7 minute read
Lantau - Tomorrow Vision
暴民？ 這個絕不討好的名詞，背負著嚴重的指 責；如此沈重的指控，定義卻似乎日趨兒戲。 由612的「暴動五人幫」，到《國安法》下的暴 動嫌疑，字典從不在民手。在後國安法時代， 這詞的例句有增無減，涵義亦像鎖不實的圓 規般，越畫越寬。廣義上，難道反抗的都是暴 民？ 那一刻前，他還是個平常的和理非。 大三罷那天，前往地鐵站的路上。 一向只去遊行的David（化名），不忍眼 前有示威者被防暴警察追趕，走了上前。 一擋、一拉， 換來的是刑事檢控。 襲警。 被捕一刻，仍然歷歷在目。 他當時被捕後立即提堂；雖然獲得保 釋，但在被拘留的三十多分鐘內，已被驚恐 和擔心充斥，初嘗法律程序帶來的負面情 緒。壓力如山，他期望速戰速決；無奈事與願 違，案件被押後。其後，二三月的疫情使聆 訊日程陷入膠著狀態，對如坐針氈的David 來說更是雪上加霜。不斷的拖延，無盡的等 待，David也只能不斷擔心結果，有如等候 發落。「係一種折磨嚟⋯⋯」原本已經吞吞 吐吐的他，此刻再停頓了一下，小心地續道： 「⋯⋯嗰陣我有考慮過睇心理醫生。」 他說，若果當時已經有《國安法》，他或 只會繼續路過。然而後國安法的「路過」，不 止於街道上，更是在生活中以各種的形式出 現。David坦言，《國安法》實施後，他會開始 在社交媒體小心用字，跟朋友通訊時亦會 刻意避免口號。在本地大學修讀中文系的他 有寫小說的習慣，但近來他已不敢再撰寫 會涉及到政治的題材和內容。原因並不是 因為擔心當下如何觸犯國安刑法，而是因為 「唔知之後條紅線會移到去邊度」。自從被 捕，David遂已漸少參與抗爭活動；更何況在 限聚令下，示威活動早已變得沉寂。故此，《 國安法》立法對抗爭活動的即時效果誠不明 顯。對於《國安法》，他反應平淡，對他而言， 只不過是「想離開香港」和「更想離開香港」 的分別。 《國安法》下的「暴民」，比「政治」二字 還要難定義。法律好像變成一張白畫紙，任 由政權隨心塗鴉，而紅線就好比潮漲潮退， 朝令夕改也不是奇怪事。隨著《國安法》實施， 「暴民」絕對是新三民主義中式微得最快， 卻也是擴張得最快的一項。式微，因為法律 終是法律，昔日再硬朗的抗爭者，也不得不 聽命；擴張，因為在隨心所欲的準則下，昨天 的絕對和理非，也可以被劃為今天的暴徒。 「〔對我來講，〕其實有冇《國安法》都差唔 多。」十一個字，沒有任何感嘆詞，卻淡淡道 出極盡悲觀，消極得教人可憐。若再三斟酌， 其實新三民主義很有香港特色，背後訴說著 一種香港獨有的悲哀，在《國安法》下更甚明 晰。 David直言看淡香港未來，並歸咎於尸 位素餐的權貴：是因為社會上流沒有盡責守 護制度，今天平民才要出來垂死掙扎。此主 義大概是掙扎的化身；倘若有選擇的餘地、 有呼吸的空隙，誰又會想冒著如此大的風險 去擔當「暴民」，背上動亂之名？然而現在無 人可置身事外、無人能獨善其身；後國安法 時代，「暴民」代表反抗意識，反抗的就是暴 民。若稱「眾皆暴民」，也不足為奇。
移民？ 也許這是新三民主義之中最現實的一 項；現實得教人卻步、現實地教人卻步。現 實，因為改善生活環境是人的本能；現實，因 為它附帶的經濟和人際條件實在太沈重。然 則對於「移民」一事，比起成功展翅的人，欲 去而不遂的更大有人在。去與留，有時並不 是什麼理所當然的選擇，甚至不是一個選 擇。因為世上最自私的東西就是東風：萬事 皆備，只欠東風；但東風不願來，就不會來。
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這是平常的金鐘，這不是平常的金鐘。 立法會大樓附近的灰色石屎路，白煙四冒； 身上毫無裝備的她管不了那麼多，直接跨過 腳下仍在冒煙的催淚彈。這時，穹蒼忍不住 流淚，她連忙跑到橋上避雨。只見大雨越下 越厲，把黃昏天空都哭成一片湖水藍。從橋 上俯瞰，大路佈滿示威者和警察，這裏火、那 裏煙；街燈的白茫強調了天色的昏暗，毫無 保留地渲染了家破人亡之感。 眼前之景，好像只有「沙場」二字才能貼 切概括。 這是Scarless（化名）抗爭中印象最深刻 的一幕。鏡頭前笑著說自己的性格比較像「 暴民」的她，即使沒有被捕、沒有法律負擔， 仍渴望離開這個使她百感交集的地方。 「點解？」 「因為政治不穩定咯。譬如〔在大學〕 讀緊LS education嗰啲〔人〕，但係你睇下 宜家LS都搞成咁（指通識科改革或取消爭 議）⋯⋯」若社會是一幅牆，「今天不知明日 事」的日常就是政治動盪明目張膽地在牆上 肆意大噴的紅字塗鴉。她稱在香港，一生只 會被政治問題纏繞，永世不能化解此煩惱。「 我唔會得到快樂，因為我care邊個管治我。」 政治是慫恿Scarless離開的原因，經 濟是緊抓她的腳裸不放的黑影。「我留喺度 因為我走唔到。」說畢，她笑了笑。她又說， 身邊有人有意舉家移民，但因為家庭和經 濟等因素而事與願違，而她自己也不例 外。