Alquds issue 82 hi re

15 FEB 2016

Issu3 no 82, WEEKLY NEWSLETTER

Report

Jerusalem Family Gets Temporary Reprieve From Eviction

ANALYSIS

A cold civil war in « Israel «

article Q&A: Jailed Palestinian man A ColdtoCivil War infree « Israel « be ‹either or dead› Why are Oscar nominees being given a free trip to Israel?

Issue No 82 // 15 FEB , 2016

FEATURE STORY

When Israel turns houses into jails!!

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report

Jerusalem family gets temporary reprieve from eviction

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in 1978, was a leading member of Atara L’yoshna.

srael’s high court has granted the Sub Laban family the right to appeal their eviction from their home of more than six decades in the Old City of occupied East Jerusalem.

The decision overturns the lower courts which ruled the family had no grounds to appeal.

The ruling halts the eviction until the completion of proceedings in the Israeli courts.

While the Sub Laban family have been threatened with eviction since the late 1970s, pressure intensified in 2010 when the Israeli government gave the building to the Kollel Galicia Trust.

The Sub Labans are currently fighting their tenth eviction demand by the settler organization.

The Kollel Galicia trust evolved from Atara L’yoshna, a consortium of private settler groups that emerged in the 1980s with the aim to colonize the Muslim Quarter of the Old City.

Settler group Ateret Cohanim, founded 2 |

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Over the last year, settlers have made several attempts to evict the Sub Labans, at times with the assistance of the Israeli police.

Israel still refuses to allow hundreds of thousands of Palestinians expelled from their homes since 1948, and their descendants, to reclaim their properties and return to their homes.

Last month, settlers who had recently taken over a neighboring house drilled six large holes into the walls of the Sub Laban children’s bedroom.

Last family standing The family’s fight to stay in their house has been taken up by European diplomats and the US consulate in Jerusalem.

Last November, Tobias Ellwood, a member of the UK parliament, described forced evictions as a “serious provocation” and called for the proceedings against the Sub Laban family to be halted.

The family has credited such international attention as partially responsible for the high court’s favorable ruling last week.

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“All the efforts to pressure the Israeli government and involve foreign diplomats are paying off,” Nora Sub Laban said in a press release emailed to media.

“Israel knows that the world is watching and this can change the outcome, not only in my case, but hopefully it can put an end to Israel’s policies of displacing Palestinians in occupied East Jerusalem and the West Bank.”

The Sub Labans are the last Palestinian family remaining in a building in Maalot Khalidiya Street in the Muslim Quarter of the Old City.

For the last year, private settler organizations like the Kollel Galicia Trust and Ateret Cohanim have been the prevailing force in evicting Palestinian families from their homes in East Jerusalem.

A recent publication produced by human rights group Ir Amim, warns that private settler associations have been responsible for an “unprecedented wave of seizures of Palestinian properties” in and near the Old City of occupied Jerusalem.

Ir Amim contrasts this with the relatively slow pace of building plans for Jewish settlers in East Jerusalem approved by the Israeli government last year.

A spike in seizures Last December, four Palestinian families opposite the Sub Labans on Maalot Khalidiya Street received notices of legal action submitted by Pinchas Aharon Naminsky Trust, the Kollel Volin Association, and the Chayei Olam Talmud Torah and Yeshiva and Soup Kitchen Society.

Last year alone, Ateret Cohanim doubled Issue No 82 // 15 FEB , 2016

the size of its holdings in the basin of the Old City, according to Ir Amim, and at least 75 more Palestinian families are facing a similar threat of eviction in Batan al-Hawa.

But Ir Amim notes that these settler groups have received enthusiastic support from senior government ministers as well as state bodies and security forces, which help forcibly evict Palestinians from their homes.

In fact, it is Israel’s General Custodian, a government body that purports to assume ownership of property and assets that comes into possession of the state, which has delivered the land and Palestinian properties into the hands of such private groups.

Over the last 15 years, the General Custodian has given this land to various Jewish trusts and settler groups, often without any tenders.

For example, in 2010 the Custodian handed the Sub Laban’s building to the trust.

These groups’ stated mission is to revitalize the Jewish presence in the Muslim Quarter of the Old City.

Israel occupied East Jerusalem, including the Old City, in June 1967, formally annexing it in 1980, a decision that the UN Security Council has declared to be null and void. All of Israel’s settlement activities, including in East Jerusalem, violate international law.

