Culture Management 2008 Vol 1 (1)

Page 1

Editor in-Chief Emil Orzechowski

Table of Contents

Scientific Secretary £ukasz Gawe³

Introduction ............................................................... 7

Editorial Board Peter Bendixen (Istanbul) Ivars Berzin , (Riga) Milena Dragiæeviæ- e ic (Belgrad) Danuta Glondys (Cracow) Dorota Ilczuk (Warsaw) Levan Khetaguri (Tbilisi) Kazimierz Krzysztofek (Warsaw) Krzysztof Ple niarowicz (Cracow) Ma³gorzata Sternal (Cracow) Mathias Theodor Vogt (Görlitz) Lech Witkowski (Bydgoszcz)

About the Philosophical Foundations of the Theory of Cultural Management ........................................... 9

Editorial Staff Alicja Kêdziora Katarzyna Kopeæ

Image and Reputation. Basics of Company Communications ..................................................... 26

Adjustment Katarzyna Kolowca-Chmura Editorial Office Address Rynek G³ówny 8 31-042 Cracow Tel. +48 12 411 47 84 kultura@uj.edu.pl

Emil Orzechowski

Peter Bendixen

Education in Culture Management Offered by Schools of Higher Education Between the Requirements of Theory and the Needs of Practice ................................................................ 17 Birgit Mandel

Cultural Goods or Culture as Goods Deliberations in the Economic Perspective ......... 21 Katherine Nölling

Eugen Buß

Definitions of Cultural Policies ................................ 37 Sanjin Dragojeviæ

Models of Cultural Policy and Types of State Participation in Cultural Policy-Making: Proposed Classifications ......................................... 46 Nataliya Medvedchuk

Institutional Transformation and Decentralization as a New Approach and Structuralization of Relations on Decision-Making Grounds .............. 55 Ivars Berzin ,

© Copyright by Jagiellonian University Department of Cultural Management Cracow 2008 All rights reserved The magazine is financed by: Jagiellonian University Office for the City of Cracow Marshal of the Ma³opolskie Voivodeship (Ars Quaerendi Prize) Attyka Publishing House W. ¯eleñskiego Str. 29 31 353 Cracow Tel. +48 784 017 142, +48 784 017 143 biuro@attyka.net.pl ISBN 978-83-926248-5-1

Festivals as an Investment for the Future of the Serbian Society ............................ 64 Jelena Jankovic

Reform of Serbian Museums through Art Projects ................................................ 73 Marijana Cvetkovic

The Heritage of the Kaliningrad District Prospects and Challenges .................................... 86 Oksana Boytsova

Basic Problems of the Third Sector Development in the Cultural Sphere of the Belarusian Republic ...................................... 92 Larysa Asmalovskaya

Should Theaters be Taxed? .................................... 100 Vladimir Kreck

Report on the Symposium Urban Culture. Strategies of the Cultural Policy in Central Europe on the Occasion of the Decennial Existence of the Culture and Management Program at the University of Applied Sciences Zittau-Görlitz September 30 October 2, 2007 ............................ 102 Manuela Lück

Manuela Lück

ISBN 978-83-926248-5-1 Attyka Publishing House W. ¯eleñskiego Str. 29 31 353 Cracow Tel. +48 784 017 142, +48 784 017 143 biuro@attyka.net.pl The magazine is financed by: Jagiellonian University Office for the City of Cracow Marshal of the Ma³opolskie Voivodeship (Ars Quaerendi Prize) © Copyright by Jagiellonian University Department of Cultural Management Cracow 2008 All rights reserved

Report on the Symposium Urban Culture. Strategies of the Cultural Policy in Central Europe on the Occasion of the Decennial Existence of the Culture and Management Program at the University of Applied Sciences Zittau-Görlitz September 30 October 2, 2007 ............................ 102 Vladimir Kreck

Should Theaters be Taxed? .................................... 100 Larysa Asmalovskaya

Basic Problems of the Third Sector Development in the Cultural Sphere of the Belarusian Republic ...................................... 92 Oksana Boytsova

The Heritage of the Kaliningrad District Prospects and Challenges .................................... 86 Marijana Cvetkovic

Reform of Serbian Museums through Art Projects ................................................ 73 Jelena Jankovic

Festivals as an Investment for the Future of the Serbian Society ............................ 64 Ivars Berzin ,

Editorial Office Address Rynek G³ówny 8 31-042 Cracow Tel. +48 12 411 47 84 kultura@uj.edu.pl Adjustment Katarzyna Kolowca-Chmura Editorial Staff Alicja Kêdziora Katarzyna Kopeæ Editorial Board Peter Bendixen (Istanbul) Ivars Berzin , (Riga) Milena Dragiæeviæ- e ic (Belgrad) Danuta Glondys (Cracow) Dorota Ilczuk (Warsaw) Levan Khetaguri (Tbilisi) Kazimierz Krzysztofek (Warsaw) Krzysztof Ple niarowicz (Cracow) Ma³gorzata Sternal (Cracow) Mathias Theodor Vogt (Görlitz) Lech Witkowski (Bydgoszcz) Scientific Secretary £ukasz Gawe³ Editor in-Chief Emil Orzechowski

Institutional Transformation and Decentralization as a New Approach and Structuralization of Relations on Decision-Making Grounds .............. 55 Nataliya Medvedchuk

Models of Cultural Policy and Types of State Participation in Cultural Policy-Making: Proposed Classifications ......................................... 46 Sanjin Dragojeviæ

Definitions of Cultural Policies ................................ 37 Eugen Buß

Image and Reputation. Basics of Company Communications ..................................................... 26 Katherine Nölling

Cultural Goods or Culture as Goods Deliberations in the Economic Perspective ......... 21 Birgit Mandel

Education in Culture Management Offered by Schools of Higher Education Between the Requirements of Theory and the Needs of Practice ................................................................ 17 Peter Bendixen

About the Philosophical Foundations of the Theory of Cultural Management ........................................... 9 Emil Orzechowski

Introduction ............................................................... 7

Table of Contents


Image und Reputation. Die Eckpfeiler der Unternehmenskommunikation ............................ 127

Das Erbe des Bezirks Königsberg Chancen und Probleme ....................................................... 193

Definitionen der Kulturpolitik .............................. 138

Reform der serbischen Museen mit Hilfe von Kunstprojekten ................................ 178 Image und Reputation. Die Eckpfeiler der Unternehmenskommunikation ............................ 127

Hauptprobleme der Entwicklung des dritten Sektors im Bereich der Kultur in der Republik Weißrussland ........................................................ 200

Kulturgut oder Kultur als Gut Betrachtungen aus ökonomischer Sicht ........... 122 Über einige philosophische Grundlagen einer Theorie des Kulturmanagements ...................... 109 Emil Orzechowski

Einführung .......................................................... 107

Wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter £ukasz Gawe³

Inhalt

Chefredakteur Emil Orzechowski

Manuela Lück

Peter Bendixen

Bericht zum Symposium Stadtkultur. Strategien der Kulturpolitik in Mitteleuropa aus Anlass des 10-jährigen Bestehens des Studiengangs Kultur und Management der Hochschule Zittau-Görlitz, 30. September 2. Oktober 2007 .... 211

Kulturmanagement-Ausbildung an Universitäten zwischen Theorienansprüchen und den Anforderungen der kulturellen Praxis ................. 117

Vladimir Kreck

Birgit Mandel

Zur Diskussion gestellt: Umsatzsteuerpflicht für Theater? ........................ 209

Katherine Nölling

ISBN 978-83-926248-5-1

Larysa Osmo³owska

Eugen Buß

Attyka Verlag ul. W. ¯eleñskiego 29 31-353 Kraków Tel. +48 784 017 142, +48 784 017 143 biuro@attyka.net.pl

Oksana Boytsova

Redaktionskomitee Peter Bendixen (Istanbul) Ivars Berzin , (Riga) Milena Dragiæeviæ- e ic (Belgrad) Danuta Glondys (Kraków) Dorota Ilczuk (Warszawa) Levan Khetaguri (Tbilisi) Kazimierz Krzysztofek (Warszawa) Krzysztof Ple niarowicz (Kraków) Ma³gorzata Sternal (Kraków) Matthias Theodor Vogt (Görlitz) Lech Witkowski (Bydgoszcz)

Definitionen der Kulturpolitik .............................. 138

Die Halbjahresschrift wird von der Jagiellonen Universität, dem Stadtamt in Kraków und dem Marschall der Woiwodschaft Ma³opolska (Ars Quaerendi Preis) mitfinanziert.

Sanjin Dragojeviæ

Das Erbe des Bezirks Königsberg Chancen und Probleme ....................................................... 193

Marijana Cvetkovic

Redaktion Alicja Kêdziora Katarzyna Kopeæ

Reform der serbischen Museen mit Hilfe von Kunstprojekten ................................ 178

Korrektur Katarzyna Kolowca-Chmura

Jelena Jankovic

Modele der Kulturpolitik und Anteilnahme des Staates an Kulturpolitik: Vorschläge der Klassifizierung ............................................... 148

Festspiele als Zukunftsinvestition der serbischen Gesellschaft the Future of the Serbian Society ......................... 167

Nataliya Medvedchuk

Ivars Berzin ,

Institutionelle Transformation und Dezentralisierung als Neuformulierung und -strukturierung der Beziehungen auf den Entscheidungsebenen ............................. 158

Institutionelle Transformation und Dezentralisierung als Neuformulierung und -strukturierung der Beziehungen auf den Entscheidungsebenen ............................. 158

Redaktionsadresse Rynek G³ówny 8 31-042 Kraków Tel. +48 12 411 47 84 kultura@uj.edu.pl

Nataliya Medvedchuk

Ivars Berzin ,

Modele der Kulturpolitik und Anteilnahme des Staates an Kulturpolitik: Vorschläge der Klassifizierung ............................................... 148

Festspiele als Zukunftsinvestition der serbischen Gesellschaft the Future of the Serbian Society ......................... 167

Sanjin Dragojeviæ

Jelena Jankovic

Eugen Buß

© Copyright by Uniwersytet Jagielloñski Katedra Zarz¹dzania Kultur¹ Kraków 2008 All rights reserved

Katherine Nölling

Marijana Cvetkovic

Birgit Mandel

Oksana Boytsova

© Copyright by Uniwersytet Jagielloñski Katedra Zarz¹dzania Kultur¹ Kraków 2008 All rights reserved

Kulturgut oder Kultur als Gut Betrachtungen aus ökonomischer Sicht ........... 122

Hauptprobleme der Entwicklung des dritten Sektors im Bereich der Kultur in der Republik Weißrussland ........................................................ 200

Redaktionsadresse Rynek G³ówny 8 31-042 Kraków Tel. +48 12 411 47 84 kultura@uj.edu.pl

Larysa Osmo³owska

Korrektur Katarzyna Kolowca-Chmura

Kulturmanagement-Ausbildung an Universitäten zwischen Theorienansprüchen und den Anforderungen der kulturellen Praxis ................. 117

Die Halbjahresschrift wird von der Jagiellonen Universität, dem Stadtamt in Kraków und dem Marschall der Woiwodschaft Ma³opolska (Ars Quaerendi Preis) mitfinanziert.

Redaktion Alicja Kêdziora Katarzyna Kopeæ

Peter Bendixen

Zur Diskussion gestellt: Umsatzsteuerpflicht für Theater? ........................ 209

Über einige philosophische Grundlagen einer Theorie des Kulturmanagements ...................... 109

Vladimir Kreck

Redaktionskomitee Peter Bendixen (Istanbul) Ivars Berzin , (Riga) Milena Dragiæeviæ- e ic (Belgrad) Danuta Glondys (Kraków) Dorota Ilczuk (Warszawa) Levan Khetaguri (Tbilisi) Kazimierz Krzysztofek (Warszawa) Krzysztof Ple niarowicz (Kraków) Ma³gorzata Sternal (Kraków) Matthias Theodor Vogt (Görlitz) Lech Witkowski (Bydgoszcz)

Emil Orzechowski

Attyka Verlag ul. W. ¯eleñskiego 29 31-353 Kraków Tel. +48 784 017 142, +48 784 017 143 biuro@attyka.net.pl

Einführung .......................................................... 107

Bericht zum Symposium Stadtkultur. Strategien der Kulturpolitik in Mitteleuropa aus Anlass des 10-jährigen Bestehens des Studiengangs Kultur und Management der Hochschule Zittau-Görlitz, 30. September 2. Oktober 2007 .... 211

Wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter £ukasz Gawe³

Manuela Lück

Inhalt

ISBN 978-83-926248-5-1

Chefredakteur Emil Orzechowski


Redaktor naczelny Emil Orzechowski

Spis tre ci

Sekretarz naukowy £ukasz Gawe³

Wstêp ..................................................................... 217

Komitet redakcyjny: Peter Bendixen (Stambu³) Ivars Berzin , (Ryga) Milena Dragicevic-Sesic (Belgrad) Danuta Glondys (Kraków) Dorota Ilczuk (Warszawa) Levan Khetaguri (Tbilisi) Kazimierz Krzysztofek (Warszawa) Krzysztof Ple niarowicz (Kraków) Ma³gorzata Sternal (Kraków) Matthias Theodor Vogt (Görlitz) Lech Witkowski (Bydgoszcz)

O filozoficznych fundamentach teorii zarz¹dzania kultur¹ ..................................... 219

Redakcja Alicja Kêdziora Katarzyna Kopeæ Korekta Katarzyna Kolowca-Chmura

Emil Orzechowski

Peter Bendixen

Kszta³cenie w zakresie zarz¹dzania kultur¹ w szko³ach wy¿szych miêdzy wymogami teorii a potrzebami praktyki .................................. 227 Birgit Mandel

Dobro kultury czy kultura jako dobro rozwa¿ania w ujêciu ekonomicznym .................. 232 Katherine Nölling

Wizerunek i reputacja. Podstawy komunikacji przedsiêbiorstwa ................................................... 237 Eugen Buß

Definicje polityki kulturalnej ................................. 248 Sanjin Dragojevic

Modele polityki kulturalnej a rodzaje uczestnictwa w niej pañstwa: propozycje klasyfikacji ........................................... 257 Nataliya Medvedchuk

Adres Redakcji Rynek G³ówny 8 31-042 Kraków tel. +48 12 411 47 84 kultura@uj.edu.pl

Transformacja instytucjonalna oraz decentralizacja jako nowe ujêcie i ustrukturyzowanie relacji na p³aszczyznach decyzyjnych ................... 266 Ivars Berzin ,

Festiwale jako inwestycja w przysz³o æ spo³eczeñstwa serbskiego .................................... 275 Jelena Jankovic

© Copyright by Uniwersytet Jagielloñski Katedra Zarz¹dzania Kultur¹ Kraków 2008 All rights reserved

Reformowanie serbskich muzeów poprzez projekty zwi¹zane ze sztuk¹ .................... 285

Pismo finansowane przez: Uniwersytet Jagielloñski Urz¹d Miasta Krakowa Marsza³ka Województwa Ma³opolskiego (Nagroda Ars Quaerendi)

Oksana Boytsova

Wydawnictwo Attyka ul. W. ¯eleñskiego 29 31 353 Kraków tel. +48 784 017 142, +48 784 017 143 biuro@attyka.net.pl ISBN 978-83-926248-5-1

Marijana Cvetkoviæ

Dziedzictwo Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego szanse i problemy ............................................... 299 Podstawowe problemy rozwoju trzeciego sektora w sferze kultury w Republice Bia³orusi ................ 305 Larysa Osmo³owska

Czy teatry powinny byæ opodatkowane? ............... 314 Vladimir Kreck

Sprawozdanie z sympozjum Kultura miejska. Strategie polityki kulturalnej w Europie rodkowej z okazji 10-lecia kierunku studiów kultura i zarz¹dzanie w Wy¿szej Szkole w ¯ytawie/Görlitz (30 IX 2 X 2007) ......................... 316 Manuela Lück

ISBN 978-83-926248-5-1 Wydawnictwo Attyka ul. W. ¯eleñskiego 29 31 353 Kraków tel. +48 784 017 142, +48 784 017 143 biuro@attyka.net.pl Pismo finansowane przez: Uniwersytet Jagielloñski Urz¹d Miasta Krakowa Marsza³ka Województwa Ma³opolskiego (Nagroda Ars Quaerendi) © Copyright by Uniwersytet Jagielloñski Katedra Zarz¹dzania Kultur¹ Kraków 2008 All rights reserved Adres Redakcji Rynek G³ówny 8 31-042 Kraków tel. +48 12 411 47 84 kultura@uj.edu.pl

Manuela Lück

Sprawozdanie z sympozjum Kultura miejska. Strategie polityki kulturalnej w Europie rodkowej z okazji 10-lecia kierunku studiów kultura i zarz¹dzanie w Wy¿szej Szkole w ¯ytawie/Görlitz (30 IX 2 X 2007) ......................... 316 Vladimir Kreck

Czy teatry powinny byæ opodatkowane? ............... 314 Larysa Osmo³owska

Podstawowe problemy rozwoju trzeciego sektora w sferze kultury w Republice Bia³orusi ................ 305 Oksana Boytsova

Dziedzictwo Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego szanse i problemy ............................................... 299 Marijana Cvetkoviæ

Reformowanie serbskich muzeów poprzez projekty zwi¹zane ze sztuk¹ .................... 285 Jelena Jankovic

Festiwale jako inwestycja w przysz³o æ spo³eczeñstwa serbskiego .................................... 275 Ivars Berzin ,

Transformacja instytucjonalna oraz decentralizacja jako nowe ujêcie i ustrukturyzowanie relacji na p³aszczyznach decyzyjnych ................... 266 Nataliya Medvedchuk

Korekta Katarzyna Kolowca-Chmura Redakcja Alicja Kêdziora Katarzyna Kopeæ Komitet redakcyjny: Peter Bendixen (Stambu³) Ivars Berzin , (Ryga) Milena Dragicevic-Sesic (Belgrad) Danuta Glondys (Kraków) Dorota Ilczuk (Warszawa) Levan Khetaguri (Tbilisi) Kazimierz Krzysztofek (Warszawa) Krzysztof Ple niarowicz (Kraków) Ma³gorzata Sternal (Kraków) Matthias Theodor Vogt (Görlitz) Lech Witkowski (Bydgoszcz) Sekretarz naukowy £ukasz Gawe³ Redaktor naczelny Emil Orzechowski

Modele polityki kulturalnej a rodzaje uczestnictwa w niej pañstwa: propozycje klasyfikacji ........................................... 257 Sanjin Dragojevic

Definicje polityki kulturalnej ................................. 248 Eugen Buß

Wizerunek i reputacja. Podstawy komunikacji przedsiêbiorstwa ................................................... 237 Katherine Nölling

Dobro kultury czy kultura jako dobro rozwa¿ania w ujêciu ekonomicznym .................. 232 Birgit Mandel

Kszta³cenie w zakresie zarz¹dzania kultur¹ w szko³ach wy¿szych miêdzy wymogami teorii a potrzebami praktyki .................................. 227 Peter Bendixen

O filozoficznych fundamentach teorii zarz¹dzania kultur¹ ..................................... 219 Emil Orzechowski

Wstêp ..................................................................... 217

Spis tre ci



CULTURE MANAGEMENT

CULTURE MANAGEMENT



7

Culture Managemen 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Introduction Emil Orzechowski Translated by Pawe³ Szlachta

Allea iacta est the die has been cast and so be it. The first magazine in Eastern Europe (or Central Europe as some prefer it) dealing with the issues of the culture management became flesh, as embodied by this issue.

A

magazine like that has been needed for a long time, but for many reasons it did not come to be. This is, in fact, characteristic for the European way of co-operating in cultural matters. The two models: the Western one, based on the entrepreneurship and the rules of management and the Eastern one based on the dictate of the ideologically charged cultural policy and its implementation controlled through censorship, only came together in 1989. In the East, it resulted in many attempts at adapting the Western model to the local circumstances. Experienced culture managers form UK, Holland, France and Germany willingly shared their knowledge with us. There came about a great number of courses, workshops and seminars where tens and maybe even hundreds of the up until now kierowniks (executive directors) were learning what it means to be managers and how to substitute the socialist central planning with the entrepreneurship, limited only by the rules of rational management. As part of the trainers for trainers program, the Western colleagues showed us not only their know-how , but also a lot of materials necessary for training new staff of culture managers. This is why it was possible to publish the materials from the seminar of the International Center of Culture in Cracow Culture Management in 1995 with the important papers form the American, British, Dutch and German specialists. It is also why we were able to publish, in Polish, the basic books of Giep Hagoort, Peter Bendixen and Mark J. Shuster. These are the works intensively used in sharing the knowledge about the culture management.

Culture Managemen 2008, Vol 1 (1)

A

nd this is where problem number one shows up. Despite the Bologne Declarations, the educational systems of the Western and East-Central Europe differ significantly. And not in their essence but in the organisational matters. The difference between the flexible versus the rigid educational systems on the B.A. and M.A. levels does not foster a full international cooperation and the exchange of students as well as teachers. The more urgent is the need for full access to the best papers and teaching aids. However, such publications must take into account the local reality.

A

nd this is where problem number two shows up. The Western specialist publications seem to completely ignore the realities of the Eastern and Central Europe. So there is absolutely no exchange of opinions, popularisation of the worthy solutions or mutual inspiration. And this is the main reason why our magazine is much needed, indeed seems necessary.

I

t seems indispensable because of the huge development of the academic studies in the field of culture management in the countries of Eastern and Central Europe, which are developing in three different ways: as fully international programs (Belgrade, Görlitz), as partnership studies (Riga-Hamburg), and as mainly local offering (Cracow, Tbilisi, Istanbul). This diversity of teaching programs is the reason for the composition of the editorial staff of this magazine. We hope that this diversity will result in the attractiveness of the papers published therein. Their publication is necessary if we want to successfully develop the academic teams that deal with the matters of culture management and the related issues, such as cultural policy, cultural diplomacy, economics of culture and animation of culture, and so forth. It is only through the exchange of ideas

7

magazine like that has been needed for a long time, but for many reasons it did not come to be. This is, in fact, characteristic for the European way of co-operating in cultural matters. The two models: the Western one, based on the entrepreneurship and the rules of management and the Eastern one based on the dictate of the ideologically charged cultural policy and its implementation controlled through censorship, only came together in 1989. In the East, it resulted in many attempts at adapting the Western model to the local circumstances. Experienced culture managers form UK, Holland, France and Germany willingly shared their knowledge with us. There came about a great number of courses, workshops and seminars where tens and maybe even hundreds of the up until now kierowniks (executive directors) were learning what it means to be managers and how to substitute the socialist central planning with the entrepreneurship, limited only by the rules of rational management. As part of the trainers for trainers program, the Western colleagues showed us not only their know-how , but also a lot of materials necessary for training new staff of culture managers. This is why it was possible to publish the materials from the seminar of the International Center of Culture in Cracow Culture Management in 1995 with the important papers form the American, British, Dutch and German specialists. It is also why we were able to publish, in Polish, the basic books of Giep Hagoort, Peter Bendixen and Mark J. Shuster. These are the works intensively used in sharing the knowledge about the culture management.

A

Allea iacta est the die has been cast and so be it. The first magazine in Eastern Europe (or Central Europe as some prefer it) dealing with the issues of the culture management became flesh, as embodied by this issue.

t seems indispensable because of the huge development of the academic studies in the field of culture management in the countries of Eastern and Central Europe, which are developing in three different ways: as fully international programs (Belgrade, Görlitz), as partnership studies (Riga-Hamburg), and as mainly local offering (Cracow, Tbilisi, Istanbul). This diversity of teaching programs is the reason for the composition of the editorial staff of this magazine. We hope that this diversity will result in the attractiveness of the papers published therein. Their publication is necessary if we want to successfully develop the academic teams that deal with the matters of culture management and the related issues, such as cultural policy, cultural diplomacy, economics of culture and animation of culture, and so forth. It is only through the exchange of ideas

I

nd this is where problem number two shows up. The Western specialist publications seem to completely ignore the realities of the Eastern and Central Europe. So there is absolutely no exchange of opinions, popularisation of the worthy solutions or mutual inspiration. And this is the main reason why our magazine is much needed, indeed seems necessary.

A

nd this is where problem number one shows up. Despite the Bologne Declarations, the educational systems of the Western and East-Central Europe differ significantly. And not in their essence but in the organisational matters. The difference between the flexible versus the rigid educational systems on the B.A. and M.A. levels does not foster a full international cooperation and the exchange of students as well as teachers. The more urgent is the need for full access to the best papers and teaching aids. However, such publications must take into account the local reality.

A

Translated by Pawe³ Szlachta

Emil Orzechowski

Introduction


8

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Management Kulturmanagement , the Department of Culture Management cooperates with several significant partners (they will present their outlines in the second number of the magazine). Today, it is right thing to mention them: University of Arts in Belgrade Latvian Academy of Culture in Riga Institute of Cultural Infrastructure Saxony in Görlitz Yeditepe University in Istanbul Shota Rustaveli Theatre and Film University Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

and their confrontation on the international level, that it is possible to develop the educational process for the new (and modern) specialists. Cracow and the Jagiellonian University take on the risk of publishing this magazine. It does so not because it deserves this honour thanks to its age, but because here, there is certain openness towards such an initiative, a guarantee of relative stability and a solid base (including publishing experience).

* * * 8

D

e hope you will find this issue useful and we look forward to your reaction.

T

W

he first issue of our magazine may be thematically diverse; it s because we wanted to present the specifics of our partners. The forthcoming issues will gradually become thematically focused around the uncountable management problems in the field of culture. We will take special care to present the attention worthy case studies as well as publishing works of our younger colleagues, who are working on their PhD thesis.

e will be thankful for any comments, hints and polemics raised by the content and form of this first issue of our new magazine.

T

W

he initiators of this magazine look forward to intellectual cooperation with important scientific centres, specializing in cultural management (including politicians of the local level). The circle of authors, as well as readers, will include institutions and individuals cooperating as ourselves with European networks, such as: ENCATC or CIRCLE.

he initiators of this magazine look forward to intellectual cooperation with important scientific centres, specializing in cultural management (including politicians of the local level). The circle of authors, as well as readers, will include institutions and individuals cooperating as ourselves with European networks, such as: ENCATC or CIRCLE.

e will be thankful for any comments, hints and polemics raised by the content and form of this first issue of our new magazine.

T

W

he first issue of our magazine may be thematically diverse; it s because we wanted to present the specifics of our partners. The forthcoming issues will gradually become thematically focused around the uncountable management problems in the field of culture. We will take special care to present the attention worthy case studies as well as publishing works of our younger colleagues, who are working on their PhD thesis.

epartment of Culture Management of the Complex Departments of Culture Studies at the Jagiellonian University (which soon will be transformed into the Culture Institute UJ) is based in the Faculty of Management and Social Communication UJ. It has seven employees, all with at least a PhD, (in majority from the field of human sciences, management specialty). This is important information: Management and Social Communication Faculty is the only one in Poland (and probably as far as we know in this part of Europe) to have the rights to nominate professors, award habilitation and PhD degrees in human sciences, management specialty. It allows, also for candidates from abroad, being able to achieve full academic rights in this field, and thereby opens up the possibility to create new study programmes at their own universities. The Chair of Cultural Management offers studies in the field of Cultural Management at B.A., M.A., and PhD levels, as well as postgraduate studies. Thanks to the financial help of the Cracow Municipality, the Department has been publishing for nine years an annual called Cultural Management ; this magazine is going to be, in a way, a continuation of that initiative in international dimension.

n the new undertaking, which is trilingual magazine Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ Culture

T

e hope you will find this issue useful and we look forward to your reaction.

I

* * *

W

epartment of Culture Management of the Complex Departments of Culture Studies at the Jagiellonian University (which soon will be transformed into the Culture Institute UJ) is based in the Faculty of Management and Social Communication UJ. It has seven employees, all with at least a PhD, (in majority from the field of human sciences, management specialty). This is important information: Management and Social Communication Faculty is the only one in Poland (and probably as far as we know in this part of Europe) to have the rights to nominate professors, award habilitation and PhD degrees in human sciences, management specialty. It allows, also for candidates from abroad, being able to achieve full academic rights in this field, and thereby opens up the possibility to create new study programmes at their own universities. The Chair of Cultural Management offers studies in the field of Cultural Management at B.A., M.A., and PhD levels, as well as postgraduate studies. Thanks to the financial help of the Cracow Municipality, the Department has been publishing for nine years an annual called Cultural Management ; this magazine is going to be, in a way, a continuation of that initiative in international dimension.

n the new undertaking, which is trilingual magazine Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ Culture

D

Management Kulturmanagement , the Department of Culture Management cooperates with several significant partners (they will present their outlines in the second number of the magazine). Today, it is right thing to mention them: University of Arts in Belgrade Latvian Academy of Culture in Riga Institute of Cultural Infrastructure Saxony in Görlitz Yeditepe University in Istanbul Shota Rustaveli Theatre and Film University

I

and their confrontation on the international level, that it is possible to develop the educational process for the new (and modern) specialists. Cracow and the Jagiellonian University take on the risk of publishing this magazine. It does so not because it deserves this honour thanks to its age, but because here, there is certain openness towards such an initiative, a guarantee of relative stability and a solid base (including publishing experience).


9

Culture Managemen 2008, Vol 1 (1)

About the Philosophical Foundations of the Theory of Cultural Management Peter Bendixen Translated by Aleksandra Rosiñska & Pawe³ Szlachta

Theoretical Background

C

ultural management is a young academic discipline which still does not have a sound theoretical basis. In a conceptual and methodological sense, the management of culture lies between the two well-established science and research disciplines culture studies and economic sciences. These are, however, relatively weak methodologically. Today, cultural management has been taught at universities for over 20 years, and the question has arisen as to whether the time has come to provide some sound scientific foundations for the discipline which would secure it, both in the theoretical and pragmatic dimension. Without attempting to provide a comprehensive picture or a systemic approach, this article presents a few basic issues, which, with time, and after further discussion will prepare the ground for the theoretical foundations of this discipline. Taking this challenge, one can begin with the presentation of a few theses based on various experiences and observations of cultural and artistic activities. Although artistic events today breathe both the sacred and turgid air, art has in fact long been tangled up in the web of the soulless economy. We talk not only about budgetary cuts, which nip many artistic activities in the bud, though it is an issue of primary importance; public attention should also be drawn to the growing importance of the commercial point of view, e.g. as observed in the case of the media. These phenomena, which are central to the following discourse, do not touch the practical level, the fundamental criticism of the economic approach and the related generally

Culture Managemen 2008, Vol 1 (1)

applied methodology that is essential for them. The most important issue, which at the same time contains the greatest number of unknown elements, is the concept of culture and the related term art, as banal as questions about them may seem. Some readers may show a lack of understanding, as these concepts are discussed at the beginning of every scientific conference, every academic discussion and every scientific paper. These attempts have gradually turned into an ineffective ritual which shows a rather superficial approach being manifested, either by an arbitrary declaration of some kind, or reference to the well-known UNESCO definition. The main thesis and the leading theme of this article is that attention should be paid to the fact that, although the whole world is concerned with culture, it seems not to know, in fact, what its very essence is. The lack of understanding of this issue is to a large extent visible in an area which decidedly cannot and does not want to deal with culture, i.e. the economic sciences. And yet these sciences would probably provide a number of extremely important intellectual instruments for cultural management, such as a set of administrative instruments which would be helpful for the practical performance of the functions of culture management. The argument follows a path which begins with pointing at the methodological weaknesses of both business and general economics. It is followed by an attempt to establish a new approach to the term culture, as without a deep understanding of culture, which includes art, criticism of a traditional economic approach would be pointless in terms of expanding the horizons of economic thinking.

