Issue Two - February 2013

Al-Hawiyya Issue 2

‫باب الشَّ مس‬ ُ

‫رس‬ ْ ‫سرنى الفج ْر من زنازين األ‬

Palestinian Figure Spotlight Ghassan Kanafani

2

AL-HAWIYYA | ISSUE 2 | alhawiyya.wordpress.com

MISSION STATEMENT Al-Hawiyya team Al-Hawiyya offers current perspectives on the history, culture, and conscience of Palestine and the Diaspora, documenting through student voice the past and present struggle for Palestine and our imagined trajectories of return.

PEOPLE EDITOR IN CHIEF Nadia Younes CONTRIBUTING AUTHORS Omar Ghanoum Sadeel Mustafa Bahaa Al Kayyali Alaa Al Kayyali Mohammad Kassab Belén Fernández Yara Nagi Edrees Elrachidi Lama Choufani Kareem Elzein Hadi Mourad Ruba Abdallah LAYOUT Lotfi Al Salah Maha Haider Nour Shtayyeh Al-Hawiyya is a publication by the Palestinian Cultural Club at the American University of Beirut (PCC AUB), supported by First National Bank.

CONTACT US Interested in contributing to writing, editing, photography, drawing, layout, or your suggested field? Anything to tell us about Al-Hawiyya? Please drop us a line at pcc.alhawiyya@gmail.com

‫بيان ال ّرسالة‬

‫فريق الهوية‬ ‫طل ّيب ال ّنضال املايض والحارض من أجل‬ ّ‫ وتوث ّق بصوت ا‬،‫تقدّم الهوية تطلّعات حاليّة عىل تاريخ وثقافة وضمري فلسطني والشّ تات‬ .‫فلسطني وتص ّوراتنا ملسارات العودة‬

‫ال ّناس‬

‫رئيسة التّحرير ناديا يونس‬ ‫كساب بيلني فرينانديز‬ ّ ‫الكتّاب املساهمون عمر غ ّنوم سديل مصطفى بهاء الك ّيايل عالء الكيّايل مح ّمد‬ ‫يارا ناجي إدريس ال ّرشيدي ملى شوفاين كريم ال ّزين هادي مراد رىب عبداللّه‬ ‫الصالح مها حيدر نور شت ّية‬ ّ ‫تصميم لطفي‬

.‫ برعاية فريست ناشونال بانك‬،‫الفلسطيني يف الجامعة األمريكيّة يف بريوت‬ ‫تصدر الهوية عن ال ّنادي الثّقا ّيف‬ ّ

‫اتّصلوا بنا‬

‫ي‬/‫ين قول يشء عن الهوية؟ اتّصل‬/‫ينه؟ تريد‬/‫ين املساهمة يف الكتابة أو التحرير أو التصوير أو التصميم أو يشء تقرتحه‬/‫تريد‬ pcc.alhawiyya@gmail.com ‫بنا عىل‬

3

RIGHTS TO RESISTANCE

Kareem Elzein

Return to Palestine is inevitable. There is no other possibility that makes sense or is justifiable. This is said easily enough, but its realization takes more than an act of speech, writing, or imagination. Not all roads lead to al-Quds, and it is clear that the current path of resistance in Lebanon and the region will not lead us home.

The present resistance movements suffer a glaring contradiction that seemingly undermines their very possibility of existence.

Their legitimacy rests on a monopoly over the representation of the Palestinian struggle for return; yet the people of the exodus, the millions of Palestinian refugees in the region and global Diaspora are themselves effectively absent in the work of this revolutionary path.

This issue is central to the question of refugees in Lebanon, and we cannot continue our despondence or avoidance of the issue.

We suffer a state of schism: we assert our Lebanese identity, but we too are Palestinian, their cause is ours as well. Israel has made this necessary through confrontation: 1968-1974, again in 1978, 1982-2000, and in 2006. 26 years of 70 since Lebanon’s independence have been marked by vicious Israeli aggression. It is our birthright: Palestine has become the cause of every Lebanese.

We must ask ourselves which Palestinians will lead this struggle? The children of refugees – poor, poorly educated, and desperate from life in this country? The same could

AL-HAWIYYA | ISSUE 2 | alhawiyya.wordpress.com

be said of Lebanese – who will lead our redemption in this mess of corruption, evasion of responsibility, and willful exodus. Adversity does not bear ripe fruit. Many Lebanese protest: why focus on Palestine when we Lebanese are drowning. This is true. Our problems are similar and the solutions closely intertwined. But they cannot be blamed for the failures of our state nor the state of our economy. Uplifting both of our communities is the only way out.

The marginalization of Palestinians is more than a humanitarian issue to fill UN reports or the local socialist paper. Our treatment of Palestinians debases one of the few remaining revolutionary paths. We’ve poisoned the spirit of struggle within the victims of Israel’s decades of brutality and totalitarian abuse.

In poverty, how can these communities resist the panacea of employment and patronage that their failed political parties hand as sedative? Beset with hopelessness how can the Palestinians of Lebanon envision a road for return?

Granting civil rights – the freedom to work, own property, and move without military oversight – is a concrete way for Lebanon to embolden these communities and reinsert Palestinian refugees into the struggle. Civil rights for Lebanon’s 300,000 refugees will allow the mere possibility of their resistance.

This is our responsibility as Lebanese. Without this waste of warm bodies, creative energy, and hope, the road to return will become that much clearer.

CURRENT EVENTS

‫أخبار‬

‫‪AL-HAWIYYA | ISSUE 2 | alhawiyya.wordpress.com‬‬

‫‪« :‬مل يستطع أخي دفع رسوم الدخول لكافة أفراد عائلته فاختار‬ ‫البقاء يف سورية مع ابنه وأرسل زوجته وبناته إىل لبنان»‪.‬‬ ‫اما الخدمات الطبية تكاد أن تكون معدومة‪ .‬فاألونروا و‬ ‫الهالل األحمر الفلسطيني مل يوفروا خدمات تذكر للفلسطينني‬ ‫النازحني من سورية سوى معاينات طبية مجانية‪ .‬أما الدولة‬ ‫اللبنانية و عن طريق وزارة الصحة فلم تقدم شيئاً وتعترب‬ ‫نفسها غري معنية بذلك‪ .‬وتروي إميان حادثة حصلت مع قريب‬ ‫لها يف منطقة البقاع‪« :‬أقاريب يسكنون حالياً يف بلدة دورس يف‬ ‫البقاع‪ ،‬خرج ابنهم الصغري إىل الشارع وتعرض لحادثة دهس‪،‬‬ ‫حمله والده إىل مشفى دار األمل كونه أقرب مشفى‪ ،‬فلم‬ ‫يسمحوا له بإدخال الطفل قبل أن يدفع مبلغاً ماديَّاً كتأمني‪.‬‬ ‫بعد تأمني املبلغ متت معالجة قدم الطفل املكسورة و عاد إىل‬ ‫املنزل‪ .‬مل يتوقف الطفل عن البكاء والرصاخ‪ ،‬ف ُعرض الطفل‬ ‫عىل طبيب يف املنطقة وتبني بأن الرجل التي تم عالجها هي‬ ‫الرجل السليمة بينام الرجل املكسورة بقيت عىل حالها‪ .‬بعد‬ ‫شكوى ضد من‬ ‫ذلك توجه والد الطفل إىل قسم الرشطة لرفع‬ ‫ً‬ ‫قام بالحادث‪ ،‬فرد الضابط املسؤول قائالً أن ذلك سيكلفهم‬ ‫بقاءهم يف لبنان»‪.‬‬

‫ ‪4‬‬

‫لكن مل يكن باستطاعتي إال التساؤل عام يدور وراءه من مقدرة‬ ‫عىل امليض يف سبيل التحرير‪ ،‬وكيفية الوصول لهذا النجاح وإن‬ ‫كان رمزياً‪ .‬ولقد أضمنت يف السطور التالية تتابع أحداث هذا‬ ‫الحلم الذي بات عند طلوع الشمس حقيق ًة للرايئ‪.‬‬ ‫يل أن أدع الحقيقة تتىل عىل لسان البعض ممن خاضوا أحداث‬ ‫ذاك اليوم‪ ،‬يوم والدة األمل‪.‬‬ ‫الجمعة ‪" 2013\1\11‬املبادرة"‪:‬‬ ‫يف مساء ذاك اليوم نُصبت الخيام يف املنطقة املعروفة حالياً‬ ‫بباب الشمس‪ .‬لكن مل تبق هذه الخيم مجرد خيم خالية‪،‬‬ ‫فرسعان ما امتألت بالشعب االّمل بالعيش والحرية يف اليوم‬ ‫التايل‪ .‬لكن قبل أن أصف األحداث التي ولّدت مقاومة من نوع‬ ‫جديد‪ ،‬يتوجب إيضاح بعض األمور‪.‬‬ ‫سيايس معني‪ ،‬بل هم‬ ‫إن سكان القرية ال ينضمون إىل هيكل‬ ‫ٍّ‬ ‫تجمع للفصائل السياسية الفلسطينية عىل اختالفها باإلضافة‬ ‫إىل املستقلني منهم‪ ،‬وبتعبري آخر ضم الجمع بني ذراعيه أبناء‬ ‫الشعب الفلسطيني عامة‪.‬‬

‫بعد إيضاح هذه النقطة‪ ،‬يتوجب عيل أن ألفت النظر إىل‬ ‫املخاوف كثرية وما حل بفلسطينيي العراق يفتح املجال للكثري املغزى األسايس الختيار املوقع واملبدأ من تأسيس هذه القرية‪.‬‬ ‫من املخاوف‪ ،‬هل سيكون املخطط بإبعاد فلسطينيي سورية إن أرض باب الشمس هي أرض فلسطينية مصادرة ‪-‬كام كل‬ ‫هذه املرة من حلقة النضال يف سبيل العودة إىل وطنهم أرايض فلسطني التاريخية‪ -‬من قبل االحتالل اإلرسائييل بحجة‬ ‫األم؟؟!!!‬ ‫أن هذه األرايض مهجورة‪ .‬فإن االحتالل يرى أن هذه األرايض ال‬ ‫يتم استخدامها أو زراعتها‪ .‬ومبا أنها بنظرهم مهجورة فقد قرروا‬ ‫مصادرتها‪ ،‬مع العلم أن لهذه األرايض ُم اَّل ٌك أصليون أرادوا‬ ‫االستفادة منها‪ ،‬أو امتلكوا مشاريع عىل هذه األرايض‪ ،‬لكن‬ ‫االحتالل قام مبصادرتها حاكمني عليها حكم اإلهامل متجاهلني‬ ‫حقيقة الواقع‪ .‬وهذا هو الهدف من تأسيس القرية‪ :‬إثبات أن‬ ‫األرايض يتم استخدامها وال يحق لقوة أجنبية أن تصادر ما ال‬ ‫سديل مصطفى‬ ‫متلك‪.‬‬ ‫ما من ٍأم يف األرض ِكاألم الفلسطينية تلد األمل من رحم‬ ‫املعاناة‪ ،‬وما من زيتونة وال كرمة عنب كتلك التي تقتات عىل بعد أن نصبت خيام األمل واملقاومة يف مساء ذاك اليوم‪ ،‬عاد‬ ‫خري أرض فلسطني و تنعم بجرية املسجد األقىص‪ .‬فلكَ من كل الشبان إىل بيوتهم ليعودوا صباح اليوم التايل مع مجموعة من‬ ‫عنب ألف بندقية وألف وت ٍد ِ‬ ‫أللف خيم ٍة السكان آملني أن يستفيق العنرص املحتل عىل مفاجئة ال تعترب‬ ‫غصن زيتونة وكرم ِة ٍ‬ ‫نُصبت لتعلن أرض فلسطني باباً للشمس ولو حتى لبضعة أيام‪ .‬سارة بالنسبة لهم‪.‬‬

