Urbana Legio Magazine, issue 001

Politics:

L’exigence de la démocratie La corrupción en América

issue #March 2011

Dance:

La vague Zouk brésilien

Al Jazeera:

Defiant Gaddafi confined to Tripoli

Documentary Photography:

Brazilian diasporas and their festivities "The Festa Junina"

Culture:

ISSN 1925­3877 / 001

Soundtrack of Montréal

Languages spoken in:

Americas America América Amérique Amérika Amërika Amerika

Editor-in-chief Proofreading

Columnist

Cartoon

Photographer

Publisher

Dionì Pereira

Marie­Soleil Lessard Nicolas Jadot Rebecca Sueur

Simon Langelier Enoïn Humanez Blanquicett Esther Sherman Jorge CaBas Nadja Estevez Vanessa Vieira Abstruse Goose

http://abstrusegoose.com/

Dionì Pereira

photogr@pher.ca

Issuu T M

http://issuu.com/

Urbana Legio Magazine ISSN 1925-3877

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Urbana Legio Magazine, March 2011 News from a world in common. I

08 12 18 20 27 28 32 36 44 49 50 52 54 70

Al Jazeera: Defiant Gaddafi confined to Tripoli .......

News from a world in common. II

Languages spoken in Americas ..........................

Cartoon

Convergent subsequence by Abstruse Goose ..............

L'Odyssée politique

L’exigence de la démocratie pour Simon Langelier ......

Darkroom

Não sei muito sobre mim by Nadja Estevez ..............

A Face in the Crowd

Soundtrack of the City by Esther Sherman ..............

Cartoon

Penis size and IQ by Abstruse Goose ...................

El arca de Enoïn

La corrupción by Enoïn Humanez Blanquicett ............

Les essentiels du Brésil

La vague Zouk brésilien by Vanessa Vieira .............

Cartoon

Tree of Life by Abstruse Goose ........................

El rincon literario

Sonetos amorosos by Jorge CaBas .......................

Cartoon

Arguing with a string theorist by Abstruse Goose ......

The time machine

Documentary photography by Dionì Pereira ..............

Creative Commons

Please read our attribution policy ....................

Defiant Gaddafi confined to Tripoli Source: Al Jazeera

[ Espanhol ] [ Português ] [ Français ] [ English ]

News from a world in common

News from around the world in Creative Common license, directly to you.

Photo: Al Jazeera Live Blog

http://english.aljazeera.net/

Distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution Share­Alike license Libyan leader continues to blame foreigners and al­Qaeda for the unrest that is threatening his 41­year rule.

As more cities fall into the hands of the pro­democracy protesters, Muammar Gaddafi, the Libyan leader, is hanging on to the capital where security forces loyal to him seem to have a firm hold, even amid reports of sporadic gunfire.

On Sunday, protesters had taken control of the city of Zawiyah, 50km from Tripoli, further shrinking the control of Gaddafi's government after the opposition took over most of the eastern part of the country.

and petrol remained tightly However, tanks were surrounding bread Zawiyahand locals feared an imminent rationed as the opposition grip on large swathes of the nation disrupted raid by pro­Gaddafi forces.[1] the distribution of basic goods.

An AFP reporter arriving in Nalut, 24km west of Tripoli, found that People gathered at banks trying to for a handout sum of Gaddafi's security forces had entirely register approximately $400 per family unit, disappeared from the streets. promised by the government on Friday.

"The towns of Rhibat, Kabaw, Jado, Rogban, Zentan, Yefren, Kekla, Gherien Earlier, Gaddafi's son denied in a US and Hawamed have also been free for television interview that turmoil was days. In all these towns, Gaddafi's sweeping the country and said the forces have gone and a revolutionary military did not use force against the despite reports to the committee put in place," Shaban Abu people, Sitta, a lawyer and member of a local contrary. committee, said.

There was a "big, big gap between and the media reports," "We have placed ourselves under the reality authority of the interim government in Gaddafi's son, Saif al­Islam Gaddafi, Benghazi," he explained, referring to told ABC News' the opposition council formed by former justice minister Mustafa Abdel Jalil in "This Week" television programme. "The whole south is calm. The west is calm. the east of the country. [2] The middle is calm. Even part of the east."

Blaming al­Qaeda In an interview with Serbian tele­ vision, a defiant Gaddafi repeated his message that he will stay in Libya and blamed foreigners and al­Qaeda for the unrest that is threatening his 41­year rule.

His assessment came as much of the oil­ producing regions, including the second city of Benghazi, was in protesters' hands.

Saif Gaddafi also denied allegations that the military was targeting Libyan The interview with TV Pink in Belgrade citizens. was carried out over the phone while "Show me a single attack, show me a Gaddafi was in his office in Tripoli. single bomb," he said in the interview.

The Libyan leader also condemned the "The Libyan air force destroyed just United Nations Security Council for the ammunition sites. That's it." imposing sanctions on him and launching The death toll from the violent a war crimes inquiry. crackdown on protesters is estimated by Gaddafi said the UN council could not some diplomats to be about 2,000. see that the capital, Tripoli, was Assets frozen secure.

Residents

said

banks

were

open

but The UK said on Sunday it was freezing

the assets of Gaddafi and members of his family, implementing a UN Security Council resolution.

things will escalate in our benefit

"I have today taken action to freeze the assets in the UK of Colonel Gaddafi and his family or those acting on their behalf so that they cannot be used against the interests of the Libyan people," finance minister George Osborne said in a statement.

Follow more of Al Jazeera's special coverage here

The UN move came amid increased international criticism of Gaddafi's crackdown on protests. Barack Obama, the US president, has called on Gaddafi to "leave now."

Meanwhile, the US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said Washington was "reaching out" to opposition groups, prepared to offer "any kind of assistance" to Libyans seeking to overthrow the regime.

However, opponents of Gaddafi forming a National Libyan Council in the east said they did not want any foreign intervention in the country.

The UN Security Council has imposed a travel and assets ban on Gaddafi's government and, with exceptional unanimity, ordered an investigation into possible crimes against humanity by the Libyan strongman.[3] [4] Hana Elgallal, a legal and human rights expert in Benghazi, said some in Libya will be disappointed that the UN did not impose a no足fly zone.

"I'm one person who was hoping that we'd get that," she told Al Jazeera.

"We will not be able to move and help Tripoli because of the fear that he will use his planes. But whatever we get now we will look at it positively and consider it a victory and success.

Hopefully

soon to Tripoli."

defuse

the

massacres

in

Italy reaction The foreign minister of Italy, Gaddafi's closest European ally, said on Sunday that the end of the Libyan leader's rule was "inevitable".

