Revival of Bektashism in Post Communist Albania: Internal Developments and Transnational Connections Foti Vito

Revival of Bektashism in Post-Communist Albania: Internal Developments and Transnational Connections By: Foti Vito

On 27 January 1991, following the end of the communist dictatorship and the ban on all religious practices in Albania, a provisional committee for the revival of the Bektashi community was formed in Tirana.1 This was a defining moment for the revival of Bektashism in Albania and, more generally, the revival of Islam in the post-communist Balkans. When the World Headquarters of the Bektashi (Kryegyjshata Botëtore Bektashiane) subsequently reopened in Tirana on 22 March 1991, on the occasion of Nevruz, a new community emerged which has been increasingly active in reviving Bektashi religious institutions and practices in postcommunist Albania.2 While religious revival was more complex in Albania than other Balkan countries due to the experiences of multi-denominationalism and twentythree years of state atheism,3 the revival of Bektashism in Albania has proven to be a particular case, worth further examination. Among the dervish orders in Albania, Bektashism is considered the most influential and enjoys a separate organizational structure from the Muslim community of Albania, the latter being the main organization of Sunni Islam.4 This paper sets out to examine the efforts made by the Bektashi community to revitalize Bektashi religious institutions and practices in postcommunist Albania, and links these efforts to internal developments and transnational connections during the period under discussion. It strives to offer insight into the larger question regarding what extent could elements of Islam, particularly Bektashism, survive the communist regime and how Islam reorganized itself in the fragmented religious field that characterized postcommunist Albania.

Understanding Bektashism and Its Historical Presence in Albania

Over the course of its development, Bektashism survived several crises and gradually became deeply rooted in Albania. The Bektashi order of dervishes is considered one of the many heterodox Sufi groups of Islam that spread from Central Asia to Anatolia and later to the Balkans.5 The name originates from the legend-

-ary Haji Bektash Veli, who lived in Anatolia in the second half of the thirteenth century, where he is said to have founded the order (tarikat).6 Bektashi doctrines are characterized by their Shiite and pantheistic beliefs which have integrated various traditions, including elements of Christianity and folk religions.7 This syncretism contributed to the establishment of Bektashism as one of the leading dervish orders during the Ottoman period, where it spread to the Balkans and made significant contributions to the formation of Muslim communities in the region.8 By the fifteenth century, the Bektashis gained considerable influence and their tekkes (convents, lodges) became widespread in the Balkans partly due to their close ties with the Janissaries, the elite infantry troops of the sultan. While the date of arrival of the Bektashis in Albania is contested, historical records establish their noticeable presence in Albanian lands by the seventeenth century.10 When the Janissary corps were dismissed in 1826 in an effort to modernize the Ottoman military, the Bektashi order also became the subject of state persecution and was threatened by major decline.11 Doja describes how the Albanian lands, which were outside of the direct authority of the central Ottoman administration, consequently became a sort of “exile” for members of the Bektashi order.12 Clayer similarly underscores that “a ‘solidification’ of a properly Albanian Bektashism took place in the western confines of the Empire”13 as elements of Albanian nationalism were incorporated into Bektashi lore, especially in the southern Albanian lands where most Bektashi tekkes were located.14 Scholars generally agree that the Bektashis played a noteworthy role during the Albanian “national awakening” (Rilindja) from 1878 onwards as many leading figures of the movement belonged to the order, although this may be one of the myths surrounding Albanian Bektashism.15 Following the independence of Albania in 1912/13, it is estimated that approximately 15 to 20 percent of the Albanian population were members of the Bektashi order.16 For context, the multidenominationalism in the new frontiers of Albania meant that approximately 70 percent of the population were Muslims, 20 percent were Christian Orthodox, and the remaining 10 percent were Catholics.17 The Bektashi, located mainly in central and southern Albania, were of numerical importance within the country and many dervishes outside of the country were also of

Albanian origin.18 After the newly established Republic of Turkey abolished all mystical orders in 1925, the Albanian Bektashi established the Kryegyjshata in Tirana in 1927, solidifying Bektashism as a part of Albanian national myth and identity.19

