2015秋季「慈聖瑞蓮」國泰美術館珍藏萬曆九蓮觀音造像 by Yu Jen International Art

慈聖瑞蓮國泰美術館珍藏萬曆九蓮觀音造像

The Benevolent Savior – A Magnificent and Extremely Rare Wanli Nine–Lotus Bodhisattva From the Cathay Art Museum Collection

The Benevolent Savior – A Magnificent and Extremely Rare Wanli Nine-Lotus Bodhisattva From the Cathay Art Museum Collection

慈聖瑞蓮國泰美術館珍藏萬曆九蓮觀音造像 10 月 24 日 ( 星期六 ) 3:00pm

Saturday 24 October 2015

24 October 2015

台北宇珍2015秋季拍賣

慈聖瑞蓮國泰美術館珍藏萬曆九蓮觀音造像

The Benevolent Savior – A Magnificent and Extremely Rare Wanli Nine-Lotus Bodhisattva From the Cathay Art Museum Collection Saturday 24 October 2015 3:00pm

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2010年慶豐銀行珍藏專拍回顧

2010 Selections from The Chinfon Bank Collection Review

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買家重要通告保證金之繳納欲親自參與、書面競投及電話競投「慈聖瑞蓮–國泰美術館珍藏萬曆九蓮觀音造像」專場，拍品編號201（圖錄內標有★符號），明萬曆〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音造像〉者，請必須於拍賣前一天完成登記手續，並繳納 NT$1,000,000 (US$33,000、HKD250,000、RMB200,000) 之保證金方可參與競投（若繳交支票，請於三日前完成辦理）。持有宇珍玉璽卡者，可免繳保證金。

付款方式買家付款可以現金、匯款、支票或信用卡支付，若以各類信用卡或中國銀聯卡付款，僅限總金額新台幣壹百萬(含)元以下；如以支票付款，須待支票兌現後，方可領取拍賣品。

收取及儲存貨品拍賣後一個月起，買家若未領取拍賣品，須支付儲存費用。

拍賣品之狀況請於拍賣前之展覽會上檢視拍賣品，如有需要，宇珍公司將提供拍賣品狀況報告。圖錄中未說明拍賣品之狀況並不表示該拍賣品沒有缺陷或瑕疵，詳細請參閱本圖錄業務規則。

IMPORTANT NOTICE TO BUYERS DEPOSIT

Buyers who wish to bid on "The Benevolent Savior–A Magnificent and Extremely Rare Wanli Nine-Lotus Bodhisattva from the Cathay Art Museum Collection", lot number 201 (marked with ★ in the catalogue) A Magnificent and Extremely Rare Wanli Gilt-Bronze Nine-Lotus Bodhisattva, Mark and Period of Wanli, must complete the registration form at least one day before the auction date and put down a deposit of NT$1,000,000 (US$33,000, HKD250,000 or RMB200,000, if paying by check please allow at least three days for check to clear.) Yu Jen Imperial Seal Cardholders are not required to pay the deposit.

PAYMENT METHOD

ayment can be made in cash, by bank transfer, check or credit card. Credit card payment is limited to total P amount of one million Taiwanese dollars or less. Check payment must be cleared before lot collection.

COLLECTION AND STORAGE

Storage charge will be incurred for uncollected items from this sale one month after the date of the auction.

CONDITION OF LOTS

Please inspect the property at the pre-sale exhibition. Condition reports are available on request. The condition of a lot in the catalogue description does not imply that lot is free from faults or imperfections. For details please refer to Conditions of Business.

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台北宇珍2015秋季拍賣慈聖瑞蓮 - 國泰美術館珍藏萬曆九蓮觀音造像 The Benevolent Savior –A Magnificent and Extremely Rare Wanli Nine-Lotus Bodhisattva From the Cathay Art Museum Collection 拍賣：10月 24 日 (星期六) 3:00pm 預展：10月 17-23 日

10:00am–6:00pm / 23日至4:00pm 地點：台北市重慶南路二段15號7樓（中華文化總會大樓）

AUCTION

Saturday 24 October 2015 3:00pm

PREVIEW

宇珍網站

17-23 October 10:00am-6:00pm Daily 23 October 10:00am-4:00pm

VENUE

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TEL: +886-2-2358-1881 E-mail: art.antique@msa.hinet.net http://www.yu-jen.tw

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諮詢及圖錄購買 ENQUIRIES & CATALOGUES

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■台北／TAIPEI

郭亨政 Heng-Cheng Kuo 總經理 / General Manager

張玉霞 Eunice Chang 專任拍賣官 / Auctioneers

焦蓉 Maggie Chiao 郭予廷 Yu-Ting Kuo

宇珍國際藝術有限公司 Yu Jen International Art & Antique Co., Ltd. 100台北市重慶南路二段15號7樓 7F., No.15, Sec. 2, Chongqing S. Rd., Taipei 100, Taiwan TEL : +886-2-2358-1881 +886-2-2358-1785 FAX : +886-2-2358-1729 Email:art.antique@msa.hinet.net http : //www.yu-jen.tw

台北業務部 / Taipei Sales Department

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目次 CONTENTS

買家重要通告 / Important Notice to Buyers

慈聖瑞蓮–國泰美術館珍藏萬曆九蓮觀音造像 / Auction Information

公司團隊 / Staff

諮詢及圖錄購買 / Enquiries and Catalogues 12 國立臺北藝術大學名譽教授林保堯序/ Foreword by Lin Pao-Yao 18 國立臺灣藝術大學藝術學系藝術學博士陳俊吉慈聖瑞蓮–國泰美術館珍藏萬曆九蓮觀音造像 36 明萬曆銅鎏金九蓮觀音造像 Lot 201 A Magniﬁcent and Extremely Rare Gilt-Bronze Nine-Lotus Bodhisattva

Mark and Period of Wanli Lot 201

44 The Benevolent Savior – A Magniﬁcent and Extremely Rare

Wanli Nine-Lotus Bodhisattva from the Cathay Art Museum Collection by Chen Chun-Chi

62 中國歷代年表 / Chronology of China 64 業務規則 / Conditions of Business 67 親自參與拍賣競投登記表 / Registration Form 69 書面或電話競投委託登記表 / Absentee Bid Form

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The Benevolent Savior –A Magnificent and Extremely Rare Wanli Nine-Lotus Bodhisattva

From the Cathay Art Museum Collection

Saturday 24 October 2015 3:00pm

Lot 201

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序林保堯

國立臺北藝術大學名譽教授

明代自成祖永樂年間(1403-1424)的十五世紀初起，

「朱金」，正也契合朱門之謂。例如，潮州漆雕工藝極

因於在銅質工藝製作科技的殊有成就，開啟極度優質的

美又貴氣，在廣東省博物館有專室展示，然而卻謂之金

金銅文物、造像等，其間盛行的優質真武神像，在品

漆木雕。質言之，明習以朱金為貴。

質、作工、技藝等各面皆是行家所識，典藏之選。明代寺院，今日留下有北京法海寺、山西寶靈寺、然而，就日常生活的調用品，即漆器工藝，亦是

青海瞿曇寺三座，皆可見及精彩壁畫、彩繪等，其上金

大放異彩。漆之製品，其美，在於漆藝之道。即平面漆

線，煜煜煌煌，令人不油然昇起朱金工藝極緻之美。尤

繪，立體漆雕，進而兩者兼而有之者，即繪之又雕，雕

在金銅佛像深塗朱漆，且以安金，施予多層處理，便極

之又繪，進而繁縟。常聞「朱門酒肉臭」之語，其實正

度顯露細緻優質，富麗典雅的繁複紋飾變化刻製，達至

也道出當時官宧大戶人家，在漆藝調用品的奢華高貴。

一般鎏金無法盡達的藝術境地之美。故有明一代，工藝

此中有趣的是，時人之謂的朱門，是以何者奢侈高貴之

之美，即在此門，極顯華麗高貴的朱金之道。尤自明中

物對應之。

期之後，華麗貴氣之風盛行不綴。例如浙江省博物館典藏的一具明代大花轎，即是典型代表之作。當時研究員

明朝本於朱氏，高貴調用之物，自漢起皆以漆藝飾品代之。漆者，其色原本近於沉黑，或黑褐色。若欲華

告之，明代官宦嫁女兒，此等華麗精美嫁妝、調用品等，浩浩蕩蕩幾達百公尺，真令人難以想像。

麗高貴又鮮美，皆須適以朱紅，謂之朱漆。此「朱漆」之麗美正被適以對應「朱門」之高貴。然朱漆、朱門也

今日，明代各類金銅像極多。細審之，有謂彩金

罷，現實之尊貴，即在於「金」。故平面漆繪之藝，必

者，進而漆金者，再進而鎏金者，及至頂極朱金者。七

適以金，立體漆雕之藝，更適以金。此朱漆安金，謂之

月(2015)與研究生考察走訪，在山西純陽宮(現稱：山西

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有明一代，工藝之美，即在此門，極顯華麗高貴的朱金之道。

藝術博物館)見及明代萬曆年間(1573-1619)朱金施作，

寧波匠師群，前往遙遠的山西製作的，而此正道出寧波

高3公尺的大型又精美的毘盧佛大像，然當地卻標以「鎏

此門藝術之最。說起寧波漆藝，皆知那是因緣於自五代

金」，此實是明代朱金典型代表之作。據云，此像是文

吳越王的海外貿易，自南越買進生漆，且又大力推展佛

革後，文管人員從尚未處理的金銅像堆中發現，急拉回

教，開啟復興漆藝之功所致。事實寧波此門之藝，歷經

到該館的。又，在河北正定隆興寺的最後毘盧佛殿，正

各代，仍持續不綴，在上世紀仍製作有極度馳名的漆藝

中就有一尊極大的明代萬曆三十七年(1609)鎏金施作，

夾紵造像，今日亦可見之。例如，北臺灣某寺院便有數

高6.2公尺的罕見三層四身毘盧大佛，圓形蓮座極高，是

尊極優質華麗又相當大的夾紵坐像。香港亦有，上世紀

疊置且層級而上，共疊有十一層級，每瓣皆刻有坐佛。

1935年，何東爵士夫人張蓮覺居士於跑馬地山光道創立

事實此尊毘盧大像及毘盧佛殿，是位於正定城內北門裡

的東蓮覺苑，就有極富麗鮮奪又大型威威的三世佛夾紵

街，原是正定縣城八大寺院之一，即崇因寺主殿，然于

五尊坐像等。此等，不妨出遊之時，走訪巡禮。

1959年遷建于隆興寺彌陀殿北面，即中軸線末端。上述二像，皆是明代神宗與慈聖皇太后時，宮廷慣以賜與各

今日，有幸見及明代萬曆二十三年(1595)朱金銅質

地大寺院的政教目的行儀大像。不過，二像確是明代朱

造像煜煜之作，以及陳俊吉新銳精彩之文，令人欣喜吉

金、鎏金工藝之作的典型代表大像，且皆歷經近五百年

祥。於此，僅以記之分享。

的歲月浸蝕，其間品相高下，深值比較，事實更值前往禮敬，以資比對。順帶一言，明代朱金漆藝之美重鎮，就在寧波。前述山西寶靈寺水陸壁畫等，從文獻知，當時宮廷是委請

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Foreword

Lin Pao-Yao

Emeritus Professor, Taipei National University of the Arts

Bronze-making techniques achieved an unprecedented advancement since Yongle (1403-1424) period, Ming Dynasty. Bronze work and statues of superior quality flourished, for example, the popular Zhenwu figure is highly regarded by collectors alike for its material and technique. Furthermore, lacquerware in everyday use also underwent huge development. The beauty of lacquerware craftsmanship is the combination of carving and painting techniques. The often quoted Tang-poem, "zhumen is filled with aroma of wine and meat" has long been in popular use. Zhumen, which literally means, "the red-lacquered door", refers to the extravagant use of lacquer art amongst the wealthy and the elites in that period. Zhu is the family name of the ruling class of Ming dynasty. Since Han dynasty, lacquering technique was often used in the making of the most exquisite and valuable objects. The natural colour of lacquer is close to black or dark brown. To add grandeur, red was added. This is called ‘zhuqi’(red lacquer). Zhuqi and zhumen, i.e. red lacquer and red-lacquered doors, were therefore associated with lavish and luxurious lifestyle. The grandeur of red lacquer or the red-lacquered door cannot be compared to that brought about by ‘gold’. Therefore, gold is used to decorate the surface of lacquerware, may it be flat or carved. This technique is called zhujin (cinnabar and gold lacquer). Zhujin is commonly used in Ming Dynasty for noble objects. Three monasteries from Ming Dynasty that still exist today are Fahai Monastery in Beijing, Baoling Monastery in Shanxi and Qutan Monastery in Qinghai. Magnificent mural painting can be seen in all of them, often with brilliant gold outline, testifying the finest of the art of gold. When red lacquer is applied onto the bronze figure, the process would be repeated for multiple layers and then gold would be added. This technique produces a shimmering effect that cannot be achieved by mere gilt-bronze technique. The extravagant style continued after mid-Ming period.

Many gilt-bronze statues exist today are from the Ming dynasty. To examine the techniques in more detail, the types of techniques include gold paint (caijin), gold lacquering (qijin), gilt-bronze (liujin) and the most advanced technique, cinnabar and gold lacquer (zhujin). During the research trip with my students in July, we found an example of cinnabar and gold lacquer Vairocana Buddha figure from Wanli period, Ming dynasty (1573-1619) in Chunyang Temple, Shanxi (now called Shanxi Province Arts Museum). The 3-metre-tall magnificent Vairocana Buddha is labelled “gilt-bronze” when it would have been more appropriately classified as a typical Ming-style zhujin. It has been said that the Buddha statue was rescued from the scrapyard of unidentified bronze statues by cultural relic officers and put in the art museum. Furthermore, in the rear hall, the Vairocana Hall, of Longxing Monastery, Zhengding, Hebei province, seated in the centre of the hall was an extremely rare, 6.2-metre-tall Vairocana, consisted of three layers and manifested in four bodies, it was dated the 37th year of Wanli period (1609). The round lotus base rises to 11 layers and each petal contains a carved seated Buddha. The Vairocana Buddha and the Vairocana Hall were originally located on Beimenli Street within Zhengding city. They form the main hall of Chongyin Monastery, one of the eight largest monasteries in the city. In 1959 the hall was relocated to the north of Amitabhah Hall, Longxing Monastery, at the end of the centre line. The two examples above represent the typical zhujin and gilt-bronze techniques in Ming dynasty. Both of these giant statues have withstood 500 years of history and deserve to be viewed closely and admired. It is a great pleasure to be able to view the brilliant cinnabar and gold lacquer Bodhisattva figure from Wanli period, as well as to read the well-researched and articulate essay by Chen Chun-Chi. It is my sincere hope that the reader would find the same pleasure in reading the essay.

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惟得氣之最先，孕茲蓮於壺掖。祝三獻兮華封，祚萬齡兮天保。 – 明王錫爵《瑞蓮賦》

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慈聖瑞蓮國泰美術館珍藏萬曆九蓮觀音造像

陳俊吉

長榮大學藝術學系專案助理教授國立臺灣藝術大學藝術學系藝術學博士著作《重彩流金六百年–壁畫故事法海寺》《唐五代善財童子造像研究》《山西寶寧寺水陸道場繪畫研究》

一、前言

根器。此尊拍賣的觀音珍寶，可以看出觀音身著披肩通體寬袖長袍，雙手結禪定印，屬於「白衣觀音」系譜。

原國泰美術館舊藏明代〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉，該尊觀音像高121公分頗為高大，依椅盤坐，使其展現出氣

觀音像的頭頂束髮似山形高髻，髮型極為樸素並

度不凡的訊息，曾為蔡辰男先生的收藏品之一，2010年

未配置任何的寶冠裝飾，但從額上頭髮的上沿不遠處，

受託於宇珍國際藝術公司拍賣「慶豐銀行珍藏專拍I編號

有一條平切內凹的造型，可推知當時菩薩配戴之寶冠恰

124」，久別數年後，今日機緣難得重現拍賣市場。該尊

好鑲住此沿，寶冠為活動外加式的模式顯得相當特別。

菩薩表情肅穆莊嚴，頭髮束高髻，兩側髮辮自然垂肩，

〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉的寶冠因年代久遠今日已經佚失，

身著通體大袍，胸前配戴珠寶瓔珞，雙手結禪定印，入

無法得知原貌，在南京博物院藏明末所造〈銅鎏金觀音

甚深禪悅，正心盤坐，衣襬自然下垂，整體採對稱性構

殘像〉（圖一），白衣觀音禪定端坐，髮沿上方戴寶

圖。原本觀音應坐於寺院佛壇的臺座上方，後人便將觀

冠，寶冠上方殘缺，頂上頭髮束似山形高髻，可推知原

音配置於紅色木椅上，使其安坐上方。

本〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉的髮飾應類似此種樣貌，此乃明代白衣觀音造像中常採用之手法。此外，觀音菩薩造

從「家家彌陀，戶戶觀音」的諺語中，可知彌陀

像還有一項常見的顯著特徵，便是在寶冠中配置「化

與觀音信仰對於漢傳文化影響甚深，彌陀代表著接引往

佛」，此佛為觀世音菩薩的導師，即西方極樂世界的阿

生的芸芸眾生，到清淨無染淨土不受輪迴之苦的極樂世

彌陀佛，在各類觀音造像的寶冠中幾乎都會出現之。

界中；至於觀音菩薩的隨聲救苦，圓滿世間的一切善求，故上至達官權貴，下至販夫走卒幾乎無不聽聞過

〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉的身後，刻有兩段銘文「募

「觀世音菩薩」聖號。觀音菩薩為滿足世間人尋聲救苦

化僧性廣萬曆乙未年造」、「會首王元化」，萬曆乙未

的祈願，顯現眾生「應以何身得度者，即現何身而為說

年即萬曆二十三年，可知該尊造像鑄於西元1595年，

法」，使得觀音出現許多造型，如聖觀音、水月觀音、

由僧人釋性廣募化造像，其中主要出資的功德主為王元

白衣觀音、送子觀音、南海觀音…等，以契合各類眾生

化，但此二人生卒年不詳，有待進一步考證，文後將論

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圖一明末〈銅鎏金觀音殘像〉南京博物院藏陳俊吉博士拍攝

圖二明景泰元年〈銅鎏金藥師佛像〉北京首都博物館藏陳俊吉博士拍攝

圖三明景泰元年〈銅鎏金阿彌陀佛像〉北京首都博物館藏陳俊吉博士拍攝

述之，此處暫略。明代銅鑄佛像留下募化僧人與出資者

明會典》中也明確規定在官員與平民的生活器物禁止使

姓名的案例甚少，此尊觀音造像補充佛教藝術史上之不

用朱紅抹金，尤其在上方刻出龍鳳圖騰。但在寺觀中使用

足，顯得相當彌足珍貴。

朱金雕飾，被視為供神器物，則是許可的範圍。但明早期的朱金多以木雕器物為主，此時銅佛為表現出金碧輝煌的

二、菩薩造像的朱金工藝表現

視覺效果，朝廷則喜好使用「鎏金」工藝技法，所謂「鎏金」是將金與汞混合液體，塗抹在銅像表面，進行高溫烘

該尊原名〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉，仔細審度該尊像可

烤令汞汽化蒸發，打磨表面使其光亮。例如在北京首都博

以發現菩薩正面還保留有朱漆的殘片，在菩薩胸前瓔珞

物館所藏景泰元年（1450年），北京龍泉寺住持出資鑄造

的裝飾部分，則可見到朱金的殘跡。菩薩的頭髮部分則

的〈銅鎏金藥師佛像〉（圖二）、〈銅鎏金阿彌陀佛像〉

塗了黑漆，展現出菩薩的黑髮。至於菩薩背面則保留出

（圖三），便是使用鎏金工藝手法表現，整體造像呈現出

大片面積的朱漆痕跡，傳達出該尊菩薩像當時鑄銅造像

宮廷造像的韻風。1 到了明代中期以後宮廷鎏金工藝仍然

後，在表面進行補丁使其平整，在熟漆中加入丹紅或硃

持續著，但有逐漸衰落趨勢，此時宮廷佛教藝術工藝又借

砂的顏料成為「朱漆」，使其豔而不俗，紅而不土。接

用漆藝的手法用於銅胎上，展現出「朱金」的工藝手法，

著趁朱漆未乾之際於上方安貼金箔，此種工藝手法稱為

到晚明時有取代「鎏金」趨勢，北京周遭的銅佛工藝發展

「朱金」，使得整尊佛像金碧輝煌。

也隨著宮廷喜好而產生流變。

那為何當時該尊造像要使用此種工藝技法表現，這

所謂「漆金」即將鑄好的銅佛，後在表面上塗上

和明代宮廷文化政策有關，朱金裝飾的手法在明初時已

一層熟漆，通常不會太厚，只是借用漆的黏著性，趁未

經在宮廷中運用，作為建築裝飾或者屋內器物為多，例

乾之際於表面貼上金箔，使其金光閃耀。例如北京首都

如在明代黃省曾（1496-1546年）撰《五嶽山人集》第

博物館所藏〈銅漆金大勢至菩薩像〉（圖四），便是使

三十二卷，記載明初朱元璋（1328-1398年）營造的南京

用漆金製作，但因為年代久遠金箔大多剝落，使其表面

故宮，在宮殿壁面曾以「朱金龍鳳為飾」。在明初《大

暗沉無光，無法一睹當初菩薩金色之身。至於「朱金」

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圖四十六世紀〈銅漆大勢至菩薩像〉北京首都博物館藏陳俊吉博士拍攝

