Volume 17 - Issue 2

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October 21, 1984 Volume 17 Number 2

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Features

The Candidates Speak Bruce Morrison unseated Larry DeNardis in New Raven's Third Congressional District £n the last election. This year the two face off again in one of the closest contests in the country, still differing on the key nat£onal and local issues affecting the race.

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Bruce Morrison: Democratic Voice Larry DeNardis: Republican Challenge

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Among Friends

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While acquaintance rape grows fr£ghteningly common at universities, stereotypes about sexual assault prevent women at Yale from real£zing that some men here do rape, and that they themselves may be victims.

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United They Stand?

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Yale's Local 34 is bu£lt on the foundations of Local 35's earl£er struggles. The cont£nued success of both unioTJS will depend on their ability to overcome the£r differences and solidify the£r mutual support.

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Profile 27 •

God and Jazz at Yale Dwight Andrews, pastor of the Black

Church at Yale, jazz saxophonist, playwright and PhD candidate, balances the sacred and the secular in his life and £n the black community as a whole.

NewsJournal

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The 'an Journal e n cou r ages letter to the editor and comment on Yale and ew H aven issues.

Write to Tina K elle,, Editorial , 3 4 32 Yale Station, 'ew Haven, CT 06520. All letters fo r . publication must include address and signature.

The 'nv Jounuzl re erve the right to edit all le tter before publication.

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The. 'e~r Journal/October 19, 1984 3

PtJJiishlr Peter Phleger EtliJDr-i11-Chiej Tina Kelley Busi11e1s Manager Marilynn Sager MtDIIJiing Editor Tony Reese Dlsiplr Andrea Fribush ProtJM&tUm Manager Cbristianna Williams• PfttJIOgrafJhy Editor Christine Ryan

GRAND OPENING

Associate Publisher Hilary Callahan Associate Busirws Manager Lauren Rabin Associate Editors Anne Applebaum Rich Blow Joyce Banerjee Jim Lowe Art EdiJor Beth Callaghan Associate Designer Katie Winter AU«i4te Plwwgraphy Ediwrs Jim Ayer Mark Fedors CimJGtio,. Manager Rob Lindeman

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NewsJournal

Yale or Death "My life is ruined," screams a young man grasping a rejection notice in his hand. "I'll become agarbage man and I'll live on 130th Street with 12 undernourished children and a domineering, obese housewife with a big hairy pimple over her upper lip. I'll die of banality!"

Sound bleak to you? Well, it seems that way to the main character in Give Me Yale or Give Me Death, a play wri'tten, produced and directed by a high school student from New York City.

Seventeen-year-old Alec Klein knew little about Yale when he wrote his play.

As a senior at Stuyvesant High School in Manhattan, he is only one of many students worried about life after graduation. But he wrote a play about it, raised the necessary $1500 and produced Give Me Yale or Give Me Death, which ran at the off-Broadway Westbeth Theatre this August for seven performances, five of which were sold out.

As the title indicates, the main character dreams of attending Yale.

"Yale is like the California Gold Rusheveryone wants to go there. It's looked on as a very desirable college to attend.

Yale is more symbolic than anything else," Klein said.

His protagonist, 17-year-old Eugene, wants to go to Yale and become a playwright just as his deceased father had. The play traces how Eugene copes with his rejection from the University.

On top of this rejection, he must also learn to face his mother, whom he has not seen since his father's death.

According to Klein, Eugene's emotions and attitudes are largely autobiographical. "In one form or another all of the characters in the play have been part of my life," he said. He had actually been separated from his own mother for many years. However, his father, who never attended Yale, is very much alive.

Klein, like Eugene, is seriously pursuing a career as a playwright. In addition to Give Me Yale or Give Me Death, which he wrote in April1984, Klein has written two musicals, one of which was 6 The New Journal/October 19, 1984

produced at his high school this year.

Klein is now just beginning to explore various colleges. Is he as obsessed with Yale as Eugene is? "Yale does hold potential, but it's not a definite," he said. "I won't know whether to apply until I make a visit.

One thing is for sure, though: if I'm rejected, my life will be far from ruined."

-Dan Waterman

Alec Klein

On the Record "I have a vivid memory of the first rehearsal," recalls Aaron Copland, referring to his organ symphony of 1924, "because, of all times, I was late due to an unexplained delay on the subway . . . I was in such a hurry to get into that hall that instead of going around the block to the stage entrance, I yanked open the front door of the main hall. Suddenly, I got a blast of my own orchestration! . . . I was absolutely overwhelmed to hear it for the very ftrst time. It sounded so glorious to me, so much grander than I could possibly have imagined." Composers have always been able to speak to future

generations through their mustc, but now their voices and personal reflections on their lives can also be preserved. Through the efforts of Vivian Perlis, director of the Oral History, American Music Project at the Yale School of Music, famous composers such as Copland, Leo Orstein and Eubie Blake can be heard on tapes in the Project's archives. According to Perlis, "Sound provides a closer touch with the personality of the composer -'you have the immediacy, the spontaneity."

Perlis has recently received acclaim from book reviewers for her role as coauthor of Aaron Copland's longawaited autobiography, Copland: 1900 Through 1942. The book is based largely on transcripts of Perlis' taped interviews with Copland, who is 84. In praising the book, John Rockwell of the New York Times said, "The story of its assemblage is fascinating in itself."

Perlis describes the Oral~istory, American Music Project as "the first endeavor to collect and preserve oral accounts of personalities and events of our musical past [and] the only full-time, continuing research project of its kind."

It began with Perlis' work in 1968 on Charles lves '98 who left his collection of manuscripts and . papers to the Yale Music Library, where Perlis was reference librarian at the time. She began to collect more information about I ves in the form of taped interviews with people who had known him, finding that this method uncovered many facts and anecdotes about the composer. This information formed the basis for Perlis' book Charles lues Remembered: An Oral History, which won two awards and subsequently helped establish oral history as a respected technique in music history. Perlis' extensive work in the field since then has included co-production of an Ives record package and production of a television documentary on Eub ie Blake.

Copl<md was one of the first composers Perlis felt was important to work with: "Anyone involved in American music is aware of him." Oral history was a particularly good technique for

working with Copland, a man whom Rockwell described as "reticent about himself." Perlis said, "Sometimes it takes the catalyst of another person to make a composer remember . . . The interviewer can ask questions that trig· ger a memory and bring forgotten information to the surface."

Along with her Oral History work, Perlis, a fellow of Morse College, directs a workshop called "Musical Dialogues," which will take place in Morse on six Monday afternoons dur· ing the year, giving students a chance to meet performers in the New Haven Symphony. In all her work, Perl is shows great concern for learning. As she said about her Copland research, "You want to get below the surface . . .

The learning process is marvelous."

- Doris larovici

Rewriting the Right The Yale Free Press is dead. After two ltormy years of existence , the right· wing newspaper, which facetiously eulogized Yuri Andropov as the "man who courageously stood up for the tecurity of international borders by shooting down KAL flight 007," has ceased publication. Ready to fill the media void is john Zmirak, BR '86, the controversial and outspoken former ex· ecutive editor of the Free Press. Zmirak and fellow junior Luis Ortiz plan to launch a new paper called the Yale Vcmpard, intended, like the Free Press, as an outlet for conservative voices on campus. According to Zmirak, the Vanwill "change the liberal monologue to pluralistic dialogue."

Zmirak and Ortiz, however, plan to avoid attracting the negative publicity for which the Free Press was infamous.

'7be Free Press was a little extreme," Or· tiz said. "It attracted a lot of attention but people didn't read it seriously."

Zlniralt agreed, "The Free Press made bold assertions but failed to defend =:::.We want a journal of politics and

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Zrnirak further contended that the F,. Prus "wasn't intellectually honest. • Indeed, in one instance, Chris

there," Zmirak said. If all goes well, he added, the first issue of the Vanguard will appear on October 25- "to celebrate the first anniversary of the liberation of Grenada."

-Dan Levy

Soldier as Statesman John Zmirak Gram '86 charged that an article he submitted to the Fr~~ Pr~ss last spring was significantly altered without his permission and then published under his byline. According to Gram, a story originally intended to be a "nonpartisan, non-judgmental humor piece" on Democratic politicians was turned into a ridiculing attack on the Democratic Party and its ideals. "What got me upset," said Gram, "was that something that wasn't mine had my name on it."

But alleged breaches of journalistic ethics apparently did not cause the demise of the Fr~~ Press. The staff of the paper, contended Zmirak, was very cliquish, and when most of the clique graduated last semester, there was no one left to print the paper. Patricia Webster, ex-Free Press publisher, would not comment on Zmirak's remarks, but an o fficial from the organization that originally funded the Fr~~ Press thought there were other problems. Jonathan Cohen of the Institute for Educational Affairs, a neo-conservative group that also gave funds to the DarlmouJla Rroiau and the Harvard Sc.limt, said, "There was no sense of direction or purpose. It wasn't clear what they wanted to be- an essay journal, a tabloid, a focus on satire and parody or on campus events."

Cohen also faulted the paper for problems of organization and succession.

Nevertheless, Zmirak and Ortiz plan to apply to the Institute for grants to help publish the Vanguard.

For Zmirak, Ortiz and their new paper, the next step is a heavy recruit· ment of the freshman class. "We think there's a lot of h idden con!lervatism out

Although in 1971 he led a group of pro· testing veterans who threw their Vietnam War medals on the Capitol's steps, Massachusetts Lieutenant Governor John Kerry '66 (TNJ, March , 1984) is now closer to his goal of working within that same building. After a solid victory in the September 18th Massachusetts Democratic senatorial primary, Kerry faces millionaire industrialist Raymond Shamie in the November election.

