AfricaBriefing: January-February 2025 by africabriefing

Gen Alpha: Africa’s emerging force for change and innovation

IN his insightful article, Africa Briefing Contributing Editor Professor Toyin Falola explores the transformative potential of Generation Alpha, the first cohort to fully emerge in the digital age, and their capacity to tackle Africa’s deeprooted challenges. Falola argues that this generation, shaped by adversity and equipped with technological fluency, is poised to rewrite the continent’s narrative of systemic stagnation and inefficiency.

The legacy of challenges

Falola identifies the persistent issues facing Africa, including corruption, political stagnation, and economic inequality, as the backdrop against which Gen Alpha will come of age. He critiques the tendency of older generations to accept these issues as inevitable, driven by cultural norms that discourage challenging authority. The widespread tolerance of inefficiency, coupled with a focus on survival over systemic change, has allowed corruption to endure.

This generational complacency, Falola notes, contrasts sharply with the outlook of Gen Alpha, who are unwilling to inherit these failures passively. Raised in a digital era of instant access to information, they reject the resignation of their predecessors and instead demand accountability and solutions.

Technology as a catalyst

PUBLISHER’S NOTE

Central to Falola’s argument is the transformative role of technology. Unlike any generation before them, Gen Alpha is innately connected to digital tools, enabling them to amplify their voices and challenge the status quo. Falola highlights their role in online activism, referencing movements like Nigeria’s #EndSARS protests, where digital platforms played a critical role in exposing inefficiencies and mobilising action.

Africa bucks global economic trend

IJon Offei-Ansah Publisher

Desmond Davies Editor

Publisher Jon Offei-Ansah

Editor Desmond Davies

Contributing Editors

Prof. Toyin Falola

Tikum Mbah Azonga

Prof. Ojo Emmanuel Ademola (Technology)

Valerie Msoka (Special Projects)

Contributors

Justice Lee Adoboe

Chief Chuks Iloegbunam

Joseph Kayira

Zachary Ochieng

Olu Ojewale

Oladipo Okubanjo

Corinne Soar

Kennedy Olilo

Gorata Chepete

Designer

Simon Blemadzie

Country Representatives

A shift in authority and values

Gen Alpha’s technological fluency empowers them to navigate adversity creatively. While their peers in more stable regions may use technology primarily for convenience, African Gen Alpha children harness it as a tool for problem-solving in contexts of unreliable infrastructure and systemic neglect. This ability to innovate under pressure, Falola suggests, is a defining strength that sets them apart.

n 2018, six of the 10 fastest-growing economies in the world were in Africa, according to the World Bank, with Ghana leading the pack. With GDP growth for the continent projected to accelerate to four per cent in 2019 and 4.1 per cent in 2020, Africa’s economic growth story continues apace. Meanwhile, the World Bank’s 2019 Doing Business Index reveals that five of the 10 most-improved countries are in Africa, and one-third of all reforms recorded globally were in sub-Saharan Africa. What makes the story more impressive and heartening is that the growth – projected to be broad-based – is being achieved in a challenging global environment, bucking the trend.

Deputy Editor

Angela Cobbinah

Stephen Williams Contributing Editor

Falola underscores how Gen Alpha is redefining traditional notions of authority and success. Unlike previous generations, this cohort challenges hierarchical structures that often stifle innovation and perpetuate inefficiencies. Their critical thinking and emphasis on self-reliance signal a cultural shift away from deference to authority.

Michael Orji Director, Special Projects

South Africa

Edward Walter Byerley

Top Dog Media, 5 Ascot Knights 47 Grand National Boulevard Royal Ascot, Milnerton 7441, South Africa

Tel: +27 (0) 21 555 0096

Justice Lee Adoboe

Cell: +27 (0) 81 331 4887

In the Cover Story of this edition, Dr. Hippolyte Fofack, Chief Economist at the African Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank), analyses the factors underpinning this performance. Two factors, in my opinion, stand out in Dr. Hippolyte’s analysis: trade between Africa and China and the intra-African cross-border investment and infrastructure development.

Adversity as a teacher

Much has been said and written about China’s ever-deepening economic foray into Africa, especially by Western analysts and commentators who have been sounding alarm bells about re-colonisation of Africa, this time by the Chinese. But empirical evidence paints a different picture.

Despite the decelerating global growth environment, trade between Africa and China increased by 14.5 per cent in the first three quarters of 2018, surpassing the growth rate of world trade (11.6 per cent), reflecting the deepening economic dependency between the two major trading partners.

Chuks Iloegbunam

Joseph Kayira

This transformation is underpinned by their exposure to global perspectives. Social media has expanded their worldview, showing them young leaders creating change and influencing policy worldwide. Gen Alpha internalises these examples, believing they can achieve similar feats, despite the challenges posed by Africa’s systemic flaws.

Zachary Ochieng

Olu Ojewale

Oladipo Okubanjo Corinne Soar Contributors

Designer

While Falola celebrates Gen Alpha’s potential, he is realistic about the obstacles they face. From unreliable infrastructure to interrupted education and widespread corruption, these young Africans grow up in an environment where inefficiency is pervasive. Yet, rather than succumbing to despair, they demonstrate resilience and resourcefulness.

Gloria Ansah

Country Representatives

South Africa

Email: ed@topdog-media.net

Ghana

Nana Asiama Bekoe

Kingdom Concept Co.

Tel: +233 243 393 943 / +233 303 967 470 kingsconceptsltd@gmail.com

Nigeria

Empirical evidence shows that China’s domestic investment has become highly linked with economic expansion in Africa. A one percentage point increase in China’s domestic investment growth is associated with an average of 0.6 percentage point increase in overall African exports. And, the expected economic development and trade impact of expanding Chinese investment on resource-rich African countries, especially oil-exporting countries, is even more important.

Falola attributes this strength partly to the influence of Millennial and Gen Z parents, who, shaped by their struggles within a broken system, teach their children to question authority, think critically, and pursue self-sufficiency. This parenting approach fosters a generation that sees challenges not as insurmountable barriers but as opportunities to innovate.

Edward Walter Byerley Top Dog Media, 5 Ascot Knights 47 Grand National Boulevard Royal Ascot, Milnerton 7441, South Africa

Nnenna Ogbu

#4 Babatunde Oduse crescent

A blueprint for change

The resilience of African economies can also be attributed to growing intra-African cross-border investment and infrastructure development. A combination of the two factors is accelerating the process of structural transformation in a continent where industrial output and services account for a growing share of GDP. African corporations and industrialists which are expanding their industrial footprint across Africa and globally are leading the diversification from agriculture into higher value goods in manufacturing and service sectors. These industrial champions are carrying out transcontinental operations, with investment holdings around the globe, with a strong presence in Europe and Pacific Asia, together account for more than 75 per cent of their combined activities outside Africa.

Tel: +27 (0) 21 555 0096 Cell: +27 (0) 81 331 4887 Email: ed@topdog-media.net

Ghana

Isheri Olowora - Isheri Berger, Lagos Tel: +234 803 670 4879 getnnenna.ogbu@gmail.com

Falola concludes that Gen Alpha’s activism and creativity signal a broader cultural shift. They are redefining wealth creation, governance, and societal norms, not by waiting for top-down change but by actively building solutions. Their rejection of complacency and embrace of responsibility mark a significant departure from the survival-focused mindset of the past.

Nana Asiama Bekoe

Kingdom Concept Co. Tel: +233 243 393 943 / +233 303 967 470 kingsconceptsltd@gmail.com

However, Falola tempers his optimism by stressing the need for support systems to enable Gen Alpha’s success. Access to quality education, mentorship, and structural reforms are essential to transform their potential into tangible outcomes.

Nigeria

Kenya

Patrick Mwangi Aquarius Media Ltd, PO Box 10668-11000

Nairobi, Kenya

Tel: 0720 391 546/0773 35 41

A survey of 30 leading emerging African corporations with global footprints and combined revenue of more than $118 billion shows that they are active in several industries, including manufacturing (e.g., Dangote Industries), basic materials, telecommunications (e.g., Econet, Safaricom), finance (e.g., Ecobank) and oil and gas. In addition to mitigating risks highly correlated with African economies, these emerging African global corporations are accelerating the diversification of sources of growth and reducing the exposure of countries to adverse commodity terms of trade.

Taiwo Adedoyin MV Noble, Press House, 3rd Floor 27 Acme Road, Ogba, Ikeja, Lagos Tel: +234 806 291 7100 taiadedoyin52@gmail.com

Kenya

Prof. Falola presents Gen Alpha as a beacon of hope for Africa, poised to disrupt systemic inefficiencies and redefine the continent’s future. His analysis highlights their unique traits: technological fluency, entrepreneurial spirit, and resilience. Yet, he cautions that realising their potential requires a collective effort to provide the tools and environments they need to thrive.

This makes me very bullish about Africa!

As Africa transitions into a new era, Falola’s insights remind us that Gen Alpha’s journey will be shaped not only by their innate abilities but by how well society nurtures their boundless promise.

Naima Farah Room 22, 2nd Floor West Wing Royal Square, Ngong Road, Nairobi Tel: +254 729 381 561 naimafarah_m@yahoo.com

Africa Briefing Ltd

2 Redruth Close, London N22 8RN United Kingdom Tel: +44 (0) 208 888 6693 publisher@africabriefing.org

Email: mwangi@aquariusmedia.co.ke

©Africa Briefing Ltd

2 Redruth Close, London N22 8RN

United Kingdom

Tel: +44 (0) 208 888 6693 publisher@africabriefing.org

LEADER COMMENT COVER STORY

African countries now need to secure minerals future

These deadly crossings must end now Generation Alpha well-positioned to transform Africa

On a continent already suffering from political stagnation, economic inequalities and unrest, members of the new generation are poised to join this reality, but unlike their predecessors, this group will be raised with the required tools to address problems rather than merely inheriting them, argues Toyin Falola

A

fresh understanding of patriotism

For Gen Alpha, citizenship is an active quest for advancement, a will to settle for nothing less than a continent able to provide for all its people –rather than a passive condition of being, writes Toyin Falola

ANALYSIS

Inadequate response to Africa’s migration crisis

With over 28,000 people dead or missing in the Mediterranean Sea since 2014, thousands of Africans have become casualties in this perilous journey, writes Winston Kabia who argues that the catastrophe is not inevitable, but is the result of systemic neglect and poor governance across multiple fronts

Genocide prevention a constant battle

Unfortunately, while humanity continues to reaffirm the words of the UN Charter and the Constitutive Act of the African Union to defend our collective humanity, the history of humankind is littered with some tragic examples of how states have spectacularly failed in their primary duty to protect their own citizens, says Adama Dieng

FOCUS ON GHANA

Mahama has to knuckle down to business fast 6 07 08 12 16 18

It is incumbent on the new administration to depart quickly from business-as-usual to come up with measures – institutionally and policy-wise – to advance governance and socioeconomic development that will enhance the living arrangement and well-being of Ghanaians, write Kafui Tsekpo and Seth Doe

BUSINESS & ECONOMY

2025 outlook: can promise turn into progress?

As Africa enters 2025, optimism over projected economic growth is tempered by structural challenges, geopolitical uncertainty, and the continent’s ongoing struggle for deeper economic integration. Agnes Gitau asks, will this be the year Africa asserts its global influence or another chapter of missed opportunities?

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African countries now need to secure minerals future

THE last year witnessed major upheavals in the minerals industry in West Africa. In Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso, the military regimes in these countries used legal disputes, nationalisations and strongarm tactics to assert greater control over crucial minerals.

These countries have decided to try to ensure that their mineral wealth now benefits the people more after years of one-sided deals that left them with little financial gains. There is no doubt that foreign investors are still needed to extract vital minerals and metals in Africa, but the arrangement now needs to be re-assessed.

After all, renegotiations of mining deals in minerals-rich countries on the continent are nothing new. They have regularly cropped up whenever there are changes of government – either through the ballot box or through the barrel of a gun.

But most of these cases ended up being adjudicated in Western legal jurisdictions where the mining companies are headquartered. They have been financially costly exercises for those countries that resorted to the courts.

One reason for this is the lack of transparency in these African mining deals. This affects prices, which can then force African producers to accept whatever they are told by investors. In its Outlook for Key Minerals at the end of 2024, the International Energy Agency (IEA) noted that despite strong expected increases in demand, market transparency of commodities such as cobalt, lithium and rare earth elements (in abundance on the African continent) remained limited.

Crucially, the lack of publicly available data on consumption, supply, inventories, trade and Environmental, Social and Governance (EDG) performance is one of the problems facing the mining and minerals sector. Indeed, these areas (especially ESG) are where African countries are regularly shortchanged because they do not have the experts to go through agreements with a fine-tooth comb.

The IEA noted: “With greater transparency, producers and consumers are able to hedge their price risk, plan their stocks and production, and negotiate fair

contracts. Merchants and intermediaries are able to correct global supply and demand imbalances as efficiently as possible.

“Governments benefit by being able to plan ahead and ensure supply continuity. Information transparency enables the anticipation of potential risk areas, allowing policymakers to target support where it is most needed.”

In Africa, where leaders tend to withhold even the most mundane of information from their citizens, it is not surprising that mining deals are shrouded in secrecy. Civil society groups that can help to go through such deals critically are kept in the background.

Dealing with multinational companies in general is a tough ask – even for developed nations that have accountants and lawyers to hold these businesses to account financially. But this does not mean that African countries do not have the expertise to turn to so that they can get a better deal for their natural resources.

Indeed, they can call on members of the African diaspora with a wealth of experience in these fields to help untangle the accounting and legal web that foreign mining companies tend to sow when they are dealing with African countries. However, one major setback are the sweeteners that foreign investors offer to those with the authority in Africa to sanction mining agreements.

public officials, the US government takes a seriously dim view of American companies involved in bribery and corruption. If there are transparent deals, there would not be the scenarios that we are now witnessing in the countries of the Sahel.

There is now a need for minerals-rich African countries to ensure that they sign transparent mining deals. There is going to be more pressure because future global economic growth and prosperity require robust supply of minerals and metals that are in abundance in Africa.

Experts say that demand for commodities like copper, steel and aluminium has increased exponentially to sustain the growing need for essential materials and power. But these drivers for consumption, the experts argue, can only continue to proceed if the mineral and metal value chains’ capacity and logistics are at pace.

At the Future Minerals Forum in Saudi Arabia this January, delegates agreed that the adoption of “green metals” and establishment of “industrial hubs” in an emerging minerals super region that stretches from Africa through the Middle East and into Central and East Asia will have a huge impact on the future development of resilient supply chains of minerals and metals.

Minerals-rich African countries

must now ensure they sign transparent mining deals ‘ ’

And this is even though there is in place the Organisation of Economic Cooperation and Development’s (OECD) Anti-Bribery Convention. This frowns upon corruption by making it illegal for companies to bribe foreign officials in business transactions.

While European governments that are signatory to the convention tend to turn a blind eye when companies based in Europe hand out backhanders to African

The Forum acknowledged that these countries held large resource endowments that presented a strategic base for all minerals deemed critical to the future. Coming together, they increase their share of mineral output.

African governments now have to get up to speed on this. Or else, every so often we will continue to see unpleasant tussles in the mining and minerals sector on the continent. AB

These deadly crossings must end now

IRONY of ironies. Here we are in this edition of Africa Briefing extolling the virtues of Africa’s Generation Alpha. In the same publication we are looking at the departure of young Africans to foreign lands because they feel there is no future for them on the continent. This is the nature of journalism. It is now time for this misplaced migration to end. For those who embark on such a journey, it is not what it is all cracked up to be. It is fraught with great dangers. Look at the two recent incidents involving a girl and young woman.

