Volume 21 - Issue 2

Publisher Mary Chen Editor-in-Chief Martha Brant Business Mano.ger Jodi Lox Mano.ging Editors Skye Wilson Peter Zusi

Designer Pamela Geismar Production Mano.ger David King Photography Editor Heidi Schulman

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AssocUzte Business Mano.ger Pamela Weber AssocUzte Editors Cynthia Cameros John Gill Kirk Semple• Associate Photography Editor John Kim Circulo.tion Mano.ger Lynn Festa• Subscription Mano.ger Malaika Amon •

Staff Anthony Ewing• Jennifer Fleissner Julie Hantman Mitchell Hammond Stephen Hooper Anna Kreiner

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Letters

4

NewsJoumal

4

Between the VInes

6

When Right Is Incorrect Political' dialo~

at Yale is actually a monologue: Liberalism is by far the ruling sentiment on campus. BrJ.~ when liberals tum a deaf tar to all conservativ~ opinion, they stifle thdr own thought. By Brent Robbins

Features

10

Down in the Dumps In oM year, New Raven's dump will clos~, and thm is no agrmnent on what to tkJ with the ci~'s garbag~ after that. In the meanti~, ci~ officials ar~ trying to ba.lanc~ concerns over junked cars on tk str~ets with heavy metals in the groundwater.

By Florenc~ Williams

18

26

In the Long Run: Women's Cross Country Sets the Pace

With a philosophy of group training and support, tM women's cross country team substitutes closenMs for com~titivmMs. But when they rau against otkr schools, they win. By Skye Wilson

Breaking Up the Party TM Dmtocrats hav~ ruled New Haven for 30 years. Although /Mr~ is no Republican in view, the reant Tyson/Ferrucci battle for R~gistrar of Votm caus~d a rift in the Dmtocratic party, which might rumerg~ in the 1989 mayoral rae~.

By Cynthia c~os challmg~

The New.JoumaVOctober 21 , 1988 3

Letters

To the Editors, After the Fire (TN], September 9, 1988) presented some major problems to me as a member of the Coalition Against Apartheid (CAA). These include inaccuracies in the article's accounts of this past summer as well as a lack of examination of the administration's strategy toward CAA. But most important, the subject of the article- CAA and its activities this summer- is not the reason for renewed involvement in anti-apartheid work. The issue of Yale's continued financial support for the racist Pretoria regime remains the catalyst for student and community activism.

To understand the events of the summer one has to look at the overwhelming support and diversity of larger community participation after the shanty-burning. Such involvement forced the administration to review its policy toward CAA in an attempt to find new ways to tolerate this overwhelming display of New Haven community solidarity.

For example, permission to build the wall on Beinecke Plaza was never sought from the Yale administration, despite the article's implication that it was .. \Yellington's public grant of perm1ss1on after the erection of the wall was part of a concerted strategy by the administration to appear as a benevolent, paternalistic institution to Yale students and the larger community.

This paternalistic image is directly refuted by that which the memorial wall represents: Yale's financial interests in profits from apartheid.

Furthermore , contrary to some statements in the article, the membership of CAA this summer was tremendously diverse . While the criticisms of those who did not take part this summer may have been legitimate last year, the recent multi-racial support from New Haven has revitalized CAA's commitment to leadership from a cross-section of Yale and New Haven, black and white.

Sincerely, Walter C. Nicolai

4 The New JournaVOctober 21, 1988

News Journal

Chants of a Lifetime

A slow, chanted Latin mass plays over the speakers of the Yale Collection of Historical Sound Recordings (HSR) in Sterling Memorial Library. The voices echo off the gothic windows and ceiling of the room. Stopwatch in hand, Father Jerry Weber nods his head at the end of the chant and writes down the performance time in his notebook. H e has probably listened to more Gregorian chants than anyone else alive.

HSR is one of Weber's final stops as he nears the end of a 16-year project- the first comprehensive index to recordings of Gregorian chant, which was once the primary music of Catholic liturgy. The index will run over 700 pages and be bought by record libraries in the United States and abroad.

Weber's search for chant recordings has led him to major record archives throughout the world.

The Yale archive includes recordings that Weber has not been able to find elsewhere. These are drawn from the collection's 120,000 items , which overflow from the shelves and block the arched windows. HSR houses over 75 percent of everything recorded before 1925, and its particular strengths include American musical theatre, public speaking, jazz, and operatic vocal recording. Weber is interested in several rare chant recordings from the

The Yale Historical Sound Recording Collection contains over 120,000 recordings.

1930's and early 1940's.

Weber's catalogue, known as a discography, will serve as a finder!>' guide for Gregorian chant recordings. He will index each record by choir, text, and recording company and will also note the performance time, location, and date. Most important, he will include the record number, faintly etched or stamped into the vinyl just outside the label. This number is the only firm identification a record has.

The chant discography combines Weber's several occupations. "My interest is as a priest, as a musician, and as a discographer," he explained. In 1952, Weber saw a discography and "really got hooked on record numbers."

Fifteen years later he published his first monograph, on Schubert lieder. Since then he's compiled 18 similar catalogues, one of which is¡ used as a discography textbook at the University of California at Santa Barbara. Weber's current project is different, not only because of his lifelong involvement in chant, but because of its great length.

"It's obviously close to my heart," he said. "That's why I left it until I had been doing discographies for 20 years."

With the end of his research in sight, Weber looks forward to sending the work to press this spring. "I think I can do it the right way," he said, leaning back in his chair and clicking his stopwatch as yet another record begins.

â&#x20AC;˘

-Margo Schlanger

A Change of Tune

The Yale singing group formerly known as Untapped Potential began tapping new members this fall. The group, founded as a reaction against the exclusive Yale Council of Singing Groups, has now joined the council and entered the selection process called ~sh and tap, competing for singers wath other official groups.

The members of Untapped Potential, n=named Out of the Blue, formed the group in 1986 immediately after rush.

•It was a banding together of people who wanted to sing in a group regardless of the system," said founding rnember Laura Stanfield (CC '90).

•Some people who joined had gone through rush and weren't tapped.

Others started rush and stopped because they didn't like the system."

Approximately 60 students, most of ~e~ freshmen, try out for each council sangmg group during fall rush. Fewer than one-tenth of those who rush are tapped. Many of Untapped Potential's founders considered themselves musically qualified and felt that the council groups had passed them over because they d id not measure up to certain IOcia} standards .•"We wanted to show you could sing really well outside system without the cliquish social SCene and without rush and tap," said

:!::'

Out of the Blue: Now that the group taps new members, it must find a way to distinguish itself from more established rivals.