‫باب الشَّ مس‬ ‫ُ‬

‫مل يكن يوما عادياً ذاك الذي زف لنا خربا ً رقصت له قلوبنا حنيناً السبت ‪"2013\1\12‬عنرص املفاجئة" ‪:‬‬ ‫رص حلمت به األرض أبدا ً‪.‬‬ ‫استيقظت قرية باب الشمس عىل عدد من الباصات التي‬ ‫وشوقاً لن ٍ‬ ‫تحمل سكان القرية‪ ،‬و استيقظ نتنياهو عىل كابوس مزعج‬ ‫إنه خرب بناء قري ٍة‪ ،‬قرية باب الشمس‪.‬‬ ‫اسمه عنرص املفاجئة الفلسطينية‪ .‬فأرسل العديد من طيارات‬ ‫االستطالع‪ ،‬كام وأرسل عددا ً من الدوريات الستطالع األمر‪.‬‬

‫‪AL-HAWIYYA | ISSUE 2 | alhawiyya.wordpress.com‬‬

‫الفلسطينيون من جديد‪..‬‬ ‫ضحية عروبتهم‬ ‫عمر غنوم‬

‫ما أشبه اليوم باألمس ‪,‬آالف الفلسطينيني حملوا أمتعتهم‬ ‫ودخلوا لبنان هربا من موت يرتبص لهم ‪ .‬هذا هو قدر‬ ‫الفلسطيني نزوح ولجوء وموت‪ ,‬انتهى مسلسل موت‬ ‫الفلسطينني يف لبنان واالردن والعراق ليبدأ اليوم يف سوريا‬ ‫بشكل اقىس واقوى وافظع فال هم طرف من اطراف النزاع وال‬ ‫ناقة لهم وال جمل يف هذه الحرب‪.‬‬ ‫خمسون ألفاً عربوا الحدود اىل لبنان باحثني عن حياة آمنة‬ ‫فقدوها يف مخيامتهم السورية‪ ،‬لكن ما وجدوا يف لبنان غري‬ ‫خيبة امل نزلت عليهم كالصاعقة ‪ ,‬فال جهة رسمية تهتم بهم‬ ‫وال قيادة فلسطينية تأبه المرهم‪.‬‬ ‫فأوىل املشاكل التي يصادفونها عند دخولهم لبنان هي املسكن‪،‬‬

‫‪AP‬‬

‫ ‪5‬‬

‫فقد اعتمدوا عىل املخيامت الفلسطينية يف لبنان لتكون ملجئاً‬ ‫لهم‪ .‬عىل الرغم من اكتظاظها بالسكان وعدم توافر مقومات‬ ‫الحياة فيها‪ ،‬فهي ايضاً تفتقر للبنى التحتية و بعض مناطقها‬ ‫غري مؤهلة للسكن هذا باالضافة اىل فقر امدادهم باملعونات‬ ‫الطبية و املواد الغذائية او اقله حامية من برد الشتاء و هنا‬ ‫ال نريد ان ننفي الدور الذي لعبته بعض مؤسسات املجتمع‬ ‫املدين يف تأمني بعض املعونات التي ال ميكن ان تكفي رمبا ليوم‬ ‫واحد او يومني ‪ ,‬اما الجهة التي تعترب نفسها املمثل الرشعي‬ ‫و الوحيد للشعب الفلسطيني اوجدت لنفسها عذرا ً لتخليها‬ ‫عن مسؤوليتها بأنها تدفع مثن حصولها عىل مقعد مراقب يف‬ ‫الجمعية العامة لالمم املتحدة‪.‬‬ ‫و يشتيك الكثريون من املعاملة الالإنسانية التي يعانون منها‬ ‫يف لبنان‪ ،‬وعىل لسان «أبوعيل»‪« :‬ال نشعر بأننا برش‪ ،‬ونتمنى‬ ‫أن ينظروا إلينا بنظر ٍة إنسانية»‪ ،‬يدفع الفلسطيني خمسة‬ ‫وعرشين ألف لرية لبنانية لدخول لبنان‪ ،‬وهذا مبلغ مرتفع‬ ‫بالنسبة للقادمني من سورية‪ ،‬وكثريون أجربوا عىل البقاء لعدم‬ ‫توفر املبلغ املادي املتوجب عليهم دفعه‪ ،‬ويضيف أبوعيل قائالً‬

‫‪AL-HAWIYYA | ISSUE 2 | alhawiyya.wordpress.com‬‬

‫رس‬ ‫سرنى الفج ْر من زنازين األ ْ‬ ‫بهاء الكيايل‬ ‫انتبه!‬ ‫ ‬ ‫أرسانا يف خطر!‬

‫ ‪6‬‬

‫أل ّن ‪ 15‬فلسطيني من بني املعتقلني هم نواب يف املجلس‬ ‫الترشيعي الفلسطيني‪ ...‬والسلطة بتتفرج‬ ‫ألنه عىل ما يبدو أنّو يف ما يسمى ب»وزارة شؤون األرسى»‪...‬‬ ‫بس ال بتحل وال برتبط‪.‬‬

‫ليش أرسانا بخطر؟‬ ‫ألنه و حسب تقرير مؤسسة الضمري لرعاية األسري قام جيش‬ ‫االحتالل الصهيوين باعتقال ‪ 1952‬فلسطيني وفلسطينية خالل‬ ‫أل ّن سجون الكيان الصهيوين ما زالت ممتلئة بآالف األرسى األشهر الستة األخرية من عام ‪ ...2012‬وأل ّن إدارة السجون‬ ‫الصهيونية كانت وما زالت متارس كافة أنواع التعذيب واملعاملة‬ ‫الفلسطينيني‪ ...‬وكل ما ينقصوا برجعوا بزيدوا‬ ‫املذلة للكرامة و اإلنسانية‪ ...‬وأل ّن حلم كل أسري وأسرية بالحرية‬ ‫أل ّن أكرث من ‪ 250‬فلسطيني من بني املعتقلني هم تحت أصبح خطرا ً عىل دولة الظلم واالستبداد‪.‬‬ ‫االعتقال اإلداري‪ ...‬يعني ال تهمة وال محكمة وال قضاء‬ ‫أمل تسمعوا عن غرف السجون املظلمة والباردة يف مركز توقيف‬ ‫أل ّن أكرث من ‪ 210‬فلسطيني من بني املعتقلني هم أطفال‪ ...‬هاد حوارة جنوب نابلس؟‬ ‫وإرسائيل موقعة عىل اتفاقيات حقوق الطفل‬ ‫أمل تسمعوا عن إجبار إدارة السجون الصهيونية لألرسى‬ ‫«أل ّن العرشات منهم أسريات نساء‪ ...‬يا بحرموا والدهم منهم بالخضوع لفحص الحمض النووي؟‬ ‫يا بلموهم معهم»‬

‫‪Samidoun‬‬

‫ ‪7‬‬

‫‪AL-HAWIYYA | ISSUE 2 | alhawiyya.wordpress.com‬‬

‫ووضع العديد من الحواجز عىل الطرق املؤدية للقرية‬ ‫وط ّوقوها أمنياً‪ .‬فأصبحت باب الشمس أمالً لكل فلسطيني‬ ‫وكابوساً لحملة نتنياهو االنتخابية‪.‬‬ ‫لعل عدم دراية الجانب اإلرسائييل بكل هذه التطورات جعل‬ ‫َّ‬ ‫الفلسطينني متقدمني خطوة مبا يعرف بشطرنج السياسة مام‬ ‫أرغم نتنياهو عىل إيقاف حملته االنتخابية‪.‬‬ ‫بطلب ملحكمة العدل العليا‬ ‫يف هذا اليوم‪ ،‬تقدم الفلسطينيون‬ ‫ٍ‬ ‫الصهيونية بعدم إخالء القرية‪ .‬وبسبب مرشوعيتها وعدم وجود‬ ‫أي قانون يجرد السكان من حقهم بها‪ ،‬قامت املحكمة بإخالء‬ ‫الناس ومل تخل الخيم‪ .‬أي أن القرية ال تزال موجودة بخيمها‪،‬‬ ‫لكن من دون أهلها‪.‬‬ ‫وعىل ما يبدو للمتابع فالخيام أقلقت نوم نتنياهو فقام بتغري‬ ‫قايض محكمة العدل العليا الصهيونية يف اليوم التايل ليحكم‬ ‫الجديد بإخالء القرية كلياً‪.‬‬ ‫األحد ‪" 2013\11\13‬املقاومة"‪:‬‬ ‫يف الساعة الثانية عرش مسا ًء لوحظ وجود حركة لجيش العدو‪.‬‬ ‫وحسب شهادة أحد سكان القرية والذي تحدث يل أنه يف‬ ‫حدود الساعة الثانية صباحاً‪ ،‬قام االحتالل بإرسال ما يقارب‬ ‫ستة جنود لكل شخص من سكان القرية والذين يبلغ عددهم‬ ‫مئة وسبعون شخص‪.‬‬

‫‪Issam Rimawi, APA images‬‬

‫وقد استمرت املقاومة بأجمل حاالتها يف هذا اليوم‪ .‬ففي‬ ‫ساعات العرص توجهت باصات إىل القرية يف طقوس زف عروس‬ ‫بكامل لباس العرس‪ .‬ظ َّن جنود االحتالل أنها مجرد مناسبة‬ ‫وسمحوا لهم باملرور إىل أن وصلوا إىل الحاجز الرئييس عىل‬ ‫حدود القرية‪ .‬عندها‪ ،‬وعىل غفلة‪ ،‬رفعت األعالم الفلسطينية‬ ‫محلقة يف سامء الحرية الحمراء‪ .‬فكان لتلك املفاجأة أن تصعق‬ ‫العنرص الصهيوين وأن يتقدم السكان إىل قريتهم مرة ثانية‪،‬‬ ‫مستعدين للعودة إليها للمرة الثالثة والرابعة‪.‬‬

‫بارشت قوات العدو حينها بعمليات االعتقال الجامعي‪ .‬فمن‬ ‫كان بالقرب من صحايف أو كامريا كان محظوظاً لعدم تعرضه‬ ‫للرضب املربح أما من خالفه الحظ فقد أُخذ وتلقى رضباً مربحاً وعىل الرغم من إخالء القرية مجددا ً‪ ،‬اَّإل أن الحلم عاش‪،‬‬ ‫متواصالً مام أفقد معظمهم القدرة عىل التحرك أليام‪.‬‬ ‫وولدت فتاة رائعة الجامل اسمها أمل‪ .‬أخذت بيد أخيها نضال‬ ‫متقدمني خطوة تلو الخطوة نحو أمهم‪ ،‬فلسطني‪.‬‬

‫‪Hafez Omar‬‬

‫‪AL-HAWIYYA | ISSUE 2 | alhawiyya.wordpress.com‬‬

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‫ِ‬ ‫الحديد وال َّنار واليوم لك أن تكون‬ ‫حظه من املوت الحقيقي عاىن مجازيته وتطرق لتجربة املوت يف املعادلة الصعبة معادلة‬ ‫أصعب وأش َّد وقعاً من أمل املوت من أهم عنارص معادلة شعوب العرب –معادلة الشَّ عب‬ ‫املجازي الذي كثريا ً ما يكون‬ ‫َ‬ ‫مجازي و تهج ٌري مرحيل‪ .‬كان السبب لرسم وحريته‪.-‬‬ ‫الحقيقي‪ .‬موتٌ‬ ‫ٌّ‬ ‫معامل األمل عىل وجه ذلك الفلسطيني‪.‬‬ ‫الفلسطيني من بلد املهج ِر إىل املهج ِر ليكون بذلك قد‬ ‫يُه َّجر‬ ‫ُّ‬ ‫الفلسطيني هو إنسان حارب االنتداب الربيطاين حيناً أعاد القضية مرتني و أعاد عىل مسامعنا تراتيل ذلِّنا العريب‪.‬‬ ‫واالستعامر الصهيوين حيناً آخر ولكن يأيت الزمان الذي يكتب‬ ‫والحق أقول‪ ،‬لنا نحن العرب أن نكون العنرص األدىن‬ ‫الحق‬ ‫به القدر عىل جبني الفلسطيني أن يحارب به عروبته وحكامها‪.‬‬ ‫ُّ‬ ‫ُّ‬ ‫آن األوان ألن تتلوث أيادي حكام العرب بدماء شعوبها وبدماء مبعادلة الفلسطيني وأرضه ومفتاح بيته الذي ما فارقه أبدا‪.‬‬ ‫والحق أقول‪ ،‬لنا نحن العرب أن نكون ال َقتَلة األكرث‬ ‫الحق‬ ‫الشعب الفلسطيني املهجر‪ .‬آن األوان ألن يتحول مخيم الريموك‬ ‫ُّ‬ ‫ُّ‬ ‫ٍ‬ ‫طفلٍ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫فلسطيني عاىن يف بالد املهجر العريب‬ ‫كل‬ ‫ألحالم‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ام‬ ‫ر‬ ‫إج‬ ‫ألهداف عسكرية جوهرية يف سبيل الحفاظ عىل أمن الوطن‬ ‫ٍّ‬ ‫واملواطن! آن األوان ألن ترشب أرض العرب –كل العرب‪ -‬من ما يكفيه ليكون سبباً لتعداد بالد املهجر الفلسطيني وتش ُّعب‬ ‫يسلَم فسلَّم حياته عربون الطُّرق الضيقة وخلق تعبري جديد يقتحم عىل قواميس اللغة‬ ‫دماء ذلك الفلسطيني الذي هاجر لِ ْ‬ ‫العربية مخادع نومها ويكشف خيانتها مع املستعمر األجنبي‬ ‫عروبته‪.‬‬ ‫عىل اختالف أسامئه وأشكاله‪ ،‬تعبري أنا مل أستطع له إيجادا ً‪،‬‬ ‫والحق أقول‪ ،‬لك أيها الفلسطيني أينام ذهبت أن تكون فهل من مجيب؟‬ ‫الحق‬ ‫ُّ‬ ‫ُّ‬

