Performing the metropolis

Antoine Canazzi

Performing the metropolis A Landscape based strategy for sustainable social diversity in territories in-between

Main tutor : Pr Paola Vigano

Second Tutor : Pr Vincent Nadin

Antoine Canazzi

Student number: 283451 16/06/2017

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aknowledgement

Before starting, I would like to thank the EMU program for these 2 years formation that have been most of the time a real pleasure. I wish also to thanks the professor Paola Vigano, university IUAV of Venice, to have accompanied my work and my readings during those 2 years and more specifically during this semester.

In parallel, I would like to thanks the professor Vincent Nadin, TU Delft, for his precious advice during our regular meeting.

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Abstract

The aim of this thesis was to demonstrate the potential complementarity between territories in-between and major urban centre in Aix-Marseille-Provence metropolis and thus demonstrate the potential relevance of the construction of a metropolis beyond the deep contradictions and contrasts in each of the territorial systems that organized it, environmental, economical and sociological. By putting the emphasis on the potential complementarity, the thesis aimed to back up the hypothesis of an interdependency between urban, rural and inbetween territories, characteristic of a metropolitan system and so justifying the metropolitan governance. In order to do so I’ve taken the scope of the socio-spatial segregation analyzed as a consequence of metropolitan mechanism, for an important part due to car dependency, predominance of a single urban form and economic specialization, and proposed to

develop an alternative strategy based on the landscape characteristic of the territories in-between. The strategy mainly focused on the three problems: mobility, necessary densification and economic potential. The method of the scenario was used to trigger an exploration of this strategy in the territories in-between.

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SUMMARY

-Introduction

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-Designing the performances of the territory in-between

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-Description

-Metropolitan context

-zoom in on one territory in-between

-Summary Problem statement

20 22 34 59

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-The implicit Scenario

-Methodology-The Scenario as an exploration

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-The scenario

-Scenario’s tendancies, questions and opportunities

-2 models

- Scenario’s Principle

-Exploration of the scenario of discontinuity

-Gardanne’s plain

-Gardanne’s Brownfield

-Bouc-bel-Air/Simiane resiential slab

-Arc’s valley

-In-between Fuveau and Gréasque: the agricultural mix

-Conclusion - Reflection

67 68 70 72

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-Bibliography

75 76 80 88 94 100 106

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Introduction

The aim of this thesis is to explore the question of the dispersed urbanization through the scope of its interrelation to dense city, to periphery and landscape, in order to propose a radical regional planning highlighting the role played by the process of metropolization in the shift toward urban systemic thinking, observing the territory as interdependent systems.

To do so, I chose to work on the case of Aix-Marseille Provence metropolitan area. The choice of the case of this metropolis was done because it represents a particularly good example, in term of urban dispersion and metropolization. Indeed, the metropolitan governance was imposed by the national government in January 2016 after long debate and opposition that are still not finished.

The new metropolis has the particularity to be an extremely polycentric and heterogeneous territory of 3150km2, where the sprawl is old and directly related to the landscape.

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Due to the recent affairs, the publications on the topic are important and won’t be forgotten during the work. In contrary, recent books like La métropole par le projet, Aix-MarseilleProvence (Parenthèses editions, Laurent Théry, 2016), a publication of the ministry, will play an important role in feeding the analysis and confronting the proposals.

The logic of scenario exploration will allows us to push forward the critical reflection and to design a radical alternative proposal. It will opens the debate on possibilities embedded in the territory, on the vulnerabilities of current plan and on the resiliency of the territorial systems, while drawing the outline of an alternative regional plan. Local projects will precise key role and priorities in the strategy of transformation of the territory.

To conclude, I will reflect on the limits encounter, drawing back the project into the context of current

planning policy and metropolitan construction. I will put the emphasis on the supposed necessity of the metropolitan governance regarding the local development and the territories in-between.

Aix-Marseille-Provence Metropolis

Theoretical background : Designing the performances of the territories in-between Introduction

The question explored in this work is directly related to the new relationship that the construction of a metropolitan territory proposes.

The notion of territory has many acceptations. It can be a landscape defined by close features and delimited by contrast from another, but also an organization of material and symbolic resources able to structure the conditions of living for an individual and/or a social group while in the same time inform him and/or it on its own identity (JeanPaul Ferrier, 2009). In other words, the construction of the metropolitan region, beyond administrative and political issues relative to the governance of this territory, question deeply the relationship between its components, at socio-symbolical, economical and environmental level.

Moreover, if we refer to the first definition, the metropolitan territory isn’t homogeneous. In contrary, it 9

includes rural territory, urban territory, forest or natural territory, and above all a large mix and difficult to define territories in-between. By the process of metropolization and through the input of different processes of urban dispersion, these territories inbetween have become one of the main components of metropolitan regions.

These different relationships the metropolis articulate can be translated spatially as territorial systems. According to Ross D. Arnold and Jon P. Wade in an article called A definition of System thinking: a system approach, 2015, a system is an organization defined by three things: elements, interconnections, which is the way the elements relate to each other, and a function or a purpose, in our case, economical, environmental or socio-symbolical. It is a different approach than Dupuy’s Network qualification, which put the emphasis on technical, production/consumption

and individual urban household network, highlighting groups of operators/actors and their role. A system thinking approach is function oriented. It unifies components and their connectors according to a specific purpose for the metropolitan territory. It means, if they are not mono-functional, some components can be in several territorial systems.

None of these systems are closed and they do not stop at an administrative border. However, the administrative border defines an area with close and interconnected conditions that draw a form of coherency for each of those systems. For example, the hydrologic basin of a water system might draw a coherent territory to observe the environmental territorial system. In that sense, the definition of an administrative border for the metropolitan region is a very important question. It is the complexity of the metropolitan territory to put together, in a common spatial unit,

“multiple cities in a discontinuous countryside” (Castells,2010). As many “territories” in term of landscape, in which economical, environmental and socio-symbolical territorial systems have to define spatial conditions of coexistence. It means that a new metropolitan region proposes a new form of territoriality, multicentred “produced non-centrally by actors designing systems across vast territories, without regard for each other’s decision, each adding their own system as a new layer to existing topography, historic structures, and landscapes” (Shane 2005, A.Wandl,2012). Somehow, it is the role of planning to define their coherency at a large metropolitan scale.

In a metropolitan territory, the differences, the heterogeneity and contradictions are not difficult to find but not enough to invalid the metropolitan project. There is an argument that is justifying the unity of the metropolis.

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It is actually more like an aim that put in common complex territorial systems, in order to improve the performances of the whole. This can be measured under different perspective, in term of sustainability, job opportunities or social justice for example. The notion of sustainability, in the research of territorial performances, is the major contribution of the contemporary perspective. Indeed, it breaks up with the conception essentially economic of the territorial dynamics, which emphasized since the beginning of 1900 the figure of disequilibrium as a way to move up (Secchi,2006), inequality as a powerful lever. Through an idea of equilibrium or balance based on the image of ecosystem as defined by the environmental science, a good territorial system is supposed to perform in each of these three criterias: environmental, economic and social. More exactly, it is often necessary today to perform in all of them in order to succeed in one.

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They are like pieces of a mechanism that cannot work separately but are interdependent.

As a consequence, there is an interest with hybridization of territorial systems, especially about components that have functions in several of them. An example can be found in the CO2 Neutral scenario developed in the book Water and asphalt by B.Secchi, P.Vigano and L.Fabian, Park books edition, 2016. Indeed, it proposes to explore the capacity of roads infrastructure to compensate CO2 emission by turning into a support for a woodland network. In this example, an infrastructure that is commonly thought for socio-economical mobility becomes the support for ecological network and overall improvement of the territorial system.

From this point, several aspects needs to be explored in order to backup the project that will follow with a consistent theoretical reflection. Even though the

metropolitan region has borders that we will discuss, the project will frame a territory in-between Aix-en-Provence and Marseille. The questions is: how can we improve the performances of the territories in-between in order to make it an actor as important as a city and so a complementary territory of the metropolitan systems ? First, we will seek for a definition of the territories in-between and the processes that shape it. Second, we will describe spatially their territorial systems in term of elements and connectors in order to point out those that can support several functions. Finally, we will reflect on the capacity of hybridization of the spatial components concerned in order to develop a logic of landscape base infrastructure tackling the transversal questions of performance of the territories in-between in term of mobility, sustainability and social inclusivity.

The project that will follow will try to apply this theory in order to

demonstrate the complementary role of the territories in-between in a metropolis. A possible consequence if not demonstrate is logically, the doubt about the necessity of the metropolis.

Indeed, the sense of a metropolitan territory lay on the potential of the territories in-between to merge formerly autonomous urban centered systems to improve the performances of the whole.

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What is a territory in-between ?

Firstly, to be able to talk about a Peri-Urban, identifying the territory territory in-between, we need to surrounding dense urban centrality by morphological characteristics define the concept. like discontinuity of the tissue with a It is particularly important because relative density of inhabitant, passing territories in-between still is a quite by the Italian Città diffusa studied by polysemic notion that designates Indovina in 1990 as a “fine-grained” more a category of territory than an urban structure, basis for “spatial accurate urban form. Indeed, behind diversity and decentralized but heavily the notion of territories in-between are interconnected economy, supporting hidden numerous concepts that have a variety of lifestyle” (Wandl,2014), defined specific urban phenomenon similar but different urban form can be across European territory. Alexander called territory in-between. Alexander Wandl in his article Beyond urban- Wandl identifies mainly three main rural classifications: Characterising characteristics. First, it has an urban and mapping territories in-between morphology mixing built and open across Europe, 2014, has referenced spaces. Second, it is a territory usually several of these concepts. From the crossed by many hard infrastructures, German concept of Zwischenstadt connecting, at a large scale, territories defined by Thomas Sieverts in the far away, but fragmenting and late 1990’s as a city in-between “built separating territories close from each and open landscape; between the other. Finally, at a regional scale, local rooted and the global economy; a certain mix of function that isn’t and between recent young urban always true at local scale, supposing development and yet unknown urban important need of mobility. future”, to the French concept of Benedicte Grosjean, in Urbanisation 11

without urbanism, a history of the diffused city, Mardaga edtion, 2010, goes one step further in the definition of the processes that produce the territories in-between. What is commonly called “suburban” is attached to a specific urban process but used to covers many different realities.

Indeed, the suburban is an American notion built by the process of sprawl.

It refers to a progressive juxtaposition of large settlement in the countryside, abandoning the centrality of the cities.

It concerns as much residential as commercial and industry. Moreover, it is producing a tissue relatively rigid, without any historical layering or easy evolution possible. Furthermore, it is structured by the opportunity in term of accessibility that large infrastructure is providing. In contrary, the French notion of peri-urbanisation is a process that is still structured by the centrality of the cities, on which it is dependent for jobs and commerce for example.

Thus, the commuting pattern of a

peri-urban territory is radio-concentric toward city centre. Moreover, the tissue isn’t static and can be more easily densified, layered. On the same path, we can find the process of rurbanisation that is more attached to the urbanisation of the rural territory, around villages, moth-eaten by small operation of individual houses. It has a character essentially residential and doesn’t suppose a growth of the village and its economy. Indeed, it is also often related to the area of influence, around 30 minutes drive, of a major city and so is constitutive of a lifestyle of high skilled people working in the city. Finally, the Italian notion of città diffusa is probably the closest from the process of sprawl as it isn’t structured by any centralities.

However, its tissue is finer than the sprawl, and is upgradeable

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because it is the fruit of an evolution of the rural tissue combining numerous functions at local scale instead of the dispersion of urban function through large investment in cheaper land outside the cities.

To conclude, the territories in-between is a category relatively large. However, the processes that shape it identify specificity about the territorial systems as much as economical structure, socio-symbolical background or even environmental if we think that those processes shape the morphology of the dispersion and so the relationship the settlement will entertain with forest, grasslands, agricultural lands,...

In one hand it is a territory of rejection of urban function for different reasons like disturbance or land price, but in another hand it is an attractive territory in term of accessibility in some part, in term of living environment or resources. In other words, it is a territory extremely active, reflection 12

of the society without selection of the good and the bad. As Bernardo Secchi wrote in Première leçon d’urbanisme, Parenthèse edition, 2006, the territories in-between are “often understood in relation to the absence : absence of order, homogeneity, infrastructure, project... in the territory of dispersion, it is mainly its own absence that the urbanist is confronted to”. The description has the role of revealing the processes and the territorial systems shaping the territory in-between analysed.