The 11-year-old from Sierra Leone (definitely General Alpha) was pulled out of the Mediterranean Sea off the island of Lampedusa in December after three days. She reported that she had left from Sfax in Tunisia in a boat with 45 other people, all of whom died when the vessel sank. Then there is the case of the young woman who gave birth on a dinghy travelling from West Africa to the Canary Islands

In the midst of this, European governments, especially that of Italy, continue to throw money at Tunisia and Libya to halt the flow of irregular migrants. Rome has pumped into these two countries hundreds of millions of euros in aid, trade and investment to stop the deadly crossings. The government of Giorgia Meloni announced in December that this was paying off, with 200,000 migrants stopped in the last two years But they keep undertaking these deadly crossings. This is because of misinformation and disinformation put out by the people smugglers. They are the ones who have cynically exploited vulnerable Africans, selling them a false notion of sweetness and light in Europe. This is not the case. Over the last 10 years, almost 28,000 migrants have died or gone missing during these dangerous crossings. In the midst of all this, there are the scammers who promise safe passage to Europe from North Africa only for them to disappear with money paid for such a trip.

African migrants are bought and sold in Libya. Shades of the TransSaharan slave trade

this January. The child, another member of Generation Alpha, has had a bad start to life.

As our correspondent, Winston Kabia, points out, there appears to be a lot of complacency on the part of those who are tasked with stemming this flow from Africa: governments on the continent and the various UN bodies responsible for tackling this issue. For me, I think there is a lot of cynicism attached to this problem. As I wrote recently in this Column, African governments see these migrants as sources of income that will provide safety nets for their citizens – something that these governments should do in the first place.

It is a big racket. When those scammed report to the authorities, they are locked up, or they just disappear.

My correspondent tells me that one migrant, Hassan from West Africa, contrived to raise €3,000 “with the help of friends and family” to give to “a Tunisian citizen who falsely claimed to be a banker and promised to help him travel to France”. Of course, the intermediary never delivered and when Hassan asked for his money back, the individual threatened him with violence instead.

He was advised to report the matter to the police in Tunis. “Since then, we have had no communication from him,” my correspondent tells me. Hassan has been missing since July 2024, and to compound

the situation he is disabled.

Its even worse in Libya, I hear. There, African migrants are locked up under filthy conditions and constantly beaten and tortured. They are regularly traded for as little as €300 each. Shades of the TransSaharan slave trade.

We as journalists are duty-bound to expose such inhumanity. Africa needs its young people to stay at home, not to undertake journeys that, in most cases, will end with them living in soulless refugee hostels for years while they await anxiously to find out whether their claims for asylum have been successful. It is a depressing experience.

It is good to hear that the UK government has launched the world’s first sanctions regime to cripple people smuggling crime rings and starve them of illicit finance fuelling their operations. Although it is focusing on people smugglers bringing irregular migrants across the English Channel, there are always quite a few who have made the arduous journey all the way from Africa and across Europe.

As the world’s first standalone sanctions regime dedicated to targeting irregular migration and organised immigration crime, it will allow the UK to target individuals and entities enabling these dangerous journeys. UK Foreign Secretary David Lammy who announced his government’s plan said: “It is completely unrealistic to combat irregular migration without a role for the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office. It is an issue which ties together the foreign and the domestic most acutely.”

There must now be a concerted public information campaign in Africa to tell would-be irregular migrants that the journey is not smooth-sailing. European countries that have been providing money to Libya and Tunisia to deal with the migrant problem must now fund media campaigns in Africa-related media to dissuade young Africans from fleeing to uncertainty abroad.

Desmond Davies

Generation Alpha well-positioned to transform Africa

WE are about to phase out, in the next three years, Gen Z and replace them with Gen Alpha. The first set will graduate from high school in the 2025/2026 session.

Africa is strangely plagued with a long list of issues that have endured for many years despite being a continent full of possibilities. A widespread and persistent taint of corruption has crept into the fabric of government, undermining confidence and development.

For young people, in particular, the high unemployment rate paints a depressing picture of wasted potential and unfulfilled aspirations. Outdated political structures and a leadership class more focused on preserving power than fostering an innovative environment often eclipse the promise of democracy.

Also, economic instability induced by government errors and global inflation puts many millions of people on the brink of destitution.

Despite the persistent challenges, Africans have, over several decades, developed tools to navigate this volatile environment, tenaciously persisting and adjusting through demanding times. Still, over a great part of the continent’s history, collective actions against these systematic flaws have been sporadic and essentially reactionary.

Many Africans, especially the older generations, have accepted governments’ shortcomings as inevitable, a weight that cannot be avoided, rather than issues that must be actively addressed. Cultural standards that emphasise respect for authority and the idea that change must start from the highest levels of political power have further eroded the concept of responsibility.

This generation is equipped with the tools to solve problems, rather than just inheriting them like previous generations. Pic: Iyke Ibeh from Pexels

Born into a continent already suffering from political stagnation, economic inequalities and unrest, those of Gen Alpha are poised to join this reality. Unlike their predecessors, this generation is being raised with the required tools to address problems rather than merely inheriting them.

Equipped with an intuitive knowledge of technology, a strong sense of global citizenship, and a creative streak that blossoms even in the face of shortage, Gen Alpha are rewriting the script. These children and teenagers are growing up in an atmosphere where

demands for accountability, activism and demonstrations are no longer subdued but rather yelled on global forums.

As the first generation to witness the full potential of online activism in real time, they allow even the voices of the most underprivileged people to start movements that transcend national borders. Gen Alpha are showing a relentless need to create their responses, question accepted fate and demand more from those in charge on a continent where governments have regularly fallen short of their promises.

This generation are not waiting for a revolution; they are steadily creating one

in a calm, consistent and peaceful manner. The activities they engage in reflect a notable shift in the African social fabric, defined by a rejection of blind patriotism, the challenge of complacency, and the embrace of responsibility and creativity as essential tools for nation-building. Gen Alpha are fundamentally a reflection of the creativity to make the ideal of a better Africa a reality and the boldness to dream of such.

Africa’s Gen Alpha are ready to challenge conventional wisdom and bring in a new age connected with responsibility, development and innovation at a time when young movements all around the world have been responsible for overthrowing governments, redefining economies and reshaping societal norms.

Their activities are already being felt in homes, schools and internet groups, and this is only the beginning. This generation will redefine wealth creation outside the idea of handouts, hold power responsible in a manner never seen before, and use technology to realise goals.

With Gen Alpha, Africa is entering a new era, not merely experiencing the birth of a new generation. This is not just because they were born in 2010 upwards, but because they are growing up in a world quite different from prior generations, which sets them apart from any other generation.

The early memories of these children and teenagers are shaped by a society full of connectivity and creativity. Globally, they are the offspring of Millennials – a generation that bridged the gap between analogue and digital technologies.

Gen Alpha have only ever known the smooth integration of technology into daily life. Their environment is one in which everything is on demand, including smart devices and touchscreens, which are rather the norm.

When kids grow up, they begin their entrepreneurial path with their first YouTube channel or coding project, where creativity becomes a form of money. Gen Alpha are starting businesses, creating content and influencing markets across the globe even before they reach the age required to vote.

Their technical knowledge is not learned; rather, it comes naturally, paving the way for a future generation that will rethink what it means to create, work and live. While these traits are global, they

are especially unique in Africa, where the furnace of political and economic changes has shaped Gen Alpha.

Unlike their counterparts in more stable countries, Gen Alpha in Africa are personally familiar with the consequences of malfunctioning systems. Adversity is not just a concept for Gen Alpha in Africa; it is the backdrop against which they are growing up.

Their early years are marked by systemic corruption, where inefficiency and exploitation regularly complicate even the most fundamental civic processes. They grow up driving on pothole-filled roads, attending schools where strikes cause months of interrupted learning and experiencing such frequent power outages that generators have become a common feature of life. Yet, instead of caving into despair, these children are learning to be tenacious and solve problems.

Parents from the Millennial and Gen Z generations who are tech-savvy, informed and progressively dissatisfied with the status quo contribute to this resilience. By helping their children to take ownership of their lives, these parents – many of whom have struggled to find opportunities in a system designed to stifle them – are building a sense of independence and agency in their children.

Rather than seeing technology as only a source of entertainment, they teach their children to question authority, think critically and use technology as a tool for empowerment.

In many African households, when

it comes to the future, waiting for government participation is no longer a topic of conversation. Instead, they concentrate on self-sufficiency: generating revenue, creating solutions and avoiding system inefficiencies. Gen Alpha are largely anchored in this idea. To them, conventional paths of success, such as working for the government, getting pensions, or just dedicating oneself to a specific field of work, seem outdated and

even humorous.

Exposure to lifestyles from across the world made possible by social media has expanded their viewpoint. Seeing young people in other parts of the globe starting companies, creating software and influencing public policy has influenced their belief that they can achieve the same, if not more.

Growing up, these youngsters develop a strong awareness that borders are becoming less relevant in a society that is becoming increasingly digital. The things that count are skill, access and a willingness to think differently.

The challenges that Gen Alpha face in Africa shape many aspects of their lives. Regarding their problems, they do not believe that governments will help resolve them. The older generations, who were taught to be tenacious and flexible, do not share their degree of complacency. Still, their lack of resources has made them bold, creative and relentless in their pursuit of a better life.

While previous generations see change as a slow and regular external process, Gen Alpha see it as something they can create themselves. These children will grow into individuals who create platforms to elevate marginalised voices, design software to

Africa is entering a new era with Gen Alpha, marking more than just the arrival of a new generation, but the beginning of transformative change for the continent The

solve traffic problems and start businesses that not only survive but flourish in an unsteady economy.

For a good part of Africa’s history, respect for individuals in positions of authority has been the norm. Older generations, shaped by military regimes and colonial dominance, often adopted a calm tolerance when faced with systemic flaws.

Whether it was held by a government official, a traditional king, or an elderly member of society, challenging authority was uncommon. Respect was linked with obedience, and dissent was considered irresponsible, as it was deemed a direct assault on the well-ingrained cultural standards of hierarchy and order.

Children were taught to accept decisions made by those in authority, regardless of their competency or good intentions, and to lower their eyes when speaking to elders. Many houses followed this daily ritual, and the docile culture permeated even government, where successive administrations thrived on a population too weary from economic hardships to confront them.

Many Africans, believing that change could only be brought about by supernatural intervention or a

Gen Alpha uses platforms like Twitter, TikTok, and Instagram to instantly highlight inefficiencies, corruption, and injustice, demanding accountability

miracle passed down from generation to generation, accepted corruption, ineptitude and simple apathy as their reality. For many years, their collective attitude focused more on survival than confrontation.

However, the narrative veers differently as soon as Gen Alpha show up. This generation are rejecting the status quo, as they have been raised in a digital era where knowledge can be obtained instantaneously and without any filtration. Now, they scream into the internet the tales of corruption and exploitation their parents told behind closed doors.

witness a more robust culture of openness.

The 2020 #EndSARS movement in Nigeria was a significant event that challenged police aggression and demanded responsibility from an agency meant to protect lives, not recklessly waste the lives of young people for baseless reasons.

Though Millennials and Gen Z were the major players in the production, it was difficult to ignore the presence of Gen Alpha’s voices and their eyes giving testimonies. Many of them, though too young to participate physically in the

This generation are not waiting for a revolution; they are calmly creating one ‘ ’

Retweets, hashtags and viral videos help to validate these tales. Without them, silence becomes complicity, fuelling system degradation rather than a virtue.

Unlike their predecessors, Gen Alpha are not shy about demanding responsibility at every level of government. They find it puzzling that roads remain unpaved even though money has been allocated for development. They question political officials who try to evade public scrutiny and hold them responsible for unmet promises.

Through social media channels such as Twitter, TikTok and Instagram, they can instantly expose inefficiencies, corruption and injustice. Africa is most likely to

protests, heard the shouts and saw the images on social media.

They absorbed the lesson that silence is complicity and that change is possible when people gather. Consequently, they engaged in online campaigning, acquiring the tools and tactics of activism.

They witnessed the effectiveness of collective action and the futility of silence, absorbing these lessons in readiness for the challenges their generation will encounter going forward. These experiences are shaping them into more informed and active participants, emboldened to attempt restoring sanity and integrity in a society plagued by widespread corruption across various sectors.

A fresh understanding of patriotism

For Gen Alpha, citizenship is an active quest for advancement, a will to settle for nothing less than a continent able to provide for all its people – rather than a passive condition of being, writes Toyin Falola

OVER time, the idea of patriotism in Africa has often been misinterpreted as either an extravagant celebration of the continent’s identity or unwavering support of the leadership. Older generations were expected to honour governments’ flaws as a fundamental component of the identity of their respective nation, to sing their national anthems with pride and to endure trying circumstances without complaint.

Many believed that challenging authority amounted more to treason – a violation of the common identity – than a true display of patriotism.

Generation Alpha hold a different viewpoint. They contend that patriotism is about improving the quality of life for Africans rather than an unquestionable loyalty to a flag or political party. Their loyalty is to the values of fairness, progress and the welfare of society – not to governments that have repeatedly betrayed the people.

This rereading of patriotism implies a dedication to making leaders responsible and demanding institutions that serve all people. In this view, patriotism becomes an act of service and resistance.

Gen Alpha’s approach to handling challenges reflects this transformation. A young Alpha will criticise poor and inefficient services in a local government council, not because they hate the government but out of love for their community and a desire for reformation. They organise protests against police violence or advocate for action on climate change –not to acquire personal riches but to fight for a future they believe the people deserve. Their patriotism is based on this pragmatism. Gen Alpha members understand that constant effort and structural improvements will lead to the continent’s development rather than empty slogans or ceremonial pledges.

By emphasising that respect for authority must be earned through competence and transparency and not because of age or status, they are actively rewriting the social contract.

Also, their involvement is largely focused on problems. They pay more attention to tangible issues like clean water, consistent power, fair elections and good education than they do to abstract notions of loyalty. This generation are unique in that they are pragmatic in contrast to earlier generations, who often put more weight on symbolic gestures than on actual progress.

Gen Alpha’s courage marks the start of a new period of metamorphosis in Africa. They are demolishing the antiquated

narrative that survival is the primary goal, rebuffing the lethargy that has been afflicting the continent for so long. In its place, they are building a fresh kind of citizenship – one that emphasises civic participation, critical thinking and shared responsibility within society.

This fresh understanding of patriotism is a rallying call to action and not just a shift of perspective. It requires that Africans from all levels of society, regardless of age or background, participate in the process of nation-building. For Gen Alpha, citizenship is an active quest for advancement, a will to settle for nothing less than a continent able to provide for all its people – rather than a passive condition of being.

Generation Alpha believes patriotism means enhancing Africans' quality of life, prioritising progress over blind loyalty to a flag or party

By facing the docile culture and redefining what it means to be patriotic, Gen Alpha are rethinking what it means to be a force for responsibility and progress. They are teaching the continent that true love for a country is measured by how hard one fights for advancement and not by how much one suffers.

These principles form the basis of their revolution, a movement as radical as it is peaceful and as aspirational as it is necessary.

Beyond personal acts of exposure, technology is supporting more extensive public movements in Africa. Long plagued by apathy and logistical challenges, voter registration campaigns are now being revived by online pushes appealing directly to young people.

Regular people, activists and influencers rally their followers, inspiring them to register to vote, hold their leaders accountable, and ensure responsibility. Efforts to enhance governance are not limited to cities; they extend over rural regions, reaching places conventional media would have missed.

Youth-led projects, often organised and

implemented online, are revolutionising local responsibility. Young people are pushing for honesty in the way municipal funds are spent and challenging corrupt councillors by organising communal cleanups. In the 21st century, technology is not just a tool; it is the fundamental core of civic engagement.

The most crucial feature of Gen Alpha’s intelligence is their ability to embrace

solutions instead of waiting for them to happen. Unlike previous generations that saw power as unchanging and unbreakable, Gen Alpha regard power as a system that can be torn down through invention and collective willpower.

Citizenship in Africa is undergoing a significant change, driven by a generation refusing to remain silent in the face of corruption and incompetence. For many

of service and resistance ‘ ’

Patriotism has become an

act

change without resorting to anarchy. By redefining resistance, they are veering from the violent upheavals of the past toward methods based on ingenuity and tenacity.

They believe revolution is about achieving progress, not destroying everything. Their silent revolt is evident in their readiness to plan, protest and create

years, participation in government was limited to voting during elections or attending political demonstrations. This was the only approach one could engage with the government.

