We Vikings

Frisians and Vikings in the Coastal Area of the Low Countries

WE VIKINGS

This book has been published on the occasion of the exhibition We Vikings Fries Museum, Leeuwarden, The Netherlands 19 October 2019 – 15 March 2020

WE VIKINGS Frisians and Vikings in the Coastal Area of the Low Countries

Edited by Marlies Stoter Diana Spiekhout Will Brouwers Nelleke IJssennagger-van der Pluijm Egge Knol Gilles de Langen Sjoerd Looper Martijn Manders Hans Mol Mans Schepers Jelle Schokker Diana Spiekhout Kees Veelenturf Peter Vos Annemarieke Willemsen

Waanders Uitgevers, Zwolle Fries Museum, Leeuwarden

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FOREWORD

‘Then Magnus chose the fifth right and all the Frisians agreed with his choice, namely that they did not want to serve in the army for any lord in any direction other than eastward as far as the Weser and westward to the Vlie, back home with the tide and out with the ebb, because they protect the river bank day and night against the king from the north and the flood of the wild Viking with the five weapons: with sword, with shield, with spade, with fork and with the point of the spear.’ Vikings and Frisians... Traditionally they are portrayed as two diametrically opposed parties, as in this OldFrisian legislative text of the Magnus rights from the thirteenth century. Indeed, dragon ships on the horizon did not bode well for the inhabitants of the elongated coastal plains of the Low Countries. All the same, Frisians and Vikings are closely linked.

Both were seafarers and traders who inhabited the North Sea coasts, with common denominators being language, religion and culture. The dividing line between them is, moreover, not as fixed as is often thought in the sense that Frisians sometimes became Vikings, went and lived in the same encampments and fought together. Between raids, daily life and work simply went on in Frisia.

The idea for the We Vikings exhibition arose from the academic research of former Fries Museum curator Nelleke IJssennagger, which culminated in her PhD thesis Central because Liminal. Frisia in a Viking Age North Sea World (University of Groningen 2017). After she became curator of the National Trust in Cornwall in 2018, the exhibition was further developed by her successor Diana Spiekhout together with junior curator Sjoerd Looper, whose assistance was made possible by a grant from the Prins Bernhard Cultuurfonds.

Private collectors and museums with prominent archaeological collections in the Netherlands as well

as in Denmark, Ireland, Norway, Sweden and the United Kingdom, entrusted us with their Viking Age treasures. The financial support from our sponsors was indispensable and of great importance to the creation of the exhibition as well as this publication.

We are extremely grateful to all of them.

This richly illustrated publication includes contributions from enthusiastic academics and curators from various disciplines who present their refreshing and balanced views on existing ideas about the Viking Age in Frisia. Special objects are given extra attention, and in accordance with the exhibition it also features stories about saints and heroes.

But the tangible legacy of We Vikings will extend beyond this book. The Fries Museum acquired the construction drawings of the small warship Skuldelev V. The remains of this original Viking ship are preserved in the Vikingeskibs Museet in Roskilde, Denmark. Students of the Maritime Engineering course at Regional Training Centre Friese Poort built a replica at the training shipyard in Sneek.

Under the guidance of teacher Richard Iliohan and shipbuilder Bein Brandsma these senior vocational education students spent more than a year working on the ship. A complex task, since the ship had to be constructed in parts so it could be taken in and out of the museum. The fear-inspiring dragon head was designed and crafted by wood carver Erno Korpershoek, and Sebastiaan Pelsmaeker of Arre Remaining History used traditional methods to make the characteristic round shields.

After the exhibition the separate parts of the ship will be joined together again, and for the first time in centuries a Viking ship will sail through Friesland once more. Who knows, it may just release the inner Viking in all of us.

Kris Callens Director Fries Museum

Norman longships, Bayeux tapestry, after 1068.

With special permission from the town of Bayeux, France

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Frisian salt marches in the Viking Age

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Rodulf

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Frisians and Vikings, a pack of heathens?