Bektashism Under The Communist Regime

Bektashi activity, which continued towards formalizing a religious congregation within the new Albanian nation, was gradually weakened when the Communist Party of Enver Hoxha came to power in 1944. The communist regime led an ideological campaign against religion in order to root out competing centres of loyalty, and state efforts to undermine Islam were particularly pronounced due to the Muslim majority population.20 Similar to other religions, the communist authorities gained complete control over the Bektashi order through ongoing purges and an atmosphere of political terror.21 Most of the Bektashi babas (heads of a tekke) were forced into submission and many faced their deaths, as outlined by Trix in a tentative list of babas who suffered during early communist rule.22 While the 1945 statute of Albanian Bektashism showed clear opposition to the communist leadership, the Kryegyjshata was assumed by Baba Ahmet Myftari two years later who was forced into serving as a “puppet of the regime.”23 These developments contributed to fracturing the transnational connections of Bektashism, as the clandestine Bektashis in Egypt and Turkey declared their independence from the Kryegyjshata in 1949 and elected Baba Ahmed Sirrî as head of the order in Cairo.24 After 1967, when the communist regime formally banned all forms of religion from Albanian public and private life, little is known about the development of Bektashism afterwards. The regime embarked on a cultural revolution which Briar describes as an attempt “to expel any form of reference to the transcendent except the cult of the Dictator and the myth of rationalist progress.25 Places of worship, including most Bektashi tekkes and tybres (shrines) were closed or destroyed, with their babas imprisoned or killed.26 Out of fifty-three Bektashi tekkes in Albania, Trix notes that only six remained standing.27 Although Clayer underscores that religious traditions were secretly passed down in some family circles, particularly in rural areas,28 the punishment for those found carrying out private religious rituals was imprisonment or exile.29 Accordingly, the ban on religion largely prevented the transmission of religious traditions to those who grew up in an atheist society.30 As Elsie describes, “the Bektashi community had been wiped out. All that remained were the memories of the faithful, old people who were too frightened to pass their knowledge on to the next generation.”31 Notably, there were two tekkes outside of the country that sought to carry on Albanian Bektashism but their impact on isolated communist Albania was insignificant.32 One was in Gjakova, Kosovo under the direction of Baba Qazim Bakalli, and the other near Detroit, Michigan was founded in 1954 under the direction of the notable Baba Rexheb.33

Fragmented Religious Arena and Internal Developments

Since the restoration of religious freedom in 1990, the Albanian Bektashis have sought to re-organize their community in a fragmented religious arena marked by the communist legacy. The socialist heritage and experiences of state atheism led to skepticism on the remnants of religion in Albania, and rationalist approaches to religion became viewed as old-fashioned.34 While the end of the religious ban brought about the revival of multiple denominations, Bria underscores that the revival of Islam was “rather complicated as a result of its historically mosaic character in Albania.”35 During the early years of the post-communist period, Clayer notes how the institutions of Sunni Islam repeatedly asserted that the Bektashism did not constitute a separate religious organization, arguing that there were only three religions in Albania: Islam, Christian Orthodox, and Catholicism.36 If the unknown percentage of Bektashis became recognized by successive governments as an independent religion, and therefore separate from the percentage of Muslims in the country, some were concerned this could lower the percentage of Muslims to less than 50 percent, making them a relative majority.37 Therefore, there was considerable competition between Sunni Islam and Bektashism during the early postcommunist period, and Clayer notes how this also led to internal struggle within the Bektashi leadership as some clerics argued Bektashism should be recognized as a sect of Islam while others argued in favour of a separate organizational structure.38 This question was thoroughly debated from 1993 to 1998, until both sides came to emphasize Bektashism as “another” Islam, one that was more acceptable, non-fundamentalist and mystical.39 Concurrently, nationalist rhetoric and references to the religion of “Albanianism”40 increasingly framed the post-communist period, also influencing the development of Bektashism.41 The Bektashis became more accommodationist in their statutes, attempting to create a patriotic image of Bektashism by hearkening back to the Rilindja.42 Many Bektashi individuals involved in the Albanian national movement became revered, most notably Naim Frashëri,43 who was nearly canonised as a Baba of Honour on the occasion of Nevruz in 1999.44 While the most reliable statistics note that approximate-