9

Peter Bendixen lecturer at several universities, among other things in Lueneburg, Salzburg, Warwick, Istanbul. Initiator of the course system in Arts Management at the Hamburg University for Economics and Politics. Co-founder and director of the Rudolf-ArnheimInstitute for Art, Music and Cultural Economics in Hamburg. Since 2003 director for Research and the Doctorate Programme at the Study Centre Hohe Warte in Vienna. Now Professor at Yeditepe University in Istambul.

ultural management is a young academic discipline which still does not have a sound theoretical basis. In a conceptual and methodological sense, the management of culture lies between the two well-established science and research disciplines culture studies and economic sciences. These are, however, relatively weak methodologically. Today, cultural management has been taught at universities for over 20 years, and the question has arisen as to whether the time has come to provide some sound scientific foundations for the discipline which would secure it, both in the theoretical and pragmatic dimension. Without attempting to provide a comprehensive picture or a systemic approach, this article presents a few basic issues, which, with time, and after further discussion will prepare the ground for the theoretical foundations of this discipline. Taking this challenge, one can begin with the presentation of a few theses based on various experiences and observations of cultural and artistic activities. Although artistic events today breathe both the sacred and turgid air, art has in fact long been tangled up in the web of the soulless economy. We talk not only about budgetary cuts, which nip many artistic activities in the bud, though it is an issue of primary importance; public attention should also be drawn to the growing importance of the commercial point of view, e.g. as observed in the case of the media. These phenomena, which are central to the following discourse, do not touch the practical level, the fundamental criticism of the economic approach and the related generally

C

Theoretical Background

applied methodology that is essential for them. The most important issue, which at the same time contains the greatest number of unknown elements, is the concept of culture and the related term art, as banal as questions about them may seem. Some readers may show a lack of understanding, as these concepts are discussed at the beginning of every scientific conference, every academic discussion and every scientific paper. These attempts have gradually turned into an ineffective ritual which shows a rather superficial approach being manifested, either by an arbitrary declaration of some kind, or reference to the well-known UNESCO definition. The main thesis and the leading theme of this article is that attention should be paid to the fact that, although the whole world is concerned with culture, it seems not to know, in fact, what its very essence is. The lack of understanding of this issue is to a large extent visible in an area which decidedly cannot and does not want to deal with culture, i.e. the economic sciences. And yet these sciences would probably provide a number of extremely important intellectual instruments for cultural management, such as a set of administrative instruments which would be helpful for the practical performance of the functions of culture management. The argument follows a path which begins with pointing at the methodological weaknesses of both business and general economics. It is followed by an attempt to establish a new approach to the term culture, as without a deep understanding of culture, which includes art, criticism of a traditional economic approach would be pointless in terms of expanding the horizons of economic thinking.

Translated by Aleksandra Rosiñska & Pawe³ Szlachta

Peter Bendixen

About the Philosophical Foundations of the Theory of Cultural Management

Peter Bendixen lecturer at several universities, among other things in Lueneburg, Salzburg, Warwick, Istanbul. Initiator of the course system in Arts Management at the Hamburg University for Economics and Politics. Co-founder and director of the Rudolf-ArnheimInstitute for Art, Music and Cultural Economics in Hamburg. Since 2003 director for Research and the Doctorate Programme at the Study Centre Hohe Warte in Vienna. Now Professor at Yeditepe University in Istambul.


Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

The last point addresses a difficult question: how to position cultural management within a general principle of the primacy of content over form? This question, also in its practical aspect, arises in particular when the substance of art and its importance for society are discussed. The problem stems from the fact that the management of culture is neither the form nor the content, being rather of an instrumental nature. This means that, being instrumental, it may have different functions and serve different goals, just as an axe can serve as a practical tool but may also be used to kill.

10

The Economic Approach and its Internal Controversies

The article does not elaborate on the idea that capital as well as money belong to the material sphere. This issue has been covered in more detail in the above-mentioned publications.

I

2

tailed justification and a critical analysis of this issue would lead to conclusions that go far beyond the subject of this paper.1 When studying the historical aspect of this phenomenon, as long as production did not exceed the closed circle of the household (which was still often the case just a few generations ago), the reasons for the manufacture of products and production methods were still enclosed in an internal circle. The term household cannot, however, be understood in terms of production functions of a contemporary small family as they are seen now. The house (Aristotleian oikos or familia in Italian Renaissance, inter alia, in Leon Battista Alberti s book I libri della familia dating from 1441) should be discussed in terms of local aspects and regional communities and ties, e.g. Roman latifundia and the mediaeval feudal landed estates. Modern mercantilism is an element of an old policy of the accumulation of wealth and welfare through internally regulated production, which still functions today. This policy might serve commerce but did not guarantee its dominant position in the economy. In the 18th-century, French physiocrats considered commerce a non-productive activity, comparing it to agriculture which produces true values from nature and by nature. Physiocratic thought has contributed to the strengthening of the landed gentry s way of thinking rather than market ideas. Thus it can be seen that contemporary economics based on sound foundations is just a little over 232 years old, being introduced with the publication of Richness of Nations by Adam Smith in 1776. The term production first brings to mind physical processes such as the cultivation of soil, the chopping and transportation of wood to a carpenter s workshop, weaving fabrics for clothes or slaughtering pigs and processing them to obtain meat products. Currently, the term production is more often associated with stacks emitting smoke, the transport of goods on bottlenecks roads and high office blocks. These physical processes have been reflected in the modern theory of economics according to the well-known classification of production factors by Adam Smith into land , labour and capital.2 The economic theory is based on the imperative which, considering

I have undertaken a more in-depth analysis in the following publications: Bendixen, P.: Ökonomie der Entgrenzung Wege aus der Unwirtlichkeit, Berlin 2007 and Bendixen, P.: Fastfood-Ökonomie Die unaufhaltsame Kommerzialisierung der Zeit, Berlin 2008.

t is impossible to provide an analysis of the important issues such as a critical approach to economics in just a few sentences while at the same time providing a comprehensive discussion of the methodological weaknesses of the traditional economic approach along with critical explanations. Notwithstanding this fact, at this point one should immediately go the central issue in question historically a market system has not been rooted in a social area traditionally perceived as fundamental for the economy, namely in production. The historical roots of the market economy should rather be traced back to commerce, which, as is generally known, has nothing in common with the manufacture of goods. The very essence of commerce, which involves thinking in commercial, and primarily financial terms, has survived to this day. It is trade rather than production that makes us see the market economy as an achievement of modern civilization while at the same time understand its dark sides. Misconceptions of the historic roots of the market economy have resulted from the erroneous name given to the subject economics. Neither in ancient times nor in times since then has it been directly related to production, which Aristotle termed oikonomia. Many economists refer to the discourse on oikonomia, as they want to prove that this academic subject has a long history. It is all wrong. If Aristotleian philosophy is to be taken seriously, this discipline should be called chrematistics. However, de-

1

1 I have undertaken a more in-depth analysis in the following publications: Bendixen, P.: Ökonomie der Entgrenzung Wege aus der Unwirtlichkeit, Berlin 2007 and Bendixen, P.: Fastfood-Ökonomie Die unaufhaltsame Kommerzialisierung der Zeit, Berlin 2008.

t is impossible to provide an analysis of the important issues such as a critical approach to economics in just a few sentences while at the same time providing a comprehensive discussion of the methodological weaknesses of the traditional economic approach along with critical explanations. Notwithstanding this fact, at this point one should immediately go the central issue in question historically a market system has not been rooted in a social area traditionally perceived as fundamental for the economy, namely in production. The historical roots of the market economy should rather be traced back to commerce, which, as is generally known, has nothing in common with the manufacture of goods. The very essence of commerce, which involves thinking in commercial, and primarily financial terms, has survived to this day. It is trade rather than production that makes us see the market economy as an achievement of modern civilization while at the same time understand its dark sides. Misconceptions of the historic roots of the market economy have resulted from the erroneous name given to the subject economics. Neither in ancient times nor in times since then has it been directly related to production, which Aristotle termed oikonomia. Many economists refer to the discourse on oikonomia, as they want to prove that this academic subject has a long history. It is all wrong. If Aristotleian philosophy is to be taken seriously, this discipline should be called chrematistics. However, de-

The article does not elaborate on the idea that capital as well as money belong to the material sphere. This issue has been covered in more detail in the above-mentioned publications.

I

2

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

The Economic Approach and its Internal Controversies

tailed justification and a critical analysis of this issue would lead to conclusions that go far beyond the subject of this paper.1 When studying the historical aspect of this phenomenon, as long as production did not exceed the closed circle of the household (which was still often the case just a few generations ago), the reasons for the manufacture of products and production methods were still enclosed in an internal circle. The term household cannot, however, be understood in terms of production functions of a contemporary small family as they are seen now. The house (Aristotleian oikos or familia in Italian Renaissance, inter alia, in Leon Battista Alberti s book I libri della familia dating from 1441) should be discussed in terms of local aspects and regional communities and ties, e.g. Roman latifundia and the mediaeval feudal landed estates. Modern mercantilism is an element of an old policy of the accumulation of wealth and welfare through internally regulated production, which still functions today. This policy might serve commerce but did not guarantee its dominant position in the economy. In the 18th-century, French physiocrats considered commerce a non-productive activity, comparing it to agriculture which produces true values from nature and by nature. Physiocratic thought has contributed to the strengthening of the landed gentry s way of thinking rather than market ideas. Thus it can be seen that contemporary economics based on sound foundations is just a little over 232 years old, being introduced with the publication of Richness of Nations by Adam Smith in 1776. The term production first brings to mind physical processes such as the cultivation of soil, the chopping and transportation of wood to a carpenter s workshop, weaving fabrics for clothes or slaughtering pigs and processing them to obtain meat products. Currently, the term production is more often associated with stacks emitting smoke, the transport of goods on bottlenecks roads and high office blocks. These physical processes have been reflected in the modern theory of economics according to the well-known classification of production factors by Adam Smith into land , labour and capital.2 The economic theory is based on the imperative which, considering

10

The last point addresses a difficult question: how to position cultural management within a general principle of the primacy of content over form? This question, also in its practical aspect, arises in particular when the substance of art and its importance for society are discussed. The problem stems from the fact that the management of culture is neither the form nor the content, being rather of an instrumental nature. This means that, being instrumental, it may have different functions and serve different goals, just as an axe can serve as a practical tool but may also be used to kill.


11

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

substantial deficits of these three factors, recommends, as a reasonable activity (in the context of a particular variety of economic rationality), the constant striving for optimalization in terms of efficiency of resources and a combination of these production factors in the macro- and micro-economic sense. This assumption seems to be logical, but somehow misses reality. The origins of commerce having a production dimension are rooted in the spiritual rather than the material sphere. In other words, every human activity is preceded by a thought, an idea, a project or a model. Production is an intentional activity which follows on from a certain cultural concept stating that man should be obsequiously satisfied with what nature offers him. However, people can shape their living conditions. Production is nothing but a tool; an initiative lies in the spiritual sphere, in thinking, and by this it belongs to the sphere of culture. This basic correlation between creative thinking based on human cultural awareness (and the related characteristic features of the human brain resulting from evolutionary processes) and physical activity in pursuit of an internal vision, has already lost its significance in economic thought (if it ever had a significant role in the economy). Thinking in ways of the possibility to shape, and thus creativity in the primary sense of this word, is an individual process there is no such thing as a collective mind. People use thinking patterns drawn from the repository of their brain memory in the course of a process of conscious experience, so they need to observe the external environment more closely and include this environment in their social communication. Models of behaviour and activities which are considered relevant and appropriate in a given community are copied in individual minds and reflected in an increasingly complex manner in further phases of human lives. Specific actions are the effects of this process. The conclusion from this discussion is that every human activity, including that which lies within the scope of material production, originates from the basic cultural system of an individual who operates within the framework of social experience and phenomena. The latter may vary to a large extent, but nothing can actually happen without this spiritual foundation, which is understood as culture. In other words, there is no production independent of culture. This important knowledge is missing in economic theory as a whole, so its results can only be partial.

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

The Cultural Importance of Artistic Production

I

n most cases, the shaping of a physical substance can and will serve an economic goal. Economic goods are designed with a utilitarian purpose in mind in other words, they are to be used. It constitutes their material meaning; on the other hand, the fact that they must assume an aesthetic form (i.e. they are close to a sensual experience), is connected with culture, namely with certain lifestyles which shape preferences or aversions which ultimately decide the success of the market. The human need for spiritual and emotional stimulation (incentives, challenges, feelings of happiness) seems to be an unquestionable element of culture. The need for spiritual and emotional experience does not have to be inherently connected with the act of consumption, as, for example, in gastronomy. Unquestionably, it is in the producer s interest to seek the possible permanent strengthening of ties which leads to physical consumption. Money is earned by material choices rather than being abstract products which are sources of positive experience. In this context, art is believed to have a completely different, if not opposite role. Art may address themes that focus on given situations and things and are conceived to bring intellectual nourishment far from physical consumption. Art is not consumptionist but is rather an added value. No new valuable work of art replaces previous ones just because they have been used up . It rather adds a new element to existing work. This process is completely different in the case of pop music. Being frequently repeated it becomes spiritually and emotionally exploited, it is replaced by new pieces. Therefore, it is of interest from a commercial point of view. Considering all limitations which result from the lack of a comprehensive explanation of the issues which cannot be covered in this article, it can be assumed that the above-described phenomenon should be sought in the elementary essence of art. There is a view that art always bears a spiritual and emotional message in a broad sense of this word. This message does not need to be narrative, as in the case of a novel, a theatrical piece or a metaphorical painting. It may well be that of an initiation by releasing the viewer s internal vision, so the aspect of representing a clearly narrative history may be neglected. This explanation is not aimed to state that every spiritually and emotionally important

11

substantial deficits of these three factors, recommends, as a reasonable activity (in the context of a particular variety of economic rationality), the constant striving for optimalization in terms of efficiency of resources and a combination of these production factors in the macro- and micro-economic sense. This assumption seems to be logical, but somehow misses reality. The origins of commerce having a production dimension are rooted in the spiritual rather than the material sphere. In other words, every human activity is preceded by a thought, an idea, a project or a model. Production is an intentional activity which follows on from a certain cultural concept stating that man should be obsequiously satisfied with what nature offers him. However, people can shape their living conditions. Production is nothing but a tool; an initiative lies in the spiritual sphere, in thinking, and by this it belongs to the sphere of culture. This basic correlation between creative thinking based on human cultural awareness (and the related characteristic features of the human brain resulting from evolutionary processes) and physical activity in pursuit of an internal vision, has already lost its significance in economic thought (if it ever had a significant role in the economy). Thinking in ways of the possibility to shape, and thus creativity in the primary sense of this word, is an individual process there is no such thing as a collective mind. People use thinking patterns drawn from the repository of their brain memory in the course of a process of conscious experience, so they need to observe the external environment more closely and include this environment in their social communication. Models of behaviour and activities which are considered relevant and appropriate in a given community are copied in individual minds and reflected in an increasingly complex manner in further phases of human lives. Specific actions are the effects of this process. The conclusion from this discussion is that every human activity, including that which lies within the scope of material production, originates from the basic cultural system of an individual who operates within the framework of social experience and phenomena. The latter may vary to a large extent, but nothing can actually happen without this spiritual foundation, which is understood as culture. In other words, there is no production independent of culture. This important knowledge is missing in economic theory as a whole, so its results can only be partial.

n most cases, the shaping of a physical substance can and will serve an economic goal. Economic goods are designed with a utilitarian purpose in mind in other words, they are to be used. It constitutes their material meaning; on the other hand, the fact that they must assume an aesthetic form (i.e. they are close to a sensual experience), is connected with culture, namely with certain lifestyles which shape preferences or aversions which ultimately decide the success of the market. The human need for spiritual and emotional stimulation (incentives, challenges, feelings of happiness) seems to be an unquestionable element of culture. The need for spiritual and emotional experience does not have to be inherently connected with the act of consumption, as, for example, in gastronomy. Unquestionably, it is in the producer s interest to seek the possible permanent strengthening of ties which leads to physical consumption. Money is earned by material choices rather than being abstract products which are sources of positive experience. In this context, art is believed to have a completely different, if not opposite role. Art may address themes that focus on given situations and things and are conceived to bring intellectual nourishment far from physical consumption. Art is not consumptionist but is rather an added value. No new valuable work of art replaces previous ones just because they have been used up . It rather adds a new element to existing work. This process is completely different in the case of pop music. Being frequently repeated it becomes spiritually and emotionally exploited, it is replaced by new pieces. Therefore, it is of interest from a commercial point of view. Considering all limitations which result from the lack of a comprehensive explanation of the issues which cannot be covered in this article, it can be assumed that the above-described phenomenon should be sought in the elementary essence of art. There is a view that art always bears a spiritual and emotional message in a broad sense of this word. This message does not need to be narrative, as in the case of a novel, a theatrical piece or a metaphorical painting. It may well be that of an initiation by releasing the viewer s internal vision, so the aspect of representing a clearly narrative history may be neglected. This explanation is not aimed to state that every spiritually and emotionally important

I

The Cultural Importance of Artistic Production


message is art. An enthusiastic piece of newspaper news describing the happy ending of a dramatic event, e.g. kidnapping of a child, is undoubtedly not a work of art. Thus, it can be seen that art is impossible to fully define. An understandable pursuance for classification and verbalization of real phenomena, such as art, religion or the soothing effect of a view of a magnificent natural landscape, has something in common with the desire for power. Perhaps a wider sense of art is expressed in that it escapes the rule of reason and its cognitive aspects, and therefore it can guard its secrets, as does the still enigmatic smile of Mona Lisa. Maybe it is wise to leave art to the charms of the fathomless, with no attempt to systematize and explain it in an accessible way, which ultimately degrades art.

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Culture in Spirit and Objectification

12

E

One can imagine that such a simplified way of thinking is problematic in assessing processes which take place in the economy. However, this discussion cannot be further continued here. I addressed this issue in by book Understanding the Economy A Cultural Perspective, which is now being printed and will probable be available in June 2008.

form. The cultural form assumes both spiritual and real (physical) dimensions which are in harmony. The harmony of both dimensions indicates that culture and cultural perceptions do not only exist in the mind, but are inscribed in the semantic sphere of the object. Forms of culture can be read like a book. Definitions of culture, which are so popular in sociology and which attribute an exclusively normative (spiritual and intellectual) dimension to culture, are as insufficient as definitions which exclusively refer to the strictly objective dimension. A key, aspect, as mentioned-above, is harmony, which consists of a spiritual element and objectification. Seeing the world from the angle of the economic sciences and their methodological approach is close to the objectification variant, for example in products (and money around which the world revolves), only the material aspect is seen while the spiritual world, which exists outside the area of their interest, is disregarded. The uniqueness of this science lies in that it does not recognize the cultural status of products made through human work; neither does it see any meaning in their form. According to the generally shared cognitive purposes of economics, the soft components of culture may well be neglected. This type of methodology ranks economics as a highly incompetent repository of knowledge about culture and art.3 For this reason, its instruments need to be carefully verified in view of their practical application to cultural management. An approach to real-world objects is preferred in the economic sciences, which is limited only to the material sphere. It would not be seen as a problem in itself, provided, that a decisive step is made towards the understanding of the phenomena and processes in the economy, in order to verbalize their spiritual context and to provide explanations, albeit partial. In this way, the economic sciences would become methodologically closer to archaeology. On the basis of an artefact such as an excavated finding, one can conjecture about the cultural sphere of its origins, if the finding offers complete information. Similarly, an attempt to read contemporary times can be made using elements or complete forms of

3

very man-made object assumes an in tended shape; it also features material attributes. This refers equally to commercial products as to art objects whether it is an office block or an art exhibition. The pure essence of these objects refers to nature, its gifts and laws. On the other hand, form is a reference to culture. It testifies to the fact that people are able to adapt natural conditions to their needs to some extent. In the evolution of culture, people created a physically experienced, material world of culture in all contemporary and historical civilizations; the value of culture lies not only in its utilitarian aspect associated with everyday needs, but at the same time is evidence of the human creative potential. In view of this, the preservation of the cultural heritage of all societies and cultures is of extreme importance, and that also includes at the international level (e.g. through UNESCO). The first important aspect of the notion of culture which needs to be defined emerges from this discussion. Every object, whether it belongs to the arts or to commerce, takes a form which reflects its social environment. The form is rooted in the creator s thought and spirit (conception of world). A key element of the concept of culture which inextricably combines both aspects of its existence results from the

very man-made object assumes an in tended shape; it also features material attributes. This refers equally to commercial products as to art objects whether it is an office block or an art exhibition. The pure essence of these objects refers to nature, its gifts and laws. On the other hand, form is a reference to culture. It testifies to the fact that people are able to adapt natural conditions to their needs to some extent. In the evolution of culture, people created a physically experienced, material world of culture in all contemporary and historical civilizations; the value of culture lies not only in its utilitarian aspect associated with everyday needs, but at the same time is evidence of the human creative potential. In view of this, the preservation of the cultural heritage of all societies and cultures is of extreme importance, and that also includes at the international level (e.g. through UNESCO). The first important aspect of the notion of culture which needs to be defined emerges from this discussion. Every object, whether it belongs to the arts or to commerce, takes a form which reflects its social environment. The form is rooted in the creator s thought and spirit (conception of world). A key element of the concept of culture which inextricably combines both aspects of its existence results from the

One can imagine that such a simplified way of thinking is problematic in assessing processes which take place in the economy. However, this discussion cannot be further continued here. I addressed this issue in by book Understanding the Economy A Cultural Perspective, which is now being printed and will probable be available in June 2008.

E

3

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Culture in Spirit and Objectification

form. The cultural form assumes both spiritual and real (physical) dimensions which are in harmony. The harmony of both dimensions indicates that culture and cultural perceptions do not only exist in the mind, but are inscribed in the semantic sphere of the object. Forms of culture can be read like a book. Definitions of culture, which are so popular in sociology and which attribute an exclusively normative (spiritual and intellectual) dimension to culture, are as insufficient as definitions which exclusively refer to the strictly objective dimension. A key, aspect, as mentioned-above, is harmony, which consists of a spiritual element and objectification. Seeing the world from the angle of the economic sciences and their methodological approach is close to the objectification variant, for example in products (and money around which the world revolves), only the material aspect is seen while the spiritual world, which exists outside the area of their interest, is disregarded. The uniqueness of this science lies in that it does not recognize the cultural status of products made through human work; neither does it see any meaning in their form. According to the generally shared cognitive purposes of economics, the soft components of culture may well be neglected. This type of methodology ranks economics as a highly incompetent repository of knowledge about culture and art.3 For this reason, its instruments need to be carefully verified in view of their practical application to cultural management. An approach to real-world objects is preferred in the economic sciences, which is limited only to the material sphere. It would not be seen as a problem in itself, provided, that a decisive step is made towards the understanding of the phenomena and processes in the economy, in order to verbalize their spiritual context and to provide explanations, albeit partial. In this way, the economic sciences would become methodologically closer to archaeology. On the basis of an artefact such as an excavated finding, one can conjecture about the cultural sphere of its origins, if the finding offers complete information. Similarly, an attempt to read contemporary times can be made using elements or complete forms of

12

message is art. An enthusiastic piece of newspaper news describing the happy ending of a dramatic event, e.g. kidnapping of a child, is undoubtedly not a work of art. Thus, it can be seen that art is impossible to fully define. An understandable pursuance for classification and verbalization of real phenomena, such as art, religion or the soothing effect of a view of a magnificent natural landscape, has something in common with the desire for power. Perhaps a wider sense of art is expressed in that it escapes the rule of reason and its cognitive aspects, and therefore it can guard its secrets, as does the still enigmatic smile of Mona Lisa. Maybe it is wise to leave art to the charms of the fathomless, with no attempt to systematize and explain it in an accessible way, which ultimately degrades art.


Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

cultural expression. However, extensive experience and expertise are needed to explain the commercialized present-day reality in terms of culture. A major difference between a commercial object and a work of art lies in the fact that the form of an industrially manufactured product is only an instrument to generate its commercial potential. It is quite the opposite when we deal with a work of art a culturally conditioned form (e.g. sculpture), carries the artist s message to be unravelled. The material aspect, i.e. whether it is a metal or a plaster sculpture, is of secondary importance. From a physical point of view, a book is a bound pile of paper sheets and would be of no value and be meaningless should it contain no information or message. It is the message, not the paper, which carries the cultural content. It is even more clearly visible in the case of a note. Not being a work of art, it is an important cultural good. Of course, complex relations can be seen between matter and form in view of the fact that the form carries not only abstract information but, at the same time, is evidence of the artist s struggle with the natural determinants of the matter.4 A dialectic relation between the idea and the object is expressed by thinking and feeling individual who activates creative powers and possibilities in his or her mind. Intellectual potential and notions have an impact on the form which makes the object understandable to other people. For this reason, every object is at the same time a vehicle of social communication. This refers, in particular, to works of art which carry ambiguous and enigmatic messages, so they cannot be immediately and easily decoded, as with commercial products. The features of a work of art, as well as many other objects which carry messages, directly imply the social role or the function of these objects. In view of their extended communication content, they are a multifunctional social medium. In principle, an object created and not displayed to the public cannot be considered a work of art. A diary which has never been given to the reader is neither lyric nor poetry. However, a narrative style of the diary may have varied impacts, e.g. in a situation when the di-

ary becomes a novel and is deprived of its intimate nature. The moment of communication determines important aspects of the term culture. Cultural concepts along with spiritual models and emotionally received sensual experiences are combined in the mind of an individual in one biological organism. However, as these models offer an interpretation of a world which structurally and sensually receives active external impulses from society and transforms them into their own models, the external world is taking an increasingly important place in individual perceptions and can be easily stimulated, e.g. by a work of art. An abstract essence of culture as a social phenomenon is applicable to the external stimulation which has an adequate impact only where the mind has a system of models of the social and natural world outside. A relatively simple method of verification of this thesis is provided when we deal with the almost unanimous reaction of public opinion to a scandalous event. Relatively similar reactions show that there are supra-individual normative forms which apply to cultural models of values. To put it more simply, one can say that coordinated activities, such as choral singing, would not be possible without forms such as harmony or spontaneous understanding, which gives an answer to many questions concerning social tastes, beliefs and feelings. It is impossible to prove the existence of abstract culture using empirical instruments; it cannot be perceived through senses, it cannot be measured or weighed, but nevertheless it is a genuine cultural phenomenon aimed to achieve harmony, as it gives an individual thought and action its direction. Empirists, among whom was the former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher with her notorious statement There is no such thing as society 5, deny culture a status of a real being. Disregarding results (which, by the way, is also to some extent controversial) of recent brain tests, we can assume that every mind interprets models in a similar way, as is the case of physically unambiguous fingerprints left by a wanted criminal. Invisible, yet effective, conformity is sufficient proof of the social nature of culture.

4

This discussion refers to the performing arts as a whole. It would take too much space to prove this thesis. Sophisticated ballet on stage is a visible example of the relations between matter and form and the successful struggle of ballet artists against material conditions of their own corporality. This example is only an illustration.

5

More in: Women s Own Magazine , 3 X 1987.

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

13

5

13

More in: Women s Own Magazine , 3 X 1987.

4 This discussion refers to the performing arts as a whole. It would take too much space to prove this thesis. Sophisticated ballet on stage is a visible example of the relations between matter and form and the successful struggle of ballet artists against material conditions of their own corporality. This example is only an illustration.

cultural expression. However, extensive experience and expertise are needed to explain the commercialized present-day reality in terms of culture. A major difference between a commercial object and a work of art lies in the fact that the form of an industrially manufactured product is only an instrument to generate its commercial potential. It is quite the opposite when we deal with a work of art a culturally conditioned form (e.g. sculpture), carries the artist s message to be unravelled. The material aspect, i.e. whether it is a metal or a plaster sculpture, is of secondary importance. From a physical point of view, a book is a bound pile of paper sheets and would be of no value and be meaningless should it contain no information or message. It is the message, not the paper, which carries the cultural content. It is even more clearly visible in the case of a note. Not being a work of art, it is an important cultural good. Of course, complex relations can be seen between matter and form in view of the fact that the form carries not only abstract information but, at the same time, is evidence of the artist s struggle with the natural determinants of the matter.4 A dialectic relation between the idea and the object is expressed by thinking and feeling individual who activates creative powers and possibilities in his or her mind. Intellectual potential and notions have an impact on the form which makes the object understandable to other people. For this reason, every object is at the same time a vehicle of social communication. This refers, in particular, to works of art which carry ambiguous and enigmatic messages, so they cannot be immediately and easily decoded, as with commercial products. The features of a work of art, as well as many other objects which carry messages, directly imply the social role or the function of these objects. In view of their extended communication content, they are a multifunctional social medium. In principle, an object created and not displayed to the public cannot be considered a work of art. A diary which has never been given to the reader is neither lyric nor poetry. However, a narrative style of the diary may have varied impacts, e.g. in a situation when the di-

ary becomes a novel and is deprived of its intimate nature. The moment of communication determines important aspects of the term culture. Cultural concepts along with spiritual models and emotionally received sensual experiences are combined in the mind of an individual in one biological organism. However, as these models offer an interpretation of a world which structurally and sensually receives active external impulses from society and transforms them into their own models, the external world is taking an increasingly important place in individual perceptions and can be easily stimulated, e.g. by a work of art. An abstract essence of culture as a social phenomenon is applicable to the external stimulation which has an adequate impact only where the mind has a system of models of the social and natural world outside. A relatively simple method of verification of this thesis is provided when we deal with the almost unanimous reaction of public opinion to a scandalous event. Relatively similar reactions show that there are supra-individual normative forms which apply to cultural models of values. To put it more simply, one can say that coordinated activities, such as choral singing, would not be possible without forms such as harmony or spontaneous understanding, which gives an answer to many questions concerning social tastes, beliefs and feelings. It is impossible to prove the existence of abstract culture using empirical instruments; it cannot be perceived through senses, it cannot be measured or weighed, but nevertheless it is a genuine cultural phenomenon aimed to achieve harmony, as it gives an individual thought and action its direction. Empirists, among whom was the former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher with her notorious statement There is no such thing as society 5, deny culture a status of a real being. Disregarding results (which, by the way, is also to some extent controversial) of recent brain tests, we can assume that every mind interprets models in a similar way, as is the case of physically unambiguous fingerprints left by a wanted criminal. Invisible, yet effective, conformity is sufficient proof of the social nature of culture.