‫‪AP‬‬

‫ ‪9‬‬

‫‪AL-HAWIYYA | ISSUE 2 | alhawiyya.wordpress.com‬‬

‫أمل تسمعوا عن الطعام الفاسد والغري صالح لألكل الذي يقدم ونسيبة جرادات وهديل أبو تريك ونجاح القرناوي وأسمى‬ ‫البطران‪ ،‬واآلالف غريهم من األرسى يقبعون يف السجون‬ ‫إىل األرسى من قبل إدارة السجون الصهيونية؟‬ ‫الصهيونية يف ظروف غري إنسانية‪.‬‬ ‫أمل تسمعوا عن أمين الرشاونة وسامر العيساوي املرضبني بس نحنا عم نستنى كل أسري وأسرية فيكم‪.‬‬ ‫عن الطعام منذ أكرث من ‪ 170‬يوم‪ ،‬اعرتاضاً عىل اعتقالهم‬ ‫معركتكم هي معركتنا‪ ...‬أرسكم هو وجعنا‪ ...‬وحريتكم هي‬ ‫ومعاملتهم السيئة؟‬ ‫أملنا!‬ ‫أمل تسمعوا عن انضامم أكرث من ‪ 2000‬أسري لإلرضاب عن‬ ‫الطعام عام ‪2012‬؟‬ ‫أمل تسمعوا عن حسن كراجة الذي اعتقل من منزله يف قرية‬ ‫صفا غرب رام الله بعد مشاركته يف حملة ضد الجدار العازل‬ ‫واالستيطان؟‬

‫ف يف مخ َّي ِم‬ ‫قص ُ‬ ‫األَ ْقصىَ يُ َ‬ ‫موك‬ ‫اليرَ ْ‬

‫اعتقال حسن كراجة والكثري من املعتقلني واألرسى يعترب رسالة‬ ‫من قبل االحتالل الصهيوين‪ ،‬فهم يحاولون التخلص من كل من‬ ‫يعارض غطرسة االحتالل الهمجي‪ .‬نعم لقد هجموا عىل منزل‬ ‫حسن يف منتصف الليل وانهالوا عليه بالرضب املربح وهو يف‬ ‫رسيره أمام عائلته وقاموا مبصادرة أي ممتلكات ذات قيمة‬ ‫للعائلة وتكسري وتخريب ما تبقى يف املنزل‪ ،‬و بدأوا بتفتيش‬ ‫أفراد العائلة وطلبوا تفتيش النساء والرجال تفتيشا عارياً!‬ ‫وكجزء من املهمة‪ ،‬قامت القوات املدججة من جيش االحتالل‬ ‫بتفجري املنزل‪ .‬تم تقييد حسن وتعصيب عينيه واعتقاله وأخذه‬ ‫اىل منطقة مجهولة ال تعلم العائله مكانها لينضم لشقيقه‬ ‫األصغر منترص كراجة املعتقل منذ شهور‪ ...‬هاد سيناريو واحد‬ ‫من سيناريوهات االعتقال الوحيش‪ ،‬يف كل يوم أسري جديد‬ ‫وسيناريو جديد‪.‬‬ ‫مل منها‪ ،‬يلفظ حروفها‬ ‫تدور اإلجابة عىل لسان ملقيها وكأنه قد َّ‬ ‫كمن يلفظ أنفاسه األخرية وهو عىل علم أن الحياة قد صكَّت‬ ‫فهنالك خالد رضاغمة الذي اعتقل هو وابنه من منزله يف مدينة له تأشرية السفر‪ .‬فقد األ َخ واأل َّم واالب َن ولك َّنه يصارع الحياة‬ ‫العليل‪ .‬ل ُيح َك َم عليه‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫نابلس لرفضه تسليم منزله ملجموعة من املستوطنني‪ .‬وهنالك ويطلب الفرج إ َّما برحمة وإ َّما مبوت يريح‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫عال هنية وأماين خندقجي‪ ،‬الطالبتان األسريتان تم اعتقالهام‬ ‫باملوت ال َّرحيم برصاص ٍة عرب َّية‪.‬‬ ‫من قبل الجيش الصهيوين بسبب صفحة فيسبوك تتضامن مع‬ ‫حقوق األرسى‪ .‬وهنالك هناء شلبي األسرية املحررة يف صفقة‬ ‫لب مقالتي‪ ،‬لها‬ ‫تخلق‬ ‫أن‬ ‫ولها‬ ‫ْتلقها‬ ‫خ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫اضية‬ ‫رت‬ ‫اف‬ ‫ة‬ ‫ي‬ ‫شخص‬ ‫هي‬ ‫َّ‬ ‫َّ‬ ‫تبادل «وفاء األحرار» الذي قام جيش االحتالل باعتقالها مجددا ً القدرة الكافية عىل أن تَ ْح ُبك األحداث التي مل تعد خيالية أبدا ً‬ ‫بعد أيام من تحريرها‪ .‬وهنالك دياال مطر(‪ 26‬سنة) وهي تعيل بعد ما كان من الواقع األليم الذي يُرفَق باالبتسامة والتي تتخذ‬ ‫طفلني‪ ،‬وشقيقها القارص سعد (‪ 14‬سنة) الذي تم اعتقالهام لها طريقاً بني الحروف كمن يحاول زرع زيتونة بأرض بور‪.‬‬ ‫بدون أي تهمة خالل زيارتهام لشقيقهام األسري محمد مطر األرض ستعشب بإرادة الزيتون وسيكون للزيتون أن يخلق‬ ‫يف السجن‪ .‬وهنالك نائل الربغويث ومروان الربغويث وأحمد العشب و يستحرض بقداسة وجوده املاء واملطر‪ .‬نعم قد تكون‬ ‫سعدات وأكرم منصور وفؤاد الرازم وإبراهيم جابر وحسن النتيجة سبباً ملسببها إذا ص َّحت التشابيه‪.‬‬ ‫سلمة وعثامن مصلح وسامي يونس وسليم الكيال وسامر الربق‬ ‫وحسن الصفدي وأحمد قطامش وعايد دودين ومازن النتشة هي الشخصية الفلسطينية التي عانت ما عانت من املوت‬ ‫ولينا الجربوين وسلوى حسان وآالء الجعبة وأفنان رمضان بكل أنواعه املجازية والحقيقية‪ .‬فلمن استطاع أن ينج َو بحسن‬

‫عالء كيَّايل‬ ‫بات للدمع لغ ٌة قد تنتهي حروفها باالبتسامة املجنونة والتي‬ ‫َ‬ ‫تحمل بني ط َّياتها الكثري من األمل امل َربم خلف تلك الشفاه‬ ‫الضَّ احكة‪ .‬ترى للغة الحزن حروفاً جديدة‪ ،‬مل نعتد لها وجوداً‪.‬‬ ‫تسأله «كيف حال األهل و األقارب» فيجيبك بابتسامته‬ ‫الباكية والتي تربم خلفها الكثري من الدمع الذي قد يكون إناؤه‬ ‫نفذ بعد طول البكاء «الحمد الله‪ ،‬يعني أخي توىف من شهرين‬ ‫بقصف استهدف بيتو‪ ،‬الحمد الله أخي و مرتو استشهدوا‬ ‫وأوالدن يتامى هنن عندي بالبيت‪ ،‬اي الله بعني‪ ،‬الله بعني»‬ ‫ما أقدسها من االستعانة‪.‬‬

‫‪AL-HAWIYYA | ISSUE 2 | alhawiyya.wordpress.com‬‬

‫إن ساحات الحرية التي يتيحها الوضع العريب تفتح املجال‬ ‫واسعاً أمام تهيئة حالة عربية فلسطينية يكون عنوانها ما بعد‬ ‫االنتفاضة واملقاومة‪ :‬الثورة واملواجهة‪.‬‬ ‫ويف الختام‪ ،‬يويص مؤمترنا هذا بوضع آليات متكن من فتح آفاق‬ ‫العمل واملتابعة والتنسيق يف الساحات العربية وداخل األرايض‬ ‫املحتلة مبا يكرس التحرير والكرامة منهجاً يف املامرسة وإطارا ً‬ ‫يف تناولنا لواقع األمة‪.‬‬ ‫بأدوات التحرير والكرامة ال الرتقب والتسوية‪ ،‬من الحوارض‬ ‫والبوادي وبِروح املواجهة التي يولدها الظلم والتحفز املشرتك‬ ‫ملجابهته‪ ،‬بكل هذا وذاك تكون الطريق إىل فلسطني‪ ،‬والتي‬ ‫نؤكد أن تحريرها وباقي األرايض العربية املحتلة لن يكون‬ ‫إال بإرساء منظومة حكم وطنية ذات آفاق وحدوية تضع يف‬ ‫إسرتاتيجيتها األساسية القطع مع منظومة التبعية والهيمنة‪،‬‬ ‫وتحرير فلسطني من البحر إىل النهر‪.‬‬ ‫مؤمتر الشباب العريب من أجل التحرير والكرامة‬ ‫تونس ‪2012/12/30‬‬

