The Impacts of the Six Day War on the Israeli National Consciousness and Global Geopolitics Yasamin Jameh

The Impacts of the Six-Day War on the Israeli National Consciousness and Global Geopolitics By: Yasamin Jameh

In August 1967, Israel’s Defence Minister, Moshe Dayan, declared the following in a speech during a memorial service following the Israeli victory in the Six-Day War: “We have returned to the Mount, to the cradle of our nation’s history, to the land of our forefathers, to the land of the Judges, and the fortress of David’s dynasty.”1 This comment was strange coming from the staunchly atheist Dayan, however, his speech presented a turning point in Zionism’s history in Israel. This paper will attempt to answer the following questions: how did the Six-Day War transform Zionist politics in Israel? What impact did Israel's victory have on ideological movements in the Arab world and how geopolitics in the Middle East, given the Cold War context? Israeli victory over the Arab coalition facilitated the emergence of religious Zionism in mainstream Israeli politics due to a surge of religious zeal that arose in response to the acquisition of territories significant to Jewish history, like the Temple Mount and the Cave of the Patriarchs. On the other hand, for the Palestinian Arabs, the Israeli victory demonstrated the futility of Arab nationalism as whole, including the Nasserist branch espoused by President Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt and the Ba’athists of Syria. The war demonstrated that neither of these Arab nationalist ideologies truly cared for Palestinian national aspirations, but rather saw the Palestinian-Israeli conflict as a useful stage to assert their dominance. This caused many Palestinians to lose faith in the ability of Arab countries to defend them and prompting them to take their national struggle into their own hands, hence leading to a resurgence of Palestinian nationalism. Lastly, the war strengthened US-Israeli relations as the United States recognized Israel as an imperative asset in its Cold War struggles in the Middle East. Zionism is a modern ideology that emerged among the European Jewry in the context of the Enlightenment in the late 18th century. Jewish thinkers were pressed to reconceptualize their Jewish identity, due to the pressures of secularization.2 Some intellectua-ls proposed total assimilation into their host societies, while others promoted the rejection of modernity and the adoption of Jewish Orthodoxy.3 Zionism rejected all these notions since it saw Jewishness as a nationality. In Judaism, redemption refers to God redeeming the Jewish people from their exile to the Land of Israel through the coming of the Messiah.4 However, Zionists were mainly atheists who rejected this core tenant, and decided to establish Israel through political means. One of the earliest progenitors of this was the GermanJewish philosopher Moses Hess, who in his two books Holy History of Mankind (1837) and Rome and Jerusalem (1862), set the foundations of what would later become Labour Zionism.5 In Holy History of Mankind, Hess asserts that the original harmony that the Jews had with God was lost, but Jews have the opportunity to reestablish this harmony through socialism.6 In Rome and Jerusalem, Hess protests against assimilation and defines Jews as a distinct race: “The Germans hate less the Jews’ religion than they hate their race... Neither religious reform nor baptism, neither Enlightenment nor Emancipation, will open the gates of social life to the Jews...You cannot reform the Jewish nose, dark curly hair.”7 Theodore Herzl, the founder of modern political Zionism, was deeply inspired by Hess and took his ideas further by writing The Jewish State in 1896, where he advocated for the establishment of a Jewish State in Palestine.8 This secularist interpretation of Jewish identity alienated many Rabbis, who in a letter wrote that “the Jews comprise a separate community solely with respect to religion,” and emphasized that Jews were only loyal towards the countries they lived in, and that a Jewish state contradicted the “messianic promises of Judaism.”9 Furthermore, many non-religious Western European Jews opposed Zionism, because they believed it was counterproductive to the painstakingly long process of assimilation that they endured following the Age of Enlightenment. Jewish assimilation is a complicated socio-historical concept, given the varied experiences of Jewish communities in different parts of the world, but Jewish emancipation in Western Europe began around the 18th century. As Enlightenment values such as equality, tolerance, and secular government took hold in many European countries, many Jews got the opportunity to escape their traditional confines in the ghettos and participate in civil society alongside non-Jews.10 Many of these assimilated Jews opposed

