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THE REGIONS
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The continued dominance of cities in Australia has seen the regions – places outside of the metropolis – viewed in counterpoint to urban life. The city is the ‘default’ environment, while the hinterland is often seen, in contrast, as isolating and desolate. When urbanites consider the regions, they often tie them to a narrative of social and economic decline; or think of them as empty apart from their abundance of resources (materials, energy, food); or dream of them as the panacea for the hectic pace of urban life. The current turn in architecture and urbanism is rethinking rural life so that the regions are no longer
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viewed in opposition to cities. Instead, regions are seen as embedded within urban processes such as tourism, agriculture and mineral extraction. The next step is to ask: what can we learn from the regions in order to view urban life in a different way? This issue of Future West (Australian Urbanism) reviews the regions by zooming in on projects and places that are not located in Perth. What role do the regions play in an urbanised world? What learnings from regional developments can inform urbanisation in the capital cities – and the regions themselves? 3
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Future 6 POSITIVE POLICY Alannah MacTiernan interviewed by Jennie Officer An overview of policy in the regions. 14 BEYOND TOURISM: THE ROLE OF REGIONAL CULTURAL CENTRES Leo Showell The presence of regional cultural centres reframes the identity of WA. 24 BUILDING CREATIVITY Tahmina Maskinyar interviewed by Loren Holmes The activities of cultural organisations shape the regions.
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32 CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT Terry Hill interviewed by Loren Holmes A report on the recent Pilbara Creative & Cultural Forum.
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West 38 GREY LEADING THE WAY Timothy Moore and Amelia Borg The lifestyle of grey nomads provides a model for living remotely. 46 B UILDING IN AUSTRALIA’S REMOTE REGIONS Hannah Robertson What are the solutions for building more responsively to the needs of remote Australia? 56 AFTERLIFE OF THE MINE Laura Harper, Alysia Bennett and Ross Brewin Former mining sites hold a wealth of potential. 64 COMMON KNOWLEDGE Rosie Halsmith Embedding local knowledge into the design process creates richer outcomes.
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Positive policy
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All images by Meg Officer
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Jennie Officer speaks with the Western Australian Minister for Regional Development; Agriculture and Food, Alannah MacTiernan, about policy in the regions.
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Southern Rangelands, WA.
Jennie Officer: What are some of the challenges for the regions, and what is your focus for the regions in terms of infrastructure?
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Alannah MacTiernan: I think there is an enormous future for the regions. We have this paradox where we know there are huge benefits from living in regional areas, yet unfortunately we’ve spent a lot of time on the narrative being one about how bad it is. This has created a lost opportunity. There’s never going to be the same level of community services that you get in the city, but there are so many more positive things that can avail against that. The more we can develop digital infrastructure throughout the state, the more we can overcome these inherent problems of service delivery.
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Digital inclusion is important – what is the state government doing in terms of digital infrastructure?
We’ve got a specific program called Digital Farm, which is part of a $22 million project. The first $5 million is allocated to ‘last mile’ service delivery to farms. Farmers, local service providers and local government get together: they stump up 50 per cent, and we stump up 50 per cent in order to deliver commercial-grade upload and download speeds outside the broadband footprint. The first tranche of funding is going to cover 1100 farms from the Great Southern in an arc up to north of Geraldton; the next stage will be more widely dispersed. We are also doing an audit of telecommunications in the state. We’ve found some extraordinary things: no one has ever known how many government communication towers we have in the grain belt – there are over 2000. We’re identifying strategies such as where we can install cable and where investments can be made to fill in gaps in the fibre. Are there any plans for other types of connective infrastructure for the regions?
We are continuing a normal road-building program, and we’re focusing on new roads that could be transformative. For example, we’ve committed to a sealed road from Karratha to Tom Price. Mines that can be accessed from this road, when we make it navigable, are currently serviced from Perth. We’re trying to look at these things in a holistic way: it’s a great road for the community and for tourism, but to really have that road do the heavy lifting for the region, it should be combined with a direct shipping service from sea to maximise benefit. There’s lots of work being done up and down the coast with direct shipping services so we are not as dependent on road infrastructure, and can leverage port infrastructure. In different economic times, I think there is also potential for city-to-city high-speed trains – they make sense, if they can be competitive with the motor vehicle. The Royalties for Regions program, established by the previous government, saw 25 per cent of mining royalties, capped at $1 billion annually, diverted to the regions when it was established. How has this policy shifted between governments?
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We focused on some large-scale transformative regional projects last time we were in government (prior to Royalties for Regions), such as Geraldton Port and Southern Transport Corridor. If we ever did the analysis, we probably would have spent as much, if not more, in the regions when in government. There’s no doubt Royalties for Regions has been very clever in marketing the regions and we’ve
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committed to keeping the project focus of it. It is important to have some regional filter that causes people to think about regional funding. One of the problems that we did see emerging was bulk allocations of money being made to see what to do to occupy all of this money. The spending filled up with lots of little things and projects that were quite questionable. But given that we have 74 per cent of our population in Perth and the rest outside, I think having this separate account for the regions is a good focus. The rangelands comprise 87 per cent of our state’s land. You’ve been instrumental in taking up the cause for land tenure reform over the rangelands in your term of government. Why is reform needed?
We are seeing increasing environmental challenges and there’s no doubt that much of the rangelands are in a fragile, substandard state. This is not their natural state. Pastoral leases, comprising 39 per cent of our rangelands, have historically been restricted to being used to graze authorised stock, which has led to over-grazing and has compromised the vegetation, the soil and the capability of the land. So what do we do to turn that around? We are supporting human-induced regeneration projects, where pastoralists can take on specific regeneration work as a complementary additional pastoral activity to stock management. This allows pastoralists to diversify their activities, improve the condition of the land and, through the conduit of carbon farming, access carbon rights on their pastoral leases and diversify the rangeland economy. You’ve backed six pilot sequestration offset projects on pastoral leases.
