UPLB Perspective Vol. 48, Issue 5 (November 9, 2022)

J U LY- O C TO B ER 202 2

UPLB PERSPECTIVE

M A G S U L AT. M A G L I N G KO D . M A G PA L AYA .

◆ TA O N 4 8 , B LG . 5

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Special issue 36 PAGES

NEWS | 2-9 MGA BIKTIMA NG BATAS MILITAR PANAWAGANG ‘WAG MAKALIMOT’ SA ILALIM NG BAGONG ADMINISTRASYONG MARCOS F E AT U R E S | 1 0 - 1 5 SILANG NAWAWALA, HINAHANAP, AT INAALALA C U LT U R E | 1 6 - 1 9 MARCOS NOON, MARCOS ULIT NGAYON: ANG PAG-UULIT NG KASAYSAYAN NG MGA MAKAPANGYARIHAN O P I N I O N | 20 -27 SAIS-AMIS DOUBLE WHAMMY READY OR NOT, HERE IT COMES

E D I T O R YA L | 3 6

TULOY ANG LABAN SA DELUBYONG DALA NG ADMINISTRASYONG MARCOS JR.

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J U LY- O C TO B E R 2 02 2 | U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G

“Never again, never forget!” Mga biktima ng Batas Militar, panawagang ‘huwag makalimot’ sa ilalim ng bagong administrasyong Marcos Iba’t ibang mga programa ang isinagawa sa Timog Katagalugan upang gunitain ang Batas Militar sa ika-50 anibersaryo nito.

NI HOPE SAGAYA STAFF WRITER

Babala: May banggit ng mga insidente ng karahasan at tortyur

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a g b a l i k- t a n a w a n g T i m o g Katagalugan sa mga kalupitan n g B a t a s M i l i t a r s a i k a- 5 0 anibersaryo ng pagdeklara nito.

Ang komemorasyon ay may gabay na temang “Kilusang Bayan ang Gintong Tanglaw sa Madilim at Madugong Kasaysayan ng Batas Militar! Makibaka para sa Pambansang Demokrasya.”

Pinangunahan ng Southern Tagalog Movement Against Tyranny (STMAT) ang mga aktibidad na isinagawa sa iba’t ibang bahagi ng Timog Katagalugan.

Mula Setyembre 10 hanggang 11, isang pelikula kaugnay ng Batas Militar ang ipinalabas sa publiko para muling alalahanin ang mga nangyari sa bansa sa ilalim ng rehimen ni Ferdinand Marcos Sr. Noong Setyembre 20, isinagawa ang mga desentralisadong aktibidad sa mga probinsya sa CALABARZON. Sinundan ito ng Human Rights Summit na ginanap sa UPLB, na nagbigay-diin sa mga ligalig habang bagong Marcos ang may kapangyarihan sa Malacañang. Maliban kay Marcos Jr., kasama rin sa usapan sa summit ang mga Duterte dahil sa mga pag-atake sa karapatang tao sa ilalim ng administrasyon ni Rodrigo Duterte.

Sa programa, ginanap ang Southern Tagalog Human Rights Siuationer, na pinangunahan ng tagapagsalita ng Defend Southern Tagalog at 2017 UPLB University Student Council (USC) Chairperson Charm Maranan. Idiniin niya kung paano tumindig ang Timog Katagalugan laban sa diktadurya.

“Makulay ang kasaysayan ng Timog Katagalugan sa pagtindig para sa karapatan.

Muli tayong hinahamon para lumaban para sa bawat mamamayan,” sabi ni Maranan.

Umikot ang usapin ng Human Rights Summit sa hirap at pagpapakasakit ng mga biktima, martir, at aktibista sa panahon ng Batas Militar, pati na rin ng rehimeng Duterte.

Pag-alala sa madugong panahon Sa panel discussions kasama ang mga biktima ng Batas Militar, ibinahagi nila ang kanilang mga karanasan sa gitna ng diktadurya.

Ipinahayag ni Ka Edy na mula sa Lipa, Batangas kung paano siya nakaranas ng tortyur noong Batas Militar. Aniya, nang sinuspinde ang writ of habeas corpus, makailang ulit siyang hinuli ng pulisya at militar.

“Ngunit ang pinakamatindi ay noong mahuli kami sa Lipa kasama ang mga kabataan sa Maynila sa isang bahay,

LARAWAN KUHA NI BEYONCE NAVA

doon namin naranasan ang pagtortyur at pagpapahirap ng mga Philippine Constabulary… Halos araw-araw kaming pinapahirapan at binibigyan ng problema,” dagdag pa niya.

Kaugnay ng pagbabalik sa Malacañang ng mga Marcos, ipinahayag ni Ofel Reduta ang kabalintunaan ng kung paanong nakabalik sa kapangyarihan ang isang anak ng diktador.

Samantala, aniya pa, ang mga pamilya ng mga biktima ng diktadura ay namimighati at patuloy ang panawagan para sa hustisya.

“Nakakapanggigil talaga, Marcos na naman!

Hanggang sa ngayon, hindi pa sila [mga Marcos] nakakapagbayad sa mga utang na dugo nila sa mamamayan,” ani Reduta, na mula sa Quezon.

Bagaman mayroong batas na nagbibigay ng reparasyon at pagkilala sa mga biktima ng paglabag sa karapatang pantao noong rehimeng Marcos, hindi pa lahat ng mga biktima ay nagagawaran nito.

Mayroong naitalang 11,103 na biktima ng mga paglabag sa karapatang pantao sa ilalim ng Batas Militar, ngunit nakatanggap ang Human Rights Victims’ Claims Board (HRVCB) ng mahigit 75,000 na kahilingan para sa reparasyon, na inihain ng mga biktima.

Noong Agosto, inihain ang isang panukalang batas sa Kongreso upang magbigay ng reparasyon at pagkilala para sa mga biktima ng Batas Militar. Partikular na tinukoy nito ang mga biktima at pamilyang “nadiskwalipika o tinanggihan” na bigyan ng reparasyon at pagkilala.

“More and more relatives of Martial Law human rights violation victims have brought up their case on what they call an ‘unjust’ denial of their claims for reparation,” pahayag ng Makabayan bloc.

(Maraming mga kamag-anak ng mga biktima ng Batas Militar ang nagpapahayag ng ‘hindi makatarungang’ pagtanggi sa kanilang

mga kahilingan para sa reparasyon.)

“While no amount of monetary reparation will restore lost lives, properties, broken relations, and dreams of the human rights violations’ victims and their families, the reparation is important for them, as it forms part of the overall recognition of the reality of human rights violations and their immeasurable suffering of the people under the Marcos regime,” dagdag pa ng grupo.

(Bagaman hindi maibabalik ng salapi ang mga nawalang buhay, pag-aari, relasyon, at pangarap ng mga biktima at kanilang mga pamilya, mahalaga ang reparasyon para sa kanila, sapagkat binubuo nito ang kabuuang pagkilala sa realidad ng mga paglabag sa karapatang pantao, at ng hindi masusukat na paghihirap ng taumbayan sa ilalim ng rehimeng Marcos.)

“Never again, never forget!”

Sa araw ng mismong komemorasyon ng Batas Militar noong Setyembre 21, dumalo ang mga progresibong grupo at alyansa sa karawan sa Metro Manila. Nagsimula ang karawan sa Plaza Miranda at nagtapos sa UP Diliman para sa pambansang mobilisasyon.

Ibinahagi ni Mackie Valenzuela mula sa Karapatan ang mga paghihirap ng sambayanan noong rehimeng Marcos, at sinabing si Marcos Sr. mismo ay isang tunay na terorista.

Nagpatuloy ang programa sa Recto Avenue, Manila bilang bahagi ng karawan ng Timog Katagalugan para sa ika-50 anibersaryo ng deklarasyon ng Batas Militar, ngunit hinarang ng pulisya ang mga delegado ng Timog Katagalugan habang nasa gitna ng martsa patungong Mendiola, Manila. Ipinagpatuloy ang karawan sa People Power Monument kung saan patuloy na pinaingay ang mga panawagan para depensahan ang Timog Katagalugan.

Samantala, ayon kay Judy Taguiwalo, aktibistang ikinulong at tinortyur noong dekada ‘80, “The scars may have healed but deep inside, the anger and sorrow are still there not just because I went through this but because so many good patriotic people died resisting dictatorship.”

(Ang mga sugat ay maaaring naghilom na ngunit sa aking kalooban, ang galit at pighati ay nananatili pa rin, hindi lang dahil pinagdaanan ko ito kundi dahil marami ring makabayan ang namatay sa gitna ng paglaban sa diktadurya.)

Hinamon niya ang pangulo na humingi ng tawad, at sinabihang tumigil sa pagsisinungaling tungkol sa mga realidad ng Batas Militar.

Ngayong may isa na namang Marcos ang nasa kapangyarihan, ang mga pamilya ng mga biktima ay patuloy ang pag-alala sa mga desaparecidos sa pamamagitan ng pagpapakita ng mga larawan ng mga ito.

“Walang closure kung walang justice. Hindi pwedeng sabihing kalimutan na natin and let’s move on. We can only move on if there are some kind of justice, there is a kind of apology,” ani ng biktimang si Lutgardo Barbo.

(Makakausad lang tayo kung mayroong katarungan, mayroong paghingi ng kapatawaran.)

Si Bonifacio Ilagan, na isa ring biktima, ay sinabing hindi niya matatanggap si Marcos Jr. bilang presidente, sapagkat nananatili pa rin sa kaniyang alaala ang mga ligalig ng Batas Militar.

“The trauma has returned with all its inhumanities,” aniya.

(Nagbalik ang trauma kasabay ng lahat ng kalupitan.)

Habang pilit itinutulak ng mga kaalyado ni Marcos na mag-”move on” ang sambayanan, patuloy ang panawagan ng mga biktima ng Batas Militar para sa hustisya, at na huwag kailanman makakalimot ang taumbayan.

“Until justice is rendered, we can never move on. Until the billions of their ill-gotten wealth are returned by the Marcoses, we can never move on. Until they have paid their taxes, we can never move on. Until the convicted Imelda Marcos is jailed for her crimes, we can never move on. Until the Marcoses acknowledge the evils of their parents’ conjugal dictatorship and vow never to repeat them, we can never move on,” pahayag ng MAT. (Hangga’t hindi naigagawad ang hustisya, hindi tayo makakausad. Hangga’t hindi ibinabalik ng mga Marcos ang bilyong pisong nakaw na yaman, hindi tayo makakausad.

Hangga’t hindi nila binabayaran ang kanilang buwis, hindi tayo makakausad. Hangga’t ang hinatulang si Imelda Marcos ay hindi ikinukulong para sa kaniyang mga krimen, hindi tayo makakausad. Hangga’t hindi kinikilala ng mga Marcos ang mga kasamaan ng diktadurya ng kanilang mga magulang, at hangga’t hindi sila nangangakong hindi ito uulitin, hindi tayo makakausad.)

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Mababang sahod, matinding taas-presyo, pasan ng taumbayan sa gitna ng ekonomikong krisis Pinuna ng mga progresibo ang kawalan ng agarang aksyon ng administrasyon ni Marcos Jr. para labanan ang krisis sa langis at pigilan ang pagtaas ng presyo ng mga bilihin.

NINA MARK ANGELO FABREAG AT CHARLESTON CHANG NEWS ASSOCIATE EDITORS

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a gitna ng matinding implasyon kasabay ng mababang antas ng pasahod, umani ng batikos ang administrasyon ni Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. dahil sa kakulangan nito ng aksyon sa ekonomikong krisis.

Kaugnay nito, nagkaisa ang mga progresibo sa “Lakbayan ng Mamamayan ng Timog Katagalugan (TK)”, isang kilos protestang may layuning hamunin ang anak ng diktador na si Ferdinand Marcos Jr. sa kaniyang unang State of the Nation Address (SONA).

Sa programa, kinondena ng mga mamamayan ang mababang pasahod sa nasabing rehiyon.

Nananatiling nasa P378 hanggang P410 lang ang minimum wage sa TK, ayon sa Pagkakaisa ng Manggagawa sa Timog Katagalugan (PAMANTIK-KMU). Ito ay sa kabila ng patuloy na implasyon at pagtaas ng presyo ng langis na naranasan ng buong bansa mula sa mga huling bahagi ng termino ni dating Pangulong Rodrigo Duterte, na nararamdaman pa rin hanggang sa panunungkulan ni Pangulong Marcos Jr. Ang inflation rate – ang antas ng pagtaas ng presyo ng mga bilihin – ay pumalo sa 6.1% sa huling buwan ng termino ni dating Pangulong Duterte noong Hunyo, dahil sa patuloy na pagtaas ng presyo ng mga pangunahing bilihin at ng langis, ayon sa ulat ng Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA).

Isang buwan makalipas ang pagbabalik ng mga Marcos sa kapangyarihan ay umakyat ang inflation rate sa 6.4% noong buwan ng Hulyo. Ito ang pinakamataas na inflation rate mula 2018. Pumalo ito sa 7.7% noong Oktubre, na pinakamataas mula Disyembre 2008.

Ayon kay Casey Anne Cruz ng Bagong Alyansang Makabayan Southern Tagalog (BAYAN-ST), sa gitna ng mga taas-presyong ito, band-aid at short-sighted solution ang iminungkahing solusyon ni Marcos Jr. na ayuda. Sa halip, aniya, kinakailangang tanggalin ang pagbuwis sa langis at gawin itong basic commodity o pangunahing bilihin.

Sa pamamagitan ng pagsama ng langis bilang basic commodity, mapipigilan ng price freeze ang patuloy na pagsirit ng presyo nito.

Sa ilalim ng Price Act o Republic Act No. 7581, awtomatikong ipinapataw ang price freeze sa mga presyo ng mga pangunahing bilihin sa mga lugar na nasa state of calamity o state of emergency.

“Marapat na magkaroon na ng suspension ng oil taxes dahil sobrang bigat na ng sitwasyon ng ekonomiya. Hindi sapat ang targeted subsidies. Dapat across the board, lahat ng sektor, ay makinabang sa pagbaba ng presyo ng langis. Ito ay para bumaba ang production at transportation costs, at para mapababa ang presyo ng iba pang pangunahing bilihin. Tandaan na napapamahal ang presyo ng pagkain dahil sa laki ng gastos sa transportation,” pahayag ng BAYAN sa kanilang opisyal na Facebook page.

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Krisis sa petrolyo

Pinangunahan naman ng alyansang Pagkakaisa Upang Labanan ang Taas Presyo ng Krudo (PULTANK) ang panawagang labanan ang pagsirit ng presyo ng krudo at mabagal na pagresponde ng rehimen ni Marcos Jr. sa nasabing isyu.

Mariing panawagan ng PULTANK ang pagsuspinde ng Excise Tax, Value Added Tax (VAT), at Oil Deregulation Law. Ayon sa kanila, sa pamamagitan nito, P20 bawat litro sana ang maibababa sa mga gasolinahan.

Ang excise tax sa langis ay kasama sa Tax Reform for Acceleration and Inclusion (TRAIN) Law na isinabatas noong 2017. Ito ay dagdag-buwis na ipinapataw sa langis na nakadepende sa uri ng produktong petrolyo at patuloy na tumataas kada taon.

Samantala, ang Republic Act No. 8479 o ang Oil Deregulation Law ay nagpapataw ng mas mataas na presyo sa gasolina at produktong langis sa merkado. Ito ay nakaugat sa pagtatanggal ng karapatan sa gobyerno na makontrol ang presyo, eksportasyon, at pag-aangkat ng produktong petrolyo sa merkado. Sa ilalim ng batas na ito, kontrolado ng merkado ang pagbaba at pagtaas ng presyo ng petrolyo.

“Nananatili pa ring hindi naibibigay ang ayuda, partikular sa fuel subsidy para sa sektor ng mga tsuper sa ST. Kaya sigaw ng alyansa na maibalik ang mandato sa pamahalaan at taumbayan,” ani Rich De Guzman, tagapagsalita ng PULTANK. Kasama sa mga panawagan ng PULTANK ang pagsasabatas ng re-nationalization ng Petron at pagtatag ng lokal na industriya ng langis at National Petroleum Exchange. Naglalayon ang re-nationalization na ibalik sa gobyerno ang pamamalakad sa Petron, Inc., upang maagapan ang lumalalang sitwasyon sa presyo ng langis sa bansa.

Nagpahayag din ng hinaing si Elmer Portea, tagapagsalita ng Southern Tagalog Region Transport Sector Organization (STARTER) PISTON: “Marami sa amin ngayong mga drayber ang hindi na pumapasada ngayon.”

Dagdag pa niya, sa iba’t ibang probinsya sa

Timog Katagalugan, matindi ang taas-presyo sa mga pamasahe ngunit napakaliit ng kita ng mga tsuper. Pasan nila ang mataas na halaga ng krudo at mga pangunahing bilihin.

Sa eksklusibong panayam ng Perspective, ganito rin ang daing ng isang tsuper na namamasada sa ruta ng UPLB. “Napakalaking epekto sa aming hanay ang pagtaas ng bilihin lalo na ng krudo kasi halos wala nang kitain sa pamamasada kaya [para] maitatawid ang gastusin, utang dito utang doon. Pati nga wedding ring naming mag-asawa ay naipagbili ko na, may magastos lang [para sa] ilaw namin [dahil] delikado nang maputulan, dialysis patient pa man din si misis at kailangan niya yung electric fan para ‘di hapuin,” aniya.

Samantala, kinuwestiyon ng BAYAN ST ang pagtakda kay Raphael Lotilla bilang Department of Energy (DOE) Secretary lalo na ngayong may krisis sa enerhiya.

“Malaking suliranin ang pagkakaupo ni Lotilla bilang secretary ng Department of Energy dahil sa kanyang koneksyon sa mga kompanya ng may pansariling interes. Inaasahan na babalik lamang ang pabarya-baryang rollback sa petrolyo,” dagdag ni Cruz ng BAYAN ST. Matapos ang pagtatalaga kay Lotilla bilang DOE Secretary, nagbitiw ito sa pagiging independent director ng Aboitiz Power Corp. at ACE Exenor Inc. Ayon sa Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ), ang Aboitiz Power Corp. ang nagpapatakbo sa ilang coal-fired power plants sa Luzon, habang ang Exenor naman ay isang oiland-gas exploration unit ng Ayala Group.

Mababang sahod sa gitna ng implasyon

Samantala, pagdidiin naman ng mga manggagawa mula sa Timog Katagalugan: hindi sasapat ang P378 hanggang P410 na minimum wage sa gitna ng ekonomikong krisis.

“Hindi sapat ang dagdag pasahod, at nananatiling hindi makatao ang turing sa mga manggagawa sa Timog Katagalugan,” dagdag ni Mia Antonio ng PAMANTIK-KMU. Ayon sa ng IBON Foundation, ang minimum wage na kinikita ng mga manggagawa

ay hindi sapat upang tustusan ang kanilang mga pangangailangan sa araw-araw. Higit pa rito, patuloy na lumiliit ang halaga ng kanilang kita dahil sa patuloy na pagtaas ng implasyon sa bansa. Dagdag pa ng grupo, matapos ang pandemya, nararapat lang ang dagdag-sahod para sa mga Pilipino.

Kaugnay nito, simula buwan ng Hunyo ay ipinatupad ang mga kasalukuyang minimum wage sa rehiyon ng NCR na nasa Php 570.00 para sa mga nasa sektor na non-agriculture at Php 533.00 naman para sa mga manggagawa sa industriya ng agrikultura.

Gayunpaman, halos kalahati lang ito ng family living wage o ng halagang kinakailangan ng isang pamilya upang sustentuhan ang kanilang mga primaryang pangangailangan tulad ng pagkain, damit, at bayarin sa kuryente’t tubig. Php 1,117.00 ang family living wage kada araw, ayon sa tuos ng IBON Foundation.

“Minimum wages which were never enough to meet the basic needs of workers’ households to begin with are now even being eroded by inflation,” pahayag ng grupo.

(Ang minimum wage, na kailanman ay hindi sumapat para tapatan ang mga batayang pangangailangan ng pamilya ng mga manggagawa, ay mas lalo pang pinabababa ng implasyon.)

Binigyang-diin naman ng kinatawan ng Ligtas na Balik Eskwelang Alyansa ST (LNBE-ST) na mas pinabigat ng mataas na presyo ng bilihin at pamasahe ang kalagayan ng mga working student, na lubha nang nahihirapang balansehin ang pagtatrabaho at kanilang pagaaral. Sinasalamin din nito ang mga suliraning pasanin ng mga guro.

“Maliit lang din ang kinikita ng mga kaguruan at manggagawa sa UP at nagsisilbing breadwinner rin ang mga ito sa kani-kanilang pamilya. Tunay na bumabagsak na ang ating ekonomiya,” dagdag ni Cris Lanzaderas ng All UP Academic Employees Union – Los Baños (AUPAEU-LB).

Sa panayam ng Perspective kay Prof. Laurence Marvin Castillo, Vice President for Faculty ng AUPAEU-LB, ukol sa suliranin ng kaguruan sa remote learning, nabanggit niyang kabilang sa pasanin ng mga guro ay ang kakulangan sa benepisyo, sahod, at patuloy na kontraktwalisasyon.

Kaugnay nito, patuloy ang panawagan ng mga Pilipino para sa mabilis na pagtugon ng administrasyon ni Marcos Jr. sa ekonomikong krisis.

“Kailangan ng kagyat na tugon si Marcos Jr. sa mga problemang ito. Sa ngayon ay wala tayong naririnig sa kanya kung ano na ang sagot ng gobyerno sa napakataas na inflation. Late na ang unang Cabinet meeting at tila nauna pa ang mga party sa Malacañang bago ang tugon sa problema ng taumbayan,” pahayag ng BAYAN noong Hulyo.

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UPLB students demand inclusive acad policies amid blended learning woes The release of the OVPAA memorandum lifting academic ease policies was met with protest by UP students, calling the University to champion inclusive education and provide basic student services.

BY FJ MASANGKAY STAFF WRITER UP students mobilized to call for inclusive education and to urge the UP administration to heed the calls of its constituents, in light of the release of the Office of the Vice President for Academic Affairs (OVPAA) Memorandum No. 2022-127.

The memorandum lifts academic policies suspended since the second semester of A.Y. 2019-2020, including the no-fail policy. This was amid the University’s announcement of its transition into blended learning for A.Y 2022-2023.

According to the memorandum, students can now be given a grade of 4.00 or 5.00. Moreover, the regular course load is now a minimum of 15 units.

Furthermore, academic delinquency rules – warning, probation, dismissal, and permanent disqualification are reinstated. The Maximum Residency Rule (MRR) is also enforced again. In addition, deadlines for dropping and filing of leave of absence will be observed.

Meanwhile, while University policies on attendance will now be followed, the memorandum also states that “the faculty may adopt different attendance requirements considering their student’s lack of or poor Internet access, COVID-19 infection, and other pandemic- or disaster-related concerns.”

“Do better, UP!”

In response to the release of the memorandum, UPLB students mobilized at Carabao Park last August 30. The mobilization bore the theme: “Champion inclusive education, reinstate academic policies! Do better, UP! Heed our calls!”

Student councils and several organizations including Rise for Education - UPLB, and individuals such as 39th Student Regent Siegfred Severino have condemned the lifting of policies.

Ang dagliang paglalabas ng ganitong memorandum ngayong sumasailalim pa lang ang Unibersidad patungo sa unti-unting pagbubukas ng face-toface classes ay aming kinukondena sapagkat hindi ito makatarungan lalo na’t maraming Iskolar ng Bayan ang tiyak na mapag-iiwanan.

PHOTO FROM [P] FILES

the College of Economics and Management Student Council said in a statement.

In addition to the August 30 mobilization, UP campuses conducted the First Day Fight during the first week of classes, calling to champion inclusive education in light of the suspension of academic ease policies.

In UPLB, the program was conducted last September 6 at Carabao Park, joined by student councils and progressive groups.

Student Regent Severino addressed the struggles brought by the OVPAA Memorandum No. 22-127 due to its anti-student policies, reiterating the lack of financial support and retrofitting of the classrooms in the University.

On the other hand, UPLB University Student Council (USC) Chairperson Gean Celestial emphasized that the UP administration is not keen on believing students’ grievances on the system policies that the administration forwards.

Rise for Education - UPLB’s Arvi Pascual emphasized the need to encourage fellow students to stand for t h e r i g h t s t o i n c l u s i ve e d u c a t i o n .

“Sa gitna ng paghihirap natin, huwag tayong tumigil sa paghamig sa ating mga kapwa estudyante na tumindig sa ating karapatan sa inklusibong edukasyon,” Pascual said.

Students urged the University

administration to heed constituents’ calls amid a difficult transition from remote learning to a blended learning setup.

OVPAA Memorandum No. 2022-88, which was released last June 20, announced that the UP System will finally be shifting to blended learning, combining online and face-to-face instruction.

There are three main blended learning models: blended online learning, which is fully online; blended block learning, which combines a blocks of independent online learning and independent face-to-face sessions; and classic blended learning, which alternates face-toface and asynchronous online learning.

New concerns in the new setup

While the release of OVPAA Memorandum No. 2022-88 is a welcome development on the calls for the safe return of face-to-face classes, students raised concerns mostly concerning financial and health issues.

In a [P] Live interview last July 30, Celestial shared some of the students’ concerns regarding the implementation of blended learning.

Celestial shared that they have received mixed reactions from the students when USC relayed the announcement regarding the shift to a new learning mode.

She said, “Iba-iba na ‘yung naging emotions

ng mga students natin. Nung una siyang pinublish ng UPLB USC, nakakuha tayo ng iba’t-ibang reactions. So, nakita natin na merong mga estudyante na natuwa sila sa idea na blended na nga or kumbaga nandiyan na talaga ‘yung face-to-face na aspect.

Meron ding mga ‘di gaanong natuwa dahil nakita nila na parang ibinagsak na naman sa atin ‘yung magiging mode natin. Wala talaga tayong buffer period, buffer time, na i-absorb lahat yung nasa guidelines, ‘diba?”

UPLB has been under the remote learning setup for two consecutive years due to the pandemic – with each year constantly posing challenges to students and faculty. These challenges include problems with Internet connectivity, heavy academic workload, and financial struggles, which were worsened by calamities and the health risks posed by the pandemic.

Meanwhile, similar to existing problems in previous semesters, students were burdened by the inaccessibility of the Student Academic Information System (SAIS) during the registration period for the first semester of A.Y. 2022-2023.

Challenges in attending face-to-face classes

With student attendance for face-to-face classes being required for certain courses this academic year, Celestial put into

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question the financial, physical, and mental preparedness of the students. These include paying for the rising dorm, food, and transportation fees, complying with the vaccination requirements, and adjusting again to the new learning setup, among other things.

“Andiyan din yung physical aspect. [...]

Then may mga fellow students tayo na up until now, hindi pa sila nakakakuha ng vaccine booster. And of course mentally, kasi parang sa loob ng two years, nasanay kasi tayo na online ‘yung set-up. Yung online set-up itself, naging exhausting siya sa part nating mga students [...] So how much more na tinatanaw natin na may pagbabago naman sa mode of learning natin?” Celestial added, citing physical and mental concerns of returning students.

For some students who have begun their freshman year fully online, A.Y. 2022-2023 will be the first academic year where they may be required to attend face-to-face classes during the pandemic. “‘Yung kahandaan din natin – preparedness kumbaga – yung nagiging restriction kung gusto ba talaga natin itong blended learning, or kung parang we are forced to accept it kagaya nung nangyari sa atin when we transitioned to an online setup,” she added.

With regards to COVID-19 policies, Celestial noted that in the OVPAA memorandum 2022-88, face-to-face classes will proceed in Alert Level 1, will be limited to certain capacities in Alert Levels 2 and 3, and will be suspended upon Alert Levels 4 and 5.

Meanwhile, Celestial disagreed with the suggestion from the College of Arts and Sciences (CAS) administration during a meeting with the CAS SC. The administration reportedly suggested that students should avoid choosing courses offered in Model 2 or 3 if they cannot commit to face-to-face activities.

Celestial said that aside from the possibility that it will only delay their program completion, this policy restricts the students – especially the graduating ones – of their right to education and finish their studies on time so they can help with their families’ financial needs.

Bakit natin nire-restrict ‘yung right ng student na makapag-aral ‘diba kasi nga merong mga estudyante na hinahabol na nila yung mga graduation nila kasi ang goal nila, maka-graduate, makatulong sa family nila by securing a stable job ‘diba. Pero ‘di nila ‘yun makukuha kung nire-restrict sila ng mga ganitong policies natin, na hindi mo pwedeng kuhanin kasi hindi mo kayang magface-to-face.

Meanwhile, in line with the demand for student spaces in the campus, Celestial assured

5

ng ating mga university units yung model based on their preference. They will look at which is the most flexible model that can deliver the learning outcomes for that course, and that is how they will choose the model.”

Firmalino added that the decision-making process for each of the programs will include student consultations. However, Celestial noted in a separate interview that not all colleges held constituent-based consultations despite being a provision in the memorandum.

As a response, some local student councils have set up their own consultations with the concerned college units. They also released sensing forms to determine which model do students prefer for each course, before forwarding them to the administration of their respective colleges or departments.

“So pinadaan po natin siya sa CSL [Council of Student Leaders]; meron din pong ni-release na forms ang mga local councils natin. So parang joint effort talaga siya ng admin ‘tsaka ng mga student councils natin,” Celestial said.

Firmalino also said that even though students have more courses under Model 1 than under Models 2 or 3, then they are still expected to be present on campus. Firmalino added that because UPLB is a residential campus, it is expected that students will return in-person.

Firmalino also noted that students who are hesitant to stay in the campus due to financial struggles may avail the Student Learning Assistance System (SLAS). SLAS aims “to expand the support to financially-challenged students and expedite the processing support for academic activities”.

Moreover, Celestial said that they are exploring the possibility of requesting financial assistance from the UPLB administration for students who will have difficulty returning to the campus. However, she noted the limitation of such services. “‘Pag usapin ng financial services, lahat kasi ‘yon kinakailangang dumadaan sa application. [...] Hindi talaga lahat ng students na nangangailangan ay kayang i-accommodate ng services natin, given na limited din naman ‘yung mga available na slots doon,” she said.

In relation to this, last August, the Department of Budget and Management (DBM) proposed a P2.54-billion budget cut for the entire UP System in 2023. Students have continuously aired their demands for higher budget provisions for the studentry, as well as the sectors of faculty and staff.

Students call on the University administration and the national government to provide a sufficient budget to fund basic student services.

TODAY’S RUNDOWN LIVE INTERVIEWS

GEAN ALARTE CELESTIAL

CHAIRPERSON, UPLB UNIVERSITY STUDENT COUNCIL PHOTOS FROM [P] FILES

that the LRC Learning Hub will continue to operate despite the shift of learning setup.

During the finals week of the second semester of A.Y. 2021-2022, the Learning Hub at the Student Union Building was opened 24 hours a day to cater to students’ academic needs.

On student consultations and financial assistance

In a separate [P] Live interview, Director

of the Office of International Linkages Asst.

Prof. Anna Firmalino clarified that students will not be able to choose any of the blended learning models, but are instead required to follow their respective unit’s chosen model for their courses.

She added, “Kung ano ‘yung model na i-identify ng department or institute, which is based on how we would fully achieve the learning outcomes. [...] Hindi po pinipili

ASST. PROF

ANNA FIRMALINO

DIRECTOR, OFFICE OF INTERNATIONAL LINKAGES [P] LIVE

TODAY’S RUNDOWN | 10:00 AM Watch the full [P] Live interviews at facebook.com/uplbperspective/live

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J U LY- O C TO B E R 2 02 2 | U P L B P E RS P EC T I V E .O R G

UPLB nominee Siegfred Severino selected as new SR; SCs discuss education, national issues in 53rd GASC Severino expressed his belief in the GASC, saying that it will assume the responsibility of standing up against the Marcos-Duterte tandem.

patuloy tayong makipag-ugnayan sa iba’t ibang SUCs [state universities and colleges] para malaman ang mga kinakaharap ng ibang mag-aaral na mga biktima rin ng budget cuts,” Severino added.

BY HOPE SAGAYA AND JP FAMORCAN STAFF WRITERS

U

niversity of the Philippines Los Baños (UPLB) nominee Siegfred Severino has been selected as the 39th Student Regent (SR) by the 53rd General Assembly of Student Councils (GASC) last August 28.

UP Manila and UP Baguio nominee Querobin Acsibar and UP Cebu nominee Bernie Cañedo Jr. are the second and third nominees, respectively. UP Diliman nominee Franz Andrew Ronquillo was also among the four nominees for the 39th SR. The SR is the sole representative of over 50,000 UP students to the Board of Regents (BOR), the highest decision-making body of UP. The selection for the 39th SR was conducted during the 53rd GASC at UPLB, which was the first to be conducted in-person after two years of the pandemic. GASC is an assembly where student councils from all over the UP System gather to discuss, debate, and resolve campus, systemwide, and nationwide issues.

As an SR under the Marcos-Duterte administration, Severino wants to uphold a militant student body that will stand up against the threats and challenges posed by the current regime.

A heavy responsibility

In his message, Severino admitted that his term will be difficult under the current regime.

He expressed his belief in the assembly, saying that it will assume the responsibility of standing up against the Marcos-Duterte tandem.

“Naniniwala ako na ang kapulungang ito ay tatanganan din ang responsibilidad na iyon para tutulan, para tumindig laban sa administrasyon ni Marcos habang binibitbit ang kampanya natin para sa edukasyon, mga demokratikong karapatan, at paninigurado na hindi nabibitawan ng sektor ng mga kabataan at mga estudyante ang ating kapit sa mga batayang sektor na nagbubuhat sa ating bansa na dapat nating pinagsisilbihan,” Severino emphasized.

He also thanked the student leaders for their dedication to attend the assembly, discussing resolutions that the councils will be implementing for the next year. He expressed that the selection process is long because choosing the SR is not about personal preference and decision.

“Mabigat na responsibilidad itong tinatanggap ko na binigay niyo sakin at paghuhusayan po natin na marepresenta, mabigyan ng boses, at masulong lahat ng kampanya, lahat ng demands, [at] lahat ng kaya nating abutin sa darating na taon na paninilbihan natin bilang ika-39 na rehente ng mga mag-aaral sa Unibersidad ng Pilipinas,” Severino said.

In his final message, Severino encouraged the body to continuously work to win their campaigns that will ensure a better future for

PHOTOS BY SONYA CASTILLO AND CIAN TACASA | LAYOUT BY JONAS ATIENZA

the next generation.

“Taos-puso ko pong tinatanggap ang responsibilidad. Magkita-kita po tayo sa mga susunod na pagkilos, pagpupulong, at magkikita-kita po tayo, mapapaalis po natin ang isang diktador sa Malacañang,” he said.

Campaigns for a pro-student university

Severino’s general plan of action includes a campaign for a pro-student university, a continuous fight for Ligtas Na Balik Eskwela (LNBE), and ensuring the security of UP campuses, especially under the current administration.

To strengthen campus security, he said that he will ensure that students will be safeguarded and protected by advancing the BOR Resolution Against Red-Tagging.

“Patuloy nating ilalaban ang pamantasan natin sa mga atake ng estado. Gagawin natin at sisiguraduhin natin na magiging safe haven ang UP na may respeto sa human rights.

Patuloy din nating tututulan ang mga atake na ginagawa ng AFP [Armed Forces of the Philippines], [at ang] paggamit sa mga NSTP [National Service Training Program] classes upang harasin ang mga lider-estudyante,” he added.