Jon Cohen (PC '90), another of the group's founders. · But by last spring, the group had improved musically;. and its goals had shifted. "We were tired of being considered a second-rate group," said Dawn Ellis (SM '90), the group's conductor. "We felt that we'd reached our potential , so to speak, and we wanted to have more publicity and to get a chance at some of the better voices like the other groups." After a heated dispute, the majority voted to change the group's name and join the council. Several of the original members, including Cohen, dropped out in protest. This year Out of the Blue participated in all of the council's traditional rush events, including introductory jams , singing dinners, and rush meals for prospective members.

Despite this change in identity, the group has tried to maintain a relaxed character. In an effort to reduce the social pressures of rush, the members decided not to serve alcohol to rushees.

They feel that they still emphasize singing ability over ~rsonality more than other groups. "People who rushed said we were less intimidating," Ellis said. "That's the kind of atmosphere we want."-

But some original members believe that the group has betrayed its founding principles. "I don't think they have any choice but to turn into what I originally set out to oppose," Cohen said. "The new people won't remember anything about the group's origins. Because they've been added through rush and tap, they're going to feel pretty damned elitist about it." Of the 40 students who rushed Out of the Blue this year, the group tapped 11. . Since Out of the Blue does not have a set repertoire, these new members have the opportunity to influence the group's sound by bringing in new music. In addition, their attitudes will help set the group's tone. "I guess the mood of the group will change a little," said Rush Manager Evelyn Gilbert (DC '90). "But hopefully our diversity and the basic character will self-perpetuate."

It is not clear exactly which aspects of its original character the group will retain. The group's very diversity has often caused division among its members, who are still at odds over how to distinguish Out of the Blue from its more established rivals.

•

-Ruth Conniff The New JournaUOctober 21, 1988 5

Between the Vines/Brent Robbins

When Right Is Incorrect

A teacher of mine in high school had a favorite quotation that he used to say during any debate. It went something like this: "You can't fully understand your own position until you understand your opponent's." Few people follow that maxim at Yale. Liberals, from activists to once-every-four-year voters, outnumber conservatives and often seem to embrace beliefs without careful thought. Informed, reasoned debate is rare. The resulting atmosphere makes liberal attitudes the orthodoxy and puts campus conservatives on the defensive, so that they either bite back or hide for four years.

Liberals don't perceive the differences between conservative positions.

According to the liberal orthodoxy, everything on the right is wrong.

Liberals take pride in their tolerant attitudes, but their understanding of tolerance has a misguided premise.

Tolerance is usually defined as freedom from bigotry and acceptance of those who differ in race, sex, and sexual orientation. At Yale, however, the word has come to mean the acceptance of someone's beliefs without critical analysis.

This definition is best exemplified by those who call themselves "politically correct ," or p.c. for short. Their label gives them a ready-made set of beliefs that they can use for their own.

To be p.c. is to wear the red arm band, to boycott grapes, and to know the feminist rhetoric. It is assumed by those who are p.c. that their liberal views are correct, and people who oppose those values are incorrect.

Differing opinions stem from con6 The New J o urnal/O ctob e r 2 1, 1988

flicting value systems that cannot be reconciled. And it is incorrect to try.

But not all value systems are equal.

Anything bearing conservative markings immediately receives a negative assessment. The p.c. crowd assumes that conservatives are interested in taking away people's rights and liberties, and reacts accordingly. This perception does have some validity in real-world politics. In the national arena, those on the far right, such as the Moral Majority, can be repressive

Liberal students restrict their tolerance to issues on wh ich they already agree. and moralistic. These groups deserve the "intolerant" epithet. Unfortunately, campus liberal organizations, by creating an environment in which dissent is laughed at or scorned, fall into the same trap as the New Right.

Yale's political discourse suffers as a result.

Perhaps fueled by their numbers or the ease of group thinking, liberal students restrict their tolerance to issues on which they already agree.

Three years ago Wayne Dick (DC '88) distributed a newsletter parodying

Gay-Lesbian Awareness Days (GLAD) , and the Yale College Executive Committee gave him two years' probation. The Executive Committee later revoked the sentence after Nat Hentoff of the Village Voice raised a stink about first amendment rights. Liberals were outraged: Leaders of the Gay-Lesbian Co-op felt that Dick's newsletter was in such poor taste and so offensive that he should have been suspended.

The Co-op felt the situation was entirely different when they released an ambiguous poster depicting two people engaged in oral sex. The poster was explicitly designed to shock the average Yale student out of complacency. It worked, but if statements beyond the bounds of good taste are grounds for suspension , the p.oster could have been considered on par with Dick's flyer.

The conflict over use of space at the Women's Center last spring illustrates another liberal reaction. This case involved a group of women who called themselves Women for Life, an antiabortion group . The members petitioned to gain access to the Women's Center, claiming that they met the established criteria for entry.

But the Women's Center viewed the group as anti-feminist and refused to open its doors to any organization that worked against its political agenda.

Dean of Student Affairs Betty Trachtenberg interceded and eventually granted the group admission.

Making use of sensitive social issues allows liberals to feel morally superior

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8 The New Journal/ October 21, 1988

to their peers. The Coalition Against Apartheid (CAA), for example, has taken an uncompromising stand for divestiture of University funds that support companies with ties to South Africa. For others, divestiture is a complex, ambiguous issue. Although everyone is against apartheid, the best course for freeing blacks in South Africa is widely debated. But three years ago during the rallies on Beinecke Plaza the jssue was as clear as the protestors' collective conscience: To be against divestiture was to be for Botha's South Africa. For CAA members, there was, and is, no acceptance of differing opinions on this issue. Someone is either morally right or wrong. .

Classrooms often reinforce these liberal assumptions. In lectures, many professors seem to have a quota of Reagan jokes they must tell. In discussion sections, the prevailing attitude reflects the same easy liberalism. Freshman year I went to a class section on Multinational Corporations (MNC's). Having read the week's material, I took the view that MNC's, although at times corrupt and rapacious, had generally helped their host countries. I .was also prepared to discuss the problems that past MNC's had caused. Coming to the section with little ideology, I was surprised by the impression held by the other students that MNC's are inherently bad. My arguments to the contrary were politely ignored. I wasn't seeking consensus on my views, but did assume that the class would at least consider a different perspective.

But there does exist an organization devoted to student debate, the Political Union (PU). Recently, however, the PU has veered away from debate meetings on the grounds that members wouldn't attend. The Liberal Party feels that the absence of its members would lead to a domination by the parties on the right, which tend to favor more debate. The Liberals fear that their less interested members would prefer to hear other viewpoints than express

Feeling embattled by the liberal majority, conservative parties make trouble or recede into safe, likethinking groups.

their own; they consistently vote for a speaker rather than for a debate.

