World Migration Report 2020 by United Nations Publications

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2020

This volume is the result of a highly collaborative venture involving a multitude of partners and contributors under the direction of the editors. The World Migration Report 2020 project commenced in May 2018 and culminated in the launch of the report in November 2019 by the Director General at the 110th session of IOM Council. The findings, interpretations, conclusions and recommendations expressed herein do not necessarily reflect the views of IOM or its Member States. The designations employed and the presentation of material throughout the report do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of IOM concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning its frontiers or boundaries. All reasonable efforts have been made to ensure the accuracy of the data referred to in this report, including through data verification. We regret, however, any data errors that may remain. Unless otherwise stated, this report does not refer to data or events after June 2019. The stories behind the photographs can be found on page v.

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Editorial, review and production team Editors

Marie McAuliffe (IOM) and Binod Khadria (Jawaharlal Nehru University)

IOM reviewers

Eva Åkerman Börje, Laura Bartolini, Mariana Beheran, Elizabeth Collett, Jill Helke, Manuel Hoff, Dina Ionesco, Michele Klein Solomon, Jobst Kœhler, Laura Lungarotti, Chiara Milano, Daria Mokhnacheva, Mirela Shuteriqi, Jasper Tjaden and Mariam Traore Chazalnoel

Academic reviewers

Maruja Asis, Jørgen Carling, Stephen Castles, Howard Duncan, Gibril Faal, Elizabeth Ferris, Francois Gemenne, Ian Goldin, Sakiko Kanbara, Susan Martin, Marco Pedrotti, Martin Ruhs, Nando Sigona, Ronald Skeldon, Felicity Thomas, Anna Triandafyllidou and Cathy Zimmerman

Production manager Valerie Hagger Project administration Frances Solinap and Aurelie Ben Gavriel Copyeditor Michael Gibson Report layout Ramir Recinto IOM research team

Marie McAuliffe, Céline Bauloz, Adrian Kitimbo, Michelle Nguyen (part project), Adam Sawyer (part project), Sophie Qu (part project)

Translation

Spanish Translation Unit (IOM) French Translation Unit (IOM)

Acknowledgements The editors are particularly grateful to the authors of the thematic chapters and to all of the IOM and academic reviewers who provided constructive feedback on the draft chapters. We are especially grateful to IOM’s Director General, António Vitorino, and members of IOM’s senior leadership team, who supported this World Migration Report, including Laura Thompson, Eugenio Ambrosi, Jill Helke, Michele Klein Solomon and Clarissa Azkoul. We also wish to acknowledge the governments of Switzerland and Germany for their financial contributions toward the completion of the report. Additional funding to support translations has been received from the Swiss Government, the Canadian Government, USA for IOM, IOM Regional Office for South America and IOM Regional Office for Central and North America and the Caribbean. We wish to thank the following people for their contributions to the report: Idil Atak (International Journal of Migration and Border Studies), Vincent Chetail (Refugee Survey Quarterly), Howard Duncan (International Migration), Alan Gamlen (Migration Studies), Donald Kerwin (Journal on Migration and Human Security), Emmanuel Ma Mung and Véronique Petit (Revue Européenne des Migrations Internationales), Anna Triandafyllidou (Journal of Immigrant and Refugee Studies), Jamie Winders, Pieter Bevelander, Cynthia Feliciano, Filiz Garip and Matthew Hall (International Migration Review), Ross Chainey (World Economic Forum), Hannah Caddick and Amy Leach (Overseas Development Institute), Robert McMahon (Council on Foreign Relations), Jason Naselli and Alan Philips (Chatham House), Homi Kharas, Dany Bahar and Merrell Tuck-Primdahl (Brookings Institution).

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Contributors Chapter 1: Report overview: Providing perspective on migration and mobility in increasingly uncertain times Authors: Marie McAuliffe and Binod Khadria Research assistants: Adrian Kitimbo and Berti Olinto Chapter 2: Migration and migrants: A global overview Main contributors: Marie McAuliffe, Céline Bauloz, Michelle Nguyen and Sophie Qu Research assistants and other contributors: Juliane Klatt, Adam Sawyer, Adrian Kitimbo, Reshma Mathews, Kate Dearden, Tristan O’Shea, Noelle Darbellay, Sarah Knight, Muhammad Rizki and Claire Galez-Davis Chapter 3: Migration and migrants: Regional dimensions and developments Main contributors: Marie McAuliffe, Adrian Kitimbo, Guy Abel, Adam Sawyer and Juliane Klatt Research assistants and other contributors: Berti Olinto, Reshma Mathews, Alexander Doggen, Damien Jusselme, Alice Kimani, Lisa Lim Ah Ken, Rudolf Maxwald, Kristina Mejo, Lucie Bertille Motuin, Sophie Nonnenmacher, Sofiane Ouaret, Amr Taha, Ezequiel Texido, Mariko Tomiyama, Laura Nistri, Alina Klehr and Eva Pons Chapter 4: Migration research and analysis: Growth, reach and recent contributions Main contributors: Marie McAuliffe, Céline Bauloz and Michelle Nguyen Research assistants and other contributors: Marie Mundler, Idil Atak (International Journal of Migration and Border Studies), Vincent Chetail (Refugee Survey Quarterly), Howard Duncan (International Migration), Alan Gamlen (Migration Studies), Donald Kerwin (Journal on Migration and Human Security), Emmanuel Ma Mung and Véronique Petit (Revue Européenne des Migrations Internationales), Anna Triandafyllidou (Journal of Immigrant and Refugee Studies), Jamie Winders, Pieter Bevelander, Cynthia Feliciano, Filiz Garip and Matthew Hall (International Migration Review), Ross Chainey (World Economic Forum), Hannah Caddick and Amy Leach (Overseas Development Institute), Robert McMahon (Council on Foreign Relations), Jason Naselli and Alan Philips (Chatham House), Homi Kharas, Dany Bahar and Merrell Tuck-Primdahl (Brookings Institution) Chapter 5: Reflections on migrants’ contributions in an era of increasing disruption and disinformation Authors: Marie McAuliffe, Adrian Kitimbo and Binod Khadria Research Assistant: Michelle Nguyen Chapter 6: Migration, inclusion and social cohesion: Challenges, recent developments and opportunities Authors: Céline Bauloz, Zana Vathi and Diego Acosta Research Assistant: Michelle Nguyen Chapter 7: Migration and Health: Key issues, governance and current knowledge gaps Authors: Jo Vearey, Charles Hui and Kolitha Wickramage Chapter 8: Children and unsafe migration Authors: Jacqueline Bhabha and Guy Abel Chapter 9: Human mobility and adaptation to environmental change Authors: Robert Oakes, Soumyadeep Banerjee and Koko Warner Chapter 10: Migrants caught in crises: Contexts, responses and innovation Authors: Nassim Majidi, Heaven Crawley, Lorenzo Guadagno and Camille Kasavan Research Assistants: Mélissa Cornet and Thomas Yeboah

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Chapter 11: Recent developments in the global governance of migration: An update to World Migration Report 2018 Authors: Kathleen Newland, Marie McAuliffe and Céline Bauloz

Photographs Chapter 1 Participatory video team recording their stories and messages of hope in Herat, Afghanistan. A group of 13 young Afghan women and men spent a week together in Herat to exchange experiences, direct and produce a film about migration. The initiative is part of IOM’s Global Migration Film Festival Participatory Video Project to engage migrants and host communities in participatory filmmaking that strengthens social cohesion. © IOM/Amanda NERO Part I Many Venezuelans travelling through the continent do so by foot carrying their children and possessions. Caminantes, or walkers, trek along major highways and through difficult terrain. They must go through mountainous areas where temperatures drop below zero and through scorching hot areas where water is scarce. Many make this journey with just a light jacket, rubber flip flops and a small backpack with the most essential items they manage to carry. © IOM/Muse MOHAMMED Chapter 2 Aerial view of internally displaced persons in Wau protection of civilians site, South Sudan. © IOM/Rainer GONZALEZ PALAU Chapter 3 The Kutupalong Refugee camp near Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh.

Chapter 4 Abdulai Adum, Mixammete Village, Central African Republic. © IOM/Amanda NERO Part II IOM shelters in Bakassi internally displaced persons Camp, Nigeria.

Chapter 5 Robeiro, an ex-combatant from an illegal paramilitary group in Colombia, carries harvested chili peppers. Robeiro is one of 300 beneficiaries of an income generation project implemented by IOM Colombia. © IOM/Diego SAMORA Chapter 6 Burmese migrant worker in Bangkok.

Chapter 7 IOM Thailand’s Migrant Health Assessment Centre on Silom Road in Bangkok provides health screenings for migrants who are about to migrate abroad. © IOM/Benjamin SUOMELA Chapter 8 Children play at the playroom at the Processing Centre for Syrian families resettling to Canada. © IOM/Muse MOHAMMED

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Chapter 9 Bercy is the principal of an elementary school on Udot Island, Federated States of Micronesia. During the typhoon, one of their buildings was severely damaged. The new building is used as a library for students. © IOM/Muse MOHAMMED Chapter 10 Mass Evacuations in Natural Disasters (MEND) - Quezon City, the Philippines.

Chapter 11 The second workshop of the International Dialogue on Migration 2017 offered a global platform to discuss and analyse migrants’ vulnerabilities and capacities, guide appropriate policy, programmatic and operational responses to address them, and enhance resilience through protection and assistance services. © IOM/Muse MOHAMMED References Chris’s mother is so happy to find her son after he was separated from his mother and little brother during their migration. © IOM Appendices Ameerah and Anajia spend time practising their drawing skills after class (the Philippines). © IOM/Julie BATULA

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Table of contents Editorial, review and production team..................................................................................... iii Acknowledgements................................................................................................................ iii Contributors ........................................................................................................................ iv Photographs.......................................................................................................................... v List of figures and tables .................................................................................................... viii List of appendices .............................................................................................................. xiii Foreword.............................................................................................................................xv Chapter 1 – Report overview: Providing perspective on migration and mobility in increasingly uncertain times.................................................................................................... 1

Part I: Data and information on migration and migrants. . ...............................................16 Chapter 2 – Migration and migrants: A global overview..............................................................19 Chapter 3 – Migration and migrants: Regional dimensions and developments................................53 Chapter 4 – Migration research and analysis: Growth, reach and recent contributions ................. 125

PART II: Complex and Emerging Migration Issues........................................................ 158 Chapter 5 – Reflections on migrants’ contributions in an era of increasing disruption and disinformation.................................................................................................. 161 Chapter 6 – Migration, inclusion and social cohesion: Challenges, recent developments and opportunities ................................................................................................... 185 Chapter 7 – Migration and health: Current issues, governance and knowledge gaps...................... 209 Chapter 8 – Children and unsafe migration............................................................................. 231 Chapter 9 – Human mobility and adaptation to environmental change....................................... 253 Chapter 10 – Migrants caught in crises: Contexts, responses and innovation............................... 271 Chapter 11 – Recent developments in the global governance of migration: An update to the World Migration Report 2018..................................................................... 291 Appendices........................................................................................................................ 313 References ........................................................................................................................ 365

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List of figures and tables

Chapter 1 Table 1. Key facts and figures from the World Migration Reports, 2000 and 2020........................10

Chapter 2 Table 1. International migrants, 1970–2019...........................................................................21 Figure 1. International migrants, by major region of residence, 2005 to 2019 (millions)................24 Figure 2. Proportional population change by region, 2009–2019................................................25 Figure 3. Top 20 destinations (left) and origins (right) of international migrants in 2019 (millions)..............................................................26 Figure 4. Top 20 countries of emigration in 2019 (proportion)...................................................27 Figure 5. Inflows of foreign nationals into OECD countries, permanent migration, 2000–2016 (millions)..............................................................................................31 Figure 6. Migrant workers by destination country income level, 2013 and 2017...........................33 Table 2. Migrant workers, by sex and income level of destination countries, 2017.......................34 Figure 7. Geographic distribution of migrant workers by sex, 2017.............................................35 Table 3. Top countries receiving/sending remittances (2005–2018) (current USD billions)...........36 Figure 8. Number of refugees by top 5 countries of origin as of 2018 (millions)...........................40 Figure 9. Number of refugees by top 5 host countries as of 2018 (millions).................................41 Figure 10. Number of refugees resettled by major resettlement countries in 2005–2018 (thousands).......................................................................................42 Figure 11. Top 20 countries with the largest stock of internally displaced persons by conflict and violence at the end of 2018...............................................................44 Figure 12. New internal displacements by conflict and disasters, 2008–2018 (millions)..................46 Figure 13. Major populations of stateless persons by top 10 reporting countries as of 2018.............48

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Chapter 3 – Figure 1. Migrants to, within and from Africa 1990–2019..........................................................55 Figure 2. Top 20 countries with the largest proportional population change in Africa, 2009–2019 ...........................................................................................................56 Figure 3. Top 20 African migrant countries in 2019..................................................................57 Figure 4. Top 20 migration corridors involving African countries, 2019.......................................58 Figure 5. Top 10 African countries by total refugees and asylum seekers, 2018............................59 Figure 6. Top 20 African countries by new internal displacements (disaster and conflict), 2018...................................................................................60 Figure 7. Migrants to, within and from Asia, 1990–2019...........................................................69 Figure 8. Top 20 countries with the largest proportional population change in Asia, 2009–2019....70 Figure 9. Top 20 Asian migrant countries in 2019....................................................................71 Figure 10. Top 20 migration corridors from Asian countries, 2019................................................72 Figure 11. Top 10 Asian countries by total refugees and asylum seekers, 2018..............................73 Figure 12. Top Asian countries by new internal displacements (disaster and conflict), 2018............74 Figure 13. Migrants to, within and from Europe, 1990–2019.......................................................86 Figure 14. Top 20 countries with the largest proportional population change in Europe, 2009–2019 ...........................................................................................................87 Figure 15. Top 20 European migrant countries in 2019...............................................................88 Figure 16. Top 20 migration corridors involving European countries, 2019....................................89 Figure 17. Top 10 European countries by total refugees and asylum seekers, 2018.........................90 Figure 18. Top 20 European countries by new internal displacements (disaster and conflict), 2018...................................................................................91 Figure 19. Migrants to, within and from Latin America and the Caribbean, 1990–2019...................96 Figure 20. Top 20 countries with the largest proportional population change in Latin America and the Caribbean, 2009–2019 ................................................................................97 Figure 21. Top 20 Latin America and Caribbean migrant countries in 2019...................................98 Figure 22. Top 10 migration corridors involving Latin America and Caribbean countries, 2019.........99