圖五明〈釋迦佛坐像〉南京博物院藏陳俊吉博士拍攝

的工藝手法與「漆金」相似，所以有時「朱金」亦可稱

塑像高大震撼世人，應為朝廷所賜，展現出晚明宮廷造

為「漆金」，但「漆金」不全然是「朱金」，因為所使

像的風範。在古籍《寓林集》中記載晚明高僧釋妙峰

用並非是「丹紅或硃砂」。銅朱金這樣的工藝表現，使

（1540-1612年）禪師，於明萬曆三十三年（1605年）

得佛像乍看之下與漆器的夾紵貼金佛像十分相似（圖

奏請神宗皇帝（朱翊鈞，又稱萬曆皇帝，1563-1620年）

五）。「朱金」在明早期有皇家專用象徵，中晚期以後

獲准於南京寶華山隆昌寺建銅殿，供奉觀音大士金像，

才逐漸將「朱金」使用放寬，但有些代表皇權的特殊圖

神宗皇帝與生母慈聖太后（李太后，1540-1614年）給予

案仍不可僭越。朝廷對於「朱金」的喜好有其特殊情

支持：「（明神宗）施造寺金一千兩，賚經一藏，漆金

感，「朱」代表著皇門的象徵，因為天下是朱家所有，

毘盧佛一尊，幢雄二首，賜額日『護國聖化隆昌寺』，

「金」是華麗、富貴、美好的表徵。因為明朝皇室姓

御馬監太監張公然實啣上命。慈聖皇太后施金二千兩，

「朱」氏，通常不敢直稱不諱，故將「朱金」銅佛的工

賚經一藏及幢旛，漆金寶塔、觀音大士像，奉御監太監

藝表現稱為「漆金」。而「朱金」工藝運用在銅佛身上

間公鸞實啣。」2可見朝廷當時所賜的漆金毘盧遮那佛、

還有一項特殊之處，是「鎏金」所不能及，即可在「朱

漆金觀音大士像，實質為「銅朱金」的工藝手法。山西

漆」上方作出似立粉效果，擠出高低不一的淺浮雕紋

省藝術博物館所藏巨大的〈銅鎏金毘盧遮那佛像〉造

飾，使其富麗堂皇，而後在上方貼金，宛如立粉貼金的

像，應為神宗時期朝廷所賞賜，毘盧遮那佛又與華嚴教

質感。明代宣宗朱瞻基（1398-1435年）之後的皇帝文人

法造像思維有關。萬曆時期可說是明代漢傳佛教的復興

藝術品味逐漸衰落，趨向富麗、繁瑣、裝飾的通俗美感

歲月，全國多位通曉華嚴教法的高僧至京城來備受尊

喜好，具有華麗裝飾意味的「朱金銅佛」契合著明中後

崇，並且受到皇帝與李太后的護持。3

期的皇家品味。〈銅鎏金毘盧遮那佛像〉造像原藏於山西某大寺院在山西省藝術博物館所藏明〈銅鎏金毘盧遮那佛

中，配置於毘盧殿或大雄寶殿內，文革期間佛寺被毀，

像〉（圖六、圖七），該尊體態宏大約近三公尺多，銅

銅佛送至太原電解銅廠成為待熔銅，於1964至1984年間

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圖六明〈銅鎏金毘盧遮那佛像〉山西省藝術博物館藏陳俊吉博士拍攝

圖七明〈銅鎏金毘盧遮那佛像〉（局部）山西省藝術博物館藏陳俊吉博士拍攝

館方從銅廢料中揀選出來。此尊佛像做工精細，裝飾繁

明皇家品味，但甚為可惜館方並不清楚其工藝手法，將

複，細節處理到位，具有很高的工藝技巧。毘盧遮那佛

其定名為「鎏金毘盧佛」，然則應稱為「朱金毘盧佛」

乃釋迦牟尼佛的法身佛，屬諸佛中最高等級，法身佛不

較為適切。至於此〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉的銅色澤晶瑩而

像應化身的釋迦佛還有肉身束縛，而是寂靜、莊嚴、清

溫潤，此乃工藝師在銅鑄造過程中加入一定比例的錫，

淨的佛身，其法身遍處一切宇宙虛空，所有如來的應身

乃至添加金、銀等貴重金屬元素，精心鑄煉之銅。但仔

化皆由法身所化現出，因此蓮瓣上的每尊佛表示法身佛

細審度此尊造像，卻是使用朱金工藝的手法，觀音正面

化現一佛於三千大千世界教化，因有無數三千大千世界

瓔珞處仍保有部分的朱漆細碎殘片，以及貼金痕跡，菩

故有無量化佛。此像為明神宗與李太后御製，原本通體

薩背面則有保存大片面積的朱漆殘片。〈銅鎏金九蓮觀

鎏(朱)金十分華麗。這些皇家御製的毘盧遮那佛像規格

音〉此朱金的表現手法，與山西省藝術博物館藏的〈銅

宏大，尊像甚為高大，臉部造型豐滿，螺髮上戴五方佛

鎏金毘盧遮那佛像〉是一樣的工藝手法，〈銅鎏金毘盧

冠，著通肩袈裟，袒露心胸，手於胸前結毘盧印，下身著

遮那佛像〉造像局部金箔剝落顯現出紅色朱漆，故此尊

裙，腰間繫帶，結跏趺坐於千瓣化佛蓮臺之上。4明代萬

應該也要重新定名，應該稱為「銅朱金觀音」，但為了

曆皇帝與李太后在御賜毘盧遮那佛時，常伴著觀音菩薩造

不使讀者混淆，本文暫且延續舊稱，以求文例統一。此

像一同賞賜，而毘盧遮那佛通常為皇帝所賜，觀音造像由

尊觀音像正面朱漆已剝落露出銅質，朱金清理非常乾

太后御賜，例如前文上述寶華山隆昌寺便是如此。毘盧遮

淨，顯然有刻意人為的手段，應是「清興明亡，國祚鼎

那佛端坐於千瓣化佛蓮臺，象徵著帝王以佛王之尊統治天

移」，隱事者將其表面朱金刮除把玩搓磨，而顯露出原

下，將毘盧遮那佛供奉於前殿、毘盧殿、正殿…等為主；

本光亮似金的銅質。現在所見〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉表面

至於觀音菩薩則代表著李太后慈母天下的象徵，則配置於

非常的樸素自然，尤其在衣襬周圍、衣領處並未見到花

觀音殿、後殿中。

紋裝飾，推知當時將其銅質表面進行朱金工藝時，極可能在白衣上方運用朱金製造淺浮雕的花紋使其具有富麗

山西省藝術博物館藏的〈銅鎏金毘盧遮那佛像〉可以看出便是使用銅質朱金工藝的表現方式，契合著晚

堂皇的效果，但今日已經無法復原其花紋裝飾，留給後人想像的空間。

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圖八五代〈白衣觀音像〉設色絹本敦煌遺畫北京故宮博物院藏出處：《故宮博物院藏文物珍品大系：晉唐兩宋繪畫．人物風俗》，香港商務出版社，2011年，頁268，圖版63

三、白衣觀音與禪定樣貌的內涵

的白衣觀音造像，目前所見最早的白衣大士繪畫出自敦煌藏經洞遺畫中，在1951年初蘇琢章先生捐獻川西文物

〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉造像在外型上，最具顯著

管理委員會〈白衣觀音像〉（圖八），目前藏於北京故

特徵處在於身著通體寬袖白袍，呈現出「白衣觀音」

宮博物院中。8畫面白衣觀音坐於方形束腰臺座上，髮束

的造型，以及小腹前交疊二手，左手在上，仰掌向

高髻，戴化佛冠，頭上披白巾，身著寬袖白袈裟，觀音

上，中指與無名指彎曲，食指與小拇指伸展，似「施

右手持楊柳枝，左手持淨瓶，左上隅有供花童子飛天，

依印」、「蓮花指」，交疊於右手之上，二手拇指相

觀音左前方有供養人，長跪於地，持柄香爐，恭敬供

交，呈現出「禪定印」外貌，帶有似「施依印」特

養。但敦煌出土的〈白衣觀音像〉身上所穿著的是白袈

質，但整體而言仍屬於「禪定印」的範疇。 5 該尊觀音

裟，與後代常見穿著白色連身頭巾寬袖大袍略有出入。

菩薩像使用「白衣觀音」與「禪定印」的元素，具有

到了宋代開始大量出現的白衣觀音（白衣大士，道教又

濃厚的造像思維內涵。

名慈航真人），成為民間最常供奉的觀音造像之一。9在明代民間文學發展出的《妙音寶卷》，便是以白衣觀音

白衣觀音為中國佛教信仰中發展出的獨特造像， 6

為主角的傳記；佛教藝術造像中發展出「三十三觀音」

可知最早出現「白衣觀音」名稱於唐代。而白衣觀音

系譜，也是以白色連身頭巾寬袖大袍的白衣觀音為主要

信仰如何產生，學者于君方認為白衣觀音應該和送子

形貌，並將觀音改變不同姿勢、場景、持物。因此在明

觀音有關，且唐代已經出現《白衣觀音經》的紀錄，

代漢傳觀音造像系譜中，無論官方與民間造像皆以「白

約在十世紀以降觀音菩薩化現白衣婦人的相關紀錄漸

衣觀音」為造像主力，而白衣觀音具有「示現」與「與

多，如吳越國君主錢鏐（851-932年）視白衣觀音為

願」的尊格，也是其造型歷久不衰的原因之一。

國家守護神。使得白衣觀音具有「示現」、「與願」的尊格性，滿足眾生祈求圓滿的心願。

漢傳觀世音菩薩信仰中，觀音屬於世間人與願善求皆可圓滿，以及尋聲救苦為最主要影響外，觀世音菩薩

在造像表現上，到了五代至宋初之際已經出現成熟

另外一個身分便是接引眾生到彼岸極樂世界。在阿彌陀

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圖九南宋〈景德鎮窯影青觀音坐像〉 1978年常州市委大院內宋井出土常州市博物館藏陳俊吉博士拍攝

圖十元〈青白瓷觀音座像〉臺北國立歷史博物館藏陳俊吉博士拍攝

佛西方極樂淨土中，以二大菩薩為脅侍，即為觀世音菩

同體，化現二身分別教化，宣揚極樂淨土法門，因此觀

薩，其次為大勢至菩薩，三者合為西方三聖，在許多阿

音菩薩結禪定印，某種意涵上具有「法界定印」、「彌

彌陀佛相關經典皆有記載之。當西方極樂世界阿彌陀佛

陀定印」的特質，屬於彌陀極樂信仰的傳達。

涅槃後，觀世音菩薩補佛之位。至於阿彌陀佛又可稱為無量壽佛，在許多經典中可通用之。12以阿彌陀佛的坐像

此外，觀世音菩薩呈現出身著通體白袍，雙手

而言，主要最常見的手印為「禪定印」，阿彌陀佛安住

結禪定印，於定印時雙手拇指交叉，兩掌相疊的上手

法界禪定之中，現應身佛於極樂莊嚴淨土，大開淨土方

指頭彎曲造型，早在宋代時南方民間造像已經有之，

便之門，救度一切有緣眾生，例如景泰元年（1450年）

元明時期仍持續發展，有些白衣觀音造像也沿用此手

於北京鑄造的〈銅鎏金阿彌陀佛像〉（圖三）便是手結

法。例如1978年常州市委大院內宋井出土的〈景德

「禪定印」。因此阿彌陀佛的「禪定印」，又尊稱為

鎮窯影青觀音坐像〉（圖九），觀音菩薩頂戴化佛寶

「法界定印」、「彌陀定印」。此外，在阿彌陀佛極樂

冠，辮髮披肩，胸前配瓔珞，內著僧祗支，外披通肩

國土應眾生根器高低，分為九品（上中下三品，每品又

寬袖大衣，下身著裙，雙手結禪定印，右手掌背疊壓

分三級）蓮臺往生，進而產生象徵阿彌陀佛九種來迎的

左手掌心，二手姆指交疊，右掌四指彎曲，端坐岩石

印相，因而唐代有「九品阿彌陀印」或「九品印」的說

之上，外衣處施冰裂紋影青釉。其菩薩的衣著、手印

法。其中上品的往生者，阿彌陀佛二手皆伸三指，右手

與本件〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉相似，但〈景德鎮窯影青

置於左手下，結「禪定印」呈現，但在曲指略有差異。

觀音坐像〉的禪定印為左手下右手上，至於本件觀音

阿彌陀佛與觀世音菩薩示現禪定印，主要皆有宣說彌陀

造像則反之，為右手下左手上。左手表「禪定」，右

法門，接引眾生往生極樂世界的意涵，在唐密的《大樂

手表「智慧」，一般而言禪定印是右手下左手上，表

金剛不空真實三昧耶經般若波羅蜜多理趣釋經》中，更

示用禪來壓制無名煩惱，紛亂之念頭；有時亦會表

提出無量壽佛又名「得自性清淨法性如來」、「觀自在

現出右手上左手下，此則表示藉由禪定開啟般若智

王如來」，在極樂淨土中無量壽佛示現佛身，在五濁惡

慧的象徵。臺北國立歷史博物館館藏一尊〈青白瓷

世中現觀音菩薩像。闡述出阿彌陀佛與觀世音菩薩實為

觀音座像〉（圖十），為元代景德鎮的製造，使用模

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圖十一元〈青白瓷觀音〉卡蒙多遺贈法國居美美術館藏出處：《如雪．如冰．如影－法國居美美術館收藏中國陶瓷特展》，臺北國立歷史博物館，1999年，頁139，圖版130

具和手捏而成。在法國居美博物館中也有十分相似的 16

圖十二明（傳）吳道子〈渡海觀音〉石刻線畫出處：《觀音寶相》，臺灣東華書局， 1995年，圖版134

明晚朝廷對於觀音菩薩的信仰可以說推崇至極，

〈青白瓷觀音〉（圖十一），該尊〈青白瓷觀音〉

其中觀音菩薩的南海普陀山信仰，也是在此時恢復並且

的衣著與〈景德鎮窯影青觀音坐像〉十分相似，衣服

擴大其影響力，打造出中國式的「南海觀音」信仰，並

表面上加入更多的瓔珞與連珠紋裝飾，使其視覺上更

影響至今。《華嚴經》中的觀音道場為補怛洛迦山（普

為繁複，手印也是右手上左手下的禪定印，右手四指

陀洛迦山），而浙江外海的梅岑山，該島於唐五代時期

彎曲，菩薩結加趺坐衣襬自然下垂。〈青白瓷觀音〉

已有供奉觀世音菩薩的紀錄，十至十二世紀當時的僧

除了衣服表面添加瓔珞與連珠紋裝飾外，整體造型、

侶、文人已經開始認為梅岑山即觀世音菩薩道場普陀洛

坐姿、衣袍、手印與此件〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉十分類

迦山，因而有普陀山的稱號。明代時因海禁使其沒落，

似，可見此類造像表現乃傳承有序的造像脈絡，顯得

晚明時普陀山因為交通地理位置重要，使得該島飽受威

彌足珍貴。

脅，幾經被倭寇佔領並摧毀建築，直到1557年倭寇首腦束手就擒後才改善，明神宗與李太后，對於普陀山多次

四、九蓮觀音與白衣觀音的轉換

冊封與護持，使此島成為佛國聖地。17

從古至今中國佛教觀音造像系譜體例繁多，隨著時

普陀山為南海觀世音菩薩的道場，該地菩薩顯靈故

空的不同其發展不斷變異與變遷，使得發展出的觀音信

事甚多，菩薩常於海難中化現救護眾生，因此出現「南

仰，所著重的內涵依據略有差異性，有些強調經典的依

海觀音」的造型，其特色在於菩薩下方繪製大海或水波

據，有些強調儀軌體系的內涵，有些更著重於觀音示現

花紋，菩薩站立或坐於上方，有時觀音足下會繪製蓮

的精神…等。〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉呈現出的白衣觀音特

瓣、神龜、龍…等物，或者觀音坐於普陀山岩岸，岸邊

質，是延續宋代以來中國在地化所發展出的觀音信仰體

有大海水波。雖然南海觀音的造型多變，但必須出現的

系，到了晚明時又融入當時特有的歷史文化思維，於該

是在觀音下方有大海或水波花紋的樣貌，而觀音菩薩的

尊菩薩造像中展現。

衣著主要還是以白衣觀音呈現。換而言之，可說「南海

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圖十三明神宗與李太后施1587年〈九蓮菩薩碑〉石刻拓片慈壽寺塔側出處：《北京文物精粹大系：石刻卷》，北京出版社，2003年，頁126

觀音」是在「白衣觀音」的基礎上，所建構出的造像體

薦福冥祉，當時材料皆一時之選，寺院規格宏大，寺中

系。在明代的石刻線畫〈渡海觀音〉（圖十二）為明人

建造十三層寶塔一通，於明萬曆四年（1576年）動工，

假托仿唐代畫聖吳道子（685-758年）而來，故畫面題款

建成於萬曆六年（1578年），完工之日逢李太后誕辰，

吳道子筆，畫面主體觀音菩薩便著白衣法相，站立於一

故賜名「慈壽寺」，該寺於光緒年間毀於大火，目前僅

荷瓣上，善財童子站立於觀音右側，雙手合十參拜於荷

存慈壽寺塔。當時該寺的後殿內，還供奉九蓮菩薩像，

葉上，畫面下方繪製大海波浪，淨瓶隨波面漂動而不沒

但此菩薩形貌為何？在《日下舊聞考》中引用《玉堂薈

記》的說法：「九蓮菩薩者，孝定皇后夢中授經者也。

於海中。

覺而一字不遺。因錄入大藏中。旋作慈壽寺，其後建九明神宗的母親李皇太后出生貧寒宮女，當時李太后

蓮閣，內塑菩薩像，跨一鳳而九首，寺僧相傳菩薩為孝

與神宗皇帝，為包裝其身分與政治操作目的手段，於萬

定前身也。」 21另在《帝京景物略》記載：「後殿奉九

曆四年（1576年）端造出《佛說大慈至聖九蓮菩薩化身

蓮菩薩，七寶冠帔，坐一金鳳，九首。太后夢中，菩

度世真經》，宣揚李太后為九蓮菩薩轉世，推動九蓮菩

薩數現，授太后經，曰《九蓮經》，覺而記憶，無所遺

薩信仰，闡述九蓮菩薩為觀音菩薩的化身，「九蓮」為

忘。」22可知九蓮菩薩的造型為菩薩形貌頭戴七寶冠，坐

西方淨土中的思維，可能與九品往生有關。19而九蓮菩薩

於九頭金鳳身上。

「心生蓮華，性見蓮華，眼睹蓮華，耳聽蓮華，鼻聞蓮 20

慈壽寺建成之後，到了萬曆十四年（1586年）李

至於「九蓮」源於明代佛教與民間信仰文化中一個普遍

太后所居住的慈寧宮，於宮中出現蓮生九蕊的瑞事，而

語彙，具有宗教神聖性意涵的特徵，故李太后便運用此

此時宮內水池中蓮花盛開，此乃祥瑞之事，皇帝親率後

詞彙。李太后在位期間崇佛甚深，於京城內外、全國各

宮嬪妃向慈聖祝賀，特詔令四輔臣，各作題詠文章進

地大興土木，廣建佛寺，北京慈壽寺為萬曆皇帝下詔為

獻；大學士申時行（1536-1614年）、許國（1529-1596

其生母所建所建，作為明穆宗朱載垕（1537-1572年）

年）、王錫爵（1534-1614年）作賦，文章完畢後下詔

華，口吐蓮華，首出蓮華，身坐蓮華，足踏蓮華。」

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圖十四明神宗與李太后施1587年〈魚籃觀音碑〉石拓片慈壽寺塔側出處：同圖十三，頁125