Zionism, because they believed the movement made them seem like foreigners in their own countries, thus heightening the xenophobia of their non-Jewish neighbors towards them. These Jews were happy with the wealth and status emancipation had provided them, and they were comfortable with being considered only as French, English, German, or American.11 However, assimilationist anti-Zionism lost its intellectual coherence with the rise of European anti-Jewish sentiment in the interwar period, culminating with the Nazi Holocaust. Evidently, this demonstrated to many Jews the urgent need for a Jewish homeland. Though the Zionist movement had already proved its organizational and financial prowess before WWII by securing British approval for a Jewish homeland through the Balfour Declaration of 1917 and facilitating Jewish settlement in Palestine, the Holocaust was the final push which popularized statecentered Zionism among the European Jewry. 12 Moreover, the Allied powers viewed the establishment of Israel as a remedy to the violence of the Holocaust, while many anti-Zionist Jews realized the deadly shortcomings of their emancipation in Europe, leading them to support the Zionist cause. In the three decades following the establishment of Israel in 1948, the predominant force in Israeli politics was Labour Zionism, which was the left-wing faction of the Zionist movement. However, the Israeli victory in the Six-Day War (1967) contributed to the gradual emergence of right-wing Zionism, including religious Zionists, into the mainstream. The astounding victory against a much larger enemy had led to pride and solidarity in all segments of Israeli Jewish society, but it also led to a crisis of identity.13 Israel’s founding ideology was Labour Zionism, which, ironically, was more influenced by the socialist and nationalist movements of Europe than Judaism.14 Early Labour Zionists believed that the redemption of Israel could only occur if a large influx of Jewish workers would come to Palestine to build settlements, and cultivate the land.15 Cultivating the land through agricultural communes (called kibbutz in Hebrew) not only would lay the foundations of modern Israel, but it would also consolidate the imagery of a new, modernized Jew. This “new Jew” was free both from external oppression he faced in the Diaspora, and internal restrictions within hierarchical Jewish religious traditions as he could now reinvent himself as an Israeli through his labour.16 Many early Israeli founding figures were Labour Zionists, like David Ben-Gurion and Golda Meir, who were both irreligious and started their careers through serving as leaders of the Histadrut trade union. The Histadrut was the most powerful Jewish institution in Mandatory Palestine, as it was responsible for much of the state-building during Israel’s early years through its roles as the owner of many businesses and factories, and the employer of the majority of Israelis.17 However, Labor Zionism began to lose its prominence as Israel matured due to a combination of different interplaying developments, namely the influx of nonEastern European Jews into the country who did not identify with the Labour Zionist ideology. Even prior to the Six-Day War in 1967, Israeli cultural and political life was undergoing some major conundrums as the government attempted to assimilate large quantities of new Jewish immigrants from surrounding Arab countries, many of whom did not identify with Labour Zionism. Labour Zionism was a movement founded primarily by Eastern European Jews, who also comprised the majority of early immigrants to Israel; hence they quickly formed the political elite of the country.18 However, Middle Eastern Jews tended to be more religious and traditional, and therefore did not strongly associate themselves with the Labour Zionist ethos of the Eastern European elite.19 Consequently, the increasing presence of religious Middle Eastern Jews brought back traditional Jewish themes and language to the cultural atmosphere of the state.20 Due to the Israeli victory in the Six-Day War, and its acquisition of many Jewish holy sites such as the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Temple Mount, Labour Zionism with its purely secular outlook seemed anachronistic as it could not provide a justification for the annexation of such large swaths of land.21 However, religious Zionism did provide an answer to this identity crisis caused by the failure of secular nationalism to adequately legitimize Israeli state and society.22 For the religious, the victory was proof of God’s will, though they were baffled that the return of the Jewish people to the Promised Land was carried out by a group of atheists. However, the first Ashkenazi Chief Rabbi of Mandatory Palestine, Abraham Isaac Cook (1865-1935), had long before interpreted this phenomenon differently. He argued that the atheists of early Zionism were actually doing God’s work even if they claimed otherwise, because God was ultimately guiding these individuals to the Messiah.23 Cook died before seeing his vision gain any influence, but his son, Rabbi Zvi Yehuda Cook, carried on his father’s legacy. Zvi Yehuda argued that redemption would come in three stages: first the restoration of Jews to the Land of Israel, then a war against Amalek (Old Testament term for the enemies of the Israelites), and finally the rebuilding of the Third Temple.24 The Rabbi’s interpretation of redemption attracted attention in the aftermath of the Six-Day War because the conflict fit