Example of Territory in-between, around Lyon Source: https://www.thinglink.com/

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What are the territorial systems that shape them ?

Secondly, in The territories of urbanism, the project as knowledge producer, MétisPresses, 2014, Paola Vigano introduce the description as “an attempt of logical reconstruction of the world that proceed by deconstruction, erasure, accentuation.” In that sense, describing is already an act of design.

Describing pass by mapping and so a selection of information, assemble to build an argument. As Paola Vigano say, “Designing calls for a particular kind of describing that identifies situations and builds relationship with them. It makes use of anomalies, discontinuity, and differences; it asks questions about the presence of any underlying structures of order; it looks for things that repeat, and intuits that there may already be preexisting rules”. At the beginning of it, there is the designer that makes choices. I decided to describe three main territorial systems in order to highlight the spatial structure they produce and where do they interact 13

and enter in conflict with each other: for the ecosystem as for the economic the ecosystem, the economic system system. It results in potential conflicts that we need to explicit. For instance, and the socio-symbolical system. the quality of the water system can be First, the ecosystem is relative to the threaten by the amount of industry quality of the relationship between near the rivers, often on floodable “green” or “blue” patches, reservoir lands, and consequently resulting for biodiversity, in order to support a on water pollution. A second type of liveable environment. The topography corridor is directly relative to the land plays a crucial role as it determines cover and to the mobility of wildlife how the water behave on the ground between patches. The continuity and the exposition to sun of the lands. between green patches may also In that sense, water and topography raise issues with human activity. For are determinant to understand how example the large infrastructure the different patches are located and may fragment the territory, limiting how do they “communicate” with each the ecological connectivity between other. Then, the ecosystem quality patches. Moreover, these patches depends on corridors that link the can be of different nature and doesn’t patches and ensure good ecological have to be open natural areas or exchange, essential for biodiversity. forest. For instance, the agricultural The first type of corridor to look at is lands can be considered as a “green” the river system. As Bernardo Secchi patches, which carrying capacity of and Paola Vigano explain in Water biodiversity that can vary according and asphalt, the project of isotropy, to how the exploitation is structured. the water has literally built the spatial Intensive agriculture on large plots or organization of the territory, as much farming on small plots show different

carrying capacity. This is partly due to the possibility of remaining “green» without given function in-between plot, riverbank, infrastructure, ect...

These marginal pockets of green draw a porous tissue able to be a refuge for a relatively high biodiversity. The French landscape architect Gilles Clément calls it, the third landscape.

Because it is marginal, it is stronger in environment of diverse nature. Indeed, it constitutes the edge, the border, the buffer between those diverse territories. Furthermore, because of the dispersion of urbanization through the territory, and so the multiplication of edges and contact interfaces, the third landscape is an important constituent of the territory in-between’s ecosystem.

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Second, the economic territorial system determine where people work, where do they consume and how do they commute in their everyday life. It is made of cities centre, warehouses, depots, commercial centres, industrial areas, clusters, universities, research centres, airport, industrial harbour and train station, which constitute as much entrances, destinations and spots for the metropolitan territory.

To connect them, a network of roads, railways and parking that is, with the water network, according also to Bernardo Secchi and Paola Vigano in Water and asphalt, the second territory maker. The topology (shape) and the efficiency (speed/inclusion) of the network support and design the mobility pattern of the territory. In that sense, with a certain inertia in time and space, the network determines pre-condition of future development.

It could concern wildlife exchange in an ecosystem, or people, goods and information in an economic territorial 14

system. To carry these flows, mainly two strategies exist. The first favours the permeability of the network. It means increasing the capacity to cross through. For instance, enlarging a road or adding a railway connecting the same places. The permeability could also be filtered, which means designed to select the kind of flows the connector will let pass like a plug avoiding the access to car of a pedestrian city centre. The second strategy favours the connectivity of the network. It means increasing the number of connections between two elements without particularly increasing the capacity of them. It is about adding new routes, more possibilities in order to distribute the flows through the network. These strategies the decision-maker can adopt have completely different consequences on the the territory.

The background of these choices is a territorial project balancing between hierarchy of places and isotropy, which,

according to scale and time, lean over one or the other (Secchi,2016).

Spatially, the overlapping of two networks is characterized by two categories of infrastructure called

by Bernardo Secchi, pipes and sponges. These images refer to the way these infrastructures relate to their environment. First, the pipe is an infrastructure that connect two points with a limited amount of intermediary access to it. Irene Guida, in Water and Asphalt, refers to it as the modern figure of corridor, understood as an element that select and so hierarchize, separate and push toward specialization of places. It is a figure of discontinuity and fragmentation of the whole in one hand, and a powerful figure of continuity between selected places.

From an environmental point of view, such structuration of the ecological network represents a risk “reducing the resilience of an ecosystem, its ability to adapt and/or react to disturbances (Pickett, 1999)”. From an economic

point of view, it favours speed and concentration in mono functional clusters. From a socio-symbolical point of view, by producing disequilibrium in term of accessibility, it tends to produce socio-spatial segregation, for instance, in the access to public transportation network of different scale or in contrary to the access to the benefit of slow mobility. Second, the sponge, instead of hierarchy, introduces the idea of isotropy defined

by Bernardo Secchi in Water and asphalt, as a network where “there are no prevailing directions; each node is equally connected to each and every other node”, concluding that “an infinite isotropic body, or network, has neither centre nor periphery”.

Both network co-exist in the territory, propelling dynamic of concentration of the flows and decentralization of the elements of the system. The tension between both network topologies is one of the dispersion supports.

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Third, the socio-symbolical territorial system is what lay down the thickness of the territory, what persist and marks the territory for a long period, even after its primary purpose disappears.

It is an amount of images and names anchored to the territory. André Corboz uses the image of the palimpsest to describe this thick territory. Bernardo Secchi, in First lesson of urbanism, Parenthèse edition, 2006, unfold this image of Corboz as a territory where “different generations have written, corrected, erased and added”. It is a process of accumulation, but also of selection that transforms through the time the territory, without ever completely forgetting. Part of this socio-symbolical territorial system is more than a trace because its purpose remains, like a public space, even though the use evolve. However, part of it is embedded in the territory. It influences it without playing an active role anymore. It is the former industrial areas or mines site, a brownfield; it is 15

former roads or railways that used to be primary but aren’t used so much, if it still is, like a fallen structure, present but barely hold and not useful anymore; it is also pieces of landscape, kind of monument ornamenting the collective imagination like the peak of a mountain; finally, it can be an idea about a place like a former dumpsite turning to slum, turning into social housing neighbour, but still always, even though the effort, a badly connotate area where poverty is inlayed since always. This territorial system is probably the more difficult to map because it is connected by names and image that are transversal to the other territorial systems. Its elements might seems disconnected or dissolved, but it is vertically, through the thickness of the territory and its history, that they all connect and deeply structure the canvas where the modern and contemporary structure lay on. Marseille and its territories inbetween also have such history that

socially determine spaces and let intriguing heritage. The territories inbetween have also another historical layer, after the industrialisation. It is the process of individualisation of the European society that has let other form of socio-spatial structure like the individual houses of poor quality built all across the countryside, often not getting old very well, but above all, isolating aging population; or in contrary city centre getting empty and poor. It can be seen as a process “turning city into suburb and suburb into city” (Secchi,2014).

nature; past and a thick present.

The separate description of these territorial systems, in order to reveal where and how do they overlap, is an essential step to evaluate how could they benefit from each other.

To conclude, these three territorial systems are deeply connected, in specific spaces, and constitute a whole made of infrastructures of different nature and with a broad understanding; places where meet different interests on landscape, economy and social condition and places where used to meet different interests of the same 15

How to improve the common performances of those territorial systems ?

Thirdly, after defining and describing the territory in-between, we will reflect on potential projects to improve their relationship and their performances together. From the description of the territorial systems, potential multifunctional components have been selected: rivers, green and grey open-spaces. They are three components of the territories inbetween that, articulated together as a landscape base infrastructure, can improve the performances in term of territorial mobility, sustainability and social inclusivity.

First, the mobility is one of the most important concerns of our society.

Zygmunt Bauman in Lost life. The modernity and its excluded, Payot edition, 2006, emphasized the role of mobility as much as immobility in the contemporary processes of inclusion/ exclusion. Beyond the social aspect, it is seen as a way to increase exchange between biotope, a way to develop 16

the territory and a way to fight social exclusion, while in the same time is producing a form of segregation to the access to mobility. These three mobilities have been thought, in the recent years, separately as engineer questions. It ended up with conflict and contradiction producing social segregation, damaging green corridor and saturating transport infrastructure.

“Design is about putting thing together rather than taking them apart, integration rather than reduction: it is about relationship between things and not the things alone” (Meyer, 1997; Sijmons, 2012; Nijhuis,Jauslin, 2015). Thus, since the mid 1990s, the question of the infrastructure has become central in many fields trying making converge the functions, social, environmental and economical, that it can support. If the infrastructure is defined as “constructed facilities and natural features that shelter and support most human activities” (PERSI, 2006; Nijhuis, Jauslin, 2015),

the landscape is defined by the Council of Europe in 2000 as the consequence of the human alteration of the geographical original condition.

It highlights the ambivalence of the concept of infrastructure as a tool serving a human oriented purpose, but also as a consequence of spatial structuration producing a landscape with specific geographical conditions.

This understanding has led to a new design field oriented toward urban landscape infrastructure. It is an attempt to “put together”, as a design practice, elements that was thought in opposition, and explore the “potential of infrastructure for performing the additional task of shaping urban landscape” (Nijhuis, Jauslin, 2015).

Landscape infrastructure thought as “vessels of collective life” (Nijhuis, Jauslin, 2015). It is an interesting approach because, if infrastructure thought as a landscape element isn’t a new idea and refers, for instance, to a tradition of parkway, the landscape

as infrastructure refers to an even older tradition, taking the structural elements of the landscape, like the rivers, as base for urban development.

What Roberto Rocco call “First nature” (Rocco, 2008), in a context of the raise, in the mobility field, of the demand of diversity and complementarity, could be an efficient tool to structure the territories in-between and re-orient the development toward reinforcing local relationship and economy, while improving the metropolitan integration. It would compose a network crossing the island produced by the “pipes” and proposes another form of mobility, slower and accessible for all. Because the rivers was a principle of construction of the historic city centres, a slow mobility network would recentralize their role in network and so could help reducing the urban dispersion.

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However, the landform not always allows the development of the slow mobility along rivers. That’s why infrastructure as landscape is a complementary concept. Indeed, the development of large infrastructure often supposes a fine analysis of the topography. For instance, because a train cannot easily climb a hill, the itinerary is studied to pass by the flatter topography or follow the contour lines, and, if not possible, bridge and tunnel help crossing through it. In that sense, both network, landscape and infrastructure, can be thought together, using the spatial quality of each to improve the slow mobility in the territory. In Marseille’s territory in-between, the topography is an important question.

That’s why the strategy that will be developed will use both concept, rivers and former rail infrastructure will compose the mobility strategy. This infrastructure heritage will participate as a socio-symbolical element to the re-development of the territory and its 17

ecological reinforcement.

Second, as explained in the first part, the urban and the rural opposition is an out-dated concept that has a meaning “for an agrarian society” (Prominski, 2004; Wandl, Rooij, Rocco, 2012). The disappearance of this strict opposition has led to what is called territories inbetween, particularly characterized by the mix tissue of built and un-built.

More importantly, the open spaces between more or less compact or dispersed urban morphology have gain value in several way. The “void, in its various declinations (...) becomes part of the design of the new habitat” (Vigàno, 2011; Wandl, Rooij, Rocco, 2012), as much in term of urban containment and land protection as for the diversity of services and amenities those spaces can provide to people (Wandl, Rooij, Rocco, 2012). If open spaces refer only to the un-built spaces, a distinction has to be done between “green” and “grey” open spaces. The

difference comes from the quality of their ground and their permeability to water. For example, in one hand you can find small agricultural land, bodies of water, third landscape’s components, sport facilities,...; and in the other hand parking, street, but also brownfield like former industrial area. Together, they can support what is called an ecosystem services. It has been defined in 2006 by Millennium Ecosystem Assessment as “benefits people obtains from ecosystems”.