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Figure 23. Top 10 Latin America and Caribbean countries by total refugees and asylum seekers, 2018...................................................................................... 100 Figure 24. Top Latin America and Caribbean countries by new internal displacements (disaster and conflict), 2018................................................................................. 101 Figure 25. Migrants to, within and from Northern America, 1990–2019...................................... 107 Figure 26. Countries with the largest proportional population change in Northern America, 2009–2019............................................................................ 108 Figure 27. Main migration countries in Northern America in 2019............................................. 108 Figure 28. Top 10 migration corridors involving Northern American countries, 2019.................... 109 Figure 29. Numbers of refugees and asylum seekers in and from Northern American countries, 2018.................................................................................................... 110 Figure 30. Top Northern American countries by new internal displacements (disaster and conflict), 2018 ................................................................................ 110 Figure 31. Migrants to, within and from Oceania, 1990–2019.................................................... 114 Figure 32. Countries with the largest proportional population change in Oceania, 2009–2019.......................................................................................... 115 Figure 33. Oceania migrant countries in 2019......................................................................... 116 Figure 34. Top 10 migration corridors involving Oceania countries, 2019.................................... 117 Figure 35. Numbers of refugees and asylum seekers in and from Oceania countries, 2018............. 118 Figure 36. Top countries in Oceania by new internal displacements (disaster and conflict), 2018................................................................................. 119

Chapter 4 – Figure 1. Number of academic publications on “immigration” OR “emigration”.......................... 127 Table 1. Examples of government funding of migration research............................................. 129 Figure 2. Number of articles published by selected journals in 2017 and 2018, by region............ 138 Figure 3. Distribution of primary academic affiliations of authors by selected journals in 2017 and 2018, by region ................................................................................. 140 Figure 4. Impact Factor of selected journals ......................................................................... 142 Table 2. Top 10 articles with the highest Altmetric Attention Score for selected journals, 2017 and 2018....................................................................... 143

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Figure 5. Distribution of numbers of views and downloads of 181 articles from 2017 and 2018, selected journals................................................................................... 145 Table 3. Examples of key global material published in 2017 and 2018..................................... 146 Figure 6. Downloads of World Migration Report 2018 compared with 2015 edition...................... 153 Figure 7. Proportion of IOM research-related downloads by theme............................................ 153 Figure 8. Proportion of IOM research-related downloads by region............................................ 154

Chapter 5 Table 1. Factors influencing immigrants’ civic–political contributions...................................... 169

Chapter 6 Table 1. Summary of the main inclusion models................................................................... 189

Chapter 7 Figure 1. The determinants of migrant health throughout the migration cycle........................... 212 Table 1. Summary of main health concerns of selected migrant groups in vulnerable situations.. 215 Figure 2. Global agendas for advancing migration and health goals.......................................... 224

Chapter 8 Figure 1. Global migrants under 20 years of age..................................................................... 236 Figure 2. Share of global migrants under 20 years of age........................................................ 237 Figure 3. International migrants (millions) under 20 years of age, by region............................. 238 Figure 4. Share of international migrants under 20 years of age, by region................................ 239 Table 1. IOM/UNHCR/education sector – Rohingya child and youth population in Cox’s Bazar Refugee camps, Bangladesh, January 2019.............................................................. 240 Figure 5. Demographic breakdown of Myanmar refugees in Bangladesh..................................... 240 Figure 6. Demographic breakdown of Venezuelans in Colombia................................................ 241

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Chapter 9 Table 1. Three different ways of framing interactions between environmental change and migration...................................................................... 254 Table 2. Examples from empirical research........................................................................... 258 Figure 1. Emergence of human migration as a risk management topic in international climate policy............................................................................... 265

Chapter 10 Table 1. International data on migrants and crises............................................................... 281 Figure 1. Migrant routes in Mexico, cyclone risk and past earthquakes..................................... 283 Figure 2. Migrant presence and transit through Libya, and occurrence of violence ..................... 284 Table 2. The OECD guidelines on innovation adapted for responses to migrants caught in crisis.................................................................................................... 286

Chapter 11 Figure 1. What does â&#x20AC;&#x153;migrantâ&#x20AC;? mean?.................................................................................. 294 Figure 2. Summary of the compacts and United Nations Network process timelines.................... 295 Table 1. Global Compact for Migration objectives by category ................................................ 298 Table 2. Thematic areas of focus in CRRF and Programme of Action......................................... 300

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List of appendices

Chapter 3 Appendix A. United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs: Regions and Subregions..................................................................................... 313

Chapter 4 Appendix A. A brief overview of academic publishing ............................................................. 318 Appendix B. Contributions from academic journals.................................................................. 321

Chapter 6 Appendix A. Terms and definitions relating to migrantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; inclusion and social cohesion................. 338 Appendix B. The legal framework of migrantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; inclusion .......................................................... 341 Appendix C. Main findings of the Immigrant Citizens Survey .................................................... 343

Chapter 7 Appendix A. Key priorities and actions for monitoring migrant health and developing migrant-sensitive health systems ....................................................... 345 Appendix B. Lessons learned in advancing a National Migration Health Policy and action framework in Sri Lanka............................................................................ 347 Appendix C. Health in the implementation of the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration....................................................................................... 350

Chapter 9 Appendix A. Policy processes of significance for the governance of environmental migration........ 351

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Chapter 10 Appendix A. Different crisis situations, different impacts on migrants....................................... 354

Chapter 11 Appendix A. Timeline of main multilateral initiatives, processes, agreements and declarations devoted or relevant to migration ....................................................................... 356 Appendix B. Convergence and divergence between the Global Compact for Migration and prior global migration initiatives and processes ................................................... 360

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Foreword IOM’s responsibility to provide an objective and balanced account of migration globally has never been more important. Not only is the political salience of migration high, and frequently fevered, but the capacity for rapidly disseminating disinformation to influence the public discourse has expanded. Twenty years ago, IOM published the first World Migration Report with the stated aim of providing an authoritative account of migration trends and issues worldwide. With the initial report published in 2000, the series has quickly become established as IOM’s flagship publication. The early World Migration Reports were framed around specific themes. They provided deep dives into topics such as labour mobility, migrant well-being and communication on migration. But, with time, there was a sense that the broader landscape and complexity of migration issues was being neglected. Times have changed, dramatically so. Migration is now a top-tier political issue interconnected to human rights, development, and geopolitics at national, regional and international levels. Accordingly, IOM has enhanced the flagship series to ensure that the World Migration Report is, in fact, a world migration report. We have revamped the series to offer a more strategic contribution to the public debate. We have strengthened our collaborative partnerships with scholars and applied researchers in order to benefit from their diverse expertise and knowledge. We have made content and structural changes to increase the World Migration Report’s utility to the evidence base on migration globally, in line with IOM’s growing role in data collection and analysis. The World Migration Report 2018 is the most downloaded of all IOM publications. It is clearly fulfilling the need to provide a balanced understanding of migration’s complexities, present the latest global data and information in an accessible way, and explore and explain complex and emerging migration issues. As the United Nations’ migration agency, IOM has an obligation to demystify the complexity and diversity of human mobility. The report also acknowledges IOM’s continuing emphasis on fundamental rights and its mission to support those migrants who are most in need. This is particularly relevant in the areas in which IOM works to provide humanitarian assistance to people who have been displaced, including by weather events, conflict and persecution, or to those who have become stranded during crises. Likewise, IOM remains committed to supporting Member States as they draw upon various forms of data, research and analysis during policy formulation and review processes. Indeed, this is reflected in IOM’s Constitution where the need for migration research is highlighted as an integral part of the Organization’s functions. The World Migration Report is a central component of this important function. In this era of heightened interest and activity towards migration and migrants, we hope this 2020 edition of the World Migration Report becomes a key reference point for you. We hope it helps you to navigate this high-profile and dynamic topic during periods of uncertainty, and that it prompts reflection during quieter moments. But most importantly, we hope that you learn something new from the report that can inform your own work, be it in studies, research and analysis, policymaking, communication, or migration practice.

António Vitorino Director General

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Report overview: Providing perspective on migration and mobility in increasingly uncertain times

MARIE MCAULIFFE BINOD KHADRIA

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REPORT OVERVIEW: PROVIDING PERSPECTIVE ON MIGRATION AND MOBILITY IN INCREASINGLY UNCERTAIN TIMES1

Introduction The long-term and growing body of evidence on migration and mobility shows that migration is in large part related to the broader global economic, social, political and technological transformations that are affecting a wide range of high-priority policy issues.2 As the processes of globalization deepen, these transformations increasingly shape our lives – in our workplaces, in our homes, in our social and spiritual lives – as we go about our daily routines. Increasing numbers of people are able to access information, goods and services from around the world because of the ongoing expansion in distance-shrinking technologies. There is also a sense that we are in the midst of a period of considerable uncertainty. Many commentators have called into question the solidity of aspects of the global political order forged in the immediate aftermath of the two world wars, including as they relate to alliances and common interests.3 Others are calling this time the “age of anger”, tracing back the current sense of geopolitical uncertainty and discontent to a dominant and relentless focus on “logic” and “liberal rationalism” at the expense of emotional responsiveness.4 It is within this context that this world migration report focuses on developments in migration over the last two-year period, with an emphasis on providing analysis that takes into account historical and contemporary factors. Historical in recognition that migration and displacement occur within broader long-term social, security, political and economic contexts. Contemporary in recognition that we are in the midst of profound global transformations, and that the resultant changes to our daily lives are impacting the current environment in which migration occurs and is discussed.

What has happened in migration? A lot has happened in migration in the last two years since the release of the World Migration Report 2018 in late 2017.5 The world has witnessed historic change at the global level with United Nations Member States coming together to finalize two global compacts on the international manifestations of migration and displacement: the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration, and the Global Compact on Refugees. The finalization of the compacts is a result of decades-long efforts by States, international organizations, civil society organizations and other actors (such as private sector organizations) to improve 1 2 3 4 5

Marie McAuliffe, Head, Migration Policy Research Division, IOM and Binod Khadria, Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University. See, for example, Castles, 2010; Goldin, Cameron and Balarajan, 2011; Koser, 2016; Triandafyllidou, 2018. Ikenberry, 2018; Stone, 2016. Mishra, 2017. IOM, 2017.

Report overview: Providing perspective on migration and mobility in increasingly uncertain times

how migration is governed at the international level. In the years leading up to States committing to develop the compacts,6 numerous dialogues, workshops, consultations and side events at international, regional, national as well as local levels have enabled different migration “realities” to be shared and the many areas of common interest to be expanded through deeper understandings of the benefits of migration as well as the challenges it may present. The compacts, therefore, build upon many years of engagement on the key issues underpinning the two compacts. The unfortunate reality is that there have been major migration and displacement events during the last two years; events that have caused great hardship and trauma as well as loss of life. Foremost have been the displacements of millions of people due to conflict (such as within and from the Syrian Arab Republic, Yemen, the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and South Sudan), extreme violence (such as inflicted upon Rohingya forced to seek safety in Bangladesh) or severe economic and political instability (such as faced by millions of Venezuelans). There has also been growing recognition of the impacts of environmental and climate change on human mobility (such as planned migration/relocation and displacement), including as part of global efforts and international policy mechanisms to address the broader impacts of climate change.7 Large-scale displacement triggered by climate and weather-related hazards occurred in many parts of the world in 2018 and 2019, including in Mozambique, the Philippines, China, India and the United States of America.8 We have also seen the scale of international migration increase in line with recent trends. The number of international migrants is estimated to be almost 272 million globally, with nearly two-thirds being labour migrants.9 This figure remains a very small percentage of the world’s population (at 3.5%), meaning that the vast majority of people globally (96.5%) are estimated to be residing in the country in which they were born. However, the estimated number and proportion of international migrants already surpasses some projections made for the year 2050, which were in the order of 2.6 per cent or 230 million.10 That said, it is widely recognized that the scale and pace of international migration is notoriously difficult to predict with precision because it is closely connected to acute events (such as severe instability, economic crisis or conflict) as well as long-term trends (such as demographic change, economic development, communications technology advances and transportation access).11 We also know from long-term data that international migration is not uniform across the world but is shaped by economic, geographic, demographic and other factors resulting in distinct migration patterns, such as migration “corridors” developed over many years (see chapter 3 of this report for details). The largest corridors tend to be from developing countries to larger economies such as those of the United States, France, the Russian Federation, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia. This pattern is likely to remain the same for many years into the future, especially as populations in some developing subregions and countries are projected to increase in coming decades, placing migration pressure on future generations.12 Highlights from Part I of the report on data and information on migration and migrants are outlined below. Further information and discussion are provided in the report.

6 7 8 9 10 11 12

States’ commitment was articulated in the 2016 New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants (UNGA, 2016). See chapter 9 of this report for detailed discussion. See chapters 2 and 3 of this report for discussions on global and regional migration data and information. UN DESA, 2019a; ILO, 2018. See, for example, IOM 2003. WEF, 2019; UN DESA, 2003. UN DESA 2019b.

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Highlights from Part I: Data and information on migration and migrants The number of international migrants globally in 2019: 272 million (3.5% of the world’s population) •

52 per cent of international migrants were male; 48 per cent were female.

•

74 per cent of all international migrants were of working age (20–64 years).

India continued to be the largest country of origin of international migrants •

India had the largest number of migrants living abroad (17.5 million), followed by Mexico and China (11.8 million and 10.7 million respectively).

•

The top destination country remained the United States (50.7 million international migrants).

The number of migrant workers declined slightly in high income countries while increasing elsewhere •

Between 2013 and 2017, high-income countries experienced a slight drop in migrant workers (from 112.3 million to 111.2 million). Upper middle-income countries observed the biggest increase (from 17.5 million to 30.5 million).

•

Globally, male migrant workers outnumbered female migrant workers by 28 million in 2017. There were 96 million male migrant workers (58%) and 68 million female migrant workers (42%).

International remittances increased to USD 689 billion in 2018 •

The top 3 remittance recipients were India (USD 78.6 billion), China (USD 67.4 billion) and Mexico (USD 35.7 billion).

•

The United States remained the top remittance-sending country (USD 68.0 billion) followed by the United Arab Emirates (USD 44.4 billion) and Saudi Arabia (USD 36.1 billion).

The global refugee population was 25.9 million in 2018 •

20.4 million refugees were under the mandate of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and 5.5 million were refugees under the mandate of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) in the Near East.

•

52 per cent of the global refugee population was under 18 years of age.

The number of internally displaced persons due to violence and conflict reached 41.3 million •

This was the highest number on record since the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre began monitoring in 1998.

•

The Syrian Arab Republic had the highest number of people displaced (6.1 million) followed by Colombia (5.8 million) and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (3.1 million).

The number of stateless persons globally in 2018 was 3.9 million •

Bangladesh had the largest number of stateless persons (around 906,000). It was followed by Côte d’Ivoire (692,000) and Myanmar (620,000).

For further details, refer to chapter 2 of this report. Sources and dates of estimates above are outlined in the chapter.

Report overview: Providing perspective on migration and mobility in increasingly uncertain times

Migration patterns vary from region to region •

While most international migrants born in Africa, Asia and Europe reside within their regions of birth, the majority of migrants from Latin America and the Caribbean and Northern America reside outside their regions of birth. In Oceania, the number of intraregional migrants and those residing outside the region remained about the same in 2019.

•

More than half of all international migrants (141 million) lived in Europe and Northern America.