Scarless父親是個比較安於現況，不喜歡 「搞咁多嘢」的人，即使目的是為了下一代， 也不太願意；母親雖然擔心兼職區議員助理 的女兒日後會否被捕，偶爾會問她去留美澳 等地方的意向，但始終對於小康家庭而言， 舉家移民實在不是說走就走的一回事。 《國安法》最大的問題和影響，其實早 已不在於立法或其程序的爭議，而是在於每 個政府部門都會仔細執行法律。議員助理的 工作往往最能感受到《國安法》對言論自由 的打壓：不單是在遊行中不能喊口號，每逢 製作文宣、替區議員在社交媒體發帖時也要 間接表達敏感信息，以避免日後的政治清 算。對辦事影響更大的，是宣傳橫額的審查。 例如關於六四事件的海報，房屋署以前會正 常地批出張貼許可，不會過問；然而，現今若 用字稍有不慎，整批海報就會被房屋署扣 納。為了通過審核，Scarless不得不修飾字 眼，換上中性或虛無的字句，再在海報上加 一句「不代表區議會立場」。賠上了自由，代 價是模稜兩可的政治表達。 她渴望移民，不只是因為《國安法》，而 是因為不想政治煩擾成為生活常態。試想， 如果不是殺出疫情這個程咬金，今天的香 港街頭，很有機會仍然是她印象最深刻的 模樣。看一下《施政報告》，全是惠及內地的 政策，「淨係睇啲政策都已經覺得咁煩」，就 明瞭這個地方不宜久留。但是她說，直至有 條件移民之前，自己在這裏留多久也不會介 意。留下，是一份義氣、是一個情意結：生於 斯長於斯，眼見這城被人破壞，沒人守護，自 然會不捨，希望出一分力。 有時移民就像買鞋：在櫥窗前盯望躊躇 已久，終於決意購買一刻，卻發現沒有合自 己的尺碼。失望地看着櫥窗內的陳列品，你 會埋怨，究竟是自己的腳太小，還是運氣不 好斷碼？有人說，移民是逃避、是不負責任， 但這樣看來，得已遠走他方的，其實也只不 過是找到一雙適合自己的新鞋；自己的錢怎 麼花，不用、亦不應看人眼色。不幸購買未遂 的人，像Scarless一樣，只要努力穿好足下 那雙，就算目光仍朝向櫥窗，也不為所失。
*** 在整理訪問筆記和寫作的過程中，不難 在一個主人公身上看出多於一種主義。其實 也許本文章由第一顆鈕扣已扣錯：強行在相 輔相成的主義之間插下隔板，打從起初已是 不可能的事。三種主義，實質密不可分。被氣 急敗壞的政權拖進無底漩渦，三種主義都是 香港人在大水中翻騰求生的方法；始終，浮 浮沈沈，倒頭來大家都屬於同一海域。 《國安法》立法鐘聲響起，自由從此成 為香港的奢侈，香港人被喻為世界上最富裕 的難民。在絕對的紙醉金迷，有著絕對的奢 侈；但當最基本的也淪為奢侈時，就是紙醉 金迷的沒落。也許這城的輝煌只是泡沫：一 盆無情冷水頭上傾來，一切頓時爆破，揉清 雙眼，只見一灘髒水靜止在地。新三民主義， 奏出香港的哀歌——此城的命運交響曲。
Photo by Jason Leung // WHKPASS Photography Competition Finalist
For many in Hong Kong, home ownership is an impossible dream. Most people are frustrated about the city’s sky-high property price. Meanwhile, the restricted usage of land by the government, means that only 24 per cent of land has been developed, with a mere 7 per cent being used for housing.[1] Developers have set astronomical price for housings in order to gain profits from the hefty cost of buying the limitedly leased land from the government each year. In response to the most pressing issue of Hong Kong, the government has aimed to look for a new source of land supply by sea reclamation. The project is to build artificial islands with an area of almost one-third of Kowloon in the waters between Lantau and Hong Kong Island. Hong Kong is no stranger to sea reclamation, but is it really the best answer to the dire situation? The Lantau Tomorrow Vision has been criticised by the public for three main reasons: why not prioritise developing the brownfield sites and renewing old urban areas instead of sea reclamation, which causes fiscal burden and irreversible environmental damage? For the public, Lantau Tomorrow Vision sounds like an idealised story embellished with fantastical notions of more living space and slogans like an “intelligent economic hub”.