The History of Racism in Egyptology and its Impact on Pharaonic Nationalism

The History of Racism in Egyptology and its Impact on Pharaonic Nationalism By Juniper Slieker

Of all the Arab nations, Egypt is naturally predisposed1 to a territorial-based nationalist identity. As the only nation of the colonial period whose borders were not unnaturally imposed ruled lines,2 Egypt has a long history as an independent nation. The idea of Pharaonism—the modern use of Ancient Egypt in legitimizing an independent Egyptian state today—had the potential to extend beyond intellectual theory into tangible sources like popular culture, history and geography that would engage the population to the benefit of national politics. In this paper I will begin with a review of the racialist origins of Egyptology and then shift to discuss the consequences of this on politics. I will argue a legacy of racism in Egyptology has created an irreparable disconnect between Egyptians to the extent they have been removed from being the natural inheritors of Ancient Egypt. This disconnect, I will show, is reflected in the failure of Pharaonism, the turn to Arab nationalism and the production of a commercially convenient commodification of Ancient Egypt.

Pharaonic Nationalism

Several authorities helped usher in Pharaonic Nationalism in the 1920s. One of the scholars who informed the foundation was Muhammad Husayn Haykal. Born in Egypt, Haykal—like most of his contemporaries—was educated in France, an experience and scholarly background that influenced his theories. He believed Pharaonic nationalism had two theoretical components. The first was environmental determinism, or the idea that the environmental conditions of a nation instilled a national character in its peoples. Egypt with its natural borders of desert, cataracts, ocean and mountains, he says, created, “a natural disposition to submission, one that foreign rulers did nothing to change.”3 His logic was that “Every living thing enters the valley is received favorably and nourished. Should it attempt to revolt against the order established by the environment, however it will be severely punished and obliged to leave.” 4 The second component is race: Haykal viewed race as a unifying factor since, “the inhabitants of the Nile Valley share certain features which have distinguished them since primeval times; features of their bodily structure and, similarly, of their mental and moral makeup.”5 Early theories of race such as Haykal’s were influenced by European scholars like Ernest Renan, cited in Gershoni and Jankowski’s book Egypt, Islam and the Arabs. Renan, “proposed attributing perceived social differences formerly attributed to biology to rigid and immutable cultural traditions – an approach which had, in effect, allowed biological racism to be reinvented in a different format.”6 Though scientific advancement led to the diminishing of eugenic theories after WWI, Pharaonism, which would reach its height post-WWI, was based on ingrained racist stereotypes. Thus, Pharaonism and its failure signifies a relationship between contemporary Egyptians and their ancient history. Both theoretical parts of Pharaonism, environmental determinism and race, relied on the idea that contemporary Egyptians were the legacy of Ancient Egypt. However, Egyptological racial classification of Ancient Egyptians as distinct from contemporary Egypt intentionally separated the independent Egyptian nation from its legacy. Without this relationship Pharaonism was destined for political failure.

Early Sources on Ancient Egypt

Egyptology as a premier field of knowledge on Ancient Egypt was rooted in the same racism as its European authorship. While the actual race of the Ancient Egyptian for the purposes of this research is irrelevant, the construction and manipulations of race by scholars is where racism is apparent. The roots of racism trace back to two classical surveys of Egypt that are foundational texts of Egyptology, both of which describe Egypt as Black. The latter of these two texts, now in the time of Arabs, disparages contemporary Egyptians using backwards Arab stereotypes. The first text is the account by Herodotus of his travels in Egypt around 450 BC. His texts include descriptions of contemporary Egypt and a history of its ancient dynasties. The facade of the current day museum in Cairo even honors him as one of the founding fathers of Egyptology. While his mention of Egyptian’s racial identity is brief, “they are Black in complexion and kinky-haired”, 7 this is the earliest written European