The average African was expected to be a spectator, disconnected from the events shaping their existence. Beyond that, this

Taking a stand: young Africans are advocates for climate action, driven by a vision of a fair future for everyone

was the expectation laid on them.

Gen Alpha are already dismantling this concept. They are growing up to be active participants, empowered by technology and motivated by the knowledge that their voices matter.

These days, they do not think that just politicians or conventional elites have power over the government. Instead, they see it as a team effort where average citizens significantly influence policy development and expect results. They argue that leadership should reflect skill and vision rather than a reward for connections or wealth.

Young Africans’ involvement in political processes has been a regular topic of conversation, and Gen Alpha are positioned to promote this trend further. The empty rhetoric of recycled politicians who fail to live up to expectations does not appeal to them.

Instead, they are pushing for a fresh sort of leadership – one that is young, vibrant and sensitive to the reality of a society fast evolving. Gen Alpha see a flexible system that values the most creative ideas, regardless of their origin, over a hierarchical one.

To see this change come into existence,

there is a need to implement technologyaided processes in running the affairs of the nation. For instance, an ongoing issue compromising democratic processes is election fraud.

Blockchain voting systems might help to eliminate election fraud. Imagine a society where every vote is transparent, unchangeable and verifiable, making the validity of elections undebatable. Technological applications for openness are already being developed to monitor public spending, ensuring that funds allocated for infrastructure, healthcare and education are used appropriately.

To Gen Alpha, citizenship means taking responsibility and action, not merely holding a passive title

Gen Alpha members are now seeking to incorporate global best practices into government structures. They are growing up in a world where these tools are not just speculative but also realistic.

They contend that there is no reason a country as rich in resources and talent as Kenya or Nigeria could not be leading in the front-edge implementation of creative ideas to solve problems. This approach to governance reflects a deeper respect for the citizenry.

the community and using technology to guarantee leaders’ answerability.

In addition, it is imperative to collaborate across generational and socioeconomic boundaries to build a country that truly serves its people. Collaboration is a distinguishing quality of Gen Alpha and one that can help to heal divisions and foster unity in societies long divided by ethnic and regional wars.

They are spearheading a non-violent but very remarkable revolution. Gen Alpha

Citizenship in Africa is being driven by a generation refusing to remain silent

For Gen Alpha members, citizenship is a responsibility they actively embrace rather than a passive title. Being a citizen means opposing corruption, helping in

’

are showing that change does not always have to come from violence or resentment. The foundation of their movement – marked by its subtle but profound

character – is responsibility, creativity and a reinterpretation of patriotism.

They are not demolishing Africa; rather, they are reconstructing its potential from within. They understand that the institutional structures they want to change cannot be eliminated overnight; therefore, they are planting seeds for longterm development and ensuring that the structures they create will last.

The movement’s impetus comes from a relentless commitment to self-sufficiency. A notable degree of dependency has defined Africa’s post-independence history.

Gen Alpha rejects this reliance. They are not waiting for the government to help them or to get involved in their rescue operations.

Instead, individuals are building their futures with their own hands, creating wealth through technology, entrepreneurship and innovation. This is a reinvention of the role of government, not a rejection of it. This insight shows that people drive these developments, even if governments can help them flourish.

The occurring change owes much to the older generations. Instead of opposing the improvements Gen Alpha are pushing for, they should be supporting and working with them.

To thrive in the settings they create, these young innovators require coaching, tools and platforms for their ideas. This partnership has immense potential, combining youthful enthusiasm with knowledge, which will help rethink what it means to rule and be ruled in Africa.

As we look to the future, it is crystal clear. Now that Gen Alpha are leading, Africa is entering a period of hitherto unheard-of promise. The present generation are determined not to compromise on progress and believe in the power of technological innovation and non-violent opposition to transform their country.

They are striving to build a continent in which every individual has an opportunity to be heard, government is transparent and honest, and true leadership is honoured and rewarded. The vision being offered here is a reinvented continent led by people who understand that change is both their right and their mission.

This vision is of action as much as it is of optimism. The revolution is already underway; seeing it develop is not only inevitable but also inspiring.

With Gen Alpha taking the lead, Africa is stepping into a new era of unprecedented potential and promise

Inadequate response to Africa’s migration crisis

THE recent rescue of an 11-yearold girl, Ya Marie, from Sierra Leone, found in December clinging to tyre tubes three days after her boat sank off the coast of Lampedusa in the Mediterranean Sea, underscores the desperation fuelling these perilous journeys. Her survival, while miraculous, is a stark reminder of the collective failures of African governments, transit countries and international organisations to protect the most vulnerable.

This crisis is not inevitable; it is the result of systemic neglect and poor governance across multiple fronts. African nations have failed to address the root causes of migration, such as poverty, unemployment and conflict, forcing citizens to risk their lives in search of a better future.

Transit countries like Tunisia, instead of offering protection, have been accused of mistreating migrants, as evidenced by the ongoing detention of Hassan Gbassay Kamara, a Sierra Leonean migrant with a disability. Meanwhile, European nations, in their bid to reduce arrivals, have partnered with countries like Tunisia, enabling human rights violations in exchange for controlling migrant flows.

Amid this grim reality, grassroots initiatives like Border Watch, a project by Anglo Sierra Leone Heritage, offer a glimmer of hope. Border Watch proposes to establish offices at key transit points, where migrants can access training, counselling and logistical support to safely return home. This initiative aims to break the cycle of desperation by equipping migrants with the skills and resources to rebuild their lives in their home countries.

For too long, international organisations like the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) and the United Nations High Commissioner for

Refugees (UNHCR) have been criticised for their lack of meaningful intervention. While these bodies frequently highlight the dangers of irregular migration, their on-the-ground efforts to prevent tragedies and hold complicit governments accountable remain inadequate. The proposed Border Watch project calls for greater collaboration between African governments, international organisations and local actors to address the crisis at its roots.

As the story of the 11-year-old survivor illustrates, migration is not just about numbers; it is about human lives and untold suffering. By investing in grassroots solutions like Border Watch and demanding accountability from all stakeholders, we can transform the Mediterranean from where lives are lost unnecessarily into a bridge of hope. The time for action is now – before more migrants are senselessly lost to the waters of despair.

The ongoing Mediterranean migration

crisis is a stain on the conscience of humanity. Every year, thousands of migrants, driven by poverty, conflict and despair, embark on perilous journeys across treacherous waters in search of safety and a better life. The recent survival of Ya Marie is both a miracle and a damning indictment of global inaction. Her harrowing tale is a tragic reminder of the risks migrants face daily and the failures of international systems meant to protect them.

African leaders must bear significant responsibility for this crisis. The lack of opportunities, poor governance and unending conflicts in many countries force people to seek dangerous alternatives for survival. Countries like Tunisia, and others along the migration route, have done little to address the root causes of migration. Instead of investing in job creation, education and conflict resolution, they often rely on foreign aid and external interventions, leaving their citizens to fend for themselves.

Tunisia, a key transit country, has drawn international criticism for its treatment of migrants. Reports of arrests, violence and forced expulsions are routine. The case of Kamara, the Sierra Leonean migrant with a disability who was reportedly arrested after reporting a crime, highlights the inhumane treatment migrants face in Tunisia. Such incidents underscore a broader failure by African and transit-country governments to ensure basic human rights for those in their jurisdictions.

Global organisations like the UN, the African Union, the IOM and the UNHCR have been slow and ineffective in addressing the migration crisis. While the IOM frequently reports statistics on migrant deaths, it is unclear what tangible measures are being taken to prevent these tragedies or hold perpetrators accountable. Similarly, the UNHCR, tasked with protecting refugees, has struggled to offer practical solutions for those trapped in transit countries or suffering under harsh conditions.

Migrants like Kamara, who are vulnerable and in dire need, often find themselves overlooked, lost in bureaucratic red tape. Despite repeated efforts to raise his plight, there has been no meaningful intervention from these organisations, further eroding public trust in their mission.

European nations, particularly those like Italy, continue to implement restrictive immigration policies under the guise of deterrence. While arrivals to Italy reportedly declined last year, the dangerous conditions migrants face remain

unchanged.

Italy's partnership with Tunisia, providing financial aid in exchange for stopping migrant flows, has drawn sharp criticism for enabling human rights abuses. This approach treats migrants as expendable and absolves Europe of its moral obligation to uphold international asylum standards.

This crisis is a shared failure – of African governments to provide for their people; of transit countries to treat migrants humanely; of Europe to prioritise human rights over border control; and of international organisations to act decisively. The case of Ya Marie highlights the human cost of this collective neglect. While her story is one of resilience, it

Amid

resolving conflicts. Transit countries like Tunisia must uphold the rights of migrants and stop criminalising them for seeking help.

International bodies such as the IOM and UNHCR must move beyond rhetoric and implement tangible measures, including better monitoring, rescue missions and holding complicit governments accountable. Europe must reconsider its hardline stance, prioritising safe migration pathways and collaborative solutions over punitive measures.

Global advocacy must amplify the voices of migrants like Hassan Gbassay Kamara and expose systemic failures that perpetuate suffering.

The resilience of Ya Marie should

the grim reality, grassroots initiatives like Border Watch offer a glimmer of hope

also underscores the urgent need for coordinated action to end these senseless deaths.

African governments must address the root causes of migration by fostering job creation, improving governance and

inspire action. She represents thousands of unnamed and unremembered victims. Let her survival spark the change needed to end these needless tragedies and ensure that no more lives are lost to indifference and neglect.

Helping hands; stranded migrants are rescued

Winston Kabia is coordinator of Border Watch, a project of Anglo Sierra Leone Heritage (ANSALEH). Winakabs@gmail.com

Miracle girl: 11-year-old Ya Marie who was rescued from the sea after three days

Genocide prevention a constant battle

WHEN the United Nations Charter was founded in 1945, the world had just emerged from the devastating Second World War. Lives had been lost. Hopes were dashed and replaced by despair, while human rights had been relegated to the footnotes of history.

The Charter was conceived not as a world constitution, but rather as a universal document which could underpin collective peace and security, recognition and respect of the dignity of humankind, international law and peaceful coexistence among nations and peoples.

While the Charter has helped humanity preserve and enjoy relative peace and stability for almost 80 years, we must admit that we have and continue to fall short as evidenced by ongoing conflicts and violence in different parts of the world and our continent in particular; with civilians paying the ultimate price.

Indeed, the Constitutive Act of the African Union makes prevention a core part of its mission. Yet, we continue to witness rampant and widespread violations that continue to challenge this commitment.

The ongoing carnage in Sudan is a reminder of the painful costs inflicted on civilians when we fail to gather courage to trigger institutions and legal frameworks that we painstakingly created to precisely address challenges of these nature.

Unfortunately, while humanity continues to reaffirm the words of the Charter and the Constitutive Act to protect our collective humanity, the history of humankind is littered with some tragic examples in which states have spectacularly failed in their primary duty to protect their own citizens. In some cases,

states have actively engaged in actions which not only violate the fundamental rights of their people but also breach their national and international obligations.

This failure can be attributed to the weak and in some cases non-existent state institutions to effectively guarantee peace and security. It is also a deliberate unwillingness of states to protect their own people – despite having the capability to do so – due especially to domestic factors such as political considerations.

Therefore, if we are to achieve sustainable peace, we must reaffirm our commitment to the primacy of human dignity and human rights underscored by the respect for the rule of law. Collaboration and solidarity should be our guiding light in the darkness.

Prevention of conflicts and protection of populations from atrocity crimes remain a primary responsibility of states. Indeed, in the World Summit Outcome Document of 2005, UN member states reaffirmed their responsibility to protect populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic

cleansing and crimes against humanity, as well as their incitement.

They committed to assist each other to fulfil this responsibility and to act collectively when states “manifestly failed” to protect their populations from these crimes.

For a successful prevention approach, we must address root causes or key triggers of conflicts. Indeed, I am particularly concerned with the growing phenomenon of hate speech, and the challenges that it poses to the values and principles which unite us all.

Prevention strategies can succeed, when we also prioritise and address hate speech. Hate speech towards those who are – or are perceived to be – different can constitute an indicator and a trigger for violence and even atrocity crimes.

Where tensions and violence are rampant, hate speech contribute to sowing the seed of prejudice, suspicion and mistrust, triggering hate crimes and preparing the ground for the perpetration of serious human rights violations and abuses.

Sudan’s crisis underscores the cost of failing to activate frameworks designed to prevent civilian suffering. Pic: Unamid Handout/Albert Gonzalez F/picture alliance

To quote the words of the SecretaryGeneral of the UN: “Hate speech is in itself an attack on tolerance, inclusion, diversity and the very essence of our human rights norms and principles […] it undermines social cohesion, erodes shared values, and can lay the foundation for violence, setting back the cause of peace, stability, sustainable development and the fulfilment of human rights for all.”

It is equally important that African leaders commit themselves to engage in constructive management of diversity, ensuring that none of their citizens is excluded because of their identity.

Today we are not short of knowledge about the precursors and warning signs of these crimes; we know how they develop, but in many cases, we are still failing to do enough, or to act early enough, to prevent the crimes from happening. We can and must work to support states to heal societies that are recovering from trauma.

But we must all do more to ensure that the crimes that lead to this trauma never happen. Let us not continue to repeat the mistakes of the past.

While commemorating those people who suffered the most egregious of human rights violations, we remember also our past failings and are reminded of the international community’s obligations to prevent future crimes of genocide. Given its unique responsibility to maintain international peace and security, the Security Council has an indispensable role to play in the prevention of genocide and

other atrocity crimes.

The Council cannot only provide a powerful signal of the international community’s commitment to protect vulnerable populations, but also provide timely and effective response to situations of concern to protect populations from atrocity crimes. When this does not happen, the cost is way too high.

We have witnessed the consequences of a Security Council that is unable to agree on effective collective action against

Because of its critical role today, I am deeply disappointed that Council Members could not find consensus on a resolution that would have strengthened its commitment to the prevention of genocide and provide important support for the protection of the civilian population in Sudan.

I am also concerned about the signal this sends to potential perpetrators, who see the international community divided and lacking resolve on such a fundamental issue. But, even more significantly, I am angry and saddened at the message that the Council sent to all the Sudanese victims and their relatives when a veto prevented a resolution to be adopted.

All of us share the same objective – to work towards a peaceful world in which the crime of genocide no longer happens; a world that has learnt the lessons of the past and where all populations can live in peace and dignity.

At the AU, we must also do a better job at implementing the principles that guide this organisation and advocate for the rights of all peoples to live in a safe and peaceful environment. Genocide and other atrocity crimes are preventable if we put aside narrow political interests and work together.

Prevention is a collective responsibility

African leaders must manage diversity so citizens are not excluded because of their identity

situations in which serious violations are being committed. Without timely and decisive action, situations deteriorate and the risk that vulnerable populations suffer the horrors of atrocity crimes rises.

We must and can do better. This should be our greatest homage to the victims of the crime of genocide. The Council cannot protect them now but can work to protect many who require that assistance.

Let us honour the victims of genocide of yesterday by preventing other genocides in the future. But recently a Russian veto prevented action aimed at protecting the Sudanese populations under the pretext of sovereignty.

and each one of us has a potential to make a positive contribution. It is therefore upon us all to transform this potential into reality.

We should all be protected under international norms. Our rights are inseparable and indivisible. In this context, I call for universal ratification of relevant conventions; for example, the Genocide Convention, the Rome Statute of the ICC and the Malabo Protocol establishing the criminal jurisdiction of the African Court of Human Rights and Justice.

We must implement collective decisions we undertake at multilateral institutions to prevent conflicts and protect populations.

Adama Dieng is the African Union Special Envoy for the Prevention of the Crime of Genocide and Other Mass Atrocities. The above is an abridged version of his keynote address at an international conference in Kigali, Rwanda in December 2024 to mark 30 years of the genocide against the Tutsi.