Severino also promised that he will strengthen the crisis management committee and the student protocol that aims to give legal assistance to students who experienced red-tagging and legitimate threats to their lives.

Security has been an issue in the University after the abrogation of the University of the Philippines-Department of National Defense (UP-DND) accord, which restricts state forces from entering UP campuses without prior

permission from the campus administration.

There have also been incidents of red-tagging, such as in an NSTP webinar in UPLB last March 21.

Campaigning for a pro-student university, Severino also promises to ensure students’ rights to quality and accessible education, democratic rights, and the safeguard of their general welfare.

He added that he will continue to call for nationalist, scientific, and mass-oriented education system and policies.

Severino highlighted the educational crisis in the country, which has been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic.

“Sa mga kabataan at estudyante, patuloy ang privatization ng ating mga educational institution, pagtaas ng tuition at other school fees, at ang patuloy na pag-iimplementa ng K-to-12. Lahat itong mga isyu ay mas pinalala ng COVID-19 pandemic,” Severino said.

He also pushes for a proper budget allocation toward essential projects and programs for the welfare of the students and other UP constituents. In an interview with the Perspective, Severino expressed that more budget must be allocated for basic student services such as financial aid, scholarships, and covering of health insurance.

In relation to the LNBE campaign, Severino said that he will secure enough funding to ensure that facilities can handle minimum health protocols during face-to-face classes. He added that the SR will lobby for more comprehensive policies, funding, logistical support, financial support, and subsidies.

“Strengthen alliances with the sectoral regents and other members of the BOR. Upang hindi tayo makulong sa Unibersidad,

SCs delivered reports, discussed resolutions Before the selection of the 39th SR, student councils reported on the issues and campaigns of their respective campuses, and addressed University-wide and nationwide concerns through resolution building last August 27 to 28.

Out of 23 filed resolutions, 11 were deliberated and adopted, tackling the health and education crises, return of face-to-face classes, student welfare, and the recently concluded national elections as well as the upcoming local elections.

Meanwhile, a technical working group will be created to substantiate undiscussed resolutions.

Kabataan Party-list Rep. Raoul Manuel held a discussion titled, “Fight for the Nation, Fight for the Truth: Leadership in the Line of Fire under the Marcos-Arroyo-Duterte Regime”, where he stressed the importance of maintaining a close relationship with communities and leader-organizers.

Manuel served as the 34th SR of the UP System. After earning a seat in the 2022 national elections, he currently represents the youth sectoral party Kabataan Party-list in the Congress.

During the first day of the assembly, student councils held a mobilization in Carabao Park, led by the four SR nominees, 38th SR Renee Co, and Manuel.

They challenged UP students to stand for truth, justice, and rights of every Filipino. This message comes with calls to defend academic freedom and protect University constituents from state attacks.

SR Severino, who was then a nominee, stressed that amid the exploitation being done to the basic masses, victories can be achieved through relentless organizing. [P]

Isang tulak lamang ng nagkakaisang masa ay kaya natin silang patiklupin.

Ito ang hamon sa atin, mga kapwa kong Iskolar ng Bayan.

ONLINE

uplbperspective.org Read the full story and additional context on our website uplbperspective.org

NEWS

U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G | J U LY- O C TO B E R 2 02 2

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Student leaders, activists call on fellow graduates to serve the people in 2022 grad rally were made by the official student publication with the University Police Force (UPF) and administrative staff in asserting their right to cover the event.

After a few hours, two Perspective staff members were allowed to enter the gymnasium.

However, the publication expressed concern on the initial denial of its right to cover the graduation as a free press, asserting its right to cover major University events. Its freedom of expression and autonomy is protected by the UP Charter.

The rallies conducted last August 6 and 7 were the first to be conducted after two years, since the tradition was halted by the pandemic.

BY SHELOW MONARES STAFF WRITER

A

fter the tradition was halted for two years due to the pandemic, graduation rallies were finally conducted last August 6 and 7. The rallies accentuated the calls for the students to continue serving the masses outside the University.

Lightning rallies were also conducted after the ceremony to congratulate the graduates.

Therein, speakers tackled the educational crisis in the country, and called on graduates to continue fighting for inclusive education and resisting anti-people policies.

41st UPLB University Student Council (USC) Chairperson Jainno Bongon stressed that the graduates must continue to call for a safe, quality, and democratic education.

“Kagyat na tungkulin natin ang patuloy na paggiit ngayon ng mga estudyante para sa ligtas, dekalidad, demokratiko, at abot-kayang edukasyon kasabay ng ligtas na pagbubukas ng mga paaralan, upang hindi na muling mangyari ang mga madidilim na taon na ating naranasan,” Bongon said.

Despite the challenges faced by the students in the past years, the speakers recognized the victories achieved by the student body. These include the junking of the Student Academic Information System (SAIS) and the continuation of the #OccupySU campaign.

Serve the people

UPLB STUDENTS DURING RALLY | PHOTO BY GLEN CHRISTIAN TACASA

Meanwhile, despite still having some pressing student concerns, the speakers recognized a major step for the Ligtas Na Balik Eskwela (LNBE) campaign with UP’s announcement of its adoption of blended learning in the first semester of A.Y. 2022-2023.

First onsite graduation in two years

The 50th Commencement Exercises for Class 2022 were held last August 6, which was the first face-to-face graduation done after the pandemic.

For two straight years from 2020 to 2021, UPLB’s graduation ceremonies were only held virtually. In relation to this, a separate onsite ceremony was held last August 7 for the 1,630 graduates of 2020 and 1,036 graduates of

2021.

Both ceremonies were held at the Edwin B. Copeland Gymnasium.

In her valedictory address, UPLB Class 2022 Valedictorian Angelamae Morales called on the graduates to uphold values of honor and excellence despite a “challenging period” in the country.

She reminded fellow graduates to “value the process”, “strive for consistency”, and “develop a sense of empathy”. Morales added that these lessons are essential to standing for truth and justice amid the prevalence of fake news and historical distortion.

Meanwhile, the Perspective was initially denied to cover the University-wide graduation, after a series of negotiations and requests

In their graduation rally speeches, Kabataan Partylist 4th Nominee Jianred Faustino and former USC Chairperson Merwin Jacob Alinea challenged the graduates to serve the masses and fight for a free and democratic country.

The speakers also celebrated the lives of youth heroes who died for the country, including Ian Maderazo, Jonas Burgos, Edrean Baez, Carlo Alberto, Rjei Manalo, Jurain Ngujo II, Kevin Castro, and Chad Booc.

Faustino urged the future professionals to take the road that will lead them to truly serve the masses.

“Sa mga magiging abogado, doktor, inhinyero, ekonomista, guro, historyador, sosyolohista, pilosopo, siyentista, mamamahayag, artista, manunulat, mananaliksik – tumungo tayo kung saan ang mga kalsada ay lubak, kung saan ang mga guro ay salat, at kung saan ang mga pagamutan ay kakarampot. Mangahas tayong sumulat ng mga akdang maglalantad ng kabulukan ng estado, manaliksik para sa katotohanan at pag-unlad ng ating kultura dahil doon tayo tunay na makapaglilingkod sa sambayanan, kung saan ang kaalaman at rekurso ay salat, kung nasaan ang masang api, doon tayo kinakailangan,” she said. [P]

DHum defends academics, writers after KWF, NTF-ELCAC red-tagging

BY ARON JAN MITCHELL SIERVA NEWS EDITOR UPLB Department of Humanities (DHum) condemned the red-tagging of former National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC) Spokesperson Lorraine Badoy in a Sonshine Media Network International (SMNI) program, where she branded some books of Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino (KWF) as containing “subversive” and communism-related materials.

“Mapanganib ang ganitong klase ng akusasyon lalo na sa panahon ng malawakang pang-aabuso sa karapatang pantao at paglabag sa malayang pamamahayag,” DHum wrote.

KWF released Memorandum 2022-0663, prohibiting the release of books containing “political, subversive, and subliminal ideologies”. The memorandum was dated August 9, at a month the country is celebrating its “Buwan ng Wika”.

The titles, which KWF said contain “subversive and anti-government” ideologies, are Malou Jacob’s “Teatro Politikal Dos”; Rommel Rodriguez’ “Kalatas: Mga Kuwentong Bayan at Kuwentong Buhay”; Dexter Cayanes’

“Tawid-diwa sa Pananagisag ni Bienvenido Lumbera: Ang Bayan, ang Manunulat, at ang Magasing Sagisag sa Imahinatibong Yugto ng Batas Militar 1975-1979”; Don Pagusara’s “May Hadlang ang Umaga”; and Reuel Aguila’s “Labas: Mga Palabas sa Labas ng Sentro”.

Cayanes is a faculty member at DHum. The memorandum added, “Pinapayuhan din ang lahat ng SWK [Sentro ng Wika at Kultura] Direktor sa pamamagitan ng tagapag-ugnay nito na huwag ipamigay ang mga tukoy na aklat [sa itaas] upang hindi tayo managot sa RA [Republic Act] 11479 partikular sa seksiyon 9, Inciting to commit terrorism.”

RA 11479 is the “The Anti-Terrorism Act of 2020”, colloquially known as the “Terror Law”.

Even before its passage, progressives argued that the law’s vague definition of terrorism may be exploited to link activism and criticism with terrorism, which was weaponized and led to more human rights violations in the country.

A surrender of academic freedom

DHum maintains that KWF’s prohibition of the said books is a form of censorship. The department said that this surrenders academic freedom to anti-intellectual forces of deceit.

“Nililikha nito ang isang mapanikil na kalagayan para sa gawaing intelektuwal na nagsasara sa bukas at malayang daluyan at palitan ng mga ideya at diskurso sa isperong pampubliko, partikular na sa mga pamantasan,” the department added.

Similarly, UP Departamento ng Filipino at Panitikan ng Pilipinas condemned the red-tagging, emphasizing that it is the KWF’s mandate to release new books as a part of the intellectualization and spread of the national language without being censored.

Meanwhile, the KWF memorandum also ordered the OIC-Director General to send a letter to all media, libraries, and schools to explain the prohibition of the release of the said books, which, as the memorandum implied, violates the mandate of RA 7104. RA 7104 created KWF, prescribing its powers, duties, and functions.

In 2021, military and police forces have attempted to infiltrate academic libraries in provinces, such as Kalinga State University and Isabela State University, to remove books and other information resources mostly related to the peace talks between the government and Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and the National Democratic Front of

the Philippines (NDFP).

Last May, Adarna Publishing was redtagged by the National Intelligence Coordinating Agency (NICA) over its sale of Martial Law books. Independent bookstores Popular Bookstore and Solidaridad Bookshop were also red-tagged early this year.

Amid attacks on academic freedom, fact-checking initiatives have pointed out how fake news, disinformation, and historical distortion sprouted during the 2022 national elections period, much of which favored President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. In light of the incidents, DHum condemned the red-tagging and attacks on academic freedom.

“Naninindigan ang Departamento na walang lugar ang red-tagging at anumang porma ng paninikil sa isang lipunan at panahong matindi ang pangangailangang palalimin ang pag-unawa sa kalinangang-bayan – isang pangangailangang pinagsusumikapang tugunan ng mga mananaliksik at manunulat sa pamamagitan ng kanilang mga malikhain at kritikal na proyekto,” DHum wrote.

DHum calls on UPLB to affirm its Safe Haven Resolution, which supports academic freedom, human rights, and civil liberties. [P]

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J U LY- O C TO B E R 2 02 2 | U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G

City council backs Laguna Lakeshore Road Network despite opposition from fisherfolk, environmental activists Muntinlupa City Council interposes “no objection” to LLRN, despite calls from environmentalists and fisherfolk to halt the millions-worth project.

BY ALEX DELIS NEWS ASSOCIATE EDITOR

The expressway dike project did not push through due to failed bidding in 2016. Consequently, the LLRN project was birthed during the Duterte administration.

“The newly-proposed road project in Laguna Lake is nothing but a government’s ploy to complete its longstanding LLEDP dream… the government comes up with a new, different name to pacify the outrage of the people,” said PAMALAKAYA and SLLM in a joint statement in 2017.

Aside from displacement and livelihood issues, the road network project may also worsen waste pollution in Laguna Lake.

In an exclusive interview by the Perspective, the publication asked a resident residing near the lake about his sentiments regarding the LLRN project.

He said, “Para sa’kin, siguro pwede ‘yon [LLRN] maging tama para sa mga tao dito kung mapapabilis nito ‘yung [flow ng] transportasyon. Kaso para sa mga taga dito sa tabing lawa, baka yung lugar na pagtatayuan ay gawin tapunan. Wala namang nagbabantay 24/7 [sa lugar], walang guarantee na hindi ‘yon magiging tapunan.”

For years, Laguna Lake has been battling serious pollution primarily due to human activities.

D

espite potential danger to the lake and livelihood of fisherfolk, Laguna Lakeshore Road Network (LLRN) Project is still in the works, backed by the Muntinlupa City Council after endorsing its construction.

Last July 25, Muntinlupa City Council passed a resolution during its regular session interposing “no objection” and “favorable endorsement” to the LLRN project.

In line with the approval, submission of clearances and permits must be done by the following offices: Environment Sanitation Center, Lake Management Office, Laguna Lake Development Authority (LLDA), Barangay, City Building Office, and Business Permit and License Office.

The LLRN project is a road network scheme to be constructed near Laguna Lake to “facilitate traffic flow” from Laguna to the southern part of Metro Manila. It is subdivided into two phases, wherein Phase 1 will stretch along the western coastline of Laguna Lake, while Phase 2 runs from North to South coastline through an eastern route.

Phase 1 of the road network is undergoing the Detailed Engineering Design phase, with an allotted budget of P135.485 million.

With an estimated length of 37 kilometers, most of the roads in Phase 1 can be found along the shoreline of Laguna Lake, where the alignment begins in Lower Bicutan in Taguig City and ends in Calamba City.

The LLRN project is one of the seven projects of Infrastructure Preparation and Innovation Facility (IPIF) under the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) that aims to produce innovative infrastructure works in the Philippines.

DPWH partnered with LLDA in planning the implementation of the construction of the project. LLDA is a quasi-government agency that aims to further strengthen “environmental protection and jurisdiction over the lake basin’s surface water”.

LLRN is also a flagship project under Build Build Build (BBB) program, or former President Rodrigo Duterte’s so-called “centerpiece economic program”.

A facade that showcases economic development and doorway for tourism, BBB continues to aggravate environmental problems and displacement of Filipinos. Testaments to these are the construction of New Manila International Airport (NMIA) in Bulacan and Kaliwa Dam in Quezon and Rizal that pose detrimental effects to the environment, livelihood, and shelters of residents.

Meanwhile, President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. vowed in his inaugural speech to continue the BBB program with a “comprehensive” infrastructure plan.

Opposition on the road construction

Many environmental groups and activists express strong opposition to the LLRN project

Forsaken lake

PHOTO FROM PAMALAKAYA

due to similar reasons for other destructive BBB projects.

According to the group Save Laguna Lake Movement (SLLM) Laguna, this project will kill the local ecosystem of the lake and impede the livelihood of fisherfolk in the area.

“Sa Taguig-Muntinlupa, magkakaroon ng reklamasyon/dredging para makagawa ng off-shore viaduct sa mismong lawa, na sisira sa lake bed at magiging sanhi ng polusyon. Sa bahaging Laguna naman, itatayo ang highway sa baybay-lawa at magreresulta sa malawakang demolisyon ng kabahayanan at pagharang sa mga mangingisda at mga nagbabaklad,” SLLM explained.

Off-shore viaducts are bridge-like structures located near a body of water that aims to support a long elevated roadway or railroad. For the road network project, the viaducts to be built consist of three parts, which are lake viaduct, embankment viaduct, and land viaduct.

DPWH proposed fishing ports for the affected fishermen that include approach canal, warning and marking buoys, lighthouse, navigational aids, walkways, among many others.

Appropriate assistance will also be given to the affected groups to manage the adverse effects, according to the agency.

Moreover, it was also proposed that barangays near the shoreline should have at least one fishery basin where fish boats can fit into, to avoid excessive relocation of the fisherfolk.

However, DPWH admittedly stated in the LLRN project report that some fishermen and their fish pans might still need to relocate upon the construction of the viaducts.

Due to this, environmental groups and fisherfolk alike push for rehabilitation and green recovery of the lake instead of continuing the road project.

Militant fisherfolk group Pambansang Lakas ng Kilusang Mamamalakaya ng Pilipinas (PAMALAKAYA) condemns the construction of the LLRN project, which they refer to as a “pretext” to the Laguna Lakeshore Expressway Dike Project (LLEDP).

Proposed during the term of the late President Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III, LLEDP is described as an expressway dike from Bicutan to Los Baños that will manage traffic flow and control flooding in the western coastal communities along Laguna Lake. However, the expressway dike brings peril.

Due to reclaiming 700 hectares of the lake bed that will reduce the lake size, floods will be higher than before. But since the aim of the dike is to protect Metro Manila and areas near the lake from lake-water floods, the flood water will go elsewhere but not near the lake.

Hence, residents living far from Laguna Lake may experience severe flooding. Meanwhile, those living near the lake will be displaced from their lands and homes upon building this dike.

Known as the largest lake in the Philippines, Laguna Lake supplies 10% of all aquaculture production and 17% of all fisheries production in the country. The lake is also a biodiversity spot where algae and aquatic plant species can be found.

However, the lake faces many environmental threats mainly due to water pollution, overfishing, industrial waste, reclamation, and sedimentation.

Another massive concern is how the lake causes knee- to waist-deep flood during the aftermath of a typhoon. After Typhoon Ulysses struck in late 2020, communities near the shoreline experienced severe flooding that lasted for months.

According to one of the residents near the lake, even light rainfalls cause flooding in their area. This took a toll on the health and livelihood of the residents.

“Iyong kalsada namin wala nang transportation na makakaraan. Ang nagiging transportation namin kapag ganon ay bangka.

Magdodoble po ‘yung pamasahe bago makarating sa bayan,” she explained in an exclusive interview with the Perspective.

Dr. Decibel Faustino-Eslava, former Dean of the School of Environmental Science and Management (SESAM) in UPLB, explained that the sedimentation causes overflowing of the Laguna Lake. Decades of uncontrolled or unregulated upland developments primarily caused this sedimentation.

LLRN is one of the many development projects that can potentially worsen the condition of Laguna Lake, while promoting eco-tourism that caters tourists and big industries.

“Hindi tayo tutol sa kaunlaran, pero tutol tayo kapag hindi nito pinapaunlad ang buhay ng mamamayang Pilipino,” SLLM asserted.

NEWS

U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G | J U LY- O C TO B E R 2 02 2

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Calls for climate justice drowned by intimidation, harassment on environmental defenders Three months after the arrest of environmental defender Daisy Macapanpan, Masungi Georeserve endures armed assault and intimidation from hired security groups.

PIERRE HUBO NEWS ASSOCIATE EDITOR

I

n a long history of harassment on forest rangers, Masungi Georeserve suffers another armed assault and intimidation, after a security group illegally occupied the area.

Before the invaders were finally evicted last September 23, reports of illegal occupants were first raised last September 10, with a survey plan under the name of Beatriz Sonquipal, who already had several notices of evictions from the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR).

The security group has been identified as Sinagtala Security Agency Services. The group was reported to be illegally camping along the roadside of Km 48 Marikina-Infanta Highway, causing an alarm to the rangers for their “invasion” of the georeserve, according to the latter’s Facebook post.

Only survey plans were presented by the security group when asked for verification, but Masungi Georeserve emphasized that what it requires is a proof of ownership.

The 30 people from Sinagtala refused to disclose any contact information to verify the validity of their claims, and were reported to have harassed members of Masungi Georeserve.

Illegal firearms of the security group were eventually discovered and confiscated by the regional police unit last September 19, but police downplayed the incident as a common “land dispute” and did not continue to arrest the violators.

A press statement was released by the reserve appealing to government officials and enumerating the anomalies and raising their calls for the DENR to address the situation with concrete protection.

The incident is just a mere part of a long history of attacks on foresters in Masungi Georeserve, concerning illegal activity in protected areas and land-grabbing from private firms. Masungi Georeserve said that it has fought trespassers and illegal loggers since 1986. In 2021, rangers were detained, abused, and even shot; while in 2020, the georeserve was fenced by goons.

Masungi Georeserve, a conservation area in Baras, Rizal, is designated as a Strict Nature Reserve and Wildlife Sanctuary. With portions located under the Upper Marikina River Basin Protected Landscape (UMRBPL), Masungi Georeserve is considered as an area “protected against destructive human exploitation” under the National Integrated Protected Areas System (NIPAS) Act of 1992. However, the attacks continue “because of rising public interest and the rapid urbanization of nearby settlements’’.

Saving the sanctuary

The latest harassment was amid heightened calls to protect Sierra Madre – at the foot of which is the georeserve – after the said mountain range weakened the onslaught of Typhoon Karding. But while the importance of forests and mountain ranges are recognized when they stand strong against typhoons,

ILLEGAL ENCAMPMENT OF ARMED MEN FROM SECURITY AGENCY | PHOTO FROM MASUNGI GEORESERVE

conservation areas continue to be affected by threats of human activity such as deforestation.

According to Masungi Georeserve, citing a study by the Geomatics for Environment and Development Laboratory of the Manila Observatory (MO), there was found to be a “persistent decline in the tree-covered areas” of the UMRBPL, which may lead to more massive flooding and loss of lives and property.

While this was somehow caused by higher rain rates of recent typhoons, the degradation is also brought by human activity.

“Other anthropogenic factors include rapid urban extension, imperviousness, poor drainage conditions, choked rivers, and deforestation,” Masungi Georeserve wrote.

Masungi has expressed in the past that it has a “lonely fight” in protecting the environment, as they continuously reiterate their calls to authorities in protecting their areas. The georeserve appealed to the DENR to directly resolve the situation and take necessary actions, as the recent intimidation was not an isolated event for the georeserve.

“We acknowledge the DENR’s statement echoing our stance that a survey plan, whether signed by a DENR official or not, is not a proof of land ownership. However, the DENR must also crack down on possible anomalous acts, prosecute those responsible, and cancel these spurious instruments.”

In fact, the harassment suffered by the georeserve is the same fate suffered by other parts of Sierra Madre, and its other defenders.

Among the persistent issues is the construction of Kaliwa Dam in Quezon province, which was pushed for by the Duterte administration to serve as a new water source to be constructed within the provinces of Rizal and Quezon. It is being opposed by progressive and environmental groups due to its

impending environmental impact and threats to the rights of Indigenous People (IP) in the area defending their land against the project.

According to Advocates of Science and Technology for the People (AGHAM), constructing the Kaliwa Dam can lead to deforestation, biodiversity loss, loss of food source, flooding, and landslides. It threatens to submerge about 12,000 hectares of forest ecosystems in Sierra Madre, with 172 plant species, 17 of which are facing endangerment or extinction.

The DENR has recently put on hold the Environment Compliance Certificate (ECC) of the controversial dam, due to reasons of unaccomplished zoning of protected areas.

DENR Undersecretary Ernesto Adobo Jr. added that IPs also did not give their Free and Prior Informed Consent (FPIC), which is a requirement under the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of 1997.

Last June, Laguna environmental defender Vertudez “Daisy” Macapanpan was also at the receiving end of attacks. She is a vocal critic of the construction of Ahunan Hydropower Plant.

Macapanpan was being linked to a 2008 rebellion case, which she strongly denounced, and considered as a form of attack on her being an environmental defender.

Lack of climate justice

A report by non-profit organization Global Witness exposed that the Philippines was the fourth deadliest country in the world for land and environmental defenders last year.

It highlighted that killings of indigenous peoples, environmental activists, and land defenders were rampant not only in the Philippines but also in Southeast Asia.

Global Witness further cited that 19 environmentalists and land defenders were murdered in the Philippines in 2021, which makes the country the most dangerous country for

climate advocates in Asia. It also mentioned that 40% or 114 of the defenders murdered in the Philippines in the last 10 years were IPs who are advocating to defend their land and the environment, and nearly 80% of these took place in the southern region of Mindanao.

During a recent press briefing regarding the aftermath of Typhoon Karding, President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. asked if the typhoon was due to the climate crisis.

“Is that going to be the trend? ‘Yan na ‘yung climate change? Wala naman tayong ganyan noon. Matagal na tayong nagbabantay ng bagyo. It’s not, hindi ganyan [kalakas],” said Marcos.

This remark came days after Marcos talked about climate change in the recent United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) promising to prioritize climate change issues in the country.

It can be recalled that climate activist Greta Thunberg said on the anniversary of the declaration of Martial Law that climate justice cannot be achieved under the administration of Marcos Jr. “There can be no climate justice under Marcos […] We stand in solidarity with the Martial Law victims seeking justice and the human rights defenders pursuing the democratic rights of people and climate justice,” Thunberg said.

This was after her short message, together with fellow climate activists Alde Nilsson and Mitzi Jonelle Tan from the Philippines, were delivered on a cultural night program held by progressive groups in UP Diliman to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the declaration of Martial Law. The collective message further elaborates that the fight for climate justice is a fight for democracy, and that “nothing has changed between Marcos the dictator from 50 years ago, and Marcos Jr. now.”

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umuwang man ang mga balat at naging kulay pilak man ang buhok, nilimot man ng panahon at lipunan ang malagim na sinapit ng kanyang anak sa kamay ng estado, may isang bagay pa rin ang hindi magbabago para kay Nanay Erlinda Cadapan— ang patuloy na ipanawagan ang katarungan para kay Sherlyn Cadapan, ang anak niyang biktima ng sapilitang pagkawala labing anim na taon na ang nakararaan.

Dalawampu’t walong taong gulang si Sherlyn nang dakpin ng militar sa Hagonoy, Bulacan noong ika-26 ng Hunyo 2006 kasama ang kanyang kaibigang si Karen Empeño, 22, parehong estudyante ng UP Diliman.

Sport Science senior student si Sherlyn noon, habang graduating sociology student si Karen, na piniling isagawa ang kanyang fieldwork katuwang ang mga marhinalisadong magsasaka; ngunit pinaghinalaan silang mga rebelde. Dekada ang lumipas, subalit nananatiling malabo ang katarungan, at inaalala na lamang ng ina sa gunita at paglaban sa lansangan ang pinakamamahal na anak.

Isa lamang si Sherlyn sa ilang libong desaparesidos na “winala” ng estado. Ayon sa tala ng Families of Victims of Involuntary Disappearance (FIND), 1996 ang dokumentadong kaso ng sapilitang pagkawala sa bansa, 1, 165 dito ay nawawala habang 244 naman ang kumpirmadong patay. Higit sa paghahanap sa nawawala, mas maigting ang paglaban ng mga pamilyang naulila hindi lamang sa paghingi ng hustisya kundi paniningil ng pananagutan sa tunay na salarin ng pagkawala— ang pwersang militar at ng pamahalaan, mula pa noong diktaduryang Marcos hanggang sa kasalukuyan.

Lagim ng nakaraan

Sa pagkakataong nais patahimikin ng estado ang sinumang bumalikwas, sapilitang pagkawala ang isa sa mga tugon nito upang magpalaganap ng lagim at dahas sa mamamayan, at ang mga biktimang hindi na muling natatagpuan ay tinatawag na ‘desaparecidos’---salitang buhat sa Espanyol na nangangahulugang “mga nawawala”. Naging palasak ang terminolohiya sa politikal na klima ng Latin America, partikular sa bansang Argentina sa konteksto ng aktibong pakikibaka ng mga mamamayan kontra sa diktaduryang Jorge Rafael Videla na namayani noong 1974 hanggang 1983.

Hindi ito nalalayo sa sinapit ng Pilipinas noong Batas Militar dahil unang pumasok sa kamalayang Pilipino ang nasabing salita noong dekada ‘70. Naranasan ng bansa ang pinakamatinding paglabag sa Karapatang Pantao— mahigit 70,000 ang bilanggong politikal, 34,000 ang tinortyur, mahigit 3,000 ang pinatay, at mahigit 800 ang desaparecidos ayon sa global human rights organization na Amnesty International.

Naglahong pangarap

Kilala sa pamantasan bilang varsity athlete si Sherlyn o “She”, subalit pag uwi sa tahanan, isa siyang simple at mapagmahal na anak na kilala sa tawag na “Nenen”.Bawat linggo ay uumuwi ito sa bahay sa Los Baños, Laguna upang makapiling ang pamilya. Mapamaraan dahil nakatutulong ito sa pamilya sa pamamagitan ng pag-uuwi ng medalya at premyong napanalunan sa kanyang sprinting sports competition. “Ngayon, kapag nanonood ako ng sports—lalo ‘pag takbuhan—‘di

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SILANG

NAWAWALA, HINAHANAP, AT INAALALA

Pagbabalik tanaw sa Desaparesidos ng estado at nagpapatuloy na paglaban sa hustisya

nakikibaka si Nanay Linda laban sa pandarahas ng estado ngayong ganap na batas ang Anti- Terrorism Law na nagbibigay daan sa ilegal na pagkakakulong sa sinumang ituro ng estado bilang kalaban ng bayan.

“We fear that Duterte’s terror law will enable State forces to resort to extraordinary measures such as abductions and enforced disappearances like what they did to my daughter to instill fear on its critics and activists as the government spins out of control because of the pandemic and the ailing economy,” pahayag ni Cadapan sa isang forum ng KARAPATAN, organisasyong nagtataguyod sa karapatang pantao.

Sa bansa na kung saan kinatatakutan ang mamamayang nakikibaka, nagsilbing makinarya ang mga programang kontra- insurhensya ng pamahalaan upang umano’y supilin ang mga terorista ngunit mistulang mas sinupil at kinitil nito ang demokratikong karapatan ng taumbayang magsalita sa kanilang kabulukan.

Desaparesidos, palitawin!

LARAWAN MULA SA [P] FILES | PAGLALAPAT NI ARIANNE PAAS

ko namamalayan na tumutulo na pala ang luha ko,” pagmamalaking sambit ni Nanay Linda sa anak sa isang panayam ng Philippine Colegian.

Subalit batid ni Sherlyn ang mas malaking laban higit pa sa paglahok sa kompetisyong pampalakasan—ang pagtindig sa hanay ng masa. Naging aktibista ito habang nag aaral sa pamantasan; naging miyembro siya ng organisasyong pangkabataan na Anakbayan at naging kinatawan ng College of Human Kinetics sa konseho ng UP Diliman University Student Council. Ikinagalit ito ni Nanay Linda noong una sa paniniwalang sagabal lamang palagi sa daan ang mga nagpoprotesta at takot na baka maging biktima ng estado ang anak. Hindi naglaon, sinuportahan pa rin nya ang dalaga lalo nang maging organisador ng Alyansang Magbubukid sa Bulacan. Subalit, dumating ang kinakatakot ng ina na mangyari ang karumal-dumal na maaaring sapitin ng anak sa landas na tinahak.

Madaling araw ng Hunyo 26 nang dakpin ng 7th Infantry Division ng Armed Forces of the Philippines ang dalawang mag aaral kasama ang magsasakang si Manuel Meriño, tinortyur habang sinilaban nang buhay ang magsasaka; ayon kay Raymond Manalo, isang bihag na nakatakas sa pagkakadakip. Ngunit, tulad ng karumal dumal na nangyari sa anak, ganito rin kalala ang naging proseso ng ina sa paghahanap ng katarungan.

Taon ang ginugol niya, kasama ang magulang ni Karen, upang makamit ang hustisya sa anyo ng pangangalampag sa Korte Suprema, panawagan sa mobilisasyon, pagsasalita sa hanay ng mga kapwa naulilang desaparesidos, at pagpapanagot sa estadong militar na itinuturong tunay na maysala.

Walong taon ang binilang ng pamilya bago pinal na mahatulan noong 2014 si Retired Army Maj. Gen. Jovito Palparan Jr; ang utak sa likod ng sapilitang pagkawala ng dalawang

estudyante. Subalit, walong taon muli, ngayong taong 2022 lamang nang mapagpasyahan ng Court of Appeals First Division na patawan ng ‘reclusion perpetua’ without eligibility of Parole— apatnapung taong pagkakapiit hanggang pumanaw.

Kultura ng Impunidad

Ayon sa FIND, 926 ang dokumentadong sapilitang nawala noong diktaduryang Marcos bunsod ng matinding supresyon noong Batas Militar. Walang pinagkaiba kung mailalarawan ang panunumbalik Demokrasya sa ilalim ng administrasyong Corazon Aquino sa nakaraang panunungkulan gayong 825 desaparesidos ang naitala sa kanyang pamamahala bunga ng “total war policy” laban sa mga hinihinalang rebelde. 63 naman ang naging biktima sa ilalim ng pamahalaang Joseph Estrada matapos itong magdeklara ng giyera laban sa Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) na nagluwal naman sa pagkawala ng mga inosente.

Sa administrasyong Arroyo naman, naitala ang 336 bilang ng desaparesidos mula sa programang Oplan Bantay-Laya, habang ipinagpatuloy lamang ng pamahalaang Benigno Aquino III ang legasiya ng karahasan sa sariling anyo ng kontra- insurhensya na Oplan Bayanihan (OpBay) na nakapagtala ng 540 kaso target ang mga katutubo.

Mga hinihinalang durugista naman ang naging desaparesidos sa kamay ng berdugong Pangulong Duterte. Sa ilalim ng kanyang ‘Giyera Kontra Droga’, 50 ang naitalang kaso ng pagkawala habang 24 rito ay may kinalaman sa nasabing giyera.

Maaaring estatistika lamang ito kung titignan, subalit tangan nito ang libong mga alaalang ibinaon ng estado sa limot, at pinanatili nitong ilusyon ang paghahanap sa mga biktima. Gayunpaman, bilang aktibong aktibista at Chairperson ng mismong organisasyong ‘Desaparesidos’, patuloy pa ring

Nakulong man ang salarin sa pagkawala ni Sherlyn, para kay Nanay Linda, hindi ito tunay na hustisya dahil hindi nito kayang tumbasan ang pighating idinulot ng kanyang paglaho.

Dagdag pa nito, sa panunumbalik ng anak ng diktador bilang pangulo, tila lumabnaw ang hinihingi nilang hustisya”. Clearly, this atrocious connivance of two clans of fascist rulers and their cohorts is a grave insult to the memories of our loved ones, to those who fought for our rights and freedom, and to the nation as a whole,” pahayag ni Nanay Linda sa isang panayam.

Kaya bawat taon, inilunsad kasama ng mga progresibong grupo ang mga panawagang palitawin ang mga desaparesidos sa iba’t ibang rehiyon at nagdaang administrasyon. “ Ang aking anak ay hindi terorista, isa siyang lider-estudyante. Ang mga dinakip ay mga magsasaka na gusto lamang mabahaginan ng lupang sakahan, mga organisador na nais lamang ng tamang pagtrato sa trabaho. Wala rin kaming mahingian ng tulong dyan sa gobyerno”, mariing pahayag ni Nanay Linda sa panayam sa unang araw ng “Wikipedia edit-a-thon”, isang Educational Discussion na isinagawa ng UP Internet Freedom Network kaalinsabay ng paggunita sa pagdeklara ng Batas Militar.

Subalit, sa halip na mawalan muli ng pag asa, positibong nakatanaw sa hinaharap ang ina ngayong mas umiigting ang kanilang hanay na nais ring ipaglaban ang kanilang panawagan. Magpahanggang ngayon, hindi pa rin natatagpuan ang kanyang anak, ngunit, binubuhay na lamang nito ang masasayang gunita kapiling ang anak sa kanyang isip, “Lagi kong napapanaginipang nakauwi na ang Sherlyn namin, nakaupo sa dati niyang kama, nakangiti. Alam kong darating din ang araw na iyon.”