Kerry's progressive liberalism contrasts sharply with Shamie's staunch conservatism, offering Massachusetts voters two distinct alternatives.

After leaving Yale Kerry fought in Vietnam, and upon his return he founded the Vietnam Veterans Against the War, a group which marched on Washington, DC, in 1971. This ac· tivism remains in his current politics.

Kerry firmly opposes American intervention in Central America, sup· ports a nuclear freeze and believes that cuts in defense spending can eliminate most of the federal deficit. To prove his words, Kerry produced a 40-page list of defense cuts totaling over $50 billion.

He would support a tax increase to lessen the deficit only "as a last resort," said Alexis DeSeife, one of Kerry's press secretaries.

The winner of the contest will take the seat of Senator PauJ Tsongas, who is retiring due to illness. The &ston GIDbe states that Kerry leads in the latest polls- not too difficult in Massachu· setts, which has four times as many registered Democrats as Republicans.

Crucial for victory, however, are votes from the state's large Independent Party. According to DeSeife, Kerry's individualism should help him capture that vote. "Kerry never had a label, doesn't want a label and is his own man: she said.

-Sam Os~ The: New journal/Oclo~r 19, 198• 7

In 1980, a time of GOP electoral victories nationwide, Republican Larry DeNardis was elected Congressman from Connecticut's Third District, a traditional Democratic stronghold. In 1982 DeNardis was heavily favored to win re-election over Democrat Bruce Morrison, a former lawyer for the New Haven Legal Assistance Association and a 1973 graduate of Yale Law School. Even Morrison's own polls showed the challenger losing by . 30 percentage points just six weeks before the election. But when the votes were in on Election Day, Morrison had beaten DeNardis by a scant 1500 votes, about one percent of the turnout. DeNardis had won all but three of the district's 16 towns, yet a sizable loss to Morrison in New Haven cost him the election.

Two years later, with Ronald Reagan back on the ballot, it is DeNar-

dis' turn to challenge Morrison. The election has attracted nationwide attention from political activists intent on maintaining or eradicating the Democrats' majority in Congress. The Village Voice, for instance, championed Morrison as one of 18 Congressional "Reaganbusters," while Freeze '84, the political action arm of the nuclear freeze movement, termed Morrison's race one of the 22 most critical elections in the country. For his part, DeNardis has won the support of prominent Republicans like Gerald Ford and endorsements from conservative groups like the United States Chamber of Commerce and the American Medical Association.

Yet this race's importance goes beyond the realm of politics and the media. The two candidates differ fundamentally on the major issues of this

campaign: where federal money will be spent in the next four years, especially in light of the current deficit, and how the United States will conduct itself towards its allies and opponents.

The answers to these questions have concrete ramifications for the Third Congressional District. Cutting federal spending could mean cutting benefit programs for the unemployed in downtown New Haven. Raising taxes could mean impairing the growth of local businesses and the financial security of individual cttJzens. Defense budget decisions can affect Americans in Nicaragua as well as blue-collar workers at weapons factories in Connecticut.

The New journal chose these issues from among various others at stake in this election because of their particular importance to New Haven .

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The Candidates Speak Democratic Voice Rich Blow TNJ: In 1982 you won a very close election over a popular incumbent.

How and why do you think you won that election?

BM: Most importantly, I persuaded a bare majority of the people that I had more to offer as a Congressman than Mr. DeNardis. The reason I was able to persuade people was a combination of things: I had a very good organization.

A lot of people talk about grass-roots campaigns, but this was one in reality; there were literally hundreds upon hundreds of volunteers involved in my paign.

We had extremely good polling. We knew how to reach people on things that they cared about and it matched very much things that I cared about. And we had very, very powerful television advertising which, for a very limited amount of money, went a long way.

The final thing to be said is that Larry DeNardis thought he couldn't lose and ran a terrible campaign.

TNJ: So that was his big mistake in that race, being overconfident?

BM: Well, big mistake n umber one- the one that he could have done something about- is that he was overconfident.

The things he couldn't do anything about are that he really doesn't understand things all that well and makes statements like "The neutron bomb isn't a nuclear weapon." That's a problem that goes deeper than things you can do something about. I mean, that's such a stupid statement. rm not sure he could have fixed that, but he could have fixed the fact that he was overconfident and that he treated me with disdain rather than respect as an opponent.

TNJ: Do you have hard feelings about that?

"fm not campaigning against a recovery. rm campaigning against budget deficits that are going to wreck any recovery."

8 The New journal/October 19, 1984

BM: No, that's one of the reasons I won. I benefited from that. It wasn't credible to me. At no time during my campaign, despite the fact that I came from relative obscurity, did I really suffer from a credibility gap. People did not ever say, "Wl\o the hell does he think he is, running for Congress?"

They saw that I knew what I was talking about, that I had command of the issues, that I had the skills necessary to function competitively with Larry DeNardis.

I don't have any hard feelings. I don't have any hard feelings at all. I won.

TNJ: What do you think the differences will be between this race and that one, aside from the obvious difference that you're the incumbent now?

BM: fd say that over the two years between this race and the l~t race I have gained a tremendous amount in terms of breadth of support. Last time business was uniformly for Larry DeNardis. This time the business community is divided . . . some of them are for DeNardis, some of them are for me.

In the labor community DeNardis

Congre11man Bruce Morrison and Larry DcNardia

had significant blocks of support in the building trades, the railroad unions .. .

He doesn't have any of that anymore.

That's solid support for me.

So rve got overwhelming labor support and strong business support. And all the various constituency groups -they're all supporting me.

TNJ: How do you respond to DeNardis' charge that you are a tool of the labor unions?

BM: If I were a tool of the labor unions I wouldn't have aU the business support that I have. So that falls of its own weight. I have more business support than he does.

The second thing is that it's a joke for anybody who knows anything about me and the way I operate to caJI me a tool of anybody. I mean, the use of words like "tool" and "puppet" which he has chosen to use is not credible. I am not anybodys tool and my vote is not in any leDJe for sale.

Now, I have a lot of support from interest groups and I think there are two things that have to be said about that.

Tbe first is, these interest groups are not "lpecial interest" in the pejorative way that word has been used recently. These are people who represent the broadleale, majority interests of the people who are in my district and the country.

1bey speak about working conditions

and wages and the state of the economy and the compassion with which we treat people less fortunate than ourselves.

Those aren't "special interests."

TNJ: Is economic development in New Haven's theater and shopping districts really going to help the city's poor?

BM: Well, it's more helpful than the absence of such development, but no, it's not enough to solve the problem of New Haven's being the seventh poorest city in the country. There's got to be a lot more done in other areas. There's got to be more effort paid to the issues of housing, job training, bilingual education- al.l things which were cut by programs which Larry DeNardis voted for.

I will vote for the resources necessary to fund these programs, those federal funds and grants, because without them this city's poor are going to stay poor. rve already voted for housing legislation which New Haven desperately needs. Larry DeNardis voted to cut federal housing assistance by two thirds.

I've delivered tens of millions of dollars in housing and redevelopment funds.

Larry DeNardis did produce some aid, but it was like throwing crumbs to the starving and then taking the rest of their bread away.

TNJ: What specifically can you bring to New Haven if re-elected?

BM: Well, as I said, I'm working to continue to secure federal funds for specific projects, both in housing and for things like the Government Center, waterfront redevelopment and others.

And I'm always working to bring down the deficits, which are more than anything else the greatest threat to economic recovery in New Haven.

TNJ: About economics . . . a couple of years ago you called Reaganomics "the Raw Deal." Would you still make that statement?

BM: I actually . . . I don't know if I used those words or not. Maybe I did.

I think that Reaganomics LS a misguided economic approach. W e have to remember what Reaganomics was and is. Number one, to cut taxes with the major benefit to go to high income individuals and large corporations. Trickle-down. That's what was done in the name of supply-side, increased investment and saving.

Unsuccessful. Didn't happen. The cuts were given, the rich got the money, the poor got nothing- they got hurt- and the average person came out even. A little bit ahead, perhaps.

But there's no increase in the national savings rate, no increase in corporate investment. In fact, the savings rate is down. So it didn't work on that level.

The second part of Reaganomics was The New Journal/October 19, 1984 9

Congre11man Bruce Morri10n increased defense spending. Well, that was done, and now, according to an independent study, [military] readiness is lower today than it was when Reagan came into office.

Number three, deregulation. I ask people to look around at their phone bills, their natural gas bills, their light bills, and wonder how they're feeling about deregulation.

The fourth thing is tight money.

We've had relatively tight money and we know what we got. We got high unemployment and high interest rates.

Now we are having a robust economy; why are we having a robust economy?

TNJ: I was just going to ask you that.

BM: Because we have $200 billion dollar budget deficits. This is the greatest Keynesian recovery in the history of the United States. We are pumping up the economy with $200 billion dollars of money creation every year. It's well known that this can be done.

Now those aren't political answers.

Those are facts. That's the economic analysis of what's going on right now.

And it's dangerous, and everybody knows those deficits are dangerous.

TNJ: But don't you find yourself in an awkward political position where you seem to be campaigning against a recovery?

BM: rm not campaigning against a recovery. Pm campaigning against budget deficits that are going to wreck any recovery.

TNJ: But you're going to have to convince people that these deficits really are a threat.

10 The New Journal/October 19, 198â&#x20AC;˘

BM: If people are going to make their decision on the narrow question of whether Reaganomics helped them during this particular four year period more than it hurt them, that's a question. I don't think people are going to look at it that way. I think what people are going to look at is, "Where are we going in the future?"

TNJ: Voters tend to vote their pocketbooks, though, and their pocketbooks are probably more full now than they were in 1980.