While Ateret Cohanim denies any involvement in the eviction of the Sub Labans, the group has helped place at least 500 Jewish settlers in the Muslim and Christian quarters of the Old City.

In the 19th century, religious Jews from Europe emigrated to Jerusalem and began to buy properties in the Old City. As University of Exeter politics professor Michael Dumper details, the purchases were often made by rabbis who raised funds to establish a kollel, or study group, that usually consisted of a synagogue and residential buildings.

These properties were abandoned in the early 20th century during the Palestinian revolts against British and Zionist colonization. After the 1948 war and the expulsion by Zionist militias of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians from their homes, these empty properties were temporarily used to house refugees from the western part of Jerusalem.

Most of the properties in question, including the Sub Laban home, came under Jordanian control after the war. Until 1967, Jordanian authorities would lease land and properties to Palestinians like the Sub Labans. After Israel occupied East Jerusalem, the properties came under control of Israel’s General Custodian.

Palestinians remained as residents, but since the 1980s, private settlers groups have tried to claim the properties for Jewish residents in close cooperation with official government bodies.

Over the last three decades, these groups have established a string of Jewish properties in the Muslim Quarter where they’ve evicted Palestinian families.

At the same time, Israel still refuses to allow hundreds of thousands of Palestinians expelled from their homes since 1948, and their descendants, to reclaim their properties and return to their homes.

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ANALYSIS

Why are Oscar nominees being given a free trip to Israel?

By Ryvka Barnard

- Ryvka Barnard is senior campaigns officer on militarism and security at War on Want.

The article was published in the Middle East Eye website

O

nly some of the stars nominated for this year’s Academy Awards will go home with the golden Oscar trophy. But all of the nominees, winners or losers, will get consolation gift bags worth $200,000 according to a report by the Daily Beast.

Among the overpriced frivolous gifts that these stars will receive are skin creams, Audi car rentals, fitness training, cosmetic surgery procedures and a 10-day first class trip to Israel, worth $55,000, care of the Israeli government. There are a few stories within this story. We could talk about the grotesque excesses in the lives of the rich and famous in times of growing global inequality. We could mention the sickening societal obsession with unreachable beauty norms that can only be achieved through buying more fitness and beauty products, including costly surgery. But what is a trip to Israel doing in that package? This wouldn’t be the first time that stars are offered highly subsidised or complimentary trips to Israel. By now it’s such a convention that the Israeli Ministry of Tourism has a page on its official website dedicated to celebrity visits. But make no mistake, this is not simply the work of ambitious tourism promoters. This is Brand Israel, an Israeli diplomatic strategy which involves courting stars and showering them with free trips, products and propaganda to immunise them against the allure of speaking out in public against Israeli violations of Palestinian rights.

Brand Israel was launched in 2006 with the goal of crafting a new story about Israel internationally; less about violence and military occupation, more about science, technology, fun and sun. The Israeli government has poured millions of dollars into this pursuit, inviting Hollywood stars, government and business leaders and even religious and cultural minority representatives to take specially tailored trips to see the amazing things that the state of Israel is accomplishing, 4 |

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always with a press conference and photo opportunity with Israeli government officials. What do they not see on these lavish all-expense-paid trips? The sniper towers and checkpoints along the apartheid wall, from which Israeli soldiers can shoot at Palestinian demonstrations against the brutal military occupation; the prison interrogation rooms, where Palestinian political prisoners, including children, are routinely tortured and denied medical treatment; the Palestinian farmers whose land and livelihoods have been stolen by settlers who then use their outposts as bases from which to attack Palestinian villages with petrol bombs; the bombed out neighbourhoods in the Gaza Strip where children gather scrap metal to replace construction materials that Israel bans, trying to scrape together a living for their destitute families.

These celebrity tourists are also shielded from seeing the Palestinian popular resistance against oppression, manifesting in protests against the apartheid wall, against land confiscation and home demolitions in the unrecognised villages of the Naqab. They don’t meet the Israeli young people who face jail time for refusing to serve in the occupation army.