into his messianic prophecy. This formulated into NeoZionism, a right-wing, nationalistic and religious ideology which promotes the concept of “Greater Israel” and the settlement of Palestinian territories. Greater Israel is a highly controversial irredentist concept which has several biblical and political meanings, but generally refers to an imprecise portion of land in the Levant called the “Land of Israel,” which was promised to the Jews by God in the Torah. Greater Israel has been evoked by Zionists over the years in different contexts, but generally it has been embraced as an actual political goal by right-wing factions, such as the religious Zionists.25 In one his most famous speeches given a few weeks before the war, Zvi Yehuda protested against the 1947 UN Partition Plan – a UN plan which divided the territory of Mandatory Palestine into a Jewish and Arab state, and a Special International Regime for the city of Jerusalem26 – on the basis that it granted portions of the land to the Arabs, that according to Jewish texts, was promised entirely to the Jews: “And where is our Hebron?...And where is our Shechem?….Where is Lord’s land? Can we sacrifice a single millimeter of it? God forbid!”27 The UN Partition Plan was never implemented, because soon after it was adopted into a Resolution in the UN General Assembly, a war between Jews and Arabs of Palestine broke out. The overall shift towards the right in Israeli politics could be felt as early as the first meeting of the Knesset after the war, demonstrated by Prime Minister Levi Eshkol’s speech: “Jerusalem is united. For the first time since the establishment of the state Jews can pray at the Western Wall, the relic of our Temple and our historic past.”28 Even for many secular Israelis and Jews in the diaspora who were anxious about the fate of the Jewish State in a hostile region, the victory was interpreted as divine redemption, and led to increased national solidarity through a return to traditional Jewish values and symbols.29 Renewed interest in the teachings of the Cook in the aftermath of the Six-Day War resulted in the formation of the Gush Emunim by their followers, a religious Right-wing group which advocated for the Jewish settlement of the Occupied Territories as a way of hastening the Messianic Age.30 The Gush constructed several illegal settlements, starting with Kedumim in the West Bank, near the Palestinian city of Nablus (Shechem in Hebrew) in 1975.31 Although the Gush no longer exists as an institution, its ideology has left a permanent legacy on Israeli society and Israeli-Palestinian conflict.32 The presence and ongoing expansion of existing settlements, and the construction of new outposts is a severe obstacle in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process which has been criticized by Palestinians, third parties such as the UN and the European Union, and even many Israelis.33 However, the general right-ward shift which Israeli politics has experienced ever since the election of Menachem Begin and his Likud Party in 1977, has made the Israeli political establishment more complacent about the illegal settlements, hence why little is done to stop them.34 One of the main international consequences of the Six-Day War was that it triggered the decline of the Arab nationalism, amplified by Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser. Arab nationalism is an ideology that asserts the unity of the indigenous inhabitants of the Arab world, based on a common language, history, and culture grounded in an Islamic past.35 Nasserism and Syria’s Ba’athism were the two main sects of Arab nationalism, and both espoused a syncretism between nationalism and socialism as the path forward for the Arab world. This came with the goal of establishing a United Arab Republic (UAR) between Egypt and Syria, as the first step towards a much larger pan-Arab state.36 However, the unity between Egypt and Syria was ultimately shattered when national loyalties began to supersede the pan-Arab goals of the UAR, and both countries began accusing one another of trying to dominate the political union with their individual nation ’ s interest.37 Nevertheless, all Arab nationalists believed that the major obstacle preventing transnational unity amongst them was Western imperial intervention in their affairs following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, and they saw Israel as an outpost of Western influence in the region. This sentiment is evident in a speech given by Nasser in May 1967: “The circumstances through which we are now passing are in fact difficult ones because we are not only confronting Israel but also those who are behind Israel...the West, which created Israel and which despised us Arabs and which ignored us before and since 1948.”38 Before the war, Nasser had made exaggerated claims about the military capacities of Egypt and its allies, and he was confident about an Arab victory due to his triumph in the Suez Crisis: “Today, some eleven years after 1956, I say such things because I am confident. I know what we have here in Egypt and what Syria has...This is Arab power. This is the true resurrection of the Arab nation.”39 However, the defeat in the Six-Day War completely caught Arab nations off-guard and destroyed the credibility of Arab nationalism as a whole. The defeat also gave a pretext to the domestic opposition to Nasser — namely the ultraconservative Islamist Muslim Brotherhood — an excuse to attack him.40 In a way, the war gave Islamists across the Arab world a