‫قصة‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ذات ّية‬

‫‪PERSONAL‬‬ ‫‪NARRATIVE‬‬

‫وأنا كامن ُعنصرُ ي‬

‫ ‪10‬‬

‫يا ليتني قلتها يف الوقت الذي كانت ستعني فيه الكثري‪ .‬مل تخنِ‬ ‫ذاكريت حينها‪ ،‬فهذه الجملة غري موجودة يف قاموس تعابريي‪.‬‬ ‫فأنا مل أحمل هذه األيديولوجية ومل أتبناها من قبل يف حيايت‪،‬‬ ‫ولكن مل اآلن؟ ما السبب وراء هذا التغيري املفاجئ؟ لن أطيل‬ ‫عليكم الكالم‪ ،‬فإليكم هذه القصة القصرية‪.‬‬ ‫كان يوماً عادياً متلؤه فرحة الرجوع إىل املنزل بعد أسبوعني‬ ‫شاقني يف ربوع الجامعة األمريكية يف بريوت‪ .‬أنهيت محارضايت‬ ‫وعزمت الرحيل‪ ،‬وبعد بضع دقائق حظيت بسيارة تكيس‬ ‫تقلني إىل «الكوال»‪ .‬عرشة أمتا ٍر مشيناها قبل أن توقفنا زحمة‬ ‫عرشيني‬ ‫شاب‬ ‫السري الخانقة‪ ،‬وهناك وقعت الواقعة‪ .‬اقرتب ٌ‬ ‫ٌّ‬ ‫من سائق سيارة األجرة ودعاه للتربع باملال يف إطار حمل ٍة‬ ‫لدعم الفقراء‪ .‬وما كان من السائق إال أن ناول الشاب قليالً من‬ ‫النقود‪ .‬ومل ِ‬ ‫متض ثاني ٌة حتى عاد السائق ونادى الشاب‪ ،‬وسأله‬ ‫سؤال حريين حينها‪ « ،‬شو جنسيتك ؟» وما إن عرف السائق أ َّن‬ ‫الشاب فلسطيني الجنسية حتى طلب منه إعادة النقود‪.‬‬ ‫التفت إليه وكأن صاعق ًة قد رضبتني ويف نظريت ٌ‬ ‫خوف وهلع‪.‬‬ ‫ُّ‬ ‫وقبل أن أسأله عن السبب‪ ،‬قال يل وبفخر « إيه أنا عنرصي‪،‬‬ ‫وما بحب الفلسطينيه»! وكأن الصاعقة األوىل مل تكن كافية‪،‬‬ ‫فأصابني بصاعقة ثانية كان لها تأثري املخدر‪ .‬مل أتحرك لبضع‬ ‫أي‬ ‫ثوانٍ ‪ ،‬تش َّوش تفكريي وقل تركيزي ومن بعدها ومن دون ِّ‬ ‫تردُّد فتحت باب السيارة وأجربته عىل التوقف وخرجت‪.‬‬ ‫أنا ال أكره لبنان‪ ،‬ال بل أحب لبنان أكرث من الكثري من اللبنانيني‪،‬‬ ‫وأكرث من ذلك فأنا عىل استعداد للتضحية بنفيس من أجل‬ ‫لبنان عىل عكس الكثريين من أبناء هذا الوطن املضياف‪.‬‬ ‫ولكني باملقابل أحتقر البعض من اللبنانيني‪ ،‬تحديدا ً أولئك‬ ‫اللذين يفتخرون بكرههم للفلسطينيني‪ .‬أنا ال أدعو أحدا ً لحب‬ ‫الفلسطيني ولكن قليالً من االحرتام هو كل املطلوب‪ ،‬فهذا‬ ‫الشعب الذي عاىن ومازال يعاين من الدمار والتخريب والقتل‬ ‫والتهجري يستحق االحرتام كأقل تقدير‪ .‬أوجه كالمي اآلن لك‬ ‫أيها العنرصي الفخور‪ .‬ال تظنن أن أي فلسطيني طامع بأرضك‪،‬‬ ‫فذرة رملٍ من أرضنا فلسطني تساوي العامل بأرسه‪ .‬وال تخىش‬ ‫من فكرة توطني الالجئني الفلسطينيني يف لبنان‪ ،‬فأصالً ما من‬ ‫فلسطيني يريد التخيل عن هويته‪ ،‬وأصغر أطفالنا ينتظر بفارغ‬ ‫الصرب أقل تحسن يف قضية العودة وأبسط األسباب ليرتكوا لك‬ ‫لبنان مبشاكله التي تكاد ال تعد وال تحىص‪.‬‬

‫محمد كساب‬ ‫أ َّما اآلن ور َّدا ً عىل سؤالك يل «شو القصة؟» وأنا أخرج من‬ ‫سيارتك‪ ،‬أكرر خالصتي التي توصلت إليها بعد أن قررت أن‬ ‫«وأنا كامن عنرصي»‪ .‬جمل ٌة بحثت عنها كثرياً ولكنني ما أنزع عن نفيس عباءة ال ِو ِّد والرتايض عند التعامل مع أمثالك‪،‬‬ ‫وبكل فخ ٍر «وأنا كامن ُعنرصي»‪.‬‬ ‫ِّ‬ ‫وجدتها إلاَّ اآلن‪ .‬يا ليتها خطرت عىل بايل يف الوقت املناسب‪،‬‬

‫‪AL-HAWIYYA | ISSUE 2 | alhawiyya.wordpress.com‬‬

‫مؤمتر الشباب العريب من‬ ‫أجل التحرير والكرامة‬

‫نظَّمت حركة الشباب الفلسطيني املؤمتر األول للشباب العريب‬ ‫من أجل التحرير والكرامة يف الفرتة ما بني ‪ ٢٧‬و ‪ ٣٠‬من شهر‬ ‫كانون األول لعام ‪ ٢٠١٢‬يف تونس‪ .‬هدف املؤمتر إىل إرشاك‬ ‫أوسع فئة من الجمهور يف النضال من أجل التحرر العريب‬ ‫وتحرير فلسطني‪ .‬وذلك من خالل تنظيم لقاء فلسطيني‬ ‫عريب‪ ,‬يسمح ملئات من املناضلني والناشطني الشباب لبناء‬ ‫رؤيتهم املشرتكة وبدء العمل‪ .‬نُظِّم هذا املؤمتر بسبب إميان‬ ‫حركة الشباب الفلسطيني برضورة إعادة القضية الفلسطينية‬ ‫إىل بعدها العريب من أجل بناء أرضية جديدة تسمح ببناء‬ ‫نضال مشرتك بني الشعوب العربية ضدَّ االستعامر الصهيوين‬ ‫يف فلسطني واألنطمة العربية التابعة لقوى االستعامر الجديد‬ ‫واالمربيالية‪ .‬تضمن برنامج املؤمتر سلسلة محارضات لكل من‬ ‫د‪ .‬سيف دعنى ود‪ .‬عبد الحليم فضاللله‪ ,‬واملناضل املخرضم‬ ‫منري شفيق واألستاذ هيثم مناع واملناضل رضغام هلسه ومتيم‬ ‫الربغويث‪ .‬وقام الشباب املشاركني بعدة ورشات عمل وحلقات‬ ‫نقاش حول قضاية عدة من أهمها عالقة الصهوينية باالستعامر‪,‬‬ ‫موقع فلسطني يف ظل التغريات الثورية التي يشهدها العامل‬ ‫العريب‪ ,‬والبحث لبناء أرضية للنضال املشرتك بني الشعوب‬ ‫العربية‪ .‬الوفد اللبناين‪-‬الفلسطيني تضمن أعضاء من النادي‬ ‫الثقايف الفلسطيني العريب والنادي الثقايف الفلسطيني ‪ -‬شاتيال‬ ‫والنادي الثقايف العريب ‪ -‬جامعة بريوت العربية واتحاد الشباب‬ ‫الدميقراطي اللبناين والقطاع الطاليب لحزب الله ومنظمة‬ ‫الشبيبة الفلسطيني‪ .‬يف ما ييل ستجدون البيان الختامي‬ ‫للمؤمتر‪.‬‬ ‫ملعرفة املزيد عن الحركة زوروا موقعنا عىل‬ ‫‪www.pal-youth.org‬‬ ‫إعالن تونس‬

‫تخليدا ً للنضاالت العربية والفلسطينية كفاحاً ضد االستعامر‬ ‫ومجابهة لالستبداد‪ ،‬وانطالقا من التشبث مببادئ التحرير‬ ‫واالستقالل والكرامة التي توارثناها جيالً عربياً بعد جيل‪ ،‬يؤكد‬ ‫املشاركون يف مؤمتر الشباب العريب من أجل التحرير والكرامة‬ ‫املنعقد بدعوة من حركة الشباب الفلسطيني يف تونس أيام‬ ‫‪ 29 – 28 – 27‬من كانون األول ‪ /‬ديسمرب ‪ 2012‬عىل ما ييل‪:‬‬

‫ ‪11‬‬

‫أوال‪ :‬الثوابت‬ ‫إن استقالل الوطن العريب وحريته ومناعته ترتبط ارتباطاً‬ ‫كل فرد عريب‪ ،‬وحقه يف حياة كرمية ونظام‬ ‫جوهرياً بكرامة ِّ‬ ‫سيايس يستجيب لتطلعاته يف املشاركة الفاعلة يف تصور ونسج‬ ‫حارض أوطاننا ومستقبلها‪ .‬وإن مؤمترنا هذا إذ يؤكد عىل معنى‬ ‫تحرير فلسطني – كل فلسطني – مبا يحقق عودة الالجئني‬ ‫الفلسطينيني إىل األرايض التي ُه ِّجروا منها منذ سنة ‪،1948‬‬ ‫فإنه يشدِّد وبنفس القدر عىل الرتابط املوضوعي القائم بني‬ ‫مرشوع تحرير فلسطني من جهة‪ ،‬وتحقيق العدالة االجتامعية‬ ‫وكرامة كل فرد عريب وتخليص أوطاننا من االستبداد وكل‬ ‫أشكال الهيمنة والتبعية السياسية واالقتصادية والثقافية من‬ ‫جهة أخرى‪.‬‬ ‫ثانيا‪ :‬ثورة العرب‬ ‫مثلام قطعت املقاومة العربية أشواطاً عىل درب التحرير يف‬ ‫العراق ولبنان وفلسطني لدحر الغزاة‪ ،‬ها هي الجامهري العربية‬ ‫تنتفض من سيدي بوزيد إىل القاهرة‪ ،‬ومن طرابلس إىل صنعاء‬ ‫فاملنامة والرباط ودمشق‪ .‬وقد اكتست التحركات العربية التي‬ ‫انطلقت منذ سنتني فرادتها وميزتها من أصالتها وعفويتها رغم‬ ‫ما شاب بعضها من محاوالت احتواء وتدخل لحرف الثورة عن‬ ‫مسارها‪ .‬وإن تحركات أوطاننا لتمثل ثورة العرب عىل الظلم‬ ‫والقهر الداخيل املرتبط بصفة مبارشة أو غري مبارشة باالستعامر‬ ‫ووكالئه يف املنطقة‪ .‬إن ثورة العرب املتواصلة تفتح آفاقاً‬ ‫جديدة ألوطاننا لتستعيد مكانتها بني األمم‪ .‬وإن ما ستفرزه‬ ‫عاجالً أو آجالً يجب أن يكرس األساس العريب لقضية فلسطني‪.‬‬ ‫ثالثا‪ :‬فلسطيننا‬ ‫إن الطريق إىل فلسطني لطاملا اعرتضته التجاذبات الرسمية‬ ‫العربية‪ ،‬وأعاقته متاهة البحث عن الدعم واملساندة ومساحات‬ ‫التحرك يف مجال عريب مضطرب‪ ،‬ضيقته أنظمة جعلت من‬ ‫قضية فلسطني رقامً يسهل التنازل عنه‪ ،‬أو راي ًة لتربير االستبداد‪.‬‬ ‫ويف كلتا الحالتني مل تمُ كّن فلسطني من طاقات العرب الحقيقية‬ ‫الكامنة يف قواها الشعبية الحية‪ .‬إن النضال املشرتك من أجل‬ ‫تحرير فلسطني وكرامة األمة ال بد له أن ينطلق يف زمن ثورة‬ ‫العرب من ترسيخ الرتابط العضوي بني الهم الفلسطيني الجامع‬ ‫وهموم املواطن العريب اليومية‪ ،‬وإن هذا الرتابط العضوي لهو‬ ‫الضامن الوحيد لالستجابة لتطلعاتنا‪.‬‬

12

FEATURES LEBANESE APARTHEID Belén Fernández At the start of the May 2008 crisis in Lebanon, a Palestinian-Lebanese friend and I drove from Beirut to Tyre and were stopped at a burning tire roadblock on the outskirts of the capital. A contingent of men descended upon the vehicle demanding to know if it contained any Shi’a.

My friend produced his Lebanese travel document for Palestinian refugees and was promptly categorized as Sunni in accordance with the ever-democratic stipulations of the domestic sectarian system. Once the men had waved us on, he wryly remarked that he had finally discovered an advantage to being Palestinian in Lebanon.

Indeed, the Lebanese state has long appeared determined to compete with Israel in the field of mistreatment of Palestinian populations. As journalist Matthew Cassel wrote in a 2010 essay for The Electronic Intifada on the absence of Palestinian civil rights in the former locale: “They are not allowed to work in more than 20 white collar professions, including medicine, law and engineering. Meanwhile, blue collar jobs require that Palestinians obtain work permits that must be renewed annu-

AL-HAWIYYA | ISSUE 2 | alhawiyya.wordpress.com

‫مقاالت خاصة‬ ally or if a worker changes employers. They are unable to own property and they are excluded from most social services offered by the state, even though they must pay social security fees to the Lebanese government in order to obtain a work permit”.

Despite the passage that same year of a law ostensibly designed to ease the obstacles to Palestinian existence on Lebanese territory, the UNRWA website continues to characterize the situation of the more than 400,000 refugees in the country as one devoid of “several basic human rights”.

