Revista Cuore #4

“DÉMARCHE” In International Politics.

International Relations student magazine.

EXPERTISE

CONTENTS

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An insight to the construction and deconstruction of international politics interview with PhD Érika Ruiz Sandoval.

ARTICLES

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Comic as Propaganda in Superman: Red Son, By Julieta Macarena Carcaño Castilla.

The lack of legal protection for migrants on Mexico's southern border and its impact, By Melissa Hernán dez Córdova

Recurring symbolisms, modern doctrines, religion, and the use of media as a means of influence within the International Globe. By Elia Nicolle Castellanos Herrera

What really happened in Ukraine-Crimea-Russia’s conflict in 2014: origins, political and geopolitical consequences, By Wendy Monserrat Hernández Alonso

MAYAB TALENT

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Litzi Cáceres: An example of the determination that will improve our world.

INTERNATIONAL HUMOR

Editorial

International politics is commonly known as a way of reaching mutual national interests and goals between nations, but it goes way beyond that. According to Editorial Words (2020), “démarche” is french word that literally means “steps”, but it also refers to a course of action in diplomatic relations. Which is why the fourth edition of Cuore Anáhuac Mérida Internacional (CAMI) magazine is called “démarche”, because for us, students of Internatio nal Relations, international politics is also a way of walking towards diplomatic relations between States and, therefore, towards peace.

Benjamin Franklin once said: thing worth reading or do something worth writing about''. I can say for sure that every single page this magazine has is an astounding piece of work, and that every single extraordinary student who partici pated in it, is going to be someone people will be writing about. Our generation is the key to “démar che” towards peace.

María Alejandra Kildares Eulogio Chief Director

E x p e rti s e

An insight to the construction and deconstruction of international politics interview with

Sandoval

For this edition, Cuore Anáhuac Mayab Internacional (CAMI) magazine had the opportunity to inter view PhD. in International Relations and European Integration, Érika Ruiz Sandoval. PhD. Erika Ruiz is currently a research professor at the Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas in the Inter national Studies Division. During her professional career she has taught at the Instituto Tecnológico Autónomo de México (ITAM), the Universidad Anáhuac Mayab (UAM), and the Doctorate in Interna tional Relations and European Integration at the Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona (UAB), among others.

Professor Ruiz has focused her work on the study of the international panorama and contemporary Europe, both with an economic approach, and in recent years, she has analyzed the consequences that COVID-19 has had on the current international system.

Why study international relations?

Erika grew up in a bicultural family, with a Spanish father and a Mexican mother. From an early age, her curiosity allowed her to explore both cultures. During high school she fell in love with Models of the United Nations. That's how she found her way to international studies.

She decided to study IR as a service for her home country, México. She shared that when she is outside of Mexico it is good for her to see her country from a distance and reiterated the impor

PhD Érika Ruiz

tance of going out and seeing other realities in order to have a realistic view of Mexico from the inside and outside. Without a global conscience it is not possible to understand what happens inside a country, because much of what happens inside Mexico, also has to do with what happens outside, because what happens outside directly affects the inside. For example, although we may think that the war in Ukraine does not affect the economy in Mexico, the reality is that indirectly it does.

She describes herself as an "internationalist in formation and in deformation", that is, she likes to observe how external aspects can affect internal ones, and vice versa.

International Politics

She considers that the pandemic has been a cha llenging event for international politics because, from the academic side, it was the first time that all countries were subjected to the same problem, almost like an experiment in a controlled environ ment, which denoted the clear and stark inequality between countries in terms of their ability to cope with the fight against COVID-19.

It also brought a shift to thinking about the commu nity rather than the individual, not just staying at home for oneself but also for the care of others. We realized that our present can depend entirely on external factors, and therefore we have responsibi lity for others. Poetically, she says that it was the first time we touched on globalization and obser ved how one decision would produce a disease that

would affect the whole world. A great sign of globa lization in international politics is how during the pandemic countries were able to maintain their relations, talking to the outside world without barriers thanks to technological advances.

She stressed how important it is for the current Mexican government to start paying attention to the development of international politics and to not leave it unattended, because the way the relationship with other states develops can bring benefits or harm to the country. She affirmed that international politics "is not an accessory, it is part of our daily life".

Inequality and Human Rights

In terms of human rights, Dr. Ruiz commented that they are a very prominent issue on the international agenda and one of the most important advances in the liberal system. However, today they are in danger due to the existence of different perspecti ves that do not consider them as inalienable rights. We must prepare ourselves to defend the rights of individuals and not only those of the communities, because then, it is possible that some people may be denied their rights for the benefit of the group.

Given the gender disparity in political leadership and decision-making positions, she believes that to solve this problem we essentially need to open up equal opportunities for all people and we will natu rally see the gender gap diminish. The fact that women are not in important political positions is not linked to their capacity, interests and aspirations, but rather that they have not been offered the

same opportunities, or as Erika says "an even level playing field". Undoubtedly women should be part of the national and international conversation and policies and spaces should be developed where there is equal representation.

She also makes a similar comment about the perpetuation of discrimination against historically marginalized groups, arguing that it is unthinkable to exclude groups of people from the political and social life of a State because of someone's own desition. It is of the utmost importance to have a normative framework that provides an even level playing field for all people, eliminating differences and prioritizing the capabilities of individuals. But she also argues that it is society's responsibility to ensure that inequality is not normalized, and to eliminate the clichés that threaten people's rights.

The Internationalist's Path

In order for each student to find the topics they are passionate about and the area in which they want to develop, she urges us to take advantage of the diversity of subjects we take and to read as much as we can about all the topics that are presented to us, it may take us a while to find a topic we like, but she is convinced that in our academic path we will find a topic, a region, or a general area that we will be passionate about.

As a last point, Erika Ruiz urges us to believe in ourselves, to trust in the education we have received, but to be aware that the real world is more complex than theoretical models suggest, it is important that we open our ears to understand international challenges.

Comic as Propaganda in Superman: Red Son

Julieta Macarena Carcaño Castilla , BA in International Relations.

Faculty of Law and International Relations, Anáhuac Mayab University.

How can Superman: Red Son adapt the vision of the Cold War in the audiences as a propagandistic comic? Comics have been used to represent the international panorama and this has an impact on the readers, emphasizing if this contributes to the perception of the conflicts in the international system from the audience’s point of view; because of this, it will be analyzed how comics are used as propaganda to create an image of patriotism in the Western World. The case studied is Superman: Red Son, a comic that was published in the year 2003 which presents an alternative universe, contrasting what would have happened if the rocket where Kal-El was had landed in the Soviet Union instead of the United States.

Comics, since their creation, have been used as a form of propaganda, even the reason why some of the most iconic characters exist today is a direct consequence of the necessity to show the global audiences who is right Superman's condition might differ from the two characters mentioned before as, in the first years of the Cold War, he was transfor med into a capitalist hero that represented the American middle class.

Superman: Red Son was written in the year 2003, from a very western point of view, in an attempt to explain the Cold War and the Soviet Block, meaning that this work can be perceived as one of the most propagandistic comic books which have ever been created. Studying the impact of Red Son from a historical and social perspective can help comprehend the American society's vision of the Cold War and visualize the role of comics as a reflection of the international reality inside the national Ameri can context.

Arguments

Over the last decades, scholars have shown a growth of interest in the role of comics in academia, especially in the context of the post-Cold War in the United States. It can be said that comic books and superheroes offer a distinct means to understand U.S. culture (Chambliss, 2012).

Historians use comic books as a primary source that reflects some aspect of the time and place that produced them (Decker and Castro, 2012). Thomas Inge, an art historian, has claimed that comics are a mass medium in the United States and a distinctive form of American Art that contributed heavily to the culture of the world, from Picasso to the pop art movement (Thomas, 1982). In Superhero: The Secret Origins of a Genre, Peter Coogan (2006) exp lains that powers, identity and costume define a hero, yet this is arguable since not all heroes have powers or a defining costume, in fact, it is the narrative the element that builds the hero, because the mission is social and selfless. When it goes to propaganda, these elements become a key factor, because it makes the narrative engage with the scenario that is meant to portray.

Red Son Rising (Issue #1) takes place in the 1950s, with a very similar world to the real one, with one difference: Superman. It is shown that Superman is a part of Stalin’s close circle, attends diplomatic parties and blindly follows the communist cause, he even puts it before his own life. Superman starts making a name of himself, obtains political power and citizens show their trust in him; Pyotr Roslov, the illegitimate son of Stalin, gets jealous of the power that Superman gets, which led him to kill two dissidents who printed anti-Superman propaganda in front of their son. At the end of the Issue Super man takes the leadership of the Soviet Union, prioritizing the need of a strong ruler over what he desi red.