BM : Their pocketbooks are a mixed bag. If they're below the median income, their pocketbooks are not better, they're worse. If they are way above the median income and they're rich, they are better ofT, but the stability of the economy is probably more important to them than the particular dollars they get, because they've got plenty of money.

And the people who are the upper middle class, the people above the median but aren't rich, they've gotten some benefits and they've gotten some burdens. They can't get student loans any more for their kids, they're seeing a lot of problems in terms of household expenses, they see the environment in trouble, and they see foreign policy as a concern as well. I don't think that they're thinking the world is all rosy.

TNJ: Ronald Reagan is expected to do very well in Connecticut, and that surge of Republican votes will probably help Larry DeNardis. What is the effect of DeNardis' seemingly close association with many of Reagan's policies?

BM : If someone lacks competitive ability on his own, he looks to somebody else to win the election. I think that's the case here.

Ronald Reagan is personally popular . . people do not agree with a lot of what he has done, but they give him benefit of the doubt because they like him.

Pm not running against Ronald Reagan and I don't intend to be drawn into a race against Reagan. If someone wanted to run me for President, then fd argue about whether Ronald Reagan should be President. .

I support the Mondale-Ferraro ticket. Irrespective of what people think aqout that, I lr.now I will do a better job of representing the Third Congressional district than Larry DeNardis. I intend to run a race in which people go to the polls on Election Day clearly knowing about the Congressional race as a separate matter. And I think that will fortify me against the possibility of a big Reagan sweep in the district.

TNJ: Does the fact that Walter Moodale never even came to Connecticut during the primary season hurt your campaign?

BM: No, I don't think it means much at all. I did not endorse anybody at that time and I chose to maintain neutrality.

[During the primaries] I did not feel the critical issue was whom we would nominate. The critical issue was, what are the issues upon which people will make their decisi.Qns in November? fve been saying this since last year and it wasn't useful to say Hart vs. Mondale vs. Jackson. I think I did a lot more good by talking about the issues than by just jumping on a particular bandwagon.

TNJ: Then why diQ. you endorse Geraldine Ferraro for Vice-President?

BM: I endorsed Ferraro after it was clear that Mondale was going to be our presidential nominee. It was a sensible thing to do and it brought together politics and good policy at that time- and that's always an ideal situation to make a move.

TNJ: Did you endorse her on grounds of experience or because as a female, Italian, Northeastern urbanite she's bound to help your campaign?

BM: My view was that of all the choices Fritz Mondale could make for VicePresident, the one that would do the

RUDY'S Restaurant

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serving lunches and dinners until 9:00p.m . late night sandwich menu best job of electing him was Geraldine Ferraro.

That's what this is about. This is about getting elected. This isn't an intellectual exercise. We pick people on a political basis to get elected and the grounds are, will they be capable of doing a good job? And Gerry in my view is well qualified to be Vice-President of the United States and President of the United States.

TNJ: One area in which you've come out strongly against the President is foreign policy. For instance, you spoke out adamantly against the invasion of Grenada. Given that elections there are scheduled for this fall, do you still oppose the invasion?

BM: The invasion of Grenada is a classic case of "Do the ends justify the means?" Assuming-without knowing -that the people of Grenada are better off today than they would have been had we not invaded, that's true in many parts of the world, that with some luck the use o f military power might replace a bad government with a good one.

I don't happen to think that's consistent either with international law or with our own traditions as best enunci_ated to go around practicing gunboat diplomacy, invading countries we don't agree with and replacing their governments.

Grenada was a little fly-speck of a COUntry-and we got away with it. People died, and people got hurt, and our reputation around the world was dealt a serious blow. But we got away with it.

TNJ: Why did you vote against the most recent aid appropriations bill to El Salvador? ~M: There was absolutely no restriction on the use of the money. We are pumping more and more military aid ID!O a country that has a record of ~ISUsing aid to oppress its own population. Duarte may pull it off, but he will pull if off to our satisfaction if he respects human rights and implements land refor:m and starts negotiating with the guerillas. That's the kind of conditions that should be on our money; otherwise we're just throwing gasoline on a fire.

TNJ: Do you think the President is serious about arms control?

BM: No, he hasn't done what is necessary if he were serious. Yes, the Russians have walked away from arms talks but after they were basically given an ultimatum by the United States about what we would talk about and what we wouldn't talk about. We used bad negotiating skills. It does us little good to say, "Oh well, they walked away from the table, that's their problem. Screw them." That's ridiculous.

Reagan is a total failure at negotiating with the Soviets.

TNJ: For the Democrats, what are the crucial issues in this election?

BM : If people look to the question of which candidate and which party has a clue as to doing something positive about our needs for the future, the Democratic ticket wins. The issues for the future are what are we going to do about the federal budget and who's going to talk turkey about the deficit?

Who's going to talk turkey about the loss of industrial jobs in the United States?

We're going to talk about foreign policy and whether or not we're going to build a foreign policy based on human rights and economic opportunity, or whether we're going to try to be the world's policeman.

And we're going to talk about the arms race and whether we want to build a new round of first strike weapons and engage in "Star Wars" developments as our "answer" to preventing nuclear war.

Irrespective of what you think about 1976-1980, irrespective of what you think about 1980-1984, those are the choices for the future.

372 Elm Street

''A great place to stretch your meal allowance."

THE JACKSON-MARVIN

HARDWARE C OMPANY 843 Whalley Avenue

In Westville • Paints • Bar Supplies • • Too ls • Kitchen Supplies • 9:00- 5:30 Telephone: 387-2521 387-2522

TNJ : If re-elected, will you run for higher office?

BM : fve got one goal and that's to be re-elected to Congress. And just like there was a time for me to run for Congress, if there's a time for me to run for something else, I'll do it then. fve got no master plan.

•,

•Rich Blow, ajunior in Branford, is Associate Editor of TNJ. Tbe New joumaVOc1ober 19, 1984 11

Republican Challenge Anne Applebaum TNJ: In 1982, you lost an election to Bruce Morrison. Now, two years later, do you feel that your positions have changed enough to give you a chance of defeating him?

LD: In 1982, I supported policies which were challenged by Bruce Morrison.

He said the economy was a disaster and going to get worse, and the reverse was true. his views haven't changed, and neither have mine. The economy has changed, dramatically. I believe that my support for the main lines of the President's economic recovery progtam restraining federal spending and the reduction of the regulatory burden on businesses and individuals have encouraged an economic growth which is the marvel of the world. I think we can continue that economic growth into the eighties if we continue to pursue policies with a freer market approach. So in the campaign of 1984, I am campaigning on my support, my very active support, of a program that worked.

TNJ: In your first and second campaigns you were perceived, correctly or not, as a more moderate Republican candidate. Do you think that your position in the party has changed?

L D: I'm still a moderate Republican who supports fiscal conservatism, but who, on a whole range of environmental, social, civil rights and women's issues, can quite comfortably be regarded as a moderate, if not a liberal cand idate.

TNJ: How closely are your policies aligned to Ronald Reagan's?

LD : I don't think that's a relevant question I support the Reagan economic policy, but I have a record as a five-term state senator preceding Reagan's presidency, and I stand on that legacy. I will continue to believe and act on those impulses regardless of who is president.

TNJ: Who is your constituency now?

LD: Well, in 1980, of the 16 towns in the Third Congressional District, 14 towns voted for me; I lost only New Haven and West Haven. In 1982 I carried 13 towns, losing New Haven, West Haven and add to that East Haven. I think that my constituency is virtually every town around except New Haven, and I expect to carry all 15. I will lose New Haven, but I hope to keep that loss at a respectable margin.

budget; meanwhile, Congress has not been willing to increase taxes. But our tax level at this point is about as high as I would like to see us go, because taxes are simply money withdrawn from the private sector, and when we take out this money we impair ou r opportunity to form capital and regenerate and expand our economy. So I think it is terribly important that we keep taxation at its present level and try to trim spending.

TNJ: Why will you lose New Haven?

L D : Because New Haven is overwhelmingly Democratic. There's virtually no Republican Party. Those members who are left struggle valiantly, but haven't won any significant local or state office in two decades.

TNJ: You mention the economic recovery. Bruce Morrison claims that the current economic recovery is a fluke, generated by the huge deficit.

What do you think of this claim?

L D: I think it's patently ridiculous.

Bruce Morrison has been consistently wrong on economic issues. His understanding of economics is pitiful. He has not yet been able to demonstrate that one thing he has predicted has come to pass. I am very confident that we are in a new economic era, in which we are encouraging investment, savings and economic growth. It is clear that in the first half of 1984 the economy grew by an impressive 7. 7 percent. We haven't had figures like that in years.

TNJ: What do you propose to do about the deficit which many believe helped cause the recession in the first place?

LD: Well, I propose to tackle the spending side of the federal budget. My own view is that the deficit today is a product of spending over the last 22 years at a rate far in excess of revenues. .During that same period we have continued to build new spending programs, new agencies and new demands into the

TNJ: What exactly would you cut?

LD: I think at this point that the entire federal budget across the board, domestic and defense spending, needs to be restrained. And again I'm talking not so much abou t cutting as keeping the rate of growth at a lo~er percentage increase than has been the habit of the last two decades. Where we have increased spending at the rate of 10 ~ percent per annum, we should cut increases to 5 percent or less across the bo~.

One of the ways we could do that is to take seriously the Grace Com mission Report, which made nearly 2500 recommendations about how we could save money by improving management, by streamlining the federal bureaucracy and by improving the operations of tlte federal government.

The Grace Commission recommended that over $400 billion. could be saved.

Now I realize that m;my of these proposals may be politically impractical, and consequently I think that only a portion of this $400 billion can be saved. What is needed to bring the deficit under control is nothing more than the political will to restrain the relentless pressure from in terest groups for increased government services.