Diana Spiekhout

Warding off evil Kees Veelenturf Vikings and the Church in the Frisian lands

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Gilles de Langen, Hans Mol

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Walfridus

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Prosperity on the salt marshes Mans Schepers, Peter Vos

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A lost king Kees Veelenturf

Toiling on the Frisian dwelling mounds Egge Knol, Diana Spiekhout Egil

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Frisia on the horizon of the Viking world Nelleke IJssennagger-van der Pluijm 76 Danish adornment in Maastricht Kees Veelenturf

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Vikings and Frisians, seafaring peoples Will Brouwers, Martijn Manders

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Jeroen

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Viking archaeology of the Low Countries

Diana Spiekhout, Jelle Schokker 114

Hedeby combs Sjoerd Looper 134 Vikings and Frisians in Dorestad Annemarieke Willemsen Catla from Birka

Skol! Rhineland glass in Frisia and Scandinavia

Sjoerd Looper

136 150 152

Notes 156 Contributors 161 Bibliography 162 Lenders to the exhibition

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Photo credits 167 Colophon

Animal figures in Jellinge style, detail of Scandinavian horn, 900-1000.

Roman Catholic Parish Onze-Lieve-Vrouw-Tenhemelopneming, Maastricht

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Frisian salt marshes in the Viking Age Terps The terps were arranged in rows on stretches of land that were slightly elevated, called salt marsh ridges.

The natural growth of the salt marshes created new land for new terps, although initially this might mean no more than a single house on a mound.

Over time, these developed into village terps, which would typically be of moderate height.

10 On and around the terp The immediate vicinity of the terp was a hive of activity. Grass sods and loose clay were collected as building materials, leaving behind hollows and clay pits. Many terps would have been equipped with a small harbour. The terp inhabitants carried out artisanal activities like iron production and ironworking, slaughtering and weaving, not only for themselves but increasingly also for the market trade. Due to the activities of humans and animals, plant growth that is typically associated with farming villages arose on parts of the terps, including thistles and other weeds.

When the Vikings steered their ships east of the Vlie seaway they ended up in a vast area of salt marshes streaked with creeks and tideways and dotted with artificial dwelling mounds, called terps. But what did that terp landscape along the coast look like in the eighth and ninth century?

Ulco Glimmerveen made a reconstruction of the landscape, with input from Mans Schepers, DaniÍl Postma and Peter Vos. Step by step they discussed the best ways to visualize the current knowledge of the layout of this damp clay area and its inhabitants. A bird’s-eye view snapshot.

Grasslands Extensive species-rich grasslands dominated the treeless salt marshes. Salt-tolerant plants like glasswort and sea lavender grew on the lower areas. Sheep often grazed lower on the salt marshes than cattle. Some of the grasslands were used as hay fields.

Water The salt marsh landscape in the time of the Vikings consisted of a coastal plain intersected by creeks. When the water level was extremely high, the entire marsh area was flooded. To keep their homes dry, people built raised mounds, nowadays known as terps in Friesland and wierden in Groningen. The terp inhabitants connected their drainage ditches and channels to the creeks. Besides draining, these ditches were also used to divide up the land. The larger creeks were navigable and provided access to trade networks in the entire North Sea area and far beyond. Parts of the landscape around the terps were protected by summer dykes, which were also used for travelling on. A large fresh water basin, or dobbe, dug on the terp provided fresh drinking water for the livestock when the salt marshes were submerged. There was a well for the people.

11 Houses and other buildings In the Viking Age humans and cattle usually lived together under one roof, in longhouses that were twenty to thirty metres long. With good farming practices, besides the walls of stacked grass sods, part or even the entire farm could be built using support posts and wickerwork walls.

Posts were a precious commodity and were often quite short and crooked, made for instance from salvaged ships’ timbers. Traditionally, these were often used to build arched roof constructions. Sheds provided extra stable and storage space, while other smaller outbuildings were used for craftwork.

Crops and gardens The inhabitants lived on agriculture as well as livestock production. The salt marshes were cultivated with large fields of flax and barley. Closer to the terps, gardens were maintained with Brassica vegetables and dye plants such as woad. Other crops that were grown included hemp (for rope), broad beans and emmer wheat.

RODULF

story

In June, Rodulf, a certain Norseman of royal descent who had invaded Charles’ kingdom more than once to plunder and burn, brought a fleet to the county of Albdag [Oostergo, Friesland], in the kingdom of King Louis. He sent messengers ahead with the demand that the inhabitants of the region pay him tribute.

When they responded that they were obliged to nobody other than to king Louis and his sons, and that under no condition at all would they agree to his demands, Rodulf became furious. In his pride he swore that after all the men had been killed he would take away the women and children and all the movable possessions, not knowing the vengeance that would pursue him from heaven.