Sa paggunita sa pandaigdigang araw ng mga desaparesidos ngayong Agosto 30, ang UPLB Perspective, kahanay ang iba pang progresibong organisasyon, ay kolektibong inaalala ang mapait na naratibo ng mga libu-libong biktima ng sapilitang pagkawala sa lahat ng nagdaang administrasyon. Hangga’t nagpapatuloy ang sistemikong sakit ng lipunan at pagyurak sa karapatang pantao sa kasalukuyan, patuloy ring aalingawngaw ang mga boses na humihingi ng pananagutan sa marahas na pag iral ng panlipunang inhustisya na ito. Ang mga desaparesido—silang mga nawawala, hinahanap, at inaalala; ngunit higit sa lahat, silang mga ipinaglalaban ng hanay gaano man kailap ang hustisya.

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Kung mayroon mang pisikal na kasangkapan na magpapalaya sa sangkatauhan mula sa kasinungalingan at kamangmangan, isa ang mga libro sa mga konkretong patunay nito.

Ngunit ang mga libro rin na ito ay nagiging instrumento rin sa paggapos at paggapi ng kalayaan ng isang mamamayang may kritikal na diwa, lalo na sa panahon ng diktadurya at pasismo.

Kasabay ng pagdiriwang ng Buwan ng Wika, ibinaba ng Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino (KWF) ang isang memorandum na nagpapahinto sa paglimbag ng limang libro. Diumano, kinakitaan ito ng mga subersibong nilalaman at ng mga ideyang nag-uudyok na labanan ang pamahalaan. Dagdag pa rito, nilalabag din umano ng mga librong ito ang Section 4 ng Republic Act 11479 o Anti Terror Law dahil umano sa pagtatangka na maghasik ng terorismo.

Puwang sa kalayaan at kasaysayan

Maraming beses nang pinalaya at ginising ng mga libro ang natutulog na diwa ng masa.

Kadalasan ay inilalahad nito ang mga naratibo ng mga taong biktima ng opresyon at pananamantala, gayundin ang paglalahad ng katotohanan na taliwas sa nakikita ng karamihan.

Itinitulak nito ang estadong sensurahin sa takot na sumalungat ang masa sa paggising ng mga diwa nito.

Sa konteksto ng Pilipinas, tanyag ang mga obra ni Jose Rizal na Noli Me Tangere at El Filibusterismo na sinensura at kinamkam ng mga Kastila. Inilahad nito ang baho at karahasan ng kolonyal na rehimen ng mga Kastila sa ating bansa. Dahil sa direktang pagtutulad nito sa mga Kastila, naging kasangkapan ito ng kanyang pagkabilanggo sa Dapitan at kalaunan ay kumitil sa kanyang buhay.

Ilang dekada ang nakararaan, dinanas ng bansa ang pinakamatinding supresyon ng midya sa ilalim ng Batas Militar. Pangunahing tinugis ng diktaduryang Marcos ang pagsensura sa mga librong tumataliwas sa pamahalaan. Gamit ang kapangyarihang militar, ipinasara at ikinulong ang mga manunulat at mga may-ari ng mga bookstores nang walang due process.

Isa sa naging mukha ng pagsensura ng gobyerno ang pagbabawal sa publikasyon ng librong “The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos” ni Primitivo Mijares, isang mamamahayag at tumiwalag na propagandista ni Marcos Sr. Inilimbag ang nasabing libro taong 1976 subalit matapos ilabas sa publiko, sapilitang naglaho ang manunulat habang ang kanyang anak na si Boyet ay marahas na pinaslang ng estado.

Bagaman ang pagkamkam at pagpupurga ng mga libro ay hindi hamak na hindi marahas sa mata ng iilan, ang pagsupil sa karapatang magsulat at magbasa ay sintomas ng nagbabadyang madugong rehimen. Gumagawa ito ng isang kulturang nagpapatahimik sa mga radikal at kritikal na paniniwala. Sinusupil din nito ang karapatan sa edukasyon dahil inaalisan ng estado ang mga nasasakupan nito ng kalayaang magbasa at matuto.

Gaya na lamang nina Mijares at Rizal, ang pagkitil ng kanilang buhay ang kinahinatnan ng isang pamumunong may takot sa mga edukado.

Kalagayan sa ibayong dagat

Umusbong ang pinakamalagim na pangyayari sa kasaysayan sa anyo ng Holocaust ng Germany noong 1930’s, kung saan bukod sa pagpaslang sa anim na milyong mga Hudyo, sinunog ang 25,000 na mga librong kinakitaan ng mga pagtuligsa sa ideolohiyang Nazismo.

PAHINA: Ang pagsupil sa espasyo ng progresibong literatura

NINA MARL OLLAVE AT NORLAND CRUZ , FEATURES ASSOCIATE EDITOR AT STAFF WRITER DIBUHO NI LEOJAVE INCON

Naging malawak ang impluwensyang kanluranin, at naging mitsa ito sa iba pang anyo ng pag-antagonisa sa itinuturing na rebolusyunaryong mga libro at paghigpit ng pasismo sa Timog-Silangang Asya.

Sa Thailand, pinarurusahan at kamatayan ang kabayaran ng sinumang nagmamay-ari ng mga subersibong aklat na naglalaman ng ideolohiyang Marxismo, Leninismo, at aklat na salungat sa pamahalaang monarkiya noong Panahon ng Red Scare. Isa sa mga agad na sinupil ng monarkiyang Thailand ay ang mga aklat na dumudungis sa “malinis” na reputasyon ng palasyo at ng kaharian.

Kabilang dito ang “The King Never Smiles” ni Paul Handley, isang mamamahayag na naglahad ng militarisado, korap, mapang-abuso, at anti-demokratikong pamamahala sa monarkiyang Bhumibol Adulyadej noong 2006. Kalaunan ay hindi na pinayagan pang makapasok ng estado si Handley at kinasuhan naman ang taong nagtangkang magsalin ng aklat sa wikang Thai noong 2011.

Hindi rin pinalampas ng diktaduryang Pol Pot ang libu-libong mga libro sa Cambodia sa kaniyang brutal na rehimen na may malawak na propaganda, laganap na patayan, at kultura ng takot sa buong bansa. Halos 80% ng mga aklat sa Khmer ang binura sa kasaysayan simula noong taong 1975 hanggang 1979 matapos itong sirain ng administrasyon. Kasabay rin nito ang pagsunog ng iilang progresibong aklat mula mismo sa National Library ng Cambodia.

Halos walang pagkakaiba ang pagtrato ng

estado ng ibang kalapit na bansa sa mga librong kanilang itinatalagang subersibo dahil lamang sa pagtatala ng pagsasalungat at pagpupuna sa pamahalaan nito – ang hamakin ang sinumang magtatangkang maging sangkot dito. Lantad ang pagpapatahimik ng pasistang pamahalaan sa mga bansang nabanggit, subalit sa halip na manatiling busal, namayani pa rin ang kolektibong pagbalikwas. Sa kontemporaryong panahon, nagkaroon ng mga arkibo at digitalisasyon ng mga kopya ng mga libro— bagay na sinisikap ding isensura ng bagong pamahalaan sa kanyang makapangyarihang makinarya.

Premonisyon ng kasaysayan

Matapos mapatalsik sa kapangyarihan si Marcos Sr. noong 1986, matagumpay na nakabalik bilang pangulo ang kanyang anak na si Bongbong Marcos Jr., at hindi malabong maulit muli ang lagim ng kasaysayang sinapit ng bansa noong Batas Militar. Kung ganap na supresyon ang tugon ni Marcos Sr. upang supilin ang kalayaan, pahakbang na represyon naman sa anyo ng makinaryang disimpormasyon ang kasangkapan ni Marcos Jr. upang mapabango ang pangalan ng kanyang pamilya.

Malaki ang kapangyarihan hawak ng pamilya sa espasyo ng social media dahil nasa likod nila ang mga sistematikong trolls na lumilikha ng kasinungalingan. Naging paraan ito upang ipagbawal ang mga nilalamang taliwas sa gobyerno. Kamakailan lamang noong Hunyo, ipinagbawal na gawing aksesible ng National Telecommunication Commission (NTC)

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ang mga alternatibong midya tulad ng Pinoy Weekly at Bulatlat sa paghihinalang kabilang umano ang mga ito sa teroristang organisasyon. Mahahalaw dito na maging sa digital na espasyo, sinisikil pa rin ang kalayaan sa pagpapahayag.

Mistulang panimulang bati pa lamang ng administrasyong Marcos ang inilatag na memorandum ng KWF, dahil kung ikukumpara ang mga susunod na nangyari sa ibang bansa sa Timog-Silangang Asya, tiyak na namayagpag ang pasismo at diktaduryang rehimen.

Taong 2006 din sa bansang Thailand ay nagkaroon ng coup d’etat ang pwersa ng monarkiya laban sa gobyerno ni Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Bilang isang kritiko ng hari at sangkot na rin sa napakaraming katiwalian, naging matagumpay ang monarkiya na makuha ang suporta ng mamamayan kahit na ang mismong monarkiya rin ay may palasak na korapsyon at anti-demokratikong mga polisiya. Sa panahon din na kasabay ng pagsensura ng mga libro ay umusbong ang mga anti-demokratikong gawain na nagpapataihimik sa sinumang pumupuna.

Maraming buhay ang kinitil noong panahon ng demokratikong Kampuchea na pinamumunuan ni Pol Pot. Karamihan ay namatay dulot ng malawakang taggutom dahil sa pwersadong pang-aalipin at genocide na umabot sa humigit-kumulang 1.5 hanggang 2 milyong mamamayan. Kasabay ng pagpapatahimik sa mga librong nagsisilbing naratibo ng mga mamamayan ay ang pagpaslang din sa nasasakupan nito na kabilang sa isang pangkat-etnikong Vietnamese, Chinese, at Muslim noong taong 1975 hanggang 1979.

Hindi lamang imbakan ang libro ng mga kasaysayan, istorya, naratibo at iba pang mga pagtatala, kundi saksi at kasangkapan rin ang mga ito sa pag-aanalisa ng isang nagbabadyang malagim, awtoritaryan at pasistang estado. Ang pagsusupil sa produksyon ng isang progresibong aklat ay nangangahulugan din na paglabag sa karapatang pantao, pang-aabuso, at pagpapatahimik sa mga mamamayan na nasa ilalim ng pamamahalang tulak ng pansariling interes.Sinesensura at pahina nang pahina man ang mga librong itinuturing na subersibo ng mala-rehimeng pamahalaan, palakas nang palakas naman ang bawat paglaban ng mga iskolar at masa para sa malayang pagpapahayag at pagsasapublikasyon ng mga librong rebolusyonaryo. Sa huli, ang pagbuklat ng bawat pahina ng libro ay hindi lamang pag-alam sa mga ideolohiya kundi pagkamulat tungong radikal na pagbabago ng lipunan at paghulma sa kritikal na kamalayan ng masa— kasangkapang mas makapangyarihan sa anumang uri ng dahas na maaaring ibato ng represibong estado.

Ang pagbuklat ng bawat pahina ng libro ay hindi lamang pagalam sa mga ideolohiya kundi pagkamulat tungong radikal na pagbabago ng lipunan at paghulma sa kritikal na kamalayan ng masa

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Lean Alejandro: HONOR IN THE LINE OF FIRE

BY SAM DELIS FEATURES ASSOCIATE EDITOR “In the line of fire is the place of honor.”

It has been thirty-five years since Leandro “Lean” Legara Alejandro – a renowned activist, leader, and martyr – was slain.

Now and even decades before, youth and student activism have always been under constant attacks. The 1987 Constitution vested us with the freedom to express and dissent, yet Filipino youth activists are constantly being subjected to red-tagging, state violence, and repression of rights. These threats did not stop Lean Alejandro from holding the line – even if it cost him his own life.

Present-day youth activists who seemed to follow Lean’s fate are under the same hostile environment – being red-tagged, arrested, and even killed. The likes of Kemuel Ian “KI” Cometa, Kevin Castro, and Chad Booc met the same demise as Lean. Up to this day, the calls for Cometa’s disappearance in 2021 are still crying for justice. Like Lean, Cometa was also a student-activist in his days in UP Los Baños and a coordinator of Kabataan Partylist Southern Tagalog. Meanwhile, Booc and Castro, both student leader-activists, were slain by the state forces last February 2022.

Student activists under different regimes, yet with the same oppressive and fascist authority, are present-day testaments to the tragic consequences of speaking up to fight injustices – highly similar to Lean Alejandro’s fate.

Getting to know Lean

More than being a leader and a writer, Lean Alejandro raised the standards of youth and student activism. He became one of the pillars of student activism during the time of Martial Law. At a young age, Lean was known to possess a brilliant mind. Fueled by his curiosity about why his grandmother’s cat gradually loses its weight, young Lean researched intensively using his cousin’s Britannica encyclopedia and later found out that cod liver oil is the cure.

Perhaps, this encyclopedia book became Lean’s first love.

Lean’s interest in the medical field urged him to take up BS Chemistry as a preparatory program in UP Diliman. But after he was exposed to history and political science, Lean switched to Philippine Studies. From there, Lean grew fond of reading progressive books about the Russian revolution and Marxism. He was introduced to different political ideologies, which will play an important

part in his later years as a leader-activist at the university.

To his friends and colleagues at the university, Lean is a bookworm, a laugh-out-loud person, and a singer-by-heart. But more than these silly descriptions, Lean is a strategist, charismatic, and dauntless student leader-writer.

Lean, the intellectual student leader-writer

In his years at UP, Lean embodied the call to serve the people and to uphold academic freedom – the freedom to learn, write, and express.

During his sophomore year, Lean joined the Philippine Collegian as a features writer. He was known to write articles about the atrocities of the Marcos administration.

After a year of being a staff writer, Lean realized that a pen alone would not be enough to serve the people. His intellectualism was poured into writing and, later on, into mobilizing. During 1980, Lean joined the Anti-Imperialist Youth Committee – now the Youth for Nationalism and Democracy (YND), and he also became a member of the League of the Filipino Students (LFS). Moreover, he was elected as the College of Arts and Sciences (CAS) chairperson under SAMASA; and by 1983, as the chairperson of the University Student Council (USC) who led numerous mobilizations and campaigns opposing tuition fee hikes. As a newly-elected USC chairperson after Ninoy Aquino’s assassination, Lean highly participated i n numerous anti-Marcos protests, including the Justice for Aquino and Justice for All (JAJA) movement.

Furthermore, he was almost selected as the first student

regent in UP if not rejected by the dictator Marcos.

Aside from being an intellectual activist, Lean is also a charismatic leader. His colleagues would describe him as one of the first student activists who wore slippers during rallies – a material testament to his unity with the masses in their fights. Lean “defined” the standards of student and youth activism by proving that intellectual activism and charisma are not mutually exclusive.

Lean, the full-time activist

Dropping out of the university to embark on a path of full-time activism is a tough and fulfilling journey at the same time..

At a young age, Lean became a key member of national organizations and alliances to resist the Marcos regime. Led by former Senator Jose Diokno, Lean was part of the Movement for the Philippines Sovereignty and Democracy (KAAKBAY) and the Nationalist Alliance for Justice, Freedom, and Democracy (NAJFD). In 1985, Lean was the pioneer secretary-general of Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN) after it was established. He worked alongside nationalist stalwarts such as Lorenzo Tañada, Crispin Beltran, and Jose Diokno to fight for the causes of people.

Participating in protests to amplify the calls of masses always has dire risks. While Lean and his friend JV Bautista were negotiating with the police forces during a protest in February 1985, they were arrested and detained in Camp Ipil Reception Center. Their arrest was grounded on a Marcos decree called the Preventive Detention Action (PDA), wherein the president has “total discretion to arrest and detain alleged subversives indefinitely without bail and trial”.

For Lean, life in custody is not tantamount to hopelessness; instead, it is one of the mos t crit-

ical times to learn more. As the ever-curious Lean, he read books voraciously during his detainment – mainly J.R.R. Tolkien’s Lord of the Rings. In his letter to his then-girlfriend Lidy Nicpil, Lean said: “The struggle for freedom is the next best thing to actually being free.”

With collective efforts and campaigns for Lean and JV’s release, they were finally released after two months of detainment. After the People Power Revolution and the end of the fascist regime, Lean decided to forward his campaigns to mainstream politics by running for Congress. During the May 1987 elections, he was unsuccessful in getting the congressional seat of Malabon-Navotas against Tessie Aquino-Oreta, the sister-in-law of then-President Cory Aquino. Despite the unsuccessful bid, Lean left a political footprint that aimed to change traditional political ideologies into “people politics”.

Remembering Lean

The date was September 19, 1987 – thirty-five years ago. After Lean announced a nationwide strike against the continuous military domination of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) in a press conference, he was silenced – forever. Lean was only 27 years old back then, and he was killed instantly by hired gunmen inside a van, only a few feet away from the BAYAN headquarters in Rosal Street, Cubao.

Three decades have passed, yet there is still no “serious and continuous” investigation of Lean’s tragic death. Yet, it was believed to be linked to the Reformed Armed Forces (RAM) during the Oplan Lambat Bitag operations in Cory Aquino’s administration.

Lean was killed, but his legacy did not die with him. Lidy Nicpil-Alejandro and supporters founded the Leandro L. Alejandro Foundation (LLAF) after the assassination. By 1997, a musical play entitled “Lean” was performed to commemorate the decade-long anniversary of Lean’s death. In 2015, “The Great Lean Run” was organized by SAMASA to annually re-introduce Lean’s ideals and campaigns to the current generation of youth activists.

Most importantly, Lean Alejandro’s name was etched at the Bantayog ng mga Bayani Wall of Remembrance.

Lean was right when he said that the greatest adventure on earth today is our struggle for freedom. He defined the standard of youth activism inside and outside the university.

Learning goes hand-in-hand with serving the people in the frontline.

For Lean, in the line of fire is the place of honor. Had he lived today, it is guaranteed that we would have seen him on the frontline of protests and movements against fascism, tyranny, and corruption. Lean proved that standing in the line of fire by serving the people is the most honorable thing a man can do.

Let us commemorate Lean Alejandro by collectively raising our left fists and by continuing his fight for genuine freedom. Isko l a r n g bayan, patuloy na lumalaban. [P]

FEATURES

U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G | J U LY- O C TO B E R 2 02 2

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MGA NAKAKUBLING USAPIN SA LIKOD NG

SONA 2022 NINA SAM DELIS, KYLA ADORNADO, AT SHANE AGARAO, FEATURES ASSOCIATE EDITOR, STAFF WRITERS

M

ahigit isang oras na talumpati, labing-siyam na proposed legislations, at labindalawang sektor na binigyang-pansin – ito ang mga teknikal na konseptong numerikal upang ilarawan ang kauna-unahang State of the Nation Address (SONA) ni Ferdinand Romualdez Marcos Jr., anak ng dating kleptokratik na diktador at pangulo na may parehong ngalan.

Kung numero lang din ang pag-uusapan, masasabing hitik ang mga ito sa nagdaang SONA ni Marcos Jr. noong Hulyo 25. Puno ng statistical forecasting ang talumpati, kung saan ang karamihan ng detalye ay nakapokus sa mga nasabing numero sa halip na magbigay ng konkretong detalye at plano para rito.

Higit pa sa mga numerong ipinagmalaki ni Marcos Jr., marami ring mga numero ang hindi niya binigyang-pansin sa kanyang talumpati: ang 3,295 extrajudicial killings, 3,700,000 unemployment cases, estate taxes ng kanilang pamilya na nagkakahalagang P203.8 bilyon, 34/100 na marka sa Corruption Perception Index, at ang P12.76 trilyong national debt na iniwan ng administrasyong Duterte.

Kaakibat ng mga numerong ito ang iba’t ibang mga isyu at inihaing mga programa sa mga sektor na tinukoy ni Marcos Jr. sa kanyang kauna-unahang SONA.

Sa likod ng mga numero at porsyento

Hindi maikakaila na magiging hamon sa ekonomiya ng bansa ang pagkadapa mula sa pandemyang dulot ng COVID-19. Dagdag pa rito, samu’t-saring mga krisis sa implasyon,

presyo ng mga produktong petrolyo, at national debt ang patuloy na nagiging mabigat na pasanin sa ekonomiya ng bansa.

Tinalakay ni Marcos Jr. sa kanyang SONA ang sektor ng ekonomiya sa pamamagitan ng paglahad ng mga estadistikang kaugnay nito. Ilan sa mga ito ay ang economic boost, inflation rate, at GDP growth. Ipinagmalaki ni Marcos Jr. ang 8.3% na gross domestic product (GDP) growth ng ekonomiya ng bansa sa unang bahagi ng taon. Ngunit ayon sa pahayagang Altermidya, ang GDP growth na ito ay bunsod ng election-related spending at hindi dahil sa muling pagbukas ng ekonomiya.

Dagdag ni Marcos Jr., inaasahang maglalaro lamang sa 4.5% hanggang 5.5% ang average inflation rate bago matapos ang kasalukuyang taon.

Sa tala ng Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA), pumalo na sa 7.7% ang inflation rate noong Oktubre, na pinakamataas mula pa noong 2008.

Ayon sa independent research think tank na IBON Foundation, maituturo ring dahilan ang pagtaas ng pamasaheng pang-transportasyon sa pagpalo ng inflation rate sa bansa. Samantala, walang pagbanggit sa kasalukuyang krisis sa langis ang unang SONA ni Marcos Jr. Sa kabila ng kanyang pahayag na “Oil supply is expected to catch up and stabilize”, walang kahit anong konkretong plano na nabanggit upang masolusyonan ang umiiral na oil crisis.

Matatandaan na nitong ika-15 na Marso, ipinatupad ang pinakamalaking pagtaas ng presyo ng mga produktong petrolyo. Sa usapin ng Oil Deregulation Law at 12% value added tax (VAT) na mga pangunahing dahilan ng patuloy na paglobo ng presyo ng langis sa bansa, walang kahit anong detalye o plano na inilahad ang pangulo tungkol dito.

DIBUHO NINA JOSIAH BUMAHIT AT LEOJAVE INCON

Dagdag pa rito, walang nabanggit na tiyak na hakbang ang pangulo hinggil sa usapin ng sektor ng mga manggagawa. Matatandaan na nito lamang Mayo at Hunyo, inisyu ang Wage Order No. NCR-23 at nagtakda naman ang Regional Tripartite Wages and Productivity Board (RTWPB) ng dagdag sa minimum wage sa National Capital Region (NCR) at ilan pang mga rehiyon. Sa kabila nito, hindi pa rin sasapat ang kaukulang dagdag na ito sa 1,093 pesos na living wage ng isang pangkaraniwang pamilyang Pilipino. Deka-dekada na rin ang panawagan ng mga labor groups para sa isang national minimum wage na naglalayong gawing istandardisado ang pasahod sa bansa sa halip na ibase sa rehiyon at antas ng trabaho.

Bukod sa usapin ng krisis sa langis at wage hike sa bansa, marami pa ring isyu sa sektor ng ekonomiya at manggagawa ang hindi man lang nabanggit ni Marcos Jr. Kabilang na rito ang pakikibaka kontra kontraktwalisasyon at lumalalang unemployment rate sa bansa.

Sa kabila ng mga kwestyonableng plano na inilahad sa kanyang SONA, pursigido si Marcos Jr. sa pagreporma ng tax administration sa bansa at gawing investment destination ang Pilipinas. Isa sa kanyang mga plano ay ang pagpataw ng value added tax (VAT) sa mga digital service providers kagaya ng Netflix, Lazada, Shopee, at Zalora. Aniya, ito ay para umano kumita ang gobyerno ng P11.7 bilyon sa taong 2023. Umani ito ng mga batikos mula sa netizens sapagka’t ang pasanin ay bubuhatin pa rin ng masa. Sa panahon ngayon na ang bansa ay nasa gitna pa rin ng pandemya, ang ganitong dagdag sa buwis ay dagdag lamang sa problema ng mga mamamayan.

Ani Marcos Jr., ang pagreporma ng tax administration sa bansa ay dapat maging prayoridad. Naging manipestasyon ang

kanyang mga inihaing legislations na karamihan ay nakapokus sa pagreporma ng pamamahala ng buwis sa bansa. Kabilang sa mga nasabing legislations ay ang Budget Modernization Bill, Tax Package 3: Valuation Reform Bill, at Tax Package 4: Passive Income and Financial Intermediary Taxation Act (PIFITA).

Bagama’t wala pang tiyak na detalye ang mga nasabing programa, malinaw ang layunin ng mga ito: ang pagreporma at re-designing ng tax system and administration sa bansa.

Salungat ang mga plano ni Marcos Jr. sa personal na isyu ng kanyang pamilya sa usapin ng buwis. Matatandaang patong-patong na kaso ng tax evasion ang kinakaharap ni Marcos Jr. at ng kanyang buong pamilya. Dito pa lamang, makikita na kwestyonable ang inilatag na mga planong pang-ekonomiya ni Marcos Jr. sa kanyang unang SONA. Bukod sa mga isyu at kaso ng kanyang pamilya, tila bungi-bungi rin ang mga inilatag na kanyang mga planong pang-ekonomiya dahil sa kakulangan sa detalye at bagkus ay nakapokus lamang sa mga numerong pang-estadistika.

Ika nga, hindi kailanman magiging balidong lenggwahe ang estadistika kung walang matibay na pundasyon ang pinanggalingan ng mga numerong ito.

Lupang sakahan, protektahan!

Bilang kasalukuyang kalihim ng Department of Agriculture (DA), malaki ang inaasahan ng sektor ng agrikultura sa administrasyong Marcos. Ani Marcos Jr., ang lumolobong presyo ng mga bilihin at kakulangan sa suplay ng pagkain ang dapat maging target sa sektor ng agrikultura.

Dagdag pa niya, isinapinal na ng Department of Agriculture (DA) na taasan ang produksyon sa susunod na pagtanim o planting

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season sa pamamagitan ng pagbibigay ng tulong pinansyal upang mapanatili umano ang purchasing power. Bukod pa rito, nangako si Marcos Jr. hinggil sa pagbibigay ng pautang sa mga magsasaka at pagbili ng mga farm inputs nang bultuhan. Bwelta ng Altermidya, hindi malinaw kung saan kukunin ng pangulo ang ayudang pinansyal at hindi rin masisiguro ang pagtaas ng produksyon sa pamamagitan ng pagpapautang.

Sa usapin naman ng mga programang agrikultural, nais ni Marcos Jr. na ipagpatuloy ang agrarian reform program on debt burden. Dagdag pa rito, ipapatupad niya umano ang isang executive order na magbibigay ng isang taong moratorium para sa land amortization at interest payments upang mabawasan ang pasanin ng mga magsasaka. Ang nasabing probisyon ay nasa ilalim ng Republic Act No. 11469 o Bayanihan to Heal as One Act. Naisabatas ang R.A. 11469 noong ika25 ng Marso taong 2020 upang ideklara ang state of national emergency sa pagresponde sa pandemyang dulot ng COVID-19. Nabanggit din ng pangulo sa kanyang talumpati ang pag-amyenda sa R.A. 6657 o mas kilala bilang Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law of 1988 sa pamamagitan ng pagpapautang sa mga benepisyaryo ng repormang agraryo. Isa rin sa kanyang inihaing labing-siyam na legislations ang National Land Use Act Sa kabila ng mga programang ito, marami pa ring kakulangan sa kanyang talumpati. Nangako ang pangulo ng reporma sa lupa ngunit walang kahit anong nabanggit hinggil sa usapin ng land conversion at Rice Tariffication Law na patuloy na pumapatay sa agrikultura.

Ipinatupad noong administrasyong Duterte ang Republic Act (RA) 11203 o Rice Tariffication Law upang masiguro umano ang food security sa bansa. Taliwas sa layunin ng nasabing batas, ito ang patuloy na nagpapahirap sa mga magsasakang Pilipino. Ang neoliberal na batas na ito ay patuloy na kumikitil sa hanapbuhay ng mga magsasaka, dahil sa batas na ito, ang mga magsasaka ang mananatiling dehado.

Ayon kay Rafael Mariano, dating kalihim ng agrarian reform at chairperson emeritus ng Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP),hindi kinakailangan ang land amortization payment sapagkat ito ay lupa ng gobyerno. Dagdag pa ni Mariano, ang plano ni Marcos Jr. na pamamahagi ng 52,000-ektarya ng unused agricultural land ay mas lalong magbibigay-daan sa monopolyo sa lupa.

Hindi na bago ang usaping land use conversion sapagka’t deka-dekada nang nakikibaka ang mga magsasaka kontra sa isyung ito. Dito pa lamang sa Timog Katagalugan, ang estado ng agraryo ay humaharap ng samu’t-saring balakid kagaya ng piyudalismo, pangangamkam ng lupain, at mga kaso ng red-tagging at militarisasyon. Ilan sa mga lupa sa Timog Katagalugan na nakararanas ng mga ganitong balakid ay ang: Lupang Aguinaldo, Lupang Kapdula, Hacienda Matias, Hacienda Tulungan at Lupang Ramos sa Cavite, Hacienda Yulo sa Laguna, Hacienda Roxas, Lupang Lopez, at Hacienda Looc sa Batangas.

HANGGA’T NANANATILING NEOLIBERAL ANG MGA POLISIYANG IPINAPATUPAD

J U LY- O C TO B E R 2 02 2 | U P L B P E RS P EC T I V E .O R G

SA SEKTOR NG AGRIKULTURA, HINDI MAKAKAMIT ANG TUNAY NA REPORMANG AGRARYO. Usapang kalusugan sa bagong pamunuan

Bukod sa pagbibigay kasiguraduhan sa masa na wala na muling mangyayaring lockdown, ninanais na palaguin at pagtibayin ng administrasyong Marcos ang sektor pangkalusugan.

Iginiit ni Marcos Jr. na magsasagawa ng mga pagbabago at pagsasaayos ng health protocols, pati na rin ang alert level system, upang maibalik na ang full capacity lalong-lalo na sa mga negosyo.

Binigyang linaw rin ng pangulo na kailangang magtaguyod ng mga health institutes sa loob at labas ng kalakhang Maynila. Wala pa mang opisyal na plano ukol dito, dinagdag niya na inaasahang maitatag ang sariling Center for Disease Control and Prevention at isang vaccine institute sa bansa. Kabilang din sa kanyang nabanggit na proposed legislations ay ang Medical Reserve Corps, National Disease Prevention Management Authority, at Virology Institute of the Philippines bilang katuwang na ahensya ng Department of Science and Technology (DOST).

Sa kabila ng mga nabanggit na plano, binigyang diin ni Alliance of Health Workers (AHW) National President Robert Mendoza sa isang panayam na marami nang nakatayong specialized hospitals sa iba’t ibang rehiyon. Aniya, mas higit na nangangailangan ng dagdag na pasilidad at modernisasyon sa teknolohiya sa halip na magdagdag pa ng mga bagong ospital na magbibigay din lamang ng kulangkulang na serbisyo sa masa. Bukod pa rito, ang kawalan ng kalihim ng Department of Health (DOH) ay nagpapatunay na kwestyonable pa rin lahat ng planong nabanggit ni Marcos Jr. Ang mga vision na healthcare infrastructures ay alinsunod sa sinabi ng pangulo na ang layunin ay maabutan ng tulong pangkalusugan ang sinumang nangangailangan, pati na rin sa mga nasa lugar na malayo sa sentro ng bayan. Aniya, ang serbisyong medikal ay kusang dinadala sa masa. Dismayado rin ang AHW sapagkat walang binigay na konkretong aksyon sa usaping benepisyo ng mga frontliners at ang iba pang mga healthcare workers.

Dahil dito, mas dumarami ang mga medikal na propesyunal na piniling mangibang bansa.

Hindi rin nabanggit ni Marcos Jr. sa kanyang statistical findings na mayroon lamang 3.7 doktor na kayang magbigay tulong sa bawat 10,000 na Pilipino. Ito ay higit na mababa kumpara sa World Health Organization-prescribed ratio na 10 doktor sa bawat 10,000 tao.

Maliban dito, nabanggit din ng pangulo na nagsimula na ang kanilang opisina, katulong ang Department of Trade Industry (DTI) at Philippine Competition Commission sa pagpapababa ng presyo ng gamot, pagtatanggal ng kartel sa merkado, at pakikipag-usap sa mga interesadong manufacturer sa paglalabas ng mas murang generic drugs.

Dahil sa kawalan ng kalihim para sa DOH, ang lahat ng programa ay mananatiling

mayroong nakapintang tandang pananong.

Ang palaisipan sa sambayanang Pilipino ay ang malaking tanong na “Paano?” .

Edukasyon sa new normal

Deka-dekada ng problema ng bansa ang sistematikong krisis sa edukasyon. Sa dagok na iniwan ng pandemya dulot ng COVID-19, mas lalong lumala ang krisis sa edukasyon sa bansa. Ang Pilipinas ay isa sa dalawang bansa na hindi pa rin nagsasagawa ng kahit anong uri ng face-to-face classes matapos pa lamang ang labing-pitong linggo ng lockdown dulot ng pandemya. Samakatuwid, tayo ay nahuhuli.

Maraming mga mag-aaral at guro ang nangangapa pa rin sa kasalukuyang remote learning dahil sa kakulangan sa mga gadgets, kawalan ng maayos na internet connectivity, at ang knowledge gap na nabubuo dulot ng panibagong setup ng mga silid-aralan. Hindi biro ang mahigit dalawang taong remote learning na patuloy na nagpapahirap sa hanay ng mga mag-aaral at kaguruan.

Sa usapin ng Ligtas na Balik Eskwela (LNBE), binigyang diin ito ni Marcos Jr. “I believe it is time for our children to return to full face-to-face classes once again”, ani Marcos Jr. Ang mga katagang ito ay binigyang-diin ng pangulo sa kabila ng kawalan ng maayos na plano patungkol sa reallocation ng budget tungo sa retrofitting schools, pagbibigay ng mga materyales sa educational institutions, at ang pagbibigay ng socio economic assistance sa mga estudyante Dagdag pa niya, pinangungunahan ni Bise Presidente Sara Duterte ang paghahanda para sa paparating na ligtas na balik eskwela.

Sa usapin naman ng K-12 program, ani Marcos Jr., kinakailangang ulitin ang masinsinang pagsusuri rito. Isa sa mga layunin ng nasabing programa ay makalikha ng globally competitive at job-ready na mga mag-aaral, ngunit ang layunin ay tila lumiko sa maling daan. Marami pa ring mga kompanya ang hindi tumatanggap ng mga mag-aaral na tanging senior high school lamang ang tinapos, ayon sa Philippine Business for Education. Bukod pa rito, ang neoliberal na polisiyang ito ay pumapabor lamang sa mga foreign industries sapagkat ang ganitong klase na programa ay nananatiling komersyalisado at kolonyal.

Nabanggit din ni Marcos Jr. na kinakailangang pagtuunan ng pansin ang mga STEM (Science, Techonology, Engineering, and Mathematics) courses upang ang mga magaaral ay maging globally competitive. Ang isyung ito ay isa rin sa mga pinag-uusapan noon pa man sa kadahilanang mas pinagtutuunan ng pansin ang mga kursong nakapaloob sa STEM strand kumpara sa mga kursong nakapaloob sa ibang larangan gaya ng humanidades. Ito ay isang manipestasyon ng neoliberal na edukasyon sa ating bansa, kung saan nagiging produkto lamang ang mga estudyante para sa mga malalaking korporasyon.