Record of Ancient Egyptian racial makeup and has become a key point in scholarly arguments over the race of Ancient Egyptians. The early threads of racist ideology within Egyptology persisted through time as demonstrated by Description de L’Egypt. Description, published in 1809, reported on contemporary Egypt, ancient monuments, and natural history; it was authored during Napoleon's invasion in 1798. Like Herodotus, Napoleon's savants determined the race of ancient Egyptians to be Black. Vivant Denons’—one of Napoleon's scholars (and later Louvre director) — extracts from his travels with Napoleon provide two examples of Egyptian race. The first describes the contemporary Copts as being the most direct descendants of the Ancient Egyptian race:, “the old Egyptian flock, a sort of tawny Nubian… a flat face and hair wooly, eyes half open… a wide and flat mouth… large lips….” 8 Denon gave a similar description of ancient monuments as a reflection of the racial appearance of ancient Egyptians. He described the sphinx, saying, “The character is African; but the mouth, the lips of which are thick, has a sweetness in its drawing.”9 This description echoes Herodotus's earlier accounts determining ancient Egyptians to be Black. While scholars of ancient Egypt maintained racist descriptions of Black Egyptians, they added a whole new layer of bias by disparaging contemporary Arab culture. These authors described contemporary Egyptians’ ability and interest in maintaining ancient Egyptian monuments as linked to their Arab incivility. Edouard de Villiers du Terrage, an engineer on the expedition said, “An Arab village made up of miserable mud huts, dominates the most magnificent monuments of Egyptian architecture and seem placed there to attest to the triumph of ignorance and barbarians over centuries of light which in Egypt had raised the arts to the highest degree of splendor.”10 Thus, accounts that formed the foundations of Egyptology instilled a stigma against Arab involvement in the protection and research of Ancient Egypt. Denon and du Terrage’s accounts of Egypt clearly describe Ancient Egyptians as Black. However, publicizing Black achievement at home in Europe and America presented a significant political and ideological problem. If, as accepted, Egypt was a primary source of European culture that influenced Greek and Roman culture, these scientific accounts would mean that European advancement and civilization essentially found their origins in Black creativity, excellence, and progress. Given the economic, political, and ideological reliance on white superiority and European dominance as ‘natural’ and legitimate – particularly with respect to ownership of Black people – and the question of African sovereignty, these “discoveries” were deemed problematic. As a result, Egypt could not be allowed to be Black.

Explaining Away Blackness

Scholars of the 19th century utilized two primary explanations to respond to this problem. The first, coming from Europe, took a religious angle. Scholars argued that while Ancient Egyptians may have appeared Black, Egyptians, “it was now remembered, were descendants of Mizran, a son of Ham. Noah had only cursed Canaan-Son-of-Ham, so that it was Canaan and his progeny alone who suffered the malediction.”11 Thus, although Egyptians appeared Black, they were not cursed like the majority of Black people who were ‘justifiably’ enslaved. Egyptians therefore had been capable of great knowledge without threatening the basis of European civilization. America, like Europe, needed a justification to protect its own system of enslavement. Their approach followed, “the intellectual vogue of the day [which] was the stress on ‘facts’, not abstract theories, in all disciplines. Craniology provided a seemingly concrete ‘fact’, thus fitting in neatly with the prevailing academic attitudes.” 12 Scholars like Samuel George Morten, whose crania studies were published in 1844, determined that the cranial measurements of mummies identified Ancient Egyptians as Caucasian. 13 After WWI and the powerful example of the damage that eugenic theories were capable of, scholarship needed to reposition use of scientific arguments of racial superiority. Thus scholarship after WWI was less overtly racist although the underlying discriminatory sentiment was the same. Theories sought to undermine Herodotus, such as by arguing that he never went to Egypt, or that Herodotus's passage was actually in regard to Ethiopians, and that Black was an exaggeration.14 The use of craniology continued under Egyptologist James Henry Breasted who founded the University of Chicago's Oriental Institute in 1919 (still active today) and wrote an influential high school textbook on Ancient History with editions in 1916 & 1935. Breasted’s theory of the Great White Race stated that, “The peoples of the great Northwest quadrant as far back as we know anything about prehistoric man have all been members of a race of white men who have well been called the Great White Race...the Negroes on the south occupy an important place in the modern world, but they played no part in the rise of civilization.”15 In

