Africa Briefing - September - October 2024 by africabriefing

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Diaspora networks and their role in crisis response

IN our cover story, Diaspora networks reshaping humanitarian crisis response, Unisa Dizo-Conteh provides a compelling exploration of how diaspora communities are evolving from simple remittance senders to strategic partners in global crisis management and long-term development efforts. Drawing from his own experiences, particularly during the Ebola outbreak in Sierra Leone, Dizo-Conteh offers a unique perspective on how these networks are shaping the future of humanitarian aid in Africa and beyond.

Key insights and strengths

One of the article's major strengths is its personal touch. By recounting his involvement in the Sierra Leone UK Diaspora Ebola Response Taskforce (SLUKDERT), Dizo-Conteh gives readers a firsthand account of how diaspora groups can mobilise resources more quickly and efficiently than international aid organisations. His narrative is not only engaging but also illustrates the practical impact diaspora networks have had in times of crisis. This lived experience grounds the piece, lending it authenticity and credibility.

PUBLISHER’S NOTE

Africa bucks global economic trend

Publisher Jon Offei-Ansah

Editor Desmond Davies

Contributing

Editors

Prof. Toyin Falola

Tikum Mbah Azonga

Prof. Ojo Emmanuel Ademola (Technology)

Valerie Msoka (Special Projects)

Contributors

Justice Lee Adoboe

Chief Chuks Iloegbunam

Joseph Kayira

Zachary Ochieng

Olu Ojewale

Oladipo Okubanjo

Corinne Soar

Kennedy Olilo

Publisher

Jon Offei-Ansah

Desmond Davies Editor

In 2018, six of the 10 fastest-growing economies in the world were in Africa, according to the World Bank, with Ghana leading the pack. With GDP growth for the continent projected to accelerate to four per cent in 2019 and 4.1 per cent in 2020, Africa’s economic growth story continues apace. Meanwhile, the World Bank’s 2019 Doing Business Index reveals that five of the 10 most-improved countries are in Africa, and one-third of all reforms recorded globally were in sub-Saharan Africa.

Deputy Editor

Another highlight is Dizo-Conteh’s discussion on remittances. The article effectively highlights how remittances, often viewed as informal financial support, play a critical role during crises. Citing specific statistics from Sierra Leone, Dizo-Conteh illustrates how financial contributions from diaspora communities surged during the Ebola outbreak, providing essential support before international aid arrived. His data-driven approach helps to contextualise the importance of remittances in crisis scenarios, giving the reader a clear picture of their real-world impact.

Angela Cobbinah

Contributing

Gorata Chepete

Designer

Simon Blemadzie

Country Representatives

South Africa

Editor

Stephen Williams

Michael Orji

Moreover, the article delves into the growing strategic involvement of diaspora communities in long-term development projects. Dizo-Conteh points to initiatives like the construction of a world-class healthcare facility in Nigeria, demonstrating how these networks are moving beyond immediate crisis response to engage in sustainable development. This progression—from remittances to strategic partnerships in development—is framed as a key evolution in how diaspora communities contribute to their countries of origin.

Director, Special Projects

What makes the story more impressive and heartening is that the growth – projected to be broad-based – is being achieved in a challenging global environment, bucking the trend.

Areas for further exploration

In the Cover Story of this edition, Dr. Hippolyte Fofack, Chief Economist at the African Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank), analyses the factors underpinning this performance. Two factors, in my opinion, stand out in Dr. Hippolyte’s analysis: trade between Africa and China and the intra-African cross-border investment and infrastructure development.

Much has been said and written about China’s ever-deepening economic foray into Africa, especially by Western analysts and commentators who have been sounding alarm bells about re-colonisation of Africa, this time by the Chinese. But empirical evidence paints a different picture.

Contributors

Justice Lee Adoboe

Chuks Iloegbunam

Joseph Kayira

Zachary Ochieng

Olu Ojewale

The article does an excellent job of outlining the positive contributions of diaspora networks, and sets the stage for a more in-depth discussion of the challenges these networks face. Dizo-Conteh briefly touches on issues such as coordination difficulties, alignment with government policies, and the risk of brain drain. These challenges deserve more nuanced exploration. For example, how can diaspora groups work more effectively with local governments? What measures can be taken to ensure their efforts are harmonised with those of international organisations?

Despite the decelerating global growth environment, trade between Africa and China increased by 14.5 per cent in the first three quarters of 2018, surpassing the growth rate of world trade (11.6 per cent), reflecting the deepening economic dependency between the two major trading partners.

Oladipo Okubanjo

Corinne Soar

Designer

Gloria Ansah

Country Representatives

South Africa

Edward Walter Byerley

Top Dog Media, 5 Ascot Knights 47 Grand National Boulevard Royal Ascot, Milnerton 7441, South Africa

Tel: +27 (0) 21 555 0096

Cell: +27 (0) 81 331 4887 Email: ed@topdog-media.net

Ghana

Nana Asiama Bekoe

Kingdom Concept Co. Tel: +233 243 393 943 / +233 303 967 470 kingsconceptsltd@gmail.com

Empirical evidence shows that China’s domestic investment has become highly linked with economic expansion in Africa. A one percentage point increase in China’s domestic investment growth is associated with an average of 0.6 percentage point increase in overall African exports. And, the expected economic development and trade impact of expanding Chinese investment on resource-rich African countries, especially oil-exporting countries, is even more important.

Additionally, there’s the need to examine the broader geopolitical context in which diaspora networks operate. For instance, how do political dynamics between host countries and home nations affect the ability of diaspora communities to contribute? How do diaspora communities navigate these complex geopolitical relationships?

Edward Walter Byerley

Top Dog Media, 5 Ascot Knights 47 Grand National Boulevard Royal Ascot, Milnerton 7441, South Africa

Nigeria

The resilience of African economies can also be attributed to growing intra-African cross-border investment and infrastructure development. A combination of the two factors is accelerating the process of structural transformation in a continent where industrial output and services account for a growing share of GDP. African corporations and industrialists which are expanding their industrial footprint across Africa and globally are leading the diversification from agriculture into higher value goods in manufacturing and service sectors. These industrial champions are carrying out transcontinental operations, with investment holdings around the globe, with a strong presence in Europe and Pacific Asia, together account for more than 75 per cent of their combined activities outside Africa.

Tel: +27 (0) 21 555 0096 Cell: +27 (0) 81 331 4887 Email: ed@topdog-media.net

Ghana

Unisa Dizo-Conteh’s article provides a well-rounded and engaging overview of the critical role diaspora networks are playing in both crisis response and long-term development. By weaving in personal anecdotes and data-driven insights, he brings to life the powerful impact these communities can have on global humanitarian efforts. The article stands as a strong and informative piece on the evolving role of diaspora networks in the modern world. However, there is room for a deeper examination of the challenges and geopolitical factors involved.

A survey of 30 leading emerging African corporations with global footprints and combined revenue of more than $118 billion shows that they are active in several industries, including manufacturing (e.g., Dangote Industries), basic materials, telecommunications (e.g., Econet, Safaricom), finance (e.g., Ecobank) and oil and gas. In addition to mitigating risks highly correlated with African economies, these emerging African global corporations are accelerating the diversification of sources of growth and reducing the exposure of countries to adverse commodity terms of trade.

This makes me very bullish about Africa!

Nana Asiama Bekoe

Kingdom Concept Co. Tel: +233 243 393 943 / +233 303 967 470 kingsconceptsltd@gmail.com

Nigeria

Taiwo Adedoyin MV Noble, Press House, 3rd Floor 27 Acme Road, Ogba, Ikeja, Lagos Tel: +234 806 291 7100 taiadedoyin52@gmail.com

Dizo-Conteh’s commentary is a timely and important contribution to the conversation on global crisis management, and it highlights a significant shift in how we should view the relationship between diaspora communities and development. This evolving role, from financial supporters to strategic partners, positions diaspora networks as key players in building a more resilient and sustainable global future.

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Cover pic: Exio Cabreja/Flikr

LEADER COMMENT COVER STORY

Africa must not be sucked into other people’s wars

Battle for supremacy in the global information space intensifying

Diaspora networks reshaping humanitarian crisis response

The unique position of Africans living abroad – spanning their adopted countries and homelands – allows them to bridge gaps in understanding and resources that traditional aid organisations often struggle with, writes Unisa Dizo-Conteh

Following in the footsteps of the pioneers

For centuries, localisation and decolonisation have always sat at the heart of African diasporas’ efforts to support the continent’s self-determination and autonomous development, writes Chukwu-Emeka Chikezie

ANALYSIS

How watertight will Ghana’s elections be?

In the midst of concerns over electoral fraud, political violence, security flaws, managerial inefficiencies, executive impunity and judicial negligence, the Electoral Commission has to be on top of its game to ensure that the country’s vibrant democracy is not derailed when voters go to the polls in December Africa Briefing looks at the state of affairs

Sudan’s forgotten crisis: the deadly web of arms, gold, and starvation

As Sudan’s civil war rages, leaving millions displaced and starving, foreign powers and arms suppliers continue to fuel the conflict. Africa Briefing delves into the global forces driving this devastating conflict and the humanitarian disaster unfolding across the nation

BUSINESS & ECONOMY

Rethinking global economic governance: Africa’s path forward

Experts at a recent Johannesburg conference discussed reshaping global economic governance to address Africa’s unique challenges and opportunities, with a focus on development, climate change, and breaking away from Western hegemony

China’s $51 billion Africa pledge: boon or debt trap?

Jon Offei-Ansah assesses China’s $51 billion pledge to Africa, considering whether it offers sustainable growth through infrastructure and clean energy or leads to increased economic dependency across the continent

ENERGY

Green investment: a crucial driver for Africa’s sustainable future

Green investment is vital for Africa's sustainable development, addressing environmental challenges and boosting economic growth. Ojo Emmanuel Ademola explores how focusing on renewable energy and infrastructure can drive this shift, but it requires strong policies, institutions, and partnerships

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Africa must not be sucked into other people’s wars

AS the adage goes, there is no smoke without fire. Thus, when a spokesman in Ukraine was quoted as suggesting that his country’s military intelligence agency (GUR) had passed on sensitive information to Tuareg separatists and jihadist insurgents in the Sahel that led to the deaths of 84 Russian Wagner mercenaries and 47 Malian soldiers, Bamako quickly severed diplomatic ties with Kyiv.

Realising the gravity of the statement, GUR spokesman Andriy Yusov attempted to “clarify” what had been initially put out: “The rebels received all the necessary information they needed, and not just the information, which allowed [them] to conduct a successful military operation against Russian perpetrators of war crimes. We certainly won’t go into details now –you will see more of this in the future,” Yusov stated.

The last sentence, though, is pertinent. Why should Ukraine extend its war with Russia in Europe to Africa? The war between the two Eastern European countries has nothing to do with Africa.

Indeed, what Ukraine is suggesting is that it is supporting terrorist activities in Africa because it wants to hit back at Russa. This is wrong. European countries cannot be fermenting armed conflict and disorder in Africa and then complain when refugees running away from violence turn up in Europe.

Wherever there are armed conflicts in Africa today, external forces are meddling in them because they want to extend their own violence to the continent. Ukraine is also involved in the disastrous conflict in Sudan.

It is providing military assistance to the government of General Abdel alBurhan who heads the Sudanese Armed Forces pitted against the Rapid Support Forces of Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo that are backed by Russia. Meanwhile, while the UAE is on the side of Dagalo, the Gulf state is the using the conflict to further it own aims.

The UAE is raking in billions of dollars from illegal export of gold from Sudan. It is also using RSF fighters to take

part in the war in Yemen.

In the midst of the UAE’s attempts to expand its influence in the Middle East and East Africa, the conflict that erupted in Sudan in April 2023 has left the country in a calamitous state. The UN has gone on to warn that foreign interference in Sudan is prolonging the conflict and exacerbating the humanitarian crisis in the country.

Recently, the African Union Special Envoy for the Prevention of the Crime of Genocide and Other Mass Atrocities, Adama Dieng, stated: “What is going on in Sudan should be a source of shame and indeed a scar on the conscience of our collective humanity. We are spectacularly failing not only the people of Sudan but also all those who work tirelessly in the service of peace.”

Africa is prone to foreign interference in conflict on the continent because those in authority – civilian or military – do not appear to be up to the challenge of dealing with Africa’s problems without turning to external forces for help. The military coups in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger happened because, according to the soldiers, the various civilian governments were not giving enough backing to the army fighting against the separatists and jihadists.

But now that the soldiers are in power,

Nothing has changed. The military leaders in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger still cannot find a solution to the conflicts raging in their region. This begs the question: why were the soldiers blaming the civilian leaders for failing to support their armed forces?

It also leads to another pertinent question. Why do African governments spend the bulk of their annual budgets on their armed forces without much to show for it? In 2023, the total was $56.1 billion, which is 2.1 per cent of total worldwide military spending – albeit rather low.

Not surprising, Africa is seen as the weakest link in the global military stakes. In the midst of sabre-rattling in Europe over the Russian invasion of Ukraine and in Asia with China threatening to invade Taiwan, where does Africa fit in? All of the opposing forces are involved in Africa in one way or the other. So, if these antagonists start their war, will Africa be left out of the conflict?

In the two “World Wars” (1914-1918 and 1939-1945) ignited by bellicose Europeans, Africans had no say about their involvement because they were under the rule of the European colonial powers that were confronting each other. African soldiers fought in both wars that had nothing to do with them.

In the midst of sabrerattling in Europe and Asia, where does Africa fit in? ‘ ’

they have not been able to counter the threat. For starters, they ousted French and US forces that were based in these countries and replaced them with Russian private military contractors who have been accused of human rights abuses and looting.

We are once again hearing of threats of a “Third World War”. If it happens, it will not be down to Africa. As we are currently witnessing on the continent, it is highly likely that Africa will once again be sucked into other people’s war.

But it should not be the case this time round.

Battle for supremacy in the global information space intensifying

WHEN the riots erupted in the UK earlier this year, the British government was perplexed by the speed with which the demonstrations spread. They were were fuelled by disinformation on social media, which many people turn to these days for information – whether it is true or false.

This is a phenomenon that African governments have had to deal with in the past few years. Many of their citizens living abroad regularly use social media to stir up trouble in their home countries, from the safety of Europe and North America, with devastating effect.

Whenever the issue is brought up with these foreign governments, the refrain has always been that free speech cannot be stifled. But spreading disinformation that causes death and destruction does not amount to freedom of expression.

At the heart of this turbulence in the global information space are the social media companies that are only interested in swelling their coffers. The Centre for Countering Digital Hate (CCDH), based in the US where the battle has been joined by the government, notes: “Social media companies only care about their business models. They enable the spread of hate online because it’s profitable. It’s time to hold these companies accountable.”

social media in their lives.

We are clearly living in a world in which information has become weaponised. Not surprisingly, in a 2022 document, titled Building Resilience: Media Literacy as a Strategic Defence Strategy for the Transatlantic, was presented by experts to NATO countries for implementation.

It notes: “When it comes to media literacy, citizens are truly the first line of defence. Citizens must possess knowledge and skills to deploy a societal capacity for strategically utilising media literacy as a way to combat the propaganda – both beneficial and not – that permeates civil society.

“Not only citizens, but all agencies of government…depend on the knowledge and understanding of citizens to help the wheels of government, society and business to turn in all arenas. With practice over time, everyone can acquire skills of discernment that help people become adept risk managers…”

We are clearly living in a world in which information has become weaponised ‘ ’

Communication is a powerful tool, which, when conducted with intent, does more than merely inform. It educates, reveals, restricts and can elicit strong emotions.

in 2022 that the digital economy was equivalent to 15.5 per cent of global GDP, growing two and a half times faster than global GDP over the last 15 years.

