Arhitektura in politika, Arhitekturna zgodovina 3

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Arhitektura in politika

arhitekturna zgodovina

arhitekturna zgodovina 3

Arhitektura in politika

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arhitekturna zgodovina Arhitekturnazgodovina 3 april 2017.indd 1

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Ljubljana 2016

Arhitektura in politika

Renata Novak KlemenÄ?iÄ?

arhitekturna zgodovina

Uredila

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Arhitektura in politika

Zbirka: Arhitekturna zgodovina (ISSN 2536-3182), št. 3 Uredila: Renata Novak Klemenčič Recenzenta: Helena Seražin, Nina Kudiš Jezikovni pregled: Nataša Pirih Svetina Avtor slike na naslovnici: Žiga Okorn © Univerza v Ljubljani, Filozofska fakulteta, 2016 Vse pravice pridržane Založila: Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani Izdal: Oddelek za umetnostno zgodovino Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani Za založbo: Branka Kalenić Ramšak, dekanja Filozofske fakultete Oblikovanje in prelom: Uvid.si, Žiga Okorn in Barbara Filipčič Tisk: Birografika Bori d.o.o.

Ljubljana, 2016 Prva izdaja Naklada: 200 izvodov Cena: 25 evrov Knjiga je izšla s podporo Javne agencije za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije v okviru Javnega razpisa za sofinanciranje izdajanja znanstvenih monografij v letu 2016.

Raziskovalni program št. P6-0199 je sofinancirala Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije iz državnega proračuna.

CIP - Kataložni zapis o publikaciji Narodna in univerzitetna knjižnica, Ljubljana 72:32 ARHITEKTURA in politika / uredila Renata Novak Klemenčič. 1. izd. - Ljubljana : Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, 2016. - (Zbirka Arhitekturna zgodovina, ISSN 2536-3182 ; št. 3) ISBN 978-961-237-919-3 1. Novak Klemenčič, Renata 290049792

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Arhitektura in politika

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arhitekturna zgodovina 5

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Kazalo

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Laris Borić Patron Saints and Respective Cult Areas in Service of Political Propaganda and the Affirmation of Communal Identity: Case of the Dalmatian Town of Zadar in Mediaeval and Early Modern Period Svetniški zavetniki in prostori njihovega češčenja v službi politične propagande in uveljavljanja identitete mestne komune: primer dalmatinskega mesta Zadar v srednjem in zgodnjem novem veku

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Renata Novak Klemenčič Vpliv politike in gospodarstva na izgradnjo glavnega mestnega trga v Dubrovniku v začetku štiridesetih let 15. stoletja The Influence of Politics and the Economy on the Construction of the Main Town Square in Dubrovnik at the Beginning of the 1440s

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Dubravka Botica Odredbe o gradnji i oblikovanju crkava na području Vojne krajine u Hrvatskoj u kontekstu „državnog arhitektonskog identiteta” Habsburške monarhije Decrees on the Building and Design of Churches on the Military Frontier in Croatia in the Context of the “National Architectural Identity” of the Habsburg Monarchy

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Ines Unetič Heraklej, S-linija in agava. Politika in vrtna umetnost v Evropi in na Kranjskem okoli leta 1800 Heracles, the S-line and Agave. Politics and Garden Art in Europe and Carniola around 1800

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David Kožuh Iredentizem in neogotika v goriški arhitekturi druge polovice 19. stoletja Irredentism and neo-Gothic in Gorizia’s Architecture of the Second Half of the 19th Century

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Marina Bagarić Od internacionalnog do nacionalnog: arhitekt Ivan Zemljak i dvije rezidencije ustaških vlasti u Zagrebu

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From the International to the National: Architect Ivan Zemljak and the Two Zagreb Mansions of the Ustashi Regime

Marko Špikić, Iva Raić Stojanović Shaping the Past in the Historic Centers of Split and Šibenik after 1945

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Oblikovanje preteklosti v zgodovinskih središčih Splita in Šibenika po letu 1945