Those are divided in four potential purposes: supporting, provisioning, regulating and cultural. The first, supporting, is directly related to the capacity of the open spaces to support the quality of the ecosystem like improving the ecological connectivity between patches. The second, provisioning, refers to the capacity to product goods from them like urban agriculture but also wood or energy using biomass, sun or wind. The third, regulating, is the services the

ecosystem processes can provide to limit our impact like water purification, floodable land, CO2 absorption, waste decomposition or thermal regulation.

Finally, the fourth, cultural, refers to non-material goods people can obtain from cognitive development, aesthetic experience, recreational, educational or spiritual enrichment.

Green and grey open spaces can fit in these different functions and compose and ecosystem infrastructure serving as much economic purpose as sociosymbolical one. Even grey open spaces, that have to face stronger process to be reuse, are of big interest.

Indeed, they are historical remaining that can be re-develop for cultural or educational purpose, to host another economic development based on local resources valorisation, or even turn into a green open spaces.

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Conclusion

With a land recovery for the ground pollution, it could be parks with industrial heritage like the IBA Emerscherpark in the German Ruhr region or the Gas Works Park of Seattle. The ground recovery process is also an occasion for social action of information or even community oriented in order to structure social groups often suffering from isolation in the territory in-between. Moreover, open spaces valorisation could also, because becoming potential attractor, have impact in structuring the tissue around them, fighting urban dispersion and potentially diversifying urban typology.

To sum it up, the performance on mobility and the performances on relationship built/un-built, can bring together components that interact in different territorial systems. The infrastructures, with a broader understanding than hard transport infrastructure, in relation to open 18

spaces, would become a meaningful ecological backbone for local economic development and socially inclusive society. As important components of the territories in-between, they could play a crucial role in structuring a sustainable development.

In conclusion, the construction of a metropolitan region, beyond the governance question, raise questions about the territories it units. Above all, the metropolitan scale focus on relationship between them, considering their territorial systems complementarity, the network of places and flows they articulate. In that sense, the metropolitan region, compared to former governance scale, shift from a city-centralised perspective to a territorial systems-centralised perspective with multipolar urbanity and where the former opposition urban/rural is out dated. Thus, it also questions the limits of the metropolis, where to stop them. To this question, it

should be demonstrated the potential complementary role of the territories in-between cities at the metropolitan scale. These territories in-between are defined by 3 main characteristics: a tissue made of a fine mix of built and un-built spaces, a strong fragmentation at local scale due to hard infrastructure and a relative functional mix at regional scale. The processes that are building them are from different natures and follow different purposes inherent to their territorial systems. Ecologic, economic and socio-symbolic dynamics are powerful and shape the territorial systems that produce the territories in-between, without the mediation of urban designer. Nevertheless, the interest for design is growing. Design in order to valorise, synthetize and optimize the territories in-between performances in term of mobility, sustainability and inclusivity. To do so, hybrid structures serving several purposes are of great interest in order to reconcile the need

of strong ecosystem, with those of the human activities and communities.

Infrastructure and open spaces of different nature represent major components of the territories inbetween, with great potential of multifunctionality. Using them, the project will try to demonstrate the potential complementary role of territories inbetween in Aix-Marseille-Provence metropolis.

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Houfeng Tiema Dao bikeway, Taiwan

Gas Work Park of Seattle

IBA Emerscher parks

Source: http://www.tripadvisor.com

Source: http://seattlewatching.com/

Source: http://beyondplanb.eu

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Photos source: Antoine Canazzi

View from Bouc-bel-Air centre

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View from Marseille, northern district

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Description - Metropolitan scale

The frame used of Aix-Marseille-Provence metropolitan area voluntarily avoids the northern part of the metropolis, more related to the valley of the Durance River.

In this description, we will proceed in three steps.

First, the description at the metropolitan scale will give an overall understanding of the metropolitan territory and construction as an idea and as a coherent scale of governance. Second, we will select one part of the territory to pursue a deeper analysis of the problems encounter.

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At first, I aim to provide a clear understanding of the territory. I will draw a portrait through the layers, taken separately, that compose it. The hydrologic system that gives to the territory a form of coherence, the infrastructure system that provide an argument of hight level of exchange across the territory, and finally the occupation of the land with its historical component, compose the main frame of reflection that justify this metropolitan area.

Then, the zoom-in will aim to develop an accurate description of the different layers, landscape,

human settlement, infrastructure, until sociological structure and changes, in order to formulate a statement of the existing and build-up conjecture on future evolutions.

Finally, we will summarize a problem statement under the form of key points.

The next part will bring the question of the strategic planning through the method of the scenario.

Salon-de-Provence

Arles

Miramas Massif of the Sainte Victoire Aix-en-Provence Istres

Natural park of Camargue

Berre

Rognac Vitrolles

Fos-sur-mer

Berre’s pond Port-de-Bouc

Martigues

Gardanne

Saint-Maximin-la-Sainte-Baume

Plateau of Arbois Marignane Massif de l’Etoile and of Garlaban

Massif de l’Estaque Massif of the Baume Marseille

Aubagne

La Ciotat Natural park of the Calanques

23

The landscape, here, is cutting, dividing, separating, fragmenting in smaller unit the territory. Even though, through those divisions, we can also read union and interface. The landscape has built the morphology of the human settlement, the economic identity and the political division that are todays main obstacles to the comprehension of the metropolis of 3,150km2. It is enormous for a European metropolis.

In our frame, we can observe three main watersheds, volontarily not taking

Rhône River

Pond. It is, the pond, an articulation toward the third watershed, related to the Rhône river mouth, the low land that goes until the Camargue region.

Several mountains massif are originating rivers and streams. In the north we have the Sainte Victoire Mountain. In the south, the massifs of the Calanque and of the Estaque chain are defining the coastline. At the eastern side, the massif of the Sainte Baume is marking the topographic limit of the metropolitan territory. In the centre the massif de l’Etoile and

Durance River

3,150 km2

24

the Durance River one into account.

The two first come from mountains located outside the metropolis. They have dug rivers that structure the territory. Thus, Marseille is structured by the Huveaune rivers and the rivers coming from the massif de l’Etoile and Garlaban, and go directly to the sea. Aix-en-Provence, in contrast, is structured in the south by the Arc river.

It provides Aix-en-Provence naturally a large fertile plain. These rivers do not go directly to the sea but reach a low land area structured by the Berre’s

2x Greater London

4x Grand Paris

of the Garlaban .

The territory is divided in three watershed, three landscape unit unified, or divided, by two cores, the Berre’s pond and the massif de l’Etoile and Garlaban, with in-between them the plateau of Arbois.

Arc River

Huveaune River

Watersheds

25

Marseille is a crossroads of different scale. The infrastructure have deeply shaped the metropolis with the particularity that it has mostly followed the valleys, never really cut through or imposed its own form.

Three main axis structure a network that has to carry as much continental flows as local ones.

First, the axis, from north to south is connecting Toulon, through Marseille, to Lyon, Paris and the northern European great ports like Copenhagen. Second, the axis from West to East is connecting

26

the Portugal, Spain, passing by Barcelona and Madrid, Arles, Salonde-Provence, Aix-en-Provence to Itlay, via Genoa, Livorno, Milano and Roma, as much as Eastern Europe, Vienna or Warsaw. Finally, the third axis is more local, it turns around Berre’s pond, and connect Salon-de-Provence, by Fos-sur-Mer with Marseille’s industrial port, by Marignane with Marseille’s airport, to Aix-en-provence.

Each of these axes is both motorway and railway. However, the continental scale of the flows, mixed with regional

and local flows, connecting crucial ports, airports and stations, makes the network overcrowded. To give an idea, the traffic jams at Marseille’s entrance are, according to OECD, comparable to Los Angeles, even though the city is 10 times less populated. 94% of the commuting are done by car and is still increasing, even though it takes twice the normal time to commute a peak hour. It makes Marseille the fourth most overcrowded city in Europe, according to the TOM-TOM Europe ranking of October 2013. Yet, the

number of vehicles could not appear impressive. It is due to the landscape conditions that limit the size of the infrastructure and the number of entrance to Marseille.

0

20 0

00 y da s/

le

cu

hi

ve

125 000 vehicules/day

Metropolitan flows

27

The landscape and the infrastructure following the valleys and plains have strongly influenced urbanization. Today, we consider that only 20% of the surface of the metropolitan area is buildable, with 15% already urbanized.

Looking at the urban settlement we can understand three kind of urban form.

First, the old city centre of the two major cities, Aix-en-Provence and Marseille. They are linked by a long history of opposition and domination.

Aix-en-Provence used to be a roman camp built to protect Marseille, but became later the core of the kingdom of Provence, where the noble were. At the French Revolution, Marseille took back its role of major cosmopolite autonomous commercial city until deindustrialization and crisis weakened it.

In a broad way, Marseille benefit from its harbour while Aix-en-Provence has a rich agriculture due to the generous ground of the Durance River.

Second, there is a relatively linear and dense urbanization composed

of many cities smaller than 100,000 inhabitants, most often around 20,000 inhabitants, all around the Berre’s Pond. Important industrial areas and major infrastructure punctuate this urbanization.

Finally, in-between Aix-en-Provence and Marseille, there is a continuous urbanized strip with an important residential and industrial dispersion with small historic city centres.

2013

Territory

Density

1,835,730inhabitants

582 inhab/km2 15% of urban within 20% urbanizable

28

Although the metropolitan territory is big, it is a relatively natural territory with a very low density of inhabitant, especially compared to other European and French example, and 61% of its land natural. This is not a compact metropolis but a territorial metropolis.

Grand Paris: 8,598 inhab/km2 Greater London: 5,471 inhab/km2 Grand Lyon: 2,538 inhab/km2

Metropolitan urban morphology

29

Beyond those evident differences that split this territory and have built historical oppositions, it is important to come back to the origin of the idea of metropolis in such large territory and remember that the territory is justified officially by the amount of exchange that has historically defines it.

If exchange and collaboration are existing throughout the territory since middle age or even earlier, it is in the XIXth century with the industrialization that the amount of exchange became so important that is has built relationships and a structural distribution of the roles that lasts until today. In the official document produced to defend the construction of the metropolitan governance in 2016, this interdependent economic tissue remains one of the strongest arguments. The reality of the entrepreneurship is already metropolitan.

What is interesting is to observe the structure of this industrialization and 30

how it influences current structure. The starting point is Marseille’s port, as in all port cities, and will evolve in two different basins, the shipyard in Portde-bouc and the mines in Gardanne.

First, Port-de-bouc’s shipyard comes from the shift of Marseille’s one in the small bay of Port-de-bouc, previously used for the customs. The city has basically been built around and even today, while the shipyard has disappeared, remains its old walls.

The development of the activities will comes from the digging of the canal toward Arles. Indeed, Arles has a long history of shipping, as the entrance of the Rhône river going to Lyon and beyond. However, at this time, the mouth of the river was quite dangerous and a lot of boats suffered from it.

So came the project of securing the entrance by digging a canal from Portde-bouc to Arles. Only few years after the end of the digging, the railway was built to connect Port-de-bouc to Arles, before being connected to

the rail line running along Estaque mountain chain to Marseille directly.

Its position and past history have been decisive in the years 1960 when the port of Marseille extended beyond Marseille. Fos-sur-mer was built for it and the activities shift in the other side of the bay. Still, Port-de-bouc is the entrance of the canal toward Berre’s pond and so benefit from the industrial development related, especially with the Implementation of the most important European petrochemical refinery. From Portde-bouc the industrial development spread all across Berre’s pond.

Second, the mining basin of Gardanne is used since the XVth century, but in the XIXth century a rationalization and industrialization of the exploitation occurred. Even though it worked until quite recently, it is being reconverted today. Several projects are already in construction like research centre benefitting from its position between Aix-en-Provence and Marseille. In

contrast, the historical connection via Aubagne still remains as a traditional industry related development.

Finally, the central position of Marseille’s port and later of its airport in Marignane, put Marseille in the centre of the industrial development, while the university of Aix-en-Provence and Marseille, unified in 2012, draw another economic development, knowledge based.

XIXth century industrial activity

Present industrial activity

31

These three labour basins remain distinct. Indeed, in 2012, the INSEE, the French statistical analysis agency, identified three functional areas.

“Ouest Metropole“ corresponds to the territory at the west side of Berre’s pond, centralized around Fos-sur-mer industrial port and cities like Salon-deProvence, Istres, Miramas, Martigues and Port-de-bouc.

“Aix-en-Provence / Gardanne“ is a mix between the former mine and industrial development of Gardanne, including Rognac and Berre-l’Etang along the Berre’s pond, and the rural and knowledge related economy of Aix-en-Provence and the northern valley of the Durance River.