About the Primacy of Content over Form

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

A

14

totleian, Platonian and adiaphoric orientations and methodologies. According to Aristotleian philosophy, the essence of a work of art or a work of an artist should be seen as the gradual shaping of an aesthetic form which, along with its message, can ultimately be presented to the public. As mentioned-above, the form of a work of art is created, on the one hand, as a result of the artist s struggle with matter and physical constraints, while on the other hand being a result of the artist s intention to give the object a meaning or sense. In this way, on the basis of internal conditions of the object and its message, a more or less successful form of art emerges. According to the Aristotleian approach, the role of cultural management is only supportive. The ancillary nature of cultural management is beyond the artistic process of creation in areas in which the inclusion of art in the reality of its society is necessary, which involves material resources money, premises, contact with the audience, administrative duties. One can easily imagine that without professional support in these areas great institutions of culture, such as operas, theatres and museums6 would become not only internally chaotic (which is sometimes also the case when culture management is involved), but they would also lose their existential paths which connect them with the external world, and with audiences, in particular. There are other approaches and concepts of cultural management, stressing the role of management, and by this also the importance of the economic aspects. This trend is often seen in education curricula as a specific subject of studies, in which business management prevails in quantitative and qualitative terms. It involves strategic planning, marketing, organization, logistics, finance, public management, human resource management and other related areas. A vast majority of these concepts are developed following the basic orientation of a given subject, which is neither guided by the principle of the primacy of content over form nor the other way round a principle of systemic education as a framework which needs to be filled with form. These concepts are determined by the postulate of professionalization of certain instruments needed for the artistic activity of

Museums are not just places for keeping works of high culture, but they are also organizers of art installations in which their own or deposited works are displayed. The exhibition art is a category of art in itself.

popular and probably very ancient postulate of the primacy of content over form has stirred philosophical debates in various schools of thought and has remained a matter of controversy to this day. An important stimuli for this debate was the Aristotleian philosophy of entelechia, and the opposing Platonian philosophy. According to the former, the form of each object crystallizes on the basis of its inherent natural foundation and thus it is not externally given. Contrary to this, Platonian philosophy, which can clearly be retraced in contemporary natural sciences, considers real objects, to which general laws are applicable, to have the nature of randomness. The material world provides clear examples of transcendental natural laws, in which ideas of specific shapes can be traced back. According to this philosophy, to reveal and explain the laws of nature belongs to science. In this context, we cannot ignore the most consistent philosophy, which was formulated by Cartesius, whose contribution promoted the methodological foundations of modern natural sciences through systematic research into the general laws of nature. These philosophical streams contradict one another. The consequences of this are visible in the arts and in other human activities undertaken in the spirit of hermeneutics (operationalization). More generally, one can say that art, as well as most major research disciplines (history, archaeology, literature and other disciplines), can be reconciled with the Aristotleian approach, while the natural sciences, along with economics, follow the PlatonianCartesian approach. These opposing concepts lead to the emergence of basic issues concerning the methodology of cultural management; its intellectual input is, on the one hand, connected with the arts and other cultural activities, while, on the other hand, based in the economic sciences. Cultural management is a discipline involving two methodologies. Three methodological starting points for cultural management may be derived on this basis. In one way or another they have shaped the academic (and more rarely professional) practice these are the Aris-

6

Museums are not just places for keeping works of high culture, but they are also organizers of art installations in which their own or deposited works are displayed. The exhibition art is a category of art in itself.

popular and probably very ancient postulate of the primacy of content over form has stirred philosophical debates in various schools of thought and has remained a matter of controversy to this day. An important stimuli for this debate was the Aristotleian philosophy of entelechia, and the opposing Platonian philosophy. According to the former, the form of each object crystallizes on the basis of its inherent natural foundation and thus it is not externally given. Contrary to this, Platonian philosophy, which can clearly be retraced in contemporary natural sciences, considers real objects, to which general laws are applicable, to have the nature of randomness. The material world provides clear examples of transcendental natural laws, in which ideas of specific shapes can be traced back. According to this philosophy, to reveal and explain the laws of nature belongs to science. In this context, we cannot ignore the most consistent philosophy, which was formulated by Cartesius, whose contribution promoted the methodological foundations of modern natural sciences through systematic research into the general laws of nature. These philosophical streams contradict one another. The consequences of this are visible in the arts and in other human activities undertaken in the spirit of hermeneutics (operationalization). More generally, one can say that art, as well as most major research disciplines (history, archaeology, literature and other disciplines), can be reconciled with the Aristotleian approach, while the natural sciences, along with economics, follow the PlatonianCartesian approach. These opposing concepts lead to the emergence of basic issues concerning the methodology of cultural management; its intellectual input is, on the one hand, connected with the arts and other cultural activities, while, on the other hand, based in the economic sciences. Cultural management is a discipline involving two methodologies. Three methodological starting points for cultural management may be derived on this basis. In one way or another they have shaped the academic (and more rarely professional) practice these are the Aris-

6

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

A

totleian, Platonian and adiaphoric orientations and methodologies. According to Aristotleian philosophy, the essence of a work of art or a work of an artist should be seen as the gradual shaping of an aesthetic form which, along with its message, can ultimately be presented to the public. As mentioned-above, the form of a work of art is created, on the one hand, as a result of the artist s struggle with matter and physical constraints, while on the other hand being a result of the artist s intention to give the object a meaning or sense. In this way, on the basis of internal conditions of the object and its message, a more or less successful form of art emerges. According to the Aristotleian approach, the role of cultural management is only supportive. The ancillary nature of cultural management is beyond the artistic process of creation in areas in which the inclusion of art in the reality of its society is necessary, which involves material resources money, premises, contact with the audience, administrative duties. One can easily imagine that without professional support in these areas great institutions of culture, such as operas, theatres and museums6 would become not only internally chaotic (which is sometimes also the case when culture management is involved), but they would also lose their existential paths which connect them with the external world, and with audiences, in particular. There are other approaches and concepts of cultural management, stressing the role of management, and by this also the importance of the economic aspects. This trend is often seen in education curricula as a specific subject of studies, in which business management prevails in quantitative and qualitative terms. It involves strategic planning, marketing, organization, logistics, finance, public management, human resource management and other related areas. A vast majority of these concepts are developed following the basic orientation of a given subject, which is neither guided by the principle of the primacy of content over form nor the other way round a principle of systemic education as a framework which needs to be filled with form. These concepts are determined by the postulate of professionalization of certain instruments needed for the artistic activity of

14

About the Primacy of Content over Form


15

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

the organization in question. For this reason, their specific tasks are formulated in a neutral manner as in the case of an axe for chopping wood for which there is a small risk that it might also be used wickedly as an instrument for killing. The pragmatic determinant of the orientation of an instrument consists of volume versus content and form. In practice, following this understanding, the function of cultural management is delivered based on professionalism. This calls, first of all, for its proximity to art which it is supposed to serve. Experience and observations in this area have shown that the necessary knowledge and sensitivity to art which should be acquired in the process of education are often lacking, or these aspects are only covered in the course of academic education to a limited extent. There is a serious threat that the professionalization of the cultural management system will, as a matter of fact, become a Procrustean bed. This either leads to the cutting down of elements which belong to art if they are too big (budgetary cuts can easily clip art s wings) or to overstretching so that a facade does not look as if it has deteriorated (this scenario may be realized when there are interventions in the programme in view of profitability). Culture and art institutions whose operations are dictated by profitability are a special case; in order to generate profit they create and present art, while at the same time they know how to attract and nourish an audience, which is valuable from a commercial point of view. Quality and other criteria relevant to the creation of art are not taken into account in this case. The production of a musical may reach a high standard of quality its productivity results from years of experience in using fixed models. Of course, the professional management of culture is also needed in this case, though this aspect belongs to a different area profit generation. The above-mentioned example shows that the principle of the primacy of content over form can also be applied in commercial terms. The relevant content, also in the case of noncommercial organizations, is not a sensually experienced physical experience (whether on stage or under other circumstances), but is the very essence of the event. The physical realization is the form or shape in which the content or message should be conveyed. As for commercial institutions, the content lies in the accomplishment of goals. As was explained-above, it has been proven that in the case of commercial productions,

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

whether they are carried out through cultural management or not, a cultural sense of the object (for the sake of convenience, a theatrical performance is also considered here an object) is reduced to profit generation. A commercial musical does have to carry a sophisticated aesthetic message, which takes a lot of time to be decoded, but with all its effectiveness it simply needs to meet the limited tastes of the audience. Only in this form will it follow the rules regarding commercial content . A similar situation can be observed in the case of non-commercial art, in which it is the message the artist confers on the object that should be conveyed to the audience. In this case, the content is the message rather than the material effect in which it is inscribed. As a result, culture management, not being involved in the process of artistic production, may, in fact, play only a subsidiary role.

Summary Instead of Conclusions

T

he foregoing article contains only a few reflections which require further, more detailed discussion. But there are also thematic areas which still need to be explored and must be elaborated if the theory of cultural management is to be well established the area of the performative arts, with all its variations thereof. Music is something different than theatrical art; live music performed in a concert hall is something different than music listened to on a CD. A poem recited is something different than a printed novel. Film is physically different from photography, as images rapidly follow one after another and allow the creation of macrostructures. More examples may be added to this list. Another important theme is the role of cultural policy as a dialectic counterpart to artistic activity and related cultural management. Cultural policy does not directly interfere with the creation of art. Neither is it involved where a community or a region is the owner of a given institution. However, various indirect influences of cultural policy can be seen in grantawarding rules or sometimes also in the formulation of terms and conditions for appointing theatre directors. Art now faces problems which have nothing in common with artistic quality or the scarcity of financial resources. It is the progressive indolence of the audience, a negative legacy of the educational system, in which school leavers show only a minimum level of desire for

15

the organization in question. For this reason, their specific tasks are formulated in a neutral manner as in the case of an axe for chopping wood for which there is a small risk that it might also be used wickedly as an instrument for killing. The pragmatic determinant of the orientation of an instrument consists of volume versus content and form. In practice, following this understanding, the function of cultural management is delivered based on professionalism. This calls, first of all, for its proximity to art which it is supposed to serve. Experience and observations in this area have shown that the necessary knowledge and sensitivity to art which should be acquired in the process of education are often lacking, or these aspects are only covered in the course of academic education to a limited extent. There is a serious threat that the professionalization of the cultural management system will, as a matter of fact, become a Procrustean bed. This either leads to the cutting down of elements which belong to art if they are too big (budgetary cuts can easily clip art s wings) or to overstretching so that a facade does not look as if it has deteriorated (this scenario may be realized when there are interventions in the programme in view of profitability). Culture and art institutions whose operations are dictated by profitability are a special case; in order to generate profit they create and present art, while at the same time they know how to attract and nourish an audience, which is valuable from a commercial point of view. Quality and other criteria relevant to the creation of art are not taken into account in this case. The production of a musical may reach a high standard of quality its productivity results from years of experience in using fixed models. Of course, the professional management of culture is also needed in this case, though this aspect belongs to a different area profit generation. The above-mentioned example shows that the principle of the primacy of content over form can also be applied in commercial terms. The relevant content, also in the case of noncommercial organizations, is not a sensually experienced physical experience (whether on stage or under other circumstances), but is the very essence of the event. The physical realization is the form or shape in which the content or message should be conveyed. As for commercial institutions, the content lies in the accomplishment of goals. As was explained-above, it has been proven that in the case of commercial productions,

he foregoing article contains only a few reflections which require further, more detailed discussion. But there are also thematic areas which still need to be explored and must be elaborated if the theory of cultural management is to be well established the area of the performative arts, with all its variations thereof. Music is something different than theatrical art; live music performed in a concert hall is something different than music listened to on a CD. A poem recited is something different than a printed novel. Film is physically different from photography, as images rapidly follow one after another and allow the creation of macrostructures. More examples may be added to this list. Another important theme is the role of cultural policy as a dialectic counterpart to artistic activity and related cultural management. Cultural policy does not directly interfere with the creation of art. Neither is it involved where a community or a region is the owner of a given institution. However, various indirect influences of cultural policy can be seen in grantawarding rules or sometimes also in the formulation of terms and conditions for appointing theatre directors. Art now faces problems which have nothing in common with artistic quality or the scarcity of financial resources. It is the progressive indolence of the audience, a negative legacy of the educational system, in which school leavers show only a minimum level of desire for

T

Summary Instead of Conclusions whether they are carried out through cultural management or not, a cultural sense of the object (for the sake of convenience, a theatrical performance is also considered here an object) is reduced to profit generation. A commercial musical does have to carry a sophisticated aesthetic message, which takes a lot of time to be decoded, but with all its effectiveness it simply needs to meet the limited tastes of the audience. Only in this form will it follow the rules regarding commercial content . A similar situation can be observed in the case of non-commercial art, in which it is the message the artist confers on the object that should be conveyed to the audience. In this case, the content is the message rather than the material effect in which it is inscribed. As a result, culture management, not being involved in the process of artistic production, may, in fact, play only a subsidiary role.


Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

tually wanted to go to the theatre on their own initiative are slowly going out of date. The time has come in which professional culture management must clear new art channels to reach conscious audiences. Efforts towards it have already been undertaken.

tually wanted to go to the theatre on their own initiative are slowly going out of date. The time has come in which professional culture management must clear new art channels to reach conscious audiences. Efforts towards it have already been undertaken. Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

art. Another aspect is the dominant commercial buzz in the urban space and the media. These issues contain a great number of themes of relevance for the professional management of culture. It can be said, perhaps with a little exaggeration, that the times when people ac-

16

16

art. Another aspect is the dominant commercial buzz in the urban space and the media. These issues contain a great number of themes of relevance for the professional management of culture. It can be said, perhaps with a little exaggeration, that the times when people ac-


Culture Managemen 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Education in Culture Management Offered by Schools of Higher Education Between the Requirements of Theory and the Needs of Practice Birgit Mandel

O

ver the past 20 years, the German cultural sector has, with a slight delay when compared with Anglo-Saxon countries, trained culture managers professionally engaged in the preparation of proper grounds for cultural productions. Culture management consists in a scheduled and maximally effective work to use the potential of culture and provide organizational frameworks for artistic and cultural productions. The fields culture managers operate in include both traditional cultural institutions such as museums and theatres and public administration responsible for cultural affairs, and commercial cultural institutions, for instance entities which promote literature or movie industry. Moreover, the managers often practice liberal professions as external and independent coordinators providing, for instance, advisory services in the field of culture. The first trainings of culture managers were held, both in the form of extramural and postgraduate studies, in the late 1980s. Cuts in public expenditure on culture produced new concepts of culture management and the methods of their implementation. Intensive courses prepared many cultural and educational workers of the former East Germany to act as culture managers. Threatened with the spectre of unemployment, many arts scholars also hoped to perform culture-related tasks as part of this new discipline. The establishment of educational institutions was chaotic and no

Culture Managemen 2008, Vol 1 (1)

proper control over the quality of training was exercised. In the meantime, the number of institutions offering the courses in culture management dropped and reached a moderate level. The guide to education prepared by the German Kulturmanagement network sets forth about 40 courses (2004 data), including 20 faculties at universities, which contain the elements of culture management [cf. www.kulturmanagement.net]. Neither great hopes for the pioneering discipline expected to produce countless jobs and significant funds nor the fears of many artists who associated culture management with its commercialization came true. It was the basis for creating a more realistic view of the new discipline. Today, the necessity of professional culture management within a meaning of systematic analysis of processes related to the creation of concepts and their implementation seems obvious to practitioners even if the staff employed for a long time in some companies, especially state-owned institutions, sometimes object. The forthcoming years shall see accelerated structural changes in the German culture. The main factors with an impact on this situation include further reduction of public financial support and a growth of meaning of new organizational forms with a strong focus on private sources of finance stimulated by the implementation of new organizational and marketing strategies. Professional culture man-

17

Birgit Mandel professor in Cultural Studies, Cultural Communication, Cultural Management. Responsible for the Department of Cultural Management at the Institut für Kulturpolitik, Universität Hildesheim. Various posts in marketing and public relations in cultural institutions in Berlin, e.g. Press Officer for the Berliner Festspiele (Berlin festival), head of Communication at the theatre Bar jeder Vernunft , head of marketing at Wissenschaft im Dialog , a science and arts education project of the German Government. Research activities: public relations for the arts, visitor surveys, cultural labour markets.

ver the past 20 years, the German cultural sector has, with a slight delay when compared with Anglo-Saxon countries, trained culture managers professionally engaged in the preparation of proper grounds for cultural productions. Culture management consists in a scheduled and maximally effective work to use the potential of culture and provide organizational frameworks for artistic and cultural productions. The fields culture managers operate in include both traditional cultural institutions such as museums and theatres and public administration responsible for cultural affairs, and commercial cultural institutions, for instance entities which promote literature or movie industry. Moreover, the managers often practice liberal professions as external and independent coordinators providing, for instance, advisory services in the field of culture. The first trainings of culture managers were held, both in the form of extramural and postgraduate studies, in the late 1980s. Cuts in public expenditure on culture produced new concepts of culture management and the methods of their implementation. Intensive courses prepared many cultural and educational workers of the former East Germany to act as culture managers. Threatened with the spectre of unemployment, many arts scholars also hoped to perform culture-related tasks as part of this new discipline. The establishment of educational institutions was chaotic and no

O

17

proper control over the quality of training was exercised. In the meantime, the number of institutions offering the courses in culture management dropped and reached a moderate level. The guide to education prepared by the German Kulturmanagement network sets forth about 40 courses (2004 data), including 20 faculties at universities, which contain the elements of culture management [cf. www.kulturmanagement.net]. Neither great hopes for the pioneering discipline expected to produce countless jobs and significant funds nor the fears of many artists who associated culture management with its commercialization came true. It was the basis for creating a more realistic view of the new discipline. Today, the necessity of professional culture management within a meaning of systematic analysis of processes related to the creation of concepts and their implementation seems obvious to practitioners even if the staff employed for a long time in some companies, especially state-owned institutions, sometimes object. The forthcoming years shall see accelerated structural changes in the German culture. The main factors with an impact on this situation include further reduction of public financial support and a growth of meaning of new organizational forms with a strong focus on private sources of finance stimulated by the implementation of new organizational and marketing strategies. Professional culture man-

Birgit Mandel

Education in Culture Management Offered by Schools of Higher Education Between the Requirements of Theory and the Needs of Practice

Birgit Mandel professor in Cultural Studies, Cultural Communication, Cultural Management. Responsible for the Department of Cultural Management at the Institut für Kulturpolitik, Universität Hildesheim. Various posts in marketing and public relations in cultural institutions in Berlin, e.g. Press Officer for the Berliner Festspiele (Berlin festival), head of Communication at the theatre Bar jeder Vernunft , head of marketing at Wissenschaft im Dialog , a science and arts education project of the German Government. Research activities: public relations for the arts, visitor surveys, cultural labour markets.


18

agement will play a greater and greater role in the survival of culture. In traditional research centres, culture management encounters serious formal problems. Despite many courses in culture management and post-graduate studies, those fields usually have limited funds to employ lecturers. They greatly rely on the potential of the creators and managers of culture who pass their knowledge free of charge on to students. Viewing culture management as science is disputable from the point of view of the arts and cultural studies. Where does culture management belong to? Shouldn t it form an integral part of economics instead of traditional arts? What makes culture management anything more than just a tool?

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Culture Management Independent Branch of Science?

he market on which culture managers operate is getting more and more complex. Internationalism and globalization felt also in the cultural sector, result in greater comprehensiveness and greater meaning of relations with other communities. Growing fragmentation and individualism of a society divided into small groups that are difficult to reach call for greater skills concerning communication and net bindings. Another factor includes demographic changes in a society. The elderly population is growing and the young are divided into small groups of people whose interest in traditional culture is getting smaller and smaller [cf. Evaluation: Cultural Research Centre]. The emerging split of a society into a group of well-educated and well-paid people who are the key users of culture and a group of less-educated persons who do not participate much in cultural life calls for the grounds for greater participation and the use of culture as a social bond. Growing competition, especially in terms of the organization of free time, and the audience whose expectations are more and more focused on spectacular events call for the new relations with such users of culture. The audience expects high quality of cultural services, the new forms of promotion, and the creation of bonds with clients. On the other hand, the

to modify other fields of science to create independent theoretical bases. A profound analysis of cultural activity is required. Theory is a key issue especially when it comes to the existence of faculties offered by schools of higher education. In this case, the creation of scientific bases that will provide the graduates holding managerial positions with the skills required in the field of culture is also of significance. It is mainly the students who have not worked in cultural institutions that tend to overestimate the culture management techniques and expect some type of recipe that could promptly be put into practice. They usually show a slight interest in overriding theory. However, if we consider the complexity of an art and culture market there is no universal tool one could use. Ready-made recipes for culture management encounter limitations very quickly. A demand for culture administrators or culture mechanics is getting smaller. A demand for culture managers-visionaries , on the other hand, is getting bigger.

T

T

18

New Challenges for Culture Market

New Challenges for Culture Market

rainings in culture management in Germany and other European countries are very much alike [cf. Suteu, Corina: Academic training in cultural management in Europe, Amsterdam 2003]. They draw to a great extent on the experience of the United States and Great Britain. Those countries have a long tradition of culture management as culture is deeply rooted in free market economy. The concepts of training in this field are generally based on the transformed programs of corporate science supplemented with additional information on art and culture. It is a common rule that culture management must contain elements distinguishing it from general corporate science faculties. Art and culture management differs from marketing strategies for other goods and services since the product named art and culture clearly stands out from other products. Its distinguishing features include a non-utilitarian role of art, its unpredictable and unique nature, and special ways of its perception. The concepts of art management have been discussed in the first publications on this issue [cf. Bendixen, Colbert, Klein, or Mandel]. Culture management is an interdisciplinary field, which contains the elements of corporate science, communication science, social science, cultural studies, and art. Within this realm, culture management must find its place in science. One should also shape the perception of management by concentrating on specific aims of culture, methods of culture production, perception of culture, and its influence. It is not enough

T

T

he market on which culture managers operate is getting more and more complex. Internationalism and globalization felt also in the cultural sector, result in greater comprehensiveness and greater meaning of relations with other communities. Growing fragmentation and individualism of a society divided into small groups that are difficult to reach call for greater skills concerning communication and net bindings. Another factor includes demographic changes in a society. The elderly population is growing and the young are divided into small groups of people whose interest in traditional culture is getting smaller and smaller [cf. Evaluation: Cultural Research Centre]. The emerging split of a society into a group of well-educated and well-paid people who are the key users of culture and a group of less-educated persons who do not participate much in cultural life calls for the grounds for greater participation and the use of culture as a social bond. Growing competition, especially in terms of the organization of free time, and the audience whose expectations are more and more focused on spectacular events call for the new relations with such users of culture. The audience expects high quality of cultural services, the new forms of promotion, and the creation of bonds with clients. On the other hand, the

Culture Management Independent Branch of Science?

to modify other fields of science to create independent theoretical bases. A profound analysis of cultural activity is required. Theory is a key issue especially when it comes to the existence of faculties offered by schools of higher education. In this case, the creation of scientific bases that will provide the graduates holding managerial positions with the skills required in the field of culture is also of significance. It is mainly the students who have not worked in cultural institutions that tend to overestimate the culture management techniques and expect some type of recipe that could promptly be put into practice. They usually show a slight interest in overriding theory. However, if we consider the complexity of an art and culture market there is no universal tool one could use. Ready-made recipes for culture management encounter limitations very quickly. A demand for culture administrators or culture mechanics is getting smaller. A demand for culture managers-visionaries , on the other hand, is getting bigger.

rainings in culture management in Germany and other European countries are very much alike [cf. Suteu, Corina: Academic training in cultural management in Europe, Amsterdam 2003]. They draw to a great extent on the experience of the United States and Great Britain. Those countries have a long tradition of culture management as culture is deeply rooted in free market economy. The concepts of training in this field are generally based on the transformed programs of corporate science supplemented with additional information on art and culture. It is a common rule that culture management must contain elements distinguishing it from general corporate science faculties. Art and culture management differs from marketing strategies for other goods and services since the product named art and culture clearly stands out from other products. Its distinguishing features include a non-utilitarian role of art, its unpredictable and unique nature, and special ways of its perception. The concepts of art management have been discussed in the first publications on this issue [cf. Bendixen, Colbert, Klein, or Mandel]. Culture management is an interdisciplinary field, which contains the elements of corporate science, communication science, social science, cultural studies, and art. Within this realm, culture management must find its place in science. One should also shape the perception of management by concentrating on specific aims of culture, methods of culture production, perception of culture, and its influence. It is not enough

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

agement will play a greater and greater role in the survival of culture. In traditional research centres, culture management encounters serious formal problems. Despite many courses in culture management and post-graduate studies, those fields usually have limited funds to employ lecturers. They greatly rely on the potential of the creators and managers of culture who pass their knowledge free of charge on to students. Viewing culture management as science is disputable from the point of view of the arts and cultural studies. Where does culture management belong to? Shouldn t it form an integral part of economics instead of traditional arts? What makes culture management anything more than just a tool?


Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

agency and net functioning skills Culture managers act as comprehensive mediators between art makers and art users, audience, and art supporters (politicians and sponsors). They become links and initiate the bonds between artistic production and audience or public, non-government and private sectors. In order to combine those different worlds of language and thinking, culture managers should combine strategic thinking and communication skills. Culture managers should advance knowledge of unique values and benefits culture and art may bring to the entire society and individuals. Thus, they themselves must be aware of the existence of those special values. Each manag-

19

n order to set own goals it is necessary to concentrate on cultural and political issues. One can find instructions for defining one s own actions, become sensitive to changes in a society and cultural institutions, or become focused on new demands and market niches by discussing cultural and political goals and structures, comparing the systems financing

I

Dealing with Cultural, Political, Social and Economic Issues to Establish One s Own Point of View and Vision as a Culture Manager

G

artistic and cultural sensitivity and awareness of its quality Given an excessive artistic and cultural offer, the ability to recognize and implement the quality of culture is becoming a major skill of a culture manager. It is not about launching a richer offer through the acquisition of public funds or positioning a cultural offer according to market rules. The ability to guarantee the quality of a cultural offer in terms of both art and political education is of greater significance. It is about the importance of cultural projects.

G

strategic skills Strategic action means comprehensive thinking and the ability to define clear and longterm aims taking account of various groups of people. In order to act strategically, one must recognize those groups and combine cultural and social and political aspects.

G

culture market is marked by a lack of transparency and relative freedom. The quality criteria are difficult to define in the case of a rich cultural offer. Changes on the labour market in the cultural sector are yet another issue. A declining number of labour contracts concluded for indefinite period go hand in hand with a greater number of work-for-hire or mandate agreements concluded for definite period to carry out various projects in cooperation with changing teams of workers. The number of jobs in public cultural institutions is also going down. Today, the highly demanded skills include entrepreneurship and innovation and not just administration. From the point of view of the foregoing challenges for future culture managers the following are becoming the skills of great importance:

ow can one become trained in those skills, how can one create bonds, and how can one learn to identify the common areas of interests and potentials necessary to create new structures, take care of quality, or initiate projects? The culture management faculty should be less focused on mastering the operating methods, and more on essential issues, both in respect of social and economic transformation, art and culture. The discourse on cultural, social and political issues, many-sided practical examples and a close contact with art may create the necessary substantive grounds.

H

Impact on Program of Culture Management Faculty visionary skills in culture Apart from the ability to carry out projects, culture managers should be able to think as visionaries to develop the concepts of new cultural projects using the existing potential. Culture managers are not artists but culture creators. Thus, culture management is not limited to a project execution but it also has the potential to stimulate the development of culture.

G

er should create their own system of values and beliefs so as not to undertake any accidental organization of cultural events but establish their own cultural and political point of view. It is only then that the process of management has certain sense and direction marked out by the criteria of action. This also takes account of financial issues whose share in the world of culture is so limited. Culture management may become a breath of fresh air in ossified cultural institutions especially when a young generation of culture managers sets new paths of integrating culture within a society.

culture market is marked by a lack of transparency and relative freedom. The quality criteria are difficult to define in the case of a rich cultural offer. Changes on the labour market in the cultural sector are yet another issue. A declining number of labour contracts concluded for indefinite period go hand in hand with a greater number of work-for-hire or mandate agreements concluded for definite period to carry out various projects in cooperation with changing teams of workers. The number of jobs in public cultural institutions is also going down. Today, the highly demanded skills include entrepreneurship and innovation and not just administration. From the point of view of the foregoing challenges for future culture managers the following are becoming the skills of great importance: G strategic skills Strategic action means comprehensive thinking and the ability to define clear and longterm aims taking account of various groups of people. In order to act strategically, one must recognize those groups and combine cultural and social and political aspects. G artistic and cultural sensitivity and awareness of its quality Given an excessive artistic and cultural offer, the ability to recognize and implement the quality of culture is becoming a major skill of a culture manager. It is not about launching a richer offer through the acquisition of public funds or positioning a cultural offer according to market rules. The ability to guarantee the quality of a cultural offer in terms of both art and political education is of greater significance. It is about the importance of cultural projects. G agency and net functioning skills Culture managers act as comprehensive mediators between art makers and art users, audience, and art supporters (politicians and sponsors). They become links and initiate the bonds between artistic production and audience or public, non-government and private sectors. In order to combine those different worlds of language and thinking, culture managers should combine strategic thinking and communication skills. Culture managers should advance knowledge of unique values and benefits culture and art may bring to the entire society and individuals. Thus, they themselves must be aware of the existence of those special values. Each manag-

er should create their own system of values and beliefs so as not to undertake any accidental organization of cultural events but establish their own cultural and political point of view. It is only then that the process of management has certain sense and direction marked out by the criteria of action. This also takes account of financial issues whose share in the world of culture is so limited. Culture management may become a breath of fresh air in ossified cultural institutions especially when a young generation of culture managers sets new paths of integrating culture within a society. G visionary skills in culture Apart from the ability to carry out projects, culture managers should be able to think as visionaries to develop the concepts of new cultural projects using the existing potential. Culture managers are not artists but culture creators. Thus, culture management is not limited to a project execution but it also has the potential to stimulate the development of culture.