Yes, and we are hoping to increase that. Our aspiration is to have human-induced regeneration projects as of right in the pastoral lands. There are some fantastic farmers that understand the benefit of the enhancement of soil carbon, and the ability to create a nutrient and water reservoir in doing that. Recently, the first methodology for measuring soil carbon to a standard that is capable of attracting Australian Carbon Credit Units (ACCUs) was approved. This means we can credibly measure carbon enhancement. We can recognise the approved carbon farming methodology as a pastoral activity and open additional income streams while benefiting the environment. We’re keen to go out and promote this opportunity.
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A lot of city dwellers don’t understand that the pastoral estate is Crown land that is leased to pastoralists – individuals don’t own this land or have the same rights that attach to freehold land.
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A lot of pastoralists don’t understand it, at least psychologically! Will carbon sequestration rights be formalised as part of a pastoral lease?
It will either be a lease condition or subject to a separate arrangement. We want to give assurance, but it will be subject to strong compliance mechanisms. The quid pro quo we will extract for the state will be, in part, the improved monitoring of the quality of the land. We have seen some resistance to rangelands reform, but gradually people will see there is real benefit in us taking on these various regenerative practices. And they will be in the best economic and environmental interests of the country. There has been a long resistance within the deep state of WA to carbon farming. As a result WA has not to date participated in carbon farming. We have the perverse situation where our mining companies are buying carbon credits from Queensland rather than WA. We’re working hard to reverse that. Your leadership on regional issues has been described as having cut-through. In your opinion what constitutes good governance for the regions?
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There’s an obligation for state government to tell more positive stories about the regions. We see so many places with a strong sense of identity and community. There is also an enormous groundswell of support for regional issues in the city. Many regional advocates think that people in the city don’t understand them and are opposed to them. It is not productive to take an ‘us and them’ approach; regional communities against ‘city slicker latte-drinking’ people. The focus on ‘us and them’, which is perpetrated by a lot of organisations, means we’re not achieving what could be achieved. What I would like to do is to unleash a great understanding of the real positives of regional living. There’s no doubt that we are seeing a declining population because you can’t get people to go and live there. Ironically, in many of these areas, it’s not a lack of jobs – it’s a lack of people to fill these jobs. That’s what’s stopping a greater level of sustainability in so many of our regional towns. Part of it is the delivery of government services, but it’s also because most people in Perth now have grown up in the city, and their parents grew up in the city, and they have no clue what it’s like to live in the regions. There’s something to be said for getting people to try to understand what a positive experience it can be.
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The Bilya Koort Boodja Centre aligns to the river bank. Image: Peter Bennetts
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Beyond tourism: the role of regional cultural centres Leo Showell from Iredale Pedersen Hook Architects reflects on the importance of regional cultural centres.
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The Bilya Koort Boodja Centre for Nyoongar Culture and Environmental Knowledge rests on the eastern bank of the Avon River in Ballardong Nyoongar Country. Opened to the public in August 2018, the cultural centre is nestled in Northam, a regional town of 6500 residents in the central Wheatbelt, approximately an hour and a half east of Perth. After 185 years as an agricultural hub, the Shire of Northam has been experiencing an economic decline as the state’s economy inevitably shifts towards larger urban centres. Looking to buck this trend, the shire is seeking to expand its stake in Western Australia’s $2.4 billion annual tourism trade. The addition of the Bilya Koort Boodja Centre, designed by Iredale Pedersen Hook Architects, is the latest inclusion in this plan. Although the cultural centre’s role in the region’s tourism is highly prominent, the Bilya Koort Boodja Centre also performs many valuable roles for the community that has inhabited this land for the past 40,000 years. These include providing essential opportunities for Aboriginal authorship in design, a stronger built presence for Ballardong culture within the shire, and a vessel for Ballardong history and culture that further strengthens connections to Country.
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The Bilya Koort Boodja Centre. Image and images on following pages: Leo Showell
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Authorship From the earliest stages of project planning, cultural centres offer unique opportunities for fostering Aboriginal authorship in the design process. When thorough consultation with the Aboriginal community is undertaken, cultural centres become the product of a specific culture and Country, rather than just that of architects and designers. Through engagement with local Aboriginal knowledge, cultural centres become extensions of Aboriginal culture and design, creating positive outcomes such as a stronger sense of place, more sophisticated relationships to the environment and a strengthened urban symbolism. In the Shire of Northam this process began with the formation of the shire’s Aboriginal Advisory Group, made up of Ballardong Elders who oversaw the process. This meant Aboriginal authorship was applied throughout the stages of planning, feasibility, brief formation and architectural design. This self-determinism became not only a way to align building and program but also created a sense of ownership in the process. This authorship continues today through the ongoing administration, curation and programming of the centre’s operations.
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Presence The tangible presence of regional cultural centres plays an important role in rethinking the identity of regional Western Australia. Cultural centres provide an opportunity for architects and planners to imagine regional urban planning and streetscapes beyond the traditional Western models of urban planning and development; act as conversational catalysts for local architectural identity; and become urban symbols, providing a physical representation of cultural standing in the region. In Northam, the Bilya Koort Boodja Centre looks to perform cultural realignments at both the human and urban scales. The Aboriginal Advisory Group was clear from an early stage that they were after a distinctly non-European building. This is evident in the way the centre’s design interacts with the shire’s rectilinear urban plan. The centre rejects the conformity of the linear grid by turning away from the street, instead aligning to the Avon riverbank. The plan of the centre undulates around existing trees on the riverbank, while creating sight lines and moments for contemplation facing sites of cultural importance such as Burlong Pool, Yongah Hill and the more distant Boyagin Rock. The centre draws upon local colours, timbers and textures; this allows it to blend into the colour palette of the Avon Valley and participate in the shadow play of the riverbank she-oaks. The watercatchment element of the building’s design allows water to flow through snoots and fall onto piles of local granite before returning to the earth; in this way, the building creates theatre from meteorology.
