UPLB Perspective Vol. 48, Issue 2 (March 30, 2022)

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UPLB PERSPECTIVE

M A G S U L AT. M A G L I N G KO D . M A G PA L AYA .

NEWS

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GLITCH IN THE SYSTEM: A HISTORY OF STRUGGLE VS. SAIS

NEWS

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‘ISKOLAR PARA SA BAYAN’: PROGRESSIVES HONOR SLAIN TEACHERS CHAD BOOC AND KEVIN CASTRO F E AT U R E S

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NO BLOOD SPARED: A YEAR AFTER BLOODY SUNDAY

OPINION

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PANG DANDY: ANG “KA FORT” NG ATING PANAHON

EDITORIAL

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Walang puwang sa Malacañang ang gobyerno na ang tanging nais ay kumitil at posasan ang mga taong ang hangad lamang ay maglingkod sa bayan.

HUSTISYANG SALAT PARA SA MASANG ITINAKWIL

◆ TA O N 4 8 , B LG . 2

C U LT U R E

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THE DOUBLE STANDARDS OF FEMININITY

UPLB PERSPECTIVE.ORG

OPINION

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WOMEN AS BARRIER BREAKERS

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M A R C H 30, 2 02 2 | U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G

‘Iskolar Para sa Bayan’: Progressives honor slain teachers Chad Booc and Kevin Castro Booc and Castro, who dedicated their lives as teachers in rural areas, were killed by state forces in the same bloody week in February 2022.

BY PIERRE ULRICH HUBO AND CALEB LUKE BUENALUZ STAFF WRITERS

Trigger warning: Descriptions of violence and death More than a month after the death of activist and Lumad teacher Chad Booc, progressives continue to testify to his service, amplifying calls for justice as findings continue to break the military’s claim that Booc was killed in an armed encounter.

Forensic pathologist Dr. Raquel Fortun classified the incident as a homicide.

“I would classify this death as a homicide.

Please take note that murder is not our term.

It’s a legal term,” she said in a press conference last March 11.

Dr. Fortun, who inspected Booc’s remains, said that it was probable that the shots fired had “an intent to kill”.

“All I can tell you from now is that Booc sustained very serious injuries of the trunk from multiple gunshot wounds. There were internal hemorrhages. [Ang] meaning niyan, buhay pa yung tao nung siya ay binaril,” Dr. Fortun added.

She said that she was only able to autopsy the embalmed remains of Booc, who died due to massive blood loss. She also pushed to have further investigation to fully figure out what truly transpired during the incident.

“We try to explain what those bullets speak.

A step further is whether we can reconstruct the shooting,” she added.

The 10th Infantry Division initially said that Booc was among five people who were killed in an armed encounter in New Bataan, Davao de Oro last February 24. Contrary to this claim, Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) Chief Information Officer Marco Valbuena said that the state forces’ “‘encounter’ claim is an outright lie”. The local New People’s Army (NPA) unit in the area confirmed that no encounter happened in New Bataan, Davao de Oro. “The AFP [Armed Forces of the Philippines] claims that an encounter occurred, but initial information from locals confirms that there was no encounter that took place,” Save Our Schools (SOS) Network added.

The five victims, which came to be known as the “New Bataan 5”, were sent by the SOS Network for research work in Davao de Oro. Booc died with fellow Lumad teacher Gelejurain “Jurain” Ngujo II, community health worker Elgyn Balonga, and drivers Roberto Aragon and Tirso Añar.

On February 15, 2021, Booc was among the detainees in what the state claimed as a “rescue operation” in a Bakwit School in Cebu.

However, Lumads and progressives view the arrests as an attack against their community.

They faced accusations of training students as child rebel soldiers, but this was later dismissed for lack of proof.

Contrary to these accusations, Booc said that Lumad schools were built to teach Lumad children to protect their rights against oppressors.

“Ang role ng mga Lumad school at ng mga kabataan ay napaka-potent na tool para isulong ang ating mga progressive na changes.

Tinuturuan doon ang mga kabataan na magsalita, kung paano magpahayag ng kanilang mga saloobin, kung paano mag-express ng resistance against sa mga powers na nag-eexploit o nag-o-oppress sa kanila,” Booc expressed in 2020.

Prior to his arrest in a Lumad school, Booc was also already detained in 2017, after protesting against the extension of Martial Law in Mindanao during a congressional session on the Marawi siege. He and seven other individuals were charged with “disturbance of proceedings”.

Steadfast in the face of threats

Even before his arrests and death, Booc has endured being branded as a communist or even a terrorist several times.

“Throughout their years of service, Chad, Jurain, and Elgyn had been subjected to threats, harassment, intimidation, including death threats, red-tagging and terror-tagging, and surveillance. It is then even more deplorable that the people who take up the initiative to serve in far-flung communities, where the Duterte government cares little to address the needs of its residents, are targeted and killed,” SOS Network said.

In fact, Chad’s sister Jennah Booc said that in 2017, her brother posted several records of threats and attacks. Addressing which, he said, “Blame the AFP for my death.”

Despite the persisting terror-tagging, Booc’s family and friends testified that he stood against such threats to continue serving Lumad communities and fighting for people’s rights.

“Despite the mortifying experiences-harassment, constant red-tagging, terror tagging, and even death threats from the hands of our

Lumad Teacher Chad Booc. PHOTO FROM THE UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES

own state forces, the AFP military, PNP [Philippine National Police] & NTF-ELCAC [National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict], Chad remains steadfast in his principles of peace, human rights, and justice,” Jennah Booc wrote.

Jennah expressed her disgust over the killing of her brother, who merely chose to be of service to rural communities.

“It’s so disgusting to know that our own government bruttaly [sic] tortured and killed my brother just for merely speaking out on the rampant militarization in the Lumad’s ancestral lands, closure of their schools, exposing them for the murders of the indigenous families and traumatizes children. Backed by the Duterte administration, foreign investors have been burning down Lumad mountains and destroying domains owned by locals,” Jennah added.

Napoleon Booc, Chad’s father, also waved off the accusations thrown at his son by state forces.

“My son was an extraordinary person – he loved the poor and the marginalized. He was not a terrorist. He had so many plans to help

the downtrodden,” Napoleon said.

In fact, despite the military’s claim that the New Bataan 5 were armed when they were killed, SOS Network said that Balonga, who was among the victims, even contacted her family to fetch them in Davao City on February 23.

“Elgyn was still able to send a text message to her family asking to fetch them. This was the last known contact,” SOS Network stated.

The SOS Network, along with progressives, relatives and friends of the victims, continues to call for an impartial investigation on the deaths of the New Bataan 5.

A life of service

A cum laude graduate of BS Computer Science in UP Diliman, Booc’s undergraduate thesis about a mobile application has also been widely recognized. As such, he received remarks about his studies being “wasted” as he had chosen to serve Lumad children.

“Ngunit hindi ba’t mas sayang kung yung ‘Husay at Dangal’ na nakuha natin mula sa unibersidad ay gagamitin lang natin upang paglingkuran ang mga mapagsamantala, ang

NEWS

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mga dayuhan at ang mga malalaking kapitalistang nagpapahirap sa mga manggagawa?”

Booc wrote in 2017.

In his social media posts, Booc shared that it was more fulfilling to share his knowledge to Lumad children, despite not being able to fully apply his computer science degree in his career.

With his “#FromCStoCS” (Computer Science to Countryside) stories, Booc said that although he wasn’t able to use everything that he had learned, it is the joy of seeing Lumad children and their smiles that reminded him why his knowledge was not wasted.

“Sa paglilingkod natin sa mga inaapi, sa mga marginalized na sektor ng ating lipunan, kailanman ay hindi masasayang ang ipinagkaloob sa atin ng unibersidad. Hindi sayang na nag-UP tayo para tumungo sa kanayunan, kasi ito dapat ang tungkulin natin, ang paglingkuran ang sambayanan,” he added.

Jennah Booc said that Chad had everything he needed to secure a high-paying corporate job, but social realities made him selflessly choose to serve the people and teach in Lumad communities.

“As a soft-spoken but dauntless national-democratic activist as he is, he knew that computer programs could wait until our society embraces a comprehensive program that is of the masses and for the masses. Since then, he had devoted his life to serving the people in whatever way he could,” she wrote in a Facebook post.

UP Diliman Office of the Chancellor Executive Staff also released a statement condemning Booc’s death, saying that he was a civilian non-combatant who committed to the life of being an “Iskolar para sa Bayan”.

“It is in service of such a vision that our core values of honor, excellence, and compassion are most nobly exemplified, and we are proud to honor their lives and remember them as among the best of our students and the best of our teachers,” UP Diliman Office of the Chancellor Executive Staff wrote.

Kevin “Ka Facio” Castro: In honor of a revolutionary

Three days before the killing of Booc and the rest of the New Bataan 5, another teacher, who was a revolutionary, also died at the hands of state forces.

Kevin “Ka Facio” Castro was killed by the 1st Infantry Battalion of the Philippine Army (IBPA) in Polillo, Quezon last February 21.

According to Karapatan Timog Katagalugan (TK), the release of Castro’s remains was even delayed because of the authorities.

“Nagtungo ang humanitarian team ng Karapatan Timog Katagalugan sa bayan ng Polillo upang samahan at agapayan ang pamilya sa proseso ng pag-claim ng labi. Nagkaroon ng ilang kahirapan dahil, tulad ng mga nakaraang karanasan, sadyang ginigipit at pinahahaba ng 1st IBPA ang simpleng pagkilala at pag-release ng labi sa pamilya Castro,” Karapatan TK wrote.

Karapatan TK informed the Perspective that Castro’s remains were finally claimed last February 24. The alliance expressed their gratitude to the local government unit of Polillo and all those who assisted in the process of claiming Castro’s remains.

Various students’ and progressive groups recognized the heroism of Castro.

According to the UP student council alliance Katipunan ng mga Sangguniang Mag-aaral sa UP (KASAMA sa UP), “They can take away his life but certainly not the hope he planted in all of us. To his many students, to the toiling masses, and to the many communities

Revolutionary Kevin Castro. PHOTO FROM MICHAEL JOSELO/KARAPATAN TIMOG KATAGALUGAN

he served, Kevin is a brave anak ng bayan, a teacher, a fighter, a hero.”

KASAMA sa UP added that Castro was a student leader from UP Diliman’s College of Education who held various positions in the council. Castro also served as spokesperson of the National Union of Students of the Philippines (NUSP) in 2016.

“In his time in NUSP and in the student council, he is unwavering in the frontlines in fighting for the right to free education,” NUSP wrote.

NUSP added that Castro had a magna cum laude and batch valedictorian standing. He dedicated all these to serving and teaching in rural areas in Quezon. “[He] had a magna cum laude and batch valedictorian standing, and it is clear that his academic achievements are telling of his skills, talent, and wit – which he dedicated full-time to serving the people and teaching in Quezon, in places and communities not reached by the

Si Kevin Castro ay aming kinikilalang kampeon ng libreng edukasyon dahil malaking papel ang kanyang ginampanan sa pagbubuklod at pag-organisa ng napakaraming lider-estudyante at konseho ng mga mag-aaral upang isabatas ang Free College Education Law o RA [Republic Act] 10931.

K A B A TA A N PA R T Y L I S T S TA T E M E N T

government,” NUSP added.

NUSP condemned Castro’s killing at a time of “grave education woes”. “...To kill an educator in the time of grave education woes instead of addressing its ails is cold-blooded,” NUSP said.

Kabataan Partylist also recognized Castro’s role in championing for free education.

Meanwhile, KASAMA sa UP said that Castro truly lived up to the university’s call of serving the people.

“Kevin left his comfortable life and future to fulfill the most unparalleled and bravest decision one could offer in the pursuit of service – to offer oneself for the nation,” the alliance wrote. [P] ONLINE

uplbperspective.org Read the Editorial article about Chad Booc and Kevin Castro https://bit.ly/ChadBoocKevinCastro

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M A R C H 30, 2 02 2 | U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G

Glitch in the system: A history of SAIS and the six-year clamor for its junking UPLB University Student Council (USC) said that they will ensure that there will be a seamless transition from SAIS to the UPLB DX Academic Management Information System.

BY YANI REDOBLADO ASSOCIATE NEWS EDITOR

probation, and leave of absence (LOA).

In 2019, then-Chancellor Sanchez finally faced UPLB students in a dialogue with only around 100 students reportedly allowed to participate.

Severino mentioned that the Sanchez administration stood firm in their belief that SAIS is a system initiative they cannot change, despite students’ assertion that homegrown systems must be prioritized, as noted in the UP Charter.

UPLB students score major triumph six years after the implementation of the hotly contested Student Academic Information System (SAIS), following Administrative Order No. 103 from the Office of the Chancellor (OC).

The order, dated March 14, states UPLB Chancellor Jose Camacho Jr.’s constitution of an ad hoc committee that will “oversee the development and implementation” of the new information system called UPLB DX Academic Management Information System that will replace SAIS. The UPLB University Student Council (USC) regarded the recent development as “an unquestioned victory of the whole UPLB student body”.