Dagdag pa rito, tila nagiging pokus lamang ng edukasyon ang kompetisyon sa merkado ng mga manggagawa at propesyunal imbis na nakatuon sa paghubog sa mga ito na maging kritikal na mamamayan ng ating bansa.

Bukod pa rito, pinagdiinan din ni Marcos Jr. na dapat nating samantalahin ang paggamit ng lenggwaheng Ingles dahil ito ay isang “advantage”. Aniya, ang lenggwahe ng internet ay Ingles, kung kaya’t nararapat na suriin muli ang medium of instruction sa kurikulum ng ating bansa. Sa pahayag na ito ng pangulo, tila ang kanyang pahiwatig ay ang wikang Ingles ang magiging susi upang maging globally competitive ang mga mag-aaral sa bansa. Dito pa lamang, masasalamin na ang kanyang mga

platapormang pang-edukasyon ay kolonisado at komersyalisado.

Kaugnay nito, napakaraming inaasahang plano ang mga kaguruan, katulad na lamang ng pagtaas ng kanilang sahod na hindi nabanggit sa SONA. Giit ni Alliance of Concerned Teachers (ACT) Chairperson Vladimir Quetua, habang nadoble ang sahod ng mga sundalo at pulis ay napapag-iwanan naman ang mga kaguruan. Ika nga nila, “teachers are overworked yet underpaid”. Hindi na rin nakapagtataka kung bakit napakaraming guro ang pinipili na umalis o mag-iba ng propesyon dahil sa kakarampot na sahod na kanilang na natatanggap. Ito rin ang isa sa mga pangunahing dahilan kung bakit patuloy na lumalala ang krisis ng edukasyon sa bansa.

Sa halip na magbigay ng mga konkretong plano upang maisaayos ang sistema ng edukasyon sa bansa at matuldukan ang krisis na kaakibat nito, determinado si Marcos Jr. sa implementasyon ng Mandatory Reserve Officers’ Training Corps and National Service Training Program (ROTC and NSTP) para sa mga mag-aaral ng senior high school. Umani ito ng batikos dahil sa mga kaso ng abuso kaugnay ng programang ito, pati na rin ang dagdag na pasanin sa mga estudyante.

Tila malabnaw pa rin ang mga plano ni Marcos Jr. sa usapin ng edukasyon sa bansa.

SA KABILA NG MGA MABUBULAKLAK NA PROGRAMANG INIHAIN NITO, HINDI PA RIN MALINAW KUNG MAKAKAMIT BA ANG ISANG INKLUSIBONG EDUKASYON PARA SA MASA. Mapait na kapalit ng mga proyektong pang-akit

Isa sa mga ipinagmamalaki ng administrasyong Duterte ang mga imprastruktura na tila ginawang basehan sa “tagumpay” ng gobyerno sa nakaraang anim na taon. Tinatawag na flagship program ng administrasyong Duterte ang Build! Build! Build! (BBB) Program upang maisulong umano ang “Golden Age of Infrastructure” sa bansa. Sa proyektong ito, binubuo ang imprastruktura ng 52.1% na railways, 27.3% na tulay at kalsada, 8% na paliparan, 5.2% na mass transit, at 1.6% na daungan. Sa likod ng mga imprastrukturang ito ay kaakibat ang mga anomalya kagaya ng misdirection of funds, korapsyon, at environmental neglect.

Sa kabila ng mga kontrobersya sa programang pang-imprastruktura ni Duterte, idiniin ni Marcos Jr. na ipagpapatuloy at mas papalawakin pa niya ang programa ng nakaraang administrasyon. Naniniwala siya na ang pagpapayabong ng mga imprastruktura ay susi upang mapaunlad ang iba pang mga sektor. Ilan sa mga proyektong kanyang binanggit ay ang pagmomodernisa ng mga

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lumang railway system, pag-upgrade ng mga lumang paliparan at pagpapatayo ng mga bago, at higit sa lahat ay ituloy ang mga ongoing na proyekto sa ilalim ng BBB Program.

Dagdag pa rito, sinabi rin ni Marcos Jr. na mananatili sa 5-6% ng gross domestic product (GDP) ang pondo na ilalaan para sa pagpapaunlad ng mga imprastruktura. Para sa taong 2022, inaprubahan ang P5.024 trilyon na national budget. Ang halagang ito ay mas mataas ng 11.5% sa 2021 national budget, kung kaya’t ang 2022 national budget ang pinakamataas na badyet sa kasaysayan. Sa halagang ito, ang Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) na siyang nangangasiwa ng mga imprastruktura sa bansa ay pangalawa sa mga ahensyang makakatanggap ng pinakamalaking badyet na nagkakahalagang P686.1 bilyon.

Ang ganitong klaseng budget allotment ay kwestyonable lalo na’t ang ating bansa ay nasa gitna ng pandemya.

Sa usapin naman ng turismo, binigyang diin ni Marcos Jr. na hitik sa mga oportunidad ang sektor ng turismo. Aniya, magtutulungan ang Department of Tourism (DOT) at DPWH sa pagpapayabong ng industriya ng turismo sa bansa sa pamamagitan ng pagsasaayos ng mga kalsada at tourism spots, paga-upgrade ng mga daungan at paliparan, at pagsusulong ng institutionalized creative industry.

Sa likod ng mga mabubulaklak na proyekto para sa turismo at imprastruktura sa bansa, walang nabanggit ang pangulo hinggil sa magiging kapalit ng mga proyektong ito.

Matatandaang maraming kaso ng displacement ang naiuulat dahil sa pagpapatayo ng mga imprastruktura. Isa sa mga halimbawa nito ay ang nararanasang panggigipit ng mga mamamayan sa Sitio Maligaya, San Isidro Sur, Sto. Tomas, Batangas dahil sa pagpapatayo ng Malvar - Sto. Tomas Diversion Road. Mahigit 20 na tirahan ang giniba sa kabila ng hindi pagbibigay ng anumang kasulatang naglalahad ng abiso at kompensasyon sa mga mamamayan ng Sitio Maligaya.

Isa lamang ang kaso ng Sitio Maligaya sa ilan pang mga epekto ng pagpapatayo ng mga nasabing imprastruktura. Hindi na rin bago ang ganitong uri ng sitwasyon sa usapin ng turismo sa bansa. Samu’t-saring kaso ng land aggression ang patuloy na nangyayari dahil sa pagpapatayo ng mga tourism and recreational spots. Isa sa mga kaso nito ay ang Hacienda Looc sa Batangas at Patungan sa Cavite, kung saan ang mga mamamayan sa naturang mga lugar ay patuloy na nakararanas ng panghaharas at sapilitang pagpapaalis upang kamkamin ang lupa.

Kung ang kapalit ng kada kalsada o tulay ay ang kawalan ng tahanan at pagkasira ng kapaligiran, para saan nga ba ang mga proyektong ito?

Serbisyo o negosyo?

“There is no question that the preservation of the environment is the preservation of life.”

Sa mga katagang ito ni Marcos Jr. hinggil sa usaping pangkalikasan, layunin niyang bigyang-diin ang kahalagahan ng pangangalaga sa kalikasan. Ayon sa ulat ng Institute for Economics and Peace noong taong 2019, ang Pilipinas ang bansang pinaka-vulnerable sa epekto ng climate change.

Kabilang sa mga inihaing plataporma ni Marcos Jr. ay ang pagtangkilik sa mga renewable energy sources kagaya ng hydro, geothermal, solar, at wind power. Dagdag pa niya, dapat tayong mamuhunan sa agham at teknolohiya upang magkaroon ng masusi at epektibong weather forecast at disaster alerts katulong ang Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) at Department of

Public Works and Highways (DPWH).

Hinggil naman sa usapin ng paggamit ng enerhiya sa bansa, nabanggit ni Marcos Jr. ang kanyang plano sa pagpapatayo ng mga bagong nuclear power plant.

Matatandaang ang Bataan Nuclear Power Plant (BNPP) ay naging simbolo ng korapsyon ng administrasyong Arroyo at Marcos Sr. Taong 1976 nang ipinatayo ni Marcos Sr. ang Bataan Nuclear Power Plant sa Morong, Bataan ngunit hindi ito kailanman binuksan sa publiko dahil umano sa panganib na dala nito dulot ng Mt. Pinatubo, na dormant naman noong nasabing mga taon. Samu’t-saring mga kontrobersya at anomalya ang bumabalot sa BNPP, kabilang na ang mga plano na muli itong buksan. Bukod sa bilyon-bilyong piso na magagamit sa plano ni Marcos Jr. na magpatayo ng mga bagong nuclear power plants, tanging mga malalaking korporasyon at kapitalista lamang ang kakamal sa ganitong proyekto.

Taliwas sa pagsusulong ni Marcos Jr. sa paggamit ng mga renewable energy sources sa bansa, ang kanyang mga inilatag na plano ukol sa nuclear energy at natural gas ay kabilang sa mga non-renewable energy sources.

Dagdag pa rito, isa sa mga proposed legislations ni Marcos Jr. ang enactment para sa isang batas na magsusulong ng natural gas industry sa bansa at pag-amyenda sa Electric Power Industry Reform Act (EPIRA).

Ani Marcos Jr., ang pangangalaga sa kalikasan ay katumbas sa pangangalaga sa sangkatauhan. Ngunit paano ito maisusulong kung ang mga programang pang-enerhiya at pang-kalikasan ay tila papabor sa mga kapitalista at malalaking korporasyon?

Mga “pangako” sa sambayanang Pilipino

Hindi natin papahirapan ang mga biktima ng krisis na dudulog sa ahensya, gagawin nating simple ang proseso ng paghingi at pagparating ng tulong dahil hindi naman dapat dinadagdagan pa ang nararanasan ng ating mamamayan,” saad ni Marcos Jr. Sa usapin ng Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program (4Ps), sinabi ni Marcos Jr. na titiyakin na malilinis o mare-review ang listahan ng mga benepisyaryo. Nabanggit din niya ang pagpapatibay sa programang Violence Against Women And Their Children; kabilang ang pagsasakatuparan ng counseling para sa mga biktima. Ayon sa Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA), isa sa apat na mga babae ang siyang nakararanas ng pisikal, emosyonal, at sekswal na pang-aabuso mula sa kanilang mga asawa o kasintahan, at 41% ng mga biktima ay hindi humihingi ng tulong sa awtoridad o propesyonal. Hangad din umano ng pangulo na magsulong ng mga programa para sa mga solo parents ng bansa.

Kaugnay ng usaping social welfare, malaking parte rin ng talumpati ang inalay para sa mga kababayan natin sa ibayong dagat. Sa kabila ng mga umaapaw na technical jargons sa sektor ng ekonomiya, edukasyon, kalusugan, at imprastruktura, nakatuon sa emosyonal na pahayag at makabagbag-damdaming mga naratibo si Marcos Jr. nang kanyang simulan na ilatag ang mga plano sa sektor ng mga Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs).

Ang mga linyahan na “You, OFWs, represent the fighting faith of the Filipinos as a nation and as a people”, pati na ang “You (all) deserve a home in the government” ay iilan lamang sa mga mabulaklak na pahayag ng pangulo sa usaping OFWs, kung saan nakahakot ito ang 475,982 na boto sa nakaraang eleksyon Isa sa mga proyektong inihain ng pangulo, kaakibat ang Department of Information and

Communications Technology (DICT) at Department of Migrant Workers (DMW), ay ang pagtatanggal ng red tape sa pamamagitan ng digital empowerment. Magreresulta ito sa mas mabilis na pag-aasikaso ng automated verification of contracts at Overseas Employment Certifications (OEC) gamit lamang ang smartphones. Ang dating tatlong buwan ay magiging tatlong linggo na lamang ang gugugulin ng foreign employers sa papeles ng OFWs. Kabilang na rito ang pagpapaikli ng mga tuntunin at regulasyon sa pangingibang-bansa.

Ang orihinal na 240 seksyon na manwal ay gagawin na lamang pamphlet na hindi lalampas sa 100 na pahina.

Bukod pa rito, nanawagan din si Marcos Jr. sa Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) at DMW hinggil sa pagsasaayos ng mga diplomatic post upang agarang maibalik sa trabaho ang mga OFWs na nawalan ng trabaho dulot ng pandemya, habang tinitiyak na ang kanilang trabaho ay tugma sa kanilang mga kasanayan. Ngunit sa mga binitawang plano ay walang ibinigay na konkretong proseso ng pagsasakatuparan nito.

Sa usapin naman ng proteksyon para sa mga ‘bagong bayani’, ani Marcos, pinaplanong ilunsad ang One Repatriation Command Center (ORCC) na magbabantay at tututok sa mga OFWs na naiipit sa kaguluhan, inaabuso, at nanganganib ang buhay. Tinapos ng pangulo ang talumpati sa sektor ng OFW sa pagbibigay ng malaking pasasalamat kay dating Pangulong Duterte na nagpasa umano ng batas sa pagtataguyod ng Department of Migrant Workers.

Kapansin-pansing maraming inilatag na programa si Marcos Jr. para sa mga OFW sa halip na ugatin ang dahilan sa pangingibang-bansa ng mga Pilipino. Matapos ang termino ng kanyang amang si Marcos Sr., lumobo ang bilang ng mga OFWs dahil sa pagpalo ng unemployment rate matapos ang Batas Militar. Samakatuwid, libo-libong mga Pilipino ang nakikipagsapalaran sa ibang bansa dahil sa kakulangan sa oportunidad dito sa sariling bansa. Marahil ito ay malabo para kay Marcos Jr. sapagkat ang kanyang prayoridad ay magsulong ng mga programang pangOFW sa halip na palakasin ang lakas-paggawa, paigtingin ang mga makataong polisiya sa mga manggagawa at propesyunal, at magpatayo ng mga pambansang industriya sa sariling bansa.

Sa pagbabalik-tanaw sa mga nakaraang eleksyon, hindi maipagkakailang ang mga naratibong nakakaantig sa puso ang nanaig kumpara sa konkretong listahan ng mga plataporma. Sa mala-teleseryeng paraan, patuloy na maghihintay at aasa lamang ang sambayanang Pilipino na ang mga pangakong nabanggit ng pangulo ay hindi mapapako.

Nakakubling interes ng mga makadayuhang alyansa

“I will not preside over any process that will abandon even the one square inch of territory of the Republic of the Philippines to any foreign power. (...) the Philippines shall continue to be a friend to all and an enemy to none.”

Matapos bitawan ni Marcos Jr. ang mga katagang ito, hindi magkamayaw sa paghiyaw at palakpakan ang mga panauhin sa Batasang Pambansa. Malinaw na pumukaw ng pagasa ang pahayag na ito sa mga kongresista, senador, at iba pang mga panauhin sa SONA 2022.

Tila taliwas ang dalawang paksa sa pahayag na ito ng pangulo. Una, posible nga ba tayong maging kaibigan ng lahat ng bansa kung tunay niyang ipaglalaban ang teritoryo ng Pilipinas?

15

Matatandaang sa panayam noong Setyembre 2021, sinabi ni Marcos Jr. na ang policy engagement ni dating Pangulong Duterte ukol sa West Philippine Sea ay “right way to go” dahil umano sa kawalan ng kakayahan ng bansa na masangkot sa anumang uri ng giyera. Dahil sa pahayag na ito ni Marcos Jr., sinabi ng chairperson ng Unyon ng mga Manggagawa sa Agrikultura na si Antonio Flores na: “Bongbong Marcos Jr.’s subservience to imperialist interests mirrors that of his father, Duterte, and all presidents in between who have shamelessly let foreign monopoly capitalists in cahoots with big landlords and compradors plunder Philippine lands and seas.”

Dagdag pa rito, sinabi rin ni Marcos Jr. na ang China ang pinakamatibay na kaalyado ng Pilipinas habang tayo ay bumabangon sa krisis na dulot ng pandemya. Wika niya sa kanyang talumpati, ang mga alyansa na nabuo noong pandemya ay susi para makamit ang stabilidad ng ekonomiya ng bansa.

Nito lamang huling linggo ng Mayo, matatandaang nakipag-usap si Marcos Jr. sa top diplomat ng Washington DC ukol sa “re-signing and extension” ng Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) sa pagitan ng Pilipinas at Estados Unidos. Para sa konteksto, ang VFA ay isang military pact na nakaugat pa sa Mutual Defense Treaty noong 1951 nagpapahintulot sa pagbabalik ng military operations at kasundaluhan ng Estados Unidos dito sa ating bansa. Nagbunga ito ng kaliwa’t-kanang mga protesta sapagka’t isa itong manipestasyon ng pagiging tuta ng Pilipinas sa mga imperyalistang bansa kagaya ng Estados Unidos.

Sa patuloy na pag-igting ng mga neoliberal na polisiya sa bansa, ang interes ay mananatiling nakakiling sa mga nasa itaas ng tatsulok kabilang na ang mga imperyalistang bansa, mga bilyonaryo at kapitalista, at mga monopolyong korporasyon. Bagama’t labing-siyam na legislations ang inihain ni Marcos Jr., tunay ngang walang halaga ang kahit anong bilang kung nakokompromiso naman ang kalidad nito.

Sa loob ng mahigit isang oras na talumpati, wala man lang naging pagbanggit sa mga sumusunod na sektor o aspeto: press freedom, mga isyu sa human rights, peace talks sa pagitan ng CPP-NPA-NDF, drug war, kriminalidad, mga suliranin ng pwersang manggagawa, at marami pang iba.

Ito pa lamang ang simula ng anim na taon ng bagong administrasyon – bagong pangulo, ngunit hindi bagong apelyido.

HINDI MATATAPOS SA UNANG STATE OF THE NATION ADDRESS NG BAGONG MARCOS ANG PAGBABANTAY AT PAKIKIBAKA. Ang laya mo’y babantayan, Pilipinas kong hirang.

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C U LT U R E

J U LY- O C TO B E R 2 02 2 | U P L B P E RS P EC T I V E .O R G

NI POLO QUINTANA CULTURE ASSOCIATE EDITOR

Marcos at Martial Law. May iba’t ibang opinyon ang mga Pilipino kapag inihain sa kanila ang mga salitang ito.

May mga natutuwa dahil “Golden Age” ang unang pumapasok sa isip nila, ngunit may mga kumukunot naman ang noo dahil “torture” ang kasunod na katagang ikinakabit nila sa mga ito. Magkakaiba man, isa lang ang ibig sabihin nito: malaki ang papel ng mga Marcos at ng Martial Law sa ating kasaysayan at maging sakalagayan ng bansa ngayon.

Isang manipestasyon na rin nito, kung tutuusin, ang malaking kaibahan sa kaalaman ng mga mamamayan sa Batas Militar.

Makalipas ang 50 taon mula noong idineklara ito, nananatili pa ring lito ang marami sa atin kung bayani o kalaban ang mga Marcos. Bakit nga ba laging binabanggit ang mga Marcos sa usaping Martial Law? Ngayong isang Marcos na naman ang nakaupo sa pinakamataas na pwesto, babalik ba ang Pilipinas sa dati?

Ang mga pamanang sala ng ama Una pa lamang, hindi na una sa listahan ang Pilipinas sa prayoridad ng mga Marcos.

Hindi mauungusan ng mga Pilipino ang interes ng mga imperyalistang bansa. Sa ilalim ng Batas Militar o Martial Law, pinaigting ni Ferdinand Marcos Sr. ang pagiging depende ng bansa sa importasyon kaysa sa sariling ani. Ito ang isa sa mga naging rason sa pagkakabaon natin sa utang. Samakatuwid, ang ating lokal na industriya ang tinamaan ng mga neoliberal at malapyudal na polisiya noon ni FM Sr. na nagresulta rin sa cheap labor export o ang pagtatrabaho ng mga Pilipino sa ilalim ng ibang bansa kapalit ng maliit na sweldo.

Una rin ang interes ng mga kapitalista kaysa sa mga mamamayang Pilipino noong panahon ni Marcos Sr. Isang kasumpa-sumpang halimbawa nito ay ang crony ni FM Sr. na si Roberto Benedicto, kaklase at kasama sa fraternity noong siya’y nag-aaral pa lang sa UP Law School. Ginawang chairman ni FM Sr. si Benedicto ng Philippine National Bank kung saan ginamit niyang panggatong ang mga pondo na ninakaw para sa kaniyang mga negosyo. Harap-harapan din ang pandarambong ni Benedicto sa industriya ng asukal kung saan bibilhin niya ng napakamura ang asukal mula sa mga magsasaka at dadagdagan ang presyo nito para mas mahal na maibenta sa ibang bansa.

Hindi rin nabigyan ng laya noon ang mga mamamahayag. Ang mga katagang “the freest press in Asia” ay minsan nang dinikit sa tabi ng mga peryodista ng ating bansa, ngunit sa ilalim ng Batas Militar, ang malayang pamamahayag ang una nilang tinira. Sa pagbabalik tanaw ng Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), binanggit nila na ang naging estratehiya ni FM Sr. ay ang pagpapasara at pagpapatahimik sa lahat ng mga estasyon ng radyo, telebisyon, at dyaryo maliban sa iilan na ipinagkatiwala naman niya sa kamay ng mga crony niya. Striktong pagpapatahimik ang ginawa ni Marcos sa mga kabilang sa midya at ang resulta nito ay maraming mamamahayag ang iligal na dinakip, kinulong, at tinortyur.

Kung susuriin ng mabuti, hindi ba parang pamilyar ang mga palakad na ito?

Ipagpapatuloy ng anak

MGA LARAWAN MULA SA PHILIPPINE PRESIDENTIAL MUSEUM AND LIBRARY, [P] FILES, AT AVITO DALAN | PAGLALAPAT NI ARIANNE PAAS

Marami nang pagkakataon kung saan ipinakita ng anak ng diktador na hindi siya iba sa kanyang ama wala pang isang taon ang nakakalipas matapos niyang umupo.

Kamakailan lamang sa Batangas, pinaslang ng 59th Infantry Battalion sa Calaca (IB) si Maximino Digno, isang magsasakang may diperensya sa pag-iisip at si Kyllene Casao sa Taysan na siyam na taong gulang lamang.

Kwento ng 59th IB ay kasapi sa New People’s Army o NPA si Tatay Maximino at biktima naman sa engkwentro nila si Kyllene.

Ang mga organisasyong Tanggol Batangan at Mothers and Children for the protection of Human Rights na mismo ang nagsabing kasinungalingan ang mga bintang ng 59th IB. Bukod sa pang-aabuso sa kapangyarihan ng Pangulo upang palakasin ang pwersa ng militar laban sa taumbayan, pareho si Marcos Jr. at ang kaniyang diktador na ama sa aspetong layon nilang patuloy na isulong ang neoliberalismo sa bansa.

Sa planong inilatag ni Marcos Jr. sa kaniyang unang SONA, kung saan idinidiin parin niya ang mga neoliberal na mga proseso, naroon ang pangamba na ang masa ulit ang sasalo sa magiging epekto.

Sinabi rin niya na kaniyang ipapasa sa pribadong sektor ang pagpapatayo ng iba’t ibang imprastraktura sa kaniyang administrasyon. Ngunit ang pagbibigay kapangyarihan at laya sa mga kumpanya’t korporasyon ay nangangahulugang ang kapitalista pa rin ang kanilang uunahin. Ibig sabihin, kaya nilang patawan ng presyo ang lahat ng itatayong imprastraktura kung saan ang mga Pilipino ang magbabayad nito, sa paraan man ng mas mataas na buwis o tahasang korapsyon.

“Kung titignan natin, ang gagawa niyan ay private. Uutangin yan. Ang presyo na iluluwal ng imprastrakturang iyan ay medyo mahal.

At sa naging karanasan natin, dehado ang

mamamayan,” sabi ni Teddy Casiño mula sa isang panayam ng Alter Midya.

Bukod pa rito, hindi pa rin malaya ang mga mamamahayag ngayong rehimen ng isa pang Marcos. Makikita natin na parehas ang taktikang ginagamit ni Marcos Jr. para patahimikin ang mga manunulat na tumitindig laban sa kanilang pamamasista.

Hirap ang Bulatlat na isulong at patakbuhin ang kanilang website na pinipigilan mabuksan alinsunod sa utos ng NTC noong ika-8 ng Hunyo 2022 kahit na ipinagkaloob ng isang korte sa Quezon City ang kahilingan ng Bulatlat na itigil ang pagharang ng NTC sa kanila. AniAssociate Justice Dolly Rose R. Bolante-Prado ukol sa isyu, “there is violation or curtailment of plaintiff’s right to free speech and of the press when its publisher’s and readers’ access to its website was limited.”

Nauulit nga ba ang kasaysayan o sadyang inuulit ng mga makapangyarihan?

Parehong Pilipinas, bagong mukha Hindi babalik sa dati ang Pilipinas ngayong isang Marcos na naman ang nakaupo dahil hindi naman ito nagbago.

Sa ulat ng Martial Law Museum, sa bawat 10 na pamilya ay anim ang salat pagkatapos ng rehimeng Marcos Sr. Ang kita naman ng mga manggagawang agrikultural ay malubhang bumaba, pareho sa kasalukuyang kalagayan ng mga manggagawa sa kalunsuran.

Sa panghuling dekada ng batas militar ay naging triple ang presyo ng mga kalakal mula P100 noong 1978 naging P350 pagdating ng 1986. Ngayon naman, patuloy ang pagtaas ng presyo ng mga bilihin, pati na ang langis. Ang pinaka apektado rito ay ang mga Pilipinong manggagawa pati na ang mga magsasaka. Kitang kita na lalong humihirap ang mga mahihirap, at patuloy na nagpapayaman ang mga mayayaman. Ginto lamang ang parehong

rehimen ng mga Marcos para sa kanila at sa kanilang mga kaalyado. Hinding hindi naging “ginto” o maayos ang lagay ng buong bansa bagkus pinataba lang nila ang kanilang kaban at kinitil ang taumbayan.

Sa paghahalintulad na ito, maliit na porsyento lamang ang nailarawang kasalanan ng mga Marcos na nagawa nila at maaaring magagawa palang nila. May kapangyarihan silang gamitin ang mga koneksyon kasama ng mga kapitalisang negosyante at politiko upang siguraduhing sila-sila pa rin ang aani at makikinabang sa tyagang itinanim ng mga magsasaka, mangingisda, at manggagawang Pilipino.

Ang mga Marcos, bilang mga mandarambong ng kaban ng bayan at pahirap sa masa, ay parte ng mga naghaharing-uri ng bansa; kung tatalakayin ang paksang class interest, ang itataguyod na kapakanan ng mga nasa tuktok ng lipunan ay ang interes lang din nila. Kaya natin nakikita na ang mga polisiyang sinusulong ng administrasyong Marcos Jr. ay, kung susuriin, kapaki-pakinabang sa iilan lamang at hindi sa malaking porsyento ng populasyon. Katulad ng pagkait sa mga magsasaka ng lupang sinasaka nila.

Sa madaling salita, nagbabago lamang ang umuupo sa tuktok pero hindi ang bulok na sistema ng bansa. Ang pamamalakad ay nananatili pa rin sa kamay ng mga imperyalista, kapitalista, at pasista; hinding hindi para sa mga Pilipino. Ang mga may kapangyarihan ay patuloy na naninigurado sa kanilang pananatili sa itaas. Hindi kailanman naging prayoridad ni Marcos Sr. at magiging prayoridad ni Marcos Jr. at ng kanilang administrasyon ang kapakanan ng ordinaryong Pilipino. Ang tradisyon na ipinasa at pinalagom ni Marcos Sr. sa kaniyang pamilya ay tradisyon ng pagsisinungaling sa Pilipinas at pagkapit-bisig sa naghaharing-uri. [P]

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Trigger warning: Violence, Rape

Kapag nagbukas ka ng telebisyon o radyo, bihira ang mga pagkakataon na makakarinig ka ng balita tungkol sa mga katutubong kababaihan.

Sa PAHAYAG 2022 First Quarter Survey, nakita na ang CNN at GMA-7 ang pinaka pinagkakatiwalaang news outlets ng mga Pilipino. Kung pupunta ka sa kanilang website at i-search ang mga salitang “IP women”, “katutubong kababaihan”, o “indigenous women”, wala kang makikita kundi isang artikulo hinggil sa mga katutubong babae sa Canada o kaya nama’y ang pagsuot ni Bise Presidente Sara Duterte ng katutubong kasuotan. Mabibilang lamang sa daliri ang mga ulat na patungkol sa mga tunay na katutubong kababaihan sa Pilipinas. Sa kasamaang palad, hindi sapat ang mga daliri ng sampung katao para bilangin ang kalupitang naranasan nila sa kamay ng mga naghaharing-uri.

Noong ika-15 ng Hunyo taong 2021, nangyari ang isa sa mga kagimbal-gimbal na kaso ng pag-atake sa mga kababaihang Lumad.

Kasama ang kanilang pinsan na si Willy Rodriguez, ang magkapatid na sina Lenie at Angel Rivas ay pinatay ng mga sundalo habang nagsasaka sa Lianga, Surigao del Sur. Iginiit ng mga militar na ang 12-taong-gulang na si Angel ay isang “NPA child warrior.” Bukod sa halos hindi na makilalang katawan, ang kanilang mga ari ay winasak, hudyat na ginahasa pa ang mga ito.

Isa lamang ito sa sandamakmak na karahasang dinanas ng mga kababaihang katutubo sa ilalim ng pasistang rehimen at macho-pyudal na lipunan. Katulad ng mga kasong ito, hindi rin nabibigyang pansin ang laban ng mga babaeng katutubo at ang kanilang kakayahang tumindig para sa kanilang kultura, lupang ninuno, karapatang pantao, at karapatang mabuhay.

Ang bahid ng kanluran Hindi mababa ang tingin ng lipunan sa mga babae bago nangyari ang pananakop.

Higit pa nga silang tinitingala dahil sa kanilang kakayahan sa iba’t ibang aspeto ng buhay. Kung susuriin ang kasaysayan, makikita na ang mga katutubong kababaihan ay nasa mas mataas na posisyon sa lipunan kaysa sa mga lalaki noong bago dumating ang mga Kastila.

Unang una sa listahan ng mga tungkulin ng kababaihan ay ang pagiging babaylan. Ang babaylan ang nagsisilbing tagapagpagaling ng mga may sakit. Bukod pa rito, pinaniniwalaang may kapangyarihan sila upang maging tagapamagitan sa mundong ispiritwal at materyal. Ang babaylan ang nagsisilbing manggagamot, pari, mandirigma, at propeta ng kanilang komunidad.

Kayang-kaya ring gampanan ng mga katutubong babae ang ngayo’y tinuturing na trabahong para lamang sa mga lalaki. Nagsilbi silang tagapagpayo ng mga datu pagdating sa politikal na usapin. Malaki rin ang kontribusyon nila sa pagpapanatili ng tradisyon ng kanilang tribo. Sila ang nagsasagawa ng mga ritwal para sa kalikasan at kasaganahan ng komunidad.

Maituturing din silang tagapangalaga ng kalikasan. Sa isang pag-aaral na pinamagatang “Roles of indigenous women in forest conservation: A comparative analysis of two indigenous communities in the Philippines,” napag-alaman na mas malaki ang

NAGHAHABI, NAMAMAYANI, NATATANGI NI KYLE RAMIEL DALANGIN CULTURE EDITOR

MGA LARAWAN MULA SA [P] FILES | PAGLALAPAT NI ANGEL CASTILLO

nangyayaring pagkasira sa kalikasan ng mga katutubong komunidad na patriyarkal. Pinapakita nito na mas nasusuri ng mga katutubong kababaihan ang ugat ng problema ng pagkasira ng kalikasan kaysa sa mga lalaki.

Matapos sakupin ang ating bansa, nagiwan ng bakas na patriyarkal ang mga mananakop sa Pilipinas. Ngayon, marami ang naniniwala na mas angat ang mga lalaki kaysa mga babae, lalong lalo na sa usapin ng paggawa sa komunidad.

Mula sa pagiging pinakamakapangyarihan at pinaka nirerespetong miyembro ng komunidad, naging mga taong-bahay at tagapag-alaga ng bata ang tingin ng mga Pilipino sa mga babae. Mahina at sunud-sunuran nalang ang trato sa mga kababaihan.

Ang pinaka malungkot sa lahat ay maski ang karamihan sa mga babae ay naniniwalang hanggang doon na lang ang kaya nila.

Nakita sa pag-aaral na “Overcoming the Barriers to Women’s Economic Empowerment in the Philippines” ang apat na hadlang sa pakikilahok ng mga kababaihan sa paggawa sa Pilipinas. Dalawa dito ay dahil sa responsibilidad sa anak at ang paniniwala ng lipunan sa kung anong nararapat na trabaho sa mga babae. Sa kanilang sarbey, naipakita na 80% ng mga babaeng respondente ay naniniwalang ang mga lalaki dapat ang nagtatrabaho at ang mga babae ay tagapag-alaga ng bahay at pamilya.

Dito makikita kung papaano naitahi ng mga kanluranin ang kanilang ideolohiya sa Pilipinas. Ito rin ang isa sa mga dahilan ng mabagal na pag-unlad ng bansa. Ayon sa World Bank, ang pakikilahok ng mga babae

sa pagkilos ay isang paraan upang mapaunlad ang ekonomiya. Ang pagtaas ng 0.5% sa kanilang pakikilahok kada taon ay magreresulta sa pagtaas din ng gross domestic product (GDP) ng humigit-kumulang 6% sa 2040 at 10% sa 2050.

Tindig ng katutubong kababaihan Matapos ang ilang dekada ng pananakop at sa gitna ng pang-aapi sa kanilang sektor, nananatili pa rin sa mga katutubong babae ang pagtupad sa tungkulin sa kanilang komunidad. Sa katunayan, walo sa labing-anim na kinilala bilang Manlilikha ng Bayan o National Living Treasures of the Philippines ay mga katutubong babae. Sila Lang Dulay, Salinta Monon, Darhata Sawabi, Haja Amina Appi, Magdalena Gamayo, Ambalang Ausalin, Estelita Bantilan, at Yabing Masalon Dulo ay ginawaran ng nasabing parangal dahil sa kanilang natatanging kahusayan sa paghahabi. Kinilala rin sila sa kanilang tagumpay na pagpapasa ng kultura at sining sa sumunod at kasalukuyang henerasyon.

Malaki rin ang naiambag ni Whang-od Oggay hindi lang sa pangangalaga ng kultura ng kanilang tribo, kundi pati na sa pagpapakilala nito sa buong mundo. Siya ang pinakamatandang mambabatok ng tribo ng Butbut sa Busculan, Kalinga. Umaabot sa 60 katao ang bumibisita sa kanya, Pilipino man o dayuhan, upang magpatatu sa kabila ng halos 10 oras na byahe paakyat ng bundok.

Dahil dito, ginawaran si Whang-od ng Dangal ng Haraya noong 2018.

Bukod pa rito, maituturing pa rin na tagapangalaga ng kalikasan ang mga

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katutubong babae ngayon. Ang pinuno at babaylan na si Bae Inatlawan, o Adelina Tarino, ay patuloy na nagbabantay at dumedepensa sa 47,270-ektarya ng Mount Kitanglad Range Natural Park kasama ang kanyang tribo ng Daraghuyan-Bukidnon sa Hilagang Mindanao.

Hindi rin nawawala sa mga babaylan ang kanilang dugong mandirigma. Ngayon, ang mga babaylan ay namumuno ng mga mobilisasyon laban sa mapang-aping estado.

Sila ang tumitindig kasama ng kanilang mga ka-tribo upang depensahan ang kanilang lupa, karapatan, at buhay.