In reaction, the conservative parties · in the PU portray themselves as defenders of debate and the exchange of ideas. Nothing could be further from the truth. The Party of the Right's (POR) stated a ims are to encourage free debate and to be a haven for those with ·radical views of any political stripe. But it spends most of its time opposing what it perceives as the campus orthodoxy. This ten· dency results in scoffing at all that is not reactionary Republican or highly philosophical, and to a moral arrogance that has little room for people outside their club.

Feeling embattled by the liberal majority, conservative parties make trouble or recede into safe, likethinking groups. The POR, . for example, insists that the PU observe the rule that requires male members to wear a coat and tie in order to be recognized by the speaker. Although the rule is suspended each semester, the POR returns to this empty issue just to antagonize liberals. But these actions not only annoy those on the left, they make the debate that the POR supposedly cherishes even more acrimonious. Instead of disrupting the liberal hegemony of the PU, the POR merely tinkers with the rules and procedures.

The other party on the right that could offer some hope is the Tory Party. Tories pride themselves on their oratorical skills, and many of their debates are quite interesting. But the Tory members prefer to be insular and do little to change people's political thinking. The end result is a small

Frames available $99 and up. contribution to Yale's political discourse.

But there is a future for political debate on campus. Last year during the primary season students strongly supported disparate candidates for president. For the first time in four years, liberals had a chance to be for someone instead of against Ronald Reagan. The liberal political establishment, including the College Democrats who otherwise contribute little to campus issues, fought over Gore, Simon, Dukakis, and Jackson. To hear from those on the left that there were some problems in the Democratic party was refreshing.

There was a similar opening up on the Republican side. As Co-chairman of Students for Dole in Connecticut, I was involved in getting Yale students to help with voter registration and go door-to-door both here and in New Hampshire. Many members of the Dole campaign considered themselves moderates who had avoided Yale politics because of the disappointing campus atmosphere. This campaign was their first political activity at Yale.

They were heartened to find a fair amount of Democrats who respected Dole and who would consider voting for him if they did not like the Democratic nominee. A small step towards opening a meaningful political dialogue, but important nonetheless.

It is too much to expect of any person not to pursue party loyalties right before a presidential election -the issues seem too clear for both sides. The rhetoric on campus will be strong in the coming weeks. After the election, however, there may be a chance to begin anew. A change in Presidential administrations brings in new plans and ideas no matter how vacuous the campaign has been. If people would examine their beliefs in a new political climate, discussion could, and should, flourish at Yale .

•

Brent Robbins is a senior m Berkeley College.

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10 The New JournaVOctober 21 , 1988

Down in the Dumps Florence Williams

Few people n oticed the closing of the West Haven landfill last spring until debris ended up in front of their houses.

Junked cars were everywhere-600 decaying on the streets of New Haven alone. Lois Davis, a resident of the Hill neighborhood, frequently complained to the police about the rusting hulls piling up near her home. "It was a real eyesore-just disgusting," she said. But the cars remained all summer. There was no place else for them to go.

Michael Schiavone and Sons, Inc., the only major car-shredder in the state, normally would shred abandoned cars and then dump the fluffy interiors in the West Haven landfill. But when the dump closed, the business came to a halt. No other landfill operators wanted to accept the bulky fluff, estimated at 20,000 tons a year.

Landfill space has become precious in Connecticut, where 44 dumps have already reached capacity. Only two new landfills have been approved in the last ten years. But nowhere is the burgeoning garbage crisis more evident than in New Haven . With the closing of the West Haven dump, New Haven's Middletown Avenue landfill must absorb an additional 400 tons of g~rbage a week, limiting the life of the ctty dump to only one more year. On t?p of this problem, the neighboring City of Stratford has abandoned plans for an incinerator that would have burned 60 percent of New Haven's

waste. Now, New Haven residents are confronting a trash nightmare: the prospect of thousands of tons of solid waste with no place to go.

Dwindling space is not the only issue confronting those dependent on the landfill. A dump may look like an inert pile of rubbish, but eyen everyday garbage such as an old magazine or a plastic wrapper contains heavy metals and toxic compounds. When it rains on these materials, the chemicals can leak into the ground and contaminate the

"Is this a garbage crisis? Yes, and I don't see the kind of action we should be showing for a crisis." water supply. This problem is especially significant in Connecticut, where 32 percent of the residents rely on groundwater. Because of the health hazards, the state is reluctant to create new dumps.

With existing landfills almost full, administrators must search for new technologies. Incineration is a method of disposal that many municipalities find increasingly attractive. Garbageburning facilities, called resource recovery or trash-to-energy plants, can

handle enormous quant1t1es of waste.

Although the plants are costly, they generate electricity through steam as they burn garbage. Over the past ten years, as landfills have closed, Connecticut has invested in more resource recovery than any other state. Seventyfive percent of the state's garbage is committed to eight trash-to-energy plants currently operating or under construction. But the state wants even more, including one in the New Haven area.

Communities, however, are reluctant to host the trash-burning facilities. Many residents fear air pollution from chemicals emitted in the burning process. Smokestack emissions from plants built in the past have included everything from acid gases to dangerous organic compounds. Perhaps most frightening are dioxins: Tests have shown them to be carcinogenic and extremely toxic. Another potentially hazardous component of incineration is the ash, which like unburned garbage, contains heavy metals that can enter groundwater.

In 1982, New Haven began plarming a trash-to-energy facility near its harbor, in Fair Haven. But local citizen groups, worried about the dioxin threat, waged a highly vocal war against the proposal. Their concerns were not without warrant: In 1977, the state closed a 13-year old incinerator in New Haven because stack emissions violated The New Jou;naVOctober 21, 1988 II

Rainbow Recycling: The New Haven Independent calls them recycling heroes. air quality standards. Reacting to the Fair Haven protests, the city abandoned the plan two years ago.

The defeat took the city administration completely by surprise, according to J ohn Hamilton, a member of Don't Dump On Us. His group was the main force behind the Fair Haven protest. "It blew their shorts off," he said. Hamilton believes that incinerators, despite their health risks, are often planned for crowded cities like New Haven and Stratford because the high numbers of poor residents give those cities little political power. "They don't expect one unified voice from places like Fair Haven, but with this issue, people hit the streets," Hamilton said. Opposition continues to gain force. This past summer, Stratford residents overthrew plans for an incinerator in their area.

The not-in-my-backyard syndrome has grown so severe that Connecticut legislators are considering aggressive ways to get plants built. One plan is to subsidize communities that agree to host an incinerator. More coercive, and more controversial, is a bill that would give the state power to override a community's refusal to accept a plant. If the 12 The New JournaVOctober 21, 1988

bill passes in the next state senate session, the Connecticut Department of Environmental Protection (DEP) can build facilities wherever it wants, and thereby protect its considerable investment in resource recovery.