terms of Egypt, Breasted argued that Black people would ‘wander’ into Egypt but were uninfluential. Breasted supported his argument with craniometry by comparing the skulls of Egyptians with those from the Mediterranean, with the caveat that, “‘the people of the Great White Race are darker skinned than elsewhere.'”16 Unlike works prior to WWI, Breasted’s argument concedes that Black people made contributions to the contemporary world. However, ingrained racism kept Ancient Egypt white due to its essential role in the foundational story of Western civilization. One exception to this period of scholarship is W.E.B. Du Bois, a Black contemporary of Breasted. In his argument to accept classical surveys as accurate, Du Bois made two insights that add context to the history of racist Egyptology. Firstly, he argued that Egyptology itself began at a time when, “Few scholars …dared to associate the Negro race with humanity much less with civilization.”17 Thus Egyptology was already far behind the times by the political time of Du Bois in the 1900s, which allowed Black scholarship. The very definition of race as it had previously been used needed to be updated. Du Bois expanded the attributes of race, saying, “of what race then were the Egyptians? They were certainly not white in any sense of the world, neither in color nor in physical measurements, in hair, nor countenance, in language nor social customs.”18 Scholars like du Bois challenged the status quo at a time when Egyptian involvement in their own Antiquities Service and Egyptology programs was minimal. While today we would like to think scholarship has long surpassed the fear that the foundation of Western Civilization was not white, this is still a topic of debate. In the early 2000s the mummy of Tutankhamun underwent CT scanning which allowed for reconstruction of the boy king's appearance. When the exhibition Tutankhamun and the Golden Age of the Pharaohs opened in 2007 at the Franklin Institute in Philadelphia, it was met with backlash. Included in the exhibition was a facial reconstruction, and beside it a statement saying, “the features of his face are based on scientific data, but the exact color of his skin and the size and shape of many facial details cannot be determined with full certainty.”19 Despite the disclaimer, his depiction with light skin prompted outrage because it represented a clear bias towards whiteness, which is not surprising given the history of Egyptology. As Molefi Asante, a Temple University professor of African Studies who led protests over the exhibit said, “‘We asked the students as they were coming out of the museum, you've seen the exhibition of King Tut, 'Where is he from?'...You would discover that people can see the exhibition of Tutankhamen, and come out and not know that they have seen Africa.’”20 Representations like this one, created by Western institutions with racist histories emphasize the severing of Ancient Egypt from Africa, Black people and contemporary Egyptians. Within Egypt itself and internationally, Ancient Egypt as it is represented does not reflect a relationship with the modern state. The image of Tut and the long history of Western ownership of Egyptology has created the illusion that the Egyptian state is far removed from any possibility of Pharaonic nationalism. Dr. Charles Finch, the former Director of International Health at the Morehouse School of Medicine said, “Whenever our ancient writers, Hebrew, or Greek, make any reference to the ancient Egyptians color, it's always [B]lack. There was no debate. It only became a debate in the last 200 years.”21 Informed by a long history of European interference and exclusion, it is unsurprising that the former head of the Supreme Council of Antiquities in Egypt Zahi Hawass, does not fight the representation of Tut in question. Hawass said in response to these protests, “‘Tutankhamun was not [B]lack and the portrayal of ancient Egyptian Civilization as [B]lack has no truth to it’”, and, “‘Egyptians are not Arabs and are not Africans despite the fact that Egypt is in Africa.’”22 These statements from Hawass represent a struggle within Egyptology and the independent Egyptian nation as Egyptologists were trained to dissociate with any Black or Arab connections in order to be taken seriously. Given the long history of racial arguments justifying western domination of Egyptology, which disparaged Egyptians as barbarians, it is not surprising that Pharaonic nationalism has repeatedly failed. Between ingrained European racism and the Afrocentrism movement, Ancient Egyptian history is caught in its own identity battle. However, yet again, scholarly debate continues to involve the racial ownership of another nation's past: Black or white, Egypt still is not the owner of its history.