These stories are inspiring and move

people to action around the world; it’s no wonder the Israeli government wants to repress them. It is no coincidence that this new branding strategy was launched around the same time as over 170 Palestinian civil society organisations called on people around the world to act in solidarity with Palestinians struggling for justice, and to conduct campaigns of boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) to expose and end government and corporate complicity in Israel’s apartheid regime. The BDS movement exposes the real brutality of Israeli colonialism, the same scenes that Brand Israel is designed to conceal. The South African apartheid regime used nearly identical tactics at the height of international opposition to it. Many artists and musicians have refused to be co-opted by the Israeli government to whitewash the brutal reality of Israeli apartheid. Roger Waters, Brian Eno, Lauryn Hill and over 1,000 British artists have pledged not to entertain Israeli apartheid. Only a few months ago, hundreds of British scholars publicised their own pledge committing to the same principled stance. This isn’t simply a case of artists and academics not wanting to get their hands dirty with the crimes of the Israeli state. It is a push back against Israel’s systematic attempts to repress the reality of apartheid. That reality can only be hidden if everyone agrees not to talk about it, to look the other way. And Israel invests heavily in getting this to happen. But it simply won’t work. Oscar nominees are receiving free trips to Israel because now more than ever, the state of Israel is feeling the pressure from the ever-growing BDS movement, which aims to put an end to international complicity in Israel’s denial of Palestinian rights.

No matter who goes home with a statue at the end of the awards ceremony, the growing success of the BDS movement shows that the real winners will be the Palestinians struggling for freedom, and all who stand with them for justice.

Issue No 82 // 15 FEB , 2016

ARTICLE

A cold civil war in « Israel « “Livni suggested that other extremist groups want to turn Israel into a religious law state, a matter that would send Israel over the edge. She also noted that this situation in itself is the end of Zionism.” This statement was made on 10 January 2013. Today, there are legal amendments being studied by the Knesset that would stipulate that the Torah be considered the first source of law, especially in matters that are not addressed legally.

What is occurring in Israeli today is a coup against the foundations on which it was built, determined by the founding fathers of Zionism. The majority, if not all of these founding fathers are secularists and do not believe in God. Today, Israel is rambling and delirious, but this rambling is turning into legislation. According to Arab Member of the Knesset Ayman Odeh, there is a legislation in the Knesset that obliges judges to resort to “Torah rulings” and texts in issues not addressed by civil law (this is a draft bill proposed by chairman of the Constitution, Law and Justice Committee, Nissan Slomiansky, that stipulates that the judges rely on the principles of Jewish rulings in the cases that are not clearly determined by legislation. In other words, religious law dominates civil law, and breathing life in the vision of a religious law state, according to the words of an Israeli writer.

The seed of Zionist delusion was planted by the fascist minds of the leaders and fathers of neo-Israelites when they shed the blood of the Palestinians and removed the “others” from the circle of humanity. Once this seed grew and matured, it became part of the “new” Jewish mindset in the case of those who were raised in a racist environment. These people now started to look at those opposed to their opinions as enemies, and the “left-wing” in the eyes of the religious have now become justified targets. It seems that the moment Yitzhak Rabin was assassinated on 4 November 1995 at the hands of extremist right-wing Jews, after leaving a crowded festival supporting the peace process under the slogan “yes to Issue No 82 // 15 FEB , 2016

peace, no to violence” was the moment that the long and complicated process of turning Israel from “an oasis of democracy” into a state governed by religious gangs started.

“I’m a proud terrorist” is the title of an article written by Rabbi David Meir Druckman, one of the top Jewish clerics, in which he described the Jews who kill Arabs as “righteous”.

Druckman also called on the Israeli government to grant medals to those who attack Palestinians, considering their actions an implementation of the Lord’s orders. In addition to this, he also called for burning down all the schools where Jews and non-Jews study (Haaretz, 14January 2015). According to the data of the manpower department in the Israeli army, 60 per cent of officers in the combat and special units in the Israeli army are religious individuals affiliated with extremist religious parties and groups who follow the teachings of the most extremist spiritual guides in Israel.

This information was taken from a report published by the army’s manpower department on 15 October 2014.

Most intelligence officials are now members of religious groups, and the representation of the religious in the Mossad has increased, causing the Mossad to appoint rabbis to issue rulings before they execute operations.