He immediately attacked their lands and started waging war against them. But they called on the Lord who had protected them so often against their enemies and they faced their evil enemy with armed resistance. A battle was fought and Rodulf was the first to fall, and eight hundred men with him. The rest, because they could not reach their ships, sought refuge in a certain building.

The Frisians laid siege to the building and discussed with each other what should be done with them. Different people had already said various things, when a Norseman who had been converted to Christianity and had lived for a long time among these Frisians and

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Source B. von Simson (transl.), Annales Xantenses et Annales Vedastini, Hannover 1909, 32-33. Retranslation: Grytsje Klijnstra

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story

who was the leader of their attack, addressed the others as follows: ‘Oh my good fellow soldiers, thus far we have done enough fighting, for it is not thanks to our strength but thanks to God we have conquered so many enemies with so few. You also know that we are totally exhausted and that many of us are seriously injured. Those people lying in there are desperate. If we fight against them, we will not defeat them without bloodshed. If they turn out to be stronger – for the outcome of the fight is uncertain – then they might overpower us and get away safely, after which they will still be able to do wrong against us. I think it is more sensible to take a few of them hostage and let a number of them go unharmed to the ships. In the meantime we will keep the hostages until they send us all the valuables that they have in their ships. They will also first have to swear an oath that they will never return to the kingdom of king Louis.’

The others agreed to this plan and after having taken a few men hostage, they allowed a few others to leave for the boats. They sent a truly huge treasure back and were given the hostages in exchange, after, as I said, having sworn an oath that they would never return to the kingdom of king Louis. Then they left, full of shame and losses and without their leader, back to their own country.

Frisians and Vikings, a pack of heathens?

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adboud, the bishop of Utrecht (circa 850-917), travelled to Frisia on a mission, namely to ‘….use his spiritual plough to rip apart the roots of the old heresy should it rear its ugly head again and sprinkle the hearts of the believers with evidence of faith.’ He thus wanted to repudiate the heathen customs of the Frisians and convert them once and for all to Christianity. The expedition was not without its dangers, as Radboud and his entourage encountered heathen Vikings on their journey. The bishop’s attempts to convert them ended in him being sentenced to death. In retaliation Radboud issued the anathema. The judgement of God was bitter, since many Vikings were struck by ailments and subsequently died.

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DIANA SPIEKHOUT

That is how it is described in the Vita Radbodi, the life of Saint Radboud.1 This text was set down in writing by an anonymous writer shortly after the death of the canonized bishop. A saint’s life such as this is intended in the first place to inspire the reader to also lead a pious Christian life, and should not be taken too literally. But the life of Radboud does contain some truths, as we will see in the articles in this publication. For while Frisia had been converted

after the Frankish conquest, not every Frisian adhered to the Christian faith immediately. From the fifth century the Frisians had concentrated mainly on the coastal areas along the North Sea. 2 In that period the North Sea inhabitants believed in gods like Odin and Thor and exchanged their material culture, sharing effectively what is sometimes referred to as a North Sea culture [1]. The arrival of the Franks did not mean that these centuries-old ties were broken immediately.

Prosperity on the salt marshes

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n the Viking Age, the period around 800 to around 900, today’s reclaimed sea clay landscape of Friesland was no more than an expanse of salt marshes. These salt marshes were covered with salt-tolerant plants on the lower reaches, but plants like dandelions and daisies also grew on the higher areas.

The landscape was interspersed with marsh creeks.

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MANS SCHEPERS PETER VOS

The higher silted marshes were dry for most of the year. They only flooded a few times a year, during high storm tides. The lower sections of the salt marsh coast, which bordered on the (tidal) sand and mud flats of the Wadden Sea, would flood more often with spring tides and storms.

The higher marsh areas were excellent for living on, provided that the land was raised higher so it remained free of floodwaters during storm tides.

A terp elevation of a good metre was sufficient.

Because the floodwater could spread across a large area, the low water that ended up on the salt marshes

was quite thin. This maximum water level above the salt marsh surface did not exceed 50 to 100 centimetres. During the times that the salt marshes lay dry, they were well drained via natural creeks.

Inhabitants further improved the drainage by digging ditches. It was definitely not a desolate and salty mudflat that was difficult to live on.