Australia's Jazeera

Kevin

Rudd

talks

to

Al

Franco Frattini also said a friendship and co足operation treaty between Libya and Italy was "de facto suspended".

"We have reached, I believe, a point of no return," Frattini told Sky Italia television.

Australia has also moved to put pressure on the Libyan government by imposing unilateral sanctions. Kevin Rudd, the foreign minister, told Al Jazeera that more measures need to be taken against Gaddafi and his government.

"There is one critical element of the UN Security Council resolution, which we in Australia have strongly argued for, for the last week, and that is a reference to the International Criminal Court," he said.

"This is critical for the regime in Tripoli to understand. That is, if they take further actions of violence against innocent civilians in Libya, it is not just those who issue orders, but

those who pull the trigger who will then become subject to the jurisdiction of the criminal court."

'Enemy of God' His comments came as armed protesters in the eastern city of al足Baida threatened to march on to the capital.

Al Jazeera obtained video of the protesters who said they are planning to march on to Tripoli and claim to have seized tanks and weapons from the army.

Their claims came a day after hundreds of Tripoli residents, shouting "Gaddafi is the enemy of God" and shaking their fists, vowed on Saturday to fight Gaddafi at the funeral of a man killed by the Libyan leader's soldiers.

In a poor neighbourhood of the Libyan capital that is openly defiant of Gaddafi's more than 41足year足old rule, hundreds of men gathered to pay tribute to one of five people they said had been killed when troops fired on protesters late on Friday.

The number could not be independently confirmed.

"We will demonstrate again and again, tomorrow and the day after tomorrow," said Isham, 34, an engineer.

His voice breaking with emotion, another man, Ismail, said: "Gaddafi forces came here, they shot everywhere during a demonstration that was peaceful."

From Misurata, a major city 200km east of Tripoli, residents and exile groups said by telephone that a thrust by forces loyal to Gaddafi, operating from

the local airport, had been rebuffed by the opposition.

"There were violent clashes last night and in the early hours of the morning near the airport," Mohammed, a resident of the town, said. "An extreme state of alert prevails in the city."

He said several mercenaries from Chad had been detained by the anti足Gaddafi opposition in Misurata. The report could not be verified but was similar to accounts elsewhere of Gaddafi deploying fighters brought in from African states where he has longstanding allies.

Source: Al Jazeera and agencies

Notes: [1]

http://english.aljazeera.net/news/africa/2011/0 2/2011227135040734394.html [2]

http://english.aljazeera.net/news/africa/2011/0 2/2011227175955221853.html [3]

http://english.aljazeera.net/news/americas/2011 /02/20112271959190839.html [4]

http://english.aljazeera.net/news/africa/2011/0 2/201122765419317877.html

[ Espanhol ] [ Português ] [ Français ] [ English ]

Languages spoken in the Americas According to Wikipedia

­Why has the Urbana Legio Magazine columnists in four different languages, Spanish, Portuguese, French and English?

News from a world in common

The Americas, or America, (Spanish: América, Portuguese: América, French: Amérique, Quechua: Amirika, Guaraní: Amérika, Aymara: Amërika, Dutch: Amerika) are lands in the Western hemisphere, also known as the New World. In English, the plural form the Americas is often used to refer to the landmasses of North America and South America with their associated islands and regions while the singular form America is primarily used to refer to the United States of America.

Various languages are spoken in the Americas. Some are of European origin, others are spoken by indigenous peoples or are the mixture of various idioms like the different creoles.

The dominant language of Latin America is Spanish, though the largest nation in Latin America, Brazil, speaks Portuguese. Small enclaves of French­, Dutch­ and English­speaking regions also exist in Latin America, notably in French Guiana, Suriname and Belize respectively, and Haitian Creole, of French origin, is dominant in the nation of Haiti.

Native languages are more prominent in Latin America than in Anglo­ America, with Nahuatl, Quechua, Aymara and Guaraní as the most common.

Various other native languages are spoken with less frequency across both Anglo­America and Latin America. Creole languages other than Haitian Creole are also spoken in parts of Latin America.

The dominant language of Anglo­ America, as the name suggests, is

English. French is also official in Canada, where it is the predominant language in Québec and an official language in New Brunswick along with English.

It is also an important language in the U.S. state of Louisiana, and in parts of New Hampshire, Maine, and Vermont.

Spanish has kept an ongoing presence in the Southwestern United States, which formed part of the Viceroyalty of New Spain, especially in California and New Mexico, where a distinct variety of Spanish spoken since the 17th century has survived. It has more recently become widely spoken in other parts of the United States due to heavy immigration from Latin America. High levels of immigration in general have brought great linguistic diversity to Anglo­ America, with over 300 languages known to be spoken in the United

States alone, but most languages are spoken only in small enclaves and by relatively small immigrant groups.

The nations of Guyana, Suriname, and Belize are generally considered not to fall into either Anglo­ America or Latin America due to lingual differences with Latin America, geographic differences with Anglo­America, and cultural and historical differences with both regions; English is the primary language of Guyana and Belize, and Dutch is the official and written language of Suriname.

­Quechua: native language spoken by 10–13 million speakers in Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, northern Chile, and northwest Argentina. ­Haitian Creole: creole language, based in French and various African languages, spoken by 6 million in Haiti and the Haitian diaspora in Canada and the United States.

­Spanish: spoken by approximately 310 million in many nations throughout the continent, being the de iure or de facto official language of all the Hispanic American countries. ­English: spoken by approximately 300 million people in the United States, Canada, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, The Bahamas, Bermuda, Belize, Guyana, the Falklands and many islands of the Caribbean. ­Portuguese: spoken by approxima­ tely 185 million in South America, mostly Brazil ­French: spoken by approximately 12 million in Canada (majority 7 million in Québec and Acadian communities in New Brunswick and Nova Scotia); the Caribbean (Haiti, Guadeloupe, Martinique); French Guiana; the French islands of Saint Pierre and Miquelon; and Acadiana (a Francophone area in southern Louisiana, United States).

­Guaraní: native language spoken by approximately 6 million people in Paraguay, and regions of Argentina, Bolivia, and Brazil. ­Chinese

languages

are

spoken

by

tral Mexico with 1.5 million speakers. It was the language of the Aztec empire. at least 5 million people living mostly in the United States, Canada, Peru, Brazil and Panama. ­Italian: spoken by approximately 4 million people, mostly in Argentina, Brazil, and the New England/Mid­Atlantic regions of the United States. It is also spoken in southern Ontario and Quebec in Canada, Uruguay and Mexico.

It includes pidgin dialects of Italian such as Talian (Brazil), and Chipilo (Mexico). ­German: Some 2.2 million.