These Jewish rabbis are calling for wrapping the bodies of Palestinians killed in clashes in pigskin in order to deter others, believing that those who are wrapped in pigskin do not enter heaven. Rabbi Shmuel Eliyahu says that all the children of Palestinians who committed attacks against Israelis in the heart of Jerusalem should be hung on a 50-metre tree. Meanwhile, Rabbi Mordechai Eliyahu, one of Israel’s top clerics, said that each student attending a Jewish religious school is worth more than 1,000 Arabs. There is also a rabbinical ruling that says that Palestinians do not necessarily need to attack the Jews in order to seek revenge against them, and that there is enough proof that they have the intention to do so. Rabbi Rosen believes

Helmi Al-Asmar

that “our religion allows us to kill the Palestinian animals. This is what Joshua did to the giants.”

This is the logic followed and believed by the Israeli ultra-religious regarding the fate that should be met by the Palestinians. After the development of such beliefs and its enrooting in the hearts of the “religious”, the secular leftwing, or any Jewish opposition, have been considered enemies. Therefore, we see left-wing writers, such as Uri Misgav, writing very important articles about this new phenomenon in Haaretz newspaper on 30 January 2016 titled “Israel is in a Civil War, Not a War of Brothers”, in which he talks about the silent civil war occurring in Israel for the past 20 years. He says in the article: “For at least 20 years, Israel has been engaged in a civil war. Most of the time it could be described as a cold civil war, though it is certainly accompanied by shows of violence, whose height was of course the murder of the prime minister in the city square, after he was marked as a traitor and betrayer It was a quite clear declaration of intent. Nonetheless, the war is being conducted under a conspiracy of silence. It does not mean it does not exist, only that it is kept quiet.” He ended the article with something of a prediction, “Prior to that, we must recognise reality. The dream is over. A decent person must decide where he or she stands.

The terminology is important: This is a civil war, not a war of brothers. Naftali Bennett cannot be my brother. He is undermining my existence. Every man to his tent, O Israel.”

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FEATURE STORY

When Israel turns houses into jails!!

By Budour Youssef Hassan

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adi Shaludi, 14, has not left his house since November.

Every day, he sees the children from his neighborhood go off to school. He especially misses playing football with his friends and walking around Jerusalem’s Old City.

Fadi is under house arrest. He fears going downstairs, let alone to the corner shop next to his home. His punishment came after he was charged with throwing stones at Israeli troops during confrontations in Silwan, the area of occupied East Jerusalem where he lives, in October.

That incident also resulted in his mother, Shifa Obeido, being put under house arrest on charges of “incitement.” She awaits a trial that will likely see her forcibly transferred from Jerusalem.

Originally from Hebron, Shifa was granted temporary residency and began a family unification process after marrying a Jerusalemite. Her residency was revoked, however, after her husband married a second time.

Without papers from the Israeli authorities, Shifa is already prepared to be transferred.

Samer Shaludi, Shifa’s 17-year-old son, was meanwhile sentenced to five months in prison, also on charges of throwing stones with his brother.

But it is the younger of the two children that Shifa worries about the most.

“He is utterly devastated,” she said.

“This house arrest has completely changed him. He is nervous and angry all the time. He bangs his head against the wall in frustration. He used to have a strong and daring character, but his voice is barely audible now and he can hardly string sentences together.”

Punishments for minors Making matters worse is a constant feeling of guilt.

“He blames himself for what has hap-

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Budour Youssef Hassan is a Palestinian writer and law graduate based in occupied Jerusalem.

pened to me and to his brother Samer,” Shifa added. “He was very close to his brother and since his sentencing, he has frequently repeated that he doesn’t want to live anymore while his brother is in prison.”

Fadi is among dozens of Palestinian minors in Jerusalem held under indefinite house arrest as they await trial.

Accurate numbers are hard to come by, said Amjad Abu Asab, spokesperson for the Jerusalem-based Committee to Support Prisoners, Former Prisoners and their Families. But he estimates that at least 60 currently face indefinite or lengthy periods of house arrest.

“Indefinite house arrest is not just a nightmare for the child but [also] for his family,” On no occasion yet has a minor under house arrest escaped further punishment at trial.

“Indefinite house arrest is not just a nightmare for the child but [also] for his family,” Abu Asab told The Electronic Intifada. “Harsh conditions are imposed in order to release the child to house arrest, including paying an expensive bail, banishing the child out of his neighborhood and occasionally out of Jerusalem altogether.”