The sectarian argument for withholding rights is, of course, that an inflated quantity of Sunnis would result from an acknowledgement of Palestinian humanity and the attendant extension of such liberties as the option to solidify one’s presence in Lebanon rather than exist in a state of perpetual transience.

Ironically, this antipathetic stance is often euphemized into concern for none other than Palestinian rights—specifically the right of return to occupied Palestine.

These two versions of Palestinian rights are not, however, mutually exclusive. As Mezna Qato, an Oxford-based historian on refugees, commented in a recent email to me, “any politics of return (or the right of return)… cannot abrogate the rights of refugees to citi-

“To be sure, it is difficult to argue that the initial injustice of expulsion from Palestine will be rectified via the administration of further injustice.”

13

zenship/civil rights” in their land of residence for the past 65 years.

To be sure, it is difficult to argue that the initial injustice of expulsion from Palestine will be rectified via the administration of further injustice. One effect of this sequence of injustices is evident in UNRWA’s observation that Palestinian “refugees are not formally citizens of another state, so they are not able to claim the same rights as other foreigners living and working in Lebanon”.

As for the aesthetic differences between oppressed Palestinian enclaves in Lebanon and those further south, a 2011 Jadaliyya article quotes the assessment of British MP Gerald Kaufman earlier that year: “When I went to Gaza in 2010 I thought I had seen the worst that could be seen of the appalling predicament of Palestinians living in conditions which no human being should be expected to endure. But what I saw in the [refugee] camps in Lebanon is far worse and far more hopeless… At least in Gaza, frightful though the situation is, the people are free within the confines of their blockaded prison.

In the camps of Lebanon they are not free”.

It is debatable, of course, what degree of intra-prison freedom is attainable during periods of Israeli military slaughter and in light of the other curtailments of human rights that would seem to inevitably accompany anything described as a blockaded prison.

What is not debatable is that the freedom to be Palestinian and to articulate one’s needs and aspirations as such is under physical as well as figurative assault—not least by Lebanon’s reduction of the Palestinian refugee community to a non-entity.

AL-HAWIYYA | ISSUE 2 | alhawiyya.wordpress.com

Belén Fernández is the author of The Imperial Messenger: Thomas Friedman at Work, published by Verso in 2011. She is a contributing editor at Jacobin magazine.

INTERVIEWS Yara Nagi As part of Al-Hawiyya’s ongoing coverage of Palestinian issues via AUB’s student body, every month we’re publishing your views, your words on a question of our choosing.

“Do you support amending Lebanese laws to give Palestinians civil rights (such as repairing camp infrastructure, property rights, labor rights, etc.)?”

Rami Al-Outa Landscape/Architecture Of course I support the rights of Palestinians. I consider them our Arab brothers who have been displaced for 64 years. They are a people with a cause and we grew up sharing this cause. They can’t live in the conditions that exist in the camps. The sewage is over

14

flowing, there is no electricity, and so on. The worst slums in the world are in better condition than the Palestinian refugee camps here.

The government needs to work to improve the situation of the camps and of the Palestinians living there.

The state also needs to find solutions to the presence of armed forces in the camps, which will definitely improve the security situation. There are other things that we can do like open new schools and roads and support students by providing more scholarships. Because in the end, the student that comes out to the society has the means to start this change.

Suha Dargham Public Health Masters I’ve seen a few of the camps in the North before and after the Nahr al Bared conflict.

The situation there is really bad. They should have better infrastructure, cleaner water, and their basic needs met. The passport issue is more political: there should be a movement for civil rights, but I don’t know about nationality. As a woman, I want to give nationality to my kids before the government grants that right to others. As a Lebanese woman I can’t give the passport to my children. So, why should Palestinians be allowed to give the nationality?

AL-HAWIYYA | ISSUE 2 | alhawiyya.wordpress.com

Mohammad Nasser Medicine Palestinians are amongst the most educated people in Lebanon and in the Arab world.

Their skills and knowledge can support the Lebanese economy. Anyways, any person displaced from their country should have the right to work in the fields they choose.

As far as nationality, I don’t think the Palestinians want Lebanese nationality, but they should have full civil rights. Even with the aid of UNRWA and other UN organizations, the refugee camps lack electricity, water, healthcare, proper schooling, and everything basic.

Mada Dibs Public Administration Of course I’m with granting Palestinians their civil rights. I know a lot of Palestinians who have degrees in engineering or medicine and can’t practice because they’re Palestinian (Right to work). Right to ownership is also very important. How the Lebanese government has been treating the Palestinians over the years contradicts the international declaration of human rights. Palestinians would positively contribute to the Lebanese economy and society. Their cause is just and we should stand beside them and help, not

15

just the way we would for any other people coming abroad to Lebanon, but for people who we share a common enemy and destiny with.

Anonymous Majorless I think if we manage the immigration law, specifying who goes in and goes out, maybe we can think about certain rights. When you have this many poor immigrants coming into the country, they will cause chaos. This is what happened at first when Palestinians came in. I guess I’m with working on the refugee camps, especially in relation to health care issues, but I’m not with their cause.

Tala Samman Mathematics I definitely support civil rights for our Palestinian brothers and sisters. If we were in a similar situation, wouldn’t we expect them to do the same for us? They are people, just like us. Irrespective of their religion or background, we should help them. If a person has the same educational background of a Lebanese person, why not employ him? He will help the economy out. I mean, Lebanese people are at least able to work outside the country. I had a friend with me who graduated and he is incredibly smart, but now he can’t find a job because he is Palestinian.

AL-HAWIYYA | ISSUE 2 | alhawiyya.wordpress.com

Majd Nassan Political Science I’m actually studying constitutional law right now and we discussed this issue in detail.

When comparing Lebanon to Syria, for example, Palestinians have had a lot more rights there than they do here. In Syria, the places they live in aren’t great, but they are better than here. The Lebanese law should be amended. Not being able to get a job because of your nationality is a big problem.

But knowing Lebanese parliament and how the system works here, I doubt that the law will be amended. In addition, using the excuse of “Right of Return” to delay changing things is not really fair.

Ramy El Naggar Business Yes I believe that they deserve their civil rights. No one deserves to be living in a camp, whether they are Palestinian or not.

I definitely support them having proper living conditions. However, there needs to be a sustainable, organized plan. For example, with the right to work, there would need to be a lot of jobs created to provide Palestinians with work.

The Palestinian Refugee in Lebanon | Work and Education Employment Percentage*

LEBANESE

48%

PALESTINIAN REFUGEES

37%

Average Hourly Wage**

Secondary Completion***

Percent with University Degree***

$3.67

$3.18

75%

15%

$3.03

$2.42

50%

6%

Work, education, and poverty are strongly linked. Palestinian refugees have limited access to secondary and higher education, which limits their overall success at finding work. This disadvantage coupled with discriminatory laws that bar Palestinians from practicing over 20 jobs in Lebanon has made secure employment elusive for most Palestinians. * Employment percentage: the percentage of active age people currently employed. This is preferable to unemployment statistics because many Palestinians are discouraged from looking

for work and are excluded from these statistics.

For Lebanese: Central Administration of Statistics, http://www.cas.gov.lb For Palestinians: Chaaban, J., Ghattas, H., Habib, R., Hana , S., Sahyoun, N., Salti, N., Seyfert, K., Naamani, N. (2010), “Socio-Economic Survey of Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon�, Report published by the American University of Beirut (AUB) and the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). ** Average hourly wage: Palestinian workers receive less than their Lebanese counterparts and women receive less than men. The study also found that Palestinians with the same qualifica-

tions received less on average than similarly qualified Lebanese for the same jobs.

Abdulrahim & Khawaja (2011) The Cost of Being Palestinian in Lebanon. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 37 (1), 151-166. *** Secondary completion and percent with university degree: These percentages are reflective of the entire population, all ages.

Labour force survey among Palestinian refugees living in camps and gatherings in Lebanon, 2011, Executive summary. http://www.ilo.org/public/english/region/arpro/beirut/downloads/events/2012/lf_pal_nov2012/lfsurvey_en.pdf

‫اﻟﻼﺟﺊ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﰲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن | اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﻟﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺪد اﳌﻮﻇﻔني‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ اﳌﺌﻮﻳﺔ*ة‬

‫اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧني‬

‫‪48%‬‬

‫اﻟﻼﺟﺌني اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴني‬

‫‪37%‬‬

‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ اﻷﺟﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ**ة‬

‫اﻧﺘﻬﻮا ﻣﻦ دراﺳﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ***‬

‫اﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ اﳌﺌﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﺨﺮﻳﺠﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ***‬

‫‪$3.67‬‬

‫‪$3.18‬‬

‫‪75%‬‬

‫‪15%‬‬

‫‪$3.03‬‬

‫‪$2.42‬‬

‫‪50%‬‬

‫‪6%‬‬

‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ,‬اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ ,‬و اﻟﻔﻘﺮ ﻣﱰاﺑﻄﻮن ﺑﱰاﺑﻂ ﻗﻮي ووﺛﻴﻖ‪ .‬ﻟﺪى اﻟﻼﺟﺌني اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨني ﻓﺮص ﻣﺤﺪودة ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮل ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮي واﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﻲ‪ .‬ﻫﺬا اﻷﻣﺮ ﻳﺤﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮل ﻋﲆ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﻫﺬا اﻟﻌﻴﺐ إﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﻟﻘﻮاﻧني اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ متﻨﻊ‬ ‫اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴني ﻣﻦ ﻣامرﺳﺔ أﻛرث ﻣﻦ ‪ 20‬وﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﰲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن ﺟﻌﻠﺖ ﺗﺄﻣني ﻓﺮص اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ اﳌﻨﺎل ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﳌﻌﻈﻢ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴني‬ ‫* ﻧﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻌامﻟﺔ‪ :‬اﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ اﳌﺌﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﻠني ﰲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺮ اﻟﻨﺸﻄﺔ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ .‬وﻫﺬا أﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻹﺣﺼﺎءات اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻬﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﻧﻈﺮا ً ﻷن اﻟﻜﺜري ﻣﻦ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴني ﻳﺸﻌﺮون ﺑﺎﻹﺣﺒﺎط ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ وﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﻌﺪون ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻹﺣﺼﺎءات‬ ‫‪Labour force survey among Palestinian refugees living in camps and gatherings in Lebanon, 2011, Executive summary.‬‬ ‫‪http://www.ilo.org/public/english/region/arpro/beirut/downloads/events/2012/lf_pal_nov2012/lfsurvey_en.pdf‬‬

‫** ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ اﻷﺟﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ‪ :‬اﻟﻌامل اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴني ﻳﺤﺼﻠﻮن ﻋﲆ أﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺮاﺋﻬﻢ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴني وﺗﺘﻠﻘﻰ اﻟﻨﺴﺎء أﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺮﺟﺎل‪ .‬وﺟﺪت اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ أﻳﻀﺎ أن اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴني اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺤﻤﻠﻮن ﻧﻔﺲ اﳌﺆﻫﻼت ﻳﺤﺼﻠﻮن ﻋﲆ أﺟﺮ أﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺮاﺋﻬﻢ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴني‬ ‫‪Abdulrahim & Khawaja (2011) The Cost of Being Palestinian in Lebanon. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 37 (1), 151-166.‬‬

‫*** اﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ اﳌﺌﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﻸﺷﺨﺎص اﻟﺬﻳﻦ اﻧﺘﻬﻮا ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ وﻟﺨﺮﻳﺠﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ‪ :‬ﻫﺬه اﻟﻨﺴﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻷﻋامر‬

‫‪For Lebanese: Central Administration of Statistics, http://www.cas.gov.lb‬‬ ‫‪For Palestinians: Chaaban, J., Ghattas, H., Habib, R., Hana , S., Sahyoun, N., Salti, N., Seyfert, K., Naamani, N. (2010),‬‬ ‫‪“Socio-Economic Survey of Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon”, Report published by the American‬‬ ‫‪University of Beirut (AUB) and the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA).‬‬

18

ISSAM FARES INSTITUTE HOSTS DISCUSSION ON PALESTINIANS’ RIGHTS TO WORK

Edrees Elrachidi

Beirut, Lebanon—It haunts the lives of hundreds of thousands of Lebanese citizens. An Arabic word, a controversial issue. Tawteen, the naturalization of Palestinian citizens, was just one topic discussed the evening of December 4th 2012 within the walls of the cozy Boustani Auditorium at the American University of Beirut (AUB).

