to our individual perspective: deep down, we need to listen to that inner voice; we are created with an innate sense of right and wrong and tapping into that essence is really tapping into the soul that we really are. Judaism suggests that man does not have a soul; man is a soul. And to be healthy and balanced human beings we need to connect with the inner soul that is our individual connection with Hashem, and which represents the idea that we are in fact an aspect of Hashem’s will. ut Judaism also believes, as the second paragraph of Shema teaches, that we need to balance that will within the context of the community, the greater klal. Each of us, every Jew, is a part of Klal Yisrael, and we are all members of humanity. And our understanding of the will of Hashem has to be understood in the context of creating a better world, filled with love and respecting each other for and despite our differences, even when we disagree.

Perhaps tefillin represent my individual connection with Hashem, but teaching our children and students represents the need to connect to the wider community and to the fact that we are but individual pixels in a much larger picture that we always need to see.

Indeed the Netziv (Rav Naftali Tzvi Yehuda Berlin, 19th century rosh yeshiva of Volozhin), in his introduction to the book of Bereishit, suggests that before we can disagree with someone, we first need to respect where they are coming from. When a person is so busy seeing their own relationship with G-d that they can no longer see the image of G-d in the person in front of them, whether at an LGBT parade, in an Arab home in Dura, or in a Sbarro’s pizzeria, they are no longer spreading light, they are only burning fires.

This Shabbat as we sit down to our Shabbat tables by the light of the Shabbat candles, perhaps we can consider how we can spread a little more light, which is so much more beautiful than fighting the raging fires.

Shabbat Shalom from Jerusalem.

B

Awful week in Israel: The criminals are not us RABBI AVI BILLET PARSHA OF THE WEEK

L

ast week, from Tisha B’Av through Tu B’Av (July 26–31), was loaded with a particularly awful set of occurences in Israel. From the vandalism on a Conservative (Masorti) synagogue in Modiin on Tisha B’Av, to the inexcusable stabbings at the gay pride parade (which led to a death of Shira Banki), to the arson attack on the Dawabsheh family home in Duma last Friday in which an 18 month old toddler died, one wonders what happened to the idea of being a light unto the nations.

Of course, the media is all over these stories, as they should be, for each one, in its own way, is a heinous crime. As of this writing, the perpetrators of the vandalism and the arson had not been caught, and the speculation of both sets of attackers being Jews is circumstantial. But as most are assuming that the perpetrators in both cases are Jewish, let’s go with that assumption for now. The paradestabber/murderer is clearly Jewish.

In Devarim 8:14, Moshe warns the people of what will happen when “your heart may then grow haughty, and you may forget G-d your Lord, the One who brought you out of the slave house that was Egypt.”

Ibn Ezra describes this haughtiness as the

kind that comes from forgetting your past slave-life, and the suffering and the hunger and thirst you underwent. Presumably because now you have it all, things are easy, and you are coasting through a good life.

For more than a generation, the question of whether the Zionist-spirit is dead has been discussed. The pioneering spirit that built the country has been replaced by an “it’s been built, now what?” question.

It has been argued that Arabs who engage in terror do so because they don’t have a self-fulfilling sense of purpose. They live in a culture of hate, in which too many people do not work, and therefore have the time to focus on destroying others’ lives instead of focusing on how to improve their own lives.

How many people with families and a sense of purpose (a real job) engage in acts of terror? I would imagine the percentages are much lower than the unmarried nonworking terrorists.

There is no question that Israel has been on the forefront of the world’s stage in technological innovation in medicine, arms-development, WiFi and cellular technology, and hitech (computer systems, databases and apps).

And so much more. Israel’s field hospitals in disaster and war zones are second to none, examples of what it means to truly give in terms

of resources, time and manpower. So much good emanates from the tiny Jewish state, which aims to fulfill its purpose of being an accepted, contributing nation among nations.

But then we have a week like last week, and the pundits come out with an all-out criticism of the Jewish state. As if the criminals represent the Jewish people. Which they don’t. And this point has been made clear with 100 percent condemnation from public leaders and private citizens alike.

Some look at the arson story, for example, responding, “Yeah? You think this is bad? How many Jews have been victims of terror? How many Jewish children have been killed by Arabs?” They don’t mean to justify, but to offer perspective. This is not helpful, however, because all it does is try to create a moral superiority of “they have thousands of terrorists, we only have two.” Which is irrelevant.

The only “comparison” to be made is the 100 percent condemnation of these despicable acts, which is a sign that while there are criminals among the Jewish people, our People are repulsed by individuals who act in a manner that may reflect an arrogance of the kind the Torah frowns upon. On the other side, the polls that show the percentages of pro-Palestinian folks who say “terror-

There is 100% condemnation of these despicable acts.

ism is sometimes justified” are almost always in double-digits.

The parade-murderer helps us understand what the Talmud means when it talks about how there was a time in Jewish history when there were many murderers in Israel. There may have been self-appointed vigilantes who felt that they had the right to defend Torah law against those they considered sinners, and they chose to do so in a manner that included murder. The arsonists have a skewed perspective of right and wrong. And they are wrong. And the vandals also have no concept of what it means to respect property, even if they disagree with how Judaism is to be practiced.

Rabbi Morris Joseph wrote in the late 1890s, “We thereby affirm, not that we are better than others, but that we ought to be better.” The first step in being “better” (a selfmonitored aspiration) is coming to a communal and national sense of purpose, hopefully which comes from the opposite angle of what causes the problem outlined in Devarim 8. Our hearts must never grow haughty, and we must never forget the G-d who took us out of Egypt.