1970s, only the United States and Chile are capita list countries completely independent from the Soviet Union. As the United States loses power, the Soviet Union struggles with a crisis in Stalingrad and Lois Luthor takes the Chief Department of the Daily Planet, a new actor is brought: the orphan boy from the first issue now as the Batman, who in the final act reveals that Roblok was complotting against Superman and commits suicide to prevent being caught.

“The narrative of the events from an American Perspective.”

In this issue, Batman is brought up as a defendant of capitalism, a vigilante willing to do whatever it takes to take down the communist authoritarian regime. It also conveys a contradiction to the con cept of terrorism; in other comic book plots, a terro rist would be a villain; nevertheless, that’s not the case with Batman, because the war against com munism is more important. The end justifies the means for the sake of living in a capitalist world, where freedom, democracy and liberalism prevail.

Red Son Setting (Issue #3) occurs in the 2000s, where every single country, except for the United States, (which is collapsing because of a Civil War), is under Soviet control. Using all of his resources, Luthor runs and wins the presidency and later directly attacks Superman in the Fortress of Solitu de (located in Siberia). Superman attacks the East Coast of the United States, defeating the Green

Lantern Corps and the Amazonian (who no longer supported the Soviet regime).

The last weapon used by Lex Luthor is a note that says: “Why don't you just put the whole world in a bottle, Superman?” (Millar, 2003). The Soviet Union collapsed as Superman understood that humanity should keep their freedom. A new doctrine called Luthorism is set up and Superman disappears. The world reconstructs, with Luthor as a president, a man who does not let go of power.

Time goes by and the Soviet Union controls almost the whole world, yet deep inside Superman feels something is wrong. Superman’s identity is defined by his values of justice and truth, but his utopia was an authoritarian regime, he could not create a perfect world, but he could protect it from the dangers that headed. When he reads Luthor’s letter, the

Superman that the audience knows, with a strong sense of values and principles and who believes in liberty and humanity, the capitalist hero, is finally born. Luthor, on the other hand, is presented as a communist, the real villain, the person who wanted power more than anything else.

Thousands of years in the future, the Sun is consu ming Earth and a descendant of Lex and Lois Luthor sent his baby son to the past in a desperate move to guarantee his survival. The rocket that carried their son landed in Ukraine in the year 1938 at the beginning of the comic.

The narrative intends to make the readers empathize with the story, as they are dragged into it, with the characters that are already established. Based on the narrative, Superman cannot be a villain, which means that the character development he had is supposed to show the audience why, in the end, good will prevail in the capitalist perspective. The opposite happens to Lex Luthor, as he appears as a capitalist, but that’s only a façade since his desire for power describes the definition of communism by the American Way. Batman was in the middle, aiming for freedom and justice, crossing some lines to accomplish his goals. It’s this narrative that makes the public see the good in capitalism and the evil in communism, a direct response to the Cold War that had ended in 1991, written in a period when the United States needed to justify its actions in the first decade of the 21st century.

Superman’s Identity: the reconstruction of a character in an Elseworld

tale.

How can the life of a character change? In comics, the multiverse is a concept used to explain the different possibilities in the story of the characters; this concept has been gaining a lot of popularity since the 90s. Superman: Red Son, is set in an elseworld, where the rocket which took Kal- El to Earth landed in a small village in Ukraine rather than in Smallville.

There are certain elements in comics that authors consider when writing a storyline. What drives a character? Why is the character capable of doing something? Is the character meant to be good or evil? Different scenarios can be brought up when answering these questions.

A comparison can be made with Superman: Red Son; it can be stated that the morality of Superman is not defined by where the Rocket lands, but rather on his own sense of morality and the will to do good. Superman is driven by justice, truth and peace. A conflict arises as the series progresses: how is he going to accomplish that justice, peace and prosperity? The Cold War can be pictured as a coin with two sides: capitalism and communism; Superman is standing with the Soviets, aiming for a completely equal world, because all men are built equal. This leads to a contradiction since Superman is the greatest example of why men are and shouldn’t be equal.

In Red Son, Superman takes a stand never seen before, as he aims to have security and prosperity in the name of the Soviet Union; after the death of Stalin, he decided to become the main leader of the Communist Party and the Soviet Union, in order to have ‘peace’. Later, we see that those who are not in favor of his regime would pay a price worse than death (Millar, 2003), a robot artifact would be placed in their heads and make them blindly follow the leader of the USSR.

Nonetheless, Superman is meant to be good; his sense of morality will prevail above anything else and that’s what makes the evolution of his charac ter so unique. The moral debate to define security is brought by the actions in issue number 3, in two different perspectives: Soviet control and American Freedom. From one side, if everyone did as Super man said, problems would become scarce so pros perity and security would be accomplished; from the other, liberty manifests that not all men are created equal and, by embracing these differences, security must prevail by encouraging a more just and prosperous society.

In propaganda, identity is fundamental because that’s how the reader identifies with characters like Superman. Just as it happened during the World War II and the definition of Superman as a Jewish character made the readers disapprove of the Holocaust and the axis powers, with Red Son the public gets to know a what-if written from a western perspective, in which the turn of events also prove that Superman is willing to do the right thing and not support communism while Luthor is sick of power and is willing to take it.

Superman’s identity is forged by the values of the capitalist society, of freedom and democracy. He will not turn easily from his values, yet he will always criticize his ways to accomplish them in the name of the greater good because he can make mistakes. Superman sacrificed control for freedom, love for security and his name for a future, that’s the reason the readers support him and agree with him.

The Role of Superman, Batman and Lex Luthor as Heroes and Villains.

Heroes and villains are two sides of the same coin and one of them is always the reason the other exists; just like the Joker wouldn’t exist without Batman, Lex Luthor wouldn’t exist without Super man. These characters are created with a purpose and objectives.

Superman is a hero who is meant to be the stron gest, the most powerful, the closest to God and the most humane of all. In Red Son, the evolution of Superman as a hero consists of basically turning against the idea of communism, because communism is evil. If Superman is meant to be a hero, by the standards of the American way, he should promote the values of a liberal society; the only way for Superman to become a hero is by understanding that a free society will always be the best for everyo ne else, even with the problems that may occur because of the lack of a higher entity that will con trol all the aspects of security and prosperity.

Since his creation, Bruce Wayne has been a repre sentative of capitalism, as he uses his privilege of wealth in the seek of justice. Batman is a hero with very strong principles and, like Superman, a power ful sense of morality; the narrative used to describe Batman’s actions has an important element: irony. As in the main universe, batman's parents were murdered when he was just a child, yet, unlike other versions, his parents were dissidents of this Soviet government. He grew up to become a terrorist, moved by the assassination of his parents and the fight for freedom. He doesn't kill other people, but he's capable of sacrificing his own life in the name of liberty.

In the last remark, there is Lex Luthor, Superman’s main antagonist since the Golden Age. An important businessman and politician, in Red Son, Luthor is portrayed as a strategic and calculating person, a master of chess, a scientist and a visionary. In this universe, he is married to Lois Lane, a reporter from the daily planet.

Like Superman and Batman, there is something crucial that drives Luthor's actions: power. It is implied that Luthor is a man with clear objectives of greatness and domination. At the end of the Issue number 3, after Superman dismantled the Soviet Union and left humans to use their free will to create their own path, a curveball takes place: Lex Luthor becomes a ruler that empathizes more with the communist ideals rather than the capitalist; the more time he stays in the power, the more satisfied he feels, as he won everything in the end.

The three characters mentioned before have their own morality and principles, yet the audience gets to distinguish them because of their humanity and goals. Superman is the main hero because of his sense of morality and his interpretation of his values, which make him connect with the audience. With Batman, rather than sentiments, it’s pragmatic justice the explanation of his alienation. Luthor, on the other hand, is the villain, as he did whatever it took to fulfill his desire for power, just like the Soviets did with both Stalin and Superman. The construction of heroes and villains makes the readers identify the good from the bad based on the perspective that since capitalism is good, Super man shall be a capitalist; if communism is evil, Luthor shall be a communist.

Conclusions

Comics are an important part of American history, as they narrate from a western point of view the international panorama. Elements such as identity and characterization are important in the definition of the storylines that are being told, regarding the context and perspective that arises depending on the historical moments and the necessities for when the stories are written. Comics are propagan distic works, of easy understanding for the readers and that have gained complexity over the years, responding to the evolution of society, politics, economics and culture.

When analyzing Superman: Red Son, concepts like identity, culture, heroes, villains, narrative and alternative become relevant; the whole idea of this mini-series is to prove that no matter what, capita-

lism has to prevail for the greater good, because it is the system that protects the freedom of the people and their dignity.

Some questions are answered as the story progresses and this makes the audience connect more easily to the narrative that’s been told. The character development of Superman is probably the most distinguished one, as he becomes the hero fans have always known, because his values of justice and freedom persevere.