“The UPLB University Student Council believes that the student body deserves quality education services in all forms, and this development is the fruit of our collective struggle of demanding what we rightfully deserve,” UPLB USC wrote.

SAIS has a long history of technical difficulties, with students and faculty clamoring for its junking.

2011-2015: A new system

Then-UP President Alfredo Pascual (PAEP)’s P750 million Electronic UP (eUP) Project, of which SAIS is part of, intended to turn UP into a “globally competitive university”.

SAIS was officially launched in two constituent units in October 2013, where glitches caused the start of classes in UP Manila to be delayed. This prompted hundreds of UPLB students to stage the first walkout on November 13, 2015 to condemn the “commercialization of education”.

Then-USC councilor Charm Maranan said in an exclusive interview with the Perspective that the walkout resulted in the delayed implementation of SAIS in UPLB. SystemOne was brought back that semester in what Maranan tagged as its fastest and most efficient run.

“Mabagal din naman talaga si SystemOne sems prior pero when funding was given to it na kinaya na mag-procure ng server, sobrang bilis ni SystemOne. This proves na sana kung pinondohan lang si SystemOne, kaya naman niya talaga na i-cater ‘yong students,” Maranan said.

2016-2017: “Birthing pains”

#JunkSAIS placed first in the Philippine Trends on Twitter after first-time SAIS users were introduced to the new official online registration system of UPLB in 2016. Because of Internet traffic during the online registration, the server crashed.

Due to the whole SAIS fiasco, more than 800 students and faculty members marked the first day of classes – now known as the first “First Day Rage” – with a protest to raise the #JunkSAIS call, to extend the registration, and

2021-present: “Worst” SAIS experience under online setup

[P] PHOTO BY JUAN SEBASTIAN EVANGELISTA

to hold the UP administration accountable.

Students demanded a dialogue with UP Assistant Vice President for Development and Director Jaime D.L. Caro. However, the UPLB administration responded “by locking down the Main Library, and lying on the whereabouts of Dr. Caro”.

Because of the students’ clamor, they successfully entered the library, leaving the glass door broken. They were unable to speak with Dr. Caro as he had already left the building.

At the 1320th Board of Regents (BOR) meeting held on August 25, 2016, PAEP said, “Paninindigan natin ‘yan!” [“We will stand by it!”] when asked if he is ready to face charges.

The Ombudsman case against him was already filed.

The UP administration was also asked to publicly apologize after discrediting the thesis of UP Diliman College of Mass Communication (CMC) students Ronn Joshua Bautista and Khrixia Subingsubing titled, “System Error: An Investigative Study on the Implementation of eUP Project in the University of the Philippines”.

Considered as the “backbone” of the #JunkSAIS campaign in UPLB, the thesis uncovered controversies surrounding the bidding process, as well as comparisons of SAIS to existing homegrown systems in constituent units.

In September 2016, the UPLB administration said that the technical difficulties were only “birthing pains”.

Then-UPLB Chancellor Dr. Fernando C. Sanchez, Jr. failed to engage the USC and the students in a formal dialogue but assured that a committee for registration concerns will be established, which never resulted in fruition.

During the First Day Rage protest on August 2, 2017, UPLB students marched again to the Main Library demanding a dialogue with Chancellor Sanchez, but were only faced with Vice Chancellor for Academic Affairs (VCAA) Portia Lapitan addressing them in an informal dialogue. VCAA Lapitan reportedly deserted the students in the middle of heated debates on free tuition and registration concerns.

After the University Police Force (UPF) and the Community Service Brigade (CSB) barricaded the Main Library, students forcefully entered to reiterate their demands, leaving the glass door broken for a second time. Three student protesters faced formal charges for damaging university property.

Despite dialogues, Maranan said that the UPLB administration remained non-committed to junk SAIS.

2018-2020: Repressive student policies

In an interview with the Perspective, incumbent UPLB USC Chairperson Siegfred Severino said that the #JunkSAIS campaign became a staple demand during mobilizations.

On March 8, 2018, Maranan said that UPLB students staged another walkout caused by the no late registration policy and more than half a thousand maximum residence rule (MRR) and readmission cases, to which SAIS contributed.

MRR pertains to students being disallowed to register after maxing out their residency equivalent to one and a half times the normal length of their degree program. Readmission, according to UP Code Article 389, is the process where students attempt to return after dismissal due to failed subjects, double

During the pre-registration for the second semester of A.Y 2021-2022 last January, the USC noted various student concerns regarding SAIS’ errors, as the servers cannot handle the volume of Internet traffic from students trying to enroll.

Severino regarded the incident as one of the worst SAIS registrations he experienced.

As USC chairperson, he was then included in the joint meeting of the Executive Committee and Management Committee with incumbent Chancellor Camacho, Vice Chancellors (VC), Assistants to the Vice Chancellors (AVC), college deans, and institute directors. Graduate school dean Dr. Jomar F. Rabajante, VC for Student Affairs Janette Silva, and even Chancellor Camacho reportedly expressed support for the junking of SAIS during the meeting.

Even the UP system Information Technology Development Center (ITDC) director voiced disappointment with SAIS’ run for that semester.

With the replacement of SAIS, Maranan said that one of the struggles with the transition from one system to another is funding.

“For us to be able to develop our own management system, it’s very important that funding really be allocated. The support that our computer scientists, programmers, and developers need is that funding; they need all the support they can get from the administration,” she noted.

She added that changing the software is not the “be-all, end-all solution”, citing the problem with shortage of faculty and slots. The academic union previously raised the call for more permanent positions or a larger faculty to handle classes.

Furthermore, Severino stressed that the USC will ensure that the user interface and learning curve for the new UPLB DX AMIS are considered.

“Babantayan natin na ‘yong user interface ay madaling i-navigate. Iisipin din natin kung ‘yong mga data ba sa SAIS right now ay mata-transition seamlessly sa DX AMIS na ipapalit. We have to ensure na madaling makakapag-adjust ‘yong mga estudyante, at ‘yong software na gagamitin ay madaling matutunan,” he added. [P] ONLINE

uplbperspective.org Read related SAIS articles on our website https://bit.ly/SAISUpdates

UPLB NEWS

U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G/ E L B I | M A R C H 3 0, 2 02 2

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Feb Fair 2022 highlights campaigns for acad freedom, democratic rights The event also gave tribute to slain progressives, including revolutionary Kevin Castro and Lumad teacher Chad Booc.

BY MARK ANGELO FABREAG STAFF WRITER

D

ue to COVID-19 pandemic restrictions, this year’s UPLB February Fair, simply known as “Feb Fair”, was celebrated virtually from February 24 to 26 through Facebook Live on the event’s page.

With the theme “BALIKWAS: Paglukso sa Landas ng Tunay na Kalayaan at Karapatan”, the three-day event focused on campus-wide campaigns on academic freedom, democratic rights, and the national elections.

“Balikwas is a Tagalog word that means to turn suddenly to the opposite side or to suddenly rise from a lion position,” Gean Marie Celestial, convenor of Rise for Education Alliance - UPLB (R4E - UPLB) explained in her welcoming remarks. Balikwas would be a central theme for each day of the event.

Since September 1972, the Feb Fair has been hosted by the UPLB All Student Councils’ Assembly (ASCA). In their promotional letter, ASCA added that the event has been part of its mandate to develop social awareness and responsibility geared towards the development of a nationalistic spirit rooted in democratic principles within the university.

“The Feb Fair is composed of performances from local artists, booths of university organizations, and food concessionaires, which aims to provide entertainment to its attendees while giving light to social and political issues within and outside the university,” ASCA added.

Advocating for #LigtasNaBalikEskwela

The first day of Feb Fair last February 24 focused on the theme, “Bumalikwas para sa Ligtas na Balik Eskwela!: Ipaglaban ang libre, de-kalidad, at makamasang edukasyon para sa kabataan”, hosted by the University Freshman Council (UFC).

In the segment of sociocultural, sociopolitical organization Kapatirang Plebeians - UPLB Curia titled Razzmatazz XVIII, Student Regent (SR) Renee Co and instructor Prof. Jethro Pugal of the UPLB Department of Humanities (DHum) tackled different perspectives and experiences of teachers and students amid the online learning set-up.

SR Co pointed out that there is a need for every university and state college to campaign for #LigtasNaBalikEskwela to establish a “support system”.

“Kailangan na nating ma-establish ulit ang support system that gets us through education, ang mga kaibigan at mga organisasyon at iba’t-ibang miyembro ng academic community na sama-samang nagtutulungan para mapabuti ang isa’t isa at sa pangkalahatan,” Co expressed.

In exclusive interviews with the Perspective, UPLB students and faculty shared that they have been confronting the same challenges for the past two years of remote learning. They mentioned the difficulty of setting “boundaries” between academics and personal life amid

BALIKWAS: UPLB Feb Fair 2022. PHOTO FROM UPLB FEBRUARY FAIR / FACEBOOK

the remote setup.

81 UPLB students have so far been approved for limited face-to-face (F2F) activities. These are students doing thesis work and laboratory experiments who need access to campus facilities.

Prof. Pugal emphasized that education is a “social event” that encourages mutual forms of learning.

“Ginawa natin ang edukasyon bilang isang social event. Ito ay hindi lamang isang tao na nagbabasa at natuto, ito ay isang taong natuto kasama ng kanyang komunidad dahil sa kanyang komunidad, at mas importante para sa atin sa Unibersidad ng Pilipinas ang para sa ating komunidad,” Prof. Pugal added.

Moreover, progressive rock band Plagpul was invited to perform. UP Guild of United Minds-UP Praefects also shared on the campaign of #LigtasNaBalikEskwela topic in their podcast called “Alpas”.

SAKBAYAN’s Show of Force, UP Jammers, Pordalab, and Kabataan Partylist were also invited to ignite the campaign for student rights.

“Ang nagpapanalo sa bawat laban natin para sa atin sa unti-unting pag-achieve sa isang tunay, libre, de-kalibre, at abot-kayang edukasyon ay ang masang estudyante,” said Jianred Faustino, fourth nominee of Kabataan Partylist.

Upholding democratic and human rights

The event’s second day last February 25 focused on the theme, “Bumalikwas laban sa diktadurya: Isabuhay ang mga Aral ng Batas Militar; Tutulan ang De-Facto Martial Law ng Pasistang Estado!”

The event was opened by Kyle Salgado, spokesperson of Karapatan Timog Katagalugan (TK), to commemorate February 25 for the modern human rights defenders.

“Iaalay natin ang araw na ito sa lahat ng mga nauna sa atin, na lumaban nang puspusan at hindi natinag ang paninindigan hanggang kamatayan – ang mga martir ng sambayanang Pilipino na ubos-lakas na nagsulong

ng kapakanan at karapatan ng mga mamamayan,” Salgado emphasized.

Salgado also manifested that February 25 is dedicated to all modern human rights defenders who continuously fight despite many repressions by the government.

Furthermore, gender equality and sexual orientation, gender identity, gender expression, and sexual characteristics (SOGIESC) campaigns were presented in the segment of UPLB Babaylan’s “Drag Den IV: Unite for Love.” The segment addressed the current issues experienced by the LGBTQIA+ community within and outside UP campuses.

In relation to this, during the 52nd General Assembly of Student Councils (GASC), the body passed Resolution 2022-05 that campaigns for strengthening gender equality and individuality within and outside the university.

Calling for democratic national elections

Odessa Garcia of Makabayan - Southern Tagalog (ST) opened the last day of Feb Fair forwarding campaigns for nationalistic politics that represents the different sectors.

The last day of Feb Fair 2022 focused on the theme, ”Bumalikwas para sa patas at makabayang eleksyon! Isulong ang people’s agenda!

Magkaisa laban sa dinastiya ng papet at pasistang Marcos-Duterte!”

“Ngayong panahon ng eleksyon, hamon sa atin na pumili ng mga makabayang lider na tiyak na magsisilbi sa mamamayang Pilipino.

Sa tumitinding kagutuman, kawalan ng trabaho, kabi-kabilang patayan, nararapat lamang na matamasa ng bawat Pilipino ang isang maayos na pamumuno na tiyak na mabilis na aaksyon sa kinakahaharap nating krisis pangkalusugan dulot ng COVID-19,” Garcia said.

“Isko’t Iska 2022: Di lang bilog ang hugis ng pagbabago” tackled the importance of the upcoming national elections, and how it will manifest in the country’s current situation.

In addition, Bayan Muna Partylist spokesperson Teddy Casiño tackled the country’s election issues that are usually reduced to

choosing the “lesser evil”.

“The choice is between democracy and fascism; between good and bad, between going forward and going back. Ang tanong na lamang sa atin ay gusto na ba nating ibalik ang isinuka na natin 36 years ago at ipagpatuloy ang alam nating palpak at korap na pamamahala o baguhin ang lahat ng ito?” Casiño said.