“Marseille / Aubagne“is a linear territory from Marignane airport on the edge of Berre’s pond, to the industrial economy of Aubagne and the Huveaune Valley, passing by Marseille’s industrial port.

The specific profile of the economic activities has, in a way, defined socio32

political contrast between the basin.

Consequently, even if the attempt to unify the metropolitan territory in one functional areas, benefiting from complementary relationship and common tax system, exist since the 50’s, the political opposition always put the brakes on it. According to the OECD, even though the metropolitan area has great potential, the internal concurrences tend to constrain its actual capacity of development.

In 2012, the first concrete attempt end up with the division of the territory between six EPCI, which is a small metropolis. However, in 2016, the national government imposed the creation of the metropolis AixMarseille-Provence. From 2013 to 2015 the minister represented by the sub-prefect Laurent Théry has led a consultation about the metropolitan project.

Several difficulties still remain. The construction of the metropolitan area is a crucial project for Marseille,

more than for the rest of the territory.

Indeed, Marseille has suffered a lot from the de-industrialization and the lack of solidarity at a metropolitan scale to lead coherent policy in term of social housing or public transport.

Moreover, a sort of concurrence on tax and social policy were on-going across the different EPCI. Consequently, in 1995, Marseille was a city bankrupt suffering from the highest level of violence in France and extreme situation of poverty and enclaving.

The infrastructures were saturated and the public transport was almost inexistent, divided at the metropolitan scale between around 140 different administrations. So, in 1995, the national government decided to be directly involved in the rescue of the second French city by its population and third by its economy. If its involvement has helped to force some decisive step, it remains also an issue that has concentrated opposition and suspicion against Marseille. Nobody

clearly understand the interest to produce a metropolis of 3150 km2, twice the size of the great London, organized around a failing centre.

Through the name chosen for the metropolis, Aix-Marseille Provence, we can already read that Marseille will not be the only centre, but supported by a broader and distinct territory.

It is true economically. It is also true geographically when we see the former landscape divider, previously peripheral to all the EPCI, becoming central to the new metropolis. The cities, previously centre turn into peripheries of those core. However, it isn’t true politically because, due to its population that represent half of the total, Marseille will pilot the metropolis. This is a key problem the metropolis will have to deal with, if they don’t want the suspicion of an annexation by Marseille to lock any democratic and healthy development.

INSEE fonctional areas

Metropolitan fonctional area

33

Description - The territory in-between Aix-en-Provence and Marseille Zoom-in one landscape monument

Assuming that the metropolitan scale re-centre the territorial project around the two landscape core, Berre’s pond and the massif de l’Etoile and of Garlaban, for the aim of the project, we will focus the next steps of the description on one of the two, the massif de l’Etoile and of Garlaban. , between Aix-en-Provence and Marseille.

By opposing the landscape layer to the human settlement layer, to the infrastructure layer and to the sociological layer, I will highlight the

34

weakness and hidden structure. This critical analysis will help us to build a clear statement of the problem at stake.

Massif of the Sainte Victoire Aix-en-Provence

Fuveau

Gardanne

Plan-de-campagne

Trets

Simiane

Massif de l’Etoile and of Garlaban

Massif of the Baume

Marseille

Aubagne

Massif of the Calanques 35

Photos source: Antoine Canazzi

Marseille’s Canal

36

Marseille’s Canal

Vineyard on Arbois’s plateau

View from Saint Savournin to Sainte Victoire mountain

37

Water, agriculture and urban dispersion, a competition for space

I will explore first how the water system has organized the human activities and is today in question, as a risk in one hand, or in the other hand, as a threaten common good.

The water system is old, it has been built in the XIIth century and modified in the XVIth and XIXth century. Beyond the natural rivers, a network of canals aims to distribute the water through the agricultural lands. Still today, more than 70% of the lands are irrigated, which is a clear advantage in a context of global warming. Most of those systems works with gravity, collecting the water running off

the mountains and reorienting it toward reservoir dominating the agricultural lands. Worth to notice that the two systems, Arc and Huveaune, are already interconnected, so is Aix-en-Provence to Marseille.

One agricultural plains can be more emphasize, in the north, the Arc river valley with the large agricultural plain. Marseille and the Huveaune valley used to be important too. The growth of Marseille and of the sprawl in the Huveaune valley has forced the agriculture to change. Indeed, in the north we will find essentially large cultivation, vineyard on Sainte-Victoire slope, and in the south, a more urban

agriculture that probably needs to be reaffirmed.

However, today, the quality of the water of these rivers is threatened by the human activities. Already, large portion of both rivers show worrying level of pollution due as much from intensive agriculture as industrial development. Indeed, most of the industrial areas and infrastructure like Aix-enProvence airport, are in the flooding area of these rivers. These urbanization should raise question in term of hard water protection that endanger bio diversity and do not erase economical risk.

Arc River

Huveaune River Water

38

Flooding

Industrial areas concerned by

Section of rivers with a bad

areas

flooding risk

ecological and chemical quality

Water

Water body

Rivers, stream and canals

Aix-en-Provence Marseille

39

This section will explore the questions related to the morphology of the urbanization.

In our frame, the two main cities, Aix-en-Provence and Marseille are volontarily located close the edge in order to put more focus on the territory in-between where there is a transition in term of morphology, from dense city centre to diffused urbanization. This territory in-between is structure by around 20 cities and villages almost all connected by a linear diffused urbanization, shaped

by the valley. Even if we talk in both case about dispersed urbanization, a distinction can be introduced between two areas. The axes Aix-enProvence to Aubagne, by Gardanne and Marseille have more industries, commercial and service areas. They present more continuous and bigger urban centres, while from Gardanne to the Huveaune valley, the tissue seems to be essentially residential and discontinuous. This distinction is a result of different process, in some part of periurbanization dependent

from centralities, some other part about rurbanization, which is more a rural areas around villages motheaten by individual houses in small plot, less than 30 minutes drive from major centralities, like in the Arc valley, or suburbanization when it is a juxtaposition of operation in larger plots devoted whatever to residential or commercial or industry, disconnected from any centrality, which is more specific to the axis Aix-en-Provence to Marseille. Even though this territory in-between host

189,677 inhabitants, more than Aixen-Provence, it is difficult to compare it to the fine grain distribution of residence, industry, commerce and industry of a diffuse city like in the Veneto region. However, in some part of the Huveaune Valley, the model of development isn’t far from it.

GSI 0.000-0,032 0,032-0.074 0.074-0.123 0.123-0.179

Number apartment/ total dweilings

0.179-0.250

Essentially individual houses

0.250-0.356 0.356-0.485 0.485-0.637

High density collective housing Water body

40

0.637-0.858 0.858-1.629 Water body

If the historical settlements are old, the problem in this area isn’t so old.

Indeed, the growth of the urbanization has taken a particularly important proportion around the 1980’s. The residential urbanization has been made essentially of individual houses that compose today the essential of the tissue in the territories in-between, and 36% of the total. This growth has been made in agricultural land and forest. Today, we consider that 900ha of agricultural land disappear each year, which means around 30% of

loss in 2040. Moreover, considering the average construction of individual houses in 2011 in the metropolis, and according the French average in term of surface of those houses, it seems that it will be responsible for the third of this loss.

Finally, we shouldn’t forget that it also corresponds to specific lifestyles and category of populations, at least populations seeking for the same conditions.

Important Steepness Dense continuous tissue Dense discontinuous tissue Diffused tissue Industrial/Commercial/ University/Military Airport

urbanization on forest area

Urbanization on agricultural lands City centres Urban in 1988

41

The question of the density in observe in order to define what density the territories in-between can be tricky is. First, GSI, defines a ground built ratio to a larger area or ground built density. and mean several things.

Second, FSI, add the number of floors When talking about density, we can in the calculation in order to have a understand several aspect: density more complete calculation of the built of inhabitant, built density, urban density. We could call it built intensity. pressure, ratio open/built spaces,... Finally, OSR, is a ratio between built All these criteria provides a certain intensity and remaining open-spaces. view on density and feeling of it for It shows an accurate measurement people. Berghauser Pont and Per of density feeling or urban pressure.

Haupt (Berghauser Pont, M. & Haupt, To calculate these citerias, we need P. 2010 Spacematrix. NAI Publishers, different kind of data on built than I Rotterdam), have defined 3 criterias to couldn’t access for metropolitan scale

GSI

42

FSI

for this thesis, that’s why FSI and OSR will be calculated locally on in order to specify densification possibilities while GSI already at metropolitan scale can be used to describe the morphology of the tissue, more or less porous, by square of 200x200 meters.

OSR

Low-rise spacious strip development blocks Low-rise compact strip development blocks Mid-rise open building blocks Mid-rise spacious building blocks Mid-rise compact building blocks Mid-rise closed building blocks Mid-rise super blocks High-rise developments

43

Photos source: Antoine Canazzi

Aix-en-Provence TGV railway station

44

Aix-en-Provence TGV railway station

Railway along Les Milles Airport

Railway along Les Milles Airport

45

I previously stated that the metropolis was severely congested and its infrastructure deeply shaped by the topography. Then remain to explore the shape of this network and how it has influenced the current development.

As David Mangin drawn in the book La metropole par le projet already mentioned, the relation between the land form and the infrastructure makes this metropolis unique. Indeed, we are not in a case like Lyon or Paris, with a central city dominating and producing a star shaped network the peripheral role of the other cities. In other terms, Aix-Marseille metropolis present a relatively isotropic network shape, which distinguishes it from the more classical

Source: David Mangin - Aix-Marseille Provence, la metropole par le projet, 2016, Parenthèse

46

Pipes and sponges, the construction of the car dependency

hierarchical organization of the network in other metropolis. However, as Bernardo Secchi explains in Water and asphalt, the project of isotropy, Park books edition, 2016 “a territory can present itself as strongly hierarchized on a vast scale and substantially isotropic on a local scale, or vice versa, and analogously, as isotropic in a given period and hierarchic in subsequent periods or vice versa; a territory with an isotropic infrastructure network may correspond to a settlement system that does not have analogous characteristics.“. It is this paradox that we can observe in Aix-Marseille Provence.

Indeed, the zoom-in frame chosen lets appear the predominance of an axis Aix-en-Provence,

Marseille and Aubagne, constituted of major “pipe“ infrastructures. The “pipes“ are infrastructures with low permeability with the territory except in few key selected locations. The “pipe“ are motorway or railway, which in this metropolis are often both together. This pipe structure and axis organize the metropolis and its main activities and industries.

They take the majority of the traffic which explain partially the saturation of the network. It also locates centralities outside the city as analysed by David Mangin in The franchised city, Edition of La Villette, 2004. In this metropolis, it emphasizes the pressure on Plan-de-Campagne, the northern entrance of Marseille, a large crossroads of major infrastructure.

Besides that, another network has founded the previous settlement. It is defined by opposition as “sponge“ by Bernardo Secchi, relative to the permeability of this narrow isotropic network. We can read it in two different ways. The centralities sub-network of the two main cities, which defines Gardanne as an interface, or the polycentric network of a third territory, in-between, articulating several key cities for their relationship with the two main.

In both case, it contradicts the actual development and polarization of the hierarchical network of pipe.

47

The consequence of these contradictory network shape, overlapped and both carrying development, is one of the cause of the infrastructural congestion, as we will see.

Why 94% of the journey are done by car, even though public transport connect all the main centralities ? The answer might be in the accessibility to the transport nodes and the structure of the public transport network. Indeed, the public transport, whatever train or bus, follow the axis previously identified, in detriment to the territory in-between, barely served, except in Gardanne. Most of this territory

Above 60% of household with 1 car

48

30% to 60% of household with 1 car

of around 190,000 inhabitants has very low access to public transport. A system of bus on demand exists in most of these valley. It needs to register 24 hour in advance and the relatively low amount of collecting point makes the efficiency very low. The consequence is an important car dependency that we can observe by looking at the average number of car per household. Only the hyper centre of Marseille seems to have an accessibility good enough to have an average number of car below one, while most of the territory in-between score above two cars per household. Important to notice is that in

Above 60% of household 1 car

with more than

30% to 60% of household 1 car

with more than

most of the main cities centres, there is still a need of around one car per household. Consequently, as David Mangin wrote in La metropole par le projet “Aix-Marseille Provence has been developed for and by the car : we talk car, we think car.“. The car dependency is the main aspect of the failure of the public transport policy. Nevertheless, it is important to understand why. The axis that structure it exist because it has a reality, in term of political will to merge the two main centralities in one functional urban areas, maybe less in term of socio-economic construction of the territory.