The World Bank noted that research had shown that a 10 per cent increase in mobile penetration in Africa would result in an increase of 2.5 per cent per capita. But with governments in Africa not too keen to upon up this space because of tight controls over what people send and receive, the continent’s leaders have a problem.

They have a problem because they are not keen on communicating effectively with their citizens. Information, as it is usually said, is power; and if the necessary information is kept away from the people, the leaders will be in total control.

But what they have failed to realise is that if their citizens are not well informed or media literate the problems will not disappear. What the leaders need to do is to fill the public sphere with factually grounded information that assists everyone in their efforts to find appropriate solutions to mutually recognised problems.

Shutting down the internet during elections or anti-government demonstrations will not work. Refusing to talk to members of the traditional media, who are the mediators between governments and their citizens, does not help either. It gets out of hand when even the most mundane bit of information is kept away from citizens.

In today’s battle for supremacy in the global information space, some governments are using social media to cause harm through disinformation and misinformation. African countries are being bombarded with “news” and “views” that are aimed at disruption or to show other countries in the wrong light.

This is crucial when African governments are constantly trying to forge alliances that might not be welcomed by one country or the other. Ordinary Africans themselves become confused by the apparently overpowering presence of

Most important, information as an element of national power also influences and can inform governments, direct public opinion, affect international relations, result in military action and build or deny support. When intent is tied to strategic purpose, information becomes an incredibly powerful tool in advancing a national agenda. If there is no strategic intent, information can become a dangerous, often misguided weapon.

But there is no running away from the omnipresent and formidable information technology. It is driving economic and social growth. The World Bank said

This is clearly why the African keyboard warriors living in Europe and North America are making life uncomfortable for some leaders in Africa. People turn to social media because they think that is where they can get the information they are looking for.

The growth of information technology and social media should focus the minds of Africa’s leaders so that they do the right thing: to protect their citizens from foreign-led disinformation and misinformation while increasing their own restricted government public information output. AB

Desmond Davies

Diaspora networks reshaping humanitarian crisis response

The unique position of Africans living abroad – spanning their adopted countries and homelands – allows them to bridge gaps in understanding and resources that traditional aid organisations often struggle with, writes Unisa Dizo-Conteh

IN today's globally interconnected world, diaspora communities are becoming influential in emergency response and development efforts. Their role has evolved from simply sending money to their countries of origin to becoming strategic partners in managing crises, which is changing how we address humanitarian challenges. I personally witnessed this transformation as an active member of diaspora networks, notably during the Ebola outbreak in Sierra Leone from 2014 to 2016.

When disaster strikes, the response typically unfolds in a predictable pattern. Immediate communities are classically the first responders, mobilising whatever resources they have at hand to address the crisis. They are the ones who, in those critical first hours and days, provide the initial support and relief efforts, which can save lives and minimise suffering.

Following closely on their heels are diaspora communities. With their deep connections to the affected areas and their ability to quickly mobilise resources, diaspora groups often respond faster than international aid organisations. This was certainly the case during the Ebola crisis in Sierra Leone.

One of the most immediate and significant ways diaspora communities respond to crises is through increased remittances. During times of emergency, we see a marked surge in these financial lifelines. Families abroad, hearing of the suffering back home, dig deep into their pockets to send additional hard-earned funds to their loved ones.

These emergency remittances serve several important purposes. They offer immediate financial assistance to families and friends in need, enabling them to buy essential supplies, access healthcare or

support their evacuation if necessary. In addition, they infuse vital capital into local economies during times when regular economic activities may be disrupted.

During the Ebola outbreak, there was a significant increase in remittances to Sierra Leone. According to a study I conducted, the volume of remittances tends

to rise during major disasters or economic hardships. The study revealed that during the outbreak, 28 per cent of the surveyed Sierra Leoneans in the UK sent remittances ranging from £1,000 to £1,999, compared to 16 per cent before the outbreak. This influx of funds helped many families to cope with the immediate crisis and served

as crucial support while international aid was still being mobilised.

When Ebola struck Sierra Leone in 2014, the initial diaspora response followed this traditional pattern: individuals and small organisations mobilised to send money and supplies back home. This informal approach, while vital, initially lacked coordination and strategic focus.

However, as the crisis deepened, something remarkable happened. The diaspora's response evolved rapidly, resulting in the formation of the Sierra Leone UK Diaspora Ebola Response Taskforce (SLUKDERT). This marked a significant shift from ad hoc efforts to a more formalised, collaborative approach.

As the former outreach officer of SLUKDERT, I was intimately involved in this process. SLUKDERT was established as a strategic partner of diaspora organisations and individuals to support an effective response to the outbreak. It

operated through five pillars, including a communications pillar that engaged with partners and the media to highlight our response.

The impact of our coordinated effort was profound. We were able to provide a faster response compared to the international community. Our response reached hard-to-access areas that traditional aid organisations struggled to serve. In the UK, diaspora organisations responded in innovative ways, particularly during the first lockdown in the country in September 2014. For example, Lunchbox Gift provided nutritious meals to vulnerable patients and staff at Ebola treatment centres, consistently ensuring people’s dignity was preserved. Our efforts complemented the global humanitarian response to fill crucial gaps that were emerging.

The case of Sierra Leone shows how diaspora networks can quickly adapt in response to urgent crises. However, our story does not end there. More and more, diaspora networks are expanding their focus beyond short-term emergency relief to participate in long-term development projects. These projects aim to help communities recover from emergencies and to build resilience against future crises.

A prime example is an ongoing project to construct a world-class healthcare facility in Nigeria serving both low and high-income patient groups across Africa, set to be completed by the first quarter of 2025. This ambitious undertaking represents a more formalised, strategic approach to diaspora involvement in development and in future crisis preparedness and response.

Such a facility could be instrumental in managing future health crises by providing high-quality medical infrastructure that can be quickly mobilised in emergencies. This can also serve as a hub for medical expertise and training, enhancing local capacity to effectively respond to health crises.

As diaspora networks continue to evolve, they are poised to play an increasingly significant role in both emergency response and long-term development. Their unique position –spanning their adopted countries and homelands – allows them to bridge gaps in understanding and resources that

traditional aid organisations often struggle with.

Despite the promising potential of diaspora-led efforts, challenges remain. Coordination between multiple diaspora groups, alignment with government policies and integration with international aid efforts can be complex. There is also the risk of brain drain if diaspora involvement is not harmonised with local capacity building.

However, the opportunities far outweigh these challenges. Diaspora networks offer a chance to reimagine humanitarian aid and development in a more sustainable, culturally sensitive and effective manner. Our evolving role from remittance senders to strategic partners in development represents a significant shift in the landscape of global aid and development.

As we face increasingly complex global challenges, from pandemics to climate change, the role of diaspora networks will inevitably become even more crucial. Our ability to rapidly mobilise resources, navigate cultural complexities and bridge international divides positions us as key players in building a more resilient global community.

The journey from remittances to resilience is ongoing, but the path forward is clear. By embracing diaspora networks and understanding how they evolve, we can unlock a powerful new approach to tackling global crises and fostering sustainable development. The story of Sierra Leone's diaspora response to Ebola and the diaspora's subsequent involvement in long-term healthcare projects serves as a compelling blueprint for this new era of diaspora-led humanitarian action.

Dr Unisa Dizo-Conteh is the former president of Young Leaders of Sierra Leone and a former executive member of the Sierra Leone UK Diaspora Ebola Response Taskforce. His expertise includes a unique blend of diaspora entrepreneurship, humanitarianism and international business.

Diaspora networks are poised to play an increasingly significant role in both emergency response and longterm development

Following in the footsteps of the pioneers

OLAUDAH Equiano was born in what is now southern Nigeria in 1745. When he was 11, he and his younger sister were captured by slave raiders and eventually sold to Atlantic Slave Traders.

Equiano endured the Middle Passage, life as a slave, and freedom when he managed to buy his way out of bondage, only to be tricked and end up back in slavery. After securing his freedom a second time, Equiano settled in London, where he was a leading voice for the abolition of slavery and the slave trade, alongside the leading abolitionist, Granville Sharp, and others, like his friend, another African, Ottobah Cugoano.

We know all this from Equiano’s autobiography, The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or as Gustavus Vassa, The African, Written by Himself, published in 1789. By the 1780s,

former slaves had settled in London, and few were as established as Equiano or Cugoano. Many were destitute and came to be known as the Black Poor.

The presence of the Black Poor led to the formation of the Sierra Leone Expedition to resettle these Africans – and their equally poor white associates – in what is now known as Freetown. Equiano and Cugoano initially supported the Expedition.

In 1787, Equiano was appointed Commissary for Stores for the Expedition for Freed Slaves to Sierra Leone. This made him the first person of African ancestry to hold a post in the British government. However, evidence of corruption and mismanagement surrounding the Expedition led Equiano to oppose the project. He was dismissed but continued his abolitionist campaigning.

Many of the Black Poor perished on board the ship to Sierra Leone. Those who made it didn’t fare much better when they arrived. Conflict with the Temne indigenes and the deadly malaria were two of the leading causes.

Despite the difficulties with this first expedition, in 1792 a boatload of Nova Scotians landed in Sierra Leone, establishing Freetown, now the capital city, as a haven for freed slaves. Though he never made it back (he was thrown off the 1787 ship before it left England), Equiano never abandoned his dream of Africans in the diaspora returning to their homeland. He left money in his will for a school in Sierra Leone.

Another freed slave, the American Frederick Douglass (c1818-1895), opposed the American Colonisation Society's proposals for African-American emigration to Africa. He argued for the civil rights of African descendants in the US, their place of birth.

Equiano and Douglass’s positions were not mutually exclusive. It is desirable for Africans in the diaspora returning and contributing to the continent’s development while doing well abroad.

Resistance to slavery and colonialism gave birth to the Pan-African movement. The Fifth Pan-African Congress took place in Manchester in 1945. That meeting brought together thinkers and activists from across the colonies and diasporas.

That Congress, held in the same year as the Second World War ended, marked a decisive turning point in the fight to end Africa’s colonisation. It also sealed the significance of those emerging as Africa’s independence leaders, such as Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya.

European powers had carved up and balkanised Africa during the 1884-1885

1945 Pan-African Congress. Among the people to attend were George Padmore, W. E. B. Du Bois, Jomo Kenyatta and Kwame Nkrumah.

Source: Pan-African Congress 1945 and 1995 Archive, GB3228.34

Berlin Conference, dubbed the “Scramble for Africa”. The ruptures reverberate to this day, but African agency is undiminished, with much work still to be done.

Africa’s “lost decade” in the 1980s saw another mass exodus of Africans to Europe and the Americas, forming a new African diaspora. I was a part of this outflow. We tried to settle in while never forgetting our origins and our obligations to advance the African cause.

Like our forebears, it was easier to “see” the whole of Africa from the diaspora. This burnished our Pan-Africanist ideals. London was a city for Africans with diverse backgrounds to meet and collaborate.

That’s how I met Nicholas Atampugre, a lanky Pan-African activist and international development specialist who hails from the northernmost tip of Ghana. We took inspiration from past Pan-Africanist leaders and shared a consternation that, despite the growing presence of Africans in the UK and their active involvement in supporting the development of their regions of origin, international NGOs in the UK overlooked opportunities to work with the African diaspora for the common cause of advancing the continent’s development.

This led Atampugre and I to cofound the African Foundation for Development (AFFORD) in 1994 to expand and enhance African diasporas’ contributions to Africa’s development. AFFORD attracted African

emigrants, first-generation offspring of African emigrants, and the African diaspora of Caribbean and other origins.

Today, localisation and decolonisation of development are hot topics. These linked themes have always sat at the heart of African diasporas’ efforts to support Africa’s self-determination and autonomous development. Perhaps with this convergence of effort, we can see a concerted effort at actualising Africa’s potential.

African countries have made great strides in recognising their diverse diasporas and integrating them into national development plans. Sierra Leone offers

However, challenges remain with follow-through and implementation. Despite the enthusiastic take-up by Sierra Leone’s new citizens, they have complained that there is no integration programme to help them connect their talents and resources to opportunities and needs in Sierra Leone.

Then there is the issue of the muchtouted remittances Africans in the diaspora send to relatives at home. Are these funds a “black tax” or sound investment in social and human capital?

Many recent African immigrants struggle to make ends meet as they adjust to challenging working and living conditions in host countries. The debate will continue, but we must look beyond remittances to realise the full potential of African diasporas’ contributions to Africa’s development.

No country in Africa is immune to climate change and environmental degradation. According to The Brookings Institution, implementing Africa's nationally determined contributions or NDCs to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions as part of climate change mitigation will require $2.8 to $3 trillion in investments between 2020 and 2030.

This represents an investment in Africa’s future and the future of humanity, considering the wealth of biodiversity, forests and carbon sinks in Africa. This is a cause that investment-savvy Africans in the diaspora and those with more social concerns can and must unite behind.

Like our forebears, it was easier to “see” the whole of Africa from the diaspora ‘ ’

citizenship and the right of settlement to “DNA Sierra Leoneans,” Africans in the diaspora who can trace their ancestry to Sierra Leone through DNA tests.

Ghana's 2019 Year of Return attracted thousands of African diaspora visitors, including global celebrities like the English actor, Idris Elba, and Cardi B, an American rapper

But this shouldn’t be a blank check or a “black tax.” Diasporas must demand improvements in governance in African countries to ensure such investments reap the rewards for Africa, its diasporas and the world.

Let’s do so in the spirit and memory of Olaudah Equiano and countless other African diaspora pioneers.

Chukwu-Emeka Chikezie is a freelance development practitioner helping Africans to find creative and innovative ways to transform their lives and realise their full potential.

Sierra Leone offers citizenship and the right of settlement to “DNA Sierra Leoneans,”

How watertight will Ghana’s elections be?

TO outsiders, Ghana’s democracy has stood the test of time. Over the last 32 years, the country has been widely regarded as a shining example of what is needed in Africa when it comes to elections.

But there have been underlying problems. Faults and imperfections in the organisation of elections in Ghana persist, despite significant increases in fiscal resources for the conduct of these exercises.

Reports by observers and other stakeholders have highlighted many

areas of concern, including electoral fraud, election violence, security flaws, managerial inefficiencies, executive impunity and judicial negligence. Thus, to any avid follower of Ghana’s electoral process, the quality has worsened, according to various democratic metrics and global best practices.

As the country heads towards parliamentary and presidential elections in the first week of December, with early voting for electoral staff and the elections security task force, it is essential to take a critical look at how to safeguard Ghana's electoral administration. Such a focus

will underpin proposals for any eventual review of Ghana's current Constitution and electoral laws.

The last decade in Ghana's electoral history saw two major election petitions at the Supreme Court, involving accusations and proven instances of electoral fraud and gross managerial inefficiencies by the Electoral Commission (EC). The 2012 petition included affidavits on six broad allegations of electoral fraud, including over-voting, voting without biometrics and duplicate serial numbers on statements of poll and results declaration forms (pink sheets).

The election is a straight fight between former president John Mahama (left) and incumbent VP Bawumia

The Supreme Court reclassified and redefined these accusations to meet the technical and procedural metrics of law. It employed the services of a globally reputed audit firm, and allowed cross-examination of the Returning Officer for the election, the former Chair of the EC, Dr Kwadwo Afari-Gyan, before arriving at a ruling on the petition, which was initiated by Ghana's current president, Nana AkufoAddo, and his New Patriotic Party (NPP).

In the 2020 petition, the apex court decided on five broad issues, three of which pertained to the constitutionality of the declaration of Akufo-Addo as the winner of the 2020 presidential election.

the apex court, which held that although she had filed a sworn witness statement in response to the petition, she could not be compelled to testify. In the mind of the justices, the EC did not owe any obligation to Ghanaians in the conduct of its affairs, regardless of its consequences on the country’s security and development.