Impact on Program of Culture Management Faculty

H

ow can one become trained in those skills, how can one create bonds, and how can one learn to identify the common areas of interests and potentials necessary to create new structures, take care of quality, or initiate projects? The culture management faculty should be less focused on mastering the operating methods, and more on essential issues, both in respect of social and economic transformation, art and culture. The discourse on cultural, social and political issues, many-sided practical examples and a close contact with art may create the necessary substantive grounds.

Dealing with Cultural, Political, Social and Economic Issues to Establish One s Own Point of View and Vision as a Culture Manager

I

n order to set own goals it is necessary to concentrate on cultural and political issues. One can find instructions for defining one s own actions, become sensitive to changes in a society and cultural institutions, or become focused on new demands and market niches by discussing cultural and political goals and structures, comparing the systems financing

19

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)


culture in other countries, or conducting sociological research on social environments. Unlike weekend courses offering their students the fragments of arcane knowledge of culture management, schools of higher education have time to make a thorough research on issues surrounding cultural and organizational activity including cultural and political issues, cultural and sociological issues, cultural and pedagogical issues, and knowledge of art. Schools of higher education serve as a kind of incubator for shaping ideas and learning how to add meaning to a goal (Hermann Glaser) without pragmatism or daily life pressure.

Many-Sided Examples of Shaping a Sense of Reality, Leadership, and Courage in Management

H

ow much must or may the studies concen trate on professional practice? If culture management is deemed visionary and innovative concentrating on professional practice in the existing structures cannot become the only impulse since culture management means going beyond the existing standards. However, an apprenticeship in cultural institutions seems crucial for the new discipline named culture management for many reasons:

G practice may serve as an object lesson in the process of training; It is only after the analysis of professional practice in the existing structures that one can recognize and name special features of cultural organization. Since a student s knowledge has not yet been reinforced a thorough analysis and comparative assessment of examples is crucial. G

G

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

One can assess various contents and methods in interdisciplinary culture management and discover comprehensive attitude to this discipline by implementing the forms of education focused on the completion of projects. For example, a student acquires various skills while working on the concept and executing a given project. In this case, a student has a greater chance to develop such skills as creativity, social skills, and leadership. Moreover, a student learns to pluck up courage to accept challenges. G

stages aimed at preparing a student to perform a specific job.

Polemics with Art as a Way of Shaping Quality Criteria

A

rt is necessary in educating culture man agers because art and artists are the essence of cultural life. It is only a thorough knowledge of art reinforced, if possible, with artistic practice that can guarantee the primacy of theory [Max Fuchs] and a focus on quality in management. Therefore, the culture management faculty is often offered by the art schools of higher education. Culture management, a new branch of science and education, calls for a discourse with other fields including sociology, politics, cultural studies, and cultural practice. Moreover, culture management calls for a thorough knowledge of art and culture acquired not only from books but also personal engagement in art. Culture management can then be audience- and quality-oriented, close to art, visionary, and can go far beyond project management techniques. Like other university faculties, culture management defines its goals: it becomes necessary to answer the questions concerning purpose and goal of education. What kind of managers are we going to educate and what socials goal are we going to achieve?

stages aimed at preparing a student to perform a specific job.

One can assess various contents and methods in interdisciplinary culture management and discover comprehensive attitude to this discipline by implementing the forms of education focused on the completion of projects. For example, a student acquires various skills while working on the concept and executing a given project. In this case, a student has a greater chance to develop such skills as creativity, social skills, and leadership. Moreover, a student learns to pluck up courage to accept challenges. 20

practice may serve as research in shaping theoretical frameworks; learning by completing one s own projects as part of studies or developing case studies on the basis of specific examples;

H

rt is necessary in educating culture man agers because art and artists are the essence of cultural life. It is only a thorough knowledge of art reinforced, if possible, with artistic practice that can guarantee the primacy of theory [Max Fuchs] and a focus on quality in management. Therefore, the culture management faculty is often offered by the art schools of higher education. Culture management, a new branch of science and education, calls for a discourse with other fields including sociology, politics, cultural studies, and cultural practice. Moreover, culture management calls for a thorough knowledge of art and culture acquired not only from books but also personal engagement in art. Culture management can then be audience- and quality-oriented, close to art, visionary, and can go far beyond project management techniques. Like other university faculties, culture management defines its goals: it becomes necessary to answer the questions concerning purpose and goal of education. What kind of managers are we going to educate and what socials goal are we going to achieve?

A

Polemics with Art as a Way of Shaping Quality Criteria G

practice may serve as research in shaping theoretical frameworks; learning by completing one s own projects as part of studies or developing case studies on the basis of specific examples;

20 G G

practice may serve as an object lesson in the process of training; It is only after the analysis of professional practice in the existing structures that one can recognize and name special features of cultural organization. Since a student s knowledge has not yet been reinforced a thorough analysis and comparative assessment of examples is crucial.

G

ow much must or may the studies concen trate on professional practice? If culture management is deemed visionary and innovative concentrating on professional practice in the existing structures cannot become the only impulse since culture management means going beyond the existing standards. However, an apprenticeship in cultural institutions seems crucial for the new discipline named culture management for many reasons:

Many-Sided Examples of Shaping a Sense of Reality, Leadership, and Courage in Management culture in other countries, or conducting sociological research on social environments. Unlike weekend courses offering their students the fragments of arcane knowledge of culture management, schools of higher education have time to make a thorough research on issues surrounding cultural and organizational activity including cultural and political issues, cultural and sociological issues, cultural and pedagogical issues, and knowledge of art. Schools of higher education serve as a kind of incubator for shaping ideas and learning how to add meaning to a goal (Hermann Glaser) without pragmatism or daily life pressure.

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)


21

Culture Managemen 2008, Vol 1 (1) 1

Cultural Goods or Culture as Goods Deliberations in the Economic Perspective Katherine Nölling

W

ithin the range of economic studies, there have been attempts of applying theoretical knowledge and analytical instrumentarium also in the areas, which directly are not counted as the domains of economy [Bendixen, 2001, p. 11]. This tendency is not, however, connected exclusively with economy s expansive aspirations [Engelbardt, 1987]. There is also an influential fact that social and economical conditions have changed in an essential and probably irreversible way on the areas financed mainly from the public resources.

Tendencies in Public Financing of Culture in Germany and Latvia

C

ulture consists in the above mentioned areas. Country s expenditure allotted on public culture , i.e. museums, theatres, operas, libraries, monuments protection, promoting culture outside the country, and on universities with artistic profile has been largely decreased these days in Germany. In 2003 the federal budget, states and districts spent almost 8.2 milliard euro on culture. Public expenditure on culture was, as in previous years 0.4 % of gross national product [Federal Statistical Office, p. 1]. The most current, detailed data concern the year 2002, when the public expenditure on culture were altogether 107 mln euro lower than in the former year. In other words, expenses noted a 1.3 % drop in total. In the cultural sector, it is possible to differentiate definite winners and losers there

1

was an increase of expenses from the federal budget on financing theatre and music by 4.7 %, i.e. 144 mln euro; at the same time a 10 % drop (134 mln euro) was noted in the case of expenses on museums, collections and exhibitions and a 4 % drop (60 mln euro) appeared in the case of libraries. There was also a clear increase in the public expenditure on monument protection by almost one third, i.e. by 133 mln euro whereas artistic universities received 13 mln euro fewer, i.e. almost 3 % less. To sum up, it can be stated that the mentioned drop of the total expenses of the German budget on culture is relatively moderate, however, when considering this situation in a long-term perspective starting from 1995 it seems that the zenith of the budgetary financing of culture has passed and it is difficult to expect any rise of expanses in the future. In Latvia, budgetary public expenditure (General government consolidated budget) on the sphere relax, sport, culture, and religious issues is shaped in a completely different way. In the years 2000-2004 there was an increase of expenses from 60 mln Latvian lats (about 103 mln euro) to more than 95 mln lats (about 136 mln euro)1, which is altogether by 60 % [General Government Consolidated Budget by Indicator and Year, 2005]. To estimate more precisely what was the part of this sum that fell solely on culture, detailed research should be conducted with this progress scale; however, it can be assumed that the increase also applied to this sphere.

Counted basing on the currency rate lat/euro on 31.12 in the mentioned years, bulletin Oanda.com.

Culture Managemen 2008, Vol 1 (1)

21

Katherine Nölling a graduate from General Economics, Politics and SocialEconomic at University in Hamburg. In 19901993 a scientific worker in the Department of Economic Policy at the University Bundeswehr in Hamburg. She obtained a doctoral degree on the subject of crisis in American banking institutions. In 2003-2005 lecturer in General Economy at University and Public Finance at University of Applied Sciences (Fern-Hochschule) in Hamburg. Since 2005 lecturer in Economics at Latvian University in Riga.

Counted basing on the currency rate lat/euro on 31.12 in the mentioned years, bulletin Oanda.com.

ulture consists in the above mentioned areas. Country s expenditure allotted on public culture , i.e. museums, theatres, operas, libraries, monuments protection, promoting culture outside the country, and on universities with artistic profile has been largely decreased these days in Germany. In 2003 the federal budget, states and districts spent almost 8.2 milliard euro on culture. Public expenditure on culture was, as in previous years 0.4 % of gross national product [Federal Statistical Office, p. 1]. The most current, detailed data concern the year 2002, when the public expenditure on culture were altogether 107 mln euro lower than in the former year. In other words, expenses noted a 1.3 % drop in total. In the cultural sector, it is possible to differentiate definite winners and losers there

C

Tendencies in Public Financing of Culture in Germany and Latvia ithin the range of economic studies, there have been attempts of applying theoretical knowledge and analytical instrumentarium also in the areas, which directly are not counted as the domains of economy [Bendixen, 2001, p. 11]. This tendency is not, however, connected exclusively with economy s expansive aspirations [Engelbardt, 1987]. There is also an influential fact that social and economical conditions have changed in an essential and probably irreversible way on the areas financed mainly from the public resources.

W

was an increase of expenses from the federal budget on financing theatre and music by 4.7 %, i.e. 144 mln euro; at the same time a 10 % drop (134 mln euro) was noted in the case of expenses on museums, collections and exhibitions and a 4 % drop (60 mln euro) appeared in the case of libraries. There was also a clear increase in the public expenditure on monument protection by almost one third, i.e. by 133 mln euro whereas artistic universities received 13 mln euro fewer, i.e. almost 3 % less. To sum up, it can be stated that the mentioned drop of the total expenses of the German budget on culture is relatively moderate, however, when considering this situation in a long-term perspective starting from 1995 it seems that the zenith of the budgetary financing of culture has passed and it is difficult to expect any rise of expanses in the future. In Latvia, budgetary public expenditure (General government consolidated budget) on the sphere relax, sport, culture, and religious issues is shaped in a completely different way. In the years 2000-2004 there was an increase of expenses from 60 mln Latvian lats (about 103 mln euro) to more than 95 mln lats (about 136 mln euro)1, which is altogether by 60 % [General Government Consolidated Budget by Indicator and Year, 2005]. To estimate more precisely what was the part of this sum that fell solely on culture, detailed research should be conducted with this progress scale; however, it can be assumed that the increase also applied to this sphere.

Katherine Nölling

Cultural Goods or Culture as Goods Deliberations in the Economic Perspective

Katherine Nölling a graduate from General Economics, Politics and SocialEconomic at University in Hamburg. In 19901993 a scientific worker in the Department of Economic Policy at the University Bundeswehr in Hamburg. She obtained a doctoral degree on the subject of crisis in American banking institutions. In 2003-2005 lecturer in General Economy at University and Public Finance at University of Applied Sciences (Fern-Hochschule) in Hamburg. Since 2005 lecturer in Economics at Latvian University in Riga.


22

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

T

Culture as a Product in Economic Perspective

which is offered for a given commodity or are even bigger if they are smaller, supply fades out. Deliberations presenting the ways of perceiving theses benefits for the customers e.g. if the benefit from the clear consumption of the culture goods depends on being present and noticed in the opera s foyer are irrelevant from the point of view of economic analysis. Consumer and exclusively he is aware of the benefits for himself. In theory of consumer s behaviours, the starting point is the assumption that the buyer is not only able to express his preferences but has also a clear vision of preferences structure which helps him to take a decision what to spend his money on. Therefore, the consumer is able to choose an optimal structure of consumption for himself. He finds himself in a balanced situation does not wish to perform modifications in kind and/or in quantity of the consumed goods and services because he has already divided expenses according to a personally chosen key on particular commodities in a way that specific combinations of particular goods can guarantee him a certain level of benefits. However, due to the fact that the consumer has definite income at his disposal and is restricted by prices, on which he has no influence, he cannot buy an unlimited amount of commodities. Thus, he has to make a choice. The above assumptions are crucial for economic perception of a consumer as an independent subject or, in other words, for a conception of consumer s independence. In this liberal approach, every consumer has not only a clear structure of benefits, but he is also a subject who can and only him estimate the benefits the best. No other person, and the more nor institution, could estimate the benefits the way everybody does it with reference to themselves.

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

aking only into the account a general opin ion in German spheres connected with culture, an impression could be drawn that the financial resources for cultural institutions were drastically cut off. However, in my opinion, there is a clear contradiction between objective data and subjective impressions. This contradiction, according to my understanding, is a result of more and more frequent demand for people managing the cultural institutions to submit financial reports concerning the activity of their subordinate institutions. The question which can be asked today directly i.e. Is it profitable? in the case of culture was rare for a long time, not to say improper at least from the point of view of the artists. However, gradually there is another opinion prevailing: that art and culture also should account for the resources received from the public budget and that the division and amount of the granted resourced are not selfevident and could be subject to changes. Only people engaged in creating culture artists and organizers are convinced that culture financing happens outside the market [Kaüsel, 2003, p. 3]. In a pure economic perspective, culture is only a commodity, as any other goods it is created and consumed, subordinate to the laws of supply and demand. Conditions concerning production and including the product of culture to the market offer do not stray in the economic perspective from the conditionings concerning for example shoes or bread. There is a similar situation from the point of view of supply. Consumption of the product, which is culture , brings benefits to the individual. These benefits correspond to the price,

22

2003

*Approximate data

TABLE 1: PUBLIC EXPENDITURE ON CULTURE AND ART IN MLN EURO IN GERMANY ACCORDING TO KINDS OF ACTIVITY

1533

8196*

1646

2002 3224 1312 1242 537 320 423 736 499 8293

1463

Source: Federal Statistical Office, 7.04.2005

2001 3080 1372 1376 404 315 436 899 519 8400

1466

8196*

2000 2966 1306 1284 318 314 418 1110 492 8206

1438

2003

1999 2875 1270 1218 313 329 396 1056 479 7937

2002 3224 1312 1242 537 320 423 736 499 8293

1995 2752 1058 1130 315 352 369 1018 464 7468

2001 3080 1372 1376 404 315 436 899 519 8400

1533

2000 2966 1306 1284 318 314 418 1110 492 8206

1646

1999 2875 1270 1218 313 329 396 1056 479 7937

1463

1995 2752 1058 1130 315 352 369 1018 464 7468

1466

Theatre/music Libraries Museums, collections exhibitions Art protection and conservation Culture promotion outside the country Artistic universities Other monument protection Administrative costs connected with culture Expenses on culture in total For a comparison: spheres connected with the cultural sector (adult education centres, continual education, religious unions, radio, television)

1438

TABLE 1: PUBLIC EXPENDITURE ON CULTURE AND ART IN MLN EURO IN GERMANY ACCORDING TO KINDS OF ACTIVITY

Theatre/music Libraries Museums, collections exhibitions Art protection and conservation Culture promotion outside the country Artistic universities Other monument protection Administrative costs connected with culture Expenses on culture in total For a comparison: spheres connected with the cultural sector (adult education centres, continual education, religious unions, radio, television)

aking only into the account a general opin ion in German spheres connected with culture, an impression could be drawn that the financial resources for cultural institutions were drastically cut off. However, in my opinion, there is a clear contradiction between objective data and subjective impressions. This contradiction, according to my understanding, is a result of more and more frequent demand for people managing the cultural institutions to submit financial reports concerning the activity of their subordinate institutions. The question which can be asked today directly i.e. Is it profitable? in the case of culture was rare for a long time, not to say improper at least from the point of view of the artists. However, gradually there is another opinion prevailing: that art and culture also should account for the resources received from the public budget and that the division and amount of the granted resourced are not selfevident and could be subject to changes. Only people engaged in creating culture artists and organizers are convinced that culture financing happens outside the market [Kaüsel, 2003, p. 3]. In a pure economic perspective, culture is only a commodity, as any other goods it is created and consumed, subordinate to the laws of supply and demand. Conditions concerning production and including the product of culture to the market offer do not stray in the economic perspective from the conditionings concerning for example shoes or bread. There is a similar situation from the point of view of supply. Consumption of the product, which is culture , brings benefits to the individual. These benefits correspond to the price,

Source: Federal Statistical Office, 7.04.2005

T

which is offered for a given commodity or are even bigger if they are smaller, supply fades out. Deliberations presenting the ways of perceiving theses benefits for the customers e.g. if the benefit from the clear consumption of the culture goods depends on being present and noticed in the opera s foyer are irrelevant from the point of view of economic analysis. Consumer and exclusively he is aware of the benefits for himself. In theory of consumer s behaviours, the starting point is the assumption that the buyer is not only able to express his preferences but has also a clear vision of preferences structure which helps him to take a decision what to spend his money on. Therefore, the consumer is able to choose an optimal structure of consumption for himself. He finds himself in a balanced situation does not wish to perform modifications in kind and/or in quantity of the consumed goods and services because he has already divided expenses according to a personally chosen key on particular commodities in a way that specific combinations of particular goods can guarantee him a certain level of benefits. However, due to the fact that the consumer has definite income at his disposal and is restricted by prices, on which he has no influence, he cannot buy an unlimited amount of commodities. Thus, he has to make a choice. The above assumptions are crucial for economic perception of a consumer as an independent subject or, in other words, for a conception of consumer s independence. In this liberal approach, every consumer has not only a clear structure of benefits, but he is also a subject who can and only him estimate the benefits the best. No other person, and the more nor institution, could estimate the benefits the way everybody does it with reference to themselves.

*Approximate data

Culture as a Product in Economic Perspective


23

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

This consumer s independence is a great power and an unquestionable value. It means freedom for an individual within the range of making choices and provides a possibility to choose only this option which, at the moment of making a decision, seems the most proper from the point of view of an individual. Market mechanism works within the range of offering private goods. It bases on the exchange, which can function well only in correlation with transferring the exclusive right of property. As a consequence, people who are not able to pay for a particular article are excluded from the exchange. Consumers must express their demand for the commodity, which they want to purchase by showing to producers their preferences this is the mechanism of shaping the price!

Is the Cultural Market Ruled by Different Laws?

O

n the market of cultural goods, consumer s independence is not preserved because he is not confronted with market prices. In the process of shaping the prices for cultural goods costs generated during their production are not mirrored. What is more, it can appear a situation when the product culture is in the offer but the demand for it is not shaped on the level which justifies functioning of this offer. Effectively, there are no correlation between demand and the quality and quantity of the offered cultural goods. The market of cultural goods currently functioning is not ruled by the same laws as the shoe market or bread market, but is characterized by individual properties. Supply and demand resist market economy regulations in many spheres. The state interferes because the market in the process of creating cultural goods does not produce results, which are considered sufficient or desirable. The commodity culture , if we understand it as a the offer of theatres, operas, museums, or libraries is at least in the European countries predominantly offered by the state, and in to a smaller extent by private economies. The theory of economy presents various justifications for the state interference in the market laws.

Guaranteeing Public Goods as the Objective of the State

T

he theory of public goods is an academic foundation of the allocative function of the

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

state, i.e. the country s participation in the process of management of the resources, determining at the same time important grounds for the state s interventionism in the market mechanism. It is justified by the statement that the market fails within the range of providing public goods. How does this imperfection of market mechanisms manifest itself? Public goods, due to their technical properties, are not offered by means of the market thus by private companies because they are characterized by two properties: the lack of the rule of exclusivity of consumption and the lack of competition in consumption. The rule of exclusivity is not applicable when the consumers without the paying the dues can benefit from a given commodity or when excluding anybody from the possibility of benefiting from the goods is from the point of view of the producer of these goods economically unprofitable. The classic examples of this situation are the street lighting or the functioning of lighthouses. The strategy of consumers behaviour results on the fact that because everybody can use the public goods only when they are in the offer there is a temptation to wait and check if other consumers finance the offer before we have shown our readiness to contribute and by this to present our preferences. If this strategy of consumers behaviour, showing itself in the lack of cooperation, dominates, the private offer will not shape. The market does not work the breakdown of the functioning the market mechanism appears. Thus rational behaviour of the individual leads to collective irrationality. Admittedly, the factors of supply and demand are present, but the market is not able to coordinate them.

Does Culture Belong to Public Goods?

T

he market mechanism is proper for offering private goods. It is based on exchange, whose inseparable element is the transfer if the exclusive ownership. If a consumer is not ready to pay the dues, he is excluded from the process. The state must shape the supply if specifically public goods because it is able due to its superior competence to guarantee financing the offer of these goods by charging obligatory fees. What characteristics does the market of goods included in the sphere of culture have? Are the characteristics typical for the sphere of public goods applicable in this case? The answer is: no!

23

T

he theory of public goods is an academic foundation of the allocative function of the

Guaranteeing Public Goods as the Objective of the State n the market of cultural goods, consumer s independence is not preserved because he is not confronted with market prices. In the process of shaping the prices for cultural goods costs generated during their production are not mirrored. What is more, it can appear a situation when the product culture is in the offer but the demand for it is not shaped on the level which justifies functioning of this offer. Effectively, there are no correlation between demand and the quality and quantity of the offered cultural goods. The market of cultural goods currently functioning is not ruled by the same laws as the shoe market or bread market, but is characterized by individual properties. Supply and demand resist market economy regulations in many spheres. The state interferes because the market in the process of creating cultural goods does not produce results, which are considered sufficient or desirable. The commodity culture , if we understand it as a the offer of theatres, operas, museums, or libraries is at least in the European countries predominantly offered by the state, and in to a smaller extent by private economies. The theory of economy presents various justifications for the state interference in the market laws.

O

Is the Cultural Market Ruled by Different Laws? This consumer s independence is a great power and an unquestionable value. It means freedom for an individual within the range of making choices and provides a possibility to choose only this option which, at the moment of making a decision, seems the most proper from the point of view of an individual. Market mechanism works within the range of offering private goods. It bases on the exchange, which can function well only in correlation with transferring the exclusive right of property. As a consequence, people who are not able to pay for a particular article are excluded from the exchange. Consumers must express their demand for the commodity, which they want to purchase by showing to producers their preferences this is the mechanism of shaping the price!

he market mechanism is proper for offering private goods. It is based on exchange, whose inseparable element is the transfer if the exclusive ownership. If a consumer is not ready to pay the dues, he is excluded from the process. The state must shape the supply if specifically public goods because it is able due to its superior competence to guarantee financing the offer of these goods by charging obligatory fees. What characteristics does the market of goods included in the sphere of culture have? Are the characteristics typical for the sphere of public goods applicable in this case? The answer is: no!

T

Does Culture Belong to Public Goods? state, i.e. the country s participation in the process of management of the resources, determining at the same time important grounds for the state s interventionism in the market mechanism. It is justified by the statement that the market fails within the range of providing public goods. How does this imperfection of market mechanisms manifest itself? Public goods, due to their technical properties, are not offered by means of the market thus by private companies because they are characterized by two properties: the lack of the rule of exclusivity of consumption and the lack of competition in consumption. The rule of exclusivity is not applicable when the consumers without the paying the dues can benefit from a given commodity or when excluding anybody from the possibility of benefiting from the goods is from the point of view of the producer of these goods economically unprofitable. The classic examples of this situation are the street lighting or the functioning of lighthouses. The strategy of consumers behaviour results on the fact that because everybody can use the public goods only when they are in the offer there is a temptation to wait and check if other consumers finance the offer before we have shown our readiness to contribute and by this to present our preferences. If this strategy of consumers behaviour, showing itself in the lack of cooperation, dominates, the private offer will not shape. The market does not work the breakdown of the functioning the market mechanism appears. Thus rational behaviour of the individual leads to collective irrationality. Admittedly, the factors of supply and demand are present, but the market is not able to coordinate them.


24

We cannot admit culture into public goods because in this case there appears a phenomenon of separation the consumers from the consumed goods. We can find proofs of the mutual influence of these two factors every evening by the box offices of theatres, operas, museums, or libraries. The price is the connector if the consumer wants to consume particular goods by paying for it, he shows his preferences. The thesis that in the case of culture there is a lack of competition is also false. Everyone who visited a popular exhibition knows that consumption in this case depending on watching a painting can be distracted by other consumers. In the case of culture, we can speak about the appearance of a particular phenomenon although we do not deal with irregularities in the functioning of market mechanisms (typical for public goods), we are observing the state s interference. The process of creating the product culture is predominantly supported by the state budget.

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Culture as a Merit Good

24

On 28 X 1717 Frederick William I introduced in Prussia a general school duty.

I

2

mand. The introduction of the general school duty in the 18th century2 is an example of the country s interference according to the theory of merit goods. By forcing the parents to send their children to school, the country decided that it would be profitable both for every child and for the whole society that children would be well-educated. An analogous situation is in the case of pension care the state perceives this issue in a further perspective than an individual does and obligates everybody to the insurance. This argumentation proving the country s interference is used in order to justify the expanses borne by the state on culture. From this point of view, the country s task is to take care of a more diverse offer. Merit goods are overestimated in their value by the consumers. The country, according to the theory, should restrict the market supply. The examples of such goods are: alcohol, gambling, or narcotics therefore the state artificially inflates the prices for those goods, restricts their availability, or even forbids. The culture good unequivocally in view of this argumentation belongs to merit goods. Clearly as the official interpretation presents citizens are not able to judge correctly the benefits resulting from culture. The supply from the consumers part if the process of settling the prices was left in the hands of the market would be shaped on a low level, in any case lower than looking from the state s point of view it is advisable for the consumers. Therefore, the state artificially creates concessions for a given good and thus tries to take care that a larger group of citizens should benefit from the cultural goods than without the state s interference. The state s mandate to shape the cultural offer dominates and the majority of us agree on such exploitation of public funds. Are the funds allotted for subsidies of cultural enterprises, so that possibly the largest number of people could have access to culture, directed well? According to my estimations, the public help is currently used by those circles of society who do not need this support. Cultural coupon does probably best as a political justification of the state s interference in the cultural market. There appears a question: how long will consent on such a state last? From the economic point of view, the means that are at our disposal are always limited each euro spent on a theatre, museum, or library cannot be paid

n order to justify the state s interference in the situation when face do not face any irregularities in the functioning of the market, the American economist Richard Musgrave in 1959 introduced the concept of so called merit goods [Musgrave, 1959]. According to this concept, providing the public goods is not one of the state s objectives. In particular cases, in which admittedly the market works, but from the point of view of the state or the society it renders undesirable results, the state must interfere in the consumer s individual choice. The reasons why the market brings undesirable effect can be found in the deformed preferences of the consumers and in incomplete information reaching the citizens [Brümmerhoff, 2001, p. 113]. The necessity of interference in consumers independency and the corrections of individual preferences induce the state to provide public offer because restricting oneself to only private regulation could lead to a situation of providing particular goods in an insufficient amount. Merit or valuable-for-the-society goods are market goods, for which, due to deformed preferences there is a little supply from the buyers side. The state estimates the particular goods higher than it is reflected in the consumers de-

n order to justify the state s interference in the situation when face do not face any irregularities in the functioning of the market, the American economist Richard Musgrave in 1959 introduced the concept of so called merit goods [Musgrave, 1959]. According to this concept, providing the public goods is not one of the state s objectives. In particular cases, in which admittedly the market works, but from the point of view of the state or the society it renders undesirable results, the state must interfere in the consumer s individual choice. The reasons why the market brings undesirable effect can be found in the deformed preferences of the consumers and in incomplete information reaching the citizens [Brümmerhoff, 2001, p. 113]. The necessity of interference in consumers independency and the corrections of individual preferences induce the state to provide public offer because restricting oneself to only private regulation could lead to a situation of providing particular goods in an insufficient amount. Merit or valuable-for-the-society goods are market goods, for which, due to deformed preferences there is a little supply from the buyers side. The state estimates the particular goods higher than it is reflected in the consumers de-

I

On 28 X 1717 Frederick William I introduced in Prussia a general school duty.

Culture as a Merit Good

mand. The introduction of the general school duty in the 18th century2 is an example of the country s interference according to the theory of merit goods. By forcing the parents to send their children to school, the country decided that it would be profitable both for every child and for the whole society that children would be well-educated. An analogous situation is in the case of pension care the state perceives this issue in a further perspective than an individual does and obligates everybody to the insurance. This argumentation proving the country s interference is used in order to justify the expanses borne by the state on culture. From this point of view, the country s task is to take care of a more diverse offer. Merit goods are overestimated in their value by the consumers. The country, according to the theory, should restrict the market supply. The examples of such goods are: alcohol, gambling, or narcotics therefore the state artificially inflates the prices for those goods, restricts their availability, or even forbids. The culture good unequivocally in view of this argumentation belongs to merit goods. Clearly as the official interpretation presents citizens are not able to judge correctly the benefits resulting from culture. The supply from the consumers part if the process of settling the prices was left in the hands of the market would be shaped on a low level, in any case lower than looking from the state s point of view it is advisable for the consumers. Therefore, the state artificially creates concessions for a given good and thus tries to take care that a larger group of citizens should benefit from the cultural goods than without the state s interference. The state s mandate to shape the cultural offer dominates and the majority of us agree on such exploitation of public funds. Are the funds allotted for subsidies of cultural enterprises, so that possibly the largest number of people could have access to culture, directed well? According to my estimations, the public help is currently used by those circles of society who do not need this support. Cultural coupon does probably best as a political justification of the state s interference in the cultural market. There appears a question: how long will consent on such a state last? From the economic point of view, the means that are at our disposal are always limited each euro spent on a theatre, museum, or library cannot be paid

2

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

We cannot admit culture into public goods because in this case there appears a phenomenon of separation the consumers from the consumed goods. We can find proofs of the mutual influence of these two factors every evening by the box offices of theatres, operas, museums, or libraries. The price is the connector if the consumer wants to consume particular goods by paying for it, he shows his preferences. The thesis that in the case of culture there is a lack of competition is also false. Everyone who visited a popular exhibition knows that consumption in this case depending on watching a painting can be distracted by other consumers. In the case of culture, we can speak about the appearance of a particular phenomenon although we do not deal with irregularities in the functioning of market mechanisms (typical for public goods), we are observing the state s interference. The process of creating the product culture is predominantly supported by the state budget.