In a country where sects compete for power and decision-making, incorporating Palestinians as citizens or merely as a regulated workforce with equal rights poses a perceived threat to some. This raises a major sectarian political concern in that the vast majority of Palestinians in Lebanon, estimated by Human Rights Watch at around 300,000, are Sunni Muslims. Skeptics argue that this figure, which represents a bit over seven percent of the Lebanese population, would tip the scale in favor of Sunni political parties.

But there are other factors shaping the debate over including Palestinians as a viable community with certain rights. “It is one of the most complex, most difficult, yet one of the most compelling issues in Lebanon,” said Rami Khoury, a columnist and academic of Palestinian descent, who moderated the

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panel discussion “Right to Work for Palestinians in Lebanon.”

Tawteen is the Arabic equivalent of “naturalization.” It was not until after Palestinian refugees settled in Lebanon that the term became loaded. “The question of granting them rights is as old as their presence in the country,” said Sawsan Abdulrahim, assistant professor at the Faculty of Health Sciences at AUB, also of Palestinian descent. According to her, Lebanese people are willing to go as far as denying rights to prevent tawteen, which has “become a word that is almost exclusively used for Palestinians.”

Another panel member provided evidence she claims counters Lebanese fears that granting labor rights to Palestinians would lead to naturalization. Aziza Khalidi, an independent scholar, cited studies that showed the overwhelming majority of Palestinian in the country do not want Lebanese citizenship and would return to Palestine if given the opportunity. But in reality, this argument remains moot as long as Palestinians are refused the right to return to their homeland.

Khalidi advocates Palestinians having the same labor rights as their Lebanese counterparts. She argues that current working conditions for Palestinians are in violation of numerous international conventions, including the 1965 Casablanca Protocol that explicitly states Palestinians have the right of employment on par with the citizens of the country they reside in.

While not allowed full employment rights,

“The question of granting them rights is as old as their presence in the country”

19

Palestinian refugees contribute to the economy as consumers and taxpayers. “Findings illustrate that Palestinians in Lebanon are underutilized assets,” she said. “It’s what they’re providing, and what their families abroad send,” Khalidi added in reference to remittances from wealthier relatives that are

“Dignity cannot be talked about without allowing people to live in equality” ultimately injected into the Lebanese economy.

But even for those who have been able to gain employment, there are nagging disparities and challenges. According to a study done in Greater Beirut, Abdulrahim showed that Palestinians earn, on average, around 20% less than their Lebanese counterparts.

“They have to accept being segregated into less secure jobs,” she added.

Former Lebanese Labor Minister, Charbel Nahas, highlighted a Lebanese law which was historically passed to prevent French citizens, who at the time held many highranking jobs in Lebanon, from dominating

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the job market. The law currently prevents foreigners, including Palestinians, from being employed in technical occupations such as medicine, engineering, and the like.

While in office, Nahas said he attempted to waive fees required for Palestinians required to obtain a work permit. The waiver, he argued, would enable employers to obtain work permits for Palestinian hires.

Abdulrahim highlighted research into Palestinian workers’ rights that demonstrates the competing values influencing Lebanese attitudes on the matter. When asked in the context of tawteen, 13% of Lebanese agreed to the granting of Palestinians civil rights, while an overwhelming 81% disagreed. However, when asked if Palestinians should be granted rights to preserve their dignity, 89% agreed and only 9% disagreed. “Dignity cannot be talked about without allowing people to live in equality,” she said.

Abdulrahim thinks it is too early to talk about campaigns for Palestinian workers’ rights.

Lebanese public opinion would have to change in order for such campaigns to resonate. For now, the specter of tawteen still looms in the minds of Lebanese citizens.

Wissam Saliby

20

MY OWNERSHIP DOESN’T CANCEL MY RETURN

Lama Choufani

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Shahabi is their campaign coordinator. A bright and young activist, Aida pursued an education in business only to realize that she’d rather work on issues concerning Lebanon’s Palestinian community. After several months of active involvement, here’s what she had to tell Al Hawiyyeh about the campaign’s work: Lama Choufani (LC): Let’s start by talking about the history of this issue and how this campaign emerged?

Aida Shahabi (AS): The original 1969 law that addressed non-Lebanese property ownership allowed foreigners including Palestinian refugees to own real estate in Lebanon but imposed strict conditions. At least then Palestinians were legally allowed to own property. This changed in 2001 when the government amended the law so that anyone without nationality from a recognized state could not own property. This discriminatory policy was clearly directed at Palestinian refugees, the only people without nationality from a ‘recognized state.’

Being a Palestinian refugee in Lebanon often entails weaving your life around various state policies that marginalize and discriminate. 12 years ago, Lebanese constitutional law was amended preventing Palestinians from owning property, be it a home, store or a piece of land. In response, the Campaign for Real Estate Property Ownership for Palestinian Refugees is quickly becoming a new front in the struggle for Palestinian civil rights in Lebanon.

The Norwegian People’s Aid (NPA) is one of the 12 participating organizations, and Aida

LC: Was the timing of the 2001 amendment significant?

AS: There were political and economic interests behind this legal change. Rafik Hariri was in office in 2001 and development policies prioritized gulf investors. This allowed the government to maintain the image that land-ownership was improving for Lebanese while still allowing rich khalijis to buy and develop property. Someone had to be cut out.

This is when the language around tawteen became more popular—that preventing Palestinian refugees from property ownership prevents their permanent settlement and

21

supports their return.

LC: From what I understand there are 12 main civil society organizations working on this campaign. Are they only Palestinian or is Lebanese civil society also involved?

AS: The 12 organizations campaigning are all Palestinian. We launched in December 18, 2012 but the preparation began as early as April. Even though this started as a Palestinian initiative we’ve been working alongside the Lebanese-Palestinian Dialogue Committee from the beginning. We’ve held meetings and discussions with local Palestinian leaders, members of Palestinian and Lebanese civil society, Lebanese legislators, and so on. This group started with a legal and field study to establish some grounds for their work. One rare advantage this campaign has is that all Palestinian factions are united on this issue, so much so that the Palestinian ambassador attended our first public discussions. This gives the campaign legitimacy in the Lebanese media.

LC: Let’s talk more about the studies.

How did the legal study differ from the field one?

AS: The legal study assesses how the 2001 amendment contradicts several international and regional declarations and treaties that Lebanon has signed, as well as contradicting other bylaws in the Lebanese constitution. This includes violation of the Casablanca Protocol dictating the treatment of Palestinian refugees in Arab states, and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that protects the right to property ownership.

Meanwhile, the field study showed how the

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law has affected the actual lives of Palestinian refugees. Many Palestinians legally purchased land or property before 2001 but were unable to register it thereafter. Also, whether registered or not, the amendment prevents this property from being passed on to the owner’s heirs. This was disastrous in what ensued following the destruction of Nahr el Bared camp. Those who had owned homes that were destroyed were not granted ownership to those rebuilt in their place.

LC: So now that this research is done, what’s next?

AS: Our work has moved into two distinct directions. The first is further legal consultation and round tables with legislators. The second is the preparation and distribution of media packages. This is what I’ve been working on. The packages include posters, leaflets, flyers, a memorandum and a draft law, as well as copies of the studies conducted. We’ve started our media outreach with Palestinian outlets, like Palestine Today, but our main target is the Lebanese media.

The media packages will be sent to outlets like LBC, MTV, or Future, and we will work for other publicity. We are also working on a documentary that will become an important advocacy tool discussing the history, legal background, stories of those affected.

LC: Are you worried about how this issue will be received by mainstream media?

AS: Of course, and we don’t know if they’ll want to work with us or if they’ll reject the idea. If they do we’ll publicize their rejection so that it’s known. But mainstream media is not our only goal, we’ve also started establishing ourselves in social media and ap-

22

proaching universities across the country to build relationships with student groups and educate students about the campaign.

LC: Let’s talk about the challenges that the campaign faces. It seems Lebanese civil society is not actively working on the campaign, but as the advocacy work becomes more vocal and public, have you received Lebanese support, resistance, or hostility?

AS: Honestly since the campaign is relatively young we have not encountered too much resistance. But the response to what we’re doing now will echo later. Early on, the Lebanese-Palestinian Dialogue Committee scheduled a large, media-covered discussion and the campaign was asked to participate. Just days before the meeting, the event was abruptly cancelled. We received cryptic emails about the cancellation, and when we asked for an explanation, the response was vague, suggesting political pressure. This is evidence that publicly talking about this subject is undesirable.

MTV soon followed with a feature report hostile to the idea of Palestinian property ownership. It questioned why Palestinians were asking for this now and suggested that ownership would jeopardize the country’s security. They interviewed Samir Gaegae who said he welcomes the proposal law on Palestinian civil rights in Lebanon but property ownership is out of the question.

LC: Is the Palestinian right to property the most controversial issue for the Lebanese state, more so than the right to work?

AS: Yes. Speaking at AUB several weeks

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ago, supporter of Palestinian labor rights exparliamentarian Charbel Nahas called the right to property an unwinnable battle. Yet we believe that if we are persistent, organized, and strategic with our advocacy there will be progress. We try and emphasize that the right to property ownership does not equal tawteen. It’s even in our slogan, “My ownership doesn’t cancel my return.”

LC: As a final question, why is property ownership important for Palestinian refugees and are you optimistic about this campaign?

AS: The right to property ownership is important, because it is a right that must be recognized. Palestinian refugees contribute to the Lebanese economy and should have equal rights with other foreigners when it comes to property ownership. People should have the right to choose who will inherit after them.

Not to mention that with this law in effect Lebanese women can’t legally pass down property to their Palestinian children. So regardless of whether this campaign succeeds or fails it is important that we keep demanding the rights withheld from us. The fight for the right of property ownership is one of principle and not about Palestinian refugees making big investments in Lebanon’s real estate. Allowing some foreigners property rights while denying Palestinian refugees is a huge human rights violation.

HISTORICAL REFLECTIONS

‫تاريخ‬

23

GHASSAN KANAFANI

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Yara Nagi

political journalism by editing newspapers such as al-Muharrir and al-Anwar.

Ghassan Kanafani, a Palestinian journalist, novelist, and leading political activist, was born in Akka in 1936. He and his family were forced to flee Palestine in 1948 joining tens of thousands of refugees who settled in Syria, then moved to Lebanon. Kanafani received a degree in Arabic Literature from the University of Damascus and began teaching in the refugee camps under UNRWA. Kanafani was soon recruited

by George Habash into the Arab Nationalist Movement, a pan-Arabist political union which staked the redemption of the Arab Nation under the ideals of Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser.

His fame as a creative writer began with his publication of Men in the Sun in 1963. It tells the story of three characters seeking new lives in Kuwait to make up for their lives that vanished in Palestine. As the men are smuggled across the Iraqi border under the lid of a water tank, they end up suffocating. The last line, spoken by the smuggler, strongly critiques the lack of political consciousness and caused an uproar that popularized his writing: “Why, why didn’t you knock at the walls? Why didn’t you shout? Why didn’t you howl? Why? Why?”

Kanafani then moved to Kuwait, where he continued teaching and began writing in various newspapers including al-Ra’i. In 1960, Kanafani moved to Beirut and sustained his

Kanafani is known for developing his characters through a series of flashbacks exploring their personal hopes, dreams, and reservations. His writings also gave voice to poverty stricken refugees, adults and children born into the Palestinian struggle. Like other critical authors, he wrote of class struggle, social solidarity, and the Palestinian cause, but what separated him was his ability to pass potent political messages through simple language.

In 1967, Nasser was defeated and the Arab National Movement collapsed. But unlike many Arab nationalists whose politics seemingly stalled, Kanafani’s views continued to evolve. He began to identify closely with Marxist-Leninist principles and saw that revolutionary violence and social revolution were the only defense against the oppression of the Arabs. In that year, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine was founded and headed by Kanafani’s close friend George Habash. Kanafani became the party’s official spokesperson and edited its

24

newspaper al-Hadaf.