The creeks and ditches also provided good access via water to the salt marsh area [13]. So it was easy for the Vikings to penetrate with their ships into the northern Netherlands coastal area via the Wadden Sea and the water connections in the marshes.

GEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND AND HISTORY

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Extensive geological and geoarchaeological research over the past 50 years has resulted in a proper general understanding of the development and habitation history of the northern coastal area.1 During the Weichselian glaciation, the last Ice Age, the sea level was more than 45 metres lower than it is today.

A large part of the North Sea lay dry. This situation changed around 11,000 years ago when the climate on earth became warmer and large volumes of the ice cap at the north and south poles began to melt.

As a result, the sea level rose swiftly, at around one metre per century. The North Sea area was inundated and a few thousand years later the sea approached the northern Netherlands coast. As a result of this continuing sea level rise, the river valleys of the rivers Boorne, Hunze and Fivel drowned and turned into tidal basins. Together they would end up forming an interconnected system – the Wadden Sea. The rise in sea level slowed down around 4,000 years ago and those tidal basins started to silt up, gradually turning into land on the land side: the start of the formation of the salt marshes. In the Bronze Age large areas of salt marsh had already developed which would extend further in the subsequent Iron Age and Roman era. In the early Middle Ages – more specifically the Viking Age – the salt marshes in the north of the Netherlands had practically reached their

maximum size [14].

In the past two millennia the sea level rose between five and ten centimetres per century. This was caused mainly by subsidence of the land. But the regional changes in the coastal area were caused not so much by sea level rise as by the natural dynamics of the tidal systems themselves and the human interventions in the landscape. One example of natural dynamics is the growth of the Middelzee, which started around 3,000 years ago. At that time the Boorne tidal system in Westergo silted up due to the declining influence of the sea. The Middelzee took over the function of draining the hinterland on the eastern side and grew in size, which actually increased the influence of the sea there.

Human factors also played a part. The reclamation and drainage of the coastal peat landscape – the peatland that had formed between the higher sandy soils and the salt marshes of the Wadden Sea – resulted in significant subsidence, because of the draining. During storms the surface of the peat soils on the edges of the area would flood and as a result, silt up with marsh clay. Human interventions in the peat landscape already started in the late Iron Age and Roman era. They dwindled in the Migration Period, but resumed on a very large scale from the early Middle Ages.

13 The Boschplaat on Terschelling is a salt marsh landscape intersected with creeks.

FRISIA CIRCA 800

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legend

Holocene landscape (11.7000 years ago till present) Coastal Dunes Dunes and beach ridges Flooded areas Sand- and mudflats Salt marshes and fluvial flood plains Salt marsh levees and ridges Peat areas Peat Permanently submerged water areas Inner water: rivers and lakes Outer water: North Sea and tidal channels Pleistocene landscape (2.58 mln years ago till 11.700 years ago) Sand areas 14 Reconstruction of the paleo-landscape of the Netherlands and the coastal area of Northwest Germany around AD 800. Between the low-lying coastal area and the higher Pleistocene sandy soils a huge peat area had developed that has now largely disappeared. Dykes had not yet been erected in the coastal area’s saltmarshes around 800.

Map Peter Vos and Sieb de Vries, Geological Survey Netherlands – TNO / Deltares, Utrecht

Higher sand areas Symbols Outline of the current shore Creeks and waterways

A CURIOUS CHOICE?

A terp landscape can be said to have existed from 600 BC. The salt marshes flooded completely several times a year – it is the kind of landscape that presents challenges if you want to live there.

A community that sets its eye on moving there has four strategies to choose from. The first is to decide against moving there after all, if the scale tips the wrong way after the pros and cons have been considered carefully. This decision can always be taken later after a few successful generations, once the conditions seem to have changed.

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A second option is to use the landscape on an intermittent basis, a so-called transhumance system.2 This is a classic theory to explain the earliest occupation of the terp region: permanent habitation would have been preceded by a period of summer grazing only. The inhabitants would have abandoned the salt marshes in the winter months for the higher sandy ground. Convincing proof for this theory has never been found.

A third tactic is to adapt one’s house and surroundings to the conditions. The terps themselves in the terp region provide the clearest example of this. But the numerous ditches also bear witness to the fact that the inhabitants of the area made an effort to stay on top of the effects of wind and water on the landscape. This can be characterized as adaptive landscape management: living with the sea.