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Decentralisation Throughout the European colonisation of Australia, large numbers of objects and artefacts were removed from Country, severing these objects’ connections to culture and community. They became part of immense collections that offered little to no contextual information, and were often stored behind closed doors at storage facilities such as the Western Australian Museum's Welshpool Facility or UWA's anthropology department. The mass collection of Western Australia’s cultural art and artefacts is problematic on multiple fronts. The individuality of cultural objects and artefacts is subsumed by a typological homogeny, with collections controlled by a small collective of urban-based curators and executives. For regional communities, these objects are lost – absent from their cultural practice – further severing Country and culture. The return of Ballardong cultural artefacts to the Shire of Northam is something that had long been asked for, and that has now
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been achieved. As Elder Deborah Moody says: “It is important to us to bring these objects back on country, to bring them home. We are happy they are finally being housed on our country.” Placing cultural centres into the regional landscape can provide the environmentally controlled spaces necessary for the exhibition of rare and delicate objects like these, while also realigning culture and Country. The Bilya Koort Boodja Centre’s holdings include a collection of woonda (shields), giidg (spears) and giilya (boomerangs) from the Western Australian Museum, which were originally collected from Ballardong Country during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The centre also displays photographs from the Mavis Walley Collection: priceless snapshots of Aboriginal life during early colonial times. Alongside these incredible historical pieces are contemporary works such as kangaroo-skin cloaks and digging sticks made by the current community using traditional techniques. This practice continues the passing on of knowledge that has been in place on this land for millennia. Regional cultural centres offer a plethora of opportunities for cultural growth and understanding, and the methods used to create them can feed back into the success of the institutions, ultimately furthering the original economic outlook. While the benefits of the cultural centre for both the tourist economy and a region’s collective cultural identity are obvious, the importance of the Bilya Koort Boodja Centre, and cultural centres generally, is perhaps best summed up by Veronica McGuire, a Ballardong Elder and Northam resident of over 80 years. “I have lived through very hard times. I always wish that my old people were around now to see how things have changed, that things are getting better for Nyoongar people. For me, being in Northam so long and seeing the changes, I think it’s a great thing – this cultural centre – for us Nyoongar people. It makes us feel good that we have a place that we can go and talk to one another and settle down. I think that’s a great thing that everyone should appreciate and respect. Something to be proud of, and take good care of.”
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Building creativity
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Loren Holmes speaks with Tahmina Maskinyar, a project manager at FORM, about the not-for-profit arts and cultural organisation’s role in the regions.
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Pilbara Creative & Cultural Forum, Newman. Image: Bewley Shaylor, courtesy of FORM
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Loren Holmes: What is FORM’s role in WA?
Tahmina Maskinyar: FORM began in 1968 as the peak body for the Western Australian craft and design sector, but for the past decade it has begun to explore the significant influence that design and creativity (and culture more broadly) exerts on communities. Our main remit is building a state of creativity, with our primary responsibility being Western Australia, but our experiences, programs and connections have validity beyond state boundaries. Currently, our programming spans the breadth of the state: we have a visitor centre, a gallery, and an Aboriginal arts studio, in Port Hedland. We’ve just launched our PUBLIC Silo Trail (a string of grain silos featuring works of art on their exteriors), which links rural and coastal towns across Western Australia’s southern regions. The most recent one, in Pingrup, was painted last month. In Albany we have worked with the local community and council to deliver another significant cultural tourism asset – the Field of Light: Avenue of Honour installation, which was launched in early October. We have an extensive range of workshops, exhibitions (predominantly from our Creative Residency Program) and public art programs. Creative learning is a new stream that has gained momentum through the inaugural Scribblers Festival this year. Across the work that we do, we aim to find new ways for audiences to engage with the arts, and for Western Australian artists to showcase their abilities. How does FORM seek to make an impact on WA’s built environment?
We seek out projects where, through the development of curated programming focused on community development, art in public spaces, and thought leadership, a space’s story can be heightened, shifted or continued, or the community in that place can feel welcomed in that space. We work to combine hard infrastructure with the soft infrastructure that’s required to make those places sustainable in the long term. FORM recently partnered with the Pilbara Development Commission to deliver the Pilbara Creative & Cultural Forum. What was the purpose of this?
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The purpose of the forum was to bring the region’s creative and cultural sector together to showcase the success stories that were occurring in the Pilbara already, and to pair that with alternative models of thought, or maybe ways that those success stories could be amplified, so [thinking about] where the gaps are, or what type of additions could be brought in to help set the tone for those success stories. The forum was an opportunity for the creative and cultural sector of the region to demonstrate how critical it is to the economic
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Pilbara Creative & Cultural Forum, Newman. Image: Bewley Shaylor, courtesy of FORM
development of the area. While each town is currently revising its cultural strategy, there’s no overarching cultural strategy for the entire Pilbara – one that is place driven and people driven, and focusing on what’s happening right now; how that can be supported, what can grow from it and what other things can be added to it. And that’s what the Pilbara Development Commission, the region’s economic development agency, is pushing for, and the reason why the Commission engaged FORM to deliver the forum as the first point of consultation in the development of a region-wide creative and cultural strategy. How many people attended?
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Across the two days we had over 200 people. We had major industry participation, and that really showed how invested industry is
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in the communities of the region. And then we had local government attendance from all of the major towns, which was great – East Pilbara, Ashburton, Karratha and Hedland – and we had artists from a range of disciplines. The forum was really tailored to benefit the artists, arts workers and cultural programmers. Why was Newman in the Pilbara specifically chosen as the location of the forum?