Because it is only through humility and through a G-d-oriented sense of purpose that respects all of G-d’s children that we can attain the status of being a light unto the nations. Most of us are there.

We pray that all Jewish people can join the ranks of those who remember what it meant to be slaves, so we can live in peace with those who are looking to live a decent life.

THE JEWISH STAR August 7, 2015 • 22 Av 5775

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12

They ventured into the kitchen, where the rabbis scrutinized everything, the spices, bread, wine and the canned goods.

Then they delivered their request: Just change one non-kosher brand she regularly buys to a kosher one.

Pagel nodded agreeably, but later shook her head no when a reporter asked if she would change anything as a result of the rabbisâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; visit.

Chaikin and Lepkivker said they arenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t discouraged when their message seems to fall on deaf ears. After all, change doesnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t come overnight, Lepkivker said.

After another home visit, the rabbis headed to a grocery store to meet a family for a lesson in kosher shopping.

Karen Semple greeted the rabbis with two grandchildren in tow, 12-year-old Ashlie Weitner and her infant brother Levi. Semple told them Ashlie moved to Montana earlier this year and was eager to learn how to keep kosher in her new home.

The group walked aisle by aisle, as the rabbis pulled products to point out all the different labels. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Hereâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s our kosher ice cream,â&#x20AC;? he said, holding up a container of Breyerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s vanilla.

At the end of the half-hour tour, Lepkivker drove the lesson home. â&#x20AC;&#x153;How much did we see here that wasnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t kosher, except for regular dairy and meat?â&#x20AC;?

Chaikin answered for him: â&#x20AC;&#x153;Probably 80 percent of what we saw is OK.â&#x20AC;?

They said their goodbyes, and Chaikin and Lepkivker climbed back into their sport-utility vehicle with freshly pressed spare white shirts and black trousers in the back seat, ready for their next destination: Montanaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s farming communities and American Indian reservations near the Canadian border.

By Chef Miri Zorger Miri Zorger is an award-winning chef in Israel who said, â&#x20AC;&#x153;When I make food, I look for the artistic perspective. To me itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s important to show kosher food can be gourmet.â&#x20AC;?

Ingredients: 1 beef brisket, cut lengthwise to create a pocket for stufďŹ ng Marinade: 6 garlic cloves, crushed 1/3 cup olive oil 1 cup Gamla Pinot Noir 1/3 cup soy sauce Salt, freshly ground black pepper 3 tbsp sweet paprika Filling: 200g turkey pastrami, cut into small cubes 1 small box of mushrooms, each sliced in 4 2 onions, ďŹ nely chopped 1 cup breadcrumbs 1 cup pistachios, shelled and roasted Salt, freshly ground black pepper 2 garlic heads 3 onions, sliced Preparation: Marinade: Mix all marinade ingredients, rub well onto meat and marinate over night. Turn over every few hours.

Filling: Fry pastrami cubes until brown and transfer into a bowl.

Fry mushrooms and place into bowl with pastrami.

Fry onions and transfer into same bowl.

Add rest of ingredients, mix well, add spices.

Fill brisket with stufďŹ ng.

Using a large trussing needle and cotton string,

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carefully sew the open side of the brisket.

Place garlic cloves and onion in a pan. Place ďŹ lled brisket on top.

Pour rest of marinade on top of brisket.

Cook in preheated oven on 200ÂşC for 3 hrs.

Let brisket cool down.

Slice and serve with the gravy.

Recommended wine: Gamla Pinot Noir. A dry red wine that will perfectly complete the dish with its fruity and light taste. Serve slightly chilled.

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774938

By Matt Volz HELENA, Mont. (AP) â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Two young Chabad rabbis have traded their studies in Brooklyn for the back roads of Montana, where they are teaching the far-ďŹ&#x201A;ung faithful how to keep kosher in Big Sky Country.

Eli Chaikin, 23, and Dovid Lepkivker, 25, call themselves the roving rabbis. Their mission is to reach as many of the stateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s approximately 3,000 Jews as they can in a month.

Their message is a gentle one â&#x20AC;&#x201D; more of a nudge than a push â&#x20AC;&#x201D; in what are at best loosely organized Jewish communities where relatively few people strictly follow the dietary laws. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Any step you take is a positive step,â&#x20AC;? Chaikin said. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s not all or nothing.â&#x20AC;?

The roving rabbis have visited more than 60 homes in Montana since July 7, many of them cold-calls to people they had only learned about by asking around town or from someone the next town over.

On a recent visit to Helena, they sat in Beth Pagelâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s living room as she told them about the traditional meals and snacks she prepares for her grandsonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s classmates on Jewish holidays.

She said she hasnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t made many Jewish friends since moving to Montanaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s capital city from Florida seven years ago, but she was delighted to ďŹ nd two doctors in town who are Jewish.

Pagel readily offered that she is not kosher but told them that she knows the rules: â&#x20AC;&#x153;Iâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;m not going to offer you a cheeseburger,â&#x20AC;? she said.

The rabbis were polite, never disagreeing with their host, but they kept on message. â&#x20AC;&#x153;I would venture to say youâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;re much more kosher than you think,â&#x20AC;? Lepkivker said.

The rabbis handed her a pamphlet on keeping kosher and pointed out the listing of all the certiďŹ cation symbols found on food products.