Spoken by 1.1 million people in the United States plus ano­ ther million in parts of Latin America, su­ ch as Mexico, Brazil, Argentina, Chile, and Paraguay. ­Aymara: native language spoken by some 2.2 million speakers in Bolivia, Peru and Chile. ­Quiché and other Mayan languages: native languages spoken by about 1.9 million speakers in Guatemala and southern Mexico. ­Nahuatl: native language of cen­

­Tagalog has been present in the continent since the Spanish empire.

It is now spoken by 1.5 million people mostly living in the United States and Canada. ­Antillean Creole: spoken by approximately 1.2 million in the Eastern Caribbean (Guadeloupe, Martinique, Dominica, Saint Lucia) and French Guiana. ­Vietnamese is spoken by 1 million recent immigrants to the United States. ­Various Indian languages such as Hindi and Punjabi are spoken by Indo­Caribbeans and have large populations in the United States and Canada. ­Korean has recently become a major language in the United States with about 1 million speakers.

Also found in Canada, and pockets of Brazil, Argentina, Mexico and other Latin American countries. ­Japanese was once a major minority language in the United States but has recently dwindled in terms of population. Also found in Brazil and Peru. ­Mapudungun (or language spoken 440,000 people Argentina.

Mapuche): native by approximately in Chile and

­American Sign Language: An estimated 100,000–500,000 people within the Deaf Community use ASL

as their primary language United States and Canada.

in the

18th centuries. They number about 85,000.

­Garífuna (or Garinagu): native language spoken by the Garífuna people who mostly live in Honduras, but also inhabit parts of the Caribbean coastal regions in Belize, Guatemala, and Nicaragua.

­Inuktitut and other Inuit languages: native language spoken by about 75,000 across the North American Arctic and to some extent in the subarctic in Labrador.

­Dutch: spoken in the Netherlands Antilles, Aruba, and Suriname by about 210,000 speakers. ­Hmong is an indigenous language in Southeast Asia, whose largest number of speakers outside Asia is in the United States (about 200,000). The language originated in Laos of Southeast Asia.

­Ojibwe: An Algonquian language spoken by 56,531 in the forested Upper Midwest and southern Canada. ­Danish and Greenlandic (Inuit) are the official languages of Greenland; most of the population speak both of the languages (approximately 50,000 people). A minority of Danish migrants with no Inuit ancestry speak Danish as their first, or only, language.

­Navajo: native language spoken by about 178,000 speakers in the Southwest U.S. on the Navajo Nation (Indian reservation). The tribe's isolation until the early 20th century provided a language used in a military code in World War II.

­Cree: Cree is the name for a group of closely related Algonquian languages spoken by approximately 50,000 speakers across Canada.

­Miskito: Spoken by up over 180,000 Miskitos.

They are Indigenous people who inhabit the Caribbean coast of Nicaragua and the easternmost region of Honduras.

­Nicaraguan Creole: Spoken in Nica­ ragua by up to 30,000 people. It is spoken primarily by persons of African, Amerindian, and European descent on the Caribbean Coast.

­Javanese is a major language in Suriname, introducted by Indonesian farm laborers by Dutch contractors in the 19th century.

­Cherokee: native language spoken in a small corner of Oklahoma, U.S. by about 19,000 speakers. The use of this language has rebounded in the late 20th century. It is known to possess its own alphabet, the Cherokee syllabary.

­Pennsylvania Dutch: Some descen­ dants of the Pennsylvania Dutch in the Northeast U.S. speak a local form of the German language which dates back to the 17th and

­Sioux: Spoken by around 33,000 people in the plains region of the United States and Canada.

­Welsh: Brought to Argentina during the Welsh settlement of River

Chubut over the late 19th century. ­ Gullah: a creole language based on English with strong influences from West and Central African languages spoken by the Gullah people, an African American population living on the coastal region of the U.S. states of South Carolina and Georgia. ­ Sranan Tongo: also known as Taki Taki, is the most used spoken language of Suriname. It is not usually used in its written form. It is a creole language based on Spanish, English, Dutch, Hindustani, and various other languages.

Most of the non­native languages have, to different degrees, evolved differently from the mother country, but are usually still mutually intelligible. Some have combined, however, which has even resulted in completely new languages, such as Papiamento, which is a combination of Portuguese, Spanish, Dutch (representing the respective colonizers), native Arawak, various African languages, and, more recently English.

Portuñol, a mixture of Portuguese and Spanish, is spoken in the border regions of Brazil and neighboring Spanish­speaking countries. More specifically, Riverense Portuñol is spoken by around 100,000 people in the border regions of Brazil and Uruguay. Due to immigration, there are many communities where other languages are spoken from all parts of the world—especially in the United States, Brazil, Argentina and Canada, four very important destinations for immigrants— and half of the population of Uruguay is thought to be of Italian descent.

Me Farchid MOCHIRIAN Avocat ­ Lawyer 3061, boul. Dagenais Ouest Laval (Qc) Canada H7P 1T7 Bureau: (450) 622­4888 Cell: (514) 652­2832 Fax: (450) 622­9751

Convergent subsequence by Abstruse Goose

[ Espanhol ] [ Português ] [ Français ] [ English ]

L’exigence de la démocratie Simon Langelier

La démocratie est sans l’ombre d’un doute le régime politique qui incarne le mieux l’idéal de l’aspiration à la liberté. Les Tunisiens et les Égyptiens viennent de nous en donner l’exemple et inspirent d’autres nations du nord de l’Afrique et du Moyen­Orient à emboiter le pas de la lutte démocratique.

L'Odyssée politique

Ces révolutions démocratiques nées de la volonté populaire viennent contredire la pseudo­entreprise de démocratisation du Moyen­Orient qu’avait entreprise l’administration américaine, sous la présidence de George W. Bush, suite aux attentats du 11 septembre 2001. La démocratie ne s’exporte pas en l’imposant, sinon elle devient inévitablement un symbole de l’envahisseur. Mais venant de mouvements populaires, elle s’adapte aux traits particuliers des peuples et elle ne peut que s’enraciner, car elle naît d’une lutte active et crée les mœurs nécessaires à son établissement. Dans des pays comme la Tunisie et l’Égypte, elle s’implantera progressivement si les nouveaux gouvernements provisoires font acte de bonne foi. Et même si une résistance s’oppose au changement, cela ne sera que pour un temps, car ces peuples auront déjà développé ce goût de la liberté. La démocratisation de leurs sociétés est inéluctable.

Il s’agit là d’une condition impérative à l’instauration de la démocratie. Pour qu’une démocratie soit forte et durable, elle doit s’intégrer aux valeurs des individus qui composent une commu­ nauté politique.

C’est pourquoi elle peine à s’établir en Afgha­ nistan.