means to discredit the secular model of Arab nationalism.41 Although there were several other factors which allowed the rise of Islamism as a political force in the 1970s and 1980s, the Six-Day War and the failure of Arab nationalism to defeat Israel was certainly a key contributor. Though the Six-Day War marked the decline of Arab nationalism, it also marked the resurgence of Palestinian nationalism. Neither Nasserists nor Ba’athists saw Palestine as a separate entity, but rather saw it as part of a much larger Arab nation.42 Palestinians, who were scattered all across the Arab world following their expulsion from their homeland in 1948, were the biggest supporters of Arab nationalism.43 However, following the catastrophic defeat of 1967, Palestinians realized that the Arab countries did not really believe in Palestinian self-determination and were too embroiled in their own internal divisions to effectively pose a resistance to Israel, so they themselves had to take charge of their destiny.44 Consequently, the experiece of the Six-Day War reinforced the distinctiveness of the Palestinian national identity from the rest of the Arab world, and strengthened the power of independent Palestinian nationalist parties like the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO). The PLO began to organize an armed resistance against Israel, through various Intifadas (“rebellion” in Arabic) and signed its own agreements with Israel like the Oslo Accords in the 1990s, which created the Palestinian Authority to govern Gaza and parts of the West Bank.45 Although the Six-Day War weakened the collective Arab resistance to Israel, it strengthened Palestinian resolve to take control of their national sovereignty. Another major international consequence of the Six-Day War was that it solidified positive US-Israeli relations, as the United States officially recognized Israel as a critical asset in its struggles against the USSR in the Middle East. In the Cold War context, the victory of Western-backed Israelis against the primarily Sovietarmed Arabs was a political victory for the Western bloc.46 Before the war, the US was more ambivalent with regards to its relationship with Israel, and saw it as a burden incurred on it by Britain in the aftermath of WWII when the latter country was experiencing a dramatic decline in its imperial power.47 But the Six-Day War proved to American leaders that Israel was a preeminent military power in the region, thus incentivizing the Americans to give their firm financial support and political backing in Israel’s future military engagements.48 As a result, US influence in the Middle East grew at the expense of the USSR as evident in Egypt’s turn towards the US in the 1970s.49 For the remainder of the Cold War, Israel served as the defender of US interests in the region by keeping the Soviet-allied Syria in check and preventing the spread of “radical” movements harmful to American interests in neighboring Lebanon and Jordan.50 The war also had some often overlooked domestic impacts in the US, namely that it increased the support of Israel among Evangelical Christians, an outspoken demographic in the American electorate.51 To devout Evangelicals, the founding of Israel and the acquisition of Jerusalem in 1967 signified to them Jesus’s Second Coming. American evangelist Hal Lindsey interpreted the event in his book The Late Great Planet Earth as follows: “The Jews would have to be dwelling in Jerusalem at the time of the Messiah’s advent...Then came the war of June 1967...When Moshe Dayan marched into the last remnant of the Old Temple. The Jews had unwittingly further set up the stage for their trial and conversion.”52 The Six-Day War not only made Israel a geopolitical asset among the US foreign policy establishment, but it also increased Evangelical support for Israel, two factors which increased the strength of the so-called “Israel lobby” in the US.53 The Six-Day War changed the orientation of Zionism, shifted the balance of power in the Middle East, and had a lasting impact on US-Israeli relations. From the Israeli perspective, its victory in the Six-Day War greatly facilitated the emergence of religious Zionisism in Israeli politics, because the acquisition of territories significant to Judaism reaffirmed their messianic prophecies. The newly emboldened religious Zionists started the Gush movement and began forming Jewish settlements in the Occupied Territories, an illegal action which has done long-lasting damage to the IsraeliPalestinian peace talks. For the Palestinians, Israel’s victory signified the defeat of the secular Arab nationalist ideology, and prompted the Palestinians to take their cause into their own hands, rather than rely on Arab countries for help – hence leading to a resurgence of Palestinian nationalism. Nasser and other Arab nationalists were humiliated, thus giving Islamists across the Arab world a pretext to attack the credibility of secular nationalism, triggering the beginning of the spread of Islamism in the region. Feeling betrayed by the Arabs, the Palestinians were forced to reorganize and lead their own armed struggle against Israel and carry out independent peace negotiations. Additionally, the war strengthened the US-Israeli relations as the US recognized Israel as an imperative asset in its Cold War struggles in the Middle East. Christian Evangelical support also increased since the victory was in line with their eschatological beliefs. The Six-Day War not only increased Israel’s geopolitical importance among the