THE JEWISH STAR August 7, 2015 â&#x20AC;˘ 22 Av 5775

â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Roving rabbisâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; spread across Tasty recipe from Israeli: Montana on kosher mission Brisket with smoked stufďŹ ng

13

August 7, 2015 • 22 Av 5775 THE JEWISH STAR

14

Why Pollard did 30 years in prison…

Continued from page 1 of which has been classified top secret. The secret affidavit includes a classified analysis of 20 illegally disclosed documents.

Although the Weinberger Declaration was presented as the prosecution’s most powerful sentencing memo, it was in fact specifically requested by Judge Robinson.

“The judge requested, the court asked, for a confidential, highly-classified summary to report the damage done,” Weinberger told me in an interview. Although the declaration was signed by Weinberger and submitted as the Secretary’s personal affidavit, the damning document was in fact assembled piecemeal by an inter-agency group of intelligence officials independently assessing Pollard’s damage to their own operations. A redacted copy of that sworn 46-page declaration, obtained by this reporter, together with information and analysis reported by several of the actual contributors, indicates that Pollard indeed compromised the most sensitive aspect of American intelligence. More than just intelligence substance, Pollard revealed the carefully guarded aspect of American intelligence, known as “sources and methods.”

Three classifications govern U.S. intelligence: confidential, secret and top secret. Beyond top secret is a special designation called Sensitive Compartmented Information [SCI] which represents the highest stricture on America’s greatest intelligence secrets. Beyond even the highest security clearance, SCI limits access to those with a demonstrated “need to know” the specific files. Adding a “code word” to a top secret/SCI classification, restricts access to those not only with a top secret clearance but also code word-specific authority.

As a key analyst in the Office of Naval Intelligence, Pollard enjoyed SCI multi-codeword access to many of the nation’s most sensitive intelligence projects and daily cable dispatches.

“More than 1000 unredacted messages and cables,” of which a significant number were not just top-secret but “codeword sensitive,” were delivered to Pollard’s Israeli handlers, according to the Weinberger Declaration. These messages and cables displayed source references. By piecing those dispatches together, a foreign source could theoretically narrow the identities of specific sources overseas. That said, no U.S. intelligence agents to date have actually been harmed by Pollard’s disclosures, intelligence sources concede. Actual harm to sources is an important consideration in assessing the damage.

In addition, Pollard gave the Israelis more than 800 unredacted reports and publications. The many reports and publications—some of them dozens of pages long and featuring satellite photos — also displayed telltale source identification.

These publications are typically redacted to protect sources and methods, and only then shared with the intelligence agencies of other countries under what the Weinberger Declaration calls, “a quid pro quo basis … in exchange for desired information or other valuable assistance.” Recipient nations are required to safeguard the information. Pollard’s disclosures meant America lost horse-trading leverage with Israel’s intelligence services.

But more importantly, Israel was suspected of re-editing and then itself trading the information with other intelligence services under its own quid pro quos. Washington resented that its secret information was no longer under U.S. control. It could theoretically end up anywhere, including Moscow, as a bargaining chip while Israel was trying to free Soviet Jews.

One of the largest of copied documents was a special Compendium of intelligence community documents, classified secret, according to a former Navy intelligence source who personally reviewed Pollard’s disclosed reports. The special Compendium outlined for the Israelis exactly how much Washington was withholding under a March 1982 Israeli-American intelligence sharing agreement, profoundly restricted after Israel bombed Iraq’s Osirek nuclear reactor. The Compendium was in many ways an index to the voluminous coded and numbered documents Pollard’s handlers asked him to retrieve.

Numerous intelligence reports about Soviet missile systems, delivered by Pollard, exposed the way America analyzed Soviet weapons.

Among the most sensitive materials were reports from the Sixth Fleet’s Air Reconnaissance Squadron TWO, codenamed VQ-2, headquartered in Rota, Spain. The forward-deployed squadron’s motto is “We deliver critical electronic combat information to our forces: Any place, any time!” In Pollard’s day, VQ-2 continuously deployed EA-3B Skywarriors and later the EP-3E ARIES over-the-horizon electronic eavesdropping aircraft across the Mediterranean. VQ-2 provided invaluable intelligence during the 1973 Yom Kippur War, the 1982-83 evacuation of Beirut, and America’s precision night-time bombing of Libya in April 1986. By providing unredacted VQ-2 dispatches, revealing America’s time and place acquisition methods, Pollard enabled Israel to virtually track America’s own intelligence capability in the Mediterranean and even over Israel itself. This

was crucial in Israel’s 1985 bombing of the P.L.O. headquarters in Tunis, codenamed Operation Wooden Leg, which depended upon Israeli F-15s evading both American and Arab listening posts over North Africa.

But all of it together was dwarfed by photocopying for Israel the massive 10-volume RASIN Manual, according to a principal author of the Weinberger Declaration. An acronym for Radio and Signal Intelligence [RASIN], the precious manual is known as “the Bible,” according to the intelligence officer. The RASIN Manual details America’s global listening profile, frequency by frequency, source by source, geographic slice by geographic slice. RASIN was, in effect, a complete roadmap to American signal intelligence. Pollard’s handlers required the spy to locate and copy the most up-to-date edition.

When Pollard’s attorneys tried to argue at the sentencing that although the spy had delivered volumes of classified papers, “the damage here is not serious damage,” Judge Robinson stopped them cold. Raising his arm, and cautioning them not to verbalize the sensitive information, the judge warned, “Well, then I would ask you to just think —and not articulate. … I would ask you to think about the Secretary of Defense’s Affidavit, as it related to only one thing — and I won’t even pinpoint it — as it related to only one category of publication.”