Miloš Kosec Oblikovanje revolucionarne krajine. Ruševine in ideologija med II. svetovno vojno in po njej na Slovenskem

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The Creation of a Revolutionary Landscape. Ruins and Ideology during and after the Second World War in Slovenia

Jasna Galjer Ideja sinteze i konflikt modernizma. Od Le Corbusiera i grupe Espace do grupe Exat 51 i Vjenceslava Richtera

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The Concept of Synthesis and the Conflict of Modernism: from Le Corbusier and the Espace group to Exat 51 and Vjenceslav Richter

Lara Slivnik Kako je nastal jugoslovanski paviljon v Montrealu

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Making the Yugoslav Pavilion at the Montreal Expo 67

Živa Deu (Ne)moč kulturne politike v varstvu nepremične kulturne dediščine

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The Power(lessness) of Cultural Politics in Protecting Immovable Cultural Heritage

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Laris Borić

Patron Saints and Respecitve Cult Areas in Service of Political Propaganda and the Affirmation of Communal Identity: Case of the Dalmatian Town of Zadar in Mediaeval and Early Modern Period

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avourable strategic location of Zadar – a town located both at the crucial point of the naval route along the Eastern-Adriatic and at the shortest Adriatic transversal route – was one of the main causes that made it a prosperous urban centre, both in political and economic sense. Roman urbanization had transformed the Iron Age peninsular settlement into one of the most significant colonies of the region, provided with all of the features of an Roman town in terms of social structures and its urbanistic and architectural features; the orthogonal street grid with a large forum, fortifications with several gates, forum with the capitol, aqueduct, thermae, a theatre and an amphitheatre.1 The EarlyChristian community developed quite early, not as many contemporary examples on the outskirts of its urban tissue, but in the very centre of its urban grid, the core of the 5th century Episcopal centre around the cathedral dedicated to St. Peter.2 Such a location, along with with somewhat unusual fact that the local paleochristian community produced no martyrs, perhaps indicates a particularly tolerant climate of local society.3 Both favourable geostrategic features and continuity of Roman traditions were crucial factors in that the transformations of Late Antiquity made Zadar an affluent maritime and commercial community with leading status among the eastern Adriatic towns under Byzantine Adriatic dominion.4 Perhaps the most important aspect of such unhindered continuity was in the hierarchy of communal administration led by a rector and a bishop.5 Late 8th/ early 9th commissions for the cathedral liturgical furnishing whose forms conspicuously adhere to local early-Christian tradition probably strive to emphasize municipal continuity with roots in classical antiquity. This is the earliest manifestation of such an expression of communal identity that is in the subject of this paper.6 Leading political role and the prominence of Zadar bishop were also reflected in Byzantine emperor Nicefor I’s donation of St. Anastasia’s relics to bishop Donatus at the beginning of the 9th century, immediately after bishop’s shrewed diplomatic mission played in entangled regional interests of Byzantium and Charlemagne in the Adriatic region.7 New patron cult, accompanied by the remains of three Thessalonian martyrs: Ss. Agape, Hyonia and Irene, was installed right within the cathedral, originally consecrated to St. Peter. St. Anastasia’s relics have most probably been treasured either within the recently constructed crypt8 or within the northern apse of the cathedral where her chapel must have existed by 13th century.9 Even though earlier communal cult of St. Peter’s continued to be nourished This work has been supported in part by Croatian Science Foundation under the project IP-2016-06-1265 ET TIBI DABO: Commissions and Donors in Istria, Croatian Littoral and North Dalmatia from 1300 to 1800.

1 Suić 2003, pp. 188–192, 258, 262.

2 Vežić 1995, passim.

3 Vežić 2005, pp. 14–15.

4 Klaić, Petricioli 1977, p. 54.

5 Klaić, Petricioli 1977, p. 53, n. 12., p. 54; Vedriš 2006, p. 178.

6 Jakšić, Hilje 2008, pp. 18–21, 84–88.

7 Klaić; Petricioli 1977, pp. 67–74.

8 The first had been suggested by P. Vežić (2013, p. 35).

9 Dating of the upper layer of frescoes depicting Christ between St. Thomas of Canterbury and St. Anastasia, see note 19.