Isa ring pinuno ng tribo na tumitindig para sa kanyang komunidad ay si Bai Bibyaon Ligkayan Bigkay ng tribo ng Manobo. Siya ay isa sa mga tagapagtanggol ng Pantaron Mountain Range sa Davao del Norte, ang natitirang buong rainforest ng bansa. Siya rin ang tagapagtatag ng Sabokahan: Unity of Lumad Women, isang organisasyon para sa mga babaeng Lumad na lumalaban para sa kanilang lupaing ninuno at karapatang magpasya at mabuhay.

Sila, kasama ng marami pang mga katutubong kababaihan, ang nagpapatunay na malaki ang kontribusyon ng mga babae sa lipunan.

Ipinapakita nila na walang kasarian ang kahit anong tungkulin ng bawat miyembro ng isang komunidad. Sa kabila ng tila walangkatapusang banta sa kanilang kultura at buhay, namayani sa kanila ang tapang na tumindig para sa kanilang karapatan bilang katutubo at bilang mga babae.

Ngayon, higit kailanman, dapat suportahan at paingayin ang laban ng mga kababaihang katutubo sa patriyarkal, macho-pyudal, at pasistang lipunan. Ang pagsuot ng katutubong kasuotan habang nakikibahagi sa patuloy na pag-atake sa mga taong naghahabi nito ay hindi pagsuporta kundi pagbabalatkayo. Ito ay pagkukunwari upang makahakot ng palakpak sa mga taong nakabarong at saya. Ang tunay na pagsuporta sa mga katutubong Pilipino ay nasa pagtindig kasama nila sa gitna ng mga pagtapak sa kanilang karapatan at ang pagsamang palakasin ang kanilang mga sigaw para sa kapayapaan.

ONLINE

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C U LT U R E

J U LY- O C TO B E R 2 02 2 | U P L B P E RS P EC T I V E .O R G

BY FEDERICK BIENDIMA CULTURE ASSOCIATE EDITOR Creating a historical film is like wielding a double-edged sword. You can tackle the nation’s relationship with its past and provide a new perspective in viewing it through accurate representations. Or, you can be putting lies on people’s minds and completely alter their memories of history.

These kinds of films have sparked criticism and intense political debates throughout the years over the limits of historical dramatization and its power to influence the views of its audiences. A psychological study notes that learning history through watching blockbuster films can make or break students’ understanding of the past. They found that historical movies can increase retention of accurate information by 50% relative to just reading it out of the textbook. However, due to inaccuracies in most historical movies, as records and facts are also deliberately changed to incorporate new narrative and ideological themes, it can be difficult for them to distinguish between reality and fiction. These observations also reflect the doubts and misconceptions that the wider population develops as they get exposed to some historical films.

HISTO

Today, as the new Marcos regime assumes power over the country, false narratives about what happened in the Philippines during the old Marcos dictatorship are deliberately propagated.

They are using different means to change the truth about their family little by little, year after year. Their propaganda further transcends to another medium where they can cement their version of history onto the minds of the Filipinos— the limelight of the cinema and entertainment industry.

Marcoses’ return to the spotlight

“History is like chismis”. This is a recent controversial remark made by actress Ella Cruz that stirs up a lot of debate both online and offline. She defended this by stating that ‘history has biases, therefore she is willing to accept other people’s opinions and narratives because everyone has a right to their interpretation of events.’ This came from her attempt to justify the issue of historical revisionism in the recent propaganda film Maid in Malacañang where she played Irene Marcos.

The mentioned controversial film depicts the Marcoses’ last three days in the palace before they were ousted during the EDSA revolution. In the movie, they are portrayed as victims who were “wrongly” deposed from their positions. According to controversial content creator Darryl Yap, this is based on the story told by a “reliable source” who, until now, remains unnamed.

DOUBLE

OF THE

The Marcoses are directly behind the film since Sen. Imee Marcos is one of the executive and creative producers. She insisted that the film was in fact “a work of truth” and continuously labeled it as accurate and historically correct. But when the film’s promotion was initially made public, it drew immediate backlash, particularly from historians and academics.

The first claim to be debunked as a myth and labeled as overdramatization of the movie is that a scene in the trailer shows people marching at the entrance of Malacañang during the People Power carrying torches.

There is no historical documentation or proof that those who rallied in the palace had torches. Due to this, Yap insisted that the movie is not a documentary and that he is free to use his “creativity” in the film. This shows how easy it is to manipulate information just with a perpetrator’s intent and a camera lens.

Another controversial scene is when former President Corazon Aquino sought shelter at the time in the Carmelites Monastery in Cebu. The scene depicts Cory with the nuns,

conversely playing mahjong during the time of the ongoing heated rally in EDSA. Carmelite nuns immediately condemned the scene as “malicious and a direct attempt to distort history.”

On the other hand, Yap claims that the scene was just a reflection of the 1988 Mother Jones Magazine story “In the Grotto of the Pink Sisters” written by American journalist Anne Nelson, citing that Aquino and the nuns were mentioned as exposed to mahjong, and he has nothing to apologize for. Later, Nelson, the author herself, clarified that there was no mention of Aquino nor any other nuns playing mahjong at the time and that Yap did not fully understand the said part.

Moreover, the same pattern of propaganda was manifested in the Marcoses’ last election.

At the height of the campaign, the digital page “Vincentiments” led by Yap released various contents where the plot typically involves them exhibiting a heroic side or a victimized narrative. The Len-Len Series, The Exorcism of Len-Len Rose, and The Dummy Returns are some of the videos that are evidently attacks

on their adversary and former Vice President Leni Robredo. These materials are exploitative as they employed satire and comedy to establish an antagonistic narrative among people toward Robredo, particularly on Marcos Jr.’s allegations that he was cheated on in the 2016 Vice Presidential election.

Beyond the objective of propaganda, this marks a turning point for the entertainment industry to review its position and influence on society.

Having VIVA Films, one of the country’s biggest multi-media companies, support and sponsor the production of Maid in Malacañang is a clear manifestation of commercializing the bloody past of the Philippines in the hands of the Marcoses. Motivated by financial gain, VIVA and its advertising and media partners give the dictator’s family a significant platform to alter history.

This partnership demonstrates how Marcoses use their influence over the distribution of consumable media to cloud the public’s memories of their atrocities and to legitimize their return to power.

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International Film Festival. These demonstrate how the Marcoses have always hidden their horrors from the public under a façade of art for their grandeur.

Resistance amid propaganda

ORY IN THE -EDGED LENS CINEMA

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Dictator’s narratives “Maid in Malacañang” is not the first movie that manifests the weaponization of the film industry by the Marcoses. The dictator himself, Marcos Sr. was very fond of using not just film but art and culture as a vehicle for propaganda.

In 1965, Iginuhit ng Tadhana: The Ferdinand E. Marcos Story was released during the campaign for the 1965 Presidential Election.

The film focuses on the murder case of Julio Nalundasan, a political rival of the father of Marcos Sr. in Ilocos Norte. Marcos Sr. was convicted in the said case but was acquitted by the Supreme Court in 1940. It is a propaganda film in response to the claims of then-incumbent President Diosdado Macapagal that Marcos Sr. is a convicted murderer and not suited for office. Marcos Sr. won against Macapagal in that election.

In 1969, a sequel to the first film, Pinagbuklod ng Langit (Heaven’s Fate) was released before the 1969 Presidential Election, Marcos Sr.’s second term. A version of Imelda and Marcos Sr.’s love story is depicted in the

movie, along with the lifestyle of the Marcoses at Malacañang. The movie intends to boost their prominence as the country’s first family.

Again, Marcos Sr. won in that election.

These films are made to build false narratives and lies for their gain. It is also evident that these films have benefited the family in their electoral pursuits. It is one of those movies made to portray the so-called bravery or victimhood of a specific personality (specifically those who need to maintain a positive public image) to produce fake historical memories that can direct to more political mythmaking.

Aside from this, Imelda made the beautification of Manila popular under the Marcos Sr. administration. This entails several ambitious buildings and often cultural projects.

It includes the Cultural Center of the Philippines (CCP), the Philippine High School for the Arts (PHSA), and the infamous Manila Film Center, where an estimated 169 people perished in a catastrophe and were buried in cement. The construction continued despite the disaster because of the anticipated Manila

Despite the Marcoses’ numerous attempts to clear their name using their power, public opposition is strongly holding their ground against them. For decades, the tale of struggle and resistance given by martial law victims has been debunking dictators’ false narratives.

Mainstream films that became popular in discussing the Marcos regime include Dekada ‘70 directed by Chito Roño and written by Lualhati Bautista which tackles the struggle of a middle-class family under the period of martial law; Joel Lamangan’s Dukot (Desaparecidos) where one of the political prisoners during the time give tribute to those who disappeared and suffered abuse under the regime; and Ishmael Bernal’s Manila by Night that depicts the underlying image of Manila: intense poverty, unemployment, prostitution and drug addiction against the conventional glorified portrayal of Marcoses to the city.

In addition to this, documentaries and other independent films have also been released throughout the recent decade to counter the gradual comeback of the Marcoses into power.

This includes Lav Diaz’s Imelda and Lauren Greenfield’s Kingmaker.

Contemporary films Liway by Kip Oebanda, Ang Mga Alingawngaw sa Panahon ng Pagpapasya by Hector Calma, and the recent film Katips by Vincent Tañada show the perspective of the militant struggle of anti-Marcos groups and student activists during the widespread militarization imposed by the regime. Lastly, Portrait of Mosquito Press by JL Burgos focuses on the censorship and oppression of the press media during the height of the Marcos dictatorship.

Propaganda is not the first thing an average Filipino would think when asked about a film. They are creative, entertaining, and easy to indulge. Taking advantage of this, the fascists’ work of manipulation has become easier with the disguise of entertainment. Every single scene in a film can alter one’s thinking.

This can lead to the alteration of history and polarizing society. Historical films are often

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weaponized by those in power to translate specific agendas. In this day of blatant disinformation, reality and popular expectations can be warped by cinema, blurring the boundaries between what is fact and what is fiction.

Producing art that resonates with the fundamental issue of the masses is a greater challenge for artists today, especially when the state continues to harass those who are threats to their personal and selfish interest.

Despite these, progressive artists continue to produce militant art such as films to shield the history against those who wish to bend it.

While it is limited in countering propaganda, art in society is a great way to take a step forward in guarding the truth and preserving history. We must uphold the creative freedom of our artists. We must stand beside them as they wield their cameras, pens, microphones, and paintbrushes to reclaim what truly belongs to the people: the truth. In the end, it is our nation’s collective memory of history that still matters.

ONLINE

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OPINION

J U LY- O C TO B E R 2 02 2 | U P L B P E RS P EC T I V E .O R G

Kontradiksyon ni Isko’t Iska KWENTONG FRESHIE NI CHARLESTON CHANG JR. NEWS ASSOCIATE EDITOR Bago ako maging isang ganap na Iskolar ng Bayan ay binalot muna ako ng matinding takot at pangamba.

“Galingan mo ha? Dapat sa UP ka mag-college.”

Bilang isang honor student mula pagkabata, hindi ko na lubos mabilang kung ilang beses ko nang narinig ang mga katagang ito. Mistulang mga pakong ipinukpok sa aking kokote upang magsilbing motibasyon at kung minsan, panggigipit.

Ito ay dahil para sa marami, ang UP ay isang prestihiyosong paaralan na tanging mahuhusay lamang ang nakapapasok. Imbes na maging tahanan ng libo-libong mag-aaral upang maisakatuparan ang libre’t abot-kayang edukasyon ay naging isa itong pangarap na mahirap abutin, kahit para sa isang Pilipinong siyang rason sa pagkabuo nito.

Dahil dito, tila inukit na sa bato ang aking kapalaran. Kung hindi ko ito maisasakatuparan ay parang binigo ko na ang “propesiyang” itinakda ng iba para sa akin. Ito ang bunga ng isang lipunang pinamumunuan ng sistemang indibidwalismo kung saan ang pag-aaral ay itinatratong batayan ng estado ng isang indibidwal.

Ngunit sa paglaon ng panahon, kahit matagal kong pasan ang bigat ng kanilang mga ekspektasyon ay unti-unti ko na ring yakapin ang ambisyong maging Iskolar ng Bayan.

Sinikap kong alamin ang mayamang kasaysayan ng Unibersidad at ng mga estudyanteng kanyang hinubog. Naging tahanan ang Unibersidad ng Pilipinas sa maraming mahuhusay na lider-estudyante’t mga progresibong grupo na patuloy na isinusulong ang mga makamasang polisiya at pagtakwil sa sistemang matagal nang umaalila sa mga nasa laylayan. Dahan-dahan kong napagtanto na ang aking mga progresibong ideyolohiya at makamasang mga adbokasiya, lalo na ang mga panawagan para sa karapatan ng mga magsasaka simula noong ako ay bata pa ay nakahanay rin sa mga prinsipyong pinanghahawakan at pinaninidigan ng Unibersidad at ng mga Iskolar ng Bayan.

Sa kabutihang palad, nakapasa ako sa Unibersidad ng Pilipinas at naging isang ganap na Iskolar ng Bayan. Talagang nga namang maituturing itong isang malaking milyahe sa aking buhay. Dahil kami ay kasulukuyang naninirahan sa siyudad at may pribelehiyong magkaroon ng sapat na gamit para sa online setup ay masasabi kong naging payapa at produktibo ang unang parte ng aking unang taon ng pamamalagi sa UP. Bunga ng mga interaksyon katuwang ang mga taong aking nakakasalamuha at mga gurong mainapoy sa pagtuturo ng mga bagay hindi lamang sa loob kundi maging sa labas ng silid-aralan, unti-unti kong naunawaan ang pribelehiyong mayroon ako at ang iba’t ibang suliranin na patuloy na kinahaharap ng sangkaestudyantehan. Sinikap kong ilubog ang aking sarili sa kalunos-lunos na reyalidad na kinahaharap ng mga kapwa ko estudyante sa ilalim ng Administrasyong Duterte. Naging makupad ang mga hakbang para sa programang balik-eskwela, maging ang pagtugon sa mga pangangailangan ng mga estudyante sa gitna ng pandemya ay hindi naging sapat. Kaya naman marami ang napilitang itigil ang kanilang pag-aaral o ‘di naman kaya ay harapin ang hirap ng online classes gamit ang

LARAWAN KUHA NI GLEN CHRISTIAN TACASA

kanilang mga luma o sirang gadget at mahal na gastusin para sa data connection. Ngunit noong matapos ang termino ng Administrasyong Duterte ay hindi niya nadala sa hukay ang mga suliraning iniwan niya sa bansa, bagkus ang mga suliraning kinahaharap ng mga estudyante ay mas lalo pang lalala.

Nito lamang nakaraang Mayo ay naganap ang kauna-unahang eleksyon na aking nilahukan. Talagang makasaysayan ang naging eleksyong ito para sa akin sapagkat dito ko tunay na naunawaan ang halaga ng bawat boto. Dito ko unang nasaksihan ang iba’t-ibang kwento ng mga taong may kanya-kanyang paniniwala at paninindigan sa buhay. Ang araw na iyon ay puno ng pag-asa at mga panalangin.

Isang araw na kung saan ang mga pangarap at kinabukasan ng bawat Pilipino ay ating isinalalay sa ngalan ng mga kandidatong mayroong kanya-kanyang plano para sa ating bansa.

Sa kasamaang palad, ang liwanag ng pagasa ng magandang kinabukasan na sandaling sumulyap ay siya ring ikinadilim ng araw na iyon para sa akin. Hindi ko lubos maipaliwanag ang bigat sa loob na aking naramdaman nang inilabas ang parsyal na bilang ng mga boto. Bawat update sa bilang ng mga boto ay parang mga kamao sa sikmura at apak sa aking pagkatao.

Ang pagkahalal ng anak ng diktador ay isang paglapastangan sa mga biktima ng rehimeng Marcos. Libo-libong buhay ang kinitil, libo-libo ang ikinulong at tinorture, at libo-libo ang nagluksa ngunit nakiisa at tumindig upang patalsikin sa pwesto ang dating diktador. Kaakibat ng pangambang pagbabalik ng mga Marcos

sa Malacañang ay ang matinding takot para sa kaligtasan at seguridad. Naitala ang kabi-kabilang pagkawala at torture sa mga lider-estudyante noong panahon ni Marcos Sr. Ngayon, ang kanyang anak na si Marcos Jr., isang convicted na politiko ay tatakbong presidente, anong kasiguraduhan na hindi ito mauulit sa pamumuno ng kanyang anak na ni minsan ay hindi nagpakita ng kahit anumang pananagutan at simpatya para sa mga naging biktima ng karahasan noong panahon ng kanyang ama?

Ang paglipas ng mga araw ay hindi naging sapat upang tangayin ang pagkamuhi’t hinagpis na aking naramdaman. Bunga nito, hindi ko na rin kinayang pagsabay-sabayin ang mga gawain ko bilang estudyante. Ang tanging naiisip ko na lamang noong panahong iyon ay kung papaano ako magiging isang estudyante ng UP, isang Iskolar ng Bayan, kung ang mamumuno sa bansa ay isang anak ng diktador at kasabwat sa pagnanakaw? Malinaw na ang mga prinsipyong kanyang pinaninidigan, kung meron man, ay hindi tugma sa kung ano ang nararapat upang paunlarin ang pamumuhay ng mga Pilipino.

Ngayon, masasabi kong hindi ganap na tagumpay ang aking pagtaguyod ng aking unang taon bilang estudyante ng UP sapagkat aking nasaksihan ang kabila-kabilang paglabag sa mga karapatang-pantao ng administrasyong Duterte, ang pagkamulat na ito ay simula pa lamang ng kamalayan. Dagdag pa ang pagsasawalang bahala ng tambalang Duterte-Marcos sa mga panawagan at hinaing ng mga estudyante, ang mga susunod na taon ay inaasahan kong mas magiging mapanghamon

at mahirap lalo na’t isang anak ng diktador ang manunungkulan bilang presidente.

Madalas ngang biro sa aming tahanan na, “galingan mo, malay mo maging presidente ka balang araw!”

Nakatatawa kung iisipin ngunit kung susuriin mo kung bakit nila ito nasabi dati ay dahil nais nilang masalamin ko ang mga katangian ng isang pangulo ng bansa kagaya ng pagiging mahusay, responsable, at isang tapat na tao; mga katangiang nararapat lamang upang maging pangulo ng bansa.

Sa kabila ng dalisay nilang intensyon para sa’king pag-unlad, lumilitaw ang mga kontradiksyon sa kanila dahil sa pagsuporta sa mga kandidatong may kwestiyonableng track record.

Bandang huli, ang mga ganitong klaseng desisyon ng masang-api ay ugat pa rin sa malalang manipulasyon ng mga taong may lubos na kapangyarihan sa lipunan. Kagaya na lamang ng pagbabalik ni Marcos sa kapangyarihan, ito ay isang manipestasyon sa bulok na pamamalakad at mga sistemang naghahari sa bansa. Kabi-kabilang disinformation content at mga propaganda ang nagsilbing kasangkapan ng mga Marcos sa nakaraang eleksyon.

Mahusay na hinulma ng mga mapang-abuso ang sistematikong panlilinlang sa lipunan. Isa sa mga pamamaraan na ito ay ang hindi epektibong polisiya’t badyet sa sektor ng edukasyon upang pagsamantalahan ang bulnerabilidad ng mga tao sa impormasyon.

Kaya’t isa itong paalala na hindi ordinaryong Pilipino ang dapat kong sisihin sapagkat sila ay biktima lamang din ng kapabayaan at pang-aagrabyado ng mga nasa kapangyarihan.

Sa kabila na pinuspos ako ng mga katanungan dahil sa pulitikal na kontradiksyon na kinakaharap ko kasama ang mga itinuturing kong pamilya, batid kong nais lamang din nila ng tunay na pagbabago sa lipunan.

Ngayon ay bitbit ko pa rin ang matayog nilang pangarap para sa’kin na magtagumpay.

Subalit ang tagumpay na iyon ay nakahanay na sa mas kolektibo at progresibo na pagbabago upang itakwil ang ilang daang taon nang umaalipin sa atin. Nasa kurso akong nakahanay sa agrikultura at maihahalintulad ko sa isang punla ang dating pangarap ng iba para sa akin na pumasok sa UP. Punlang kanilang itinanim at sinikap na palaguin, ito ang isa sa mga naging ugat at motibasyon ko upang mangarap nang mataas. Punlang kalauna’y yumabong at maituturing ko nang akin. Nakaatas na sa akin kung papaano ko pagyayamanin ang mga sakripisyong naglagay sa akin sa posisyon na ito. Sisikapin kong ialay ang mga ani ng punlang ito sa kolektibong hanay ng masang-api.

Pumasok ako sa Unibersidad dala ang aking mga adbokasiya, pangarap na magsilbi para sa Bayan, at syempre, takot at kaba. Pinuno man ng maraming kontradiksyon ang buhay ko sa loob at labas ng pamantasan, pinaigting naman nito ang alab sa aking puso dahil hindi pa tapos ang laban. Imbes na takot ay tapang at tindig ang dala ko sa pagtatapos ng semestreng ito at sa mga susunod pang mga taon..

Isang pribelehiyo ang makatungtong sa UP at makapag-aral sa tulong ng mga buwis na nagmula sa dugo at pawis ng bawat Pilipino.

Kabilang na rito ang aking mga kaanak, kakilala, at mga minamahal sa buhay, kaya handa na akong igpawan pa ang mas maraming kontradiksyon dahil nangingibabaw ang pagsulong upang itakwil ang pamumuno ng mga naghaharing-uri. [P]

OPINION

U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G | J U LY- O C TO B E R 2 02 2

21

Suntok sa buwang pangarap KWENTONG FRESHIE NI NORLAND CRUZ STAFF WRITER

A

bot-kamay ko na sana ang aking pangarap, subalit tila may kondisyon ang lahat ng mga bagay.

Laking tuwa ko nang makapasa ako sa pangarap kong unibersidad at sa kursong nais ko. Malaking tulong ang makapag-aral sa Unibersidad ng Pilipinas dahil libre at hindi ko na kailangang magbayad ng matrikula. Isa pa, bilang nangangarap na mamamahayag, ang pagkakapasa ko sa kursong BA Communication Arts ay higit na makatutulong sa akin upang mapaunlad ang aking kamalayan at kakayahan sa mundo ng media. Subalit sa lipunan kung saan mas nakakiling ang oportunidad sa mga kursong kabilang sa agham at teknolohiya habang napag-iiwanan ang mga kursong nasa hanay ng humanidades at sining tulad ng akin, napaisip ako nang dalawang beses—libre ba talaga ang edukasyon, libre nga ba ang mangarap?

Sa konteksto ng edukasyon sa Pilipinas, nagiging prayoridad ng pamahalaan sa mga scholarship programs nito ang mga kursong nasa Science and Technology habang prayoridad ng mga pribadong kompanya ang mga business courses. Subalit para sa mga mag-aaral na kumukuha ng kursong mula sa sining, literatura, at Humanities and Social Sciences, mas mailap ang pagkakataon dahil hindi ito ang inuuna ng pamahalaan. Mauugat ang ganitong anyo ng hindi pagkakapantay-pantay mula sa itinatag ng sistema na ideyang in-demand at mataas ang sahod na makukuha sa mga itinuturing na “priority courses”. Kaya ineenganyo ng publiko at pribadong sektor ang mga estudyante na tumuloy sa mga scholarship grants na ito habang hirap makakuha ang mga kursong nasa hanay ng sining dahil hindi naman ito “profitable”.

Dito lumilitaw ang mga nosyon na dapat pumili sa pagitan ng ‘passion’ o ‘praktikalidad’, na para bang ang pagiging ‘praktikal’ ay laging pagpili kung saan mas maraming kinikitang pera. Sa isang lipunang walang sapat na pampublikong serbisyo para sa mamamayan, hindi masisisi ang masang mas uunahin ang tawag ng kalamnan at pangangailangang suportahan agad ang pamilya kaysa sa tunay na tawag ng puso. Hindi talaga tayo binigyan ng totoong pagpipilian kundi magpaalipin sa kapitalistang sistema .

Isa ako sa mga mag-aaral na ramdam ang bigat ng pagpapasyang piliin pa rin ang nais na landas ngunit kapalit naman nito ay walang hanggang kontradiksyon pati sa pamilya.

Minsan nilang sinabi sa’kin, “CommArts?, ano ‘yon? MasKom? Mas Komportable?”. Masakit man pero batid kong ang lason ng kapitalistang mundo ay umaabot sa lahat ng sektor ng ating lipunan.

Mapalad pa rin ako kung tutuusin dahil nakakita ako ng isang pribadong kompanyang naghahandog ng scholarship kung saan pasok ang aking kurso sa scholarship grants nito.

Subalit kapalit ng oportunidad na iyon, kakabit rin nito ang mga kondisyon—kailangan kong magtrabaho pabalik sa kanila. Kahit wala namang matrikulang binabayaran sa pamantasan, bigat na bigat pa rin ako kung paano ko matutustusan ang aking pag-aaral. Lalo na ngayon kung saan patuloy ang pagtaas ng mga bilihin at krudo, panggigipit ng estado sa edukasyon at iba pang patung-patong na isyu.

Ang pagkiling ng mga publiko at pribadong scholarship grants ay isa lamang sa mga mukha ng ating neoliberal na edukasyon. Sa ilalim ng sistemang ito, namumuhunan ang mga pribadong kompanya sa mga mag-aaral na may potensyal na maging bahagi ng lakas-paggawa ng kompanya para sa kanilang makakapitalistang interes. Ito rin ang tugon ng pamahalaan sa lumalalang krisis pang-edukasyon sa bansa—ang gawing “globally

competitive“ umano ang mga mag-aaral gayong mas nakaangkla ang interes ng gobyerno sa pagluwal ng mga murang lakas-paggawa para mapakinabangan ng ibang bansa, habang pinapalabnaw ang tunay na tunguhing makapagbigay ng holistikong pagkatuto.

Nagiging kompetisyon ang mga scholarship programs, napakataas palagi ng pamantayan bago makapasa, may mga kursong ibinubukod mula sa mga ganitong oportunidad na parang di mahalaga ang kanilang larangan sa lipunan, at pinagmumukha nitong mga “madudunong” lamang ang may karapatang matanggap sa mga scholarships gayong dapat aksesible ang edukasyon anuman ang kursong tinatahak.

Ayon kay Henry Gioux, “the dystopian mission of public and higher education is to produce robots, technocrats, and compliant workers.” — lantad kung paano inihahanda ang mga mag aaral para sa mapang-abusong mundo ng paggawa.

Subalit mas nakapanlulumo pang malaman na mas nagiging mailap na rin ang mga scholarship para sa mga itinuturing na priority courses ng pamahalaan. Sinuspinde muna ng Commission on Higher Education (CHED) ang scholarship application ngayong Academic Year 2022-2023 dahil sa kakulangan ng budget.

Noong batch ko naman noong taong panuruan 2021-2022, sa rehiyon IV-A, 700 scholarship slots lamang ang nakapasa sa CHED Scholarship mula sa 19,000 mga aplikanteng mag aaral. Nangangahulugan lamang ito ng malaking puwang sa pagkukulang ng pamahalaan na matugunan ang batayang serbisyong pang edukasyong pangtertiarya.

Kasabay nito, kapansin-pansin din na hindi pinagtutuunan ng pansin ng nakatataaas ang mga nasa hanay ng social sciences. Pulitikal ang mga ganitong uri ng desisyon dahil batid ng estado na may kakayahan ang mga ganitong disiplina na makapagpamulat sa masa at bumalikwas laban sa kanilang kapalpakan.

Sa kasalukuyang pasistang administrasyon kung saan itinuturing na kalaban ng estado

ang mga nagpapahayag ng kanilang pagpuna sa pamahalaan, patuloy na itinitikom nito ang kakayahang mag-isip nang kritikal at hamunin ang atrasadong sistema.

Nagiging anti-demokratiko ang edukasyon dahil bukod sa pagkakait ng oportunidad sa mga nasa hanay ng social sciences, patuloy ring binubusalan ang mga propesyonal sa larangang ito. Tinatanggalan ng awtoridad ang mga mamamahayag, minamasama ang mga historyador, maraming kinitikil na mga abogado, at itinuturing na subersibo ang ilang manunulat.

Ang pagkakait ng pagkakataong magkaroon ng programang pang-iskolarship sa mga magaaral na kumukuha ng arts and social science related courses ay pagkakait rin na maging malay sa ating tunay na kinasasadlakan ng bayan at pagpapanatili ng status quo sa lipunan.

Tulad ng mga itinuturing na priority courses ng pamahalaan at pribadong sektor, mahalaga maging patas rin ang pagturing sa sining, at social science courses sa mga scholarship programs dahil mahalaga ang ambag nito sa ating pambansang kaunlaran, makapangyarihan ang mga panlipunang teorya sa pagsasaayos ng ating mga sistema, at higit sa lahat, makatutulong ito sa panlipunang kamalayan ng taumbayan.

Gayunpaman, sa kabila na maraming reporma ang maaaring gawin sa ating edukasyon, matatamasa lamang ang tunay na siyentipiko, makabayan at makamasang edukasyon kung itatakwil natin ang malalaking sistema gaya ng imperyalismo, kapitalismo at pasismo sa ating bansa.

Sa huli, karapatan ang edukasyon, at hindi pribilehiyo, at karapatang makatamasa ng mga mag-aaral ng kalidad at inklusibong edukasyong may pagpapahalaga sa lahat ng larangan. Sa pamamagitan nito, hindi lamang magiging aksesible ang ating mga pangarap, kundi magkaroon pa tayo ng mas matayog na pangarap malayo sa pansariling interes ng pamahalaan at kapitalista at higit, mapagsilbihan ang sambayanan. [P]

Hindi papremyo ang karapatang mag-aral N O F U RY SO LO U D NI KYLE RAMIEL DALANGIN CULTURE EDITOR Naaalala ko nung lumabas ang balita na may inilabas na memo ang UP Office of the Vice President for Academic Affairs (OVPAA).

Kasalukuyan ako noong nagpapaliwanag sa mga magulang ko, pati na sa ate kong nagpapaaral sakin, na maaari akong madelay kapag hindi ako naka 18 units ngayong semestre.

Sabi ko pa, “pero okay lang, 12 units na naman ako, regular load pa rin naman. Magooverload nalang ako next sem.” Niloloko ko lang pala sila, pati ang sarili ko.

Sabi sa Memorandum No. 22-127, ibabalik na ang mga patakarang pang-akademiko.

Ilan rito ang pagtataas ng regular course load at pagtatanggal ng No Fail Policy. Mula sa 12 units ngayong pandemya ay gagawin nang 15 units kagaya noong pre-pandemic. Maaari na ring makatanggap ng gradong 5.0 ang mga estudyante. Inanunsyo nila ito isang linggo bago ang simula ng pasukan habang aligaga ang mga estudyante sa paghahanap ng dormitoryo. Habang marami pa ang nalilito sa kung ano bang pagkakaiba ng tatlong learning

delivery modes.

Bukod tuloy sa problema ng pangangalap ng panggastos para sa darating na face-toface classes, kailangan ko pang isipin kung papaano ako makakakumpleto ng units. Iisipin pa tuloy naming mga estudyante kung papaano mag-aadjust sa malabong sistema habang hindi nakokompromiso ang class performance. Natanggalan kami ng oras para maintindihan ng lubos ang hindi pamilyar na palakad sa eskwelahan. Matapos kaming isabak sa gyera sa gitna ng pandemya, hindi kami binigyan ng armas, kalasag, o oras man lang para magplano. Sa madaling salita, bahala na raw kami sabi ng administrasyon.

Nakakatawa na lang isipin na ang dahilan sa likod ng pagbabalik nitong mga anti-estudyanteng polisiya ay para raw masiguradong ang mga Iskolar ng Bayan ay may “competence, grit, and agility to overcome adversities (kakayahan, katatagan, at liksi na lagpasan ang mga paghihirap)”. Para bang hindi pa sapat ang dalawang taong paghihirap namin habang pinagsasabay-sabay ang maraming problema sa akademiko, pinansyal, pamilya, at lalong lalo na sa kalusugan. Para bang hindi kami pwedeng mapagod kasi ang mga Iskolar ng Bayan dapat daw matatag sa gitna ng kahirapan. Para bang pinipilit kaming ipasok

sa isang survival show para mapanalunan ang karapatan naming mag-aral.

Pagdating ng registration period, mukha ngang tagumpay nila kaming naipasok sa palabas. Tila Hunger Games ang agawan sa units pagpatak ng alas-otso ng umaga. Aakyat sa bundok, magbabayad sa isang computer shop, magpapaload, makikihiram ng mamahaling gadyet, o tititig sa monitor ng ilang oras para lang maka-enroll. Sandamakmak na paghihirap, pero sa huli, ang dami paring bigo. Ang daming underload na estudyante, mapa-12 units o wala talaga kahit isa subject na nakuha.

Karamihan pa sa kanila ay maaaring ma-delay dahil dito.

Hindi na dapat kailangan ng maraming estudyante na maglaban pa sa kakaunting slots. Sa kabila ng pagtaas ng regular load, nananatiling kulang ang bilang ng sections kumpara sa course demands ng mga estudyante. Mas kumonti pa nga dahil sa safety protocols na kailangang sundin.

Kung ganito pala, bakit pa ibinalik ang 15unit regular load?

Para ba maipakita sa lahat na ang UP ay handa na? Para ba masabi na ang mga estudyante ng isang “National University” ay kayang kaya ang mga pagsubok na dala ng pandemya? Kasi hindi. Hindi ito ang panahon

para pilitin ang mga estudyante, pati na ang mga guro, na mag “overcome adversities.” Hindi lahat may pribilehiyo na kayanin lang lahat.

Marami ang naninibago pa matapos ang dalawang taong pilit na pag-aaral sa kani-kanilang mga bahay, anuman ang sitwasyon doon. Kaya nga inilapag ang 12-unit regular load noon ay para bigyan ng espasyo ang mga estudyante habang nakikipagsapalaran kami sa pandemya. Ngayon, ibinalik na ang mga ito kahit na lamang pa ang bilang ng online classes kaysa face-to-face, kahit na may pandemya pa, kahit na nagtatransisyon pa.

Kung hindi sapat ang bilang ng mga guro para maturuan ang lahat ng estudyante, dapat tanggalin ang 15-unit regular load imbes na patuloy na pahirapan pati ang mga guro sa kung papaano nila mapagbibigyan ang mga estudyanteng nagmamakaawang papasukin sa kanilang mga klase. Kung hindi bibigyan ng sapat budget ang SAIS at AMIS, huwag ipilit ang mga anti-estudyanteng polisiya sa panahon ng pandemya. Hindi dapat namin pinagaagawan ang karapatang mag-aral. Ang pagiging matatag sa gitna ng mga pagsubok na ito ay hindi dapat ipagdiwang. Ito ay hudyat na mapangabuso ang sistema ng edukasyon. Karapatan namin ang ligtas at inklusibong balik-eskwela! [P]

22

OPINION

J U LY- O C TO B E R 2 02 2 | U P L B P E RS P EC T I V E .O R G

Ready or not, here it comes UNDER SCRUTINY

BY RAINIE EDZ DAMPITAN STAFF WRITER

I

often hear stories from people older than me—teachers, seniors, and relatives—on how one’s first year of college is an experience unlike any other. You are eager to learn, not yet exhausted by numerous requirements you need to pass to move up a year. You explore your campus, go to famous shops and eateries nearby, join organizations, and many more. Given my current circumstances, it is disappointing I never got to try those experiences in my freshman year. Although I can make up for it in my succeeding years, I still mourn the time the pandemic and the incompetence of the government took from everyone. We were pushed into this online remote learning set-up, and forced to adapt to taking classes at home and in front of a computer screen, which could have been prevented if we had competent and qualified leaders.