[2] The serious housing crisis needs to be addressed with urgency. However, the Lantau Tomorrow Vision is not as worthwhile and effective as developing the brownfield sites or renewing old urban areas. The latter is so far the most-supported land supply options amongst the citizens, in virtue of their potentiality to supply similar amounts of housing with a shorter time required. The preliminary estimate of 760 hectares[3] area of brownfield sites (the size of nearly 1200 soccer pitches) is the extensive areas of privately owned agricultural land in New territories. With declined agricultural activities, these easy-to-reach and relatively flat land are now flooded with open car parks, depots, vehicle maintenance yards and other storage purposes. These temporary usages are not only economically inefficient but also causes all kinds of environmental pollution. The emergence of such inconsistent land use is a result of the government’s negligent urban planning and inadequate regulation. Regardless of environmental concerns or land shortage, developing brownfield sites could lay claim to being ineluctable. As long as the government is willing to forsake its passive attitude and decisively take action to work the development scheme out, 86,100 residential units can be provided, which is about 17.9% of the overall target supply of 480,000 units in the coming 10 years.[4] Regarding the Wang Chau housing controversy, the project requires up to 14 years to successfully provide 13,000 units. There are all sorts of challenges in developing brownfields, but finishing it is never unattainable to finish in a shorter time is achievable. This simply It has reflectsted that the government’s is inactivitye towardsin sorting out the problem, which it ought to put more effort and determination into.