By not being cross-examined, significant doubt was cast on the professional integrity of Mensa and the EC’s ability to deliver free and fair elections – at the least, comparable to her predecessors. Given the gravity of the allegations by the petitioners, this missed opportunity to publicly demonstrate the

New voters attain the age of franchise daily, but the EC has largely failed to address disenfranchisement

The others concerned the conduct of the EC and allegations of vote padding, combined with fraudulent entries on the statements of poll and results declaration forms.

The current Chair of the EC, Jean Mensa, conspicuously evaded crossexamination via a unanimous decision of

’

EC’s commitment to fair play, and the need to prevent future petitions, remains a concern heading to this year’s elections.

In a sense, the Supreme Court’s protection of Mensa and the EC under the cloak of the law has dented the enviable reputation of the independence of the EC. While the petitioners have largely accused

the EC of engaging in electoral fraud, it has applied loose interpretations to dilute the gravity of the offence and to maintain its local and international reputation.

Electoral fraud involves illegal activities aimed at manipulating outcomes to favour specific candidates or parties. Such practices include voter fraud, ballot stuffing, vote-buying, voter intimidation, and tampering with the results. These actions undermine the integrity of elections and can erode public trust in democratic processes.

Another common form is votebuying, where voters are offered money or other incentives in exchange for their votes. Additionally, misleading voters by providing false information about voting procedures, such as the location or time of voting, also constitutes electoral fraud.

Other forms of electoral fraud include voter intimidation or coercion, where voters are pressured or threatened to vote in a particular way or to abstain from voting altogether. Disenfranchisement, which involves preventing eligible voters from casting their ballots, either through voter suppression or by failing to properly register voters, is another serious issue. Furthermore, tampering with election results by altering vote counts or manipulating voting technology undermines the democratic process.

The events surrounding the creation of new regions and electoral boundaries

Significant doubt has been cast on the professional integrity of Mensa and the EC’s ability to deliver free and fair elections

resulted in accusations of gerrymandering against the EC, such as the case of 17,688 voters in the Guan constituency who have been disenfranchised. With legal actions filed at the Ho High Court, they are still not on the voters list.

In a press statement in May this year, the EC blamed the disenfranchisement on the parliamentary recess, which it claimed prevented it from procuring a constitutional instrument to conduct polls in the new district. While the fundamental rights of franchise were at stake, the Commission has not demonstrated how its electoral calendar aligns with public policy decisions and the effects on electoral integrity.

Political events on the border of the Guan Constituency saw massive votebuying, resulting in public statements, including a call by former President John Mahama, for voters to reject the monetary and material inducements from the NPP parliamentary candidate, John Peter Amewu, a former Minister of Energy, and now Railways Minister.

The Ghana citizenship card, the EC’s main required form of identification has also been a source of voter agitation. The National Identification Authority (NIA), which is responsible for issuing the Ghana Card, was accused of suppressing

Pre-election deadlock

THE processes leading to the parliamentary and presidential elections in Ghana in December are at a deadlock, with widespread calls for a forensic audit of the voters register. This has been triggered by validation and audit queries raised by the opposition National Democratic Congress; findings that the Electoral Commission has been unable to refute.

The NDC employed structured queries to audit and validate the electronic copies of the Provisional Voters Register (PVR) it received from the EC as required by law. The NDC's audit methodologies revealed the following outcomes:

• About 243,540 cases of 2023 voter transfers were illegally added to 2024 transfers, with duplication of the illegally transferred names across the national voter roll.

• Over 15,000 cases of unidentifiable voter transfer paths, implying

enrolment in the strongholds of the opposition National Democratic Congress (NDC), especially the Volta Region.

While new voters attain the age of franchise daily, the EC's policies have largely failed to address voter disenfranchisement.

Vote tampering manifests itself in Ghana's electoral administration at two levels. At the stage of primary entry of election results by Presiding Officers at the end of polling, values recorded on the pink sheets announcing the results often reflect vote tampering fraud; and when ballot reconciliation and accounting frequently fall short of basic audit requirements and principles.

While the EC historically treats such incidents as mere errors, the quantitative effects continue to provide a legal basis for election petitions. The EC finds comfort in arguments that the errors (vote tampering fraud) do not change the declaration's outcome. However, this quantitative argument is defeated by audit and electoral integrity principles, while the qualitative argument points to gross managerial inefficiencies in the EC’s training models for electoral staff, both permanent and contractual. Vote tampering has also been found to occur at higher levels of results collation.

"fraudulent registration" of voters who could not be traced to their original polling stations.

• 3,957 cases of voters present in the 2023 Final Voters Register (FVRused for District Level Elections) but missing from the 2024 PVR.

• 2,094 voters were transferred to different polling stations but not found on the corresponding counter checklist, called the "Absent Voter List," as required by electoral law.

• Corrupt electronic files, not bearing names and photos of the registered voters, were found on the PVR, without the knowledge of the public.

To address the widespread irregularities, detect problems, prevent mass disenfranchisement, block election rigging, avoid a third election petition and assure the global community of readiness for a new government, the NDC has engaged the EC with stakeholder audit requests, but without success.

Although the introduction of biometric registration technologies and voter verification, spearheaded by Afari-Gyan, has helped minimise the incidence of double registration and multiple voting, evidence presented in affidavits during election petitions suggests the potential interpretation of values as over-voting, where the number of verified voters falls short of the recorded summary of valid votes.

Ghana's 2024 Elections Peace Pact has been met with outright rejection from the NDC. Incidents of shootings and killings have been recorded in recent elections, but the primary stakeholders have failed grossly to deal with the perpetrators.

As Ghana prepares for another election, the persistent flaws in its electoral process, including fraud, voter suppression, disenfranchisement and managerial inefficiencies, pose significant threats to the credibility of its democracy. The unresolved issues from past election petitions and ongoing concerns about the EC's transparency and accountability underscore the urgent need for comprehensive reforms.

The upcoming election will be a critical test of the nation's commitment to democratic integrity and the rule of law.

The EC, in a press conference, admitted that its IT systems had been infiltrated by unauthorised persons who made changes to voter statuses.

Similar audit calls were made by the ruling New Patriotic Party under the "Let My Vote Count" campaign prior to the 2016 elections. The call was granted, leading to the commissioning of the Justice Crabbe Committee, which investigated and made findings related to deceased names on the voter roll.

Charlotte Osei, the previous EC Chair, recommended periodic stakeholder audits and communicated this to the Interparty Advisory Committee, which is composed of major political parties. Dr Kwadwo Afari-Gyan, the longest-serving EC Chair, also called for auditable election technologies during a national conference, the Accra Dialogue, six years ago.

Boakai’s battle to make his mark on Liberia

While the president’s campaign last year was built on a platform of transparency and reform, the reality of his administration’s performance thus far paints a different picture, writes Alphonso Toweh

LIBERIA’S political landscape has been marked by growing turmoil under President Joseph Boakai’s administration, which is less than a year old. Boakai, at 79, embarked on his presidency with a strong message of reform and integrity, pledging a “rescue mission" to address Liberia’s entrenched issues of corruption and mismanagement.

However, as the months have passed, his administration's actions have increasingly come under scrutiny, revealing significant discrepancies between campaign promises and governance practices.

One of the most contentious issues is the acquisition of 285 pieces of earthmoving equipment, announced by Mamaku Bilith, Minister of State Without Portfolio. The virtual handover ceremony, which featured Xu Ming from the Sany Group, a leading Chinese heavy equipment manufacturer, and Robert Gumede from the South African Guma Group, sparked a flurry of questions regarding the nature of this deal.

The equipment, valued at $50 million, was presented to the government, but there has been a lack of clarity about its origin. The suspicion is that this might be a concession swap, with unconfirmed sources suggesting it could be in exchange for Wologizi Mountain, a key biodiversity area in Boakai’s home region.

Such deals are supposed to be subject to rigorous procurement processes, including international competitive bidding for contracts exceeding $1 million, as stipulated by Liberia's Public Procurement and Concessions Commission Act of 2010. The absence of these procedures in this case has led to criticisms from various quarters.

Councillor Taiwan Gongloe, a former presidential candidate, has voiced concerns that the lack of transparency is undermining the country’s ability to negotiate effectively and could place Liberia in a disadvantageous position.

The administration's credibility has

further been shaken by issues surrounding the national budget. Costing $786.6 million, the budget is crucial for the country’s development, yet reports suggest it has been tinkered with. This has led to delays in passing it, exacerbating financial uncertainty and adding to the government's governance challenges.

Allegations of corruption and mismanagement have been rife. At state enterprises, such as the Liberia Telecommunication Authority (LTA), there have been alarming reports of salary disparities. For instance, LTA commissioners are reportedly earning $15,000 per month, a figure that stands in stark contrast to the average wages of ordinary Liberians.

These discrepancies, along with allegations of financial misconduct and misuse of funds, have raised serious questions about the integrity of the administration’s economic probity.

Another point of contention is the handling of recent official appointments. The subsequent recall of officials, including Councillor Jonathan Massaquoi as Chairman of the War and Economic Crimes Court, has added to the perception of instability and inefficacy within the government. This court, which was a cornerstone of Boakai’s campaign promises, has yet to be fully established, further eroding public trust.

The court’s intended role in prosecuting crimes related to past conflicts was a significant promise made to the international community and Liberians

alike. The sudden recall of appointed officials and the lack of progress in this area suggest a troubling disconnect between the administration's rhetoric and its actions.

The public reaction has been one of growing disillusionment. Critics from across the political spectrum, including civil society organisations and Boakai’s own supporters, have expressed frustration at the administration’s failure to deliver on its promises. Activists such as Martin Kollie and former Auditor General John S. Morlue have called for urgent reforms, highlighting the need for salary standardisation and stricter governance practices.

Reports of corruption surrounding various government officials, including allegations of requests for funds from the National Social Security and Welfare Corporation (NASSCORP) and mismanagement of road rehabilitation funds, have further fuelled public outrage.

The administration’s financial dealings and alleged corruption scandals, including the questionable handling of aid for victims of a gas tanker explosion, suggest a troubling pattern of governance. Boakai’s personal financial situation has also come under scrutiny, particularly given his previously modest lifestyle compared to his current assets.

While Boakai’s campaign was built on a platform of transparency and reform, the reality of his administration’s performance thus far paints a different picture. The administration’s failure to address critical issues with transparency and accountability has led to widespread criticism and a significant erosion of public trust.

As the government faces mounting pressure, the coming months will be crucial in determining whether it can shift from a rhetoric of reform to genuine, effective governance. The ability of Boakai’s administration to navigate these challenges will be vital in shaping Liberia’s future and restoring faith in its leadership.

Boakai’s personal financial situation has also come under scrutiny

DRC needs inclusive negotiations to find lasting solution to conflict

There is a need to foster dialogue through incorporating the diverse Congolese voices, including women, on decision making to ensure that the peace process is representative and addresses the concerns of all stakeholders, writes Janet Sankale

FOR decades, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has been embroiled in persistent conflicts, resulting in profound human rights violations, a breakdown in governance and destabilisation within the Great Lakes region. These conflicts have resulted in massive displacement of millions, and a severe humanitarian crisis.

The armed conflict in the DRC dates back to 1996, commonly referred to as the First Congo War, and which was also dubbed Africa's First World War. The unrest stemmed from widespread resentment among the Congolese people towards the repressive and dictatorial rule of President Mobutu Sese Seko that was riddled with plunder of public resources and nepotism.

This discontent gave rise to several rebel groups who overthrew Mobutu’s government, most notably the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (AFDL), led by Laurent-Désiré Kabila who assumed the presidency in 1997. Amidst tensions with his

Rwandan and Ugandan allies, Kabila initiated the expulsion of foreign troops from the DRC, leading to the outbreak of the Second Congo War in August 1998, also known as The Great War of Africa.

Rwanda supported the Rally for Congolese Democracy (RCD) while Uganda backed the Movement for the Liberation of Congo (MLC), led by then Minister of Defence Jean-Pierre Bemba, in their efforts to overthrow Kabila. In response, Kabila's government armed Hutu refugees from the Rwandan genocide to combat the RCD and Rwandan forces.

The Southern African Development Community (SADC), of which the DRC is a member, intervened by deploying troops from Zimbabwe, Namibia and Angola to support Kabila against the RCD, Rwandan and Ugandan troops.

This conflict was ultimately resolved through several peace processes, resulting in the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement (1999),

the Sun City Agreement (April 2002), the Pretoria Agreement (July 2002) and the Luanda Agreement (September 2002) that ultimately contributed to the Global and Inclusive Agreement of December 2002 and brought an end to the hostilities within the territory of the DRC.

These agreements called for the deployment of troops under the aegis of the UN Stabilisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (UN-MONUSCO) to monitor the peace process. However, it is evident that two decades since their arrival, violence in the DRC particularly in the eastern regions continues to escalate. Numerous armed groups, including the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) and M23, are active in parts of Eastern DRC, specifically in North Kivu, South Kivu and Ituri provinces, where civilians continue to face violence and massive displacement.

President Félix Tshisekedi has pushed for the complete withdrawal of the UN-MONUSCO by the end of 2024. Its withdrawal seems to be incompatible with the current security challenges. The

handing over of specific locations to the Congolese government such as the South Kivu province raises the spectre of humanitarian catastrophe. This is premised on the fact that while the rebels continue to expand their territory and attack civilians, the displacement of about seven million Congolese within this location continues to be an imminent reality that would culminate into a serious humanitarian crisis

Following the implementation of the Global and Inclusive Agreement of December 2002 in Pretoria, which established the Transitional Government of the DRC in 2003, efforts were made to integrate fighters into the Congolese army. While most belligerents complied and integrated their troops into the regular army, members of the RCD who refused to join formed the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP) in rebellion.

In 2009, a peace agreement was reached between the government and various militias, including the CNDP, with the aim of integrating them into the Congolese army. However, in 2012, discontent over

unpaid wages and poor living conditions led CNDP troops to mutiny. This resulted in the formation of the Mouvement du 23 mars (M23), an ethnic Tutsi-led rebel group that further continues to destabilise the region.

Rwanda has faced accusations of supporting the M23 rebel group, reigniting conflict in North Kivu and the broader Eastern region. Despite several peace efforts, violence has persisted due to ethnic tensions, resource competition and political instability in the DRC.

Efforts to establish lasting peace in the DRC have been challenging, with various peace agreements and international interventions falling short. The complexity of the conflict demands a comprehensive approach, highlighting the importance of integrating diverse peace processes.

Recent initiatives such as the East African Community-Nairobi led, and the Luanda peace processes have stalled since last year, before the exit of the East African Community Regional Force (EACRF) and the arrival of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (SAMIDRC), underscoring the ongoing struggle to bring sustainable peace and stability to the region.

The escalating crisis in the DRC is a clear indication that the peace process is impeded by deeply rooted historical, local, national and regional grievances. As such, a well-coordinated and aligned response is urgently required to bring about lasting peace.

The EAC-led Nairobi Process, initiated

by former Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta, aims to address internal conflict in the Eastern DRC through dialogue with various stakeholders. Launched in April 2022, the process involves engaging with the government, armed groups, civil society organisations and the international community to facilitate negotiations and find peaceful resolutions.

On the other hand, the Luanda process, mediated by Angolan President João Lourenço under the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), focuses on resolving hostilities between the DRC and Rwanda.

While the EAC-led Nairobi Process targets internal conflict resolution within the DRC, the Luanda process under Lourenço's leadership seeks to address external tensions between the DRC and Rwanda. Both initiatives, led by prominent African leaders, play a complementary role in fostering peace and stability in the region through dialogue, negotiation and cooperation with relevant stakeholders.