After months of online classes, it became clear that such a setup is not conducive to learning and detrimental to one’s overall health.

Cases of students filing for Leave of Absence (LOA) and dropping courses, whether officially or non-officially, increased during A.Y 20202021, as reported by different college secretaries. Reading breaks, which were supposed to be a breather from requirements and a time for students to read their learning materials, proved to be just a time for them to catch up on backlogs while leisure is only an afterthought.

Having to constantly stare at a screen and pay attention to what is being discussed is exhausting for both teachers and students. Internet connectivity is unstable for most, and some do not even have access to it, opting instead to have their modules delivered at home. Government agencies responsible for finding solutions to these problems had no shred of empathy in their mandate for schools to ‘take initiative’ and solve these challenges themselves. They were even audacious enough to suggest drying modules that got wet in the event of a storm. It is almost as if they are declaring that the quality of education in this new mode of learning was solely the job of school administrations and not theirs as well.

In addition, while many students and teachers lacked computer devices to use in the two years of remote learning, the Department of Education (DepEd) spent an amount of P2.31 billion on 39,583 laptops to give to teachers, amounting to P58,300 for each unit. The problem is that the units they bought with the money were one of the cheapest models, which cost only P15,000 - P20,000 per unit. If the agency had bought it for the stated prices, almost 68,500 teachers could have benefitted from the

laptops given. This is almost twice the beneficiaries from the 39,583 final count. The incident was flagged by the Commission on Audit (COA) through a report back in 2021, and a resolution was filed by then Alliance of Concerned Teachers (ACT) Partylist Representative France Castro, stating their disappointment by the fact that DepEd spent billions on the anomalous deal while teachers struggle to borrow money just to procure laptops for blended learning.

Calls for the safe reopening of classes from the masses were not far behind, and after months of clamoring for concrete plans for the safe reopening of classes, the Inter-Agency Task Force finally issued a resolution stating that face-to-face (F2F) classes are already allowed for universities in areas under all alert levels.

This is so long as they take appropriate measures to ensure the safety of students and staff from COVID-19. The Commission on Education (CHED) also relayed that they leave it to individual colleges whether they will go back to faceto-face classes, but said that they expect schools to shift to F2F learning if needed. Uplifting, admittedly, since online class struggles will be minimized, but it is concerning all the same.

It is clear, with the late release of memorandum from government sectors, that the burden and the brunt of the work falls upon the hands of school administrations; and, in extension, to learners and practitioners of the universities.

CHED had announced that it is at the schools’ discretion to decide regarding F2F classes, but they also emphasized that schools must apply for them to be able to proceed with transitioning from blended learning to traditional classes.

Wouldn’t it have been better had CHED taken the initiative to check the universities’ facilities to decide whether they are ready? Had they assumed that their job in ensuring the safe reopening of classes is done because they already put up a memo, and it is left to the academic institutions to consider whether everyone can adapt to the said transitions? Because this just proves that the government could not care less whether students and faculty are faring well in this online set-up and whether preparations for F2F classes would be too taxing, seeing as they did not think how rushed the planning for the transition would be.

I have only been to the campus twice: once to drop off my requirements at the university registrar, which took not more than ten minutes, and again with my friends to claim our UP IDs. During those two times, I was enthralled by how beautiful UPLB is, how nice it would be if I studied there physically and got lost while going to classes. How refreshing it would be as it is tiring, because you have friends and upperclassmen and professors to interact with physically. I felt very excited then at the prospect of going back to face-to-face classes, but now that it is coming, I am anxious.

Not every student, nor even every staff member of a university, reside near the campus.

With all these talks of going back to physical classes, the burden to find dormitories and money to pay rent has become apparent. Increasing oil prices, and therefore increased fares in public transportation, are a pain in the pocket of PUV drivers and commuters alike.

There is also the worry of how to pay or make food where one is staying, aside from the materials to be bought for classes and living away from home. It seems that we are left to fend for ourselves once again in going back to physical classes, even with resolutions from the

LAYOUT BY RON JERIC BABARAN

government.

Furthermore, the recently released Memorandum No. 2022-88 by UPLB’s Office of the Vice President for Academic Affairs (OVPAA) detailed three blended learning models to be used for AY 2022-2023. Model 1 is fully online, while Models 2 and 3 would comprise of F2F sessions. The use of these models were then decided by individual departments according to the demand of the courses that will be offered in the coming year. However, with the transition to Models 2 and 3, there is no guarantee that no student will be left behind in the process. There is not enough housing for those coming from faraway provinces. Moreover, the internet connection inside the campus is obviously not enough to adapt to the needs of constituents for online and face-to-face learning.

How about in the case of students who only have one to two Model 2 or 3 courses? They cannot expect students to dash out of a classroom and go back to their accommodations after their F2F session is over. What if a student has a class at the upper campus immediately after an online class, are they expected to travel to the upper campus in 10 minutes? Should they be attending their online class while commuting? We simply cannot remain blind to how unprepared we are.

The UP Presidential Advisory Council (UP PAC) had also lifted the no fail policy and re-enforced the 15-unit regular course load. These, in the midst of the transition to F2F classes?

Students barely get subjects because of the consistently exhausting registration process made even more difficult by SAIS, and now they are expected to enroll 15 units this coming year?

The capacity for classes did not increase, and the faculty already have so much on their plate rushing course guides and adapting to different models for their classes, so why push for the enforcement of such policies we know would not do good to our constituents? Not everyone is ready for such measures, though this is hardly groundbreaking knowledge anymore.

So much for healing as one.

Not only am I anxious because of the aforementioned things, I am also afraid to fail, to do badly, to prove those who make unsolicited remarks which wound me that they are right, as

I know most other students do.

It is easy to feel insecure about your academics when your efforts are often invalidated.

Constantly hearing how you do not deserve to be in UP because the application process that got you in was solely based on your grades, how you would not have passed if UPCAT had not been suspended, how you will fail once physical classes resume because you entered the university while in an online set-up. Not to mention the pressure you feel because you’re studying at one of the ‘best’ schools in the Philippines, burdens you so much. Motivation seldomly knocks on my door, especially now that remote learning has gone on for more than two years. It has been tiring to study in this set-up, and I don’t know if I can actually learn anything too if studying physically were to commence.

I don’t know if I have any affirmation left to give myself now that it is confirmed that students are allowed to have limited F2F classes on campus, especially now that I can be given a failing grade.

With our transition from online learning to limited face-toface classes, have we stopped to ask whether no student will be left behind or whether it will only widen the gap between their learning?

Only selected students are given the chance to attend physical classes inside university facilities, and recent policies continue to prove that education is treated as a privilege and not a basic right. The preparations are well underway, but are we truly ready? [P].

OPINION

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Should we advance our Sociological Imagination?

MUMBLINGS GLEN CHRISTIAN TACASA OPINION EDITOR C. Wright Mills’ magnum opus “The Sociological Imagination” is every Sociology student’s thick overview of the field of Sociology, while many students engaging in different Social Science courses might have read the essence of Sociological Imagination.

In essence, having a Sociological Imagination (SI) “enables its possessor to understand the larger historical scene in terms of its meaning for the inner life and the external career of a variety of individuals. It enables him to take into account how individuals, in the welter of their daily experience, often become falsely conscious of their personal positions.” In other words, SI is a mindset, a lens and a framework where we can view society in its larger sense, and begs to realize that personal troubles are indifferent to public issues. SI attempts to navigate the individual into a broader societal and historical context.

It is worth noting that Mills’ SI is a product of the Cold War. That is why central to its arguments, it generally deals with the understanding of conflict, domination and social change both within an individual view and a worldview.

Mills identified the chronic conditions of the 20th Century: the deception of imperialism,

alienation of people to its democratic means, and the highly rationalized and bureaucratized ‘formal democracy’. In spite of its comprehensive diagnosis of modern society, Mills’ SI failed to foresee the reemergence of authoritarian regimes, the gravity of misinformation in shaping public opinion, and the weaponization of bureaucracy and legality against the people– the concrete conditions that shapes the 21st Century. So what happened to the promise of Sociological Imagination? What is missing in this “quality of mind”?

In the 2022 Philippine National & Local Elections, the victory of the dictator’s son Bongbong Marcos is the most concrete manifestation of manipulation and historical distortion.

His presidential seat became an intersection of US-China imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucratic capitalism–a solid representation of Philippine’s contested democracy; where the ruling class dictates the course of our nation’s history. This begs the question: should we further advance our Sociological Imagination? Do we need a paradigm shift in terms of how we imagine the social world?

I can still vividly remember how Dr. Mary Racelis, a giant in the fields of Philippine Sociology, and Anthropology, eagerly lobbied for a paradigm shift to face the new challenges of this new age. Some of the critique to Mills’ SI is that it leads to the practical inability, a quality of mind, nonetheless a lens is not enough to cause social change. The prevailing social conditions

necessitates a contemporary analysis of the place of the people in society. Mills’ Sociological Imagination needs to be further extended in its fullest potential, in order to navigate and appropriate a praxis in an era where hegemonic powers cling on the apex of social hierarchy.

To counter this hegemony, there is a need for an emancipatory framework where we actively participate on ground and refraining from analyzing society from a birds-eye view.

To begin, we need a Sociological Imagination that is mass-oriented, and reclaim the position of the masses as the primary history-makers.

In the most simplest terms, an imagination that seeks the pursuit of mula sa masa, tungo sa masa.

Our goal is to extend the scope of Mills’ SI, that is altogether attached with the living conditions of the masses, in order to possess a more comprehensive view of the concrete social realities. It also requires us to ascertain the prevailing hegemonic powers in order to accost its mechanism. In addition, this framework also scrutinizes the use of historical antecedents to determine the material conditions and grassroots narratives–a world-view and societal view from below.

From this point of view, we need to determine what are the roots of the problems in our society? What are the concrete conditions of the masses? Who are the masses? What are the needs of the masses? What can we contribute to adhere to the needs of the masses? What are

the prevailing hegemonic powers that block any alternatives? What are the present social structures that maintain a system controlled by the prevailing hegemonic powers?

The answers to our big problems, perhaps can be found in small communities. Problems such as food insecurity, public housing, and employment can be seen in the interactions and dynamics of mutual affairs in urban poor areas, among peasant workers, and the militant solidarity of workers in a factory.

The prime example of this is Patreng Non’s Community Pantry. This initiative challenges the social problem of food insecurity, and unemployment, and refutes the ineffectiveness of government actions by relying on the mutual aid, and mutual understanding of the members of the urban poor community in Quezon City.

A formulation of a new Sociological Imagination poses a challenge towards the fields of social sciences. I do not think that a positivist approach, which divorced one’s self from the society is needed to see the bigger picture. The role of Sociology should not only be enclosed in analyzing society from afar, but we should be an active participant in causing societal change.

It is not the time to stay in our armchairs and desks. The political situation, ecological changes and socioeconomic difficulties necessitate us to look at the perspectives from below. In other words, we cannot stay in the hallways of academic pursuits, we must be by the masses and alongside with the masses. [P]

Countless questions on my senior year MUMBLINGS

BY ALEX DELIS ASSOCIATE NEWS EDITOR I can still vividly recall the day when UPLB announced the temporary suspension of face-to-face classes due to COVID-19. After my moving exam, I rushed back to my dorm, packed my things, and returned to my province. Word went around that the current semester has been put on hold and will resume after two months. Two months of vacation is paradise, especially for a then-freshman like me who easily gets tired from academic loads.

Finally! A short pause from the pressure of non-stop examinations, while being safe in the comforts of my home.

However, the short pause turned into a long hiatus from physical classes. Two months became more than two years. In just a snap, the hopeful freshman is now a hopeless senior who questions everything from “Did I learn something in this set-up?” to “What will happen to me after I graduate?”

After six months of waiting, the first online semester for Academic Year 2020-2021 started on the 10th of September, 2020. It turned out to be one of the strangest experiences of my life. It was odd that the batchmates I usually pass by in the corridors suddenly turned into lifeless, smiling profile pictures as the classroom full of chairs transitioned to a classroom full of online submission bins. These strange experiences continued until now that I am in my Senior year. Despite being in college for more than three years, I’m still a stranger to my degree

program and future career. As BS Biology students, we are expected to be skilled in laboratory techniques after graduating. Potential jobs in my degree program usually involve mastery of laboratory and experimental methods, but how can I be skilled if we are only limited to watching demonstration videos from our professors in front of our computer screens? How can I learn proper apparatus handling if we are only using home tools as substitutes? How can I get a decent job given the limitations of online classes?

This set-up not only compromised my academic skills, but also my social skills. They say learning is not limited to the four corners of a classroom; social intelligence is also a must in securing a promising career in the future.

During my first year, one of my biggest weaknesses was how to interact with people on campus. My shyness always drove me away from spontaneous conversations with my colleagues or even strangers. I promised myself that I’d try my best to overcome my social awkwardness as I continue to navigate my college life, but the joke’s on me: distance learning just increased my distance from others. Initiating a conversation became more taxing. Befriending someone now meant sending friend requests, with little to no interactions afterward. Gestures and facial expressions turned into emojis and reactions. I am almost a year away from graduation, but my real friends can just be counted on my fingers. Will I be able to get through my work-life with underdeveloped social skills and few friends?

Most importantly, employers always look for competence among their prospective employees. You can have exemplary grades and good

social skills, but competence in the workplace seals the deal. Thus, one of the things I look forward to in my college life is the practicum course. Luckily, I am one of the few students who was given the chance to experience a faceto-face internship inside the campus this midyear. This experience was a big help to refresh many microbiological methods I learned in the brief span of our face-to-face classes way back my freshman year. I also learned many laboratory skills that I never encountered before. For once, I somehow felt confident after completing my practicum. But is this all worth it?

This internship program is a testament of how students suffer from the aftermath of the pandemic along with the imposed bureaucratic processes for the practicum course. Due to the restrictions brought by the pandemic, institutions and/or companies limit the students they are going to accommodate for the internship.

Usually, those who applied first were accepted.

For some, curriculum vitae became the basis for their acceptance. These instances show how students need to compete for limited slots that should be given to them in the first place. Many of my colleagues missed the chance to experience this internship - they want to, but they cannot.

After getting accepted, another struggle came in. The official application process is no joke. A great deal of documents need to be submitted and some of these require money for notarization. We were only given less than a month to comply with all the requirements and forward them immediately to the higher authorities.

This struggle to complete all the necessary requirements was experienced by students and teachers alike. Instead of easing the processes

due to the pandemic, they became more bureaucratic and strict just to comply with government orders. Do we really need to accomplish all of these things just to experience the internship program we deserve?

Meanwhile, the Institute of Biological Sciences (IBS) provided alternatives for students who could not take the practicum course. This was done by substituting the practicum with an alternative course. Same goes with the undergraduate thesis. It is also an option to take a special problem or an all course option instead.

While it exercises flexibility due to the current situation we are facing, it creates disparity among the students in terms of the knowledge and skills we will gain. But do they really have a choice to prioritize equality, given we are still in the middle of a health crisis?

We always hear the lines that the pandemic robbed us of many opportunities and experiences in life. But these lines strike harder knowing that what the pandemic robbed from me is my supposedly bright future. Instead of clear plans, they are now hazy and filled with uncertainties. With approximately a year before graduating, I cannot help to ask myself — Is getting a degree enough to compensate for all those missed opportunities and learnings? Do I deserve to get that diploma?

Now that UPLB slowly reopens physical classes in the form of blended learning, it is high time we demand for a genuine “Ligtas na Balik Eskwela” for millions of students in the Philippines. Asserting that no student should be left behind, safe resumption of classes must also go hand-in-hand with a nationalist, scientific, mass-oriented, and accessible education for all. [P]

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Grasping the roots of the educational crisis HODGEPODGE

BY SAM DELIS FEATURES ASSOCIATE EDITOR

T

hey say that when the plant is badly rotten, the roots must be pulled out.

But in the case of the current educational system in the Philippines, the roots have grown too deep – a depth enough to let the rot fester.

There is undeniably an educational crisis in our country. Aside from pedagogical errors and miseducation, this crisis is a systemic problem which is a fruit of an assemblage of different factors. Stemming from its chronic roots named the colonial miseducation, commercialization, and anti-democratic education system.

Philippine education still remains heavily colonial until the current times, which is chained with a semi-colonial set-up and under the influence of imperialism. Quoting from Renato Constantino’s The Miseducation of the Filipino: “The education of the Filipino under American sovereignty was an instrument of colonial policy.” American colonization was the continuation of Spanish colonial miseducation in the Philippines. American colonialism ‘whitewashed’ our classrooms, burdened by their ‘whiteness’. Students were forced to learn the English language; not for the comprehension, but for the technicalities.

Our poor curriculum that reinforces banking education (receive, memorize, repeat) instead of fostering critical thinking among students produces docile minds. Hence, it is not a surprise that the Philippines remains lagging far behind from other countries in terms of reading comprehension. Way back 2018, Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) cited that the Philippines garnered the lowest score in reading comprehension among 79 countries.

Aside from reading comprehension, the country also dipped when it comes to university rankings. University of the Philippines (UP), the country’s premier and top university fell to the 412th spot from the 399th spot last year in the world university rankings released by Quacquarelli Symonds (QS) last June 9. These rankings are concrete manifestations of the country’s educational crisis. PISA cited that socioeconomic factors affected the score of Filipino students. While the prized world-ranking only shows that the education crisis only worsen during the pandemic.

Moreover, the commercialization of Philippine education also plays a vital role as to why the educational crisis persists. To provide the best evidence, the K-12 program enacted into law as RA 10533 way back 2013 is an existing proof of the Philippines’ commercialized education system. The said program was presumed to produce job-ready and globally competitive students; but in reality, a college degree is what most companies want. Thus, the K-12 program is a concrete manifestation that education in the country adjusts to neoliberal standards which aims to liberalize, privatize, and deregulate key public sectors.

Furthermore, scholarship programs in the country make students mere investments.

Stipends are given, return service is required.

Students who are financially challenged are left with no choice to grab the scholarship offers to survive their academic journey. In exchange, they were being treated like machines who are expected to “compensate” for the financial aid they have received over the years. Additionally, it is questionable why, despite being the top department receiving the highest allocation of the annual budget, the Department of Education (DepEd) still cannot address a multitude of problems such as insufficient salary for the teachers, lack of conducive facilities, and the exclusive admission process of universities.

Recently, there has been a debatable issue on whether next year’s University of the Philippines College Admission Test (UPCAT) should commence or not. The bureaucratic admission process of UP is reflective of how the education system does not cater to the masses, where only a few percent can get into the “people’s university” – most of which are from the upper class.

A recent journal article by Daway-Ducanes et al. from UP School of Economics testifies the “income advantage” in course choices and admissions in the university. This only screams a single word: exclusivity.

Censorship and repression of student rights also contribute to the blur image of democratic means in the education system. It is essential to foster critical thinking among students – critical in a way that they can stand firm and assert their rights as part of the educational institution. The basic foundation of understanding is comprehension – how can one comprehend if they are being constantly attacked for having different ideas? The lack of democratic education is one of the roots as to why the crisis persists. Learning without being open to different viewpoints is nonsensical.

On top of all these issues, the seem-to-benever-ending pandemic worsens the decay, leading into a more pronounced crisis. The Philippines is the last country to resume faceto-face activities; hence, millions of students are suffering from this. Learning was compromised, drop-out cases were heightened, mental health of students was at serious risk – those were just a few of the consequences of the prolonged school closure. A report from United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) revealed that the learning poverty in the country skyrocketed to 85% from 69.5% before the pandemic.

Moreover, the remote setup of learning has only served the privileged students who can afford the luxury of online classes; while those who do not share the same privileges suffer the most.

The administration failed to ensure Ligtas na Balik Eskwela as soon as possible, thus passing the burden onto the learners, especially the underprivileged ones. Basically, the educational crisis worsened.

Instead of addressing these concerns by providing concrete and efficient plans, the current administration proposed “band-aid solutions” to this systemic crisis. In the first State of the Nation Address (SONA) of Marcos Jr., his laidout plans for the education sector include but not limited to: Mandatory Reserve Officers’ Training Corps and National Service Training Program (ROTC and NSTP) for senior high school students, re-examining the medium of instruction, and focusing on Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) subjects. However, there is no mention of pressing issues that require immediate action. Due to lack of plans for the education system, there is a tendency for the students to create fantasies in mind. A recent social media trend about an ideal state college is a testament to the worsening educational crisis in the country. Everyone deserves and desires for a quality, accessible, and competitive education. These desires were turned into memes, and eventually, a Facebook “trend”. The thirst of students for an ideal education system is being quenched by oversharing these state college memes. A bitter reality, indeed.

To prevent the progression of this rotten education crisis, it is a prerequisite to completely pull out the roots of colonial, commercialized, and anti-democratic education. The call for Ligtas Na Balik Eskwela and other related campaigns should be continued and amplified.

Band-aid solutions and neoliberal policies of the current and past administrations should be explicitly rejected. Above all, a nationalist, scientific, and mass-oriented education must serve as the roots of the Philippine education system. [P]

A dimming light with UP’s reduced budget N O F U RY SO LO U D

BY RAINIE EDZ DAMPITAN AND KHAYIL SORIMA STAFF WRITER, OPINION ASSOCIATE EDITOR

D

isappointed sighs were heard from the crowd as the Department of Budget and Management (DBM) proposed a P21.8 billion budget to the UP system for the year 2023, which is a whopping P2.54 billion less than its funding this 2022. Those who heard the news, either affected on the matter or not, can only ask one question: “Why?” The University of the Philippines, one of the most prestigious universities across the country, gets its funds from the National Expenditure Program proposed by the DBM. This would then be used for administrative affairs and for maintaining and building infrastructures the UP System (UPS) may need. However, the process of procuring funding is not as simple as justifying projects and immediately getting a budget for them. Through year-round audit processes, commonly lead by the Commission on Audit (CoA), institutions are reviewed to see

if they are capable of spending their funding properly. If anomalies such as unutilized funds are detected, a budget cut is in order. After all, who would give money to anyone without financial integrity? Such was the case with UPS, the administrators are to blame for why its constituents have to suffer.

Not a Mere Academe Issue It is important to know that aside from the academe, UPS is also responsible for the Philippine General Hospital (PGH). Catering to more than 600,000 patients a year and being a training hospital for health science students, PGH is highly relied upon as a medical institution, especially during this ongoing pandemic. With the proposed budget, PGH’s funding will be cut by P893,000,000.

The budget for the hospital’s multispecialty building, which is still under construction, was also not included in the budget proposed

by DBM. Admittedly, this would be a pain to PGH’s patients and employees, as the multispecialty building was meant to be used for the hospital’s department of neuroscience, as well as for studying oncology, psychiatry, and ophthalmology. With the budget for the construction of the multispecialty building absent, studies and breakthroughs that can be

made by the departments would be delayed.

Furthermore, the university’s proposed P50 million budget to the DBM, meant for the resettlement of ‘informal settlers’ in the campus, was also absent from DBM’s proposal. While the said resettlement still needs to be discussed with all the parties concerned, its absence from the proposed budget is a huge blow for UPS and its pursuits for social development.

The Red Flags of UPS Justifying their proposal, the DBM stated that the budget cut was because they had noted the Commission on Audit’s 2021 report wherein lapses in the UP system’s utilization of the budget were found by auditors, which was caused by poor planning and implementation of the admin on the said projects. The government agency also said that projects for infrastructure must be “implementation-ready,” and that most projects in UP’s proposed budget did not meet this criterion. They had also mostly retained the 2022 budget of UP and just mainly made cuts in the system’s infrastructure proposal, which amounted to P14.8 billion, the biggest proposed budget for infrastructure by the system up-to-date.

Why, then, does the UP admin underspend? And why pitch a very large budget for infrastructures? This proposed splurge could ha’ve been meant for administration purposes, to maybe formulate a new or improve the current academic management systems of the constituent units, because constituents know how hard it still is to navigate these, like the Student Academic Information System (SAIS) in UPLB. It could’ve also been for catering to more students with needs through the Student Learning Assistance Program (SLAS), especially since the university would commence limited face-to-face classes ever since the pandemic, that made generating income even more difficult, and most students would benefit from the financial support that can be provided through the program.

Nevertheless, a budget cut would be crucial to the operations of the system for the next fiscal year, and one can only hope that the numerous calls to restore the budget cuts would be heeded by those in power. State universities are one of the sources of light to success a poor Filipino youngster can see, and reducing their funds like these would dim it. [P]

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Bilanggong kaisipan, palayain!

N O F U RY SO LO U D NI AIRA ANGELA DOMINGO OPINION ASSOCIATE EDITOR

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insang sinabi ni Renato Constantino sa kanyang akademikong papel na Ang Lisyang Edukasyon ng mga Pilipino na “ang pinakamabisang paraan ng paglupig sa isang bansa ay ang pagbihag sa kaisipan nito”. Sa papel na ito ay tinalakay niya kung paanong sinakop ng mga Amerikano ang ating bansa sa pamamagitan ng pagtatalaga ng kanluraning edukasyon sa isip ng mga katutubo.

Sa kasalukuyan, patuloy pa rin ang pagkulong sa kaisipan ng mga Pilipino nang i-redtag ng ilang mga hosts ng Sonshine Media Network International (SMNI) at ng ilang mga komisyoner ng Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino (KWF) ang ilang mga aklat at awtor dahil sa ‘di umanong pagiging subersibo at kontra-gobyerno ng mga nilalaman nito.

Bayan ko, binihag ka Sa isang memorandum na ibinaba ng mga komisyoner ng KWF na sina Carmelita Abdurahman and Benjamin Mendillo Jr. noong Agosto 9, 2022, ipinag-utos nito sa mga paaralan, silid-aklatan at Sentro ng Wika at Kultura (SWK) ang pagpapatigil ng mga piling aklat na naglalaman ng “politikal, subersibo at malikhaing akdang may subliminal na ideyolohiyang nanghihimok at/o nakapag-uudyok na labanan ang pamahalaan…”.

Ang listahan ng mga librong ipinapatigil ay ang mga sumusunod: Teatro Politikal Dos ni Malou Jacob, Kalatas: Mga Kuwentong Bayan At Kuwentong Buhay ni Rommel B. Rodriguez, Tawid-Diwa sa Pananagisag ni Bienvenido Lumbera: Ang Bayan, ang Manunulat, at ang Magasing Sagisag sa Imahinatibong Yugto ng Batas Militar 1975-1979 ni Dexter Cayanes, May Hadlang ang Umaga ni Don Pagusara, at Labas: Mga Palabas sa Labas ng Sentro ni Ruel M. Agila.

Kasabay ng paglabas ng memo mula sa KWF ay ang pangre-redtag ng tatlong mga hosts ng SMNI sa kanilang segment na laban kasama ang bayan, isa rito ay ang dating spokesperson ng National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTFELCAC) na si Lorraine Badoy. Ayon sa kanila, ang mga piling aklat na nakasaad sa memo ay mayroong reference materials at attributions na nagmula sa CPP-NPA-NDF kagaya nina Amado Guerrero, Joma Sison, Juliet de Lima Sison, Alice Guillermo at ang national artist na si Bienvenido Lumbera.

Ibon mang may layang lumipad, kulungin mo at umiiyak Hindi na nakakagulat ang censorship na ginagawa sa ilang mga aklat at mga awtor dahil nitong taon lang din ay ni-redtag ang Adarna House nang mag-anunsyo itong magkakaroon ng book bundle sale sa mga librong may kinalaman sa Martial Law. Matatandaan din na noong panahon ng Espanyol ay nakaranas din ng matinding censorship ang mga likha ni Dr. Jose Rizal dahil sa anti-kleriko at kontra-gobyerno nitong nilalaman. Bagamat hindi na bago ang ganitong pag-atake, nakakabahala pa rin dahil ipinagkakait nito ang karapatan ng publiko sa malaya at kritikal na pag-iisip ukol sa

LARAWAN KUHA NI GLEN CHRISTIAN TACASA

kanyang lipunan.

Maitatanong kung ano ba ang basehan ng gobyerno para tatakang subersibo ang isang akda. Kung babalikan ang kasaysayan, ipinatupad ni dating pangulong Carlos Garcia ang Republic Act No. 1700 o ang Anti-Subversion Act. Sa ilalim ng batas na ito, idineklarang iligal at subersibo ang Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP). Ayon sa dating batas, kahit maituturing na isang pulitikal na partido ang CPP, isa raw itong conspiracy para pabagsakin ang pamahalaan ng bansa.

Matatagpuan din sa Presidential Decree No. 1834 ni dating pangulong Ferdinand Marcos Sr. ang salitang sedition. Ipinapahayag ng batas na ito na “any person or persons who shall utter seditious words or speeches, write, publish, or circulate scurrilous libels against the Government of the Philippines”.

Mapapansing ikinakabit ng gobyerno ang salitang subersibo sa ideya ng komunismo at sa anumang gawaing may mariing pagtutol sa pamahalaan. Ang mga ganitong uri ng batas ay salungat sa konstitusyonal na karapatan natin bilang malayang mamamayan.

Ayon sa Article 2, Section 4 ng konstitusyon noong 1987, “no law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech, of expression, or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble and petition the government for redress of grievances.”

Litaw na litaw mula sa mga nasabing batas na takot ang gobyerno na makalampag ng mga kritikal na kaisipan. Kaya’t dinadamitang “subersibo” ang mga akdang nangangahas na obhektibong suriin ang kalagayan ng bayan. Subalit sa isang lipunang puspos ng mga dambuhalang bulok na sistema, hindi kailanman maituturing na subersibo ang mga akdang nagpapahayag lamang ng katotohanan. Lalong hindi subersibo kung matutuklasan ng malayang kaisipan ng masa

na ang mga pagdurusang nararanasan nila ay nagmula sa mga mapang-abusong mga taong hawak sa leeg ang lipunan.

Bilang isang mamamayan, mayroon akong mga sawing karanasan kasama ang lipunang aking ginagalawan. Mula sa mga kasawiang ito ay lumilitaw ang napakaraming tanong.

Halimbawa nito ay bakit mas nakakaangat sa lipunan ang mga kalalakihan? Kasalanan ba talaga ng kababaihan kung bakit kami nababastos?

Napakaraming pananaw ang ihahain sa atin ng mundo subalit malinaw ko lang na naunawaan ang ugat ng suliraning ito nang pag-usapan na ang kasaysayan. Personal kong nakadaupang-palad ang mga sulatin ni Alice Guillermo nang ibahagi sa’kin ng aking kaibigan ang isa sa kanyang mga libro na The Covert Presence. Dito ay tinalakay niya ang pyudalismo at patriyarkal na sistemang itinanim sa atin noong panahon ng Espanyol.

Ipinaliwanag niya ang sosyo-ekonomiko at kultural na aspeto kung paanong ginamit na instrumento ang opresyon ng kababaihan upang masigurado ang pananakop sa bansa.

Ang daantaong hindi pagkakapantay-pantay sa kasarian ay isang uri pala ng pang-aalipin. May dahilan pala kung bakit mas maraming pribilehiyo ang kalalakihan kumpara sa kababaihan at sa LGBTQIA+. Hindi pala batay sa suot ang dahilan kung bakit nababastos dahil ito lamang ang itinatag na kaugalian sa atin ng mga mananakop.

Lahat tayo ay may pinagsasaluhang hindi makatarungang karanasan kaya’t karapatan din nating magkaroon ng maraming tanong.

Bakit napakataas ng presyo ng gasolina at bilihin? Bakit mahirap pa rin kami kahit dose oras nagtatrabaho ang mga magulang ko?

Lahat ng mga tanong na ito ay may karapatang masagot ng iba’t ibang ideyolohiya. May karapatan at tungkulin tayong sumipat ng

malawak na kaisipan, ito ma’y matatagpuan sa aklat o sa labas nito, dahil hindi pwedeng habambuhay tayong bilanggo sa hindi makatuwirang lipunan.

Aking adhika, makita kang sakdal laya Isang uri ng brutal na pasipikasyon ang sinusubukang ipatupad sa atin ng kasalukuyang sistema kung saan tinatangka nitong lumikha ng mga mamamayang tagasunod lamang ng kung anumang pamumuno ang kanilang ipatupad. Nagtatago ito sa mapanlinlang na mga batas at “disiplina” na kung walang sasalungat sa pamahalaan ay magiging maunlad ang bansa. Kabalintunaan nito ang katotohanan dahil walang paglago sa isang lipunang hindi alam kung paano humarap sa mga kontradiksyon. Sa oras na ito ay ituring na normal sa sistema, dinudungisan nito ang demokratiko nating mga karapatan para maging malaya at mapagpalaya ang ating kaisipan.

Malinaw na ang mga akda ay hindi subersibo kundi paggiit ng ating kalayaan mula sa mapanupil na sistema. Marami nang tumutol na organisasyon at nagpahayag ng kanilang pagkundena sa censorship sa mga nakasaad na aklat at awtor sa memo. Naninindigan ako kasama nila upang kolektibong ingatan at ipaglaban ang akademikong kalayaan, malayang pamamahayag at mapagpalayang kaisipan.

Sa kantang Bayan Ko, inilarawan ang ating bansa bilang mayaman na lupain subalit ikinulong at ngayo’y tumatangis ng kalayaan.

Tunay na binihag tayo ng Espanyol, Amerikano, at Hapones subalit bilanggo pa rin ang ating kaisipan hanggang ngayon. Hindi dahil mayroon tayong krimen kundi dahil pilit tayong ikinukulong ng sistema. Mapanganib kung patuloy na mabibihag ang ating kaisipan, kaya’t patuloy natin itong ipaglaban. [P]

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SAIS - AMIS, double whammy N O F U RY SO LO U D

BY KHAYIL SORIMA OPINION ASSOCIATE EDITOR

A

few months back, we celebrated when the UPLB admin announced that the Student Academic Information System (SAIS) would be junked as they promised a new and better home-developed system - UPLB DX: AMIS. This was a significant victory for the studentry who fought for years against the million-peso failure that SAIS was. However, with the premature introduction of AMIS this semester, we are reminded that it is too soon to celebrate.

To make the analysis fair, AMIS is promising if we look into its prerogative and COI features, which will automate the said processes. In our fight for a better educational institution, it is essential to acknowledge that aside from the studentry, we also fight for the faculty and other constituents within UP. Seeing how AMIS will reduce the bulk of emails that professors usually have to entertain during the change in matriculation period, we understand why most faculty staff look forward to this system’s development. However, the way students had to be guinea pigs for the new system was undue. SAIS, which is still used for our enlistment, is already a massive headache to students and faculty alike, yet we are forced into

the uncharted territories of AMIS as if we do not have enough to be stressed about.

During the pre-registration period in SAIS, most students acquired only 0 to 6 units.

A week after, the general registration commenced, yet there were barely any slots to enroll in. Having little to no success in SAIS, underloaded students looked forward to prerogative applications. Disappointingly, at its first launch, AMIS was under maintenance for more than half of the day. Even when it was up, it remained inaccessible, especially to those who have a weak internet connection. Making matters worse, is that students have to alternate transactions between SAIS and AMIS, which tends to lock students out of their accounts because the server detects multiple log-ins. Considering that time is of the essence in acquiring units, being locked out of SAIS/AMIS is severely stressful.