Moreover, the event also commemorated the sacrifices of slain human rights activists and educators Chad Booc and Kevin Castro, who both died at the hands of state forces.

Revolutionary and former student leader Castro was killed last February 21 by the 1st Infantry Battalion of the Philippine Army in Polillo, Quezon.

Meanwhile, Lumad teacher Booc was among five individuals killed in New Bataan, Davao de Oro last February 24. While the 10th Infantry Division insisted that the victims were killed in an armed encounter, Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) Chief Information Officer Marco Valbuena said that the military’s claim is an “outright lie”. The local New People’s Army (NPA) unit in the area confirmed that no encounter happened.

Furthermore, Samahan ng mga Mag-aaral ng Teknolohiyang Panlipunan (STP) - UPLB’s “Oro Plata Porma” and UPLB’s Paglaum 2022 highlighted the calls of different sectors – from senatorial candidate Elmer “Ka Bong” Labog to various UPLB progressive organizations – to continuously campaign for human rights especially this upcoming elections.

The proceeds of the three-day long event will go to beneficiaries and contribute to the advocacies of Serve The People Brigade (STPB-UPLB), the relief arm of the University Student Council that unites the UPLB community in extending its help to address the primary needs of various communities. [P] ONLINE

uplbperspective.org Read the full story and additional context on our website https://bit.ly/UPLBFebFair22

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M A R C H 30, 2 02 2 | U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G

UP acad union discloses details on delayed benefits, unsettled demands of faculty, REPS In an exclusive interview with the Perspective, All UP Academic Employees Union Los Baños (AUPAEU - LB) President Prof. Cris Lanzaderas shed light on the agreements between the union and the UP administration.

BY YANI REDOBLADO ASSOCIATE NEWS EDITOR

ng level at hindi nila kailanganin agad ‘yong award.”

The P50,000 Sagad Award is being championed for REPS who cannot be promoted anymore, as they have already reached the maximum of eight steps in their salary grade.

Merit promotion allows REPS to be promoted at most two steps, ending at step eight.

The Sagad Award is the equivalent of the merit promotion for REPS who are already in step eight but are still productive.

F

or the academic sector in the UP system comprising the faculty and the Research, Extension, and Professional Staff (REPS), 2021 ended with delayed benefits and persisting challenges.

The Collective Negotiation Agreement (CNA) between the All UP Academic Employees Union (AUPAEU) and the UP system administration was finally ratified in December 2021. The agreement includes the grant of the CNA Incentive amounting to P25,000.

The union also won benefits including special leave privileges; scholarship or study privileges for relatives of faculty and REPS without children; on-campus and off-campus housing facilities; medical assistance; and constitution of grievance procedures and provisions for supporting REPS’ well-being.

Prior to being approved, the CNA should be ratified by the largest number of faculty and REPS in the UP system, which is 50% + 1. This number was achieved resulting in the ratification of the agreement last December.

In an exclusive interview with the Perspective, AUPAEU Los Baños (LB) President Prof.

Cris Lanzaderas said that the CNA for fiscal year 2021 was continuously delayed due to numerous postponement of meetings brought by the pandemic. This was worsened by issues on Internet connectivity and availability of each party.

“Usually kasi, ginagawa ang CNA face-toface kasi doon talaga harapang naglalatag ng files ang dalawang sides [union and admin] para nga mag-negotiate,” Prof. Lanzaderas shared, baring the difficulties of negotiating online.

Besides the CNA incentives and leave credits, enclosed in the agreement is the representation of the union in key university committees.

“Para matiyak na fair at makatao ang policies na bubuuin dahil sila lang naman ang magpapatupad, pero ang makakaranas naman talaga ng policies ay ‘yong mga faculty and REPS, so dapat may representation ang union,” Prof. Lanzaderas added.

The CNA between the UP administration and the AUPAEU is different from the CNA between the university and the All UP Workers Union (AUPWU) – the latter concerns the university administrative staff. Both unions, however, negotiate to receive the benefits for the next five years covered in the CNA.

Demand for increased fringe benefits

Prof. Lanzaderas said that the fringe benefits that are usually included in the CNA were excluded in the negotiations. Fringe benefits refer to the benefits received aside from the salary of academic employees mandated by the government. These include the 13th month pay, grocery allowance, and Annual Incentive Grant (AIG), among others.

“Isa rin sa dahilan bakit na-delay [ang CNA] kasi pinilit ng UP administration na ilabas sa CNA [ang fringe benefits] dahil hindi raw ito

Limitations for contractual employees

All UP Academic Employees Union Los Baños (AUPAEU - LB).

AUPAEU - LB PRESIDENT PROF. CRIS LANZADERAS

dapat nasa CNA. Hindi pumayag ang union panel kasi kasama talaga dapat, pero dahil nga na-delay nang na-delay is nawalan tayo ng hold doon kaya ang nangyari ay pumayag na rin tayo, pero dapat may hiwalay na negotiation para sa fringe benefits,” he explained.

Prof. Lanzaderas said that the union demands for the fringe benefits to be increased, which is supposedly one of the reasons why the system administration refused to include them in the agreement.

The AUPAEU expressed their disappointment over the release of Memorandum No. PDLC 22-02, which details the payment of the first tranche of the AIG for faculty, REPS, and administrative staff.

“Una, mababa ito [AIG] kumpara sa matagal nang ikinakampanya at napag-usapan sa mga nakaraang negosasyon hanggang sa huling proposal ng ating Unyon [...] Ikalawa, hindi man lang kinonsulta o nakipagpulong ang Administrasyon para sa nasabing benepisyo...” the union wrote.

According to AUPAEU’s proposal, a total of P8,190 increase in the amount of fringe benefits is being demanded, as the prices of goods continue to rise.

Last March 9, the Office of the Vice President for Administration (VPA) released a memorandum stating that the first tranche of the rice subsidy would be released from March 14 to 18, with no changes in the details laid out in Memorandum No. PDLC 22-02.

Unchanged demands

Aside from the delayed approval of the CNA, Prof. Lanzaderas said that the union’s calls last

year still stand for this year.

“Actually, kung anuman ang ating mga panawagan noong nakaraang taon, hanggang ngayon ‘yon pa rin ang ating panawagan.

Nangangahulugan lamang na hindi talaga pa rin natutugunan ng administration ‘yong basic na pangangailangan ng ating kaguruan, REPS, at administrative staff,” he said.

He stressed that the union continues to demand for larger provisions of the Enhanced Hospitalization Programme (eHOPE), as it is not being used entirely by university employees.

Prof. Lanzaderas further said, “Nasa requirements para mapakinabangan mo ang eHOPE ay dapat ma-confine ka, so paano kung hindi ka nako-confine [but with COVID-19]?”

The union also asked for a P20,000 increase in eHOPE for a total of P100,000, which the union panel and UP system administration panel agreed on in a Union-Management Monitoring Committee (UMMC) meeting last January 21.

As of press time, the eHOPE is still in the negotiation stage as part of the health and wellness package (HWP) proposal of the union. Also included in the HWP is the call for the P25,000 Emergency Economic Relief (ER) for all university employees.

In addition, Prof. Lanzaderas said that the call for Sagad Award solely for REPS continues.

He said, “Karugtong ng pagpapalawak ng mga ina-awardan ng Sagad Award ay ang pagbubukas ng mga items sa ating mga REPS para magkaroon sila ng chance na umakyat

Besides the benefits for regular UP employees, the union also fought for the inclusion of contractual employees, especially lecturers, in the grant of year-end incentives. However, the negotiation is more difficult for sectors like job orders (JOs) and agency-hired employees.

“Medyo gitgitang nakikipaglaban sa administration kasi tine-teknikal tayo ng admin na hindi sila [contractual employees] sakop ng jurisdiction ng university dahil walang employer-employee relationship,” Prof. Lanzaderas said.

In addition, lecturers are also not covered for the Internet subsidy despite them having a teaching load, according to Prof. Lanzaderas.

Contractual lecturers are technically considered not regular employees in the university.

Prof. Lanzaderas also revealed that the UPLB administration, particularly the offices concerned with granting the Internet subsidy, said that the months covering the midyear period were not included for the subsidy. Their reason, according to Prof. Lanzaderas, is that the faculty who do not have midyear classes do not teach.

“Ang kitid naman ng tingin sa pagtuturo na parang hindi nagpe-prepare ang mga teachers sa mga susunod na semestre,” he added.

This issue on Internet subsidy was raised at the system-level.

Prof. Lanzaderas said that VPA Nestor Yunque assured them that months covering the midyear are included in the subsidy, but the release was still delayed until recently.

Prof. Lanzaderas informed the Perspective last February 24 that the faculty have already received the subsidy, according to the UPLB Accounting Office.

He also stressed that the faculty and REPS are delivering their tasks despite work concerns, so this service of releasing the Internet subsidy should benefit the academic employees on time.

Prof. Lanzaderas echoed this sentiment for the JOs and lecturers as well.

He said, “Kung hindi man mabigyan ng karampatang benefits ang mga JOs, pasahurin niyo naman nang tama sa oras. Pati mga incentives para sa mga lecturers noong 2021, marami pa ring hindi pa nakakatanggap sa case ng UPLB.” Prof. Lanzaderas reiterated a few of the union’s demands such as on-time distribution of salary and benefits, especially for contractual employees, as well as the continuous grant of benefits for those in the work-from-home setting. [P]

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U P L B P E RS P EC T I V E .O R G | M A R C H 3 0, 2022

Contrary to President Duterte’s declaration in 2018, to foster the ‘empowerment of the youth’ through the implementation of Republic Act (RA) 10931 or the Universal Access to Quality Tertiary Education Act, the postponement of CHED’s scholarship program for the fiscal year 2022 due to budget cuts stipulates the incoherence in the current administration’s resolve in delivering free quality tertiary education across the country, especially on top of the ongoing health and economic crises.

Under the Duterte regime, the education sector continues to be one of the social institutions that suffer the most from the neoliberal policies of the government, a framework that has since been inherited from the post-Marcos administrations. As the COVID-19 pandemic forced the termination of conducting traditional classes in the country, many, if not all, students were left with financial woes, coupled with personal issues, in coping with the transition to the remote learning setup.

Consequently, the stopgap measures of the government concerning the continuity of education amid the crises have failed to mitigate the impacts of successive shocks (i.e. natural calamities and worsening political climate) and has only proven to do more harm than good by further burdening the economic, physical, and mental capacities of students through forcing them to partake in an outcome-based system.

On the contrary, the crises have only generated more resistance from the studentry along with the other sectors of the society, prompting the government to attack educational institutions and individuals in its attempt to discredit and silence dissent. The Duterte regime’s propensity to instigate violence and repression in the name of reinforcing neoliberal principles in the society is a clear indication of how this political and economic thought is deeply entrenched in the state and foreign power’s political machinery.

Lest we forget: Why the fight for ‘genuine’ free education persists

BY MICHAEL JAMES MASANGYA, STAFF WRITER

Within the term of the Duterte administration, the country saw the passage of the Universal Access to Quality Tertiary Education Act. This unfortunately has plenty of implications on the landscape and accessibility of higher education.

The free tuition law has been in effect since the second semester of the academic year (A.Y.) 2017–2018. The immediate result could be seen in the number of enrollees on public Higher Education Institutions (HEIs).

Since the pilot implementation of the law in 2017, based on the available data from the Commission on Higher Education (CHED), the number of students enrolled in public HEIs across the country was 1,385,458, almost 16% lower than 1,641,607 enrollees in the previous year.

Visibly, due to the budget constraints posed by the free tuition law, admission to state universities and colleges (SUCs), local

The data also exhibits that annual enrollment on private HEIs is relatively more as compared to public HEIs– this phenomenon is in consonance with the budget cuts in the education sector as the excess in the demand for tertiary education fosters the atmosphere of market-based solutions to fill in the shortcomings of the state, therefore further enabling privatization and commercialization of education.

On the other hand, the relatively fewer number of public HEIs have only translated into students competing for slots to avail the supposed benefits of the free tuition law.

However, this inadvertently diminishes the equitable access for tertiary education as the current competitive admission processes to determine who gets to enter state-sponsored schools are skewed towards individuals who possess the academic rigors borne out of privilege and resources.

JC Punongbayan, an assistant professor from the UP School of Economics, detailed in his 2019 article that “ richer students have easier access to tutors and other resources in basic education,” thus giving them more advantage as opposed to their peers coming from lower-middle to low-income class families when it comes to school-sanctioned admission exams or policies.

Struggle for ‘genuine’ free education

Glaring inaccessibility

[P] GRAPHICS BY: RALPH CANEOS; FIRST PUBLISHED ON MARCH 15, 2022

Almost a decade ago, the tragic death of Kristel Tejada uncovered the anti-student policies of the Philippines’ premier national university concerning the cost of education– mirroring the government’s failure in upholding the basic right to education.