Another step might be to give the president the line-item veto, the capacity to veto particular items in the budget, a power incidentally which 43 ou t of 50 governors have, although it was denied the president. I also think that the president should have limited impoundment power restored to him. These things taken together can su bstantially hdp our ability to con trol runaway budgets and put us on the right track.

"Bruce Morrison h as b een con sistently wrong on econ omic issues. H is u n derstanding of economics is pitiful."

12 The New Journal/October 19, 1984

TNJ: How would the Grace Commis-

1 I

sion cuts, many of which deal with federal pensions and federal employees, affect your constituents in New Haven?

LD: The problem is larger than any one subset of society. If we are constantly going to look at one interest group or another, we will do nothing, we will be paralyzed. The problem must be examined in a forthright fashion. If it is necessary to implement practices which will keep this country from creating such enormous deficits that it will weaken the currency, weaken our position in the world economy, weaken our position as a leader of the Western World, then I think that everybody may have to sacrifice, and I stress everybody.

1 ~

TNJ: If you were the president, and you were given the line-item veto, what

kind of programs would you cut?

LD: Well, I'm not going to project the next fiSCal year, but there were items like the Clinch River Breeder Reactor, which employs a technology that is an interim technology, and is almost superseded at this point. But because of powerful positions of both Republicans and Democrats in Congress from Tennessee, the Clinch River Reactor went forward , and we spent billions of dollars.

TNJ: You've mentioned special interest groups several times. Haven't you taken money from political action committees as well?

LD: I take money from political action groups, that's not the issue. The issue is whether political action committees representing special interest groups dominate one's campaign receipts to the ~ent that one will be seriously limited Ill one's ability to be totally free and independent as a representative. The difStrence between Bruce Morrison and IDe on that issue and many others is that I am willing to put my money where my IDouth is. I've called for him to restrict bia campaign finances as I intend to. He baa of course refused to do so, but I am IOing to go ahead anyway. I believe that candidates should receive 50 per-

Candidate Larry DeNardia cent of their money from individuals, and primarily donations in small denominations, from people who are located in one's district. I think that's an enormously important principle, one that goes to the heart of representative government.

TNJ: What about the argument that in certain cases, the power of special interest groups, such as women's groups and minority groups, represent the first time such groups have had a voice in government?

LD: What makes you immediately assume that the target of my concern is women's groups and minority groups?

TNJ: I don't necessarily: those are examples.

LD: I think it's wonderful that they are involved. I think it's wonderful that they support candidates. I have no argument with any of that. I'm talking about the net effect of getting two thirds or more

of one's campaign contributions from organized special interest groups, those that wear black hats and those that wear white hats. They all have demands, and the understanding is that if you accept their contributions you are going to be indebted to that organization and its political agenda. When you add up the commitments, explicit and implicit, there isn't very much room for exercising your independence.

TNJ: In 1981, you voted for the Reagan omnibus budget bill, which received a great deal of criticism from the press because it cut things like food stamps, student loans, and Social Security. In retrospect, would you vote for that bill again?

LD: First of all, your information is wrong; it slowed the growth of the increases in each one of those areas. ln no one of those areas that you cite did spending programs receive a net The New Journal/October 19, 198â&#x20AC;˘ 13

I

"Morrison has consistently voted against all defense budget spending bills. This I believe to be a very irresponsible act."

RESTAURANT

1104 Chapel Street, next to the Yale Rep

785-0080

decrease; spending increases were restrained. In the case of student loans . . . what we did was to re-establish an income test, as the program was originally established. It was only in the seventies that loans became available to anyone regardless of income, and that was wrong. We try to focus our programs on those who need them, and that's precisely what we did in 1981. We don't have government services to benefit all regardless of their standing.

spending large amounts of money on defense. I voted against the MX, the B-1 and a number of other weapons systems. I vote for amendments to cut the defense budget. But I voted in 1981 and 1982 to appropriate money for defc:~se because I think it's important to our national security, and because I think it's important to the economy of Connecticut. If arms are going to be produced in this country, I want them to be produced in this state.

TNJ: So would you vote for that same bill again?

LD: Yes, I would.

TNJ: I know that one important issu.e in the urban parts of your district is lowcost housing, one area which has been adversely affected by budget cuts in the last few years.

LD: Housing is an important issue; how we get it is another matter. We happen to be at a point in the debate on housing and public policy toward housing where the idea well has run dry. It doesn't really relate to Republicans or Democrats. There is a dearth of ideas about how to promote low-income housing. Many thoughtful people have come to the conclusion that 1930s-style public housing is a thing of the past and ought not to be duplicated again. I happen to feel that there is a role for the federal government in low-rent housing, I feel that strongly, but I want to do it¡ in the most cost-effective fashion.

TNJ: It has been noted that you voted in favor of researching the MX m issile, and against its production. Can you explain this reversal?

LD: There has been no reversal. I have said right from the beginnin,g_ that I don't think we ought to prodbce the MX. But I came in to Congress following seven years in which we spent a considerable amount of research and development money on the MX. The only question I faced in 1981 was whether I should make an eighth and final commitment to the research and development of ¡the MX m issile. I thought that was the prudent thing to do, so that we would have on the drawing boards the ability to produce such a missile if we ever needed it, so that we will be able to use it as a bargaining chip. I have never wavered in that opinion. Once in 1982 , after the election and before I was to leave office in December, Larry DeN ardis voted no to produce the MX. Larry DeNardis would still vote no, he regrets that the MX is being built and regrets th'at it is not being used as a bargaining chip in arms control talks.

TNJ: Where does the defense budget rank on your list of spending priorities?

LD: You may know that my opponent Bruce Morrison has consistently voted against all defense budget spending bills. This I believe to be a very irresponsible act. rm not in favor of

TNJ: What should the role of a Congressman be in helping to end the arms race?

LD: First of all, we've had a policy of deterrence, which over the last 35 years has at least prevented a world war, and certainly a nuclear war. It is said now

TNJ: Do you think that that budget bill hurt people in your d istrict?

LD: No, I do not.

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14 The New JoumaVOcrober 19, 1984

that this policy will not be as useful in the fu ture. I agree; I think we are entering into a new era where we will have to engage in arms control reduction. In the very first vote the House ever took on the freeze, I voted for the freeze. I also think that we should not wait around for the freeze to occur, because it may take a long time to get a freeze bill through Congress. It's important for the President and Congress to pursue many arm.s control options. We can deal specifically with command and control problems , we can deal specifically with ICBMs, we can deal specifically with pieces of the issue.

and I firmly believe that democracy and political progress cannot be attained in that region until that security threat is gone. The second factor is certainly internal, that is to say there is a great inequality of property, there is illiteracy, there is bad health, there is a weakening of the judicial system, there is certainly political instability and repression. I think the United States must aim at fostering decent democratic regimes through a policy of defense and development· of the region, including adequate military and economic aid. I would specifically reject a policy of retreat and defeat.

T NJ: Had you been in Congress at the time, how would you have responded to the Grenada invasion?

TNJ: Would you ever send American troops to fight in Central America?

LD: I can't foresee any situation where I would send American troops.

LD: First of all, instead of castigating the President within the first hour after receiving the news of the rescue operation, I would have waited and tried to get some information, rather than immediately assuming that it was a hostile use of American troops, that the request for aid from a medical school was absurd on its face value, that the longterm effects on our relationships with other states in the Caribbean were likely to be disastrous. Morrison was wrong.

The future has not been worse, in fact it has been made better. The Grenada incident has sent a signal throughout the Caribbean that the United States cares for its democratic allies, particularly when they specifically request [assistance]. The amount of damage that was done was minimal, there was minimal loss of life, all of the Americans were rescued without harm and it certainly did send a message to the Soviet and Central American terrorist network that the United States would not COuntenance subversion and violence within this hemisphere ..

TNJ: One last question. To you, what are the most important issues in this election? Why are you running for Congress?

LD: The economy, Social Security, modernizing our defense forces. The economy, keeping it on the right track that it is on, dealjng with problems like the deficit, avoiding high inflation and high unemployment. Secondly, keeping Social Security and Medicare sound, hopefully by working with both political parties and both chambers of Congress.

Thirdly, modernizing our defense forces. I think there is a problem; we really do need to modernize. I think there is a more general statement of foreign policy to be made: that we want to maintain our freedom in a peaceful international environment, in which the United States and its allies and friends are secure against military threats, and which will allow democratic governments to flourish in a world of increasing prosperity.

TNJ: What

other universities speak out about sexual assault. Those victims who do, however, have focused national attention on acquaintance rape in colleges.

Recently women at several major in-. stitutions have brought rape charges against their attackers, both in university h earings and courtrooms. Thus far, none of the allegations has resulted in a conviction of first-degree sexual assault.

Perhaps the most notorious case in·-· ~;tv of Pennsylvania

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should the United States'

role be in Central America?