Le cas de la Russie constitue un autre exemple de la nécessité de la présence de la volonté populaire pour instaurer une démocratie durable. À la suite de la chute de l’URSS au début des années 1990, les dirigeants russes ont mis

en place un régime soi­disant démocratique, car l’État russe de­ vait trouver une rapide alternative à la chute de leur régime. Sans sous­estimer la volonté du dernier secrétaire du parti communiste, Mikhaïl Gorbatchev, et d’une frange de la société civile à souhaiter l’instauration de la démocratie, l’État russe a changé de régime sans pour autant changer ses diri­ geants et ses méthodes autoritaires ce qui le conduisit à une démo­ cratie de façade rongée par la corruption. En tant que président lors de deux mandats (2000­2004 et 2004­2008), l’ancien dirigeant au

KGB, Vladimir Poutine, a trouvé l’astuce nécessaire pour se maintenir au pouvoir : favoriser la victoire de son dauphin, Dmitri Medvedev et devenir chef du gouvernement pour ainsi continuer de tenir les rênes du pays. Lors de son règne, Poutine a personnalisé le régime en accentuant sa mainmise sur l’État en écartant tous ses adversaires et en permettant des fraudes électorales. En matière de droits de la personne, Poutine est intervenu brutalement en Tché­ tchénie au nom du patriotisme russe, flattant au passage l’orgueil national perdu de l’anci­ enne puissance soviétique. De plus, le chef du gouvernement ne supporte aucunement la critique médiatique qui constitue pourtant l’un des piliers de la démocratie libérale.

Aujourd’hui la Russie se classe au

140e rang du classement de la liberté de presse établi par Reporters sans frontières. Le bilan de la démocratie russe implantée depuis 20 ans est donc peu enviable. D’ailleurs, Gorbatchev a récemment dénoncé les pratiques du gouvernement russe lors d’une entrevue : «La politique actuelle, où l'on use de tous les moyens pour se maintenir au pouvoir, est inacceptable» (AFP).

C’est pourquoi l’instauration de la démocratie doit se faire par le peuple lui­même, car la lutte lui permet d’acquérir les vertus civiques nécessaires à son maintien. Toutefois, les grandes démocraties de ce monde ne sont pas à l’abri de la déchéance, ou du moins de l’affaiblissement de ses institutions. En Occident, de moins

en moins de citoyens votent aux élections et l’implication poli­ tique connaît une décroissance constante depuis les grandes périodes de mobilisation populaire des années 1960­1970. De nombreux scandales de corruptions ont également entraîné la population à se désinvestir de la chose publique.

Au Québec notamment, plusieurs allégations de cor­ ruptions indiquent que l’entreprise privée exerce un contrôle démesuré sur les partis politiques. Également, le parti pris du gouver­ nement du Québec dans le projet d’extraction du gaz de schiste au mépris de l’environnement et de la volonté populaire constitue un exemple typique de la relation incestueuse entre le monde politique et l’entreprise privée.

Cette relation entraîne alors un bris de confiance entre la société civile et la classe politique censée la représenter.

Les manifestations des alter­ mondialistes lors des sommets de l’OMC, du G8 et des Amériques au tournant des années 2000, émanaient de ce bris de confiance. Alors que les inégalités sociales augmen­ taient dans le monde, même dans des pays développés, les États réduisaient leurs budgets dédiés aux programmes sociaux et aban­ donnaient parallèlement leurs mécanismes de contrôle économiques au profit de l’économie de marché.

L’automne dernier, nous avons été témoin de l’effet de ces trans­ formations sur le pouvoir d’intervention des États. La Grèce, l’Espagne, le Portugal et l’Irlande ont été pris au dépourvu lorsque des agences de notation ont tour à

tour sonné l’alarme en annonçant que la situation financière de ces pays était apparemment critique.

Ceux­ci durent appliquer des mesures d’austérité en réformant les régimes de retraite et en sabrant dans les programmes sociaux ce qui causa de vives tensions sociales et de violentes manifestations. Ces événements té­ moignent de la faiblesse du pouvoir citoyen face aux lois du marché et de la faiblesse de la démocratie en tant que régime censé réguler les relations entre les divers intérêts des sociétés.

Nous pourrions être tentés de conclure que la vive réaction de la population démontre que la démo­

cratie n’est pas si mal en point, ce qui n’est pas tout à fait faux.

Mais parallèlement, la rue est dans ces conditions la seule voie d’expression pour ceux qui doivent faire les frais des mesures d’austérités qui ne proviennent pas d’un choix populaire, mais des lois de l’économie de marché. C’est plutôt le déséquilibre entre la faiblesse des institutions démo­ cratiques et la force des lois du marché qui est problématique. Car, rappelons­le, la démocratie doit permettre en principe à la population de prendre des décisions collectives et de tenter de dégager des politiques d’intérêt général.

Lorsque des décisions proviennent de volontés externes et contre

celle du peuple, comme ce fut le cas lors de la crise en Europe ou lors de celle qu’a subi Wall Street en 2008 où des sommes astronomiques furent accordées par le Congrès américain pour sauver les grandes institutions financières menacées de la faillite alors que des milliers d’Américains perdaient leurs maisons à cause de l’irresponsabilité des bonzes de la finance, la démocratie en vient à ressembler plutôt à un régime fantoche au service d’une oli­ garchie.

En bref, contrairement à ce que l’entreprise américaine de démocratisation du Moyen­Orient aurait voulu nous faire croire, la démocratie n’est pas une fin en soi, mais un moyen pour construire une société plus juste et équitable. Cette construction, les Tunisiens et les Égyptiens viennent de l’entamer. Mais elle doit se poursuivre bien au­delà de l’édification d’un État de droit et les démocraties existantes doivent emboîter ce pas. C’est sans doute la partie la plus exigeante de la démocratie, soit l’implication citoyenne constante. Le mouvement altermondialiste du début des années 2000 qui s’opposait à la mondialisation néolibérale récla­ mait la mise en place de nouveaux mécanismes participatifs démo­ cratiques. D’ailleurs, ce n’est pas par hasard que le premier Forum social mondial qui réunit des militants de nombreuses organisa­ tions s’est tenu à Porto Alegre en 2001. La métropole du sud du Brésil expérimente depuis plus de 20 ans le budget participatif, processus de démocratie participative

aujourd’hui internationalement reconnu qui permet aux citoyens d’exercer un puissant rôle actif sur les orientations budgétaires municipales. Quoique la démocratie participative ne résoudra pas tous les problèmes auxquelles nos sociétés font face, elle permet néanmoins de redonner certains leviers des pouvoirs à la population, car nos démocraties doivent se démocratiser davantage.

La démocratie participative sera d’ailleurs l’objet de la prochaine chronique.