If we look back into the reason as to why we have to pick our subjects one by one, the rationale is that it was to provide us the freedom to study the topics or courses that we want in our own time. But, with the SAIS-AMIS catastrophe that we recently encountered, freedom of choice is not entirely felt. Most students had to choose courses that were not to their liking just to meet the minimum number of units.

Moreover, the limited slots in SAIS and AMIS do not allow everyone to have a schedule with small breaks between classes so that they can move from one location to another, considering that most students have to alternate between

online and face-to-face classes. Regardless of these inconveniences, what choice do students have but to make use of what is available. “Mga Iskolar”, but at the cost of exhausting our time, energy, and resources, in the midst of our youth — an unnecessary sacrifice that we are forced to commit because our education is not adequately given to us.

To rub salt into the wound, the UP Admin released a memo that reinstates a Fail Policy and a 15-unit minimum load. The instructions regarding AMIS were only given to us for less than a month, and a lot of them are still vague for many students. Not only are students crawling their way out to meet the 15-unit regular load, but we are also struggling with our hands and feet tied down by this confusing system. This is a direct spit to the prized maxim that says “UP is a bastion of freedom”. UP is renowned for this title, yet the issues of SAIS and AMIS show that the university is not safe from perpetuating inequalities of its own. Even though the admin heard our call to Junk SAIS, the system remains to serve those privileged enough to acquire dorms, decent gadgets, and fast internet connectivity. We understand that developing a digital system takes time that may span months or even years. But it does not explain why we have to shoulder the rushed implementation of AMIS. Why bother implementing something new if it will only add more burden to the studentry who are already facing a multitude of issues? Again, we are not lab rats that exist for trial-and-error purposes.

It is an irrefutable fact that education is a right. We repeatedly hear the calls for this basic right, yet it is a call the we should never be tired of demanding not only from the UP admins but to the current regime spearheaded by the Marcos-Duterte tandem. As of writing, there are still students who have less than half the 15-unit minimum load who are tirelessly going back-and-forth SAIS and AMIS to struggle for their future in the academe. In the first place, students should not be begging for units; we do not deserve to look pitiful in acquiring the education that is rightfully ours. A system where our education is vulnerable to a neoliberal first come, first served basis is totally uncalled for.

We look forward to the development of AMIS. Still, if hastily implementing it hinders the studentry, it is safer to wait when it is ready to be inclusive. Looking at the bigger picture, the SAIS-AMIS issue is only a part of the battles we face inside UPLB. The issues in our enlistment is a product of the extremely bureaucratic and unjustified practices of UP admins.

Millions of pesos were unutilized last academic year alone, yet our faculties remain underequipped and understaffed as their members are overworked trying to entertain as much students as they can. Clearly, there is a lot to fight for before we can experience a university that is truly for the people. But until that day comes, they will continue to hear the studentry chant in unison, “Do Better UP, Heed our Calls”. [P]

courses na kanilang kukuhain at ang mga patakaran dito.

Sa mga estudyante, marami ang agarang naghanap at nakipag-agawan para lamang makakuha ng dormitory sa labas ng campus dahil sa kakulangan ng dormitories sa loob ng campus kahit kapalit nito ang napakamahal na rent at expenses. Dagdag pa rito ang araw-araw na gastusin at pagkain sa pagpasok ng mga estudyante na pinapalala pa ng pagtaas ng presyo ng mga bilihin dahil sa pagtaas na inflation rate sa bansa.

Hindi maaaring sabihin at agarang pabalikin ang mga estudyante sa campus dahil marami sa kanila ang walang sapat na kakayahan at hindi napaghandaan ang mga gastusin upang makabalik agad sa unibersidad dahil sa nagdaang dalawang taon ng pandemya na hanggang ngayon ay nagpapatuloy pa rin sa bansa. Isa pa, sa paglala ng krisis ng ekonomiya ng bansa ay marami ang nahihirapang bumalik pa sa campus para sa iilang face-to-face classes.

Hindi naman full face-to-face class ang lahat ng mode ng mga courses at marami pa rin ang nasa online mode kaya isa itong pagkasayang at malaking pagkabutas ng bulsa para sa maraming estudyante dahil madodoble ang kanilang gastos dahil sa dormitory fees at internet load na kailangan nila para madalo sa kanilang online cla ss.

Dagdag pa rito ang pamasahe papuntang campus para sa face-to-face class ng ilang estudyante na higit na naapektuhan sa pagtaas ng presyo ng langis at gasolina. Ngunit pagkatapos nito ay diretso online class kaya

nangangailangan din sila ng internet connections. Hindi naman sumasapat ang wifi na ibinibigay ng campus dahil sa pagiging unstable nito. Kulang rin ang mga libraries at learning hubs na maaaring pagtigilan ng mga estudyante na may online class kasunod ng kanilang face-to-face class kaya naman lubos na nahihirapan ang mga estudyante sa bagong set-up na ito. Ang iba naman ay malayong lugar pa ang inuuwian kaya pagkatapos ng iilang face-to-face class sa campus ay magbabyahe pa upang makauwi dahilan upang abutan na sila ng online class sa byahe o gabi na makauwi sa kani-kanilang bahay.

Ang pagbabalik na ito ay maituturing na isang tagumpay ngunit marami pa ang dapat ayusin at pag-isipang muli. Ang pagbabalik na ito ay isang huwad na solusyon at pagpatay sa mga estudyanteng nais lamang bumalik sa mga unibersidad. Hindi ito ang tama at sapat na sagot sa panawagang ligtas na balik eskwela,bagkus naging mitsa pa ng maraming suliranin para sa buong komunidad ng unibersidad. Dapat nang bumalik ng mga estudyante sa mga unibersidad ngunit sa mas inklusibo at progresibong paraan. Isang hamon ito sa UP admin at gobyerno na higit na paigtingin ang kanilang pansin sa sektor ng edukasyon. [P]

Pasakit na pagbabalik N O F U RY SO LO U D

BY MARKUS FABREAG NEWS ASSOCIATE EDITOR

M

atapos ibaba ang Office of the Vice President for Academic Affairs (OVPAA) Memorandum No. 202288 na nagmungkahi sa pagsulong ng iba’t-ibang blended learning models at pagpapanumbalik ng tipikal na face-to-face learning mode bukod sa online learning sa buong UP System ngayong Academic Year 2022-2023, umani ito ng samu’t-saring opinyon at hinaing mula sa sangka-estudyantehan at faculty members.

Ang patakarang ito ay isang malinaw na pagpatay at pagpapahirap sa bawat estudyante at faculty members dahil sa pag-usbong ng mas mabibigat na pasanin na kakaharapin ng bawat isa sa bagong set-up na ito.

Noong unang inilabas ito, makikitang magandang inisyatibo ito ng admin na pabalikin na ang mga estudyante sa unibersidad matapos ang dawalang taon ng online set-up upang magamit sa pang-akademikong mga gawain at pagkatuto ang mga pasilidad at libraries ng campus.

Hudyat din ito ng tagumpay ng sangka-estudyantehan na kaisa ng UPLB Chapter’s Rise For Education Alliance (R4E-UPLB) sa pagsulong ng kampanyang #LigtasNaBalikEskwela na naglalayong buksan ang unibersidad ng ligtas para sa mga estudyante at gawing inklusibo ang bagong set-up sa parehong mga

estudyante at guro ng pamantasan.

Bilang isang pampublikong unibersidad, marapat lamang na buksan ito sa mga estudyante upang magsilbing lugar para sa kanilang pag-aaral at hindi lamang ang apat na sulok ng kani-kanilang mga kwarto at likod ng mga screens.

Ngunit tila hindi napag-isipan ng UP Administration ang magiging epekto ng memorandum na ito dahil sa hindi pagsasaalang-alang nito sa kasalukuyang kalagayan ng mga estudyante at mga guro at maging ang kahandaan ng bawat colleges ng UP campuses sa pagbabalik ng mga estudyante.

Isa pa, kapansin-pansin na tila minadali na maipatupad ito dahil sa pressure mula pagbubukas ng iba’t-ibang unibersidad na nagbunga ng dagdag pasakit sa mga estudyante.

Walang sapat na panahon ang parehong sangka-estudyantehan at kaguruan na mag-adjust at magsagawa ng kanilang plan of action sa bagong patakarang ito dahil inilabas lamang ito noong ika-20 ng Hunyo, mahigit tatlong buwan bago magsimula ang mga klase.

Sa kampo ng mga departamento at kolehiyo, hindi sasapat ang panahong ito upang mapaghandaan ng buo ang pagsasagawa ng face-to-face classes lalo pa’t may banta pa rin ng COVID-19 sa bansa dagdagan pa ng pagkalat ng monkey fox. Isa rin sa naging balakid ay ang pagtapyas ng malaking pondo ng buong UP System na pumilay dito upang isagawa ang mga nakambang plano para sa taong ito. Kaya naman naging dahilan ito ng kalituhan sa mga estudyante ukol sa mga learning modes na gagamitin sa bawat

ONLINE

uplbperspective.org Read the full story and additional context on our website uplbperspective.org

OPINION

U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G | J U LY- O C TO B E R 2 02 2

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We still have a long race ahead MUMBLINGS

BY AXCEL BELTRAN STAFF WRITER RuPaul’s Drag Race, an award-winning Emmy reality competition for drag artists, has finally arrived in the Philippines. While it’s a “herstorical” moment for the LGBTQIA+ Community and the drag scene in the country, we must admit that we still have a long way to go. Drag Race Philippines is eyeing to name its first-ever Filipino Drag Superstar among the 12 queens hailing from different corners of the country.

The competition strives to weave Filipino culture with Filipino drag queens’ beauty, creativity, and world-class talents from comedic skits, lip-synching, and impersonation, to couture designing, runway modeling, and jaw-dropping performances.

Drag culture in the country has existed even in our pre-colonial roots. In those times, significant local men dressed up and acted like women because of their social and spiritual responsibilities as Babaylans—local shamans or spiritual leaders. However, when colonization forayed into the archipelago, the highly-respected Babaylans vanished together with our empathy and respect towards diversity and inclusivity.

The dawn of colonialism and imperialism resulted in centuries of exacerbating hatred, violence, and discrimination against the LGBTQIA+ Community that festered in Philippine society.

Today, the Philippines has barely moved and has made little effort to equalize the rights of the LGBTQIA+ Community. Patriarchy and heteronormativity, intertwined with capitalism, are still roaming around the streets like a monster hunting its next victim.

Macho-feudalism and bigotry are still prevalent, destroying and killing the lives and dreams of the marginalized people who only hope to be given equal opportunities and to be free to live their truths.

It is in this kind of society where the role of a show like Drag Race Philippines becomes crucial now more than ever. Because violence and hatred have been ravishing the lives of LGBTQIA+ individuals, Drag Race Philippines is a great platform to challenge and even decry the socio-cultural and socio-political status quo.

When transgender students are not given the right to attend schools without compromising their gender expression and identity, it is empowering to witness individuals who walk the runway adored by everyone in their fullest, truest, and most beautiful expressions.

When people are shamed because their weights do not qualify with the conventional

standards of beauty, it is inspiring to see a plus-sized queen breaking the barriers and confidently flaunting her lines and curves, which are part of her power and identity.

When young LGBTQIA+ are just starting to dream and imagine who they want to be, it is encouraging to watch a queen slaying on a simple towel made as a dress. Imagine how it can validate young, budding LGBTQIA+ children who are locking themselves in their rooms because it is the only safest place that they can be who they truly are — wearing a blanket-turned-long-gown and feeling like a Miss Universe candidate.

When many LGBTQIA+ folks are being disowned by their own families and cast away from their houses, it is comforting to know that we can build and find our own families, and a home, inside our colorful community.

It is a testament that family knows no bloodlines; that a home is supposed to be filled with acceptance, forgiveness, and love.

When a bill that aims to protect everyone—regardless of gender—against discrimination based on sexual orientation, gender identity, and expression (SOGIE) has been languishing in Congress for two decades, it gives us more reason to fight for it when we know and when we see that we are not alone in this battle. That we are bound by our common plights and shared experiences.

When we think that all is lost, we will find a community and a force that will reignite our

Lahat tayo ay biktima ng Batas Militar MUMBLINGS

BY GLEN CHRISTIAN TACASA OPINION EDITOR Karamihan ng mga loyalista, marahil sinambit na laban sa’yo na “hindi ka pa naman pinapanganak noon” o ‘di kaya “wala ka namang alam sa nangyari noon, hindi ka pa buhay”. Sa likod ng mga ito ay ang deka-dekadang kasinungalingang pilit ipinakain sa atin ng pamilya Marcos. Sa huli, lahat tayo ay biktima ng Batas Militar ni Ferdinand Marcos Sr. at ang higit dalawang dekadang tiraniya ng pamilya Marcos mula sa Malacanang.

Ang diktadurang Marcos Sr. ay nag-iwan ng pinakamalagim, pinaka-madumi, at pinaka-madugong marka sa tela ng kasaysayan ng Pilipinas.

Ang ekonomiya ng bansa ay nalugmok sa kahirapan at nabaon sa utang pagkatapos ng

pagpapatalsik ng taumbayan sa mga Marcos sa Malacanang. Samantalang, nag-iwan rin ng lamat ang pamilya sa aspeto ng politika, kultura, edukasyon at pakikitungo sa kapwa Pilipino. Nasaksihan natin ang rurok ng pagbaluktot ng kasaysayan mula sa huwad na pagkapanalo ng anak ng diktador na si Bongbong Marcos sa pagkapangulo.

Tinaguriang “debt-driven” o huwad na pag-unlad dahil sa naglalakihang utang, ganyan inilalarawan ng mga ekonomista ang rehimeng Marcos Sr. Nag-iwan ng humigit kumulang $28.3 Bilyong Dolyar na utang noong 1986. Mula sa datos ng Martial Law Museum, pagkatapos ng pagpapatalsik sa pamilya Marcos, 6 mula sa 10 pamilyang Pilipino ang naghihirap. Samantalang bumagsak ang produksyon sa sektor ng agrikultura, bumaba ang halaga ng pagpapasahod, at naging triple ang inflation rate sa huling dekada ng Batas Militar. Kaya hindi na dapat pagdebatihan, dahil iyan na ang pinaka-malubhang sinapit ng ekonomiya ng bansa, taliwas sa gawa-gawang bansag na “Golden Age”.

Siguro, Golden, marahil naging ginto ang presyo ng mga bilihin, ilang dekada pagkatapos ng pagyurak ng pamilya Marcos ko pundasyon ng ekonomiya ng bansa. Mga implikasyon na ilang dekada nang pasan pasan ng masang Pilipino, at mas lumulubha pa sa ilalim ni Bongbong Marcos.

Sa larangan ng pulitika, lalo lamang binuksan ng rehimeng Marcos ang konsepto ng Burukrata Kapitalismo, dala ng kanyang Crony capitalism. Iilang kaalyado, kamag-anak, at kaibigan ang humahawak sa pulitikal na posisyon, samantalang sila sila lang rin ang may monopolyo sa kapangyarihan sa

ekonomiya. Ilang dekada makalipas, ganito pa rin ang larawan ng demokrasya sa Pilipinas, pinaghaharian ng ilang pamilya sa kani-kanilang lokalidad at pambansang posisyon. Habang ang mga Pilipino ay gipit na gipit, at naghihikahos na sa kahirapan.

Noong 1973, binaluktot ni Marcos ang batas, at huwad na binigyang katwiran ang diktadura sa pamamagitan ng sapilitang saligang batas. Tinawag ito ng mga historyador bilang “Constitutional authoritarianism”. Sa panahon ni Duterte, nakita natin na ginamit niya ang kaparehong taktika, ngunit hindi na kailangan pang magdeklara ng Batas Militar, para mapasailalim ang bansa sa isa na namang diktadura. Ito ang mukha ng de facto Martial Law, hudyat ng patuloy na pagbabaluktot sa batas, upang pagsilbihan ang interes ng naghaharing uri.

Balita balita ang pagpaslang sa mga mamamahayag, pagpaslang sa mga lider-pesante, pagkawala ng mga lider-aktibista. Delikado at may panganib na dala ang salungatin ang naratibo ng estado. Babansagan kang “terorista” o “NPA” kung pinili mong tumindig at balikwasin ang kasinungalingan ng pamahalaan. Hindi na bago ang mga senaryo ito, noong Batas Militar ni Marcos, inaakusahang “subersibo” at “rebelde” ang sinumang mapangahas na tumaliwas sa rehimeng Marcos. Pinalabnaw ng estado ang diskurso sa mga polisiya at pampublikong serbisyo, pinapalabas na masama at siniraan ang progresibong kaisipan at militanteng pakikibaka.

Hanggang sa ngayon, ramdam pa rin natin ang epekto nito–ang chilling effect kung tawagin.

Sa sektor ng edukasyon, pilit pinabanggo ng pamilya Marcos ang kanilang pangalan.

hope.

Drag Race Philippines is truly beyond glitz and glamor — but it is inaccessible to a large portion of the Filipino masses. Since it is streamed online and on platforms that require monetary subscriptions, it limits the opportunity for larger public viewership. Under a regime known for its history of human rights transgression, we need to utilize any form of media to educate, mobilize, and organize people.

Nevertheless, the LGBTQIA+ Community is and will always be relentless in this war for equality and inclusivity. This is not for the weak of heart. To be able to come to this point, to be able to franchise Drag Race Philippines, is a product of centuries of mass bravery, resistance, and assertion of our right to exist.

The show is a one-step forward toward our goals. But it is not enough reason to say that we are winning. The show–still has a lot to improve in terms of productions–has come to an end. But we all hope that having queer stories of struggles and victories aired in the mainstream can open discussions and most importantly, enlighten minds.

The fight is far from over. This is literally a race that we must win because every minute can cost a life. Engines on. Fasten your seatbelts, because we still have a long road ahead.

Surely, there will be humps and obstructions, but we can triumph over it — together. [P]

Sa pagbabaluktot ng kasaysayan, naging mahirap para sa mga mag-aaral na gapiin ang tunay na imahe ng Batas Militar sa kasaysayan ng Pilipinas. Natiyak na magkatabing tinuturo ang malagim na sinapit ng Pilipino noong Batas Militar, nariyan ang kaso ng torture, desaparecido, political prisoners at media blackout. Ngunit kasabay nito, itinuturo rin sa mga batang estudyante ang huwad na “economic growth” bunsod ng naglalakihang infrastructure projects. Sa huli, ang pagtuturo ng Batas Militar ay naging malabo at nakitaan na may kakulangan, lalo na sa naratibo ng karapatang pantao.

Kaya sa ilalim ng pamahalaan ng anak ng diktador, wala nang mas bibigat pa sa katagang “Never Again, Never Forget”. Bilang naging malinaw na tayong lahat ay biktima ng Batas Militar, hinahamon tayo ng panahon.

Kaya’t patotohanan natin ang Never Again,

Sumama sa pagtutol ng isang rehimeng binuo ng kasinungalingan at ganid sa kapangyarihan.

Kasabay nito, nasa atin rin ang tungkulin na huwag kalimutan: minsan nang may lakas ng masa na nakibaka at nagpatalsik sa diktador, kaya’t nasa masa ang tunay na kapangyarihan. [P]

28

FROM THE ARCHIVES

J U LY- O C TO B E R 2 02 2 | U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G

FROM THE 1 3 ARCHIVES

In commemoration of the 50th anniversary of Martial Law RECALLING UPLB IN MARTIAL LAW by AESHA SARROL, Originally published in Volume 46 Issue 6, December 2020 LONG LIVE THE BANNERS: THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDENT MOVEMENT by MARL VINZ OLLAVE, Originally published on February 2021

2 4

ALIMPUYO NG PLUMA nina MICHELLE ANDREA LAURIO at FRANCIS JOSEPH RAFAEL, Originally published on November 2016 AN INSTRUMENT OF CHANGE: HOW MUSIC HELPED PUT A STOP TO MARTIAL LAW by GIAN MORRONDOZ, Originally published in Volume 48 Issue 1, February 2022

ALIMPUYO NG PLUMA

H

irap nang maipikit ang mga matang mulat sa karumaldumal na kaganapan. Pilitin mang itikom ang mga bibig, hindi pa rin masusugpo ang katotohanan.

Takpan man ang mga tenga, marinig pa rin ang alingawngaw sa bawat hinagpis, lalo na sa panahon ng Batas Militar kung saan sinisiil pa rin ang kasalukuyan na hindi matahimik sa huling hantungan.

Ang katotohanan ay dapat maipabatid sa lahat sa kabila ng panganib na naranasan lalo na noong panahong iyon. Diwa’t layuning makabayan, prinsipyo, katapangan at pananalig sa katwiran ang siyang naging sandigan ng mga manunulat na isinugal ang kanilang buhay sa ngalan ng pamamahayag.

Bilang pag-uugnay, ang pagkakaroon ng karapatang magbahagi at makatanggap ng mga ideya at impormasyon na walang anumang hadlang na nakasaad sa Bill of Rights ng Saligang Batas 1987 at ang walang-harang na paglilimbag nito ay parehong ipinagkait ng Martial Law. Ang karapatang ito, na natatamasa ng kasalukuyang henerasyon ay sadyang napakahirap matikman noon.

Mga Gunita noong Batas Militar Sariwa pa sa mga alaala ni Psyche Roxas-Mendoza, kasulukuyang tagapamahalang patnugot ng Philippines Graphic at manunulat ng Business Mirror, ang ilan sa napakaraming kaganapan noong panahon ng Batas Militar kung saan naglingkod siya bilang pangunahing patnugot ng UPLB Perspective.

Bilang mag-aaral ng Development Communication taong 1975, kanyang inilarawan kung gaano kasigabo ang buhay estudyante noon: aktibo silang nakilalahok sa mga kaganapan sa lipunang kanilang ginagalawan.

Ito ay lalong umigting noong 1979, ang taong laganap ang kaalamang pulitikal saan man sa unibersidad.

“Halos lahat ng estudyante noon ay may diwang palaban. Noong katangian ng student life noon ay dahil din sa mabagsik na estado.

Kung sa Diliman, ang mga estudyante ay ikinukulong. Sa Los Banos, ang mga estudyante naman ay pinapatay o kaya winawala,” saad ni Mendoza.

Maraming mga isyung bumabalot sa loob ng unibersidad. Naisalaysay niya ang ilang agarang pagkilos ng maraming mag-aaral: hinggil sa usapin ng pagtataas ng singil sa mga dormitoryo; sa pagdating ang siyam na bus ng UPLB sa UP Diliman patungkol sa usaping Grants in Aid (ngayo’y STFAP/STS); sa kung gaano nakialam ang UPLB sa insidente ng pamamaril sa Hacienda Cayco, at ang pamumulitika sa mga manggagawa ng IRRI.

At ang pinakahindi niya malimutan ay ang sandaling naganap ang malawakang boycott na nilahukan ng halos lahat ng mag-aaral noong “watershed year” ng 1979. Doon daw niya natunghayan ang pagkakaroon ng iisang diwa ng mga Iskolar ng Bayan.

Ang dahilan ng kanilang pagbo-boycott ay dahil ipinagkait sa kanila ng dating Vice Chancellor Lantican ang karapatang magkatipon-tipon sa hindi bababa ng tatlong tao sa pamamagitan ng memorandum circular.

Isang alituntunin labis na nakasasakal.

“Nilahukan ito ng halos lahat ng mga estudyante. Gabi noon nang nagkatipon-tipon kami sa Student Union Building. Biglang dumating si Parker, head ng OSA, pinapaalis kami. Kung hindi raw kami aalis, ire-reyd daw nila yun. Huhulihin daw kami lahat,” ani Psyche.

Imbis na umalis, nagsagawa ang mga estudyante ng malawakang educational discussion sa loob ng SU building kung saan napuno ang basement, 1st floor, at 2nd floor. Ito ay sa pangunguna ni Filemon Nolasco, dating taga-pangulo ng Katawang Tagapag-ugnay ng Mag-aaral (KTM) o mas kilalang University Student Council ngayon.

Sa katunayan, mayroon ding mga ahenteng nagmamatyag sa tuwing nagkakaroon ng pagsasama-sama na kanilang binansagan bilang “hapon” o “pongee”.

“Kahit ordinaryong meeting lang, mainit na ang mga mata. Maski nagdadasal lang kayo, masama pa ang tingin.” saad niya.

Labis din daw ang pag-iingat na kanilang isinasagawa sapagkat oras na mahuli sila, kargo lamang nila ang kanilang sarili.

Noong mga panahon ding iyon, sa oras na nakilalahok ang isang estudyante at lumalaban kay Marcos, sa sandaling mahuli siya ay gagawaran siya ng kaparusahang hindi makatwiran.

ANG BAWAT ARAW AY TILA ISANG HAMON NA KANILANG KINAHAHARAP. WALANG KATIYAKAN ANG KALIGTASAN NGUNIT PATULOY PA RING NABUBUHAY BILANG ISANG MAG-AARAL NA KINAKAILANGANG TUPARIN ANG

MGA GAWAING PANG-AKADEMIKO GAYUNDIN ANG PAKIKIBAKA LABAN SA MAPANIIL NA PAMAHALAAN.

sinasabi agad sa mga student orientations, freshman bloc assembly, at iba pa. Paulit-ulit silang pinapaalala sa mga bata, sa mga estudyante,” aniya.

Tinuturing na desaparecidos bunga ng sapilitang pagkawala, hanggang ngayon ay wala pa ring nakaaalam sa kanilang sinapit; kung buhay pa ba sila o patay.

Panunupil sa pamamahayag

Ang Hamon ng Pagpapatuloy

Isang araw pagkatapos magdeklara ng Martial Law, naglabas ang administrasyong Marcos ng Letter of Instruction No. 1 na naglalayong kontrolin ang midya. Naglabas din ang Department of Public Information (DPI) ng Order No.1 kung saan ang lahat ng mga pahayagan ay kailangang kumuha ng clearance bago maglabas ng kahit ano.

“Pag ayaw mo kay Marcos noon at lumaban ka, delikado ka na. It doesn’t matter whether you are really anti-government. Basta if you are critical of the Marcos administration, you find yourself in hot water,” wika ni Psyche.

Nagkaroon ng epekto ang ganitong mga porma ng panunupil hindi lang sa mga tanyag at kilalang pahayagan sa buong bansa kundi pati sa mga pahayagan sa loob ng mga unibersidad at kolehiyo.

“Pag sumobra ka, wawalain ka. Kami lang yung nagpapatakbo ng dyaryo noon. Ang banat ng estado sa iyo, “Doon ka sa Eldridge, magpaliwanag. Or worse, mawawala ka na lang. Talagang lakas ng loob mo lang yung gabay mo,” dagdag ni Psyche.

Upang makatakas sa panunupil sa pahayagan, nagkaroon ng mga malikhaing pamamaraan ang dyaryo, katulad na lamang ng paggamit ng satire sa porma ng lampoon issue. Naglaan ng seksyon sa dyaryo na tinatawag na Atsara, na, bukod pa sa artikulong satire, ay mga kanta ni Imelda Papin o Eva Eugenio na pinapalitan ang mga liriko hinggil sa mga problema ng lipunan noon.

“Meron kaming nilabas dati na kanta ni Eva Eugenio (…kay rami ng winasak na tahanan) pero ang pinapatungkulan naming ay National Housing Authority o NHA dahil marami silang mga pinapalayas na urban poor noon,” kwento ni Psyche.

Taong 1975 ng pumutok ang balitang nawawala ang dating manunulat na si Leticia Ladlad kasama ng iba pang mga estudyante sa unibersidad. Dinukot sila sa Maynila ng mga hinihinalang pwersa ng estado ni Marcos.

“Isa si Tish (Leticia Ladlad) kasama pa ng iba pa niyang mga kasama sa mga kinakanta pag may nawawala. Pero nangyari yun, wala pa ako sa Perspective. Imagine na freshman ka pa lang, yung nangyari sa kanila ay

Sa kabila ng mga iba’t ibang mga porma ng panunupil noong panahon ng Martial Law, nagpatuloy pa rin si Psyche kasama pa ng ibang mga estudyante sa pagmumulat sa mga isyung kinakaharap ng bayan. Patuloy pa rin silang nagsasagawa ng mga integration at community exposure sa mga komunidad, sakahan at protesta upang mas lumalim pa ang pang-unawa nila sa nangyayari sa lipunan.

“Totoo yung kasabihan na mula sa masa tungo sa masa. Kung gusto mong alamin sila, lapitan mo at tanungin mo. ‘Wag kang mag-assume sa gusto nila. Doon mo malalaman kung paano mo mapapaunlad. The more you think you know everything, the more you distance yourself from your mass base,” wika niya.

Nang tanungin kung ano nga ba ang nagudyok kay Psyche na magpatuloy sa kabila ng represyon noong Batas Militar, wika niya, “Ang gusto ko lang noon [ay] magsulat. Gusto ko lang magsabi ng totoo kung anong nangyayari.”

Sa nilabas na datos ng Task Force Detainees Philippines, tinatayang umabot sa 3,257 ang pinatay, 35,000 ang tinortyur, at mangilan na 70,000 ang inaresto.

MALAGIM ANG SINAPIT NG MGA KABATAAN AT ESTUDYANTE NOONG BATAS MILITAR. HAMON NI PSYCHE SA MGA KATULAD NIYANG MGA MANUNULAT ANG IPAGPATULOY ANG NASIMULAN NOON: ANG PAGLINGKURAN ANG MALAWAK NA HANAY NG MASA. “Hindi ka lang manunulat, manunulat ka ng sambayanan,” panapos niya. [P]

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Recalling UPLB in Martial Law

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he University of the Philippines (UP), as a bastion of activism, has always been at the forefront in asserting our democratic rights and in denouncing injustices that permeate society. Class struggle, especially, heightened during the period of Martial Law; an era which placed the Filipino people in prolonged suffering and, in turn, instigated social consciousness and shaped today’s liberal society.

As a constituent unit of UP, the University of the Philippines Los Baños (UPLB) has its fair share in the discourse of martial law history. UPLB also became a target of state repression and tyranny as it fought back against the then dictator. Student activists, at that time, experienced arbitrary arrests and extrajudicial killings; some were detained as political prisoners and others went missing, of which up to this day, are yet to be found.

Hilda Narciso and Maria Bawagan, political prisoners from UPLB who survived Marcos’ regime, at a symposium entitled “Martial Law: echoes from the past” held last 2019, shared that illegal arrests, torture, salvaging, and desaparecidos were rampant during this time. Bawagan narrated that common forms of torture were electric shock, water cure, “russian roulette”, premature burial, and sexual abuse among others. Bawagan said, “Maging mayaman ka, maging mahirap, basta taliwas sa kagustuhan ni Marcos ang iyong ginagawa, pwede kang mamatay.”

Since their disappearance after the suspension of the privileges of the Writ of Habeas Corpus, some student activists are still nowhere to be found. The narratives of the Southern Tagalog 10—desaparecidos coming from Southern Tagalog who disappeared in 1977—albeit in the past, are still alive today.

Among these desaparecidos include Rizalina Ilagan, Gerry Faustino, Jessica Sales, and Cristina Catalla, all of which are UPLB students and faculty members. According to Bantayog—a memorial foundation which commemorates Martial Law heroes—the Southern Tagalog 10 is considered as the “single biggest case of involuntary disappearances” committed by the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) during martial law.

Two years prior, Leticia Ladlad, a UPLB agricultural chemistry student and first woman editor of Aggie Green and Gold, precursor publication of the UPLB Perspective, fought alongside the agricultural workers of Laguna and Quezon in the hopes of attaining genuine agrarian reform; she was last seen in 1975 and has been missing since then.

Manuel Bautista, active in the campus publication Aggie Green and Gold, also joined the Samahang Demokratiko ng Kabataan (SDK) and the UPCA Cultural Society. He was a 4th year BS Economics student and left UPLB to join the underground resistance located in Southern Tagalog, in protest of Marcos suspending the writ of habeas corpus. Bautista led an underground newspaper and was forced to hide their editorial office and suppress the noise coming from typewriters, mimeographing machines etc. due to security threats. He was arrested in 1973 but managed to escape out of detention less than two months after. Bautista then continued running an underground publication but this

PHOTOS FROM [P] FILES AND FIDES LIM | LAYOUT BY GERARD LAYDIA

time in the Quezon-Bicol region. In 1976, he was killed in an encounter with the armed forces in Tagkawayan, Quezon.

On September 22, 2020, Dr. Ma. Victoria Espaldon, UPLB professor and former editor of the UPLB Perspective, recalled the state of campus press and how the media was censored during martial law. She stated that the Perspective spearheaded the re-establishment of press freedom in Southern Tagalog and how this movement founded today’s College Editors Guild of the Philippines-Southern Tagalog (CEGP-ST), an alliance of tertiary campus publications in Southern Tagalog.

Struggle for student representation Marcos authorized the establishment of student councils with the condition that only UP will be given this “privilege” however, students were still surveyed. Elections were held and the UPLB University Student Council (USC) was formed through the Council of Student Leaders in 1987, making it the first student council to be created across the UP system.

Atty. Filemon Nolasco, first UPLB USC chairperson, in an interview with the Perspective, recalled how Marcos was able to monopolize power through the imposition of General Order No. 1 within the premise of martial law. Nolasco recalled the time when his roommate, Gerry Faustino, one of the Southern Tagalog 10, suddenly disappeared.

He even said that detainment was a better option rather than being a desaparecido, in which the latter’s relatives do not receive

proper closure.

Nolasco added that during the Marcos administration, to be able to use facilities for symposiums such as classrooms and even the Student Union (SU) building, students needed to secure a permit. It is said that the history of the February Fair—a yearly event shedding light on various societal issues— stemmed from this mandate because students were not allowed to convene or mobilize themselves. He shared that they placed booths on the field showcasing different student organizations in defiance of the existing rules and regulations. Nolasco also said that even before he studied in the university, prior to martial law’s implementation, UPLB students set up a barricade to counter its ratification.

He mentioned that one night, when SU—a building primarily dedicated for student activities—was vacant, it suddenly burned down; files and documents from the student institution offices were also incinerated.

Large protest rallies were organized, at that time, but other accounts and documents went missing since some archive photos from the Perspective were burned.

Dr. Ochie Baes, one of the founders of the SDK UPLB Chapter and also former USC chair, spearheaded programs such as book reviews and “Learning from the People Summer Work Camps” wherein council members would integrate with rural communities.

These activities were said to have gradually radicalized students and soon after, in 1970, they conducted a protest against increasing

oil prices. Students, back then, boycotted classes and set up a barricade on the national highway blocking the entrance of the UPLB campus.

After the declaration of martial law, Baes worked underground and organized the farmers of Laguna until he was arrested in 1973. He was released a year later and became a Chemistry professor in UP Diliman.

While in the academe, he continuously organized and educated activists to not falter in the midst of a cruel dictatorship.

Marcos’ tyrannical rule, inarguably, is considered as one of the darkest periods in history. Different sectors, including the youth, forwarding legitimate advocacies were silenced and repressed. Decades have passed but the traumatic memory of the countless human rights violations, oppression, and abuses that transpired under the Marcos administration remains fresh in the minds of the Filipinos.

With the parallelisms of today, from shrinking democratic spaces to the extremes of unjust killings, it is important to remain vigilant of the reigning totalitarianism and impunity in society. The state has constantly kept the university in check through campus militarization and intimidation but if there’s one thing that history has proven, it’s that the youth will never concede to fascists. [P] ONLINE

uplbperspective.org Read the full story and additional context on our website uplbperspective.org

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LONG LIVE THE BANNERS The significane of the student movement

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he Duterte administration has long been criticized for its outright infringements on human rights involving extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests, and repressive policies such as the Anti-Terror Law (ATL). The United Nation Human Rights Council has even probed on the rampant human rights violations committed on individuals allegedly involved with the usage of illegal drugs, political activists, indigenous people, and journalists, among others.