But his contributions to the struggle led to his great sacrifice. On the morning of July 8th, 1973, Kanafani was preparing to take his niece, who was said to be his muse, to downtown Beirut. As he turned the ignition, an explosion erupted killing him and his niece. The Israeli Mossad planted the car bomb that fatefully took the life of this Palestinian icon.

But even in death, Kanafani seemed to rally the cause. His funeral procession was the biggest demonstration since the death of Nasser. Workers, families, artists, intellectuals, refugees, members of different Palestinian resistance groups, and representatives of most political parties followed Ghassan to his grave that day. In life and in his writing he hoped to join the masses, and his body of work had accomplished its aim. His words held immense strength, a power large enough to threaten those he opposed. They feared his pen, his strongest weapon.

Kanafani was not afraid though of those who opposed him, even if the price of his antagonism was death. “Of course death means a lot. The important thing is to know why. Selfsacrifice, within the context of revolutionary action, is an expression of the very highest understanding of life…The love of life for a person becomes a love for the life of his people’s masses, and his rejection that their life persists in being full continuous misery… his understanding of life becomes a social virtue, capable of convincing the militant fighter that self-sacrifice is a redemption of his people’s life…”

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ARTS IN REVIEW

‫فنون‬

FILM REVIEW: SOME OF MY BEST FRIENDS ARE ZIONISTS

Kareem Elzein

Several weeks ago the Center for American Studies and Research (CASAR) at AUB hosted Columbia professor Bruce Robbins for a preview of his soon-to-be-released documentary Some of My Best Friends Are Zionists. He was self-conscious about showing the film in this context and warned his film was intended for US audiences, and that we should view it as ethnography. The film contains about a dozen interviews with JewishAmericans who for one reason or another no longer support Israel. Each narrator describes the events surrounding their defection and the reaction of their family members and community.

The story of artist Raz Mesinai was the film’s most memorable. As a child, Mesinai shuttled between New York and Jerusalem, attending high school in Israel. Around the first intifada an Israeli classmate said to him, “The only good Arab is a dead Arab.”

Mesinai responded “What the fuck are you talking about?” silencing the class. After recess, Mesinai was ambushed as the teacher locked the door to the classroom from the outside and his classmates piled on and beat him. His two best friends though neither joining in the assault stood there and watched without protest.

25

Judith Butler’s story is perhaps more emblematic of the pressures for American-Jews to conform to mainstream Zionist politics.

During her interview, she admits that she was raised believing “Israel can do no wrong” and held anti-Arab sentiments. Later in life, Butler began to question her indoctrination, an unwelcomed development by her mother.

One evening, Butler brought a book by Edward Said to the dinner table. Her mother rose in a fury and threw the kitchen table at the wall. Butler quipped, “At that point I knew there would be no discussion.”

These shock and awe stories aim to challenge Jewish-American viewers to think outside their homegrown prejudices and to end their support for Israel given the discriminatory politics of its government. To leverage this message, Robbins weaves scenes of the American civil rights struggle with narratives of the film’s Jewish-American protagonists. After the screening, Robbins fielded questions from a skeptical audience.

A concert of critics grilled Robbins for what they perceived as the film’s undertones of American exceptionalism and an absent discussion of America’s colonial history. They would not be satisfied without a flag burning, or at the very least a confession: you, American, show your nation’s bloody past, the land you stole, the lives you took, the bodies you possessed.

And very few Jewish-Americans relate to that history, as the sons and daughters of immigrants. My grandfather was a Sephardic Jew from Salonika who escaped the Balkan’s War via America. Once arriving in the US, he and his community faced persecution because of their religious heritage. As a son

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of Arab and Jewish parents, I never identified with America’s history of racism, dispossession, and conquest, nor did many of my Jewish-American friends. Perhaps only a few more enlightened Americans would even recognize that they benefit today from this history. But that’s not the point of this film.

Zionists is a propaganda piece. It’s not meant to lay out a flawless argument in support of Palestine, nor bring insurrection to American shores. Its humble goal is to change the minds of a few Jewish-Americans about Israel, and it should be judged on those merits.

The author felt the rhetoric of American civil rights was a useful entry-point for this end; and without much intellectual parading, the film gave voice to American Jews who have distanced themselves from mainstream Zionist politics. To this end, the rhetoric of civil rights appears to resonate with the words of those interviewed in the documentary.

Good propaganda doesn’t argue, sermonize, or bludgeon, it coaxes. It is a conversation you’ve had a hundred times but with a subtle and subversive twist. Some of My Best Friends Are Zionists works as propaganda but I’m doubtful many Jewish-Americans will watch the film. More so, the effect on those who do will be negligible until there are mass social movements able to force the US government into new policies toward Israel.

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POETRY

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‫شعر‬

‫فلسطني‬

Yara Nagi

You gave life A meaning To your children who were born Born with adoration for you That bond is unbreakable And will remain unbreakable Like your existence

You were living Your life was taken You gave birth to existence And your life was taken For you were slaughtered Again and again Your men were sacrificed Your children were targets of attack Your women were thieved of their delicacy Your soil was stained with blood And you were reborn From that blood Growing slowly Inhaling deeply Rising from that soil with more strength than last To call you gentle is a lie Your heart has solidified Became the stone that is slung Your shoulders stand tall Taller than that separating wall Your hair is thick and long Braided with barbed wire And your arms are the land Warmly cradling your children that have passed Nations cry over your stolen life But what they do not see is the strength hidden beneath You are the backbone which holds us all

Reuters

‫رىبيا عبدشاالله ُم‬ ْ‫القلب ارتعاشاتُ األمل‬ ‫يا شا ُم يف‬ ِ ‫والدم ُع مدرا ٌر يُجافي ِه ال َكلِ ْم‬ ‫ظل مرتسماً عىل‬ َّ ‫يا خي َط ص ْب ٍح‬ ‫فاض ارتس ْم‬ ‫ه‬ َ ُ ُ‫وميض‬, ِ‫جن ِح الظالم‬ ِ ‫سلبوك يا عصفور ًة شد ًوا وها‬ ِ ‫نبض ُجر ٍح‬ ‫محتد ْم‬ ‫ع‬ ‫صار‬ َ ُ ُ‫قل ًبا ي‬ ِ ‫للموت أبوابًا وما‬ ‫قد أرشعوا‬ ِ َّ ‫الوليد املرتح ْم‬ ‫رف الفؤا ُد عىل‬ ‫قالوا بصب ٍح يأملو َن بصيص ُه‬ ‫فانهارت األضوا ُء يف غو ِر الظُّلَ ْم‬ ‫و َج ُع البنفس ِج ق َّد جف ًنا فاستحى‬ ‫عطف ال ُحلُ ْم‬ َ ‫اَّإل بدمعٍ يرتجي‬ ‫أن ينحني خج اًِل لعط ِر أنوث ٍة‬ ‫املقتس ْم‬ ‫فاح انتظا ًرا للقاء‬ َ َ ٍ ‫أي‬ ‫مجد تعتيل‬ َّ ‫شا ُم العروب ِة‬ ‫نبض صا َد رو ًحا واضط َر ْم‬ ٌ ‫والع ُّز‬ ‫يف برد ٍة من نس ِج ما ٍء خيطُها‬ !…‫الحب ِو ْردًا تقتح ْم‬ ِّ ‫تروي عطاىش‬

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‫اما َفل َْسطني‬ ‫در‬ ‫عالء كيايل‬

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‫وعىل كتفه وشم العروبة الوهمي‪.‬‬

‫َّ‬ ‫هو الشعب الذي نال ما نال من سخط العروبة الزائف كزيف‬ ‫عىل عامل الدراما أن يبتكر غري التغريبة الفلسطينية كالطفولة االستعامر الصهيوين‪.‬‬ ‫رشدة والجرمية العربية الفلسطينية واملرأة‬ ‫الفلسطينية امل َّ‬ ‫الفلسطينية الكادحة والحب الفلسطيني األزيل والزيتونة أعتقد أن كل صفة من صفاة هذا الشعب تليق بأن تكون عنواناً‬ ‫الفلسطينية األبية والحلم الفلسطيني الطويل والواقع ملسلسلة درامية تطول حلقاتها وتكون مشاهدتُها بواب ًة للربيع‬ ‫الفلسطيني األليم وقد ال ينتهي وجوب التكملة والغوص يف الدرامي ولدراما الواقع األليم فتكون مشاهدتها سلع َة تفكريٍ‬ ‫أعامق األسامء إىل ماهيتها‪.‬‬ ‫قد تحمل املشاهد من ضفَّة املنطق للوصول إىل الالمنطق مام‬ ‫يدور خلف أبواب هذه القلعة املتينة قدسنا العربية‪.‬‬ ‫فكل حج ٍر عىل أرض فلسطني قاد ٌر عىل أن يرمز لعنوان‬ ‫ُّ‬ ‫مسلسلة جديدة برواية و حكاية جديدة هي من أحداث الهدف من صياغة الواقع الفلسطيني عرب مسلسالت درامية‬ ‫بكل ما يدور يف فلكها‬ ‫الواقع الفلسطيني األليم واملدمى والشجاع واملجاهد والشهيد هو األمل بإيصال القضية الفلسطينية ِّ‬ ‫والبطل واألم والطفل والكهل‪ .‬فالتغريبة كانت ومازالت من من أحداث إىل املشاهد العريب‪ .‬ألن واقعنا يحتم علينا ومع‬ ‫أنجح األعامل الدرامية التي سعت إليضاح املعاناة من وجوه فائق األسف قلة قراءتنا وقلة متابعتنا لألحداث اليومية‬ ‫عدة وعرب براويظ لصور شتى حتى الوصول إىل الشتات العريب‪ .‬الفلسطينية و العربية‪ .‬فإذا حاولنا أن ننقل صفحات ذلك‬ ‫الذي أكرث من ملَّه‪ ،‬ملَّه الشعب الفلسطيني‪.‬‬ ‫الكتاب الذي يحيك روايات القضية الفلسطينية عرب مراحلها‬ ‫كافة إىل صور حية ومسلسالت درامية يجيد لها املشاهد العريب‬ ‫عندما آيت ألكتب عن شعب فلسطني‪ ،‬تنتابني الرغبة بصياغة متابعة فيدرك الواق َع بالطريقة التي هو يختارها‪ .‬فاملواطن‬ ‫تعابري جديدة أجهل إرادتها ولكني عىل ثقة تامة أنها تحاول العريب أكرث ما ميارسه يف أيامه هذه هو الجلوس أمام تلفازه‬ ‫أن ترسم لوحة لرتسلها عرب السطور لقارئ لبيب‪ .‬هو الشعب ليتابع الربامج التلفزيونية و املسلسالت الدرامية عىل اختالف‬ ‫الذي نادى العروبة فأبت ونادى أديان السامء فألحد املؤمنون‪ .‬أنواعها وأشكالها‪.‬‬ ‫هو الشعب الذي نال الشهادة فيه اإلنسان الواحد ألف مرة‪،‬‬ ‫ألف ُم َسلس ٍة درامية تحيك الشقاء الفلسطيني وأن‬ ‫هو الشعب الذي ات ُّهم بإثارة الفوىض بالبالد التي ظن فيها بيتاً آ َم ُل أن أجد َ‬ ‫ثانياً فلجأ إليها وللجوئه عند حكام العرب‬ ‫معنى آخر‪ .‬أنا ال آيت بعد زمنٍ ألبحث عن ذلك الشقاء فال أج ُد له سبيال‪.‬‬ ‫ً‬ ‫أقول أن كل الالجئيني الفلسطينيني يرمون ناظرهم نحو العودة فلسطني لك ألف زيتونة من دمشق ودرعا‪ ،‬من املزة وبابا‬ ‫لديارهم ولكن ممن أعرف ال أعرف أحدا ً من هذا الشعب عمرو‪.‬‬ ‫الذي ترك تراب بالده مرغامً قال يل أنه ال يفكر بحلم العودة‪.‬‬ ‫ذلك الحلم الذي طال عليه الزمان و طوت مشاهده األيام و‬ ‫الليايل‪.‬‬ ‫هو الشعب الذي قيل عنه أنه باع أرضَ ه لليهود فاستعمر أرضَ ه‬ ‫اليهو ُد والحق كام يقولون فقد يكون هو البادئ األظلم‪ .‬فقد‬ ‫يكون الشعب قد ظلم أرضه ونفسه ولكنه مل يس َع يوماً ليك‬ ‫يضع أرضه تحت وطأت االستعامر االستيطاين‪.‬‬ ‫هو الشعب الذي هاجر لبالد عدة ويف بعض األحيان أخذ‬ ‫الجنسية فطوت األيام جنسيته الفلسطينية لتكون جنسية‬ ‫ثانوية‪.‬‬ ‫هو الشعب الذي يعيش يف البالد العربية دون االنتساب‬ ‫الرشعي لجنسيتها و كأن الجنسية العربية حكر عىل من ولد‬