The AU must prioritise implementing its principles, ensuring peaceful environments, and preventing genocide by overcoming narrow political interests collaboratively

Mahama has to knuckle down to business fast

It is incumbent on the new administration to depart quickly from business-as-usual to come up with measures – institutionally and policy-wise – to advance governance and socioeconomic development that will enhance the living arrangement and wellbeing of Ghanaians, write Kafui Tsekpo and Seth Doe

GHANA has successfully conducted presidential and parliamentary elections, marking the democratic transition to its ninth president and ninth Parliament since the return to constitutional rule in 1993. The 2024 elections were contested on the backdrop of the two major parties having lost their mandate at least once during this period.

In particular, the issues of unemployment, economic mismanagement, energy crisis, constitutional tyranny and repression of dissent, and general public discontent with socioeconomic conditions of living were the key drivers of the decision by many of the electorate, especially young and first-time voters.

Consequently, it is incumbent on the new National Democratic Congress administration under President John Mahama to quickly ensure effective policies are formulated to address these debilitating issues confronting Ghanaians. Failure to address the declining status of peoples’ wellbeing will in no uncertain terms limit severely the chances of the NDC’s reelection in four years’ time

In his inaugural speech, Mahama acknowledged the daunting task that lies ahead and the socioeconomic quagmire of many Ghanaians, especially the youth. He said: “My administration, along with Vice President Opoku-Agyemang, will prioritise inclusivity, accountability and innovation, forging pathways that uplift every citizen. I am profoundly grateful for this moment – a cornerstone in our journey toward a brighter future for Ghana.

“Our policies will be tailored to sustain innovation and foster industries that engage today's young minds and equip them with the skills needed for tomorrow’s challenges. Together with the private sector, we will create decent, well-paying jobs.

“As we embark on this new chapter, I assure you that our decisions will champion

diversity in all facets of governance, ensuring that every Ghanaian, regardless of ethnicity, gender, age, or background, has the opportunity to contribute to our nation’s story. Ghana's youth represent the heartbeat of our democracy. Their ambition will drive our policies as we strive to create an inclusive, equitable society where everyone has a seat at the table,” Mahama added.

He went on: “Our vision hinges on introducing and implementing a 24-hour economy. We envisage an innovative and vibrant 24-hour Ghanaian economy anchored in agriculture and agribusiness. This innovative approach will unlock dormant potential, enabling us to harness our people's energy and creativity.”

Mahama, among others, emphasised the readiness of his administration to embark on governance and constitutional reforms, and fighting corruption, as a key approach to the Resetting Ghana Agenda. Essentially, this expression of desire to reset things must fundamentally revolve around the form and structure of governance mechanisms.

This is informed by the debilitating

state of the Ghanaian economy. In this sense, it is incumbent on the Mahamaled NDC administration to depart from the business-as-usual mantra to instigate measures – institutionally and policywise – in advancing governance and socioeconomic development that animates the capability of Ghanaians, to enhance their living arrangement and well-being.

Doing this will require a number of robust measures. In an apparent first move towards governance reform, Mahama issued an Executive Instrument this January to reduce the number of sector ministries from 30 to 23. While commendable, this act will only be fully appreciated when all his appointments are made public.

Regarding public policy, the agenda to reform governance mechanism and to tackle corruption should include restructuring a number of public sector institutions, ministries, departments and agencies. These should be transformed into progressive bodies capable of providing the needed governance and visionary mechanisms that inspire transformative

Mahama acknowledges the daunting task that lies ahead. Pic: Reuters/Francis Kokoroko

civic and entrepreneurial participation in the development of the country.

In doing so, political and administrative institutions must be reoriented to effectively serve the needs of the population, especially at the decentralised levels of governance, without overly burdening the public purse. A number of ministries must be restructured to contain service units akin to what is contained under the ministries of education and health, headed by experts with the technical capacity to direct the affairs of such institutions in alignment with Chapter Six of the 1992 Constitution. When properly done, such reforms can ensure quality service delivery at all levels.

Again, during the campaign leading up to the 2024 presidential election, Mahama and the NDC anchored their message of socioeconomic development in a 24-hour economy agenda. This suggests that the government’s focus is on an enabling economic environment where the business sector is able to operate at all times, create adequate and sustainable jobs and enhance the socioeconomic wellbeing of Ghanaians regardless of ethnicity, region, education or religion. This was further emphasised by Mahama during his inauguration: “The 24hour economy programme will be designed to empower every Ghanaian to contribute to our national progress. This will allow us to embrace diversity, cater to varied

Unprecedented victory for opposition

THE Electoral Commission (EC) declared former President John Dramani Mahama of the opposition National Democratic Congress (NDC) the winner of the presidential election on December 7, with an overwhelming 56 per cent of the valid votes, surpassing the constitutional threshold of 50 per cent+1 of valid votes cast.

The NDC also secured an unprecedented majority of parliamentary seats, achieving a historic two-thirds majority out of 276 MPs. Thirteen out of Ghana's 16 administrative regions voted overwhelmingly for the NDC, contrary to the predictions of many pollsters.

The euphoria that greeted the announcement of both the presidential and parliamentary elections in virtually all constituencies across the country

lifestyles and preferences, foster a culture of inclusion and ensure that every citizen can enjoy the fruits of our hard work.”

While it is not yet clear how the administration intends to ensure this, this is the opportune time to caution the principal policy actors of this administration to have a mindset with a transformative policy ethos – departing from formulating stylised policies and programmes that lack the impetus to propel progressive development. Equally, the government must engage with entities and civil society organisations that are progressive and are

attests to the aura of “freedom” for the majority of Ghanaians. They had felt that the Akuffo Addo administration had presided over an era of constitutional tyranny – diminishing the quality of governance and Ghana’s democratic experience.

For a cross-section of Ghanaians who thronged Black Star Square in Accra to witness the inauguration of the new president, and many watching or listening from their respective bases, the victory of Mahama and the NDC signified the country’s second independence.

The pre-election process faced significant challenges, with the EC coming under scrutiny and calls for a forensic audit of the electoral roll. However, these demands were not met because of the absence of an Election Technology Management Act, which is consistent with best practices on the

aligned with their policy mindset to realise the goals of the administration.

They must desist from dealing with the “business-as-usual” CSOs that have formed an unholy alliance with the media and have become gatherers of government consultancies only to champion pedestrian policies that only enrich a few in society. The NDC is at risk of existential insignificance if it fails to ensure this administration achieves significantly its electoral promises, while ensuring significant progress is made towards meaningful and sustainable development.

continent, including Kenya.

Poll day activities reflected a largely successful voting process, although issues emerged in the post-election management of results collation, particularly in the parliamentary elections. The EC withheld parliamentary results for nine constituencies in Accra, amid disputes and ongoing legal battles from both the NDC and the outgoing government, as they sought to protect the votes of citizens.

Significant reforms are expected in legal, technological, risk and security management, as well as management functions within the EC, to address vulnerabilities in the commission’s operations. Notably, gender finance reforms contributed to the election of 41 women, marking a significant improvement in the country’s efforts to enhance political inclusivity. AB

‘We envisage an innovative and vibrant 24-hour Ghanaian economy anchored in agriculture and agribusiness’

Kafui Tsekpo and Seth Doe are at the Centre for Socioeconomic Studies in Accra.

The economic task at hand

Ghana’s precariously high debt at almost 80 per cent of projected GDP as at end of October 2024 could be higher because the new National Democratic Congress government is likely to discover what have become known as “hidden” debts, write Albert Wotorbgui and Seth Doe

THOUGH 2024 ended and 2025 began on a relatively good note for Ghana on the democratic front, the economic front remains gloomy unless the new government can quickly turn things around. This year promises to be an interestingly challenging one for the new administration as it attempts to find smart ways of managing the limited fiscal space; honouring its obligations; solving food insecurity challenges; and continuing. or embarking on new, infrastructure projects.

It has also encumbered itself with the promise of removing a number of tax hurdles, including the e-levy, betting tax, the Covid-19 levy and emissions tax, among others. This further makes the fiscal situation even tighter. What this means, is the new government must, as a matter of urgency, find innovative ways of raising

revenue to meet all these obligations; failure which may result in a lot of economic and social unrest.

The Centre for Socioeconomic Studies (CSS) is projecting GDP for 2025 to be at 7.2 per cent, a comparatively stronger growth to that of 2024 on account of expected increased agriculture and related activities in response to the food security crisis currently facing the country. Ghana is among the top six countries with very high food inflation.

Other contributors to this growth will include strong world prices for its major export commodities even though the figure for growth for the country’s cocoa production was revised downward by a further five per cent after an initial 20 per cent downward revision by the commodity marketing board, COCOBOD.

The agriculture sector will need,

and must see, a significant injection of resources to boost performance and quickly improve food production to significantly reduce the food security crisis which has been bedevilling the country since 2022. Solving these challenges will significantly help in reducing the fiscal pressures, especially that of balance of payments which is expected to increase from the expected resumption of debt servicing and payment obligations.

On the revenue front, even though the Ghanaian authorities have not yet made projections of total revenue and grants because of the elections and subsequent change in government, the CSS is projecting total revenue and grants of at least GH¢260 billion, 21.7 per cent of likely projected GDP (GH¢1.2 trillion). The CSS is making this projection based on the Q1 expenditure estimates in advance

Finance Minister Cassiel Ato Forson must find

FOCUS ON GHANA

of appropriations passed on January 2, 2025.

The projection is equally based on the fact the new government must operate an extremely tight fiscal discipline and deficit to quickly reduce its debt to sustainable levels. The CSS is advising the new government to quickly take a look at introducing some tax measures in a number of sectors of the economy that will not unduly overburden already suffering Ghanaians and businesses.

The CSS is therefore projecting another challenging year for revenue collection, especially taxation, when, for the 2024 fiscal year, total tax revenue was 13.5 per cent of GDP, which may further widen the fiscal deficit to ±9.5 per cent unless expenditure is drastically adjusted to constrain this. Ghana’s major export commodities – crude oil, cocoa and gold – are projected to enjoy stable or increased prices, averaging at $71, $12,600 and $2,900 respectively, giving the government much-needed breathing space with commodity prices volatility and a grounding to revenue performance.

On the expenditure front, and based on the Q1 approved expenditure in advance of appropriations, the new government is likely to see an upper limit of GH¢270 billion (22.5 per cent of GDP) and a minimum threshold of GH¢250 billion

(20.8 per cent of GDP) on account of the drastic cut in the number of ministers from over 110 ministers to an encouraging low of 60. This is expected to amount

capital projects to ensure value for money. With this, CSS is projecting fiscal deficit to moderate at ±5 per cent.

In view of the above foresight, CSS is projecting total debt stock at the end of 2025 to moderate at GHC700 billion, amounting to a high ratio of ±58.3 per cent of GDP; a promising path to debt sustainability.

Headline inflation for 2025 is expected to remain in double-digits, albeit below the 20 per cent rate, averaging about ±15 per cent as consumer and business confidence levels are expected to rebound strongly.

On the forex market, the CSS is projecting the cedi to begin the year on a relatively weaker note as importers’ demand for foreign exchange rises. It will however end the year 2025, stabilising at an average of Ghc16 to the US dollar.

Unemployment, which remains precariously high at 14.7 per cent with youth unemployment at 25.7 per cent, will be a major headache for the new government as the economy managed by the erstwhile administration struggles to create meaningful employment

How will the new administration find smart ways of managing the limited fiscal space? ‘ ’

to some 20 to 30 per cent reduction in overall government expenditure. However, this cut is expected to be eroded by resumption in debt servicing and payment obligations, including arrears clearance and amortisation which the CSS is projecting to be the biggest budget line of 2025; amounting to at least 35 per cent of the total.

The CSS is projecting capital expenditure to be at three per cent of GDP while advising government to conduct a project cost rationalisation of all ongoing

opportunities for the young people and the general population.

Additionally, it is the expectation that the new government will start developing and putting out a roadmap toward the implementation of the 24-hour economy. This will undoubtedly start injecting some level of much needed confidence back into the economy.

Strong policy changes are expected to drive and sustain a positive economic outlook.

Strong global commodity prices will drive growth, despite a five per cent downward revision in cocoa production forecasts Pic: Reuters/Ange Aboa

Albert Wotorbgui and Seth Doe are at the Centre for Socioeconomic Studies in Accra.

Resetting Ghana’s environmental sustainability

Apart from governance reforms, three issues that require consideration as a matter of great urgency at the start of this new administration are climate change, illegal mining and renewable

energy, writes Godwin E.

Dzah

PRESIDENT John Mahama’s return to office coincides with a heightened interest in climate change in Ghana, Africa and globally. Ghana, like most parts of Africa, is facing climate change-induced droughts especially in the northern areas of the country.

Recent reports by the UN World Food Programme confirm eight out of the country’s 16 administrative regions faced severe drought by the end of 2024. Soon after his victory at the polls, Mahama granted an interview from his farm in Yapei in the Savannah Region where he recounted how his crops had failed due to drought. This firsthand account by the president corroborates the story of many farmers across the country.

The drought situation is only one manifestation of the challenges that climate change pose to Ghana. Coincidentally, it was during Mahama’s first tenure in office that Ghana signed and ratified the Paris Agreement on climate change. Therefore, his return to office should lead to a more robust implementation of climate mitigation and adaptation strategies to address the socioeconomic and political dimensions of the climate crisis. These strategies must incorporate loss and damage measures to address economic and non-economic harm attributable to climate change.

The new administration should also invest in alternative agriculture as a part of its responses to climate change. Currently, reliance on rain-fed agriculture is impractical with shorter rainy seasons and a much drier climate. Today, irrigationbased agriculture is now one of the most important tools in climate change adaptation.

Additionally, hydroponic agriculture is another climate adaptation strategy that the Mahama-led administration could turn to. This unconventional approach to farming is efficient since it uses up less space by relying on nutrient-infused liquid substances. These forms of alternative agriculture also promote sustainable agriculture.

The issue of carbon emissions also poses challenging questions for the new administration. In the run-up to the elections, Mahama and the NDC were opposed to a list of taxes including the emissions levy that was enacted in 2024 by the outgone Nana Akufo-Addo administration.

This emissions levy is a tax imposed on some sectors, including mining, construction, energy and vehicles that emit carbon dioxide equivalent (CO2e). While the imposition of the emissions levy is part of Ghana’s climate change goals, it has become a source of great controversy. However, carbon taxes including emissions levies are a popular, albeit controversial go-to toolkit in many countries. While the incoming administration is inclined to follow through with its promise to scrap the emissions levy, the government needs to re-examine its stance if it intends to comply with its domestic and international obligations.

For example, the new administration may adopt a graduated or segmented

approach that only repeals the levy’s applicability to vehicles while retaining its application to other sectors like mining, construction and energy. This approach will alleviate the direct additional costs of operating vehicles, which is passed on to people who use public transport.

Illegal mining, popularly called galamsey, is another issue that threatens environmental sustainability in Ghana. It is no secret that illegal mining is an existential threat to the environment, life and wellbeing of all persons living in Ghana.

From a relatively small issue, new and cheap technology quickly transformed illegal mining into a lucrative economic activity. From the teeming unemployed youth to security officers and politicians, illegal mining, especially in rivers, has become one of the most visible manifestations of environmental degradation.

While legal or regulated mining requires mining companies in Ghana to post land reclamation bonds, illegal miners do

The Mahama-led administration could explore hydroponic agriculture as an effective climate adaptation strategy

not have similar obligations. These illegal miners leave behind heavily polluted rivers that are unfit for use as these rivers contain high levels of poisonous chemicals like mercury, arsenic and other heavy metals used in the mining process.

Recent reports show that these chemicals leached into the soil, and are now present in food crops and potentially present chemical traces in export crops like cocoa. There is also medical evidence that demonstrates children born in communities where illegal mining is ongoing have unusual birth defects that may be linked to the effects of these poisonous chemicals on foetuses.

Illegal mining assumed a greater role when the former Nana Akufo-Addo administration instituted the community mining scheme that many commentators described as a pretext for allowing illegal mining to flourish. Additionally, the previous government passed a new law that permitted mining in forest reserves. This was a turning point for many Ghanaians.

Ultimately, illegal mining became a hot-button election issue. Soon after winning the 2024 presidential election, Mahama reiterated his position to end illegal mining and reorganise small-scale mining into a more sustainable venture. It is evident that the new administration must address the environmental issues arising from illegal mining.