25

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

for a place for a child in a kindergarten, on a hospital bed, or policeman salary. The needs within the range of budgetary financing of culture compete with other needs, also financed from the country s budget. Thus there must be serious arguments presented, which speak in favour of allotting the funds on cultural objectives at the expense of other needs.

inancing the cultural offer by the state is now and will be in the next years and decades an important issue within the range of culture management. The scarcity of budgetary resources connected with the obligations made on the strength of agreements concerning the acceptable amount of budget deficit will cause the situation when all the voluntary tasks and expenses of the country will have to be subordinated to the compulsion to save. This compulsion also refers to the expenses on culture. Therefore, if a few years ago we

asked a question: Which cultural enterprises can we finance now and which in the future? , in this case we are facing the dilemma if we can afford a budgetary financing of culture at all, and if so, in what way it could be financed, alternatively co-financed, when deriving funds from outside the country s budget? [Heinrichs, p. 25]. In the future culture management will be forced to seeking new solutions. The objective should be to decrease dependency on state s subsidies and, at the same time, enlarging the influence on the range, direction, and aims of the offer within the range of cultural goods. It will undoubtedly be a challenge, which will have to be faced by the beginner culture managers. Their duties will be connected with the issues of financing to a larger and larger extent. Proportions between public and private culture financing will change and ultimately completely new competences will become indispensable. It would be worth that the institutions which educate the future culture managers will face these challenges also in the Royal Latvian Academy of Culture in Riga!

Literature

Heinrichs H., Nichts wird mehr so sein, wie gestern!

Culture Financing as the Biggest Challenge for Culture Management

F

of finance, Hamburg 1987. Engelbardt G., Draft to the lecture from the basics na 2001. Brümmerhoff D., Finanzwissenschaft, Munich/Vienics, Wiesbaden, 2001.

Bendixen P., Introduction to culture and art econom-

Bendixen P., Introduction to culture and art econom-

Literature

1959. Musgrave R., The Theory of Public Finance, New York für KulturAustausch, 2003, vol. 4. Kaüsel P., Der Teufel der Evaluation , Zeitschrift zierung, Kulturmanagement , vol 3 Die neuen Mühen und Chancen der KulturfinanHeinrichs H., Nichts wird mehr so sein, wie gestern!

ics, Wiesbaden, 2001. Brümmerhoff D., Finanzwissenschaft, Munich/Vienna 2001. Engelbardt G., Draft to the lecture from the basics of finance, Hamburg 1987.

Die neuen Mühen und Chancen der Kulturfinanzierung, Kulturmanagement , vol 3 Kaüsel P., Der Teufel der Evaluation , Zeitschrift für KulturAustausch, 2003, vol. 4. Musgrave R., The Theory of Public Finance, New York 1959.

inancing the cultural offer by the state is now and will be in the next years and decades an important issue within the range of culture management. The scarcity of budgetary resources connected with the obligations made on the strength of agreements concerning the acceptable amount of budget deficit will cause the situation when all the voluntary tasks and expenses of the country will have to be subordinated to the compulsion to save. This compulsion also refers to the expenses on culture. Therefore, if a few years ago we

F

Culture Financing as the Biggest Challenge for Culture Management for a place for a child in a kindergarten, on a hospital bed, or policeman salary. The needs within the range of budgetary financing of culture compete with other needs, also financed from the country s budget. Thus there must be serious arguments presented, which speak in favour of allotting the funds on cultural objectives at the expense of other needs. Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

25

asked a question: Which cultural enterprises can we finance now and which in the future? , in this case we are facing the dilemma if we can afford a budgetary financing of culture at all, and if so, in what way it could be financed, alternatively co-financed, when deriving funds from outside the country s budget? [Heinrichs, p. 25]. In the future culture management will be forced to seeking new solutions. The objective should be to decrease dependency on state s subsidies and, at the same time, enlarging the influence on the range, direction, and aims of the offer within the range of cultural goods. It will undoubtedly be a challenge, which will have to be faced by the beginner culture managers. Their duties will be connected with the issues of financing to a larger and larger extent. Proportions between public and private culture financing will change and ultimately completely new competences will become indispensable. It would be worth that the institutions which educate the future culture managers will face these challenges also in the Royal Latvian Academy of Culture in Riga!


26

Eugen Buß

Image and Reputation. Basics of Company Communications

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Translated by Aleksandra Rosiñska & Pawe³ Szlachta

26

Theses to understand the definition: Image is a result of the social process of interpretation. It is a projection of imaginations directly connected with the company, linked to its history, or is considerably durable and bears some consequences for the future. These are the imaginations, which: G determine directly behaviour and action (this element affects both sides of the relation: in the sense of own image, which is a obligation for the company, as well as in sense of an outside image on basis of which customers and public opinion make decisions of acceptance), G position the company in relation to competitors and/or the source of reputation. Image is always important for the surroundings; and in this understanding, image is a way for isolation and differentiation. Being something different is one of the key elements of that, G by means of illustrations converted into symbols, they reduce the whole palette of characteristics and properties into a few simplified, pictorial or key elements. Image

With public sentiment, nothing can fail. Without it, nothing can succeed. Abraham Lincoln

Eugen Buß graduated from Sociology and General Economy in Köln, Berlin and Basle. In 1971 he obtained a doctoral degree, in 1981 habilitation. Since 1987 lecturer in Sociology and Empirical Sociological Researches at the University of Hohenheim in Stuttgart. Research activities: study of elite, cultural identity, leadership, communication in the companies, image of the brand and process of the balanced development.

modern consumer and citizen is undoubtedly an enigmatic figure. Companies, organizations, and parties have immense problems with exploring him. They conduct market research or public opinion polls, prepare target group strategies, assess consumers habits, foresee changes in lifestyle and surrounding conditions, analyze consumer s behaviour, not trying, however, to wear his shoes. Therefore, they realized with astonishment that the so far durable bond is crumbling, trust is dropping, fame and reputation among the society are eroding. Transformation of the value system in Central Europe forces to change the way of thinking on the topic of traditional norms of communication. It particularly inclines to answer new questions: How is the changing demands affecting company strategies? Are they stimulating changes within the range of communication forms? Which assumptions must be fulfilled to make image and reputation factors, which increase value within the scope of management? When dealing with the issue of image, it is worth explaining what phenomena we are referring to. In the case of image, it is about the basic rule of positioning on the market and creating values in economy. Image is the basic indicator taken into the account for market ori-

Image as a Social Basic for Management

A

entation, a source of accepting or negating the subject, a source of loyalty or unfaithfulness, a code of affiliation or rejection. Image is used as a measurable criterion within the range of organization and institution evaluation [Buß 2000, p. 4 and further].

entation, a source of accepting or negating the subject, a source of loyalty or unfaithfulness, a code of affiliation or rejection. Image is used as a measurable criterion within the range of organization and institution evaluation [Buß 2000, p. 4 and further].

Image as a Social Basic for Management

A

With public sentiment, nothing can fail. Without it, nothing can succeed. Abraham Lincoln

Theses to understand the definition: Image is a result of the social process of interpretation. It is a projection of imaginations directly connected with the company, linked to its history, or is considerably durable and bears some consequences for the future. These are the imaginations, which: G determine directly behaviour and action (this element affects both sides of the relation: in the sense of own image, which is a obligation for the company, as well as in sense of an outside image on basis of which customers and public opinion make decisions of acceptance), G position the company in relation to competitors and/or the source of reputation. Image is always important for the surroundings; and in this understanding, image is a way for isolation and differentiation. Being something different is one of the key elements of that, G by means of illustrations converted into symbols, they reduce the whole palette of characteristics and properties into a few simplified, pictorial or key elements. Image

Translated by Aleksandra Rosiñska & Pawe³ Szlachta

modern consumer and citizen is undoubtedly an enigmatic figure. Companies, organizations, and parties have immense problems with exploring him. They conduct market research or public opinion polls, prepare target group strategies, assess consumers habits, foresee changes in lifestyle and surrounding conditions, analyze consumer s behaviour, not trying, however, to wear his shoes. Therefore, they realized with astonishment that the so far durable bond is crumbling, trust is dropping, fame and reputation among the society are eroding. Transformation of the value system in Central Europe forces to change the way of thinking on the topic of traditional norms of communication. It particularly inclines to answer new questions: How is the changing demands affecting company strategies? Are they stimulating changes within the range of communication forms? Which assumptions must be fulfilled to make image and reputation factors, which increase value within the scope of management? When dealing with the issue of image, it is worth explaining what phenomena we are referring to. In the case of image, it is about the basic rule of positioning on the market and creating values in economy. Image is the basic indicator taken into the account for market ori-

Eugen Buß

Eugen Buß graduated from Sociology and General Economy in Köln, Berlin and Basle. In 1971 he obtained a doctoral degree, in 1981 habilitation. Since 1987 lecturer in Sociology and Empirical Sociological Researches at the University of Hohenheim in Stuttgart. Research activities: study of elite, cultural identity, leadership, communication in the companies, image of the brand and process of the balanced development.

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Image and Reputation. Basics of Company Communications


27

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1) G

is always constructed in a less complicated way than the object it represents, they represent social and non-material value, showing itself in the fact that image is fundamentally an expression of a high or low level of acceptance and assessment of the value.

To sum up, image means historically justified, assessing, and considerably durable and characteristic imaginations, which are included in symbolic, identity-building pictures and they oblige to some action or mobilize. We can express it by means of the following metaphor: image is the face of the organization. By image, relations devoid of face can be transformed into relations depended on the perception of the face . Image management is thus based on the ability to conduct the company s actions in a pictorial way. The perspective of perception is characteristic for shaping the image. The recipient interprets the world in a selective way, generalizes the received information, reduces experience to the range he will be able to orient himself on this basis he can make decisions about acceptance or rejection. Image escapes rational calculation. It is not an expression of a justified stand, it cannot be reduced to clearly specified, objective, and tangible motives, but it is directed by subjective processes of simplified transformation of sensations [Luhmann, 1973, p. 83]. Thus image arises from scraps of selective opinions. Imaginations, not facts, create the picture produced by the public opinion about a given organization. In 1956 Boulding [Boulding, 1956] wrote that subjective imaginations about a company are more important in determining society s behaviours than objective rationale. Image, according to Boulding, directs behaviour there comes a process of orientation on the basis of image instead of orientation on the basis of facts. It is not the product that decides about acceptance or rejection, but the image. It is not the company itself, not its achievements or successes which direct the consumers choices, but the imaginations about them. The real potential of directing the values lies there. It has the following consequences for the notion of image pictures, interpretations, and associations condition our judgment about the given organization and it does not matter that these pictures correspond reality or not. The decisive issue is the fact that projections of imaginations connected with image are a foundation for orientation and making decisions to

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

a larger extent than the real effectiveness of the company. Society generally absorbs only scraps of information. And from these pebbles , it constructs a mosaic structure, which becomes a simplified and marked by one s own perspective image of organization, which ultimately decides whether or not to accept it.

The Importance of Image in Modern Societies

T

he increasing importance of image and reputation in modern markets stems from evolution of the chain of institutional conditionings: 1) The conditions of competition have been sharpened in many spheres of the market. Products and services are becoming more and more mutually interchangeable, at the same time our knowledge about their detailed characteristics is increasing. It also causes a clear rise of risk of the offer rejection. If we are not able to offer the decisive trump card, which distinguishes our product from the competitive ones, if technical parameters are comparable to a larger and larger extent, if offers of services are becoming analogous the change appears in an appropriate sphere of competitive struggle. For example in the case of the comparable level of prices and security standards, it is the reputation that determines the choice of airlines. When the struggle of customers, suppliers, co-workers, shareholders, and media is sharpening, there is only one efficient solution it is not the product itself that decides about the predominance, but solely the image. The increasing pressure of the competitors leads to transferring the rivalry from the sphere of the product through the range of problem solving into the sphere of identity and reputation. The struggle is now not about more effective solutions of problems, but of the public eye, identity, and reputation, which enable a clear distinction on the market. 2) On globalizing markets, economic transactions are becoming anonymous relations to a gradually larger extent by buying shares, we do not stand in front of a given organizations. A similarly faint bond appears in the case of buying a car or toothpaste. Modern economic interactions are predominantly faceless interactions [Giddens, 1995]. They are typical relations between two unfamiliar subjects. However, estrangement does not provide any foundation for the creation of esteem among the consumers. How is it possible to trust a pro-

27

To sum up, image means historically justified, assessing, and considerably durable and characteristic imaginations, which are included in symbolic, identity-building pictures and they oblige to some action or mobilize. We can express it by means of the following metaphor: image is the face of the organization. By image, relations devoid of face can be transformed into relations depended on the perception of the face . Image management is thus based on the ability to conduct the company s actions in a pictorial way. The perspective of perception is characteristic for shaping the image. The recipient interprets the world in a selective way, generalizes the received information, reduces experience to the range he will be able to orient himself on this basis he can make decisions about acceptance or rejection. Image escapes rational calculation. It is not an expression of a justified stand, it cannot be reduced to clearly specified, objective, and tangible motives, but it is directed by subjective processes of simplified transformation of sensations [Luhmann, 1973, p. 83]. Thus image arises from scraps of selective opinions. Imaginations, not facts, create the picture produced by the public opinion about a given organization. In 1956 Boulding [Boulding, 1956] wrote that subjective imaginations about a company are more important in determining society s behaviours than objective rationale. Image, according to Boulding, directs behaviour there comes a process of orientation on the basis of image instead of orientation on the basis of facts. It is not the product that decides about acceptance or rejection, but the image. It is not the company itself, not its achievements or successes which direct the consumers choices, but the imaginations about them. The real potential of directing the values lies there. It has the following consequences for the notion of image pictures, interpretations, and associations condition our judgment about the given organization and it does not matter that these pictures correspond reality or not. The decisive issue is the fact that projections of imaginations connected with image are a foundation for orientation and making decisions to G

is always constructed in a less complicated way than the object it represents, they represent social and non-material value, showing itself in the fact that image is fundamentally an expression of a high or low level of acceptance and assessment of the value.

he increasing importance of image and reputation in modern markets stems from evolution of the chain of institutional conditionings: 1) The conditions of competition have been sharpened in many spheres of the market. Products and services are becoming more and more mutually interchangeable, at the same time our knowledge about their detailed characteristics is increasing. It also causes a clear rise of risk of the offer rejection. If we are not able to offer the decisive trump card, which distinguishes our product from the competitive ones, if technical parameters are comparable to a larger and larger extent, if offers of services are becoming analogous the change appears in an appropriate sphere of competitive struggle. For example in the case of the comparable level of prices and security standards, it is the reputation that determines the choice of airlines. When the struggle of customers, suppliers, co-workers, shareholders, and media is sharpening, there is only one efficient solution it is not the product itself that decides about the predominance, but solely the image. The increasing pressure of the competitors leads to transferring the rivalry from the sphere of the product through the range of problem solving into the sphere of identity and reputation. The struggle is now not about more effective solutions of problems, but of the public eye, identity, and reputation, which enable a clear distinction on the market. 2) On globalizing markets, economic transactions are becoming anonymous relations to a gradually larger extent by buying shares, we do not stand in front of a given organizations. A similarly faint bond appears in the case of buying a car or toothpaste. Modern economic interactions are predominantly faceless interactions [Giddens, 1995]. They are typical relations between two unfamiliar subjects. However, estrangement does not provide any foundation for the creation of esteem among the consumers. How is it possible to trust a pro-

T

The Importance of Image in Modern Societies a larger extent than the real effectiveness of the company. Society generally absorbs only scraps of information. And from these pebbles , it constructs a mosaic structure, which becomes a simplified and marked by one s own perspective image of organization, which ultimately decides whether or not to accept it.


Pic. 1. COMPETITIVENESS PYRAMID

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

omy ), the lack of providing information is a strategic problem. The pressure of time and abundance of information result in defence reactions. More and more new companies and organizations compete for appearing in deficiency the goods of attracting attention . Therefore, the task of modern communicative politics is to create a kind of attention portal . The higher reputation if a given company is, the easier it is to overcome verge of the attention of public opinion and customers. Companies such as Google, Intel, or General Electric are spectacular proofs for the fact a prognosis for the future value of a given company absolutely does not depend on particular economic indicators. Immense difference between the nominal and market value is an expression of the aspiration towards grasping the values which are to gain importance in the future on the market of public attention. 4) In the sphere of information and values, there is a classic competition aiming for ousting the rivals. General aims of positioning and companies success forecasts are not only relatively abstract, but in majority interchangeable. What is lacking is the convincing potential of distinguishing, due to which no mistake will appear. Many images of companies stay as simple products of a me-too kind, without having any particular internal message. Only through the image processes, it is possible to open a way to an indispensable potential of distinguishing and at the same time to successfully put messages presenting a given company as non-standard on the attention portal . 5) Public opinion s notions on the topic of the ideal or fulfilling expectations company has considerably changed in the recent years with pressure put on the importance of value. For public perception of companies, the key element is their adaptation of social and moral indicators of value. In consequence, the world of values seized the spheres where it had never appeared before. The way in which the public opinion wants to perceive companies is nothing else but the intensified implementation of the gestures of loyalty in the sphere of social communication. If a company wants to use its potential of generating the values, it requires some kind of tectonic shift of the position of image communication. Strategic quantum leap within the frames of modern image management mainly depends on understanding deeper streams of social impression of values in order to refer the positioning of companies or coding the brands more effectively to the new society and customers mentality profile. At the

28

ducer, whom you never met, how can you give human features to dehumanized, anonymous interactions, how can an abstract organization put on face ? Image becomes helpful in building relations based on trust in modern mass markets and thus it contributes to the brand s approval, and even (in the base case) to the acceptance of the price which underlines membership in the premium segment. It is relatively easy to place one s trust in a local butcher, that you know personally, since we know that his products come from a local farm what about in the case of meat processing concern acting on European markets? By creating the image of a company, it gains the face thanks to identity impersonal, anonymous market relations can be transformed into personal relations. Because of that, image management can be defined as a kind of structural mechanism of positioning appearing on global markets. 3) During one generation, media s informative offer expanded by 40 times. The availability of mass communication means and the time of using the media are growing by about 10 % annually. Due to new multimedia offers, the consequences of information avalanche are nowadays particularly visible. A modern person reacts with subconscious, almost total omitting of the received contents due to new multimedia offers. A single human being is becoming incapable of distinguishing important information from the irrelevant one. He is also not able to select key information. Owing to a milestone change into economy stimulated by information ( information-driven econ-

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

ducer, whom you never met, how can you give human features to dehumanized, anonymous interactions, how can an abstract organization put on face ? Image becomes helpful in building relations based on trust in modern mass markets and thus it contributes to the brand s approval, and even (in the base case) to the acceptance of the price which underlines membership in the premium segment. It is relatively easy to place one s trust in a local butcher, that you know personally, since we know that his products come from a local farm what about in the case of meat processing concern acting on European markets? By creating the image of a company, it gains the face thanks to identity impersonal, anonymous market relations can be transformed into personal relations. Because of that, image management can be defined as a kind of structural mechanism of positioning appearing on global markets. 3) During one generation, media s informative offer expanded by 40 times. The availability of mass communication means and the time of using the media are growing by about 10 % annually. Due to new multimedia offers, the consequences of information avalanche are nowadays particularly visible. A modern person reacts with subconscious, almost total omitting of the received contents due to new multimedia offers. A single human being is becoming incapable of distinguishing important information from the irrelevant one. He is also not able to select key information. Owing to a milestone change into economy stimulated by information ( information-driven econ-

omy ), the lack of providing information is a strategic problem. The pressure of time and abundance of information result in defence reactions. More and more new companies and organizations compete for appearing in deficiency the goods of attracting attention . Therefore, the task of modern communicative politics is to create a kind of attention portal . The higher reputation if a given company is, the easier it is to overcome verge of the attention of public opinion and customers. Companies such as Google, Intel, or General Electric are spectacular proofs for the fact a prognosis for the future value of a given company absolutely does not depend on particular economic indicators. Immense difference between the nominal and market value is an expression of the aspiration towards grasping the values which are to gain importance in the future on the market of public attention. 4) In the sphere of information and values, there is a classic competition aiming for ousting the rivals. General aims of positioning and companies success forecasts are not only relatively abstract, but in majority interchangeable. What is lacking is the convincing potential of distinguishing, due to which no mistake will appear. Many images of companies stay as simple products of a me-too kind, without having any particular internal message. Only through the image processes, it is possible to open a way to an indispensable potential of distinguishing and at the same time to successfully put messages presenting a given company as non-standard on the attention portal . 5) Public opinion s notions on the topic of the ideal or fulfilling expectations company has considerably changed in the recent years with pressure put on the importance of value. For public perception of companies, the key element is their adaptation of social and moral indicators of value. In consequence, the world of values seized the spheres where it had never appeared before. The way in which the public opinion wants to perceive companies is nothing else but the intensified implementation of the gestures of loyalty in the sphere of social communication. If a company wants to use its potential of generating the values, it requires some kind of tectonic shift of the position of image communication. Strategic quantum leap within the frames of modern image management mainly depends on understanding deeper streams of social impression of values in order to refer the positioning of companies or coding the brands more effectively to the new society and customers mentality profile. At the

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Pic. 1. COMPETITIVENESS PYRAMID


Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

meeting of company and society, there is the key to understand what is hidden a model, modern image management and the sources of shaping values through image [Buß 2000, p. 103 and further]. Sensitivity of observing the spheres of economy and politics by the society has considerably risen. At the same time, the limits of toleration against disturbing values have clearly dropped. New trends in the sphere of value constitute the risk for entrepreneurs nowadays. Namely, many companies communication with society has almost vanished; it was brought down to the level of monolog. The key values as security, health, ecology, work places, loss of bonds due to the worker s mobility requirements, ability to connect personal and professional life, etc, i.e. the only topics tightly connected to the companies role in a modern society are often ignored by them [Buß, 1999, p. 158 and further]. That is why, form the entrepreneurs point of view, there appears an impression that they are confronted with a number of new requirements: how should they act in front of the changed expectations from the society and co-workers side in the sphere of values, how is it possible to break the oftenpracticed communicative overconfidence , how to overcome traditional boundaries marking the spheres of value of the two sides of the relations and, by that, to exceed the threshold of understanding of the society s claims? Image and reputation management is the answer. Working on image means a struggle for public recognition and generating the potential of producing bonds with co-workers, customers, and public opinion. The distinct sensitivity on the values presented by the public opinion requires that the companies should take into the account the code of society values to a larger extent than so far.

The Meaning of Image Capital

I

n modern service societies, companies are perceived as not only purely economic or technical systems, but, most of all, as organizations. Their task is, apart from providing services and products, to produce acceptance and recognition. Only these two factors altogether (products and acceptance) can become the basis for the economic success of the organization. When we become aware what, in the long run, the influence of on the company and its profitability is on, e.g.: a) costs of lost benefits (lost due to negligence in the sphere

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

of reputation) b) transactional costs (e.g. expenses on social communication in a crisis situation) and c) interaction costs (expenses on rebuilding trust and the weakened bonds with the customer), it seems clear that image can be as important for the market value of the company as the economic indicators. Depending on the conducted research, between 15% and 50% of the company market value depends on the acceptance among the society. It is worth pointing out the fact that the value of image usually shows itself in crisis situations at the moment of loss. The loss of image is the loss of face , trust, reputation, demand, and in the extreme situation, a threat for existence. Thus, one thing is sure the image of brand or company determines the value of the company and the perspectives of its development to a larger extent than any other position in the assets of the balance sheet. The capital of image is not less important that the company capital. The decisive issue is not the value of the balance sheet, but the value of recognition. If, for example, all the BMW s factories and bureaus were digested by fire and there was nothing left by the brand this shining company symbol then the BMW s boss could, during the fire extinguishing, pledge the rights to the brand as a guarantee of 30 mld euro loan. The value of BMW s image the value of public recognition capital is considerably higher than 30 mld euro. The public acceptance is not temporary but it influences the way of creating the value of the company in a specific way. Image, in the sense of public acceptance, belongs to economic goods. It is a kind of currency, for which we can buy the customer, partners, and public opinion s loyalty. Good reputation is even a bigger value it allows to have credits at the suppliers, enables to offer products at higher prices, enlarges credibility. Image eases the access to the suppliers and capital markets. At last, good reputation is priceless on the way of gaining customers acceptance, also outside the native market, of winning over suitable partners for cooperation and at the time of realization of takeovers (also outside the country) or in order to recruit institutional investors (pic. 2). The most modern tendencies of economic and social development carry an important consequence in the face of bulk of brands, increasing complexity of information, exchangeability of products, rising lack of trust towards experts and parameters declared by the producer, and a clear pursuit for basic

29

n modern service societies, companies are perceived as not only purely economic or technical systems, but, most of all, as organizations. Their task is, apart from providing services and products, to produce acceptance and recognition. Only these two factors altogether (products and acceptance) can become the basis for the economic success of the organization. When we become aware what, in the long run, the influence of on the company and its profitability is on, e.g.: a) costs of lost benefits (lost due to negligence in the sphere

I

The Meaning of Image Capital meeting of company and society, there is the key to understand what is hidden a model, modern image management and the sources of shaping values through image [Buß 2000, p. 103 and further]. Sensitivity of observing the spheres of economy and politics by the society has considerably risen. At the same time, the limits of toleration against disturbing values have clearly dropped. New trends in the sphere of value constitute the risk for entrepreneurs nowadays. Namely, many companies communication with society has almost vanished; it was brought down to the level of monolog. The key values as security, health, ecology, work places, loss of bonds due to the worker s mobility requirements, ability to connect personal and professional life, etc, i.e. the only topics tightly connected to the companies role in a modern society are often ignored by them [Buß, 1999, p. 158 and further]. That is why, form the entrepreneurs point of view, there appears an impression that they are confronted with a number of new requirements: how should they act in front of the changed expectations from the society and co-workers side in the sphere of values, how is it possible to break the oftenpracticed communicative overconfidence , how to overcome traditional boundaries marking the spheres of value of the two sides of the relations and, by that, to exceed the threshold of understanding of the society s claims? Image and reputation management is the answer. Working on image means a struggle for public recognition and generating the potential of producing bonds with co-workers, customers, and public opinion. The distinct sensitivity on the values presented by the public opinion requires that the companies should take into the account the code of society values to a larger extent than so far.

29

of reputation) b) transactional costs (e.g. expenses on social communication in a crisis situation) and c) interaction costs (expenses on rebuilding trust and the weakened bonds with the customer), it seems clear that image can be as important for the market value of the company as the economic indicators. Depending on the conducted research, between 15% and 50% of the company market value depends on the acceptance among the society. It is worth pointing out the fact that the value of image usually shows itself in crisis situations at the moment of loss. The loss of image is the loss of face , trust, reputation, demand, and in the extreme situation, a threat for existence. Thus, one thing is sure the image of brand or company determines the value of the company and the perspectives of its development to a larger extent than any other position in the assets of the balance sheet. The capital of image is not less important that the company capital. The decisive issue is not the value of the balance sheet, but the value of recognition. If, for example, all the BMW s factories and bureaus were digested by fire and there was nothing left by the brand this shining company symbol then the BMW s boss could, during the fire extinguishing, pledge the rights to the brand as a guarantee of 30 mld euro loan. The value of BMW s image the value of public recognition capital is considerably higher than 30 mld euro. The public acceptance is not temporary but it influences the way of creating the value of the company in a specific way. Image, in the sense of public acceptance, belongs to economic goods. It is a kind of currency, for which we can buy the customer, partners, and public opinion s loyalty. Good reputation is even a bigger value it allows to have credits at the suppliers, enables to offer products at higher prices, enlarges credibility. Image eases the access to the suppliers and capital markets. At last, good reputation is priceless on the way of gaining customers acceptance, also outside the native market, of winning over suitable partners for cooperation and at the time of realization of takeovers (also outside the country) or in order to recruit institutional investors (pic. 2). The most modern tendencies of economic and social development carry an important consequence in the face of bulk of brands, increasing complexity of information, exchangeability of products, rising lack of trust towards experts and parameters declared by the producer, and a clear pursuit for basic


Image: G increases the barrier of introducing the market for new competitors; G frees from pressure to follow each shortterm trend; G increases loan credibility and financial liquidity; G provides bigger freedom in shaping the relation between price and value; G expands economic possibilities of the companies activity; G reduces marketing and sale costs; G reduces purchase costs and overheads; G reduces costs of gaining the customer and preserving his loyalty; increases own human resources; increases cooperation possibilities; G

Direct factors of creating value through image Pic. 2 CREATING VALUE THROUGH IMAGE

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

G

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Indirect factors of creating value through image

Image: G introduces the element of renown to the anonymous market of goods and information; G signalizes differences in reputation between companies/organizations; G creates clear distinction with competition; G accelerates consumers decisive processes; G eliminates other available options; G frees the user from the expensive process of comparison and analysis of products; G creates bonds of trust with public opinion, partners, and customers; G is a carrier of loyalty; G eases the processes of agreement and acceptance in the eyes of public opinion; G introduces to the offer an aspect of identity and recognizable personality ; G provides public opinion with help to select or filter information; G prevents ambiguity; G reduces complicated palette of characteristics and properties into a simple logic of image; G reduces uncertainty in a situation of making the choice and what seems the most important G creates sense.

schemes, which will help to orient on the market, are increasing. Society s choices are nowadays characterized by a fundamental uncertainty: the border between this, which is right and false, between this which should be trusted and which should be unknown, the border, which earlier seemed clear, now it has blurred. A modern man feels uncomfortable in such a situation. He is standing in front of self-propelling pressure of legitimization of the assumed decisions did he buy a proper product, did he make a proper decision, did he take into the account all the alternatives? Did he take into the account all the available information when judging the company? Does the brand image match his lifestyle and status? Modern human being s uncertainty has considerable consequences. Diversity of offers makes that the consumer must always distance himself from the known orientations and the earlier decisions. Stable bonds with a service and product free us from these types of dilemmas. Consequence: together with enhancing the interpretation dilemmas in a modern life, the supply for an infallible guide is rising. Society searches for enclaves of peace within the buzz of images and information. Such an enclave is made by image, understood as creating a bond based on trust with an organization, which guarantees security in taking decisions. Therefore, a consumer does not have to be preoccupied with the diversity of offers at all and he follows information unsystematically and irregularly. A bond, built on trust and stemming from the image, substitutes for long-term confrontation with various information and products, reaching the consumer from the competition. Thus this is not substantial information that is looked for, but some signals indicating whether or not the trust is justified. These elements signals, trust, continuation, and reliability constitute a symbolic foundation. Not only do the image messages bring the benefit expected by everybody, but there has been also some worlds of sensations built around them for years. These worlds of sensations can as long as they guarantee reliable relation with a producer and his products deepen the relation with a company in far more effective way than it may ever be provoked by comparing the details of the product and nuances of the offer. This is where the real power of the effect of image messages dwells. They are a metaphor of navigation in the stream of information. They constitute a rich capital of meaning resources due to which it is possible to settle complicated decision-making situations. Image manage-

Indirect factors of creating value through image

Image: G introduces the element of renown to the anonymous market of goods and information; G signalizes differences in reputation between companies/organizations; G creates clear distinction with competition; G accelerates consumers decisive processes; G eliminates other available options; G frees the user from the expensive process of comparison and analysis of products; G creates bonds of trust with public opinion, partners, and customers; G is a carrier of loyalty; G eases the processes of agreement and acceptance in the eyes of public opinion; G introduces to the offer an aspect of identity and recognizable personality ; G provides public opinion with help to select or filter information; G prevents ambiguity; G reduces complicated palette of characteristics and properties into a simple logic of image; G reduces uncertainty in a situation of making the choice and what seems the most important creates sense.