What I mean is that, if we consider that 70% of the commuting are done to go to work or university, and 85% do not exceed 10km, the commuting pattern shouldn’t represent a classical star shaped connecting centres to centres, even though Aixen-Provence and Marseille are separated by more around 30km, but as a fine polycentric network connecting where people live to where they work and consume.

First, it is true that looking at the amount of commerce per inhabitant and commercial centres, the axis AixMarseille-Aubagne is a relative reality. The obvious

High amount of commerce

Amenities

Low amount of commerce

At least 1 supermarket

unequal distribution of commerce might give food for thought, especially in term of territories cruelly lacking of amenities. It could be cause one of a high car dependency.

Second, six cluster of different nature exist in the territory in-between. They represent the main employers of this territory while only 15% of the worker of Marseille work outside Marseille. Without neglecting that indeed, a lot of people living in the territory in-between are working in Marseille or Aixen-Provence, it means that we are facing jobs that are quite local and draw polycentric job geography

and an amount of exchange between Marseille and its hinterland very low. In contrary, Marseille will probably be more represented as centralized job geography. This question is summarized in the last map of the page and explains the contradiction with the public transport structure.

Finally, it is no more than the contradiction of the pipe network and the sponge network, and the different economic development they structure that produce congestion, car dependency and unequal distribution of amenities across the territory.

Proportion Job/Dweilling Jobs cluster Excess : Job

Dweilling

Commuting Pattern

49

Photos source: Antoine Canazzi

Marseille’s northern district

50

Mountain massif of the Baume, above Aubagne

Aix-en-Provence TGV train station at the Arbois plateau

Aix-en-Provence TGV train station at the Arbois plateau

51

A metropolitan scale socio-spatial segregation

Youngest particularly touched by unemployment

Toward a knowledge economy inadapted to population

24% of the population is under the poverty line which makes Aix-Marseille educational level Provence the most inequal french metropoliis Aix-Marseille Provence suffers from a lack

of

33,000

intellectual

and highly educated workers in order to reach the level of comparable metropolis

Commercial

Tertiary

Industry

Micro-electronic

After the infrastructure and the economic development, I will describe the social landscape that the spatial development is building.

Aix-Marseille Provence is known as the most unequal French metropolis. Indeed, 24% of the population is under the poverty rate, 22.6% of the active 15-29 years old are unemployed and 45% have low or no formation. Suffering from these issues and facing the competition between metropolitan areas in order to develop a strong knowledge based economy, the metropolis is betting on intellectual and high skill jobs development.

“Euroméditerranée“ project

Concentration high or low skill workers Unemployment

52

Industry worker & Employee

Intellectual & high skill worker

Concentration age class 15-29 years old

30-59 years old

What does happen where the socioeconomic profil is changing ? Low skill worker do not turn into high skill worker easily.

We can observe from the map an opposition between traditional industry workers and employee concentrated in Marseille, Gardanne and Aubagne, and the rest of the territory. That’s why the project “Euromediterranée“ is supposed to counter balance this and attract investor and offices jobs for high skill workers in the city centre of Marseille. This strategy do not address the question of the poverty.

In contrary, it triggers important socio-cultural change. Beside, another segregation appears for the population above 30 years old, concentrated in the territory in-between. This age distinction will

Social housing % in 2013

Increase

of

the

unemployment

if

no

formation toward higher skill job

Move

essentially to

Marseille

because of

remaining traditional industries and cheap working class neighborhood

be an issue in a close future because it would turn into an increase of 41% of the population beyond 60 years old expected in 2040.

Finally, it is a socio-spatial distinction into socially homogeneous areas that is on-going. Bernardo Secchi described it very well in his book La ville des riches et la ville des pauvres, MetisPresses edition, 2013, “The movement toward the diffuse city, which has as a corollary the abandonment of city centre and a large part of the dense city to new immigrant extraEuropean, and the development of an urban social mosaic are two aspect of the same policy of social

Dynamic high skill workers since 1999

segregation, which has spatial consequences and consequences at different scale: at a metropolitan level, the separation between rich and poor end up with two model of development, the dispersion in one hand, and in the other hand, the concentration into specific urban areas; at the city scale, the concentration becomes the segregation of some neighbourhoods“, in our case, the northern district of Marseille.

Territory in mutation from a majority of low skill worker

0.0

16.0

Law 25%

41

Decreasing

Increasing

to high skill worker

53

The mining basin of Provence, the persistent socio-symbolical structure

These social mutations of the territory, especially those in-between Aix-en-Provence and Marseille are consequences as explained of the change of the economic development. However, Marseille and its hinterland are strong from an old popular and cosmopolite culture that differentiates it from Aix-en-Provence for example. The industrial and mine history have let non negligible traces.

Closed in 2003, the exploitation of the lignite, a low quality of coal, lasted since the XVth century.

First, it has let physical elements. The main sites still have buildings like warehouse and tripod for the wells. Some are in very good shape. Indeed, for example, the tripod of the well Z has been built in 1989 for the coal extraction, followed by the tripod Yvon Moranda, for the access of the worker to the tunnel. It has also let the former railway. It has been maintained in good condition as emergency line for the army. Some activities also remain there due to the former mines, like a thermal energy power plant, which was using the coal, and an alumina extraction industry, which are rejecting red mud to the sea via a pipe following the former railway.

Second, since the mines closed, the unity of the basin is less understood and the transformation of the territory is split by the influence of the axis Aix54

Marseille-Aubagne. Indeed, two major projects are on-going in the basin. First, in 2013 in the SCOT of the former EPCI of Aubagne, it is planned to the reuse of part of the former railway to provide public transport, today not existing at all, along the valley. It would be a tram-train. Second, the well Yvon Moranda is in the centre of important project due to its position on the train line between Aix-enProvence and Marseille. Indeed, the construction of a research centre devoted to geology, a school of microelectronic and a business incubator for startup, is under construction on the 14ha of the former mine site.

Finally, it is interesting to notice that the former railway was connecting the different wells to Marseille via Aubagne. In the old maps, the axis Aix-en-Provence to Marseille doesn’t existing; it is more like a loop shape network, locating the mine basin as an intermediary territory.

The recent end of the mines and the hierarchization of the territory with the dominance of the axis AixMarseille-Aubagne has open deep transformation of the territory in-between Aix-en-Provence and Marseille, and is today like a deposit of former structure that have lost purpose.

55

Photos source: Antoine Canazzi

Well Z, Gardanne

56

Thermal energy power plant, Gardanne

Former railway, Peypin - Front

Former railway, Peypin - Back

57

58

Description - Summary Problem Statement

In the territories in-between, strong topography that has shaped urban and ecosystem, particularly competing for space in a context of dispersed urbanization made, essentially, of individual housing.

Inefficient infrastructure due to congestion, with under served valley

with important car dependancy

Aging population and socio-spatial segregation, especially touching young and low skill population, in territories sociologically mutating

59

The Implicit scenario

In April 2014, a consultation was led about the metropolitan territorial project. During nine months, three international and interdisciplinary teams worked on visions for the new metropolis: DEVILLERS (Christian Devillers, Jean Viard,...), LIN (Fin Geipel) and SEURA (David Mangin). I have mapped the proposals of each team to understand the consequences of each, and then overlapped them to highlight the implicit project they are drawing : a strong focus on the axis Aix-en-Provence to Marseille. This possible future composes an ongoing movement of merging the two cities into one.

60

DEVILLERS and SEURA both support a relatively protective and constraining approach of the land consumption, especially on agricultural land and floodable areas, while emphasizing the concentration along major infrastructure. Those would be whatever upgraded as an intensive automatic metro line for DEVILLERS or better interconnected to favour the modal transfer for SEURA. They both understand Plan-de-Campagne as a potential new city at the crossroads of all hard infrastructures.

Only LIN shows a different approach of the question.

They integrate the concept of resiliency through the design of multifunctional landscape. Resiliency for them means integrating the change instead of resisting to it, in order to be able to protect the essential. Thus, they reroute the hierarchical logic of the territory’s development to emphasize the natural structure of the river as potential slow mobility spongy network distributing the development, while the interface with major landscape “monument“ would serve as buffer between metropolitan functions and protected nature.

The 3 proposals illustrate well the contemporary dilemma, from over concentration to bargain with the existing and finally to radical change of paradigme. In a more simplified way, it describes two scenarios: the implicit scenario of concentration and the scenario of dispersion. This is the paradigm I would like to develop in the following work.

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Methodology - the scenario as an exploration

The scenario is a method that has several forms and interpretations.

The aims of this the method also differ from one another.

Taking its roots from the idea of Utopia, which appears in 1516 with Thomas Moore, the scenario is a method of visualizing alternative future. In the utopian way, it is used as a critical tool to visualize one credible world making echo to ours. In that way, the described world carry a critical vision to our society. The modern movement tended to use it in that way too, however, in contrast with Thomas Moore, the modern included it also as a tool to design the future society.

Thus, in his book The city of the twenties century, published in 2005 by Recherches editions, Bernardo Secchi introduce the two main “utopia“ of the modern movement, in one hand Broadacre city of Franck Lloyd Wright, and in the other hand La ville radieuse of Le Corbusier. They are, according to him, an effort of extreme imagination 62

trying to make converge, in one manifesto, the reflections, ideas and experimentations of this generation of modern architect, in order to visualize a possible future.

It is in this “possible“ and “alternative“ future that lay down the notion of scenario. In the 1962, during the cold war, Herman Kahn published Thinking the Unthinkable, a book about geostrategy where for the first time the scenario is clearly highlighted as a strategic tool. How to plan what doesn’t seem possible, but is definitively credible, like a nuclear attack, in order to be ready and react efficiently. It is in the same way that the oil company Shell adopted the method. Indeed, in a context of multiple crisis where even traditional corporation felt they could fall due to a high uncertainty of the future, Shell shifted from the idea of prognosis, predict the future, even though this “truth“ was never sure, to the idea of planning what could happen, in order

to be ready to react quickly to the event (Lindgren&Bandhold, 2003).

The scenario is used to test the system, a system analysis tool, in order to face risk that the system will encounter.

If the use of scenario as strategic tool is an important dimension, “utopia“ has also a critical dimension, so does the scenario.

Around 1990, the notion of vision appeared in parallel to the strategic scenario. The idea was through the collective construction of a visualization of a desirable future, the vision would build consensus. The vision suffers from the simplification of the rhetoric in order to gather opposite interest together. However, the scenario does not suffer simplification.

Indeed, the different alternative versions draw a complex vision of the future, highlighting the key elements to influence in order to choose to go toward one or another future. In that sense, beside the strategic and through the critical dimensions, the scenario appears as a political tool for

decision making.

Decision can only be taken in the frame of the known or imagine. The scenario answer to this constraint as a “hypothetic construction that answer the necessity to guide action in situation of lack of explanation and incomplete body of experimentation” (Vigano,2010). What is highlighted is the explorative capacity of the scenario. It is an exploration beyond the clear actual body of knowledge, but built through it.

Seen as strategic method of planning or political method of making clear possibilities, the scenario has a large variety of uses and methods of application, but a quite regular way of construction.

I will provide an overview of different definition and technics in order to frame the methodology I will follow for this thesis.

Mats Lindgren and Hans Bandhold, in 2003, published Scenario planning : the link between future and strategy.

In their book they provide several definitions of the scenario method coming from different authors. The easiest define it as an internally consistent view of what the future might turn out to be (Michael Porter, 1985). In a more complete definition we find Peter Schwarz in 1991 who see it as a tool for ordering one’s perception about alternative future environments in which one’s decision might be played out right. Following the same idea, Paul Shoemaker, in 1995, defined it as a disciplined method for imagining possible futures in which organizational decisions may be played out. If the first definition doesn’t clearly show the final aim of the scenario making, the two other

let appear their strategic and decision oriented nature. There is a target, the “one” who decide, the pretext is the decision that has to be taken or will have to, and the scenario is used to explore possible or alternative context in which the one would takes its decision. The scenario is here a strategic exploration of the possible future. This definition approach has been developed from the 70’s in the field of strategic planning and still be valuable in the economic field. From the 90’s especially, the understanding of scenario tools has been opened to larger field. In 2006, L.Börjeson, M.Höjer, KH.Dreborg, T.Ekvall and G.Finnveden, in an article named Scenario types and techniques: Towards a user’s guide, defined six different types of scenario classified into three main categories : Predictive, Explorative and Normative.