Proponents of incineration argue that the technology is improving every day and that burning is a relatively safe and convenient way to treat waste. "The dioxin controversy is totally out of proportion," said Roger Koontz, a Hartford attorney specializing in energy issues. "No one really knows what levels of dioxin in the air exist. It's not likely the small amount from the plants is going to be a health hazard.

Connecticut has very strict [safety] levels." The ash can be managed safely, Koontz said, in special landfills with double linings and complex filter systems to avoid groundwater contamination.

But many New Haven activists believe the need for incineration can be bypassed altogether through recycling, a safe and cheap technology. A report prepared by D on't Dump On Us argued that recycling could eliminate as much as 70 percent of New Haven's stream of waste. But recycling is a

relatively new and alien concept in American waste management, and one not easily embraced by administrators.

While waste managers generally maintain that incineration and recycling can work together, environmentalists in New Haven think recycling will never get a fair chance if incineration moves next door. "The state's [commitment to incineration] seems to put a ceiling on recycling," said Suzanne Mattei, director of the New Haven-based organization, Connecticut Fund For the Environment. "We built the plants before we knew how much we could recycle." But she says it is not too late for New Haven to break out of the burn mentality. "I am more and more believing that it is possible to reduce waste enough through recycling that we d on't have to incinerate."

Hamilton believes that many bureaucrats prefer incineration because it is easier to implement than recycling. He points out that city adminstrators would prefer to work through established channels. "They'd love to have a way to solve this in a two-hour appointment with a banker and an engineer," he said . Recycling, however, requires grass-roots organization. "It's messy.

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You have to deal with people. John DeStefano doesn't have time," he said of New Have~'s Chief Administrative Officer.

But John DeStefano has reacted to pressure from local recycling activists, as well as from DEP, which last year required that cities recycle 25 percent of their garbage by 1991. Spurred on by both fronts, DeStefano and members of the newly formed Solid Waste Management Commission spent the summer fine-tuning a program that will gradually introduce the recycling ethic to New Haven. The first component of the program involves installing voluntary drop-ofT centers with igloo-shaped, color-coded receptacles for collecting newspapers, bottles, and cans. Next is an experiment with collecting sorted recyclables from private homes in a target neighborhood. The city has also begun its own office paper recycling program, using recycled paper in two municipal buildings. And a government council is currently reviewing proposals for a regional recycling plant that would clean and prepare materials for reuse. If the New Haven program is successful, it will be the most extensive in Connecticut. But now, a year after

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the campaign was announced, the city has yet to collect a single bottle.

Critics of DeStefano's program such as Vincent Marottoli, a citizen serving on the solid waste commission, feel the city is not moving fast enough. "Is this a garbage crisis? Yes, and I don't see the kind of action we should be showing for a crisis."

D eStefano and his staff say the process is necessarily a slow one. A recycling campaign aimed at the entire city is .a monumental task, they say. To educate people about recycling, the city n eeds across-the-board advertising in newspapers, on television, through direct mail, and possibly in inserts with gas or telephone company bills. Members o f the commission feel such a b road -based advertising campaign is especially important in New H aven, where illiteracy is so pervasive. The city will probably hire a communications specialist to handle these concerns.

New H aven's widespread poverty may also pose a difficulty for recycling coordinators. To motivate recycling, the city must first prove itself worthy of the effort. Solid waste coordinator Sue W eisselberg says that before the formal ed ucation campaign begins, the city must be cleaned up. She believes that people will recycle only if they feel that a clean city improves their quality of life.

"It's an incremental process," she said.

"This is not a suburban community of the white, middle class," DeStefano add ed. "We have all the challenges of an u rban area."

But some critics wonder if the administration's agenda will really meet those challenges. Community activist Hamilton thinks that the city's hesitation in recycling is an expression of racism and self- p rotection. "The city thinks poor people, black people won't recycle." In fact , he said, they won't recycle only so lo ng as N~w H aven

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continues to ignore their needs. If New H aven's priorities remain office space and condominium development rather than education and low- incom e housing, people won't care about recycling, Hamilton said. "In order for people to recycle, they need to feel invested and empowered in the comm unity, a part of society." Only when the city realizes the extent of reciprocity required will mun icipal attitudes change. "For me, that's exciting.

(R ecycling] has the poten tial to make major social concessions."

Meanwhile, segments of the comm u nity a re eager to recycle right now.

Alderwoman Robie Pooley grew tired o f waiting for the city and has initiated her own newspaper recycling program near East Rock. Pooley, a Republican rep resenting Ward 19, has convinced 200 of her neighbors to recycle their papers in conjunction with the

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Residents of Benhaven collect the papers once a week and sell them for a small profit to a recycling center in West Haven. "When you have a problem, you have to give a solution a try," Pooley said. "I'm a dose-eyes-holdnose-and-jump kind of person . The city, I feel, is overly cautious. Let's move it, folks!"

Pooley believes a comprehensive newspaper recycling program could start today. So does Jake Weinstein, a resident of the West River neighborhood. He runs a fledgling operation called Rainbow R_e cycling, picking up people's recyclables twice a month for six dollars per house.

Weinstein started collecting from friends' houses last spring, loading a 1967 Ford pick-up and taking the separated garbage to the Freddy Fixer recycling center located by the dump.

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Freddy Fixer would then seU the materials to major recycling plants. The idea has grown so popular that this faU he switched to a bigger truck, now servicing 170 households and a number of small businesses. The New Haven Independent has heralded him as a "recycling hero."

"Starting this little project has had a galvanizing effect on the people of New Haven," Weinstein said. "It's given them an opportunity to recycle where they were frustrated before." In addition to making people happy, recycling has huge economic potential "I want recycling to become a part of the economic fabric and not just an ethical thing. To do anything in our society, we have to change economic relations."

Rainbow Recycling has done just that, saving commercial clients hundreds of dollars a month in dumping fees by carting away bulky recyclables. "This is a very profitable business," he added.

But Weinstein is not in it for the money, in fact, he and his new partners hope to work themselves out of existence by turning the job over to the city.

Their basic goal is to prove that recycling can work for residences a'l weU as for business. Whether the city will take their success as proof remains uncertain.

In the meantime, officials are trying to ease the garbage crunch by keeping the present dump alive as long as possible. In an effort to make using the landfill less attractive, the city recently doubled the cost of dumping for commercial haulers from S48 to S98 a ton .

This increase is passed directly to businesses and apartment buildings, which are finding the idea of recycling more and more appealing.

DeStefano and the solid waste commission have also presented 12 ordinances to the Board of Aldermen .

The most controversial of these is a total ban of corrugated cardboard from the landfill, with fines as high as S5,000 for violations. Cardboard takes up more

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DeStefano's office is compiling a list of recycling companies that will accept the cardboard. Other proposed ordinances would prohibit residents from dumping bulk trash on Saturdays and create five "public space inspectors" to issue civil fines for illegal disposal.