Migration has been a key determinant of population change in several countries •

Intraregional migration has been an important contributor to population change in some African countries such as Equatorial Guinea.

•

Labour migration has contributed to significant population changes especially in Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) States. With the exceptions of Oman and Saudi Arabia, migrants made up the majority of the populations in GCC countries.

Displacement remained a major feature in some regions •

The Syrian Arab Republic and Turkey were the origin and host of the largest number of refugees globally, 6.7 million and 3.7 million, respectively. Canada became the largest refugee resettlement country, resettling more refugees than the United States in 2018.

•

The Philippines had the largest number of new disaster displacements in 2018 (3.8 million).

•

Around 4 million Venezuelans had left their country by mid-2019. The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela was the largest source country of asylum seekers in 2018 (over 340,000).

For further details, refer to chapter 3 of this report. Sources and dates of estimates above are outlined in the chapter.

Migration research and analysis output remained high •

There was a continued increase in the number of migration-related academic publications, with the largest ever academic output produced during the last two years. There was significant output from international organizations on a wide range of migration issues.

•

Academic output on migration is dominated with perspectives from destination countries, especially in relation to Europe. A geographic comparison of the primary affiliations of authors in selected journals shows that most are from institutions in developed countries.

For further details, refer to chapter 4 of this report. Sources and dates of estimates above are outlined in the chapter.

Is migration changing, or are the depictions of migration changing? As can be seen from the discussion and key highlights above, there have been incremental changes in migration in recent years, such as in the overall scale of migration and displacement, although these changes could not be described as “seismic”. Rather, it would appear that there has been a deepening of existing patterns of migration as opportunities brought about by economic growth and reform, trade liberalization and long-term stability have been further realized. There is also a growing body of evidence indicating that while the general notion of international migration may seem simple and straightforward – as depicted in

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2020

news media, for example – its complexities are becoming more apparent.13 The issue of how we conceptualize migration and mobility has long been a focus of many scholars and policymakers.14 Recently, some are calling for a rethink, highlighting the growing anomalies resulting from a fairly fixed view of “migration” – see text box below on Professor Ronald Skeldon’s recent paper on the topic.

Rethinking international migration, internal migration, mobility and urbanization That migration is the most problematic of the population variables is taken as given. Unlike the unique events of birth and death that define an individual’s lifetime, migration can be a multiple event. Its measurement depends entirely upon how it is defined in time and across space. … Despite all the problems inherent in the collection of migration data, significant progress has been achieved over recent years. The compilation of a world origin-destination database, developed originally at the University of Sussex and now much extended and maintained by the United Nations Population Division and the World Bank, has provided the framework for a more precise measurement of global international population movement.a These data showed that about 3 per cent of the world’s population lived in a State or territory not of their birth and that that proportion had not changed significantly since the 1990s … As the systems of internal and international migration evolve and change, so too, does the nature of the linkages between them … other forms of short-term mobility emerge from essentially urban cultures and economies. … The idea that most people do not move or are fixed at a specific location might be appealing but it is wrong. Mobility is an inherent characteristic of all populations unless specific policies or other factors are in place that limit or control that mobility. Nevertheless, some peoples appear to move more than others and in different ways from others, which appears to be closely linked with the level of development in each country, which, in turn, is linked with the distribution of the population in each country. Despite all the difficulties with the measurement of internal migration as sketched above, considerable progress has been made towards the construction of analytical models that allow the comparison of patterns across space. a Parsons et al., 2007; UN DESA, 2015. Abridged excerpt of Skeldon, 2018.

We must recognize, however, that the increasing complexity of migration is, in part, also due to more information on migration and migrants being available than ever before. We know more about who migrates, why people migrate, where and how they migrate, although perhaps not to the extent we would prefer. But it is clearer that the bigger issue of “complexity” applies to very many changes occurring globally. Some of the specific ones, highlighted in the textbox below, have been intensively explored and analysed by experts in Part II of this report. 13 Czaika and de Haas, 2014; De Witte, 2018; Hall and Posel, 2019. 14 Faist and Glick-Schiller, 2009; Hochschild and Mollenkopf, 2008; King, 2012.

Report overview: Providing perspective on migration and mobility in increasingly uncertain times

Highlights from Part II: Complex and emerging migration issues •

Migrants have made significant sociocultural, civic-political and economic contributions in origin and destination countries and communities, including by being important agents of change in a range of sectors (chapter 5).

•

Immigrants tend to have higher entrepreneurial activity compared to natives. In countries such as the United States, migrants have disproportionately contributed to innovation (chapter 5).

•

Migrants’ inclusion in the receiving society relates to diverse societal/policy areas that are closely interdependent. Inclusion outcomes in one policy area – such as language, education, labour market inclusion, family reunification, political participation and naturalization – will likely impact others (chapter 6).

•

There is a dynamic and complex relationship between migration and health that extends well beyond crisis events. Migration can lead to greater exposure to health risks but it can also be linked to improved health, especially for those seeking safety from harm (chapter 7).

•

While the majority of children who migrate do so through safe migration processes as part of family units, many other child migrants lack effective protection from harm and face human rights violations at all stages of their journeys (chapter 8).

•

The most recent global estimate for the total number of child migrants is approximately 31 million. There are approximately 13 million child refugees, 936,000 asylum-seeking children, and 17 million children who have been forcibly displaced inside their own countries (chapter 8).

•

There is increasing evidence that the magnitude and frequency of extreme weather events are rising, and this is expected to increasingly affect migration and other forms of movement. While human mobility resulting from environmental and climate change is often framed along protection and security lines, understanding mobility as adaptation allows for migrants’ agency to be part of the response equation (chapter 9).

•

Migration status can significantly impact on migrants’ ability to deal with crisis. Flexible immigration and visa policies help make it possible for migrants to keep themselves safe as well as recover from the impact of a crisis. Return is one, but not necessarily the primary, response option (chapter 10).

•

The last two years have seen substantial change in the global governance of migration, principally in the formation of the United Nations Network on Migration and the two global compacts on refugees and migration. Although they are not legally binding, the two global compacts represent a near-universal consensus on the issues requiring sustained international cooperation and commitment (chapter 11).

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2020

The unprecedented pace of change in the (geo)political, social, environmental and technological spheres has led some analysts and commentators to coin or use phrases such as the “age of accelerations”,15 the “fourth industrial revolution”,16 and the “age of change”.17 There is wide recognition of how quickly the world is changing, and of how the pace of change seems to be accelerating beyond all expectations and predictions. There is also a sense that change is resulting in unexpected (and unwanted) impacts:

We are living through an era of intense turbulence, disillusionment and bewilderment. Deepening geopolitical tensions are transforming international relations, and political tribalism is revealing deep fissures within countries. The spread of exponential technologies is upending long-held assumptions about security, politics, economics and so much more.18 Of particular note have been major shifts in the political realm, particularly in terms of civic engagement through emerging social media and other online platforms as well as the standards of political leadership. The “Arab Spring”, for example, heralded a significant development in how voices were heard and activists organized in political arenas.19 More recently, we have seen a groundswell in analysis and commentary on the changes that are occurring in democratic systems around the world, and the implications for governance, geopolitics and international cooperation. We are living in a period in which the core values underpinning global governance are being challenged. The values of equity, accountability, impartiality, fairness, justice and probity are being actively undermined as some political leaders disregard common interest in preference for personal interest – even if it corrodes laws, processes and institutions that have, overall, sought to advance whole nations and peoples, without excluding or expelling some because of their inherent characteristics or beliefs.20 Ongoing and systematic corrosion, as we have witnessed throughout history, can extend to attacks on human rights and ultimately on groups of people within societies.21 As part of current shifts, international migration has increasingly become weaponized. It is being used by some as a political tool, undermining democracy and inclusive civic engagement, by tapping into the understandable fear in communities that stems from the accelerated pace of change and rising uncertainty of our times.22 Some leaders seek to divide communities on the issue of migration, downplaying the significant benefits and enrichment migration brings and steadfastly ignoring our migration histories. And we are increasingly witnessing the harnessing of social media as a means of division and polarization, not just on migration, but at certain times we have seen the deployment of online “tribal tactics” by activists attempting to depict migration in a negative and misleading light.23 Underpinning these changing depictions of international migration is the uptake of technological innovation, particularly information and communications technology (ICT). However, we must also recall that the politicization of migration is not new, as the text box below highlights.

15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23

Friedman, 2016. Schwab, 2016. Mauldin, 2018. Muggah and Goldin, 2019. AlSayyad and Guvenc, 2015. Fotaki, 2014. Rawnsley, 2018. Ritholtz, 2017. McAuliffe, 2018.

Report overview: Providing perspective on migration and mobility in increasingly uncertain times

The enduring issue of politics: Excerpt from the World Migration Report 2003 a Migration is an eminently political topic. Over the past decade, the politicization of migration has been evidenced by a series of developments: the fear in Western countries of an influx of masses of migrants from countries of the former Soviet bloc and in European Union countries of an invasion by citizens from new member countries with each enlargement of the Union; the questioning of the role of migrants in the economic and social upheavals triggered by the financial crisis in South-East Asia; restrictive policies and anti-immigration backlash in the wake of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001; renewed outbreaks of xenophobia in several African countries that blame domestic crises on migrants; and the exploitation of migration issues by some politicians to gain electoral mileage. All these examples illustrate the close links between economic, political and social issues on the one hand, and mobility on the other. More than ever therefore, migration is a ready target with psychological, economic, and public relations connotations. a IOM, 2003.

Technology as an enabler and a game-changer Migration is intertwined with technology and innovation and there exists a large body of analysis that has assessed how international migration acts to support (and sometimes limit) the transfer of technology and knowledge, often working in tandem with investment and trade flows along historical, geographic and geopolitical connections between countries and communities.24 Technology is increasingly critical throughout the migration process, especially newer forms of technology. In recent years, for example, we have witnessed the use of ICT by migrants to gather information and advice in real time during migration journeys; an issue that is raising interest and, at times, concern. The use of ICT, such as apps to share the latest information, including to support clandestine border crossings, together with the consolidation of social media platforms to connect geographically dispersed groups with common interests, has raised valid questions concerning the extent to which technology has been used to support irregular migration, as well as to enable migrants to avoid abusive and exploitative migrant smugglers and human traffickers.25 Due to the ever-increasing access to emerging technology at low cost, migrants have also developed applications to support better integration in receiving countries, while maintaining social links and financial support to their families and societies back home, including through the increasing prevalence of â&#x20AC;&#x153;mobile moneyâ&#x20AC;? apps. Other connections between migration and technology are also emerging in migration debates. As artificial intelligence is progressively taken up in key sectors, its consequences for migrant worker flows and domestic labour markets are areas of intense focus for policymakers and businesses in origin and receiving countries.26

24 Burns and Mohapatra, 2008; Kapur, 2001; Khadria, 2004. 25 McAuliffe, 2016; Sanchez, 2018. 26 McAuliffe, 2018.

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2020

Recent discussions have also turned to blockchain technology and its consequences for migration, especially for remittances, but also for digital identities and global mobility.27 Social media technology is also increasingly impacting the politics of migration, with a surge of far-right activism on social media platforms seeking to influence political debates and ultimately political decisions.28 It is within this current context of great change and increasing uncertainty that the World Migration Report 2020 seeks to draw upon the body of available data, research and analysis to contribute to a more nuanced understanding of some of the most important and pressing global migration issues of our time. By their very nature, the complex dynamics of migration can never be fully measured, understood and regulated. However, as this report shows, we do have a continuously growing and improving body of data and evidence that can help us make better sense of the basic features of migration and how they are changing – as well as understanding how the context in which migration is occurring is evolving. This is increasingly important as public debates, littered with misinformation and untruths, are increasingly able to utilize the ongoing expansion of open “new media” platforms to achieve distortion and misrepresentation of migration and migrants.

The World Migration Report series The first World Migration Report was published 20 years ago, initially as a one-off report designed to increase the understanding of migration by policymakers and the general public. It was conceived at a time when the effects of globalization were being felt in many parts of the world and in a multitude of ways. Indeed, the first World Migration Report states that part of its genesis was due to the effects of globalization on migration patterns, and that the report therefore “looks at the increasingly global economy which has led to an unprecedented influx of newcomers in many countries…”.29 The report highlighted the fact that, despite being an “age-old phenomenon”, migration was accelerating as part of broader globalization transformations of economic and trade processes, which were enabling greater movement of labour as well as goods and capital. Table 1 below provides a summary of key statistics reported in the World Migration Report 2000, as compared to this current edition. It shows that while some aspects have stayed fairly constant – the proportion of female international migrants as well as the overall proportion of the world’s population who were migrants – other aspects have changed dramatically. International remittances, for example, have grown from an estimated 126 billion in 2000 to 689 billion in 2020, underscoring the salience of international migration as a driver of development. This helps to partly explain the emergence of migration as a first-tier global issue that has seen United Nations Member States take a series of steps to strengthen global governance of migration, most notably since 2000 (see chapter 11 of this report for discussion). It is unsurprising then that the International Organization for Migration (IOM) itself has grown in size, with a significant increase in membership over the last two decades up from 76 to its current membership of 173 States. Also of note in table 1 is the rise in international migrants globally (up around 85%) as well as of refugees (up around 80%) and internally displaced (up around 97%); all the while remaining very small proportions of the world’s population.

27 Latonero et al., 2019; Juskalian, 2018. 28 See chapter 5 of this report for discussion of how social media platforms are transforming public debates on migration. 29 IOM, 2000.

Report overview: Providing perspective on migration and mobility in increasingly uncertain times

Table 1. Key facts and figures from the World Migration Reports, 2000 and 2020 2000 report

2020 report

Estimated number of international migrants

150 million

272 million

Estimated proportion of world population who are migrants

2.8%

3.5%

Estimated proportion of female international migrants

47.5%

47.9%

Estimated proportion of international migrants who are children

16.0%

13.9%

Region with the highest proportion of international migrants

Oceania

Country with the highest proportion of international migrants

United Arab Emirates

Number of migrant workers

164 million

Global international remittances (USD)

126 billion

689 billion

Number of refugees

14 million

25.9 million

Number of internally displaced persons

21 million

41.3 million

Number of stateless persons

3.9 million

Number of IOM Member States*

173

Number of IOM field offices*

120

436+

Sources: See IOM, 2000 and the present edition of the report for sources. Notes:

The dates of the data estimates in the table may be different to the report publishing date (refer to the reports for more detail on dates of estimates); refer to chapter 3 of this report for regional breakdowns;* indicates the data was not included in the report but is current for that year; + as at 28 October 2019.

The World Migration Report 2000’s contribution to migration policy as well as migration studies was timely, and its success heralded the World Migration Report series. Since 2000, ten World Migration Reports have been produced by IOM (see text box below) and it has become the organization’s flagship publication series. Its continued strong focus is on making a relevant, sound and evidence-based contribution that increases the understanding of migration by policymakers, practitioners, researchers and the general public. In late 2016, IOM made the decision to refine the World Migration Report series in order to ensure it was able to maximize its contribution to fact-based knowledge on migration globally. Each edition of the series now has two parts comprising: • •

Part I: Key information on migration and migrants (including migration-related statistics); Part II: Balanced, evidence-based analysis of complex and emerging migration issues.