It corresponds basically to three different questions you could ask : what will happen (if) ? What can happen ? How

can a specific target be reached ?

All those types agree on few mains points : A scenario is not a vision, it is not about desirable future, even though normative scenario could use vision as a first step to define a target. A good scenario has consistency, it provides useful insights for the question asked.

The aim is not the scenario itself but the reasoning it opens. In that sense, the scenario has a critical and argumentative nature, and is never about right or wrong answer. A good scenario is plausible, to be useful, and multiple, to address the complexity of the possible. They need to be structurally and qualitatively different to clearly differentiate alternative futures and not secondary futures

Scheme Scenario type Source: Scenario types and techniques: Towards a user’s guide, L.Börjeson, M.Höjer, KH.Dreborg, T.Ekvall & G.Finnveden, 2006

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All those types of scenario methods follow the same kind of technics consisting on three steps : generation of ideas and gathering of data, integration of them into wholes and checking the consistency of the scenarios.

The first step, the generation of ideas and gathering of data is about analysing, whatever the method, and ending up with a diagnostic of possible problems. No analyse will ever be able to be a perfect definition of the reality.

It is also a subjective construction of the designer. Paola Vigano talks about the description as already a design tool as it calls for “identifying situations and building relationship with them. It proposes a way to read that makes use of anomalies, discontinuities and differences, or in contrary about underlying structures of order, repetition, that supposes pre-existing rules.” The second step, the integration into a whole, mean building a coherent interpretation of 64

the systemic cause of these problems.

The reference to a system will help as it is building a model following principles, connecting variables together and defining their causal relationship. Then, it is possible by influencing variables to produce consistent scenarios. For example, by extrapolating two variables you create a set of possible futures between them.

It will highlight the stable elements between each scenario, and the one that always change. The choice of the variable is determinant as it frames and guides the exploration as they are providing conjecture. The conjecture is what give credibility to the scenario.

Finally, the third step is the checking of the consistency. It is not oriented toward producing scenarios but testing the logic and the relevance of the scenarios produced according to the question at stake. CrossImpact Analysis or Morphological Field Analysis are two examples of technic. The first focus on causality

while the other focus on co-existence of scenarios. If two scenario can exist in the same story telling, they are not differentiated enough and so irrelevant. Whatever the method, confronting the different scenarios together is the best way to be sure of the consistency of each.

In general, the predictive scenarios category is the one used by urban planner, even though a grey area separates predictive and explorative scenarios. The policy maker for example would probably use more the normative scenario, but not only, it can be used also as a form of fatalistic depiction of the future. Paola Vigano, in her book The territories of urbanism” published in 2010 by Officina Edizioni, talk about the novel Looking backward 2000-1887 of Edward Bellamy in 1888, as one of the most famous example of this kind of scenario. Indeed, the author begin from the description of a society in

2000 and explore the step the society has followed to get there. By opposing the vision of this future society to the present one, already raised the critical ideas of the 19th century’s society that will build the modern movement.

In contrary, Predictive scenario tries to understand what will happen in the future following two possible conditions. The forecasts suppose a continuity of the current development while the what if suppose an event that will break this continuity and re-orient the development toward different scheme. It is these differences between predictive approach and explorative approach that differentiate the two characters of the scenario, strategic or critical.

Luciano Vettoretto, in an article named Scenarios : an introduction, some case studies, and some research prospects, give a quite different definition of the scenario method than what we’ve seen previously. He defines it as a form of pondering future, qualitative,

normative, non predictive and argumentative form. He describes it as a story telling about possible futures, hypothesis used to mobilize stakeholder. The scenario is for him part of the family of the game boarding simulation technics. It keeps from it its pedagogical and argumentative nature that helps to build understanding within complex context. He argues that by activating the discussion, the scenario method is oriented toward the collective reasoning and learning process, and so toward the production of common meaning. In that term, instead of being decision oriented like the strategic scenario approach, the scenario is thought actors oriented.

The qualitative aspect of the scenario directly relate to its subjectivity due to the lack of causal theory in the field of urban planning. In another way, Bernardo Secchi talk about the “over determination” of the urban phenomenon. One consequence cannot be related to one specific

cause, but many things could be read as part of a causal story ending up to a well known consequence.

Conceding this non causal obviousness, integrated models trying to mime the reality tend to reduce the possible options while the scenario could be in contrary a way to open the possible. Luciano Vettoretto argues for a “poetic model”. Le città invisibili, written by Italo Calvino in 1972 tend to explore this “poetic model” imagining 61 different “scenarios” of cities, all developing a poetic aspect of Venice to propose another reading of the space and trigger the reflection.

Above all, this approach of the scenario method emphasized the value of social interaction. The conflict could be highlighted and disciplined through the right rules like a board game. The scenario is oriented toward learning instead of controlling. It is a way of reasoning with complexity and toward efficiency in term of knowledge production. It affects the collective

imagination in term of interest, agenda, perspective...

Through alternative scenarios exploration, the consensus is not what the scenario method aims for. It produces a more complex and more open image of the future. Instead of reducing it to what is common, it opens it to what is not common. Scenario method is seen as an utopic union of collective imagination and reality that brings urban planner closer to artistic matter than to rigorously scientific practices (Vettoretto).

Le Città invisibili, Italo Calvino, 1972 Source: http://www.postcardcult.com

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In this thesis, I am going to demonstrate the complementarity and so the integration of the territories in-between in the metropolitan system. To do so, I will challenge them with the goal of finding answer to the metropolitan socio-economic segregation. The scenario is used to trigger the possibility of a project by exploring the questions raised by the growth of population in a territory.

Two possible scenario comes out

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from this. The vision proposed in the book La métropole par le projet, Aix-Marseille-Provence (Parenthèses editions, Laurent Théry, 2016) by the three team of designer, define an implicit scenarios, it is the “what will happen ?“ question, and the LIN Scenario that I will use to explore an alternative strategy, it is the “what can happen ?“ under the form of a whatif question. The idea is to shift the core of the discussion toward more

critical aspects and re-built opposition between two models of development that tend to be hidden by the consensual visioning method used in the book. It is a confrontation between the concentration and the dispersion or distributed model, in term of spatial organization of the territory. I will explicit three related questions: the mobility of the inhabitants, the opportunities embedded in the territories in-between and the

morphology of the urban form according to the relationship it builds with the open-spaces and in itself between different social groups.

Finally, the scenario’s final goals is to explore another strategy of development possible for the territories in-between, especially thought through the scope of fighting the social segregation happening in the metropolis.

The scenario

2013

2040

Hypothesis

1,835,730inhabitants

+200,000inhabitants

+- 100,000

+- 100,000

What if, in 2040, the population in the territories in-between increase from about 100 000 inhabitants ?

What

if this population growth was

concentrated, as it is supposed by

the implicit scenario, along the Aix-en-Provence-Marseille ?

axis

What if this population growth was

fairly distributed accross the cities

in-between Aix-en-Provence Marseille ?

and

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The scenario tendancies, questions and opportunities

Several questions are raised from this scenario, from the conjectures previously described and from the potential answer the territory could find.

What does it means 100,000 new inhabitants in a territory of dispersion ? First of all, it is around 43,480 new households to accommodate.

According to the urban form it can mean completely different thing.

From a porous and permeable tissue

of houses organized by the sponge road network to a modern tower concentrating cars on its bottom and efficiently connected to a pipe, it is completely different product, but not different density.

The question of the car is crucial.

43,480 households, counting a low average of 1.3 car per households correspond to 56,522 new cars. If the car raised always the question of the congestion, it is sometimes forgotten

as a spatial question in the urban form. The car as much as a mobile as immobile question. A concentrate urban form means a collective parking, inside or not. It also raises the question of the space devoted to car and their potential ability to change their usage in case of mobility paradigm shift toward collective transportation. The urban form should also be able to anticipate this question.

Finally, the urban form has to deal

?

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*considering the french average for an individual house : 115m2 within a land of 1025m2

with the question of the social mixity as much as the diversity of lifestyle.

The high price of the land and a tissue of individual houses ownership is a limit in term of development of social mixity. The mutation of the tissue will be at stake in order to open it to more diversity.

100,000 new inhabitants it is also the question of the composition of this new group.

According to the conjecture, an aging and high skilled population will live in the territory in-between in 2040. Will this new population follow this scheme ? Can we influence it by developing the potential for social mixity, like the economic potential making use of low skill workers ? According to the previous description, we can analyse seven potential economic field to develop. First, the aging population could open healthcare oriented economy, toward reducing the dependancy of elders. In that sense, it is also the question of the car dependency that could propel the development of public transport or demand responsive collective transportation, like taxi or Uber system. Second, new inhabitants means new buildings. The economy of construction is also another potential leverage. The choice of the urban form will also determine a certain quality of company and workers to execute it. This lead us the third potential, the local resources like agriculture can be strenghten, or re-thought as urban agriculture. The wood also could serve to the construction, to heating system or to industrial transformation. Finally, the mines constitute a network of places connected by a former infrastructure. The re-thought of this heritage could also bring economic development or structure the future one.

?

?

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To conclude, the scenario propose to explore the condition of a radical shift of paradigm.

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2 models

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Strategy’s principle

Metropolitan infrastructure driver

The scenario of continuity is infrastructure based. Metropolitan scale “pipes“ play a crucial role in the dispersion of the metropolitan economic clusters. “On the way to...“ is highlighting the dependency of the territory in-between to external attractors.

Indeed, it produces a sort of opportunistic urbanization led by the accessibility to the metropolitan network. The “pipe“ network, by selecting the few exit, propels unequal economic development.

Quid of the car dependency

Quid of the link to the stations

Moreover, it does not bring clear answer to the car dependency.

The main bet is on potential transfert from car to train at multimodal hub. However, it is really difficult to estimate the proportion of modal shift that would justify the investment on more public transport. Still, the number and access to the multimodal hub remain unanswered. An example is the issue of the parking or the space taken by the car in general that design an hostile urban environment around those hub.

Landscape fragmentation

Functional fragmentation

Furthermore, it can constitues an environmental threat as it crosses green corridors and fragment the landscape patches.

The fragmentation do not appears only in term of environment.

Local economies often are weakened by such urban model while metropolitan monofunctional clusters are often more adapted.

Together with predominantly individual houses urban form, it organizes a disconnection, everyday bigger, between local complexity and metropolitan dispersion.

Hypothesis

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Finally, the individual owner house, the car dependency, which has a cost for households, and the strong metropolitan knowledge oriented economy to the detriment of local lower skill economy, are causing a metropolitan social segregation. Indeed, it is more difficult for poorer population to rent an apartment, to move essentially by car and to have access to low skill job opportunities.

The scenario of discontinuity is based on landscape as structure for the urban development. Like in LIN scenario, the rivers as landscape structure would play a crucial role in connecting urban settlements and clusters. “within“ is highlights the territory as a coherent interrelated whole, more than a periphery. Landscape “sponge“ would aim to equilibrate metropolitan and local relationship by reinforcing integration and local opportunities.

Rivers as urban connector

Reinforcing local economy

In one hand, the rivers are clear structure to develop slow mobility as it follows the easiest topograpgy. At metropolitan scale, it would design a territorial slow mobility network connecting local city centres and metropolitan economic clusters. This mobility network would be a support to re-orient urban development away from “pipes“, turning the motorway network to backyard.

An emphasis has to be put on the complementarity of the slow mobility and public transport in order to articulate the transfer from one to another.

Rivers structuring slow mobility

Complementary bicycle strategy

In the other hand, re-orienting urban development along rivers would requires an active policy on river banks in order to not damage the ecosystem. At territorial scale, it would means protecting the river system as green corridor, improving ecological connectivity.

At local scale, the open-spaces related to the rivers would benefit of particular attention, like preservation of agricultural lands, valorization of un-used open-spaces within urban areas in order to organize densification around and brownfield conversion, local business incubator, commerce or cultural facilities.

Rivers as ecological corridors

Rivers as multifunctional landscape

Finally, organized densification, metropolitan slow mobility network and valorization of local opportunities could counteract the territorial social segregation. Indeed, opportunity for apartments and social housing, in areas that are less car dependent, that allows cheaper slower mobility to access local and metropolitan job opportunities, could slow down the phenomenon.

Hypothesis

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Exploration of the scenario of discontinuity

To develop the scenario acordingly to our alternative strategy, I will explore three potential projects organized in two territories in-between Aixen-Provence and Marseille : the Gardanne’s plain and the Arc’s valley that connect to the Huveaune’s valley.