Both critical initiatives aim at restoring peace in DRC. They have different but complementary formats and require enhanced coordination to achieve progress towards their shared objectives.

The initiatives have contributed to civilian protection through short-lived ceasefires among warring parties. It has also contributed to the return of formerly displaced persons to their ancestral homes. Unifying these initiatives can create a holistic approach focusing on addressing the root causes of conflict including

historical injustice, ethnic tensions and resource competition.

As the two processes seek to address the two dimensions that define the security challenges in the DRC, there is a need for coordination to avoid overlapping. This should also include pooling resources to avoid under funding and ensure joint monitoring mechanisms so that progress is tracked and challenges addressed collaboratively.

There must be leveraging on the regional blocs to influence member states to support the peace process with a view to championing a robust engagement strategy to address the influence of the state and dealing with coordination gaps.

There is a need to foster inclusive dialogue through prioritising the inclusion of diverse Congolese voices including women on decision making, ensuring that the peace process is representative and addresses the concerns of all stakeholders.

The process should be built on trust among the drivers of these two initiatives under a tripartite arrangement (DRC, Rwanda and Angola), thus fostering a political solution.

As the EAC pushes for a resumption of the DRC peace talks, it is imperative that there is long-term commitment from key stakeholders to sustain the peace process and implementation of reforms. Sustained support to the ongoing regional initiatives is needed from the African Union, UN and other key external partners to aid the EAC’s search for peace in a constantly beleaguered DRC.

Janet Sankale is an international human rights practitioner and criminal justice scholar.

Presidents Kagame (left) and Museveni: Rwanda supported the Rally for Congolese Democracy (RCD) while Uganda backed the Movement for the Liberation of Congo (MLC)

Israel’s diamond trade profits tied to Africa’s conflict zones

Despite lacking natural diamond resources, Israel is a major exporter of polished diamonds, sourcing many from African conflict zones. These "blood diamonds" have raised ethical concerns, as they are linked to violence and exploitation in regions like the DRC,

Jon Offei-Ansah reports

DESPITE having no natural diamond resources of its own, Israel remains one of the world’s largest exporters of polished diamonds, a fact that has drawn international attention and criticism. The country’s booming diamond industry heavily relies on resources sourced from Africa, often from regions mired in violent conflict. These so-called ‘blood diamonds’ have raised serious ethical concerns about the impact of Israel’s involvement in Africa’s diamond trade.

A report from the Kimberley Process, an international effort to prevent conflict diamonds from entering the global market, reveals that six of the ten largest diamond-producing countries are located in Africa. Unfortunately, many of these regions, particularly in countries like the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), are still experiencing violent conflicts over control of diamond-rich territories. Israel’s presence in these areas has deepened over the past few decades through strategic investments and partnerships with African governments and military groups, enabling the country’s diamond industry to flourish, according to a report by Turkish state broadcaster TRT World.

The term ‘blood diamonds’ refers to

gems mined in war-torn regions, with the proceeds often used to fund armed groups and prolong violent conflicts. This practice has been especially prevalent in African countries such as Sierra Leone, Angola, and the DRC, where rebel factions and corrupt officials have historically used diamond profits to finance civil wars.

Habibu Djuma, a researcher at the Africa Coordination and Training Centre (AKEM), explains that minerals, including diamonds, are frequently extracted in conditions of extreme violence. The sale of these conflict diamonds funds insurgent groups and fuels ongoing warfare, leading to widespread suffering in local communities. ‘These minerals are often extracted in conditions of extreme violence, with profits being used to finance armed groups that contribute to prolonged conflict,’ Djuma tells TRT World.

In recent years, Israel has deepened its involvement in Africa's diamond trade, with Israeli companies allegedly gaining access to these conflict zones by trading military equipment for valuable minerals. Israeli firms, many of which have close ties to the military, are believed to have secured diamonds and other minerals at significantly reduced prices, thanks to these transactions. This has enabled Israel’s

diamond industry to grow exponentially, despite the country's lack of natural resources.

One of the most troubling aspects of Israel’s diamond trade is its alleged complicity in the blood diamond business. In 2009, a UN panel formally accused Israel of illegally importing diamonds from Africa, particularly from conflict zones in the Cote d’Ivoire and Sierra Leone. These accusations highlight a pattern of unethical practices, including bribery and illegal resource extraction, which have contributed to violence and instability in diamond-producing regions.

Samuel Tettey, an expert on African resource management, notes that countries such as Uganda and Rwanda, which have historically been implicated in cross-border smuggling of minerals from the DRC, have strong diplomatic and security ties with Israel. These minerals, including diamonds, gold, and coltan, are often trafficked to benefit external actors, including private Israeli companies. While no direct evidence ties the Israeli government to these activities, private entities with military and intelligence connections are believed to have profited from the instability. This involvement is generally through indirect channels like business ventures and intelligence networks

‘In this scenario, Israel’s influence would not necessarily be overt but would operate through private actors, businesses, or intelligence networks that benefit from instability in the region,’ Djuma says.

Israel’s diamond industry has long been a critical pillar of its economy. By 2014, the rough and polished diamond trade in Israel generated a staggering $9.2bn, contributing approximately 30 percent to the country’s gross national income. Even as recently as 2022, Israel’s polished diamond exports reached nearly $9.16bn, accounting for a significant portion of the nation’s total exports.

Much of Israel’s diamond wealth is concentrated in Ramat Gan, near Tel Aviv, home to the country’s diamond exchange. This facility is one of the most important in the world, serving as a hub for cutting, polishing, and trading diamonds. It has played a central role in Israel’s ability to dominate the global market, with key export destinations including the United States and Europe.

However, Israel’s diamond trade is not just an economic powerhouse—it also plays a critical role in funding the country’s military activities. It is estimated that the diamond industry contributes around $1bn annually to Israel’s Defence Ministry, funding operations that include the illegal occupation of Palestinian territories and the construction of settlements in Jerusalem and the West Bank.

Several high-profile Israeli businessmen have been linked to corruption and unethical practices in Africa’s diamond industry. One such figure is Lev Leviev, a Jewish billionaire with ties to Israel’s military and government. Leviev and his family have been accused of smuggling millions of dollars' worth of diamonds into Israel and have been heavily involved in funding illegal settlement activities in Palestinian territories. Through his company, the Israel Land Fund, Leviev has supported the expansion of settlements in the West Bank, which has drawn international condemnation, according to TRT World’s report. .

Another controversial figure is Benny Steinmetz, an Israeli mining magnate arrested in 2023 in Cyprus for his involvement in corrupt diamond deals in Africa. Steinmetz’s company, BSG Resources, has been accused of securing mining rights through bribery in countries such as Guinea and the DRC.

His operations in Africa have contributed to the exploitation of local communities, with little benefit reaching the citizens of these diamond-rich nations. In 2021, Steinmetz was convicted in Switzerland for paying $8.5 million in bribes to obtain mining rights in Guinea, highlighting the pervasive corruption surrounding Israel’s involvement in Africa’s diamond trade.

Dan Gertler, another Israeli businessman, has also played a significant role in the DRC’s mining sector. A close ally of former Congolese President Joseph Kabila, Gertler secured lucrative mining contracts that allowed him to control a large portion of the country’s diamond exports. His operations have drawn widespread criticism for exploiting Congo’s resources while providing little benefit to the local population. Gertler has been sanctioned by the US government for his role in undermining the DRC’s stability.

The involvement of Israeli companies and individuals in Africa’s conflict diamond trade has garnered significant criticism from human rights organisations and ethical trade groups. The Kimberley Process Certification Scheme, established to prevent the sale of conflict diamonds, has made progress in curbing the flow of blood diamonds into the global market, but illegal trade persists, particularly in regions like the DRC.

Despite these efforts, Israel’s diamond industry continues to thrive, in part due to its ability to source diamonds from African conflict zones. This ongoing trade raises serious questions about the global diamond market’s commitment to ethical sourcing, as well as Israel’s role in exacerbating violence and instability in Africa.

As the world grapples with the consequences of the blood diamond trade, Israel’s deep entanglement in Africa’s

diamond industry remains a controversial and troubling issue. While the country profits immensely from the diamond trade, the cost of this business is borne by the millions of people affected by conflict, violence, and exploitation in Africa’s diamond-producing regions.

Israel has generally denied direct involvement in the blood diamond trade and maintains that its diamond industry operates within international legal frameworks, particularly those established by the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme (KPCS). The KPCS was set up to prevent the trade in conflict diamonds, and Israel, as a participant, insists that its diamond exports comply with these global regulations.

Israeli officials and industry representatives often point to the country’s adherence to the Kimberley Process as proof of its commitment to ethical diamond sourcing. The Israeli government and the Israel Diamond Exchange (IDE), located in Ramat Gan, have frequently stated that they are committed to ensuring that diamonds traded through Israel are conflict-free and meet international ethical standards.

However, despite these reassurances, accusations about indirect involvement, primarily through private businesses and individuals, continue to surface. Israel’s Foreign Ministry, when pressed about alleged connections to conflict diamonds or military-linked transactions, tends to focus on its formal economic and diplomatic ties with African nations. It highlights the role of Israeli technology and expertise in fostering legitimate business partnerships with African countries, including in the mining sector.

In cases where prominent Israeli businessmen like Benny Steinmetz or Dan Gertler have been implicated in corrupt practices or unethical dealings in Africa’s mining sectors, Israeli authorities typically distance themselves from the individuals involved, framing their actions as independent of the state’s official stance. The Israeli government emphasises that it does not endorse or participate in illegal activities by private companies or individuals.

Nevertheless, international scrutiny continues, and human rights advocates argue that more oversight is needed to ensure that Israeli companies and individuals do not exploit conflict zones for economic gain. The challenge for Israel is balancing its role as a major player in the global diamond market while addressing persistent allegations of unethical practices tied to conflict resources in Africa.

Israeli businessman Dan Gertler’s operations have drawn widespread criticism for exploiting Congo’s resources while providing little benefit to the local population

Sudan’s forgotten crisis: the deadly web of arms, gold, and starvation

SUDAN has been engulfed in a brutal civil war for nearly 18 months, with millions of people displaced and facing starvation. While the conflict between the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) continues to tear the country apart, minimal attention has been given to the role of foreign powers and arms suppliers fuelling this devastation. The narrative that Sudan’s crisis is just another sub-Saharan conflict has allowed the true extent of the humanitarian catastrophe and those complicit in it to go largely unnoticed.

Today, Sudan is witnessing what some experts describe as the ‘largest internally displaced population ever reported.’ An estimated ten million Sudanese have fled their homes, seeking refuge from the violence that has claimed around 15,000 lives since the conflict began in April 2023. These figures, however, are just a glimpse into the magnitude of suffering in the country.

Early September, a UN fact-finding mission released a damning report detailing the horrific human rights abuses committed by both the SAF and RSF. After conducting 182 interviews with survivors and witnesses, the report revealed shocking acts of torture, attacks on civilians, sexual violence, and arbitrary arrests. The situation in Sudan is becoming increasingly dire, as more than half of the country’s population faces extreme food insecurity. As one spokesperson for the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) told Army Technology, “the situation is close to breaking point.”

Foreign nations, including the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Russia, China, and Turkey, play a pivotal role in supplying arms to both sides of the Sudanese conflict.

Amnesty International and UN experts have identified a well-established ‘guns for gold’ network, in which arms manufacturers supply weapons to Sudan in exchange for access to the country’s precious resources, such as gold. According to open-source intelligence and trade data, these countries are in direct violation of the UN Security Council’s international arms embargo on Darfur.

The RSF, led by General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (commonly known as “Hemedti”), has become financially self-sufficient due to its involvement in Sudan’s lucrative gold trade. The UAE is a major player in this network, importing nearly all of Sudan’s gold. In 2022 alone, the UAE imported 39 tonnes of gold from Sudan, worth over $2 billion. This trade has helped sustain the RSF’s operations, while the UAE’s alleged military support for Hemedti’s forces raises serious concerns.

Despite the gravity of the situation, weapons continue to pour into Sudan. Amnesty International has tracked various lethal weapons—including handguns, shotguns, and rifles—that are being used by

both the SAF and RSF in direct violation of international humanitarian law. The Emirati Ajban armoured personnel carriers (APCs) are frequently sighted across conflict zones in Sudan, while Turkish, Russian, and Chinese manufacturers have all been implicated in providing military hardware to both sides.

Russia’s role in Sudan’s civil war is particularly complex. While Moscow has been a major arms supplier to the RSF, it has also been engaged in talks with the SAF to establish a naval base on Sudan’s Red Sea coast. The Russian Wagner Group has maintained close ties with Hemedti, supplying weapons and training to the RSF in exchange for access to Sudan’s gold mines. In return, Sudan’s gold exports have helped to offset the impact of Western sanctions on Russia, particularly in the context of its invasion of Ukraine.

However, Russia’s ambitions in Sudan go beyond the gold trade. The Kremlin has long sought a foothold in the Red Sea, with the aim of protecting its economic interests and strengthening its strategic position in the region. Russia’s involvement

The two warring leaders, Burhan (left) and Dagalo

on both sides of the Sudanese conflict only exacerbates the violence, as both the SAF and RSF scramble for control of the country’s resources.

While foreign actors continue to profit from Sudan’s resources, the humanitarian crisis on the ground deepens. The ICRC has warned that the food crisis in Sudan is reaching unprecedented levels, with thousands of families facing acute food insecurity in conflict-affected areas like Al Fashir. Barriers to aid delivery have worsened, leading to widespread shortages of food, fuel, medicine, and water. Sudan’s agriculture sector, which employs 70 percent of the population, has been devastated by forced displacement, leaving millions of people without access to food or livelihoods.

The health system has also collapsed under the strain of war. An estimated 7080 percent of healthcare facilities are no longer functioning, and those that remain open are critically short of supplies and staff. Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) has reported outbreaks of diseases like malaria and dengue fever, with vulnerable populations, including children and the elderly, at particular risk.

Despite the harrowing conditions in Sudan, the international community has

been slow to respond. The UN Security Council’s arms embargo, currently limited to Darfur, has proven woefully inadequate in preventing the flow of weapons to both sides of the conflict. Amnesty International and other organisations have called for the embargo to be extended to cover the entire country and for stricter enforcement mechanisms to be put in place.

Moreover, there is growing pressure on the UN to hold arms manufacturers

The war in Sudan is not simply a domestic conflict; it is a conflict fuelled by global actors who have prioritised profit over human lives. Arms manufacturers and foreign governments are complicit in the atrocities being committed, and until they are held accountable, the people of Sudan will continue to suffer.

As mass starvation looms and the conflict drags on, the time for global action is now. The UN must act decisively

There’s well-established ‘guns for gold’ network, in which arms manufacturers supply weapons to Sudan in exchange for access to the country’s precious resources ‘ ’

accountable for their role in Sudan’s suffering. As Deprose Muchena, Amnesty’s senior director for regional human rights impact, stated: ‘This is a humanitarian crisis that cannot be ignored. As the threat of famine looms large, the world cannot continue to fail civilians in Sudan.’

to expand the arms embargo, and the international community must hold arms suppliers accountable for their role in Sudan’s devastation. At stake is the future of millions of Sudanese people, whose suffering should no longer be ignored.

International and other organisations have called for the arms embargo to be extended to cover the entire country

Troop withdrawal will leave Somalia exposed

As the African Union Transition Mission is being replaced, concerns have been raised over the ongoing Al-Shabaab insurgency in the country and a resurgence of piracy in the Red Sea that could destabilise the region further, writes Janet Sankale

THE African Union – Peace and Security Council (AU-PSC), in its 1,225th session in August this year, endorsed the establishment of the AU Stabilisation and Support Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM), which will replace the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS). The Council approved the Concept of Operations (CONOPs) for the new AU-led mission, detailing its mandate, structure, benchmarks, duration and the transition timeline from ATMIS to AUSSOM.