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1. Map of Zadar with the location of patron saints’ cult areas

through commissions for the cathedral and as a communal remembrance or the early Christian communal roots,10 there is no doubt that St. Anastasia’s cult soon became a powerful communal symbol, closely related to the person of Zadar bishop and through his leading administrative role, a supreme civic image. Subsequently, mediaeval civic narratives will have transformed the person of Bishop Donatus into a communal patron.11 It is obvious that the paleochristian Episcopal complex became focal ambiance in implementation of elaborated religious and social processes made the most vital part of the town. These included bishop Donatus’ commission of the pre-Romanesque rotund,12 the 8th and the 11th enrichment of cathedral’s cult contents.

One aspect of the 12th century Translatio Sanctae Anastasiae, is particularly interesting for determining strong identification of the patroness with the civic identity and related independency from Venice.

According to this narrative, St. Anastasia’s relics were transferred by both bishop Donatus and Venetian dux Beatus after the incentive by Constantinople immigrants from Sirmium to return the relics to their hometown, the place of St. Anatasia’s martyrdom. Nevertheless, when the boat with both bishops who accompanied relics approached Donatus’ bishopric, original plan was hindered by a divine intervention; a sudden storm redirected saint’s remains to Zadar. Even though such turn of events is a common trope in saint’s translation legends, civic rivalry between Venice and Zadar in these centuries is obvious, and legend reflects the situation of perpetual Venetian endeavours to control Zadar, and more precisely – as pointed out by T. Vedriš – it comments the subjugation of Zadar archbishop to Grado Patriarch soon after his elevation on the ecclesiastical rank.13 Moreover, it is to be emphasized in subsequent mediaeval patron imagery and legends. It is certain that by the 12th century, when Zadar reached the highest point of its economic and political development marked by the construction of the new Romanesque cathedral, cult of St. Anastasia as both the bishopric and the civic symbol had been fully accepted. This is particularly obvious from the appearance of St. Anastasia’s image on late 12th century Zadar communal seal that depicts patroness’ image above

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10 Nikola Jakšić (2010, pp. 308–314) suggested the significant presence of St. Peter’s cult within the cathedral even after Porphyrogenitus’ mention of the cathedral as St. Anastasia’s. He points out that the proconsul Gregorius commissioned a ciborium of cathedral’s high altar in 1030, with the dedicatory inscription to St. Peter. Even after the Romanesque reconstruction and definite consecration to St. Anastasia, this iconographical memory had been retained in several artworks in the cathedral such as the early 14th century fresco medallions on the counter-fac¸ade, the (op. cit, p. 310) as well as early 1490ies Carpaccio’s polyptych. Furthermore, he brings forth that there were no less than three more churches within the Zadar urban area dedicated to this saint: St. Peter the Ancient the Early-Christian construction with pre-Romanesque two-aisled addition, St. Peter the New on the mediaeval main square – Plathea Magna – of which this paper will also discuss, and St. Peter de argata, at the principal entrance into the town. Additional two small churches of St. Peter were constructed at the points of crossing to the hinterland and the island of Ugljan (idem., p. 318).

11 Fondra 1855, p. 11. In Zadar mediaeval pantheon bishop Donatus was seen as the civic fifth patron, strongly related to the bishopric, along with St. Anastasia. Moreover, the earliest preserved depiction of Zadar St. Donatus is on the early 14th century fresco on the cathedral’s counter-fac¸ade with the inscription that designates him as the archbishop. Some recent unpublished insights by historian Ivan Basić indicate that this might actually be correct.