Simon Langelier

Darkroom

[ Espanhol ] [ Português ] [ Français ] [ English ]

Não sei muito sobre mim Nadja Estevez http://www.nadja­thereal.blogspot.com

Só sei que não me importo em acordar sozinha Não me importo muito com a solidão não Nem ligo a mínima em ter alguém que me faça o café pela manhã que troque risadas e abraços ou me ajude a arrumar a maquiagem.

Também sei que não sou nada romântica Não quero que me liguem só pra dizer Boa sorte, te amo Nem me vejo compartilhando coisas importantes com ninguém.

Não gosto de ouvir Nem fico pedindo pra falarem comigo Não espero absolutamente nada dos amigos.

Não sei muita coisa não Só sei que já consigo discernir quando um poema segue outro caminho E que sou cheia de ironias...

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Soundtrack of the City M. Esther Sherman

A Face in the Crowd

It’s a habit, the quiet background I use to dress my life. I don’t know it’s there, not consciously, but as I plug myself into my Apple­ infused accessory I feel it renew my soul. It’s definitely a habit worth keeping and a smile crosses my lips as I step onto my front porch and dare to chase another day to the rhythmic style of the Cranberries. Well, them and the other dozens of artists that keep me company on my commute.

“Her dreams went out the door when she turned 24…”

The lyrics flow off my tongue like honey, accenting the bitterness of my own dreamless life on my way to work. There are seventeen houses between me and the bus stop where I stand with strangers each morning.

Seventeen houses and just enough time to listen to 1985 by Bowling for Soup and realize I’ve aged more in the past ten years than I want to admit. As my head bobs along with the beat, I know it’s become less and less acceptable for me to get this much pleasure from a punk rock band but I don’t care. And I’m not going to care until I get to work and am forced to act like a grown­up. I’m not there yet.

The bus pulls to a stop and the doors whoosh open in perfect harmony with the space between 1985 and Beethoven’s Pathétique. That’s what I listen to on the bus every Wednesday morning when the bus is on time. It’s only on time on Wednesdays and no one knows why.

The simplistic yet beautiful sound of the piano lures me away from the salt mixed with melted snow and mud that lines the floor of the bus.

The increasing pace of the keys and the smooth, intimate way they touch my flesh entice me to see a world full of agony and love until the bus reaches it’s last stop.

Everyone gets off at the last stop, not the nearest metro station to my house but the one I can get to the fastest when the bus is on time. And it’s Wednesday, so here I am. I’m glad the song changes before the door closes with me locked inside and I am motivated to move.

“When I grow up I want to be famous, I want to be a star, I want to be in movies…” I sing along with The Pussycat Dolls and wish I’d done something different with my life.

I dance at a run to catch the train and wonder if I could have been a singer instead of the assistant to a secretary at a firm.

It’s a big firm. That’s how I justify being the underling to an underling but even I don’t buy that argument. Somewhere deep inside of me, I know I still aspire to be something else…

“When I grow up…”

The long white wire protruding from beneath my scarf is nothing noticeable in this city of sounds and if I’d been listening to the song, it would have blended into the mood perfectly. Very Quebecois.

As I glance around the train, smoothly sailing along the Orange line, I see there are few travelers without their own soundtrack. Some listen to their phones. Some, like me, are secure with their iPods.

And somewhere in the back, an older woman listens to the sound of the train.

I know she feels the heartbeat of the city, the steady pace of its motion in the morning hours, and for a fraction of a second I envy what she hears. And then, A Love Song for Bobby Long by Grayson Capps breaks through my thoughts and I want to write a novel. The song means more than that, I’m sure of it, but all I get from it is that I want to write a novel. Maybe one day.

“He looks me in the eyes and says come and go with me,” I sing softly beneath the sound of my shoes on the steps and the wind pouring in through the door of the metro station nearest my firm.

Well, that’s the metro station I would have stopped at but I couldn’t. So, I’m here instead.

The cold air breaks me through the tired fog of too much work and too little of everything else.

After five years of listening to the same songs, feeling the same words describe the life I wasn’t living, I finally hear the point. I step onto the street near China Town, nowhere near where I work, and take a right toward the river.

After five years of being invited to come and go with him, I’m joining Bobby Long.

“I never knew that everything was falling through, that everyone I knew was waiting on a queue to turn and run when all I needed was the truth…”

It’s the words from The Fray that echo my breakthrough and I refuse to drown in my own monotony.

There’s a world beyond my windows and I see every single face as I pass by. I see their faces and I wonder what songs drive them forward. Are they like me? Do they hear their dreams vanish or do their songs drive them to dream? Do they walk toward what they want or do they run from what’s behind?

I see them. For the first time since I can remember, I see them. I see me, reflected in the glass of a shop window. I see who I am and who I will never be again. It’s here, staring at myself as throngs of people pass me by, that I make a choice. It’s a choice I can’t take back.

I don’t listen long enough to know what the next song is and I don’t miss it. I remove the music from my ears and hear something beautiful. Silence and noise. There is an echoing of wind as it flies along the narrow streets. There is a hazy film of voices from the local cafes. Then, there is the silence of my mind. There’s a quiet in my mind like the quiet of ice and that’s the sound I desire most.

Every day in the city is a series of songs that link to a series of moments and all of the emotions that go with them.

That’s how life is too. I’ve spent my life listening to a playlist, the words of others and the emotions they give me, and now I hear the silence loud enough to find my own words.

M. Esther Sherman

Penis size and IQ by Abstruse Goose

Atelier des danses des Orixas Oxumarê, le dieu serpent et arc­en­ciel Maria Isabel Rondon www.dancestral.com

Pour fêter la fin du carnaval brésilien, venez danser au son des rythmes des divinités afro­brésiliennes!

Nous allons explorer les mouvements de l'orixa Oxumarê, le dieu mi­serpent, mi­arc­en­ciel, dieu le l'abondance, vivant sur terre et dans le ciel, responsable des cycles et de la continuité. Il ondule, rampe et attaque avec la sinuosité et l'attaque du serpent. Associé au mouvement et donc à la danse, Oxumarê est une divinité riche en symboles et en inspiration pour nous, danseurs!

Samedi le 12 mars de 11h à 12h30 ­ 20$ 17$ pour les inscrits à la session de Technique Silvestre Tous les niveaux sont bienvenus et encouragés! Inscriptions obligatoires avant le 6 mars afin de confirmer votre présence!

L'atelier aura lieu au: Studio Bizz 551, av. Mont­Royal E Au plaisir d'onduler avec vous!