In August, too, the UN Security Council extended ATMIS’s mandate until August 15, as the mission was scheduled to have concluded at the end of June. This extension was due to ongoing concerns about the threats posed by Al-Shabaab to Somalia’s peace and stability.

Under UN Security Council Resolution 2710 (2023), ATMIS, formerly known as the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), is set to withdraw from Somalia and transfer responsibilities to the Somali authorities by the end of December this year. This transition necessitates a thorough assessment of the current security situation and the implications of the planned withdrawal.

ATMIS has been active since its deployment in 2007, taking over from AMISOM on April 1, 2022, after 15 years of service. ATMIS has played a critical role in countering Al-Shabaab and assisting in the stabilisation of Somalia. It has supported the Federal Government of Somalia in implementing the Somali Transition Plan, with the ultimate goal of transferring security responsibilities to Somali forces and institutions.

Despite these efforts, Somalia’s security situation remains too volatile to be managed solely by the country's security forces. Funding shortfalls have led to the AU mission's exit, creating operational gaps.

Reports indicate that major funders, including the US, the European Union and the UK, have reduced their support for peacekeeping operations due to long-term financial and sustainability concerns. These donors believe it is time for Somalia and its internal security forces to take on the country's security responsibilities.

As ATMIS prepares to withdraw,

concerns persist regarding Al-Shabaab insurgency and a possible resurgence of piracy in the Red Sea. The Somali government has requested the delay of the withdrawal of half of the 4,000 troops (phase two) who were scheduled to have left by the end of June, asking them to remain until September. This is the second time Somalia has requested a delay in troop withdrawal due to battlefield setbacks, highlighting the country’s unpreparedness to manage its security sector fully.

The AU’s post-ATMIS assessment recognises the progress made since the mission’s deployment but expresses concern about a potential “security vacuum” that Al-Shabaab could exploit. The AU warns that the full implementation of phase three of the drawdown amid ongoing operations against Al-Shabaab could create capability gaps with significant security implications for Somalia and the region.

According to the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data (ACLED), Al-Shabaab carried out 26 attacks and six explosions targeting Somali security forces between March and April this year. The group’s activity has increased in Hirshabelle, particularly along the Shabelle river, near the Cali Fool Dheere forest, and around the villages between Balcad and Mogadishu.

Recent constitutional amendments have exacerbated tensions between the federal and state governments and among various clan members, leading to violence due to ineffective governance. If not properly addressed, these tensions could undermine efforts to consolidate state authority, which is crucial for reducing Al-Shabaab's influence.

ATMIS has acted as a buffer against political turmoil, and its withdrawal could worsen existing tensions and impede

efforts to build a cohesive and functional government. The already dire humanitarian situation, compounded by ongoing conflicts, flooding, drought, poverty and insecurity, could deteriorate further, leading to increased violence, displacement and a worsening crisis.

Tensions between Somalia and Ethiopia have escalated due to an agreement allowing Ethiopia access to the Gulf of Aden through Somaliland, a move strongly opposed by Somalia, which disputes Somaliland's sovereignty. The situation has further deteriorated with Somalia demanding the withdrawal of all Ethiopian ATMIS troops by December and threatening expulsion if the port deal is not cancelled.

Accusations of illegal border incursions by Ethiopian troops and confrontations with local security forces have exacerbated the situation. Analysts warn that the withdrawal of Ethiopian troops could lead to increased instability in Somalia, potentially strengthening Al-Shabaab’s activities due to the security vacuum.

The AU has pledged to safeguard the security gains achieved so far and ensure a stable and peaceful transition as postATMIS plans are underway. While there is consensus on avoiding the emergence of a security vacuum, uncertainty remains regarding the source of funding and which ATMIS contingents from friendly countries will be part of the post-ATMIS mission. The AU has emphasised the need for continued international support, both in terms of funding and logistical assistance.

Establishing a new mission to fill the gap post-ATMIS is crucial as AlShabaab continues to expand its influence. Addressing these challenges is essential to ensure that security gains are not lost. Considering that Somalia has joined the East African Community (EAC), its security has implications for the entire East African region.

Somalia has long struggled with political fragmentation and a lack of central authority, which has profoundly affected democracy, human rights, economic growth and international relations. The country faces immense challenges in establishing effective governance and national security structures. Strengthening local security forces and fostering regional cooperation are crucial priorities to address these issues.

Janet Sankale is with Africans for the Horn of Africa in Nairobi.

The African Union Transition Mission in Somalia

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Youth central to rebranding the Commonwealth

Young people are core enablers of my plan to rebrand the Commonwealth from an institution that is perceived by some as colonial and to transform it to an institution built to bridge differences and create opportunities to foster economic growth of member states and citizens, says Mamadou Tangara

ONE very important commitment I must pledge as the Secretary-General of the Commonwealth, is one that my career as a diplomat has prepared me for, and that is to strengthen efforts and build a strong and connected organisation that prioritises the needs and interests of its member nations.

The Commonwealth is a unique network of nations, people and organisations that share a common heritage and values. We must leverage this strength to create new opportunities for growth, development and cooperation in an all-inclusive democratic and peaceful environment, where promoting and protecting human rights, maintaining peace and security and the progressive development of international law are our collective responsibility.

My vision for the Commonwealth is that of a dynamic organisation where climate change mitigation, promotion and protection of human rights and maintenance of peace and security are sine-qua-non to sustainable trade and development, with a particular focus on small islands and developing states across the length and breadth of the organisation.

These constituencies face unique challenges in terms of education, economic development, climate change and sustainable growth – and the Commonwealth must work together to address these issues and ensure a brighter future for all.

To achieve this vision, the Commonwealth must prioritise connectivity and unity. We must build on the achievements and efforts of the former distinguished Secretaries-General for their remarkable leadership that has brought member states together and created a sense of shared purpose.

We must also work to drive the organisation forward by developing innovative strategies and initiatives to transfer skills and technology through technical assistance to support member nations ease and resolve the collective

overarching education, economic, trade and climate-change challenges.

Central to this effort will be a focus on the leveraging of modern technology to enhance opportunities for education, trade and economic development for small and disadvantaged member nations. The Commonwealth has the potential to be a powerful force for growth and prosperity, and we must work to unlock this potential by fostering greater trade and investment between member nations. We will also work to support small businesses and entrepreneurs, who are the engines of

Mamadou Tangara: ‘The Commonwealth is important

economic growth and job creation in many of our member states.

Climate change, being one foremost pressing issue of concern for Small Island and Developing States, requires concerted efforts and commitment to address its threat. The Commonwealth is uniquely positioned to take a leadership role in this area, given the diversity of our member nations and the wide range of challenges they face. We will work to promote sustainable development, reduce carbon emissions and support climate resilience in the most vulnerable countries.

As we remain committed to our founding principles of democracy, promotion and protection of human rights and the rule of law, the Good-Office of the Secretary-General must be strengthened to prevent conflict driven root causes, undemocratic governance and abuse of human rights. With secured tenure of service for secretariat staff and excellent transparent relationship with civil society organisations and other relevant actors, we will be committed to promoting democratic values, protecting human rights and supporting the development of strong and transparent institutions across the Commonwealth.

Outcast firmly back in the fold

IN 2013, President Yahya Jammeh pulled The Gambia out of the Commonwealth amid allegations of human rights violations in the country. Five years later, after President Adama Barrow came to power, The Gambia rejoined the organisation,

“The Gambia attaches great importance to the Commonwealth and its membership,” the Gambian High Commissioner in London, Fatou Bensouda, said recently. “The first priority of the present regime was to rejoin the Commonwealth, demonstrating the importance and significance of being part of this association.”

The welfare and economic security of our youths are core enablers or drivers of my plan, which is informed by the view to rebrand the Commonwealth from an institution that is perceived by some as colonial. The youth must, therefore, play a central role in rebranding the Commonwealth as a historical institution built to bridge differences and create opportunities to foster economic growth of states and citizens.

Such values and objectives must not be limited to flowery statements designed to promise hope from generation to generation. My team of advisers will include the youth for youthful insights and youthful programmes, which will be implemented to directly impact lives and livelihoods of youths across the Commonwealth.

In realising the importance of young people as core pillars of efforts to sustain peace and development in the present day and future, we must also recognise the efforts to achieve gender equality and realise the rights of women and girls across the Commonwealth. It is my hope that

She said that Barrow’s nomination of “Dr Mamadou Tangara as candidate for our next Commonwealth SecretaryGeneral is not a coincidence or a passing gesture. It is a deliberate and targeted choice because our president knows that Dr Tangara embodies and personifies significantly all the values that characterises the Commonwealth”.

Tangara has served as Foreign Minister in two consecutive governments. “As an African Foreign Minister, Dr Tangara brings a unique perspective to the role of SecretaryGeneral,” Bensouda said. “He holds a deep understanding of the challenges facing developing countries, particularly those in Africa, and has demonstrated his commitment to working towards

when elected as Secretary General, I would place requisite affirmative measures that would lead efforts to ensure that decisionmaking spaces are inclusive for all.

I believe that the Commonwealth is at the centre of historic possibilities with the recent geopolitics and the multipolarity of our world, presenting, therefore, a new set of challenges and opportunities such as the need for climate justice, financial crisis and threats of terrorism, all leading to calls for strengthening the global order. In this regard, it is pertinent to look at the future positioning of the Commonwealth and examine the type of reforms necessary to ensure that it remains relevant and dynamic in our present world.

It is therefore a call for all heads of nations to look inward with a view to guide resilient reforms that will make the Commonwealth stronger and united to withstand the challenges of our time. As Secretary-General, my office will place considerable attention on the ongoing reform proposals designed to strengthen the organs of the Commonwealth architecture that are the bedrock of the shared values of our organisation.

solutions to these challenges.

“Dr Tangara, one of Africa’s longest serving Foreign Ministers, is a laureate of the United Nations Population Award (UNFPA) bestowed on him in 2019 in recognition of his courage and leadership during the December 2016 political impasse for preventing conflict and promoting peace building in The Gambia and the region.

“These efforts for sustainable peace and security, democracy and good governance in The Gambia, which are key priorities of the Commonwealth, and his diplomatic skills, knowledge of international relations will prove invaluable for the organisation,” Bensouda added. AB

Dr Mamadou Tangara is Minister of Foreign Affairs, International Cooperation and Gambians Abroad of The Gambia. He is one of three declared candidates for Secretary-General of the Commonwealth. The others are Shirley Botchwey, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration of Ghana, and Joshua Setipa, former Minister for Trade and Industry of Lesotho (2015–2017) and Senior Director, Strategy, Portfolio and Partnerships, Commonwealth Secretariat

The new Commonwealth Secretary-General to succeed Rt Hon. Patricia Scotland KC, who has held the post since 2016, will be elected during the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in Samoa in October

Africa demands full veto power on UN Security Council

As African nations push for permanent seats on the UN Security Council, President Cyril Ramaphosa leads the call for equal veto powers, rejecting second-class status for the continent

THE push for Africa to gain permanent representation on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is gathering momentum, with South African President Cyril Ramaphosa leading the demand for equal rights and veto power. If successful, this reform could significantly alter global governance, granting Africa the influence it has long been denied on the world stage. This comes at a time when global governance structures are under increasing scrutiny for their lack of inclusivity, particularly regarding developing regions such as Africa.

For decades, Africa has been underrepresented in the UNSC, the primary global body responsible for maintaining international peace and security. Currently, African nations only hold rotating, nonpermanent seats, giving them limited influence in long-term decision-making. The drive to secure permanent seats would not only redress this imbalance but also bring substantial benefits to both the continent and the international community.

If African nations gain permanent seats on the Security Council, it would mark a significant shift in global power dynamics. One of the key advantages would be the increased influence Africa would wield in shaping global policies, particularly on issues disproportionately affecting the continent, such as conflict resolution, economic development, and climate change. With permanent representation, Africa would finally have the platform to assert its interests consistently.

"We demand and require serious participation on the UN Security Council," President Ramaphosa stated. "Africa cannot accept second-class participation on this global platform." His call reflects the growing impatience among African leaders for a fairer role in international diplomacy, and his message is clear—Africa deserves equal footing with other global powers.

Securing permanent seats on the UNSC would symbolise Africa's rising geopolitical significance. With a growing population, abundant natural resources, and expanding

economic potential, Africa is increasingly vital to global affairs. Permanent representation would cement Africa’s position as a key player in international diplomacy and reflect the continent’s critical role in shaping the future of global governance.

Ramaphosa emphasised this during a recent press conference: "A continent of 1.3 billion people deserves proper representation. Denying Africa the same rights as other permanent members means

However, with this enhanced influence comes increased responsibility. African nations with permanent UNSC seats would be expected to play a more active role in maintaining international peace and security. This could include mediating conflicts, participating in peacekeeping operations, and addressing humanitarian crises. African countries would need to step up their engagement in global conflict resolution and peacebuilding efforts, taking on a leadership role in ensuring

Denying veto power would effectively sideline Africa's influence, even with a permanent seat ‘ ’

we become second-class citizens once again." His statement echoes the sentiment of many African leaders who see this reform as necessary for Africa's growing influence to be acknowledged.

international stability.

"The new partnerships are based on sincerity and honour," a senior Malian military official said, highlighting how African nations have already begun

The UN Security Council in session: will Africa’s wishes be met?

forming alliances to enhance their role in international diplomacy, particularly with partners like Russia and China.

The inclusion of African nations would also modernise the UNSC, making it more representative of today’s multipolar world. The Council’s current structure reflects the global power dynamics of the postWorld War II era, with the five permanent members—Britain, China, France, Russia, and the United States—retaining veto powers. African representation would update this outdated composition, ensuring the UNSC reflects contemporary global realities.

Adding African nations as permanent members would also address the longstanding issue of underrepresentation in global governance. "We were in a oneway partnership for 60 years," the Malian official remarked, referring to the historical imbalance in Africa’s relationships with global powers. Reforming the UNSC would help rectify this imbalance, acknowledging Africa’s contributions to international peace and security, especially through its peacekeeping missions.

Central to the push for permanent African seats is the demand for veto power. While the United States has expressed support for granting Africa two permanent seats, it has proposed that these seats should not include veto authority. Ramaphosa has strongly rejected this, asserting that Africa deserves equal rights on the Council. "We demand equal representation. A seat without veto power would simply make Africa a bystander in global decision-making," Ramaphosa argued.

Without veto power, African nations would still face limitations in influencing critical UNSC resolutions. Denying veto authority would essentially marginalise Africa’s role, despite its permanent seat. "We cannot be in a sincere partnership while the other partner is sponsoring terrorist groups," the Malian official added, highlighting the importance of equal footing in international negotiations.

One challenge facing this reform is deciding which African countries would represent the continent on the Council. Africa’s 54 nations vary widely in their political and economic priorities, and selecting permanent representatives could lead to tensions, particularly among regional powers like Nigeria, South Africa, and Egypt.

Ramaphosa has suggested that the African Union should be responsible for selecting the nations to occupy the permanent seats. "The African Union should be the one to decide which nations sit on the Council," Ramaphosa said, calling for a fair and inclusive process that reflects Africa’s diversity and regional interests.

The benefits of including African nations as permanent UNSC members would extend beyond the continent. For Africa, permanent representation would mean more effective interventions in conflicts, particularly those affecting African nations. African countries would be better positioned to contribute to peacebuilding efforts, ensuring that solutions are informed by those with firsthand experience of the region’s challenges.

For the global community, the inclusion of Africa would enhance the legitimacy of the UNSC. A more representative Council would command greater respect worldwide, and its resolutions would carry more weight. Additionally, the inclusion of African nations would bring economic

and developmental issues to the forefront, particularly in areas such as poverty alleviation and climate resilience.