12 Vežić 2000, passim.

13 Vedriš 2005, pp. 33–34.

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an arch, with her both arms protectively elevated above two lateral domed towers.14 Besides, full association of this cult’s symbolism with the notion of civic independence had been reflected in obvious anti-venetian elements in St. Anastasia’s Translatio, but also in architectural features of the cathedral consecrated in 1175. It’s original Romanesque fac¸ade (reconstructed throughout the 13th century after the alleged 1202 crusaders’ damage), shows rather unexpected Tuscan influences, arrays of hanging arches, reminiscent of Pisa and Luca cathedral fac¸ades. These features, also to be recognized in Rab cathedral, were probably not only the result of treaties and pacts of mercantile cooperation that Zadar had signed with Tuscan towns,15 but also an obvious and conscious exclusion of the appearance that might have been considered “Venetian” during the period in which Zadar enjoyed a certain degree of independency, though it formally acknowledged Venetian rule.16 The whole late-12th century reconstruction of Zadar cathedral and its equipment with monumental liturgical furniture and sculpture17 is undoubtedly related to the 1154 advancement of Zadar bishop to the rank of the archbishopric. This event has been interpreted as Venetian plot to remove Zadar bishopric out of Split archbishopric’s authority, and this is

2. Front façades and ground plans of St. Anastasia’s cathedral and St. Chrysogonus

14 Petricioli 1971, passim; Vedriš 2005, p. 37.

15 Klaić, Petricioli 1977, p. 173. A similar example of Tuscan Romanesque elements on cathedral fac¸ade can be found in contemporary Rab, also a blooming 12th century eastern Adriatic commune. What is more, when the English architect Thomas Graham Jackson was commissioned by Zadar to accomplish the cathedral tower, he used the Rab cathedral Romanesque bell tower as the model.

16 Klaić, Petricioli 1977, pp. 161–163; Goldstein 2006, pp. 363–364. Soon after Zadar recognized Croatian-Hungarian crown, Venice fought back and finally from 1115 to 1180 Zadar acknowledged Venetian rule, however with ceaseless resentment and rebellions.

17 Jakšić, Hilje 2008, pp. 163–166.

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3. 12th century Zadar civic seal with the image of St. Anastasia and 13th century relief with the knight figure of St. Chrysogonus

obvious in its immediate (1155) submission to the patriarch of Grado.18 Nevertheless, the importance of St. Anastasia’s cult as the image of both archbishop’s authority and Zadar communal strength and ambitions is conspicuously present in architectural features of the cathedral, its furnishing and the fresco paintings, particularly within the patroness’ chapel in the northern apse where the central figure of Christ in the upper level is flanked by St. Anastasia and non-other than St. Thomas of Canterbury, whose Zadar cult was a legacy of 1177 visit by pope Alexander III, its ardent promotor. Local acceptance of this cult, and its reference in late 13th century fresco right within St. Anastasia’s chapel can also be seen in the context of the joint archbishopric and communal programme of associations of cathedral’s outlook.19 This ambition of a higher degree of communal independency was to reach its climax with 1180 submission of Zadar to Croatian-Hungarian king Béla III.20 Simultaneously, the cult and the image of another town patron – St. Chrysogonus – played increasingly important role in Zadar civic self-awareness. The turning point of this saints’ definitive dominance over St. Anastasia as the principal communal protector was related to 1190 Zadar victory over Venice near Treni peninsula on the island of Cres, after which by Benedictine prior offered Zadar “the eternal protection by St. Chrysogonus from visible and invisible enemies”.21 There are at least two suggestions related to the original period of this Aquileian saint’s cult reception in Zadar. Circumstances of this relics’ translatio point out to the mid-7th century,22 while it can also be related to AD 986 reformation of the male Benedictine monastery of St. Chrysogonus whose priors were members of local urban elite.23 It was either from that moment on that the cult of St. Chrysogonus functioned as a communal alternative to that of St. Anastasia, and particularly after mid-11th century when bishop Andrew II commissioned a painted coffin for this patron’s relics.24 In fact, the 13th century narrative of Passio Anastasie, based on the 5th century Roman legend, associates both Zadar patrons in a common martyrdom narrative: St. Chrysogonus, an imprisoned Roman soldier is comforted by St. Anastasia’s letters.25 It seems that at least after the 10th century, St. Chrysogonus’ cult was understood in strong relation to Zadar civic identity, however with no direct relation to bishop’s authority as was the case with the cult of St. Anastasia but as a symbol of civic independent spirit, a notion superbly elaborated by T. Vedriš.26 One may even expect that the simultaneous, 1170ies reconstruction of the cathedral and the Benedictine church of St. Chrysogonus27 - both with Tuscan Romanesque facades and latter with exquisite lombardesque apsidal