The recent suspension of the Commission on Higher Education’s (CHED’s) scholarship program for incoming first-year students, due to ‘budget inadequacy’, only suggests that only little to none has since changed. universities and colleges (LUCs) and technical-vocational programs became more competitive– fewer individuals are able to access tertiary education in public institutions which

is an outright contradiction of the mandate of the government to meet the demands of its constituents on education through judicious budget appropriation.

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While the current free tuition law has inadvertently intensified the educational gap between the rich and the poor, the threat is also felt across private HEIs. Recently, amid the onslaught of the pandemic, CHED approved the tuition and other school fees (TOSF) increase in 56 private institutions for A.Y. 2021 to 2022, through a memorandum order issued by CHED Chairman Prospero J. De Vera III late last year.

Students from the Ligtas Na Balik-Eskwela Now - Southern Tagalog (LNBE-ST), a youth alliance for educational concerns, condemned the said move of the government agency saying that this is unjustifiable and apathetic especially since the economic crisis brought by the pandemic has displaced many workers and ‘breadwinners’.

The arbitrary increase in TOSF only goes to show that the real aim of the commercialization and privatization of education is to support the profit motive of the capitalists engaged in the education sector.

As the government maintains its position as an enabling body in the perpetration of commercialization, privatization, and deregulation in the education sector, it is without a doubt that plenty will be robbed of their future. Lest we forget, the memory of Kristel Tejada and countless individuals who fell trapped in the promises of neoliberalism is redeemed through tireless struggles aimed at the neutralization of the parasitic maneuvers of the powers that be. [P] ONLINE

uplbperspective.org Read the full story and additional context on our website https://bit.ly/GenuineEduk

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No blood is spared in Duterte’s last full year in office with a legacy built on violent crackdowns on ordinary citizens and their rights.

The administration’s attempts to address armed conflict with the enactment of Executive Order No. 70 and the consequent creation of the National Task Force to End Local Communist Conflict (NTF-ELCAC) leave activists, community leaders, and human rights defenders wondering if each night is their last.

Since 2016, the fight has been long and winding. The administration’s ledger continues to bleed red as extrajudicial killings from the vicious war on drugs surpass a 20,000 death toll, and is further compounded by the countless deaths of left-leaning individuals and those critical of the government and its problematic policies.

However, rights violations increased in areas that were supposed to benefit from the counter-insurgency task force. As the police and military claim areas as ‘conflict-ridden’, death and displacement become deliberate.

Protests are met with unwarranted arrests and provinces become sites for relentless killings.

To name a few—the illegal detention of Cebu 8 after protesting against the signed anti-terror bill; The Lianga Killings, which refers to two separate incidents almost six years apart; the killing of known indigenous leaders in Tumandok 9; and the recent death of the New Bataan 5 in Davao de Oro. These incidents show that the military honors no holiday as the 10th Infantry Division of the Philippine Army announced the death of volunteer community school teachers Chad Booc, Gelejurain “Jurain” Ngujo II, and Kevin Castro in a so-called “encounter” on the 36th anniversary of the EDSA People Power. Which was also a week short of the anniversary of what is arguably the first organized crackdown on the marginalized and the dissidents, only two days after Duterte ordered the military to “finish them off”.

On March 7th last year, nine activists across four provinces in Southern Tagalog were slain in what is now known as the Bloody Sunday Massacre.

State security forces simultaneously raided the homes and offices of activists and labor organizers in Cavite, Laguna, Batangas, and Rizal, leaving a trail of mass arrest and murder on a Sunday morning.

Six were arrested and nine killed for “resisting arrest”: Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN) Cavite’s organizer, Manny Asuncion; Melvin Dasigao and Mark Bacasno of San Isidro Kasiglahan, Katarungan at Kapayapaan (SIKKAD), along with Abner and Edward Esto; Randy and Puroy Dela Cruz, who were Indigenous Dumagat murdered in Rizal; and Ariel Evangelista and wife Chai Lemita-Evangelista, who was survived by their 10-year-old son.

M A R C H 30, 2 02 2 | U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G

[P] PHOTOS BY POLA RUBIO, DY SANCH

No blood spared: A year

Death warrants

The first known decision against the authorities in the Bloody Sunday raids was executed by the Tanauan City Regional Trial Court in November 2021, as it voided a search warrant against Erlindo Baez from BAYAN, and dismissed the charges of illegal possession of firearms and explosives.

This was after the police applied for 63 search warrants on March 1, 2021, before the Manila Regional Trial Court (RTC) for different locations in Calabarzon.

42 were granted, 19 denied, and two were withdrawn.

This, in turn, caused the National Union of Peoples’ Lawyers (NUPL) to call on the Supreme Court to review the administrative order that permits executive and vice executive

BY BEA RABE, S judges to issue search warrants. Seeing that these eventually led to the arrest and death of countless progressives.

In the time of Duterte, warrants have been long susceptible to abuse, should they decide to even show one. Bayan Muna Rep. Carlos Zarate says in an online press briefing, “Is it not curious that there seems to be a factory of warrants, and the targets seem to follow a pattern?” This is after urging the Supreme Court to look into the irregular issuance of search warrants by a Quezon City Executive Judge Cecyln Burgos-Villavert in 2019. It led to the arrest of 57 activists in Bacolod for alleged illegal possession of firearms and explosives.\

State forces backed by these “warrant factories” have also resulted in the case of the Human Rights 7 in December 2020, where six union organizers and a female journalist were arrested, as well as the Bloody Sunday crackdown. Their arrest warrants were all issued by the same judge.

From the get-go, the Commander in Chief was keen on enforcing his ‘hometown formula’ to the entirety of the country. Early into his term, the enactment of the state-led anti-drug campaign made “nanlaban” and “tokhang” as household terms for extrajudicial death. Assailants would then bang on doors and barge into rooms, but never identifying themselves

nor procuring warrants. This deadly and oppressive strategy soon translated from alleged individuals involved with illegal drugs to alleged individuals presumed to take part in communist groups.

But as the president himself vouches for his troops to “make sure to really kill them”—accompanied by the controversial “anti-terror” bill—this administration’s platform of crushing crime is read as a “permission to kill”.

Since then, this has only fueled and heightened police and military abuse, resulting in deaths and arrests ‘without due regard for the rule of law’, as said by the United Nations Commissioner for Human Rights. What was a

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U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G | M A R C H 3 0, 2 02 2

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to denounce the events that have unraveled.

Through the human rights alliance Karapatan (TK) Timog Katagalugan, letters and appeals were sent to the officials of the Office of the Vice President (OVP), Department of Justice (DOJ), Senate of the Philippines, House of Representatives, and the Batangas local government.

Only days after the killings, DOJ endorsed the investigation to the Administrative Order No. 35 Committee (AO 35), an Inter-Agency Committee on Extra Legal Killings, Enforced Disappearances, Torture, and other grave violations of the Right to Life, Liberty, and Security of Persons. However, in its two-month mark, Cristina Palabay, secretary general of Karapatan, said that two months was already too long, and that “If the task force has shown interest in pursuing this case, they should show it.”

True enough, a year after the killings, the case has only progressed so much.

The year-long investigation did not go gentle as relatives and witnesses experience prolonged harassment as soldiers went in and out of their communities, questioning their organization and their activities. It was only this January 15 when the DOJ said that murder charges were filed against 17 police officers for the death of two of the victims, fisherfolk Ariel and Chai Evangelista. In the six-page complaint filed by the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI), the cops that carried out a search warrant on the Evangelistas had a “deliberate intent to kill”.

They also added that a special investigation team was ordered during December to file the appropriate complaint over the killing of Melvin Dagsinao, while the preliminary investigation for Manny Asuncion is in the process of being transferred to their main office under the Office of the Prosecutor General.

HEZ, JOSH ATAYDE, & SONYA CASTILLO

r after Bloody Sunday

STAFF WRITER “war on drugs” soon became a war on dissent.

Burden of Proof

In what the Human Rights Watch (HRW) Philippines writes after the Bloody Sunday Massacre, “The fundamental problem is [that] this campaign no longer makes any distinction between armed rebels and noncombatant activists, labor leaders, and rights defenders.”

Contrary to the “nanlaban” narrative, forensic pathologist Dr. Raquel Fortun said that the gunshot wounds in the simultaneous raids “really went for the kill”. Fortun’s examination of the remains of the nine activists noted that they were all shot in the chest, “...where

vital internal organs are located, including the heart and lungs and can be deadly.” There were also bullet holes that were altered and sutured.

“Bodies are evidence. I am happy that ultimately the (relatives brought the) bodies to us. [But] somebody has to be in charge all the way from the (crime) scene to the body. Their integrities should never be compromised.”

Fortun added.

According to the Philippine National Police Region 4A, the joint operations of the police and military were part of their campaign against loose firearms and explosives. They have been long targeting civilians and labeling

them as personalities of “communist-terrorist groups”, often shortened as CTGs. However, this is the only accusation that they use to justify the increasing harassment and arrests against activists.

As the UN Human Rights Office pointed out, “the vilification of dissent and attacks against perceived critics are being increasingly institutionalized and normalized.”

Sunday’s Shadow

The Southern Tagalog community spared no time in seeking justice. Alongside the victims’ families and colleagues, different groups, networks, and activist movements were quick

The denial of justice time and again all the more proves that the government has blatantly weaponized the legal system.It is in these systematic delays in solving state killings that the culture of impunity continues to succeed.

Southern Tagalog’s calls for accountability is not a bad effect of freedom: it comes with it. [P] ONLINE

uplbperspective.org Read related Bloody Sunday articles on our website https://bit.ly/BloodySundayArticles

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C U LT U R E

M A R C H 3 0, 2022 | U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G

Even though women have fought for their place in the male-dominated field of politics, the way women’s images are constructed remains a disturbing phenomenon. While the likes of Halalan 2022 candidates Leni Robredo and Sara Duterte show how women can already be on par with their male counterparts, the country is far from truly achieving gender equality, and in worst case scenarios, women are accessories to this inequality. Albeit the changing role of women and contemporary Philippine feminism has challenged perspectives towards the Filipina, views influenced by gender biases, sexism and patriarchy still remain.

BY ABEL GENOVAÑA, STAFF WRITER

Pink’s dilemma

Because the political sphere is still generally dominated by masculine standards of leadership, they are caught in a “double bind” standard – a dilemma where the images of a woman are exclusive to one another and all other options result in penalties. They would get judged if they are too feminine or too masculine for society. If a woman leader is regarded as a “feminine” woman, she is believed to bear caring with soft qualities that are inferior and not fitting for a Philippine political leader. On the other hand, if she is deemed as a “masculine” woman, who asserts herself and takes charge, she may receive the approval for bearing traditional masculine qualities of leadership, but nevertheless, under a patriarchal society, she would still be criticized for being “difficult” and “problematic”. Sexist undertones and the patriarchal mindset have caged female candidates and politicians to be trapped and restricted among the limited options society allows them to represent themselves.

One image of femininity that we have observed in today’s politics is the one that embodies a caring and calm demeanor. The motherly-type of leader, if one would make a term for it. Robredo, who is running for president, is a good example of this image that we see in the upcoming elections. She frames herself as the mother who “loves radically”, willing to fight for her children against the current predicament of the country.

Robredo’s public femininity is defined a lot by how her campaign is run, and even with her political color, “pink”, is a color that popularly has feminine connotations. She is described as “calm and diligent, serene yet steely”, an antithesis to President Duterte’s aggressive and iron-fisted leadership. Being an actual mother might have influenced her leadership style, as seen as how her domestic functions mirror how she approaches the political arena, such as her hard work of feeding lugaw and pan de sal to the hungry despite her meager budget. Another instance would be how she approached the escalating tensions of Russia and Ukraine, stating that “We have to protect Filipinos in Ukraine” and praising the country for employing its relationships and alliances to stand up against a superpower country. Her answer is a clear manifestation of the motherly instinct that always prioritizes protecting her children (the Philippines) from danger. Not only Robredo, but in the past, former president Corazon Aquino has also adopted a domestic branding as her femininity, with her image as a housewife going hand-in-hand with her duties as a president (unfortunately, criticisms for Aquino and her anti-poor, anti-farmer policies will be discussed some other time).

Leni Robredo’s branding, however, puts her on a gamble with her attempt to redefine women leadership in politics, as her political

The Double Standards of Femininity in PH Politics color “pink” is seen as too feminine for the country’s “standards of leadership”. Even with a track record to boast, negative connotations seemed to spew from her critics left and right based solely on her femininity.

Because Filipinos are so used to the kind of leadership represented by males, a woman with soft qualities is deemed as a weak leader and is held under high scrutiny as being incapable of running a country. Robredo has also been misjudged for talking too much without doing anything (“kuda lang nang kuda, wala namang ginagawa”). However, this type of femininity should never be seen and should stop being seen as inferior. We see mothers as strong people who have raised kids, managed their homes and worked for the family, but why can’t we apply this kind of mindset when it comes to women leaders?

The masculine woman is her father’s daughter

Another image that we have seen in women politics in the Philippines is the more assertive woman, the one who is thought to embody a more “masculine” side of femininity.