Political Failure of Pharaonism

This legacy severing Egypt from its Ancient history is reflected in Pharaonism’s political failure– which declined from its peak in 1922, transitioned to Arabism and eventually gave way to a political fear of Pharaonic association. The result is a ‘new Pharaonism’, meaning a new era of tyranny in Egyptian politics. This parallels Haykal’s early assertion that Egyptians have ‘a natural disposition to submission.’ After the granting of limited independence and the discovery of Tutankhamen’s tomb nine months lat-

er, 1922 was the peak of Pharaonic nationalism’s political power. While Saad Zaghloul, the leader of the 1919 revolution and first prime minister of semi-independent Egypt embraced pharaonic iconography and promoted the ancient connection in his speeches, pharaonic nationalism’s foundation was precarious. Upon the discovery of Tutankhamun’s tomb, the “director of the Egyptian Antiquities Service had the tomb seized and declared that, contrary to past practice, all the contents of the Tomb must remain in Egypt.”23 On the surface this decision appears to be a reflection of Egyptian involvement in Egyptology and the Egyptian nationalist desire to keep Egyptian antiquities. However, as the director of the Antiquities Service was French, the decision most likely reflects French interest in keeping this groundbreaking discovery within the French sphere of control, and out of the hands of their British rivals, who had made the discovery. As Ahmad Ziwar, the Prime Minister who replaced Zaghloul after his death, told Breasted – the originator of the Great White Race theory –“‘Egypt has no civilization except what comes to us from Europe and America. We must rely on foreign scientists - but I cannot say that in public!’”24 Ahmid Ziwar was correct –Egyptology as a field was completely reliant upon Western scholars, and indigenous scholars were pushed out. After Europe and America “phased out their excavations” being unable to “to retain enough of their discoveries to satisfy financial support back home,”25 there were major issues finding indigenous Egyptologists to fill the void left by foreign archaeologists. Prior to 1922, “Western archeological interests in the Antiquities Service forced three indigenous Egyptological schools in succession to close by refusing to employ their graduates.” 26 Egyptology thus stagnated, as there were no more “discoveries” to keep the pharaonic spirit alive in the general public. The limits of Pharaonic nationalism thus paralleled the limits of Egyptian independence. In theory, Europe's continued control over Egyptian governmental policies should have increased Pharaonic nationalism as political bonds with African or Arab nationalist movements were under the dictation of Britain. Yet Pharaonic nationalism came in direct conflict with Egyptian politicians’ notion that Egypt as the foundation of all Western civilization was destined to be a global leader again. Politicians quickly embraced the notion of being destined for global leadership, even at the cost of Pharaonic nationalism. Even Young Egypt, a political party founded on Pharaonism in 1933, shifted towards Islamic nationalism claiming, “it was moving ‘beyond the narrow limits of Egyptian nationalism.’”27 In the same vein, Haykal eventually also shifted towards Islamic nationalism, “opting for the celebration of the cultural ties that Egypt shared with other Eastern nations.”28 His articles after 1928 also include a biography on the Prophet Muhamad.

The turn to Arab nationalism was solidified by the Free Officers Coup in 1952, which brought Gamal Abdel Nasser to power and resulted in a stronger shift towards an Arab identity. Ancient Egypt featured rarely in his political agenda, but mainly to serve political goals unrelated to cultivating Pharaonic nationalism. After the Free Officers coup brought de facto independence, “Nasser’s Free officers completed the Egyptianizing of the Antiquities Service.” 29 Thus, “after ninety-four years of French directors,” the president of Alexandria University, Mustafa Amer “became the first Egyptian to direct the Service.” 30 The move came out of the Free Officers political struggle for a fully independent Egyptian state, in which Egyptian government agencies would be run by Egyptians. While Nasser's rule also saw the return of foreign archaeological expeditions, the catalyst for these expeditions came out of the threat that Nasser's economic development scheme would pose to Ancient Egyptian monuments. Despite receiving letters of appeal from Egyptologists and engineers upon the prompting of the Director of Antiquities, Nasser remained indifferent.31 It was not until Egypt’s international reputation was at stake that he changed his stance, at least publicly. After all, the Nuremberg Trials had deemed, “the destruction of cultural property … a crime against humanity.” 32 Egypt as a new independent nation could not be viewed by the international community as failing to fulfil its new role or succumbing to the stereotypes about Arabs from Description de L’Egypt. The campaign and execution of recovering the Ancient Egyptian monuments became a symbol of international cooperation. Nasser thus stated:

“‘We pin our hopes on the High Dam for the implementation of our plans of economic development; but likewise we pin our hopes on the preservation of the Nubian treasures in order to keep alive monuments which are not only dear to our hearts we being their guardians, but dear to the whole world which believes that the ancient and new components of human culture should blend in one harmonious whole.’” 33