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Newman’s a beautiful town, with an equally generous community. It’s small enough that you can hold an event, and it has all the right infrastructure that you need. Everything is within walking distance; you’ve got this beautiful backdrop of the East Pilbara Arts Centre and you’ve got a local government authority that’s supportive of showcasing the region’s creative strengths. We wanted to start in that positive space. And then the neutrality of it meant people coming from any other part of the region felt welcome. Also Newman’s actually a shorter drive – apart from Karratha – from Perth. One of the first challenges in the Pilbara is its remoteness, and the vast distance between places. Just getting there is a two-and-a-half-hour flight or a fourteen-hour car drive. The main opportunity the Pilbara has is to showcase its vast cultural resources; it has such a phenomenal and deep heritage that needs to continue to be protected and celebrated for many generations to come. When you think about the Pilbara, the brand is always red dirt or big-money industry, but when you get there you see it’s the communities that are there, and it’s the strength of those communities [that give the region its identity], and [there is] that distinctiveness that comes from the beautiful landscape. There are a lot of challenges, from health and poverty issues to the transient population, in part as a result of the main industry being mining, so … it can stop you from having long-term outcomes. A lot of the money has been provided for major infrastructure projects, which aren’t always sustainable in the long term because managing the cost of upkeep when you have a transitioning population is quite challenging. What’s really great is that things are changing: architects, urban designers, policy-makers and planners are understanding that you can’t do things without community consultation, and you can’t solve a problem without first understanding the problem’s full context.
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Cultural development
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Loren Holmes speaks with Pilbara Development Commission Chief Executive Officer Terry Hill after the recent Pilbara Creative & Cultural Forum.
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Loren Holmes: What role does cultural infrastructure play in the social and economic wellbeing of the Pilbara region?
Terry Hill: The creative and cultural sector contributes over $90 billion to the Australian economy, employs more people than mining, agriculture and tourism, and continues to grow at a higher rate than the general workforce. By investing in cultural infrastructure, we are acknowledging the sector’s economic value in addition to the role it plays enriching the lives of our regional communities and diversifying our economy. What was the purpose of the Pilbara Creative & Cultural Forum?
The forum was a key consultation point for the development of a region-wide strategy that will inform a way forward for the industry by identifying the region’s current strengths, needs and opportunities for the future. The Pilbara Creative & Cultural Strategy aims to inform a more coordinated and collaborative approach to the growth and development of the sector to maximise the economic and social outcomes of government and private-sector investment. Building a strong, diverse and iconic arts and cultural sector in the Pilbara is a key part of creating a more diverse regional economy. What happens next in the development of the strategy?
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The Pilbara Creative & Cultural Strategy will map the existing infrastructure across the region, from the major Aboriginal art centres to performance venues and community art groups, and will identify gaps that are potentially holding back the development of the sector. Based on initial discussions and feedback from delegates at the forum, in some cases the challenge may not necessarily be a lack of infrastructure, but the long-term sustainability of the groups who operate from them and how the spaces are programmed. The creative and cultural sector is emerging as an important generator of jobs, cultural engagement and economic activity, and infrastructure is a key element of the sector’s future growth and sustainability. Developing evaluation platforms to measure and demonstrate the impact of the creative and cultural sector on not only the local economy, but also broader community wellbeing through education and health, will also be important in determining future allocation of resources.
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Lake Mackay on the border of Western Australia and the Northern Territory. Image: Copernicus Sentinel-2B satellite
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The lifestyle of grey nomads provides a model for living remotely.
Timothy Moore and Amelia Borg
Grey nomads at Lake Ballard. Image courtesy of Tourism Western Australia
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Every other year, retired couple Jorg and Jan journey in their campervan approximately 5000 kilometres from Port Fairy, in the south-eastern corner of Australia, to Broome in the far north-west for a change of lifestyle and scenery. Once there, they catch up with many other couples from across the nation, who often converge on the beach for communal dinners. Jorg and Jan’s break lasts several weeks. They are two of tens of thousands of retired adults travelling independently across the continent at any given time in search of adventure, warmer weather and camaraderie after a lifetime of hard work. These part-time nomadic adventurers, or grey nomads, have recast the image of Australia’s ageing population. Rather than being inert and conservative, or in need of care, these older Australians are champions of a radical type of urbanism in which dwellings are mobile, infrastructure is portable or pluggable, social networks are sprawled, and adherents are on the move daily or weekly. ‘Grey nomad’ is a term used to describe Australians over 55 years old who travel for a protracted period of time – from weeks to months – and cover more than 300 kilometres on one day across semi-arid and coastal Australia. The term was popularised after the release of the 1997 Australian documentary Grey Nomads, which captured the phenomenon of the road-based movement of older travellers who made their homes wherever they parked. Travellers, including grey nomads, contribute to a ‘roaming economy’: decentralised dwelling results in decentralised expenditure. The state government of Western Australia estimated in 2016 that 1.6 million visitors spent time in caravan or camping accommodation, contributing more than $1 billion to the state's economy. According to the Campervan & Motorhome Club of Australia, grey nomads can spend up to $550 per week per couple. The value to a remote place extends beyond economic capital to human capital, in that grey nomads often provide labour (such as gardening, house-sitting or their pre-retirement professional skills) in exchange for a free place to park or for extra income. The availability of caravan parks, campsites and public parking reserves is essential to attracting the grey nomad to regional towns. A report prepared for Tourism Western Australia, A Strategic Approach to Caravan & Camping Tourism in Western Australia (2012), stated that Western Australia has a total capacity of approximately 37,369 campsites at 769 locations 40
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across the state. Additionally, remote private properties are becoming available through apps such as WikiCamps Australia. But while many nomads go off-grid, carrying their solar panels and generators, others are just looking for free reserves to park in. Beyond the site, and the amenities it provides, such as power, water, showers or flushing toilets, qualitative measures such as ‘authenticity’ are also important to nomads. Sites should feel remote rather than urban.