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18 Klaić, Petricioli 1977, p. 164. At that moment pope Alexander III actually appointed new Zadar archbishop without the consent of Grado patriarch “after which Zadar clergy and people wouldn’t even hear of patriarch’s authority”: idem, p. 167.

19 Petricioli 1978; Hilje, Tomić 2006, pp. 87–88.

20 Klaić, Petricioli 1977, p.170. Nada Klaić also assumed that the archbishop Lampridius enticed the establishment of local collegium of consuls following the pattern already established in Dubrovnik. Such body would have been able to oppose not only the patriarch of Grado, but also the attempts of Venetian Mauroceno (Morosin) family to establish themselves as hereditary counts of Zadar, as they had already done in Northern Adriatic. Klaić, Petricioli 1977, pp. 168–169.

21 Klaić, Petricioli 1977, p. 174; Granić 1990, pp. 35–57.

22 Vedriš 2014, p. 38.

23 Nikolić 2005, passim. Though it was recently disputed that the reformer Madius belonged to the Madii family, both Benedictine monasteries, male and female were closely related to them, as will the monastery of St. Chrysogonus be the centre of allegiance to the Croatian-Hungarian crown. Vedriš 2005, 44.

24 Bianchi 1877, p. 16.

25 Vedriš 2014, pp. 31–32.

26 Vedriš 2005.

27 Petricioli 1985, pp. 11–12, 25. Features of St. Chrysogonus’ fac¸ade indicate the original appearance of the cathedral fac¸ade, as well as the period of its first consecration. The Benedictine church was consecrated by the archbishop Lampredius in 1175.

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4. King Louis d’Anjou returns the body of St. Simeon to Zadar, Francesco da Milano, the Casket of St. Simeon, 1380

gallery and almost classical Corinthian capitals of the interior arcades – is a reflection of such duality of cults and their interwoven civic symbolism. Regarding the question of architectural and artistic features that carry conspicous aspects of civic identity, one must also notice the frequent use of Roman spolia as obvious references to local Antiquity and urban continuity in the same manner that e.g. Pisan cathedral does, but it has also been noted that this is a part of a well-established mediaeval practice in Zadar.28 However by the turn of the 13th century Venetian attempts to subdue Zadar were intensified and the most severe one was the engagement of the 4th crusade in 1202 in what may be called Sacco di Zara, an act that preceded the Siege of Constantinople, in which crusaders and the Venetian army not only conquered Zadar for Venice, but plundered the town, allegedly destroying recently reconstructed Romanesque cathedral. It is interesting to notice that the mid-14th century legend Venetian tradition dates these events it on the very day of St. Chrysogonus’ feast (November 24th), even though the Crusaders’ annihilation begun on November 11th, mocking the patron of Zadar.29 Intention of this mistake is corroborated by the plunder of St. Chrysogonus’ relics, in an act that might be considered as a variant of civic castration. Saint’s relics were taken to Venice and treasured in San Trovaso,30 thus confirming the already established status of this saints’ cult for Zadar civic self-awareness. However, this is just one indication of the interesting shift in the symbolic of Zadar civic patrons that has certainly been marked by the one of the conditions of Zadar 1205 capitulation when it was explicitly demanded that the archbishop of Zadar be chosen among the Venetians and approved by the patriarch of Grado.31 Archbishop’s 28 Babić 2008, passim; Vežić 2008, passim. It seems that the use of a Roman tombstone of Quintus Dellius Fuscus on a conspicuous location was deliberate and programmatically chosen in order to underline communal longevity and classical continuity. Therefore, subsequent legend that this was the tomb of the monastery’s founder does not perplex us. (op. cit., p. 433).