US foreign policy establishment, but it also increased Evangelical support for Israel. Overall, these two factors increased the strength of the “Israel lobby” in the US. The Six-Day War was one of the shortest in history, but one with immense geopolitical implications which are still evident to this day. For the Israelis, the war ensured its security by eliminating immediate threats, but it also indirectly led to the rise of Islamic fundamentalism which still poses a threat to it. The war also ensured Israel the full backing of the US in all its future endeavors in the region since the interests of the two countries became aligned. From the Arab and Palestinian perspective, the war marked another downward slide in the Arab-Israeli conflict which seems more unsolvable as decades pass and mutual antagonisms increase.

13 Elizer Don-Yehiya, “Jewish Messianism, Religious Zionism and Israeli Politics: The Impact and Origins of Gush Emunim,” Middle Eastern Studies 23, no. 2 (1987): 229.

14 Neil Rogachevsky, “The Not-So-Strange Death of Israel's Labor Party,” American Affairs Journal, May 20, 2020, https:// americanaffairsjournal.org/2020/05/the-not-so-strange-death-ofisraels-labor-party/#notes.

15 Ibid.

16 Lilly Wissbrod, “ Lilly. "From Labour Zionism to New Zionism: Ideological Change in Israel." Theory and Society 10, no. 6 (1981): 779-780.

17 Neil Rogachevsky, “The Not-So-Strange Death of Israel's Labor Party,” American Affairs Journal, May 20, 2020, https:// americanaffairsjournal.org/2020/05/the-not-so-strange-death-ofisraels-labor-party/#notes.

Notes

18 Ibid.

19 Ibid.

1 Gideon Gera, “Israel and the June 1967 War: 25 Years Later,” Middle East Journal 46, no. 2 (1992): 235.

2 Uri Ram, “Zionist Historiography and the Invention of Modern Jewish Nationhood: The Case of Ben Zion Dinur,” History and Memory 7, no. 1 (1995): 98.

3 Ram, “Zionist Histriography:” 99. 20 Ibid.

21 Lilly Wissbrod, “ Lilly. "From Labour Zionism to New Zionism: Ideological Change in Israel." Theory and Society 10, no. 6 (1981): 792 .

22 Elizer Don-Yehiya, “Jewish Messianism, Religious Zionism and Israeli Politics: The Impact and Origins of Gush Emunim,” Middle Eastern Studies 23, no. 2 (1987): 229.

4 Koren Noé Talmud, “The William Davidson Digital Edition of the Koren Noé Talmud, with commentary by Rabbi Adin Steinsaltz Even-Israel,” Rosh HaShanah, 11b, https://www.sefaria.org/ Rosh_Hashanah.11b?lang=bi 5 Isaiah Berlin, Against the Current: Essays in the History of Ideas, ed. Henry Hardy (New York: Viking Press, 1980): 243. 6 Moses Hess, The Holy History of Mankind and Other Writings, ed. Shlomo Avineri (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004): 95.

7 Moses Hess, Rome and Jerusalem: A Study in Jewish Nationalism , trans. Meyer Waxman (New York: Bloch Publishing Co, 1918): 58. 8 Theodore Herzl, The Jewish State, trans. Sylvie D'Avigdor (New York: American Zionist, 1946): 15.

9 Tamara Zieve, “This Week In History: Herzl, Rabbis Clash on Zionism,” The Jerusalem Post, July 15, 2012, https:// www.jpost.com/features/in-thespotlight/this-week-in-history-herzl -rabbis-clash-on-zionism) 10 Todd M. Endelman, Leaving the Jewish Fold: Conversion and Radical Assimilation in Modern Jewish History (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2015), 53-54. 11 Robert S.Wistrich, "Zionism and Its Jewish "Assimilationist" Critics (1897-1948)." Jewish Social Studies 4, no. 2 (1998): 60. 12 Robert S.Wistrich, "Zionism and Its Jewish "Assimilationist" Critics (1897-1948)." Jewish Social Studies 4, no. 2 (1998): 61. 23 Richard L. Hoch, “Sovereignty, Sanctity, and Salvation: The Theology of Rabbi Tzvi Yehuda Ha-Kohen Kook and the Actions of the Gush Emunim,” Shofar 13, no. 1 (1994): 91 24 Ibid., 92.