圖十五明佚名〈蓮池觀音圖〉設色絹本美國大都會藝術博物館藏出處：Latter Days of the Law: Images of Chinese Buddhism 850-1850, University of Hawaii Press, 1994, pl. 23

廣傳。23並且將宮中池內蓮花盛開的瑞事繪出，立碑於慈

著覆頭通體白衣造型，其體態與〈九蓮菩薩碑〉相似，應

壽寺中，即今日慈壽寺塔旁兩通石碑，該塔與石碑立於

以官方粉本描繪而成。另外，萬曆三十年（1602年）馬

萬曆十五年（1587年），乃明神宗與李太后出資建造，

中良（生卒年不詳，活動於萬曆年間）進京之時，更將內

分別是〈九蓮菩薩碑〉與〈魚籃觀音碑〉，二者畫面皆

府推廣的〈魚籃觀音碑〉畫像的碑拓圖，攜回西昌於盧山

有李太后印璽一枚，與萬曆皇帝的贊詞贊曰：「惟我聖

新修觀音精舍摹刻於石碑中。

母，慈仁格天。感斯嘉兆，闕產瑞蓮。加大士像，勒石流傳。延國福民，天壤同堅。」慈壽寺〈九蓮菩薩碑〉（圖

事實上李太后借用觀音菩薩的形貌，並非在萬曆

十三）的觀音菩薩，為覆頭通體白衣造型，依坐欄杆旁，

十四年才出現，完工於1578年慈壽寺塔為李太后專屬的

下方配置開滿蓮花的蓮池，菩薩極具世間性宛如人間慈母

皇權象徵，此塔北面券門額書「真慈洪範」，此表李太

一般。至於〈魚籃觀音碑〉（圖十四），觀音著寬袖袍

后母儀天下，萬世典範，慈愛百姓；東面券門額書「鎮

服，手提魚籃於水堵邊，身後也配了數朵蓮花展現於蓮池

靜皇圖」，此表皇帝勤政，國運昌榮。此塔大量運用蓮

中，可知道九蓮菩薩重要的元素為多朵蓮花出現。由畫

花以及觀音圖案，在塔面刻有大量磚雕圖案，其塔八角

面可知皇帝與李太后要求宮廷畫師，將李太后繪製成觀音

形，在東北方塔面的券窗上方磚雕飾帶，刻有七如來坐

大士形貌，〈九蓮菩薩碑〉的主尊觀音為白衣觀音依欄

像，佛兩側配置雙手合十觀音菩薩造像各一尊，觀音外

杆，觀賞蓮池盛開蓮花的造型，〈魚籃觀音碑〉的觀音為

側各配置天王力士一尊（圖十六）。北方塔面券門額書

村婦老嫗的造型，二碑觀音的造型都極具民間通俗性，朝

的上方磚雕飾帶，刻有五如來坐像，兩側配置手結禪定

廷並將此二幅圖像廣傳天下。例如在萬曆十七年（1589

印觀音菩薩造像各一尊，觀音外側各配置二天王（圖

年）北京聖安寺也出現皇家所施的〈九蓮菩薩碑〉，其觀

十七）。將觀音菩薩與七如來、五方佛並置的形式，顯

音造形與慈壽寺〈九蓮菩薩碑〉雷同，出自同一粉本。在

得相當獨特，此乃過去幾乎未曾見到的配置方式，即將

晚明傳世絹畫中亦發現與此相似的造像藝術，例如美國大

觀音置入跟佛同等地位。且慈壽寺塔在八面轉角處，圓

都會藝術博物館所藏的〈蓮池觀音圖〉（圖十五），菩薩

柱頂上方的磚雕圖案都配置站立白衣觀音像一尊，周圍

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圖十六明〈慈壽寺塔磚雕〉（局部）磚雕建於1576-1578年慈壽寺東北方側陳俊吉博士拍攝

圖十七明〈慈壽寺塔磚雕〉（局部）磚雕建於1576-1578年慈壽寺北方側陳俊吉博士拍攝

配置善財、龍女、韋馱菩薩等眷屬。此種現象都反映出

世」，畢竟李太后是真實的「人」。

此塔的白衣觀音像，實為李太后的象徵。在明代神宗與李太后聯手推動九蓮菩薩信仰，李太后至此可以發現1576-1578年間李太后的九蓮菩薩造

崇拜觀音菩薩，太后因政治目的性操作自稱九蓮菩薩為觀

像，已出現兩種造型：其一，菩薩貌，戴寶冠，坐於九

音菩薩化身，無疑間接或直接闡明「九蓮菩薩」某種意涵

頭金鳳身上；其二，世間貌，白衣觀音造型。到了1586

上等同於「觀世音菩薩」，其造型主要也借用白衣觀音為

年開始，世間性的白衣觀音造型中，又加入通俗性極強

主。使得官方制定「九蓮菩薩」粉本廣為流傳，也間接推

的魚籃觀音造像，這些造像有何特色？為何要如此轉

動白衣觀音造像的流傳，思惟上太后本身即為觀音菩薩化

變？乘九頭金鳳的九蓮菩薩造型，乃象徵佛國淨土中菩

身，使得觀音造像信仰大盛，也將觀音菩薩視為佛等尊位

薩法身（或應身）的莊嚴圓滿形像，但此形像並非凡人

看待。觀世音菩薩在大乘佛教信仰中認為乃古佛示現，倒

所能視之，而菩薩憐憫眾生，因緣巧合化身九蓮菩薩降

駕慈航現菩薩身來教化世人，而觀音菩薩過去即為正法明

生人間，教化世人，現身李太后。至於，白衣觀音與魚

如來，因此在民間信仰中，常尊稱為「觀音佛祖」、「觀

籃觀音造像在宋代以來，都是觀音菩薩化現世人的身

音古佛」，把觀音菩薩視為佛看待。25

影，幫助需要幫助、教化的眾生，菩薩衣著表現出親切感宛如世間平常人一般，拉近與世間人的距離，因而備

此尊〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉鑄造於萬曆二十三年

受推崇。既然李太后降生人間有血有肉，表現出與世間

（1596年），可知屬於朝廷推動九蓮菩薩下觀音信仰的

人親切感，便借用極具世間性的白衣觀音與魚籃觀音造

時代產物，此時運用白衣觀音包裝李太后的手法已經相

像來包裝自我，尤其是世人所熟稔的白衣觀音。換而言

當成熟，造像反映出此時官方與民間對於觀音造像甚為

之，菩薩裝扮乘九頭金鳳的九蓮菩薩，表示「前世」；

推崇，而觀音菩薩與九蓮菩薩造型上混用、挪用，若無

白衣觀音示現人間，此乃九蓮菩薩「今生」，也就可以

配置甚多蓮花裝飾來表現九蓮菩薩身分，二者造像是無

理解為何「今生」的造像推廣及影響力，大過於「前

法準確區別。

2015秋拍201.indd 27

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圖十八明成化〈青銅鎏金觀音菩薩坐像〉臺北國立故宮博物院藏出處：《歷代金銅佛造像特展圖錄》，臺北國立故宮博物院，1996年，頁85

五、造像的時代風華與品味

圖十九明中晚期〈紅銅鑄觀音菩薩坐像〉遼寧省博物館藏出處：《妙相莊嚴：遼寧省博物館藏佛教造像精品集》，遼寧人民出版社，2011年，頁104

前下垂，呈現兩道平行寬厚的衣帶紋；至於膝處下垂衣襬，呈現出對稱垂直線條的倒三角形，視覺上具有較剛

從明代鑄銅造像發展中，無可諱言此尊〈銅鎏金九

毅氣息。〈青銅鎏金觀音菩薩坐像〉衣襬表現較明代一

蓮觀音〉屬於晚明觀音造像精品，與明初時期的造像品

般所見造像長，使其造像修長，衣襬與大腿處有顯著交

味風格呈現出差異性，但與晚明相較則可說獨領風騷，

界；〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉在衣襬處拉高近一頭身，衣襬

具有明代造像流變重要鐵證與價值。

與大腿處無顯著交界，使其造像更穩，觀音菩薩在視覺上更為修長，此種表現方式在明代並不多見。〈青銅鎏

此尊〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉的白衣觀音造像，與明代

金觀音菩薩坐像〉在髮飾、寶冠刻劃細膩，衣服於衣

成化年間（1465-1487年）由北京官方僧人所鑄〈青銅鎏

領、袖口、下擺邊緣刻劃紋帶裝飾，顯示出朝廷造像的

金觀音菩薩坐像〉（圖十八）在五官、坐姿、衣紋表現

輝煌與細膩；〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉在瓔珞不作過分的刻

上有相似之處。〈青銅鎏金觀音菩薩坐像〉目前藏於臺

劃，衣服邊緣並無於銅質上刻劃紋帶裝飾，而是採用朱

北國立故宮博物院，據考該尊銅像由北京官方僧人所

金堆砌出來，但朱金表現被後人移除而消失。使其造像

鑄，該造像高147cm尺寸頗大，觀音頂上披巾，寶冠中

更具有樸質的典雅風範。27

有化佛，面相威儀莊嚴，菩薩耳垂戴耳飾，胸前披戴瓔珞，寬肩，身著寬袖大袍，雙手結禪定印，盤坐，衣襬 26

另一尊藏於遼寧省博物館中的〈紅銅鑄觀音菩薩坐

對稱自然下垂，整體量感甚佳，氣度宏大。〈銅鎏金九

像〉（圖十九），屬於明代中晚期的作品，白衣觀音身著

蓮觀音〉與〈青銅鎏金觀音菩薩坐像〉相較，可發現整

通肩白袍，胸前披戴瓔珞，由中心寶珠往外對稱排列，寬

體外貌都是採用白衣觀音配上禪定造型，使得二者造像

肩，雙手結禪定印，結跏趺坐於蓮臺上，衣襬對稱自然下

十分相似，但前者所呈現是明代前期的造像風格，後者

垂，在衣領、袖口、下擺邊緣刻劃紋帶裝飾，整體量感甚

為明晚期的造像品味。〈青銅鎏金觀音菩薩坐像〉衣褶

佳，屬於典型的漢地造像風格。在該尊菩薩背後刻有銘文

較為圓滑，使用弧線表現，使其較為柔順；〈銅鎏金九

「織染局信官王鉞造」（圖二十），可知此尊為官員出資

蓮觀音〉在衣褶部分使用較剛硬線條，外披式白袍於胸

造像。拍品〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉的風格與此尊〈觀音菩薩

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圖二十明中晚期〈紅銅鑄觀音菩薩坐像〉（背面銘文）銘文：織染局信官王鉞造遼寧省博物館藏出處：同圖十九，頁105

坐像〉更為相似，具有時代相近的造像氛圍，而〈銅鎏金

客居異地往生，也歸葬於此，當地里民將五人埋葬，稱

九蓮觀音〉與〈紅銅鑄觀音菩薩坐像〉佛像背後都出現率

為「五老墓」，於清代康熙三十一年（1692年）立碑紀

性刻劃的銘文，使用相似手法而成。

念。 28釋性廣，依據碑文記載，號無住，俗姓李順天，宛平人。明代的行政區劃分南北直轄區，在北方為北直

從明早期的〈青銅鎏金觀音菩薩坐像〉（圖十八），

隸，下轄8府2直隸州，即：順天府、保定府、河間府、

到明中晚期的〈紅銅鑄觀音菩薩坐像〉（圖十九），最

真定府、順德府、廣平府、大名府、永平府、延慶直

後到晚明萬曆二十三年（1595年）所鑄〈銅鎏金九蓮觀

隸州、保安直隸州。宛平屬於順天府所管轄，即今日北

音〉，其造像手法一脈相傳的連帶性關係，都使用相似的

京市區所在地，但與古代管轄面積不同。釋性廣客居通

外貌，但在表現手法上卻有差異各顯千秋，展現出不同時

州，也屬於順天府所管轄區域，即今日北京市通州區。

代的品味風華。而前兩尊〈觀音菩薩坐像〉屬於僧官、官員出資鑄造，傳達出朝廷造像品味的官方審美品味風華，

釋性廣為何要至通州，情況不明，但從該州的地

與此風格相似的〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉也與官府有某種淵

理位置，可知通州自古為極重要的兵家必爭交通要衝之

源，因而傳達出官方大氣富麗的審美風韻品味。

地，位處北京城正東，也是京杭大運河北端，今日屬於北京、河北、天津的交界處，此處為南北物資的集結

六、銘文訊息的傳達與闡釋

處，商賈眾多，千檣萬艘，輻輳雲集。因為商業活動繁華，使得該處寺觀繁多，給予往來的旅人莫大寄託。通

萬曆二十三年（1595年）所鑄〈銅鎏金九蓮觀

州在萬曆年間還有一項無可取代的地位，為明朝最後一

音〉，銘文刻僧人釋性廣，以及會首王元化的名字，二

位皇太后（慈聖太后）發祥之地，李太后，通州漷縣永

人究竟何人也？在查閱相關文獻史料中，於《順天府

樂店人。從本文先前的論述已知萬曆四年（1576年）

志》記載，明末萬曆崇禎之際，北京一帶通商富賈王申

開始，神宗皇帝與李太后，推動皇太后為九蓮菩薩的信

之，他於通州捐地作為義塚，先後有孫嗣聖、張鵬、王

仰與造像，尤其萬曆十四年（1586年）更命宮廷畫師

介宏三人無子，死後葬義塚，而後又有朱達文、釋性廣

繪出白衣觀音的圖像來包裝李太后，廣泛於天下立造像

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本件 Lot 201 明萬曆〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音造像〉背面銘文

碑與推廣該圖。位處慈聖太后發祥地通州，當然也不

長。驄馬推華冑，龍宮得禁方，懸壺遊海上，好擬費長

例外，推廣相關九蓮信仰與造像。至於，通州推廣九

房。」 30顯示他與王元化在官場相識，二人十分友好，

蓮菩薩信仰的巔峰，則發生於萬曆三十八年（1608

此時王元化已經擔任官職。另一首《王元化治余病痊可

年），此時神宗為頌母德、祈福壽，便在生母皇太后

拙作一月中三十餘篇秉賦謝》，讚譽王元化為華陀再

發祥之地，准以皇家建築規格興建景命殿，於景命殿

世，治好身上疾病。 31由此可知王元化在官場主要活動

西側建保國慈孝華嚴寺，景命殿東側建護國崇寧至德

於萬曆中後期。

真君廟。當時景命殿中供奉銅鑄鎏金九蓮菩薩像，至於西側華嚴寺中也供奉九蓮菩薩聖像，但這些輝煌的

顯然出資〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉的會主與三科武舉

廟宇卻都毀於後代戰火。如此看來，釋性廣的活動區

王元化極可能是同一人，那麼這尊白衣觀音造像的地

域都於北京一帶，必然深知當時萬曆時期朝廷所推動

緣，便有可能是王元化在故鄉直隸，或者河南任官時所

的九蓮觀音信仰，因此進行募化鑄造觀音像，契合當

造，但仔細審度背面銘文並未刻有官職名，且當初這些

時的九蓮觀音信仰思維。

銘文表面上塗上朱漆，並未強調王元化的身分。此種情況說明，該尊造像極可能是王元化未獲武舉分派官職前

至於王元化在《河南通志》卷三十一記載，明末

出資所造。而鑄造完此佛像後，利用朱漆將後方的銘文

崇禎時期擔任河南都指揮的人士：「王之政，陝西咸寧

塗去，其可能原因主要有三：其一，為了佛像整體莊嚴

人；朱之屏，江南蘇州衛人；王元化，北直寧晉人。」

感，所以在佛像表現採用朱漆貼金工藝，不得不將背後

另在《河北省寧晉縣志》載：「王元化三科武舉，任河

銘文掩蓋。其二，表示謙讓，尤其在萬曆此時期所造的

南軍政掌印督司指揮僉事。」該文與《河南通志》記載

白衣觀音，某種意涵上可投射為李太后的九蓮觀音，對

吻合，可知王元化為直隸寧晉人，寧晉屬於直隸真定府

於觀音菩薩像以及皇太后的敬重，無須將名字彰顯出

所管轄，今日歸於河北省，他曾於萬曆年間科考午舉，

來。其三，明代朝廷打壓佛教地下組織、秘密宗教甚

而後於河南任官，但並未詳記。且晚明詩人范鳳翼，萬

嚴，在《明神宗實錄》中記載，當時出現僧人遊方聚會

曆二十六年（1598）進士，在他的《范鳳翼詩集》記

乃至結交官府，私會香火錢甚多的情況，皇帝屢次下詔

載曾經書寫二首詩贈王元化，一首《贈王元化》云：

禁止予以打壓，還是無法根絕。32因此將菩薩背後所刻之

「筵敞荷風淨，庭飄桂子香，人將花並韻，酒引思偏

募化僧釋性廣，以及會首王元化的名字遮蔽，免去有心

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時瑞蓮產於慈寧新宮，命閣臣申時行、許國、王錫爵賦之，碑勒寺左… – 明劉侗、于奕正《帝京景物略》

人士的誣陷，無端的囹圄之災。在明代僧人過問政事，

皇帝敕建下詔建造；其二，宦官奏請營建；其三，王公

結交官府，遊方聚會受官方處罰，身陷囹圄至死的事件

大臣奏請營建；其四，縉紳、僧侶奏請營建，所以無論

不乏出現於明代史料中。

為那一項營造的皇家寺院，都必須由朝廷核可才能建造寺院。此外，出家僧人配額，受戒發放戒牒也由朝廷控

明代百姓每月初一、十五到寺觀燒香已成為一

管，有限定人數，可見明代對於佛教管理的嚴密性。從

種風俗，有時民間組成朝山進香的活動，因為進香的

此尊〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉的銘文來看，應屬官員或僧

活動路途遙遠，因此進香多以結社方式往返，會首向

人，向朝廷奏請營造皇家寺院，獲得朝廷的核准，由僧

進香會員收取會費，以支付進香行程費用及供佛費

人釋性廣進行募化。而建造一座皇家寺院並非容易之

用。而會首通常由地方性較熱心公益人士，或者有聲

事，釋性廣募化的對象除達官顯貴外，地方紳士、商賈

望的地方紳士所擔任，看來王元化應為地方有名望之

也是他募化的對象，當時身為地方紳士會首的王元化，

仕紳。以王元化為直隸寧晉人，當時直隸地區最大的

與釋性廣熟識，對於釋性廣建寺給予支持，因此王元化

佛教信仰中心便是北京，因此結會往北京進香是有其

帶領寧晉鄉親組成進香團，對於此尊〈銅鎏金九蓮觀

可能性，也契合著史料中釋性廣活動於北京的記載。

音〉募化給予最大的協助。而住在寧晉的王元化從家鄉

若是如此，該尊造像便是鑄造於北京一帶，而釋性廣

至北京，可走水路到達，從家鄉的滏陽河接滹沱河，接

當時於此地進行募化，推動白衣觀音造像以契合當時

著通往京杭運河北上，通過通州最後抵達北京，有其地

九蓮菩薩的政治文化。此外，此尊〈銅鎏金九蓮觀

利之便。

音〉流露出一些官方造像的氣度，與明代北京官方所造〈青銅鎏金觀音菩薩坐像〉（圖十八）外貌有些雷

僧人釋性廣其建寺地點可能在北京一帶，也不排除

同，但又具有民間造像的野逸、樸質的氣質，故〈銅

在通州附近地區，因為該地為商賈聚集之地，募款建寺

鎏金九蓮觀音〉應該是朝廷核准向官俗募化捐資建

較容易，況且釋性廣最後也是死於通州。所以此尊〈銅

廟，所以觀音像傳達出官方模樣的品味。

鎏金九蓮觀音〉展現出明末的官方品味風華，且在佛像表現上使用朱金工藝，此工藝是當時皇家賜與寺院常見

明代對於建造皇家寺院有嚴格的控管，禁止私自營造，凡興建必須核可，才能建造，其主要有四：其一，

的工藝手法之一，卻在釋性廣募化的〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉上展現顯得相當特殊。