Nasser was not the only one to use the term Nubian to refer to the monuments in question: even UNESCO’s campaign was advertised as the “Campaign to Save the Monuments of Nubia.” Given that the majority of these monuments were Ancient Egyptian and all but two remain within Egypt 's borders, the use of the term “Nubian” is significant. Furthermore, there is no explanation for the choice of this term anywhere on UNESCO’s web pages and media articles, or in academia. While there were Nubian pharaohs of Egypt, the majority of the monuments in question were built by Ramses II, who conquered the Nubians. The use of the term Nubian suggests that participants of the UNESCO campaign had no qualms about associating Egypt with Blackness. While race may have been the primary barrier to Pharaonic nationalism in the past, to the rulers of the fully independent Egyptian state, pharaonic allusion itself may have been problematic. Haykal's view of the Egyptian political personality as submissive appears to be self-fulfilling as Egypt was once again led by an authoritarian ruler. Under Nasser’s rule, “The Egyptians had come to identify strongly with this forceful and charismatic ruler because he had established Egypt as a leader of the Arabs, and had made all Egyptians feel important and heroic”34 – despite the cost to their political freedoms. Nasser’s successful use of Arab nationalism and his ability to capture the public imagination put Egypt in a leadership position, as Pharaonism argued Egypt was destined for. Under the domination of a larger than life ruler, Egypt became an international leader. Egypt’s next major political leader, Anwar Sadat, exemplified the danger of Pharaonic allusion. Upon his death, Sadat's assassins proclaimed, “We have killed Pharaoh!” 35 But what was Sadat's relationship with Ancient Egypt and why did his assassins associate him with the pharaohs? Like the Nubian dynasty of Egyptians, Sadat was physically much darker than his predecessors, having a Sudanese mother. Furthermore, his upbringing in a rural village gave him a unique perspective. He also expressed his respect for his ancient predecessors by closing the mummy room at the Egyptian Museum. The Director General of Archaeology at the time recalls that, “he asked that the man be respected. The mummies were not to be displayed until a way was found to preserve their dignity.” 36 Sadat also worked to increase Egypt’s international role, using Pharaonic Egypt as enticement. Like Nasser who, “sent important works of art to the Soviet Union, Japan and the Vatican… Sadat sent jewelry, statues and other artifacts to the heads of state of France, the United States, the Philippines, and Iran.”37 Both Nasser and Sadat also allowed international exhibitions of Tutankhamun’s funerary goods, which facilitated US-Egypt relations. These efforts would culminate in the US becoming the mediator between Egypt and Israel during the Camp David Accords. Sadat's involvement in peace talks with Israel at Camp David was the most prominent motivation behind his assassination. But where does his association with the pharaohs come from? Rather than any government ideology of Pharaonic nationalism, Raphael Israeli suggests three issues that painted Sadat as a pharaoh in the eyes of the population. First was Sadat's lifestyle which was perceived as, “conspicuous and wasteful.”38 Economic inequality under Sadat while he enjoyed a lavish lifestyle was reminiscent of the exorbitant wealth that had been buried with pharaohs of the past at the expense of the people. Secondly Sadat’s regime suffered from what Israeli calls “half-way-democracysyndrome,”39 which means people were “given a taste of freedom,” and thus began “ demanding, in the name of that freedom, to go all the way.” 40 Unlike Nasser, Sadat loosened restrictions slightly, which allowed Egyptians to taste the possibility of life outside authoritarianism. Lastly, Sadat's political “showmanship” gave way to “larger-than-life expectations among his people,”41 which set him up for failure as a pharaoh in a ‘democratic’ world. Gamal Hamdan, a friend of Haykal and an intellectual connected to environmental determinism, illustrated this divide between ruler and his people:

“It [tyranny] is the single most significant continuous, common denominator running through all of Egyptian history… In olden times, we used to be ‘slaves of Pharaoh’ and ‘slaves of the Sultan’. More recently, though we may not have entirely become ‘slaves of the president,’ we are still divided into pharaohs and peasants; subjects not citizens… This is…‘the new pharaonism.’” 42

Conclusion

Contemporary Egyptians as produced by colonialism were cast as Arabs incapable of protecting Ancient Egypt’s global heritage. As a result, present-day Egyptians are not allowed to inherit Ancient Egypt intellectually or politically. This history of racism within Egyptology and Egyptological institutions within Egypt itself made Arab nationalism more politically beneficial. Today Pharaonic association is

not a symbol of national pride but rather a political threat to authoritarian regimes. The pharaohs of Ancient Egypt, whether Black or white, are so far engrained with Western colonialism that Pharaonic nationalism faces many obstacles to revival.