LD: There are two factors at work on the crisis in Central America. One is the attack that is being orchestrated b y Cuba and its patron the Soviet Union,

Anne Applebaum, a junior zn Pierson, is Associate Editor oJTNJ. The New JournaUOctober 19, 198f 15

Among Friends Joyce Banerjee

~~~~~ ltfSTAURANT

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1~ Chapel Street, next to the Yale Rep

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as tun, and 1 wanted to. Bu... _nt a relationship, so we only sltp ~ ith each other once in a while. After some time, he staned coming to my room in the middle of the night, after he had been drinking. I would be asleep, and my roommates would let him in. He would get on top of me, waking me up.

"He wanted to have sex, and I would tell him 'No' very forcefully. But he didn't care. He never hurt me, but he would hold me down and just keep going. He was so physically strong that sometimes it was easier to give in than to fight. I just remember feeling so . . . powerless.

"The third or fourth time he came up was the last . He got on top of me and started kissing me. I woke up and told him to go away; I told him 'No way.' I pushed him off the bed a few times, but he still kept getting back on. Finally, I told him I never wanted to sec him again. I managed to get away from him and went to the living room. He didn't try to stop me; he just left.

"Though I knew he was forcing me, I didn't call it rape immediately. I assumed things like this happened in college, until a friend of mine had a very violent reaction to the story."

Unable at first to admit the true nature of the situation to herself. Sarah 16 The New journaUOctobcr 19, 1984

"Violent. acts of sexual harassment do occur on the Yale campus with greater frequency than most of us are willing to admit." never reported the incidents to any University officials. Believing that she somehow contributed to the rape, Sarah found it difficult even to tell her roommates about it. "I didn't want to emharass myself in front of them," she recalled. "They didn't know I was involved in such a struggle. They thought everything was okay, since I wasn't yelling or screaming. And I really didn't want them to think I was weak. In any case, I was afraid that they would think, 'Well, you've been saying "Yes" all these other times, who are you to say "No" now?'"

Two years later, Sarah has left the assaults in her past. While she carries few scars from the incidents, she is nevenheless wary of her old boyfriend, who is still an undergraduate at Yale.

"Now, whenever I see him, I mumble 'Hi .' If he ever comes up to talk to me, I just . . . well, you know how it is when you hate someone," she said. "I remember I saw him once at a pany, talking to a friend of mine. I pulled her away from him and told her to be ony careful."

Prior to her experience, Sarah, like many women here, considered sexual assault only as an external threat, posed

by a stranger lurking on Wall Street.

Members of the University com¡ \nunity-men who are friends or teachers-simply did not rape. Unfortunately, intelligence and education do not prevent a man from acting on his violent impulses. Some men at Yale do rape, and their victims are often female students. Frequently, many of these women do not o r cannot accept the fact that a man they trust has violated them.

Therefore few victims ever report the offense, and rape at Yale remains an invisible crime.

Tragically, an unrepo11ed assaull often leaves the attacker free to rape again. On a couch near Sarah, Joan sal quietly as her friend spoke. Last fall , Sarah's assailant attacked Joan , although she managed to fight him off.

The two women had been friends for a semester before they realized their disturbing bon<J ~ One evening at dinner Joan told Sarah of a frightening encounter she had with an upperclassman earlier that year. Listening to Joan's story, Sarah blurted out the name of the man.

Joan believes that Sarah was raped; yet, she nonetheless hesitates to call her own experience with the same man a sexual assault. Rather, Joan minimizes her ordeal, perhaps because it conflicts with her own stereotypes of sexual abuse. "Rape is such a strong word ," she explained, "and I h ave a hard time calling what happened to me an attempted rape. I mean, I fought him off, so nothing sexual happened. He held me down, and he did push me around, but he didn't tear off my clothing or beat me up."

Joan's voice gradually faded out. She sighed heavily and resumed talking. â&#x20AC;˘You see, it's hard for me to even think

about the incident. I blocked it out of my mind almost immediately because it was such a horrible experience.

"It happened in the first or second week of school last year. We met on Old Campus, and started talking. After awhile, he asked me if I wanted to go to a bar with him and his roommate. I went with them. I mean, I didn't think twice about it. All I saw was a really neat, attractive Yale man.

"After spending time at the first bar, we went to another one. Everything was okay so far. Then his roommate left .

When. we arrived at the second bar, he started being very physical with me- in front of everyone. I kept telling him to keep his hands off me. It was horrible, and I was getting scared. I tried to get up and leave, but he wouldn't let me.

"Later he wanted to show me the view from the roof of Bingham. I was pretty confused. I tried to tell myself, 'Well maybe he's doing all this because he's attracted to me.' No one, including

myself, wants to believe that something bad is happening to her," said Joan.

"Anyway, we were walking up to the roof, when all of a sudden, he shoved me into the old observatory room. He blocked the doorway, and I told him I wanted to leave. I started to panic. He pushed me down and started kissing me, and the rest . . . you know. It was such a physical and emotional struggle.

"I kept telling him to let me go, and he kept asking me what was wrong. He kept saying we would be great together.

I really can't remember how it ended, but somehow, I managed to push him off with my arms and legs. I ran to the door and went downstairs. He followed me and tried to apologize. But I knew he didn't mean it.

"I didn't do anything about him," Joan said, "because I was a very scared freshman. I didn't know what was the right thing to do. I just didn't know where I could go."

As is the case at Yale, few students at

other universities speak out about sexual assault. Those victims who do, however, have focused national attention on acquaintance rape in colleges.

Recently women at several major in- . stitutions have brought rape charges against their attackers, both in university hearings and courtrooms. Thus far, none of the allegations has resulted in a conviction of first-degree sexual assault.

Perhaps the most notorious case involved the University of Pennsylvania and its Alpha Tau Omega (ATO) fraternity. In February 1983, Penn officials began investigating an alleged gang rape involving A TO members.

After several court battles the University and the accused students reached a settlement: the men had to read books and write papers on the topic of rape.

Following a public out~ry over this accord, a second investigation resulted in a seven-month suspension of the (raternity. At the time of the second Penn investigation last winter, six men at Southern Connecticut State University were each sentenced to several years of probation for their participation in a 1981 gang rape of a female student.

Though five were initially indicted for first-degree sexual assault, the charges were later reduced because the victim refused to testify due to the publicity given the trial.

The growing awareness and incidence of college rape recently haye triggered research on the subject. At Cornell University, Andrea Parrot, Professor of Human Sexuality, and Robin Link, B.S. University of Pennsylvania, began a study last fall of acquaimance rape in university settings.

According to Parrot twenty percent of the CorneD student body has been involved in either acquaintance rape or The New J o urnal/October 19, 1984 17

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I .. ¡'' multiple (gang) rape by acquaintances.

The twenty-percent figure, she believes, applies to other universities, including Yale.

Through her work Parrot discovered that many victims do not report the offense because of their unwillingness or incapacity to identify forced sex as assault. The lack of violence in most acquaintance rapes, especially, contributes to a victim's inability to recognize the crime.

Refusing to face the anguish of being a victim, other women simply never admit that a rape occurred. "In the survey, women's answers would fit the description of rape, but they would answer 'No' when asked if they were rape victims.

They're saying, 'I don't want to be a rape victim. I don't want to think of myself in that way. I don't want to think of a man I like in that way, '" explained Parrot. "Women don't want to believe that men they trust would hun them. It makes them vulnerable. That's why a woman often thinks rape won't happen to her."

In Parrot's research men were also reluctant to view forced sex as rape.

They frequently justified forced intercourse because the women had express-

18 The New J oumal/Oclober 19, 198+

ed romantic or friendly inte1111it in them, or because they had paid for the date . The existence of prior sexual relations between a man and a woman also increased the chance of rape. "Men won't call a situation rape because a lot of them are playing by different social rules than women. They think that when a woman says !~o,' she's trying to protect her reputation and really means 'Yes,'" said Parrot. "A lot of these men would be appalled if they were arrested the next morning for rape. They go to sleep thinking that they gave the woman a nice time."

"In an acquaintance or date rape, the rapist won't take no for an answer," said Dr. A. Nicholas Groth. "He feels like he's in control. He makes the victim do what he wants her to." As the former director of the Sex Offenders Program at the Connecticut Correctional Institute in Somers,. Groth worked with rapists for over six years. Stating that many differences exist among men who rape, Groth divides rapists into three primary categories: the anger rapist, the power rapist, and the sadistic rapis~. According to Groth coUege rapists tend to be power rapists unless they are retaliating against a specific in-

dividual. The power rapist seeks to reinforce his authority and adequacy as a man by intimidating or forcing his victim into sexual submission. Such an attacker's victims are usually his age or younger, and he uses only enough force to make his victim cooperate .

When a man rapes, however, society rarely sees beyond the violation to the attacker's struggles with his own aggressive tendencies. Rather, Groth asserted that rape often occurs because of a man's loss of self control. "Some men rape and don't understand why.

They constantly wrestle with their own violent impulses," said Groth. "Others don't question what they do but feel compelled to do it."

Groth noted that the college environment, with all its pressures, may often lead to instances of power rape. "It is a device which compensates for some threat to the offender's sense of worth or manhood," he explained. "Men rape when they are under great stress or when they lack the resources to handle the daily stresses. At Yale those strains probably stem from academic performance and social achievement."

Slowly, members of the University are becoming aware of such men and their offenses. The occasional victim who wishes to talk about her rape turns to a friend, a trusted faculty member, a clergyman or an administrator, such as her college master. "Violent acts of sexual harassment do occur on the Yale campus with greater frequency than most of us are willing to admit," said one master, who wished to remain anonymous. "I wouldn't for a moment suggest that a large percentage of students are involved, but the smallest percentage is too large."

Last fall, two women approached him separately, each telling him that she had been assaulted by a man at Yale. Even before discussing disciplinary action, the master urged the women to get counseling. "In both cues the first thtrig I tried to do was to make sure they got personal help to restore at least a modicum of selfesteem," he explained . "Mter there was a semblance of control, I told them