As stated by Cristina Palabay, human rights alliance Karapatan’s secretary-general, “There is never any lockdown for people’s rights and our continuous struggle to defend and advance them, and it is in our collective action that we win this battle against tyranny and dictatorship.” Continuous violations on human rights may exhibit state neglect, manifest government incompetence, and signify misplaced priorities, especially now at a time of a pandemic.

Amidst all of these unlawful acts which cloud and trample on the masses’ genuine needs and advocacies, there is one undertaking which clears the path towards a better society, that is collective movement and activism. According to Amherst College, an academic institution from Massachusetts, United States, social activism is “an intentional action with the goal of bringing about social change.” An activist, on the other hand, is said to be “anyone who is fighting for change in society.”

ACTIVISM HAS BEEN UTILIZED EVEN BEFORE TODAY’S SOCIAL INJUSTICES; our country’s history is deeply rooted in activism from the revolutions led by the Katipunan, the historic people power uprising in EDSA, to today’s continuous fight against oppression and tyranny. One common denominator of all of these significant events was that

THE YOUTH PLAYED A VITAL ROLE TO KEEP THE FIRES OF THE MOVEMENT BURNING. In the year 2020 alone, the youth sector faced several attacks and abuses; the Cebu 8 made the headlines for they were arrested for “breaching” quarantine protocols while having a peaceful demonstration against the passage of the then Anti-Terror Bill just outside the vicinity of the University of the Philippines (UP) Cebu. Serve the People Brigade UPLB (STPB-UPLB) volunteers also became victims of attack as they were red-tagged and bombarded by death threats while doing

[P] PHOTO BY DY SANCHEZ

decent humanitarian efforts to help stranded communities in Los Baños during the early months of the COVID-19 pandemic.

But these human rights violations and attacks do not exist solely under the Duterte administration. History has shown that the government has always been hell-bent towards repressing the youth’s efforts in changing our retrograde system.

Recalling the chapters series of student-led movements sparked before the declaration of martial law in the country — it is commonly known as the First Quarter Storm (FQS). On January 26, 1970, while Ferdinand Marcos was delivering his State of the Nation Address (SONA), 50,000 demonstrators, several of which came from the Kabataang Makabayan (KM) and the Student Cultural Association of UP (SCAUP), mobilized at Burgos Drive to call for constitutional reform; Marcos retaliated by leaving the scene without even hearing the needs of the masses.

The Kabataang Makabayan was vital in the youth’s fight in restoring genuine democracy amid the terrors of the so-called Marcos dictatorship. KM is a socialist youth group that heeds the call for democracy; it pioneered the expansion of the revolutionary movement since the 1970’s. The Katipunan-inspired group was forced to go underground during martial law.

Inspired by Bonifacio’s anti-colonial Katipunan, KM anchored its ideals on

new-democratic revolution against imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat capitalism.

Various KM members led the FQS of 1970 and the Diliman Commune of 1971. These include founding chair Jose Ma. Sison, Monico Atienza, Satur Ocampo, Julius Fortuna, Bal Pinguel and many others.

The worst intervention in a student rally was reported on January 30, 1970. Demonstrators once again attempted to plead for change but the mobilization turned into bloodshed, resulting in the death of four student activists and 162 wounded individuals. On February 12, 1970, almost 100,000 dissenters once again gathered, this time in Plaza Miranda in Quiapo, Manila. The rally took place due to the death of the aforementioned students from the last rally. In the same month, the People’s Congress was held wherein individuals protested against US imperialism, domestic feudalism, and fascism. A month after Marcos’ SONA, there was another outcry and the police dispersal caused the injury of 80 persons while 120 were said to be arrested.

On the 3rd of March, the Movement for a Democratic Philippines (MDP) organized a People’s march. The march was accompanied by a partial strike organized by jeepney drivers. A second march was held on the 17th of March, this time branded as the “Poor People’s March” which tackled and shed light on the increasing poverty in the country.

As a bastion of activism, UP has its long history of movements and mobilizations. The

Diliman Commune—a living symbol of collated dissent and resistance to oust a strongman—was one of the fruitful outcomes of activism. According to Joseph Scalice’s book, “A Planned and Coordinated Anarchy: The Barricades of 1971 and the ‘Diliman Commune,” student activists and faculty members of UP Diliman joined the jeepney strike and resisted against the Quezon City Police and the now-dissolved MetroCom troops for their intrusion inside the campus.

UP Los Baños hosts its annual February Fair, or colloquially known as “Feb Fair.”

The fair is not just any other social gathering, with famous bands, variety of merchandise, and food booths, but it also serves as a form of protest action. The feb fair’s concept is said to have originated from the martial law’s regulations wherein three or more individuals were not allowed to gather. Fed up with Marcos’ anti-assembly order, students at that time resisted and organized a large protest rally in September 1978. Protest fairs are then regularly held in the UP Los Baños and UP Diliman campuses.

Student activists kept the fire of democracy burning during the People Power Uprising as they joined the revolution that made the Marcos ouster possible. In a span of four days, activists stormed the streets launching a protest to end Marcos’ 20-year-old reign.

This served as a dark chapter in history not just for activists, but also for citizens, as democracy and human rights were stepped on.

This year, 2021, marks the 35th anniversary

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of the momentous event.

In an interview by the Inquirer, Julianne Olivina, a student from the Ateneo de Manila University (ADMU), said, “The main goal of persistently telling these [EDSA] stories is because we don’t want it to happen again.

It is now up to us, the current generation, to continue talking about the issues surrounding our past so that we may learn from them and be able to help shape a better future.”

The youth sector has once again faced the limelight as it also dictated the fate of former President Joseph Estrada after facing a series of plunder and corruption charges. The clamor for Estrada’s removal from the presidency sparked the People Power Revolution II which ultimately led to his downfall. Educational institutions joined strikes to oust his corrupt governance. Student movements and demonstrations continued until Estrada was finally forced out of office in January 2001.

Extracting the essence of activism The student movement is now in grave peril as the newly signed Terror Law may consider dissent and opposition as an act of terrorism. This also gives room for the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC) to red-tag not only left-leaning individuals and organizations, but also civilians, as part of the Communist Party of the Philippines-New People’s Army-National Democratic Front (CPP-NPANDF) without any concrete evidence. Several petitions have been filed from different sectoral groups to counter the said law, yet the government continues to persist.

According to the National Union of Peoples’ Lawyers (NUPL) President Edre Olalia, “The 2020 anti-terror bill could punish or at least discourage legal activity and exercise of freedom of speech and association in any form or platform, inside or outside the country, because of the broad and vague definition of what terrorism is.”

“In its fight against terrorism, the government must not be the source of terror and impunity itself. We must never let reason continue to escape us.” These were the words of former ombudsman Conchita Carpio Morales, implying the weaponization of the law to silence those who dare to speak against the Duterte administration—the very essence of activism.

Ateneo De Manila University’s (ADMU) Director of Development Studies, Professor Jayeel Cornelio highlighted the major significance and relevance of student-activism. “We need alternative voices to discern the best way forward. This can sometimes come from the most affected communities,” he said.

The important role of youth activists is not solitary in our country as it spreads across the globe. Overseas, revolts and pro-democracy movements led by the student power are flourishing. First sparked in Hongkong, the concealed national security law, which endangers the lives of those who express dissent, outraged the people leading to various movements all over Hongkong.

Student-led movements were also instigated in Thailand, defying the section 112 of the Thailand Criminal Code that imprisons those who express defamatory speeches and opposing remarks towards the kingdom’s military-aligned government.

Recently, a coup d’état in Myanmar against the newly elected President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, enraged the Burmese that resulted in mobilizations dominantly led by the youth as a defiance to the authoritarian rule.

PHOTOS FROM [P] FILES

Various movements are already in place as oppressive governments continue to push its citizens to the edge.

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF ACTIVISM LIES ON AMPLIFYING THE VOICES OF THE VICTIMS OF OPPRESSION, AND ABUSE. It does not end with solely fighting for their rights; it is unraveling the root causes of social injustice to be able to eliminate them. Activism is holding those at fault accountable for their heinous crimes; and it

is the act of being one with the community, learning of their daily struggles, and communicating to be able to forward the same advocacies needed for genuine development.

Trampling on the oblation It seems like history is bound to repeat itself again as the Department of National Defense (DND) unilaterally abrogated the UPDND accord, endangering the lives of faculty and students that considered UP as a haven. Students fear that opening UP campus grounds to state forces will only intensify militarization and increase crackdowns, given the latter’s history of human rights violations.

The said accord was originally rooted from the “Soto-Enrile accord”, an agreement

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between student leader Sonia Soto and the then defense minister Juan Ponce Enrile. It bars state forces from conducting operations inside the university; it also prohibits them to enter and interfere with peaceful mobilizations and protests held by the scholars.

The UP-DND accord was signed after the abduction and gruesome torture of Donato Continente, a staffer of the Philippine Collegian, official student publication of UP Diliman. He was kidnapped on June 16, 1989 by the military and police at Vinzons Hall for the crime of allegedly assassinating U.S army colonel James Nicholas Rowe.

Now that the accord is pushed to lose its validity, UP President Danilo Concepcion said, “This Accord grants our students and faculty the freedom to be creative and passionate in their thought and works, because they know that no one will suppress them, or monitor their every move, or stop them from the free expression of their views and intellectual debate.”

Newly elected Student Regent (SR) Renee Louise Co also uttered her dismay and cited the history behind the accord and its significance not only to the UP community but also to the student movement. “The termination of the UP-DND Accord is a huge insult to the many iskolar ng bayan who sacrificed and struggled to serve the people.”

With the accord nullified, it is much easier for state machinery to infiltrate campuses, sowing fear and alarm among constituents as it attempts to trample on the university’s backbone—activism and academic freedom.

Many argue that the youth generation of today are idealists. Individuals who strive to change a system that has been running for decades, if not centuries. But what really differs from today’s generation to the older generations is that we are exposed to a more liberal and understanding society. What’s different is that the youth is more aware of the starving families in poverty, the farmers who are deprived of their lands, the political prisoners arrested for manufactured trumped-up charges, and the ordinary citizens who are stripped of their basic human rights. Years of continuous student movement allowed us to enjoy the liberty and democracy we experience today.

The endless battle that the youths are constantly fighting has always been for the nation, and for the people—for those who barely have the strength to assert their rights because they are busy tending to daily living responsibilities; and for those who are deprived of education which results in exploitation and the violation of the basic rights they should be granted.

We must bear in mind that we have an obligation bigger than ourselves. The actions and steps we take today will determine the freedom we get to relish tomorrow.

It is undeniably tough to be an activist and student at the same time—from the academic burden, responsibilities, and threats. But all the more should we move from the comfort of our homes because collective action is vital for change; and solidarity amplifies student power.

Now backed with millions of voices, the youth can certainly fight for democracy and break the shackles of injustice anew. The same voice that once overthrew a dictator, the voice that woke people up from their slumber.

Thailand, Myanmar and Hongkong have mobilized thousands and have already brought their fight to the streets, who says we should wait? [P]

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An instrument of change iwagayway (3x) Ang anakpawis ay mabuhay

How Music helped put a stop to Martial Law

Bandilang Pula Tamad na bourgeoisie Na ayaw mag-work Sa sweat ng others Nag-eenjoy-enjoy Pinapa-eat, eat ang mga workers Hindi marunong ma-ashame No ashame!!

Bandilang red … i-wave, wave, wave (3x) Ang sons of sweat ay long, long live!

All those years of struggle against Marcos, and most especially during those four historic days in February, everyone found out that in the Philippines, the line of fire is the place of honor.

These were the words of Lean Alejandro, a student activist back in 1986 in an interview about the People Power Revolution. The fight against the Marcoses and Martial Law had finally come to a head as many coalitions and organizations banded together to topple the Marcos dictatorship.

The Music of our Protests At sa kanyang yumi at ganda Dayuhan ay nahalina Bayan ko, binihag ka Nasadlak sa dusa (Bayan Ko) The fight for our rights didn’t stop after we gained our independence. The “Katipunang Pambansa ng Mga Magbubukid ng Pilipinas” or KPMP would be the most active communist mass organization in the 1920s. They sought to fight for an equal share of the land they till with their landlords and fought to stop debt slavery. Other mass organizations would soon be created that sought to improve the peasants’ quality of life. One of the other larger ones was the “Aguman ding Maldang Talapag-obra” or AMT. These groups sought change through non-violent means, and the many ways they taught more peasants about the labor struggle were through song and dance and other activities. The advent of World War II and the Japanese Occupation led to the merging of these two mass organizations, leading to the Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa Hapon or Hukbalahap.

The Hukbalahap movement made up of peasants and laborers in Luzon had its marching songs, the most popular one being Tindig! Aking Inang Bayan. Similar to Alerta

PHOTO FROM [P] FILES

Katipunan, this song was made by adapting a song commissioned by the Japanese occupying the Philippines during World War 2.

The Hukbalahap changed lyrics in the song to reflect their war against the Japanese, and the Americans who continued to meddle in the Philippines. Tindig! Aking Inang Bayan and Alerta! Katipunan both appropriated the songs made by their colonial masters, changing the songs to fit their fight for their independence.

After the end of the Japanese Occupation and the establishment of the Third Republic, most of the peasant movements and workers unions from before the Japanese Occupation came back as the Pambansang Kaisahan ng mga Magbubukid or PKM, to contest the continued rule of the hacienderos. Their demands were the same as the first workers’ unions from four decades prior; Fairer wages and a fairer share of their work. The PKM had their own set of beliefs, they were National Democrats, taking inspiration from Maoist thought.

The songs of the revolution were in full swing during this time. Revolutionary songs

from other countries were being translated and adapted to fit the struggle and reflect the changing times in the Philippines. One of these songs was the Bandiera Rossa, or the Red Flag, an Italian communist classic. The translated version of it was sung in many mobilizations and demonstrations. There is another translation of Bandiera Rossa however.

Bandilang Pula Tamad na Burgis Na ayaw gumawa Sa pawis ng iba Nagpapasasa Pinapalamon Ng manggagawa Hindi marunong mahiya Walanghiya!

Bandilang pula

Years before the People Power Revolution, back when student activism was still in its infancy, there were a handful of students and organizers during the early years of the Marcos Administration. During this turbulent period, the first demonstration began with students all over the country and masses of people from all walks of life. The demonstration stood to condemn the Marcoses State of the Nation Address and everything it stood for, US Imperialism and a continuation of the same landlords and bureaucrats growing fat off the Filipino people. The militancy in this demonstration was borne out of the aggression of state forces responding to the protest. Policemen were using tear gas, water cannons, and even guns were shot during the demonstration, these were the actions that lead to the increasing militancy of many students. Moderates and radicals were treated equally by Marcos, pushing many students to radicalize despite their former beliefs.

The demonstration on January 26 was the beginning of even bigger protests, and an increasingly militant student movement.

Enemies in the government condemned the January 26 Demonstration, drowning out legitimate concerns about the coming constitutional convention. The police are commended for their action, while students are warned of “communist infiltrators” and are coddled by their elders. Even now this strategy is still used with the NTF-ELCAC “helping” students, but they only seek to divide them. The red scare is an age old tactic that we still haven’t outgrown. Red-tagging was a widespread tactic then and until now to harass and intimidate the population, even now workers, peasants, students and their families are victims to red-tagging, while their accusers are left unpunished.

These would lead to the events on February 1, starting with a protest march in Diliman. Sonny Mesina was a Chem student enrolled in UP Diliman when he decided to join a multisectoral rally with the ‘Samahang Demokratiko ng Kabataan’ or SDK. This rally was to be held in Commonwealth Avenue. There along with other students he encountered Inocente Campos, a Mathematics

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PHOTO FROM [P] FILES

Professor, who shot at students with his rifle and shotgun, hitting Sonny Mesina in the forehead, gravely injuring and killing him.

On February 2 UP President Salvador P. Lopez protested the entry of the police into the campus, but was unable to stop the police.

When the police entered the campus, students began to install barricades to prevent the entry of the police, this was the start of the Diliman Commune. Barricades stayed up until February 9 when students began to take them down voluntarily.

The SDK also had a chapter in UPLB. Aloysius Baes was a UPLB student leader who helped found the SDK chapter in UPLB. He was arrested at the start of Martial Law. While incarcerated in Camp Crame, Aloysius would compose prison songs, tackling issues like the political prisoners of Martial Law and his love for his country. His brother, Jonas Baes, who was taking Music in UP Diliman, would also follow in his footsteps by joining the Tulisanes in UPLB.

UPLB Tulisanes: Tulisan at Bayani Sa piling ng mutya kong suyo.

Diwa’y nais kitlin at mata’y bulagin Sa paghihirap ng bayang siniphayo.

Ngunit yaring diwa’y walang takot (Diwang Walang Takot) Tulisanes was born in 1974 from a group of six students; Wenceslao “Wency” Olaguer, Dr. Bayani “Bai” Espiritu, Virgilio “Siokoy” Rojas, Lynn Martinez, Pedro”Bornix” Abad, and Dennis “Tengo” Alegre who were committed to serving the masses, at a time when it was dangerous to be an activist or a student. Four years after the First Quarter Storm

and two years before the declaration of Martial Law. Injustice, censorship, and a failed democracy, many things needed to change, and the founding members of UPLB Tulisanes sought those changes through a medium that everybody knows; music.

The origin and history of their name show the goals and beliefs of those six founding members. Tulisan had meant brigand, thief, a villain of some sort, popularly used by the Spanish More importantly, Macario Sakay, a katipunero, and Philippine hero was also described as one by the American government.

He was dissatisfied with the 1898 Treaty of Paris that only served to replace their Spanish colonial masters with the Americans. Macario Sakay vowed to never cut his hair until the Philippines gained its independence from the Americans. Macario Sakay kept on fighting for Philippine independence until his execution in 1907, with his long hair still uncut.

Bakit di tayo Magnilay Bakit di tayo Gumalaw Bakit kay saklap ng buhay ng karamihan (from Bakit di Tayo Magnilay by Tulisanes)

The UPLB Tulisanes was formed during a time of turmoil. The media was already under the control of the administration, information had been censored and manipulated to fit the narrative of the ruling class. The people had been deprived of their right to assembly, speech, and many other basic freedoms they previously enjoyed before Martial Law. The Tulisanes began their protests through informal jammings and performances in Los Baños. Along with these mini-concerts were “Huntahans” or small talks, a creative presentation of ideas, of political and academic discourse. These discussions covered the injustices and atrocities perpetrated by the Marcoses. They covered the Desaparecidos of UPLB and the beliefs of the numerous mass movements that its founding members were part of.

Tanong ko sa inyo ay isa lamang mga kaibigan ko Tanong ko ay pakinggan niyo Kailan tayo patutungo sa kalayaan mula rito (From Awit ng Manggagawa by UPLB Tulisanes)

Their beliefs were central to their music, they wrote in Tagalog and their style would have poetic licenses, prioritizing the need to send a message through song. Through their songs and their beliefs, the Tulisanes sought to achieve the main objective of their organization “Musika Mula sa Tao, Para sa Tao”. The Tulisanes and their contemporaries helped instill the culture of protest in the places where they performed.

Protest movements slowly gained steam as tensions grew between the people and the Marcos dictatorship. These would eventually push the Tulisanes and their brand of music into the forefront of the industry. The Tulisanes were one of the pioneers of the burgeoning underground protest music movement and their music would play a part in the coming years of the People Power Movement.

The start of the eighties broke new ground for the UPLB Tulisanes, before the start of the decade they performed their first full-length musical covering the wars of the Katipunan, and their namesake, Macario Sakay, and his fight against the American Occupation. This was the first iteration of their musical, Rekonsentrado. A year later they would independently produce the very first independent protest cassette recording and songbook in the Philippines called Harana.

The Tulisanes would continue to perform in campus-based concerts and take part in Isko’t Iska, the yearly stage plays of Umalohokan Inc. and performed by UPLB freshmen.

It wouldn’t be until 1985 that they would do a second performance of Rekonsentrado. It was to be performed in the D.L. Umali Hall and expanded on the coverage of the first play,

going through Philippine history until the assassination of Senator Benigno Aquino. Rekonsentrado 2 was performed back in March 1985, a year later Tulisanes would halt their performances as they focused on serving the various sectors involved during the turbulent year of 1986.

The boycott of the 1986 snap elections and the subsequent People Power Movement occupied many of their members. After the Marcoses ran with their tails between their legs, Tulisanes would finally perform again, leading the Pasasalamat Concert of March 10, 1986, held in Freedom Park. This was the first major Concert after the departure of the Marcoses. This event had both cultural and political significance, and it was the crowning contribution of the Tulisanes to the revolution.

Songs have a way to bring about change.

We have seen the versatility of verse in shaping our history. Music is a way to express and shape the complexities of the human condition, it’s universal. Our national anthem expresses our love for our country, the religious songs we sing shapes our beliefs, and the songs we listen to shapes our social consciousness.

Every song has a story to tell. What is important is that we realize which songs are in need of singing. Whose words do we choose to put on our lips when we belt it out in front of our family and friends. Between all the obnoxious jingles of politicians, and the songs of clueless celebrities, we need to discern which songs we choose to give a platform to.

Ngayon ikaw ay manindigan ng taos Lakbayin mong may ngiti ang dilim at pighati May wakas sa bawat hapis (From Sa Kamatayan May Buhay Ay Tagumpay by UPLB Tulisanes)

Listen to Tulisanes UPLB, Inc. | Harana 1 at soundcloud.com/tulisanes-uplb/sets/harana

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KWADRADO

PAG-ALAALA AT PAGSULONG

Hindi mabubura ng nagdaaang 50 taon ang pagnanakaw, pagpaslang, at paglabag sa karapatang pantao ng dating administrasyong Marcos Sr. Nanatiling walang hustisya para sa mga naging biktima noong Batas Militar. Maging ang yaman na ninakaw noon ng pamilyang Marcos ay hindi pa rin naiibalik hanggang sa ngayon at unti-unti nang binubura gamit ang kapangyarihan na mayroon sila. Patuloy lamang kakalat ang epidemya ng kasinungalingan at pagmamanipula kung hindi tayo kikilos at pananagutin ang mga mapang-abuso.

PAKIKIISA NG SANGKAESTUDYANTEHAN

Bagamat mainit ang mata ng estado sa mga mag-aaral lalo’t higit sa mga lider-estudyante, nanatili silang militante. Sa kabila ng patuloy na pangreredtag, panghaharas, at tangkang pag-aresto, mas nanaig ang pagnanais na maisulong ang batayang karapatan sa edukasyon ng mga kabataan. Matatandaang dugo at pawis ang isinakripisyo ng mga dating mag-aaral na nawala, kinulong, at pinatay sa panahon ng Batas Militar. Gaano man katagal ang panahon na lumipas ay patuloy pa rin ang paninidigang sinimulan noon: demokratiko at makamasang edukasyon para sa lahat.

J U LY- O C TO B E R 2 02 2 | U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G

MASANG IT

HINDI P

NI JONEL M

MGA LARAWANG KUHA NINA BEYONCE NA KHAYIL SORIMA, AT M

Makalipas ang limang dekada, muling buma murak sa bansang Pilipinas. Ang delubyong dul ingan upang pagtakpan ang bulok na sistema a na panawagan at pagkilos upang labanan ang p pamamalakad ang pagpapatunay na hindi bag patuloy ng masalimuot na nakaraan. Kaya’t ma adhikain at ikintal sa isipin ng bawat isa ang ka

U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G | J U LY-S LY- OECPTO T EBMEBRE2R02 2 02 2 2

TINAKWIL,

PASISIIL

MENDOZA

AVA, CLYDE NARANJO, JONEL MENDOZA, MICHAEL IAN BARTIDO

alik sa pwesto ang pamilya na minsan nang yulot ng makinaryang binuo mula sa kasinungalay nangangailangan ng mas lalong pinaigting patuloy na pasismo at represyon. Ang ganitong gong mukha si Marcos Jr. kung hindi tagapagarapat lamang na ipagpatuloy mapagpalayang atagang, “Never Again” at “Never Forget”.

KWADRADO KWADRADO

35 31

LIMANG DEKADA NA SALAT SA HUSTISYA

Nagkasa ngng malawakang kilos-protesta grupo Nagkasa malawakang kilos-protestaang angiba’t iba’tibang ibangsektor sektorat at mga progresibong grupo bilang pagsariwa sasa ika-50 nana anibersaryo kawalang bilang pagsariwa ika-50 anibersaryong ngBatas BatasMilitar Militarat atipanawagan ipanawagan ang kawalang aksyonng nggobyerno gobyernosasalumalalang lumalalangkrisis krisisngng bayan.

Sumentro ang mobilisasyon sa madilim aksyon bayan.

Sumentro ang mobilisasyon sa madilim na na nakaraan BatasatMilitar at pagpapaalala sa mgaupang leksyon upang na Binigyang ito maulit. nakaraan ng Batasng Militar pagpapaalala sa mga leksyon hindi na itohindi maulit.

Binigyang din ang paglaban sa disimpormasyon at patuloy na pakikibaka sa de facto diin din ang diin paglaban sa disimpormasyon at patuloy na pakikibaka sa de facto martial law ng martial law ng estado. estado.

KUMILOS AT MANINDIGAN KUMILOS AT MANINDIGAN

Mula noon hanggang ngayon, hindi naging prayoridad ng mga Marcos ang kapakanan ng mg ordinaryong Pilipino. Ang pagiging taingang kawali sa kabila ng mga panawagan, pagpanahon ng mga matinding at mg maluhong pamumuhay manipestaMula noon hanggang ngayon, hindikawala nagingsa prayoridad Marcospangangailangan, ang kapakanan ng ordinaryong Pilipino.ayAng pagiging kung ano nga ba ang prayoridadpangangailangan, ng pamilyang Marcos.

Kaya’t sapamumuhay mga kilos-protesta taingang kawali sa kabila ng mga panawagan,syong pagkawala sa panahon ng matinding at maluhong ay maang panawagan na pagtugon mga hinaing at ibagsak mga nipestasyong kung ano nga ba ang prayoridadna ngisinagawa, pamilyangpinalagom Marcos. Kaya’t sa mga kilos-protesta na sa isinagawa, pinalagom angang panawagan na pagtugon sa mga hinaing at ibagsak ang mgaimperyalista, imperyalista,kapitalista, kapitalista,at atpasista pasistana napinapaboran pinapaboranng ngadministrasyon. administrasyon.

36

EDITORYAL

S I N C E 1 97 3 • TA O N 4 8, B I L A N G 5

Ang opisyal na pahayagan ng mga magaaral ng Unibersidad ng Pilipinas Los Baños Silid 11, 2nd Floor Student Union Building, Mariano M. Mondonedo Avenue, UPLB 4031 perspective.uplb@up.edu.ph opinion.uplbperspective@gmail.com O R GWA TC H orgwatch.uplbperspective@gmail.com E D I TO R I A L OPINION

Miyembro, UP Systemwide Alliance of Student Publications and Writers’ Organizations (UP Solidaridad) at ng College Editors’ Guild of the Philippines (CEGP)

J U LY- O C TO B E R 2 02 2 | U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G

SONYA MARIELLA CASTILLO Punong Patnugot

GLEN CHRISTIAN TACASA Patnugot ng Opinyon

MGA KAWANI

CLAIRE DENISE SIBUCAO Kapatnugot GIANCARLO KHALIL MORRONDOZ

ARIANNE MER PAAS Patnugot ng Produksyon

Axcel Beltran, Aynrand Galicia, Abel Genovana, Aira Angela Domingo, Alexandra Grace Delis, Aliah Anne Zyrelle Pine, Allaissa Calserada, Caleb Buenaluz, Celeste Samin, Charleston Jr Chang, Dana Stephanie Sandoval, Daniel Zachary Del Mundo, Danielle Jorge Malantic, Denise Kyndler Aguirre, Edan Aguillon, Ej Jo, Emerson Almoguera Espejo, Ethan Pahm, Federick Biendima, Fiona Candice Uyyangco, Fiona Isabella Macapagal, Franklin Masangkay, Ja Fuentes, James Masangya, Ida Palo, Jemielyn Ruth Lacap, Jermaine Valerio, Johanne Sebastian Gonzales, John Paul Famorcan, John Michael Monteron, Jonathan Ray Merez, Josiah Bumahit, Josh Atayde, Katrina Gonzales, Kennlee Orola, Khayil Sorima, Kyela Jose, Kyla Ffyette Adornado, Kyla Jimenez, Laeh Patrick, Loren Joy Verastigue, Ma. Princess Anne Curioso, Ma. Iana Balobalo, Marilou Lorzano, Mark Angelo Fabreag, Marl Vinz Ollave, Maryjoy Nicole S. Abrenica, Michael Ian Bartido, Mikko Bartolome, Moesha Cyarisse Estillero, Norland Cruz, Paulette Dela Paz, Paulo Raphael Quintana, Philip Xavier Li, Pierre Ulrich Hubo, Rainie Edz Dampitan, Rainielle Kyle Guison, Ralph Caneos, Reignne Francisco, Reinne Abigail Czarina Espinosa, Reysielle Fernandez Reyes, Roanna Iloiza Vitug, Robert Gallardo, Ron Jeric Babaran, Rosemarie Sollorano, Samantha Grace Delis, Shane Cameron Agarao, Shane Del Rosario, Shelow Monares, Toni Ysabel, Therese Ann Hope Sagaya, Vince Dizon, Yani Redoblado, Zahir Lidasan Meditar

Tagapamahalang Patnugot MARK ERNEST FAMATIGAN Tagapamahala ng Pinansya ROBERT ROY GALLARDO Recruitment and Training Officer ARON JAN MITCHELL SIERVA Patnugot ng Balita GABRIEL JOV DOLOT Patnugot ng Lathalain KYLE RAMIEL DALANGIN Patnugot ng Kultura

LEOJAVE INCON Kapatnugot sa Grapiks JONEL REI MENDOZA Kapatnugot sa Litrato JONAS ATIENZA Kapatnugot sa Paglalapat KRYSTELLE LOUISE LACHICA Patnugot sa Online BEYONCÉ ANNE MARIE NAVA Tagapamahala ng Sirkulasyon SHANE DEL ROSARIO [P] Live Executive Producer

DIBUHO NG PABALAT Leojave Anthony Incon

Tuloy ang laban sa delubyong dala ng Administrasyong Marcos Jr. Pinangako ni Marcos Jr. na sa pag upo niya bilang hepe ng Departamento ng Agrikultura noong Mayo ay matutupad ang benteng presyo para sa isang kilong bigas at kaunlaran para sa mga magsasaka, ngunit sa pag upo nito patuloy lang ang pagtaas ng inflation galing sa 5.4% noong kanyang pag upo na 6.9% na ngayong Setyembre.

Kasabay ng pagtaas ng inflation ay ang patuloy na pagtaas ng presyo ng bilihin. Naglabas ang Makabayan bloc ng panukala upang i-exempt ang basic na pangangailan bilang tulong para sa mga mamamayan ngayong panahon ng krisis. Nalulunod na ang masang Pilipino sa presyo ng bilihin pero nagbubulag bulagan pa rin ang mga nasa tuktok.

Nasaan na ang tulong para sa mga magsasaka na nagtatrabaho at nagsisikap para pakainin ang masang Pilipino. Sa proposed badyet na ipinasa noong Setyembre 28, dambuhala pa rin badyet na nakalaan sa imprastraktura kumpara sa agrikultura.

Plano pa rin ng Administrasyong Marcos ituloy ang Build, Build, Build ng Administrasyong Duterte sa ilalim ng bagong pangalan, “Build, Better, More”. Imbes na paglaanan ang badyet sa mga sektor kung saan ito mas kailangan, 1.2 trillion pesos ang nilagay sa taong 2023 para ipagpatuloy ang isang proyekto na taliwas sa pag-unlad, bagkus ay mapanira pa sa kabuhayan ng mga Pilipino.

Isang buwan na ang nakalipas ng humagupit ang Typhoon Karding sa Luzon, at ang panawagan noon ay kung nasaan ang pangulo. Ngayong lumagpas na ang Typhoon Paeng makupad pa rin ang galaw ng Administrasyong Marcos Jr. para tulungan ang mga nasalanta, lumipas na ang bagyo at pinag-iisipan pa rin ang pagdeklara ng State of Calamity sa bansa.

Itong walang kwentang response ay ang pangako ni Marcos Jr. noong sinabi niyang tututukan niya ang Disaster Response. Ang idinulot lang nito ay isang dosenang patay noong Karding at halos isang daang patay at marami pang nawawala sa paghagupit ng Paeng. Ang pagsuri nila ng Disaster Response ay para gawin itong katwiran para sa mandatory ROTC. Habang pinipilit nilang patahimikin ang kabataan, ang kabataan ng Serve the People Brigade (STPB) pa mismo ang nanguna sa pagtulong sa mga nasalanta ng Karding. Hindi pa lumalabas sa PAR ang Typhoon Paeng nagbahagi na ng libreng

pakain ang STPB sa mga estudyante at residente ng Barangay Batong Malake.

Ang gabinete ni Marcos Jr. ay unti unti ng pinupugaran ng militar, ang DOH na nangunguna sa pagbibigay ng serbisyong medikal ngayong pandemya ay uupuan ng isang dating pulis na wala namang karanasan sa medisina. Ang mga uupo at mamamahala sa ating serbisyong medikal ay ang parehong militar na kahit medical mission ay hindi ligtas sa kanilang panggugulo at pagatake.

Sa gitna ng lahat ng calamidad at krisis, patuloy pa rin ang pag atake sa mga pesante upang kamkamin ang lupang yaman na dapat lang na pagmamay-ari ng mga magsasaka.

Ang lupa sa Hacienda Yulo ay pilit pa rin inaangkin ng mga Ayala at hanggang ngayon ay pinagbabantaan pa rin ng Seraph Security Agency, na nanunog ng mga bahay at nambugbog ng mga residente.

Isa lamang ang Hacienda Yulo sa Timog Katagalugan na humaharap sa matinding militarisasyon. May kakayahan ang gobyerno na tumulong sa pesante. Nandoon na sila sa mga lugar na pinaka-nangangailangan ng tulong, ngunit ang primaryang tungkulin nila ay pigilan ang mga komunidad na ito na humiwalay sa kanilang pyudal na kalagayan.

Inaaresto at pinapatay na ang mga progresibo sa bansa, at lahat ng progresibo ay terorista sa mata ng estado, at lahat ay pwedeng hatulan ng terorismo gamit ang Anti-Terror Law. Noong pinaglaban ni Loren Legarda ang peace talks, tinuro na siyang terorista ng mga nasa senado.

Terorista na ang mga magsasaka na nais lamang ay isaka ang kanilang lupain, terorista na ang mga bata na nasa kanayunan, terorista ang mga aktibista na pinaglalaban ang karapatan nila. Wala pa ring hustisya para sa mga pinaslang ng Bloody Sunday Massacre. Wala pa rin hustisya para sa pagpatay sa magsasakang si Maximino Digno at siyam na taong gulang na si Kylene Casao. Nakatanim sa puso ng mamamayan ang mga pangalang ito, kaya hindi kailanman titigil ang laban para sa karapatan, hustisya, at lupa hangga’t di naaabot ang tagumpay. [P]