Heroes and villains are two concepts that are hard to define without being biased to the stereotypes of a certain society. In American comics, a hero would be the character that fits into the morality of a capitalist society, while a villain would be described as someone against these ideals. Since good had to prevail and capitalism was good, then Superman had to become a capitalist and, since Lex Luthor was the villain, then he would show his true self, a communist in desperate aims of power. These two concepts are so hard to understand that not even Batman fits into the definitions because even though he’s a terrorist and against the communist regime, he isn’t described as evil. The comparison of the characters explains how important the relationship between the comic itself and the readers is unique in the portrayal of a supposed reality, one to which the audience will more likely connect to. Finally, the other important aspect is the narrative or, in other words, the way the story is told. Red Son takes place during the Cold War, from the 1950s to thousands of years into the future. Many historical references are made, such as the Warsaw Pact, the Marshall Plan, the Dictatorship of Pinochet in Chile,

the Bay of Pigs Invasion, the geostrategies taken by Eisenhower during his administration, and more; nevertheless, the aspect that is highlighted is the way the story is told, which, in the end, unchains the most important debate of the comic: the conflict between security and control against justice and freedom. Throughout the series, the context of free dom gains importance, because it’s proven that freedom provides security. Another aspect is equa lity which, in a deeper analysis, becomes the explanation for why Superman would turn to capitalism; since he was the living proof that not all people are equal, then he shouldn’t intervene in a world where humans deserved to respond to those differences, especially since he wasn’t a regular human.

Superman: Red Son is a mini-series that responds to a context of change in American society; the Cold War had ended more than a decade ago and the actions of the American Institutions needed to be justified. DC Comics had been characterized as being a conservative platform with a strict inclina tion to Western values and an anti-communist agenda, which this comic proves. Red Son is a great example of Western propaganda, one that makes the audience connect to the story, where a common fear becomes real but where there’s also faith that good will persevere, a true representation of Super man, the hero whose values cannot be broken.

References

·Chambliss, J. (2012). Superhero Comics: Artifacts of the U.S. Experience. https://www. juniata.edu/offices/juniata-voices/media/chambliss-superhero-comics.pdf

·Coogan, P. M. and O'Neil, D. (2006). Superhero: The secret origin of a genre. Austin, TX: MonkeyBrain Books. Decker, A. C., and Castro, M. (2012). Teaching History with ·Comic Books: A Case Study of Violence, War, and the Graphic Novel. The History Teacher, 45(2), 169–187. http://www.jstor.org/stable/23265918

·Millar, M. (May 2003). Superman: Red Son Rising. United States of America. DC Comics. ·Millar, M. (July 2003). Superman: Red Son Setting. United States of America. DC Comics.

·Millar, M. (June 2003). Superman: Red Son Ascendant. United States of America. DC Comics.

·Thomas M. (1982). “Comic Art,” in Concise Histories of American Popular Culture. Westport: Greenwood Press.

Art i cl e

The lack of legal protection for migra nts on Mexico's southern border a nd its impact.

Melissa Hernández Córdova BA in International Relations Faculty of Law and International Relations, Anáhuac Mayab University

In the last year, several waves of migrants have been observed at the southern border of the coun try. The Army, the Navy, and the National Guard have set out to intimidate and even assault them to prevent their entrance into the country instead of ensuring that they receive dignified conditions in the migratory stations, without caring that the cara vans are mostly made up of entire families, including minors, who are hungry, cold and in danger.

Migration is a global phenomenon that has increa sed in recent years. Mainly during the pandemic, there was an increase in Mexico’s migratory flows due to the Latin American economic crisis. Due to its geographic position, Mexico functions as a bridge to reach the United States as it is the intended destination for people migrating in search of the "American Dream". Therefore, migrant caravans of more than one hundred people of different natio nalities from Central America were organized in search of better-living conditions. However, the southern border has less policing and a lack of infrastructure, which is why illegal trafficking of migrants, violation of human rights, and abuse of force by the National Guard have become a daily occurrence.

In 2021, the migration crisis was revived: Mexico had a record number of asylum requests and expulsions of thousands of citizens to the United States, reaching the last quarter with 123 thousand 187 refugee applications (Castañeda, 2021). Regarding detention conditions, some migrants reported verbal and physical abuse, detention in common jails, and overcrowding. As well as a significant lack of hygiene, drinking water, food, medical care, and

medicine. It is necessary to examine the migration policies of the Government of Mexico in the last six-year term —which started in 2018— to promote and protect migrants’ rights in terms of shelter and complementary protection.

The following research aims to analyze why the Mexican institutions specialized in migration, such as the National Institute of Migration (heneforth INM) and the Mexican Commission for Refugee Assistance (henceforth COMAR), do not guarantee the protection of human rights. The elements to be studied are the competent authorities in this matter, the national and international legal framework in which Mexico has committed to comply with, the resources allocated, the infrastructure, and the deprivation of fundamental rights.

The hypothesis is based on the fact that the institu tions specialized in migration issues in Mexico, such as the INM and COMAR lacking strengthening. Furthermore, is based in the deficiency of human rights’ protection since the government allocates a low budget to migration, especially in the southern border of the country.

The essay will be limited to research concerning the period 2021. Likewise, it will focus on investigating the consequences of the omission in the compliance with Mexican laws and international treaties that contemplate the legal protection of migrants. The study’s dependent variable is the non-compliance of the institutions, while the independent variable is the allocation of resources by the federal govern ment.

The main objective of this analysis is to determine the reasons why institutions specialized in migra tion issues do not comply with the norms issued in this regard. Additionally, the secondary objectives are (1) to analyze the non-compliance of human rights of migrants during their transit through the country; (2) to compare the situation of the sou thern border and the northern border in terms of

effectiveness of procedures, that migrants are subjects of rights regardless of their migratory status.

Many migrants receive no access to justice and abuses of power, which represent an obstacle in the process for those who come with the hope of finding better living conditions. For example, while trying to regularize their papers, they are subjected

This essay is divided into five sections. The first part addresses an analysis of the migration panora ma in Mexico to understand the current situation as well as the control actions carried out by the gover nment. The second section will present an analysis of the human rights crisis comparing the northern and southern borders in terms of the implementa tion of legal migratory dispositions and procedures which contribute to their entry and stay in the natio nal territory. The above is done by adhering to regulations established in the Migration Law and other instruments, allowing us to compare the resources allocated for infrastructure, policing, and protection of asylum seekers.

Moreover, the third section will discuss the migration institutions’ role and legal framework to verify their commitment to the existing regulations, as well as their crisis management. The fourth section will describe the current challenges for the govern ment, public institutions, and civil society. In the final section, conclusions are presented on the role that each actor studied has played and their relationship with the Mexican policy’s non-compliance. Finally, some recommendations are put forward as strategies to move towards the undocumented immigrants’ eradication of structural and cultural vulnerability.

Overview of migration in Mexico

The migration phenomenon is highly important for the political, social and economic development of Mexico and the region. Approximately 1 200 km of

southern Mexico border Guatemala and Belize, of which 970 km border Guatemala —where there are

29 of Mexico's 52 migration stations—. Besides, it is estimated that there are more than 200 illegal cros sing routes along Mexico's southern border (Hogar de la Misericordia, 2008).

Migration flows are primarily economically motivated. A recent study by the Regional Group for the Protection of the Human Rights of Migrants (2004) concluded that most migrants cross the border for this reason. Also, the significant flow of remittances to Central American countries confirms the economic necessity behind migration.

Due to the increase in irregular migration, the United States has redoubled its efforts to stop the migrant caravans by putting pressure on Mexico, which has acted in recent years no longer as a bridge but as a barrier. This practice is also known as border exter nalization and has become increasingly common in regions such as the European Union and the Middle East. It is based on bilateral or even multilateral agreements between destination and transit coun tries, that encourage the containment of migrants in transit as well as their return after arriving in the destination country, generating an irreparable chain of vulnerability and violation of human rights.

It is necessary to point out that the reactivation of the program Quédate en México also known as Migrant Protection Protocols was one of the con troversial events that took place in the middle of historical maximums of detention and asylum requests in the country. Camhaji (2021) points out that the reactivation of this program is a clear

example of the heavy-handed policy against migration of former President Donald Trump. The imple mentation of this policy has left a legacy of tens of thousands of people stranded in tragic conditions, accusations of massive human rights violations, and new points of bilateral tension between countries with a migration crisis that has dragged on longer than expected.

There is no doubt that the extreme and unequal commercial dependence between Mexico and the United States fosters a system that not only threatens migratory flows, but also the system itself, since it encourages exemption from compliance with international regulations and the Mexico’s Supreme Constitution, increasing the already high levels of impunity in the country. In this way, the Mexican government must develop policies in attention to the vulnerable population, including children, adolescents, women, and indigenous people.