Image: G increases the barrier of introducing the market for new competitors; G frees from pressure to follow each shortterm trend; G increases loan credibility and financial liquidity; G provides bigger freedom in shaping the relation between price and value; G expands economic possibilities of the companies activity; G reduces marketing and sale costs; G reduces purchase costs and overheads; G reduces costs of gaining the customer and preserving his loyalty; G increases own human resources; G increases cooperation possibilities;

G

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Direct factors of creating value through image

schemes, which will help to orient on the market, are increasing. Society s choices are nowadays characterized by a fundamental uncertainty: the border between this, which is right and false, between this which should be trusted and which should be unknown, the border, which earlier seemed clear, now it has blurred. A modern man feels uncomfortable in such a situation. He is standing in front of self-propelling pressure of legitimization of the assumed decisions did he buy a proper product, did he make a proper decision, did he take into the account all the alternatives? Did he take into the account all the available information when judging the company? Does the brand image match his lifestyle and status? Modern human being s uncertainty has considerable consequences. Diversity of offers makes that the consumer must always distance himself from the known orientations and the earlier decisions. Stable bonds with a service and product free us from these types of dilemmas. Consequence: together with enhancing the interpretation dilemmas in a modern life, the supply for an infallible guide is rising. Society searches for enclaves of peace within the buzz of images and information. Such an enclave is made by image, understood as creating a bond based on trust with an organization, which guarantees security in taking decisions. Therefore, a consumer does not have to be preoccupied with the diversity of offers at all and he follows information unsystematically and irregularly. A bond, built on trust and stemming from the image, substitutes for long-term confrontation with various information and products, reaching the consumer from the competition. Thus this is not substantial information that is looked for, but some signals indicating whether or not the trust is justified. These elements signals, trust, continuation, and reliability constitute a symbolic foundation. Not only do the image messages bring the benefit expected by everybody, but there has been also some worlds of sensations built around them for years. These worlds of sensations can as long as they guarantee reliable relation with a producer and his products deepen the relation with a company in far more effective way than it may ever be provoked by comparing the details of the product and nuances of the offer. This is where the real power of the effect of image messages dwells. They are a metaphor of navigation in the stream of information. They constitute a rich capital of meaning resources due to which it is possible to settle complicated decision-making situations. Image manage-

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Pic. 2 CREATING VALUE THROUGH IMAGE


31

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

ment is a structural answer to perceptive problems of the public opinion resulting from information overload. The indirect factor of creating values through image is a simplification the decision-making processes and unambiguity in making a decision. Investments connected with company image are, in this regard, investments aiming for elimination of other available options. Explicit image underlines the uniqueness of the company, simulates the differentiation potential, and positions the company on the market and in public opinion. It enables to unite with public opinion within the form of understanding without words . In a specific way, image creates strong bonds between the company and customer it is especially interesting that a decision made by a customer on the basis of sight, usually renders more satisfaction than a decision made on the basis of detailed information. Example: The larger the shortage of objective assessment criteria, the higher the importance of image, which becomes, in this case, a casting vote conditioning the decision to buy a product. According to the research conducted by Journal of Marketing Research where particular criteria of purchase decisions were classified in the scale from 0 (of little importance) to 100 (of great importance) the image of the brand with 94 points clearly dominates all the other criteria. Objective parameters, such as experts comparison tests or analyses play only a subordinate role. This result cannot be treated in any way as irrational because people make decisions more easily if they can depend on image messages. Image messages offer security of orientation in the situations of possessing incomplete knowledge, by becoming a substitute knowledge, which allows preserving the ability to orient on the market [Schulz, 1999, p. 37]. Therefore, image constitutes an important element accelerating decision-making processes, because it removes from the consumer the burden of performing a complicated process of choice. Market is perceived in a simplified manner. If a consumer can refer to the reservoir of explicit image messages, he is mobilized to action more easily. Summary: In the conditions of dynamically changing communication processes, the importance of image is increasing in modern markets as a stabilizing metaphor of navigation. It provides security of actions, orientation, and decision-making. Society does not control detailed parameters of the offered products

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

and services any more. They can restrict themselves only to the control of the factors building trust and, in a long-term perspective, to facts. A great economic importance of the company or organization image created in a historical perspective relies on the fact that society more seldom checks the products of a given company as they are, but they focus only on verification if further trust given to the company is justified or not. In other words stable relations are a special expression of reputation, which to a smaller extent, is characterized by real advantages of the offer, and to a larger extent by trust to the offer, which was acquired by image of the organization.

Grounds of Value of Image and Reputation

I

mage management is able to enlarge the value of the company considerably [Bergler, 1998]: 1. Image as a company value. The majority of empirical research proves that there are positive correlations between company reputation and its economic achievements. Reputation is taking over the role of effective capital more and more decisively. With regard to the company value, image messages consolidate the advantages in a competitive struggle. There are numerous examples of such advantages. The list of world-famous brands is long Coca Cola, Marlboro, McDonald s, Sony, Levi s, Adidas, etc. and they are not only mere names of brands the company name is used as an icon a symbol conditioning the status of an effective competitor. The first study devoted to the issues of economic value of company image was conducted more than 25 years ago. In the mid 1970s, the research conducted for the American Time magazine presented the influence of communication of the company on the shares rate. The key conclusion, which constituted the result of the research, was that about 40 % of the shares value is always determined by communication factors (e.g. company atmosphere, company communication, and image). According to a more recent research by Harvard University, decisions about the purchase are triggered by so much as 75% of image factors, whereas the influence of other factors is estimated at the level of 62% [Lohrmann, 1995, p. 59; Klage, 1995, p. 67 and further]. The following research from 1886 and 1988 proved that companies enjoying

31

Summary: In the conditions of dynamically changing communication processes, the importance of image is increasing in modern markets as a stabilizing metaphor of navigation. It provides security of actions, orientation, and decision-making. Society does not control detailed parameters of the offered products Example: The larger the shortage of objective assessment criteria, the higher the importance of image, which becomes, in this case, a casting vote conditioning the decision to buy a product. According to the research conducted by Journal of Marketing Research where particular criteria of purchase decisions were classified in the scale from 0 (of little importance) to 100 (of great importance) the image of the brand with 94 points clearly dominates all the other criteria. Objective parameters, such as experts comparison tests or analyses play only a subordinate role. This result cannot be treated in any way as irrational because people make decisions more easily if they can depend on image messages. Image messages offer security of orientation in the situations of possessing incomplete knowledge, by becoming a substitute knowledge, which allows preserving the ability to orient on the market [Schulz, 1999, p. 37]. Therefore, image constitutes an important element accelerating decision-making processes, because it removes from the consumer the burden of performing a complicated process of choice. Market is perceived in a simplified manner. If a consumer can refer to the reservoir of explicit image messages, he is mobilized to action more easily. ment is a structural answer to perceptive problems of the public opinion resulting from information overload. The indirect factor of creating values through image is a simplification the decision-making processes and unambiguity in making a decision. Investments connected with company image are, in this regard, investments aiming for elimination of other available options. Explicit image underlines the uniqueness of the company, simulates the differentiation potential, and positions the company on the market and in public opinion. It enables to unite with public opinion within the form of understanding without words . In a specific way, image creates strong bonds between the company and customer it is especially interesting that a decision made by a customer on the basis of sight, usually renders more satisfaction than a decision made on the basis of detailed information.

1. Image as a company value. The majority of empirical research proves that there are positive correlations between company reputation and its economic achievements. Reputation is taking over the role of effective capital more and more decisively. With regard to the company value, image messages consolidate the advantages in a competitive struggle. There are numerous examples of such advantages. The list of world-famous brands is long Coca Cola, Marlboro, McDonald s, Sony, Levi s, Adidas, etc. and they are not only mere names of brands the company name is used as an icon a symbol conditioning the status of an effective competitor. The first study devoted to the issues of economic value of company image was conducted more than 25 years ago. In the mid 1970s, the research conducted for the American Time magazine presented the influence of communication of the company on the shares rate. The key conclusion, which constituted the result of the research, was that about 40 % of the shares value is always determined by communication factors (e.g. company atmosphere, company communication, and image). According to a more recent research by Harvard University, decisions about the purchase are triggered by so much as 75% of image factors, whereas the influence of other factors is estimated at the level of 62% [Lohrmann, 1995, p. 59; Klage, 1995, p. 67 and further]. The following research from 1886 and 1988 proved that companies enjoying mage management is able to enlarge the value of the company considerably [Bergler, 1998]:

I

Grounds of Value of Image and Reputation and services any more. They can restrict themselves only to the control of the factors building trust and, in a long-term perspective, to facts. A great economic importance of the company or organization image created in a historical perspective relies on the fact that society more seldom checks the products of a given company as they are, but they focus only on verification if further trust given to the company is justified or not. In other words stable relations are a special expression of reputation, which to a smaller extent, is characterized by real advantages of the offer, and to a larger extent by trust to the offer, which was acquired by image of the organization.


Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

2. Image as a political value. Success creates reputation due to which, it is possible to gain public attention. Thanks to their reputation, the companies are able to create public authority or gain fame for their purposes faster and easier. The well-deserved fames contributes to create the respect analogous to this enjoyed by public authorities. Thus, an important political function of the market

32

good reputation have a definite advantage only in the sales results of their goods and services, but also in comparison with the level of prices over their competition characterized by a worse image [Klage, 1995, p. 68]. In 1989 Schmidt compared the company image and the achieved successes on the basis of 50 companies. The result of this research confirmed the correlation between image and the company s success [Rüßmann, 1989, p. 121 and further].

depends on image. Company reputation determines the attractiveness of its offer, not only on the market, but also on a political and social forum of public discussion. 3. Image as a contact-establishing value. Image fills the information gap between the society and organization. Establishing contact with the audience has become a lot easier thanks to that. Image as a value allowing establishing contact is given a kind of attentionfocusing respect , it decides whether or not the information will win renown. 4. Image as a demand-creating value. Research over the factors influencing individual professional decisions with reference to a particular employer proves, in a well-documented way, a considerable impact of attractive image on creating preferences.

Pic. 3 FACTORS OF VALUE CREATING THROUGH IMAGE

Pic. 3 FACTORS OF VALUE CREATING THROUGH IMAGE

good reputation have a definite advantage only in the sales results of their goods and services, but also in comparison with the level of prices over their competition characterized by a worse image [Klage, 1995, p. 68]. In 1989 Schmidt compared the company image and the achieved successes on the basis of 50 companies. The result of this research confirmed the correlation between image and the company s success [Rüßmann, 1989, p. 121 and further].

4. Image as a demand-creating value. Research over the factors influencing individual professional decisions with reference to a particular employer proves, in a well-documented way, a considerable impact of attractive image on creating preferences. 3. Image as a contact-establishing value. Image fills the information gap between the society and organization. Establishing contact with the audience has become a lot easier thanks to that. Image as a value allowing establishing contact is given a kind of attentionfocusing respect , it decides whether or not the information will win renown. depends on image. Company reputation determines the attractiveness of its offer, not only on the market, but also on a political and social forum of public discussion. Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

2. Image as a political value. Success creates reputation due to which, it is possible to gain public attention. Thanks to their reputation, the companies are able to create public authority or gain fame for their purposes faster and easier. The well-deserved fames contributes to create the respect analogous to this enjoyed by public authorities. Thus, an important political function of the market

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Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

5. Image as a motivational value. Co-workers motivation to effective and efficient work within the given organization limits is positively determined by the fact of identification with a proud image of the organization. 6. Image as a communicative value. Images of attractive organizations have per se a high value of affecting the public opinion. It means that these organizations interests and actions are observed by media and means conditioning further circulation of information with a considerable higher probability. 7. Image as a security-determining value. Reputation offers a solid basis for a longterm existence of the company by restricting the market risk and providing stable position on the market. Image enables the company to develop long-term and stable relations with their own group of customers. Good opinion builds up the market position, which is relatively resistant to short-term actions taken up by the competition. The higher the reputation of the organization is and to the larger extent it is based on social trust, the easier it is to minimize the necessity of ceaseless and exceptionally expensive reaction to a short-term market trends and temporary actions of the competition. In consequence, image determines the possibility of creating regulated relations between the company and customers, which in the best case seem to create a kind of specific clientele for each company due to their exclusiveness. 8. Image as a classifying value. Each image can be perceived as an individual microcosm. It settles external boundaries, diversifies, classifies, divides, defines preferences in the case of choice between alternative actions, and organizes the complexity of markets and information. Image functions as a cultural identification code. Public opinion, but also the customers, investors, media, etc. feel more comfortable with the awareness that the company image, being an identification code, offers them an unambiguous orientation. The issue of cultural and technology-product self-perception also has long-standing consequences from the point of view of the company. Firstly, it is used for the perception of the own position on the market and in the public opinion. Secondly, microcosm of image determinants creates a new field of action. Image does not harm company s flexi-

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

bility, but it conditions it. The better image the organization has, the wider fields of action are for the company. Summary: Image processes created a highly developed system of mutually connected perspectives, which act by means of numerous factors and are the source of shaping the values. Assuming that image constitutes a valueshaping factor in the sphere of management, it is worth referring to a multi-level model of interaction (pic. 3). Noticeable, concrete properties of image affect the expected image values; whereas they influence the potential of the image of the organization, especially its ability to create values. In the presented structure of interaction, the starting point is the fact that both: the company and the consumers, as well as public opinion together realize the objectives charted according to their own priorities. A beneficial image creates an effective connector between the company s interests and social expectations. The more suggestively the image acts in the public eye and the more efficient the benefits within the range of orientation are, the stronger the image and its potential of creating values are.

Image Functions as a Factor Shaping the Company Value

E

ach company must realize main image functions in order to make use of the latent potentials of value shaping: 1. Image obliges. Image influences directly public assessments of value with reference to a given organization. Image determines action in a double sense: anybody who has an image must act according to it; anybody who acknowledges an image uses it for orientation. Image is a normative system with a character of the assumed obligation. Image dictates rules of action and rules of restriction from given actions, image obliges. The reason is simple image is for the public opinion a basis for verification allowing to be for or against a given organization. It is a conveyor of direct norms, on which the public opinion leans in the dialog with a company. When a German branch of the Shell concern started its image campaign with the slogan We want to change ourselves , at the same time it formulated norms, with which public opinion could confront real actions performed by the

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8. Image as a classifying value. Each image can be perceived as an individual microcosm. It settles external boundaries, diversifies, classifies, divides, defines preferences in the case of choice between alternative actions, and organizes the complexity of markets and information. Image functions as a cultural identification code. Public opinion, but also the customers, investors, media, etc. feel more comfortable with the awareness that the company image, being an identification code, offers them an unambiguous orientation. The issue of cultural and technology-product self-perception also has long-standing consequences from the point of view of the company. Firstly, it is used for the perception of the own position on the market and in the public opinion. Secondly, microcosm of image determinants creates a new field of action. Image does not harm company s flexi7. Image as a security-determining value. Reputation offers a solid basis for a longterm existence of the company by restricting the market risk and providing stable position on the market. Image enables the company to develop long-term and stable relations with their own group of customers. Good opinion builds up the market position, which is relatively resistant to short-term actions taken up by the competition. The higher the reputation of the organization is and to the larger extent it is based on social trust, the easier it is to minimize the necessity of ceaseless and exceptionally expensive reaction to a short-term market trends and temporary actions of the competition. In consequence, image determines the possibility of creating regulated relations between the company and customers, which in the best case seem to create a kind of specific clientele for each company due to their exclusiveness. 6. Image as a communicative value. Images of attractive organizations have per se a high value of affecting the public opinion. It means that these organizations interests and actions are observed by media and means conditioning further circulation of information with a considerable higher probability. 5. Image as a motivational value. Co-workers motivation to effective and efficient work within the given organization limits is positively determined by the fact of identification with a proud image of the organization.

1. Image obliges. Image influences directly public assessments of value with reference to a given organization. Image determines action in a double sense: anybody who has an image must act according to it; anybody who acknowledges an image uses it for orientation. Image is a normative system with a character of the assumed obligation. Image dictates rules of action and rules of restriction from given actions, image obliges. The reason is simple image is for the public opinion a basis for verification allowing to be for or against a given organization. It is a conveyor of direct norms, on which the public opinion leans in the dialog with a company. When a German branch of the Shell concern started its image campaign with the slogan We want to change ourselves , at the same time it formulated norms, with which public opinion could confront real actions performed by the ach company must realize main image functions in order to make use of the latent potentials of value shaping:

E

Image Functions as a Factor Shaping the Company Value Summary: Image processes created a highly developed system of mutually connected perspectives, which act by means of numerous factors and are the source of shaping the values. Assuming that image constitutes a valueshaping factor in the sphere of management, it is worth referring to a multi-level model of interaction (pic. 3). Noticeable, concrete properties of image affect the expected image values; whereas they influence the potential of the image of the organization, especially its ability to create values. In the presented structure of interaction, the starting point is the fact that both: the company and the consumers, as well as public opinion together realize the objectives charted according to their own priorities. A beneficial image creates an effective connector between the company s interests and social expectations. The more suggestively the image acts in the public eye and the more efficient the benefits within the range of orientation are, the stronger the image and its potential of creating values are. bility, but it conditions it. The better image the organization has, the wider fields of action are for the company.


drilling platform Brent Spar. Image messages oblige. They oblige irrevocably. They cannot be, even in case of need even if this need is justified legally, economically, or technically treated in a free way. Image messages carry a large burden of responsibility and obligations, which has to be taken into the account in all the aspects of the management process. Thus, good reputation requires the respect for the stated rules from all the members of the organization and obliges them to make their actions a part of the stated rules of the presentation of the organization, which match the created image. Therefore, image bases on the double obligation to the public opinion the company is not only obliged to provide products of a given quality, but also the values and culture defining the company oblige it to a specific kind of public behaviour . In this case, image is the expression of the obligation, assumed by the organization, to build and preserve this referring to the above mentioned two spheres reliability. When, for example, the chairman of the board of the German concern states that his company will be faithful to its roots , with reference to the public debate about the possible transfer of the production centers abroad, then this statement is perceived as an obligation to adhere to given norms. Companies obliged to adhere to values enter the society forum out of their anonymity and thanks to them, they fulfil their obligations. Image requires a high degree of engagement it requires obeying precisely stated norms, rules, and standards, which are a direct obligation for the process of management and for all the workers. There are considerable possibilities of building up reputation in obeying these standards and by constituting value directing stimuli at the end of the day, they pay off in the economic results.

differences facilitating individuals to define their place in the social space. That is why, in each famous brand, there are some social values and norms. Ideals of the values: pioneer spirit , gambler s spirit , freedom , individualism presented by Levi s brand bound its customers by obligations existing to meet some patterns of behaviour (e.g. unconventionality, nonconformism, etc.). By means of image symbols, a social organism appears, in the best case, as a kind of brand community consisting of people sharing similar ways of thinking and values. In such a case, images of brands work as a kind of a common cultural code, which is close to a particular style of behaviour and manifestation of one s own personality. By means of brand image the model of self-perception of each customer is presented symbolically and in a nonimposing way. Image shows a part of one s own identity, a common approach towards life or a common way of perceiving values. Especially among the young people it is possible to observe a tendency that they are becoming sure of the own surroundings only when they are able to picture it by using the forms of symbols belonging to brands. In this way, a specific brand images formulates a kind of symbolic self-complementation. Somebody who wears clothes of a particular brand signalizes that he wants to be treated seriously and that he wants to belong to a particular group. Symbols connected with brands create a navigation metaphor relating to particular brands. Deeper possibilities of creating the value of image lie within the power of the brand and the consumer s ability to define his membership.

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

3. Image gives status. An individual defined by the image of brand and image always expresses also a part of one s own self-perception through the fact that it takes over a part of one s own identity from the collective personality of brand or company. A single individual can easily manifest his status, thanks to that. Brand images have become an important part of person s auto-presentation. They create the symbolic backside story, on the basis of which there lies either the need to compensate the lack of self-esteem, or the willingness to differentiate or distinguish. For many people, the availability of a given brand constitutes a testimony of the achievements of a high status, because a brand clearly indicates his social position. Through brand, social position of an individual is becoming elevated in a symbolic sense.

34

3. Image gives status. An individual defined by the image of brand and image always expresses also a part of one s own self-perception through the fact that it takes over a part of one s own identity from the collective personality of brand or company. A single individual can easily manifest his status, thanks to that. Brand images have become an important part of person s auto-presentation. They create the symbolic backside story, on the basis of which there lies either the need to compensate the lack of self-esteem, or the willingness to differentiate or distinguish. For many people, the availability of a given brand constitutes a testimony of the achievements of a high status, because a brand clearly indicates his social position. Through brand, social position of an individual is becoming elevated in a symbolic sense.

2. Image integrates. Image has integral properties not only inside the organization, but also for the public audience by marking clear frames of obligations and the rules of positioning. Human points of view and lifestyle are symbolically characterized by the brand image. Everyone presents not only himself, but also a given environment, group, and status, where he feels he belongs. Brand image promotes to a social identification sign within the sphere of identity. It virtually becomes a kind of a social territory marking , determining self-perception of particular groups. Brand or company images exist as membership codes. They express common features and underline

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

2. Image integrates. Image has integral properties not only inside the organization, but also for the public audience by marking clear frames of obligations and the rules of positioning. Human points of view and lifestyle are symbolically characterized by the brand image. Everyone presents not only himself, but also a given environment, group, and status, where he feels he belongs. Brand image promotes to a social identification sign within the sphere of identity. It virtually becomes a kind of a social territory marking , determining self-perception of particular groups. Brand or company images exist as membership codes. They express common features and underline

differences facilitating individuals to define their place in the social space. That is why, in each famous brand, there are some social values and norms. Ideals of the values: pioneer spirit , gambler s spirit , freedom , individualism presented by Levi s brand bound its customers by obligations existing to meet some patterns of behaviour (e.g. unconventionality, nonconformism, etc.). By means of image symbols, a social organism appears, in the best case, as a kind of brand community consisting of people sharing similar ways of thinking and values. In such a case, images of brands work as a kind of a common cultural code, which is close to a particular style of behaviour and manifestation of one s own personality. By means of brand image the model of self-perception of each customer is presented symbolically and in a nonimposing way. Image shows a part of one s own identity, a common approach towards life or a common way of perceiving values. Especially among the young people it is possible to observe a tendency that they are becoming sure of the own surroundings only when they are able to picture it by using the forms of symbols belonging to brands. In this way, a specific brand images formulates a kind of symbolic self-complementation. Somebody who wears clothes of a particular brand signalizes that he wants to be treated seriously and that he wants to belong to a particular group. Symbols connected with brands create a navigation metaphor relating to particular brands. Deeper possibilities of creating the value of image lie within the power of the brand and the consumer s ability to define his membership.

34

drilling platform Brent Spar. Image messages oblige. They oblige irrevocably. They cannot be, even in case of need even if this need is justified legally, economically, or technically treated in a free way. Image messages carry a large burden of responsibility and obligations, which has to be taken into the account in all the aspects of the management process. Thus, good reputation requires the respect for the stated rules from all the members of the organization and obliges them to make their actions a part of the stated rules of the presentation of the organization, which match the created image. Therefore, image bases on the double obligation to the public opinion the company is not only obliged to provide products of a given quality, but also the values and culture defining the company oblige it to a specific kind of public behaviour . In this case, image is the expression of the obligation, assumed by the organization, to build and preserve this referring to the above mentioned two spheres reliability. When, for example, the chairman of the board of the German concern states that his company will be faithful to its roots , with reference to the public debate about the possible transfer of the production centers abroad, then this statement is perceived as an obligation to adhere to given norms. Companies obliged to adhere to values enter the society forum out of their anonymity and thanks to them, they fulfil their obligations. Image requires a high degree of engagement it requires obeying precisely stated norms, rules, and standards, which are a direct obligation for the process of management and for all the workers. There are considerable possibilities of building up reputation in obeying these standards and by constituting value directing stimuli at the end of the day, they pay off in the economic results.


Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

35

Brands are the pillars, on which their bases have: hierarchical order, difference in status, a division into top and bottom . The function of setting the status by a given brand is a symbolic factor in positioning, which tightly corresponds with the processes of building the company s reputation. 4. Image mobilizes. If in with the reference to organization, there is no interest, then it means that it has no image. Organization or a brand must be able to invoke reactions on its own. Image either attracts attention, stimulates acceptance, and creates the sense of membership, or it puts off, repels, or generates distance. Possibilities of the company image within the range of action and mobilization are the sui generis value. 5. Image assimilates. The basic personal experience can be included in a cultural and historical symbolism of a brand. As amazing as it sounds, brand is able to help the individual in making sure of one s own personality and how to enrich it emotionally (e.g. Ikea). Cultural value of the brand lies in a historically determined core of experience of a person or the whole generations. In the core of brand so called gradual experience of a given generation is crystallizing and is deposited there. They have the ability to create value on their own. Especially global brands are functioning as a kind of culture rule. Cultural circles are admittedly as historical creations one of a kind, however, on the grounds of images, there are some common characteristics. Brands are promoted to the rank of extra cultural symbols if they allow a modern person to authentically approach other culture. Such processes of acculturation in less-developed societies were called the Coca-Cola civilization . The importance of the possibility of using an image symbol regionally is less important than the cultural image of an open society, lying on the basis of a particular brand symbol. In this sense global symbols of image are aspirating towards overcoming cultural provincialism of the society or at least towards provoking polemics with

it. The company image functions here as a kind of a cultural identification code and consolidates, at the same time, a timeless potential of value creation. Summary: In order to face the competition and increase the company value, reputation must be strengthened and the potential of value of image creation should be used strategically. Both today and in the past, there was a rule ordering to present the company values on the basis of measurable indicators, such as production costs, shares on the market, turnover, income before taxation, or on the accepted in the US price-earnings ratio. However, in order to work out an effective company strategy in the situation of increasing competition, a catalogue of actions is necessary, which apart from economic ratio values will take into the account the value of the corporate brand. That is why, it is important to change the way of thinking about the time perspective. The future success is, to a large degree, dependent on public positioning of a company. Image and reputation management, correctly implemented, can become equally important for the value creation as economic success ratios. The following consequences stem from this fact: a) company strategy must take into the account implementing the element of communication, as the factor of value creation, b) it is advisable to consider how to include reputation as a intended value to the process of planning investments and accordingly, which actions should be develop within the sphere of balancing reputation, c) it is indispensable to use all the possible public possibilities of presentation as a springboard for building reputation. By accepting image as a chance and risk of value creation, image management should be implemented into the general strategy planning. By correlating strategic actions of the company such as: public relations, communication between employees, marketing, brand management, advertisement, distribution, etc. image and reputation should be used as a part of a vast process of value creation.

5. Image assimilates. The basic personal experience can be included in a cultural and historical symbolism of a brand. As amazing as it sounds, brand is able to help the individual in making sure of one s own personality and how to enrich it emotionally (e.g. Ikea). Cultural value of the brand lies in a historically determined core of experience of a person or the whole generations. In the core of brand so called gradual experience of a given generation is crystallizing and is deposited there. They have the ability to create value on their own. Especially global brands are functioning as a kind of culture rule. Cultural circles are admittedly as historical creations one of a kind, however, on the grounds of images, there are some common characteristics. Brands are promoted to the rank of extra cultural symbols if they allow a modern person to authentically approach other culture. Such processes of acculturation in less-developed societies were called the Coca-Cola civilization . The importance of the possibility of using an image symbol regionally is less important than the cultural image of an open society, lying on the basis of a particular brand symbol. In this sense global symbols of image are aspirating towards overcoming cultural provincialism of the society or at least towards provoking polemics with 4. Image mobilizes. If in with the reference to organization, there is no interest, then it means that it has no image. Organization or a brand must be able to invoke reactions on its own. Image either attracts attention, stimulates acceptance, and creates the sense of membership, or it puts off, repels, or generates distance. Possibilities of the company image within the range of action and mobilization are the sui generis value. Brands are the pillars, on which their bases have: hierarchical order, difference in status, a division into top and bottom . The function of setting the status by a given brand is a symbolic factor in positioning, which tightly corresponds with the processes of building the company s reputation.

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

35

Summary: In order to face the competition and increase the company value, reputation must be strengthened and the potential of value of image creation should be used strategically. Both today and in the past, there was a rule ordering to present the company values on the basis of measurable indicators, such as production costs, shares on the market, turnover, income before taxation, or on the accepted in the US price-earnings ratio. However, in order to work out an effective company strategy in the situation of increasing competition, a catalogue of actions is necessary, which apart from economic ratio values will take into the account the value of the corporate brand. That is why, it is important to change the way of thinking about the time perspective. The future success is, to a large degree, dependent on public positioning of a company. Image and reputation management, correctly implemented, can become equally important for the value creation as economic success ratios. The following consequences stem from this fact: a) company strategy must take into the account implementing the element of communication, as the factor of value creation, b) it is advisable to consider how to include reputation as a intended value to the process of planning investments and accordingly, which actions should be develop within the sphere of balancing reputation, c) it is indispensable to use all the possible public possibilities of presentation as a springboard for building reputation. By accepting image as a chance and risk of value creation, image management should be implemented into the general strategy planning. By correlating strategic actions of the company such as: public relations, communication between employees, marketing, brand management, advertisement, distribution, etc. image and reputation should be used as a part of a vast process of value creation. it. The company image functions here as a kind of a cultural identification code and consolidates, at the same time, a timeless potential of value creation.