DeStefano expects these measures to prolong the life of the landfill by several months. The city engineer has also applied to DEP for a permit to expand the dump·, requesting ten extra vertical feet and a horizontal expansion of the south side. If DEP grants the permit, the life of the landfill could double to

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Sooner or later the city will have to make long-term decisio.ns. While incineration may be easier to implement from a bureaucratic perspective, the city would then have to contend with strong community resentment. Recycling may be cheaper and safer, but it might not be effective without a profound alteration in urban conditions. However the city chooses to treat solid waste, it will have to weigh the needs of the administration against those of the community. In choosing where to build plants and what kind of disposal to employ, New Haven has far more at stake than simply where it will put its garbage.

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women practjce with the team. Staying irt a group helps them improve tht"ir

performance by traif\ing with better runners, Young builds conljdcnce rather than competitiveness by assigning a leader for each mile¡, whom no one may pass. This strategy has worked. The only athlctcs to b<"al Yale in tbe national meet last year came from schools ttiat recruit with sizable athletic scholarships. The runners' group effort has developed their skill and pro,¡ided them with support.

Sarah P. Smith (CC '89), team captain, chan~cs from champion to cheerleader as soon a-. she and the other three leading runners fini11h a race. Coaxing runners towards the last marker with an enthusiastic *good job" or "keep going." she tries to give back some of the help she ha~ received from the team. "I know that if I had gone to a smaller school where maybe as a freshman I would have been the number one runner, I would never be

"Running is not a feminine thing to do.

You go out and you sweat and you build muscle instead of fat in nice places."

Sarah E. Smith and Sarah P. Smith

group. Ranked by recruiters as one of the top high school distance runners in the nation, she received a lot of attention from colleges where students, as she puts it, run for a salary. But she did not want to compete for a school that demanded its investment pay off.

Beck chose Yale, expecting to excel on the team. Although she considered Young the best coach in the Ivy League, she had no idea of the strength of Yale's runners. And if she had, Beck probably wouldn't have come. "It was a real surprise to get here and not be number one on the team, because I just figured that Yale is an Ivy League school- they don't really take their sports seriously," she says. Beck became one of the team's top four runners, but not the decided leader. . After a year of competing, Beck began to fit in. "If you come into the team with a competitive attitude, you are going to be stewing in your own juices because there is no one to compete against," she says. "It doesn't occur to anyone to be competitive because it is such a waste of time to be competitive with people you spend two hours every day with." Although occasionally she still feels a little out of 20 The New JoumaVOctober 21, 1988

place as the only Literature major among many pre-meds, she says it is only because conversation during longdistance runs can be like biology sections. Beck says she now views racing as something required in order to keep training with the team.

The training is what brings the women together-often up to three hours a day. The runners' success has depended on the regular practice of their sport and on the unique training program, incorporating a special pool workout that serves as a model for other schools. After building up their mileage over the summer, the athletes start the year with 45-50 miles of running a week. They run eight miles two of those days. In between these distance runs, they have pool workouts at 8:00 in the morning and interval workouts- short, fast bouts of running- in the afternoon. All this prepares the runners for Friday meets.

On Saturdays, even after a competition, the athletes run 10-12 miles, and every other Sunday is a light day of 3-5 miles. Weight lifting is optional.

Kristin Perini (ES '90) works well under this system. She transferred to Yale last semester from Harvard and

may provide the team with the strong fifth runner it lacks. In cross country meets, only the first five finishers score. Although Yale has four powerful runners, it needs a fifth. This season marks Perini's first cross country racing in two-and-a-half years. She was the number one distance recruit from high school, but burned out on running and quit Harvard's team the end of her sophomore year. Now. after time off and a new school, she has joined Yale's team and has regained interest in running. "I've never been on a team that is so supportive of one another," Perini says. At Harvard, the coach never let the top runners develop into a team and pushed them to the point of injury-running up to 20 miles even the day after a meet. Perini spent most of her two years injured.

Still nursing running injuries and a summer-long lung infection, she is having a frustrating recovery. Slowly, she has improved her running times.

But this cross country season might be her last: She may be disqualfied next season for exceeding a five-year limit on enrollment as an undergraduate.

Coach Young calls ¡ Perini the

Featuring Tomato Plea (Pizza): small, large, or by the alice. hardest worker on the team. Longdistance runners are notoriously ded icated, and their intensity sometimes makes them push too hard.

If anything, one of Young's most crucial roles is to temper team members' zeal. "If someone wanted to run more miles, Mark probably would not let them," Smith says. "It's important that you put those-limits on som eone who is a distance runner because you can become compulsive about it. It's very easy to think more is better, but what happens is that you just destroy yourself." Young keeps in close touch with the runners and alters the practice schedule if they are injured.

Rebecca Rivkin (ES '90) appreciates Young's conscientious coaching style. "I really feel guilty if I miss a workout because that's the way I am. I feel like I always have to be there for the team , be there for myself. But sometimes if you're not feeling well, he's not the type of coach that says, 'Even if it hurts, run through it.' He's the opposite," Rivkin says. When Rivkin was injured last winter, she worked out in the pool twice a day and didn't run on the roads at all. When she returned to racing, Susanna Beck and Rebecca Rivkin

she felt even stronger than before. Her performance qualified her for the Olympic trials in a long-distance event.

The team's pool workouts mean that the runners can train less on the road than most cross country athletes. In the pool, the women still run- without touching the bottom. Then, holding onto a rope, they do intervals. Young estimates that each session in the pool adds five to seven miles to the total weekly distance without adding those miles in road-impact. This practice has created a marked decrease in injuries for the team. The Yale women's cross country team is one of the first in the country to use pool exercise.

Young started the pool program in 1984, his fifth year coaching. Two of his athletes had severe stress fractures , and he decided to experiment with an exercise regimen in the pool to help them stay in shape. When one of those women set her best time in a track meet with only a few weeks of road 'training foliowing her recovery, Young immediately started all the longdistance runners on morning water workouts. S ince then he has seen far fewer injuries from overuse.

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Coach Yo ung tells the runner s: " You go to cla ss. I get p a id to w orry."

Women athletes are particularly concerned about injury. "You get to a point when you are running 60 or 70 miles per week, and your bodies break down, particularly women's," Young explains. Medical researchers have only partial answers for women's greater susceptibility to InJUry as compared to men's. Intensive exercise can lead to lower estrogen levels, which can cause stress fractures and the bone d isease osteoperosis. Women's wider hips put greater pressure on joints,~ . especially the knees. The pool workouts h ave made these localized health concerns far less prominent for the team.