Nomads relax at a caravan site in Esperance. Image courtesy of Tourism Western Australia
The rise of the grey nomad over the last half-century has been made possible through the ability of ageing Australians to fund their retirement through selling their houses (some may simply be benefiting from having secure accommodation), withdrawing their superannuation and receiving government benefits. Nomadism is a reward after a lifetime entangled in an economic and social system that keeps the individual tied to a stable workplace and place to live. The outlook in terms of grey nomadism being a viable lifestyle after retirement for future generations is not especially bright. Home ownership is sliding out of reach for many younger people, and many of them are enmeshed in the gig economy, 41
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meaning they are not receiving superannuation contributions from employers. Future generations may be so much in debt, or living in such straitened circumstances, that they cannot retire. While grey nomadism may not be a sustainable model in the future, the lifestyle of the grey nomad demonstrates how future generations of nomads – not necessarily grey – may live cheaply while populating regional centres for weeks or months, bringing economic and human capital to these remote places. These nomads may work on their laptops in the public libraries, cafes, share houses and co-working spaces of country towns, accessing work remotely through cloud-based telecommunications. They may not come in campervans but be dropped off in driverless vehicles; vacant campsites may become sites for small cabins. Or, these nomads might be looking for temporary accommodation in the existing urban fabric, in spare rooms or entire houses. To find these dwellings, they may be using apps that bring great efficiency to managing housing occupancy, and which enable the ‘sharing’ (renting) of unoccupied space for days, weeks or months. Are regional towns ready to embrace these ‘emerging nomads’ who are attracted by affordable living costs, network coverage, fast internet speeds, great weather, temporary housing options and unique regional identities, as the grey nomads were before them? Grey nomads are recognised as a group that requires distributed infrastructures, and that demonstrates a capacity for domesticity and urbanity without boundaries. They are the precursor to a new generation that may not only want to travel, but need to, in an economic environment that is not static or stable and that means they can no longer afford to stay in one place.
Previous pages: Aerial view of Osprey Bay campground near Ningaloo Reef. Image courtesy of Tourism Western Australia Right: Nomads driving along Meelup Beach Road near Dunsborough. Image courtesy of Tourism Western Australia
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Building in Australia’s remote regions
Hannah Robertson
What are the solutions for building more responsively to the needs of remote Australia? In a 2017 address at The University of Melbourne, internationally renowned architects Rem Koolhaas and David Gianotten of OMA described remote areas as “unused” and/ or “underperforming”. Similarly, a 2004 territorial study of Switzerland conducted by ETH Studio Basel and led by architecture firm Herzog & De Meuron painted the entire country as an urban landscape, except for the most remote alpine regions, which were classified as “fallow land” and/or “quiet places”. It follows that building policies typically centralise decision-making, resources and projects in the largest population centres, irrespective of population distribution or remote community needs. The urban perspective through which building policies are largely determined, however, fails to assess the value of remote regions beyond market-oriented economics. For remotedwelling Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people the land, or Country, is entwined with spiritual and cultural identity, and cannot be valued in market terms. A regional approach to building could meet remote community needs and bring about local economic development, 46
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and would reinforce the United Nations–recognised human right of Indigenous peoples to maintain cultural connections to Country. regional phenomenon A Remote Australia cannot be viewed through the same lens as rural Australia because of its distinct settlement patterns, which are characterised by the presence of large numbers of Indigenous people and widespread population distribution and, as population geographer John Taylor describes it, a “frequent” and “circular” internal mobility. While just 14 per cent of Australia’s population lives in remote areas, 28 per cent of Indigenous people do. Because Aboriginal people are more likely to have experienced histories that enabled the maintenance of connections to traditional Country in remote areas, there is a proportionally greater recognition of Aboriginal land tenure under either the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976 or the Native Title Act 1993. North East Arnhem Land in the Northern Territory is typical of this pattern. It is extremely remote and has a largely Indigenous population, with 67 per cent of people identifying as Yolngu. There are three main settlement types: a largely nonIndigenous mining town of 2500 people, Nhulunbuy; a mostly Indigenous ex-mission settlement of around 850 people called Yirrkala; and more than 30 homelands across the territory located on traditional family clan lands with populations of up to 150, but typically less than 50, people. Frequent internal mobility occurs due to seasonal and cultural obligations and/or availability of access to services. government policy challenge A Physical distance and political marginalisation make it difficult and costly to advocate for building in remote regions generally, but Australia’s remote Indigenous regions face further challenges. Restrictive Aboriginal land tenure limits opportunities for building and/or economic development. For instance, the absence of a housing market due to the inability to buy and sell recognised Aboriginal land means that, unlike in the rest of Australia, buildings do not represent an economic ‘improvement’ to the land. Furthermore, in Yirrkala, no houses were built in the first five years of the federal government’s Strategic Indigenous Housing 47
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The former arts centre, now used as housing due to overcrowding at Baniyala Homeland, Northeast Arnhem Land. Image: Hannah Robertson
Infrastructure Program (SIHIP) – later relabelled the National Partnership Agreement on Remote Indigenous Housing (NPARIH) and then the National Partnership on Remote Housing (NPRH) – because of contestation by others with the Rirratjingu clans over Traditional Ownership of parts of the township, which delayed determination of where houses could be built. There are also limited economic development opportunities and employment prospects. A special agreement is required to establish an economic venture on Aboriginal land. Obtaining permission is costly and the process slow, as extensive legal and anthropological work is required.1 The result has been a dearth of local material and construction industries, and employment opportunities, on remote Aboriginal land. Building materials are generally shipped in. Collectively, these factors contribute to a reliance on government for investment in building. In some cases, building investment is almost completely a government activity. In North East Arnhem Land, for instance, 95 per cent of building funds come from either the Australian or Northern Territory governments. Left: A map of remote North East Arnhem Land. Diagram: Hannah Robertson