-ly 2 percent of the population of Albania is Bektashi,45 Elsie estimates that up to 10 percent of Albanians might identify as Bektashi through cultural affiliation rather than religious belief.46 This distinction is emblematic of the historically mosaic character of Islam in Albania and the accommodationist contours of Albanian Bektashism.

The rehabilitation of religion after 1990 also meant importance was placed on rebuilding Bektashi tekkes and tyrbes, as well as recreating an administrative structure. Considerable amounts of volunteers from around the country, particularly from the Bektashi heartlands of Mallakastra, Tepelena, and Skrapar, offered their labour and construction materials to reconstruct and maintain viable structures.47 Since the mid-1990s, most of the tekkes and tyrbes destroyed after the ban on religion have been reconstructed, albeit in mostly simpler forms.48 In some cases, brand new and larger tekkes were redesigned where old ones stood.49 A functional administrative structure was also recreated based on an earlier system, dividing the country into the six gjyshatas (administrative districts) of Gjirokaster, Korça, Kruja, Elbasan, Vlora, and Berat.50 However, as Mustafa notes, the primary challenge for the revival of Bektashism in Albania has not been rebuilding sacred sites, instead it has been the significant lack of clergy and apprehension towards those ostensibly wishing to join the Bektashi community.51 Elsie similarly underscores the severe shortage of babas in comparison to the continual restoration of tekkes in the country, noting that most of the babas who survived the communist regime are now very elderly and there is little hope of finding younger replacements.52 In addition, there has been serious concern regarding those with no interest in becoming Bektashi per se but interested in gaining rewards from the rebuilding project, especially due to the financial benefits associated with increasing Bektashi pilgrimages and tourism to notable sites such as Mount Tomorr.53

Transnational Connections and Influences

As Albania was strictly isolated during the latter half of communist rule, the collapse of communism attracted various transnational actors who influenced the religious revival process in the country. Clayer describes how all of the religious communities became “part of a broader external religious scene” as Albanians from abroad, missionaries, and members of transnational networks arrived in Albania and created various relations with religious communities.54 Notably, the lack of material resources in post-communist Albania gave these external actors significant influence, even among the larger religious communities.55 Focusing on the revival of Islam in particular, a considerable re-composition took place due to the arrival of Islamic groups from the neighbouring Balkan countries, the Gulf States, Iran, Turkey, Indonesia, and Malaysia.56 As Clayer underscores, “each of them [brought] its own version of Islam, its own financial power, its own networks, its own pieces of religious corpus from which the local actors can draw according to their sensibilities, their needs and their interests.”57 Considering the Bektashis, they primarily received support from Iran and Shiite oriented groups due to some common beliefs.58 Doja notes that Iran created various publication programmes, financed research and cultural activities in Albania, and provided educational opportunities for new Albanian Bektashi dervishes to study in Iran.59 However, Elsie argues that the Bektashis did not have a “patron” to fund their revival in the same way that other religious communities did,60 and Babuna similarly notes that the Bektashis received substantially less support than the Muslim community.61 After the re-establishment of ties with Bektashis abroad, the international authority of Bektashism also emerged as a main issue. In order to reaffirm Bektashism as an international religious community with its centre in Albania, the Albanian Bektashis adopted various statutes proclaiming the international character of the Kryegyjshata.62 To this end, the Kryegyjshata also convened various international congresses in Tirana, but as Clayer argues, “the Albanian Bektashi leaders have theoretically reaffirmed the international dimension of their Community and their head, but in reality have only reinforced their control over the pan-Albanian network of Bektashi tekkes.”63 For instance, Clayer notes that only five out of twenty-four members of the newly created General Council of the Bektashi Community were tekkes from outside of Albania: two tekkes representing the Albanian populated Tetovo region in Macedonia, the tekke of Gjakova in Kosovo, the tekke of Detroit, and the last one being the tekke of the Albanian diaspora in Istanbul.64 Elsie similarly notes that “it is mostly only the Albanian Bektashi abroad who respect the authority of the Kryegyjshata in Tirana,” while other Bektashis, such as those remaining in Turkey, only uphold cordial ties with the Kryegyjshata. 65 Accordingly, the re-established international authority of Albanian Bektashism is better described as pan-Albanian.66