"Men rape when they lack the resources to handle the daily stresses.

At Yale those strains probably stem from academic performance and social achievement."

=

~ about any recourse. One woman was a senior, and the incident happened in her junior year. It took her a long time to step forward finally and make any allegations."

Both women eventually took their cases to the Executive Committee, although the master would not reveal the outcome of the complaints. One of many grievance institutions at Yale, the Executive Committee addresses any infraction of the Handbook of UndergradUQ.te R~gul.aJions, including sexual harassment and coercion committed by students.

The Provost's procedure must be used for all "cross unit" complaints: an undergraduate who has been attacked by a graduate student, or a graduate student molested by a student from another graduate school. Yale College and most of the graduate and professional schools also have their own sexual harassment grievance boards designed to handle complaints against University employees.

The undergraduate sexual harassment grievance board, an advisory board which cannot take punitive action, grew out of the 1977 class action suit Alextuullr v. Yale. One of the five complainants was an undergraduate who alleged that she had been raped by a Yale music instructor. The plaintiffs believe that the University ignored their demands for a grievance system , and thereby forced them to sue . Although the students lost their case in court, the

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20 The New JoumaVOctober 19, 198+

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media coverage of the suit and Yale's increased awareness of sexual harassment resulted in the creation of the board.

Despite the many procedures Yale now offers to vic-tims of assault, complaints about the University's insensitivity continue to arise.

In fact, some students and faculty members charge that Yale's abundance of grievance boards preven ts, rather th an encourages, the reporting of rape.

"The system is so diffuse a nd complex that no one can oversee the proper handling of all grievances," Associate Professor of German Helen~iley asserted. Riley is one of the founding members of the Women's Action Committee, an organization of past and present members of the Yale community who had found the University's grievance procedures inadequate.

"There's no central effort to coordinate the various commi~~es. And, because there is no streamlined means of entering a complaint, there are too many ways to cut comers and let a case drop· by the wayside.

"Diffusion works very well against the individual, and in favor of an institution that doesn't want to acknowledge that such problems exist," she stated.

"The Administration doesn't have anything to gain by publicizing these situations. Assuredly, parents would not want to pay money to send their children to an unsafe school."

Riley contends that even w hen a victim does find the correct procedure, her grievance often goes unheard. ~f an assault is reported to Dean Brandenburg (convenor of the Yale College sexual harassment grievance board), the board doesn't have to meet to discuss it," she said, "She can pass it on to the board or not. Several charges were in-

Delivery Service To Donna: Sunday-Friday: 9 am-1 am Saturday: 9 am-2 am 162 Temple Street New Haven (across from the Park Plaza entranc e) troduced last year, but there were no hearings about them."

Associate Dean of Yale College Judith Brandenburg maintained that the grievance processes here do not purposely divert complainants. "The University's many procedures were not intentionally set up to be ofT-putting, b u t unfortunately, they may have this effect," she said. "The creators of the reporting procedures were trying to be particularly responsive to each sector of the Universi~, but the system is just too complicated.

Brandenberg strongly denied that she convenes the sexual harassment board at het' own discretion . Some victims simply do not want their cases heard by the board; they want nothing more than understanding and support. According to the aean, the board will convene unless a complamant expressly requests that they do not. Others, who seek action but whose cases are not within the board's jurisdiction, are referred to the appropriate procedure. "I help them sort out various options," Brandenburg said . "I want to show them that they're by no means powerless."

Above all, women do have the power to prevent acquaintance rape simply by remaining careful. "You've got to be a li tt le paranoid ," said Barbara M oynihan, director of Rape Crisis Services at the New Haven YWCA. "A woman has a right to be assertive, to have her 'No' respected. She shouldn't stay in a situation where she feels uncomfortable. She must always remain in control, which means that she shouldn't overindulge in drugs or alcohol."

To avert rape here, a woman must realize that the attacker can live in her own donn. "Rape does happen at Yale: M oynihan said. "Why should this college be any different from the rest of the world? The problem is that a certain mystique about Yale prevents people from talking about it."

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The New journal/Oc1ober 19, 198-l 21

United They Stand?

Tony Reese and Jim Lowe Vincent Sirabella built Local 35. When he came to the union in 1969, its members barely earned mmtmum wage. When he left in 1977 they were among the highest paid service workers in the country. H e returned to New Haven last weekend to view Yale's latest labor dispute, but this time Local 34, the offspring of his Local 35, was o n the picket line. "It's almost a repeat of the prior three strikes with respect to Yale's indifference. You have a major world institution that can't deal with a large group of people it views as inferior to what Yale stands for trying to tell it what do do."

Sirabella, now in his sixties, continues to expend his vast energy on the union movement. H e left the service and maintenance workers union at Yale, Local 35, a fte r a difficult strike in 1977 and is now national director of organization for the Hotel and Restaurant Employees Union, the p arent body of Yale's two Locals. H e played a major role in the history of labor at Yale, taking his workers out on strike three times during his nine years as business manager of Local 35.

In the 43 years of unions here, seven strikes have involved three separate unions. The shortest was one day in 1941 and the longest to date was 13 weeks in 1977. The latest strike differs

from its predecessors because Local 34 is one of the first large white-collar unions in the country. Nonetheless, without Local 35 and its groundbreaking struggles with the University there would be no Local 34.

The results of the 1968 strike forced Local 35 to rebuild. It brought in Sirabella, the most important labor leader in the city, with an eye toward the May 1, 1971 contract expiration date.

"I was under the illusion," Sirabella "Local 35 was demolished in the '68 remembered, "that if you approached strike," Sirabella said. As an outside the University with facts and figures, mediator that year he saw Local 35 that as an institution with reason and crumble after only six days on the picket liberal image, that would result in sucline. "Until1967 there was an unspoken cess fqr the union. In an environment but very real trade-ofT," said John where light and truth are ideals, logical Wilhelm, now chief negotiator for Local arguments based on documentation 34 and business manager of Local 35. should mean something. It didn't mean "Wages and benefits were horrendous a goddamn thing. I found there was no but the University was known as New other way than to go to the street.

"I'm not a hateful man, but I came to H aven's most humane employer. Then the Corporation decided to manage hate the a rrogant attitude of Yale. I still their operations 'like a business.' They have a sense of revulsion at the took advantage of a labor contract never phoniness. They're uncaring, insenwritten with an adversarial relationship sitive, indifferent and impervious," he in mind." said. "I'd rathe r sit across the table from The University had a different view a whore or a gangster than Yale. At of the situation. "We were in the midst least they're honest about whal'l.they of the first big budget cuts," said John are.''

Wilkinson, then dean of student affairs In a now familiar pattern the union asked for money that up to the day and now secretary of the University.

"We had an efficiency expert in the before the strike deadline the U niversity budget office and he removed a lot of claimed it didn't have. The University positions. Job security became a big also refused binding arbitration. "They cry. The cuts were really bad for the had to raise wages just to compete in the union, but they were tough for the rest New Haven market; . but I told them they couldn't buy a contract," Sirabella of the University as well." said. The union wanted more than § money: health care, grievance pro~ cedures and job security. When the ~ University produced a package on April ~ 30 that included wage increases but - nothing else, the strike was on.

The 1971 strike came in the midst of ~ student protests over the Vietnam War, the bombing of Cambodia and the trial of the Black Panthers in New Haven.

Wilkinson recalled leaving his house every morning to be met by chanting protesters. "They called me every four- , seven-, 11 - and 15-lette r name in the book. It is not a period I remember with any nostalgia," Wilkinson said. "There were m oments that were really horrible.

At one point a group of students went in and basically trashed Commons."

Students flooded Pierson dining hall Local34 workers stand in silence on Hillhouse Avenue shortly before and le t the air out of truck tires. A being arrested for civil disobedience on October 5.

..

J.

22 The New journal/October 19, 198â&#x20AC;˘

in tuition every year," one student told the Yak Daily News. S irabella noticed the change. He said at the time, "The students don't give two shits about the workers or New Haven. They look down their noses at workers.â&#x20AC;˘

Vincent Sirabella in 1911. group blocked fuel deliveries on Science Hill, and 20 to 25 held a four-day hunger strike on Beinecke Plaza.

Twenty-two were arrested on charges including attempted arson and assault on an officer with a deadly weapon.

"The union got student support and manipulated it effectively," said Wilkinson. "But the breadth of the student response had been exaggerated. It wasn't massive support. It was intense, though."

The union's effect was both intense and massive. The strike dragged on for a month and a halt.into graduation . On Commence ment Day Local 35 mounted its greatest effort to date. Its demonstration forced then-President Kingman Brewster to alter the traditional route of the procession for the first time in over 200 years and severely disrupted the rest of the day's activities.

A number of protesters, including Sirabella, were arrested. When the union threatened a repeat performance for the alumni reunions later that week the University infOrmed them through the mediator that it wanted to talk.

Within two days there was a contract.

"The union was reborn as a result," said Sirabella. "There's nothing like a win to raise morale. We got a healthy

money package and all -the contract language we wanted." University officials agree that the union got most of what it asked for and more than the U niversity had intended to give. "The wage increases were out of line in the New Haven market," Wilkinson said.

"And they got the students in the union.

I still lament that."

Local 35 went on strike two more times in the 1970s. The surprisingly uneventful two-and-a-half month 1974 strike was resolved through non-binding factfinding. 1977 was a different story.

Kingman Brewster had left and Hanna Grey was acting president. Many believe that the union felt Grey would not stand up to the pressure of a strike. "I think the union miscalculated on that one," said Donald Stevens, director of employee relations and chief negotiator for the University.