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2020

World Migration Report 2000 World Migration Report 2003: Managing Migration â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Challenges and Responses for People on the Move World Migration Report 2005: Costs and Benefits of International Migration World Migration Report 2008: Managing Labour Mobility in the Evolving Global Economy World Migration Report 2010: The Future of Migration: Building Capacities for Change World Migration Report 2011: Communicating Effectively about Migration World Migration Report 2013: Migrant Well-Being and Development World Migration Report 2015: Migrants and Cities: New Partnerships to Manage Mobility World Migration Report 2018 World Migration Report 2020

The move away from single theme editions of the report series to this two-part structure was in recognition of the significant changes in migration research, analysis and publishing, as well as the different expectations and needs of readers. For those who want to find out about key migration facts and figures, Part I brings together the latest information and statistics so that readers are able to better understand migration trends, changing patterns and processes at the global and regional levels. But for those who may be working on (or studying) specific areas of migration policy or practice, deeper dives into the complexities are offered in Part II. Refinement of the series was also in recognition that, as the focus on, and complexity of, migration intensifies, reports limited to a single theme have the potential to understate or miss entirely the broader changes that are occurring in migration transformations globally. A further consideration of the revised series was its intended â&#x20AC;&#x153;value-addâ&#x20AC;?. As an intergovernmental organization, and a new United Nations related organization, it is critical that IOM ensures the World Migration Report serves the public in providing information and analysis that is relevant, accessible, sound, accurate and balanced. The need to avoid duplication or significant overlap is a genuine one, especially in light of newer contributions on migration governance (such as the Migration Governance Indicators). In this way, the World Migration Report series was re-framed to offer strategic analysis of complex and emerging issues facing migration policymakers, rather than describe or assess current policy and governance on migration. The series complements rather than duplicates other work. Evidence indicates that the revised series has been successful in achieving its intended aims, with positive responses from readers, including Member States, migration academics and general readers. The significant, sustained increase in downloads during 2018 and (to date) 2019 of the World Migration Report 2018 over previous editions is another encouraging indicator.30

30 Figure 6 in chapter 4 of this report provides download statistics for the World Migration Reports 2018 and 2015.

Report overview: Providing perspective on migration and mobility in increasingly uncertain times

World Migration Report 2020 This edition, heralding the twentieth anniversary of the World Migration Report series, builds on the previous report, the 2018 edition, by providing updated migration statistics at the global and regional levels as well as descriptive analysis of complex migration issues. Part I, on “key data and information on migration and migrants”, includes separate chapters on global migration trends and patterns; regional dimensions and developments; and a discussion of recent contributions to migration research and analysis by academia and a wide range of different organizations, including IOM. These three chapters have been produced institutionally by IOM, drawing primarily on analyses by IOM experts, practitioners and officials around the world based on data from a wide range of relevant organizations. The seven chapters in Part II are authored by applied and academic researchers working on migration. They cover a range of “complex and emerging migration issues” including: •

migrants’ contributions to societies;

•

migration, inclusion and social cohesion;

•

migration and health;

•

children and unsafe migration;

•

migration and adaptation to environmental change;

•

migrants caught in crises; and

•

recent developments in global migration governance.

While the choice of these topics is necessarily selective and subjective, all the chapters in Part II of this report are directly relevant to some of the most prominent and important debates about migration in the world today. Many of these topics lie at the heart of the conundrums that face policymakers as they seek to formulate effective, proportionate and constructive responses to complex public policy issues related to migration. Accordingly, the chapters aim to inform current and future policy deliberations and discussions by providing a clear identification of the key issues, a critical overview of relevant research and analysis, and a discussion of the implications for future research and policymaking. The chapters are not meant to be prescriptive, in the sense of advocating particular policy “solutions” – especially as the immediate context is an important determinant of policy settings – but informative and helpful to what can be highly contested debates.

Part I Chapter 2 provides an overview of global data and trends on international migrants (stocks) and international migration (flows). It also provides a discussion of particular migrant groups – namely, migrant workers, refugees, asylum seekers, internally displaced persons and stateless persons – as well as of remittances. In addition, the chapter refers to the existing body of IOM programmatic data, particularly on missing migrants, assisted voluntary returns and reintegration, resettlement, displacement tracking and human trafficking. While these data are generally not global or representative, they can provide insights into changes that have occurred in relevant IOM programming and operations globally.

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2020

Following the global overview, chapter 3 provides a discussion of key regional dimensions of, and developments in, migration. The discussion focuses on six world regions as identified by the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs: Africa, Asia, Europe, Latin America and the Caribbean, Northern America, and Oceania. For each of these regions, the analysis includes: i) an overview and brief discussion of key population-related statistics; and ii) succinct descriptions of “key features and developments” in migration in the region, based on a wide range of data, information and analyses, including from international organizations, researchers and analysts. To account for the diversity of migration patterns, trends and issues within each of the six regions, descriptive narratives of “key features and recent developments” are presented at the subregional level. There is a substantial amount of research and analysis on migration that is being undertaken and published by a range of actors such as academics, governments, intergovernmental organizations and think tanks. Chapter 4 provides a selective overview of such contributions, updating the chapter on the topic as it first appeared in the World Migration Report 2018. The overview focuses on migration research outputs published by academia and intergovernmental organizations in 2017 and 2018, which saw a peak in output from intergovernmental organizations, some of which was produced to inform States and other actors during deliberations on the Global Compact for Migration (see chapter 11 of this report for discussion of the compact processes and outcome).

Part II The lead chapter in Part II examines the historical and contemporary contributions of migrants to communities of destination as well as those back in their place of origin. With this perspective, it focuses on three central domains of migrants’ contributions: sociocultural, civic-political and economic. In the face of often negatively skewed discussions on migration and migrants, one can lose sight of the fact that migrants have made significant contributions in a multitude of ways. This “reality check” chapter 5 highlights an often overlooked but important topic, placing the analysis in the context of emerging impediments to the recognition of migrants’ contributions globally. The chapter concludes by outlining the implications for policy deliberations and for further research. Chapter 6 critically reviews the issue of inclusion of migrants in host societies where they adapt to new cultures, customs, social values and language. The chapter provides an overview of the historical development of the policy approaches and terminology related to the topic. It discusses the roles of different stakeholders in optimizing the inclusion of migrants, as well as the importance of policy settings that are directly and indirectly related to inclusion. The chapter concludes with a discussion on the implication for policy responses. Health and migration is often only thought about in crisis terms, but there is much more to the connections between the two. Chapter 7 provides an overview analysis of key issues related to health and migration, including in terms of benefits, vulnerabilities and resilience. The chapter then examines health systems’ responses and prevailing approaches, as well as gaps in the governance of migration and health. Lessons from good-practice guidelines and the global agendas in migration and health are provided. Chapter 8 deals with child migration that does not conform to the traditional pattern of the migrant child accompanying or following the family in a safe environment, but rather migration that is unsafe, for example, occurring through irregular pathways without family. Following an expository approach, the chapter elaborates different types of child migration, their drivers, and issues related to the data on child migration. It discusses

Report overview: Providing perspective on migration and mobility in increasingly uncertain times

key protection challenges affecting child migrants and addresses the current issues and the evolving policies to handle them. The chapter explores the main emerging challenges confronting child migrants and concludes by reflecting on policy and research priorities. Providing an overview of human mobility and adaptation to cope with environmental and climate change, chapter 9 explores empirical research from around the world. Diverse examples of adaptive behaviour are presented from different ecological zones particularly at risk under climate change, namely, mountainous, dryland and coastal areas, as well as cities. The examples address a variety of strategies that promote one or several adaptive forms of migration. The chapter also provides a summary of the international policy frameworks on responses to the mobility aspects of environmental and climate change. The chapter concludes with focused recommendations for research, policy and practice. Chapter 10 deals with crises that migrants are caught up in. Presenting examples of such crises like floods, hurricanes, conflicts, and political and economic crisis, it examines current emergency assistance and urgent protection responses. The chapter provides an overview of the local, national and international responses to such needs faced by different types of migrants and their effectiveness. By drawing on the Migrants in Countries in Crisis Initiative, it examines the varying contexts, responses, gaps, and lessons learned in crisis preparedness and post-crisis recovery. The chapter provides an overview of existing data on migrants facing risk and situations of vulnerability in various countries and assesses the gaps. It concludes with policy and practice implications of responses. As the title spells out, chapter 11 provides an update on the migration governance chapter in the World Migration Report 2018, documenting key developments in global migration governance in the two years since the last report. The chapter provides a descriptive analysis of the development and adoption of the two global compacts, a brief analysis of their contents and the areas of convergence and divergence, an assessment of how they affect global migration governance framework, and the future implications as well as the challenges for implementation. The chapter discusses Statesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; commitments to implement and review follow-up and progress of the compacts, and summarizes changes in institutional architecture to support the Global Compact for Migration. The chapter also considers longer-term issues and implications for the future. Overall, this world migration report has been produced to help deepen our collective understanding of the various manifestations and complexities of migration in the face of growing uncertainties. We hope that all readers are able to learn something new from this edition, as well as to draw on its contents as they undertake their work, study or other activities.

PART I DATA AND INFORMATION ON MIGRATION AND MIGRANTS

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2020

MIGRATION AND MIGRANTS: A GLOBAL OVERVIEW

Introduction In most discussions on migration, the starting point is usually numbers. Understanding changes in scale, emerging trends and shifting demographics related to global social and economic transformations, such as migration, help us make sense of the changing world we live in and plan for the future. The current global estimate is that there were around 272 million international migrants in the world in 2019, which equates to 3.5 per cent of the global population.1 A first important point to note is that this is a very small minority of the world’s population, meaning that staying within one’s country of birth overwhelmingly remains the norm. The great majority of people do not migrate across borders; much larger numbers migrate within countries (an estimated 740 million internal migrants in 2009).2 That said, the increase in international migrants has been evident over time – both numerically and proportionally – and at a slightly faster rate than previously anticipated.3 The overwhelming majority of people migrate internationally for reasons related to work, family and study – involving migration processes that largely occur without fundamentally challenging either migrants or the countries they enter. In contrast, other people leave their homes and countries for a range of compelling and sometimes tragic reasons, such as conflict, persecution and disaster. While those who have been displaced, such as refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), comprise a relatively small percentage of all migrants, they are often the most in need of assistance and support. This chapter, with its focus on key global migration data and trends, seeks to assist migration policymakers, practitioners and researchers in making better sense of the bigger picture of migration, by providing an overview of information on migration and migrants. The chapter draws upon current statistical sources compiled by the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UN DESA), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the International Labour Organization (ILO), the World Bank, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM).4 The chapter provides an overview of global data and trends on international migrants (stocks) and international migration (flows). It also provides a discussion of particular migrant groups – namely, migrant workers, refugees, asylum seekers, IDPs and missing migrants – as well as of stateless persons and remittances. The chapter also refers to the growing body of programmatic IOM data, particularly on assisted voluntary returns and reintegration, resettlement, displacement tracking and victims of human trafficking. While these 1 2 3 4

UN DESA, 2019a. UNDP, 2009. See, for example, IOM’s World Migration Report 2003 (IOM, 2003), which drew upon United Nations population data (UN DESA, 2002) and migration data (IOM, 2000). In keeping within the scope of this report, statistics utilized in this chapter were current as at 30 June 2019, except for international migrant stock data which were incorporated into the chapter following the release of the 2019 revision by UN DESA on 17 September 2019.

Migration and migrants: A global overview

data are generally not global or representative, they can provide insights into changes that have occurred in relevant programming and operations globally. As the United Nations migration agency, with activities relevant to all the themes discussed in this chapter, IOM data have the capacity to provide further insights on migration and its various dynamics, including the diverse needs of migrants. This chapter highlights some of the challenges associated with data collection and definitions that make a comprehensive analysis of migration trends at the global level difficult.5 This also remains an issue for many States attempting to analyse migration trends within their own countries or regions, as reflected in the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration, with its emphasis on data collection for evidencebased policy (Objective 1 of the Global Compact â&#x20AC;&#x201C; see discussion in chapter 11 of this report). Ongoing efforts to collect and improve migration statistics have led to an expansion in available data; however, the need for further technical capacity is an obstacle that is yet to be overcome as the international community works to develop a more comprehensive global picture of key aspects of migration. Similarly, defining migration and migrants is complex, as discussed in the text box below.

Defining migration, migrant and other key terms Outside of general definitions of migration and migrant, such as those found in dictionaries, there exist various specific definitions of key migration-related terms, including in legal, administrative, research and statistical spheres.a There is no universally agreed definition of migration or migrant, however, several definitions are widely accepted and have been developed in different settings, such as those set out in UN DESAâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s 1998 Recommendations on Statistics of International Migration.b Technical definitions, concepts and categories of migrants and migration are necessarily informed by geographic, legal, political, methodological, temporal and other factors. For example, there are numerous ways in which migration events can be defined, including in relation to place of birth, citizenship, place of residence and duration of stay.c This is important when it comes to quantifying and analysing the effects of migration and migrants (however defined). We encourage readers to refer to primary sources cited in the chapter for information on specific definitions and categorizations underlying the data. Readers may also find the IOM Glossary on Migration (2019 edition) to be a useful reference.d a b c d

See, for example, Poulain and Perrin, 2001. UN DESA, 1998. See, for example, de Beer et al., 2010. IOM, 2019b.

In general, explanatory notes, caveats, limitations and methodologies on specific sources of data can be extensive, and are therefore not included in this chapter. However, sources have been clearly identified so that readers can refer to them.

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2020

International migrants: numbers and trends UN DESA produces estimates of the number of international migrants globally. The following discussion draws on its estimates, which are based on data provided by States.6 The United Nations Recommendations on Statistics of International Migration defines an “international migrant” as any person who has changed his or her country of usual residence, distinguishing between “short-term migrants” (those who have changed their countries of usual residence for at least three months, but less than one year) and “long-term migrants” (those who have done so for at least one year). However, not all countries use this definition in practice.7 Some countries use different criteria to identify international migrants by, for example, applying different minimum durations of residence. Differences in concepts and definitions, as well as data collection methodologies between countries, hinder full comparability of national statistics on international migrants. Overall, the estimated number of international migrants has increased over the past five decades. The total estimated 272 million people living in a country other than their countries of birth in 2019 was 119 million more than in 1990 (when it was 153 million), and over three times the estimated number in 1970 (84 million; see table 1). While the proportion of international migrants globally has also increased over this period, it is evident that the vast majority of people continue to live in the countries in which they were born.