The women have more generalized health concerns as well. Many of these athletes don't menstruate, a condition called amenorrhea. Those who do get their period often have irregular cycles. The run ners may lack the necessary body weight for normal menstruation ; inadequate nutrition combined with rigorous exercise can also play a role.

Manydoctors believe it is dangerous if women do not shed the uterine lining every three months. Some members of the team have never gotten their periods because they were running throughout adolescence, and these women could r isk infertility. A few of the athletes decided to go on the Pill to induce a regular cycle. But most of them have stopped, u ncomfortable with taking artificial ho rmones.

A nemia, o r iron deficiency, has also been a problem for the team in the past, keeping last year's captain from

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Long-distance running causes slight b ut steady gastro-intestinal bleed ing, which partially explains the prevalence of anemia in both men and women runners. Now all team members are tested at the beginning of the season and take iron supplements if necessary. The cross country teams are the only ones at Yale to receive blood tests as a grou p.

The group members help each other deal with these problems. But the health issue that comes up more than any other is weight. H ow much the runners weigh, whether they are too heavy o r too thin , what kind of food is

Young realizes that controlling weight falls between discipline and an obsession for many runners. good for them, how little someone is eating- these are all topics the women say never really leave their conversat ion. The typical body type on the team is thin . Some of the runners ar e even skinny . Whereas athletes say that weigh t that doesn't work for them works against them, a few team members feel this philosophy can go too far.

At times the team's group dynamics have wor:ked against the runners by setting a low body weight as the standard.

Sarah E. Smith (ES '91 ) noticed this standard as soon as she joined the team her freshman year. "I came here, and I thought I was the heaviest person on the team because everyone was just so thin," she says. To d istinguish between Sarah E. Smith and the captain, Sarah P . Smith , teammates call them "the younger Sarah" and "Sarah, the elder.~ Last year the younger Sarah set a course record as the fastest freshman in

the league and has now moved in to the top fou r. Although she hasn't lost weight to fi t in with the team, she still feels self-conscious around the others.

"I still look at myself, compare, and think 'If you lost weight, you would be a better runner,"' she says.

For some of her teammates, keeping weight on is a problem. Each hour of running burns around 1,000 calories more than what the average person uses in the course of a day. To compensate becomes a difficult task when team members try to stay vegetarian and eat healthful foods from the dining hall. Young encourages the runners to eat a lot, to make up for the calorie-loss, but he realizes that he has little .influence. There are many aspects of the team that he can't affect. "P eople are going to have to get that lab done, they are going to have to get that paper in, and they are going to pull all-nighters. They are going to be emotionally drained and strained as well as physically drained and strained and doing that on top of training.

T hose are the things I don't have any control over," Young says. "So what I do is have nightmares about it."

Team members' weight is not only a

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Kristin P erini: " rve n e v e r bee n o n a team that is so suppo rti ve of one another."

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Pool practice strengthens the runners without causing injury, even at 8 a.m. problem Young can't solve, it is also one of the most important concerns for the team. Young realizes that controlling weight falls somewhere between discipline and obsession for many runners. The easy description would be anorexia nervosa, an eating disorder that is a documented disease for many long-distance runners. And in the past, some team members have been diagnosed with the disorder. One woman was pulled from competition because she weighed under 95 pounds -a high figure compared to the 88 pounds she had weighed earlier that year. But Young warns against taking severe examples like this as the rule.

"Anybody who sees somebody as thin, there's a popular tendency to label that as anorexic. There have only been a couple of people who actually fit the definition of anorexia," he says.

If a runner does have an eating disorder, then Young steps in with help from University Health Services. The anorectic is assigned a "weight doctor" who monitors the athlete's progress towards a healthy weight. A runner identified with a problem now must consistently come in at 100 pounds to be allowed to race, regardless of height

and build. Dr. Jane Rasmussen, chief of student medicine, who set the level, says the 100-pound standard must be the very minimum. By scheduling weigh-ins anywhere from once a week to daily, she has had success in getting anorexic runners to attain a safe weight.

But the solution to serious weight problems goes beyond a balanced diet and following doctors' advice. There is a psychological motivation that keeps some runners both exercising and starving themselves. "I don't think it has anything definitely to do with running, but I think there is a type of personality-you want to excel, you want to be noticed," Rivkin says.

Perini agrees that extreme thinness stems from other problems, but she sees running as conducive to obsessiveness. She has the most solid build on the team, which at most means she has broad shoulders. Perini feels that her body type can help off-set the thin image of the team. "I feel like I can set an example," she says. "I am bigger than a lot of the girls on the team, and I think I can prove- if I start running well- than you can be pretty big and still run well."

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Often concerns about a runner's weight get aired among the team m embers. That's why last fall , a few of the athletes started to worry about the current captain. Sarah P. Smith had unintentionally dropped ten pounds over the course of the season, just because she was trying to stick to healthy foods. "Sometimes I get so wrapped up in the season and I don't realize it, and I then step on a scale and it's a shock. It's like, 'Oh, my God, I thought I was eating, but I guess I wasn't.' And that just shouldn't happen. It's not like I have that much to lose." She knows she is below a natural weight for non-runners, but is pleased to have gained back the ten pounds.

All the runners on the team share a common image as women athletes.

"For a man to be an athlete, you are working toward the ideal body image or the ideal image of what a man should be," Captain Smith says.

"When you're a woman athlete, you're going against the social ideal of what a woman should be. I know that I don't look very womanly. Running is not a feminine thing to do. You go out and you sweat and you exert yourself and you build muscle instead of fat in nice places." Their sense of identity as women brings them together not only as teammates but also during competitions. "You're notjust running for yourself. You're running for your team. You're all out there together, you're breathing hard, you're all going through the same pain. And you know that if your teammate during a race is going to go through that, then you can," Rivkin says. At the team's first meet, the women ran in a tight group.

Rebecca Rivkin fell twice, but her teammates waited for her to recover.

They slowed their own times to include her in their finish. Kristin Perini struggled but ended with a pretty good time . Warm-down was several more miles of running .

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The New Journal Thanks:

Andrea Assarat Byron Auguste Bronwyn Barkan Margaret Chen Janet Chung Ethan Cohen Ruth Conniff Liam Crotty Chandak Ghosh Lisa Gluskin David Greenberg Suneeta Hazra Regina Hillman Sarah Hollenbeck Hank Hsu Shelley Kephart Chris Kutz

Peter Levine Andrienne Lo Jennifer Middleton Michele Mitsumori Stewart Moritz Ken Obel Jennifer Pitts Brent Robbins Margo Schlanger Lisa Silverman Strong-Cohen Graphic Design Tom Strong Stefanie Syman Abigail Trillin Florence Williams Melissa Wynkopp

•

Skye Wilson, a -senior in Calhoun College, is managing editor of TN].