Enoïn Humanez Blanquicett

http://labarcadeenoin.blogia.com/

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La corrupción: un demonio que ataca aquí, allá y acullá

El periodista Alain Gravel, director del programa de televisión Enquête, pregunta delante de cámaras al Alcalde de Mascuch, Richard Marcotte, si es verdad que viajó a Suiza en noviembre pasado con gastos pagados por la compañía inmobiliaria 6610048 Canada Inc. Según las investigaciones del equipo de Gravel, la compañía 6610048 Canada Inc, se ha enriquecido durante el mandato del alcalde Marcotte, comprando a precio de huevo –como dirían los campesinos del Sinú­ varios terrenos de la municipalidad, que luego ha vendido a precio de ganado gorda. Enojado, el alcalde se rehúsa a responder la pregunta aduciendo que el asunto hace parte de su vida privada.

El reportaje de Enquête hace parte de una serie de reportajes sobre la corrupción a nivel municipal en la provincia de Québec, que el periodista Gravel ha venido difundiendo en el último año. Del escrutinio que realiza su programa, que se emite todos los jueves a las ocho de la noche, no se ha escapado nadie. Gracias al olfato de sabueso de sus reporteros, este programa ha abierto el debate sobre los lazos estrechos entre el crimen organizado, eso que vulgarmente se conoce bajo el nombre de mafia, y los empresarios de la construcción.

El arca de Enoïn

Los periodistas han ido debelando, prueba en mano, los nexos que hay en varias municipalidades quebequenses entre políticos locales, syndicats du crime organisé y ciertos empresarios, que se han hecho con los contratos más jugosos del sector público en los últimos años. Gracias al espíritu incisivo de los periodistas, la opinión pública se ha enterado que la gestión de la cosa pública no es muy transparente en Mascouche, Terrebonne, Saint­Jérôme, Laval y Montréal.

La desconfianza de los quebequenses en la honestidad de los gobernantes locales aumentó, después que el magazín anglófono Maclean's afirmara que Québec es la provincia más corrupta de Canadá. Según el analista Denis Lessard, del periódico La Presse, en diciembre pasado 75% de los quebequenses consideraban que los mandatarios locales están cometiendo o han cometido actos de corrupción en el manejo de

la cosa pública. Y gaciones policiales darles la razón.

las investi­ comienzan a

A comienzos de febrero Denis Morin, jefe de la unidad especial contra la corrupción de la Seguridad de Québec, reportó a los medios la detención de la anterior alcaldesa de Boisbriand, Sylvie St­ Jean. En la misma operación fueron detenidos los dirigentes de una firma de ingenieros. Según el jefe de la unidad anticorrupción, hay fuertes indicios que muestran que estas personas complotaron para crear un cartel de la contratación, cuyo objetivo principal era hacerse con la mayoría de los contratos municipales en el campo de las obras públicas.

Los reporteros de l’Émission Enquête no se han limitado sólo a debelar los posibles favo­ recimientos de ciertos alcaldes a empresarios de la construcción y del sector inmobiliario, que han resultado ser además muy cercanos a sus partidos políticos. Uno de los mayores hits –para ponerlo en términos beisboleros­, que se han anotado en los últimos tiempos Alain Gravel y su equipo periodístico consistió en debelar la conexión estrecha, que había entre los altos dirigentes de un sindicato de trabajadores del sector de la construcción y empresarios del sector inmobiliario, vinculados con la pè­ gre (mafia).

Lo interesante en todo esto es que el ojo avizor de los perio­ distas está resultando más hábil para detectar la corrupción, que

los filtros de los organismos judiciales y de control estatal.

Estos organismos, al igual que los dirigentes de los partidos de oposición, en todos los niveles gubernamentales, sólo han reac­ cionado cuando los periodistas han puesto sobre la mesa un montón de pruebas, que si bien en muchos casos no son irrefutables, si muestran que algo raro está pasando.

Un vistazo a las noticias internacionales nos muestra que el demonio de la corrupción acosa los recursos públicos, en todas las esquinas del mundo. Pero las mismas noticias, tanto aquí, como allá y acullá, comienzan a dar cuenta del cansancio de los ciudadanos frente a la privatización obscena, que ha­

cen de los recursos públicos los gobiernos corruptos. La prueba más elocuente podría ser el Medio Oriente. Según CNN, La Red Árabe por los Derechos Humanos considera que la cólera popular contra los cuasi­vitalicios presidentes de Tunes y Egipto, tuvo su origen en el cansancio generado entre los ciudadanos por los altos niveles de corrupción y de violencia policial.

La cólera de los tunecinos contra los miembros del régimen caído es tal, que la comunidad tunecina de Canadá le está pidiendo al gobierno canadiense que congele las cuentas y bloqué todo tipo de transacción sobre las propiedades de los allegados al presidente Ben­ Alí. El propósito es de expropiar esos haberes y devolvérselos al Estado tunecino, si el nuevo gobierno muestra un comportamiento decente.

En América Latina las cosas no son mejores. Un estudio de la Agencia de los Estados Unidos para el desarrollo internacional estableció que entre 2004 y 2009, la corrupción mostró en los países de la región una tendencia expansionista. Según la percepción de la opinión publica, durante ese período el nivel de corrupción en ciertos países se mantuvo estable, mientras que en otros el flagelo se extendido y en algunos mostró un carácter sistémico. Lo grave es que allí nadie se salva, porque del evento corrupto participan tanto los actores del sector público como los del sector privado. Esto hace que la corrupción se convierta en un factor “sumamente negativo para la estabilidad de las instituciones

democráticas”, que “puede erosionar el estado de derecho”, debilitar “el crecimiento económico” y frenar “la competitividad”.

Según la percepción de los ciudadanos de la región, los países más corruptos son en su orden: Ni­

caragua, Paraguay, Honduras, Ecua­ dor, Bolivia, Guatemala, Colombia y Venezuela. Algunos de dichos países son, a su vez, los que ostentan los menores índices de competitividad, los mayores niveles de fragilidad institucional y los más grandes índices de inseguridad ciudadana.

Del otro costado se encuentran Chile, Costa Rica, México y Brasil.

En el caso de Colombia, la Or­ ganización Transparencia por Co­ lombia, que analizó en el 2005 los índices de transparencia en 252 municipios concluyó que “el 53.4%

de los municipios participantes registró niveles bajos y muy bajos de transparencia, mientras que el 46.58% alcanzó un nivel medio y ninguno de los municipios par­ ticipantes […] se ubicó en el nivel alto de transparencia”. En octubre de 2010 la emisora Caracol informó que un estudio conjunto de la Universidad de Chile y Trans­ parencia por Colombia estableció que en los 29 casos emblemáticos de corrupción de dicho país entre 2002 y 2008, estaban involucrados miembros de los “sectores público y privado”.