"By having a stronger voice on the UNSC, African nations could advocate for long-term strategies that address the root causes of instability," Ramaphosa noted. These strategies would benefit not only Africa but also contribute to global stability by tackling issues that lead to conflict and instability.

The inclusion of African nations as permanent members of the UN Security Council, with full veto power, would be a transformative step for both Africa and global governance. It would provide the continent with the recognition and influence it deserves, while also making the UNSC more legitimate and effective.

As President Ramaphosa has made clear, Africa will not accept second-class participation. "We are ready to play our

Permanent membership would mark a significant shift in global power dynamics ‘ ’

part, but it must be on equal terms," he said. With global governance at a crossroads, this reform represents a crucial opportunity to create a fairer, more balanced world where Africa’s voice is fully heard and respected.

Ramaphosa rejects second-class status for the continent

A struggle against religious intolerance

Although spiritual diversity is a fundamental feature of human history, we are witnessing serious attacks on freedom of worship in all regions of the world, says Adama Dieng

WE are living in a time of turbulence, tension and transition. Societies are more diverse, but intolerance is on the rise. We are seeing the spread of violent extremism and widening conflicts that are characterised by a fundamental disregard for international law and human life.

Conflicts based on peoples’ identity –particularly religious identity – are on the rise. We are observing how vested interests manipulating religion stand to gain from the terrible consequences of creating divisions among people of different faiths. This trend can lead to the extent of encouraging, organising and committing atrocity crimes. Intolerance that feeds on peoples’ fears and can eclipse human reasoning fuels religious strife.

I have come to appreciate the determination of the All-Africa Religious Liberty Association in promoting freedom of religion or belief for all people, no matter their faith or traditions. The idea according to which a person’s conscience, rather than the government, should dictate his/ her choice of worship is anchored in the principle of religious freedom.

This principle is critically important because everyone has the right to make personal decisions about their beliefs and practices. This autonomy is a fundamental aspect of human dignity and freedom. Allowing individuals to choose their religious practices favours a diverse and pluralistic society. This diversity can lead to greater understanding and tolerance between different groups. Although religious diversity is a fundamental feature of human history, we are witnessing serious attacks on religious freedom in all regions of the world. There are draconian laws to punish those whose beliefs are different from our own or think differently from us.

When religious practices are dictated, it can lead to oppression and persecution of minority groups. Let us all ensure that individuals can follow their conscience to

protect the community from abuse. I concur with the notion that worship and religious practices are deeply personal and often tied to an individual’s moral and ethical values. Allowing people to follow their conscience guarantees that their actions are consistent with their deepest convictions.

In Africa, perhaps more than anywhere else, freedom of religion plays a crucial role in development. Freedom of religion in effect reduces interfaith conflicts and promotes peaceful coexistence among different communities. This creates a stable environment conducive to economic and social development.

Moreover, by guaranteeing freedom of religion, African societies can better integrate diverse religious communities, which strengthens social cohesion and inclusion. Hence the imperative for our leaders to strive not to become the source of discord and intolerance.

Let’s remind political, religious and faith-based leaders and actors; let’s remind

all in position of power that whenever we compromise with our fundamental values, just to accommodate our immediate comfort, or our shortsighted interest, this always comes back to haunt us.

Communities and nations have nothing to fear from accepting other faiths and cultures into their society. Mutual respect is a sign of strength, not weakness. Freedom of religion is indeed a pillar of human rights and democracy. It allows individuals to practice their faith without fear of persecution, which is essential for a just and equitable society.

On the economic development front, an environment where religious freedom is respected attracts investments. Local and foreign investors are more inclined to settle in communities and countries where fundamental rights are protected.

By guaranteeing freedom of religion, communities and countries contribute positively to human development and innovation. The defence and promotion of religious freedom in Africa are

Adama Dieng: ‘In the Sahel and East Africa, Islamic

therefore crucial. Freedom of religion is a fundamental right enshrined in numerous international constitutions and conventions. Protecting it is guaranteeing respect for human rights for all.

However, Africa faces many challenges in defending freedom of religion and conscience. Thus, in several regions, such as in the Sahel and East Africa, Islamic extremism poses a serious threat to religious freedom. Extremist groups commit violence against those who do not share their beliefs. Tensions between different ethnic and religious groups can lead to further violence and discrimination.

These challenges require coordinated and inclusive responses, involving both governments, religious organisations and civil society to promote tolerance and respect for everyone’s rights. In this regard, placing emphasis on conflict prevention in Africa, rather than insisting on their resolution is crucial for several reasons.

For the Africa we want, and in order to ensure the stability and prosperity of our continent, countries at peace are more likely to experience sustainable economic and social development. Conflict prevention contributes to creating a stable environment, conducive to investment and economic growth, as stated earlier. Equally, conflict prevention often involves strengthening democratic institutions and the rule of law, which can help address inequalities, corruption and human rights violations.

We should support and encourage our people to see a world of fairness, justice and empowerment. Ultimately, discrimination and exclusion undermine peoples’ dignity, equality of citizenship, deprives them of their voice and ability to participate in public life. Just like holy books teach us that we should not kill, the jurisprudence of the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights has recognised the right to life as a fundamental right, without which other rights cannot be implemented.

This means that persecuting or hunting down, let alone killing someone because of his or her religion or belief, is not acceptable and cannot be defended legally or morally. If we let these injustices happen, they would get worse and before we even realize it, we could be facing mass

atrocities.

Education is an essential element to guarantee that communities do not fall prey to these negative trends whereas individuals or groups are wrongfully persecuted simply because they are not accepted by the majority. The implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, in particular Sustainable Development Goal 4, which includes the promotion of values and skills related to education to global citizenship, will play a key role in this regard.

Today, one of the main challenges involves combating hate speech. That is why, in my past assignments at the United Nations, I strived to fight hate speech, mainly by strengthening the capacities of UN staff, promoting the use of technology and education, and by forging partnerships – including with social media companies – so that the capacity building of member states and the development of policies aimed at combating hate speech would be strengthened. Social networks should promote the values of tolerance, non-discrimination, pluralism, freedom of opinion and expression.

A global understanding fosters tolerance and peace by recognising and respecting diverse religious beliefs, thereby reducing conflict and promoting peaceful coexistence. This understanding contributes

to bridging the gaps and fosters mutual respect between different communities, as we have highlighted.

Religious freedom is a fundamental human right which defends the dignity of individuals. It allows people to explore and express their beliefs and personae without fear of persecution, which is essential to personal and societal well-being.

Enforcing respect for religious freedom requires a strong commitment and political will. It is this commitment and political will that sustain our quest for a better world marked by the respect for the cultural diversity of peoples and nations, a world where all forms of discrimination will no longer reign and respect for the right to be different will prevail.

A holistic approach to religious freedom encourages dialogue between different denominations and cultures. Indeed, in a polarised world, religious freedom can act as a calming force that contributes to reducing existential fears and angst by guaranteeing that all points of view, even the most unpopular, are protected.

Essentially, a global understanding of religious freedom consists not only of protecting individual rights, but equally of fostering a more tolerant, more peaceful and more cooperative world. It’s towards this better world that we should all move.

Adama Dieng is African Union Special Envoy for the Prevention of the Crime of Genocide and Other Mass Atrocities; FounderPresident of the Pan-African Alliance for Transparency and the Rule of Law; and President of the Honorary Committee of the International Association for the Defence of Religious Liberty. The above is an abridged version of his presentation at the All-Africa Religious Liberty Congress in Arusha, Tanzania, September 17-21, 2024.

The independence of the All-Africa Religious Liberty Congress is well known, and its non-sectarian character widely recognised

Rethinking global economic governance: Africa’s path forward

IN June 2024, the US think tank, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, and the South African Institute of International Affairs held a critical conference in Johannesburg, South Africa. The aim was to assess the state of global economic governance and discuss how to craft a new system that better serves Africa and other low- and middle-income countries. Experts and policymakers from around the world debated the future of the global economy, highlighting how current governance structures, rooted in neoliberalism, have failed to meet the evolving needs of African nations. These structures have often left African countries as "price takers," beholden to the whims of the global market and international financial institutions (IFIs) dominated by Western interests.

The conference called for a fresh narrative and proposed institutional reforms that would better address Africa’s unique challenges, particularly in the context of climate change, economic development, and technological innovation. As South Africa prepares to take on the G20 presidency in 2025, the timing of the discussion is critical for shaping global economic governance moving forward.

The conference began by examining the impact of neoliberalism and structural adjustment policies on African nations. These policies, heavily promoted by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank in the 1980s and 1990s, were intended to stabilise economies through austerity measures, privatisation, and freemarket reforms. However, many African countries found these policies stifled economic growth, deepened inequality, and left them dependent on global markets for commodity exports.

A key focus of the discussion was the legacy of structural adjustment programmes and how their failure has led to disillusionment with the Washington Consensus—neoliberal policies favouring

deregulation and free-market capitalism. The "Lions on the Move" narrative of the early 2000s, which celebrated Africa’s rapid growth, faded with the 2008–2009 financial crisis, the Ebola epidemic, and new international banking regulations that limited financing opportunities for African countries.

Today, Africa remains locked in a cycle of dependency, reliant on commodity exports and external financing, much of which is delayed or never materialises. Despite being rich in natural resources, African nations continue to face disproportionately high risk assessments in global markets, resulting in exorbitant borrowing costs. According to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), this risk premium costs the continent over $74 billion annually, money that could be better spent on development and infrastructure.

The conversation highlighted the structural inequities in the current global financial system. Voting weights in key international financial institutions, such as the IMF and World Bank, continue to favour Western nations, leaving African countries with limited influence over decisions that impact their economies.

The conference emphasised that this marginalisation hinders Africa’s ability to access affordable financing, stifles its economic potential, and perpetuates its dependency on external aid.

One of the main obstacles to African development is the fluctuating value of its commodity exports. Because many African economies are heavily reliant on commodities like oil, gold, and cocoa, they are vulnerable to global price shocks that undermine their financial stability. This volatility makes it difficult for African governments to secure development financing, further exacerbating the continent's debt burden.

Moreover, climate financing, which is critical for Africa’s future, remains largely inaccessible. While wealthier nations have pledged over $1 trillion in climate funding to low-income countries, much of this money has yet to be disbursed. The inclusion of massive financial aid for Ukraine in the International Development Association (IDA) budget has also obscured the lack of funding flowing to Africa, creating the illusion of robust concessional financing for the world’s poorest countries.

Participants discussed how African countries can move away from reliance on Western-led global governance frameworks. One solution lies in diversifying sources of development financing, including turning to nonWestern nations like China, India, and the United Arab Emirates. These countries have increasingly stepped in as alternative lenders, offering African countries more autonomy in their economic decisions.

However, the shift away from multilateral decision-making poses risks. Global governance is becoming more fragmented, as countries pursue unilateral actions, such as the European Union’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) and the US ban on Chinese telecom giant Huawei. These moves threaten to undermine African countries’ efforts to exercise sovereign agency and

The conference discussed the legacy of structural adjustment programmes and how their failure has led to disillusionment with the Washington Consensus

As South Africa prepares to lead the G20 in 2025, this presents an opportune moment for African nations to push for their interests and contribute to shaping a more inclusive and representative global agenda

navigate a world increasingly dominated by geopolitical competition between major powers.

African nations are also seeking to redefine their relationship with international financial institutions, such as the IMF and World Bank, which have long imposed restrictive policies on borrowing nations. While participants at the conference advocated for cautious support of multilateralism, they also urged African leaders to explore new avenues for exercising agency in a more fragmented world economy.

The conference explored several proposals for how African countries can unlock new sources of financing. Strengthening domestic and regional financial institutions, for instance, could help African countries reduce their dependence on external lenders. Another option discussed was leveraging remittances, which have become a significant source of revenue for many African nations. In 2022 alone, Africa received $100 billion in remittances, far surpassing the amount of official development assistance (ODA) and foreign direct investment (FDI) combined.

However, domestic resource mobilisation (DRM) remains a significant challenge. Over 70 percent of African businesses operate in the informal sector, making it difficult to collect taxes and enforce compliance. Governments must invest more in improving tax systems and gathering data on their economies to enhance DRM efforts.

Participants also discussed the potential of technology, particularly artificial intelligence (AI), to revolutionise African economies by creating new opportunities for export services beyond traditional low-wage jobs. However, there is also a risk that AI could displace jobs in sectors

such as customer service, exacerbating unemployment.

Africa faces a dual challenge: it has the greatest renewable energy potential of any continent, but it is also highly vulnerable to the effects of climate change. The conference underscored the need for African nations to secure more climate financing to fund both mitigation and adaptation efforts. Projections estimate that Africa’s annual losses from climate change could rise from $7 billion in 2022 to $50 billion by 2030 if immediate action is not taken.

Participants advocated for a more strategic approach to climate financing, including debt cancellation, better risk assessments, and increased use of blended finance to encourage private sector investment. Another key proposal was to monetise Africa’s massive carbon sinks, which provide critical services to the planet by absorbing carbon dioxide. However, achieving this will require overcoming widespread scepticism about carbon markets in Africa and building a credible system of natural capital accounting.

The conference also explored the role of renewable energy in Africa’s future development. The continent is uniquely positioned to become a leader in renewable energy, particularly solar and wind power. However, boosting domestic demand for renewable energy is critical to making this development profitable. Participants also highlighted the potential for Africa to build a “blue economy" through ocean-based climate mitigation, particularly as 38 of Africa’s 54 countries have coastlines.

The conference also highlighted growing tensions between the Global South and Global North, particularly in light of Western countries' perceived failure to fulfil their promises of development financing and climate aid. Frustrated by the slow response to the 2008 financial crisis, the

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COVID-19 pandemic, and the current geopolitical conflicts, many African nations are seeking to diversify their partnerships and reduce their dependency on the West.

The rise of BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) was discussed as a potential counterbalance to Western-dominated global governance. However, participants noted that BRICS, while promising, is still plagued by internal divisions and competing national interests. Nevertheless, BRICS+ could offer African countries an alternative platform for exerting influence on the global stage.

At the same time, participants warned that African nations must avoid becoming overly reliant on new powers such as China, which could create a new form of dependency. Instead, they called for middle powers to band together and articulate a shared vision for a multipolar world order that moves beyond both Western and Chinese dominance.

Building on the discussions throughout the conference, participants proposed several priorities for a unified African agenda on global economic reform. In the short term, securing greater access to Special Drawing Rights (SDRs) and increased concessional ODA would provide African nations with much-needed liquidity. Debt cancellation and restructuring must also be high on the agenda, particularly as many African countries are facing unsustainable levels of debt.

In the medium term, African nations must focus on improving their credit ratings by gathering better data on their economies and sharing more information about financing contracts. Strengthening regional trade through the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) and increasing intra-regional cooperation will also be critical for reducing Africa’s reliance on foreign capital.

In the long term, participants called for either gaining greater representation within existing IFIs or building alternative institutions that better reflect African interests. Reforming the global financial system to account for the value of natural capital and ecosystem services was also proposed as a way to ensure that Africa receives fair compensation for its role in combating climate change.

The conference concluded with a resounding call for Africa to seize this moment to redefine its role in global economic governance. By developing a unified agenda, African nations can push for reforms that promote equitable financing, climate resilience, and sustainable development. With South Africa set to lead the G20 in 2025, the time is ripe for African countries to advocate for their interests and help shape a more inclusive and representative.

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China’s $51 billion Africa pledge: boon or debt trap?

IN September 2024, China pledged a staggering $51 billion to Africa, an ambitious financial commitment made at the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) Summit in Beijing. This funding, spread over three years, is designed to bolster infrastructure, create jobs, and expand access to clean energy across the continent. On the surface, China’s promise offers an essential lifeline to a region burdened by significant development challenges. Yet, behind the pledges lies a complex web of concerns about debt, economic sovereignty, and long-term consequences for Africa.