Sara Duterte’s image is usually the toughtalking woman that is similar to how her father shows himself to the public. Her reputation as the mayor who punched a sheriff has imprinted on how we see Sara Duterte, and it is not surprising that her supporters applaud her for this kind of image that would mirror her father’s leadership but in a female exterior. Her proposal of mandatory military service also highlights this kind of assertiveness, heavily affected by her father’s militaristic mindset. She has also been seen to sport tattoos, wear an undercut, and ride an armored vehicle around the country. For her supporters, her iron fisted leadership is needed for a country that deals with a wide range of national issues.

But being a woman is not the front and center of her campaign, and perhaps, if Sara Duterte did not hold the Duterte family name,

she would be subjected to the same scrutiny as Robredo for being a woman. People who supported President Duterte also have shown their inclination towards Sara because of her father’s family name. She was perceived as “Duterte first, woman second”, suggesting that her bearing a well-known family name somewhat saved her from the heavy criticisms women face in politics. However, in spite of the tough image she shows to the public, Duterte insisted Sara not to run for president, stating that women are still not ready for the highest position simply because they are women and that they should be protected from the dirt that politics would throw at them. This shows that women who also hold “masculine” attributes still face the internalized misogyny that doubts their capabilities of being a leader. An assertive and intimidating woman is still forced to conform and stick to traditional norms and submission under men. It seems as if there is a boundary that women are not allowed to step on, and no matter how “masculine” a woman is perceived, the patriarchy still keeps them in check.

On Philippine Femininities

Femininity covers a wide spectrum and women leadership should not be limited within the traditional range enforced by the gender stereotypes that were dictated by the macho-patriarchal system. Before the coming of Spaniards, women in prehistoric Philippines enjoyed free status without being bounded by clear-cut division of gender roles. They were given opportunities to become chief of the community while also staying close to their family. They were not dictated by what a competitive woman leader and a mother should be. In almost all Philippine ethnic communities, we can also find equivalents of the babaylan and catalonan in different ethnolinguistic groups, where women are regarded with no gender bias.

During the Spanish era, those who were not

contaminated by the “Intramuros ideology” saw how women never lost their firmness and endurance in working inside and outside their homes. In the present era, finding a happy medium is overly difficult. Women continue to be criticized and noticed from the smallest details, even down from the choice of clothing that they wear to how they present themselves to the public. Whether they transgress from relevant gender rules, conform, or do both, women have no place to go where sexist eyes do not trap them under constant scrutiny.

With such standards prevailing, women walk on a tightrope, carefully navigating the spectrum and trying to balance both sides, something male leaders and candidates rarely encounter. The gender inequality faced by women in terms of stereotypes and contrasting image of what constitutes as too feminine and too masculine for women is linked to the many systems of domination and oppression. It is not enough to advocate for a single idea of Philippine feminism, as the fight for equality transcends wide range of women in the country. So long as the patriarchal society continues to exist in the Philippines, women remain caged in a double bind standard of femininity and masculinity. There should be no such quality as being too feminine or too masculine for a woman. These images of Philippine femininity should not be pitted against each other but instead, both should be criticized based on their ability to alleviate the pressing needs of the Filipino people. It is through challenging and criticizing the status quo can women leaders be free from the binds of patriarchy, and for them to carry out pro-people policies. [P] [P] GRAPHICS BY FIONA MACAPAGAL

ONLINE

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U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G | M A R C H 3 0, 2 02 2

When it comes to politics, colors are powerful tools used to send a message without even saying anything at all. In the Philippines, there is perhaps nothing more colorful than the Filipinos’ bright smiles and festivities, but the season of electing the next leaders of the nation.

Specific colors have been used to represent universal values across the globe for political parties that uphold the same beliefs. In the country, colors also play a huge role in building public trust and promoting a sense of unity and belongingness among voters as they act to appeal to the shared emotions of the public. These colors amplify a politician’s impact through appearance-associated desires and carefully curated images that are enough to hold a strong political stance.

In some countries like the United States and the United Kingdom, blue and red remains the colors of politics as a reflection of the predominantly two-party electoral system that remains until today, wherein the color blue is often associated with the conservative traditionalist parties, while red is for socialist democrats and, in other cases, labor-communist unions. However, for other countries with a multi-party system like India, Indonesia, and Korea, the colors yellow for center-left liberals, green for environmental and Islamic nationalists, orange for pro-market libertarians, white for independent two-side ideologists who balance a neutrality between the conservatives and the liberals, and purple for feminist and centrist parties have also been used to signify a stance towards specific causes and ideologies that certain politicians endorse in their campaigns and platforms.

The same observation can be made for the Philippines, being another country with a multi-party electoral system in Asia. In the past decades, while red nationalists in the likes of the pro-Marcoses and yellow liberals like the Aquino loyalists have shared dominance over the colors of politics, many other parties and personalities like the orange Villars, white and green Loren Legarda camps, and the purple and yellow trademark colors of Riza Hontiveros, to name a few, have risen to political popularity in recent years. However, the dichotomy made by the two influential families has continued to persist even though the Marcoses have not gained a position in Malacanang since 1986. But still, in every election, the battle of the red nationalists and yellow liberals continue through a new generation of politicians bred in the same system to succeed one after another.

Before yellow covered a good portion of the nation, there has only been one hue in the Philippines which is the deep red of the first and oldest party in the Philippines, the Nacionalista Party, founded in 1902. The Nacionalista Party is also the party of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos whose downfall was brought about by the power of the people with Cory Aquino as one of the key figures. Cory Aquino was the wife of Benigno Aquino Jr., Liberal Party bet and known opposition to the Marcos regime who was assassinated during Martial Law. As the dichotomy continued in the previous presidencies, the rift between the yellow and red was reinforced within the successive terms of Noynoy Aquino and Rodrigo Duterte from PDP-Laban, a democratic socialist party that is also represented by the color red. However, this coming election, it is pink that is quickly becoming the “color of change ”.

VP Leni Robredo announced her candidacy for presidency and chose the color pink to represent her party - a departure from the

Painting PH: The Colors of Philippine Politics

BY TONI YSABEL DIMAANO, STAFF WRITER [P] GRAPHICS BY JASE MICHAEL MANATAD

traditional yellow she dons as she enters the 2022 presidential elections as an independent candidate. Pink, associated with the delicacy of femininity, is rarely regarded as strong, but as cultures around the world changed, it affected how society formed a new view on femininity as a symbol of strength and courage. While the idea of Robredo in pink seems to be an attempt to diffuse the polarization of the opposition and the Duterte administration, it is also a conscious attempt to focus her campaign on her individuality, rather than on the mixed legacy of her previous party. Pink’s association with gentleness is also a sharp turn from traditional politics, especially from Duterte who implemented a macho-fascist

style of leadership. But as the supporters on the pink camp continue to gain numbers, the red is persistent for a challenge.

This presidential election, two candidates, completely different in political beliefs, are growing in popularity. One of them is Bongbong Marcos, son of the former dictator, and the other, labor-leader and activist Ka Leody De Guzman. The use of red is primarily associated with the Marcoses because of its ties to the Nacionalista Party, but the widespread reemergence of red as a color to represent the plight of the masses through Ka Leody’s campaign is going back to the roots of red as the color of revolution. The progressives from the left-wing and communists wear the color red

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to symbolize the fight for liberation and freedom that elicit a strong feeling of courage, love, and sacrifice from revolutionaries. As a labor-leader, the color red also represents the power of the masses in Ka Leody’s candidacy to whom he calls to end elitism and the corrupt political system in the country.

The existence of two completely contradicting reds in the current landscape of Philippine politics, although completely common in the United States, can bring confusion to the public. This is due to the fact that the Nacionalista red disguises themselves as a pro-country party b has a majority voters from the rural areas of the country, while the revolutionary red represents pro-people advocacies that often get misrepresented in the mainstream media and labeled by the government as terrorists.

Because of this, the causes of the revolution that would benefit the whole of the nation gets undermined by the greater public due to the rampant attack and blatant misinformation.

The multi-party political system in the country which makes the elections as colorful as it is with different party colors bannered throughout the Philippines, along with the identity politics that come into play during the electoral season produces rather a spectacle.

Instead of actually being helpful in providing the Filipinos with a number of options to choose who forwards an agenda that genuinely benefits the general public, this facade makes the color clashing more of an entertainment and less of a matter that should be taken seriously. Most importantly, the multi-party electoral system harms the nation in such a way that it provides the nation with a false sense of individuality among politicians that share the same ideals but chose to join a different partylist to gain personal and political benefit for themselves.

The multi-party system provides the Filipinos with an illusion of choice, masking politicians with the same values and intentions with different colors when they, in fact, have the same principles and go around about the same circle of influences as they came from almost identical walks of life - the upper class.

This system seems to be more individualistic with little to no regard for real unity to establish genuine reforms necessary to change the systems that impede the betterment and compromise the quality of life of the Filipinos as more often than not, different parties that exist are just a subgroup of another to have more chances of occupying government positions. With this, it is valid and necessary to question and assess the intentions of a politician, no matter what color they represent as the multi-party political system only hides the miniscule differences these political parties actually have between them.

It is indeed important to ponder on whether the country is better off with a two-party system, or whether the multi-party system is working in its favor just right, but it shall never be forgotten that no matter who the politician is and no matter what color they choose to represent themselves, it is imperative to be critical and vigilant at all times for the sake of the Filipino people. It is crucial to elect leaders that are ready to serve the people with good intent and integrity, and leaders who shall uphold the rights of its constituents at all costs with unwavering regard for the improvement of the quality of life of the whole nation, especially this Halalan 2022 and after. And with elections nearing and political colors getting more saturated as May 9th approaches, remember that there is no color more revolutionary than the true red of the Filipino people. [P]

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C U LT U R E

M A R C H 30, 2 02 2 | U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G

BY FELIPA CHENG CULTURE EDITOR Sa paparating na eleksyon, hindi pinakawalan ng Isko’t Iska ang oportunidad na talakayin ang kahalagahan ng politika, pagboto, at kung saan pumapalagay ang aktibismo sa ganitong konteksto. Ngayong taon, ipinakita ng Isko’t Iska 2021 sa apat na segment ang iba’t ibang hugis ng pagbabago – sa mga kanto ng komiks, sa poster ni Diether Ocampo, sa caller ID ng mangingibig, at higit sa lahat, sa pagsulong ng kalayaan sa labas ng kompyuter.

Gayunpaman, mabigat ang mga isyu na tinalakay ng Isko’t Iska. Bukod sa nakatapat sa panahon ng eleksyon at krisis ng pandemya, halos kasabayan rin nito ang unang taong anibersaryo ng COPLAN ASVAL o Bloody Sunday Massacre na naganap noong ika-7 ng Marso, kung saan pinaslang ng estado ang siyam na unyon-leader, manggagawa, at aktibista. Dalawang araw lang din bago ang pagpapalabas ng dula, naibalita naman ang brutal na pagpatay sa New Bataan 5, mga guro at health worker sa mga komunidad ng Lumad. Maingat, matalas, at matapang na tinalakay ng Isko’t Iska ang mga isyung ito.

“Mahaba ang tatahaking landas”:

Mahaba at matiyagang panunuyo para sa demokrasya

Isa sa mga paboritong eksena ang pagpupulong ng mga tauhan sa labas ng tindahan ni Manang Maria. Si Cesar, isang binatilyong magsasaka, naniniwalang walang mapapala sa pagboto. Ngunit pursigido ang kanyang ina, si Ka Edra, pati ang mga kasama sa inuman, na hamigin ang binata sa kahalagahan ng demokrasya.

Si Ka Edra ay kwela, palaban, at malakas uminom! Marami sa atin may kilalang Ka Edra mula sa mga sariling komunidad – mga nagbibigay ng payo kahit hindi mo tinanong, nag-aalok ng tagay kahit hindi mo hiningan, pero kukunin mo pa rin. Mahalaga ang papel ni Ka Edra di lamang kay Cesar kundi sa mga manonood ng Isko’t Iska. Si Ka Edra ang tumayong taga-organisa ng mga kainuman, taga pag daloy ng diskusyon, at pangunahing guro ng kanilang maliit na grupo. Para kay Ka Edra, mahalaga na malinawan ang anak na si Cesar sa kahalagahan ng demokrasya, kahit na matagal at komplikado itong usapan.

Bukod kay Ka Edra, puno ang dula ng palabang babae. Si Peggy na natutong magsuri at kumilatis, ang kababaihang empleyado ng COMELEC na nag-walk out noong 1986 na nagsilbing gatilyo para sa People Power Revolution, at si Mariang Banga, isang single mother at dating Marcelo-supporter at scholar (si Marcelo ay isang diktador, sigurado akong alam niyo kung sino ang tinutukoy nila dito!).

Ilan sa mga pinaka-matalas na panulat sa buong dulaan ay makikita sa Segment ni Maria Banga. Sa kanyang monologue, ipinaliwanag niya kung bakit hindi ganun kadali kumalas sa mga dating paniniwala, at kung paano nagtutunggali ang prinsipyo sa hirap ng buhay.