However, it must do so with the

understanding that it must provide alternative livelihood for the teeming Ghanaian youth who have turned to illegal mining because it is a lucrative scheme. The government may offer amnesty from prosecution to illegal miners who are willing to reorganise as small-scale miners and be properly regulated under law. Mahama’s plan to reorganise smallscale mining must include local content policies and a restriction of such activity to Ghanaians only. Finally, the new Mahama administration must revoke the law that permits mining in forest reserves.

Mahama’s first stint in office saw the establishment of the first solar plant in Navrongo in the Upper East Region. This project was part of Ghana’s response to the need to produce sustainable electric power from renewable sources.

It is reassuring that Mahama intends to continue building on this pioneering effort in his second term through the establishment of the Renewable Energy Commission. This is a laudable objective.

Considering Ghana’s energy crisis was the first visible challenge to meet the president soon after his inauguration on January 7, he needs to move into action very quickly. A seeming resurgence of a power crisis reminiscent of his previous term does not bode well for the new government.

It is imperative for the administration to invest in renewable energy. The power

crisis portends an unseen benefit, one that should inspire the government to invest in renewable energy sources for medium to long-term solutions.

This effort will be a marked shift in Ghana’s green transition from overreliance on fossil fuels for electric power generation. The active promotion of solar-powered residential homes will greatly reduce dependence on the current power grid.

The new Mahama administration should consider subsidising and incentivising these residential initiatives as part of green technologies, especially through solar and wind power. The government’s proposed Renewable Energy Commission could champion this process, coordinating licences, subsidies, incentives and the overall regulation of the renewable energy sector. The long-term benefit of this approach is that it will ease the direct government energy burden.

The focus on legal and governance reforms in Ghana must contemplate environmental sustainability as a high priority for the government. The expectations are always high whenever there is a new government.

Mahama’s return to office has been heralded by unusually high hopes since many Ghanaians believe the immediate past administration performed very poorly in good governance. For example, the former Nana Akufo-Addo government’s handling of environmental issues, including the emissions levy and illegal mining, was singled out as a top election concern for many Ghanaians.

Additionally, there is a sense that since he served as president in the past, Mahama understands the task ahead. Reassuringly, the new administration has set key targets for itself, including a 120-day timeline from its inauguration to implement some important milestones as part of its resetting agenda.

While some governance reforms may require an elaborate review of the Constitution, others simply require legislative or administrative changes that can be done with the present supermajority that the NDC has in Parliament. There is no better time than now to make environmental sustainability a cornerstone of good governance.

Godwin E. K. Dzah is at the Centre for Socioeconomic Studies in Accra.

It is imperative for the administration to invest in renewable energy

FOCUS ON GHANA

Path to prosperity: overcoming stagflation and driving job-rich recovery

Moin Siddiqi outlines the key challenges facing Ghana's new government and offers actionable solutions to unlock the country's economic potential, focusing on industrialisation, infrastructure, and inclusive growth

GHANA’S new Mahama administration faces an array of pressing economic challenges. The country finds itself in the midst of a stagflation cycle—marked by sluggish growth, rising unemployment, and soaring inflation—at a time when the need for transformative leadership has never been greater. In the face of this precarious situation, Ghana requires a robust set of policies aimed at reviving its economy and creating a foundation for long-term, sustainable growth.

For Ghana to break free from this stagnation, the government must accelerate industrialisation, focus on infrastructure investments, prioritise digitalisation, address social inequality, and ensure better economic governance. In this op-ed, I propose a detailed agenda to guide the new government in overcoming these challenges and setting the stage for a prosperous future.

A critical starting point for Ghana's economic recovery is job creation. Industrialisation offers a powerful lever to boost employment, particularly through the promotion of small and mediumsized enterprises (SMEs), which are the backbone of the country’s job market. However, to create a thriving business climate, the government must remove barriers to growth, including regulatory red tape, high borrowing costs, and unreliable energy supplies.

To ensure that Ghana’s industrialisation strategy leads to sustainable growth, policymakers must target key sectors such as logistics, distribution, finance, information and communication technologies (ICT), healthcare, and

education. These sectors not only offer immediate job creation potential but are also foundational to long-term competitiveness. Prioritising infrastructure investment in these sectors will enhance productivity and protect Ghana’s future output capacity, thus fostering a vibrant economy.

The government must prioritise science, technology, and innovation (STI) to drive economic growth. Investing in digitalisation and technological advancements is essential to creating a workforce capable of thriving in high-end manufacturing, engineering, and ICT. The future of Ghana’s economy will depend on its ability to develop innovations and build a skilled workforce, particularly in manufacturing. This requires an overhaul of the education system, with a focus on equipping young people with the skills needed for the jobs of tomorrow.

Ghana’s demographic advantage—its relatively young population—can become a driving force for economic success if the country invests heavily in higher education and vocational training. This can be achieved by strengthening science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) education, which is crucial for fostering the skill sets demanded by the modern global economy. According to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), economies must upgrade technical training and university education to ensure that workers are well-prepared for the demands of a rapidly changing world.

Fiscal probity is essential for economic stability. Ghana’s government must focus on improving the efficiency of public spending, ensuring that resources are directed towards high-priority areas such as infrastructure, education, and healthcare. A key element of fiscal responsibility is the implementation of a more progressive

tax system. In particular, Ghana should focus on improving property and land tax collection, which, according to World Bank data, remains far below the global average for developing countries.

To support the growth of the private sector, tax incentives should be directed towards activities that enhance productivity and innovation, such as research and development and support for start-ups. A growth-friendly business environment that fosters private investment is a critical element of Ghana's economic recovery.

Ghana is blessed with an abundance of natural resources, including minerals and hydrocarbons. This rich endowment presents an opportunity for the country to climb the global value chain (GVC) and attract high-quality foreign investment. To do so, the government must pursue a strategy of vertical integration, encouraging downstream investments in sectors such as gold and oil refineries, petrochemical plants, and steel production.

By monetising its domestic resources through these high-value investments, Ghana can diversify its economy and reduce its reliance on raw material exports. This will create more jobs, improve the country’s balance of payments, and build the technical expertise necessary for competing in international markets.

Infrastructure is a cornerstone of any country’s economic development, and Ghana is no exception. The government must embark on an ambitious National Infrastructure Agenda, focusing on critical areas such as transportation, energy (including renewable energy), water and sanitation, social housing, and healthcare facilities. According to the World Bank, a 1 percent increase in a nation’s infrastructure stock directly leads to a 1 percent increase in GDP.

Ghana’s infrastructure needs are vast, and the government must find innovative ways to fund these projects. Development financial institutions (DFIs) and export credit agencies (ECAs) are crucial sources of funding for infrastructure, particularly for long-term projects. The government must continue to engage with these institutions, which include organisations

Moin Siddiqi is a London-based economist

such as the UK’s British International Investment and the German Investment and Development Corp (DEG), to secure financing for projects.

One of the most promising solutions to Ghana’s infrastructure deficit is the public-private partnership (PPP) model. By leveraging private capital and technical expertise, Ghana can develop and operate infrastructure assets more efficiently. In sectors such as power generation and transportation, where private operators can accept risks in exchange for returns, PPPs offer an effective mechanism for bridging the country’s infrastructure gap.

The benefits of PPPs include better project management, cost savings, and improved service delivery. Private operators are incentivised to meet performance standards in exchange for long-term returns, while the government retains strategic control over the project. Ghana should expand its use of this model to drive infrastructure development across the country.

To implement these ambitious policies, Ghana must strengthen its institutions. Effective governance is essential for ensuring that public services are delivered equitably and efficiently. The IMF’s advice to sub-Saharan African countries includes strengthening institutions to foster political

stability and inclusive growth. In Ghana’s case, this means improving the capacity of government agencies to implement and manage infrastructure projects, as well as ensuring that policies are designed to benefit all segments of society.

This requires a focus on institutional reforms, including the digitalisation of government services and greater transparency in the management of public funds. Strengthening governance and accountability will build trust with the public and attract both local and foreign investors.

Despite the current economic challenges, Ghana has the potential to become one of Africa’s great economic powerhouses. With a clear industrialisation strategy, investments in education and innovation, improved fiscal management, and a focus on infrastructure development, the country can overcome its current difficulties and pave the way for a prosperous future.

Ghana’s success will depend on the ability of its leaders to implement policies that foster a vibrant, job-rich economy, attract investment, and ensure that growth benefits all citizens. If these challenges are met head-on, Ghana can transform its economy and emerge as a regional leader in Africa.

The government must prioritise science, technology, and innovation

2025 outlook: can promise turn into progress?

SUB-SAHARAN Africa steps into 2025 with a sense of cautious optimism. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank predict GDP growth of between 4 percent and 4.2 percent, signalling a potential economic rebound. East Africa, long the continent’s fastestgrowing region, is once again leading the charge, with Rwanda, Ethiopia, Uganda, and Tanzania all expected to exceed 6 percent growth.

However, these positive projections must be viewed alongside deeply entrenched structural problems—spiralling debt burdens, climate change, political instability, and worsening socio-economic inequalities. Additionally, Africa finds itself at the centre of intensifying geopolitical rivalries, with global superpowers jostling for influence. The return of Donald Trump to the White House, Europe’s shifting priorities, and China’s evolving engagement with Africa all create an environment of heightened uncertainty.

The big question for 2025 is this: Will Africa rise above these challenges, leveraging its vast potential to drive sustainable development, or will it remain constrained by external dependencies and internal divisions?

East Africa: a growth hub facing social unrest

East Africa remains the engine of Africa’s economic expansion, with infrastructure investments, tourism recovery, and strong agricultural performance driving growth. Rwanda, Ethiopia, Uganda, and Tanzania are set to exceed 6 percent GDP growth this year. Kenya, while still projected to grow at over 5 percent, faces mounting internal

pressures.

Youth-led protests that erupted last year over high taxation and poor governance have morphed into a broader movement demanding systemic reforms. The Kenyan government has yet to adequately address these grievances, and ongoing social unrest could undermine investor confidence and economic stability.

Rwanda and Uganda, while enjoying strong economic growth, continue to face scrutiny over governance and human rights issues. Ethiopia, despite positive economic projections, must still navigate postconflict recovery and ethnic tensions that threaten to destabilise progress.

Sudan’s crisis: a catastrophe with regional implications

Sudan remains one of Africa’s most severe humanitarian disasters. The war between the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese army has displaced over 12 million people, with millions more facing acute starvation. Efforts by regional bodies like the African Union, as well as

mediation attempts by the US and Saudi Arabia, have yielded little progress.

The longer the crisis persists, the greater the risk of spillover into neighbouring countries like South Sudan, Chad, and the Central African Republic. Sudan’s collapse has the potential to destabilise the entire Horn of Africa, making urgent intervention imperative.

West Africa: economic bright spots amid political uncertainty

Cote d’Ivoire remains West Africa’s standout performer, with GDP growth expected to reach 6 percent in 2025. However, the political instability gripping the Sahel region—particularly in Mali, Guinea, and Burkina Faso—continues to be a major economic drag. Militaryled governments in these countries face growing pressure to transition back to civilian rule, but persistent insecurity and governance failures complicate the path forward.

Nigeria, Africa’s largest economy, is expected to see modest growth, but

Traders from across West Africa gather at Adjamé main market in Abidjan. (Issouf Sanogo/AFP)

inflation, currency devaluation, and oil sector instability continue to pose significant challenges. The country’s economic policies will be critical in determining whether it can sustain recovery in the years ahead.

Key elections to watch in 2025

Tanzania: will President Hassan secure her mandate?

Tanzania’s October elections will be a defining moment for President Samia Suluhu Hassan. Since taking office in 2021, she has championed economic reforms and foreign investment, leading to a record $6.5 billion in foreign direct investment last year. However, political tensions persist.

While Hassan has taken steps to ease restrictions on media and opposition parties, Tanzania’s opposition remains fragmented and weak. This raises concerns about the competitiveness of the upcoming elections and whether the government will face meaningful accountability.

If the elections are peaceful and credible, Tanzania could cement its position as a regional economic leader. However, a disputed or poorly managed vote could shake investor confidence and undermine the country’s progress.

Cote d’Ivoire: will Ouattara seek a fourth term?

President Alassane Ouattara, in power since 2011, previously hinted at retiring, but his party is now urging him to seek a fourth term. His final decision will shape the country’s political and economic trajectory.

A smooth transition would reinforce

Cote d’Ivoire’s status as one of West Africa’s strongest economies, but political uncertainty could disrupt investor confidence. If Ouattara decides to stay, he must work towards ensuring political stability and fostering a competitive electoral process.

Africa’s global balancing act

Africa in the G20: symbolism or real influence?

Africa’s permanent seat in the G20 has been hailed as a diplomatic breakthrough. However, for this platform to deliver tangible benefits, African leaders must move beyond symbolism.

Key priorities should include advocating for fairer trade practices, securing debt relief, and pushing for more climate financing. To achieve meaningful outcomes, Africa must present a united front and avoid the fragmented lobbying efforts that have weakened its global influence in the past.

Trump’s return: a new era for US-Africa relations?

With Donald Trump’s return to the White House, Africa’s relationship with the US could shift dramatically. The fate of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), which provides duty-free access to US markets, remains uncertain.

A Trump-led administration is expected to prioritise security partnerships over developmental assistance. To navigate this shift, African leaders must strengthen trade ties with China, the European Union, India, Turkey, and the Gulf States, reducing overreliance on U.S. policy.

BUSINESS & ECONOMY

China’s influence vs. US alternatives

China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) continues to shape Africa’s infrastructure landscape, but concerns over debt sustainability persist. Meanwhile, US alternatives like Prosper Africa and the Lobito Corridor focus on private-sector growth and governance improvements.

Africa must adopt a strategic nonalignment approach—securing the best deals from all partners while prioritising long-term sustainability and debt transparency.

Can AfCFTA finally deliver?

The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), launched four years ago, promised to transform intra-African trade by creating the world’s largest free trade zone, worth $3.4 trillion. However, implementation has been slow.

For AfCFTA to deliver results in 2025, African governments must:

• Align national policies with AfCFTA goals to boost intra-African trade.

• Invest in critical infrastructure, including logistics and transport networks.

• Develop innovative financing mechanisms to fund AfCFTA projects.

• Strengthen AfCFTA governance, ensuring enforcement of trade agreements.

Without these concrete steps, AfCFTA risks becoming yet another grand vision that fails to materialise.

2025: a defining year for the region

As Africa navigates 2025, it faces both immense opportunities and formidable challenges. The return of Donald Trump, Africa’s G20 membership, and the push for deeper economic integration will all shape the continent’s trajectory.

The ultimate question remains: Will Africa step up as a strategic global player, driving its own development agenda, or will it continue to be shaped by external forces and internal divisions?

The choices African leaders make this year will determine whether the continent emerges as a true economic force—or remains trapped in a cycle of unfulfilled potential.

Tanzania’s October elections will be a defining moment for President Samia Suluhu Hassan

Agnes Gitau is an

BUSINESS & ECONOMY

Africa must ditch the dollar to fix its debt crisis

Africa remains shackled to the US dollar and vulnerable to global financial shocks. While PAPSS improves payment efficiency, Jon Offei-Ansah reports that the African Payments Union (APU) offers a more transformative solution—one that could free the continent from monetary dependency

FOR decades, African economies have been constrained by an external financial system that leaves them vulnerable to currency fluctuations, trade imbalances, and global monetary policies beyond their control. The reliance on the US dollar as a medium for international trade means that when the US Federal Reserve raises interest rates, African nations feel the pinch, often facing soaring debt repayments, weakened local currencies, and rising inflation.

The continent’s financial architecture remains largely dictated by external institutions, with African governments forced to hold significant reserves of hard currencies to conduct trade and settle debts. This reality has long been a barrier to economic growth, making self-sufficiency elusive.

The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) was designed to boost intra-African trade and economic integration, yet its success is limited by the fact that African nations still settle most of their transactions through international financial intermediaries using US dollars or euros. Recognising the need for a more independent financial system, the Pan-African Payments and Settlements System (PAPSS) was introduced in 2022 as a mechanism to facilitate local currency transactions within the continent.