Table 1. International migrants, 1970–2019 Year

Number of migrants

Migrants as a % of the world’s population

1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 2019

84,460,125 90,368,010 101,983,149 113,206,691 153,011,473 161,316,895 173,588,441 191,615,574 220,781,909 248,861,296 271,642,105

2.3% 2.2% 2.3% 2.3% 2.9% 2.8% 2.8% 2.9% 3.2% 3.4% 3.5%

Source: UN DESA, 2008, 2019a, 2019b. Note: The number of entities (such as States, territories and administrative regions) for which data were made available in the 2019 UN DESA Revision of International Migrant Stock was 232. In 1970, the number of entities was 135.

In 2019, most international migrants (around 74%) were of working age (20 to 64 years of age), with a slight decrease in migrants younger than 20 years old from 2000 to 2019 (from 16.4% to 14%), and a constant share (around 12%) of international migrants 65 years of age and older since 2000.

6 7

Data are also provided to UN DESA by territories and administrative units. For a summary on UN DESA stock data sources, methodology and caveats, please see UN DESA, 2019b. UN DESA, 1998.

Migration and migrants: A global overview

Snapshot of international migrants The international migrant population globally has increased in size but remained relatively stable as a proportion of the world’s population

3.4%

3.5%

Million

192

221

249

258

Million

1995

2000

2005

2010

2015

2019

2.8%

174

2.9%

3.2%

3.4%

272

52% of international migrants are male, 48% are female 2.7% 3.6% 4.8% 5.5% 7.5% 8.8% 10.0% 11.0% 11.2% 10.1% 7.1% 4.3% 3.4% 3.3% 2.8%

70–74 65–69 60–64 55–59 50–54 45–49 40–44 35–39 30–24 25–29 20–24 15–19 10–14 5–9 0–4

3.4% 4.3% 5.3% 5.6% 7.2% 8.2% 9.2% 10.1% 10.4% 9.6% 6.9% 4.4% 3.5% 3.3% 2.8%

Most international migrants (74%) are of working age (20–64 years) *Age groups above 75 years were omitted (male 4%, female 6%).

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2020

The proportion of international migrants varies significantly around the world Sweden 20.0%

Canada 21.3%

Qatar 78.7%

South Africa 7.2%

Singapore 37.1%

Note: This map is for illustration purposes only. The boundaries and names shown and the designations used on this map do not imply official endorsement or acceptance by the International Organization for Migration.

272 million international migrants in 2019 out of a global population of 7.7 billion: 1 in every 30Â people

Note: Infographics based on UN DESA, 2019a and UN DESA, 2019c.

Migration and migrants: A global overview

In 2019, Europe and Asia each hosted around 82 million and 84 million international migrants, respectively – comprising 61 per cent of the total global international migrant stock combined (see figure 1). These regions were followed by North America, with almost 59 million international migrants in 2019 or 22 per cent of the global migrant stock, Africa at 10 per cent, Latin America and the Caribbean at 4 per cent, and Oceania at 3 per cent. When compared with the size of the population in each region, shares of international migrants in 2019 were highest in Oceania, North America and Europe, where international migrants represented, respectively, 21 per cent, 16 per cent and 11 per cent of the total population.8 In comparison, the share of international migrants is relatively small in Asia and Africa (1.8% and 2%, respectively) and Latin America and the Caribbean (1.8%). However, Asia experienced the most remarkable growth from 2000 to 2019, at 69 per cent (around 34 million people in absolute terms).9 Europe experienced the second largest growth during this period, with an increase of 25 million international migrants, followed by an increase of 18 million international migrants in North America and 11 million in Africa.10

Figure 1. International migrants, by major region of residence, 2005 to 2019 (millions) Africa Asia Europe 2019 2015

Latin America and the Caribbean

2010 2005

Northern America Oceania 0

Source: UN DESA, 2019a. Datasets available at www.un.org/en/development/desa/population/migration/data/estimates2/ estimates19.asp (accessed 18 September 2019). Note: Categorization based on UN DESA geographic regions (see chapter 3, appendix A for details), not implying official endorsement or acceptance by IOM.

The increase in international migration in some regions over time has had an impact on population change. Figure 2 shows the proportional population change for each of the world’s six regions from 2009 to 2019. While Europe has traditionally been one of the major destination regions for international migrants, it has had the slowest rate of proportional population change over this period, at slightly over 1 per cent. However, the rate would arguably be much lower without international migrants who have mitigated decreasing populations 8 UN DESA, 2019a. 9 Ibid. 10 Ibid.

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2020

in some European countries due, for example, to declining birth rates.11 By comparison, Africa underwent the most significant change, with its population growing by nearly 30 per cent over this period, due to high fertility rates and increasing lifespans.12 This growth has nevertheless been softened by emigration from Africa to other regions (namely Europe and Asia – see chapter 3 of this report for discussion).

Figure 2. Proportional population change by region, 2009–2019 Africa Oceania Latin America and the Caribbean Asia Northern America Europe 0

Per cent change 2009–2014

Per cent change 2014–2019

Source: UN DESA, 2019c. Note: Categorization based on UN DESA geographic regions (see chapter 3, appendix A for details), not implying official endorsement or acceptance by IOM.

While population growth over the decade may be most pronounced for Africa, in 2019 more than half the world’s total population resided in just one region: Asia (4.6 billion people). From 2009 to 2019, the population in Asia grew by nearly 440 million (from 4.16 billion to 4.6 billion), compared with just under 300 million in Africa (from 1.01 billion to 1.31 billion).13 Five of the world’s top 10 most populous countries are in Asia (China, India, Indonesia, Pakistan and Bangladesh).14 The United States of America has been the main country of destination for international migrants since 1970.15 Since then, the number of foreign-born people residing in the country has more than quadrupled – from less than 12 million in 1970, to close to 51 million in 2019. Germany, the second top destination for migrants, has also observed an increase over the years, from 8.9 million in 2000 to 13.1 million in 2019. A list of the top 20 destination countries of international migrants is provided in the left column of figure 3.

11 UN DESA, 2019c. See chapter 3 of this report (figure 14) showing countries with the largest proportional population change in Europe. 12 UN DESA, 2019c. See chapter 3 of this report (figure 2) showing countries with the largest proportional population change in Africa. 13 UN DESA, 2019c. 14 Ibid. 15 UN DESA, 2008, 2019a.

Migration and migrants: A global overview

The list of largest migrant origin countries and territories is shown on the right in figure 3. More than 40 per cent of all international migrants worldwide in 2019 (112 million) were born in Asia,16 primarily originating from India (the largest country of origin), China, and South Asian countries such as Bangladesh, Pakistan and Afghanistan. Mexico was the second largest country of origin, and the Russian Federation was fourth. Several other European countries have sizable populations of emigrants, including Ukraine, Poland, the United Kingdom and Germany.

Figure 3. Top 20 destinations (left) and origins (right) of international migrants in 2019 (millions) Resident Migrants

Migrants Abroad

United States of America

India

Germany

Mexico

Saudi Arabia

China

Russian Federation

United Kingdom

Syrian Arab Republic

United Arab Emirates

Bangladesh

France

Pakistan

Canada

Ukraine

Australia

Philippines

Italy

Afghanistan

Spain

Indonesia

Turkey

Poland

India

United Kingdom

Ukraine

Germany

South Africa

Kazakhstan

Palestinian Territories

Thailand

Myanmar

Malaysia

Romania

Jordan

Egypt

Pakistan

Turkey 0

Source: UN DESA, 2019a (accessed 18 September 2019).

In regard to the distribution of international migrants by countries’ income group,17 nearly two thirds of international migrants resided in high-income countries in 2019 – around 176 million.18 This compares with 82 million foreign-born who resided in middle-income countries (about one third of the total migrant stock) and 13 million in low-income countries in the same year. Income levels of destination countries for migrant workers are further discussed in the section on migrant workers below.

16 UN DESA, 2019a. 17 Per World Bank country income group classifications, in World Bank Country and Lending Groups (World Bank, n.d.a). 18 UN DESA, 2017a.

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2020

While international migrants may tend to gravitate toward high-income countries, their origins globally can be diverse. Some origin countries have high proportions of their nationals living abroad for economic, political, security, trade or cultural reasons that may be contemporary or historical in nature. For example, the Syrian Arab Republic has a higher rate of emigration than most other countries due to displacement caused by long-term conflict (see discussion below on refugees for more detail). Figure 4 highlights countries with high proportions of emigrants in 2019. Importantly, the emigration proportion of a country represents an accumulation of migration (and displacement) over time, sometimes many decades. Of note is the geographic diversity of the countries in figure 4 (countries from all regions except Northern America are included) as well as the high number of countries from Latin America and the Caribbean (10 of the 20 countries).

Figure 4. Top 20 countries of emigration in 2019 (proportion)

Proportion of combined population who are emigrants

80%

70%

60%

50%

40%

30%

20%

int

An tig Sa ua m en an ta d B oa nd ar bu th Bo eG da sn re ia na an din dH es Sy er ze ria go nA vi ra b R na ep ub lic Al ba nia Ba rb ad os Ja m aic a Se yc he lle Sa s int Lu c Ca ia bo Ve rd e Ar No m rth en ia M ac ed on ia Po rtu ga l

ad a Gu ya na

Gr en

e am

To n

rin

m ini

int K

itt s

ev is

10%

Source: UN DESA, 2019a. Notes: The population size used to calculate the percentage of emigrants is based on the UN DESA resident population of the country, which includes foreign-born, and UN DESA international migrants originally from that country. Only countries with a combined population of more than 100,000 residents and emigrants were included in the analysis.

Migration and migrants: A global overview

UN DESA estimates of foreign-born populations do not reflect immigration status or policy categories (such as students, highly skilled migrants, or refugees). Capturing such attributes is inherently difficult for several key reasons. First, a person’s immigration status can be fluid and change quickly, arising from circumstances and legal/policy settings. For example, many international migrants who may be described as ‘‘undocumented” or “irregular” enter countries on valid visas and then stay in contravention of one or more visa conditions. In fact, there are many paths to irregularity, such as crossing borders without authorization, unlawfully overstaying a visa period, working in contravention of visa conditions, being born into irregularity, or remaining after a negative decision on an asylum application has been made.19 Second, countries have different immigration policy settings and different ways of collecting data on migrants, which makes it difficult to establish a harmonized approach to capturing irregular migrant stocks globally. The pace of change in the migration policy arena also poses an extra dimension of complexity, as people may slip into and out of “irregularity”. Notably, there have been very few global estimates of the number of irregular migrants because of this complexity. However, this has not prevented some organizations from coming up with inflated and incorrect global estimates—see text box below on “what not to do”.

What not to do: estimating the global population of irregular migrants In an August 2019 report on irregular migration, the authors come up with a global estimate of the number of irregular migrants that is based on a lack of understanding of migration and displacement policy, practice and normative settings.a In arriving at an erroneous figure of 106.9 million people, the authors include groups of people who would not be considered irregular, such as internally displaced persons, stateless persons, and Venezuelan migrants, including refugees and asylum seekers.b The important lessons in this example include: •

that categories of migrants (even while overlapping at times) and limitations on definitions must be well understood before analysis commences;

•

ensuring qualified and experienced analysts with an understanding of the topic lead such work;

•

seeking the advice and feedback of knowledgeable specialists in the field prior to publication (commonly referred to as “peer review”).

a CSIS, 2019:5–6. b Many Venezuelans were authorized to cross international borders by receiving countries following the economic and political crisis causing displacement, and have been offered some form of status by the receiving country, even if temporary in nature.

Third, as noted in the text box earlier on the chapter on “defining migration, migrant and other key terms”, there necessarily exist different definitions, depending on the circumstances in which they are applied. In some legal/policy situations, as well as in general discussions, for example, a “migrant” can include a person who has never migrated. See the discussion of the common problem of conflating “migration” and “migrant” in the text box below. 19 Gordon et al., 2009.

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2020

Conflating “migration” and “migrant” In a general sense, migration is the process of moving from one place to another. To migrate is to move, whether from a rural area to a city, from one district or province in a given country to another in that same country, or from one country to a new country. It involves action. In contrast, a migrant is a person described as such for one or more reasons, depending on the context (see the text box on “Defining migration, migrant and other key terms” earlier on the chapter). While in many cases, “migrants” do undertake some form of migration, this is not always the case. In some situations, people who have never undertaken migration may be referred to as migrants – children of people born overseas, for example, are commonly called second or third-generation migrants.a This may even extend to situations involving statelessness, whereby whole groups of people are not able to access citizenship despite being born and raised in a country.b On the other hand, for example, returning citizens who have undertaken significant and/or long-term international migration are generally not classified as “migrants” upon or after their arrival to their country of birth, despite their migration journeys and experiences.c a See, for example, Neto, 1995; Fertig and Schmidt, 2001. b Kyaw, 2017. c Skeldon, 2018.

International migration flows: definitions, numbers and gaps While data on migrant stocks are widely available, data on global migration movements (flows) are much more limited. Available UN DESA estimates on global migrant stocks are extensive and global in scope; however, the database of migration flows only encompasses 45 countries.20 Capturing data on migration flows is extremely challenging for several reasons. First, while international migration flows are generally accepted as covering inflows and outflows into and from countries, there has been a greater focus on recording inflows. For example, while countries such as Australia and the United States count cross-border movements, many others only count entries and not departures.21 Additionally, migration flow data in some countries are derived from administrative events related to immigration status (for example, issuance/renewal/withdrawal of a residence permit) and are thus used as a proxy for migration flows. Furthermore, migratory movements are often hard to separate from non-migratory travel, such as tourism or business.22 Tracking migratory movements also requires considerable resources, infrastructure and IT/knowledge systems. This poses particular challenges for developing countries, where the ability to collect, administer, analyse and report data on mobility, migration and other areas is often limited. Finally, many countries’ physical geographies pose tremendous challenges for collecting data on migration flows. Entry and border management, for example, is particularly challenging in some regions, because of archipelagic and isolated borders, and it is further complicated by traditions of informal migration for work.23 20 21 22 23

Laczko, 2017. Koser, 2010. Skeldon, 2018. Gallagher and McAuliffe, 2016.

Migration and migrants: A global overview

IOMâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Global Migration Data Portal The Global Migration Data Portal was launched in December 2017 as a one-stop access point for timely, comprehensive migration statistics and reliable information about migration data globally. The site is designed to pull together, in one place, key global data sources on migration from across different organizations, agencies and reports. The portal serves users in the field of migration by making international migration data more accessible and visible, and easier to understand. The world map features more than 70 migration data indicators from more than 20 different international data sources, broken down by country, region, subregion and IOM region. Most data displayed are publicly available and provided by numerous international agencies. Migration data on the portal can be accessed for all United Nations countries and are complemented by contextual information, including demographic and employment data. Key additional resources, including written reports and alternative data sources, are made available for all countries, regions and subregions, where available. A regional section provides regional profile pages covering migration data and available sources within different United Nations regions. In the thematic section, the portal offers reviews of available data in various fields of migration, provides explanations of concepts and definitions, and describes key strengths and weaknesses of the available data sources. The thematic pages review the data for around 30 topics of migration. The portal also features a collection of more than 100 handbooks and guidance reports on how to measure migration and collect data in various fields. Numerous blogs discussing recent data and innovations authored by leading experts in the field of migration, and video interviews with leading data experts from around the world, are also included on the portal. The portal also includes migration governance country profiles and a dedicated section on data on migration governance. A specific section shows how data can support United Nations Member States in achieving the migration-relevant Sustainable Development Goals and in implementing the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration. The portal is available in English, and translations of key sections are available in French, Spanish and German. For more information see: http://migrationdataportal.org.