The University had run a series of budget deficits over the proceding years and dug in its heels. The strike lasted 13 weeks. "It was a disaster for everyone," Stevens said. "The union got no more than we had offered before the strike began. It was very divisive."

The student support, which had been important in the earlier strikes, failed to develop. â&#x20AC;˘rm tired of paying increa.<~es

The strikes of the 1970s provided a lot of lessons for the labor movement at Yale. After the devastation of the 1977 strike, Local 35 elected new leadership in 1978, bringing in as its business manager John Wilhelm '67, a former activist in the Yale chapter of the Students for a Democratic Society.

But relations between the union and University changed little. T hey reached two agreements in 1980 and 1982 without a strike. Stevens points to these seven strike-free years and claims that the University has begun to build a responsible relationship with the union.

Wilhelm disagrees. "The University has never been willing to develop a functional labor relations policy. If Cy Vance had negotiated this way in Paris, the US Army would still be m Vietnam."

The 1977 strike showed many in Local 35 that their strike weapon was only partially effective. That union consists of only 1300 of Yale's 9000 employees, and as Wilhelm said in 1981 , "We don't have the power to cripple the University. Our strikes harrass the University, inconvenience the University, embarrass the University, but just in terms of raw power the fact is we can't control the University by ourselves. We know it and they know it .

On the other hand if the clerical and technical and the service and maintenance people all stood together, that's another ballgame."

Local 35 went to bat in November 1980 with an organizational drive aimed at unionizing the C&Ts (clerical and technical workers). Similar efforts had failed in 1971 and 1977. According to Sirabella, the parent organization of Local 35 began to pour in what has now reached nearly a million dollars to organize the C&Ts once and for all.

They called an election in early 1983, and on May 18 of that year the union The Nc.. J ou maVOctobcr 19, 1984 23

was approved by a vote of 1267 to 1228.

The victory came despite an intensive three-year effort by the University to disuade C&Ts from joining Local34.

Wages were increased by over 30 percent and the adminstration hired the Hartford-based law firm of Seigal, O'Connor and Kanin, known to labor leaders as notorious "union-busters."

The creation of Local 34 depended in large part on the earlier demonstrable success of Local 35. Its members, among the highest-paid service and maintenance workers in the country, served as an inspiration to the less wellpaid C&Ts. Many of the latter saw these gains first hand through their relatives in Local35. "The C&Ts finally realized they had to have a union," Sirabella. "Even $50 million and 50 John Wilhelms couldn't have done for the organization of 34 what 35's achievements did."

The financial successes of Local 35 were essential in overcoming white collar worker's negative perceptions of unions in general and of Local 35 in particular. In 1982 Jerald Stevens, then University vice-president for finance and administration, noted, "If you look at the history of relationships between the University and Local 35, I think that very few clerical and technical employees would like to experience that."

"A lot of things happened-especially physical damage- that in retrospect I wish hadn't," said Sirabella of the Local 35 strikes. "The white-collar workers didn't want any part of that." Relations were strained on the other side as well.

When the members of Local 35 struck three times in the late 1970s, the C&Ts-still non-union- remained at work and often filled in for the striking workers.

Strained relations have failed to play a role in the latest strike. "The majority of both unions are working class," said Wilhelm. "The distinction between blue and white collar is fake and largely due to employment stereotypes. The economy has shifted to a service base and workers have gone where the jobs are. Differences in types of jobs don't 24 The New JournaUOctober 19, 1984

A vandalized Commons during the 1971 strike. mean the workers are so different."

"There's a . very strong affinity developing between the two unions," Sirabella concurred. "The members of Local 35 are sophisticated enough to know that if Local 34 goes down they're going to keep having strikes and lousy settlements. They see their support as a short-term investment in long-term benefits for both unions."

Aside from its relationship with Local 35, the C&Ts face internal difficulties.

The Local 34 bargaining unit includes typists and computer operators, athletic trainers and lab technicians, spread throughout almost every department at Yale. This diversity has dearly been a factor in the union's inability to gain the unqualified support and membership of more than 1700 of the total 2600 workers in the C&T bargaining unit.

The union charges that the University believes this diversity will eventually split Local 34 and end the strike. "I don't know why the University operates on the theory that they won't support each other," said Wilhelm. "That's one of their two biggest miscalculations."

There had been a similar disunity within Local 35 that the 1971 strike overcame. "There were a lot of highly skilled maintenance tradesmen who thought they had nothing in common with the housekeeping and dining hall people," Sirabella said. "To make the strike effective we had to overcome that."

While members of Local 34 marched on the picket line, George Conte began to prepare for negotiations with Yale on

Local 35's contract, which expires January 17, 1985. Conte, who IS worker president of that union, is organizing department meetings to determine workers' needs and concerns.

In the University's Department of Employee Relations, Donald Stevens prepares for those same negotiations which should begin sometime next month. "We're doing wage and benefit surveys right now to examing the position of the bargaining unit with relation to th'e market," Stevens said.

With or without the strike, these promise to be difficult negotiations. The 1982 settlement gave the union a very small salary increase but promised some major changes in working conditions.

The University points to this settlement as a turning point in its labor relations.

"We'd hoped progress was being made," said Wilhelm, "especially on job security and benefits. They threw those promises to the wind after they signed in '82. These very serious brokert.,promises will be the focus of Local 35's negotiations." The union fears the University will eventually hire outside contractors for its grounds and buildings maintenance, as Harvard has already begun to do. This would further cut the membership of a Local that has seen its numbe.-s cut drastically throught attrition over the past 15 years. The union hopes to remove the no-strike clause from its contract, alter other language and gain wage and benefit improvements. , "The University has to decide it will do what most employers do: avoid strikes," Wilhelm said. "'t has not done anything that normal people would ca1J negotiating in any of these strikes. It has to do something other than try to dictate settlements."

Donald Stevens disagreed. "The University has been very open. We're trying to be responsive to what the employees perceive as their needs.

We're not in any way attacking or belittling the union," he said. â&#x20AC;˘john Wilhelm is a very effective labor leader and fve always felt he was very realistic. He says the University has to reorder its priorities. I disagree with him. But the

you can read

TheNewJournal almost anywhere* Please send The New Journal to name

"There's nothing like a win to raise

morale."

University continues to want to build a responsible relationship."

Wilhelm's own bargaining tactics have not gone unquestioned. A whitecollar union leader in the region pointed out that Local 34 may be trying to do too much at once. "In first contracts it is traditional to simply set out a working relationship with the University and get modest improvements elsewhere. The big issues- wages, benefits and so forth -are usually dealt with in later contracts."

The situation with the Local 34 strike can only make the Local 35 negotiations more difficult. "I hope it has no effect," said Donald Stevens, "but a strike always does damage to employeremployee relations."

"I believe that this strike will have a very profound effect on the 35 negotiations," said Wilhelm. "If Local 35 spends X number of weeks honoring the line, that will only increase their determination to achieve their own objectives." Wilhelm asserts that the University believes Local 35 will be worn out and broke come January.

"Yale thinks it'll be able to call the tune.

That miscalculation will result in the destruction of the entire school year."

If Local 35 strikes in January, will Local 34 hit the streets with them? The unity shown in the first three weeks of the Local 34 strike leads some to say yes. "Because of the goodwill generated between the two unions, 34 will walk off: said Sirabella. "There's no question of that. They couldn't possibly not support 35."

The strength of LOCal 34's internal unity, however, remains a question mark. By last week 41 percent of the C&Ts in the bargaining unit were Working, up from 37 percent during the fint week of the strike. The members of Local 34 also do not have the tradition of strong unionism that exists in Local

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35: even thou gh they were not the ones to call th e strike, 95 percent of Local 35's members refused to report to work .

The outcome of the latest strike m ight depend on the Yale Corporation. "Some of the most influential people in the country sit on the Corporation," said Sirabella. "And they have interlocking relations with many oth er influential people. I have no doubt whatever that consitierable influence has been exerted on Cy Vance, Richardson Dillworth and the others to resist this strike so the anti-union pattern of the last few years is not interrupted.

"The Corporation is not just an antique collection that is put on display once in a while," Sirabella continued.

"They're important people and they're calling the shots. The President of Yale really has little to say."

Sirabella points to the mutual support of the two unions as part of ~ow­ ing atmosphere of harmony among u n ions. "There is mo.re of a mood of cooperation within the whole labor movement now than since the 1930s."

In the University's view, however, the cooperation of the two unions is far from crippling. Throughout the conflict with Local 34, Michael F innerty, vicepresident for admi~istration, has said, "The University can hold out as long as necessary." He and others in the administration say publicly that the addition of Local 34 has changed the situation very little.

Sirabella disagrees and feels labor at Yale may be at a turning point. "The unity between the two unions can restore some kind of balanced relationship which would hopefully end labor hostility at Yale. When Yale has the feeling it can stampede its workers, there's going to be trouble. If you balance the equation again, then people will start talking about issues. T hat was the dream throughout the '70s, and it looks like it is becoming a reality."

•

jim Lowe, a senior in Morse, is AssociaU Editor of TN]. Tony Reese, a junior in Branford is Managing Editor ofTNJ. 26 The New Joumal/October 19, 1984

Profile/Kelley Tice

God and Jazz at Yale "There was a time when people, because they didn't know how to bracket me, were really on edge. I used to play these clubs downtown and then would be setting church up on Sunday. It was very hard for people to underâ&#x20AC;˘ stand how the two related or what made this ~ guy tick. They wonder how that guy who ~ plays the saxophone can be into church because playing the saxophone is what's hip.

As I grew up it became less of a source of tension. I'm not limited by the traditional way that people see the church.

-Dwight Andrews 11