Judge Robinson added, “Would you like to come to the bench, and I will refresh your recollection to what I am referring to.” A hushed classified bench discussion followed. Informed sources say Pollard’s RASIN Manual disclosure was the crux of that secret courtroom exchange held just moments before the outraged judge finally pronounced a life sentence. Some estimate the loss of the RASIN manual cost America billions of dollars, and many years, to completely restructure our worldwide eavesdropping operation.

By any measure, Pollard’s crime was lasting and inexcusable.

2XWUDJLRXV PHGLD FDPSDLJQ To avoid a public trial, the government negotiated a binding, written plea agreement with both Pollard and his first wife Anne. By way of background, plea agreements govern conduct of prosecutors and defendants in the time leading up to sentencing. “A plea agreement is exactly what the two words suggest,” explains distinguished former federal Judge George Leighton, who has studied the Pollard case. “It is an agreement between defendant and government governing the guilty plea and the length of sentence the government will insist upon.

This is done to induce the defendant to relinquish the important right of trial. The government must live up to the agreement, and the plea agreement can be enforced against the government.”

Pollard’s binding plea agreement required him to cooperate fully with a cascade of polygraph examiners and intelligence investigators. This he did.

In return, prosecutors promised that while they would indeed request substantial jail time, they would not ask for the maximum: life. Toward that end, prosecutors promised to stress to the judge the spy’s post-arrest cooperation with investigators and polygraphers, and limit their allocution of facts to the circum-

stances of his espionage. As such, prosecutors agreed to omit aggravating details of Pollard’s high Israeli-paid lifestyle, suggestions of cooperation with South Africa, and other aggravating factors that could easily inflame the sentencing judge to mete out a longer term. As part of the overall deal, Anne, who assisted Pollard’s espionage, would be shown leniency with a minimal term, and bail while awaiting sentence would not be opposed.

The two agreements were “wired,” that is, both Pollards had to comply with all provisions.

Both agreements also routinely required the Pollards to obtain specific approval from the Director of Naval Intelligence for any media interviews or publication. Clearly, the government’s intent was to restrict further classified disclosures, including inadvertent ones, and basically deprive the Pollards of any notoriety, prestige, income or other benefit that interviews, books, or movies might bring. Such conditions are standard in many plea agreements, especially those involving espionage.

Keeping your mouth shut and displaying remorse is “job one” when throwing yourself at the mercy of the court.

But the Pollards tried to outsmart mercy. They decided to rally the American Jewish community and massage public opinion, hoping to create outside pressure on the judge and prosecutors to dispense a reduced sentence.

Without the knowledge of his attorney, Pollard granted two exclusive prison interviews to Wolf Blitzer, then Washington correspondent for the Jerusalem Post. In these interviews, Pollard brashly presented himself as a highly motivated Jew determined to help Israel in the face of an intransigent American intelligence community endangering the Jewish State. “No Bumbler but Israel’s Master Spy,” the headline declared. Moreover, a letter from Pollard ran on the front page of the Jerusalem Post decrying his “judicial crucifixion,” and assuring “the gains to Israel’s long-term security were worth the risks” he took. The letter even lamented the fact that “no one has summoned the [Jewish] community to put a stop to this ordeal.”

What a disaster. Press interviews with prisoners awaiting sentencing are virtually unheard of. Pollard’s defiant, combative tone was more than astonishing. After learning of one of the interviews, Pollard’s defense attorney Richard Hibey is said to have shrieked so loudly into the phone, a partner rushed in to see if he was okay.

The Jerusalem Post campaign seemed Jonathan Pollard’s total undoing. But that damage was surpassed by wife Anne’s audacious interview with Mike Wallace on 60 Minutes. In her interview, Anne told the nation, “I feel my husband and I did what we were expected to do, and what our moral obligation was as Jews, what our moral obligation was as human beings, and I have no regrets about that.” 60 Minutes aired just a few days before the scheduled sentencing.

Remorse was now out of the question.

Prosecutors Joseph diGenova and Charles Leeper were outraged, as was Judge Robinson. So was Pollard’s now humiliated defense attorney Hibey, who was expected to keep his client in line.

“I assure you, Judge Robinson got a videotape of the 60 Minutes interview the very next day,” recalls Hamilton Phillip Fox, one of Pollard’s subsequent defense attorneys, in an office interview. “It was a classic case of how not to behave,” a senior member of the prosecution team told this reporter.

Jewish officers throughout the American intelligence community were equally incensed that the Pollards might make all American Jews seem disloyal. “There are more than a few Jews loyally and quite properly serving their country in intelligence,” explained one highly-placed Jewish intelligence analyst. “None of us wants to be looked at cross-eyed when we walk into a room, people wondering if we are the next Pollard. He had no right!”

Pollard’s antagonistic media gamble sealed his fate. He was now doomed.

*RYHUQPHQW UHWDOLDWLRQ Angry prosecutors would now manifest their rage and exact their revenge.

It was inadvisable to throw out the binding plea agreement, claiming the Pollards breached the spirit of the media strictures. With no plea agreement, the government would have to start from scratch and prosecute the case in a public trial. Instead, prosecutors themselves simply breached the plea agreement to make sure Pollard was thrown in jail for life.

Prosecutors were obligated by the plea agreement to confine their arguments to the details of the crime and make no effort to provoke a life sentence. Instead, in a memorandum to the judge originally classified secret, diGenova castigated “the tactic which he [Pollard] has relentlessly pursued during recent months — to garner support for a ‘political solution’ to Continued on next page

-XGJH·V DQJU\ UHVSRQVH

Judge Robinson’s courtroom was tense throughout the late afternoon proceeding that March 4, 1987.