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entralisation C The policy position of the Australian and state and territory governments has long been one of centralisation, with funds concentrated on the largest population centres where there is a perceived availability of jobs and ability to achieve economies of scale. This position is upheld irrespective of identified building needs. For instance, in 2015 there were 250 vacant houses in Nhulunbuy following the closure of the Gove alumina refinery, and a shortfall need of 56 houses in Yirrkala and 81 houses across the Laynhapuy homelands. Yet, 90 per cent of government investment in building was concentrated in just Nhulunbuy and Yirrkala despite negligible need in Nhulunbuy and extensive need on the homelands. The North East Arnhem Land experience aligns with that of other remote Indigenous regions. Homelands, in particular, have been chronically underfunded. After the closure of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC) in 2005, state and territory governments assumed responsibility for infrastructure and services on homelands but in turn they have only renewed the pledge not to provide new housing. The Northern Territory government formalised this position in its Homelands Policy and the amendments to it in 2013. The situation is unlikely to change. If anything, it has intensified. In 2016, threats from the Western Australian government extended from ceasing new construction to stopping basic service provision to 132 of its smallest homelands.2 Government building projects in remote Indigenous Australia have not only failed to align with needs; they have also been responsible for limited local economic development. The alliancing procurement methodology used in the SIHIP/ NPARIH program was criticised in Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute (AHURI): Queensland Research Centre reports because it allocated risk to the contractor, which knocked smallscale local contractors out of the tender process and resulted in limited use of local labour and materials.
Left: Immediate housing need in North East Arnhem Land by number. Diagram: Hannah Robertson
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Self-funded Delta Reef Gumatj-built single men's accommodation under construction, Gunyangara. Image: Hannah Robertson
Regionalisation through policy reform Policy reforms could stimulate building in remote Indigenous regions. Reforms should focus on increasing local Indigenous input into decision-making processes, as this is critical for identifying and responding to local needs. From the most difficult to the easiest to enact, reform options could be: 1) Alignment with the Uluru Statement from the Heart, Treaty or constitutional amendment to give Indigenous people, as Whitlam once termed it, “a rightful place” at a national level with statutory decision-making authority over their lands. 2) Administrative amendment of existing legislation to devolve decision-making to Indigenous people at a local regional level. This occurred in 2017 amendments to the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976, which devolved decision-making powers from the Northern Land Council to the Tiwi Land Council, Ngarrariyal Aboriginal Corporation and Baniyala Nimbarrki Land Authority for self-determination of townships on their lands respectively. 52
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3) Organisational restructure of Regional Development Australia agencies to align with recognised territorial regions, as opposed to general population distribution, to foster best regional building practice and advocacy for local needs. 4) Do nothing, but favour the specification of local suppliers (such as through the Supply Nation network), local materials (in North East Arnhem Land the Delta Reef Gumatj have begun building with locally manufactured concrete blocks and timber trusses) and local labour (through slow builds and the use of semi-skilled technological systems) at a project-by-project level. The policy options are not necessarily mutually exclusive: where practicable they could be conducted in tandem or implemented in part. The shift to a regional building approach does not require revolutionary change. Rather, it builds upon a remote region’s existing practices, knowledge and organisational systems through a decentralisation of decision-making processes. Building is not the panacea for the economic development challenges of Australia’s remote Indigenous regions – it cannot employ every jobseeker – but if building policy decision-making is regionally determined it can better align with community needs and contribute to local industry.
1. The form of agreement required depends on the Aboriginal land tenure type. For land held under the Native Title Act 1993 an Indigenous Land Use Agreement (ILUA) is required. For Aboriginal land in the Northern Territory held under the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976 a Special Purposes Lease is required. 2. Note homelands in Western Australia are more commonly referred to as outstations. See Regional Services Reform Unit, Resilient Families, Strong Communities: A Roadmap for Regional and Remote Aboriginal Communities, Government of Western Australia, Perth, 2016, pp. 16–17.
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Gumatj timber workshop, Gunyangara. Image: Hannah Robertson
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Afterlife of the mine Laura Harper, Alysia Bennett and Ross Brewin Former mining sites hold a wealth of potential.
The Super Pit mine in Kalgoorlie. Image: NASA Earth Observatory
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In the wake of Australia’s recent mining boom, the question of what to do with abandoned mining sites has become a topical issue both for regional communities and mining companies, which are increasingly required to consider their remediation and reuse. Ex-mining sites do present challenges, but also hold opportunities for regional areas in that they can provide a foundation for creating unique urban patterns, functions and transformations. In considering the challenges of how best to reuse post-industrial mining sites it is useful to look at historical gold-mining regions, such as the Victorian goldfields, to understand how these sites have informed the urban organisation and character of regional areas. Research by The University of Queensland’s Centre for Mined Land Rehabilitation suggests that the number of abandoned mine sites in Australia is in excess of 50,000. While some of these exist in isolated locations, many others are adjacent to or embedded within regional settlements that developed specifically to support and enable mining activity. As mining functions ceased, sites were abandoned by mining companies and reverted to public ownership. Abandoned mines present unique challenges for remediation: they are large (sometimes enormous), their landscapes are environmentally and structurally degraded, and they are often contaminated by substances used in processing (like arsenic in the case of historical goldmines). These characteristics exclude mining sites from reuse for activities such as residential development; the sites are often considered fundamentally problematic. At times former mining sites have been reused opportunistically, accommodating functions and uses that could co-exist with the compromised physical landscape. The industrial patterns established during the Victorian gold-mining boom are traceable through observing the street layout and the location of civic buildings, public functions and open spaces of former gold-mining towns. For example, in the gold-mining town of Stawell, a pattern of informal and winding tracks was established between mining functions; these tracks later acted as the basis for the town’s street organisation and land division, including the meandering Main Street which forms the central spine of the town. Cato Lake, behind Main Street in Stawell, was transformed from the tailings dam of the Victoria Crushing Mill, while St Georges Crushing Mill and its associated dams became the Stawell Wetlands. Other mining sites were 58
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transformed into the car park for Stawell Regional Health, the track for the Stawell Harness Racing Club and the ovals for the local secondary college. A survey of public open spaces in Stawell shows that most of the town’s public functions were accommodated over time on post-industrial mining sites.