It's hard trying to describe Dwight Andrews. Which picture seems "more Dwight" than others? On Sunday mornings in the All Purpose Room of the Afro-American Cultural Center (the House), a dark brown-skinned man preaches at the Black Church at Yale (BCAY) in front of a banner which reads, "God Have Mercy on Me." His preaching style lacks the fiery "mmm" and heavy beat of traditional b lack preachers. He delivers the subject, invariably political and religious, in an everyday lecture style. Andrews adds touches of rhythm in the end to make a point. The black robe with red pan stripes down the front hangs almost to the ground, disguising a slight bulge. On the wall above him , a Paul Robeson poster among pictures of other black historical figures represents a tradition that Andrews continues at Yale.

Late one Friday Andrews, decked out in a denim jumpsuit, saunters through an audience full of new faces.

En route to the bandstand he grabs the hands of various people sitting around the small tables in a New York jazz club. The lights dim. He joins ~ members of his ensemble as they warm up on the stage. Earthy jazz chords come from tht¡ keyboards, drums, bass and xylophone. The musicians look stem and so does he. Sweat dripping off the side of his face, Andrews sips some water. "'ne, two, one two three" and a mellow sound drifts from the alto sax, blending with the melodies in the background. After a song or two to The New Journal/October 19, 1984 27

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loosen up the crowd, Andrews draws the microphone close, adjusting it to his height. "Giving praises to God . . . " a few subtle words and no more, then back to a piano ballad.

Andrews dashes into a rehearsal at the House for &cond Linin~ a black undergraduate theater production he wrote and directed. He carries a notebook crammed w ith crumpled papers, including the lines he finished writing the night before. He talks through a scene with a student, leaning forward. His glasses habitually slide down his nose, and he pushes them back with his thumb, never pausing as he tries to convey the intensity of the Beat musicians in the play.

At his annual party on Lake Place, Andrews dances with a friend. At least 50 people join in the bash, the preacher's party which has surprised some of the more conservative church members. Graduate students, holding plastic wine glasses, mingle with actors, musicians and churchgoers.

At the beginning of another Sunday service, Andrews plays an introit on his sax. The soulful, smooth notes of "Amazing Grace" are followed by a funereal silence, a few amens, a few sniffles.

One description is impossible.

Dwight Andrews is a 33-year-old PhD candidate in music theory, the senior pastor of the BCAY, music director of the Yale Repertory Theater, part-time musician and a past instructor of the history of both sacred music and jazz.

He has also directed the music forMa Rainey's B/Qclc Bottom, a play which opened first at the Rep, and more recently on Broadway; and he recorded Mmoti4, an album of original jazz compositions.

A philosophy emerges out of these fragments, as Andrews sits and talks over a cup of tea at midnight. "People must begin to see themselves as a whole-as a sum of all their parts.

They must begin to see themselves as more than just Yale students, but also as people who pray, write, love, etc.

We have to learn to live to our fullest." He rubs his eyes and seems tired after a late night of recording.

"I'm trying to do my little bit for the future of humankind . The future rests on or is tied up with the survival~ the physical, emotional, mental and the spiritual lives of all peoples, black people being one of them. I want to be involved in making black people whole."

Andrews falls silent, then mumbles a bit. He presses his temples and leans forward, his green surgeon's scrub shirt falling loosely o~er his jeans. "The black church is a good example of where black people can be selfempowering. It is still the only kind of independent institution that blacks in North America have and it is a very powerful institution. Unfortunately it has been misunderstood and misused both from within and without. It is the only place where black people who are generally powerless are empowered by one another. There is tremendous revolutionary possibility just in that idea."

Within the church Andrews himself challenges the traditional role of black ministers. He explains, "The black preacher is elevated on a pedestal as a kind of junior Jesus. I think that's an outmoded model and it really is not helpful. I think people have to realize the preacher struggles and they struggle and they can struggle together if they want."

Andn·ws n·c all~ that although his was a lllillistt'r, his own l l'li~iou~ infl·n·sts IH·vc·r ckvt'lop<"d un1 il lw n·alizc·d 1 hat tlw black church to uld lw 11101r 1 han Sunday social tirne a ud th;tl ( :hristian onlrt'al'h was an important c·xfl·rrsiorr of spiritual life:. ~ 1'1·obably Olll' of tht' most important ~u ys iu rny lilt· is a mirrish•r in Detroit, Nick llood , Sr. !l is church helped to n·build tlw c·orrrrllllllity." Acting as a ru t·ntor· tu otlwr younl-{ rrwn such as Andn·w Yonll!-{, l loocl made Andrews n·aliz1· rrurrH·rous possibilities in 1 hurd• work and c·v1·ntually l'ncourag1'(1 him to allc'IHI Yall' Divinity School.

Whill' at YDS Andrews helped Nick llood I II, the BCA Y pa!>tor at 1 h;tl t irr~t·, to l'nhance <"nthusiasm and support for the church. T hey increa!>ed atti'IHiann· by providing counseling to undc·rgraduatcs. Andn·ws was still unhappy · about what he saw in the hlac·k church - the Sunday Christians who never took their religion outside the t·hurch and into the community. "I finally made my decision to become a m inister not on what I saw but rather on what I hoped for." All that he does in church council, in concerts, in AfroAmerican Cultural Center (AACC) board meetings and in theatrical productions integrates that hope with m any components of black culture, building a strong sense of community.

Andrews best expresses the richness of his heritage through his music.

"Black people don't have to be confined to their communities. We can be selfvalidating in our art. My whole first record was an attempt to say, 'This has self-validation'. I don't owe this to Schoenberg. I don't owe this to the fact that I study at Yale or like Charles Parker. I wrote it because I like it.

James Brown doesn't have to be able to explain 'Good God.' It is what it is."

As Andrews has brought a more ~ randlatlw1·

liberal approach to his role as a p reacher, he also works to dispel the scholarly misconceptions of jazz and of black music in general. "Black people have a very skewed 1=erspect ive about the music that they create. A lot of it involves historical values that are unnecessar y and not inherent to the music. Jazz has bee n labeled a kind of sex-craze music for a sex-crazed people with no morals. I'm committed tc breaking down that kind of ridiculou! philosophy and the shackles that enslave the music and ultimately the musician. I can play a Coltrane tune and lift Him up and have my heart in the right place and be able to play."

Marty Bresnick, coordinator of composition at the School of Music and a friend of Andrews', said, "The Department of Music is not used to someone like him who goes beyond the scholarly pursuit of Western traditional music. "D wight is the most energetic person I've met, a person who is plugged in at many levels. His compositions reflect traditional black American music- gospel and jazz with exten sive collaboration with other artists."

Andrews' early musical interests grew out of traditional black American sound, and although he studied music both in high school and at the University of Michigan, he drew most of his experience from his Detroit funk band called Seven Sounds. H e boasted that the band would not accept Ray Parker, J r. because he could not read music. "I guess I won't try to tell someone they won't make it in music, again," Andrews said, laughing.

During Divinity School he continued the kind of free-expression music he began in Detroit, playing the flute, saxophone and clarinet. "When I first came here we used to just go to the House and play. Me and Nat [Nat Ad-

"The black preacher is elevated on a pedestal as a kind of junior Jesus. I think that's an outmoded model and it really 1s not helpful."

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30 The New J ournal/October 19, 1984

derly, Jr., now a professional pianist] would get some guys together and if there wasn't a party we'd be playing."

The Yale Repertory Theatre began consulting Andrews on musical scores.

Working with such avant-garde composers as Leo Smith, he began touring both in the States and abroad, while doing research at Yale for his d issertation on Stravinsky.

With his music and ministry, Andrews 'has bridged many gaps at Yale, an academic institution removed from traditional black culture. He helped to strengthen the BCAY, bring expertise in b lack music to the Yale Rep and open up the scholarly study of jazz by offering one of Yale's first courses in the style. Through his bi-annual jazz concerts on campus and his work with the Latino Youth Development Organization, he continues to expand cultural awareness.

Skip Gates, professor of""froAmerican Studies, said, "Dwight shows the complexities of the b lack experience by embodying two professions-the secular and the sacred.

Dwight as a black intellect allows someone like me to have much more of an affinity to the church. By incorporating issues and eroblems from our daily existence into his sermons, he doesn't ask us to suspend the realities of our lives. What's important is the sense of the community that BCAY and Dwight establish."

Warren Hodges, SY '85, vicepresident of the Black Church Council and director of the Gospel Choir, concurs. "Dwight gives me a positive image. He proves tflat you can fuse religious experience with everything outside of it-with 'life'. Dwight is a role model for many students on campus." As Caroline Jackson, director of the AACC, said, "Dwight is so much a pillar in the black community here at Yale that if he were to leave, fd leave.

His attempt to fulfill needs, talents and gifts emanates from the same spiritual source. I can understand God, and I can understand Dwight's spirituality from his attitude that he can always do a little bit more."

For Andrews, more work remains as long as distorted perceptions of black culture continue at Yale. The very existence of BCAY, he said, "helps to remind people that we still have race problems on campus. If white people don't acknowledge that they have a very hung-up attitude about race, then they'll never be able to move from it, and if black kids think that just because they are here in New Haven they can someho~ get away from who they really are, then they are also naive."

D wight interprets BCAY as a spiritual forum for many religious, social and political problems. "You don't have to be black to be a part of BCAY, you have to be able to understand the kind of 'black' struggles that oppressed people face all around the world. Yale needs voices that aren't a part of their purse strings. BCAY maintains such a dialogue."

Andrews acts as a nexus in this exchange of ideas, which reaches students, faculty and visiting intellectuals. "It's been important to bring all of the aspects of my life into a dialogue with black thinkers who have passed through Yale. Hanging out and talking with people like Derek Wolcott, Baraka, June Jordan and Toni Morrison- those contacts changed my life.

When we start talking about the future of black people and the role of art in politics, I can hang. I am one of them.

We share many of the same goals and interests."

In all of these glimpses of Andrews, he is always with people. At the end of the church service, the members and visitors hold hands, forming a circle which fills the room. Voices join in a gospel song. Around the room, blacks, along with Asians, Hispanics and whites, sway to the music. Andrews sm iles, singing, "We~ve come this far b y faith, leaning on the Lord, trusting in H is holy word, H e's never failed me yet." There is e lecfricity: people, faith, com munity. And wholeness.

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Kelley Tice is a junior in Berkeley.

The New Joumal/Ocrober 19, 1984 31

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