However, as Ann Pettifor argues in an essay for the American think thank, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, PAPSS, while a significant step forward, does not go far enough. It tackles inefficiencies in cross-border payments but does not fundamentally alter Africa’s financial dependency. Her proposed African Payments Union (APU), inspired by post-war Europe’s European Payments Union (EPU), offers a more radical

approach—one that seeks to structurally rebalance trade and reduce reliance on external currencies.

PAPSS was developed by the African Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank) in collaboration with the African Union to provide a real-time gross settlement system for cross-border payments. Its main objectives are:

• Instant payments: Businesses and individuals can transact across borders in local currencies without needing intermediary banks outside Africa.

• Reduced transaction costs: The elimination of correspondent banks means fewer fees and faster transactions.

• Greater liquidity: It allows African central banks to hold and circulate more of their own currencies, rather than relying on the US dollar.

However, despite its benefits, PAPSS has significant shortcomings:

1. It does not manage trade imbalances –Countries with trade deficits will still struggle with liquidity shortages, as PAPSS does not provide a mechanism for balancing payments over time.

2. It does not eliminate reliance on hard currencies – While it facilitates local currency transactions, it does not remove the need for US dollars, especially for countries that import more than they export.

3. It does not create a regional financial governance framework – PAPSS enables transactions but does not establish a policy framework to protect African economies from external monetary shocks. These gaps make PAPSS more of a technological improvement than a systemic financial reform.

Pettifor’s African Payments Union (APU) goes beyond PAPSS by introducing a multilateral clearing system where

transactions are settled periodically rather than in real-time. This approach, modelled after the European Payments Union (EPU) that helped rebuild Europe after World War II, would allow African nations to trade without the need for immediate liquidity in foreign reserves.

The EPU, established in 1950, allowed European countries to conduct trade without needing US dollars for every transaction. It worked by setting up a clearinghouse where countries could accumulate surpluses and deficits, settling them periodically rather than immediately. Countries in surplus were required to reinvest within the system, preventing the accumulation of excess reserves that could drain liquidity from deficit nations.

Pettifor suggests that Africa could adapt this model by creating a clearinghouse where African central banks hold accounts, settling payments on a multilateral basis rather than through direct bilateral transactions. This would:

• Reduce Africa’s reliance on the US dollar by enabling countries to trade without having to immediately convert their local currency into dollars or euros.

• Help manage trade imbalances by preventing countries from accumulating chronic deficits or surpluses.

• Ensure liquidity remains within Africa by discouraging the hoarding of reserves in Western financial institutions.

The structural weaknesses of Africa’s current financial system make Pettifor’s

proposal particularly compelling. Unlike PAPSS, which mainly enhances efficiency, the APU addresses the root causes of Africa’s financial instability.

African countries often run large trade deficits because they import more than they export. Under PAPSS, these deficits remain a problem because payments are settled immediately, meaning countries with liquidity shortages will still struggle.

An APU, however, creates a buffer by allowing countries to temporarily run deficits while implementing policies to balance trade. This would prevent liquidity crises and give countries time to adjust exchange rates or boost production.

Currently, when the US Federal Reserve raises interest rates, African currencies tend to weaken, making imports more expensive and debt harder to service. This is because African nations rely on external borrowing and dollar reserves to finance trade and development.

The APU would shield Africa from these shocks by ensuring that trade within the continent does not require external financing. It would decouple Africa’s financial system from Western monetary policies, allowing greater economic stability.

One of the key failures of Africa’s financial system is that it remains highly dependent on foreign capital. Countries must borrow in foreign currencies to finance infrastructure, trade, and essential goods. This perpetuates a cycle where African economies remain at the mercy of

global financial markets.

The APU would promote selfsufficiency by ensuring that liquidity remains within Africa. Instead of relying on international financial markets, African countries would trade within a structured system that prioritises regional economic stability.

Rather than viewing PAPSS and the APU as competing initiatives, they could be complementary.

• PAPSS provides the technological infrastructure for fast and efficient transactions.

• The APU provides the policy framework to ensure fair trade balances and protect against external shocks.

If combined, these two systems could create a robust African financial architecture where transactions are both instantaneous (via PAPSS) and sustainable (via an APU).

However, the biggest challenge for an APU would be securing political cooperation. Unlike PAPSS, which operates as a technical system, the APU would require strong central governance to enforce policies on trade balances and liquidity management. African governments may resist giving up some sovereignty over their financial policies, making implementation difficult.

PAPSS is a crucial innovation, but it does not address the fundamental weaknesses of Africa’s financial system. It improves efficiency but does not solve the problem of monetary dependency on the US dollar and other external currencies.

Pettifor’s African Payments Union (APU) offers a bigger vision—one that challenges the existing global financial order and seeks to fundamentally reshape Africa’s economic landscape. By managing trade imbalances, reducing reliance on hard currencies, and ensuring liquidity stays within the continent, the APU presents a bold alternative to Africa’s current financial vulnerabilities.

For Africa to truly break free from Western financial control, a payments system alone is not enough. The continent needs a monetary union that fosters self-sufficiency, protects against external shocks, and ensures fair trade balances. The APU, if implemented alongside PAPSS, could be the missing piece in Africa’s financial independence puzzle.

Ann Pettifor is a political economist, author, and public speaker. Known for her work on sovereign debt and the international financial architecture, she led a campaign, Jubilee 2000, which resulted in the cancellation of nearly $100 billion of debt owed by the poorest countries

Launched in 2022, the Pan-African Payments and Settlements System (PAPSS) enables local currency transactions across Africa, reducing reliance on foreign currencies and boosting intra-African trade

Digital economy: advancing entrepreneurship and Agenda 2063

Ojo

Emmanuel Ademola explores how Agenda 2063 fosters digital entrepreneurship in Africa, addressing AI, cybersecurity, and sustainable development goals

IN a rapidly evolving global landscape, Africa stands at a pivotal crossroads in the digital era. As technological innovations reshape economies, the continent has the opportunity to position itself as a leader in entrepreneurship, particularly within the digital economy. Central to this vision is the African Union’s Agenda 2063, a transformative framework designed to drive socio-economic development and integration across the continent. The agenda places entrepreneurship at its core, offering a roadmap for harnessing the digital economy's potential to propel Africa toward prosperity.

Entrepreneurship underpins economic growth, innovation, and job creation. By embracing advanced technologies such as Artificial Intelligence (AI), fortifying cybersecurity, and embedding sustainable practices, African entrepreneurs can address pressing challenges and seize opportunities in an increasingly interconnected world. However, to unlock the full potential of the digital economy, barriers such as limited access to infrastructure, skill shortages, and restrictive regulations must be tackled.

As the continent moves forward, a combination of strategic interventions, partnerships, and innovation will be necessary to ensure that entrepreneurship in Africa’s digital economy aligns with the ambitious goals of Agenda 2063.

Africa’s digital economy represents a frontier of opportunities. Digital platforms and tools are dissolving traditional barriers, enabling entrepreneurs to access local, regional, and global markets. This unprecedented connectivity allows African businesses to scale their operations, reach wider customer bases, and explore innovative business models.

In the past decade, entrepreneurs have leveraged digital tools to transform industries ranging from agriculture and healthcare to education and renewable energy. For example, agritech platforms now provide farmers with weather forecasts, market prices, and digital payment solutions, helping them maximise yields and access fair markets. Similarly, telemedicine platforms are bridging healthcare gaps, particularly in remote areas. These examples highlight how digital innovation is driving solutions to

Africa’s unique challenges.

Additionally, the youth demographic— Africa’s largest asset—plays a significant role in the digital economy. With the continent boasting one of the youngest populations globally, tech-savvy young entrepreneurs are at the forefront of innovation. Their familiarity with digital tools positions them as key drivers of change, enabling them to create businesses that address local and global demands.

Furthermore, digital finance solutions have transformed financial inclusion. Services like mobile money platforms provide access to banking services for millions of previously unbanked individuals. This financial inclusion extends economic participation, allowing more people to engage in entrepreneurial activities and grow their businesses.

Despite these opportunities, challenges persist. Without addressing these barriers, the promise of the digital economy may remain out of reach for many entrepreneurs.

One of the most pressing challenges African entrepreneurs face is access to reliable infrastructure. While mobile phone penetration rates are high, particularly in urban areas, internet connectivity remains inconsistent and costly for many, especially in rural regions. Affordable devices, robust internet infrastructure, and reliable energy supplies are essential to bridge this digital divide. Governments, private-sector players, and international development partners must collaborate to invest in expanding digital infrastructure.

Another critical barrier is the digital skills gap. Many entrepreneurs lack the technical knowledge to effectively utilise digital tools and platforms. This deficiency limits their ability to compete in the digital economy and scale their businesses. Education systems must prioritise digital literacy and entrepreneurship training to prepare a workforce that can thrive in a technology-driven environment. Initiatives like coding boot camps, vocational training

programmes, and university partnerships with tech firms can play a significant role in addressing this gap.

Regulatory challenges also create hurdles for entrepreneurs. Outdated or overly complex policies often stifle innovation, discouraging startups from entering or expanding within the market. Governments must establish frameworks that simplify business registration, encourage investment, and promote innovation. Clear regulations around intellectual property, data privacy, and taxation are vital to creating a conducive environment for entrepreneurs.

Sustainability is another critical consideration. As climate change impacts economies worldwide, African entrepreneurs must prioritise environmentally conscious practices. From renewable energy startups to businesses that promote recycling and waste reduction, there is immense potential for entrepreneurs to align their efforts with global sustainability goals. Encouraging green entrepreneurship through incentives and supportive policies can foster long-term economic resilience.

The transformative potential of Artificial Intelligence (AI) and cybersecurity cannot be overstated. Together, they form essential pillars for the growth and sustainability of Africa’s digital economy.

AI offers groundbreaking opportunities for African entrepreneurs. By automating processes, improving efficiency, and providing data-driven insights, AI allows businesses to innovate and expand. For instance, AI-driven platforms in agriculture can analyse soil quality and weather patterns to optimise planting strategies. In healthcare, AI applications are enhancing diagnostics and treatment, particularly in underserved areas.

However, the adoption of AI also presents challenges. Many entrepreneurs lack awareness of how to implement AI tools effectively in their businesses. Addressing this requires widespread AI education and training. Collaboration between governments, academia, and private-sector players can promote knowledge sharing and build the capacity needed to harness AI’s potential.

Cybersecurity, meanwhile, is critical to building trust and protecting businesses in the digital economy. As more transactions and services move online, the risk of cyber threats grows. Entrepreneurs must prioritise safeguarding their digital assets by adopting best practices in data protection, securing their networks, and educating employees and customers about online safety.

Governments must also play a role by establishing regulatory frameworks that promote cybersecurity while balancing innovation. Comprehensive data protection laws, in line with international standards, are necessary to protect personal information and encourage trust in digital systems.

By embedding AI and cybersecurity into their operations, African entrepreneurs can position themselves at the forefront of global innovation while ensuring resilience against potential threats.

Agenda 2063 is fundamentally about unity, development, and sustainability. At its core, it emphasises the importance of regional integration in fostering economic growth. The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) is a flagship initiative under the agenda, creating a single market for goods and services across the continent. AfCFTA provides African entrepreneurs with unprecedented opportunities to scale their businesses, access diverse markets, and collaborate with peers across borders.

Infrastructure development, another cornerstone of Agenda 2063, directly supports entrepreneurship. Investments in transportation networks, ICT systems, and energy solutions are reducing barriers to trade and improving connectivity. These advancements enable entrepreneurs to access markets, deliver goods efficiently, and build competitive businesses.

Nonetheless, challenges remain. Financing Agenda 2063’s ambitious projects is a significant hurdle, as is ensuring alignment among member states. Improved governance, transparency, and collaboration are essential to realising the agenda’s goals.

Aspiring entrepreneurs navigating Africa’s digital economy need access to resources and mentorship to succeed.

Several organisations and initiatives provide critical support to startups:

• The African Union leads economic development initiatives, offering programmes that align with Agenda 2063’s objectives. Entrepreneurs can benefit from AU-led mentorship and funding schemes.

• Incubators and accelerators, such as the Tony Elumelu Foundation and MEST Africa, provide training, funding, and networks to help startups grow. These programmes nurture innovation and create opportunities for young entrepreneurs.

• Regional economic communities like ECOWAS and the East African Community foster collaboration, enabling entrepreneurs to connect across borders. These platforms provide access to markets, funding, and knowledgesharing opportunities.

• Angel investors and venture capitalists are increasingly focusing on Africa. Platforms such as VC4A and AngelList connect startups with potential investors. By tapping into these support systems, entrepreneurs can access the mentorship, funding, and networks they need to navigate the complexities of the digital economy.

Africa’s entrepreneurs have a unique opportunity to lead in sustainable business practices. The continent’s vulnerability to climate change demands a proactive approach. Green entrepreneurship, focusing on renewable energy, waste management, and sustainable agriculture, aligns with global efforts to combat environmental degradation.

Governments can encourage sustainable practices by offering incentives for green technologies and implementing regulations that promote environmental responsibility. Entrepreneurs, in turn, can build resilience into their operations, ensuring long-term sustainability in a changing climate.

As Africa embarks on its transformative journey under Agenda 2063, entrepreneurship in the digital economy emerges as a powerful driver of change. By embracing AI, prioritising cybersecurity, and fostering sustainability, African entrepreneurs can navigate the complexities of a rapidly evolving marketplace.

Collaboration, innovation, and a commitment to addressing systemic challenges will unlock the digital economy’s full potential. Through these efforts, Africa can position itself as a global leader in entrepreneurship, achieving the vision of a prosperous, integrated, and sustainable continent.

AI and cybersecurity are pillars of Africa's digital economy

Land tenure key to Africa’s energy future

Christopher Burke says secure land tenure is critical to unlocking the region’s renewable energy potential, boosting investment, and fostering sustainable development

AFRICA stands at a critical juncture in energy development. With vast renewable energy potential and ambitious targets to expand access to electricity, the continent is well positioned to leapfrog to a sustainable, low-carbon energy future. A key, but often overlooked, factor that will determine the success or failure of this energy transition is secure land tenure.

Land tenure security—the recognition and protection of individuals' or communities' legal rights to use, control and transfer land—is essential to energy policy across the continent. Without it, both largescale and decentralised energy projects face significant barriers. Ensuring clear and secure land rights can facilitate investment, reduce conflict and promote inclusive and sustainable energy development.

Africa’s renewable energy potential including solar, wind and hydropower is immense. The International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA) estimates that Africa could generate over 10 terawatts of solar energy, 1,300 gigawatts of wind energy and 300 gigawatts of hydropower. Harnessing these resources requires access to vast tracts of land. Solar farms, wind turbines and hydropower dams are landintensive.

In the absence of secure land tenure, obtaining the necessary land for these projects can become a major challenge resulting in protracted delays and more importantly, as Liz Neate suggests, poses risks that legitimate existing rights holders lose out on the compensation they are entitled to. Liz is a UK based expert in land rights compensation and a member of the Land Equity in Uganda (LEMU) Advisory Board.

A growing number of renewable energy initiatives around the world have been delayed or canceled due to land disputes or lack of clear ownership. Investors are reluctant to commit capital to projects where land access is uncertain or subject to legal challenges. In regions where communal land is common, such as parts

of East and West Africa, the absence of formal land titles can create confusion over who has the authority to lease or sell land for energy projects. Secure land tenure ensures that energy developers can legally access land--reducing the risk of delays and increasing investor confidence.

Among the biggest challenges to energy projects in Africa is resistance from local communities, often driven by concerns over displacement and loss of livelihoods. These concerns can be exacerbated in areas with insecure land tenure. Communities may fear that large-scale energy projects will lead to land grabs resulting in loss of access to land they have traditionally used and owned for farming, grazing or other activities. This can result in protests, legal disputes and even violence, further complicating energy development.