The New j ournaJ/O ctober 2 1, 1988 25

----

Breaking Up the Party Cynthia Cameros The sign outside reads "Office of Registrars" and to the right stands an automatic voting machine. Inside the - office, Clerk-typist Sharon Ferrucci talks on the phone. Althea Tyson, the deputy registrar, ftles papers at her desk three feet away. These few feet seemed much greater just over a month ago when the two women were battling for the position of Democratic Registrar of Voters. The Democratic party passed over Tyson, a black woman, and nominated Ferrucci for the job- breaking a 120-year-old tradition of handing the 26 The New j ournaVOctober 21 , 1988

pos1t10n to the deputy. Tyson challenged Ferrucci, an Italian, but lost by a small margin in the primary. The office seems quiet now; Ferrucci will take over her new post in November.

But the fight has led to accusations that the Democratic party in New Haven excludes those who might make too much noise.

Political battles in New Haven rarely arise between Democrats and Republicans. Ten out of eleven registered voters in the city are Democrats, and there has not been a Republican mayor

since 1952. Instead, the conflicts arise within the Democratic party: between its liberals and its conservatives, the developers and the slow-growth advocates, and the Irish and the Italians.

Italian names top City Hall's roster, but they still retain the sttpport of a broad coalition. During Mayor Ben DiLieto's eight years in office, he has faced only an occasional challenge to his post, and last year he won his reelection by a landslide. This year, the DiLieto machine has met more than a few challenges, and anothe; may arrive

with next November's mayoral race.

The job for which Tyson and Ferrucci were vying, the Registrar of Voters, is a low proftle but crucial position in the Democratic machine.

The registrar oversees voting in the city by setting the polling places and organizing voter registration. The outgoing Democratic Registrar Frank Rossi did not have an active registration policy, but Tyson, his deputy, wanted one. In a city where the minority population is growing from 38 percent m 1980 to an expected 58 percent in 1992, active registration would mean that most new voters would be minorities. Tyson tried to make voter registration a practice.

She says that this policy scared the machine. "My feeling is that the Democratic party in the city of New Haven is afraid more blacks and Hispanics will register to vote and through that process obtain some power," Tyson said.

It was this fear, Tyson believes, that made the machine play it safe and encourage Ferrucci to oppose her for registrar. But according to Ferrucci, "It was a personal thing I had to do for myself. I made the decision to run."

Both candidates began their campaigns by trying to gain the party nomination from the Town Committee-the 60 ward chairs who elect the party's officers. Nomination is tantamount to election in New Haven because Democrats don't run against Republicans, who have their own Registrar of Voters. The evening in late July when the Town Committee had to choose, they dined at the Mel~bus Club. In the

basement room, hazy with cigarette him. "She seemed to expect the nomismoke, the roll call began ward by nation would fall into her lap because ward. As Town Chairman Arthur she was the deputy registrar."

Barbieri announced their final vote of From where 19th Ward Co-chair AI 38-16 for Ferrucci, the dinner broke up. Mayhew sat, the committee's vote A small group of Tyson supporters rose looked like a power struggle. "The from their seats and marched out of the switch was unfair, given her ability and room , carrying placards implying that time in the position (of deputy the vote was racist. Several supporters registrar). She deserved to be registrar," of Ferrucci called this disruption "ruae." Mayhew said. Since Tyson had served Ferrucci's supporte rs on the Town in her position for 11 years, it wasn't a Committee deny that their politics are question of her competence, he said . "It racist. They said they chose Ferrucci was a question of control," said Frank because she was friend and was Logue, former mayor of New Haven, competent. Richard Abate, a 14th who believes that Tyson was less Ward Co-chair, said the committee malleable than her colleague. should nominate the most qualified "Ferrucci was a friend of the party. person rather than hand the job over to When you have primary elections withthe next in line. "The position shouldn't in the party, the registrar of voters is an be a question of tradition, but whether important figure." He claims that the we believe the person is going to get the Democratic Town Committee was job done. rve known Sharon for 15 solicited by the town chairman to years. I knew I could count on her to support Ferrucci. But joe Carbone, the get the job done." Although he couldn't mayor's executive aide, said that the recall any instance when Tyson failed to ward chairs made their decisions do her job, her casual attitude bothered independently.

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Without the nomination, Tyson decided to go ahead with the fight and petitioned to run against Ferrucci in a primary. She decidc::d to run as a matter of principle. Tyson felt that she deserved the job, and since she planned on retiring in four years, she felt she had nothing to lose. This pragmatic bent is evident in her campaign; she did not want to alienate any group so she left the issue of racism to the media.

"We had trouble dealing with the "R" word," said Shirlee Taylor Haizlip, Tyson's campaign manager. "White people are uncomfortable dealing with the subject." ¡ While Tyson rallied for fairness, Ferrucci had difficulty deciding on a campaign issue . Shortly after the convention, the registrar disqualified hundreds of invalid signatures on Tyson's petitiOn for a primary.

Competence became the slogan of the Ferrucci campaign. Tyson herself dismisses the incident as something drummed up by the machine to discourage her from running. When that didn't work, Tyson claims that the Town Chairman offered her a civil service job that would pay ten or fifteen

thousand dollars more than deputy registrar. Chairman Barbieri admits that he offered her another job, but says that money never entered into the arrangement. Barbieri and the machine did have reason to worry. Despite the forces working against Tyson, she lost by only 7 50 votes.

This narrow election margin reveals some weaknesses in what was, under the operation of former Town Chairman Vinnie Mauro, a fine-tuned political machine. After seven years as town chairman, Mauro died in an auto accident last December. Barbieri, who had held the job from 1953 to 1978, seemed a logical replacement. For his early political work, he earned the title "the great conciliator." But Barbieri had some catching-up to do and was unable to fill Mauro's shoes. According to former mayor Logue, "Mauro over the years learned the value of inclusive politics. He came to the belief that inclusive politics were winning politics ."

Some see a power vacuum at the top of the party, which has allowed a recent breakdown in operations.

The machine did churn out many

Ferrucci was able to send out three campaign mailings citywide while Tyson could afford only one targeted mailing. ~ ~ ~

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votes for Ferrucci in Bellavista and the East Shore, its most reliable wards.

Although the majority in these districts voted for Ferrucci, the turnout was a disappointment for Tommy Antarino, 17th Ward Co-chair. In his East Shore ward only 35 percent of the registered voters cast a ballot. "There was not any interest in that position," Antarino explained of the general apathy toward the low-profile post. And even in Ferrucci's home ward, Fair Haven, 38 percent of the registered voters came out. Ward Chair Abate compared coaxing voters to the polls with pulling teeth. While others attribute the close election to supporters' assumptions that Ferrucci would win, some were surprised by the results.