Conclusion

The internal developments and transnational connections that influenced the revival of Bektashism in post-communist Albania have significantly affected

the features and hallmarks of Bektashi authority. The communist legacy resulted in continuing skepticism towards religion in Albania, which contributed to the reorganization of Bektashism as a more accommodationist religion. In addition, the fragmented religious arena that characterized post-communist Albania placed the Bektashi community in competition with the Muslim community, informing the development of Bektashism as an alternative form of Islam, as well as one that attempted to leverage its role during the Albanian national movement in order to gain credibility. Further, while many destroyed Bektashi tekkes and tyrbes were successfully reconstructed, the small number of remaining babas has seriously threatened the future of Bektashi authority in Albania. In terms of transnational influences, the Bektashis received relatively less support from external actors when compared to the other religious communities in Albania, but these new transnational connections should not be overlooked. Perhaps most notably, the international authority of Bektashism has significantly weakened following the communist regime, as the revival of Albanian Bektashism has become a rather panAlbanian development than an international one.

9 Frank Kressing, “A Preliminary Account of Research Regarding the Albanian Bektashis: Myths and Unresolved Questions,” in Albania - A Country in Transition: Aspects of Changing Identities in a South-East European Country, ed. Frank Kressing and Karl Kaser (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2002), 66. Bektashi tekkes were particularly found in Albanian lands, Thracia, Dobruja, and Bosnian lands.

10 Florian Bieber, “Muslim Identity in the Balkans Before the Establishment of Nation States,” Nationalities Paper 28:1 (2002), 17.

11 Kressing, “A Preliminary Account of Research Regarding the Albanian Bektashis,” 66. 12 Doja, “A Political History of Bektashism in Albania,” 86. 13 Nathalie Clayer, “La Bektachiyya,” in Les Voies d'Allah. Les ordres mystiques dans l'Islam des orgines à aujourd'hui, ed. Alexandre Popovic and Gilles Veinstein (Paris: Fayard, 1996), 470. Author’s translation.

14 Kressing, “A Preliminary Account of Research Regarding the Albanian Bektashis,” 77. 15 Ibid., 77. See for a discussion on the contested influence of the Bektashi during the Rilindja. 16 Ibid., 78.

17 Clayer, “God in the ‘Land of the Mercedes’,” 3. 18 Doja, “A Political History of Bektashism in Albania,” 87. 19 Ibid., 87.

Notes

20 Clayer, “God in the ‘Land of the Mercedes’,” 6. 21 Elsie, The Albanian Bektashi, 12.

1 Robert Elsie, The Albanian Bektashi: History and Culture of a Dervish Order in the Balkans (London: I.B. Tauris, 2019), 13. 2 Ibid., 13.

3 Nathalie Clayer, “God in the ‘Land of the Mercedes’: the Religious Communities in Albania Since 1990,” in Albanien, ed. Peter Jordan, Karl Kaser, Walter Lukan et al. (Bern: Peter Lang, 2003), 1.

4 Enis Sulstarova, “Islam and Orientalism in Contemporary Albania,” in The Revival of Islam in the Balkans: From Identity to Religiosity, ed. Arolda Elbasani and Olivier Roy (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015), 31.

5 Marta Kolczyńska, “On The Asphalt Path to Divinity: Contemporary Transformations in Albanian Bektashism: The Case of Sarri Saltik ‘Teqe’ in Kruja,” Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 22:2 (2013), 54. See Clayer (1996); Elsie (2019); Rexhebi (1996); Trimingham (1998) for more on the Bektashi order. 6 Ibid., 54. Although some historians argue he may not have founded the order; see Clayer (1996), 468.