Saglit. Sumiklo pabalik. Alam ko ang doktrina na tinuro ay mali.

Pero hindi Hindi makalihis Paginiwa’t pinabayaang mag-isa ang buntis Mag-isa sa panahong gahasa ang demokrasya At kailangang doble ang hain sa mesa Prinsipyo’y aking uulamin Hail Mary ako’y patawarin

PHOTOS FROM ISKO’T ISKA 2021; LAYOUT BY VINCE DIZON

Pero ang kulminasyon ng mensahe ay nasa Segment 4 ng Isko at Iska. Ipinakita ang umaapaw na galit sa mapang-aping sistema, at ang nagliliyab na pag-ibig sa kalayaan ng bansa. Sa Segment na ito, iginiit ng kabataan na hindi tumitigil sa botohan, sa entablado ng dula, o sa screen ng kompyuter ang pakikibaka - kundi sa kalsada, sa mga komyunidad, sa lupain mismo na sinasaka. Dito nating isisigaw ang hinaing na itigil ang mga atake sa mamamayang Pilipino, hanggang sa tagumpay.

Nagliliyab na galit, pag-ibig, at pagkilos

Gusto ko lang din balikan ang Segment 1 kung saan komunidad ng mga magsasaka ang tauhan. Tingin ko may totoong peligro sa paggamit ng boses ng magsasakang Pilipino bilang tauhan sa teatrong kathang-isip, at ganun na rin sa ibang uri ng sining. Kahit na sabihin nating hango sa totoong buhay ang dula, nararapat na ang boses ng magsasaka ay kanila, at hindi ipapahiram sa tauhan sa entablado. Kuhanin natin halimbawa ang linya mula kay Cesar: Manalo na kung sino manalo, pero ang totoo niyan - magsasaka’t magsasaka pa rin naman tayo eh! Magbubungkal pa rin naman tayo ng mga lupang hindi naman satin. At kahit ilang

beses kayo bumoto, mga sarili pa rin natin ang aasahan natin para gumaan iyung mga lintik na buhay natin.

Kahit na sabihin nating totoo na sikliko ang paghihirap ng magsasaka, mahirap mapinta kung ano ang sinasaisip ng magsasakang Pilipino – ito ba ay representasyon o pangunguna sakanilang salita? Tingin ko, bilang mga artisa’t manunulat sa Unibersidad, ang “tunay” na representasyon para sa mga magsasaka ay mahirap maabot, lalo na’t kung hindi lumalabas sa panulat ang danas na partikular sakanila. Magbabago ba, halimbawa, ang naratibo ng kwento kung iniba natin ang setting at trabaho ng mga tauhan? Paano kung sila ay mga manggagawa sa factory? O mga komunidad na pilit na dinemolish para patayuan ng mall? O mga jeepney driver na nangagamba sa phaseout? Magiiba ba ang daloy ng kwento o nagmumukha bang ginamit ang tauhang magsasaka para mai-segway ang nangyari sa Mendiola?

Matagal at komplikadong diskusyon ito para sa mga artista’t manunulat, pero gayunpaman, kitang-kita pa rin ang pagnanais na makibaka sa mga magsasakang Pilipino, kaya’t kami ay sabik sa kung anumang ilalabas muli ng Isko’t Iska sa susunod na taon.

Ang Isko’t Iska ay aktibismo muna, at sining pangalawa. Lagi’t lagi pinaalala ng dulaan kung saan makikita ang pagbabago - nasa angas ito ng ating sining, sa talas ng panulat, sa kumpas ng musika, at higit sa lahat, sa labas. Sa kalsada, sa komunidad, sa lupain na sinasaka, sa pag oorganisa. Hindi lang bilog ang hugis ng pagbabago, dahil makikita ito sa lahat ng uri ng ating pagkilos - kahit na gaano kahaba ang tatahaking landas. .

Iniaalay ng Isko’t Iska 2021 ang dula sa mga martyr na pinaslang ng estado sa ilalim ng rehimeng Duterte.

Carlo Alberto Rjei Manalo Melvin Dasigao Mark Bacasno Ana Mariz “Chai” Lemita Evangelista Ariel Evangeista Emannuel “Manny” Asuncion Randy Dela Cruz Puro Dela Cruz Edward Esto Abner Esto Dandy Miguel Kevin Castro Chad Booc [P]

OPINION

U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G | M A R C H 3 0, 2 02 2

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Women as Barrier Breakers N O F U RY SO LO U D

BY MARILOU LORZANO CIRCULATIONS OFFICER

O

ne troubling reality that I am constantly reminded of as I grow older is that women will have no place in a male-dominated society—but that is what they say, and I believe otherwise.

I have lost count of how many times society yells a scream of bigotry, hatred, and disrespect at me for being a woman. It is as though I have committed a grave sin by having no control over being born with a gender that most people look down on.

Growing up, I was conditioned by the people around me that women are always expected to submit themselves to men and that my value as a woman only revolves around motherhood. This has been what haunts me every time I feel like resisting from the shackles that bind me. The feeling of frustration goes over the moon—no one is willing to listen, and no one wants to hear a word from a “mere” woman.

“Babae ka lang”, was what society tried to instill in me. It eventually became a whisper working to build fear inside of me. This phrase’s uncanny sound followed me everywhere I went—at home, at school, and even inside the church. I became exhausted from trying to remove the loud ringing within my ears, so I succumbed to its sound and gradually resonated with it.

The faint fire within me to carry on the struggle that we, as women, have been fighting for so long has finally died. It was after I have fallen victim to numerous sexual harassment and was repeatedly blamed for it.

[P] PHOTOS BY ISABEL PANGILINAN; LAYOUT BY VINCE DIZON

The fight had left me, and this is the very fear I still carry with me until now.

But as cliché as it may sound, the fire that had been doused has been rekindled. The place in which I grew up may have trampled and fooled me once, but falling for it twice is impossible. I also realized that despite the fact that we are largely dominated by men, there are still women who will fight for the rights of every woman, no matter how long it takes. This became a defining moment for me. It somehow reminded me that even though a voice is stifled, it still produces

to and have been a part of our history, far from what society has deemed us to be. We do not exist just to behold men. We do not exist just to bear a child. Most of all, we do not exist just to be objectified. We exist to illustrate that women can also do the things any man can do. We have long been breaking the fragile glass of gender division, proving that roles cannot define what women can or cannot do.

Everything could have been in place if the world we live in tried to open its eyes to the truth that women have so much to offer to the world. Our femininity in nature is not what genuinely characterizes us, and this is what we have been trying to tell the world— that our physical appearance does not limit us from what we are capable of doing.

In fact, women have been starting to establish their name in fields where men have largely taken space. We are not to be confined in a high-walled house, struggling to sit a crying baby with our shirts hanging loose, unkempt hair all over our faces, and sweat dripping down our bodies. We are also meant to excel in sports, STEM, academe, and even politics.

The incessant prejudice being thrown at us becomes our driving force to even prove ourselves, and there will come a time when our society will one day learn how to eliminate the double standards imposed on women, and to treat us equally as how they have embraced men for their nature.

And just like the saying goes,“Babae ka, hindi babae lang.” [P]

sound, especially when joined with other voices that cry desperately even while restrained.

The likes of Senator Leila De Lima, Reina Mae Nasino, Amanda Lacaba Echanis, daughter of slain activist Randall “Ka Randy Echanis”, and other women political prisoners demonstrate how, in a male-dominated niche—politics, in particular—progressive ONLINE uplbperspective.org women are viewed as a threat to men’s fragile masculinity.

Read the full story and additional We are progressively claiming the title that context on our website https://bit.ly/WomenBarrierBreakers women have made significant [P] contributions GRAPHICS BY JASE MICHAEL MANATAD

Looming Martial Law N O F U RY SO LO U D

BY KIM CANTILLAS COMPUTER PROFESSIONAL’S UNION

The government is in crisis—it wants to remain in power in a democracy, yet it has time and again failed the people, thereby losing their trust. More and more people become vocal about their critiques of the government, but the government responds by silencing them. The government wants the people to simply follow the rules it imposes, but these rules are unscientific and do more harm than good.

Such is the case with the SIM Card (and Social Media) Registration Bill. As its full title suggests, the bill envisions to “eradicate mobile phone, Internet or electronic communication-aided criminal activities.” But even now, we can already say that it will not be able to do so. Why? Because there are ways to get around SIM Card and Social Media registration and still commit the criminal acts this bill is supposed to “eradicate”.

Other countries that have implemented SIM Card Registration have shown the ineffectiveness of such policies in deterring crime.

[P] PHOTOS BY ISABEL PANGILINAN, PJ ATAYDE, & MICH MONTERON; LAYOUT BY MICH MONTERON

Some countries such as Mexico and Pakistan have even seen crimes such as identity fraud increase.

Aside from being ineffective in its supposed purpose, it deprives us of our right to privacy and anonymity, and exposes us to more risk. Privacy and anonymity are important concepts in information security. Now that we spend more time on our devices and have been increasingly using the Internet, the volume of data that each one of us generates has drastically increased. If these data are consolidated, they can be used to profile us.

In recent years, we’ve seen how little our government has invested in—or simply cared about—securing our data whether these data are in their own infrastructure or are held by a third party service provider.

Once we’ve been profiled, our behavior and perception can be manipulated by filtering the content that we see. This is how big tech companies profit over our data. This is what companies like Cambridge Analytica did to influence the national elections of the Philippines in 2016.

The bill also specifies that the data from the SIM Card Registration will be kept in a centralized database. It does not yet say which government agency is responsible for maintaining and securing this database. In

recent years, we’ve seen how little our government has invested in—or simply cared about—securing our data whether these data are in their own infrastructure or are held by a third party service provider.

Under Section 11, Penalties, the bill essentially allows the state to commit spoofing.

Coupled with the Anti-Terror Law, law enforcement agencies can practically use this on anyone, because the ATL doesn’t require substantial evidence—or any evidence at all—to tag someone as a terrorist and surveil them.

This bill will do the most harm to law-abiding citizens. Those with criminal intent can and will find ways around the SIM Card and Social Media Registration Bill.

Crime syndicates and corrupt government officials already have the machinery to do so. This will be but a bump in the road for them. Meanwhile our information is served to them on a centralized database of a silver platter. [P] The UPLB Perspective is accepting opinion articles that touch on relevant issues concerning news, politics, culture, and personal experiences. Send your articles or queries to opinion.uplbperspective@

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OPINION

M A R C H 30, 2 02 2 | U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G

Sa mga ala-ala ng pakikibaka UNDER SCRUTINY

BY KOBI TOLENTINO BAGONG ALYANSANG MAKABAYAN - CAVITE (BAYAN CAVITE) Ang artikulong ito ay mga sipi mula sa panayam ng UPLB Perspective kay Kobi Tolentino.

Sa lahat ng mga naging victims, at least, ng Bloody Sunday massacre, siyempre sa bahagi namin sa Cavite, ang pinakamalapit sa amin ay si Manny [Asuncion]. Kung tutuusin, ‘yung Bloody Sunday massacre, in general, ay nagsanhi ng malaking takot sa hanay ng mamamayang nakikibaka, pati mismo doon sa mga masa na nakakadaupang palad ng mga organisador mula sa iba’t-ibang mga grupo. Gayunpaman itong sinasabi kong takot na ito, ay sa saglit na panahon lang siya.

Ibig ko sabihin nadadama siya pero hindi ito ‘yung naging dahilan para ‘yung mga tao, ‘yung mga organisador, ‘yung mga miyembro ng mga progresibong grupo ay tumigil sa kanilang pakikilahok sa gawain at ‘yung mismong pagabot sa kanilang mga kaniya-kaniyang layunin bagkus itong nangyaring Bloody Sunday massacre. Ang nakita natin sa mga taong naiwan ay ‘yung kanilang kasigasigan, [at] pati ‘yung kanilang katapangan sa kabila ng mga takot

at pangamba na maaaring kaharapin ng mga naiwan. Higit na pinagtibay nito ‘yung hangarin, ‘yung pagkakaisa ng iba’t-ibang sektor na saklaw ng Bagong Alyansang Makabayan.

Higit na nakita ‘yung pagkakaisa ng iba’t-ibang mga organisasyon para dito sa sinasabi kong dakilang layunin na sinusundan ni Ka Manny.

Nagsisinungaling ako kapag sinabi ko na “okay na kaming lahat,” from time to time, we would reminisce ‘yung mga karanasan namin na kasama si Manny, minsan may mga pag-uusap kami na tinatanong na lang namin sa aming mga sarili, “paano kaya kung si Manny ay nabubuhay pa? Paano niya kaya haharapin ‘yung mga halimbawa mga ganitong klaseng mga problema o mga hamon sa pakikibaka?,” pero gayunpaman dahil mismo dito sa obhektibong hangarin at interes nung mga mamamayan, [mula kay] Ka Manny, ay kalaunan nakukuha namin ‘yung mga sagot.