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2020

Migration flows There are currently two main international datasets on international migration flows, both of which are derived from national statistics: UN DESA’s International Migration Flows dataset and OECD’s International Migration Database. Since 2005, UN DESA has compiled data on the flows of international migrants to and from selected countries, based on nationally available statistics. At the time of writing (August 2019), there had been no update to the UN DESA flows dataset, with the most current being the 2015 version. The 2015 migration flows dataset comprises data from 45 countries (only 43 on emigration flows), up from 29 countries in 2008 and 15 countries in 2005.24 The OECD data on migration flows have been collected since 2000, which allows for limited trend analysis, as shown in figure 5 (though data are not standardized, as explained in the note under the figure).25 The estimates suggest that permanent migration inflows to OECD countries increased from 3.85 million in 2000 to 7.06 million in 2016, with a temporary lull occurring around the time of the global financial crisis (figure 5). Germany remained the main OECD destination country in 2016, with over 1.7 million new international migrants (more than double the levels registered in 2000, but with a decrease compared with more than 2 million in 2015) arriving that year, followed by the United States (nearly 1.2 million) and the United Kingdom (about 450,000 new migrants).26

Figure 5. Inflows of foreign nationals into OECD countries, permanent migration, 2000–2016 (millions) 8 7

millions

6 5 4 3 2 1 0

2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016

Source: OECD, n.d.a. Notes: Data are not standardized and therefore differ from statistics on permanent migration inflows into selected countries contained in OECD’s International Migration Outlook 2018 (OECD, 2018). The 35 countries typically included in OECD statistics are the following: Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, Chile, Czechia, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Japan, Republic of Korea, Latvia, Luxembourg, Mexico, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, the United Kingdom and the United States. In some years, data for particular countries are not made available: data were made available for 31 countries in 2000 and 33 countries in 2016. Notably, data for Greece have not been reported since 2012 and data for Turkey have not been reported since 2010.

24 For UN DESA migrant flow data, as well as for the specific countries included, please see UN DESA, 2015. 25 This subsection is based on data from the OECD International Migration Database. For additional data on migrant flows and other migrant data in OECD countries, please see OECD, n.d.a. 26 These are the top OECD countries for permanent inflows of foreign nationals for which data were made available in 2017.

Migration and migrants: A global overview

Migrant fatalities and IOM’s Missing Migrants Project In the wake of the tragic events of October 2013, in which an estimated 368 migrants died in the sinking of two boats near the Italian island of Lampedusa, IOM began collecting and compiling information on migrants who perish or go missing on migratory routes worldwide, within its Missing Migrants Project (MMP). Information on migrant fatalities is collected daily and made available on the Missing Migrants Project’s online database, managed by IOM’s Global Migration Data Analysis Centre. MMP also provides analysis of the data and issues related to deaths during migration, in briefings and its “Fatal Journeys” reports (volume 4 published in 2019). Data sources include official records of coast guards and medical examiners, media stories, reports from non-governmental organizations and United Nations agencies, and interviews with migrants. Data collection challenges are significant. For instance, the vast majority of recorded deaths are of people travelling via clandestine routes, which are often at sea or in remote areas (chosen with the aim of evading detection), meaning remains are not found. Few official sources collect and make data on migrant deaths publicly available. Relying on testimonies of fellow migrants and media sources can be problematic, due to inaccuracies and incomplete coverage. In the five years (2014–2018) of systematically recording deaths during migration, MMP has documented over 30,900 women, men and children who lost their lives while trying to reach other countries. During that time, the Mediterranean Sea has seen the highest number of deaths, claiming the lives of at least 17,919 people, 64 per cent of whose bodies have not been recovered from the sea. In 2018, the Mediterranean continued to be the place with the highest known number of deaths during migration, but compared with the previous four years, there was a much higher proportion who died on the “Western Mediterranean route”. A total of 813 deaths were recorded on this sea crossing from the coast of Northern Africa to Spain in 2018, compared with 272 in 2017. Nearly 570 deaths during migration were recorded in North Africa in 2018, mostly due to the harsh natural environment, violence and abuse, dangerous transportation conditions, and sickness and starvation. Despite the ongoing war and humanitarian crisis in Yemen, in 2018 the migration route to the country from the Horn of Africa across the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden continued to be in high use. In 2018, 156 people are known to have drowned in this crossing. In the context of the displacement of millions of people from the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, 42 people from the country lost their lives while trying to migrate elsewhere in the region in 2018. No deaths of Venezuelans were recorded by MMP in the previous year. Since 2014, 1,884 deaths have been recorded along the United States–Mexico border, including 434 in 2018. To download the MMP data, see https://missingmigrants.iom.int/downloads. New data sources are constantly added and efforts are ongoing to improve data collection globally. For a discussion of the challenges of collecting data on migrant deaths, please see http://missingmigrants.iom.int/methodology.

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2020

Migrant workers The latest available estimates indicate that there were roughly 164 million migrant workers around the world in 2017, accounting for nearly two thirds (64%) of the (then) 258 million global stock of international migrants.27 When compared with the global population of international migrants of working age – regarded as 15 years of age or older (234 million) – migrant workers account for 70 per cent. For a range of reasons, however, these global figures are likely to be underestimates.28 While earlier global estimates of migrant workers have been produced, ILO notes that these cannot be compared with 2017 figures, due to definitional differences and changes in methodology and data sources. In 2017, 68 per cent of migrant workers were residing in high-income level countries – an estimated 111 million people. An additional 47 million migrant workers (29%) were living in middle-income countries, and 5.6 million (3.4%) were in low-income countries. While we are unable to compare the numbers of migrant workers over time, it is useful to examine changes in proportional distribution. In 2017, for example, there was a noticeable change in destination country category; that is, from 2013 to 2017, high-income countries experienced a 7 percentage point drop in migrant workers (from 75% to 68%), while upper-middle-income countries observed a 7 percentage point increase (from 12% to 19%) (see figure 6). This apparent shift may be influenced by economic growth in middle-income countries and/or changes to labour immigration regulations in high-income countries. The share of migrant workers in the total workforce across country income groups was quite small in low-income (1.9%), lower-income (1.4%) and upper-middle-income countries (2.2%), but much greater for high-income countries (18.5%).

Figure 6. Migrant workers by destination country income level, 2013 and 2017 80 70

Percentage

60 50 40 30 20 10 0

Low income

Lower-middle income 2013

Upper-middle income

High income

2017

Source: ILO, 2018.

27 The content in this subsection is based on and drawn from ILO, 2018. Please refer to this document for explanatory notes, deeper analysis, limitations and caveats associated with the numbers and trends presented. More generally, information on foreign-born employment in OECD countries is available at OECD, n.d.b. 28 See, for example, ILO, 2018.

Migration and migrants: A global overview

Male migrant workers outnumbered female migrant workers by 28 million in 2017, with 96 million males (58%) and 68 million females (42%), in a context where males comprised a higher number of international migrants of working age (127 million or 54%, compared with 107 million or 46% females). This represents a slight shift since 2013, towards an even more gendered migrant worker population, when the share of male migrant workers constituted 56 per cent and females 44 per cent. See table 2 for further breakdowns by income level and sex.

Table 2. Migrant workers, by sex and income level of destination countries, 2017 Low-income

Lower-middleincome

Upper-middleincome

High-income

Global total

Total

Migrant workers (millions)

3.6

1.9

5.6

10.9

5.6

16.6

17.4

13.1

30.5

63.7

47.5

111.2

95.7

68.1

163.8

As a proportion of all migrant workers (%)

2.2

1.2

3.4

6.7

3.4

10.1

10.6

18.6

38.9

67.9

58.4

41.6

100

Source: Based on ILO, 2018. Note: Totals may not add up due to the effects of rounding.

As evident from the data, the international migrant worker population is currently gendered as well as geographically concentrated. There is a much larger number of male than female migrant workers worldwide (see table 2), with a gender composition that sees much higher numbers of men in low-income and lowermiddle income countries compared with women, and in contrast to the gender splits for high-income countries. In terms of geography, and as seen in figure 7 below, 99.6 million or almost 61 per cent of all migrant workers resided in three subregions: Northern America; the Arab States; and Northern, Southern and Western Europe.29 Notably, there is a striking gender imbalance of migrant workers in two regions: Southern Asia (6 million males compared with 1.3 million females) and the Arab States (19.1 million males compared with 3.6 million females). The Arab States region is one of the top destinations for migrant workers, where they can dominate key sectors. For example, in the Gulf States, over 95 per cent of the labour force for construction and domestic work is comprised of migrant workers.30 From 2013 to 2017, the number of migrant workers in the Arab States increased by over 5 per cent, following greater demand for male migrant workers, many of whom are involved in manual labour, mostly in the construction sector.31

29 The ILO category of “Arab States” includes the following countries and territories: Bahrain, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syrian Arab Republic, United Arab Emirates, Yemen and the Palestinian Territories. 30 ILO, n.d. 31 ILO, 2018.

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2020

Figure 7. Geographic distribution of migrant workers by sex, 2017 Arab States Central and Western Asia Eastern Asia Eastern Europe Latin America and the Caribbean Northern Africa Northern America Northern, Southern and Western Europe South-Eastern Asia and the Paciﬁc Southern Asia Sub-Saharan Africa 0

20 25 millions

Male

Female

Source: ILO, 2018. Note: The figure reflects ILO geographic regions and subregions, and does not imply official endorsement or acceptance by IOM. Please see annex A of ILO, 2018 for more information on regional breakdowns. Please note that the rest of this chapter refers to the UN DESA geographical regions.

International remittances Remittances are financial or in-kind transfers made by migrants directly to families or communities in their countries of origin. The World Bank compiles global data on international remittances, notwithstanding the myriad data gaps, definitional differences and methodological challenges in compiling accurate statistics.32 Its data, however, do not capture unrecorded flows through formal or informal channels, and the actual magnitude of global remittances are therefore likely to be larger than available estimates.33 Despite these limitations, available data reflect an overall increase in remittances in recent decades, from USD 126 billion in 2000, to USD 689 billion in 2018. There was a 9 per cent increase in remittances in 2018, up from USD 633 billion in 2017. However, the two consecutive years prior to 2017 witnessed a decline; from 2014 to 2015, global (inward) flows of remittances

32 The content of much of this subsection, unless otherwise noted, is based on and drawn from the World Bank’s data in relation to migration and remittances (World Bank, n.d.b); and publications on the topic (World Bank, n.d.c.). In particular, the World Bank’s annual remittances datasets (World Bank, n.d.b), the Migration and Development Brief 31 (World Bank, 2019), Migration and Development Brief 30 (World Bank, 2018), the Migration and Development Brief 27 (World Bank, 2017a) and its 21 April Press Release (World Bank, 2017b) are key sources of information. Please refer to these sources as well as the World Bank’s Factbooks on Migration and Development, including its latest, published in 2016, for explanatory notes, deeper analysis, caveats, limitations and methodologies associated with the numbers and trends presented. 33 World Bank, 2016.

Migration and migrants: A global overview

contracted by an estimated 1.2 per cent, from USD 603 billion in 2014 to USD 595 billion in 2015, and by another 1.1 per cent from 2015 to 2016 (from USD 595 billion to USD 589 billion). Consistent with this trend, remittances to low- and middle-income countries (which account for the majority of the global total) had declined for two consecutive years, from 2014 to 2016 – a trend that had not been seen for three decades, according to the World Bank, before returning back to the positive long-term trend from 2016 to 2018 (from USD 444 billion in 2016, to USD 483 billion in 2017, and USD 529 billion in 2018). Since the mid1990s, remittances have greatly surpassed official development assistance levels,34 defined as government aid designed to promote the economic development and welfare of developing countries.35 In 2018, India, China, Mexico, the Philippines and Egypt were (in descending order) the top five remittancerecipient countries, although India and China were well above the rest, with total inward remittances exceeding USD 67 billion for each country (see table 3). When remittances are viewed as a percentage of gross domestic product, however, the top five remittance-receiving countries in 2018 were Tonga (at 35.2%), followed by Kyrgyzstan (33.6%), Tajikistan (31%), Haiti (30.7%) and Nepal (28%). High-income countries are almost always the main source of remittances. For decades, the United States has consistently been the top remittance-sending country, with a total outflow of USD 67.96 billion in 2017, followed by the United Arab Emirates (USD 44.37 billion), Saudi Arabia (USD 36.12 billion) and Switzerland (USD 26.6 billion). The fifth-highest remittance-sending country in both 2016 and 2017 was Germany (with total outflows of USD 20.29 billion and 22.09 billion, respectively). In addition to its role as a top recipient, China (classified as an upper-middle-income country by the World Bank) has also been a significant, although declining, source of remittances, with USD 20.29 billion in 2016, down to USD 16.18 billion in 2017. Table 3 provides further details and trends.36

Table 3. Top countries receiving/sending remittances (2005–2018) (current USD billions) Top countries receiving remittances 2005

2010

2015

2018

China

23.63

India

53.48

India

68.91

India

78.61

Mexico

22.74

China

52.46

China

63.94

China

67.41

India

22.13

Mexico

22.08

Philippines

29.80

Mexico

35.66

Nigeria

14.64

Philippines

21.56

Mexico

26.23

Philippines

33.83

France

14.21

France

19.90

France

24.06

Egypt

28.92

Philippines

13.73

Nigeria

19.75

Nigeria

21.16

France

26.43

Belgium

6.89

Germany

12.79

Pakistan

19.31

Nigeria

24.31

Germany

6.87

Egypt

12.45

Egypt

18.33

Pakistan

21.01

Spain

6.66

Bangladesh

10.85

Germany

15.81

Germany

17.36

Poland

6.47

Belgium

10.35

Bangladesh

15.30

Viet Nam

15.93

34 See World Bank, 2019, for example. 35 See, for example, OECD, n.d.c, which also contains data on official development assistance. There is a growing body of work exploring the developmental, economic and social impacts of this trend. 36 Breakdowns for countries sending remittances in 2018 were unavailable at the time of writing.