“It was as though you had pissed on the judge’s desk,” recalls a senior member of the prosecution team. He added, “We originally calculated he would be out by 2002. [Jonathan] Jay [Pollard] had time served since November 23, 1985. Figure 1517 years. But the judge was steamed — really steamed. In fact, as the judge was speaking, some thought the sentence might run up as high as 25 years. Then one of the prosecutors turned to me and said 35 years. But I felt it coming. As the judge was getting ready to pronounce; I told one of the guys, ‘I think he’s going away for the full ride.’”

Judge Robinson ignored the prosecution’s clear violation of the binding plea agreement. He agreed that Pollard deserved the worst punishment possible. Stern, determined, and provoked, Robinson announced, “I think I should state for the record that during my entire tenure in this court, I have never had more voluminous submissions in connection with the sentencing of a defendant than I have had in this case. And in addition to those voluminous submissions by each side, I have also received numerous communications directed to the court with respect to this procedure.

“I have read all of the material once, twice, thrice, if you will,” Judge Robinson continued, “and I have given careful

15 THE JEWISH STAR August 7, 2015 • 22 Av 5775

Continued from previous page the criminal proceedings pending before this Court. Defendant continues to express his hope that his incarceration may be cutshort by a ‘diplomatic or administrative’ solution.” DiGenova added, “Defendant has solicited political efforts by Israel to obtain his release.” Twice the prosecution denounced these “attempts to glorify his actions.” Time and again, prosecutors returned to the Wolf Blitzer interviews as flagrant violations of the plea agreement and egregious examples of Pollard’s unabated deviousness. The prosecutors declared: “This pattern of public relations gambits undertaken by defendant … has demonstrated that he is … contemptuous of this Court’s authority.”

All of it was strictly outside the four walls of the binding plea agreement. But prosecutors understandably wanted the judge to grasp that Pollard was trying to go over the court’s head to publicly or politically pressure for a reduced sentence.

Any judge would be inflamed.

For reinforcement, diGenova presented an unprecedented last minute four-page affidavit from Secretary of Defense Weinberger who essentially asked for “life imprisonment,” even though the plea agreement expressly prohibited such a request.

Life sentences had been dealt just months before to several notorious spies. Weinberger’s affidavit made clear to the judge, “It is difficult for me, in the so-called ‘year of the spy,’ to conceive of a greater harm to national security.” The message was clear: give Pollard life — regardless of the plea agreement.

“The reference to the ‘year of the spy,’ was an undisguised reference to the Walker, Whitworth, and Pelton cases,” insist numerous post-sentencing amicus filings, including Pollard’s own September 2000 Motion for Resentencing. That motion specifies, “Newspapers and magazines discussing those cases, had proclaimed 1985 the ‘year of the spy.’ … Each [spy] had been sentenced to life in prison … The government had no reason to mention the ‘year of the spy’ other than to call the judge’s attention to these other spies. … Without using the words ‘life in prison,’ the government was asking for a sentence of life in prison in none-too-subtle terms.”

Indeed, even the FBI’s own history website declares that 1985 was “The Year of the Spy,” and lists Pollard’s name alongside the nation’s greatest traitors.

At the sentencing on March 4, 1987, prosecutors again emphasized that Pollard was a deceitful and outrageous media manipulator, hammering at the Blitzer interviews. If that was not enough, prosecutors further disregarded the plea agreement by invoking extra information guaranteed to inflame the judge. Judge Robinson was one of the District of Columbia’s most respected African-American judges. Prosecutor Charles Leeper, in making his final arguments, disclosed to the judge that Pollard had written a personal letter home decrying his condition in the DC jail, where he encountered hostile, primarily black inmates, many among the city’s most violent criminals.

“Parenthetically,” Leeper tossed in, “I should mention that he [Pollard] asked for leniency because he says he is disliked by his fellow inmates. I wonder if it has occurred to him that when he describes publicly people with whom he is incarcerated, using terms such as, and I quote, ‘The most degenerate group of subhuman individuals collected under one roof,’ that he may be the cause of his own problems.”

That was so clearly an appeal to Judge Robinson’s personal racial instincts that when defense attorneys objected, Judge Robinson brushed the remark aside, quipping “Do you honestly think that that is going to make any difference? … Give me some credit.”

But the damage had been done. Between the Pollards’ outrageous interviews and the prosecution’s unbridled breach of the plea agreement, there was little hope.

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consideration, not only to the submission, but to argument of counsel, and I pronounce the sentence as follows …”

The breathless courtroom waited. As the judge pronounced the word “life,” the room erupted into chaos. People were shrieking in dismay. Anne collapsed into hysteria. Guards lifted her off the floor only to hear her own five-year sentence.

Blitzer’s book, Territory of Lies, recalled the courtroom bedlam best, when he wrote: “The guards dragged Anne out of the courtroom. By now, she was screaming, completely overcome with hysteria. Pollard could not help her. Indeed, federal marshals forcibly separated them.”

Pollard was taken away to begin his life sentence.

)DLOXUH RI 3ROODUG·V GHIHQVH The prosecution’s excesses and breach of plea agreement should have been objected to by Israeli government-paid defense attorney Hibey. But they were not.

Nor did Hibey call for an evidentiary hearing on the lastminute affidavit by Secretary Weinberger using language essentially signaling a life sentence and justifying it with the assertion, “It is difficult for me, in the so-called ‘year of the spy,’ to conceive of a greater harm to national security.”