Those two sites are different by their situation according to the main cities.

We will see that it has produced

specific form of dispersion, a suburban process and a rurban process, that need to be address according to our strategy in different ways. Sometime it will suppose to densfied and diversify monofunctional residential low density slab, or redevelop brownfield along river path in relation to city’s development, or in contrary, re-open urbanized land for agriculture in order to organize

Gardanne’s plain

Arc’s Valley

the densification and structuration of territorial opportunities. Finally, the two territories are distinct by their topography that do not open the same possiblities for the slow mobility network development.

Huveaune’s Valley

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Gardanne’s Plain

I will develop first the Gardanne’s plain strategy and then the Arc’s valley, three examples of potential projects.

The densification will be explored in term of realistic goals in a given period, setting possible, urban form and economic potential.

First, the Gardanne’s plain is a hilly territory in-between Les Milles Airport and Gardanne city that is suffering from a process of suburbanisation, which produce monofunctional urbanized slab. We can observe here some industrial, residential or even offices slab, disconnected from any centrality. Two reasons can explain this morphology. Firstly, the topography play a role. Indeed, the middle-age historical centres used to be on top of hills, sorrounded by forests and cliffs, in order to see the

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enemi coming from far. But today, it is a major disconnection sometime hard to solve between mixed-use dense centre and individual houses monofunctional tissue. Secondly, the “pipes“ that connect Marseille to Aix-en-Provence cross this plain, providing a high accessibility to the metropolitan facilities like airports, port and major cities. The plain is an interesting place of rejection of the metropolitan clusters, on cheap agricultural lands. However, if the surburbanization is one consequence, the important “pipes“ that cross it have other consequences for local development and sustainability: the fragmentation. Indeed, they define large room that can be difficult to cross, while the distribution of the function through the territory imposes a high

mobility. It ends up into the already analyzed high car dependency that reinforce the monofunctionality and the dependency of the local economy to the metropolitan one as a form of only residential economy. It is a perfect example of the scenario of continuity, based on infrastructure driven urban development.

Les Milles

Luynes

Bouc-bel-Air

Simiane Gardanne

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A

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An alternative strategy is also another way of representing the territory. The map should show a different hierarchy and emphasis in order to back up another set of arguments. In our case, the open-spaces, grey and green, along the water system and “pipes“ are of particular interest. Green open-spaces are sport fields, open lands with low vegetation or none, agricultural lands and remaining open-land due to infrastructure. Grey open-spaces are brownfiels and parkings areas.

Two criterias have to be taken to hierarchize the the potential areas of intervention: value of the ecological corridor, relative to the green patches it connects, and land pressure on open-spaces due to probable urban development. Four areas, in Gardanne’s plain, seem to be potential intervention areas. First, around the village of Les Milles, the land pressure is important due to the airport and the regional road. Already, major commercial and industrial areas have been developed along the Arc river. The village has no other choice than expending West, toward the airport, keep on reducing the room for river’s flood and building on agricultural land. Second, From Luynes to Les Milles industrial cluster. The river stream going to Gardanne is one of 78

the most threaten by water pollution, partly due to Gardanne’s Alumine factory. It’s ecological value as corridor is important in order to connect the forest massif of Foncouverte, east Luynes, to the larger Metropolitan ecological structure carried by the Arc river. The issues in term of land pressure are of two different nature. In one hand, the industrial areas of Les Milles is expending on agricultural land toward the highway exit. In the other hand, south Luynes will probably be urbanized, on agricultural land again. Indeed, this area is hosting a educational complexe, middle school and highschool, with sport facilities, built recently. It could be the first act of an increasing urban pressure on open-spaces south Luynes. Third, Gardanne is crossed South to West by a river with high flood potential. Like in Luynes, a commercial and educational infrastructure has recently been built in the other side of the railway, in an agricultural area. Parallely, the former mine site is turning into a new economic cluster. However, in the same time, the industrial area south Gardanne, in-between the railway and the river is under threat due to the important pollution it produces. Finally, the plain between Simiane and Bouc-bell-Air is facing an expending residential urbanization going

along the regional road, while large part of it is on floodable land.

The case of the brownfield in Gardanne will be explored because it represent an important potential of densification with a very active role of the metropolis in the governance of such project.

Then, the case of the plain between Simiane and Bouc-bel-Air will also be explored as an example of common situation and potential method of densification and in the same time of structuration.

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Gardanne’s Brownfield

Photos source: Antoine Canazzi

Gardanne southern entrance

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GardanneÂťs central promenade

Gardanne’s station neighbourhood

Gardanne’s Alumine Factory

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First of all, the brownfield concerned isn’t inactive today.

It is an alumine factory named Alteo Alumina, which is an important actor of the local and metropolitan economy.

They are extracting alumine, which is an important chemical component used in many technology like alluminium or LCD, screen from Bauxite accordingly to a process named Bayer cycle. This process has been invented at the end of the XIXth century and apply for the first time in the world in this factory. However, it produces a dangerous pollution called red mud. Part of it is stored close by, while the other is rejected 7km away from the coast, in the national park of the Calanque. In 2014, the license to reject this pollution in the sea is facing difficulties since the minister of environment didn’t agree to renew it, which threaten the future of the factory

35,35 ha

of polluted ground

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Low-rise spacious strip development blocks Low-rise compact strip development blocks Mid-rise open building blocks Mid-rise spacious building blocks Mid-rise compact building blocks Mid-rise closed building blocks Mid-rise super blocks High-rise developments

Individual houses 2 floors in average 1 family: 2,5 inhab Surface: 115m2

Narrow low collective 3 floors in average 2 families/floor Famillies: 2,3 inhab Surface: 70m2/family

Mid-rise h collective 4 floors in average 15 families/floor famillies: 2,3 inhab Surface: 90m2/family

Mid-rise v collective 8 floors in average 5 families/floor famillies: 2,3 inhab Surface: 90m2/family

Second of all, the treatment of the polluted soil will need a phasing. First, close the station, we would remove the polluted soil in order to create quickly a public space, entrance to the rest. Second, the site would be split, according to the degree of pollution due to the part of the chemical process happening there. The soil treatment using plants would be applied. Finally, it will be released step by step, allowing denser re-development close the station while the other parts are still treated. The graph shows a capacity of 25.000 new inhabitants. If we consider only the 35ha, with only mid-rise collective housing we can still keep open spaces for water, parcs and public spaces.

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Fourth, the industrial inheritage should play role as contextual attractor for other kind of activities like cultural, tertiary or office business. Their function of landmark integrated in the process of transformation coud be an asset. For example, a network of bridge connect the whole site to the other side of the road, where there is a water reservoir. These bridge serve as much to move people than to carry pipes for water and caustic soda to the different components of the site. Because it is only punctually touching the ground, we could imagine maintaining them during the soil treatment, keeping access in the 84

same time to the upper level of preserved buildings.

It could be a way of redeveloping activities during the soil treatment process. If necessary or possible, light, temporary structure could be added in order to host activities or people. In a longer term, these structure would disappear and only serve as transitory situation before building the collective housing on clean land. In that matter, the project De Ceuvel cafe, in Amsterdam is an interesting reference. Indeed, it is a project of occupation of a polluted land while being naturally treated. In order to do that, Beta architecture and Delva landscape

architects proposed to build light temporary buildings, using boat shell as foundation. These will be remove after 20 years and the site will be redevelop while the activity never stopped or better, became an important driver for imagining the new neighbourhood. In our case, the boat doesn’t make sense, but the main point is not to build foundation in polluted ground, which can be achieve by reusing existing foundation and not taking away all the buildings in once, in contrary, making use of them during the process.

Fifth, to lead such project, a strong and integrated governance could be an advantage. Following the model of governance used for the EuromediterranÊe project in Marseille, it would be creating an institution centralizing the decision to take, where private actors like the actual land owner, but also future investor or railway company, but also civil society that can be represented by NGO giving advice on the environmental aspect of the project development, or citizens association representative of Gardanne, would sit with Gardanne’s local government and the metropolitan government.

Probably, by the intermediary of the metropolis, the national government, especially the minister of transportation and of environment, would be involved in the decision making process. Such

governance structure has proven in Marseille its efficiency to negotiate complex situation and drive efficiently ambitious project. This would only be possible if understanding that this site can have an impact beyond Gardanne and be a major driver of economic development.

Finally, beyond the difficulty, such site has the biggest potential and could represent a great example of complementarity between local and metropolitan.

Source: http://delva.la/projecten/zuiverend-park-de-ceuvel-amsterdam/

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Bouc-bel-Air/Simiane residential slab Photos source: Antoine Canazzi

Around Bouc-bel-Air

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Simiane station

View from Bouc-bel-Air

From Les Milles industrial areas to Bouc-bel-Air - Front

From Les Milles industrial areas to Bouc-bel-Air - Back

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The second case is the plain between Simiane and Bouc-bel-Air. It is a more common situation than Gardanne’s brownfield, but also a complex case.

Indeed, there is no major actors in the area that is essentially made of middle class individual houses with garden around and surrounded by wall.

The urban is clearly spreading on agricultural lands, while the flooding risk is serious. If the agricultural pattern is old and supplied with an efficient irrigation system, there is no water storage that could delay the water race in case of violent rain. In that 90

case the floodable open-spaces are important, but two of the three river arms have been urbanized and piped.

In our strategy, making use of them could be of great benefit and design a structure of public space, able to store water and provide spatial hierarchy.

Indeed, if we want to densify, and so reduce the individual houses, we need to preserve strategic collective openspaces.

The mains access to the area are the railway station and the regional roads that separate the two cities.

This station is the gateway to the

metropolitan railway network. Paul Stouten and Herman Rosenboom set in Urban regeneration in Lyon, connectivity and social exclusion, “A neighbourhood needs not only networks within the area, but also needs well provided connections with the other parts of the region ” in order to prevent social segregation, positive or negative. Another way to hightlight it as a major hub of the network.

According to or strategy, the rivers are spatial structure, that cross these neigbourhoods, building an axis for slow mobility and use the potential

open space to strengthen activities along it.

The crossing, from one side of the infrastructure to the other, well connected to both metropolitan “pipes“ and local “sponge“, is a place highly accessible that could be part of a bigger territorial device like in the example of Seattle olympic sculpture park, where the passage from one side to the other is museum garden and a landmark.

Low-rise spacious strip development blocks Low-rise compact strip development blocks Mid-rise open building blocks Mid-rise spacious building blocks

Low-rise spacious strip

Low-rise compact strip

Mid-rise open building

development blocks

development blocks

blocks

Mid-rise compact building blocks Mid-rise closed building blocks Mid-rise super blocks High-rise developments

Increase FSI

Increase GSI

The main issue of the densification here is that the potentials are in the hands of private individuals. In that sens, it is difficult to accomplish precise goals. The graph explicit the potential of three extreme scenarios of densification. What if we set as goal to add one floor in average in the overall area ? What if we urbanized 50% more ground following the same urban form, which means reducing the space between the houses ? Or what if we do both ?

None of these scenario is realisticaly practicable on the whole area, but the three can constitute goals for specific areas. For example, a goal of OSR=1 around public spaces, which mean an equilibrium between open-space and built pressure. In order to succeed, in the areas concerned, the aim would be to have one more floor and 50% more built ground around the public spaces. The two other options could be used in one hand for areas where water is running off, on hill in order to not block the flow or in contrary, increase the ground obstacle in order to channel it to specific floodable areas.

In a more technical way, it is about increasing the FSI of the area or the

GSI. Four types of operations can be imagined in this framework of action.

The first lays on social housing builder essentially and would mean increasing FSI by buying a land with a house in it and replacing it by a higher apartment buildings. Another essentially public, or private in contract, operation would be to divide two plots to create a third one in-between, that can be sold to private or social housing corporation.

Mechanically, the size of the garden being smaller and the size of the house too, it would produce more economically accessible housing.

The private initiative could also be supported with incentives, even if the essentially middle-class sociology make the incentive less attractive. The private could whatever increase FSI by adding one floor that can be rented or increase the GSI by adding, on the side of the property, an apartment.

How to make this mechanic work ?

Seattle Olympic Sculpture Park

Source: http://orarchitects.com

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To build the famous Vauban neighbour, in Fribourgen-Brisgau, Germany, a specific governance structure was imagined, involving citizen representative as influential actors in the process of decision making.