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七、小結

藝美感，上方應該利用朱漆製造立粉堆金的裝飾效果，使其展示極強的繁複裝飾品味，甚為可惜的是，因為年

在中國佛教造像藝術史上而言，普遍認為明清時期

代久遠被後代好事者刮除朱金，使得佛像銅質展露出

的造像是造像史上的衰敗期，梁思成（1901-1972年）

來。但也因禍得福，使人得以觀賞到此尊佛像應有色澤

指出，這時期的造像沒有漢代粗曠、六朝古典嫵媚、唐

晶瑩而溫潤的金屬色澤本質，反映出鑄造此銅時，精選

代自信成熟、宋代洛可可式優雅。然則重新回顧明代

銅質，並搭配微量金、銀等幾項貴重金屬，精心鑄煉而

造像藝術史，此種言論或許過重些，並不全然的適切，

成，實在是晚明工藝品中不可多得的珍品。

明代發展出金銅佛鑄造工藝並推展至極，在科技文明史、造像藝術史而論，可說具有空前的蓬勃發展與指標性意義。

觀音造像在中國文化信仰中可說相當興盛，〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉中白衣觀音呈現禪定樣貌，具有濃厚多重的思想意涵，除了白衣彰顯菩薩在中國經常示相的樣

明代造像主要承續著宋、元傳統，明初國力甚強，

貌外，也表示圓滿眾生所求心願的特質。至於禪定印，

朝廷官方主導的佛教藝術顯得華麗、大方、繁複的美感

則表示觀音於禪定中，觀法界音聲，隨聲救苦特質。也

品味，一直持續到晚明朝廷，但粉本傳抄的模式越來越

反映，歸隱平淡，觀照己身，禪意的清淨無擾世界。亦

刻板僵硬。晚明官方領導的美學品味，大量融合民間通

表，彌陀定印的特質，接引芸芸眾生上蓮臺，往生西方

俗文化與世俗信仰，而後此種品味又反過來，在特定地

極樂淨土。

域中深刻影響到民間造像走向。此尊〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉極可能於北京一帶所造，深受北京官方的造像風格

晚明時萬曆皇帝與李太后推廣「九蓮觀音」信仰，

影響，使其造像落落大方，身材比例適中，體態勻稱結

用來包裝生母李太后宮女出生的卑微身分，九蓮菩薩造

實，面部莊嚴肅穆，線條簡潔流暢，菩薩近人而具世俗

像在某種意涵上等同白衣觀音，藉由觀音來包裝李太

化的味道。在原本鑄銅的表現上不多加刻劃繁瑣裝飾，

后。上行下效的結果，使得此時期白衣觀音造像相當繁

使得造像樸質自然，清秀高雅，之後利用朱漆貼金的工

盛，此尊〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉便是該歷史見證脈絡下的

藝手法在上方製造出華麗、優美的裝飾紋飾，使其具有

產物。

富麗堂皇的晚明品味。在晚明普遍頹廢的造像史上，此尊〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉宛如閃亮星空吸引著世人眼光。

除此之外，該尊觀音像背後銘文還刻有募化僧人與功德主的姓名，留下的歷史訊息顯得彌足珍貴，也因此

在萬曆年間皇帝與李太后所賜與皇家寺院中的佛

推知朝廷核准釋性廣於北京一帶募化建寺，其募化的對

像，不乏晚明常見的銅質朱金工藝，其中皇帝若賜銅質

象主要是達官顯貴、地方紳士、商賈。當時住直隸寧晉

朱金毘盧遮那佛像，以表朱家皇帝一統天下；李太后則

的王元化屬於地方紳士，擔任會首並組團帶領鄉親至北

賜銅質朱金觀音造像，以皇太后母儀天下，慈愛世間。

京進香，資助此尊觀音像，〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉在京城

朱金工藝手法明初為皇家專用建築及器物之裝飾，在明

鑄造的地緣，以及官方核准募化的關係，使得此尊菩薩

代中期後也運用在銅鑄佛像身上，晚明時宮中銅佛不乏

像具有晚明的官樣品味風格，終於在1595年鑄成此觀音

此工藝技法，爾後將此工藝技術開放於民間造像使用。

像。數年後，王元化通過武舉，至河南任官，或許是發

當初此尊〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉便採用銅質朱漆貼金的工

心鑄造佛像，菩薩給予最佳的祝福與庇祐。

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1. 財團法人世界宗教博物館發展基金會，《智慧華嚴：北京首都博物館佛教文物珍藏展》（臺北：財團法人世界宗教博物館發展基金會附設臺北館， 2011年），頁170。

變》，頁153-154。

20. 轉引至，〔美〕于君方著；陳懷宇、姚崇新、林佩瑩譯，《觀音：菩薩中國化的演變》，頁154。

2. ﹝明﹞汝亨撰，《寓林集》卷十三，《敕建華山謹固聖化堅昌寺碑》，古

21. ﹝清﹞楊士聰，《玉堂薈記》卷一，古籍原文無頁碼。

3. 大華嚴寺「無盡藏燈」付法會，《賢首宗付法師資記》（臺北：大華嚴

23. 何孝榮，《明代北京佛教寺院修建研究》上冊，頁292。

籍原文無頁碼。

寺，2008年），頁340-346。 4. 河北省正定縣文物保管所編著，《正定隆興寺》（北京：文物出版社， 2000年），頁295。

5. 「施依印」是具有「施與」與「說法」的象徵。

22. ﹝明﹞劉侗、于奕正，《帝京景物略》卷五，古籍原文無頁碼。 24. 魚籃觀音出現於民間觀音化現的故事中。

25. 在唐代伽梵達摩（梵語：Bhagavaddharma，生卒年不詳）譯《千手千眼觀世音菩薩廣大圓滿無礙大悲心陀羅尼經》云：「此觀世音菩薩，不可思議威神之力，已於過去無量劫中，已作佛竟，號『正法明如來』。大悲願

6. 在唐代時胎藏曼荼羅中的蓮花部，出現三位著白衣的菩薩，以廣義而言皆

力，為欲發起一切菩薩，安樂成熟諸眾生故，現作菩薩。」可知觀音菩

可簡稱白衣觀音，即：白處觀自在菩薩、大明白身菩薩、白身觀自在菩

薩由古佛正法明如來所示現，以救苦救難為己任，與娑婆世界（梵文：

薩，他們皆為觀世音菩薩的眷屬。在唐代以狹義而言，白衣觀音是指「白

Sahā-lokadhātu，娑婆也譯作索訶、娑河，為三惡五趣雜會之所）眾生特

處觀自在菩薩」本尊，此菩薩尊格具有息災延命特質。此外，唐密的《不空索神變真言》經典中，也有記載「白衣觀世音」的內容。參〔唐〕菩提流志譯，《不空索神變真言經》卷二十三，收錄《大正新脩大藏經》第20冊（東京：大藏經刊行會，1924-1935年），頁355中。 7. 〔美〕于君方著；陳懷宇、姚崇新、林佩瑩譯，《觀音：菩薩中國化的演變》（北京：商務印書館，2012年），頁187、225-226。 8. 余輝主編，《故宮博物院藏文物珍品大系：晉唐兩宋繪畫．人物風俗》（香港：商務出版社，2011年），頁268。

9. 大士原為佛教早期漢譯稱菩薩的別譯，後來在翻譯中漸少用之，反而為道

別有緣份，故常於該處示現。 26. 陳慧霞，《歷代金銅佛造像特展圖錄》（臺北：國立故宮博物院，1996 年），頁127。 27. 此尊〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音〉在白色衣袍的衣領、袖口、下擺邊緣，並無刻劃出紋帶裝飾，此種情況並無法契合晚明時期的造像品味，而是利用朱漆貼金表現出立粉堆金淺浮雕的紋帶裝飾，但該尊原本應有的朱金表現，被後來的好事者所刮除，變成今日所見質樸的觀音形貌。 28. 光緒年間《順天府志》原文云：「五老墓在州新城南門外，葱市口東畔路北有碑，《通州高志》志又云：『孫嗣聖、張鵬、王介宏、朱達文，僧人

教所用，此處大士與真人用語主要受到道教之影響，反映道、佛二教互相

性廣墓也。』有二碑，一碑正面書五老墓，三字前知州程俊立碑，陰為江

影響。

南揚州府同知古越秦尚忠撰文；一碑為兵部督捕主事州人康莊撰文後列州

10. 曹魏三藏康僧鎧（梵語：Samghavarman，生卒年不詳）譯《佛說無量壽

人韓懋德等四十七人名，俱康熙三十一年立。先是孫嗣聖、張鵬、王介宏

經》，劉宋三藏畺良耶舍（梵語：Kālayaśas，383-442年）譯《佛說觀無

並客於通，晚年乏嗣，預營身後葬事，商諸州人王申之，申之以南門外葱

量壽佛經》，宋代王日休（1105-1173年）校輯《佛說大阿彌陀經》…等

市口東香火地左隙地一邱，計二畝九分捨為公塚，並議定嗣後無論土著、

都有闡述之。參〔曹魏〕康僧鎧譯，《佛說無量壽經》卷下，收錄《大正

僑寓之人，有無子煢獨者俱得卜葬於此。迨孫、張、王三人相繼，復有

新脩大藏經》第12冊，頁273中。〔劉宋〕畺良耶舍譯，《佛說觀無量壽

朱達文，僧人性廣旅櫬無歸州，人為之合葬稱為『五老墓』，云：『碑載

佛經》卷一，收錄《大正新脩大藏經》第12冊，頁343下。〔南宋〕王日

孫嗣聖，字閑先，江南泰州人，妻牛氏，山西武鄉人。張鵬，字雲博，江

休校輯，《佛說大阿彌陀經》卷二，收錄《大正新脩大藏經》第12冊，頁

南來安人，妻曹氏，同邑人。王介宏，字奉池，直隸清豐人，妻張氏，順

336上-中。

11. 此時觀音菩薩成佛名為「普光功德山王如來」，或稱「平等光明普照如來」。

天通州人。朱達文，字元韜，江南休甯人，妻王氏，福建上杭人。僧性廣，號無住，俗姓李順天，宛平人。』」另外，捐地做義塚的王申之，據考為明末之人，在《康熙吳橋縣志》載，明末范景文（1587-1644年），

12. 在梵語中，無量光（Amitābha）與無量壽（Amitāyus）都來自同一個字根

直隸吳橋人，萬曆四十一年（1613年）進士，有一篇書《與甥王申之》的

（Amita，音譯阿彌陀），故阿彌陀佛有時譯為無量光佛，或無量壽佛，

信，該文也收入范景文的《范文忠集》一書中。另外，明末姚孫業（生卒

在經典中皆闡述其光明及壽命無量。鳩摩羅什譯《佛說阿彌陀經》云：

年不詳）所撰《亦園全集》，在該書卷五與卷六共有七條，與王申之相聚

「彼佛何故號阿彌陀？舍利弗！彼佛光明無量，照十方國無所障礙，是故

的紀錄，因此可推斷王申之為明末人士。﹝清﹞繆荃孫、張之洞纂，《光

號為阿彌陀。又舍利弗！彼佛壽命及其人民，無量無邊阿僧祇劫，故名阿

緒順天府志》卷二十六，收錄《中國地方志集成》北京府縣志輯1（上

彌陀。舍利弗！阿彌陀佛成佛已來，於今十劫。」〔姚秦〕鳩摩羅什譯，

海：上海書店，2002年），頁439。﹝清﹞任先覺、楊萃，《康熙吳橋縣

《佛說阿彌陀經》，收錄《大正新脩大藏經》第12冊，頁347上-中。

志》卷七，收錄《中國地方志集成》河北府縣志輯44，頁115。﹝清﹞范

13. 林保堯，《佛教美術講座》（臺北：藝術家出版社，1997年），頁92。

景文，《范文忠集》卷十二，收錄《文津閣四庫全書》集部˙別集類1300

14. 在上品上生者印相為拇指、食指之指尖屈合，此表「彌陀定印」；上品中

冊（北京：商務印書館，2006年），頁189。﹝明﹞姚孫業，《亦園全

生者印相為拇指、中指之指尖屈合，此表「說法印」；上品下生者印相為

集》卷五、六，收錄於四庫禁燬書叢刊編纂委員會編，《四庫禁燬書叢

拇指、無名指之指尖屈合，此表「來迎印」。 15. 經云：「得自性清淨法性如來者，是觀自在王如來異名，則此佛名無量

刊》集部86冊（北京：北京出版社，2000年），頁592上、640下-641上、 666下-667上、675上、676上、683下、684下。

壽，如來若於淨妙佛國土，現成佛身。住雜染五濁世界，則為觀自在菩

29. ﹝ 清﹞紀昀等總纂；臺灣商務印書館編審委員會主編，《文淵閣四庫

薩。復說者，則其毘盧遮那佛為觀自在菩薩。」〔唐〕不空譯，《大樂金

全書》史部294、地理類（臺北：臺灣商務印書館，1983-1986年），頁

剛不空真實三昧耶經般若波羅蜜多理趣釋經》，收錄《大正新脩大藏經》第19冊，頁612上。 16. 成耆仁，〈青白瓷觀音座像〉，《歷史文物》第185期（臺北：國立歷史博物館，2008年12月），頁1。 17. 〔美〕于君方著；陳懷宇、姚崇新、林佩瑩譯，《觀音：菩薩中國化的演變》，頁372-380。

18. 王樹村，《觀音百圖》（廣州：領南美術出版社，1997年），頁94。

163。

30. ﹝明﹞范勛卿，《范勛卿詩集》卷九，收錄於四庫禁燬書叢刊編纂委員會編，《四庫禁燬書叢刊》集部112冊，頁137下。 31. ﹝明﹞范勛卿，《范勛卿詩集》卷十五，同上註，頁210。

32. 何孝榮，《明代北京佛教寺院修建研究》上冊，頁288-289。

33. 梁思成著；林沐編，《佛像的歷史》（北京：中國青年出版社，2013 年），頁292。

19. 〔美〕于君方著；陳懷宇、姚崇新、林佩瑩譯，《觀音：菩薩中國化的演

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有如斯蓮，象帝祚之遐昌。慈壽聖壽，閱萬億而重甯重康。 – 明許國《瑞蓮賦》

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★

Lot 201 明萬曆銅鎏金九蓮觀音造像 H121cm 銘文：募化僧性廣萬曆乙未年造會首王元化來源：台北國泰美術館舊藏台北宇珍 2010 年 6 月 26 日慶豐銀行珍藏專拍 I 編號 124 英國收藏家舊藏

TWD 42,000,000-76,000,000 USD 1,359,200-2,459,500 HKD 10,769,200-19,487,200 A Magnificent and Extremely Rare Gilt-Bronze Nine-Lotus Bodhisattva Mark and Period of Wanli Provenance : Collection of the Cathay Art Museum, Taipei Yu Jen Taipei, Selections from the Chinfon Bank Collection I, 26 June 2010, Lot 124 An English Private Collection

本尊明萬曆〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音造像〉，出自英國收藏家，更是蔡辰男先生的收藏及台北國泰美術館舊藏。2010年台北宇珍受政府委託拍賣「慶豐銀行珍藏專拍」，本觀音為編號124拍品，久別數年後，今日得緣再現拍賣市場。九蓮觀音為慈聖皇太后模樣塑造，用以象徵太后前身，又稱瑞蓮聖像。觀音端坐於紅木椅上，面頰豐腴，額際寬廣，曲眉似彎月與鼻脛相連，雙目垂俯宛若未開敷之蓮苞，表情慈祥寧靜，法相莊嚴，使觀者崇敬之心油然而生。尊像髮髻高挽，額髮梳整，大耳垂肩，耳墜花璫，辮髮自耳後垂肩而下，胸前飾網狀連珠式瓔珞，繁複華麗。身著通肩大袍，內著僧祗衣，繫以蝴蝶結。雙手結禪定印，仰掌疊置於足上，中指、無名指結蓮花印，以蓮花多子象徵皇嗣綿延不衰，皇太后、皇上萬壽多福，藉此強化皇室永久統治之地位，為營造瑞蓮產生的至要本懷。尊像背部陰刻「募化僧性廣，萬曆乙未年造。會首王元化。」表明鑄造年代為乙未年，可知該尊造像鑄造於萬曆二十三年。清道光翰林院編修沈鑅彪《續修雲林寺志．詩詠》的〈明李太后寫九蓮觀音在借秋閣〉詩注：「九蓮觀音又稱瑞蓮聖像，明萬曆己丑十七年製。上打一印其文曰：慈聖宣文明肅皇太后之寶。徐楙識。」據《明宮詞》所載神宗命取吳道子觀音像易以慈聖慈容，「咸傳大士著威儀」之觀音大士像，勒石布令天下，使梵剎瞻仰，並於十七年正背面銘文

式標出「九蓮觀音」的寶號。

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國立臺北藝術大學名譽教授林保堯與陳俊吉博士，為本尊佛造像親赴大陸，實地考察走訪，並在山西純陽宮見及明代萬曆年間〈銅鎏金毘盧遮那佛像〉，與本尊觀音皆是明代神宗與慈聖皇太后時，為政教目的，宮廷賜與各地大寺院的行儀大像。然本觀音胎體敦實厚重，體型碩大，明顯具有明代鑄造銅佛的精湛工藝及獨特的造像風格，更是帝王宮廷扶持下所開展出來的品味。尊像金光燦爛，為明代宮中選用名貴金屬材料鑄造，以增其豪華效果，並彰顯皇家特色，因此極具收藏價值。另據觀音背部銘文「募化僧性廣，萬曆乙未年造。會首王元化。」考究，可知該尊造像鑄於萬曆二十三年，應屬官員或僧人，向朝廷奏請營造寺院，獲得朝廷的核准，由僧人釋性廣進行募化。而建造一座寺院並非容易之事，釋性廣募化的對象除了達官顯貴外，地方紳士與商賈也是他募化的對象，當時身為地方紳士會首的王元化，給予釋性廣建寺與本尊觀音募化最大的協助，此刻款留下之歷史訊息，更顯得本尊觀音相當彌足珍貴。

圖一明萬曆〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音造像〉

回溯2010年台北宇珍榮膺重任，接受政府委託辦理「國泰美術館塵封25年珍寶再現－慶豐銀行珍藏專拍」。當時，本尊明萬曆〈銅鎏金九蓮觀音造像〉（圖一）是唯一與清乾隆〈青玉螭龍玉璽〉（圖二），預估價皆訂新台幣1,200萬元，並同受藏家及媒體預測，其成交價會超過新台幣一億元以上之拍品。然在拍前，除了在《清代帝后璽印譜》第五冊、乾隆卷一、頁六，查獲並證實即為同一枚玉璽外，更於南京博物院艾啟蒙〈八駿馬之曦馭黃〉畫的右上方發現一枚「乾隆御覽之寶」鑑藏印，即是清乾隆〈青玉螭龍玉璽〉之印，當下所有藏家焦點即專注於「乾隆玉璽」上，結果以新台幣4.825億元創下玉璽類第一高價的歷史紀錄。而當時本尊觀音因造像高達121公分，體型碩大，搬動不易，加上為政府所委託，相當注重安全及造像原有的完整性，因此背後銘文不能完整呈現，故未能加以詳細考究及介紹，僅以背後有銘文帶過。因此拍賣當下，許多有實力的藏家皆把焦點放在玉璽上，造成觀音僅以預估價成交，致使所有買家及媒體都非常錯愕，原以為該尊觀音會衝上歷史高價，所以不敢問津，沒想到竟失之交臂，皆深感惋惜及後悔。今宇珍很榮幸再次接受藏家委託拍賣，才能

圖二清乾隆〈青玉螭龍玉璽〉

將觀音面貌完整呈現，並揭曉背面銘文刻款「募化僧性廣，萬曆乙未年造。會首王元化。」表明鑄造年代為乙未年 (萬曆二十三年) 及募化者、贊助者身分，據悉本明萬曆九蓮觀音應為唯一出現在拍賣市場上的金身，堪稱難得孤品。

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The Benevolent Savior – A Magnificent and Extremely Rare Wanli Nine-Lotus Bodhisattva From the Cathay Art Museum Collection

Chen Chun-Chi

Assistant Professor, Department of Arts in Chang Jung Christian University PhD in Arts from National Taiwan University of Art