Gridded town Diggings town Curving spine Rural diggings areas Rail / highway Main watercourse The urban structure of Stawell.
Many other Victorian goldfields towns developed in similar ways to Stawell. These towns have lakes or other water bodies in and around their central urban areas that were born out of mines. Calembeen Park and St Georges Lake in Creswick, and Lake Daylesford in Daylesford, were all formed through the planned collapsing of multiple underground mines to create urban outdoor swimming spots. In Bendigo, the ornamental Lake Weeroona was formed on the site of the alluvial diggings. Other sites in these towns became parks, ovals, rubbish tips and public functions that could be accommodated on the degraded land. Abandoned mine sites outside of towns have also been used for unique purposes. Deemed unsuitable for use by the farming 59
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and forestry industries, these sites have developed into havens for flora and fauna, including species that are endangered elsewhere. A 2015 article in Wildlife Australia magazine detailed instances of the Eastern Bentwing-bat and the Australian Ghost Bat adopting abandoned gold mines as a replacement habitat for breeding and raising their young. The neglect of other gold-mining sites has meant historical remnants have been preserved by default. The Castlemaine Diggings National Heritage Park in Victoria is one example; here, water races, puddling machines and crushing batteries are hidden amid dense bushland. The town of Gwalia in Western Australia, abandoned due to the closure of its mine, has now been transformed into a town-sized open-air museum. Historical gold-mining sites in or near towns continue to be adapted for unusual uses. The Stawell Goldmine on Big Hill in Stawell is currently in the process of being converted to accommodate the Stawell Underground Physics Laboratory (SUPL), a proposed research laboratory located one kilometre below the surface. Cosmic waves are unable to infiltrate the abandoned mining tunnels, so the conditions are ideal for exploring the theorised existence of dark matter. Additionally, there is a proposal to use the extensive historical mine shafts underneath Bendigo to generate and store pumped hydroelectricity. This scheme, recently explored as a feasibility study by Bendigo Sustainability Group, proposes using solar panels to create power to pump underground water up through the mining shafts, to be stored at the surface. When additional power is required the water would be released through turbines to generate electricity. The lack of demand for remediating sites for market-led uses (such as urban development, farming or forestry) broadens their potential for uses that might otherwise seem marginal or improbable, such as new public-space typologies. The scale and remoteness of many post-industrial mining sites in Australia – such as Western Australia’s Super Pit gold mine, which is 3.5 kilometres long and 600 metres deep – may mean that approaches to reuse different from those taken with historical goldmines are required. There is no need to wait until a mine’s closure to think about how it may be used in the future. Opposite top: Calembeen Park in Creswick was formed through the collapsing of several underground mines. Opposite bottom: Cascading dams in Stawell are remnants of the industrial crushing processes which are linked together along naturally occurring gullies.
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Former workers’ cottages in the ghost town of Gwalia. Image courtesy of Tourism Western Australia
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Common knowledge Rosie Halsmith
A facilitation workshop for Liyanngan Nyirrwa. Image: Vanessa Margetts
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Embedding local knowledge into the design process can create richer outcomes for both designer and community. In remote and rural regions the role of landscape architect as community collaborator is one that comes with a unique set of opportunities and challenges. Landscape architect and public-art facilitator Vanessa Margetts, of MudMap Studio, located in the Kimberley town of Broome, acts in precisely this dual role. Hers is one of the most remote design studios in Australia; the closest cities are Perth, a 2240-kilometre drive south, or Darwin, a 1870-kilometre drive north, across the border. Through her practice, Margetts has developed a collaborative process and working model that is unique to the physical and cultural context within which she operates. While business-as-usual engagement methods invite community members to contribute in a volunteer capacity, the MudMap Studio model is flexible and embeds community input into each project. “Local knowledge is essential – and it’s helpful if we have the flexibility to acknowledge this within project structures,” says Margetts. Here, the role of community is elevated, with contributors rightfully recognised as experts on their place. “The community members I work alongside and learn from are sometimes artists, sometimes cultural advisors, sometimes Elders – I’m lucky enough to be able to build my team based on the needs of the project, and to respond to gaps in my own knowledge.” A current MudMap Studio project is the Liyan-ngan Nyirrwa Cultural Healing Centre, commissioned by Nyamba Buru Yawuru, a not-for-profit company owned by the Yawuru, the native title holders of Broome and surrounds. It is an example of how a flexible process can integrate community input. Located in Broome, Liyan-ngan Nyirrwa is a gathering place for the community. The centre has been designed around the idea of mabu liyan (good feeling), which encompasses the notions of 65