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Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Literature Bergler R., Unternehmenskultur als Führungsaufgabe [non published manuscript], 1996. Boulding K. E., The image, Michigan 1956.

Giddens A., Konsequenzen der Moderne, Frankfurt am Main 1995. Klage J., Vom Image zum Unternehmenserfolg, Markenartikel, Düsseldorf, vol. 1.

Buß E., Das emotionale Profil der Deutschen. Be-

Lohrmann S., Image und Unternehmenserfolg [non

standsaufnahme und Konsequenzen für Un-

published dissertation], University at Hohenhe-

ternehmer, Politiker und Õffentlichkeitsarbeiter, Frankfurt am Main 1999. Buß E., Image Management. Wie Sie Ihr Image-Kapital erhõhen. Erfolgsregeln für das õffentliche Ansehen von Unternehmen, Parteien und Organ-

im, Stuttgart 1995. Luhmann N., Vertrauen. Ein Mechanismus der Reduktion sozialer Komplexität, Stuttgart 1973. Rüßmann K. H., Strahlkraft von Public Relations, Frankfurt am Main New York 1991.

isationen, Frankfurt am Main 2000.

isationen, Frankfurt am Main 2000. pital erhõhen. Erfolgsregeln für das õffentliche Buß E., Image Management. Wie Sie Ihr Image-KaFrankfurt am Main 1999.

Frankfurt am Main New York 1991. Rüßmann K. H., Strahlkraft von Public Relations, Reduktion sozialer Komplexität, Stuttgart 1973. Luhmann N., Vertrauen. Ein Mechanismus der im, Stuttgart 1995.

ternehmer, Politiker und Õffentlichkeitsarbeiter,

published dissertation], University at Hohenhe-

standsaufnahme und Konsequenzen für Un-

Lohrmann S., Image und Unternehmenserfolg [non

Buß E., Das emotionale Profil der Deutschen. BeBoulding K. E., The image, Michigan 1956. gabe [non published manuscript], 1996. Bergler R., Unternehmenskultur als Führungsauf-

Literature

Markenartikel, Düsseldorf, vol. 1. Klage J., Vom Image zum Unternehmenserfolg, am Main 1995. Giddens A., Konsequenzen der Moderne, Frankfurt Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Ansehen von Unternehmen, Parteien und Organ-

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Culture Managemen 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Definitions of Cultural Policies Sanjin Dragojevic

I

n our presentation of definitions of cultural policies we are going to depict the three types of defining, none of them neither perfect nor erroneous. We intend to present them in odder to point out the difficulties emerging in any attempt to limit, that is, define such a complex and expansive area as cultural policy, and to indicate the difficulties of fissure, conceptual as well as pragmatic, each of them has surmount.

Too Wide Definition

T

he following formulation may serve as an example of such definition: Cultural policy is the sum of conscious and deliberate methods and activities, or the lack of these activities, or the lack of these activities within a society, with the aim to satisfy certain cultural needs through optimal use of all available potentials at the disposal of a given community in a given moment [see: Unesco. Round Table Meeting on Cultural Policies, 1967, s. 76; Koncs, 1986]. This definition is too wide for several reasons. If ask can this definition apply to any other policy, if we change the substantive to read economy or technology or information , the answer will be in the affirmative. Besides, this definition does not rest on two indubitably major and strong, but not easily definable foundations.

1

One of the crucial tasks of every cultural policy is to actually establish what is to be considered a cultural needs how to define their extent and quality, and to subsequently bring them into a relationship with cultural policy and cultural life. However, almost every cultural policy leaves the issue of cultural needs open, in order to avoid a twofold danger: G too rigid definition of tastes, desires and behaviour connected to cultural activities and, at the same time, G too precise determination of cultural goals which often cannot be achieved, but can considerably reduce its flexibility and dynamics. Thus the majority of cultural policies skirts this question, concentrating attention for the most part on cultural supply, demand and consumption1. When we speak of the optimal utilization of available resources, other questions arise: are these only narrower resources or are they overall resources of the entire society; what is to be considered their optimal utilization; who defines this optimum; what about those resources which are not (yet) available, but are necessary for their use and development (such as, for example, insufficient funding, deficiency of educational specialist, inadequate communication-information infrastructure for the development of international cultural cooperation, etc.)? In this type of definition of cultural policy this whole complex remains open and unclear.

It is self-evident the cultural needs should be a fundamental concept and determinant in a democratically conceived cultural policy. Cultural needs are often closely bound with cultural desires, and booth terms have a wide social import and scope. It is significant that some recent attempts to evaluate cultural policy depart from entirely different level. Thus the attention is focused at the relationship of proclaimed aims of cultural policy and their implementation. The means of showing compatibility of aims with their actual fulfillment is mainly found in the sphere of financing and consumption as the basic indicators of cultural behaviour. The weakness of this approach has been noticed, but remains ignored mostly because of formal reasons that is almost impossible to develop a methodological apparatus of measuring cultural needs, and in particular, registering cultural desires, and therefore they should be (for the time being) left to the sphere of privacy [see: Gouiedo, 1993].

Culture Managemen 2008, Vol 1 (1)

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Sanjin Dragojeviæ professor in Sociology of Culture and Sociology of Mass Communications at the Faculty of Political Science in Zagreb. He is a consultant to a number of international organizations in the area of cultural policy, cultural management, and information system in culture (UNESCO, Council of Europe, European Cultural Foundation). He is a member of the Executive Board of the Culturelink network and CIRCLE. He is also a lecturer at a number of international courses (Vienna, Amsterdam, Krems, Belgrade, Dubrovnik, etc.) and published a number of publications in this domain.

1 It is self-evident the cultural needs should be a fundamental concept and determinant in a democratically conceived cultural policy. Cultural needs are often closely bound with cultural desires, and booth terms have a wide social import and scope. It is significant that some recent attempts to evaluate cultural policy depart from entirely different level. Thus the attention is focused at the relationship of proclaimed aims of cultural policy and their implementation. The means of showing compatibility of aims with their actual fulfillment is mainly found in the sphere of financing and consumption as the basic indicators of cultural behaviour. The weakness of this approach has been noticed, but remains ignored mostly because of formal reasons that is almost impossible to develop a methodological apparatus of measuring cultural needs, and in particular, registering cultural desires, and therefore they should be (for the time being) left to the sphere of privacy [see: Gouiedo, 1993].

he following formulation may serve as an example of such definition: Cultural policy is the sum of conscious and deliberate methods and activities, or the lack of these activities, or the lack of these activities within a society, with the aim to satisfy certain cultural needs through optimal use of all available potentials at the disposal of a given community in a given moment [see: Unesco. Round Table Meeting on Cultural Policies, 1967, s. 76; Koncs, 1986]. This definition is too wide for several reasons. If ask can this definition apply to any other policy, if we change the substantive to read economy or technology or information , the answer will be in the affirmative. Besides, this definition does not rest on two indubitably major and strong, but not easily definable foundations.

T

Too Wide Definition n our presentation of definitions of cultural policies we are going to depict the three types of defining, none of them neither perfect nor erroneous. We intend to present them in odder to point out the difficulties emerging in any attempt to limit, that is, define such a complex and expansive area as cultural policy, and to indicate the difficulties of fissure, conceptual as well as pragmatic, each of them has surmount.

I

One of the crucial tasks of every cultural policy is to actually establish what is to be considered a cultural needs how to define their extent and quality, and to subsequently bring them into a relationship with cultural policy and cultural life. However, almost every cultural policy leaves the issue of cultural needs open, in order to avoid a twofold danger: G too rigid definition of tastes, desires and behaviour connected to cultural activities and, at the same time, G too precise determination of cultural goals which often cannot be achieved, but can considerably reduce its flexibility and dynamics. Thus the majority of cultural policies skirts this question, concentrating attention for the most part on cultural supply, demand and consumption1. When we speak of the optimal utilization of available resources, other questions arise: are these only narrower resources or are they overall resources of the entire society; what is to be considered their optimal utilization; who defines this optimum; what about those resources which are not (yet) available, but are necessary for their use and development (such as, for example, insufficient funding, deficiency of educational specialist, inadequate communication-information infrastructure for the development of international cultural cooperation, etc.)? In this type of definition of cultural policy this whole complex remains open and unclear.

Sanjin Dragojevic

Definitions of Cultural Policies

Sanjin Dragojeviæ professor in Sociology of Culture and Sociology of Mass Communications at the Faculty of Political Science in Zagreb. He is a consultant to a number of international organizations in the area of cultural policy, cultural management, and information system in culture (UNESCO, Council of Europe, European Cultural Foundation). He is a member of the Executive Board of the Culturelink network and CIRCLE. He is also a lecturer at a number of international courses (Vienna, Amsterdam, Krems, Belgrade, Dubrovnik, etc.) and published a number of publications in this domain.


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Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Operative Definition

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Technocratic Definition

38

W

It should be noted that the definition which still appears in a crucial strategic document concerning Croatian cultural policy substantially lessens its scope. At the first, in terms of subjects which are primarily bound to political and administrative authorities, at the second in term of instruments which are again seen as, above all, legislative and administrative; thus it can be considered in part a technocratic definition. Further in our analysis we are going to try to show that cultural policy is much wider as a field and much more complex as a process of decision making and conciliation of the issues important for culture and cultural development. The subject definition is formulated as allows: Cultural policy is a set of legislative and administrative mechanism which drive and direct the utilization of various resources financial, physical, political, artistic, scientific, educational and social in order to increase cultural capital of the country and influence the formation of cultural landscape [Katunariæ, 2003, p. 45].

A

Within our further discussion we are going to focus our attention mainly at the understanding of our cultural policy in the light of the above definition, although we have to bear in mind also the messages of the previously quoted definitions. The first of them (too wide), departs from something substantial which is not to be found in the third (operative), and that is a specific social, far-reaching understanding of culture and cultural activity which indubitably substantially defines a specific cultural policy. Even more, foundation of cultural policy in the specific comprehension of culture should be the decisive criterion in the evaluation of a particular cultural policy. The lesson of the definition (technocratic) is in the emphasis of the conformity of cultural policy with other developmental policies and in relatively open declaration of the limits of its power and scope. Cultural policy presents a choice and a various levels at that. Thus it is not only a choice of the field, but also of measures, actions, subjects, etc. However, this choice does not proceed in isolation. It is always in relationship whit social priorities, overall policy of development and dynamics. Within the second definition this aspect is implicit-

hat distinguishes the operative definition of cultural policy? First of all, relatively precisely defined areas comprising it, the establishment of the scope and type of operations that characterize it, and the level at which they proceed. These distinctions seem to be very well composed in the cultural policy: Cultural policy is a planned and organized operation of a relatively homogenous community with the goals: G to protect already existent cultural property and values, G to foster support cultural creative endeavour, to develop cultural life of the groups it is intended for.

2

hat distinguishes the operative definition of cultural policy? First of all, relatively precisely defined areas comprising it, the establishment of the scope and type of operations that characterize it, and the level at which they proceed. These distinctions seem to be very well composed in the cultural policy: Cultural policy is a planned and organized operation of a relatively homogenous community with the goals: G to protect already existent cultural property and values, G to foster support cultural creative endeavour, G to develop cultural life of the groups it is intended for.

G

W

nother type of definition of cultural policy is too concentrated on its too concentrated on its institutional, administrative, operative level and dimension. According to this view, cultural policy plays first and foremost organizational and technical role in cultural life of a society or community, while the area of conceptualization and establishment of cultural goals, priorities and overall cultural strategy remains left aside. This point of view (which is by no means negligible or irrelevant as a possibility in establishing the place and social role of cultural policy) assigns in the executive role it can efficiently or inefficiently play, with more or less flexibility, with pronounced or reduced internal dynamics with regard or with disregard to the parallel cultural wills and aspirations. It is not, to put it simply, concentrated on the aims, to put it simply, concentrated on the aims, but put the procedural and operative aspects it finds them carried out on another level: within social political mechanisms of decision making, or in the inner cultural dynamics of a particular community. One of the examples of such definition is formulated as follows: Cultural policy is activity with a goal to define cultural subjects and cultural objects within the process of their institutionalization [Car, 199, p. 74 and further]. Although this is not being mentioned, all attention in such defining of problem area of cultural policy is focused on basic means and instruments of cultural policy that is, planning, regulation and financing. At the same time it is not difficult to notice that the division of subject and object of cultural policy is too inflexible (within the process of institutionalization), and consequently: G deconstructs the fundamental cultural dynamics of the internal play of subject of cultural policy consisting of their constant alternateness, G cultural life and development is seen mostly at the level of legitimated any firmly systematized cultural production and infrastructure2.

Within our further discussion we are going to focus our attention mainly at the understanding of our cultural policy in the light of the above definition, although we have to bear in mind also the messages of the previously quoted definitions. The first of them (too wide), departs from something substantial which is not to be found in the third (operative), and that is a specific social, far-reaching understanding of culture and cultural activity which indubitably substantially defines a specific cultural policy. Even more, foundation of cultural policy in the specific comprehension of culture should be the decisive criterion in the evaluation of a particular cultural policy. The lesson of the definition (technocratic) is in the emphasis of the conformity of cultural policy with other developmental policies and in relatively open declaration of the limits of its power and scope. Cultural policy presents a choice and a various levels at that. Thus it is not only a choice of the field, but also of measures, actions, subjects, etc. However, this choice does not proceed in isolation. It is always in relationship whit social priorities, overall policy of development and dynamics. Within the second definition this aspect is implicit-

A

nother type of definition of cultural policy is too concentrated on its too concentrated on its institutional, administrative, operative level and dimension. According to this view, cultural policy plays first and foremost organizational and technical role in cultural life of a society or community, while the area of conceptualization and establishment of cultural goals, priorities and overall cultural strategy remains left aside. This point of view (which is by no means negligible or irrelevant as a possibility in establishing the place and social role of cultural policy) assigns in the executive role it can efficiently or inefficiently play, with more or less flexibility, with pronounced or reduced internal dynamics with regard or with disregard to the parallel cultural wills and aspirations. It is not, to put it simply, concentrated on the aims, to put it simply, concentrated on the aims, but put the procedural and operative aspects it finds them carried out on another level: within social political mechanisms of decision making, or in the inner cultural dynamics of a particular community. One of the examples of such definition is formulated as follows: Cultural policy is activity with a goal to define cultural subjects and cultural objects within the process of their institutionalization [Car, 199, p. 74 and further]. Although this is not being mentioned, all attention in such defining of problem area of cultural policy is focused on basic means and instruments of cultural policy that is, planning, regulation and financing. At the same time it is not difficult to notice that the division of subject and object of cultural policy is too inflexible (within the process of institutionalization), and consequently: G deconstructs the fundamental cultural dynamics of the internal play of subject of cultural policy consisting of their constant alternateness, G cultural life and development is seen mostly at the level of legitimated any firmly systematized cultural production and infrastructure2.

Operative Definition

2 It should be noted that the definition which still appears in a crucial strategic document concerning Croatian cultural policy substantially lessens its scope. At the first, in terms of subjects which are primarily bound to political and administrative authorities, at the second in term of instruments which are again seen as, above all, legislative and administrative; thus it can be considered in part a technocratic definition. Further in our analysis we are going to try to show that cultural policy is much wider as a field and much more complex as a process of decision making and conciliation of the issues important for culture and cultural development. The subject definition is formulated as allows: Cultural policy is a set of legislative and administrative mechanism which drive and direct the utilization of various resources financial, physical, political, artistic, scientific, educational and social in order to increase cultural capital of the country and influence the formation of cultural landscape [Katunariæ, 2003, p. 45].

Technocratic Definition


Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

ly present and shows the power, but also the limitation, of every cultural policy per se. Therefore, although we are going to decide in favour of the third definition, there many others, and some of them are particularly indicative3.

39

Such view brings about at least two serious and irresolvable developmental aporia. Sector division contains a drastic cut which has the most serious consequences in the distinction of productive and non-productive activities and their belong in sectors. Within such division on principle the need for the existence of non-productive sectors in the functioning of overall society is not being denied, but it is simply found to be living from and at the expense others. Most often that means that precisely cultural activities present the most distinctive examples of non-productive activities, and consequently get classified within not only non-productive, but pronouncedly consuming socials sector. Such attitude prevents the understanding of culture as the overall developmental ability of society. Only culture, that is, bound together the sum of identity, activity and potentiality of a specific community. The second aporia always show in any kind of effort to create a classification system in order to establish what should be and what is a cultural activity. Recent development trends show, seemingly paradoxically, that the activities which seem to be highly independent of cultural foundation and the matrix they emerge from, are simply not explainable as societal phenomena without culture and temporal contextualization. Many ill-fated developmental experiences from the recent past had lead to the view which, however, has not been able to practically resolve the above aporia in a substantial manner, and it may be articulated in the following way: culture is everything, and specifically some of it [see: Cliché, Mitchell, Wiesand, 2002].

5

Within European history the most obvious examples of something we may, conditionally and with all necessary prudence, call cultural policy are the cultural policy of Percicles time in Acient Greece, and the patronage of the arts of the Medici in the High Renaissance.

4

One of such indicative definitions of cultural policy says cultural policy means whole of the of cultural actions planned on the basis of global vision of social and cultural development, a particular cultural situation and cultural needs, and the current situation of cultural standard [See: Martiniæ, 1990, p. 186].

3

Cultural Policy Background and Reasons of Importance

C

ultural permanence that is, being within a culture and cultural set is indubitably bound with the implanted mechanism and rules of cultural survival, transmission and development. According to this, cultural policy is as old as is human race. The greater the impact of a particular historic period, the outlines of (often vague cultural policy of that period) becomes clearer and more obvious in retrospective historic reconstruction and valorisation4. However, cultural policy in its present sense has been considered a very recent phenomenon. It is obvious that the whole complex of currently established and produced conditions compel almost all communities around the world not only to deal with this problem, but also to consider it their unpost-ponable and permanent task. Among the many reasons leading to defining and establishing cultural policy, I am going to mention only the obvious and major ones. 1) The growth of management and planning. On these reasons should be looked for in the daily increase of the importance of management and planning as overall social phenomena. Multifaceted developmental problems facing societies today were inconceivable before. The sum of social life disintegrated to almost countless overlapping and interwoven sections

and sections. On the one hand there exists a complex of more or less formed social areas (but also the increasing number of the new ones), and on the other there is a constant task of their recognition, definition, coordination, management and contextualization. Cultural operations, their classification, number, essence and import and the belonging forms and ways of creation, coordination and management find (or should find) their response, and at least possible solution within various cultural policies. They themselves, again, at one level have to be compatible with national cultural policy, and at the other have to be at last in principle compatible with the organic correlation of other developmental policies. 2) Sector division. The above-described general trend emerges as the consequence of that we may call sector division of social activities, as the second generator of cultural policy in modern terms. Within the already mentioned extreme dubiousness and even counter-productivity of such point of view and practice, culture is placed within the overall sector division. Thus it self takes on a certain inside-sector nature which is most often drastically contrary to the essence of culture as the sole true quintessence and embodiment of the sum of society. However, since the process of systematization and deconstruction of general nomenclature of social sectors still presents the dominant pattern of the overall planning and management, this phenomenon also encompasses wide and developed cultural policies as the highest means of management, administration and financing of the activities which are considered as cultural almost unavoidable5.

3

One of such indicative definitions of cultural policy says cultural policy means whole of the of cultural actions planned on the basis of global vision of social and cultural development, a particular cultural situation and cultural needs, and the current situation of cultural standard [See: Martiniæ, 1990, p. 186].

4

Within European history the most obvious examples of something we may, conditionally and with all necessary prudence, call cultural policy are the cultural policy of Percicles time in Acient Greece, and the patronage of the arts of the Medici in the High Renaissance.

5

Such view brings about at least two serious and irresolvable developmental aporia. Sector division contains a drastic cut which has the most serious consequences in the distinction of productive and non-productive activities and their belong in sectors. Within such division on principle the need for the existence of non-productive sectors in the functioning of overall society is not being denied, but it is simply found to be living from and at the expense others. Most often that means that precisely cultural activities present the most distinctive examples of non-productive activities, and consequently get classified within not only non-productive, but pronouncedly consuming socials sector. Such attitude prevents the understanding of culture as the overall developmental ability of society. Only culture, that is, bound together the sum of identity, activity and potentiality of a specific community. The second aporia always show in any kind of effort to create a classification system in order to establish what should be and what is a cultural activity. Recent development trends show, seemingly paradoxically, that the activities which seem to be highly independent of cultural foundation and the matrix they emerge from, are simply not explainable as societal phenomena without culture and temporal contextualization. Many ill-fated developmental experiences from the recent past had lead to the view which, however, has not been able to practically resolve the above aporia in a substantial manner, and it may be articulated in the following way: culture is everything, and specifically some of it [see: Cliché, Mitchell, Wiesand, 2002].

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

39

1) The growth of management and planning. On these reasons should be looked for in the daily increase of the importance of management and planning as overall social phenomena. Multifaceted developmental problems facing societies today were inconceivable before. The sum of social life disintegrated to almost countless overlapping and interwoven sections ultural permanence that is, being within a culture and cultural set is indubitably bound with the implanted mechanism and rules of cultural survival, transmission and development. According to this, cultural policy is as old as is human race. The greater the impact of a particular historic period, the outlines of (often vague cultural policy of that period) becomes clearer and more obvious in retrospective historic reconstruction and valorisation4. However, cultural policy in its present sense has been considered a very recent phenomenon. It is obvious that the whole complex of currently established and produced conditions compel almost all communities around the world not only to deal with this problem, but also to consider it their unpost-ponable and permanent task. Among the many reasons leading to defining and establishing cultural policy, I am going to mention only the obvious and major ones.

C

Cultural Policy Background and Reasons of Importance ly present and shows the power, but also the limitation, of every cultural policy per se. Therefore, although we are going to decide in favour of the third definition, there many others, and some of them are particularly indicative3.

2) Sector division. The above-described general trend emerges as the consequence of that we may call sector division of social activities, as the second generator of cultural policy in modern terms. Within the already mentioned extreme dubiousness and even counter-productivity of such point of view and practice, culture is placed within the overall sector division. Thus it self takes on a certain inside-sector nature which is most often drastically contrary to the essence of culture as the sole true quintessence and embodiment of the sum of society. However, since the process of systematization and deconstruction of general nomenclature of social sectors still presents the dominant pattern of the overall planning and management, this phenomenon also encompasses wide and developed cultural policies as the highest means of management, administration and financing of the activities which are considered as cultural almost unavoidable5. and sections. On the one hand there exists a complex of more or less formed social areas (but also the increasing number of the new ones), and on the other there is a constant task of their recognition, definition, coordination, management and contextualization. Cultural operations, their classification, number, essence and import and the belonging forms and ways of creation, coordination and management find (or should find) their response, and at least possible solution within various cultural policies. They themselves, again, at one level have to be compatible with national cultural policy, and at the other have to be at last in principle compatible with the organic correlation of other developmental policies.


40

40

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

3) The growth of communication system. The third reason for the emergence and the increasing importance of cultural policy may be found in the strengthening and consolidation of the global cultural, economic and political communication system. Its growth has compelled every country to constantly define its position within the jammed communicational space: some in order to hold and promote it, some in order to win it or at least not to surrender it completely. All this results in the need to build up relatively coherent strategies of cultural development, most often and most naturally within cultural policies6.

The phenomenon we are currently witnessing, externally connected with the renewed debates on the transformation of GATT, is very instructive and far-reaching. Although area of culture remains within the sector type of debate totally ephemeral and negligible, it very soon turned out that, for example, the problem area of film and audio-visual production of European countries, and in particular France, and the competing American production might jeopardize the whole process of negotiations. On the one hand it shows that cultural stake a country may sacrifice to compromise in the process of harmonization of the opposing, mostly economic, interest is a last and ultimate, but on the other hand the best way to reach a lasting, structural and systematic interdependence which probably irreversible. Cultural productive mechanisms viewed through reduced economic optics appear banal up to the point where cultural axis of self-recognition of social totality becomes questionable. At that very point the whole debate changes, and precisely that cultural stake appears to be most important and most valuable and its sale hat to be prevented at any cost [see: d Angelo, Vespertini, 1998, p. 37; Smiers, 2003].

4) The growth of international cooperation. The fourth reason should be looked for in the increasing influence, force and importance of international cultural institutions and in the international cultural cooperation. The most widely known are usually classified as intergovernmental or super-national cultural institutions and bodies. It goes without saying that their most important and significant subjects are the member states which can be represented in a variety of ways. This fact alone, however, implies the existence of what we may call national priorities and cultural specificity embodied in cultural policy, from which we always have to depart and to which we always have to return to. Thus, in numerous actions and programs initiated by international cultural organizations with the national cultural policies and vice versa is being constantly emphasized.

7

portance of cultural policy, and in particular cultural deconstruction threatening almost all cultures because of two mutually connected trends. One of them may be shown on the level of the emergence of planetary cultural market, compelling cultures to create according to global standards and patterns, whereby the unique is often being sacrificed, reduced, or, in the extreme case, abandoned7. The second trend is connected with the first, but it is very dangerous because most often it is not obvious, and being of systematic nature its consequences could be long lasting and deep. In brief: the level of super-national regulation of vital elements and aspects of functioning of national and sub-national societal communities increases almost as quickly as lightning. In spite of difficulties, without doubt integration processes are progressing. Although integration processes are often in the state of permanent crisis, what is not disputable is the fact that although the crises break out in the area economic cooperation (political and military unity is not in the foreground any more) they infect all elements of social life, and in particular the area of culture. Systematic and multidimensional impact of certain economically intoned decision most often remains unchallenged, but efforts are being made to neutralize the potential negative influence of such measures with counteractions. A cultural policy trying to define priorities and the ways of functioning in such a clear manner that they could not come in question, or would be questioned only in extreme cases, appears as an illusory, but often the sole bulwark defending from the invisible and silent deconstruction of the mechanism of particular cultures.

Many experts who tried to explain the economic wonder of Japan, share almost identical view: one of the most important reasons of such forceful and rapid economic growth of this country lays in the unique Japanese system of careful longterm planning divided in a number of mutually linked policies, which are most often scrutinized on a yearly basis. What is most often ignored, but emerges in the recent culturological analyses is the highly pronounced art of planning, difficult to find elsewhere around the world, and the ability to act compatibly with more widely accepted plan s. The explanation of this phenomenon may be found in the totality of Japanese cultural system, and not in some external and often too emphasized factors (such as the insular character of the country, lack of raw material, inflexible education system, etc.). For more detail see: Kato, 1981; Moore, 190.

5) Integrations and preservation of identity. The fifth reason for the increase of the im-

6

6 Many experts who tried to explain the economic wonder of Japan, share almost identical view: one of the most important reasons of such forceful and rapid economic growth of this country lays in the unique Japanese system of careful longterm planning divided in a number of mutually linked policies, which are most often scrutinized on a yearly basis. What is most often ignored, but emerges in the recent culturological analyses is the highly pronounced art of planning, difficult to find elsewhere around the world, and the ability to act compatibly with more widely accepted plan s. The explanation of this phenomenon may be found in the totality of Japanese cultural system, and not in some external and often too emphasized factors (such as the insular character of the country, lack of raw material, inflexible education system, etc.). For more detail see: Kato, 1981; Moore, 190.

5) Integrations and preservation of identity. The fifth reason for the increase of the im-

The phenomenon we are currently witnessing, externally connected with the renewed debates on the transformation of GATT, is very instructive and far-reaching. Although area of culture remains within the sector type of debate totally ephemeral and negligible, it very soon turned out that, for example, the problem area of film and audio-visual production of European countries, and in particular France, and the competing American production might jeopardize the whole process of negotiations. On the one hand it shows that cultural stake a country may sacrifice to compromise in the process of harmonization of the opposing, mostly economic, interest is a last and ultimate, but on the other hand the best way to reach a lasting, structural and systematic interdependence which probably irreversible. Cultural productive mechanisms viewed through reduced economic optics appear banal up to the point where cultural axis of self-recognition of social totality becomes questionable. At that very point the whole debate changes, and precisely that cultural stake appears to be most important and most valuable and its sale hat to be prevented at any cost [see: d Angelo, Vespertini, 1998, p. 37; Smiers, 2003].

4) The growth of international cooperation. The fourth reason should be looked for in the increasing influence, force and importance of international cultural institutions and in the international cultural cooperation. The most widely known are usually classified as intergovernmental or super-national cultural institutions and bodies. It goes without saying that their most important and significant subjects are the member states which can be represented in a variety of ways. This fact alone, however, implies the existence of what we may call national priorities and cultural specificity embodied in cultural policy, from which we always have to depart and to which we always have to return to. Thus, in numerous actions and programs initiated by international cultural organizations with the national cultural policies and vice versa is being constantly emphasized.

portance of cultural policy, and in particular cultural deconstruction threatening almost all cultures because of two mutually connected trends. One of them may be shown on the level of the emergence of planetary cultural market, compelling cultures to create according to global standards and patterns, whereby the unique is often being sacrificed, reduced, or, in the extreme case, abandoned7. The second trend is connected with the first, but it is very dangerous because most often it is not obvious, and being of systematic nature its consequences could be long lasting and deep. In brief: the level of super-national regulation of vital elements and aspects of functioning of national and sub-national societal communities increases almost as quickly as lightning. In spite of difficulties, without doubt integration processes are progressing. Although integration processes are often in the state of permanent crisis, what is not disputable is the fact that although the crises break out in the area economic cooperation (political and military unity is not in the foreground any more) they infect all elements of social life, and in particular the area of culture. Systematic and multidimensional impact of certain economically intoned decision most often remains unchallenged, but efforts are being made to neutralize the potential negative influence of such measures with counteractions. A cultural policy trying to define priorities and the ways of functioning in such a clear manner that they could not come in question, or would be questioned only in extreme cases, appears as an illusory, but often the sole bulwark defending from the invisible and silent deconstruction of the mechanism of particular cultures.

7

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

3) The growth of communication system. The third reason for the emergence and the increasing importance of cultural policy may be found in the strengthening and consolidation of the global cultural, economic and political communication system. Its growth has compelled every country to constantly define its position within the jammed communicational space: some in order to hold and promote it, some in order to win it or at least not to surrender it completely. All this results in the need to build up relatively coherent strategies of cultural development, most often and most naturally within cultural policies6.