It is noteworthy that migrants in irregular conditions can stay a maximum of 90 days in Mexico’s territory and if they are detained, they must be taken to a migratory station or stay, not to prison. When arriving at a station, their rights —stipulated in the Migration Law— are accommodation in dignified conditions; to receive medical attention; to be granted consular protection and assistance; to request asylum, regularization or assisted return, and the preservation of the family unit, to mention a few. Having mentioned the above and because of the rights are inherent, the fact that a person does not have the required documentation for the stay does

not exempt the Mexican authorities from their obligation to respect and guarantee human rights. In fact, it is important to emphasize that the National Human Rights Commission (2018) states that undocumented migration is not a crime, only an administrative offense.

Human rights crisis at the border

When analyzing migration policies, it can be observed that they are more about containment than protection. Thus, both practical and discursive aspects must be considered. Respect for human rights was the key element in the speech of President Andres Manuel López Obrador at the begin ning of his six-year term, who also promised to promote cooperation efforts with the governments of Central America and to invest in economic and social development programs. However, although he tried to differentiate himself from the previous government by proposing restructuring the institutions, the reality was even worse, since the migrant waves increased with the economic crisis derived from Covid-19, causing the reinforcement of migra tory controls under pressure from the United States.

Torre (2020) explains that migratory control actions do not function as measures to protect migrants, but rather to contain migratory flows on Mexico's Southern Border, specifically, south of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. Likewise, this double standard is reflected not only in the speeches made by the president himself, but also by the head of the Minis-

Note: Adapted from Encubrimientos y eufemismos en la política migratoria mexicana (p. 5) by E. Torre, 2020.

try of the Interior (SEGOB), the commissioner of the INM, and the annual reports issued by the Survey on Migration of Mexico’s Southern Border. In the latter, we can observe with greater precision the use of euphemisms —expressions used to replace a word that is socially considered offensive— within the quantitative statements:

Through anonymous complaints, 648 people of foreign origin were rescued from various places in the state, such as houses and buses, where they were overcrowded, some of them minors traveling alone (INM, 2021).

The term rescue is used to refer to mass detentions. As we can see in Table 1, the practice of euphemisms in the reports of the National Institute of Migration and its counterparts attempt to distort reality and therefore public opinion, minimizing the problems of both national security and the expul sion regions.

This is intended to give a false sense of protection to undocumented persons since those persons were not in imminent danger at the time they were

apprehended by Mexican authorities. This method of operation employed by the government seeks to justify mass arrests but only encourages illegal trafficking, ironically being the main dangers the authorities aim to eradicate, as well as the use of dangerous routes and hiring smugglers to cross the border.

On the other hand, it should be noted that from January to August 2021, COMAR registered 77 559 requests for protection from the Mexican govern ment. Of these, 23 123 have been reviewed and ruled on, but only 17,172 cases were granted asylum, with the rest being placed under review or rejected (INM, 2021). Therefore, in the absence of agility in the requests’ process or denials, they choose to enter as undocumented migrants, thus encouraging the illegal trafficking of migrants.

In addition, according to the 2021 Federal Expendi ture Budget, for that year the resources granted to COMAR increased to 44 million 427 thousand pesos. Even though, in 2022, 45 million 667 thousand pesos are projected, the population seeking asylum in the country exceeds the capacity and measures taken by federal authorities, favoring the use of mass deportations as a control measure. The United Nations Children's Fund has called on the Mexican government to take into account the increase of unaccompanied migrant minors ente ring through Mexico's southern border: "Do not neglect the limited budget of COMAR" (UNICEF, 2020). Otherwise, it will imply a national and international setback in the commitments set down in international treaties and conventions.

The legal framework and the role of institutions in migration issues

Mexico is a signatory to multiple international commitments regarding human and migrants’ rights. Two of the most important multilateral treaties are the Inter-American Convention to Prevent and Punish Torture and the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families. Also the Mexican Constitution contemplates, in its article 2, paragraph B, paragraph VIII: Establish[ing] social policies to protect indigenous peoples’ migrants, both in the national territory and abroad, through actions that guarantee the labor rights of agricultural day laborers; improve the health conditions of women; support with special education and nutrition programs for children and young people of migrant families; ensure respect for their human rights and promote the dissemina tion of their cultures.

Kauffer (2015) expresses that COMAR is characterized by poorly defined actions, badly defined goals, and wrongly defined directions. So far, it has been divided into a hard line that sees refugees as a national security issue and a more humanitarian that human rights line (CIESAS, 2013, pp. 163-170).

From 1983 to 1989, COMAR was guided by a natio nal security approach and even though from 1989 to 1994 the human rights line was privileged, with the armed conflict in Chiapas between the Mexican government and the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZNL), the institution replaced this

approach with a strategy based in the use of force. In addition to these structural features, COMAR has at times clashed with the Immigration Service, whose approach to national security ignores human rights. Within the Ministry of Interior, COMAR and INM oppose each other, the latter overseeing internal security and having more influence. Migration's position on refugees is related to the maintenance of internal security.

Thus, immigration can generate political instability and threaten an already severely affected economy. The results of the research also showed that the Foreign Ministry's position was conducive to a progressive and coherent policy in Central America. As for the military branch of the Mexican government, the focus is on the border security aspects, and the consequences of their presence in refugees make them undesirable.

It is important to clarify that during an immigration control operation, the INM may request support from the Federal Police, the Armed Forces, and other public security agencies for inspection and immigration control, but may not verbally, physically, or sexually assault you, take your belongings, or ask for money to let you go your own way. During these operations, public officials are also not allowed to use methods of persecution and detention that endanger the lives of undocumented persons and their physical and mental health.

Furthermore, the National Human Rights Commis sion (2018) expresses that the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families prohibits the collective expulsion of migrants. This

means that when the INM detains undocumented migrants near the border, it cannot send them back to their countries of origin without reviewing their cases individually.

Conclusions

Throughout this work, the complexity of the migra tory reality that the country has been facing for several decades was exposed mainly from a syste mic point of view and its impact on human rights. However, different aspects that comprise part of the social problem were analyzed, such as the actions of the authorities, illegal trafficking, and the management of the caravan crises during 2021.

Additionally, it was demonstrated there is a direct relationship between the budget allocated to migration institutions and human rights violations. There is a structural vulnerability much more complex than it seems, since it involves not only coun tries such as Guatemala, Honduras, and Belize but also the United States —which plays a fundamental role in Mexican decision-making and public policies— proving the hypothesis put forward. In con clusion, there is a systemic inability that has led thousands of families to choose the illegal route to enter the country, endangering their lives.

Regardless of the bilateral relationship that Mexico must maintain strong with its northern neighbor, several internal actions are left on the back burner when trying to control the situation on the southern border, such as improving cooperation with the sending countries to create alliances and work on the causes that encourage emigration. It is hoped

that research on this issue will continue and more programs will be generated to counteract the cha llenges at both the government and civil society levels.

Mexico faces great challenges regarding the issue of migration. In the short term, the country particu larly needs more budget to build decent shelters in conditions that do not violate the basic rights of migrants, as well as legal support for asylum seekers and refugees. In the medium and long term, the Mexican government should strategically plan comprehensive programs for refugees in coordina tion with COMAR and INM to create viable, inclusive and universal programs based on improving infras tructure, generating self-employment and promoting Mexican farm work. As well as providing tech nical and legal assistance to Central American countries in order to implement social programs that solve the root causes of migration.

References

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Art i cl e Article

Recurring

Elia Nicolle Castellanos Herrera, BA in International Relations Faculty of Law and International Relations, Aná huac Mayab University

symbolisms, modern doctrines, religion, and the use of media as a means of influence within the International Globe.

The main focus of this article is to express the importance and impact and influence that religions, cults, and politics represent to modern media and popular culture. It is by the use of images, chants, architecture, etc. (defining the later list as a compilation of symbologies) that often represent a culture and its main religion through an outsider's lens.

The glamourization and use of this symbology often passes through the viewer's mind without realizing its origin or meaning. Many modern books, films, series, and art compositions have had a heavy influence on these religions or cults; modern media often appropriates these to trans form them, without giving credit to its origin.

Inspiration often times comes in the most unexpected ways, it has been the case since humanity observed bison and painted their visual history upon their walls, however if seen through the lens of religions, we can see a main focus of these on many aspects ranging through the catholic symbols in the Renaissance to geometric pattern archi tecture influenced by Islam during the IX Century. The main focus of this article is to identify what an inspiration derived from a religious point of view means in the XX and the XXI Century, to guide and inform the reader and also make himself aware of this common phenomenon.

The importance of this research is to give the cultu res, cults, religions, an opportunity to have their culture displayed and explained upon a common ground for the reader, without an altered vision of these. To be later compared in a systematic way against the political ideal and doctrines within the

international system to realize the main strategies and use of imagery to gain influence. The main differences between the definitions for cult and religion, as well as political and religious doctrine, can also be a main controversy and a difficult defi nition to grasp, as many words and definitions these two also have their exceptions which will be discussed in the following text.

What can we consider a religion, cult, or symbols?