29 Goldstein 2006, p. 369. It is probably reflected in 1266 chronicle Thomae Archidiaconi Historia Salonitanorum.

30 Fondra 1855, pp. 20–21. 17th century chronicler claims that, according to local legend, body of St. Chrysogonus was returned to Zadar, but its location has been forgotten. He is obviously referring to Francesco Sansovino’s report that by his time relics of St. Chrysogonus had been returned to Zadar. This might have happened during the reconstruction of San Trovaso in 1583. Recently, (Jakšić 2014, pp.

66–67) it was suggested that relics might have been returned to Zadar sometimes after 1409, when the Venetians regained confidence in their rule over Zadar. Though the author doesn’t claim this, it indicate that Giambono’s painting of the Saint that is still exhibited in San Trovaso and dated in 1440ies, would be painted after the relics were returned to Zadar. Local legend states that upon return, they were hidden somewhere in the church, never to be found again (Fondra 1855, p. 21).

31 Klaić, Petricioli 1977, p. 182.

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5. Façade of St. Mary the Major/ St Simeon in Zadar and statues of Ss. Zoilus and Anastasia, Petar Berčić, 1470ies

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person was in this way detached from the domain of communal identity of which he had been the essential carrier since the social transformations of early Mediaeval centuries. The post-1202 reconstruction of Zadar cathedral included lengthening and rebuilding of its original Romanesque fac¸ade with preserved fragments, however with the addition of vertical lezenes that slightly diminished exclusively horizontal accents that are still visible on the Tuscan Romanesque fac¸ade of Rab cathedral, its most kindred building within the Adriatic rim.32 Undoubtedly, much of the 13th century reconstruction cannot be regarded as deliberate choice of elements of style but the result of the eagerness to accomplish the task during the troubled decades marked by repeated rebellions against the Venetian rule. In the meantime, male Benedictine monastery became one of the focal points of the anti-Venetian communal opposition.33 This is also evident in the change of St. Chrysogonus’ iconography, since from 13th century this saint was mostly presented as a cavalier, a knight with a sword, while it seems that his earlier iconography was most frequently as a monk.34 Though T. Vedriš cautiously warned that there are no previous local examples, there are several earlier Aquileian and Ravennate images of St. Chrysogonus represent him as a bearded or beardless man, often in classical dress, sometimes holding a crown. In Zadar and its region, St. Chrysogonus is depicted as a half-figured monk on the late-11th century reliquary of St. James and Orontius from Nin,35 and St. Chrysogonus’ reliquary dated in 1326.36 The fresco representation in St. Chrisogonus’ benedictine church is determined by its immediate iconographical topography and its context, since his monastic figure is set between St. Benedict and St. Scholastica, while he is painted again within the southern apse late-15th century fresco as the knight, however accompanied by archbishopric patrons SS. Anastasia and Donatus.37 As far as other iconographical versions of St. Chrysogonus as a monk, Nikola Jakšić has observed that they appear on two reliquaries, the first half of the 14th century reliquary of St. Quirinus and the 1326 reliquary of St. Chrysogonus, both depict St. Chrysogonus as a monk deliberately avoiding his knighted image on a horse that symbolized civic independence. N. Jakšić points out that such a iconographical version would not reappear before Zadar Treaty of 1358 when the town acknowledge the Croatian-Hungarian crown.38 This may apply to reliquaries, but it is interesting to point out the 1324. relief in the cathedral main portal lunette with 32 Petricioli 1985, p. 25. Besides, a large Romanesque rose was added, and the figural decoration had been reduced and changed to a considerable extent. One also could open the question of the fact that the bell-tower, a central feature of a mediaeval town, hasn’t been constructed before 1480ies (and accomplished only in 1890ies).