25 Joel Greenberg, “The World: Pursuing Peace; Netanyahu and His Party Turn Away from 'Greater Israel',” The New York Times (The New York Times, November 22, 1998), https:// www.nytimes.com/1998/11/22/weekinreview/the-worldpursuing-peace-netanyahu-and-his-party-turn-away-from-greaterisrael.html. 26 Ibid.

27 Ibid., 97.

28 Levi Eshkol, “Sitting 183 of the Sixth Knesset,” Sitting 183 of the Sixth Knesset (June 12, 1967), https://jcpa.org/wp-content/ uploads/2013/08/Israel_Wins_the_Six-Day_War.pdf)

29 Elizer Don-Yehiya, “Jewish Messianism, Religious Zionism and Israeli Politics: The Impact and Origins of Gush Emunim,” Middle Eastern Studies 23, no. 2 (1987): 231-232.

30 Lilly Wissbrod, “ Lilly. "From Labour Zionism to New Zionism: Ideological Change in Israel." Theory and Society 10, no. 6 (1981): 777.

31 Allan Gerson, Israel, the West Bank and International Law (London: Frank Cass and Company Limited, 1978), 150-151. 32 Elizer Don-Yehiya, “Jewish Messianism, Religious Zionism and Israeli Politics: The Impact and Origins of Gush Emunim,” Middle Eastern Studies 23, no. 2 (1987): 215.

33 “EU's Ashton Says Israeli Settlement Plans Hurt Peace Moves,” Reuters (Thomson Reuters, March 15, 2010), https:// af.reuters.com/article/egyptNews/idAFLDE62E1M320100315)

34 Gideon Gera, “Israel and the June 1967 War: 25 Years Later,” Middle East Journal 46, no. 2 (1992): 235. 35 Martin Krammer, "Arab Nationalism: Mistaken Identity," Daedalus 122, no. 3 (1993): 172.

36 E.G.H. Joffé, “Arab Nationalism and Palestine,” Journal of Peace Research 20, no. 2 (1983): 165. 37 Ibid.

38 Gamal Abdel Nasser, “Nasser's Speech to the Egyptian National Assembly ,” Nasser's Speech to the Egyptian National Assembly (May 29, 1967), https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/nasser-s-speech-to-the -egyptian-national-assembly-may-1967).

39 Gamal Abdel Nasser, “Nasser’s Speech to Arab Trade Unionists,” (May 26, 1967), https://israeled.org/wp-content/ uploads/2013/01/1967.5.26-Nasser-Speech-to-Arab-TradeUnionists.pdf).

40 Sigal Samuel, “How the Six-Day War Transformed Religion,” The Atlantic (Atlantic Media Company, June 5, 2017), https:// www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2017/06/how-the-sixday-war-changed-religion/528981/) 41 Ibid.

42 Shibley Telhami, “The Dual Effects of the 1967 War on Palestinians Reverberate 50 Years Later, ” Brookings (Brookings, May 31, 2017), https://www.brookings.edu/blog/markaz/2017/05/31/the -dual-effects-of-the-1967-war-on-palestinians-reverberate-50-yearslater/) 43 Ibid.

44 Ibid.

45 Ibid.

46 Gideon Gera, “Israel and the June 1967 War: 25 Years Later,” Middle East Journal 46, no. 2 (1992): 241.

47 Steven L. Spiegel, “The American-Israeli relationship: Past and future.” Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs, 3. (2008): 17.

48 Gideon Gera, “Israel and the June 1967 War: 25 Years Later,” Middle East Journal 46, no. 2 (1992): 241 49 Ibid.

50 Stephen Zunes, “Why the U.S. Supports Israel,” Institute for Policy Studies, May 1, 2002, https://ips-dc.org/ why_the_us_supports_israel/)

51 Sigal Samuel, “How the Six-Day War Transformed Religion,” The Atlantic (Atlantic Media Company, June 5, 2017), https:// www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2017/06/how-the-sixday-war-changed-religion/528981/) 52 Hal Lindsey, The Late Great Planet Earth (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1970): 55.

53 John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt, “The Israel Lobby,” London Review of Books, March 23, 2006, https://www.lrb.co.uk/thepaper/v28/n06/john-mearsheimer/the-israel-lobby).

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