Ironically, during a May, 2002 interview with Caspar Weinberger regarding his recent published memoir, “In the Arena,” this reporter asked Weinberger why the Pollard incident was left out of the book. Weinberger casually replied, “Because it was, in a sense, a very minor matter, but made very important.” Asked to elaborate, Weinberger repeated, “As I say, the Pollard matter was comparatively minor. It was made far bigger than its actual importance.” Pressed on why the case was made far bigger than its actual importance, Weinberger replied, “I don’t know why—it just was.” Had Hibey called for an evidentiary hearing on Weinberger’s affidavit, the veracity of his assertions could have been assessed.

In response to Weinberger’s startling admission some 15 years after Pollard’s sentencing, Malcolm Hoenlein, executive vice chairman of the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, declared, “This raises serious questions about Weinberger’s sworn comments at the time which now seem contradictory. I wish he had made this clear years ago.”

Moreover, Hibey failed to object to the repeated prosecution assertions that Blitzer’s interviews were unauthorized, a notion that seems impossible since they were conducted with the permission of the Department of Justice and Bureau of Prisons inside the prison itself. Indeed, the whole idea of Blitzer’s interviews being unauthorized seems preposterous on its face. How does a reporter for a foreign newspaper, especially a newspaper in the country that commissioned the spying, walk into a prison setting to freely interview a spy whose talkativeness and propensity for super-secret disclosures could only further damage American intelligence? Prosecutors insist Blitzer did it not once but twice, and all without the government’s knowledge or permission.

In a telling admission, Bureau of Prisons officials and Judicial Adjutant General [JAG] legal advisors to the Director of Naval Intelligence told this reporter that when the Bureau of Prisons grants the interview, it is only after the review and permission of the Director of Naval Intelligence. “Once your request is submitted to the Bureau of Prisons,” a Naval Intelligence Office JAG officer explained, “the BOP General Counsel notifies the DNI’s JAG Officer. She then runs the request through a series of potential interested parties, including the DNI, and then responds to the Bureau of Prisons. If the DNI approves the request, the Bureau of

Prisons sends you written permission. According to the JAG, that written authorization is all that you need, the DNI’s permission is implicit in the BOP authorization.”

Although Blitzer and Pollard followed the procedure of working through the Bureau of Prisons, prosecutors somehow portrayed the two interviews as a violation. Former Director of Naval Intelligence William Studeman, now a TRW executive, declined to answer questions about whether he knew in advance that Blitzer was interviewing Pollard.

More than failing to object to the characterization of Blitzer’s interviews as unauthorized, a demure Hibey conceded to the judge in open court, just moments before the final sentence: “The action was ill-advised, unauthorized, there is no question about that in my mind. … Yes, your honor, you are correct, that it was done without the pre-clearance procedure.”

Nor can it be explained why the government felt sufficiently confident that Hibey would not object to its excesses, or demand an evidentiary hearing requiring the prosecution to prove that the Blitzer interviews were indeed unauthorized, and that the last-minute Weinberger memo was a reliable assessment of Pollard’s damage.

Pollard’s new pro bono attorneys, Eliot Lauer and Jacques Semmelman, filed a motion complaining that “Hibey did not protest, either in writing or orally at the sentencing, that by asking for life in prison in this manner, the government had violated the plea agreement.”

Judge Leighton, who reviewed Pollard’s case on the Hibey issue, was among those who filed a declaration with the court asserting Pollard was denied due process during his sentencing.

“The evidence shows,” wrote Judge Leighton, “that the government engaged in serious misconduct that went unchecked by an ineffective defense counsel, Richard Hibey, and that these constitutional violations severely prejudiced Mr. Pollard, and resulted in his sentence of life in prison.”

Semmelman adds, “The government has never filed the simple sworn affidavits required to end these charges about the Blitzer interviews.

Finally, in the wake of all the errors and breaches, Hibey never filed the simple one-page Notice of Appeal form within the requisite ten days. That had grievous effects.

“After a defendant has been sentenced in a federal case,” explained Abraham Abramovsky, a Fordham University professor of criminal law who has studied the Pollard case, “he has only ten days to file a notice of appeal from the sentence. If he fails to do so, he can never again file for direct appellate review, no matter how outrageous the error.”

Three members of Congress signed a November, 2000 letter to then-president Bill Clinton complaining of a “very disturbing picture of serious misconduct that appears to have gone unchecked

by Mr. Pollard’s then-counsel. … Perhaps most troubling, after Mr. Pollard had been sentenced to life in prison, his attorney failed to file a Notice of Appeal—a simple and straightforward task that a competent attorney would routinely have done. By that failure, Mr. Pollard’s then-counsel appears to have … doomed Mr. Pollard to an unreviewed sentence of life in prison.”

&RPEDWLYH SRVW VHQWHQFLQJ FDPSDLJQ WR IUHH 3ROODUG Edwin Black’s exhaustive report continues online, where a full version of his 8,800-word article can be found at http://bit.ly/1IlflRq

August 7, 2015 • 22 Av 5775 THE JEWISH STAR

16

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This week’s tribute to Rav Kook — the second of three parts on the occasion of Rav Kook’s 80th yahrtzeit — features an essay by Rabbi Yaakov Yosef Feitman of Cedarhurst dedicated to the little-known relationship between Rav Kook and Rabbi Feitman’s spiritual mentor, Rav Yitzchok Hutner, zt”l, which points to the importance of ahavat Yisrael between all Jews regardless of ideological differences.

By Rabbi Yaakov Yosef Feitman There is a fascinating vignette which occurred during a visit by my Rebbe, Rav Yitzchok Hutner, zt”l to

Exit clause…

Continued from page 6 of the sanctions lifting,” then the federal government must “take appropriate steps, taking into account all available authorities.”