This commentary aims to unpack both the potential benefits and risks tied to this large-scale investment, drawing on key aspects of China’s relationship with Africa, the evolving nature of Chinese foreign policy, and the regional dynamics at play.

One of Africa’s most pressing challenges is its vast infrastructure gap. According to the African Development Bank (AfDB), the continent needs $130 billion to $170 billion annually to meet its infrastructure requirements. China’s latest pledge is a continuation of its infrastructure-focused engagement strategy with Africa, extending earlier projects that have already seen the construction of highways, airports, and power plants. However, China’s shift towards “small and beautiful” green projects underlines a new direction in Beijing’s strategy, signalling a move away from large-scale, resourceintensive undertakings to more sustainable and environmentally conscious initiatives.

At the heart of China’s investment is a focus on renewable energy, with 30 projects aimed at tackling Africa’s energy crisis. Africa, home to 1.3 billion people without regular access to electricity, stands to benefit from China’s expertise in renewable energy technologies, particularly solar and wind power. This, in theory, could revolutionise Africa’s energy infrastructure and help it reduce its reliance on fossil fuels.

Yet, the green energy push also reflects China’s broader global ambitions. As the world’s largest producer of solar panels

and wind turbines, China is keen to expand its clean energy industry, finding new markets for its technologies. Whether this will truly benefit Africa’s development goals, or primarily serve China’s economic interests, remains an open question.

China’s $51 billion pledge also holds significant geopolitical implications. Africa, with its vast natural resources, growing markets, and strategic geographic position, is central to China’s longterm global strategy. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a global development strategy adopted by China in 2013, extends its reach into Africa and has already seen investments in critical infrastructure projects such as ports, railways, and roads that tie into broader global trade routes.

This increasing influence in Africa allows China to strengthen its foothold in global trade, access critical raw materials, and expand its political influence in international organisations. Through initiatives such as the “Global Security Initiative” and its growing role in peacekeeping missions, China is positioning itself as a counterbalance to Western powers, particularly the United States and European nations, who have traditionally exerted significant influence in Africa.

By providing loans, investments, and development aid, China is presenting itself as a partner to African nations in their quest for modernisation. However,

some critics argue that China’s model of development cooperation comes with strings attached. Beijing’s strategy often bypasses political conditions typically imposed by Western governments and international financial institutions, such as good governance, transparency, and human rights. Instead, China offers a no-stringsattached model of investment that appeals to many African leaders but raises concerns about governance and democratic stability across the continent.

For instance, some observers worry that China’s increasing military cooperation with African governments, combined with political exchanges and economic investments, may enable authoritarian regimes to consolidate power, weakening the checks and balances critical for democratic governance. The broader question is whether China’s investment is helping African nations achieve sustainable growth, or if it risks undermining longterm democratic institutions.

One of the most promising aspects of China’s $51 billion pledge is the commitment to create one million jobs across Africa. This is crucial for a continent with the world’s youngest population, where youth unemployment remains a severe challenge. The promise of job creation resonates particularly in countries like Ethiopia, where Chinesebuilt industrial parks have already provided thousands of jobs.

Delegates in Beijing: China’s financial engagement with Africa, though smaller than it once was, remains substantial

The potential economic stimulus from such job creation cannot be understated. However, it is essential that these jobs are not limited to short-term infrastructure projects but contribute to long-term industrialisation and skills development. If Chinese firms dominate the contracts and expertise, Africa could miss the opportunity to build local capacity, leaving nations overly dependent on Chinese investment and labour.

While China’s focus on renewable energy is a step in the right direction, there is a need to scrutinise the environmental impacts of such projects. Africa is facing not only an energy crisis but also the effects of climate change, making the transition to clean energy essential for its future. By investing in solar, wind, and other green energy projects, China could help African nations reduce their carbon emissions and build more sustainable economies.

However, questions remain about the long-term environmental impacts of some Chinese investments. In the past, Chinese projects in Africa have been criticised for poor environmental standards and a lack of transparency in their execution. Some Chinese-backed infrastructure projects have led to deforestation, soil degradation, and water pollution, raising concerns about the true environmental cost of these investments.

Moreover, the mining of critical minerals, such as cobalt and lithium, which are essential for renewable energy technologies, often takes place in African countries. Many of these mines have been linked to environmental degradation and human rights abuses, including child labour. China, a major investor in African mining operations, will need to ensure that its renewable energy investments do not exacerbate these issues and that African nations benefit from fair trade and environmentally responsible practices.

Perhaps the most contentious aspect of China’s involvement in Africa is the

issue of debt. China is already the largest bilateral lender to the continent, with countries like Zambia, Kenya, and Angola heavily indebted to Beijing. Out of the $51 billion promised, $30 billion will come from credit lines, raising alarms about the potential for exacerbating Africa’s debt crisis.

Critics argue that China’s debt strategy is a form of neo-colonialism, with countries potentially falling into debt traps that give Beijing leverage over critical assets and policies. Angola, for instance, has been paying off Chinese loans with oil, an arrangement that has fuelled fears of economic exploitation. “There’s a very real danger that African nations will be trapped in a cycle of dependency,” warns Ibrahima Xalil Niang, an economist at Cheikh Anta Diop University in Dakar.

Proponents of Chinese loans, however, see things differently. They argue that without these funds, critical infrastructure projects would be impossible, and that the debt is manageable as long as it spurs economic growth. Moreover, China has shown flexibility in renegotiating terms, postponing debt repayments, or converting loans into equity in joint ventures. But while such gestures may alleviate shortterm pressures, they do not address the underlying concern: how will Africa break free from a cycle of borrowing to fund development?

China has also positioned itself as a key ally in Africa’s pursuit of regional economic integration. The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), launched in 2019, is an ambitious project aimed at reducing trade barriers across the continent, creating a single market of over 1.3 billion people. China has been a staunch supporter of AfCFTA, expanding trade with Africa to record levels in recent years. In 2023, the trade volume between China and Africa reached $282.1 billion.

China’s growing trade ties with Africa underscore its long-term strategy of economic integration. By increasing

imports of African agricultural products and exporting new energy vehicles, lithium batteries, and photovoltaic products, China is positioning itself as Africa’s top trading partner, supporting the continent’s green transition. Yet, while this trade dynamic offers short-term benefits, it risks entrenching Africa’s reliance on exporting raw materials and importing high-value goods from China.

China’s support for industrialisation, which aligns with Africa’s development goals, is also worth noting. Chinese investments have helped countries like Ethiopia build manufacturing hubs. However, the lack of local African ownership and control over these projects has sparked concerns about whether the long-term benefits will remain in African hands.

As China deepens its involvement in Africa, the role of other global players, particularly the United States and Europe, is also worth considering. The West has historically had significant influence in Africa through colonial ties, trade, and development aid. However, in recent years, many African nations have expressed frustration with the conditionalities and limitations of Western aid, turning instead to China, which offers financial support without political strings.

The West’s reaction to China’s growing presence in Africa has been mixed. While some Western governments have called for more engagement and competition with China in Africa, others have expressed concern that Chinese investments could lead to undue political and economic influence. The US and Europe are keen to reassert their relevance on the continent, but their approach has often been seen as paternalistic compared to China’s more transactional model.

China’s $51 billion pledge represents both an opportunity and a risk for Africa. The infrastructure projects, job creation, and clean energy initiatives have the potential to significantly improve living conditions and accelerate development across the continent. Yet, the spectre of debt dependency, coupled with concerns about economic sovereignty, casts a long shadow over these promises.

As African countries engage with China in the coming years, the key challenge will be to harness the benefits of this partnership while ensuring that it remains on African terms. If managed well, China’s investment could help transform Africa into a more prosperous and industrialised continent. If not, it could deepen existing inequalities and leave Africa more dependent on external powers than ever before.

At the heart of China’s investment is a focus on renewable energy

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China’s resource-backed loans need more scrutiny

Beijing’s quick fix solution

transparency,

to funding Africa’s development projects lacks

and the long-term economic consequences of these deals cannot be ignored, writes Lucy Nyembesi Mabhikwa who focuses on the case of Zimbabwe

THE economic entanglement between Africa and China has become a subject of intense debate, particularly concerning Beijing’s role in providing loans to cash-strapped African countries looking to fund infrastructure development. Zimbabwe, one of Africa’s most indebted nations, provides a striking example of how these financial engagements are reshaping the continent’s economic landscape.

Since independence in1980, Zimbabwe has contracted loans from China amounting to approximately $3 billion. At the heart of this relationship lies China’s use of resource-backed loans, a financial instrument that has both immediate appeal and long-term consequences.

Beijing’s strategy of providing loans secured by natural resources has been instrumental in its engagement with Africa. In Zimbabwe, this has meant leveraging the country’s vast mineral wealth, particularly lithium, platinum, gold and diamonds to secure loans; and those at the higher echelons of power have immensely benefited at the expense of the poor.

Zimbabwe has the world's fifth-largest reserves of lithium, which is currently a sought-after mineral in the production of mobile phones and batteries used in electric vehicles. According to the Zimbabwe Environmental Law Association (ZELA), as of 2022, China was the largest buyer of Zimbabwe’s minerals, and Chinese companies controlled a significant portion of the mining sector.

The allure of such deals is evident: they provide immediate capital injections without the stringent conditions typically imposed by Western financial institutions. However, these resource-backed loans come at a steep price.

The lack of transparency surrounding these deals has raised significant concerns. Many of these agreements are shrouded in secrecy, with details rarely disclosed to the public or even to key stakeholders within the respective governments.

For instance, in Zimbabwe, the exact terms of the loans secured by mineral resources remain largely undisclosed. This secrecy is often justified by claims of protecting commercial interests or national security, but it frequently results in a lack

of accountability, fostering an environment ripe for corruption and mismanagement.

Empirical evidence highlights the risks associated with such cloudy financial arrangements. A report by the Natural Resource Governance Institute (NRGI) found that resource-backed loans often lead to unsustainable debt levels, as countries like Zimbabwe struggle to meet their repayment obligations when commodity prices fall or when production targets are not met. The debt burden has exacerbated Zimbabwe’s economic challenges, leading to increased poverty and declining public services.

Furthermore, the secrecy surrounding these deals often means that the true costs are hidden from the public, making it difficult for citizens to hold their governments accountable. For Zimbabwe, a country already grappling with governance challenges, corruption and public finance mismanagement, this is a significant concern.

This lack of transparency undermines democratic governance and can lead to social unrest. The 2019 protests in Zimbabwe, partly fuelled by economic hardships linked to the country’s debt crisis, were a stark reminder of the potential consequences of these opaque financial arrangements.

China’s significant role in Africa’s funding requirements is double-edged. On the one hand, it provides much-needed capital for infrastructure and development projects. On the other hand, the lack of transparency and the long-term implications of resource-backed loans pose serious risks to the sovereignty and economic stability of African nations like Zimbabwe.

As the debt crisis in Africa continues to unfold, it is crucial that these deals are conducted with greater transparency and accountability to ensure that they serve the best interests of the people, rather than entrenching a cycle of debt dependency.

It is of importance to note that these loans are often opaque, raising concerns about Zimbabwe’s sovereignty over its resources and the potential long-term economic burden. As the debt piles up, questions arise regarding the sustainability of these loans and the risk of losing control over critical national assets.

What will happen to Zimbabwe’s sovereignty if it becomes increasingly dependent on Chinese loans secured by its natural resources? Can Zimbabwe truly claim ownership of its future if it mortgages its natural wealth to foreign interests today? How will the legacy of resource-backed loans shape the economic freedom and development trajectory of Zimbabwe for generations to come?

While China’s resource-backed loans offer an immediate solution to Africa’s debt crisis, the lack of transparency and the long-term economic consequences of these deals cannot be ignored. For Zimbabwe, and indeed for Africa as a whole, it is imperative that future financial engagements with China are conducted in a manner that prioritises the economic wellbeing and sovereignty of African nations.

Transparency, accountability and sustainable financial practices must be at the forefront of these discussions to ensure that Africa’s natural resources are used to benefit its people, rather than mortgaging their future.

These resource-backed loans come at a steep price

Lucy Nyembesi Mabhikwa

Unlocking potential: making the most of transition minerals

Africa holds vast reserves of transition minerals essential for clean energy technologies, yet the continent is stuck at the bottom of the value chain. With strategic policies and regional cooperation, African nations can transform their minerals into economic opportunities, creating jobs and driving sustainable development, Jon Offei-Ansah reports

AFRICA is home to an abundance of transition minerals—copper, cobalt, lithium, and rare earth elements—key components in technologies such as batteries, solar panels, and electric vehicles. As the world shifts towards cleaner energy, these minerals are becoming increasingly valuable. However, Africa remains largely excluded from the more profitable stages of the value chain, while much of its mineral wealth is exported to fuel industries abroad. A new report by Publish What You Pay, a group of civil society organisations that advocates for financial transparency in the extractive industry, suggests that with the right strategies, Africa can harness the full potential of its transition minerals to boost its economy, create jobs, and advance its own development goals.

Currently, only two percent of Africa's energy transition minerals are traded within the continent. The vast majority are exported to manufacturing hubs in other regions, where they are processed, transformed into products, and sold for

substantial profits. While Africa plays a crucial role in supplying the raw materials needed for clean energy technologies, it benefits little from the high-value stages of production, such as design, manufacturing, and marketing.

This is a missed opportunity. According to the report, by adding value to its minerals—whether through local processing or using them to build renewable energy systems—Africa could boost its GDP by at least $24 billion annually and create 2.3 million jobs. Countries like the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), South Africa, Sudan, Zambia, and the Republic of Congo account for 90 percent of the continent's opportunities to increase exports of processed minerals. Other nations, including Madagascar, Egypt, Namibia, Morocco, and Mozambique, also stand to gain from hundreds of millions of dollars in additional exports each year.

To make the most of its transition minerals, Africa must focus on moving up the value chain, rather than simply exporting raw materials. This involves

processing minerals into higher-value products such as batteries, which can then be exported at better prices. Additionally, Africa can use its mineral wealth to build clean energy systems on the continent, helping to address its own development needs, such as affordable and sustainable energy access.

For this strategy to succeed, African countries need to adopt flexible, collaborative approaches. Rather than attempting to retain every stage of the mineral value chain within their borders, countries should specialise in the segments where they have a competitive advantage. This may involve importing minerals from other African nations, but the overall goal is to ensure that value is retained within the continent.

Strategic partnerships between African nations could be key. Regional cooperation through economic agreements and preferential trade deals would enable African countries to trade minerals among themselves, creating a more competitive market for renewable energy technologies. This approach could also help reduce the

continent’s reliance on foreign markets, allowing African nations to develop their own industries and expertise.

While Africa’s mineral wealth presents an enormous economic opportunity, mining comes with significant human and environmental costs. Communities living in mining areas, including Indigenous Peoples and women, often bear the brunt of these impacts. Extractive industries can cause widespread environmental degradation, including deforestation, water pollution, and the destruction of ecosystems. Moreover, local populations are frequently excluded from decisionmaking processes that affect their land and livelihoods.

To address these concerns, the report calls for African governments to adopt strong safeguards and no-go zones to protect vulnerable ecosystems and communities. The principle of Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC)—which gives Indigenous Peoples the right to approve or reject mining projects on their land—must be upheld. In addition, governments need to ensure that mining operations are conducted responsibly and sustainably, with mechanisms in place to share the benefits with local communities.

Africa’s transition mineral sector also requires stronger accountability and transparency. Resource-rich states should implement national and regional laws to ensure due diligence, public participation,

and fair benefit-sharing. However, many African countries face challenges in doing so due to investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanisms in bilateral investment treaties. These mechanisms allow foreign companies to challenge government actions aimed at protecting public interests, such as environmental regulations or labour rights. Renegotiating these treaties is critical to empowering African states to regulate their mineral sectors effectively.