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‫ربيع من زمان القدس‬

BDS

‫مقاطعة‬

‫هادي مراد‬ ‫الحرب‬ ‫واعرب إلسمي فاعالً يف‬ ‫خ ّبئ ربي َع َك عن بال ِد ال ُع ْر ِب‬ ِ ْ ِ ‫ ال نا َر بع َد الق‬VEOLIA, ISRAEL, AND َ ‫بالكرب‬ ‫ُذ‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ال‬ ‫َك‬ ‫ل‬ ‫نعا‬ ‫فاخلع‬ ‫بردنا‬ ‫ُطفئ‬ َ ِ ُ ‫ُدس ت‬ ِ ِ ً ‫ّرب‬ ‫د‬ ‫لل‬ ‫ا‬ ‫قاطع‬ ‫وبينك‬ ‫بيني‬ ‫نوى‬ ‫فال‬ ‫الجنوب‬ ‫يدعوك‬ ‫نابلس‬ ِ ً ُ َ THE ARAB WORLD ‫خ ُّد اإلبا ِء و ثائ ٌر من قلبي‬ ‫د‬ ‫ص‬ ‫ة‬ َ ‫الحجار‬ ‫ن‬ ‫سك‬ ‫إن‬ ‫ع‬ ُ‫ّه‬ َ ُ ‫ فالدم‬Kareem Elzein and Lama Choufani ‫رح الحن ِني بأدمعي والترُ ِب‬ ُ‫والزه ُر لويُسقى الدما َء يُن ّزه‬ َ ‫ُج‬ ِ ِ ‫وأي أسوأَ سرِ ِب‬ ‫فيك‬ ‫ري‬ ‫ونس‬ ‫أقصاك نكبو تار ًة‬ ‫ُدس يف‬ ٌّ ُ ُ ‫ يا ق‬The French multi-national Veolia has ِ ‫ يأيت الجحي ُم عىل صرِ ِاط ِك ساكناً ويع ُّد هاوي ًة‬substantial investments in occupied ‫بعرش ِك جنبي‬ ‫رش ملعق ُه الوحي ُد يُل ّبي‬ ُ Palestine, some of which have directly ُّ ‫فالعرش شيطا ُن العروب ِة والنوى وال‬ ُ ِ ‫يدي‬ ِ ‫فيك وحريب‬ ‫د‬ ‫ري‬ ‫أ‬ ‫إين‬ ‫الوغى‬ ‫أرض‬ ‫يف‬ ‫الخيل‬ َ ‫دي‬ ‫ل‬ ‫قومي‬ advanced the Israeli project to displace ُ‫تر‬ َّ ُ ِ ‫ فمتى أر‬Palestinians and expropriate their lands. َ ‫ ال‬،‫ألل ُه أك ْرب‬ ‫رشيك بح ّبي‬ ‫اك وباملآ ِذنِ أعتيل‬ ِ ‫صمت بع َد الليلِ يكبو تارزا ً فأسجد صال َة الق‬ َ ‫ُدس‬ ‫فيك وقريب‬ َ ‫ ال‬Veolia has established and invested in nuٍ ‫شتت وجدا ُر قم ٍح من‬ ِ ٌ ‫رغيف مسبي‬ ‫م‬ ‫ع‬ ‫والقطي‬ ‫ديك‬ ‫القدس‬ ‫ يف‬merous enterprises that have clear apartٌ ُ ُ ٍ ِ ِ‫السجيل‬ ‫الغرب‬ ‫ُدمي‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ة‬ ُ ‫وحجار‬ ‫ه‬ ‫م‬ ‫وسقا‬ ‫الضنا‬ ‫يف‬ ‫ه‬ ‫وا‬ ‫القدس‬ ‫ يف‬heid dimensions, including their operation ِ ُ​ُ ِ ِ ‫رس قلبي‬ ‫تأ‬ ‫النجامت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫قم‬ ‫أبيض‬ ‫وثلج‬ ‫ر‬ ‫قنطا‬ ‫القدس‬ ‫ يف‬of a tramway in Jerusalem that, in practice, ٌ ٌ ٌ َ ٌ ُ ِ ‫الرب‬ ‫وبيت‬ ‫ين‬ ‫لبنا‬ ‫ء‬ ‫ودما‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ثائ‬ ‫جنوب‬ ‫من‬ ‫ز‬ ‫أر‬ ‫ُدس‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ال‬ ‫يف‬ does not employ Arabs. The company’s ٍ ِ ٌ ُ ِ ِّ ُ ِ ً ‫أمرا‬،‫األسام َء‬ ٍ‫ليل‬ ‫ قُم يا شعبي‬،‫فيك‬ ‫أعرب‬ ‫اس‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ف‬ ‫بها‬ ‫وأنا‬ profits before conscience mentality touches ُ ُ ّ each of their ventures, as consumer watchgroups dually note Veolia’s international infractions of accounting fraud, bribery, and anti-labor policies.

Veolia Environnement (the parent company) has five major sub-divisions – Veolia Energy, Veolia Transport, Veolia Environmental Services, and Veolia Water – which have combined annual revenues of US$47.8 billion (34.7 billion Euros). These divisions have many names in different parts of the world, including Connex (Transport), SIDEM (Water), and Dalkia (Energy), to name a few. Veolia Environnement’s website states they are “aware of the impact [their] everyday actions have in improving the living conditions of people worldwide;” but this sincerity belies the reality on the ground, which has permitted the company to profit wildly in Israel and the settlements, despite vocal international protest.

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With offices in Tel Aviv, Veolia Environnement’s involvement in the occupation is multi-faceted and ongoing. They coordinate waste management and energy projects in both ’48 and ’67 Palestine and operate transportation lines between illegal settlements, Jerusalem, and other Israeli cities.

In the West Bank and Settlements Heading Veolia Environmental Services’ Israeli operations is ONYX, a waste management and energy company. ONYX’s partnership in the Tovlan landfill and waste treatment facilities in the occupied Jordan Valley is a devastating example of Veolia’s profiteering from the occupation, as well as its contributions to apartheid. The landfill serves 21 illegal settlements, which dump waste and hazardous materials at the site.

Palestinian towns may use the site, but they are charged extremely high rates. The facilities also house a sewage water plant that generates electricity. Unsurprisingly, the energy generated is exclusively used by nearby settlements and is inaccessible to Palestinian villages.

Veolia Transport (369 Israeli employees) also profits from Israel’s apartheid transportation systems. In 2005, they won a contract to operate 60 buses between Tel Aviv and Netanya (56km south of Haifa). Connex — a Veolia Transport subsidiary with operations in Lebanon and Morocco — operates bus services between illegal settlements and Israeli cities, which help consolidate the occupation by strengthening the connection between Israeli and settlement cities. Until recently, Palestinians were forbidden from using these routes, even though they passed through the West Bank. The ban was partially lifted in June 2010, but Palestinians are

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not allowed to exit the line in Jerusalem rendering the service line impractical for West Bank Palestinians .

Veolia Transport is also a principle partner in the CityPass consortium (5% owners) contracted to build the notorious light-rail tramway linking West Jerusalem to illegal settlements in occupied East Jerusalem. It owns 80% of the company responsible for operating the tramway. This network extends beyond settlements in East Jerusalem, as its Ammunition Hill station will serve as a feeder depot for settler traffic from Ma’aleh Adumim – a large illegal settlement in the West Bank – and from Jewish settlements in the Jordan Valley. The tramway promotes apartheid racism by hiring only Hebrew native speakers who have completed military or civic service in Israel. Both these conditions implicitly exclude Palestinians from use and employment on the line.

In ‘48 Palestine The French conglomerate’s involvement in Israel is both long term and massive. Veolia Energy, known as Dalkia Energy & Services, builds and operates power plants throughout ‘48 lands. Their corporate offices in Tel Aviv employ 448 Israelis and have reported revenues of US$85 million annually. They have collaborated on a natural gas turbine plant, a project estimated to be worth US$500 million, and have tendered a bid for a solar energy park worth upwards of US$800 million.

In 2007, Dalkia began operations of a cogeneration power unit that will win US$114 million in revenues over the course of a 23year contract.

Meanwhile, in 2002, Veolia Water and 2 Israeli partners – Israel Desalination Engineer-

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US Campaign to End the Israeli Occupation

ing and Dankner – won a bid for the Ashkelon desalination plant south of Tel-Aviv.

Veolia is 50% owner of the project (worth an estimated US$825 million in revenues).

The 25-year-long contract will end in 2027, when the Israeli government takes over operations.

Veolia in the Arab World Despite pledges to end cooperation with

companies that provide institutional and economic support for the occupation, Arab countries have a poor track record in meeting these obligations. Seven percent of Veolia’s operations are in the Arab region, with their subsidiaries active in Arab nations from Egypt, Tunisia, and Morocco, to the UAE, Syria, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and Qatar.

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Veolia Water and Environmental Services leads wastewater and water development projects in Lebanon, as well as waste management services in Morocco and Syria.

Veolia’s first Lebanese venture began under its former corporate identity Vivendi, with a build-own-operate contract for a Beirut water conveyer project (valued at US$200 million).

They won another bid in Syria for a wastewater management project worth some US$32 million. Meanwhile, Veolia Water’s Moroccan subsidiary, Compagnie Générale des Eaux, is 51% partner for a 30-year contract (awarded in 2002) worth US$6.2 billion.

Connex transportation is another Veolia subsidiary in Lebanon, which has operated bus lines since 1998. They ran intercity transportation services between Beirut-Tripoli until 2008. Since 2005, Connex has established school transportation services, which include a network of buses for the Grand Lycée Franco Libanais school in Achrafieh.

Elsewhere, SIDEM (a Veolia subsidiary since 1998) has won countless water projects in Arab countries. They have engineered, constructed, and commissioned 12 desalination units in the UAE (contract awarded in 2007), 10 in Bahrain (2006), 10 in Qatar (2008), 3 in Libya (2003), and 27 desalination units Saudi Arabia (2007). According to a Veolia press release, the Saudi project, which SIDEM bid on as part of a business consortium, is worth US$945 million.

What to do?

As individuals in the Arab world, we have little power to boycott or divest from the French company. Veolia’s are national-level projects that would require substantial and prolonged lobbying to end. As conscientious Arabs, we must apply pressure to political groups that

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have a say in determing national and regional development policy.

In countries like Lebanon and Syria, where resistance against Israel receives broad support, it is unthinkable that Veolia has been allowed to operate with impunity. The resistance will not succeed through military means alone; assaults on Israel’s economic, political, and cultural security are as fundamental to undermining their international support and to leveraging a just conclusion to the conflict. It’s time that the resistance begins to recognize this by supporting efforts to boycott and divest on national and regional levels.

For other Arab countries – and especially those that have benefited from popular uprisings (Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt, and Libya) – now is the time for the public to stop economic support for corporations involved in the occupation. Meanwhile, the Arab League may offer an avenue for intervention in the Gulf States, although the league’s boycott laws are weak and loosely enforced. Saudi’s rejection of the Alstom bid for a multi-billion dollar rail project is a good first start. Yet, only structural, firm, and enforceable boycott and divestment policies will have an impact.

In Veolia’s case, collaboration with Israel is worth hundreds of millions; but their investments in Arab countries greatly exceed their Israeli holdings. Resolute action by Arab governments would cost Veolia dearly, and maybe enough to force them to divest from the Zionist state. Establishing national and regional policies, even against this one company, could set a precedent and lead to a tipping point.

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