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2020

Top countries sending remittances 2005

2010

2015

2017a

United States

47.25 United States

50.78

United States

61.86

United States

67.96

Saudi Arabia

14.30 Saudi Arabia

27.07

United Arab Emirates

40.33

United Arab Emirates

44.37

Germany

12.71

21.45

Saudi Arabia

38.79

Saudi Arabia

36.12

Switzerland

10.52 Switzerland

17.76

Switzerland

25.40

Switzerland

26.60

United Kingdom

9.64 Germany

14.68

China

20.42

Germany

22.09

France

9.48 Italy

12.89

Russian Federation

19.69

Russian Federation

20.61

6.9 France

12.03

Germany

18.03

China

16.18

Russian Federation

6.83 Kuwait

11.86

Kuwait

15.20

Kuwait

13.76

Luxembourg

6.70 Luxembourg

10.65

France

12.79

France

13.50

Malaysia

5.68

United Arab Emirates

10.57

Qatar

12.19

Republic of Korea

12.89

Republic of Korea

Russian Federation

Source: World Bank, n.d.b. (accessed July 2019). Note: All numbers are in current (nominal) USD billion. a

The latest available data at the time of writing was for 2017. Breakdowns for countries sending remittances in 2018 were unavailable.

IOM’s assisted voluntary return and reintegration programmes IOM has implemented assisted voluntary return and reintegration (AVRR) programmes since 1979. IOM’s AVRR support to migrants comprises a range of activities, and typically includes: the provision of pre-departure counselling, the purchase of flight tickets, administrative and travel assistance and, where possible, the provision of reintegration assistance. On average, from 2005 to 2014, IOM assisted 34,000 migrants per year through AVRR. In line with the rise in the volume of migration in recent years, the number of returns has increased. In 2018, AVRR support was provided to 63,316 migrants returning from 128 host or transit countries to 169 countries or territories of origin. However, this amounts to a 12 per cent decrease compared

Migration and migrants: A global overview

with 2017 (72,176). This decrease can be explained by a combination of structural and contextual factors, varying from country to country: lower numbers of migrant arrivals and asylum applications, and changes in national migration and asylum policies. Of the 63,316 AVRR beneficiaries in 2018, approximately 24 per cent were women and 22 per cent were children. Over 7 per cent of these returnees were victims of trafficking, unaccompanied migrant children, or migrants with healthrelated needs. Approximately 18,274 beneficiaries were provided with pre-departure reintegration counselling in host countries, and 41,461 beneficiaries were provided with reintegration counselling upon arrival in their countries or territories of origin. Top 10 host/transit countries and countries of origin of AVRR beneficiaries, 2018 Host or transit countries

Countries of origin

Germany

15,942

Iraq

5,661

Niger

14,977

Guinea

5,088

Greece

4,968

Ethiopia

4,792

Austria

3,469

Mali

4,041

Djibouti

3,392

Georgia

2,681

Belgium

2,795

Afghanistan

2,232

Netherlands

2,149

Albania

2,167

Morocco

1,508

Russian Federation

1,952

Turkey

1,494

Ukraine

1,901

Côte d’Ivoire

1,834

Italy

958

In 2018, the majority of AVRR beneficiaries (54%) returned from the European Economic Area (EEA) and Switzerland, particularly from Germany, Greece, Belgium, Austria and the Netherlands. Returns from the EEA and Switzerland decreased from 50,587 in 2017 to 33,971 in 2018. This trend confirms the increasing number of voluntary returns from transit countries. In 2018, returns from the Niger, Djibouti and Morocco to countries such as Guinea, Mali and Ethiopia amounted to more than 22 per cent of the global total. The main regions of origin for AVRR beneficiaries in 2018 were West and Central Africa (31% of total); South-East Europe, East Europe and Central Asia (28%); and Asia and the Pacific (14%). Together, the top 10 countries and territories of origin accounted for 51 per cent of the total number of AVRR beneficiaries. For more information, see IOM, 2019a.

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2020

Refugees and asylum seekers By the end of 2018, there was a total of 25.9 million refugees globally, with 20.4 million under UNHCR’s mandate and 5.5 million refugees registered by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) in the Near East.37 The total number of refugees is the highest on record, although the annual rate of growth has slowed since 2012. There were also approximately 3.5 million people seeking international protection and awaiting determination of their refugee status, referred to as asylum seekers. In 2018, approximately 2.1 million asylum claims were lodged with States or UNHCR. Of the roughly 1.7 million first-instance applications for asylum lodged in 2018, the United States was the top recipient of asylum claims, with 254,300 new asylum applications, a 23 per cent decrease from 2017 (331,700), contrasting with the previous trend of increasing asylum applications in the United States from 2013 to 2016. Peru was the second largest recipient, with a sharp increase of asylum applications, from 37,800 new asylum claims in 2017 to 192,500 in 2018, mainly lodged by Venezuelans (190,500). Peru was followed by Germany, where the number of asylum applications continued to decrease (722,400 in 2016, down to 198,300 in 2017 and 161,900 in 2018). UNHCR estimates that, at the end of 2018, those under 18 years of age constituted roughly 52 per cent of the global refugee population. From 2003 to 2018, according to available disaggregated data, the proportion of children among stocks of refugees was very high, fluctuating between 41 and 52 per cent. The proportion of females has remained relatively stable, at 47 to 49 per cent, over the same period. Consistent with broader global dynamics, refugees continued to be primarily based in urban settings, with about 61 per cent of refugees located in urban areas at the end of 2018.38 Unaccompanied and separated children lodged an estimated 27,600 individual asylum applications in at least 60 countries in 2018, marking a continued declining trend since the exceptionally high number of applications in 2015 (98,400).39 As in other years, unresolved or renewed conflict dynamics in key countries contributed significantly to current figures and trends. Of the refugees under UNHCR’s mandate at the end of 2018, the top 10 countries of origin – the Syrian Arab Republic, Afghanistan, South Sudan, Myanmar, Somalia, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Central African Republic, Eritrea and Burundi – accounted for roughly 16.6 million, or 82 per cent of the total refugee population. Many of these countries have been among the top sources of refugees for at least seven years. The ongoing conflict in the Syrian Arab Republic saw the number of refugees from that country reach approximately 6.7 million. The instability and violence that have made Afghanistan a major source of refugees for over 30 years have continued, with the country being the second largest origin country in the world, with 2.7 million refugees; this is a slight increase from 2017 figures (2.6 million), largely due to births during that year. South Sudan remained the third largest origin country of refugees since large-scale violence erupted in the middle of 2016, with 2.3 million at the end of 2018. Refugees from

37 The content in this subsection is based on and drawn from UNHCR, 2018 and UNHCR, 2019. Please refer to these documents for explanatory notes, deeper analysis, caveats, limitations and methodologies associated with the numbers and trends presented. UNHCR’s previous Global Trends reports, as well as its Population Statistics database (UNHCR, n.d.a) are other key sources of information. 38 See UNHCR, 2018 and UNHCR, 2019 for limitations applicable to these assessments related to age, sex and location. 39 See UNHCR, 2019 on why these figures are underestimates.

Migration and migrants: A global overview

the Syrian Arab Republic, Afghanistan, South Sudan, Myanmar and Somalia comprised over two thirds of the world refugee population. Figure 8 shows the trends in refugee numbers for the top five countries of origin from 2005 to 2018. The impact of the Syrian conflict is clearly illustrated in figure 8; in 2010, the Syrian Arab Republic was a source country for fewer than 30,000 refugees and asylum seekers, whereas it was the third largest host country in the world, with more than 1 million refugees mainly originating from Iraq.40

Figure 8. Number of refugees by top 5 countries of origin as of 2018 (millions) 7 6

millions

Syrian Arab Republic Afghanistan

South Sudan 3

Myanmar

Somalia

1 0 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018

Source: UNHCR, n.d.a. (accessed on 9 July 2019). Note: South Sudan became a country in 2011.

In 2018, for the fifth consecutive year, Turkey was the largest host country in the world, with 3.7 million refugees, mainly Syrians (over 3.6 million). Reflecting the significant share of Syrians in the global refugee population, two other bordering countries – Jordan and Lebanon – also featured among the top 10. Pakistan and the Islamic Republic of Iran were also among the top 10 refugee-hosting countries, as the two principal hosts of refugees from Afghanistan, the second largest origin country. Uganda, Sudan, Germany, Bangladesh and Ethiopia comprised the rest. The vast majority of refugees were hosted in neighbouring countries. According to UNHCR, the least developed countries – such as Bangladesh, Chad, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Rwanda, South Sudan, Sudan, the United Republic of Tanzania, Uganda and Yemen – hosted 33 per cent of the global total (6.7 million refugees). It is only when refugees are measured against national populations that high-income countries, such as Sweden (seventh) and Malta (ninth), rank among the top 10. Figure 9 shows trends in refugee numbers for the top five host countries from 2000 to 2018.

40 UNHCR, 2010.

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2020

Figure 9. Number of refugees by top 5 host countries as of 2018 (millions) 4.0 3.5 3.0 Turkey

millions

2.5

Pakistan

2.0

Uganda Sudan

1.5

Germany

1.0 0.5 0.0 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018

Source: UNHCR, n.d.a. (accessed on 25 June 2019).

During 2018, over 590,000 refugees returned to their countries of origin – a decrease compared with the 667,400 returned refugees in 2017 – while the global refugee population has continued to increase. The majority of returns (210,900) were to the Syrian Arab Republic, primarily from Turkey. While there are many challenges to measuring those benefiting from local integration, UNHCR estimates that, in 2018, 27 countries reported at least one naturalized refugee (compared with 28 countries in 2017), with a total of 62,600 naturalized refugees for the year (a decrease from the 73,400 newly naturalized refugees in 2017, but a significant increase compared with the 23,000 reported in 2016). Turkey, which naturalized an estimated 29,000 refugees from the Syrian Arab Republic in 2018 (compared with 50,000 in 2017), represents the greatest proportion, with Canada, the Netherlands, Guinea-Bissau and France contributing the bulk of the rest. The traditional resettlement countries of Canada, the United States of America and Australia continued to conduct the majority of the world’s refugee resettlements. In 2018, approximately 92,400 refugees were admitted for resettlement globally, representing more than a 10 per cent decrease from 2017 (102,800). Syrian, Congolese and Eritrean refugees were the key beneficiaries. Figure 10 provides an overview of resettlement statistics for key countries from 2005 to 2018. With almost 23,000 resettled refugees in 2018, it was the first time since 1980 that the United States of America was not the top resettlement country.41 The significant decline in the number of refugees resettled in the country was due to a substantial lowering of the refugee admission ceiling (the number of refugees admitted for resettlement each fiscal year) and enhanced security screening for refugees from “high-risk” countries, which has had the effect of decreasing the number of refugee admissions from these countries.42 With a steady increase in the number of resettled refugees over the last decade, Canada became the top resettlement country in 2018, with slightly more than 28,000 resettled refugees. 41 Radford and Connor, 2019. 42 United States Department of Homeland Security, 2018; and Blizzard and Batalova, 2019.

Migration and migrants: A global overview

Figure 10. Number of refugees resettled by major resettlement countries in 2005–2018 (thousands) United States of America Canada Australia

2018 2015

United Kingdom

2010 2005

Norway Sweden 0

thousands Source: UNHCR, n.d.b. (accessed on 25 June 2019).

IOM’s role in resettlement IOM arranges safe and organized travel for refugees through resettlement programmes, as well as for other vulnerable persons of concern moving through other humanitarian pathways. Beyond traditional refugee resettlement and humanitarian admission programmes, more States are interested in or are currently carrying out other forms of admission, such as private sponsorships, academic scholarships and labour mobility schemes. IOM’s movement data for resettlement assistance refer to the overall number of refugees and other persons of concern travelling under IOM auspices from various countries of departure to destinations around the world during a given period. During calendar years 2017 and 2018, IOM supported some 40 States in carrying out resettlement, humanitarian admission and relocation initiatives in over 138 countries of departure, with significant operations conducted in Lebanon, Turkey, Afghanistan, Jordan, Greece, Italy, Uganda, Kenya, Iraq, Ethiopia and Sudan. In 2017, a total of 137,840 individuals travelled to 40 States under IOM auspices for resettlement assistance; the top nationalities were Syrians, Afghans, Eritreans, Iraqis and Congolese. In 2018, a total of 95,400 individuals travelled to 30 States under IOM auspices for resettlement assistance; the top 5 nationalities were the same as the previous year. From 2017 to 2018, the gender breakdown remained close, with 52 per cent males and 48 per cent females resettling to third countries.

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2020

Comparing years 2015–2016 with 2017–2018, there was a 49.6 per cent reduction of individuals resettled to North America, and a 46 per cent increase in resettlement and relocation to the European Economic Area (EEA). The top nationalities admitted to the EEA during 2017–2018 were Syrians, Eritreans, Iraqis, Congolese, Sudanese and Afghans. Under cooperative agreements, IOM provides stakeholders with necessary information and shares data with key partners, such as UNHCR, resettlement countries and settlement agencies. IOM works in close collaboration with UNHCR on a regular basis, to verify and better align aggregate data related to resettlement, specifically around departures figures. For more information on IOM’s resettlement activities, see www.iom.int/resettlement-assistance.

Internally displaced persons The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) compiles data on two types of internal displacement: new displacements during a given period, and the total stock of IDPs at a given point in time. This statistical information is categorized by two broad displacement causes: (a) disasters, and (b) conflict and violence. However, IDMC acknowledges the challenges associated with distinguishing between disasters and conflict as the immediate cause of displacement, and highlights the growing need to identify better ways to report on displacement in the context of multiple drivers.43 With an estimated 41.3 million, the total global stock of people internally displaced by conflict and violence at the end of 2018 was the highest on record since IDMC began monitoring in 1998, and represents an increase from the 40 million reported in 2017. As with trends for refugees (discussed in the previous section), intractable and new conflicts have meant that the total number of persons internally displaced by conflict and violence has almost doubled since 2000, and has risen sharply since 2010. Figure 11 shows the world’s top 20 countries with the largest number of IDPs displaced due to conflict and violence (stock) at the end of 2018. Most countries were either in the Middle East or sub-Saharan Africa. The Syrian Arab Republic had the highest number of people displaced due to conflict (6.1 million) by the end of 2018, followed by Colombia (5.8 million). The Democratic Republic of the Congo had the third largest number with 3.1 million, followed by Somalia (2.6 million) and Afghanistan (2.6 million). Over 30 million (nearly 75%) of the global total of 41.3 million people displaced live in just 10 countries.44 In terms of proportion of national population, the Syrian Arab Republic, whose conflict has dragged on for several years, had over 30 per cent of its population displaced due to conflict and violence. Somalia had the second highest proportion (18%), followed by the Central African Republic and Colombia (with both over 10%). It is important to note, however, that especially for protracted displacement cases, such as in Colombia, some

43 IDMC highlights the challenges in collecting data on displacements due to development projects, criminal violence, or slow-onset disasters, as well as their efforts to overcome these difficulties. See IDMC, 2019. 44 The 10 countries include: the Syrian Arab Republic, Colombia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Somalia, Afghanistan, Yemen, Nigeria, Ethiopia, Sudan and Iraq.