Kung may pagkakataon na makatrabaho mo si Manny, isang bagay na ituturo niya sa’yo at lagi’t-lagi niyang ipapaalala sa’yo, una, ay ‘yung kasabihan natin na “tiwala sa kasama, tiwala sa masa,” na ang kahulugan din nito ay magtiwala sa isa’t-isa, na ‘wag maging pabaya at magtiwala. Dahil ito ‘yung magiging lifeline ng pakikibakang ito.

Bagaman napakahirap harapin ng ganitong klaseng hamon at napakahirap harapin ng

mga sumusulpot na mga bagong problema.

May mga panahong mahirap makipagtunggali. Pero ayan naman ay mga normal na bagay na. Kaya ‘yung sinasabi ni Manny na tiwala, ito ‘yung mismong naging tulak sa amin after the Bloody Sunday massacre. Mula kami sa iba’t-ibang sektor at si Manny naman ay hindi naman karaniwang miyembro lang ng BAYAN Cavite kundi siya ang Secretary-General. Ibig sabihin malaki rin ‘yung katumbas ng nawala para sa mga mamamayan ng Cavite. Lagi’t-lagi niyang sinasabi sa amin na magtiwala, na kung anuman ang aming harapin ay laging ibuhos ang lahat, laging ubos-lakas na gumampan ang mga gawain at ‘wag magpakaliberal, ‘yan ‘yung naging gabay namin sa mga sumunod na buwan after the Bloody Sunday massacre.

Hanggang sa ngayon naman may mga takot pa rin kami. Kaya naging battle cry na namin dito sa Cavite na ‘yung takot ay normal naming haharapin; p’wedeng matakot ang lahat pero hindi pup’wedeng maduwag dahil ito yung inaasahan na sadyang risky ang pakikibaka kasi mismo ‘yung sitwasyon ay nilagay tayo sa panganib—naging mapanganib na ‘yung sitwasyon bago pa maging mapanganib ‘yung pakikibaka.

Kapag nananawagan tayo ng “Never again, Never forget” sa Martial Law? Hindi na lang siya dapat maging phrase. Hindi na lang siya dapat

maging hashtag o panawagan. Ang ibig sabihin natin kapag sinabi natin na “never again,” hindi na p’wedeng mangyari itong karahasan. Hindi na p’wedeng mangyari itong impunity under the Duterte regime at sa mga susunod pang rehimen. When we say “never forget,” hindi lang ito simpleng panawagan na ‘wag kalimutan ang Bloody Sunday. Kailangan natin ipakita, iparinig, at ipakalat ‘yung mismong nangyari noong Bloody Sunday massacre–hangga’t hindi natin nababanggit ‘yan, makakatakas at makakatakas lang ‘yung mga berdugo sa kanilang mga kriminalidad.

Hindi lang tayo titigil lang doon sa mismong pag-alala natin. Kundi siya dapat ay maging isang araw-araw na panahon ng paniningil, ng pagbawi ng mamamayan ng kanilang karapatan at ng kanilang lakas, kasi ayan ‘yung pinagkait sa atin. Isa dapat siyang kilusang masa ng paniningil hindi lang para sa biktima mismo ng Bloody Sunday massacre pero para sa lahat ng biktima ng pamahalaang ito, sa lahat ng biktima ng terorismo ng estado.

Si Kobi Tolentino ay miyembro ng Bagong Alyansang Makabayan - Cavite (BAYAN Cavite).

Ang BAYAN Cavite ay isang alyansa ng mga organisasyon at indibidwal na nagkakaisa para sa pambansang demokrasya, hustisyang panlipunan, at tunay na kapayapaan.

Pang Dandy: Ang “Ka Fort” ng ating panahon MUMBLINGS

BY PAUL CARSON STAFF WRITER Marahil hindi ninyo na naabutan si Diosdado “Ka Fort” Fortuna, lider-manggagawa ng Nestle na pinagbabaril habang pauwi siya sa kanyang bahay sa Calamba, Laguna noong 2005. Ako rin, hindi ko na rin siya naabutan. Noong 2005, pilit ko pang kinakabisado ang multiplication table, nakikipaghabulan sa mga kaklase. Pero lahat tayo, saksi kay Dandy Miguel.

Si “Pang” Dandy (automatic ang “Pang” sa mga pangulo ng unyon, o sa mga kinikilalang lider), ang pangulo ng unyon ng manggagawa sa Fuji Electric—pabrika ng mga electronic components para sa mga sasakyan sa Carmelray Industrial Park I, Calamba, Laguna. Ama ng tatlo, nagsimula bilang opisyales ng bagong-tayong unyon hanggang naging pangulo noong 2016 matapos mag-resign sa pagawaan ang dating pangulo.

Sa dalawang termino niya bilang pangulo, malaki ang inabante ng kalagayan ng mga manggagawa sa Fuji Electric. Lagpas isang libong piso kada araw na ang sahod ng mga manggagawa, at nakakapag-uwi sila ng maraming benepisyo para sa mga kapamilya at kamag-anak ng mga manggagawa, at maraming mga naregular na kontrakwal sa kumpanya.

Batid nila na sobra-sobra pa sa minimum na 373 piso kada araw ang halaga ng ginagawa nila sa loob ng 12 oras nilang shift. Hindi lang kasi mga unyonista ang nakikinabang kapag may bagong Collective Bargaining Agreement (CBA) ang unyon at ang kumpanya, kundi lahat ng manggagawang nagtatrabaho rito. Sa katunayan, napirmahan pa ni Pang Dandy

ang pinakabagong CBA nila noong Disyembre 2020, matapos ang ilang buwang negosasyon.

Pinagdebatehan nila ang maraming probisyon ng CBA, tulad na lang ng paid pandemic leave benefits, regularisasyon at priority employment kung sakaling mamatay ang manggagawa. Isang araw noong Hulyo 2020, nagkaroon sila ng unang kaso ng COVID-19 sa pagawaan.

Hindi alam ng mga manggagawa ang gagawin, laluna’t hindi rin malinaw ang health and safety measures na ginawa ng kumpanya nila noon.

Hindi pinansin ang usapin ng pagpapagamot at testing sa mga nagka-COVID na manggagawa ni anumang porma ng tulong na maihahatid sa kanila. Sa sobrang disgusto, hindi sila pumasok nang dalawang araw.

Sabi ngayon ng kumpanya, bayaran ng mga opisyales ng unyon ang $1.857 milyong “lugi” nila sa dalawang araw na iyon. Pero hindi nagpatinag sila Pang Dandy at kanyang mga kasamahan, kahit sa dulo ay hinihingan sila ng apology para sa nangyaring walkout. Sabi nya, hindi sila, kundi ang kumpanya ang may sagutin sa pagpapabaya sa kapakanan ng mga manggagawa.

Sinimulan ko ang pagbabahagi ko sa buhay ni Pang Dandy sa pagkakapareho nila ni Ka Fort. May karisma at nirerespeto ng lahat ng mga manggagawa, responsable at mapagpakumbaba. Masigasig sa pagdadala ng kampanya ng mga manggagawa at sa pagtagpo sa iba’t ibang mga sektor. Pareho silang aktibo at nanguna sa paglaban ng manggagawa sa noo’y nakaupong kontra-manggagawa na si Gloria Arroyo at ngayon ay si Rodrigo Duterte. Pareho rin ang naging karir nila sa kilusang paggawa bilang mga tumayong hinete ng PAMANTIK-KMU sa rurok ng pananakot at harassment sa mga unyon at lider nito. At pareho rin silang pinaslang habang nakasakay sa kanilang motor, pauwi sa kanilang mga pamilya.

Dalawang linggo bago pinaslang si Pang Dandy, nasa Batangas siya; kahit natatakot sa nangyari noong Bloody Sunday, sumama pa rin siya upang alamin ang nangyari kila Chai at Ariel Evangelista, at tumulong para dalhin sila sa independent autopsy.

Si Pang Dandy ang Ka Fort ng ating panahon. Nalulungkot pa rin ako hanggang ngayon kapag naaalala kong wala na siya. Ngunit mawawala lang ang kanyang alaala kung titigil din tayo sa pagkilos para sa katotohanan at karapatan ng bawat manggagawa. Hindi dapat tayo mamuhay ng takot kung lahat tayo ay nagugutom at naghihirap. Sa halip, dapat maging mas pursigido tayong kamtin ang makatarungang pagbabago, at kailangan pa nating paramihin nang ilang ulit ang mga Pang Dandy ng ating panahon.

Higit tatlong taon nang walang dagdag-sahod sa CALABARZON at MIMAROPA. Dumami pa ang kontraktwal na manggagawa dahil lumiit ang bilang ng mga trabahong nakasasapat.

Labas sa pangangalampag sa DOLE, ang isang paraan na lang para magtaguyod ng karapatan ng manggagawa ay ang mag-unyon—wala nang iba pa!

Ngayong halalan, pagkakaisa ang pinakamatining na salitang banggitin ng mismong mga pamilyang sanhi ng ating kahirapan at ng kamatayan ng mga tulad ni Pang Dandy.

Ngunit sa kasaysayan, ang kilusang paggawa ang isa sa mga pinakamadadagundong na porma ng pagkakaisa hindi lamang para makapag-uwi ng mas marami araw-araw, pero para isakatuparan ang kahilingan ng lahat ng manggagawa at mamamayan. Mula sa mga sanaysay at kwento, buhay na halimbawa ang mga kwento nila Ka Fort at Pang Dandy sa mga lider-manggagawa at sa lahat ng mamamayan, habang binabaybay natin ang ating araw-araw na krusada.

[P] PHOTO BY POLA RUBIO LAYOUT BY ARIANNE PAAS

OPINION

U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G | M A R C H 3 0, 2 02 2

“Respect My Opinion” MUMBLINGS

BY AIRA ANGELA DOMINGO STAFF WRITER Sa klima ng pulitika ngayon, hindi maiiwasang magkaroon ng mga kasalungat na opinyon ang mga mamamayan dahil sa iba’t ibang karanasan at pinanggagalingan. Talamak ang katwirang “respect my opinion” sa mga pagtatalo ukol sa politikal na pananaw. Isa sa madalas na pag-usapan ng mga tao ngayon ay tungkol sa napupusuan nilang kandidato– lalo na sa pagkapangulo. Kapag umiinit na ang debate ay waring ginagawang closure ng mga tao ang paggalang sa kanya-kanyang opinyon para ‘matapos’ na lang ang usapan. ‘Ika nila’y kung ang opinyon ay nakaaapak na sa karapatang pantao ay hindi na ito dapat pahintulutan.

Ang mga maiinit na pagpapalitan ng mga kuro-kuro tungkol sa pulitika ay nauwi sa iba’t ibang resulta. Sa social media, marami ang nag-unfriend o nag-unfollow sa kanilang mga kaibigan, miski pamilya dahil sa banggaan ng kanilang mga opinyong politikal. Aminado akong marami sa aking mga political posts ay pili lang ang nakakakita, dahil alam kong marami sa aking mga Facebook friends ang salungat dito. Gayunpaman, hindi ako umabot sa puntong pindutin ang unfriend.

Hindi rin nakakaligtas ang mga sikat na personalidad sa mga kritisismo ng mga tao sa tuwing malalaman ang sinusuportahan nilang kandidato. Bandang huli, ang katwirang respect my opinion ay dinala tayo sa isang dilemma kung saan pinapapili tayo ng paninindigan.

[P] GRAPHICS BY LEOJAVE ANTHONY INCON

Ang paggalang sa mga politikal na opinyon ay may kaakibat na desisyon at pagpili. Ang unang hakbang sa pagtukoy ng mga rerespetuhing opinyon ay pagtukoy sa pundasyon ng isang opinyon. Dapat suriin ang katotohanan sa mga saligan ng ating opinyon.

Sa tahanan pa lang ay marami nang kontradiksyon sa pulitika. Kagaya na lang ng salpukan ng paniniwala sa pagitan namin ng aking tatay. Noong una, hindi ko tinutugunan ang sentimyento ng aking ama bilang porma ng paggalang. Subalit, dinala ako ng katahimikan sa wala. Napuno lang ako ng pagkabagabag, dahil hindi kaya ng konsensya kong marinig ang pagsang-ayon niya sa paglabag ng mga

karapatang pantao ng ilang mga nasa pwesto sa pamahalaan. Ngunit hindi ko tinuring na kaaway ang aking ama sapagkat pagkakataon ito upang matuto rin ako mula sa kanya at maging kakampi siya sa mas makataong paninindigan.

Hindi natin dapat ikulong ang sarili natin sa echo chamber. Hindi dapat tayo manatili sa espasyong lahat ay sang-ayon sa atin, o tayo tayo lang rin ang nagkakaintindihan. Lalo lang nitong hinaharangan ang mga puwang para sana magkaroon ng mas malawak na diskurso.

Kailangan pa rin nating bigyan ng nauukol na pansin at pagkakataon para makahamig.