To begin our research, one must first make clear some basic aspects that our reader must compre hend beforehand, the first of them being the meaning of symbology. Symbols, according to Mari Womack, should be regarded as concepts that are too complicated or complex for even words to des cribe them. Symbols communicate what we cannot get to describe in our reality and can be brought in the form of experience or thought concepts. In religion, a symbol is used to express an action that not only has a fiscal meaning but also a spiritual one, for example in the catholic belief the commu nion is a symbol that represents the body of Christ, thus, as a heavy symbol within this religion it should be respected and treated as the actual body of Christ (The Bible, Ephesians 4:15-16). According to Sigmund Freud, his book The Analysis of Dreams (1924) says that symbols can also be viewed and regarded as a substitute for an emotional tension in a conscious or unconscious form.

The meaning of a particular symbol is culturally determined rather than inherited by the symbol, for

example, the meaning of a figure of a reverse swas tika isn't born with its own definition, but rather thanks to the unfortunate, cruel, and dehumanizing events that a particular group of people in the IIWW marked that symbol as their own brand what makes the reverse swastika have a meaning throu ghout history enduring up to our days.

According to Mary Womack, in her book Symbols and Meaning there are two ways to perceive sym bols, the first one is comprehended through the metaphor thus giving the object, a second meaning that the one it actually held, like how the romans correlated the laurel leaves to one’s victory, or how in Victorian era certain flowers had certain meanings for lovers to share in a secret language. The second is called the Metonymy and implies that the symbol has more meaning than what it actually holds like in Judaism and Islam, the kippah and the Taqiyah (both of which are hats placed on top of a man’s head) represents the users connection to their deity, in Judaism to represent the respect and fear of God and in Islam to emulate the Prophet Muhammad which used to keep his head covered.

According to Mijaíl Bajtín, popular culture counts with its own language, and it is created in a space open for everyone, for example in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, popular culture was present through the use of public space such as plazas, theaters, opera´s amongst others. One of the main characteristics of popular culture is that is composed with an open space for everyone and has a mean to unite the society. Popular culture nowadays can be regarded as a worldwide phenomenon from singers who originate from Asian countries that transport their media to the other side of the

world, as well as memes that reach global commu nities, and also the globalization of our day to day life. What we mean by day to day life is what we consume our society in our new modern public plazas, this means cinemas, social media, newspa pers, local and global television, among others, thus our local public plazas in which we used to celebrate our popular culture have now evolved to capture the modern world.

To go forward in our research, we must know that there is no true meaning for religion or cult, these two intertwined themselves often as both the meanings of cult and religion evolve. We can start by defining cult as a manifestation of public character derived from a religion (as established in The Ency clopedic Dictionary of Cults, Sects, and World Religions), however some cults can have their own accords created by a leader, oftentimes an empathetic one, and have a set of guides and rules in which its members must follow. Cults tend to also have a motive or an inclination towards monetary systems, such as donating money towards the founder for his or her own personal purposes. According to the Encyclopedic Dictionary of Cults, Sects and World Religions, Cults tend to have three main characteristics:

·Espouses radical new religious beliefs.

·Are often small groups and are transitory.

·Tend to host a charismatic religious leader.

·Threatens society with their practice of basic values, and cultural norms. Deeming the followers to be unfit to exist in society and impacting their mental health.

The same encyclopedia defines religion as a socially organized doctrine with defined patterns of belie fs, values and practices that unite people together to address a certain deity (or deities), giving the believer a guidance, sustenance, and a life meaning as well as an afterlife meaning. The religion must follow certain rules often described in sacred texts, or books, as well as having an established doctrine to which the members of this religious society must uphold and follow. The doctrine has an organized structure and has established rituals that follow religious rules.

Symbolistic architecture

Religious doctrines need the use of symbolism to be recognized within the international system. These symbols can also be a direct reflection of their legacy, such as an architectural design of a building in which the passages from their sacred books or legends can be displayed in grandeur. Architecture and religion have always been intertwined, and we can actually identify the grandeur of a religion through their grandiose works of art within their iconic structures. Such is the case of the Vati can, that counts with the iconic Sistine Chapel created by Italian genius Michelangelo, in which the ceiling depicts multiple sceneries from the catholic sacred book named “The Bible”. As Carol King says the Vatican City displays an array of multiple architectural styles that were dominated by the catholic influence of the religious State called The Vatican. Thanks to the iconic works of art curated by the religious institution that the catholic religion is often associated with, architectural styles like the

Baroque, Gothic, Medieval, Rococo that oftentimes not only the architecture of the Vatican City reflec ted these styles but resonated amongst all of the European countries affiliated to them. With an array of figures, statues, gargoyles, and stained glass that their history was often represented. As seen in the table below of Architectural Styles annexed to the catholic church.

Table 1.1

Style: Period

Classical: 7th c. B.C. to 4th c. A.D.

Byzantine: After 4th c. Romanesque: 11th-12th c.

Predominant Features

Strict adherence to classical orders, symme try, proportion, rows of columns.

Massive domes, hanging architecture, Byzan tine-Greek cross floor plan, mosaics.

Rounded arches, heavy walls with minimal openings, large apse, central tower and adjacent towers.

Gothic: 10th-14th c. Renaissance: 15th c.

Baroque: 17th –18th c.

Pointed (Gothic) arches, tall, thin columns, rib vaults, flying buttresses, stained-glass windows incl. rose window.

Revival of ancient Roman forms incl. the column and rounded arch, domes, proportion, harmony.

Constant movement, highly decorated, curves, contrasting light/dark, bright colors, twisting elements, gilding.

Rococo: late 17th to mid 18th c.

Neoclassical / Revivalist: 18th –19th c.

“Light-Baroque”, curves, scrolls and shells, paler color schemes, gently flowing move ment.

Symmetry and geometric form, hulking facades, columns, “mixture” of styles.

Note: Gaffney, Seamus L. Church Architecture: A Brief Survey. The Irish Monthly, 1952. 236-242

*Catedral de Notre Dame

Religious architecture can also be found within the Islamic religion, through the many mosques found throughout Africa, Middle East and parts of Sou thern Europe. This architecture is defined by multi ple geometric patterns. Such an example can be taken in the biggest religious city in the world, in which three religions come together, Jerusalem located in the Arabian Peninsula. Within the city of Jerusalem, we can find the immaculate and immense architecture of the Dome of the rock shrine, built in the late 7th century according to Encyclopedia Britannica. With its main architectural features being the geometric patterns and multiple use of mosaics that displays a perfect mathematical beauty. These types of patterns can often times be found across Spain thanks to the Muslim occupa tion of the country and are still displayed as a means of a grandeur time like the “Cathedral our lady of the Assumption” in which the former Islamic Mosque stills shows the power of a bygone era through its architecture. We can also find political buildings using the religious imagery as a means to convey their biggest religious affiliation of the nation and also as a way to gain popularity within the population. Such is the case of the Mexican Castle the “Castillo de Chapultepec” in which the constant use of religious imagery can be seen through their walls. For example, the “Retablo de la Independencia” in which the author Juan O Gorman incorporates imagery of the “Virgen de Guadalupe” to convey a religious senti mentalism to the citizens that visit the castle upon seeing the political movement. But also depicts the influence of Catholic groups within the political movement and how the “guidance of god” was beside the movement along the way.

Institutionalism within religious and political doctrines.

As the modern international system evolves so does the definition of doctrine. According to the Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary we can define doctrine as “a belief or sets of beliefs held and taught by a Church, political party, etc”. As established previously doctrines can be held by a political party and also by a religious group, both actually share some similarities such as a head leader, and hierarchy of power within the institution, a large mass of followers following and spreading their beliefs (in the case of religion we can also see the influence of their deity throughout their political system), the main similarity we can see in both cases is the use of morals and ethics to establish a judicial framework, that upon broken by the users (these being followers or citizens) face the full enforcement and corresponding punishment.

In the religious case we can observe the use of this punishment as a means of control and to establish a good moral conduct through the user’s life to avoid a punishment in the near future, or after the end of the user life. The three religions that derive from the Abrahamic branch (Judaism, Catholicism, and Islam) have each one their according Sacred book containing the user future punishment or reward, the books also establish through passages and scripts a proper and correct lifestyle for the user. However, the main focus point of these books is how they influence the structural hierarchy of each religion. Taking Catholicism as an example, the bible represents the main focus of this religion

however we can also see a structure within their main institution and also their own state that governs and organizes the religious aspects of their followers, as well as their economic gains from the followers’ offerings and how these must be distri buted. It is not uncommon for a religious doctrine to be intertwined not only with their institution’s economy management but also that of their followers, furthermore some religious institutions also establish the percentage to donate to the same institution as a so-called “tribute”.