I. Foreword This magnificent gilt-bronze nine-lotus Bodhisattva figure, from the former collection of the Cathay Art Museum, once belonged to Mr. Cai Chennan and had been sold in “Selections from the Chinfon Bank Collection I” at Yu Jen Taipei in 2010 (lot 124). Serenely seated in a hongmu chair, this imposing Bodhisattva with a height of 121 cm is now returning to the market after 5 years in private hands. Captured in a solemn, stately expression, this majestic figure is finely carved with the deity’s hair tied up in an elliptical shape topknot, and braided hair falling naturally on both sides of the shoulder. With its hands making the “meditation gesture” (dhyana-mudra), and seated with folded legs, it seems to be immersed in the joy of the mystic trance with a steadied mind. It wears a robe on its entire body. The shallow relief of the natural draping of the clothing is particularly effective to juxtapose the high relief of the beaded jewel ornaments and the crisp knot of the ribbon on its chest. The overall composition is characterized by the harmony of symmetry. This Bodhisattva figure should have been placed on the altar stand of a Buddhist temple in the past. It was subsequently placed in a hongmu chair. Buddhas and Bodhisattvas have had great influence on the Han culture for long. It is believed that Buddha will lead the mortals to the pure land of bliss, away from the suffering of reincarnation. Bodhisattva, known as Guanshiyin Bodhisattva (Avalokitesvara),

is the sagely refuge and protector of any mortal pleading help in times of their suffering, agony, danger and death, regardless of their social class or worldly possessions. According to the Lotus Sutra, “if living beings in this land must be saved by means of someone in the body of a Buddha, Guanshiyin Bodhisattva will manifest in the body of a Buddha and speak Dharma for them”, which enables the emergence of the different manifestations of Guanshiyin Bodhisattva, for instance, the Sacred Guanyin, WaterMoon Guanyin, White-robed Guanyin, Son-giving Guanyin and Nanhai Guanyin. Judging from the long, loose robe covering the entire body of the present Bodhisattva figure, and the meditation gesture of the deity, it belongs to the category of White-robed Guanyin. The plain hairstyle of the figure was featured with a mountainlike topknot on the head, unadorned by any explicit crown ornaments. Yet an inward sunken flat cut can be traced close to the hair above the deity’s forehead, suggesting that the head had been studded with a crown to the sunken cut in its early days. Such design of a detachable Bodhisattva crown is remarkably unusual. The original crown was long lost in the mist of antiquity and cannot be traced, but a comparable gilt-bronze Bodhisattva figure from the Ming Dynasty can be found in Nanjing Museum (fig. 1). Similar to the present lot, the seated white-robed Guanyin has a mountain-like topknot hairstyle, but wears a crown, with a now broken top, round the edge of its hair. Such hairstyle and

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Fig. 1. Gilt-bronze Bodhisattva figure late Ming Dynasty Nanjing Museum Photograph by Dr Chen Chun-Chi

Fig. 2. Gilt-bronze Bhaisajyaguru figure, 1450 Capital Museum, Beijing Photograph by Dr Chen Chun-Chi

ornament are common among white-robed Guanyin figures in Ming Dynasty. It can be used as reference to deduce the hair ornament of the present Bodhisattva figure. A notable aspect about the Bodhisattva crowns is that it is common to configure the motif of the “metamorphosed Buddha” (nirmāṇabuddha) in the middle of the Bodhisattva crown. This Buddha is the teacher of Guanshiyin Bodhisattva, i.e. Amitābha of the Western Pure Land. Its motif is commonly found in the crowns of different Bodhisattvas. The back of the Bodhisattva figure was engraved with two sets of inscriptions, namely “muhua seng Xing Guang wanli yiwei nian zao” (made in the cyclical year of yiwei during the reign of Wanli by monk Xing Guang), and “huishou Wang Yuan Hua” (Wang Yuan Hua, head of association). The figure was cast in 1595, made by monk Xing Guang, and the main patron was the merit holder Wang Yuanhua. The dates of birth and death of both parties were unknown and need further research. More will be discussed in the later part of the essay. It is extremely rare to see bronze Buddhist figures bearing inscriptions about the name of the fundraising monk and the patron. The present Bodhisattva figure therefore complements the inadequacy of current Buddhist art history and is deemed an important historical artefact.

Fig. 3. Gilt-bronze Amitabha figure, 1450 Capital Museum, Beijing Photograph by Dr Chen Chun-Chi

II. Cinnabar and Gold Lacquer (zhujin) Technique of the Bodhisattva Figure The front of the gilt-bronze nine-lotus Bodhisattva figure still retains traces of red lacquer (zhuqi), while the beaded chaplet ornaments of the figure bear traces of cinnabar and gold lacquer (zhujin). The hair of the Bodhisattva is covered with black lacquer (heiqi) to accentuate the ebony hue of its hair. A sizable area of red lacquer trace remains at the back of the figure, showing that after the casting of the bronze figure, its surface was patched. During the process, the processed Chinese lacquer was mixed with red lead (danhong) or cinnabar sand (zhusha) to become red lacquer, creating a golden hue that is bright but not garish, and an understated florid glow. Before the red lacquer was dry, gold leaf gilding was applied on top to produce the shimmering effect on the deity’s body. The technique is called cinnabar and gold lacquer (zhujin). The application of such technique is closely related to the imperial culture of the Ming court at that time. Zhujin woodcarving and colour application was commonly used among the architectural decorative art and household objects in the palace. As recorded by Huang Shengceng (1496-1546) in volume 32 of “Wuyueshanrenji” (Collected Works of the Mountain Dweller of the Five Sacred Peaks) in Ming Dynasty, the imperial walls

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Fig. 4. Gilt-lacquered bronze figure of Mahasthamaprata Bodhisattva, 16th Century Capital Museum, Beijing Photograph by Dr Chen Chun-Chi

of the Nanjing Palace created by Zhu Yuanzhang in early Ming were decorated with zhujin dragons and phoenix. As specified by the “Code of Great Ming Dynasty” in early Ming, the common people and the officials were forbidden to use cinnabar and gold lacquer, especially in the form of dragons or phoenix. However, the use of such technique was acceptable for decorating motifs in Buddhist temples or ritual artefacts. Zhujin technique was mostly applied on woodwork in the beginning of the Ming Dynasty. In order to highlight the shimmering effect of the bronze Buddhist figures, the court artisans used gold gilding method, where gold and mercury were mixed together and applied on the surface of the bronze figures. When the statues were baked in high temperature, mercury would evaporate. The statues were later polished to achieve the luster of gold. Buddhist sculptures made by such gilding technique are found in Capital Museum, Beijing, where there is a gilt-bronze figure of Bhaisajyaguru (fig. 2) and a bronze figure of Amitabha (fig. 3), both commissioned by the abbot of Beijing Longquan Temple in the first year of the reign of Jingtai (1450).1 Gilding technique persisted after mid-Ming, but gradually came into deterioration. At this time, imperial artisans for Buddhist art borrowed the lacquering technique onto bronze artefacts and developed the zhujin technique. During late-Ming, Zhujin seemed to gradually take over the trend of gilding. The

Fig. 5. Gautama Buddha seated figure, Ming Dynasty Nanjing Museum Photograph by Dr Chen Chun-Chi

art style of bronze Buddhist figures near Beijing also changed according to the taste of the imperial court. “Gold lacquering” (qijin) means to apply a layer of processed lacquer on the surface of the bronze deity. Usually, the layer is not too thick. Before it gets dry, the artisans will apply gold leaf gilding onto the surface to create the glittering effect. A comparable example using this technique, a gilt-lacquered bronze figure of Mahasthamaprapta Bodhisattva (fig. 4), is found in Capital Museum, Beijing, but most of the gold had come off over time, and the lustered golden hue of the Bodhisattva is now lost. As zhujin and qijin are similar in technique, sometimes, zhujin can also be called qijin, but qijin cannot be called zhujin because what it uses is not red lead or cinnabar sand. Gilt-bronze in zhujin looks very similar to ramee-lacquered Buddha figure in gold leaf gilding (fig. 5). In early Ming, zhujin was only used by the royalties. It was not until mid-Ming that its use was loosened to the broadened class of the society, while some sovereign iconographical representations were still limited to the use by the imperial court. As “Zhu” connotes the surname of the Ming royalties, and “jin” signifies grandeur, affluence and beauty, the court especially favoured the use of zhujin. As it is improper to directly mention the imperial surname, “Zhu”, the artisans called

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Fig. 6. Vairocana Buddha figure, Ming Dynasty Shanxi Province Arts Museum Photograph by Dr Chen Chun-Chi

zhujin as qijin in Buddhist bronze art. It is noteworthy that zhujin can be applied on top of the red-lacquered bronze figure. Artisans can then patch contoured decorative bas-relief, and apply gold leaf gilding on top to create the texture of pastel gold leaf on the figure. This sensuous effect cannot be achieved by mere gold gilding. After the reign of Emperor Xuanzong (1398-1435), the rich, ornate decorative aesthetics took over the quieter literati taste in sovereign art. The flamboyance of the splendid zhujin bronze deities well suits this emerging trend of imperial taste in art. The Gilt-Bronze Vairocana Buddha figure (fig. 6, fig. 7) in Shanxi Province Arts Museum belongs to the Ming period. The threemeter tall bronze figure should be imperial as it demonstrated the stylistic casting features of the late-Ming court. “Yulinji” recorded that in late-Ming period, the monk Miaofeng (15401612) sought permission from the Wanli Emperor (1563-1620) to build a golden palace in Longchang Monastery on Baohua Mountain, Nanjing, for the worship of the golden figure of Bodhisattva. The idea was supported by the Wanli Emperor and his mother, Empress Dowager Li (1540-1614). It was mentioned that Ming Shenzong commissioned 1000 taels of gold to build a temple. The temple was bestowed by the emperor with a collection of scriptures, a golden Vairocana Buddha, two flags, a

Fig. 7. Varocana Buddha figure (detail), Ming Dynasty Shanxi Province Arts Museum Photograph by Dr Chen Chun-Chi

panel inscribed with “Huguo shenghua Longchangsi”. Empress Dowager Cisheng bestowed 2000 taels of gold, a collection of scriptures, a flag, a golden pagoda and a golden Bodhisattva figure. 2 The qijin Vairocana Buddha statue and the qijin Bodhisattva figure were created with the technique of cinnabar and gold lacquer on bronzes. The colossal Gilt-Bronze Vairocana Buddha figure in Shanxi Province Arts Museum should have been a gift from the Wanli court. Vairocana Buddha is closely connected to Huayan teachings. The reign of the Wanli period saw the revival of Chinese Buddhism in Ming Dynasty. Reputed monks proficient of Huayan teachings came to the capital from all over the country. They were greatly respected by the people and supported by the emperor and his mother.3 The Gilt-Bronze Vairocana Buddha figure should originally belong to a temple in Shanxi, and placed inside Pilu Hall, or Mahavira Hall. During Cultural Revolution, the bronze Buddha figure was sent to the electrolytic copper plant in Tai Yuen, waiting to be melt. Between 1964 and 1984, it was dug out from the bronze waste and was to be seen by the world again. The statue was exquisitely designed and finely adorned with details, embodying the superb mastery of craftsmanship. Vairocana Buddha is the dharmakaya Buddha of Sakyamuni. It is of the

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Fig. 8. Painting from Dunhuang Caves, White-robed Guanyin, Five Dynasties The Palace Museum, Beijing Literature: The Complete Collection of Treasures of the Palace Museum – Figure and Genre Paintings of the Jin, Tang and Song Dynasties, Hong Kong: The Commercial Press, 2011, p. 268, pl. 63

highest rank among all Buddhas and is seen as the embodiment of the Buddhist concept of Emptiness. This figure was under the imperial patronage of the Wanli Emperor and Empress Dowager Li. It was originally flamboyantly gilt with cinnabar and gold lacquer. Theses imperial commissioned Vairocana Buddhas are tall and big, characterized with a fully rounded face, wearing a five-part crown on their curled up hair. There is a robe draped over their body, and a skirt under their bare chest, with ribbons around their waist. They perform the dharmachakra-mudra with their hands and are each seated in Padmasana posture on the thousand petaled lotus stand.4 When the Wanli Emperor and Empress Dowager Li bestowed the Vairocana Buddha, they always bestowed it together with a Bodhisattva figure. The Buddha was granted by the emperor, while the Bodhisattva was granted by the empress, as in the case of the Longchang Monastery. The Vairocana Buddha figure was seated on the thousand petalled lotus, symbolizing the ruling of the world by the king of Buddhas, and is usually worshiped in the front hall, Vairocana Hall, or the main hall. The Bodhisattva symbolizes the kind motherhood of Empress Dowager Li to the human race, and is usually worshipped in the Guanyin Hall, or rear hall. The Gilt-Bronze Vairocana Buddha figure from Shanxi Province Arts Museum belongs to the imperial cinnabar and gold lacquering treatment of the bronze figure. Perhaps the museum

is not familiar with the craftsmanship, the figure was labeled as “Gilt-bronze Vairocana Buddha”, but it should be better termed as “cinnabar and gold lacquered (zhujin) Vairocana Buddha”. The present gilt-bronze nine-lotus Bodhisattva has a warm glow of metallic colour, suggesting the addition of a certain proportion of tin, and precious metals like gold and silver into the bronzecasting process. Cinnabar and gold lacquered technique was used. The frontal chaplet ornaments of the figure bear traces of cinnabar and gold lacquer (zhujin) and gold leaf gilding. A large area of red lacquer trace remains at the back of the Bodhisattva. The zhujin technique used in this Bodhisattva is the same as that used in the Vairocana Buddha in Shanxi Province Arts Museum. As red lacquer was revealed in the area where some gold foil had come off on the surface of Vairocana Buddha statue, therefore, the present Bodhisattva figure also needs to be renamed. It should be called “cinnabar and gold lacquered Bodhisattva”. But in order not to confuse the readers, the old name of the Bodhisattva figure, “gilt-bronze nine-lotus Bodhisattva,” is still used throughout this essay for consistency. Red lacquer at the front of the Bodhisattva had come off, exposing the bare bronze body. The outer layer of cinnabar and gold lacquer had been scraped off, suggesting intentional human intervention during the turbulent transition from the Ming to the Qing Dynasty. The existent Bodhisattva has a plain and natural surface. Perhaps during the zhujin making process, decorative motifs of the robe had been created by

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Fig. 9. Yingqing seated Guanyin from Jingdezhen kiln, Southern Song Dynasty Excavated from the Song well of Changzhou Municipal Committee courtyard Changzhou Museum Photograph by Dr Chen Chun-Chi

cinnabar and gold lacquer to accentuate the grandiose effect. Since such decorative motifs can never be recovered now, it can only leave room for one’s imagination.

III. White-robed Guanyin and the Meditation Gesture With a white robe round its entire body, the gilt-bronze ninelotus Bodhisattva represents the image of White-Robed Guanyin (Paṇḍāravāsin), with its hands overlapped in front of the lower abdomen, palms upwards, left hand on top with the middle finger and the ring finger bent together while the index finger and the little finger stay straight that resemble the sharanagamana-mudra, or the lotus fingers. The crossing of the two thumbs suggests the dhyana-mudra with features similar to sharanagamana-mudra, but should overall belong to the realm of dhyana-mudra.5 The representation of this Bodhissattva in White-Robed Guanyin and the meditative gesture carries deep meaning in the creation of this sculpture. White-robed Guanyin has been a unique iconic presentation in Chinese Buddhist culture since the Tang Dynasty.6 The scholar Yu Chunfang believed that the origin of White-robed Guanyin should be related to Son-giving Guanyin. According to Avalokitesvara Sutra in Tang Dynasty, the representation of Bodhisattva as a lady

wearing a white robe had gradually become popular in historical records since the tenth century. For instance, the king of Wu Yue Kingdom, Qian Liu (851-932) regarded White-robed Guanyin as the guarding goddess of his kingdom.7 The Guanyin signifies the infinite power to be present in times of mortals’ suffering and to fulfill their wishes whenever they plead. The sculptural representation of White-robed Guanyin became mature from the Five Dynasties to the beginning of Song Dynasty. The earliest extant image of White-robed Guanyin is found in a painting from the Dunhuang Caves. In 1951, Su Zuozhang donated the White-robed Guanyin painting to the Sichuan Provincial Cultural Relics and Archaeology Research Institute (fig. 8). The painting is now in the collection of The Palace Museum, Beijing.8 It depicts the White-robed Guanyin sitting on a rectangular stand. It has its hair tied up in a knot, wears a crown with a metamorphosed Buddha and a white veil on its head. It wears a loose white robe round its entire body, holding a twig of willow in the right hand and a pure vase in the left hand. On its upper left, there is a flying child attendant offering flowers with a great smile. On its lower left, there is a dedicated patron holding an incense burner in the kneeling position. The garment worn by the Guanyin in this painting is a white kasaya, which is rather different from the loose fitting robe that is attached with a veil. From Song Dynasty onwards, White-robed Guanyin had

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Fig. 10. Qingbai seated Bodhisattva, Yuan Dynasty National Museum of History, Taipei Photograph by Dr Chen Chun-Chi

become one of the most popular Bodhisattva images worshipped by the common people.9 In Ming folk literature, the emergence of “Miaoyin baojuan” (The story of Miaoyin), a biography with White-robed Guanyin as the protagonist, demonstrated the Guanyin’s popularity in China. The thirty-three forms of Avalokitesvara were developed, with White-robed Guanyin wearing a loose fitting robe attached to a veil as the main icon. Only the change in posture, setting, and sacred object held in hand were used to mark out the difference among these forms. Therefore, in the Chinese tradition of Guanyin image in the Ming Dynasty, White-robed Guanyin was the predominant icon for both the official and local Buddhist sculptural making practices. Owing to the deity’s infinite power to appear in times of people’s suffering and its ability to fulfill the people’s wish, its popularity never wanes. For the Chinese believers, another power of Guanshiyin Bodhisattva was to lead the sentient beings to the Western Pure Land. In Amitabha’s Western Pure Land, Amitabha is consorted by Guanshiyin Bodhisattva and Mahasthama Bodhisattva. The three deities are called the “Three sages of Western Pure Land”.10 After Amitabha attains nirvana, Guanshiyin Bodhisattva will take his place as the Buddha.11 Amitabha is also known as the Buddha of Boundless Light.12 Amitabha sculptures in seated position are usually

depicted with the dhyana-mudra, suggesting its serene meditative state in Pure Land, ready to help the believers to Western Pure Land. The gilt-bronze Amitabha figure cast in Beijing in the first year of the reign of Jingtai (1450) bears the dhyana-mudra. Therefore, the dhyana-mudra of Amitabha is sometimes called the dharmadhatu-mudra or the mita-mudra. In the Amitabha world of Utmost Joy, the sentient beings are categorized into nine grades and three levels (the superior, medium and inferior levels) according to their natural capacity, and this developed the nine mudras of Amitabha. In Tang Dynasty, it was called the nine-levels mudra or the nine-levels amita-mudra.13 For the sentient beings belonging to the superior level, Amitabha demonstrates the dhyana-mudra with three fingers of both of its hands staying straight and the right hand placed underneath its left hand.14 The demonstration of the meditation gesture by Amitabha and Guanshiyin Bodhisattva means the preaching of Amitabha’s teachings, and the leading of the sentient beings to the World of Utmost Joy. In Tangmi’s “An Annotated Translation of Amoghavajra’s Commentary on the Liqu jing”, it was suggested that the Boundless Buddha is also called Svabhava-suddha, and lokesvara-raja. In the Pure Land, it represents itself as the Boundless Buddha; in the secular world, it represents itself as Guanshiyin Bodhisattva.15 There was thus this saying that Amitabha is consubstantial with Guanshiyin Bodhisattva,

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Fig. 11. Qingbai Bodhisattva, Yuan Dynasty Camondo Guimet Museum, France Literature: Terre de Neige, de Glace, et d'Ombre : quatorze siecles d'histoire de la céramique chinoise a travers les collections du Musée Guimet, National History Museum, Taipei, 1999, p. 139, pl. 130

and was represented in the two forms to preach the teachings of the Pure Land. Therefore, Bodhisattva’s meditation gesture is connected to the dhyana-mutra of Amitabha in the teaching of the Amitabha World of Utmost Joy. The image of a white-robed Guanyin making meditation gesture with both thumbs crossed, one palm overlapping the other with its fingers lightly curved can be found in local sculptures in southern China in Song Dynasty and continued in the Yuan and Ming Dynasties, sometimes on the use of White-robed Guanyin sculptures. In 1978, a Yingqing seated Guanyin figure from Jingdezhen kiln (fig. 9) was excavated from a Song well in Changzhou Municipal Committee Courtyard. The Guanyin wears a metamorphosed Buddha crown, braided hair covering the shoulders and beaded jewels on its chest. It wears a loose robe and a skirt. Sitting on a rock, its hands form mediation gesture with both thumbs crossed, and the right palm on top of the other one with its four fingers slightly curved. Its clothing and mudra are similar to the present gilt-bronze nine-lotus Bodhisattva, but this crackled-celadon glaze Guanyin is conveyed with the right hand on top of the left hand, whereas the gilt-bronze work is conveyed with the left hand on top of the right hand. As the right hand signifies meditation; the left hand signifies wisdom, usually, for mediation gesture, the left hand is depicted on top of the right

hand to indicate the suppression worldly troubles and desires with the practice of meditation. Sometimes, it is depicted with the right hand on top of the left hand, where it symbolizes the wisdom started by meditation. In the collection of the National Museum of History, Taipei, there is a Qingbai seated Bodhisattva figure made in Jingdezhen during the Yuan Dynasty (fig. 10). A close example to this sculpture can be found in the Guimet Museum (fig. 11).16 This Qingbai Bodhisattva figure is very close in its garment style with the Yingqing seated Guanyin figure, only that the previous is even more floridly adorned with more complex jewel decorations. Both figures depicted the seated Bodhisattva with natural drapery, in meditation gesture with right hand on top of the other and its four fingers slightly curved. Apart from its rich jewel decorations, the Qingbai Bodhisattva is similar in style to the gilt-bronze ninelotus Bodhisattva in terms of the overall composition, sitting posture, hand gesture, and robe style. They importantly reveal the connections in the development of sculptural art in China.