“All” authorities? If the New York State Assembly slaps sanctions on Iran, would Washington be required to cut all money for New York’s highways, stop funding New York’s Medicaid, play Germany to New York’s Greece? Even then, Iran could point to some “authority” not used by the U.S. to meet its commitments.

This type of brainstorming is not limited to Iran. “For a future U.S. president wanting

two rabbinical greats.

When my Rebbe left Eretz Yisrael in 1929 to visit his parents in Warsaw, upon his return to Eretz Yisrael in 1933, Rav Kook made a bracha of Shehechiyanu with ‘’shem umalchus’’ when my Rebbe entered the room.

This episode continues with the Rosh Yeshiva returning to Chevron after his visit to Rav Kook. The Alter asked Rav Hutner what he had seen at the home of Rav Kook. Rav Hutner replied that it was just a regular visit, they ‘’spoke in learning’’ and nothing noteworthy occurred. The Alter was not pleased with this rather tepid reply and demanded from his young student for more telling details of the visit.

One of the details my Rebbe recalled to the Alter was the following: “It was 11 am and a glass of milk the Rebbetzin had brought for the

to exit the deal, effective lawyering—or real Iranian breach—could supply plausible cause. needed,” says Alterman.

“Second, some would argue that whimsically ditching the agreement would violate the parties’ Preamble promise to ‘implement this JCPOA in good faith and in a constructive atmosphere.’ But good faith is not easy to define, and bad faith not easy to prove. A Republican presidential hopeful, for example, could help his case by avoiding crowd-pleasing promises to ditch the deal and instead just pound the podium vowing to play tough on implementation.”

“In any case, the goal in this situation, unlike in most contracts, is not to convince a judge who has enforcement power. The goal is to have a plausible story to tell supporters and

Rav was still untouched. In the waiting room sat a high British official who had an appointment. Sitting with Rav Kook was an elderly talmid chochom who was hard of hearing and had a number of questions for the Rav. Rav Kook patiently answered the nearly deaf visitor who, nevertheless, found it difficult to understand, so the Rav had to slowly repeat each answer loudly and carefully. Periodically, Rav Kook’s shamash would enter the room and whisper something in the Rav’s ear, to which the Rav kept murmuring “yes, yes, but kavod Hatorah, kavod Hatorah!”

Hearing this, the Alter of Slabodka gave my Rebbe some unforgettable Mussar: “If you did not see this, then what is considered “seeing?”

Clearly, the Alter, one of the great

to win at least a slice of global public opinion.

Even if not all are convinced that a party is acting in good faith, some will be convinced, and that could be enough.”

While exiting the deal would make our Saudi, Israeli and other Gulf State Allies happy, unless there is a clear Iranian violation (something that’s not totally out of the question) even a GOP POTUS would not want to alienate our European allies, along with Russia and China, by killing a deal in place for over a year (by January 2017) without an Iranian screwup Then there is another problem in Paragraph 36, and lawyers and other arbitrators who read this will really enjoy it — provision for a nonbinding, arbitration-style “Advisory Board” to settle disputes, “one each appointed by the par-

Mussar masters, was extremely impressed with Rav Kook’s sterling midos and conduct.

Yehi zichro baruch.

ticipants in the dispute and a third independent member.” But how is the panel’s third member picked? It is never described so there may never be an agreement about how the “Advisory Board” is manned and therefore it may never be able to meet.

While Paragraph 36 is basically an exit clause open to all, in practical terms it is much more likely that Iran takes the money and runs than a future president will kill the deal after it’s been implemented. The bottom line is that if the deal is going to be stopped, it must be stopped NOW by a congressional vote, because at least from the U.S. perspective it cannot be stopped later. And so far Senator Chuck Schumer, who may hold the key to a veto-proof majority in the Senate, remains silent.

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his Rebbe, Rav Kook, the Chief Rav of Eretz Yisrael.

Rav Hutner arrived in Chevron in the summer of 5685/1925 as a 19-year-old yeshiva bachur. Rav Nosson Finkel, the Alter of Slabodka, had just opened a branch of the famed Slabodka Yeshiva in Eretz Yisrael and my Rebbe was among his first talmidim. Later, in the late spring month of Iyar of that year, he visited Chief Rabbi Rav Kook for the first time, since there was a family connection through Rav Kook’s daughter-in-law, Chava Leah.

The older Rav and the young genius from Warsaw took many long walks and had multiple all-night learning sessions which ranged throughout the entire gamut of Torah study. The experience established a unique bond between these

785102

ALAN JAY GERBER

THE JEWISH STAR August 7, 2015 • 22 Av 5775

Ravs Kook and Hutner, zichronum livracha

In Memory Of Rebbetzin Batsheva Kanievsky

August 7, 2015 â&#x20AC;˘ 22 Av 5775 THE JEWISH STAR

18

Concert for Hillel campers

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Red heifer: From â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;mourning to buildingâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Temple

By Deborah Fineblum Schabb, JNS.org What weighs 400 pounds, is necessary for the establishment of the Third Temple, hasnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t been seen in 2,000 years, and is completely red?

If you guessed â&#x20AC;&#x153;para aduma,â&#x20AC;? or the red heifer, give yourself a hand. And keep your eyes on Israelâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Negev desert. Thatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s because by this time next year, if a team of rabbis, activists, and a dairy farmer have their way, you may ďŹ nd there a candidateâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; or even more than oneâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;qualiďŹ ed to perform a key function in the highly yearned-for third Jewish Temple in Jerusalem.