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healthy mind, healthy Country and healthy community. In a 2013 report for the Inquiry into the Development of Northern Australia, Yawuru Elder and Senator for Western Australia, Patrick Dodson, described liyan as “about relationships, family, community and what gives meaning to people’s lives. Yawuru people’s connection to Country and the joy of celebrations of our culture and society is fundamental to having good liyan.” Margetts was engaged as landscape architect for Liyanngan Nyirrwa, and to facilitate public art for the centre, in 2014. The project team included typical consultants: architects Laird Tran Studio, alongside engineers and a construction team. To integrate community and cultural knowledge, the team was expanded to include key local contributors, including cultural advisor Bart Pigram and Yawuru artists Martha Lee, Damien Lawford, Suzie Gilbert, Savannah Cox, Arnold ‘Pudding’ Smith, Terricita Corpos, Lorraine Hunter and Michael Torres. The Liyanngan Nyirrwa project began as a series of community workshops to create a vision, program and concept plan for the centre, and continued into art development, detailed design and construction phases over subsequent years. One design idea explored during the concept phase was the development of a nurlu (dancing) space for the centre. “There was a lot of discussion among the group around what a contemporary nurlu area should look like,” says Margetts. “Through design workshops, we arrived at a nurlu area that is a large, multifunctional outdoor space – a grassed area bordered by gum trees. The dancing area is marked by red sand, with the performance space defined by fire-pits that will provide light to the performers. In developing this area, we really considered the question: how can a contemporary space accommodate traditional practices? “I became fascinated with trying to understand how to depict a traditional concept within a contemporary context and with the extent to which a modern landscape can tell very old stories. These ideas were front and centre during the initial design phases for Liyan-ngan Nyirrwa.” After the concept plan had been developed, Pigram and Margetts facilitated weekly art workshops over a period of six months. At the same time, construction drawings began. Previous pages: Arnold Smith at an art facilitation workshop for Liyan-ngan Nyirrwa. Image: Vanessa Margetts
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“Early discussions with the Yawuru artists were about the concept of mabu liyan – and how this could be expressed through art at Liyan-ngan Nyirrwa,” explains Margetts. “Over the weeks and months, the artists shared stories that were appropriate to the place, and together we workshopped how these stories could be communicated.” Through this process, the role of the designer as facilitator within the collaborative process came to the forefront. One artwork developed for the centre is Pigram and Arnold ‘Pudding’ Smith’s work, Apical Ancestors. The work consists of carved, traditional timber shields, cast in bronze, to be situated at the entrance of the main building on the Liyan-ngan Nyirrwa site. It is one of many works that will represent stories of people and Country at this site. It’s interesting to reflect on the outcomes offered to the community by an inclusive process such as this one – especially in a remote and regional context such as Broome. Though the project is still in progress, the process for Liyan-ngan Nyirrwa has already offered outcomes beyond the built. “Including locals on the project team means that money, and skills, stay in town,” says Margetts. “This is essential in regional locations. Each major project offers an opportunity to build capacity, for the long term, right here in Broome.” Community collaborators have also noted the significance of working side-by-side with built-environment consultants. Bart Pigram says, “We should feel lucky that we have designers like Vanessa willing to bridge the gap between development and Aboriginal cultural survival.” The MudMap Studio approach has allowed a cultural exchange within the design process, with the knowledge of the locals as valued as that of the landscape architect, the architect and the engineer. In such a working model, the role of the ‘designer as singular expert’ has been disrupted. In elevating local community contributors to the status of project team members, MudMap Studio has provided an example of a working method that is truly collaborative, respectful and that produces tangible, successful results.
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BIOGRAPHIES SIMON ANDERSON is an architect, educator and author, and a professor at the School of Design at the University of Western Australia. He has received several national awards for his architecture practice. AMELIA BORG is a director of Sibling Architecture and the inaugural recipient of the Steve Ashton Scholarship for the Architectural Profession. ROSS BREWIN, ALYSIA BENNETT and LAURA HARPER lead the Regional Rural Remote Studio within Monash University’s Art Design & Architecture (MADA) faculty, focusing on the role that architecture and urbanism can play in places outside of capital cities. ALESSIO FINI is a Melbournebased, Perth-raised freelance designer. He previously worked at Casper Mueller Kneer Architects and Universal Design Studio in London, and at Fieldwork in Melbourne.
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ROSIE HALSMITH is the co-director of To & Fro Studio, a Perth-based design and communications practice. She previously worked as a landscape architect at UDLA in Fremantle.
LOREN HOLMES is the co-director of To & Fro Studio. She previously worked for Allford Hall Monaghan Morris in London, and Syrinx Environmental in both Perth and Melbourne. GEOFFREY LONDON is a professor of architecture at UWA. He is a former government architect of Victoria and Western Australia, and a past dean and head of architecture at UWA. TIMOTHY MOORE is the editor of Future West (Australian Urbanism) and a director of Sibling Architecture. He is also a lecturer at MADA. JENNIE OFFICER is the director of architecture practice Officer Woods. She is also a senior lecturer at UWA. HANNAH ROBERTSON is the Innovation Fellow at MADA. She previously worked in remote-area building policy and architectural design at the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, Cape York Institute and Greenshoot Consulting. LEO SHOWELL is a multidisciplinary designer. He currently works at Perth architecture firm Iredale Pedersen Hook.
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DISTRIBUTION Future West (Australian Urbanism) is distributed by the School of Design at the University of Western Australia. To obtain a copy, navigate to www.alva.uwa.edu.au/ community/futurewest
Future West (Australian Urbanism) is a biannual publication that looks towards the future of urbanism, taking Perth and Western Australia as its reference point. EDITORIAL BOARD Simon Anderson Alessio Fini Geoffrey London Jennie Officer
Future West (Australian Urbanism) has been made possible with a generous private donation.
EDITOR Timothy Moore
ISSN 2206-4087 Copyright 2018 The rights to the material within the publication remain with the contributors.
SUBEDITOR Rowena Robertson PUBLICATION DESIGN Stuart Geddes PRINTING Printgraphics, Melbourne PUBLISHER Future West (Australian Urbanism) is published by the School of Design at the University of Western Australia. COVER IMAGE The north-western corner of Australia viewed from the International Space Station. Image courtesy of NASA/ EarthKAM.org
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