Dykes are an example of the fourth strategy for moving to a challenging landscape: completely changing the (eco) system. The relationship of the Dutch with water is often expressed in terms of a fight – ‘Dykes and terps were built by man to protect against the old enemy: the water from the sea, wad or river’ is how this was expressed a hundred years ago3 – but actually the terps are evidence of a philosophy that is essentially different to dykes.4 In the first centuries of dyke-building this indeed often went wrong, so that terps continued to be expanded, raised and constructed for centuries. 5 The terp era

therefore must certainly not be seen as a preliminary phase of dyking-in. From 600 BC the terp area was inhabited in varying densities as far as the large dykes which as a rule were constructed around the year 1000.6 A case in point is the fourth century after Christ, when the population density of the terp area dropped sharply.7 Obviously some of the population at the time must have chosen the first strategy: leave. As a result, the drainage ditches were no longer properly maintained and silted up. Because of the poor drainage, the area became wet again.

Peat growth even occurred at some places. In the early Middle Ages large parts of the salt marshes were colonized again and habitation on terps was continued. Drainage was attended to again, even more energetically than before.

What was life like for those people?

The people who lived on the salt marshes where the Vikings landed, were farmers. Natural sources formed at the most a supplement to the produce of their farming.8 This is not surprising. The marsh dwellers came from a tradition of thousands of years of a primarily agrarian existence. This does not mean that they were not continually adapting their practices.

One type of grain, barley, developed into the most important crop and remained so during the entire terp period. This grain was highly resistant to the conditions of agriculture on the brackish coast. Wheat was also constantly present, but in smaller volumes.

The legume of the salt marshes was the broad bean; flax and hemp provided the fibres for rope and clothes. The fields were not connected to the terp itself, but located higher in the marsh [16]. Recent and current experiments show that small adjustments to the landscape (in particular dug ditches) and proper consideration of the location of the fields can have a significant effect on the success of cultivation. The harvest from the fields were an essential component of the food supply, and good-sized areas must have been devoted to farmland.

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LIVESTOCK FARMING Nonetheless, livestock breeding was the chief reason for the colonization of the endless salt marsh area.

Cattle and sheep grazed there; the sheep on lower levels of the salt marshes than the cattle. In the summer grazing would have taken place at great distances from the terp, probably even on ‘new’ marsh ridges on which no terps had been built yet: seasonal residence within the terp area. The relationship between cattle and sheep differed per

15 ( object in exhibition) Bone combs from the terp area of Frisia, varying in length from 15 to 23 cm, 700-900.

Fries Museum, Leeuwarden | Collection Koninklijk Fries Genootschap

terp, and within the one terp over time. In Achlum for instance, cattle were clearly dominant in the Iron Age and the Roman era, but in the Merovingian and Carolingian period sheep had the upper hand.9 Livestock was kept for meat, milk, wool and skins of course, but the bones were also an important byproduct of livestock farming. The numerous objects made from bone and horn that have been found in the Frisian terps bear witness to this [15].10

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PRODUCE FROM THE SALT MARSH AND ELSEWHERE Of course it was not that people did not take anything at all from nature, but the terp inhabitants did not venture far out to sea. They did fish in the watercourses around the terps, for example for flounder, dab and eel.11 Whale bones (tooled) have been found in terps fairly regularly. They are not the remains of animals that were hunted, but of whales which would have washed up on shore.12 At least as important as the ecological produce from the salt marsh, was the salt marsh itself. In the early Middle Ages in particular the use of sods as a building material really took off. Where in previous periods we mainly find these sods in small dykes and the walls of water wells, now entire farms were being built from them. The reconstructed sod house in Firdgum is an example of this [17].13 A luxury product from the salt marsh is visible in

Wijnaldum. An increase in the remains of grassland birds like godwits and ruffs around the eighth century attests to the development of complicated catching techniques using clap nets. According to recent research, the availability of these new techniques could possibly be linked to the presence of a local elite.14 The material culture of the terp area, like coins, stone and imported ceramics, leaves no room for doubt that the inhabitants did not live in isolation from the wider world. Imported food remains are scarce, however. An early medieval wine barrel from Jelsum is a beautiful example of the remnants of imported wine [18]. Grapes were probably not unknown to Frisians in the early Middle Ages, but they were definitely a luxury item. In the entire terp area, only one grape has been found which can be dated for certain to this period.