In Islam we can observe the giving of this tribute as a main pillar. According to the “Pluralism Project” from Harvard University, Islam is based on 5 main pillars called shashada, salat, sakat, sawn, and hajj, our main focus will be sakat which represents the tribute aspect of the pillars. In the Quran (Al-Hadid 57:18) one can read the phrase, “indeed, those men and women who give in charity and lend to Allah a good loan will have it multiplied for them, and they will have an honorable reward” as well as the verse of Al-Hadid 57:7, “believe in Allah and His messenger, and spend (in charity) out of the (substance) whereof He has made you heirs. For, those of you who believe and spend (in charity), - for them is a great Reward” that the main focus of its believers is to give back what “Allah” (to which the Encyclope dia Britannica and the Quran defines as God, as there is no name or images that can fully represent his power within this religion) has given to their followers.

This type of tribute can also be seen in another Abrahamic religion such as Catholicism, with pas sages that depict the goodness gained upon offe-

ring a tribute of one's wealth. Throughout the pas sages of Acts 20:35 and also Deuteronomy 16:17 of the bible we can see the similarities shared within the Quran, this being that if you give back to the community with actions such as charity, not only would their god be satisfied but also would give you back in return what you have donated. This is similar to the Hinduism and Buddhism belief of karma, in the sense of retribution of your actions, if you perform either good or bad actions these will be returned in a near or in an immediate future with the same intensity.

However even though charitable work is mentioned within the sacred texts or books, the percentage of what you are supposed to donate is not expressed within these. It is up to the religious institution and leaders to dictate what their followers are suppo sed to contribute. Redefining our line of thought, these decisions not only affect the views of the followers as well as their economy, but they also carry the responsibility to represent in the interna tional system their religion and beliefs. These can be seen with symbols that each religion has chosen to differentiate one from another such is the case of the most famous symbols as the catholic cross depicting the suffering of the son of god Jesus Christ, the Star and Crescent Moon of the Islam (remember that imagery is often not recognized within the Muslim community) which was adopted from the city of Byzantine, as well as the Judaism symbol of the Star of David that represents the protection of jews from six different directions, as well as their direct connection to od (according to Michael Addams).

As a political doctrine we can also see some characteristics of religion by observing their behavior. Most political doctrines do not have a sacred book as we can observe in the religious case however there are some political doctrines that establish not only the behavior of the citizens, but also how the structure of a nation must be formed by their ideal principles. Such is the case of Karl Marx Communist Manifesto, in which he abandons the idea of a bourgeois hierarchy, the economic feudal system and adopts a new system that places the proletariat as the ruler class in their economic and political system. The international system constantly evol ves and so does their own political doctrines which derived from political debates in the same system (take for example the debates throughout the history of International Relations) , however the system is the same, a tribute must be given towards the benefit of the society and in return we gain goods deemed as streets, social security, etc. Thus, the political parties of a nation, or the political doc trine of a group of nations would always look to benefit from the system through the same principle of tribute of religious groups. This meaning that the same ideology of give us goods and we will give you back in return is still present within politics.

Now to focus more on political doctrines, we need to take the example of the Cold War in the XX century. While the two main political and economic blocks of the time, the communist and the capitalist, feud with one another we can see the use of institutionalized organizations such as NATO and the Warsaw Treaty Organization, which their main goal was to assure to expand their ideology and influence across the globe through the use of

member tributes to ensure the security of their political ideals and local security through the use of their militia.

This type of political doctrine in the XX century was also defined by a war of brands and symbologies to expand their influence, with the communist hammer and sickle that embodied the ideals of a strong industrial working class and united agricul tural workforce and not so conventional symbols from the capitalism counterpart such as Coca Cola, Mc Donalds, and other American made brands trying to gain influence within the communist terri tories, the influence and symbology of the American made brands was so strong and their global expansion was so big that oftentimes big brands such as coca cola and Pepsi often clashed to gain territory and influence within the soviet union territory (thus making at one point making Pepsi cola one of the biggest militia in the world in order to maintain relations within the soviet union). These products were not only a brand to communist nations but represented oftentimes the ideals of their nation and were a common use of soft power within the nations’ communities, thus being a way of symbology to represent their political ideals and affiliations.

Conclusions

Religious doctrines need the use of symbolism to be recognized within the international system. These symbols can also be a direct reflection of their legacy, such as an architectural design of a building in which the passages from their sacred books or legends can be displayed in grandeur.

Architecture and religion will always play a big part of the history of a religious group and can be used not only as a symbol but also as an iconic location that defines the religious power throughout the globe through the display of wealth.

The use of imagery is vital for the international student to analyze and interpret upon the global scope, it reflects not only a sense of power upon the international system but also carries a well thought out strategy to combat contrary doctrines, displays the constant dominion of the political or religious group, and makes the user identify to a bigger cause than itself. Thus, the symbology makes one of the most aggressive and beautiful weapons upon the international system but also one of the more dangerous as in the later part of history we can also see the use of imagery as a means of identification of local groups.

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Wendy Monserrat Hernández Alonso,BA in International Relations Faculty of Law and International Relations, Anáhuac Mayab University

What really happened in Ukraine-Crimea-Russia’ s conflict in 2014: origins, political and geopolitical consequences

After the anti-government protests erupted in late 2011 on Russia, President Vladimir Putin has tried to regain the trust of Russian citizens have on him and rebuild his political base inside the country as soon as possible. The increased tensions inside Ukraine between the pro-European and pro-Russia factions amidst the discontent of the citizens with the government of President Viktor Yanukovych -of pro-Russian inclinations- in late 2013 presented itself as the perfect opportunity to reconstruct their trust. Hence, Putin took advantage of this situation and decided to invade Ukraine in 2014. In doing so, he did not respect Ukraine’s national sovereignty. In accordance with the above, national sovereignty refers in particular to independence which can be understood as the freedom of a collective entity to act (De Benoist, 1999).

Consequently, what began as a peaceful move ment of support for the pro-European part of Ukrai ne through the Euromaidan inside Ukraine, ended up becoming a prolonged conflict between Russia and Ukraine causing more than 500,000 people to flee their country (UNHCR) and thousands to migra te to Russian territory. It should be noted that the population of Crimea has a multiethnic origin, the result of the ties they have shared with Russia since the 18th century (Cuenca, 2019). By 2014, more than 65% of the citizens in Crimea were of Russian origin, followed by a part of the population that con sidered themselves Ukrainian and a minority of Tatars (Cuenca, 2014). The interaction between people of different ethnicities caused a big polarization inside Ukraine, especially between pro-Rus sian and pro-European people that could be considered one of the main reasons that caused this

Crisis and the subsequent consequences as it will be shown in this research.

This work describes what were the political and geopolitical consequences, both for Russia and Ukraine, of the annexation of Crimea to Russia in 2014. This text also analyzes what were the motiva tions of Russian President Vladimir Putin to invade and annex Crimea to Russian territory, even when the means to achieve it were illegal and against international law in order to have a better unders tanding to what can be expected in the actual war between Russia and Ukraine in 2022.

What lead to this?

The Ukraine Crisis in 2014 was driven by Ukraine’s domestic lack of control but mostly, by the efforts of three main actors: Russia, the European Union, and the United States, who acted according to their own interests. Ukraine has been, since the begin ning of Russia’s emergence in 882 as the Rus of Kiev, a geopolitical strategic position for Russia and can be considered the bridge between Russia and the West world (the U.S and EU).

The 2014 crisis was the culmination of more than two decades of tensions between Russia and Ukrai ne, tensions that started since the Soviet Union ceased to exist in 1991 and new independent states were established out of it. The Soviet collapse brought an identity crisis in Russia following the strip of half its population, the loss of a large part of its territory and economic crisis (Pikulicka-wilcews ka, 2015, pp.123). Therefore, with Putin’s arrival to Russia’s government in the 2000s and his new ideo logies, Ukraine was seen as symbol of Russia’s resurgence. Ukrainians complained that Russia never accepted the existence of Ukraine as a sovereign nation (Pikulicka-wilcewska, 2015, pp.123). This can be reflected even since the Soviet Era, with policies that suppressed Ukraine’s culture and with Russia’s objections of Ukraine’s efforts to persuade the Russian-speakers population living in Ukraine to adopt the Ukraine language.

After the Soviet Union collapsed, the tensions between Russia and Ukraine decreased slightly in 1994, when both signed the Budapest Memoran dum, brokered by the US, in which Russia recogni-

zed Ukraine sovereignty and in return, Ukraine returned to Russia the nuclear weapons left on its terri tory during the Soviet Era (Pikulicka-wilcewska, 2015, pp.124). This memorandum can be seen as an example in which the United States started to exert influence in Ukraine such as the establishment of democracy and a market economy in the nation to forestall a subsequent Russia’s influence in Ukraine. However, this failed when the memoran dum was violated in 2014 when Russia decided to invade Ukraine.