IV. Transformation of Nine-lotus Bodhisattva to White-robed Guanyin In Chinese Buddhism, the creation of Bodhisattva sculptures has long been influenced by innumerable schools and styles. Some of the designs emphasized the connection with the sutras,

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Fig. 12. Attributed to Wu Daozi, Guanyin crossing the sea, Ming Dynasty Literature: Guan Yin Bao Xiang (The Manifestations of Guanyin), Tunghua Books, 1995, pl. 134

some stressed its function to the ritual system, while some valued the virtuous significance of the Bodhisattva to people’s life. Represented in the image of White-robed Guanyin, the giltbronze nine-lotus Bodhisattva figure is a continuation of the local Chinese Buddhist culture that had originated from the Song Dynasty during the late-Ming period. The late-Ming court was most supportive in the spreading of Bodhisattva’s teachings. It was during this time that “Nanhai Guanyin” from Butuo Mountain was popularized, until now. Avatamsaka Sutra mentioned that Bodhisattva was awakened in Mount Potalaka (Butuoluo Shan). According to the local records of Meiceng Mountain on the outer island of Shejing, people had started worshipping Guanshiyin Bodhisattva since the Tang Dynasty and Five Dynasties. From the tenth to the twelfth centuries, the monks and literati started to think that Meiceng Mountain should be Butuoluo Shan, the Bodhimaṇḍa of Guanshiyin Bodhisattva. Therefore, it was called Butuo Mountain. It had gradually lost its popularity because of the ban on maritime trade in the Ming Dynasty. In late Ming, it was under threat because of its strategic geographical location. It was occupied by Japanese pirates and the buildings were destroyed

several times. The situation improved only when the head of the pirates was captured in 1557. The Wanli Emperor and Empress Dowager Li made a lot of attempts to protect the island, making it a sacred place for the Buddhists.17 Butuo Mountain was where Nanhai Guanyin awakened and it was rich with stories connected to the manifestation of Guanyin in times of shipwrecks or sea disasters. The image of Nanhai Guanyin was therefore developed, usually with the depiction of the sea or wave scrolls motifs at its feet, with decorations of lotus petals, sacred turtle or dragon. Sometimes, the Guanyin sits at the wavy coast of Butuo Mountain. The presentation of Nanhai Guanyin is usually a white-robed Guanyin on the sea or wave scrolls motifs, so its image is based on the iconography of Whiterobed Guanyin. The line engraving on stele “Guanyin crossing the sea” (fig. 12) is an imitation of Wu Daozi’s (685-758) work in the Ming Dynasty and thus its colophon was attributed to Wu. In the painting, Guanyin is depicted wearing a white robe and standing on top of a lotus petal. A child attendant was standing on a lotus leaf at the right of Guanyin, putting his palms together devotedly. The bottom of the painting is filled with big waves of the sea, on where the sacred bottle was floating.18

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Fig. 13. Nine-lotus Bodhisattva Stele, ink rubbing of the line engraving on stele, bestowed by the Wanli Emperor and Empress Dowager Li in 1587, next to Pagoda of Cishou Temple Literature: Gems of Beijing Cultural Relics Series – Stone Inscriptions, Beijing Publishing Group, 2003, p. 126

The Wanli Emperor’s mother was born a low class attendant in the imperial court. In order to justify her identity for political purpose, the mother and the son created a Buddhist scripture proclaiming that Empress Dowager Li was reincarnation of Nine-lotus Bodhisattva. The court promoted the worship of Nine-lotus Bodhisattva and explained that it was a manifestation of Guanshiyin Bodhisattva. “Nine lotus” was explained as an element in Western Pure Land, and could be related to the nine grades system of the Pure Land.19 The Nine-lotus Bodhisattva has white lotus in its heart and nature. It can see, hear, smell, speak white lotus. It has white lotus on its head, at its bottom and underneath its feet.20 The term “nine lotus” was used by Empress Dowager Li because it was a common term with sacred connotation used in Buddhist and secular beliefs by the people in the Ming Dynasty. Buddhism was much worshipped throughout the country during the time of Empress Dowager Li and temples were widely built. The Wanli Emperor built Cishou Temple in Beijing for his mother, as a place for blessing of his diseased father the Longqing Emperor (1537-1572). It was built in 1576 and finished in 1578, using the best building materials in town and covered a large area with a thirteen-tiered pagoda. Since the building finished on the birthday of Empress Dowager Li, it

was bestowed the name “Cishou” to symbolize the kindness and longevity of the emperor’s mother. The temple was destroyed in a fire during the reign of Guangxu, with the remaining site of Cishou pagoda now. It was known that in the rear hall of the temple, there was a Nine-lotus Bodhisattva statue. “Yutang huiji” (Record of the Jade Hall) as cited in “Rixia jiuwen kao” (Hearsay of Old Matters from Under the Sun) mentioned about this statue, “Empress Dowager Li dreamt about Nine-lotus Bodhisattva and was conceived with the scripture in the dream. After she had woken up, she recorded all the words of the scripture. She then ordered the building of Cishou Temple and the Nine-lotus Court installed with a Bodhisattva statue riding on a nine-headed phoenix. It was told by the monks and nuns that the empress was a reincarnation of Bodhisattva.”21 “Dijing jingwu lue” (Features of Sightseeing and Customs in Beijing City) further confirmed the content recorded in the Record of the Jade Hall.22 It was therefore known that Nine-lotus Bodhisattva was represented in the face of a Bodhisattva wearing a crown and sitting on a ninehead phoenix. After the establishment Cishou Temple, in 1586, in Cininggong (Hall of Consolation of Mothers), where Empress Dowager

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Fig. 14. Fish Basket Bodhisattva Stele, ink rubbing of the line engraving on stele, bestowed by the Wanli Emperor and Empress Dowager Li in 1587, next to Pagoda of Cishou Temple Literature: see Fig. 13, p. 125

Li lived, there was an auspicious omen that a lotus with nine stamens was found among the lotus blossoms of the pond in the imperial court. The emperor and the royalties all congratulated the Empress, and ordered the four grand scholars of cabinet, Shen Shihang (1536-1614), Xu Guo (1529-1596), Wang Xijue (15341614) to compose songs to be chanted and passed to the world.23 It was also ordered the auspicious lotus blossom to be painted, and steles to be made in Cishou Temple, which is now erecting on the two sides of pagoda. The pagoda and the stone steles were both established in 1587. The steles were patronized by the Wanli Emperor and Empress Dowager Li. They were “Ninelotus Bodhisattva Stele” and “Fish Basket Bodhisattva Stele”. Both steles were stamped with the imperial seal of the Empress and bore inscriptions by the emperor, “Only my sacred mother has virtue of kindness as high as the sky. The steles were made to commemorate the auspicious lotus blossom. May the blessing reach my people forever.” The Bodhisattva in the Nine-lotus Bodhisattva Stele (fig. 13) wears a white robe, leaning against a balustrade beside the blossoming lotus pond at the bottom of the stele. The Bodhisattva looked just like a kind mother in the secular world. For the Fish Basket Bodhisattva Stele (fig. 14), the Bodhisattva wears a loose robe, holding a fish basket near the water, with a few big iconic lotus emerging from the lotus pond.24

Fig. 15. Anonymous, Guanyin as the Nine-lotus Bodhisattva, ink and colour on silk, 1593 Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York Literature: Latter Days of the Law: Images of Chinese Buddhism 850-1850, University of Hawaii Press, 1994, pl. 23

From the pictures, it can be seen that the emperor and his mother requested the court artists to represent Empress Dowager Li as a Bodhisattva. Images of both Bodhisattvas on the steles were secular in nature. The court spread the two images to the rest of China. For instance, the imperial “Nine-lotus Bodhisattva Stele” also appeared in Shengan Temple in Beijing in 1589. Its image of Bodhisattva was similar to that in Sichou Temple, showing that they were based on the same model. In late-Ming silk painting, examples can be found bearing a similar representation of Bodhisattva, such as the silk painting “Guanyin as the Nine-lotus Bodhisattva” in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York (fig. 15). The Bodhisattva in this painting wears a white robe and has similar posture with the one in Nine-lotus Bodhisattva Stele, which showed that both images should be based on the same model. Besides, in 1602, when Ma Zhongliang visited Beijing, he brought the rubbing of Fish Basket Bodhisattva Stele back to Xichang and carved the image onto a stone stele, which was erected in the then newly built Bodhisattva Temple in Mount Lu. The use of Bodhisattva to represent Empress Dowager Li was not only used in 1586, it was used well before 1578 when the

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Fig. 16. Tile carving in Pagoda of Cishou Temple (detail), tile carving, temple built 1576-1578 North-east of Cishou Temple Photograph by Dr Chen Chun-Chi

Fig. 17. Tile carving in Pagoda of Cishou Temple (detail), tile carving, 1576-1578 North of Cishou Temple Photograph by Dr Chen Chun-Chi

construction of Pagoda of Cishou Temple, symbol of the empress, was complete. The lintel of its northern door was inscribed with “zhenci hongfan” (role model of true kindness), to indicate the motherly love and kindness of the empress towards the people. The lintel of the eastern door was inscribed “zhenjing huangtu” (calm ruling of the state), to indicate the hard work of the emperor for the people and the wish of prosperity in China. Lots of lotus and Bodhisattva motifs were used in the building of this pagoda. The outside of the pagoda had tiles carved with different motifs. At the top of its north-eastern windows, tiles were carved with motifs of seven seated Sakyamunis, with a Bodhisattva in anjalimudra and a Vajrapanibalin on their left, and another Bodhisattva in anjali-mudra and Vajrapanibalin on the seven Buddhas’ right (fig. 16). The tiles on top of the lintel of the northern door were carved with five seated Sakyamunis, with the two sides each arranged with a Bodhisattva in dhyana-mudra and two heavenly kings (fig. 17). The arrangement of Bodhisattva with seven, and five Buddhas had not been seen in the past. This rare arrangement represented the Bodhisattva as having the same status as the Buddha. Moreover, at the eight corners of the pagoda, at the top of the pillars, the tile carving all depicted a standing Whiterobed Guanyin, surrounded by the child of wealth, dragon king daughter, and skanda. All these reflect that the White-robed

Guanyin images in the pagoda are symbols of Empress Dowager Li. From 1576 to 1578, there were two images of the Empress’ Ninelotus Bodhisattva. The first depicted a Bodhisattva wearing a precious crown and sitting on a nine-head phoenix. The second depicted the secular face of White-robed Guanyin. From 1586 onwards, why was the even more secular image of Fish Basket Bodhisattva added to the realm of its secular representation? Nine-lotus Bodhisattva sitting on a nine-head phoenix represents the solemn image of Bodhisattva in Pure Land, but the image cannot be easily witnessed by the mass. As the Bodhisattva pitied the common people, it was reincarnated into Empress Dowager Li to teach the people. Both images of White-robed Guanyin and Fish basket Guanyin were the secular manifestation of the deity to get close to the sentient beings and such images had been in use since the Song Dynasty. They were used by Empress Dowager Li to justify her birth. Nine-lotus Bodhisattva on a nine-head phoenix indicated her previous life. The white-robed Guanyin indicated the Nine-lotus Bodhisattva’s present life. It therefore explains why the icon of her present life was popularized far more than that of her previous life, since Empress Dowager Li was a living being at “present”.

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Fig. 18. Seated Bodhisattva figure, Chenghua Period, Ming Dynasty National Palace Museum, Taipei Literature: A Special Exhibition of Recently Acquired Gild-Bronze Buddhist Images, National Palace Museum, Taipei, 1996, p. 85

The Wanli Emperor and his mother joined hands in promoting the belief of Nine-lotus Bodhisattva because of politics. Claiming oneself as Nine-lotus Bodhisattva in a way equals to claiming oneself as Guanshiyin Bodhisattva, whose manifestation was also mainly in a white robe. In Mahayana Buddhism, Guanshiyin Bodhisattva was believed to be a representation of Buddha to teach the sentient beings. As commonly called by the mass as “Guanyin Buddha”, Guanshiyin Bodhisattva was regarded as a Buddha.25 The present gilt-bronze nine-lotus Bodhisattva was cast in 1596. It was made at a time when the Ming court greatly promoted the teachings of Nine-lotus Bodhisattva and the re-packaging of Empress Dowager Li as White-robed Guanyin had reached maturity in its development. It was very popular for both the official and local believers to worship this Bodhisattva at that time. If the abundant lotus decorative motifs are absent in the image, it is almost impossible to distinguish the re-invented Ninelotus Bodhisattva and a Bodhisattva.

V. The Style and Representation of Guanyin Sculptures in the Ming Dynasty

Fig. 19. Seated Bodhisattva figure, mid- to late-Ming Dynasty Liaoning Provincial Museum Literature: Miao Xiang Zhuang Yan: Liao Ning Sheng Bo Wu Guan Cang Fo Jiao Zao Xiang Jing Pin Ji (Buddhist Images Collection of Liaoning Provincial Museum), Liaoning People’s Publishing House, 2011, p. 104

This gilt-bronze nine-lotus Bodhisattva is undoubtedly a work of fineness of the late Ming period, differing in stylistic features with the early Ming sculptures and yet uniquely outstanding when compared to its late-Ming counterparts. It serves as invaluable evidence in the transformation of the history of Ming sculptures. Its representation of white-robed Guanyin is stylistically similar to the facial features, sitting posture, and robe drapery of a seated gilt-bronze Bodhisattva figure in the National Palace Museum, Taipei (fig. 18), which was cast by an official monk in Beijing in the reign of Chenghua (1465-1487). With the impressive height of 147cm, it wears a metamorphosed Buddha crown on its head and its hair is partially covered with a veil. With a solemn expression, the Bodhisattva wears jewels on its earlobes and jeweled chaplet in front of its chest. Its shoulders are broad and it wears a loose big robe with natural, symmetrical drapery lines. Seated with folded legs and making meditation with both of its hands, it appears solid, graceful and stately.26 The overall appearance of both Bodhisattva figures is similar in the sense that both depict the white-robed Guanyin deity in meditation, but the figure at the Taiwanese museum reveals the early-Ming stylistic features, whereas the present figure reveals the late-Ming stylistic features. For the seated Bodhisattva, the draping lines

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Fig. 20. Inscription from Seated Bodhisattva figure, at the back of the figure Liaoning Provincial Museum Literature: see Fig. 19

of the robe appear softer, rounder and curve-like, while those on the gilt-bronze nine-lotus Bodhisattva appear more linear and forceful, with the open collar of the latter’s robe forming two wide parallel lines vertically running down the torso in front of its chest, and continued to run in resolute symmetry down to the bottom of the figure. The fact that the garment worn by the seated Bodhisattva figure is lengthier than most of its Ming Buddhist counterparts elongates the visual proportion of the deity. For the gilt-bronze nine-lotus Bodhisattva, the elongation treatment was emphasized by extending the vertical length of the lower part of the robe towards the bottom of the figure. Since the collar lines do not intersect at the thighs, the deity appears more steadily and securely seated in its posture. Such design in elongating the visual proportion of Bodhisattva figures is rarely seen in the Ming Dynasty. The seated Bodhisattva demonstrates the grandeur and fineness of imperial craftsmanship through the exquisite treatment of its crown and hair design, and the carving of delicate decorative motifs on its sleeve and the bottom edge of the robe. In comparison, the gilt-bronze nine-lotus Bodhisattva is simpler in stylistic presentation. The chaplet jewels were not floridly adorned and the edge of the robe was absent of decorative motifs carving on the bronze body. Instead, the motifs were patched and formed by zhujin, which was removed and destroyed in the course of history. This Bodhisattva figure is therefore more

simplistic and classic in style.27 There is a seated Bodhisattva red bronze figure in the collection of Liaoning Provincial Museum that was made in mid to late Ming period (fig. 19). The white-robed Guanyin wears a white robe on its entire body, with symmetrically arranged beaded jewels on its chest. It has broad shoulders, with its hands making the meditation gesture, seated in folded legs on a lotus stand. The robe, with carved decorative motifs on the collar, sleeves and the bottom edge, draped naturally in symmetry. These features reveal the classical Chinese sculptural style. The back of the Bodhisattva was engraved with the inscription “zhi ran ju xin guan Wang Yue zao” (made by Wang Yue, official from the Weaving and Dyeing Department). It is evident that it was patronized by an official. The stylistic features of the present gilt-bronze nine-lotus Bodhisattva are more akin to this seated Bodhisattva in Liaoning, showing that they could have been made near the same period. Both figures were engraved with inscription in similar freehand style. From the seated Bodhisattva figure made in early Ming (fig. 18), the seated Bodhisattva figure made in mid or late Ming (fig. 19), to the present gilt-bronze nine-lotus Bodhisattva that was made in late Ming (1595), there is a connection in their sculptural creation

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Inscription on the Back of Present Bodhisattva

techniques. They all had similar appearance, but were represented in different techniques, illustrating the vogue of art in different eras. The former seated Bodhisattvas were both patronized by imperial monks and officials, realizing the regal aesthetics in sculptural art. The gilt-bronze nine-lotus Bodhisattva was stylistically similar to both seated Bodhisattva figures, suggesting that it could be somehow connected to the authorities, which explains its realization of the royal aesthetics of elegance and splendor.

VI. The Inscription Cast in the twenty-third year of the reign of Wanli (1595), the giltbronze nine-lotus Bodhisattva was engraved with the name of the monk Shi Xingguang and the head of Association Wang Yuanhua. Their identity can be traced from historical records. According to the record of “Shuntianfuzhi” (Record on Shuntianfu), at the end of the Wanli reign, a merchant from Beijing area, Wang Shenzhi donated some land in Tongzhou as graveyard, where the sonless Sun Sisheng, Zhang Peng, Wang Jiehong were buried one after another. Later on, two non-locals, Zhu Dawen and Shi Xingguan were also buried there. The locals called the graveyard “the five old grave” (Wu lao mu) and erected gravestone for them in the thirty-first year of the reign of Kangxi (1962).28 Shi Xinggunag, according to the information on the gravestone, had the pseudonym Wuzhu (impermanence), and the secular name Li Shuntian, and was born in Yuanping. Yuanping belonged to the rule of Shuntianfu, i.e. present-day Beijing city, but not the exact ruling area as in the ancient time. Shi Xingguan visited and lived in Tongzhou, which also belonged to the rule of Shuntianfu, i.e. Tongzhou district of Beijing city nowadays. It was unknown as to why Shi Xingguan went to Tongzhou, but

from its geographical location, it was clear that Tongzhou was an important strategic location for wars. It was situated at the east of Beijing city, at the northernmost of Beijing-Hangzhou Grand Canal, belonging to the intersection of the present-day Beijing, Hebei and Tianjin. It was a buzzing place with numerous crowds of merchants and thousands of commercial ships. Thrived with abundance of business activities, it was preoccupied by many temples for visitors. Tongzhou held an indispensible unique position in the reign of Wanli and it was where the mother of the last Ming emperor (Empress Dowager Cisheng, also Empress Dowager Li) came from. Empress Dowager Li was born in Kuo county in Tongzhou. As aforementioned, starting from 1576, the Wanli Emperor and his mother promoted the teachings and sculptures of Nine-lotus Bodhisattva, a symbol of the empress. From 1586 onwards, court artists were ordered to draw pictures of White-robed Guanyin to re-package the images of Empress Dowager Li and spread them to the world by steles and their rubbings. The promotion of Nine-lotus Bodhisattva belief and sculptures was of course practised in Tongzhou, the motherland of the empress. In Tongzhou, such belief reached its zenith in 1608, when the emperor permitted the building of Jingming Hall in the motherland of his mother according to the imperial architectural practice. To the west of the Jingming Hall, Baoguo Cixiao Huayan Temple was built. To its east, Huguo Chongning Zhidezhenjun Temple was built. At that time, a gilt-bronze Ninelotus Bodhisattva statue was each worshipped in Jingming Hall, and Huayan Temple, but the temples were destroyed in wars. Since Shi Guangxing was active around Beijing, he must have been familiar with Nine-lotus Bodhisattva belief that was widespread during the reign of Wanli. Therefore, the time to raise-fund for the sculpture coincided with the time of the Ninelotus Bodhisattva ideology.