Secure land tenure is essential for building trust between energy developers and local communities. When communities have clear and legally recognised rights to their land they are more likely to engage constructively with energy projects. With secure land tenure, they are better positioned to negotiate compensation for

the use of their land, share in the benefits of the project and ensure that their interests and livelihoods are protected. Secure tenure provides a solid foundation for developers to work with communities from the outset, fostering cooperation and reducing the likelihood of conflict.

Africa’s energy infrastructure is underdeveloped. Vast areas of the continent still lack access to reliable electricity. Expanding the grid to connect remote and rural areas requires not only financial resources, but land for transmission lines, substations and other infrastructure.

The absence of clear land rights can significantly increase the costs and complexity of land acquisition for energy infrastructure acquiring land for energy infrastructure can be complex and costly warns Professor of Land Management and Valuation Iyenemi Ibimina Kakulu at Rivers State University in Nigeria. Disputes over land ownership can result in lengthy legal battles, increased project costs and protracted delays. Such disputes can derail projects entirely and deny large portions of the population access to electricity. Secure land tenure simplifies the process

of acquiring land for energy infrastructure, reduces costs and ensures that projects can move forward quickly.

Decentralised energy systems such as off-grid solar panels and small wind turbines are an important part of Africa’s energy future, especially in rural areas not connected to the grid. These systems allow households and communities to generate their own electricity, reducing their dependence on centralized power plants and often providing a more affordable and reliable energy source.

Decentralised energy systems also require secure land tenure explains Abishek Bharadwaj, Chief Technology Officer at Equatorial Power in East Africa. Households and communities need to have confidence that they own the land on which they install solar panels or wind turbines that will not be displaced or lost in the future. Without secure tenure, the incentives to invest in decentralized energy are weakened, slowing the adoption of these technologies and limiting their potential to increase energy access.

Africa is home to some of the world’s largest reserves of oil, gas and other natural resources. These resources have historically been a source of conflict as governments, corporations and local communities compete for control over resource-rich land. Energy projects, both fossil fuel-based and renewable, are often caught in the crossfire of these disputes.

Secure land tenure can help mitigate these conflicts by clearly defining who has the right to use and benefit from the

land. In regions where indigenous or rural communities have traditionally managed land communally, the formalization of land rights can prevent land grabs by outside interests and ensure owners are fairly compensated for the use of their land. This is especially important in the context of large-scale energy projects where the stakes are high and the potential for conflict significant asserts Wambayi Wabwire, Land Administration Advisor at the Cadasta Foundation in Kenya.

Ensuring that land tenure is secure and inclusive is key to promoting sustainable energy development in Africa. When communities, particularly marginalised or vulnerable groups, have secure rights to their land, they are more likely to benefit from energy projects and to support their development. This is particularly important in rural areas where many people depend on land for their livelihoods.

Secure land tenure also better ensures that energy development does not lead to environmental degradation agrees Environment and Ecological Compliance Officer with Total Energies, Uganda, Solomon Edwards Ojiambo. By protecting the rights of communities that depend on land for agriculture, grazing or conservation; governments and

other relevant stakeholders can prevent unsustainable land use practices and ensure that energy projects are developed in a way that is environmentally responsible.

Gail Warrander, Lead on Just Energy Transition with the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) in South Africa describes secure land tenure as essential to attract the investment needed to develop Africa’s energy sector. Energy projects, especially large-scale renewable energy projects, require significant capital investment and investors need assurance that the land on which these projects are developed is legally accessible and free from dispute. Without secure tenure, the risks associated with land disputes or expropriation can deter investment and slow the growth of the energy sector.

Land tenure security is not just a side issue in Africa’s energy policy—it is central to the success of the continent’s energy future. From facilitating renewable energy projects to reducing conflict and promoting inclusive development; secure land tenure is key to unlocking Africa’s energy potential. Governments, investors and communities must work together to ensure that land rights are protected and that energy development benefits all Africans.

Christopher Burke is a senior advisor at WMC Africa, a communications and advisory agency located in Kampala, Uganda. With nearly 30 years of experience, he has worked extensively on social, political and economic development issues focused on land governance, energy, the environment, community mobilisation, communications, advocacy, policy and peace-building in Asia and Africa

The success or failure of the region’s energy transition depends on secure land tenure

ENERGY

Grand Inga Dam: DRC’s $80bn gamble to power Africa’s future

Jon Offei-Ansah reports on the monumental Grand Inga Dam project, a gamechanger for Africa’s energy landscape. With a capacity to generate more electricity than China’s Three Gorges Dam, its success could transform the continent—if it can overcome financial, political, and environmental hurdles

THE Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is pursuing a colossal feat: the construction of the Grand Inga Dam, poised to become the world's largest hydropower project. With an estimated cost of $80bn, this ambitious venture promises to generate a staggering 44,000 MW of electricity annually—more than double the capacity of China's Three Gorges Dam. Located on the Congo River, the dam aims to not only address DRC’s chronic energy poverty but also position itself as the linchpin of Africa's energy future.

The Congo River, the second-longest in Africa and second-largest globally by discharge, offers an ideal site for harnessing hydroelectric power. Stretching 4,700 km, it boasts immense water flow and a dramatic vertical drop, making it a prime candidate for energy generation. The project involves adding six new dams to the existing Inga 1 and Inga II installations, commissioned in 1972 and 1982 respectively.

The Grand Inga project is designed to be developed in six phases, with Inga III as the starting point. This phase alone will produce 4,800 MW of electricity and is divided into two sub-stages: low-head and high-head developments. Unlike conventional dam construction, Inga III will rely on an openchannel system, diverting approximately 6,000 cubic metres of water per second into a parallel valley without blocking the river entirely.

Each subsequent phase of the Grand Inga development hinges on securing funding and establishing markets for the generated electricity. Once complete, the combined output is expected to supply more than a third of Africa's current electricity demand, offering a renewable solution to the continent’s energy challenges.

The potential benefits of the Grand Inga Dam are immense. The energy produced is expected to power industrial hubs, particularly the mining-rich Katanga region, and meet the needs of nations such as South Africa and Nigeria. It could also alleviate energy poverty for millions of Congolese,

The Grand Inga Dam

where a significant portion of the population lacks access to electricity.

Eric Monga, Vice President of the Congo Business Federation, underscores the transformative potential of even small-scale hydropower initiatives: “We have to do it, whether it’s Inga or elsewhere in the country. The economic benefits are undeniable.”

Local businesses anticipate an economic boost, while access to reliable electricity could significantly improve living standards and facilitate development in impoverished communities.

Despite its potential, the Grand Inga project has faced prolonged delays, primarily due to funding uncertainties and governance concerns. Disputes between the former DRC government and the World Bank over transparency have stalled progress for over a decade. Activists have criticised the project for prioritising mining sector interests over nationwide electrification, with fears that energy distribution agreements may disproportionately favour corporate clients.

However, recent efforts by President Félix Tshisekedi’s administration aim to address these concerns. Talks with international stakeholders, including the World Bank, have been revived to ensure financing.

The Grand Inga project has attracted significant regional and international interest. South Africa has formalised an agreement to purchase electricity from the dam, viewing it as a critical solution to its ongoing energy crisis. Energy Minister Tina Joemat-Pettersson stressed the importance of planning ahead, saying: “We cannot wait until 2020 to realise we need power.”

Nigeria and other African nations have also expressed interest in the dam’s output,

recognising its potential to catalyse industrial growth across the continent.

Despite its promise, the Grand Inga project has not escaped criticism. Environmental activists warn of the ecological impact on the Congo River basin, a biodiversity hotspot. Moreover, the displacement of local communities and the dam’s impact on fishing livelihoods have raised alarms.

Efforts to address these issues include consulting local communities and implementing sustainability measures. However, the scope and scale of the project demand greater attention to balancing development with ecological preservation.

Authorities estimate it could take another decade for the Grand Inga Dam to be fully operational. In the meantime, efforts are underway to upgrade existing facilities. For instance, Inga II’s Turbine 5 is undergoing refurbishment to enhance its output by 162 MW.

Kamoa Copper, SNEL (DRC’s national electricity provider), and international contractors are spearheading technical assessments and infrastructure upgrades. The goal is to integrate surplus energy into the national grid, improving access for ordinary Congolese citizens.

The Grand Inga Dam represents an unparalleled opportunity to reshape Africa’s energy landscape. If realised, it could symbolise Africa’s ability to harness its natural resources for continental prosperity. However, the project’s success depends on overcoming significant financial, governance, and environmental challenges.

As activist Ben Munanga succinctly put it: “The national utility must serve the people, not just companies. This project must prioritise national development alongside industrial needs.”

The world will watch closely as the DRC navigates the complexities of executing one of history’s most ambitious energy projects. Whether the Grand Inga Dam becomes a beacon of sustainable energy or another stalled mega-project will define its legacy for generations to come.

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Africa's golden secret: billions lost to shadowy ASM trade

Africa's artisanal gold sector thrives, yet billions remain undeclared annually. A new report exposes smuggling, corruption, and missed revenue opportunities, Jon Offei-Ansah reports

AFRICA is undergoing a gold rush. Yet, despite its glittering potential, the wealth produced by artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) largely escapes official records, leaving African nations with significant revenue shortfalls. A groundbreaking report by the NGO Swissaid sheds light on this hidden economy, revealing that 321 to 474 tonnes of gold—worth between $23.7 billion and $35 billion—go unreported every year.

“There is a lot more that needs to be done to formalise the sector and make sure that African states get a revenue from the trade of this gold,” emphasised Yvan Schulz, a raw materials researcher at Swissaid and co-author of the report. The report meticulously analysed gold production and trade data across Africa, painting a stark picture of lost opportunities. Switzerland, a significant player in the global gold trade, ranks as the secondlargest importer of African gold after the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

In 2022, Africa produced between 991 and 1,144 tonnes of gold, over half of which originated from artisanal mines. However, much of this gold escapes official production and trade records. Swissaid estimates that over 435 tonnes were smuggled out of Africa last year, averaging more than a tonne a day.

Nine countries on the continent lose over 20 tonnes of ASM gold to the shadows annually. Out of 54 African nations, 41 report ASM gold production exceeding 100 kilograms per year. Yet, in 15 countries, no production is reported at all. Hidden ASM gold represents up to 80 percent of ASM production and nearly 41 percent of Africa’s total gold output.

This clandestine trade deprives African nations of critical tax revenues, funds

that could support public services like healthcare and education. ‘We are talking about hundreds of millions of dollars for the whole continent that would be available for all kinds of public services,’ Schulz remarked.

High export taxes are a significant deterrent to formal declarations. “Some of these export taxes are not realistic,” Schulz noted. “If you ask dealers to pay a 15 percent export tax, you can be almost certain that this gold is not going to be declared.” Harmonising tax regimes across African states is one of the recommendations proposed by Swissaid to tackle this issue.

Administrative inefficiencies and corruption compound the problem. In some countries, state agencies fail to keep pace with the trade’s scale. Schulz added, “In

some countries, it’s absolutely clear that the elite have a role to play in the trade of undeclared gold. They control the whole trade, and nothing gets done without their approval. That’s a form of corruption.”

The UAE plays a pivotal role in the trade of undeclared African gold. Clandestine routes funnel this gold into international markets, where it gains legal status, blurring the lines between illicit and legitimate trade. Swissaid estimates that Africa’s undeclared ASM gold production could reach 474 tonnes annually, with the smuggled gold valued at $30.7 billion in 2022.

“Gold smuggling in Africa more than doubled between 2012 and 2022,” noted Adam Anthony, chairperson of Publish What You Pay (PWYP). “Let me put things into perspective: $30 billion a year is

equivalent to two times the GDP of Rwanda and the foreign reserves of Tanzania for the next six months.”

From 2012 to 2022, 2,569 tonnes of African gold, worth $115.3 billion, entered the UAE without being declared for export. The UAE, a major global gold hub, received 66.5 percent of its gold imports from Africa through smuggling in 2022. Although the UAE has tightened gold trade regulations recently, its absence at key international forums on responsible gold sourcing raises questions about its commitment to transparency.

Switzerland also plays a crucial role in the gold trade. From 2012 to 2022, nearly 80 percent of African gold exports went to Switzerland, the UAE, and India. Swiss direct imports from Africa increased from 158 tonnes in 2012 to 246 tonnes in 2022.

While Switzerland avoids sourcing ASM gold directly from Africa, the report highlights an indirect risk. Much of the gold imported into Switzerland from the UAE may originate from African ASM mines. Schulz explained, “Part of that gold very likely comes from Africa and from African ASM. So there’s a high risk that Switzerland might actually be sourcing a lot of ASM gold from Africa indirectly.”

Accurate data on Africa’s gold trade remains elusive. Swissaid used mirror data analysis to cross-check discrepancies between export and import figures, considering factors like tariff code misclassification and trade value reporting variations. This method aligns with findings from other organisations, such as the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime.

Marcena Hunter, director of Extractives at the Global Initiative, praised the report’s thoroughness. “It is a really great exploration of the data both in terms of its limitations and what can be done with it,” she said during a panel discussion in Paris.

ASM mining also comes with environmental and social costs. Mercury use in gold extraction poses severe health risks, while deforestation and land degradation exacerbate environmental challenges. Additionally, illicit gold flows are linked to corruption and conflict financing in countries like the Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of Congo, and Sudan.

“The gold sector has historically been demonised,” Hunter noted. “That being said, we know that gold certainly contributes to conflict financing in multiple

African countries. Violent extremist groups in the Sahel profit from the gold sector.”

Experts agree that formalising the ASM gold sector is crucial. Harmonising tax regimes, improving data collection, and fostering sustainable mining practices are key steps. Schulz highlighted the potential of ASM gold miners, saying, “The miners have little impact on how the trade is done. Despite operating off the books with minimal state support, their productivity is astounding.”

The Swissaid report calls for stricter regulations and greater transparency in the gold trade. Schulz stressed the importance of Swiss accountability: “State authorities so far have not done much to produce more transparency, and they should really do it. By creating stricter regulation and more transparency in the gold sector, we can really improve the lives of those miners and their families.”

Africa’s untapped gold wealth offers immense potential. With collaborative efforts among governments, international bodies, and private stakeholders, the ASM sector can transform from a hidden economy into a source of prosperity for millions across the continent.

Investing in research to secure a sustainable future

Africa’s potential for sustainable development is immense, but it remains constrained by underfunded and disconnected research. Madalitso Wills Kateta discusses how investing in high-quality research can transform the continent’s governance, economy, and development outcomes

AFRICA’S potential for sustainable development is immense, yet the continent remains constrained by an underfunded and disconnected research ecosystem. Without strategic investment in research and development (R&D), Africa risks lagging behind in innovation, economic growth, and the ability to address pressing challenges such as climate change, food insecurity, and public health crises. Experts argue that without stronger links between research, governance, and industry, the continent will continue to rely on external knowledge and solutions.

Dr Obiageli Ezekwesili, a renowned Nigerian economist and public policy expert, stresses that Africa’s research sector is too detached from the realities

of everyday life. “Research in Africa is currently disconnected from society. Researchers are often isolated in academic environments, disconnected from realworld problems and solutions,” she explains. This disconnect has resulted in a situation where, despite significant academic output, much of the research remains unused in policymaking or economic development.

The gap between research and governance is particularly striking. Although public institutions employ nearly forty percent of Africa’s researchers, only a small fraction of their work translates into practical solutions. Even more concerning is that just three percent of researchers work in private enterprises, leaving industries and businesses with minimal

involvement in research and innovation.

Ezekwesili highlights the stark contrast with economies like China, where research is deeply embedded in the private sector. “In China, research and development are embedded in the private sector. In Africa, we see minimal integration of research and development into economic activities,” she notes. This lack of integration between academia, governance, and business weakens the continent’s ability to turn knowledge into actionable solutions.

Africa’s underinvestment in research is another significant hurdle. In 2007, African Union member states committed to allocating at least one percent of their GDP to research, yet the continent currently invests a mere 0.42 percent—well below the global average of 1.7 percent. This failure to prioritise research funding limits Africa’s ability to develop homegrown innovations and solutions. Ezekwesili warns that without a serious financial commitment, Africa will remain dependent on foreign expertise. “If we do not invest in research, we will always rely on others to tell us what to do, and that is a dangerous place to be,” she cautions.