The Colour Revolution – a series of protests demanding fair elections- that started to appear in ex-Soviet republics in early 2000, including Ukraine in 2004, were seen by Putin as campaigns by the West to spread democracy (Pikulicka-wilcewska, 2015, pp.124). These series of protests caused the increase of tensions between EU, the U.S and Russia because Putin was convinced that “Russia was subject to a deliberate strategy of encirclement and containment by the U.S” (Pikulicka-wilcewska, 2015, pp.124). This meant that Putin should start to make plans to Russia’s resurgence in the world, using Ukraine as the strategic territory to show its power.

In addition to the implications of the Colour Revolu tion, the European Union launched the European Neighborhood Policy in 2003 which Russia also saw as a mean to extend EU sphere of influence in the ex-Soviet Republics (Pikulicka-wilcewska, 2015, pp.127). The European Neighborhood Policy consisted in providing aid and cooperate with countries who were not considered members of the future EU.

Therefore, since 2000s both factions are constantly fighting over which countries has more influence in Ukraine. While the UE and the U.S try to gain more influence in Ukraine using the support of the pro-European citizens living in Ukraine, promoting values such as democracy and free expression and the will of signing trade agreements between them, Russia sees the West approach as a threat to his own interest in Ukraine and wants to stop it at all costs, as it showed in the Ukraine Crisis in 2014.

Since 2008, the EU started negotiations to establish a free trade agreement with Ukraine, but these efforts were seen as a threat to Russia’s plan of creating a deeper economic union in the post-so viet space (Pikulicka-wilcewska, 2015, pp. 129). According to Masters (2021), the origin of the crisis was caused because Russia pressured Ukraine’s president Yanukoych –a pro-Russia- to not proceed with the formalization of a closer economic rela tionship with the European Union and, on the con trary, to join the not yet formed Eurasian Economic Union (promoted by Putin).

Yanukovych’s unwillingness to sign the trade agreement with the EU and the changes he brought upon his arrival to the presidency in 2010 such as the centralization of political power (Pikulicka-wilcews ka, 2015, pp.128), consequently created a rebellion called the Euromaidan. Putin saw these series of protests inside Ukraine as a threat to the welfare of Ethnic Russians living there because he believed were financed by American institutions in cooperation with the EU. The collapse of the 21 February agreement and the flee Ukraine of Yanukovych was seen by Moscow as a big threat to make Ukraine

more susceptible to the West influence (Pikulicka-wilcewska, 2015, pp.130).

According to Pascual de la Parte (2017) the main reason Russia decided to invade Ukraine amidst the Euromaidan context in 2014 was to prevent Ukraine from joining the EU and NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization), even if this was argued as a violation of the Budapest Memorandum (1994). In the midst of this invasion, the Council of Crimea dismisses its prime minister and, in his place, Sergei Aksionov, with Russian leanings, raised to power. Therefore, he convened an illegal referendum of March 16, 2014, by which the Crimeans decided whether Crimea would remain part of Ukraine or whether it would be annexed to Russia (Cuenca, 2014).

The result of this referendum, driven by the ideological polarization between the Crimeans and the Ukrainians, changed the geopolitical order at the international level and brought with it severe effects in various fields such as economic and political, starting with the fact that this annexation is not recognized by the international system and goes against what is stipulated in the Ukrainian constitution. With Ukraine’s military intervention, Putin viola ted a series of international agreements (Pascual de la Parte, 2017, pp.11), which can be explained in Russia’s new doctrine of foreign affairs leaded by himself, which decreased the importance of inter national norms and institutions while promoting an anti-Western sentiment.

However, was topping the West influence in Ukraine the main motive that drove Russia to commit such an act, even if it was against the international law?

Many analysts agree that there are more motivations that are beyond of what the eyes can see. Pas cual de la Parte (2017) mentions another particular reason, which, the author considers a good expla nation to understand Putin’s acts:

“The real objective of Russia was to prevent Ukraine from consolidating itself as a State of Law […] consolidating its sovereignty, because, if it were to achieve this, it would exert such an attraction on the brotherly Russian people, that this desire would get the same. This would be the end of the authoritarian regime in the Kremlin and the post-Soviet oligarchy that ran it.” (pp.14)

Lastly, a series of economic sanctions were established by the U.S and many countries of the Euro pean Union after Russia’s invasion in Ukraine. With the Minsk Accords in 2014, a ceasefire was establi shed in the Donbas region but this was not a perma nent solution to this conflict, which was reflected years later with Russia’s invasion in Ukraine on February 2022.

Ukraine is a country which is seen as a geopolitical strategic zone for both Russia (because of the history bounds between them, among what Kiev means for the Russians) and the West (the U.S and the EU, who are trying to extend their influence in the ex-Soviets Republics). Both factions’ approach to Ukraine differs from each other: Russia sees Ukraine’s approach to the West (like the aspiration to become a NATO member) as a threat to its own interest (mostly military) because it’s a country so close to Russia’s border and any mobilization of western tropes in Ukraine is seen as danger to

Russia. In contrast, the EU and the U.S wants to establish a long-term relation with Ukraine and influence through values such as democracy, human rights and other practices in order to make Ukraine a country that can have all the require ments to become a member of the EU. Unfortunately, Ukraine has not prospered because it remains subjugated to Russia’s influence. Even after the events of 2022, can Ukraine restore its sovereignty? It is hard to estimate that but if Ukraine overcame the 2014 crisis, why could not it now?

After the annexation: the political and geopolitical consequences

The Ukraine Crisis and the annexation of Crimea to Russia’s territory killed more than 9,300 citizens and displaced more than half million citizens to other parts of the world and another thousand have moved to Russia (Zelienkova, 2016, pp.2). But these were not the only consequences of this crisis.

From Ukraine’s perspective, the main political consequence of the Russian invasion and its annexa tion of Crimea was the violation of its sovereignty and territorial integrity which is against the interna tional law (Zelienkova, 2016, pp.9). Because of the annexation of Crimea to Russia, there was an obvious reduction in the participation of pro-Russians in Ukrainian parliament and the political dyna mics in the country had to be changed. The demo-

cracy crisis still prevailed and became the weak ness of Ukraine, a country who wanted to be a member of the EU at all costs after the Crisis in 2014.

From Russia’s perspective, there was a greater inclination of Ukraine towards the West, especially the European Union and the United States and a significant withdrawal from Russia, which Russia saw as a threat to its own interests. Nationally, the annexa tion of Crimea to Russian territory served as politi cal propaganda in favor of Putin. Internationally, the image of Russia was projected as a dangerous and unpredictable state, not only for invading Ukraine and annexing Crimea, but because it violated the Budapest Memorandum (1994), generating a big impact in the credibility of the country, leading to Russia’s exclusion from the G8 and damaging its fragile relations not only with the EU but also the U.S (Zelienkova, 2016, pp.10).

Lastly, Russia’s foreign policy changed, which gave rise to a major significant geopolitical consequence: the revitalization of NATO against Russia, crea ting a scenario very similar to the one in the Cold War (Zelienkova, 2016, pp.19). According to Zelienkova (2016), Russia now is claiming to enfor ce its right of use force to defend the ethnic Russian population, which in the future, can have catastro phic consequences.

As the reader can see, the Ukraine Crisis and Russia’s illegal act of annexing Crimea to its territory can be regarded as an example for other countries in other regions of the world, which could become a significant problem and a threat for the stability and

peace of the international system. Russia’s refusal to return Crimea to Ukraine, even after many sanctions were imposed to the country, means that Putin’s new plan is to show the rest of the world that Russia still has power and is currently challenging the international order, shaking the system and dynamic that was established after the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991 and after the Cold War officially ended. The Ukraine Crisis also prompted Moscow to openly question the international order formed after the dissolution of the Soviet Union (Zelienkova, 2016, pp.19). Putin’s ideologies are the new challenges that the international system has to face nowadays. Can the West stand against Putin? That’s a question that only time can answer.

Putin’s new doctrine

With the arrival of Vladimir Putin to the Russia’s government in the 2000’s, a significant change in Russia’s foreign policy happened. This new change does not move away from the notion that was held in the Soviet Union Era because the anti-Western idea and the defense of traditional values still prevails. In fact, it brings Moscow a new role in which the EU and the U.S had to adjust to what Russia is bringing in the new situation, regardless of the possible consequences. This doctrine would be based on the appearance of a new balance of power in the world, as a consequence of the decline of the combined military force and the economic influence of the West (Pascual de la Parte, 2017, pp. 264). Pascual de la Parte also mentions that:

“According to this new doctrine, Russia would be remaking itself as the leader of the anti-Western world, whose so-called "tolerance" was, from the Kremlin's perspective, a descent into debauchery and moral depravity, which is why such tolerance was sterile and neutral. There are plenty of testimo nies of this in official statements and in government-controlled Russian television programs”. (pp.264)

Clearly this new doctrine is inspired by Putin’s ideo logies and wants Russia to return to its previous position as a main actor of the international system with the conviction that the West world is experiencing an inevitable decline of its system, which Putin saw as a good opportunity to exercise Russia’s power at its full capacity. In addition, this new doc trine is influenced by Putin’s lack of credibility of the international law which led to the new perspective that, according to his new doctrine, the application of the international law will be adapted to Russia’s interests (Pascual de la Parte, 2017, pp. 264). This can be reflected in why Putin decided to annex Crimea to its territory despite being an illegal act. In accordance with the above, Putin does not give importance to what the international law mentions moreover if it goes against his own interests.