Lo anterior hecha por tierra la teoría neoliberal que predica que los índices de corrupción tenderán a bajar en la medida en que se le permita al sector privado una mayor participación en la gestión pública. Siendo objetivos hay que reconocer que del leviatán de la corrupción no nos protege ni la izquierda ni la derecha. La prueba es Bogotá. En esta ciudad los ciudadanos, que optaron por sancionar a los malos gobernantes con el voto­castigo, terminaron eligiendo consecutivamente dos gobiernos de izquierda, esperan­ zados en una gestión transparente de lo público.

Lo desmoralizante es que un alcalde y su hermano senador, que pertenecen a un partido de izquierda, que se ganó el respeto de los capitalinos por haber librado los más grandes debates contra la corrupción durante el gobierno Uribe, se encuentren hoy en el ojo del huracán. A los dos se les acusa supuestamente de haber privilegiado a grupo de empresarios

de la construcción, que han termi­ nado ganándose todas las licita­ ciones para construir las obras públicas contratadas por el muni­ cipio.

Parece que tanto en Mascuch como en Bogotá, los Alcaldes tienes sus preferidos en el área de la construcción. En Bogotá los medios hablan de los empresarios Emilio Tapia y Julio Gómez. De Mascuch, los periodistas dicen que el preferido del alcalde es un tal Normand Trudel. En Bogotá se rumora que para conseguir el otorgamiento de un contrato hay que darle el 6% al hermano del alcalde.

Sobre Mascuch, los reporteros d'Enquête, citando el informe de un ente gubernamental, sostiene que allí se da por hecho que aquellos empresario de la construcción, que quiera obtener un contrato en dicho municipio, “deben pagar el 5% a la caja secreta del partido del alcalde”.

En octubre de 2010 el periodista Ignacio Ramonet, en una crónica periodística, intitulada “La corrupción de la democracia”, que tiene visos de ensayo, nos ofrece un completo inventario de los asombrosos niveles de cor­ rupción, que se han registrado en Europa en el último decenio.

Apoyado en las reflexiones del escritor José­Vidal­Beneyto, Ramo­ net sostiene que en el seno de la democracia la corrupción se produce cuando “las principales fuerzas políticas, en plena armonía ma­ fiosa, se ponen de acuerdo para timar a los ciudadanos”. Dentro de esa lógica el auge de la corrupción “produce un descrédito de la demo­

cracia, una repulsa de la política, un aumento de la abstención”, que induce un comportamiento social aun “más peligroso”: la “subida de la extrema derecha”.

Aunque comparto en gran parte esa apreciación de Ramonet, me resulta de mayor valor su conclusión sobre el affaire de Liliane Bettencourt y el partido de gobierno francés.

Para él la corrupción, en el caso de Francia, “está reactivando el viejo litigio entre las elites y el pueblo común”. Dentro de ese contexto resulta reveladora la frase del filósofo Marcel Gauchet, que Ramonet cita para ilustrar mejor su punto de vista. Según el filosofo el clima social “se halla hoy impregnado de revuelta latente y de un sentimiento de distancia radical hacia los dirigentes”.

Nada mejor para ilustrar este punto que la agresión de la que fue victima Berlusconi, en Milan el 12 de diciembre de 2009. Ese día Massimo Tartaglia le lanzó a la cara “un objeto contundente”, que le arrancó varios dientes. Como bien lo señala Ramonet, Berlusconi ha instaurado una atmósfera de corrupción en Italia, que no se veía desde la “operación mane pulite que decapitó a gran parte de la clase política”.

El comportamiento de Berlusconi en el manejo de lo público ha despertado la cólera de un sector amplio de la sociedad Italiana. Otro ejemplo lo constituye el caso de Leyda Delgado, una señora de Bar­ ranquilla, Colombia, que le lanzó uno de sus zapatos al precandidato presidencial Andrés Felipe Arias,

indignada por los escándalos de corrupción, en los que éste se vio envuelto cuando presidió el Ministerio de agricultura.

Personalmente no creo que el conjuro contra el leviatán de la corrupción lo tenga la izquierda.

Tampoco le creo a aquellos puristas, que sostienen que los mejor equipados para luchar contra ese íncubo son los conservadores, porque son generalmente ricos, de buena familia y están imbuidos de fuertes valores religiosos. Para mí dicho demonio sólo puede mantenerlo a raya la labor de la prensa independiente: la prueba es l’Émission Enquête y la vigilancia permanente e implacable de una ciudadanía activa y organizada.

Tiene que ser así, porque lo que el corrupto se roba es pro­ ducido con el sudor de nuestra frente.

Enoin Humanez Blanquicett Montreal 19 de febrero

Esta crónica será publicada en su totalidad en el blog La barca de Enoïn. http://labarcadeenoin.blogia.com

L e s e s s e n ti e l s d u B r é s i l

http://www.lesessentiels.org/

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La vague Zouk brésilien Vanessa Vieira

Les danses sociales brésiliennes se font connaitre autour du monde et sont de plus en plus pratiquées à l'extérieur du Brésil.

La vague «Zouk Brésilien» a déjà frappé le Canada et le nombre de ses adeptes se multiplie dans plusieurs grandes villes telles que Toronto, Québec et Montréal.

Le terme «Zouk Brésilien» est une façon particulière de danser au rythme de la musique Antillaise, adaptée par les brésiliens en raison de la lambada. Contrairement aux autres danses latines, où les mains sont l'élément principal pour guider sa partenaire, c'est l'ensemble du corps qui devient tout aussi important: le regard, les jambes, les bras, les épaules, la tête, les cheveux.

Dans le pas de base, les mouvements de hanche entraînent le reste du corps, ce qui donne sa sensualité à la danse.

Il est important de séparer les styles de musique et la danse. Le Zouk Brésilien peut être dansé sur des rythmes qui diffèrent du traditionnel Zouk antillais français ou portugais, provenant de l'île du Cape Vert et de l’Angola.

Il est possible, entre autre, de l’exécuter en écoutant du R&B, de la musique arabe, anglaise.

Lors de mon immersion dans l'univers du «Zouk brésilien», j'ai rencontré de vrais passionnés ainsi que des professionnels tels que; le brésilien Eduardo Silva, le camerounais Julles Bertrand de Montréal, la québécoise Julia Maude de Québec et le couple brésilien Renata Lisa et Lucas Amaral de Toronto.

Eduardo

Silva, un amoureux du Zouk

est originaire de la ville de São Paulo au Brésil. Eduardo habite à Montréal depuis novembre 2009.

Surnommé «Dinosaure du Zouk», il

accompagne l'évolution de ce rythme depuis la fin des années 80, au Brésil. Danseur de lambada à la base, Eduardo est devenu adepte du Zouk depuis qu'il a écouté la chanson «Sauvé Lanmou» dans une ancienne émission de lambada, au Brésil.