33 Vedriš 2005, passim, particularly pp. 42–45 with a number of historical indications in favour of this theory.

34 Vedriš 2005, pp. 35–36.

35 Jakšić, Tomić 2004, pp. 49–53 with complete bibliography.

36 Respectively Jakšić, Tomić 2004, pp. 75, 83.

37 Hilje, Tomić 2006, pp. 80, 85.

38 Jakšić, Tomić 2004, pp. 67–70, 72–75.

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Madonna with the Child in the centre, flanked by SS. Chrysogonus and Anastasia. Communal patron is depicted on cathedral portal not as a monk nor the knight with the raised sword but as a nobleman with fashionable haircut in a cape, a pacified aristocrat, his sword lowered, resting within the scabbard. Another transformational version of Chrysogonus as a soldier but without a sword is found on a Franciscan processional crucifix (stolen in 1974 and recently found in Museo Amedeo Lia in La Spezia), late 14th century reliquary for the head of St. Gregorius.39 On the late 14th century portal lunette of St. Michael’s, sculptor Paulus de Sulmona showed him with his spear raised, ready to help the archangel that attacks the demon. Such, more active depiction of the saint is in full accordance with patron’s new image that was codified as a Zadar coat-of-arms in the 14th century. A 1385. document depicts two official civic seals “in qua cera rubea erat figura equine, super se gerens et tenens unam imaginem humanum, scutum cum cruce ante pectus suum tenentem, et habentem sub brachio dextro quiritem seu lancem …”.40 Such an innovative iconographical presentation appeared already during the 13th century, should we accept the dating of a relief in Town’s museum and the capital with knight on one and winged lion of St. Mark’s ond the other side, that should probably be related to the late-Romanesque Franciscan cloister.41 Nevertheless, N. Jakšić’s notion that such iconography flourished after the 1358 Treaty of Zadar with which Venice renounced all her rights to Zadar and Dalmatia is corroborated by a number of examples, one of the most beautiful being on the 1396 Franciscan choir stalls by Giovanni di Giacomo da Brogo Sansepolcro, the early 15th century reliquary of St. Chrysogonus’ hand and the late 15th / early 16th century reliquary of St. Zoilus.42 However, the most important evidence for this iconographical transformation is the reinvention of the civic seal from the aforementioned 12th century representation of St. Anastasia dominating and protecting the fort of Zadar to the 14th century seal with St. Chrysogonus on a horse with full gallop with the inscription: URBS DALMATINA JADRA POLLET HOC DUCE.43 An important element in this context is that Zadar pledged allegiance to the Croatian-Hungarian crown in 1392 exactly on the reliquary St. Chrysogonus’ hand.44 Since 1202. to the 1358 Treaty, Zadar community nourished strong spirit of independency that instigated a number of rebellions against Venice as well

39 40 41 42 43 44

6. Ground plan of Zadar cathedral of St. Anastasia and quattrocento interventions in its presbytery and St. Anastasia’s chapel within the northern apse: Mateo Moronzon’s choir screen commissioned in 1418 and the apostles from the choir screen, commissioned 1426. Relief of St. Anastasia on the catafalque.

All artefacts presently at the Permanent Exhibition of Ecclesiastical Art in Zadar

Jakšić, Tomić 2004, pp. 84–86.

See Petricioli 1962, p. 360.

Jakšić, Hilje 2008, pp. 177–178

Respectively and with earlier bibliography: Jakšić Hilje 2008, p 204; Jakšić 2004, 156.

See Petricioli 1962, p. 360.

Jakšić, Tomić 2004, p. 156. There are numerous examples of such a depiction on reliquaries, choir stalls, stone reliefs etc., even during Venetian rule when it was used exclusively as a civic symbol, while the cult itself had long been neglected to the extent that with the dissipation of Benedictine monastery during the 16th century the precise location of his body within the church (if it had ever been returned from Venice) was forgotten. See note 30.

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Arhitektura in politika

arhitekturna zgodovina

arhitekturna zgodovina 3