Putin’s new doctrine also can apply to all the ex-Soviet Republics except for those who are members of NATO. The respect of the principle of sovereignty will be applied depending on the interests that Putin has in the country. In the case of Ukraine, it wasn’t respected because Russia saw the West’s influence as a threat. Also, this new doctrine decreased the importance that international organizations such

as the UN, OSCE or some European Union institu tions have in the world (Pascual de la Parte, 2017, pp. 264). This could be considered a great threat to the institutions created after the Second World War and would reinforce the notion that international organizations have not been able to fulfill their respective roles satisfactorily in the last years.

Lastly, after knowing about this new doctrine, the author can establish that Putin’s main motive to invade Ukraine, aside from the military interests he has, especially in the Sevastopol base, is to stop the West influence in that country. Thus, fearing the loss of control over Ukraine’s government, he took the risk and decided to invade Ukraine with the pretension of safeguarding the ethnic Russians who lived there. At the same time, hoping to show the world that Russia is back with its power and it is determine to change the international system starting with Europe’s liberation from the U.S influence. In brief, this doctrine explains plenty of the actions Putin made before, during and after the Ukraine Crisis in 2014. Putin’s doctrine is using Ukraine as the first step in the new scheme to establish the communist power in the world and is bringing back some of the main ideas of the beliefs during the Cold War while shaking the international system that was formed after the Soviet Union collapsed.

Conclusion

Throughout this work, the main events that led to the Ukraine Crisis in 2014 and the subsequent illegal annexation of Crimea to Russian territory were exposed. Afterwards the author mentioned Vladimir Putin’s new foreign affairs doctrine, a

dogma which aims to change the political order of the international system that was implemented after the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, with Russia being in the spotlight. The political and geopolitical consequences of this crisis showed that there were significant changes not only within the Ukrainian territory and in Russia, but also in the dynamics of the international system, since a polarization between Russia and the West (now formed by the United States and the European Union) is reappearing and it is giving more strength and importance to security organizations such as NATO, creating a similar scenario to the Cold War. In addition, Russia's invasion in Ukrainian territory in 2014 marks the beginning of the implementation of the new doctrine headed by Putin, which highlights Putin’s lack of credibility of the international law as well as international organizations. This new doctrine arises within the scenario of the West approa ching the Eastern Europe through the efforts of the European Union and NATO, which Russia considers as a threat to its national security. Definitely, the Ukraine Crisis no only showed the importance of Ukraine to Russia, a significant interest that goes back to their shared historical past, but also exhibits Russia’s efforts to forestall the U.S influence in Europe, starting with the liberation of Ukraine of the West sphere’s influence and instead exercise its own influence in Europe and the world and regain the power it had when it was the Soviet Union.

To sum up, the Ukrainian crisis in 2014 was an inter national event that had many repercussions both in the countries involved and in the international com munity. This event would mark the beginning of another round of tensions between the West and

Russia, creating a scenario similar to the Cold War. Although this conflict had a temporary solution with the Minsk Accords signed in 2014, the subse quent invasion of Russia in 2022 continues to show that President Vladimir Putin is not willing to stand still while the United States and the European Union establish close ties with the ex-Soviet Republics, as this would mean losing the control that Russia indirectly has in these areas. Taking as background Russia's first invasion in Ukraine in 2014 and the second invasion in 2022: are we facing the start of a Third World War or a new version of the Cold War?

References

·Cuenca, A. (2019). Crimea, una península por la que se enfrentan imperios. El Orden Mundial. https://elordenmundial.com/crimea-una-peninsu la-por-la-que-se-enfrentaron-imperios/ ·De Benoist, A. (1999). “Qu’est-ce que la souverainété?”. Éléments. Pp. 24-35. https://www2.congreso.gob.pe/sicr/cendocbib/con2_uibd.ns f/A20317BBCECF9E1E0525770A00586F60/$FILE/what.pdf

·Masters, J. (2021). Ukraine: Conflict at the Crossroads of Europe and Russia. Council on Foreign Relations. https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/ukraine-conflict-cross roads-europe-and-russia#chapter-title-0-9

·Pascual de la Parte, F. (2017). El imperio que regresa: la Guerra de Ucrania 2014-2017 : origen, desarrollo, entorno internacional y consecuencias. Ediciones de la Universidad de Oviedo.

·Pikulicka-Wilczewska, A. y Sakwa, R (eds). (2016). Ukraine and Russia: People, Politics, Propaganda and Perspectives (2a ed.). E- International Relations. https://www.e-ir.info/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/Ukraine-and-Russia-E-IR-2016.pdf UNHCR. (2022). Operational Data Portal: Ukraine Refugee Situation. UNHCR. https://data2.unhcr.org/en/situations/ukraine

·Zelienková, K. (2016). Political consequences of the conflict in Ukraine. Committee on Political Affairs and Democracy. https://rm.coe.int/16806ee728

MAYAB TALENT Litzi Cáceres: An example of the determination that will improve our world

Dhayana Sophia Burgos Elizondo Nelly Ivette Morales Ojeda

Have you ever thought about what makes you different from others? Litzi Danila Cáceres López is a fifth-semester International Relations student who is characterized by her determination, honesty, and social responsibility. She can distinguish herself among the others for her leadership, which she continuously strengthens through the Vértice Excellence Program, and her passion for innovation, which is reflected in the launch of Mayab Global Review, the first podcast about Global Affairs led by students from Anahuac Mayab University.

Many times, the path to discover our passion is not linear, and this was the case with Litzi. Since childhood, she realized that her mathematical reasoning was outstanding, so it seemed that studying engineering as a professional career would be the best option. Nevertheless, she discovered the major of International Relations (IR), thanks to a good friend, and it captivated her.

When Litzi talks about current challenges, such as the inefficiency of the Mexican penal system or climate change, it can be understood why she chose to study International Relations. Her voice is that of a citizen determined to positively transform her country and the world through her actions. Even though she is studying a minor in Journalism —one of her passions— she would also like to promote social justice by holding a position in the government of Mexico.

To find effective solutions to a problem, we must know it in depth. For this reason, Litzi considers reading the news one of her favorite hobbies. This encouraged her to lead the launch of the podcast Mayab Global Review. With the goal that more people can be made aware and understand what is

happening in the world in an easier and more accessible way, a team of six International Relations students will select the most relevant global events and share them through short episodes available on Spotify. There will even be the possibility for other students to participate as special guests and express what they think about a topic of their interest.

In addition to informing, the episodes are also intended to entertain since they are made by young people for young people. And one way to achieve that goal is to include fun facts in the podcast content pertaining to the field of IR. This innovative project will be entertaining for anyone interested in Geopolitics, Economics, Diplomacy, and other branches of the discipline. However, the podcast's main purpose is to raise awareness about the problems the world is facing, which sometimes go unnoticed, such as unequal access to justice.

Being an honest and solution-oriented person is one of Litzi’s strengths. She shared with us a plan of action to overcome two challenges she faces as a future internationalist: mastering French and speaking in public.

To become fluent in French, her strategy is to study her fifth semester at HEC Management School, a university located in the French-speaking region of Belgium. while the solution to the second challenge is to host the Mayab Global Review podcast, an ideal opportunity to practice expressing herself in public.

As International Relations students, we are aware that all countries are facing great issues. Nonetheless, the most interesting trait Litzi has is that instead of thinking the world needs solutions, she believes that the world needs persistent people to implement them.

Luz Daniela Ruelas Acosta B.A in International Relations, Anáhuac Querétaro University.

Mariana Martínez Nenclares International Relations student, Anáhuac Mayab University.

Ing. Miguel Pérez Gómez

Rector

Dra. Marisol Tello Vicerrector Académico

Mtro. Absalón Álvarez Escalante Director de la Facultad de Derecho Mtra. Itzel Pamela Pérez Gómez Coordinadora de Proyectos Estratégicos

Maria Alejandra Eulogio Kildares Dirección Editorial

Contacto cami@anahuac.mx

Editores

Juan Pablo Camarena Cervera Dhayana Sophia Burgos Elizondo Nelly Ivette Morales Ojeda Mariana Martínez Nenclares

Consejo Asesor Mtro. Absalón Ávarez Escalante Mtra. María Cristina Burgos Montes de Oca Mtra. Maricarmen Sabido Basteris Mtra. Ana Vanessa Cárdenas Zanatta Dra. María Guadalupe Sánchez Trujillo Dr. Ángel Daniel Torruco González

Diseño Comunicación Institucional Anáhuac Mayab

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