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According to “Henan tongzhi” (Record on Henan), Wang Yuanhua was a commander in Henan during the reign of Chongzhen. “Wang Zhizheng, born in Xianning in Shaanxi. Zhu Zhibing, born in Wei county in Suzhou. Wang Yuanhua, born in Ningjin county in Beizhi.”29 Besides, in “Hebeisheng Ningjinxian zhi” (Record on Ningjin County in Hebei Province), it was mentioned that Wang passed three subjects in the military examinations, and held the position of Henan assistant regional military commissioner. Its details were in match with “Henan tongzhi”. In late-Ming, the poet, Fan Fengyi, became jinshi scholar in 1598. In his anthology of poems (“Fan Fengyi Shiji”), two poems were dedicated to Wang Yuanhua. One of which was called “Zeng Wang Yuanhua” (To Wang Yuanhua), where it was mentioned that the both of them met each other in official circles and had become dear friends.30 At that time, Wang Yuanhua was already serving as an official. Another poem by Fan Fengyi about Wang made compliments on Wang Yuanhua as a great doctor, curing Fan’s disease.31 This can be seen that Wang Yuanhua was mainly active in officialdom in the middle to the late period of the reign of Wanli. It was apparent that the patron of the gilt-bronze nine-lotus Bodhisattva and the Wang Yuanhua who passed the three military examinations are highly likely the same person, so the gilt-bronze sculpture could have been made when Wang Yuanhua was in his hometown Zhili, or when he was an official in Henan. But since the inscription bears no information about his official title, and red lacquer had initially been painted on top of the inscription, the identity of Wang Yuanhua was not emphasized. These suggest that the sculpture was probably made before Wang Yuanhua became an official. There were three possible reasons as to why red lacquer had been applied on top of the inscription. First, to highlight the stately and majestic manner of the work, artisans used gold leaf gilding on red lacquer method to decorate the bronze statue. The inscription thus needed to be covered. Second, White-robed Guanyin made at this time of the Wanli period symbolized Empress Dowager Li’s Nine-lotus Bodhisattva. To pay respect to the deity and royalty, there was no need to show the patron’s name on the statue. Third, the Ming court was harsh on suppressing the underground Buddhist organizations and unorthodox religions. As indicated in “Ming Shenzong Shilu” (Record on Ming Shenzong), the Ming court forbade and suppressed the unorthodox fundraising activities by monks as private incense money.32 So in order to play safe and avoid being framed by others, the names of the patron and fundraiser were covered. In the Ming Dynasty, it was already a common culture for the

people to burn incense in temples on the first and fifteenth day of each month in the lunar calendar. Sometimes, local villagers would gather in groups and associations to go to visit distant temples together. The heads of association, who were usually the local dignitaries or keen supporters of charity, would gather money from the members for the trip and the worship of Buddha. Wang Yuanhua came from Ningjin in Zhili and the largest Buddhist worship centre in Zhili at that time was Beijing. It was therefore possible for Wang to have organized temple visit trips to Beijing. If this was the case, the gilt-bronze nine-lotus Bodhisattva should have been cast at or near Beijing, where Shi Xingguan organized fundraising to promote White-robe Guanyin in response to the political development of Nine-lotus Bodhisattva by the Ming court at that time. Also, the gilt-bronze nine-lotus Bodhisattva was elegant in a way that was similar in appearance to the official statues, such as the seated Bodhisattva figure officially cast by the Beijing officials in the Ming Dynasty (fig. 18). Therefore, the gilt-bronze nine-lotus Bodhisattva should have been a product under the Ming court’s permission for fundraising for the building of a temple. The Ming court had straight control over the building of temples over the country. It was forbidden to build a temple without the prior permission from the court. Temples could only be built under four conditions. First, it was under the order of the emperor. Second, the officials had obtained consent from the emperor to build a temple. Third, the royalties had obtained consent from the emperor to build a temple. Fourth, dignitaries and monks had obtained consent from the emperor to build a temple. Besides, the number of monks in a temple, and the entering and withdrawal of monkhood had to be under the control of the Ming court. It can be seen that the Ming court had straight control over the management of Buddhism in China at that time. From the inscription of this gilt-bronze ninelotus Bodhisattva, the statue was cast after the dignitary or monk had obtained permission from the court to build a temple, and monk Shi Xingguang conducted fundraising for the project. It was not easy to build a temple. The fundraising targets for Shi Xingguang were officials, dignitaries and merchants. The head of local dignitaries, Wang Yuanhua, was probably acquainted with the monk, therefore, he led his fellow Ningjin townsmen on a pilgrimage to Beijing to raise fund and support the building of temple by Shi Xingguang, thereby providing the biggest financial support to the making of this statue. From Wang’s hometown Ningjin to Beijing, one could travel rather conveniently on a ship from Fuyang River, Hutuo River, to Beijing-Hangzhou Grand Canal, and going to Beijing via Tongzhou. The location of the temple could have been near Beijing, but it could also be near Tongzhou, as it was where the merchants

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gathered, and it was easier to raise fund for the temple. Besides, Shi Xingguan died in Tongzhou at last as well. All in all, it was impressive and exceptional for the imperial style and technique of zhujin to have been used on the gilt-bronze nine-lotus Bodhisattva that was fund-raised by Shi Xingguan.

VII. Conclusion In Chinese Buddhist art, it is commonly believed that sculpture making in the Ming and Qing dynasties is not as fine as in the previous eras. As pointed out by Liang Sicheng (1901-1972), sculptures made at such periods are not as coarse as their Han counterpart, as luring as their Six Dynasties’ counterpart, as confident and mature as their Tang counterpart, and as floridly elegant as their Song counterpart.33 This seems to be an overstatement in the review of Ming Buddhist art history. In terms of technology and the cultural history of Buddhist sculptures, this epoch marks a thriving development and carries iconic representation that had not been seen in the past. Ming sculptures inherits the Song and Yuan traditions. The prosperity of China in early Ming period facilitated the ornate, complex decorative style under the leadership of the Ming court, but is gradually bereft of creativity due to the mere mechanical copying of the models in sculpture making. In late Ming, court officials who had been influenced by the secular culture and beliefs led and dominated the aesthetic trend in the country. This official taste in art in turn influenced the sculpture-making industry outside the Ming court. The present gilt-bronze ninelotus Bodhisattva was probably made in or near Beijing and was greatly influenced by the official taste and style in sculpture making. Under such influence, the figure is depicted in an air of grace, with a solemn expression and a firm body in the right proportion. The natural lines in its design accentuate its simplicity with a connection to the unworldly trait of Bodhisattva, without any carving on the bronze body. Cinnabar and gold lacquer, and gold leaf gilding were later applied on the bronze figure to create the splendor of the ornaments, thereby reflecting the sumptuous taste of art in late Ming. In the generally decadent sculpture making history at the end of the Ming Dynasty, this Bodhisattva figure is a glaring star that attracts the world’s attention. Zhujin bronze work is not uncommon among the Buddhist sculptures bestowed by the Wanli Emperor and Empress Dowager Li to the royal temples. The emperor granted Vairocana Buddha figures to signify the ruling of the world by the “Zhu” emperors. Empress Dowager Li bestowed the zhujin Bodhisattva figures to signify her motherly kindness to the world. In the beginning, zhujin was used in imperial architectural designs and

works of art decoration. Since mid-Ming, it was also used on bronze Buddhist sculptures. After late Ming, the technique was opened to sculpture making artisans outside the imperial court. This gilt-bronze nine-lotus Bodhisattva originally used gold leaf gilding on cinnabar and gold lacquer to create rich adornments effect. It was a shame that much of the cinnabar and gold lacquer was scraped off at turbulent times, exposing the bare bronze body of the sculpture. But it uncovered the warm glow of metallic colour and showed that fine bronze was used, together with such precious metals as gold and silver during the casting process. It is deemed an extremely fine rarity among the works of art at the end of the Ming Dynasty. Bodhisattva sculptures are important and popular in the Chinese religious culture. The white-robed Guanyin represented by the present gilt-bronze nine-lotus Bodhisattva has multiple philosophical connotations. Apart from representing the common iconography of the white-robed Guanyin in China, it also answers and fulfills the people’s wish to be granted. The mudra indicates the meditative state of the Bodhisattva, who is listening to the call for help by the suffered mortals, in peace and seclusion. It will take them to the lotus seat and to the Western Pure Land. In late Ming, the Wanli Emperor and Empress Dowager Li promoted the teaching of “nine-lotus Bodhisattva” to justify the fact that the emperor’s natural mother was born a low-class as a petty attendant at the imperial court. Owing to regal promotion, white-robed Guanyin sculptures were in vogue during this time, as testified by this gilt-bronze nine-lotus Bodhisattva. The inscription at the back of the Bodhisattva figure bears the name of the fundraising monk and the merit holder, leaving invaluable historical record. From the inscription, it is deduced that the court had permitted the monk Xing Guang to raise fund to build a temple at Beijing. The fundraising targets were merchants, official and local dignitaries. Wang Yuanhua, a local dignitary living in Ningjin at that time, was the head of association leading his fellow villagers to Beijing for pilgrimage, and patronized the making of this sculpture, which was cast at Beijing with the official permission for the fundraising of its creation. It was thus characterized of the late-Ming official taste in art and was finally finished in 1595. After a few years, Wang passed the martial exam and became an official in Henan. Perhaps this was the best blessing from Bodhisattva for his dear devotion in the creation of the Buddhist sculpture.

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1. 1 M useum of World Religions Foundation, An Avatamsaka World of Wisdom -Buddhist Art from Beijing Capital Museum, (Taipei: Museum of World Religions Foundation, 2011), p.170. 2.1 (Ming Dynasty) Huang Ruheng, “Chijian Huashan jingo shenghua Jianchang si bei”, Yulinji Vol. 13. 3.1 “Wujincang deng” Fufahui from Da Huayan si, Xianshou zong fu fa shizi ji, (Taipei: Da Huayan si, 2008), pp. 340-346. 4. 1 H ebei sheng Zhengding xian wenwu baoguan suo (ed.) (Cultural relics protection department, Zhengding county, Hebei province), Zhengding Longxing si (Longxing Temple at Zhengding), (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe (Cultural Relics Publishing House), 2000), p. 295. 5. 1 Dhyana-mudra also symbolizes ‘giving’ and ‘preaching’. 6. 1 In Tang Dynasty, three white-robed Bodhisattva appeared in the lotus family of Womb realm Mandala. They are Baichu guanzizai pusa, Damingbaishen pusa, and Baishen ghuanzizai pusa. They can all be called White-robed Guanyin and are family dependants of Guanshiyin Bodhisattva. In Tang Dynasty, Whiterobed Guanyin can specifically mean Baichu guanzizai pusa, who has the power to stop disaster and extend one’s life. Also, from the Tang Mi’s classic “Bukong juansuo shenbian zhenyan jing” also recorded contents about Whiterobed Guanyin. (Tang Dynaty) Bodhiruci (trans.), Bukong juansuo shenbian zhenyan jing, vol. 23, records Dazheng xinxiu dazangjing, bk. 20 (Tokyo: Dazangjin kanxinghui, 1924-1935), p. 355. 7. 1 (USA) Yu Jun Fang; Chen Huai Yu, Yao Chong Xin, Lin Pei Ying (trans), Kuan-yin: The Chinese Transformation of Avalokitesvara, (Beijing: The Commercial Press, 2012), pp. 187, 225-226. 8. 1 Yu Hui, The Complete Collection of Treasures of the Palace Museum – Figure and Genre Paintings of the Jin, Tang and Song Dynasties, (Hong Kong: The Commercial Press, 2011), p. 268. 9. 1 Daishi was an early translation of Buddhist term in Chinese. It gradually became a less popular term in Buddhist translation. Instead, the term was later used in Daoism. This shows that Buddhism and Daoism had influence over each other. 10. Kang Sengkai (trans.), Fo shuo waliangshou jing; Jiangliangyeshe (trans.), Fo shuo guan wuliangshou fojin; Wang Rixiu (ed.), Fo shuo da Amitus jing, etc. have explained this. Kang Sengkai (trans.), Fo shuo waliangshou jing, lower vol., records Dazheng xinxiu dazangjing, bk.12, p.273. Jiangliangyeshe (trans.), Fo shuo guan wuliangshou fojin, vol.2, records Dazheng xinxiu dazangjing, bk.12, p.343. Wang Rixiu (ed.), Fo shuo da Amitus jing, vol.2, records Dazheng xinxiu dazangjing, bk.12, p.336. 11. 1At that time Avalokitesvara is called “Puguang gong de shan wang rulai” or “Ping deng Guangming pu zhao rulai”. 12. 1 In Sanskrit, Amitābha and Amitāyus both come from the root “Amita”. In Kumarajiva (trans.), The Amitabha Sutra, mentioned, “Why is this Buddha called Amitabha? Sariputra, the brilliance of that Buddha's light is measureless, illumining the lands of the ten directions everywhere without obstruction. This is why he is called Amitabha. Also, Sariputra, the life of that Buddha and that of his people extends for measureless limitless asankhyeya kalpas. This is why he is called Amitabha. Sariputra, since Amitabha realized Buddhahood, ten kalpas have passed.” 1 K umarajiva (trans.), The Amitabha Sutra, records Dazheng xinxiu dazangjing, bk.12, p.347. 13.1 Lin Bao Yao, Fo jiao mei shu jiang zuo (Talk on Buddhist Arts), (Taipei, Yishujia chubanshe (Artists Publishing House), 1997), p. 92. 14. 1 For the sentient beings of the superior grade and superior level, mita-mudra is performed where two circles are formed with index fingers held together while extended upwards meeting the tips of both thumbs. For the sentient beings of the superior grade and medium level, dharmachakra-mudra is performed by joining the tips of the thumb and the middle fingers together while keep the other fingers straight. For the sentient beings of the superior grade and inferior level, varada-mudra is performed with the tips of the thumb and the ring finger bent. 15. 1Amoghavajra (trans.), Dale jingang bukong zhenshi sanmeiye jing banruoboluomiduo liqushi jin, Dazheng xinxiu dazangjing, bk.19, p.612. 16. Cheng Qiren, “Qingbai seated Bodhisattva figure” from Lishi Wenwu, vol. 185, (Taipei, National Museum of History, December, 2008), p. 1. 17. (USA) Yu Jun Fang; Chen Huai Yu, Yao Chong Xin, Lin Pei Ying (trans), Kuan-yin: The Chinese Transformation of Avalokitesvara, (Beijing: The Commercial Press, 2012), pp. 372-380. 18. 1 Wang shucun, Guanyin bai tu (Hundred pictures of Bodhisattva), (Guangzhou: Lingnan meishu chubanshe (Lingnan Arts Publishing House), 1997), p. 94.

19. 1 (USA) Yu Jun Fang; Chen Huai Yu, Yao Chong Xin, Lin Pei Ying (trans), Kuan-yin: The Chinese Transformation of Avalokitesvara, (Beijing: The Commercial Press, 2012), pp. 153-154. 20. 1 (USA) Yu Jun Fang; Chen Huai Yu, Yao Chong Xin, Lin Pei Ying (trans), Kuan-yin: The Chinese Transformation of Avalokitesvara, (Beijing: The Commercial Press, 2012), p. 154. 21. 1 (Qing Dynasty) Yang Shicong, Yutang huiji (Record of the Jade Hall), vol. 1. 22.1 (Ming Dynasty) Liu Dong, Yu Yizheng, Dijing jingwu lue, vol. 5. 23.1 He Xiaorong, Mingdai Beijing fojiao siyuan xiujian yanjiu (Studies on Buddhist temples in Beijing in Ming Dynasty), upper vol., p. 292. 24. 1 Fish Basket Guanyin has been a character in folk tales in China. 25 .1 B hagavaddharma (trans.), Qianshou qianyan guanshiyin pusa guangda yuanman wu ai dabeixin tuoluoni jing: “This Bodhisattva has incredible power. During the many sufferings, it had already become Buddha. Its pseudonym was Zhengfaming Rulai. To save the sentient beings from suffering, it is now manifested as Bodhisattva.” 26 .1 Chen Huixia, A Special Exhibition of Recently Acquired Gilt Bronze Buddhist Images, (Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1996), p. 127. 27 .1 There is no carving of decorative motifs on the collar, sleeve and the bottom edge of the white robe of the bronze body of the gilt-bronze nine-lotus Bodhisattva. It is not in match with the sumptuous taste of art in late Ming. Instead, cinnabar and gold lacquer, and gold leaf gilding were applied on top of the bronze figure to create bas-relief decorative patterns. The zhujin was later scraped off at turbulent times so the Bodhisattva looks simple and plain now. 28 .1 According to “Shuntianfuzhi” in the reign of Guangxu, “the five old grave” (Wu lao mu) was situated outiside the southern gate of Zhouxincheng, where gravestones were erected on the north road near the east of Congshi. According to “Tongzhou Tongzhi”, for the grave of Sun Sisheng, Zhang Peng, Wang Jiehong, Zhu Dawen, monk Xing Guan, there were two gravestones. One of which was inscribed with the words “Wu Lao Mu”, (the gravestone was set by) official Cheng Jun, and the writing composed by official Qin Shangzhong. Writing on the other gravestone was composed by an official from the Ministry of War, Kangzhuang from Shizhou, and the gravestone was set in the thirtyfirst year of the reign of Kangxi, by Han Maode from Liezhou, together with forty six other people. Sun Sisheng, Zhang Peng, Wang Jiehong came to live in Tongzhou. They had no sons. Wang Shenzhi from Shangzhushou donated the land , 2.9 acreage in size, at the east of Congshi outside South Gate as public graveyard for those without offspring’s or foreigners in town. After the death of Sun, Zhang, Wang, Zhu and monk Xing Guang, the people called this joint-burial grave”Wu lao mu”. It was mentioned that SunSisheng, with the courtesy name Xian xian, was from Taizhou in Jiangnan. His wife, who held the surname Niu, belonged to Wuxiang in Shanxi. Zhang Peng, with the courtesy name Yunbo, was from Lai’an in Jiangnan. His wife, who held the surname Cao, was from Tongyi. Wang Jiehong, with the courtesy name Fengchi, was from Qingfeng in Zhili. His wife, who held the surname Zhang, was from Tongzhou in Shuntian. Zhu Dawen, with the courtesy name Yuantao, was from Xiuning in Jiangnan. His wife, who held the surname Wang, was from Shanghang in Fujian. Monk Xing Guan, with the pseudonym Wuzhu, and the secular name Li Shuntian, was born in Yuanping. According to records, the land donor Wang Shenzhi lived at the end of the Ming Dynasty. As recorded in “Kangxi Wuqiaoxian zhi”, in late Ming, in the anthology called “Fanwen Zhongji” written by the jinshi scholar Fan Jingwen from Wuqiao, there was a letter captioned “To my nephew Wang Shenzhi”. Besides, according to “Yiyian quanji” written by Miu Quansun in late-Ming, there were seven records where the meeting with Wang Shenzhi was mentioned in volume 5 and volume 6 of the book. Therefore, Wang Shenzhi should have lived at the end of the Ming Dynasty. (ed.), Siku jinhuishu congkan, bk. 86, (Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 2000), pp. 592, 640-641, 666-667, 675, 676, 683, 684. 29 . ( Qing Dynasty) Ji Yun, et. al. (ed.); Editorial Advisory Board of The Commercial Press (Taiwan) (ed.), Wenyuange siku quanshu, history no. 294, geography, (Taipei: Taiwan Commercial Press, 1983-1986), p. 163. 30. 1 (Ming Dynasty) Fan Xunqing, Fan Xunqing shiji, vol. 9, recorded in Siku jinhuishu congkan bianzuan weiyuanhui (ed.), Siku jinhuishu congkan, bk. 112, (Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 2000), p. 137. 31 .1 (Ming Dynasty) Fan Xunqing, Fan Xunqing shiji, vol. 15, p. 210. 32 . 1 H e Xiaorong, Mingdai Beijing fojiao siyuan xiujian yanjiu (Studies on Buddhist temples in Beijing in Ming Dynasty), upper vol., pp. 288-289 33 . 1 Liang Sicheng; Lin Mu (ed.), Foxiang de lishi (History of Buddhist sculptures), (Beijing: Zhongguo qingnian chubanshe (Chinese Youth Publishing House), 2013), p. 292.