The report also highlights the need for consumer regions, particularly in Europe and North America, to play a supportive role in Africa’s energy transition. Although some development partners have made promises through agreements such as the European Union’s Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs) with Namibia and Rwanda, these commitments often conflict with other policies. African countries should not be pressured to abandon industrial policies that promote domestic processing and value addition. Instead, consumer regions should focus on fulfilling their financial and technology transfer commitments, helping Africa to build its industrial capacity and bringing tangible benefits to its citizens.

Africa’s transition minerals offer a pathway to economic growth and development, but this potential will only be realised if the continent can move beyond its current role as a supplier of raw materials. By adding value to its minerals, African nations can create

jobs, boost exports, and drive sustainable development. However, this must be done in a way that respects human rights, protects the environment, and ensures that local communities benefit from the continent’s mineral wealth.

To achieve this, African countries need to be strategic in how they participate in global value chains. Rather than trying to control every aspect of the mineral supply chain, nations should focus on the areas where they are most competitive, working together to build a thriving regional market for renewable energy technologies. At the same time, governments must adopt robust safeguards to mitigate the environmental and social impacts of mining, ensuring that the benefits of mineral wealth are shared equitably.

Through regional cooperation, strategic investments, and a commitment to sustainability, Africa can transform its mineral wealth into lasting prosperity. By building industries that process and transform these valuable resources, the continent can take its place at the forefront of the global energy transition, creating opportunities not only for economic growth but also for social and environmental progress.

In doing so, Africa can secure its future as a leader in the clean energy revolution, turning its mineral wealth into a force for development, equity, and sustainability across the continent.

Workers load lithium concentrate at Prospect Lithium Zimbabwe mine in Goromonzi, Zimbabwe

Green investment: a crucial driver for Africa’s sustainable future

GREEN investment is rapidly emerging as a vital force for sustainable development across Africa. As the continent faces the dual challenge of economic growth and environmental sustainability, the strategic deployment of green investment offers a pathway to address these issues while fostering social progress. By channelling resources into renewable energy, sustainable infrastructure, and other ecofriendly projects, African countries can significantly reduce their carbon footprint, create jobs, and spur technological innovation.

Africa’s reliance on fossil fuels, such as natural gas and crude oil, for energy production presents a significant hurdle in the global transition to a low-carbon economy. These fossil fuels are major contributors to greenhouse gas emissions, driving climate change and its associated impacts—rising temperatures, extreme weather events, and deteriorating public health. For many African communities near oil and gas extraction sites, environmental degradation has become a daily reality, leading to respiratory diseases, contaminated water supplies, and the loss of traditional livelihoods.

This dependence on fossil fuels also hampers Africa’s ability to embrace the global energy transition. As the world moves towards renewable energy, Africa must urgently shift away from fossil fuels to mitigate the harsh impacts of climate change, which disproportionately affect the continent.

Green investment provides a strategic solution to Africa’s energy challenges by financing projects that promote renewable energy, energy efficiency, and sustainable infrastructure. Investing in clean energy technologies—such as wind, solar, and hydroelectric power—offers a sustainable alternative to fossil fuels.

These technologies provide reliable and affordable energy while minimizing environmental damage. Through such investments, African nations can reduce their carbon emissions, create jobs in the emerging green economy, and improve energy access for underserved communities.

In addition to renewable energy, green investment supports energy efficiency, which is crucial for lowering overall energy demand. Improving energy efficiency in industries, buildings, and transportation can significantly reduce reliance on fossil fuels. This can be achieved through the adoption of energyefficient appliances, retrofitting buildings with better insulation and lighting, and promoting the use of electric vehicles.

To attract and sustain green investment, African governments need to establish a conducive policy and regulatory environment. This involves implementing policies that promote renewable energy deployment, such as feed-in tariffs, tax incentives, and setting ambitious

renewable energy targets. These measures provide the certainty and incentives needed to attract investors and encourage the development of clean energy projects across the continent.

Moreover, governments can introduce carbon pricing mechanisms, such as carbon taxes or cap-and-trade systems, to make the environmental costs of greenhouse gas emissions explicit. By putting a price on carbon, these mechanisms motivate businesses and consumers to reduce their emissions and invest in cleaner energy alternatives. The revenue generated from carbon pricing can then be reinvested in green projects, further driving the transition to a low-carbon economy. Regulations that mandate energy efficiency standards for buildings, appliances, and vehicles are also essential. By setting minimum energy performance standards, governments can ensure that new developments and products contribute to reducing energy consumption and emissions over time.

Technological innovation plays a

Green investment is vital for Africa's sustainable development

critical role in advancing green investment and sustainable development in Africa. One promising area is the integration of artificial intelligence (AI) into climate change mitigation efforts. AI can provide data-driven insights that enhance the efficiency of green investments, helping to identify the most effective strategies for reducing emissions and improving energy use.

For instance, AI can optimise energy consumption across various sectors by analysing patterns and identifying opportunities for efficiency improvements. This reduces the reliance on fossil fuels and supports the integration of renewable energy sources. AI can also be used in carbon capture and storage (CCS) technologies, which involve capturing CO2 emissions from industrial processes and power plants and storing them underground. By optimising the design and operation of CCS systems, AI can improve their efficiency and reduce associated costs.

Case studies: Africa’s successes in green investment

Several African countries have made significant strides in attracting green investment and promoting sustainable development, setting examples for the rest of the continent.

• Kenya has become a leader in renewable energy investment in Africa, attracting financing for wind, solar, and geothermal projects. The country’s policies supporting renewable energy development have not only reduced carbon emissions but also improved energy access for rural communities. Kenya’s focus on renewables

demonstrates the potential for green investment to drive economic growth while protecting the environment.

• South Africa has implemented the Renewable Energy Independent Power Producer Procurement Programme (REIPPPP), which has attracted substantial investment in renewable energy projects. This program has successfully diversified South Africa’s energy mix, reducing reliance on coal and creating jobs. South Africa’s experience shows the importance of public-private partnerships in scaling up green investment.

• Morocco has invested heavily in solar energy, with the Noor Solar Power Complex being one of the largest in the world. Morocco’s commitment to renewable energy has positioned the country as a leader in the global transition to a low-carbon economy. This success underscores the potential for green investment to transform Africa’s energy landscape.

To build on these successes, African nations must continue to create favourable conditions for green investment. This involves maintaining and expanding supportive policies that provide clear signals to investors, ensuring that green projects are financially viable and attractive.

Strengthening institutional capacity is also critical. Governments can establish dedicated agencies and financial mechanisms to streamline the investment process, making it easier to attract financing for sustainable projects. Collaboration between governments,

investors, development banks, and international organisations can mobilise resources and expertise, driving the implementation of green technologies across the continent.

Promoting innovative financing mechanisms, such as green bonds and climate funds, can provide alternative sources of funding for green projects. These mechanisms appeal to socially responsible investors who are committed to addressing environmental challenges and supporting sustainable development in Africa.

Transparency and accountability in green investment are essential for building trust among investors and stakeholders. Governments can enhance transparency by disclosing information on the environmental performance, financial risks, and social impacts of green projects. This not only boosts investor confidence but also ensures that sustainability initiatives deliver real benefits to local communities.

Finally, fostering knowledge sharing and capacity building among African countries can accelerate the adoption of sustainable development practices. By exchanging best practices, lessons learned, and technical expertise, nations can amplify the impact of green investments and create a more resilient and environmentally responsible future for the continent.

Green investment is crucial for advancing sustainable development, mitigating climate change, and improving the well-being of communities across Africa. By embracing policies that support renewable energy, sustainable infrastructure, and green technology innovation, African countries can harness the power of finance to drive positive environmental and social outcomes. Building on successful examples from across the continent, African governments can create an enabling environment for green investment by implementing supportive policies, strengthening institutional capacity, fostering publicprivate partnerships, promoting innovative financing mechanisms, enhancing transparency and accountability, and fostering knowledge-sharing. By working collaboratively and taking bold steps toward a greener future, Africa can attract sustainable finance, accelerate the transition to a low-carbon economy, and achieve its sustainable development goals. This collective effort is not only crucial for current generations but also for safeguarding the planet for future generations.

Kenya has become a leader in renewable energy investment in Africa

The digital revolution: shaping governance and empowering citizens

Ojo Emmanuel Ademola delves into Africa's digital transformation, revealing how it is reshaping governance, enhancing transparency, and empowering citizens to drive equitable and sustainable progress across the continent

IN today’s digital era, technology is reshaping how information is accessed, services are delivered, and citizens interact with their governments. For Africa, this represents an unprecedented opportunity to address systemic challenges, improve governance, and drive inclusive growth. However, realising these ambitions requires responsible and equitable use of digital tools. The focus should not only be on embracing the latest technologies but on ensuring these innovations promote fair access to resources, enhance democratic participation, and build resilient societies. This digital revolution holds the potential to uplift millions, but without careful implementation, it may widen existing divides.

As African nations continue their digital transformation, it’s critical to reflect on the role of individuals in shaping their countries' futures. Many people often complain about government inefficiencies and corruption but fail to recognise how their own actions contribute to the dysfunction. As renowned Nigerian cybersecurity expert, Professor Ojo Emmanuel Ademola points out, the culture of deflecting blame while disregarding personal responsibility is deeply entrenched across all sectors of society. From traders who deceive customers to public servants who neglect their duties, the challenges in governance reflect society's broader values.

“We must all acknowledge that the value of Africa, like the value of any nation, is a reflection of our collective values. If we continue to prioritise personal gain over the common good, we perpetuate cycles of dysfunction,” Ademola argues.

True change begins with personal accountability. In the digital era, everyone has a role to play in ensuring that the tools at our disposal are used ethically and for the betterment of society. This includes holding governments accountable, but also recognising individual contributions to the collective challenges facing the continent.

One of the greatest promises of the

Today’s digital era offers an unprecedented opportunity to address systemic challenges, improve governance, and drive inclusive growth

digital age is its ability to empower citizens and foster inclusive growth. With access to the internet, people across Africa can participate in the democratic process, hold leaders accountable, and advocate for policy reforms. However, the benefits of these tools are not universally felt. Digital inequality remains a persistent issue, with many still lacking reliable access to technology. This gap prevents millions of Africans from fully participating in the opportunities that the digital revolution brings.

Closing the digital divide is crucial to ensuring that the benefits of technological advancements are shared equally. Governments, private sectors, and civil society must work together to provide affordable access to digital infrastructure, particularly in rural and underserved areas. For those without access, digital tools remain out of reach, limiting their ability to contribute to and benefit from societal progress.

“The digital revolution offers vast potential to address deep-rooted challenges and establish more inclusive societies,” writes Ademola. “But to fully realise these advantages, we must ensure that help is available comprehensively, tackling issues like digital disparities and cybersecurity

threats.”

The relationship between citizenship and governance is central to the future of African development. When citizens actively engage with governance structures, society benefits from the collective wisdom and input that drives progress. Conversely, when governments foster transparency and accountability, they gain the trust and cooperation of their citizens. This synergy is essential for addressing the continent’s most pressing challenges.

Citizens have a responsibility to engage in governance processes, whether through voting, advocacy, or participation in policy discussions. Governments, on the other hand, must create spaces for citizen engagement, ensuring that decision-making processes are inclusive and reflective of the population's needs. Digital platforms have opened new avenues for such participation, offering real-time consultations between policymakers and the public.

“Citizenship is not merely about enjoying rights but also about fulfilling responsibilities towards the nation and fellow citizens,” explains Ademola. “Governance, in turn, must be transparent, accountable, and inclusive.”

This two-way relationship ensures that governments remain responsive to the people, while citizens actively contribute to shaping the future of their nations. The result is a society better equipped to tackle complex challenges and pursue long-term sustainable development.

Corruption remains one of the most significant barriers to development in Africa, eroding trust in institutions and hindering progress. It undermines public confidence in governance, stifles economic growth, and widens inequality. However, the rise of digital tools offers new ways to combat corruption by promoting transparency and accountability. Governments can now use digital platforms to track public spending, monitor government transactions, and provide citizens with real-time access to

information on how resources are being used.

In countries like Kenya, digital tools have been instrumental in exposing corrupt practices and providing a platform for whistleblowers. E-government platforms, for example, reduce the opportunities for corruption by automating services that previously required manual intervention, thereby cutting down on opportunities for bribery and fraud. Technology is also being used to ensure that elections are fair and transparent, with digital voter registration systems and real-time election monitoring playing key roles.

Still, as Ademola notes, “The true potential of these technologies can only be realised when all citizens have access.” Ensuring widespread access to these platforms is essential for their effectiveness. By fostering a culture of transparency and integrity, technology can play a transformative role in reducing corruption and building more accountable governments across Africa.

The strategic use of digital technologies holds the key to addressing some of Africa's most pressing challenges, from improving access to education and healthcare to driving economic growth. In many African countries, digital platforms have already started to streamline service delivery, reducing bureaucracy and making it easier for citizens to access government services.

For instance, in countries like Rwanda, the government has successfully rolled out digital identity systems that enable citizens to access essential services online, reducing the need for physical interactions with government offices. This not only improves efficiency but also cuts down on opportunities for corruption. Similarly, online learning platforms are providing access to education for students in remote areas, while telemedicine services are bridging the gap in healthcare delivery.

“The digital era offers unprecedented possibilities for enhancing governance, citizen engagement, and social development,” writes Ademola. “Governments, civil society, and the private sector must work together to ensure these tools are used inclusively and responsibly.”

By strategically investing in digital infrastructure, African countries can not only improve service delivery but also position themselves as leaders in the global digital economy.

Digital technologies can drive innovation in areas like healthcare, education, and economic development, building resilience in African societies. For instance, during the Covid-19 pandemic, many African countries turned to digital platforms to deliver essential services, provide public health information, and support economic recovery efforts. These innovations demonstrated the continent's

ability to adapt and leverage technology to solve complex problems.

Looking ahead, African countries must continue to invest in digital infrastructure that fosters innovation and supports longterm development goals. This includes building tech ecosystems, supporting digital startups, and creating policies that encourage investment in digital technologies.

“By embracing innovation and fostering collaboration between the public and private sectors, African countries can harness the power of technology to drive strategic reforms and economic progress,” says Ademola.

While the potential of the digital age is vast, it is important to recognise and address the challenges that come with it. Digital divides, cybersecurity risks, and data privacy concerns must be dealt with to ensure that the benefits of technology are felt by all members of society. Without adequate safeguards, the digital revolution could exacerbate existing inequalities, leaving vulnerable populations even further behind.

Governments must implement policies that protect citizens’ data and ensure that cybersecurity measures are in place to prevent malicious attacks. Additionally, addressing digital inequalities is crucial for ensuring that everyone can benefit from the opportunities that technology presents.

“Governments, civil society, and the private sector must work together to address digital divides, data privacy concerns, and cybersecurity risks,” writes Ademola. “By fostering a collaborative and inclusive approach, we can build a more just, transparent, and prosperous future for all.”

As Africa continues to navigate the complexities of the digital age, the opportunities for growth and progress are immense. Technology holds the key to addressing long-standing challenges, promoting transparency, and empowering citizens to play an active role in governance. However, realising these opportunities requires more than just adopting new technologies; it demands a shift in values towards accountability, integrity, and a commitment to the common good.

Ademola believes that “The digital age offers vast potential to address deep-rooted challenges, empower individuals, and establish more inclusive and transparent societies.”

Africa’s future lies in the hands of its people, and by embracing the power of digital tools responsibly, the continent can lead the way in creating a more equitable and prosperous world.

In the digital age, it is everyone's responsibility to ensure that the tools we have are used ethically and to benefit society