7 Albert Doja, “A Political History of Bektashism in Albania,” Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 7:1 (2006), 85. Many scholars agree Shiite influence may have been a development of the sixteenth century. 8 Ibid., 85. 22 Frances Trix, “The Resurfacing of Islam in Albania,” East European Quarterly 28:4 (1994), 546-547. 23 Elsie, The Albanian Bektashi, 12.

24 Doja, “A Political History of Bektashism in Albania,” 99. 25 Gianfranco Bria, “Post-Socialist Sufi Revival in Albania: Public Marginality or Spiritual Privatisation?” Journal of Muslims in Europe 8:3 (2019), 317. 26 Elsie, The Albanian Bektashi, 13.

27 Trix, “The Resurfacing of Islam in Albania,” 537. 28 Nathalie Clayer, “Saints and Sufis in Post-Communist Albania,” in Popular Movements and Democratization in the Islamic World, ed. Kisaichi Masatoshi (London: Routledge, 2006), 35.

29 Bria, “Post-Socialist Sufi Revival in Albania,” 317.

30 Ibid., 318. 31 Elsie, The Albanian Bektashi, 13. 32 Ibid., 13. 33 Ibid., 13.

34 Mentor Mustafa, “Commemorative Religion After Communism: The Bektashi Pilgrimage to Mt. Tomorr, Albania,” Ethnologie Française 47:2 (2017), 319.

35 Bria, “Post-Socialist Sufi Revival in Albania,” 319. 36 Nathalie Clayer, “The Bektashi Institutions in Southeastern Europe: Alternative Muslim Official Structures and their Limits,” Die Welt des Islams 52:2 (2012), 190.

37 Ibid., 190. The last census that included religion was held in 1942. 38 Ibid., 190-191. 39 Ibid., 193-194. 40 Pashko Vasa (1825-1892), a prominent Albanian writer, remarked: “The religion of Albanians is Albanianism.” 41 Bria, “Post-Socialist Sufi Revival in Albania,” 318. 42 Ibid., 322. 43 Naim Frashëri (1846-1900) was a prominent Albanian poet and one of the leading figures of the Albanian national movement for independence from the Ottoman Empire.

44 Bria, “Post-Socialist Sufi Revival in Albania,” 322. 45 “The World Factbook: Albania,” Central Intelligence Agency, February 1, 2018, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/theworld-factbook/geos/al.html#field-anchor-people-and-societyreligions. 46 Elsie, The Albanian Bektashi, 14. 47 Ibid., 16. 48 Ibid., 15.

49 Kolczyńska, “On The Asphalt Path to Divinity,” 58. 50 Elsie, The Albanian Bektashi, 14.

51 Mustafa, “Commemorative Religion After Communism,” 12. 52 Elsie, The Albanian Bektashi, 14.

53 Mustafa, “Commemorative Religion After Communism,” 12. 54 Clayer, “God in the ‘Land of the Mercedes’,” 13-14.

55 Ibid., 14. 56 Ibid., 16. 57 Ibid., 16. 58 Ibid., 16.

59 Doja, “A Political History of Bektashism in Albania,” 103. 60 Elsie, The Albanian Bektashi, 14. In comparison, the Catholic community was given substantial support from Italy, Austria and the Vatican; the Muslim community was given substantial support from Turkey and the Gulf States; and the Orthodox community was given substantial support from the Greek Orthodox Church.

61Aydin Babuna, “Albanian National Identity and Islam in the PostCommunist Era,” Perceptions: Journal of International Affairs 8:1 (2003), 5.

62 Clayer, “God in the ‘Land of the Mercedes’,” 22. 63 Clayer, “The Bektashi Institutions in Southeastern Europe,” 197. 64 Ibid., 197. 65 Elsie, Albanian Bektashism,

66 Clayer, “The Bektashi Institutions in Southeastern Europe,” 198.

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