Panahon na para linawin ang katwirang

15

“respect my opinion” sa usaping politikal. Una, hindi ito uri ng katahimikan habang maraming pananamantala ang pikit-matang pinahihintulutan. Pangalawa, hindi rin dapat gawing oportunidad ang katwirang ito para magmataas.

Isa sa mga dahilan kung bakit nauuwi sa away ang mga diskusyon ay dahil sa elitistang pakikipagtalastasan. Itinuturing na mas mataas ang opinyon ng isa kaysa sa iba na nagdudulot lang ng mapanghating lipunan. Hindi dapat ito one-way kung saan ikaw lang ang nagpupuno sa kausap mo. ‘Ika nga ni Paulo Freire, laging may palitan ng teorya at praktika ang mga indibidwal lalo na sa masa.

Gamitin nating instrumento ang paggalang tungo sa mas demokratikong proseso upang himukin na magmobilisa at mag-organisa ang masa sa iisang progresibong layunin para sa bayan. Ito rin ay pagkakataon para kilatisin natin ang ating sarili dahil hindi rin naman tayo laging tama.

Subalit, may mga opinyong pulitikal talaga ang nakahulma na para mang-abuso. Ilan sa mga halimbawa nito ay ang mga opinyon sa oligarkiya, pananamantala, interes ng iilan, at opinyon laban sa karapatang pantao. Hindi ito kailanman mabibigyan ng kahit anong katanggap-tanggap na katwiran ang mga taong piniling abusuhin ang masa.

Mahaba pa ang laban para hamigin natin ang masang biktima ng mga malalaking makinarya ng kasinungalingan. Gawin nating pagkakataon ang mga diskurso upang palawakin ang hanay ng masang lumalaban. Bandang huli, ang tugon sa politikal na kontradiksyon ay hindi dapat maging mapanghati, ngunit hindi rin dapat palampasin ang isang opinyon lalo na kung buhay at kalayaan ang nakasalalay.

Not A Quiet Place MUMBLINGS

BY AXCEL BELTRAN STAFF WRITER In the recent election surveys, the tandem of the dictator’s son Ferdinand “Bong Bong” Marcos Jr. and incumbent strongman’s daughter Sara Duterte continues to be the leading ticket for the May 2022 polls. As a first-time voter, I admit that I was so frightened when I saw the numbers.

I can still remember that night. I was in a quiet place in my room, but the anxiety was spiraling inside my head. Are we a hopeless case?

That was the question I was trying to answer myself. But my fear of uncertainty was clouding my vision.

History already has it. History has been teaching us about the atrocities of the Marcos family, yet a Marcos is leading the surveys for the highest position in the country. And they are doing everything they can to revise and destroy history in the digital milieu. As Nobel laureate Maria Ressa puts it, invisible atom bombs of lies have been planted in our online information system. Worse, they have been exploding, and many people, mostly from the vulnerable sectors, became its victims.

The exponential spread of misinformation and disinformation intertwined with the government’s tactics to silence their critics, and the alliance of the filthiest political dynasties in history, all seem horrifying for a first-time voter

like me, who aspires to contribute and witness a progressive change for his country.

Adding to this agony are the recent questionable and controversial actions of the Commission on Elections (COMELEC), stemming from its decision to junk the disqualification cases of Marcos Jr., and the unconstitutionality of Oplan Baklas. I cannot help but recall what is written in history books about what transpired 36 years ago, when a massive and blatant poll fraud rigged the 1986 snap election, and caused 35 COMELEC canvassers and computer operators to walk out in dismay and disbelief. All of these marred my thoughts.

However, after that night, I realized that I am not alone nor incapable of this fight. Lest we forget, it is too soon to assume the outcome of the elections. In a statement of the University of the Philippines School of Statistics, it is mentioned that results can be biased if the survey methodologies are also biased. The surveys only give us ‘what could be’ and not ‘what is’. We still have a long way to go and more work to do.

I was relieved to have a discussion with a sympathizer, and the discourses ended in a healthy exchange of insights. Though it is not certain, but there is a chance. For me, I will hold onto that chance that he and other people like him can reassess their choices and defy the lies planted in them. Conversations like these demand us go out of my echo chambers, and to talk and help other people understand the facts.

One thing I proved from our conversation was that the secret to persuasion is always empathy.

I admit that there is still fear inside me. I am

[P] GRAPHICS BY ROANNA ILOIZA VITUG

still anxious about the upcoming elections.

Who isn’t? We can no longer endure living the next six years of our lives in fear and horror. But I somehow learned to listen to that fear because it can tell us exactly what we need to know and act against.

We shall continue fighting and speaking for the truth. Let us continue to espouse conversation and learn from the point of view of one another. Diplomacy instead of war. Now more than ever, true unity lies in the masses.

Besides, our fight does not stop with the

elections. As long as there is oppression, injustices, and government mishaps, there will always be a demand for accountability.

So, are we a hopeless case?

No, we are not. The expansive picket of the masses are the hope. It is the conscience of the people that roars: enough is enough. It is our collective spirit to resist, fight, and save our country against distortion of truth and the negation of our holistic memory of history. And there is no place nor time for hope to be silent.

16

EDITORYAL

S I N C E 1 9 7 3 • TA O N 4 8, B I L A N G 1

Ang opisyal na pahayagan ng mga magaaral ng Unibersidad ng Pilipinas Los Baños Silid 11, 2nd Floor Student Union Building, Mariano M. Mondonedo Avenue, UPLB 4031 perspective.uplb@up.edu.ph opinion.uplbperspective@gmail.com O R GWA TC H orgwatch.uplbperspective@gmail.com E D I TO R I A L OPINION

Miyembro, UP Systemwide Alliance of Student Publications and Writers’ Organizations (UP Solidaridad) at ng College Editors’ Guild of the Philippines (CEGP)

M A R C H 30, 2 02 2 | U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G

SONYA MARIELLA CASTILLO Punong Patnugot

GLEN CHRISTIAN TACASA Patnugot ng Opinyon

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MGA KAWANI

JUAN SEBASTIAN EVANGELISTA GIANCARLO KHALIL MORRONDOZ Mga Tagapamahalang Patnugot MARK ERNEST FAMATIGAN Tagapamahala ng Pinansya ROBERT ROY GALLARDO Recruitment and Training Officer ARON JAN MITCHELL SIERVA Patnugot ng Balita

AUBREY BEATRICE CARNAJE Kapatnugot sa Grapiks JASE MICHAEL MANATAD Kapatnugot sa Grapiks, OIC JONEL REI MENDOZA Kapatnugot sa Litrato ARIANNE MER PAAS Kapatnugot sa Paglalapat

GABRIEL JOV DOLOT Patnugot ng Lathalain

KRYSTELLE LOUISE LACHICA Patnugot sa Online

FELIPA CHENG Patnugot ng Kultura

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Johanne Gonzalez, Shane Agarao, Edan Aguillon, Michael Bartido, Mikko Bartolome, Axcel Beltran, Federick Biendima, Caleb Buenaluz, Josiah Bumahit, Allaisa Calserada, Ralph Caneos, Angelyn Castillo, Charleston Jr. Chang, Princess Curioso, Kyle Dalangin, Daniel Del Mundo, Toni Dimaano, Vince Dizon, Aira Domingo, Emerson Espejo, Mark Fabreag, Reignne Francisco, Justine Fuentes, Aynrand Galicia, Laeh Garcia, Pierre Hubo, Leojave Incon, Kyla Jimenez, Kyela Jose, Jemielyn Lacap, Taj Lagulao, EJ Lasanas, Philip Li, Ian Raphael Lopez, Reuben Martinez, Franklin Masangkay, James Masangya, Zahir Meditar, Frances Mendoza, Michael Monteron, Ethan Pahm, Jed Palo, Lindsay Peñaranda, Bianca Rabe, Vianne Redoblado, Jean Reyes, Reysielle Reyes, Dana Sandoval,Rosemarie Sollorano, Fiona Uyyangco, Dean Valmeo, Mac Arboleda, James Bajar, Paula Bautista, Paul Carson, Cyril Chan, Jandelle Cruz, Gerardo Jr. Laydia, Dayniele Loren, Kennlee Orola, Isabel Pangilinan, Aesha Sarrol, Jermaine Valerio,Jonas Atienza, Shane Del Rosario, Marl Ollave, Leda Samin, Joaquin Gonzalez IV, Honey Dela Paz, Khayil Sorima, Ron Babaran, Abel Genovaña, Rainie Dampitan, Reinne Espinosa, Josh Atayde

DIBUHO NG PABALAT Jase Michael Manatad

HUSTISYANG SALAT SA MASANG ITINAKWIL

M

ahigit isang taon ang nakalipas matapos ang masalimuot na pangyayari noong Marso 2021 kung saan walang habas na pinatay ng puwersang AFP at PNP ang siyam na lider-aktibista mula sa Timog Katagalugan, ay pinatunayan ng mga ito na ang pwersa ng estado ay lantarang pumapatay at hindi paparusahan. Sa napakabagal na pagsasara ng kanilang kaso at patuloy na pambabastos sa mga martir ng bayan, hindi maaasahang sa legal na proseso lamang makakamit ang hustisya.

Sa kalagitnaan ng pagdadalamhati ng Timog Katagalugan ay na-appoint si Jose Lorenzo dela Rosa bilang associate justice ng Court of Appeals (CA). Si Jose Lorenzo dela Rosa ay ang naghain ng 42 arrest warrants—na kung tutuusin ay death warrants—para sa ilang mga biktima ng Bloody Sunday na siyang kumitil sa buhay ng siyam na lider-aktibista. Kasama na rito ang death warrants para kay Manny Asuncion, organisador mula sa Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN) Cavite na pinatay sa loob ng Workers’ Assistance Center. Si dela Rosa rin ang responsable sa paghahain ng death warrants para sa 9 na lider ng Tumandok na pinatay sa Panay noong 2020.

Ipinapakita lamang nitong appointment kay dela Rosa na ang mga sangay ng pamahalaan, sa ilalim ng mga pasistang tulad ni Duterte, ay binabaluktot upang pagsilbihan ang mapagsamantalang uri. Ang pangyayaring ito ay isang sampal sa mga mamamayang pinaglalaban ang kanilang karapatan, sa mga inosenteng sibilyang nais mamuhay nang wasto at mapayapa.

Ang karahasan ng Rehimeng Duterte ay hindi nagtatapos sa Bloody Sunday Massacre. Wala pang isang buwan ang lumipas matapos ang Bloody Sunday, pinaslang din lider-unyonista na si Pang

Dandy Miguel, na halos apat na dekadang nanilbihan bilang vice chairperson ng PAMANTIK-KMU. Dagdag pa rito, ang brutal na pamamaslang sa New Bataan 5, kung saan kasama sa mga dinakip at pinaslang ang dalawang Lumad Bakwit School Teachers na sina Chad Booc at Jurain Ngujo. Naganap din sa umaga ng ika-10 ng Marso 2022 ang pagdakip ng mga lider-pesante sa Sitio Silangan, Bacoor, Cavite. Kasama dito ang coordinator ng Anakpawis Party-list at tagapagsalita ng organisasyong kultural na Teatro Kabataan Mula Sa Nayon (TEKAMUNA) na si Jonathan Mercado.

Subalit mabigat pa rin ang pagkamatay para sa mga pamilya, kaibigan, at kasama ng mga martir at bilanggong pulitikal ng Bloody Sunday, malakas din ang galit at hangad ng katarungan. Patuloy pa rin ang paniningil ng hutisya para kay: Manny Asuncion, Mag-asawang Chai at Ariel Evangelista, Abner at Damas Esto, Puroy at Randy Dela Cruz, Greg Dasigao, Makmak Bacasno, Dandy Miguel, at iba pang mga biktima ng “anti-insurgency” operation na kung saan kinitil at inaresto ang mga progresibong sibilyan.

Hindi tumitigil sa pagpaslang sa hindi mabilang na mga aktibista ang patuloy na panawagang panagutin ang Rehimeng Duterte na siyang kumitil sa libo-libong buhay ng mga Pilipino. Kaakibat ng kanilang kamatayan ang nag-aalab na damdamin na tumindig upang labanan ang karahasan at inhustisya sa ilalim ni Duterte. Sa nagbabalang pag-upo ng tambalang Marcos-Duterte sa puwesto, lumilitaw ang mga posibilidad ng muling pagdanak ng dugo ng mga aktibista na siyang kinikilalang kalaban ng gobyerno noon pa man. Ang karahasang naganap lagpas pa sa Bloody Sunday, ang siyang dapat magsilbing paalala na walang puwang sa Malacañang ang gobyernong ang tanging nais ay kumitil at posasan ang mga taong ang hangad lamang ay maglingkod sa bayan.

Hustisya para sa mga martir at bilanggong pulitikal ng Bloody Sunday! Hustisya para kay Dandy Miguel! Hustisya para sa lahat ng biktima ng rehimeng Duterte! [P] [P] GRAPHICS BY PB YAPJOCO