Il a appris le français grâce au Zouk et il connait maintenant les paroles d’une majorité de chansons par coeur. Il est fréquent de retrouver Eduardo en train de danser sur les pistes lors de soirées Zouk à Montréal.

Jules

Bertrand, originaire du Cameroun, est un professeur de danse et est un passionné de la culture brésilienne. Il a fondé sa propre compagnie de danse

«Interfusion danse».

Ce qui dis­ tingue cette école d'une autre, c'est la variété de cours de danse, soit danses latines, africaines et maintenant brésiliennes.

Julles a suivi des formations de danse au Brésil et il participe souvent à des démonstrations de Zouk brésilien à Montréal.

La première session de Zouk brésilien qu'il en­

seignera commencera au mois de mars à l’ Espace des Arts.

On peut retrouver au même endroit des soirée Zouk organisées par Meloryse, tous les mercredis.

Julia­Maude,

danseuse québéquoise et anthropologue, danse le Zouk depuis qu'elle a habité à Bahia, au Brésil en 2007.

Elle a pris des

cours de Zouk au Salvador, à Porto­ Seguro, puis à Rio de Janeiro. «À Québec, pour l'instant, le public connait surtout le Zouk antillais.

Nous avons comme objectif, en 2011, de faire connaitre le Zouk brésilien, par le biais de soirées et d'ateliers», dit Julia.

Elle promet des ateliers une fois par mois et elle compte commencer le premier groupe régulier dès l'automne.

Le prochain événement est à ne pas manquer. Il s'agit du «Worshop» avec K­Yo, un professeur qui arrive directement du Brésil.

Lucas

Amaral, originaire de Bahia au Brésil.

Il est professeur de danse et directeur du «Brazil World Dance» à Toronto.

Lucas est le partenaire de Zouk de Renata Lisa.

Au mois d'avril de cette année, le «Brazil World Dance» organisera la première édition de leur congrès de danse brésilienne avec des invités

brésiliens, comme le couple vedette de Zouk; Kadu et Larissa.

Renata

Lisa, originaire de São Paulo, habite présentement à Toronto.

Professeure de Zouk et créatrice du site internet «Toronto dance Zouk», Renata Lisa est l'ambassadrice du Zouk brésilien à Toronto. Elle a connu ce style de danse en l’an 2000 et depuis ce temps, elle n’a jamais arrêté de le pratiquer.

Actuellement, «Toronto Dance Zouk» et «Brazil World Dance» comptent cinq couples démontrant et faisant connaitre le Zouk brésilien dans les soirées Zouk de Toronto dans des endroits comme le Bunda lounge et le Dovert Court. Le Zouk brésilien est une danse très sensuelle et très amusante.

Une danse où il y a une forte connexion entre les partenaires.

Alors, quiconque l’essaie une seule fois tombe en amoureux!

Vanessa Vieira Pour en savoir un peu plus à propos des évènements et des cours de danse offerts, visiter le site: www.lesessentiels.org.

Tree of life by Abstruse Goose

El rincon literario

I Conquistador a tu orden yo he sido, de tu continente insigne explorador, en mil viajes tesoros he reunido, y los guardo en mi cofre de Arcador.

De esa fortuna soy yo el único señor, y en ti tengo mi más hermosa prenda, que de la vida el dios Amor ofrenda, si en la aventura resultas vencedor.

Ahora que al reposo mi barca obligo, aprecio más, como sumo cuidado ligo, que tú fuiste siempre mi mejor abrigo.

A Eros ofrendo, mil gracias sumas gozo, al haberme dado en ti el don precioso, (que de mis arrías luchas es merecido reposo.)

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Sonetos amorosos Jorge CaBas

II ¿Dónde aprendiste ladrona del amor, a hurtar de las flores sus delicias? ¿De qué néctar es tu beso traidor? ¿Qué se oculta en tus suaves caricias?

En tus perversas redes yo he caído, que hecho de ver porque no he huido, prisionero soy de tu mágica suerte, manso voy si me llevas a la muerte.

Si el veneno de tu amor la vida me quitara, iría yo mismo a mi partida, y bebería la ponzoña mi salida.

La fama sus mil glorias me daría, y la muerte no sería la cobardía, (del poeta que la vida se quitara, en prueba de un amor que lo afamara)

Arguing with a string theorist by Abstruse Goose

The time machine

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Documentary photography

by Dionì Pereira

Brazilian diasporas and and their festivities There are an estimated 20,000 Brazilians living in Canada.

Major concentrations are in Toronto, Montreal, Vancouver, and Calgary, but there are Brazilians living in all the Provinces and Territories, including Nunavut.

Between several of his Brazilian festivities junina, June Festival), also known as festa this one occurred in June 27, 2009, The Montreal" and organized by Hamilton Cidade raise funds for the Radio Centre Ville.

we have the Festa de São João like "Festa Junina au as a campaign to

http://www.radiocentreville.com/ The Festa junina are the annual Brazilian celebrations historically related to European Midsummer which take place in the beginning of the Brazilian winter. These festivities, which were introduced by the Portuguese during the colonial period (1500­1822), are celebrated nationwide, but are particularly associated with Northeastern Brazil.

The feast is mainly celebrated on the eves of the Catholic solemnities of Saint Anthony, Saint John the Baptist, and Saint Peter.

São João coincides with the corn harvest.

Special dishes served during São João are made with corn, such as canjica, pamonha and brazilian cuscuz. Dishes may also include peanuts, potatoes, sausages and rice. The celebrations are very colorful and festive and include amazing pyrotechnics. Bonfires and fire in general are thus one of the

most important features of these festivities, a feature that is among the remnants of Midsummer pagan rituals in the Iberian Peninsula.

As Northeastern Brazil is largely arid or semi­arid these popular festivals not only coincide with the end of the rainy seasons of most states in the northeast but they also provide the people with an opportunity to give thanks to Saint John for the rain.

They also celebrate rural life and feature typical clothing, food, dance (particularly quadrilha, which is similar to square dancing). Like Midsummer and Saint John's Day in Portugal and Scandinavian countries, São João celebrates marital union.

The "quadrilha" features couple formations around a mock wedding whose bride and groom are the central attraction of the dancing.

The celebrations usually take place in an arraial. Men dress up as farm boys with large straw hats and women wear pigtails, freckles, painted gap teeth and red足 checkered dresses, all in a loving tribute to the origins of Brazilian country music, and of themselves, some of whom are recent immigrants from the countryside to cities such as Olinda, Recife, Macei坦 and Salvador, and some of whom return to the rural areas during that season to visit family. However, nowadays, S達o Jo達o festivities are extremely popular in all urban areas and among all social classes.

In the Northeast, they are as popular as Carnival.