Notes

1 By "natural," I am speaking to the geographic and environmental boundaries that are understood to inform Pharaonic Nationalism as I will discuss in more detail shortly. 2 Ancient borders did shift over time. However, the core of Egyptian territory from the Delta to the 1st cataract existed from the Old Kingdom. Exceptions to this are the political division of the intermediary periods. 3 Lorenzo Casini, "Muḥammad Ḥusayn Haykal’s AntiEnlightenment Modernity (1916–1925)," Oriente Moderno 99, 1-2 (2019): 36. 4 Ibid. 5 James P. Jankowski and I. Gershoni, Egypt, Islam, and the Arabs: The Search for Egyptian Nationhood, 1900-1930, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987): 37. 6 W.J. Berridge, “Imperialist and Nationalist Voices in the Struggle for Egyptian Independence, 1919–22,” The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 42, 3 (2014): 425. 7 For a more in-depth discussion on the translation of this passage, see Tristan Samuels, “Herodotus and the Black Body,” Journal of Black Studies 46, 7 (2015): 737. 8 British Periodicals, "Extracts from Denon's Travels in Upper and Lower Egypt, during the Campaigns of General Bonaparte," Universal Magazine of Knowledge and Pleasure, June 1747-Dec.1803 111, (1802): 203. 9 "Extracts from Denon's Travels:” 207. 10 Donald Malcolm Reid, Whose Pharaohs?: Archaeology, Museums, and Egyptian National Identity from Napoleon to World War I, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), 33. 11 Edith R. Sanders, "The Hamitic Hypothesis; Its Origin and Functions in Time Perspective," The Journal of African History 10, 4 (1969): 526. 12 Sanders, "The Hamitic Hypothesis:” 528. 13Sanders, "The Hamitic Hypothesis:" 527. 14Tristan Samuels, “Herodotus and the Black Body,” Journal of Black Studies 46, 7 (2015): 724-726. 15 Donald Reid, “VIDEO Anxieties of Race in Egyptology,” May 23, 2017, Peabody Museum, 52:49, https:// www.peabody.harvard.edu/node/2851. 16 Reid, “VIDEO Anxieties of Race in Egyptology.” 17 Reid, “VIDEO Anxieties of Race in Egyptology.” 18 Reid, “VIDEO Anxieties of Race in Egyptology.” 19 Joel Rose, “King Tut Exhibit Prompts Debate on His Skin Color,” NPR, August 28, 2007, Accessed November 30, 2020., https://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php? storyId=13992421. 20 Rose, 2007. 21 Rose, 2007. 22 “Tutankhamun Was Not Black: Egypt Antiquities Chief.” Dow Jones Factiva, September 27,2007. Accessed April 1, 2021. https:// global-factiva-com.myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/redir/default.aspx? P=sa&an=AFPR000020070925e39p003hi&cat=a&ep=ASE. 23 Michael Wood, "The Use of the Pharaonic Past in Modern Egyptian Nationalism," Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 35 (1998): 183. 24 Wood, "The Use of the Pharaonic Past in Modern Egyptian Nationalism:" 183. 25 Donald M. Reid,"Indigenous Egyptology: The Decolonization of a Profession?" Journal of the American Oriental Society 105, 2 (1985): 238. 26 Reid, "Indigenous Egyptology: " 246. 27 Wood, "The Use of the Pharaonic Past in Modern Egyptian Nationalism:"185. 28 Casini, " Muḥammad Ḥusayn Haykal’s Anti-Enlightenment Modernity (1916–1925)", 33. 29 Reid,"Indigenous Egyptology:" 244. 30 Reid,"Indigenous Egyptology:" 244. 31 Paul Betts, “The Warden of World Heritage: UNESCO and the Rescue of the Nubian Monuments,” Past & Present 226 (July 1, 2015): 104. 32 Betts, “The Warden of World Heritage:” 106. 33 Betts, “The Warden of World Heritage:” 113. 34 Raphael Israeli, "Egypt's Nationalism Under Sadat," Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies 21, 4 (Summer, 1998): 20. 35 Reid,"Indigenous Egyptology:" 246. 36 Jeffrey Bartholet, “Honoring the Pharaohs: In Cairo, a New Museum Plans Mummy Exhibit,” The Washington Post, October 31, 1986, accessed November 28, 2020, https://search-proquestcom.myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/docview/139010292?pqorigsite=summon. 37 Wood, "The Use of the Pharaonic Past in Modern Egyptian Nationalism:" 186. 38 Israeli, "Egypt's Nationalism Under Sadat:" 20. 39 Israeli, "Egypt's Nationalism Under Sadat," 20. 40 Israeli, "Egypt's Nationalism Under Sadat," 20. 41 Israeli, "Egypt's Nationalism Under Sadat:" 21. 42 Samah Selim, "The New Pharaonism: Nationalist Thought and the Egyptian Village Novel, 1967-1977," The Arab Studies Journal 8/9, 2/1 (2000): 15.