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中國歷代年表 CHRONOLOGY OF CHINA 新石器時代 NEOLITHIC PERIOD C.6500-1700 B.C.

後晉

LATER JIN

936-946

夏

XIA DYNASTY

C.2100-1600 B.C.

後漢

LATER HAN

947-950

商

SHANG DYNASTY C.1600-1100 B.C.

後周

LATER ZHOU

951-960

周

ZHOU DYNASTY

C.1100-256 B.C.

遼

LIAO DYNASTY

907-1125

西周

WESTERN ZHOU

C.1100-771 B.C. 宋

SONG DYNASTY

960-1279

春秋 SPRING AND AUTUMN 770-476 B.C.

北宋

NORTHERN SONG

960-1127

戰國 WARRING STATES

475-221 B.C.

南宋

SOUTHERN SONG

1127-1279

秦

221-206 B.C.

金

JIN DYNASTY

1115-1234

元

YUAN DYNASTY

1279-1368

東周 EASTERN ZHOU

QIN DYNASTY

770-256 B.C.

漢 HAN DYNASTY

206 B.C.-220 A.D.

西漢 WESTERN HAN

206 B.C.-23 A.D.

明

MING DYNASTY

1368-1644

東漢 EASTERN HAN

25-220

洪武

HONGWU

1368-1398

永樂

YONGLE

1403-1425

三國 THREE KINGDOMS 220-265

洪熙

HONGXI

1425-1425

魏

WEI

220-265

宣德

XUANDE

1426-1435

蜀漢

SHU HAN

221-263

正統

ZHENGTONG

1436-1449

吳

222-263

景泰

JINGTAI

1450-1456

天順

TIANSHUN

1457-1464

晉 JIN DYNASTY

265-420

成化

CHENGHUA

1465-1487

西晉 WESTERN JIN

265-317

弘治

HONGZHI

1488-1505

SIXTEEN KINGDOMS 304-439

正德

ZHENGDE

1506-1521

嘉靖

JIAJING

1522-1566

隆慶

LONGQING

1567-1572

南朝 SOUTHERN DYNASTIES

萬曆

WANLI

1573-1619

劉宋 LIU SONG

420-479

泰昌

TAICHANG

1620-1620

南齊 SOUTHERN QI

479-502

天啟

TIANQI

1621-1627

梁

LIANG

502-557

崇禎

CHONGZHEN

1628-1644

陳

CHEN

557-589 清

QING DYNASTY

1644-1911

北朝 NORTHERN DYNASTIES

順治

SHUNZHI

1644-1661

北魏 NORTHERN WEI

386-534

康熙

KANGXI

1662-1722

東魏 EASTERN WEI

534-550

雍正

YONGZHENG

1723-1735

西魏 WESTERN WEI

535-556

乾隆

QIANLONG

1736-1795

北齊 NORTHERN QI

550-577

嘉慶

JIAQING

1796-1820

北周 NORTHERN ZHOU

557-581

道光

DAOGUANG

1821-1850

咸豐

XIANFENG

1851-1861

十六國

東晉 EASTERN JIN

317-420

隋 SUI DYNASTY

581-618

同治

TONGZHI

1862-1874

唐 TANG DYNASTY

618-907

光緒

GUANGXU

1875-1908

宣統

XUANTONG

1909-1911

中華民國

REPUBLIC OF CHINA 1912-

五代 FIVE DYNASTIES 907-960 後梁 LATER LIANG

907-923

後唐 LATER TANG

923-936

2015秋拍201.indd 62

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Fine Chinese Ceramics & Works of Art Saturday 24 October 2015 3:15pm

台北宇珍 2015秋季拍賣重要中國瓷雜工藝精品 10月24日（星期六） 3:15pm

明萬曆青花壽翁雲鶴紋葫蘆瓶 H65.8cm 來源：倫敦佳士得 1991 年 6 月 10 日編號 122 倫敦佳士得 2010 年 11 月 9 日編號 294 A Rare Large Blue and White 'Shoulao and Cranes' Double-Gourd Vase Ming Dynasty, Wanli Period Provenance : Christie's London, 10 June 1991, Lot 122 Christie's London, 9 November 2010, Lot 294 TWD 2,600,000-3,800,000 USD 84,100-123,000 HKD 666,700-974,400

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CONDITIONS OF BUSINESS General Provisions Article 1

As the agent of the Buyer and the Seller, Yu Jen International Art & Antique Co., LTD. (herein after refer as “Our Company”) will provide services for both parties, and shall not be responsible for any default caused by either the Buyer or the Seller.

Article 2

The conditions set herein shall apply to both the Buyer and the Seller. Buyer and Seller must read carefully the following detailed conditions and be responsible for their actions while carrying out these conditions.

Article 3

Any objection to the articles’ ownership or authenticity must be raised at least 48 hours before the auction starts accompanied by relevant legal documents. No late objection will be accepted.

Article 4

All disputes arising from or in connection with these Conditions shall be settled according to the relevant laws of the Republic of China.

The Main Stipulations for the Buyer Article 5

Bidders should personally come to Our Company for register and obtain the bidding number before the auction begins.

Article 6

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Article 9

Our Company has the right to hold exhibitions, auctions and make announcements, catalogues and other forms of publications to introduce the auctions articles.

Article 10

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Deposits Article 11

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The deposit will be used towards the payment of lots purchased, or refunded in full within 7 working days if no lots are purchased. The deposit will be forfeited if the buyer refuses to pay for the lots purchased within payment period.

Commission Article 14

Article 7

During the auction the bidder may not withdraw any bids he/ she made. The highest bidder as determined by the auctioneer is the buyer.

Once the Buyer successfully bid the auction article, the final Purchase Price that the Buyer shall pay in full are the sum of hammer price and commission to Our Company.Commission is charged as follows: For the portion of hammer price under TWD 10 million, commission will be 18%; for the portion over (and including) TWD 10 million, commission will be 15%; for the portion over (and including) TWD 20 million, commission will be 12%.

Illustration on Catalogue and Auction Article

Payment and Collection of Lots

The Buyer should examine carefully the auction article they intend to buy, prior to the date of the auction, and should be solely legally responsible for their bid made to buy certain piece of article.

Once the Buyer has successfully bid the auction article, the Buyer may collect the article once the aforementioned Purchase Price (include hammer price and commission) is paid in full. If the Buyer is unable to pay the full amount, the Buyer shall be required to sign a Confirmation and must pay at least thirty

Article 8

Article 15

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percent (30%) of the hammer price immediately as deposit. The Buyer shall settle the balance in one lump sum within ten (10) days and take away the article.

Article 16

The full amount of the Purchase Price that Buyer shall pay Our Company, does not include any commodity tax or services tax or other value added tax (either by government of R.O.C. or any other government). If such tax(es) do occur in the transaction set herein, the Buyer shall settle the tax payment in accordance with relevant law and schedule.

Article 17

For Buyer who is willing to pay the Purchase Price in the currency other than New Taiwanese Dollar (TWD, NT$), Our Company shall charge the Buyer any fees resulted from it. The fees include the service fee charge by the bank and the currency difference. The currency shall be determined by the currency posted on the day of auction (presented by the Bank of Taiwan) and certified by Our Company.

Article 18

The final Purchase Price does not include the service of packaging. The packaging is a free service provided by Our Company to the Buyer. Our Company is not liable for the loss or damage to the article during or as the result of packaging.

Article 19

The Buyer shall collect the article personally once the Purchase Price is paid in full. If the Buyer wishes to assign another person to collect the article, a Letter of Authorization must be presented. If delivery service or insurance are required, Our Company will not be liable or responsible for any loss or damage to the article during transit.

Article 22

Our Company is not responsible for the auction article, the deposit will not be refunded and Our Company have the right to resale the article after fourteen (14) days of notice for payment expires at Our Company’s discretion.

Article 23

Our Company may refuse the bid made by the Buyer or its representative in future once the Buyer violate article 16. In such circumstance a deposit may be requested for Buyer before any further bid is accepted.

The Main Stipulations for the Seller Article 24

During the function of auction, the Company shall act as Seller designated representative. The detailed rule of the selling party is already set and regulated in the selling party contract.

Other Rights and Obligations of Yu Jen Article 25

Our Company shall have absolute discretion to settle any dispute during or after the auction.

Article 26

Our Company shall be obliged to keep confidential for both the Buyer and the Seller and to protect the rights and interest of the Buyer and the Seller.

Article 27

In order to maintain order in the auction, smoking is not permitted; children under ten years of age may not enter the auction.

The Liabilities to an Auction after Sale

After the Buyer has paid the full amount of the Purchase Price to Our Company, the Buyer shall be responsible for the article purchased. Even if the article is still in the keeping of Our Company the Buyer shall be liable for any loss or damage.

The auction event held by Our Company has been approved by the Executive Yaun's Council for Culture Affairs, Taiwan, and is qualified under the regulations for tax relief on business tax. Every sales revenue and commission resulted from the auction shall be relieved of the 5 % business tax.

Article 20

The Management of Arrears and Auction Articles Left behind by the Buyer Article 21

If the full payment is not made within ten (10) days by the Buyer, it is seen as default.

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宇珍國際藝術有限公司 Y U J E N I N T E R N AT I O N A L A RT & A N T I Q U E C O. , LT D.

親自參與拍賣競投登記表拍賣名稱慈聖瑞蓮─國泰美術館珍藏萬曆九蓮觀音造像 2015年10月24日（星期六）下午3 : 00 姓名

競投牌號：

(由宇珍公司填寫)

身分證／護照號碼

(請附上影印本以作核對)

地址電話

傳真

電子信箱公司名稱

職稱

銀行名稱／分行

帳號

銀行聯絡人

銀行電話

本人同意接受宇珍國際藝術有限公司下列之條款： 1. 本人應提供真實性之相關資料，並授權宇珍公司向銀行索取本人之財務信用資料。 2. 本人已詳閱及同意宇珍公司圖錄內業務規則之條款。

3. 凡欲親自參與拍賣者，須於拍賣前一天完成登記手續，並繳納NT$1,000,000（US$33,000、HKD250,000、RMB200,000）之保證金。

4. 親自參與拍賣者，限一張牌號二人進場，未登記持牌者，拍賣當日謝絕進場。本人應妥善保管登記表及競投號碼牌，

如有遺失，將由本人自行承擔一切之責任。

本人簽名：日期：年月日保證金繳交注意事項： 1. 持有宇珍玉璽卡者，可免繳保證金。 2. 保證金若以支票繳交，請於拍賣三日前完成辦理。 3. 若競投者購得拍品，則抵作購買價款；若未能拍得拍品，保證金將在拍賣結束後七個工作日內，全額無息退還；若違約或逾期不交割者，保證金將作為違約金，不予退還。

保證金匯款帳號：

保證金繳交方式：□現金 □匯款 □支票 □宇珍玉璽卡卡號：

銀行：日盛銀行-南門分行代號：815 預繳保證金：繳交日期：年月日戶名：宇珍國際藝術有限公司帳號：102-26570027-777

宇珍公司經手人：附註：

凡欲親自參與拍賣、書面委託或電話競投者，均請於拍賣日前1個工作天完成登記手續。傳真： + 886-2-2358-1729 郵寄地址：100台北市重慶南路二段15號7樓諮詢： + 886-2-2358-1881 凡已繳交保證金之客戶，請於拍賣當日，攜帶此登記表或相關證件領取號碼牌。 67

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YU JEN INTERNATIONAL ART & ANTIQUE CO., LTD. REGISTRATION FORM

AUCTION The Benevolent Savior – A Magnificent and Extremely Rare Wanli Nine-Lotus Bodhisattva From the Cathay Art Museum Collection Saturday 24 October 2015 3:00pm NAME ：

PADDLE NO：

(Filled by Yu Jen)

(Please enclose photocopy of ID)

ID/PASSPORT NO ：

ADDRESS： TEL：

FAX：

E-MAIL： COMPANY NAME：

POSITION：

BANK NAME：

ACCOUNT NO：

BANK CONTACT：

BANK TEL：

I hereby agree to the following conditions set out by Yu Jen International Art & Antique Co., Ltd. 1. All information provided is true and accurate; I authorize Yu Jen to carry out background financial check with my bank. 2. I have read and agreed to the Conditions of Business printed in the catalogue. 3. Registration must be completed at least one day prior to the auction and the deposit of NT$1,000,000 (US$33,000、HKD250,000、 RMB200,000) paid. 4. Each paddle allows up to two people to enter the auction, no entry is allowed without paddle registration. I agree to take full responsibility for lots purchased with my paddle number.

SIGNATURE：

DATE：

Important notice regarding deposits: 1. Yu Jen Imperial Seal Card holders do not need to pay the deposit.

2. If paying by check please allow at least three days for check to clear.

3. The deposit will be used towards the payment of lots purchased, or refunded in full within 7 working days if no lots are purchased. The deposit will be forfeited if the buyer refuses to pay for the lots purchased within payment period.

Deposit Accounts ： Bank Name：HSBC Address： 1 Queen's Road Central, HK Swift Code：HSBC HKH H HKH Account Name： Yu Jen International Art & Antique Co., Ltd. Account No：848-621272-838

Deposit：□Cash □Bank Transfer □Check □Imperial Seal Card No： Deposit Received： Date： Received by： Notes：

Please complete registration at least one day before the auction date.

Please fax the completed form to +886-2-2358-1729 or post to 7F, No. 15, Sec 2, Chongqing S Rd, Taipei 100, Taiwan. Contact telephone：+886-2-2358-1881

Please take this form with you on the day of auction to collect your paddle.

2015秋拍201.indd 68

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宇珍國際藝術有限公司 Y U J E N I N T E R N AT I O N A L A RT & A N T I Q U E C O. , LT D.

書面或電話競投委託登記表拍賣名稱慈聖瑞蓮─國泰美術館珍藏萬曆九蓮觀音造像 2015年10月24日（星期六）下午3 : 00 □書面競投 □電話競投（電話競投之連絡電話：及）編號拍品名稱最高競投價（不含佣金） NT$ NT$ NT$ NT$ NT$ NT$ NT$ 填寫此表格時，須寫所有項目，包括編號、名稱、出價（電話競投者免填）等，否則無效。如果有兩人以上出價相同，先委託者可優先購得拍賣品。

姓名：身分證／護照號碼：地址：

(請附上影印本以作核對)

電話：傳真：電子郵件：公司名稱：

職稱：

銀行名稱／分行：銀行帳號：銀行聯絡人：銀行電話：本人同意接受宇珍國際藝術有限公司之業務規則（明列於精裝圖錄及網站）及有關競投擔保責任，本次拍賣會上的一切交易均受以下條款所約束：買家成功投得拍賣品後，應付之購買價款為最後之落槌價加上服務費。落槌價未滿新台幣壹仟萬元，服務費以落槌價一、

之18％計算；落槌價超過新台幣壹仟萬元(含)之部分，服務費以落槌價之15％計算；落槌價超過新台幣貳仟萬元(含)之部份，服務費以12％計算。宇珍國際藝術有限公司對競投不成功以及競投活動中的意外事件不承擔任何責任；並且本著從客戶利益出發的原則，二、

以盡可能低的價格從事競買活動，成交價格不得高於表列委託價。拍賣有關競投擔保責任，均為不可爭議條款；為使委託人的出價得以接受而不延誤，委託人須最遲在拍賣日一天前向三、

宇珍國際藝術有限公司填妥本委託書詳細資料，並預付NT$1,000,000做為保證金。委託人於委託競投成功後，應自拍定日起10日內付清尾款並取件。本人簽名：

日期：年月日

請簽名後傳真至：+886-2-2358-1729或郵寄至本公司地址：100台北市重慶南路二段15號7樓諮詢：+886-2-2358-1881

保證金匯款帳號：

保證金繳交方式：□現金 □匯款 □支票 □宇珍玉璽卡卡號：

銀行：日盛銀行-南門分行代號：815 預繳保證金：繳交日期：年月日戶名：宇珍國際藝術有限公司帳號：102-26570027-777

宇珍公司經手人：附註： 69

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YU JEN INTERNATIONAL ART & ANTIQUE CO., LTD. ABSENTEE BID FORM

AUCTION The Benevolent Savior – A Magnificent and Extremely Rare Wanli Nine-Lotus Bodhisattva From the Cathay Art Museum Collection Saturday 24 October 2015 3:00pm □ WRITTEN BID □ TELEPHONE BID （TEL NO： AND LOT

）

MAXIMUM BID PRICE

LOT DESCRIPTION

(EXCLUDING COMMISSION)

NT$ NT$ NT$ NT$ NT$ NT$ NT$ Be sure to fill out every blank accurately, including the lot number, description and maximum price you are willing to pay (written bids only) for each lot, or this form will be invalid. In the event of identical bids, the earliest received bid will take precedence.

NAME：

ID/PASSPORT NO：

(Please enclose photocopy of ID)

ADDRESS： TEL： FAX：

E-MAIL：

COMPANY NAME：

POSITION：

BANK NAME：

ACCOUNT NO：

BANK CONTACT：

BANK TEL：

I hereby agree to the following terms and conditions set for the auction, and shall act accordingly. 1. I as Assigner agree that, once the auction article is successfully bid, to pay in full the sum of hammer price and commission. Commission is charged as follows: For hammer price under NT$10 million, commission will be 18% of hammer price; for hammer price over (and including) NT$10 million, commission will be 15% of hammer price; for hammer price over (and including) NT$20 million, commission will be 12% of hammer price. 2. YU JEN will try to purchase the lot or lots of your choice for the lowest possible price, and never more than the maximum amount of your choice. And YU JEN will not be held responsible for failure to execute bids. 3. I as Assigner shall fill out the absentee bid form no later than one day before the auction starts, and pay NT$1,000,000 for the earnest money deposit, and the remaining balance (comprising the hammer price, buyer's premium and any applicable taxes) shall be paid to YU JEN within 10 days after the auction.

SIGNATURE：

DATE：

Please sign and fax to +886-2-2358-1729 or post to 7F, No. 15, Sec 2, Chongqing S Rd, Taipei 100, Taiwan Contact telephone: +886-2-2358-1881

Deposit Accounts :

Bank Name：HSBC Address： 1 Queen's Road Central, HK Swift Code：HSBC HKH H HKH Account Name： Yu Jen International Art & Antique Co., Ltd. Account No：848-621272-838

Deposit：□Cash □Bank Transfer □Check □Imperial Seal Card No： Deposit Received： Date： Received by： Notes：

2015秋拍201.indd 70

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台北宇珍2015秋季拍賣臻雅薈萃鼻煙壺．中國書畫及當代藝術．翡翠首飾暨陳設器

10月24日（星期六） 5:00pm

廖繼春植物園 24x33cm

1952 年作油彩木板框簽名：繼春附家屬親簽保證書展覽 / 著錄：《荷軒新藝空間 - 當代名家藝術聯展》，荷軒新藝空間，2011 年，頁 9

Liao Chi-Chun Botanical Garden Oil on Wood, Framed Signed Dated 1952 Exhibition/Literature： Contemporary Artists Art Exhibition, Lotus Art Gallery, 2011, P. 9 With Certificate of Authenticity Signed by the Relative of the Artist

TWD 2,000,000-3,000,000 USD 64,700-97,100 HKD 512,800-769,200

Collection of Refinement & Elegance – Chinese Snuff Bottles． Fine Chinese Paintings and Contemporary Art． Jadeite Jewellery and Ornaments

Saturday 24 October 2015 5:00pm

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台北宇珍 2015秋季拍賣百壺競秀華峰堂珍藏專拍 10月24日（星期六） 1:30pm

A Hundred Fine Zisha Teapots from the Hwafontang Collection 72

2015秋拍201.indd 72

Saturday 24 October 2015 1:30pm

15/9/30 下午3:59

慈聖瑞蓮國泰美術館珍藏萬曆九蓮觀音造像

The Benevolent Savior – A Magnificent and Extremely Rare Wanli Nine–Lotus Bodhisattva From the Cathay Art Museum Collection

The Benevolent Savior – A Magnificent and Extremely Rare Wanli Nine-Lotus Bodhisattva From the Cathay Art Museum Collection

慈聖瑞蓮國泰美術館珍藏萬曆九蓮觀音造像 10 月 24 日 ( 星期六 ) 3:00pm

Saturday 24 October 2015

24 October 2015

台北宇珍2015秋季拍賣

2015秋季 「慈聖瑞蓮」國泰美術館珍藏萬曆九蓮觀音造像

2015秋季「慈聖瑞蓮」國泰美術館珍藏萬曆九蓮觀音造像