Despite these challenges, Africa does have examples of research-driven success that highlight the potential impact of targeted investment. One such initiative is the Rapid Feedback Monitoring System (RFMS) in Malawi, a partnership between Catholic Relief Services, Cornell University, and other stakeholders. This data-driven approach has provided invaluable insights into climate change adaptation and food security, demonstrating the real-world benefits of applied research.

In Chikwawa District, one of Malawi’s

Dr Obiageli Ezekwesili highlights Africa’s research sector’s detachment from real-life issues, urging stronger connections between academia and societal challenges. Pic: Reuters /Afolabi Sotunde

most climate-vulnerable regions, the RFMS has helped local communities make informed decisions based on real-time agricultural data. Village leaders, for instance, noticed a troubling pattern of declining food harvests and, with data from the RFMS, introduced rotational winter cropping to mitigate the impact of erratic weather patterns. Group Village Headman Chipakuza of Chikwawa District highlights the impact of the initiative: “This data has helped us understand our vulnerability to climate change. In 2024, the data indicated that 92 percent of families were food insecure, and we have been able to find solutions based on this data.”

The information provided by RFMS has also helped authorities advocate for improved irrigation systems, strengthening food security in the district. The success of this initiative underscores the importance of research that is not just theoretical but directly informs policy and community action. “Without data, we would still be relying on guesswork. Now, we can see the patterns and prepare for what’s coming,” says Chipakuza.

To fully harness the potential of research and development, Africa must take deliberate steps to integrate research into governance and industry. Ezekwesili insists that governments must honour their commitment to increasing research funding. “African governments must act on their promise to dedicate at least one percent of GDP to research. Anything less

is a failure to take our future seriously,” she says.

Attracting private sector investment in research is also critical. Businesses play a vital role in driving innovation, especially in industries such as agriculture, technology, and renewable energy. Ezekwesili argues that greater private sector involvement would help Africa shift from being consumers of global research to producers of homegrown solutions. “The private sector must step up. Research is not just for universities. It is the foundation of any strong economy,” she emphasises.

Dr Edith Milanzi, a leading advocate for women in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics, raises another critical issue—the longstanding debate over whether research should drive policy or policy should drive research. In her paper Academic Research and Policy Making in Malawi, she highlights the challenge of integrating research findings into governance. “It is widespread practice in other countries to allocate funds to research and call upon academic researchers to contribute evidence towards a national concern. This is rarely so in Malawi. The gap between policymakers and researchers in Malawi is expansive; it is easy to think the two are mutually exclusive,” she argues.

Milanzi insists that academic research and policymaking must work together rather than operating in isolation. “One

DEVELOPMENT

of the most important aspects of policy change is justification for that change. Policies that are not evidence-based, where it is warranted, are detrimental in the long run and prone to wastage of resources,” she warns. The failure to base policy decisions on rigorous research has led to inefficiencies across Africa, from ineffective agricultural strategies to poorly planned infrastructure projects.

For Africa to achieve sustainable development, data-driven decision-making must become the norm. Many African governments still rely on outdated or incomplete data, limiting their ability to respond effectively to social and economic challenges. The RFMS model in Malawi demonstrates how real-time data can shape policy and improve governance, particularly in areas like food security and climate resilience. By investing in similar research initiatives, African governments can ensure that policy decisions are informed by accurate, up-to-date information.

Beyond governance, research-driven innovation in agriculture and energy is essential for Africa’s long-term economic stability. As climate change threatens food security across the continent, research into climate-smart agricultural practices could help farmers adapt to changing conditions and boost productivity. Similarly, investment in renewable energy research could help Africa transition to sustainable energy sources, reducing dependence on fossil fuels and strengthening energy security.

The path to economic and social transformation in Africa lies in prioritising research and innovation. Without increased investment and stronger collaboration between academia, government, and the private sector, Africa will struggle to overcome its development challenges. The example of Malawi’s Rapid Feedback Monitoring System illustrates that when research is aligned with real-world needs, it has the power to drive change at both the community and policy levels.

Ezekwesili sums up the challenge ahead: “Africa must stop talking about research and start investing in it. If we do not, we will always be playing catch-up with the rest of the world.” The stakes are high, but the potential rewards are even greater. With a united effort to strengthen its research ecosystem, Africa can harness the power of knowledge to build a more prosperous, sustainable, and self-sufficient future.

Malawi’s Rapid Feedback Monitoring System shows research aligned with real-world needs can transform communities and influence policies

Accelerating the impact of African-driven conservation

A non-governmental organisation initially formed in response to the ivory poaching crisis of the 1980s has significantly assisted local people and organisations to address the threats they are facing in their habitats and to wildlife,

writes Robyn Brown

NEARLY 40 years ago Charlie Mayhew, the Founder and President of UK-based African conservation charity Tusk, created and led a Young Europe African Expedition. Its members travelled from London to Cape Town, across the Sahara and traversing through Congo before heading to Kenya, where the expedition group took part in conservation and community projects.

This seven-month journey and its wildlife experiences provided the inspiration that led to the formation of Tusk, which was officially founded in 1990 by Charlie Mayhew and Sir Timothy Ackroyd.

Now, nearly 35 years after Tusk was established, more than £130 million has been invested to support the growth of 250 local partner organisations and wildlife ranger units across 25 African countries. The projects funded by Tusk protect more than 40 threatened species, with funding distributed across South, East, West, Central and North Africa.

Tusk was initially formed in response to the ivory-driven poaching crisis of the 1980s, which had a significant impact on African elephant populations. The charity’s original mission statement was: Conserve the wildlife and habitats of Africa.

The fundraising objective was to help halt the decline of elephants due to poaching. In 1979, more than 1.3 million elephants had roamed Africa’s vast and varied landmass, compared to an estimated 600,000 in 1989.

As Tusk has grown over the past three decades, its mission has also evolved. Today, the charity works to “accelerate the impact of African-driven conservation” by investing in the most effective local organisations and their in-depth knowledge and expertise.

Tusk builds on innovative ideas and

turns them into scalable solutions. Laila Kassam, Head of Finance and Operations at Mount Kenya Trust, called Tusk the “true champion of collaboration and partnership, keeping the local organisation at the heart of funding”.

Every project funded by Tusk covers at least one of the charity’s five key criteria: protecting endangered species, preserving and enhancing natural habitats, mitigating Human-wildlife conflict, advocacy, awareness and publications, and the provision of environmental education.

Tusk provides financial support to 50 projects across Africa. Derek Lubangakene from the Uganda Conservation Foundation, which is Tusk’s partner in Uganda, said that Tusk “operates more like a partner than a donor, in the way it invests in building sustainable relationships. Their grants allow grantees the flexibility to operate without much [excessive] admin, thereby ensuring the grant's impact is maximised through efficiency and efficacy”.

The only project funded and wholly owned by Tusk is its Pan-African Educational Programme (PACE), which was established in 2004 with Siren Conservation Education. The programme provides educational materials based on solutions that Tusk’s project partners have seen make a real difference in people’s lives, especially for those communities that live alongside wildlife.

By providing free online and in-print materials, teachers and students can engage further and learn more about the wildlife around them, as well as the value of, and, solutions for human-wildlife coexistence. A 2019 impact report found that more people were actively protecting wildlife after using PACE materials than before, and that 58 per cent of Tusk partners were using solutions they learned in PACE resources to solve human-wildlife conflict problems.

Tusk’s yearly events and campaigns

New lease of life: the decline of elephants due to poaching has been halted

raise significant funds for African wildlife conservation. In June 2025, the Lewa Safari Marathon (and half marathon) will celebrate its 25th anniversary. Since its inception, runners from over 40 countries have run among zebras and the endangered black rhino in the high-altitude terrain of Lewa Wildlife Conservancy, a UNESCO World Heritage site., in Kenya

Funds raised, support wildlife and local communities throughout Kenya: over $9 million has been raised since 2000. The projects supported through the marathon help to protect flagship species such as Grevy’s Zebra, black and white rhinos, green turtles and mountain bongos. Local communities have also benefited from life-saving medical equipment – which is provided annually to six hospitals and clinics – and marathon funds have also helped over 10,000 students through school infrastructure, such as buildings and house blocks, and bursaries around Lewa and the Northern Rangelands.

Tusk believes that local people and organisations are best positioned to address the threats they are facing but are often under-resourced and lack the recognition they deserve.

Accelerating the impact of Africandriven conservation also requires a significant focus on raising the working conditions and safety of Wildlife Rangers across Africa. Tusk’s funding has always had a focus on Wildlife Rangers, from ensuring vehicles have enough fuel to providing first aid, field training and ranger

salaries.

"Tusk is an invaluable support to our efforts to protect the Upper Niger National Park,” said Tusk’s partner, the Chimpanzee Conservation Centre, in Guinea. “With the help of Tusk, we can better equip and train park rangers.”

Tusk was key in launching The Wildlife Ranger Challenge: a series of challenges, including fitness tests and a knowledge quiz that culminates in a half marathon across ranger teams' respective

Welfare and Standards Initiative (RWSI) was launched in a speech by Tusk’s Royal Patron, Prince William. The RWSI was developed by Tusk in partnership with the Game Rangers Association of Africa (GRAA), with financial support from The Royal Foundation of the Prince and Princess of Wales, and with the backing of the International Ranger Federation (IRF).

Andrew Campbell, CEO of GRAA explained: “The RWSI is a broad package of support that will improve and promote

The projects funded by Tusk protect more than 40 threatened species ‘ ’

African regions – as a response to the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020.

The challenge has now grown into a multi-million fundraising initiative that has now totalled $21 million. The annual event has become a source of regular funding for Tusk partners such as Conservation South Luangwa (CSL) in Zambia.

Benson Kanyembo, Law Enforcement Adviser at CSL said: “The critical funding that Tusk provides has kept our rangers in the field working and protecting the South Luangwa ecosystem.”

At the United for Wildlife Global summit in Cape Town in November 2024, an innovative financial and welfare package of support known as the Ranger

the well-being, rights and professional standards of rangers across Africa to ensure that they are adequately supported, protected and empowered. We need to work together to protect the protectors and acknowledge their immense contribution to nature that benefits both people and wildlife.”

As the world continues to face uncertainties and threats to biodiversity and planetary health, Tusk says it is committed to providing financial support to local organisations and to shining a spotlight on the people and communities in Africa working night and day to improve livelihoods, protect wildlife and preserve habitats.

Wildlife challenge: rangers being put through their paces

Elevating African fashion on the global stage sustainably

Africa Briefing looks at a Nigerian fashion brand that is driven by a bold vision: to make African designs a significant force in the global industry while addressing sustainability challenges

ALTHOUGH Fikayomi Agbola qualified as a chartered account, her dream of owning her fashion brand never waned. Eventually, Bittany was created in 2017 in Nigeria.

That was after she had tried her hand at a number of fashion-related jobs, including managing a fashion house for a year, she tells Africa Briefing. “Bittany evolved into more than just a fashion brand,” says Agbola. “It became a platform to tell stories through clothing, celebrating

African craftsmanship, heritage and contemporary design.”

Businesses around the world are now constantly reminded about ethical issues, climate change and general environmental concerns. These worries have not been lost on Agbola. She explains: “My vision stems from a passion for African culture, a commitment to ethical production and a determination to tackle textile waste and overconsumption – critical issues plaguing the global fashion industry today. But

at its core, the brand is motivated by a vision that aligns with global sustainability goals – moving away from the fastfashion model and offering a more ethical, resourceful approach.”

She adds: “Bittany’s mission is clear: to blend traditional African fabrics and techniques with modern design, creating timeless pieces that honour cultural heritage. From vibrant Ankara to intricately designed adire, each piece showcases Africa’s richness. However, sustainability

Having a ball: Fikayomi Agbola (in green dress) celebrates with her models after the Afro Fashion Show UK in July 2024 at the Hilton Hotel in Manchester

FASHION

Dream comes true: Fikayomi Agbola in her shop in Lagos

FASHION

is at the heart of this vision.”

Agbola continues: “Bittany is committed to reducing textile waste and overproduction – two major issues in the fashion industry. Bittany is focused on sourcing sustainable materials and exploring alternatives to traditional manufacturing practices. The goal is to use fashion as a vehicle for environmental change, offering consumers options that are not only stylish but also contribute to a sustainable future.”

Global fashion industry's limited acknowledgment of African designers ‘ ’

This commitment was recently showcased when Bittany participated in the Fashion and Retail Innovation Lab at the University of Manchester in the UK, where

Agbola has resided since 2021. Through the lab, Bittany received a grant to support research on sustainable fashion practices, specifically tackling textile waste and overconsumption – issues deeply relevant to both Africa and the global fashion market.

One key hurdle is the global fashion industry's limited acknowledgment of African designers, Agbola notes. “Despite the continent’s deep-rooted heritage in textiles and craftsmanship, African fashion often struggles to secure its place on international runways and in global markets,” she says.

“To break through these barriers, Bittany focuses on leveraging its unique cultural narrative and creating designs that speak to a global audience while staying true to its African roots. “Sourcing sustainable materials in Africa also poses challenges. While there is a growing interest in eco-friendly fabrics, the infrastructure to support largescale sustainable production is still in development across much of the continent. This challenge is compounded by the need to educate consumers about the benefits of sustainable fashion and change behaviours rooted in fast fashion,” Agbola adds.

She says Bittany is actively working to overcome these obstacles by exploring partnerships that bring together sustainable fashion initiatives from within and outside Africa. These partnerships aim to create a more cohesive ecosystem for sustainable fashion, ensuring that African brands can access resources and markets that are needed to thrive.

Looking at the future of fashion, she says this will depend on how brands address the environmental impact of textile waste. “The global fashion industry is responsible for a significant portion of carbon emissions and textile waste, with millions of tons of clothes ending up in landfills annually,” Agbola points out.

“Bittany recognises that shifting to circular models – where clothes are reused, recycled, or upcycled – is a necessary step toward sustainability. In its efforts to

Cuppy Otedola, Nigerian DJ and musician, reached out to Bittany to make this Ankara dress for her show in Accra

tackle textile waste, Bittany is focusing on solutions like rental fashion, secondhand markets and other circular economy models.

“These initiatives, when adopted at scale, have the potential to reduce the environmental footprint of the fashion industry significantly. Bittany’s project proposal to explore these models includes consumer surveys, focus groups in both the UK and Nigeria, and a policy review aimed at understanding how consumers

impact ‘ ’

Bittany

is about

creating

a successful brand and making a broader

view sustainable fashion alternatives and how these insights can shape future collections,” Agbola adds.

For her, Bittany’s journey is not just about creating a successful brand. It is about making a broader impact. Agbola envisions a future where African fashion is not only celebrated for its creativity but also for its ethical and sustainable practices.

To achieve this, Bittany is committed to empowering young, aspiring designers, particularly women from underprivileged backgrounds, through skills training programmes in design and sewing. “By equipping the next generation of designers with the tools and knowledge needed to succeed, Bittany hopes to foster a new wave of sustainable fashion entrepreneurs across Africa and globally,” Agbola tells Africa Briefing.

This empowerment extends beyond design. Bittany aims to continue to build local economies by collaborating with artisans and manufacturers who adhere to ethical practices. Through these efforts, the brand wants to create a lasting impact on both the fashion industry and the communities it serves.

“While the brand has started to make some progress in raising awareness about sustainable fashion, its goal is to reach a broader audience and continue advocating for the inclusion of African fashion in global conversations about sustainability and innovation,” says Agbola. “By building strong partnerships with likeminded brands and organisations, Bittany plans to increase its influence and continue to push the boundaries of what is possible within the fashion world.

“The brand’s ultimate goal is not just to sell clothing but to challenge the way fashion is consumed. By emphasising the importance of sustainability and ethical production, Bittany is helping to shape the future of fashion. Through its designs, partnerships and advocacy, the brand is proving that African fashion can lead the charge in creating a more sustainable and inclusive fashion industry,” Agbola adds confidently.

bittany.co.uk