in developing brownfields, but finishing it in a shorter time is achievable. This simply reflects the government’s inactivity towards sorting out the problem, which it ought to put more effort and determination into. Brownfield sites and the renewal of old towns are in every way a superior solutions to the city’s acute land shortage. More importantly, the government needs to be mindful that listening to mainstream opinion is pivotal to the role of a civil servant. Choosing the sea reclamation option is rather straightforward and convenient, as the environment has no voice to resist. What is more, the preliminary research funding of Lantau Tomorrow Vision has already been approved by the Finance Committee in absence of most of the pro-democracy legislators and irrationally ignoring opposing voices from environmental groups. Nonetheless, the Lantau Tomorrow vision cannot solely readily iron out the complications of the housing crisis. The key to keeping the city out from the abyss of land shortage in coming years is to step up efforts in developing brownfield sites. Although in the end, 400,000 residential units are claimed to be built after the first stage of sea reclamation, the government should not slack off from brownfields resumption, as there is a long way to go until the first residents to move in. Not to mention the past experience with often delayed largescale infrastructure works, brownfield sites development remains important within the blurred vision of urban policymaking. Indeed, not only does Lantau Tomorrow Vision raise concerns about time-efficiency, but its cost is also an administrative headache worrying the citizens. The project is being criticised for “pouring money into the sea”, which will run down the cumulative fiscal reserves of the city. In spite of the cumulative government budget surpluses of billions of dollars each year, the social upheaval that is happening and the global pandemic have plunged the city’s economy and depleted its fiscal reserves, putting it in a different fiscal situation than the previous well-to-do reserves. The prime cost of the whole project is estimated to be HK$624 billion (imagine a triple of Li Ka-Shing’s net worth), which is the most expensive infrastructure project in Hong Kong history. With this exorbitant amount of money, the government could build about 160 hospitals. [5] While Hong Kong citizens still haven’t recovered from the pain of budget overruns of the previous major infrastructure projects that happened after one another in recent years, for example, the Hong Kong-ZhuhaiMacao Bridge, West Kowloon Cultural District, International Three-Runway System and the High-Speed Rail, the vast expenditure of project has further undermined citizens’ trust in the government’s finance management. Estimating the precise cost a project is near-to-impossible, and overspending is an all-time scenario in major infrastructure projects. However, with the project’s extravagence from the outset, it risks draining city’s fiscal reservesduring the project period. Lastly, it is needless to say that Lantau Tomorrow Vision would greatly devastate the ecology and marine habitat of the chosen waters. The construction of artificial islands will certainly worsen the already wounded Lantau waters due to the running airport and harbour. Chinese White Dolphins living in these areas require more protection instead of another massive construction project taking place. The Lantau Tomorrow Vision was never a new idea of recent years, but an idea initially from the 1980s frozen in time.[6] The project is rehashed from the 1980s government that pays no heed to climate change nor the environmental devastation it would cause. However, the situation has changed. The Chinese White dolphin and other marine lives have been facing assorted threats from various human activities ceaselessly, as well as the quality of the Lantau waters, anymore massive constructions will only shatter the entire ecological environment. In conclusion, the project is still at a research stage presently, and the government should not ride roughshod over all these concerns. As it is not yet too late to mend, the government can still repent, and the shore is at hand. What people actually hope for is spending the money in a rewarding way. The government should carefully assess the feasibility of the project, but not to force a do-more-harm-thangood project to escalate the existing public indignation in the city. As the incumbent chief executive still obstinately persists on her own way to advancethe unjustified policymaking under such turbulent social climate,it is hard for citizens not to relate her initiative to the further connection with the Greater Bay Area and the integration with China. No matter how many advantages the project can bring, once the public turns against it, the policy loses it legitimacy.
REFERENCES
[1]https://www.google.com/search?client=safari&rls=en&q=hong+kong+7+percent+land+used+for+housing&ie=UTF-8&oe=UTF-8 [2] https://hongkongfp.com/2019/05/26/bogus-prince-real-frog-hong-kongs-lantau-tomorrow-visionplan-decades-old-fairy-tale/ [3] https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/hong-kong-economy/article/2162422/brownfield-site-development-and-reclamation-are [4] https://www.legco.gov.hk/research-publications/english/essentials-1415ise10-brownfield-development.htm [5] https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/hong-kong-economy/article/3002386/funding-universal-retirement-scheme-160-new [6] https://hongkongfp.com/2019/05/26/bogus-prince-real-frog-hong-kongs-lantau-tomorrow-visionplan-decades-old-fairy-tale/