The Tyson camp was equally surprised- because they didn't think they would do so well. Tyson even found a few votes where she didn't expect to.

She gained some votes in a backlash against Mayor DiLieto's opposition to the opening of Ceasar's Department Store. And the voters in Ward One, who are mostly Yale students, came out 170 to 3 in favor of Tyson, reflecting not only support for Tyson but a protest against the change in polling location to off-campus. Although Rossi says the move had nothing to do with a fear of Tyson support in that ward, President of the College Democrats Carla Finkelstein has doubts. "The only reason we can think that the polling place was moved was to keep away Yale students," Finkelstein said. Sixty-five more students voted than in the mayor's primary . Finkelstein believes that turnout would never have been so high if the polling spot hadn't been changed.

This voting windfall could not compensate for Tyson's limited support among the city's blacks. The average turnout in the city's seven predominantly black wards was only 16 percent. The record black turnout for Jesse Jackson in the city's Democratic presidential primary last spring provided the Tyson campaign with an example of what they m1gnt accomplish. The high profile of the Tyson/Ferrucci election¡ and the media

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LaserWriter NT Tyson swore off campaigning after her own battle. She plans to continue registering voters through the November election. play on the issue of racism also made Tyson supporters·think that they might receive a higher turnout than usual, especially in the black wards.

Mayhew, Co-chair of the 19th Ward, attributed the low black turnout to apathy. "They don't think primary elections are as important. If half the people who had promised to vote for us had gone out, we would have had a great turnout," Mayhew said. The leaders of Ward 20 worked hard to get people to vote and had the highest turnout of the black wards, with 21 percent of their registered voters. "The problem was the people in the area were lackadaisical," Mayhew said. Tyson's campaign manager, Haizlip, blames the ward chairs themselves for apathy.

'The ward chairs didn't pull out the vote for Althea. People will come out if they pull them out. People normally pull out the vote in black wards. They did not pull people out like they have in every other political race," she said. But Lisa Sullivan (GRD '90), a Tyson campaign aide, sees much more than apathy on the part of the chairs. She sees an active unwillingness to get out the vote.

Sullivan and others charge the city's black leadership with an historical

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loyalty to the machine. A number of blacks started in c\.ty politics during Barbieri's first term as town chairman.

Several local black leaders, including State Senator John Daniels, publicly supported Tyson's campaign. But the list of those who did not endorse her is longer. "As we got more involved in politics and we began to see what politics in New Haven is and what it isn't, we began to see problems with leadership in the black community," Sullivan said. "Its loyalty wasn't to its constituency, but rather to the machine.

My sense is that it's a moral dilemma . for them because I would grant that some of them do have some genuine concern for the state of the black community."

Even if the black leaders are restricted by the machine, they are no different from the average New Haven politician who must work with the machine to stay in office. This reality forced Tyson to look beyond the established black leadership for assistance on her campaign. In fact, that support sought her out. Sullivan and a group of other young blacks entering New Haven politics carne to form the backbone of Tyson's campaign. "Here

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Arthur Barbieri epitomizes the old-style politician. we came from nowhere, beholden to no one, except for, probably, our idealistic values of what politics ought to be in our community," Sullivan said. If they were idealistic about politics, they were nonetheless pragmatic about the organization of the campaign.

A core group of 55 people, who averaged 24 years of age, rallied for Tyson. But their enthusiasm caused some problems as well. Tyson's faulty qualifying petitions exposed her campaign workers' inexperience. This inexperience created a more serious misunderstanding between the Tyson workers and the established black leaders. "They felt that we were moving in on their turf and using the Tyson campaign as a reason. They created the imaginary issue of the turf war," Sullivan said. The youths' aggressive campaigning may have threatened New Haven's black leaders, or given them an excuse for not backing Tyson.

Although Tyson's campaign staff may have scorned the "beholden" black leaders, they nevertheless recognized that a unified black effort was their only chance to win the nomination. They wanted the black community to unite behind Tyson like it had behind Jackson. "Around the Tyson race we never said, 'Wedon't want you guys to get involved with us. Stay away.' It was the exact opposite. Together, maybe, we could pull this off," Sullivan said.

"We saw the Tyson race as a forerunner to the mayoral race. If we could pull off a citywide victory for Althea, then we were that much closer to City Hall."

Tyson lost the race and won't be

campaigning again any time soon. But her supporters will continue to work in New Haven politics. They still see placing a black in the Office of Registrar of Voters as an important first step, especially in order to expand minority registration. But they · have fartherreaching goals: They want to put a black in the office of mayor. State Senator John Daniels just may try to make that jump next year.

Inside the office of Senator Daniels, photographs capturing his political career cover the wall. He sits looking over some papers. The media has targeted him as a probable contender in New Haven's mayoral race next November. He is positioning himself.to run against Mayor DiLieto next year, but is not straying far · from the machine. He is a moderate black politician, like Tyson. If DiLieto does not run for a third term, Daniels hopes to gain the Town Committee's nomination. But in trying to become the first black mayor in New Haven, he will have to learn from Tyson's campaign.

Daniels knows he faces a challenge.

No one is predicting that he will win-at least not this time. But he wants to prove to potential backers that he will be a worthwhile investment the next time around. According to Yale Professor of Political Science Douglas Rae, "New Haven will have a black mayor or Hispanic mayor in the next decade. That's a reality." But no one knows how a minority will really win.

Rae lists the groups Daniels must take like checking off items "on a shopping

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list. A successful insurgency would need the votes and financial support of white liberals, developers, Hispanics, three or four middle class white wards, and about 85 percent of the registered black voters. In order to come even close, Daniels has to run a cautious campaign.

According to Rae, "He can't run a racial campaign and make it work. He can't run a radical campaign and live with his past record." He can run on a critique of DiLieto's development policies, perhaps with a theme like "People Not Places."

The young black politicians who worked with Tyson could play an important role in· Daniels' campaign. They will probably lend him their help, but it would be erroneous to assume that the black community will automatically support a black candidate. In the 1987 mayoral race in New Haven, more blacks voted for DiLieto than for his black opponent, Bill Jones. Even if blacks don't vote against Daniels, they could seriously damage his election prospects by not voting at all.

Low black voter turnout could be the most likely scenario. From the bottom looking up, impoverished blacks see a monolithic machine. "For most of them, they think the black leadership in New Haven is bankrupt. They don't think this leadership can change the reality of their day-to-day existence," Sullivan said. From the top gazing down, the machine looks fragile. That seems to be why the Democratic leadership felt threatened by a black woman as Registrar of Voters. While the machine tries to retain control, Daniels is preparing for an upcoming campaign, and Tyson is busy registering more people to vote .

•

Cynthia Cameros, a ;unzor in Ezra Stiles Coll~ge, is associau editor of TNJ.

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