Migration and migrants: A global overview

people who have returned to their places of origin and to their homes may still be counted as internally displaced. This is because, in some cases, a durable solution has not been achieved.45 Organizations such as IDMC follow the Inter-Agency Standing Committee’s framework on “Durable Solutions for Internally Displaced Persons”, which stipulates eight criteria that constitute a durable solution in determining when people should no longer be considered internally displaced.46

Figure 11. Top 20 countries with the largest stock of internally displaced persons by conflict and violence at the end of 2018 millions | per cent Syrian Arab Republic Colombia Democratic Republic of the Congo Somalia Afghanistan Yemen Nigeria Ethiopia Sudan Iraq South Sudan Turkey Ukraine Cameroon Central African Republic India Bangladesh Myanmar Azerbaijan Mexico 6

5 10 15 20 25 30

Source: IDMC, 2019. Notes: IDP stock refers to the accumulated number of people displaced over time.

The population size used to calculate the percentage of conflict stock displacements is based on the total resident population of the country per 2017 UN DESA population estimates.

45 A durable solution is achieved “when IDPs no longer have specific assistance and protection needs that are linked to their displacement and such persons can enjoy their human rights without discrimination resulting from their displacement”. See, for example, the Brookings Institution and University of Bern, 2010. 46 The criteria include: safety and security; adequate standard of living; access to livelihoods; restoration of housing, land and property; access to documentation; family reunification; participation in public affairs; and access to effective remedies and justice. See, for example, the Brookings Institution and University of Bern, 2010; IDMC, 2019.

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2020

In 2018, for the first time, IDMC also provided an estimate of the global stock figure of persons displaced by disasters. Slightly over 1.6 million persons were reported to be still living in displacement at the end of 2018 due to disasters that occurred in 2018. As noted by IDMC, this figure is a “highly conservative estimate”, as it does not capture those living in displacement because of disasters that took place before 2018.

New displacements in 2018 At the end of 2018, there were a total of 28 million new internal displacements across 148 countries and territories. Sixty-one per cent (17.2 million) of these new displacements were triggered by disasters, and 39 per cent (10.8 million) were caused by conflict and violence. As in previous years, weather-related disasters triggered the vast majority of all new displacements, with storms accounting for 9.3 million displacements and floods 5.4 million. The number of new displacements associated with conflict and violence almost doubled, from 6.9 million in 2016 to 11.8 million in 2017, and slightly decreased, to 10.8 million, in 2018.47 In 2018, Ethiopia topped the list with a significantly higher number of new displacements caused by conflict and violence (2.9 million in 2018, compared with 725,000 in 2017), considerably influencing global numbers as a result.48 Ethiopia was followed by the Democratic Republic of the Congo (1.8 million) and the Syrian Arab Republic (1.6 million). Many more people are newly displaced by disasters in any given year, compared with those newly displaced by conflict and violence, and more countries are affected by disaster displacement. This is apparent when examining the number of countries and territories in which new displacements occurred in 2018: 144 for disasters, compared with 55 for conflict and violence. In 2018 (as in previous years), disasters triggered by climate and weather-related hazards, such as storms and floods, accounted for the bulk of the total (16.1 million, or almost 94%). Information on displacements caused by droughts was also available and obtained for the first time in 2017, with 1.3 million new displacements and, in 2018, 764,000, mostly in the Horn of Africa. Since 2008, the other cause of disasters, geophysical hazards, has triggered an average of 3.1 million displacements per year. While 2017 statistics for geophysical disasters were well below average, with 758,000 new displacements recorded, the number increased to 1.1 million in 2018. The Philippines and China (approximately 3.8 million each), as well as India and the United States (respectively around 2.7 and 1.2 million), had the highest absolute numbers of disaster displacements in 2018. As shown in figure 12, in previous years, annual new disaster displacements outnumbered new displacements associated with conflict and violence. IDMC notes, however, that a significant portion of the global total of new displacements by disasters is usually associated with short-term evacuations in a relatively safe and orderly manner.

47 The content in this subsection is based on and drawn from IDMC, 2018 and IDMC, 2019. Please refer to these documents for explanatory notes, deeper analysis, caveats, limitations and methodologies associated with the numbers and trends presented. IDMC’s previous Global Estimates reports (available at www.internal-displacement.org/global-report/), as well as its Global Internal Displacement Database (IDMC, n.d.), are other key sources of information. 48 IDMC highlights possible reasons for these changes, including stabilization of front lines of conflicts, ceasefires, restrictions on freedom of movement, and changes in methodology for data collection.

Migration and migrants: A global overview

Figure 12. New internal displacements by conflict and disasters, 2008–2018 (millions) 45 40 35

millions

30 25 20 15 10 5 0

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

New internal displacements by conﬂict

2013

2014

2015

2016

2017

2018

New internal displacements by disasters

Source: IDMC, n.d. (accessed 4 June 2019). Notes: The term “new displacements” refers to the number of displacement movements that occurred in a given year, not the total accumulated stock of IDPs resulting from displacement over time. New displacement figures include individuals who have been displaced more than once, and do not correspond to the number of people displaced during a given year.

IOM’s Displacement Tracking Matrix IOM’s Displacement Tracking Matrix (DTM) programme tracks displacement in countries affected by conflicts or natural disasters. It is designed to capture, process and disseminate information on the movements and evolving needs of displaced populations and migrants. Data are shared in the form of maps, infographics, reports, interactive web-based visualizations and raw or customized data exports. Based on a given situation, the DTM gathers information on populations, locations, conditions, needs and vulnerabilities, using one or more of the following methodological tools: (a) Tracking mobility and multisectoral needs in specific locations to target assistance; (b) Tracking movement (“flow”) trends and the overall situation at origin, transit and destination points; (c) Registering individuals and households for beneficiary selection, vulnerability targeting and programming; (d) Conducting surveys, to gather specific in-depth information from populations of interest. In 2018, the DTM tracked over 40 million individuals (including internally displaced persons, returnees and migrants) in over 60 countries. IOM’s DTM data is one of the largest sources for global annual estimates on internal displacement compiled by IDMC. For more information on IOM’s DTM, see www.globaldtm.info.

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2020

Stateless persons Stateless persons are, by definition, in a vulnerable situation, as they are not recognized as nationals by any State.49 They face obstacles in accessing basic services – such as education, employment or health care – and can suffer discrimination, abuse and marginalization. While stateless persons are not necessarily migrants, their situations involving vulnerability and lack of rights may lead them to migrate, internally or across borders, and often irregularly, given the significant obstacles they can face in accessing travel documents and regular migration pathways.50 As part of its statelessness mandate, UNCHR reported 3.9 million stateless persons globally in 2018, the same global figure as in 2017.51 This figure is, however, a low estimate, and the number may have been as high as 10 million in 2017, according to UNHCR. Indeed, while identifying who is stateless is a necessary first step towards preventing and reducing statelessness worldwide, data collection remains a significant challenge.52 For the first time, UNHCR included Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh and IDPs in Rakhine State, Myanmar, in its 2017 and 2018 data of stateless persons, “in light of the size of this population and that they are in fact stateless as well as displaced”.53 Bangladesh and Myanmar were the countries with the first and third largest populations of stateless persons, respectively, in 2018 (around 906,000 stateless persons in Bangladesh and 620,000 in Myanmar). Figure 13 shows the other countries in the top 10 as of 2018. Côte d’Ivoire stood at the second position with 692,000 stateless persons, including mainly persons considered as “foreigners” after the country’s independence, as well as their descendants.54 Thailand had the fourth largest population of stateless persons in 2018, which consisted mostly of indigenous and ethnic communities.55 Latvia reported almost 225,000 stateless persons, with a significant number of ethnic Russians who have not been able to naturalize due to the country’s citizenship law after its independence from the Soviet Union, which only grants nationality by descent.56 It was followed by the Syrian Arab Republic (160,000), Kuwait (92,000), Uzbekistan (80,000), Estonia (78,000) and the Russian Federation (76,000). In terms of proportion of national populations, over 11 per cent of Latvia’s population was stateless, followed by Estonia, where stateless persons amounted to nearly 6 per cent.

49 50 51 52 53

United Nations, 1954. See also UNHCR, 2014a. McAuliffe, 2018. The content of this subsection is based on and drawn from UNHCR, 2018 and UNHCR, 2019, unless otherwise indicated. UNHCR, 2019:51. UNHCR, 2018:53. In line with UNHCR statistical methodology, stateless refugees, asylum seekers and IDPs in other countries remain excluded from reported data on stateless persons. In Global Trends: Forced Displacement in 2017, however, UNHCR indicates that the statistical reporting for stateless populations is currently being reviewed (UNHCR, 2018). See also Institute on Statelessness and Inclusion, 2018. 54 Adjami, 2016. 55 Van Waas, 2013. 56 Venkov, 2018; Institute on Statelessness and Inclusion, 2014.

Migration and migrants: A global overview

Figure 13. Major populations of stateless persons by top 10 reporting countries as of 2018 Bangladesh CĂ´te d'Ivoire Myanmar Thailand Latvia Syrian Arab Republic Kuwait Uzbekistan Estonia Russian Federation 15

Total population in thousands

Proportion of national population (%)

Source: UNHCR, 2019; UN DESA, 2017b. Notes: The stock on the left side of the graphic refers to the reported accumulated number of persons who fall within the international definition of stateless persons and under UNHCR mandate, although some countries may include persons whose nationality is undetermined. Data are from the UNHCR Global Trends report, which diverges from data reported in its Population Statistics database. In contrast to its report, the database does not include Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh and IDPs in Myanmar, who were stateless in 2017 and 2018.

The population size used to calculate the percentage of the stock of stateless persons on the right side of the graphic is based on the total resident population of the country per 2017 UN DESA population estimates.

Unfortunately, given current data gaps and methodological challenges, it is not feasible to provide trends over time either of statelessness, or of the impact of current efforts to eradicate it. While UNHCRâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Global Action Plan to End Statelessness by 2024 has led to tangible results since 2014, reducing statelessness is a slow process.57 UNHCR notes a reported 56,400 stateless persons in 24 countries who acquired nationality or whose nationality was confirmed in 2018, especially in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, the Russian Federation, Sweden, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Viet Nam.

57 UNHCR, 2014b; UNHCR ExCom, 2017.

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2020

The Counter-Trafficking Data Collaborative Since the mid-1990s, IOM has assisted over 100,000 victims of trafficking globally. Through these direct assistance activities, IOM has developed its central case management database, which contains information on over 55,000 individual cases since 2002. These data include information on victims of trafficking, including demographics, but also information on their trafficking experience. As a unique source of information on human trafficking, IOM has worked to bring these data to a public audience so that valuable insights can be developed and shared among counter-trafficking actors worldwide. A major part of this effort has been the launch of the Counter-Trafficking Data Collaborative (CTDC) in 2017, in partnership with Polaris and Liberty Shared.a CTDC is the first global data hub on human trafficking, and combines the three largest case-level datasets, resulting in one centralized dataset with information on over 90,000 cases. For programme years 2016 and 2017, 40,190 new case registrations were included. Victims registered in that period were from 147 countries and were exploited in 107 countries. Most of them were women (54%), while 20 per cent were girls, 22 per cent were men and 5 per cent were boys. Just over a quarter were children, with 16 per cent of the victims from 15 to 17 years of age. Nearly 30 per cent were trafficked into forced labour, while 47 per cent were trafficked for the purpose of sexual exploitation. However, as shown in figures below, there are substantial regional differences.b Gender by region of exploitation in CTDC data (2016–2017)

Europe

Asia

Americas

Africa 0

40 Girls

Women

60 Boys

80 Men

100

Migration and migrants: A global overview

Type of exploitation by region of exploitation in CTDC data (2016–2017) Europe

Asia

Americas

Africa 0

20 Forced labour

60 Sexual Exploitation

100

Other exploitation

a Available at www.ctdatacollaborative.org/. b Oceania was omitted, due to the small number of victims in the CTDC dataset. The “other exploitation” category in the right-hand side of the figure includes forced marriage, organ removal, slavery and similar practices, and other kinds of exploitation. Information on definitions can be found on the CTDC website.

Conclusion It is important to understand migration and displacement, and how they are changing globally, given their relevance to States, local communities and individuals. Human migration may be an age-old phenomenon that stretches back to the earliest periods of history, but its manifestations and impacts have changed over time as the world has become more globalized. Now, more than at any other time in history, we have more information on migration and displacement globally at our disposal. And yet, the very nature of migration in an interconnected world means that its dynamism can be difficult to capture in statistical terms. Migration involves “events” that can be fast-paced and complex. While it is certainly true that international migration patterns are related to social, economic and geopolitical processes that have evolved over generations, if not hundreds of years, recent advances in transnational connectivity are opening up more opportunities for greater diversity in migration processes. It is increasingly relevant, therefore, to stay abreast of trends and evolving patterns in migration and displacement. In this chapter, we have provided a global overview of migration and migrants, based on the current data available. Notwithstanding data gaps and lags, several high-level conclusions can be drawn. At the global level, for example, we can see that, over time, migrants have taken up residence in some regions (such as Asia) at a much greater rate than others (such as Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean), and that this trend is likely to continue (see figure 1). Likewise, statistics show that migrant workers continue to gravitate toward regions with greater opportunities, as economies grow and labour markets evolve, and that some migrant worker populations are heavily gendered (see figure 7).

WORLD MIGRATION REPORT 2020

The global data also show that displacement caused by conflict, generalized violence and other factors remains at a record high. Intractable, unresolved and recurring conflicts and violence have led to an upsurge in the number of refugees around the world in recent years, with women and children comprising a substantial portion of the total. While a handful of countries continue to provide solutions for refugees, overall, these have been insufficient to address global needs, especially given the recent change in refugee resettlement patterns to the United States (see figure 10). In addition, there were estimated to be more people displaced internally at the end of 2018 than ever before. We also find that the estimated number of stateless persons globally is significant, at almost 4 million, notwithstanding that it has been cautioned that this is an underestimate. Aside from fundamental human rights issues, statelessness can place people at risk of (irregular) migration and displacement, so it is an important global issue worthy of further data collection, reporting and analysis.58 International cooperation on migration has been recognized by a significant majority of States â&#x20AC;&#x201C; along with non-State actors in migration â&#x20AC;&#x201C; as essential and central to achieving safe, orderly and regular migration for all. The Global Compact for Migration makes this clear, emphasizing a global commitment to improving international cooperation on migration, as well as the collection of migration data, so that we may better understand trends and evolving patterns and processes, to support the development of evidence-based responses.59 There are opportunities to be realized as well as challenges to be overcome, as we work collectively toward implementation of this commitment.

58 Objective 4 of the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration recognizes the need to reduce statelessness and outlines measures to achieve this. 59 See chapter 11 of this report for discussion of the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration, and its 23 objectives.

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365

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Understanding global migration: A social transformation perspective. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 36(19):1565–1586.

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EU in sudden turmoil over UN Migration Pact. EU Observer, 4 December. Available at https:// euobserver.com/migration/143597. Ex-Harper minister calls out Scheer over â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;factually incorrectâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; statement on UN migration pact. CBC News, 5 December. Available at www.cbc.ca/news/politics/alexander-scheertrudeau-un-compact-1.4932698.

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