It has 1,945 years, to be exact, since Titus and his Roman legions destroyed the Second Temple in 70 CE. But the Jerusalembased Temple Institute, an educational and activist organization whose stated mission is â&#x20AC;&#x153;to restore Temple consciousnessâ&#x20AC;? and reactivate the â&#x20AC;&#x153;â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;forgottenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; commandmentsâ&#x20AC;? of the Temple era, is doing everything in its power to get ready for the Temple of the future, creating vessels, priestly garments, the furnishings, and a huge golden menorahâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;all to the exact speciďŹ cations set out in the Torah. The only missing piece for the institute, aside from the Temple building itself, has been breeding the requisite red heifer. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Our immediate goal is to produce the ďŹ rst kosher red heifer in 2,000 years,â&#x20AC;? Rabbi Chaim Richman, international director of the Temple Institute, tells JNS.org.

Why is the red heifer such an integral part of the Temple to come?

As set out in Chapter 19 of the Torahâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Book of Numbers (â&#x20AC;&#x153;Bamidbarâ&#x20AC;? in Hebrew), the cow in question is sacriďŹ ced and its ashes are used to purify those who come in contact with a hu-

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Courtesy Mordecai Rosen for The Jewish Star

man corpse. Todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Temple Institute project stands at a rare place: where ancient Torah laws meet modern farming techniques. After decades of research, the institute has contracted with an Israeli dairy farmer who is well-versed in the ways of animal husbandry to breed the perfect red heifer.

The farmer had independently imported frozen embryos from red angus cows and implanted them in Israeli black or brown cows. The Temple Institute later agreed to work with the farmer to make a kosher red heifer.

The results have been encouraging so far, Richman reports, although only male offspring have emerged to date. The hope is that some females will be produced in the next round (slated for around the time of Rosh Hashanah), and that among them, 5DEELV IURP WKH 7HPSOH ,QVWLWXWH LQVSHFW UHFHQWO\ ERUQ PDOH UHG DQJXV FRZV LQ ,VUDHO Temple Institute a perfectly red specimenâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;no more ready anyway.â&#x20AC;? than two hairs can be black or any â&#x20AC;&#x153;On the one hand,â&#x20AC;? says Judith Prais of London, â&#x20AC;&#x153;it seems a other colorâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;will emerge. â&#x20AC;&#x153;To do it right takes a lot of planning,â&#x20AC;? says Richman. â&#x20AC;&#x153;And little premature, but on the other hand, just knowing itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s possible is good. It forces you to imagine what it would be like to a lot of supervision.â&#x20AC;?

Breeding the right cow, however, is just the start. After her have the Third Temple, to engage with the details.â&#x20AC;? â&#x20AC;&#x153;You could argue that there are more important things that birth, the calf must be fed special food and never be worked or impregnated. Even a cow ear tag would be considered a dis- need to happen ďŹ rst to bring the Messianic age, like Jews getqualifying blemish. By age 3, she is ready to take her place as a ting along,â&#x20AC;? says Avi Bieler, who lives in Jerusalem. â&#x20AC;&#x153;But still, the idea of getting ready for it like this? Thatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s great. Kol hakakey player in the work of the Holy Temple.

Yet all this takes timeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and money. The Temple Institute, vod (all honor) to them for doing it.â&#x20AC;?

Perhaps, then, itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s appropriate that the institute announced therefore, has launched a crowdfunding campaign to support the breeding program in the days leading up to Tisha Bâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Av the project.

The lesson of the red heifer is particularly crucial in modern (Ninth of Av), the fast day when Jews around the world mourn times, says Rabbi Binny Freedman, head of the Orayta yeshiva, the destruction of both Temples. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s not enough to just mourn,â&#x20AC;? Rabbi Richman says. â&#x20AC;&#x153;We which is ďŹ ttingly situated near the site of the ďŹ rst two Temples have to move from mourning to building. Creating this cow in Jerusalem. â&#x20AC;&#x153;The red heifer is all about purifying those who came in is something that moves us forward. The Jewish Temples are contact with death, about reengaging in life,â&#x20AC;? he says. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s not myths, they stood here for a total of 800 years as a place something we need so much in todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s world there is a battle of tahara (purity) in how we relate to each other, and peace going on between cultures of glorifying death and those who between nations, and one will stand here again. Our goal in embrace life. We also see the Temple as a place where Jews the heifer program, and everything we do at the institute, is come together to put aside their differences... and that is also to create the longing for the Temple in the heart of the Jewish people. How it comes about? That has yet to be seen.â&#x20AC;? sorely needed right now.â&#x20AC;?

The cow herself is going to take some time to step forward.

But what does the average Jew think about breeding the ďŹ rst designated red heifer in 2,000 years? JNS.org got mixed Even after the perfect heifer is born and proves worthy, she needs to be supervised closely for three years before coming of reviews. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Iâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;m a bit skeptical,â&#x20AC;? Alec Schramm of Los Angeles says. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Iâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;m age to serve in the Temple.

Richman, however, isnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t bothered by the prospect of a delay. concerned it could engender more zealotry and the Middle â&#x20AC;&#x153;Weâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ve already waited 2,000 years,â&#x20AC;? he says good-naturedly.

East doesnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t need more zealots. And, even if the red heifer werenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t here, I am guessing the Messiah will come when heâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s â&#x20AC;&#x153;We can waited a few more.â&#x20AC;?

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August 7, 2015 • 22 Av 5775 THE JEWISH STAR

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