This forces some families to rent apartments outside Jerusalem to meet the conditions of house arrest without knowing how long the situation will continue.

Daily raids Apart from the strict conditions imposed on them and their families, children under house arrest face almost daily raids by Israeli police.

“The police break into our house regularly. They come after midnight to confirm that my son hasn’t violated the house arrest,” said Abir Abu Shahwan, mother of Nour Abu Shahwan, who has been under house arrest since June last year.

Abir believes that the aim of such raids is intimidation and retaliation.

“They obviously know that the child has not left and will not dare to go out, yet they choose to raid the homes when the entire family is sleeping,” she said.

“The raids and the lengthy house arrest forced on my son have destroyed him,” Abir added. “He has become aggressive and introverted. He even beats his cousins when they visit him. He can’t take this anymore.”

For his part, 16-year-old Nour complains of boredom and frustration.

“My father films weddings. I used to help [him] and I really loved photography,” Nour told The Electronic Intifada. “But now I cannot do anything: I am prevented from going to school, from helping my father, and from doing all the things that I loved. All I do is eat, sleep or use the Internet.”

Palestinian social worker Dalal AliOweis believes that the impact of house arrest on children and their families have not been adequately studied.

Mothers as enforcers “House arrests shift the battlefield from the courts and prisons to our own homes,” the social worker said. She was on her way back from a visit to her imprisoned — in an actual prison — 17-year-old son.

“They transform the house into a prison, the mother into a prison guard who ensures her son does not violate the conditions of his house arrest. This provokes endless divisions and conflicts among the one family,” she said.

Fatena Tawil’s two children, Zaid, 16, and Seif, 15, have been under house arrest since 27 June. Fatena and her

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husband paid 20,000 shekels ($5,000) for each in bail and now have to ensure their children do not leave the house as they await trial.

“I have been imprisoned with them for almost eight months now,” she said.

“According to the bail we signed, I have to stay with them all the time, meaning that I cannot visit my parents or my married daughters. It is suffocating. I try my best to make them feel comfortable and help them cope with this situation, but I think I need a psychologist myself to cope.”

Seif and Zaid used to go to the gym every day after school and play football in Beit Hanina, another part of East Jerusalem. Despite the boredom, they say they have never thought of violating the house arrest.

more patient and endure hardships like adults,” Fatena said.

us, prison the lesser of two evils,” she said.

Zaid has a hearing scheduled for later this month.

Now held in Megiddo prison, Baker is serving six months on charges of stone-throwing.

“If I had to choose between house arrest and actual prison, I would choose the latter,” he told The Electronic Intifada. “At least in prison, you know when you’ll be out and you don’t force your entire family to suffer with you.”

Time spent under house arrest does not count toward any sentence from the court. Many children end up serving the full prison sentence imposed on them on top of house arrest.

The lesser of evils Zaid’s preference for jail over house arrest is therefore not unusual.

“We have to resist the temptations because our parents will pay a huge amount of money if we don’t,” said Seif, who, despite eight months caged in his house, remains optimistic. He spends most of his time following the news on TV or social media.

Baker Oweis, son of social worker Dalal Ali-Oweis, also opted for prison over house arrest.

He and his brother have also begun helping their mother with chores like cleaning and washing up.

“Not only could we not afford that, but Baker also rejected the idea of leaving Jerusalem. I also did not want to subject my other children to the trauma of seeing police break into our house to check that Baker is at home. So for

“The only positive things that have emerged out of this terrible situation is that it has forced them to become Issue No 82 // 15 FEB , 2016

“Among the conditions of his release to house arrest were that he should remain in a house outside Jerusalem,” Dalal recalled.

The throwing of stones or Molotov cocktails are the most common charges that lead to children being placed under house arrest in Jerusalem.

Children under house arrest do not receive psychological counseling. The frustration remains within the family.

“Not all the families have the financial resources and the mental fortitude to deal with this for a long time,” said Dalal, lamenting the lack of social networks to support affected families.

“Imprisonment, whether in your house or in a real jail, is always difficult. But if you feel that others are supporting you, it mitigates the pain a little. You are not alone,” she added.

With the hearings of both her sons approaching, Fatena Tawil is more nervous than ever.

“It is really hard to expect a positive outcome. We cannot count on their courts to bring justice,” she said of the Israeli legal system.