16 Salt marshes with hayfields and crop fields. Detail of salt march landscape in the Viking Age (p. 8-9), Ulco Glimmerveen 2019

17 Reconstruction of an early medieval house built from sods in 2015, in Firdgum.

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18 Oak wine barrel with willow bands, found in Jelsum, h. 188 and Ă˜ 80 cm, 750-800.

Fries Museum, Leeuwarden | Collection Koninklijk Fries Genootschap

19 Wooden spade found in the terp of Mellema-State near Oostrum in 1904, l. 49 cm, 700-900. Fries Museum, Leeuwarden | Collection Koninklijk Fries Genootschap

APPEARANCE OF THE LANDSCAPE of course the terps themselves lay on the higher reaches of the marsh. Around them lay the grasslands.

All that activity had consequences for the ownership structure. Certainly on the higher parts of the salt marsh the village area of the one terp would blend into that of the other. Plot ditches marked out whose land was whose. There was no question of a completely egalitarian society.17 Visiting (or pillaging?) peoples from overseas would probably have been surprised by the resourceful and prosperous population they encountered in Friesland.18

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From the above it is evident that the terp landscape was inhabited and used intensively. That required a substantial effort. A wooden spade from Oostrum is a tangible relic of the work that was done [19].

Excavations at Achlum have shown that plot ditches, pits and wells stretched far into the natural marsh [20].15 The great diversity of activities on the salt marsh was clearly visible in the landscape, as can be seen in the landscape reconstruction [p. 8-9, 16].16 It was certainly not a question of a natural salt marsh with a terp on it as a kind of ‘cultural island’. The fields, the meadowlands and

20 Wine barrel used as a well lining, photographed during the excavation of the terp of Hogebeintum. Fries Museum, Leeuwarden | Collection Koninklijk Fries Genootschap

A LOST KING Kees Veelenturf

featured

they were an identifying mark, the function of which we do not know.

The chess pieces from Lewis were probably made in the Norwegian town of Nidaros, these days known as Trondheim. It is difficult to say whether the Frisian piece was made there too. In any case, it is the product of a less sophisticated carver, someone who was either still learning or a rather amateurish imitator. The piece could also have been made outside Norway. The king was probably the only piece lost here from a set; similar chess pieces have never been found since in Friesland.

This solitary monarch is a striking witness to two developments. First of all, he belongs to the introduction of the game of chess to the north of Europe, which took place in the late eleventh century or first half of the twelfth century.

The often-played, strategic board game tafl or hnefatafl would become less popular because of this, and even disappear in the nordic regions. regions. Furthermore, we see a metamorphosis in the stylistic execution of the carving of the Scandinavian chess pieces that have been passed down. The decorative styles from the Viking Age made way for the Norman style, the first really international art style since Late Antiquity, even though this piece unmistakably retained its northern character.

In the spring of 2019 the news included an item about a family in Edinburgh, Scotland, who owned a carved image which they hoped would fetch in the region of one million British pounds at auction.

In the end it was sold for 735,000 pounds; still a fortune. That is not surprising, since it is one of the missing pieces of the Lewis chessmen. These now world-famous twelfth-century chess pieces were found on the coast of the Scottish island of Lewis in 1831. They belong to four incomplete chess sets which are currently held by the British Museum in London and the National Museums of Scotland in Edinburgh. The Lewis chessmen, carved from walrus ivory, are favourites among the museums’ visitors due especially to their highly endearing design.

Their wide-eyed, expressive poses and gestures and striking details tickle our fancy.

The Fries Museum possesses a distant cousin of these chess pieces in the shape of a lonely king. He was found in 1938 beneath the printing establishment of the Leeuwarder Courant newspaper when foundations were being installed for a new printing press. This king is 20 to 30 millimetres shorter than his relatives from Lewis and less expertly carved in bone or ivory. Like the Lewis kings, this monarch sits on a throne. He too has his sword horizontally on his lap, but most of it has disappeared. Symbols on one side of the throne were once thought to resemble runes. Probably

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21 ( object in exhibition) King from a chess set, found in Leeuwarden, h. 6 and w. 2.7 cm, 1100-1200.

Fries Museum, Leeuwarden | Collection Koninklijk Fries Genootschap