Bartholet, Jeffrey. “Honoring the Pharaohs: In Cairo, a New Museum Plans Mummy Exhibit.” The Washington Post, October 31, 1986. Accessed November 28, 2020. https://search-proquestcom.myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/docview/139010292?pq-origsite=summon.

Berridge, W.J. “Imperialist and Nationalist Voices in the Struggle for Egyptian Independence, 1919–22.” The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 42, 3 (2014): 420–39.

Betts, Paul. “The Warden of World Heritage: UNESCO and the Rescue of the Nubian Monuments.” Past & Present 226 (July 1, 2015): 100–125

British Periodicals. "Extracts from Denon's Travels in Upper and Lower Egypt, during the Campaigns of General Bonaparte." Universal Magazine of Knowledge and Pleasure, June 1747-Dec.1803 111, (1802): 200-208. Casini, Lorenzo. "Muḥammad Ḥusayn Haykal’s Anti-Enlightenment Modernity (1916–1925)", Oriente Moderno 99, 1-2 (2019): 30-47. Israeli, Raphael. "Egypt's Nationalism Under Sadat." Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies 21, 4 (Summer, 1998): 1-23. Jankowski, James P., and Gershoni, Israel. Egypt, Islam, and the Arabs: The Search for Egyptian Nationhood, 1900-1930. Oxford: Oxford University Press,1987. Reid, Donald M. Whose Pharaohs?: Archaeology, Museums, and Egyptian National Identity from Napoleon to World War I. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003. Reid, Donald M. "Indigenous Egyptology: The Decolonization of a Profession?" Journal of the American Oriental Society 105, 2 (1985): 233-46.

Rose, Joel. “King Tut Exhibit Prompts Debate on His Skin Color.” NPR. published August 28, 2007. Accessed November 30, 2020. https://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=13992421.

Samuels, Tristan. “Herodotus and the Black Body.” Journal of Black Studies 46, 7 (2015): 723–741.

Sanders, Edith R. "The Hamitic Hypothesis; Its Origin and Functions in Time Perspective." The Journal of African History 10, 4 (1969): 521-32.

Selim, Samah. "The New Pharaonism: Nationalist Thought and the Egyptian Village Novel, 1967-1977." The Arab Studies Journal 8/9, 2/1 (2000): 10-24. “Tutankhamun Was Not Black: Egypt Antiquities Chief.” Dow Jones Factiva, September 27,2007. Accessed April 1, 2021. https://global-factiva-com.myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/redir/default.aspx? P=sa&an=AFPR000020070925e39p003hi&cat=a&ep=ASE.

Reid, Donald. “VIDEO Anxieties of Race in Egyptology.” May 23, 2017. Peabody Museum. 52:49. https:// www.peabody.harvard.edu/node/2851.

Wood, Michael. "The Use of the Pharaonic Past in Modern Egyptian Nationalism." Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 35 (1998): 179-96.

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