It remains one of the best example of participation and co-production of urban project I know. The same kind of structure could be imagined in our case, putting together reprensentant of the civil society and public authorities in order to lead the negotiation with private builders and the policy of incentives that can be applied to private individuals.

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the public authority should be distinguish in two, the local governments concerned in the plain of Gardanne in one side, and with the same weight, the metropolitan authority on the other.

The metropolitan authority has a voice on overall development coherency between the different cities involved in such process of densification and has an influence to any project close a railway station. In the same time, it is an important actor in negociation for opening new station.

In Simiane to Bouc-bel-Air plain, an sample has been

B

B’

chosen due to the presence of small commerces and a primary school that defines it as a potential centrality that isn’t spatially organized like one.

Space along the river would be open in order to produce public spaces that will collect and hold the water before releasing it into the river. the bicycle lane going along the river would connect them to the overall project. The public spaces would open different kind of possibilities in term of densification, around OSR=1, and play the role of attractor for activities. In one side a parking would be water

A A’

A A’

storage and punctually a market place, while the other side would be a park, using the slope in the design of an attractive water related public space.

The park, close the school and commerce, could reorient the entrance, especially of the school, making the park and the river central in the composition.

The river that is today running in the backyard of the house, would be thought as frontyard, while the roads, even if complementary device, would be turned into backyard.

Finally, such design process and institutional

framework could be applied to several suburban residential slab in order to introduce complexity in open possibility of densification in their typical extremely rigid tissue. The water flood risk is an argument of authority in the first step of the process while the densification should be negotiate all along with the residents.

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The Arc’s valley Second and last, the Arc’s valley, along the Grand Vallat stream, is different from the Gardanne’s plain as it isn’t a suburban highly accessible territory suffering from monofunctional slab in floodable areas and lack of centralities.

In the contrary, it is an urbanisation not made of slab but by motheating agricultural lands with private individual houses, maintaining the tissue very porous. The centralities, especially of Fuveau and Gréasque still play an important role as they concentrate all the attractive facilities and industry, except Rousset microelectronic cluster down the valley.

They are surrounded by but no “pipe“

is fragmenting the territory and separating centralities from peripheric extensions, while connecting them in less than 30 minutes to the major cites around. This description make it fit in the definition of a rurban territory.

Two points have to be set. First, it is also part of the mine basin and in our frame, two major are included : the well Germain in Saint Savournin and the well Hély d’Oissel. This last one has been transformed into a museum in 2000. This historical background has let miners worker neighbour, quite characteristic, and a former railway as already explained. This railway was connecting Aubagne to the station

Rousset

Mimet Châteauneuf-le-Rouge

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of La Barque, down the valley, and also be used in such situation, in order then Gardanne and Aix-en-Provence. to structure potential densification This station and railway section were and valorize local opportunities. closed in 1969. Second, the Grand Vallat river stream in connecting the three villages, Fuveau, Gréasque and Saint Savournin, but no important road is. Indeed, the roads go in parallel to the slope, along the mountain.

This distinguish the landform from Gardanne’s plain where topography wasn’t an important obstacle to bicycle mobility development.

I will first explain how the slow mobility network could still work with the topography, then focus on how the alternative strategy developed could

Fuveau

Gréasque

Saint-Savournin

Marseille

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First of all, the scenario proposes an input which is the arrival of new population in the area. This would allow the re-opening of La Barque train station down the Arc’s valley. In the other side of the massif, in the Huveaune‘s valley, an investment is already scheduled to redevelop a tramway on the former train line that would connect Aubagne to La Bouilladisse.

For the inhabitants of the area, whatever La Bouilladisse tramway or La Barque train station are access to the metropolitan network. The strategy will try to answer the question of how to connect them and limit the car use.

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To do so the metropolis could help developing a shuttle bus that connect the two railway station. The former railway line could be part of the device, especially for the bicycle mobility as it is an itinerary with a earthwork already done in order to take the best slope.

However, the dispersion of the habitat would still be a limit if there isn’t more support to bicycle mobility. Two proposal can complete the device.

First, adapting the shuttle bus with bike rack, in order to bring the bikes up back. Indeed, if going down wouldn’t be an issue, riding up the mountain is a segregative situation, limiting bicycle development. In this proposal,

the inhabitants would be able to reach the stations by bike and use the shuttle bus to drive up hill, on a level where it is acceptable to take the bike back and complete the journey to their homes.

Second, the dispersion of habitats is a multiplication of situations that the shuttle bus equipped with rack cannot always answered. Punctually, it would be interesting to develop cyclocable in order to cross obstacle of steed slope.

The cyclocable is an invention of the 1990’s by Norvegian engineer that has been redeveloped in the 2010’s by a French company called POMA. The pinciple is the same as a ski lift. It is a cable in the ground pulling a sole

you’re using to ride up hill.

All together, shuttle bus rack, cyclocable, re-opening of the station, it would support a decrease of the car dependency in the area, one of the identified factors of social segregation.

It requires a level of transversal governance that the metropolis can carry efficiently.

Shuttle bus with rack

Cyclocable punctually for important slope

Source: http://cycle-works.com

Source: http://www.poma.net

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Second of all, along the Arc river, here, seems to be a highly productive valley, with large agricultural plot and the Micro electronic cluster of Rousset, while, beyond the railway, on the slope, the open-spaces are scattered and the agricultural lands anecdotal.

Framed by the forest, most of the unbuilt lands are private gardens.

Surprinsigly, this configuration is a quite recent evolution. Indeed, in the map the agricultural lands in 1979, we can see that most of the agriculture has disappeared. It fits with the sociological evolution pointed out, more skilled worker, triggered by Rousset’s cluster. Moreover, it is questioning the model of development benefitting to industrial productive farming. In that sense, we will do more than organizing the diversity, but also re-open lands for agriculture along Grand Vallat stream, and so re-introduce low skill activities in agriculture and commercial activities. I will develop the idea on a selected sample in-between Fuveau and GrÊasque.

Agricultural lands in aerial photos of 1979

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In-between Fuveau and GrĂŠasque, the agricultural mix Photos source: Antoine Canazzi

View from Saint Savournin to Gardanne

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Agricultural land close Fuveau

Garrigue vegetation

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Along the river’s stream, few agricultural lands remain. In 30 years, Gréasque, the southern villages, lost all its agriculture, passinf from more that 20 farms to none today. The agricultural lands have let some irrigation water structure, but not very developed according to Gréasque presentation report of the PLU (Strategic planning). Thus, two limits exist. In one hand, we can count 1994-1995-1996-1997, 2000 and 2003 as recent flooding episode due to run off water not canalized. In the other hand, drought is quite common, even the river stream isn’t visible all year long. Fuveau has a water reservoir that collect and distribute water by gravitation, but no such structure exist in Gréasque and higher. It means that agriculture development is connected to the development of a strategy to retain and store water locally. Another aspect is the quality of the soil. According to Gréasque PLU, only one area, in our frame along the river system, has good aptitude to redevelop agriculture.

I will explain how densification and redevelopment of agriculture can not be a contradiction.

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Soil aptitude for agriculture weak

average

Good

Area of calculation

Source: http://www.ville-greasque.fr

The governance of such project (next page) has to be done at an inter-communal level, crossing administrative border. The metropolis can difficultly address this scale that need to be negotiate locally, land after land.

The main idea is beginning with an assumption analyzed earlier, like what if we count essentially families living in the area today, in 2040, the elder population over 60 years old will 41% more important. Different level of dependency can appear at this age and the inter-communality could propose to be an unavoidable intermediary before taking any action and provides a form of helps for these population. It means, in one case, if the old people cannot take care of their garden or part of it, the inter-communality could propose to rent part of it in order to rent it back to a selected farmer. The advantage is economic, but also the insurance for the land owners to keep the land open, it won’t be urbanized, and they can still enjoy their house and a garden they can manage. Different insurance in term of environmental rules can be taken for the selection of the local farmer. In an other case, the old people could decide to sale. The

inter-communality could propose to buy 30% of the land, for agriculture, and to sale the rest to the social housing corporation. The old people could find back an apartment in this collective housing leave. But it is only after analysis of these options that the owner can decide to sale to a private individual who won’t change anything to the situation.

In this governance, it is difficult to anticipate the land released and the potential densification. However, we could set reasonable goal. For instance, if we succeed to double the average floor, today around 1 in this area, and build only 30% more ground, due to the change of urban form, we could host double of the population existing in the area, while maintaining a porous tissue nested with agricultural field.

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First, he floodable area shows the malfunction of the water inhabitant. Following the logic of the alternative strategy, system. the bicycle network would connect them while following Second, in this area we have three slopes. I propose to the former railway and the water system. organize the flows via two rings channel, collecting the water running off from the hills, and draining them to an open-space turned into reservoir. In case of violent rain and an amount of water too important, two other openspaces, lower , would serve as safety valve and be able to be flooded.

Third, from this water irrigation system, a structure of connected open-spaces can turn into agricultural land, Governance principle at the discretion of the opportunities negotiated with the 106

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Conclusion - Reflection

In conclusion, the aim of this thesis was to demonstrate the potential complementarity of the selected territories in-between in Aix-MarseilleProvence metropolis and thus demonstrate the potential relevance of the construction of a metropolis crossed by deep contradictions and contrasts in each of the territorial systems that organized it, environmental, economical and sociological. By putting the emphasis on the potential complementarity, I aimed to back up the hypothesis of an interdependency between urban, rural and in-between territories, characteristic of a metropolitan system and so justifying the metropolitan governance. In order to do so I’ve taken the scope of the socio-spatial segregation analyzed as a consequence of metropolitan mechanism, for an important part due to car dependency, predominance of a single urban form and economic specialization, and proposed to develop an alternative 108

strategy based on the landscape characteristic of the territories inbetween. Those are, first, the mix of open-spaces and urbanized area, and second, infrastructure fragmentation contradicting landscape and historic spatial structure. The strategy mainly focused on the three problems: mobility, necessary densification and economic potential. The method of the scenario was used to trigger an exploration of this strategy in the territories in-between.

Finally, I will, first, reflect on the result of this exploration that tried to always put in parallel the potential of the projects and the role the metropolis could play in supporting them. Then I will reflect on the specificity of this metropolis, in term of governance, and what could be improved.

Firstly, each case developed addressed a different scale of project, from the metropolitan major operation to thin incremental more or less participative densification. If the metropolitan

governance seems inevitable in carrying these major operations in territories in-between, its relevance is weakened while carrying local development project. Indeed, in this case, a more flexible intercommunal cooperation appeared as a more efficient answer. The role of organizing mobility, especially public transportation, in each case keeps its relevance, for example for negotiating the opening of railway station or shuttle bus. However, if strategic direction can be expressed at metropolitan level, the spongeous linking of the dispersed urbanisation to the stations via bicycle line has to be negotiated at local level, which supposed a cooperation. This cooperation we have seen can be organized in two ways, by creating an new authority, besides the common inter-communal or municipal one, where the different actors involved can work on the project solely, cities and metropolis at the same level with private and/

or civil society representative, or set strategic goals and let the intercommunality lead the negotiation independently.

The relationship between local government and metropolitan governance appeared as a key to unlock potentialities in the territories in-between. Their economic development and their capacity to build more social housing within the already urbanized areas, taking their part in the fight against socio-spatial segregation, can be dependent on this relationship as it strengthen political and economical influence during the negotiation. To the question, do the territories in-between need a metropolitan governance, these cases show that they don’t need another decisional layer but a partner to support local initiatives.

Secondly, the governance model of the metropolis in France isn’t homogeneous. Daniel Béhar, in an article called Paris, Lyon, Marseille : la gouvernance métropolitaine entre standardisation et differenciation, published in metropolitiques. eu in 2014, is highlighting the still experimental aspect of the metropolitan governance in France.

Indeed, each of these three case is testing a different level of verticality in the decision making process.

Indeed, Grand Paris is, for instance, strongly dependent on national government, short cutting sometime the metropolitan governance, while Grand Lyon seems to have succeed the construction of an integrated metropolitan government led by Lyon and making useless the departmental

level. It is this last example that the national government tried to imposed in Marseille and that has produced strong opposition. Thus, it is a more horizontal governance that seems to be negotiated, even if questions remain on the weight of Marseille in the metropolitan assembly.

Finally, this exploration has been led on one sample of the metropolis, only around one landscape core, but should also be led for the others territories in-between in order to test the consistency of the metropolitan project around Berre’s pond, another territory challenging the idea of the construction of a metropolitan governance.

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