“Under occupation, there is no difference between judges and jailers.”

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OPINION

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Thorns in the lawnmower:

BDS can help stop Israel

srael is “mowing the lawn” again.

That the Israeli military refers to its killing sprees this way gives us a sense of how routine and banal this lethal method of maintaining control has become.

As Mouin Rabanni has pointed out, in this analogy the grass consists of Palestinians.

While unlike the onslaughts of 20089, 2012 and 2014, the so-called “precision” weaponry has yet to be rolled out, Israel’s killing is being practiced with the usual impunity - and is still being blamed squarely on the victims.

The Palestinian Human Rights Centre records, for example, that 23-year-old Omer Mohammed alFaqih from the village of Qatnah, in the northwest of occupied East Jerusalem, was murdered on the false pretext that he had attempted to stab an Israeli soldier at Qalandia military checkpoint.

Instead, witnesses reported that he argued with an Israeli soldier who was checking Palestinians’ ID cards.

Annoyed, trigger-happy and emboldened by the knowledge that he could wield his power without consequences, the soldier shot at Omer, who fell to the ground wounded.

A second soldier then approached him and fired from close range.

The young Palestinian paid with his life for daring to challenge his selfappointed rulers. And his story is far from unique.

Even in cases where there have been actual stabbing attacks, it is worth noting the contrast between how Palestinians wielding knives - often teenagers - are immediately shot and usually killed, and how Yishai Schlissel, the Jewish Israeli who went on a stabbing rampage at a gay pride parade in Jerusalem, killing a teenage girl, was arrested unharmed.

The double standards are clear for

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Hilary Aked is an analyst and researcher whose PhD studies focus on the influence of the Israel lobby in the United Kingdom.

Follow her on Twitter: @HilaryAked Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author.

anyone willing to see. The impunity enjoyed by Israeli soldiers who kill has been documented by human rights organisations for decades now.

And while the all-important context of the killings - and the difference between the colonial violence of the occupier and the violence of the oppressed - may be missing from Western media reports, a growing global solidarity movement is increasingly finding ways to punctuate the propaganda of Israel’s hasbara apparatus.

This educational role for solidarity activists around the world is vital.

The more awareness there is that Israel is the party with the power to end both kinds of violence by ceasing to subordinate, ethnically cleanse and dispossess Palestinians, the more support there will be for the international Boycott Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement.

So let us extend the lawnmower metaphor to incorporate a role for resistance - and observe that if, and when, there are enough thorns in the machine, it will no longer be able to function.

In this sense we can all be thorns in the Israeli war machine.

In the ten years since Palestinian civil society called for BDS, the movement has gone from strength to strength. Will the combination of Palestinian popular resistance and the transnational BDS movement be able to throw enough spanners in the works that the system jams completely and the entire contraption

ceases to function?

Two things seem clear. First, as the recent #SolidarityWaveBDS protests showed, the struggle for justice in Palestine is viewed by many social justice activists around the world as the critical pivot in their generation’s wider struggle for global justice.

It is the Palestinians’ own unique struggle for freedom, justice and equality - but it is also the epicentre of wider struggles against militarism and racism. On this understanding Black Palestinian Solidarity has emerged, especially in the US, and the Stop Arming Israel campaign has found its voice in the UK. Second, BDS is working. In the same way that apartheid South Africa was isolated, Israel is steadily becoming a pariah state. Its supporters know this and are reacting by bringing in repressive measures to stop the boycott.

But every time it massacres Palestinians, Israel is sowing the seeds of its own demise - that is to say the delegitimisation of the Zionist project in Palestine - because new breakthroughs in the boycott movement are being made.

The anger and despair people feel when they witness Israel slaughtering Palestinians is being channelled into constructive solidarity through BDS. But only time - and hard work - will tell if the combination of Palestinian resistance and international grassroots solidarity can yet make Israeli apartheid unworkable.

Issue No 82 // 15 FEB , 2016

images

Picture of three friends from Gaza lost their feet during one of the Israeli attacks on the strip. 12 feb 2016

Egypt opened Rafah crossing with Gaza for the ďŹ rst time this year for 2 days only!!. 14 feb 2016

A beautiful couple got married in al-Aqsa mosque. 13 feb 2016

Issue No 82 // 15 FEB , 2016

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Issue No 82 // 15 FEB , 2016