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6) Hypostasis of developmental parameters. The sixth reason for increase of the importance of cultural policy is a new civilization trend we may call hypostasis of parameters of social development. It may be said that this phenomenon is in terms of planetary imperative rather new and that it came to the full swing after 1989 and the well-known changes in that crucial year in the European and worldwide development. For the first time at the general super-national level there emerges what may be called universality of developmental parameters. Although there are no established criteria for measuring their success, many authorities agree that parameters mostly pertain to: G democratic political system and rule of law, G respect of human rights, G respect of private property and the preference of private property in general, G respect of multiculturalism, multi-confessionalism and the right of ethnic minorities. The arbitrariness in measuring these goals is extraordinary, so that the whole above set presents more a seemingly non-not ideological complex of values, than the system of defined and clearly established parameters. However, what is not disputable is the fact these parameters in the case of each particular community are assessed at different, often opposite levels whereby the assessing subjects often have entirely opposite interest and points of departure. Yet, the possibility of international overall dialogue essentially depends on (most often inconsistent and questionable) assessments of achievements and the fulfilment of the above mentioned parameters. What is not questionable is a fact that the impossibility of overall social dialogue universe rapidly checks the development of a specific community and leads to its breakdown. The achievement of the above parameters is usually split into two levels: the protocol-regulative and the actual-operative one. Even a perfunctory look at the above-mentioned parameters tells us that they imply a very intensified cultural components and essence. Since cultural policy contains the booth levels, it be-

8

comes unavoidable and important element of the overall assessment of the fulfilment of the above parameters. 7) Economic growth of cultural activities. In the end, one of the most important factors in the increase of the importance of cultural policy is the rapid increase of developmental and economic impact of cultural activities8. As we can conclude from the seven abovementioned reasons of the increased impact of cultural policy as a field, which we can follow since 1960s, we may say that the two axes of observation have crystallized since: G one which primarily focuses its attention on global trends, G one which brings various national responses to these general guidelines and definitions, but also contributes initiative. Therefore in our further presentation of temporal changes we intend to keep to these two levels, viewing them as a national and supernational level of the dominant changes in cultural policy.

Cultural Management, Planning and Policy

D

ue to all previously mentioned reasons, as well as the interne character of cultural survival, the establishment of a relatively coherent system of management, planning and policy in the area of culture becomes a prerequisite of temporal transmission of cultural values and forms. Usually there are two sets of dominant reasons in the fundament of cultural planning: the first is derived from the cultural life itself, and the other from the need to plot the socio-economic determinants of the overall social development. However, the issue in the focus of the attention of culturologist, cultural authorities and cultural managers since 1980s has not been so much the issue of planning (which had dominated the previous period), but the issue cultural management. This shift has primarily emerged as the consequence of the change in

This growth of economic value of cultural activities the beginning of which could be seen in 1960s, is very clearly visible at the end of 1980s, when, for example in 1989 cultural sector in European Union employed over 4.000.000 persons and constituted from 3 to 6% of BNP of certain countries [see: Domenach, 1980]. In order to give the insight into relations of this area with some other, we can quote the fact in the same year electric power industry and car industry together made about 3% of BNP. [According to the talk of John Myerscough Economic importance of the cultural sector in U.K. , at the Round Table Meeting Employment in the fields of the Art and Regional Development , Dublin, 29-29 September 1989 [see: Culturelink, IMRO, vol 1, no. 1, 1989]. Today this trend is most noticeable in the case of Finland where some 7% BNP comes from the area of culture and creative industries.

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

41

8 This growth of economic value of cultural activities the beginning of which could be seen in 1960s, is very clearly visible at the end of 1980s, when, for example in 1989 cultural sector in European Union employed over 4.000.000 persons and constituted from 3 to 6% of BNP of certain countries [see: Domenach, 1980]. In order to give the insight into relations of this area with some other, we can quote the fact in the same year electric power industry and car industry together made about 3% of BNP. [According to the talk of John Myerscough Economic importance of the cultural sector in U.K. , at the Round Table Meeting Employment in the fields of the Art and Regional Development , Dublin, 29-29 September 1989 [see: Culturelink, IMRO, vol 1, no. 1, 1989]. Today this trend is most noticeable in the case of Finland where some 7% BNP comes from the area of culture and creative industries.

6) Hypostasis of developmental parameters. The sixth reason for increase of the importance of cultural policy is a new civilization trend we may call hypostasis of parameters of social development. It may be said that this phenomenon is in terms of planetary imperative rather new and that it came to the full swing after 1989 and the well-known changes in that crucial year in the European and worldwide development. For the first time at the general super-national level there emerges what may be called universality of developmental parameters. Although there are no established criteria for measuring their success, many authorities agree that parameters mostly pertain to: G democratic political system and rule of law, G respect of human rights, G respect of private property and the preference of private property in general, G respect of multiculturalism, multi-confessionalism and the right of ethnic minorities. The arbitrariness in measuring these goals is extraordinary, so that the whole above set presents more a seemingly non-not ideological complex of values, than the system of defined and clearly established parameters. However, what is not disputable is the fact these parameters in the case of each particular community are assessed at different, often opposite levels whereby the assessing subjects often have entirely opposite interest and points of departure. Yet, the possibility of international overall dialogue essentially depends on (most often inconsistent and questionable) assessments of achievements and the fulfilment of the above mentioned parameters. What is not questionable is a fact that the impossibility of overall social dialogue universe rapidly checks the development of a specific community and leads to its breakdown. The achievement of the above parameters is usually split into two levels: the protocol-regulative and the actual-operative one. Even a perfunctory look at the above-mentioned parameters tells us that they imply a very intensified cultural components and essence. Since cultural policy contains the booth levels, it be-

ue to all previously mentioned reasons, as well as the interne character of cultural survival, the establishment of a relatively coherent system of management, planning and policy in the area of culture becomes a prerequisite of temporal transmission of cultural values and forms. Usually there are two sets of dominant reasons in the fundament of cultural planning: the first is derived from the cultural life itself, and the other from the need to plot the socio-economic determinants of the overall social development. However, the issue in the focus of the attention of culturologist, cultural authorities and cultural managers since 1980s has not been so much the issue of planning (which had dominated the previous period), but the issue cultural management. This shift has primarily emerged as the consequence of the change in

D

Cultural Management, Planning and Policy 7) Economic growth of cultural activities. In the end, one of the most important factors in the increase of the importance of cultural policy is the rapid increase of developmental and economic impact of cultural activities8. As we can conclude from the seven abovementioned reasons of the increased impact of cultural policy as a field, which we can follow since 1960s, we may say that the two axes of observation have crystallized since: G one which primarily focuses its attention on global trends, G one which brings various national responses to these general guidelines and definitions, but also contributes initiative. Therefore in our further presentation of temporal changes we intend to keep to these two levels, viewing them as a national and supernational level of the dominant changes in cultural policy. comes unavoidable and important element of the overall assessment of the fulfilment of the above parameters.


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Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Explicit and Implicit Type of Cultural Policy

When we divide and classify cultural policies according to the area the we are in fact speaking of sector cultural policies, that is, of cultural policy in the field of literature, theatre arts, dance, radio, film, publishing, music, etc. It if we classify them according to their scope, then cultural policies may be super-national, national, regional, local. This is very similar, complementary and sometimes identical division of cultural policies in terms on operative level. The primary difference is that the geographic-territorial is more precisely specified, and thus we have cultural policy on the level of: country, region, city, suburb, village, island, etc. If we take the vocational-organizational model as the basic parameter of the division (which happens quite often, and this division one among the most important ones), cultural policy can be classified as centralistic and decentralized.

A

Above all this pertains to media and cultural industry.

11

lthough cultural policies may be examined and typologically classified according to a large number of keys and standpoints for example, on the basis of area, range, operative level or vocational-organizational model11 the classification which seems not only initial but also most far-reaching is it division into explicit cultural policy. Although it may seem of little importance, this is not the case whenever the cultural policy is explicit, there are very big and deliberate reasons underneath, as well as in the case it is explicit. This argument will be better understood if we considered the fact that is most often overlooked whenever we speak of cultural policy we almost intuitively presume that: G it is national, G it is (or at least should be) explicit. This, of course, is not accidental. The reasons lay in the very essence of cultural activities themselves, as well as in specificity of current societal planning.

10

Explicit Cultural Policy

The most important theoretic response to these changes in views are present first of all in the work of Pierre Burdie, as well as the work of James S. Coleman. While the first author tries to examine and analyze the productional strength and value of culture under the term cultural capital, the second tries to do the same under the term social capital. The most important thing is that both agree with the statement that the largest productional capital is contained in cultural matrix which distinguishes a specific social community and fundamentally defines its developmental performances [see: Burdieu, 1979, Coleman, 1990, pp. 300-321].

C

ultural activities, namely, often suffer from disorganized relations within themselves or toward themselves. Since for the best part they have no rigorously external purpose, of it is derived and secondary (and has to remain so), they need support: financial, informational, organizational, infrastructural. Most often they are not able to create that themselves. Thus such import of policy and planning, in particular in the area of culture, because they are the expression of the overall ability of society to economize its overall resources. Since national states still remain basic economic and

ultural activities, namely, often suffer from disorganized relations within themselves or toward themselves. Since for the best part they have no rigorously external purpose, of it is derived and secondary (and has to remain so), they need support: financial, informational, organizational, infrastructural. Most often they are not able to create that themselves. Thus such import of policy and planning, in particular in the area of culture, because they are the expression of the overall ability of society to economize its overall resources. Since national states still remain basic economic and

C

views on cultural functions: initially regarded as a form of consumption, they are increasingly viewed in the light of their product-dimension. Thus cultural planning has become an equal and constituent element in the projection on national development (and not only of national expenditure), while in many countries cultural management has required the equal status as any other form of management and organizational system9. Since, on the one hand, it has become increasingly difficult to separate cultural sector from technical and economic ones, this fact establishes a new type of social relationship and interaction, and fundamental social categories get reformulated and seen in entirely different way. And while the traditional culture was planning mostly involved in performative culture, the more recent one has to deal with the areas which have a strong and important economic and political import and by the way of functioning alone cancels the sharp belonging to the culture in a narrower sense . Thus all classic categories and functions of cultural analysis become questionable and need to be formulated in a new way, whether regarding the analytic pairs: individual/collective, consumption/production, innovation/reproduction, or the pair expressiveness/instrumentality10. In the same way, the deep changes in the form of property which dominates in the area of cultural production and distribution, as well as in the impact and scope of cultural administration in planning and in the impact on cultural life and development. The mixture of public, semi public and private property, as well as the changes within the dominant forms of cooperation and competition in cultural activities, accompanied by the growing role and influence of sponsorship and patronage of cultural activities. All that makes the process of cultural planning and management complex to the previously unimaginable degree.

Explicit Cultural Policy

9 The most important theoretic response to these changes in views are present first of all in the work of Pierre Burdie, as well as the work of James S. Coleman. While the first author tries to examine and analyze the productional strength and value of culture under the term cultural capital, the second tries to do the same under the term social capital. The most important thing is that both agree with the statement that the largest productional capital is contained in cultural matrix which distinguishes a specific social community and fundamentally defines its developmental performances [see: Burdieu, 1979, Coleman, 1990, pp. 300-321].

lthough cultural policies may be examined and typologically classified according to a large number of keys and standpoints for example, on the basis of area, range, operative level or vocational-organizational model11 the classification which seems not only initial but also most far-reaching is it division into explicit cultural policy. Although it may seem of little importance, this is not the case whenever the cultural policy is explicit, there are very big and deliberate reasons underneath, as well as in the case it is explicit. This argument will be better understood if we considered the fact that is most often overlooked whenever we speak of cultural policy we almost intuitively presume that: G it is national, G it is (or at least should be) explicit. This, of course, is not accidental. The reasons lay in the very essence of cultural activities themselves, as well as in specificity of current societal planning.

Above all this pertains to media and cultural industry.

A

10

9

Explicit and Implicit Type of Cultural Policy

11 When we divide and classify cultural policies according to the area the we are in fact speaking of sector cultural policies, that is, of cultural policy in the field of literature, theatre arts, dance, radio, film, publishing, music, etc. It if we classify them according to their scope, then cultural policies may be super-national, national, regional, local. This is very similar, complementary and sometimes identical division of cultural policies in terms on operative level. The primary difference is that the geographic-territorial is more precisely specified, and thus we have cultural policy on the level of: country, region, city, suburb, village, island, etc. If we take the vocational-organizational model as the basic parameter of the division (which happens quite often, and this division one among the most important ones), cultural policy can be classified as centralistic and decentralized.

views on cultural functions: initially regarded as a form of consumption, they are increasingly viewed in the light of their product-dimension. Thus cultural planning has become an equal and constituent element in the projection on national development (and not only of national expenditure), while in many countries cultural management has required the equal status as any other form of management and organizational system9. Since, on the one hand, it has become increasingly difficult to separate cultural sector from technical and economic ones, this fact establishes a new type of social relationship and interaction, and fundamental social categories get reformulated and seen in entirely different way. And while the traditional culture was planning mostly involved in performative culture, the more recent one has to deal with the areas which have a strong and important economic and political import and by the way of functioning alone cancels the sharp belonging to the culture in a narrower sense . Thus all classic categories and functions of cultural analysis become questionable and need to be formulated in a new way, whether regarding the analytic pairs: individual/collective, consumption/production, innovation/reproduction, or the pair expressiveness/instrumentality10. In the same way, the deep changes in the form of property which dominates in the area of cultural production and distribution, as well as in the impact and scope of cultural administration in planning and in the impact on cultural life and development. The mixture of public, semi public and private property, as well as the changes within the dominant forms of cooperation and competition in cultural activities, accompanied by the growing role and influence of sponsorship and patronage of cultural activities. All that makes the process of cultural planning and management complex to the previously unimaginable degree.


Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

political subjects, and since, on the other hand, culture presents the fundamental exponent of their consciousness of their social and spiritual identity, the intertwining of these factors almost by the itself leads to the establishment of explicit national cultural policies as the most important exponent of cultural and political strategies in general. If we desire to make these entirely clear, we have to quote a few more: G if cultural policy is explicit, that is, contained in special documents and legislation, with very clearly stated aim of regulating cultural activities it is easily noted and problematized12, G explicit cultural policy very often in essentially, extensively, and sometimes for a long time, determines cultural life and cultural dynamics, as well as the development of cultural infrastructure of a community it is intended for, G from the analytic standpoint national level of cultural policies is most adequate for comparison and evaluation of cultural modes, cultural consumption, expenditure, assessment of cultural standard and participation in cultural life, G in the case of European countries, precisely explicit national cultural policy is almost directly founded in and follows from a long lasting, and supported by tradition, history of organizing and regulating the area of culture in many countries of this continent.

Implicit Cultural Policy

H

owever, on the other hand, a whole series of very important examples shows that implicit cultural policy has got its advocates too, its import and its role, be it on national or super-national level. That deconstructs the abovementioned self-evidence, and it becomes questionable. Most prominent examples of implicit cultural policies are that of United States of America and European Union. It is instructive to note that in the first case this is a country with currently greatest planetary cultural influence, while in the second case in this largest interest group and union of our planet. If we wished to, at last preliminarily, rationally defensible reasons which link USA and European Union in their insistence upon im-

12

plicit cultural policy, we should look for them probably on two levels. On the first level, both insist on market orientation and economic embedment of cultural activities in the system of overall social activities; on the other level (which is partially derived from the first) the consciousness of the super-national import and level of cultural activities which proceed in USA and under the aegis of European union. However, what should surprise us even more is that fact that the cultural policies of international organizations such as UNESCO or Council of Europe stand near to the implicit type of cultural policy. They also try defining their own activities (as well as their framework) in a harder and more precise manner, while skirting around and leave open institutional implementations. Thus they simultaneously defend the proclaimed universality of their own actions and views, as well as at least the principle of quality of various initiatives and proposals. This approach, however, contains these elements of quite often mentioned inefficiency of these organizations: the difficult progress through the process of deciding and the development of methodologies as well as too elaborate protocol (and thus wastefulness) of initiatives and action they inaugurate or promote. Since the basic aim of this argument is to cast light upon the problem area of cultural policy in its various aspects and forms (above all as a basic means of management in culture) and analyze further its relationship with the building and foundation of cultural informational systems, this difference between the explicit and implicit cultural policy will not be of primary importance. Yet, it was necessary to undertake this typological demarcation for at least two reasons. The performance of either explicit or implicit cultural policy always reflects the essence of the view of cultural activities and of culture in its entirety. And while in the first case the prevailing view is that cultural activities are separate, distinctive from of sociality, which subsequently needs to be regulated in a specific way, in the second the prevailing view is that cultural activities are comprehensible exclusively as a part of overall societal activities, and that any form of more direct intervention and regulation is negative for culture (because it hiders its development and makes them dependent and not free).

Contrary to explicit cultural policy, the implicit one usually being derived from the sum of measures and action out by a community or group in order regulate wholly the sum of its own activities.

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43

12

43

Contrary to explicit cultural policy, the implicit one usually being derived from the sum of measures and action out by a community or group in order regulate wholly the sum of its own activities.

owever, on the other hand, a whole series of very important examples shows that implicit cultural policy has got its advocates too, its import and its role, be it on national or super-national level. That deconstructs the abovementioned self-evidence, and it becomes questionable. Most prominent examples of implicit cultural policies are that of United States of America and European Union. It is instructive to note that in the first case this is a country with currently greatest planetary cultural influence, while in the second case in this largest interest group and union of our planet. If we wished to, at last preliminarily, rationally defensible reasons which link USA and European Union in their insistence upon im-

H

Implicit Cultural Policy political subjects, and since, on the other hand, culture presents the fundamental exponent of their consciousness of their social and spiritual identity, the intertwining of these factors almost by the itself leads to the establishment of explicit national cultural policies as the most important exponent of cultural and political strategies in general. If we desire to make these entirely clear, we have to quote a few more: G if cultural policy is explicit, that is, contained in special documents and legislation, with very clearly stated aim of regulating cultural activities it is easily noted and problematized12, G explicit cultural policy very often in essentially, extensively, and sometimes for a long time, determines cultural life and cultural dynamics, as well as the development of cultural infrastructure of a community it is intended for, G from the analytic standpoint national level of cultural policies is most adequate for comparison and evaluation of cultural modes, cultural consumption, expenditure, assessment of cultural standard and participation in cultural life, G in the case of European countries, precisely explicit national cultural policy is almost directly founded in and follows from a long lasting, and supported by tradition, history of organizing and regulating the area of culture in many countries of this continent.

plicit cultural policy, we should look for them probably on two levels. On the first level, both insist on market orientation and economic embedment of cultural activities in the system of overall social activities; on the other level (which is partially derived from the first) the consciousness of the super-national import and level of cultural activities which proceed in USA and under the aegis of European union. However, what should surprise us even more is that fact that the cultural policies of international organizations such as UNESCO or Council of Europe stand near to the implicit type of cultural policy. They also try defining their own activities (as well as their framework) in a harder and more precise manner, while skirting around and leave open institutional implementations. Thus they simultaneously defend the proclaimed universality of their own actions and views, as well as at least the principle of quality of various initiatives and proposals. This approach, however, contains these elements of quite often mentioned inefficiency of these organizations: the difficult progress through the process of deciding and the development of methodologies as well as too elaborate protocol (and thus wastefulness) of initiatives and action they inaugurate or promote. Since the basic aim of this argument is to cast light upon the problem area of cultural policy in its various aspects and forms (above all as a basic means of management in culture) and analyze further its relationship with the building and foundation of cultural informational systems, this difference between the explicit and implicit cultural policy will not be of primary importance. Yet, it was necessary to undertake this typological demarcation for at least two reasons. The performance of either explicit or implicit cultural policy always reflects the essence of the view of cultural activities and of culture in its entirety. And while in the first case the prevailing view is that cultural activities are separate, distinctive from of sociality, which subsequently needs to be regulated in a specific way, in the second the prevailing view is that cultural activities are comprehensible exclusively as a part of overall societal activities, and that any form of more direct intervention and regulation is negative for culture (because it hiders its development and makes them dependent and not free).


Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1) Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

If cultural policy is by its nature more inclined towards the implicit than the explicit type, it usually has far-reaching consequences in the development of cultural informational system. Namely, since this is a soft cultural policy and usually has far-reaching consequences in the development of cultural informational systems. Namely, since this is a soft cultural policy and usually attempts to integrate cultural activities by bringing into tighter relationship (cultural) financial policy with (cultural) informational policy. It is believed that these highly integrated and linked cultural policies (alongside a number of other developmental policies) succeed to replace the explicit cultural policy. At the foundation of this orientation is a view that this can simultaneously prevent deconstruction of cultural activities, as well as avoid their excessive regulation13.

44

Concluding Remarks

It is obvious that this problem area should be connected with political system and overall societal orientation. By amplifying this view, we come to the distinction by which the traditionally centralized states and welfare states prefer the explicit type of cultural policy (which is again linked with the so called humane model of cultural policy), while liberal states choose the opposite, implicit type (the so called commercial model of cultural policy). What is important to us at the moment is to note the fact that neither the first nor the second do not fall behind in very high valorization of the need to establish informational systems. There are some analysts who give precedence to the implicit cultural policy and argue that cultural dynamics and vitality of the countries which implement it is higher than in the countries in favour of the opposite type. According to such arguments particular types of management in culture, that is, specific cultural management, can and has to be most directly implemented in culture as the basic prerequisite of efficient cultural management [see: Mitchell, Ritva, 1992].

B

13

European approach and curriculum s which are at the moment lacking mutual theoretical, academic, practical exchange and relations (no matter where placed, in Zagreb, Belgrade, Sofia, Krakow, Vienna or Tallinn for example) all together will make the set of European academic offer possible to choose from hundreds even thousands of students according to their own preferences but also offered quality of overall program of studying and particularly of curriculum in cultural policy. On the other side, as the process of education has the tendency of shortening and intensifying the question of appropriate concept and relevant selection of basic contents and methods of learning will be even more stressed in the fields cultural policy too. These tendencies will in the longer term load us to the process of harmonization of European curriculum s in cultural policy, although many of differences will remain. However, at the same time some formal questions (like how long will be education in the field, on which level of education, primarily devoted to which background of students, which teaching formats, methods and sources will be used etc.) as well as some substantial (which theoretical and methodological standpoints will be used, which disciplines are regarded of primary importance, how to ensure interdisciplinary and trans-disciplinary approach, how to cover at the same time international merely European aspect with national, regional and local on with particular stress on city cultural policies. Not to forget importance of inclusion of new and innovative practices regardless we are speaking on creative industries, new collaborative platforms, independent cultural micro initiatives etc., as these aspects also contribute to the new type competencies of future specialists within overall European context.

ologna process introduces some new criteria and standards generally which will inevitably influence the education in the field of cultural policy not only on national but equally international level. Insisting on procedural clarification of the education process, on precise elaboration of used method and resources, on concentration on practical aspects of the process of gathering of knowledge, and particularly on mobility of students and expertise as integral part of the overall transformation European university system put all the experts and lectures teaching cultural policy in radically new situation opening for them new question and dilemmas.

ologna process introduces some new criteria and standards generally which will inevitably influence the education in the field of cultural policy not only on national but equally international level. Insisting on procedural clarification of the education process, on precise elaboration of used method and resources, on concentration on practical aspects of the process of gathering of knowledge, and particularly on mobility of students and expertise as integral part of the overall transformation European university system put all the experts and lectures teaching cultural policy in radically new situation opening for them new question and dilemmas.

B

13 It is obvious that this problem area should be connected with political system and overall societal orientation. By amplifying this view, we come to the distinction by which the traditionally centralized states and welfare states prefer the explicit type of cultural policy (which is again linked with the so called humane model of cultural policy), while liberal states choose the opposite, implicit type (the so called commercial model of cultural policy). What is important to us at the moment is to note the fact that neither the first nor the second do not fall behind in very high valorization of the need to establish informational systems. There are some analysts who give precedence to the implicit cultural policy and argue that cultural dynamics and vitality of the countries which implement it is higher than in the countries in favour of the opposite type. According to such arguments particular types of management in culture, that is, specific cultural management, can and has to be most directly implemented in culture as the basic prerequisite of efficient cultural management [see: Mitchell, Ritva, 1992].

Concluding Remarks

European approach and curriculum s which are at the moment lacking mutual theoretical, academic, practical exchange and relations (no matter where placed, in Zagreb, Belgrade, Sofia, Krakow, Vienna or Tallinn for example) all together will make the set of European academic offer possible to choose from hundreds even thousands of students according to their own preferences but also offered quality of overall program of studying and particularly of curriculum in cultural policy. On the other side, as the process of education has the tendency of shortening and intensifying the question of appropriate concept and relevant selection of basic contents and methods of learning will be even more stressed in the fields cultural policy too. These tendencies will in the longer term load us to the process of harmonization of European curriculum s in cultural policy, although many of differences will remain. However, at the same time some formal questions (like how long will be education in the field, on which level of education, primarily devoted to which background of students, which teaching formats, methods and sources will be used etc.) as well as some substantial (which theoretical and methodological standpoints will be used, which disciplines are regarded of primary importance, how to ensure interdisciplinary and trans-disciplinary approach, how to cover at the same time international merely European aspect with national, regional and local on with particular stress on city cultural policies. Not to forget importance of inclusion of new and innovative practices regardless we are speaking on creative industries, new collaborative platforms, independent cultural micro initiatives etc., as these aspects also contribute to the new type competencies of future specialists within overall European context.

44

If cultural policy is by its nature more inclined towards the implicit than the explicit type, it usually has far-reaching consequences in the development of cultural informational system. Namely, since this is a soft cultural policy and usually has far-reaching consequences in the development of cultural informational systems. Namely, since this is a soft cultural policy and usually attempts to integrate cultural activities by bringing into tighter relationship (cultural) financial policy with (cultural) informational policy. It is believed that these highly integrated and linked cultural policies (alongside a number of other developmental policies) succeed to replace the explicit cultural policy. At the foundation of this orientation is a view that this can simultaneously prevent deconstruction of cultural activities, as well as avoid their excessive regulation13.


45

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

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d Angelo M.,Vespertini P., Cultural Policie in Euro-

stoljeæu. Strategija kulturnog razvitka, Zagreb 2003.

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Koncs G., Unesco s Action in the Field of Cultural

Strasburg 1998. Bourdieu P., Les trois etats du capitel culturel. Actes de la Recherche en Science Sociales 1979, no. 30. Car T., Culturelink, Special Issue, Zagreb 1991. Cliché D., Mitchell R., Wiesand A., Creative Europe, Bonn 2002. Coleman J.S., Foundations of Social Theory, Cambridge 1990.

Planning, Paris 1986. Martiniæ T., In Leksikon temijnih pojmova politike, Zagreb 1990. Mitchell R., Fisher R., Professional Managers for the Arts and Culture? The Training of Cultural Administrators and Arts Managers in Europe Trends and Perspectives. CIRCLE Publications, 1992, no. 4. Moore Ch. A., [ed.] The Japanese mind. Essentials

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UNESCO Work Session on Cultural Statistics.

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Diversity in the Age of Globalization, London 2003.

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no. 10, Paris, 1993. Kato S., From, Style, Tradition. Reflections on Japa-

Monaco, 18-22 December, 1967. Final Report, Unesco, Paris 1967.

nese Art and Society, Tokyo 1981.

nese Art and Society, Tokyo 1981. Kato S., From, Style, Tradition. Reflections on Japano. 10, Paris, 1993.

Unesco, Paris 1967. Monaco, 18-22 December, 1967. Final Report, Unesco. Round Table Meeting on Cultural Policies,

sion for Europe, 26-28 April 1993. Working Paper

Diversity in the Age of Globalization, London 2003.

Statistical Commission and Economic Commis-

Smiers J., Arts under Pressure: Promoting Cultural

UNESCO Work Session on Cultural Statistics. Conference European Statisticians. Joint ECE/

ce, Copenhagen, Special Issue no. 24, 1990. (IFSSO). Selected Papers, IX General Conferen-

Gouiedo L., Proposals for a Set Cultural Indicators.

Tuttle Federation of Social Science Organization

Domenach J.-M., Europe: le defi culturel, Paris 1990.

of Japanese Philosophy and Culture, Charles E.

Culturelink , IMRO, vol. 1, no. 1, 1989. bridge 1990. Coleman J.S., Foundations of Social Theory, CamBonn 2002. Cliché D., Mitchell R., Wiesand A., Creative Europe, Car T., Culturelink, Special Issue, Zagreb 1991. de la Recherche en Science Sociales 1979, no. 30. Bourdieu P., Les trois etats du capitel culturel. Actes Strasburg 1998.

Moore Ch. A., [ed.] The Japanese mind. Essentials and Perspectives. CIRCLE Publications, 1992, no. 4. ministrators and Arts Managers in Europe Trends Arts and Culture? The Training of Cultural AdMitchell R., Fisher R., Professional Managers for the Zagreb 1990. Martiniæ T., In Leksikon temijnih pojmova politike, Planning, Paris 1986. Koncs G., Unesco s Action in the Field of Cultural

pe. A Comparative approach. Council of Europe,

stoljeæu. Strategija kulturnog razvitka, Zagreb 2003.

d Angelo M.,Vespertini P., Cultural Policie in Euro-

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45

Katunariæ V., Kultura; sredstvo o cilj [in:] Kultura u 21.


Nataliya Medvedchuk

Models of Cultural Policy and Types of State Participation in Cultural Policy-Making: Proposed Classifications

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Translated by Ma³gorzata Walczak

46

cultural policies as formulated by Milena Dragiæeviæ- e iæ, Abraham Mole, Andreas Wiesand et al [Vostriakov, 2004, pp. 79-108; Vostraikov, Peril, 2004, pp. 240-253]. In her monographic work, Ilczuk discusses cultural policies in a civic society system, using the classification of a welfare state according to Stanis³awa Golinowska and Anthony Giddens [Ilczuk, 2002]. M. Che³miñska gives a synthesis of views of different researchers and proposes her own concept of a cultural policy model which is often referred to in works by Polish researchers of the subject [Che³miñska, 1993; Grad, Kaczmarek, 1996]. Works by the above-mentioned researchers present a review of variants of cultural policy models seen from a wider perspective. These works provide a basis for comparison between various classifications and for grouping them by indicators derived from similarities of different researchers views on the state policy towards culture. According to the above, contemporary science offers many typologies of cultural policy models. The reason for this situation is the existence of different methods to explain their goals, implementation mechanisms and outcomes. For example, A. Mole, on the basis of sociostatic and sociodynamic characteristics, has identified four groups of state cultural policies. The sociostatic model describes permanent objectives and institutions of cultural policy. A. Mole identifies three types of such policies:

cultural policies as formulated by Milena Dragiæeviæ- e iæ, Abraham Mole, Andreas Wiesand et al [Vostriakov, 2004, pp. 79-108; Vostraikov, Peril, 2004, pp. 240-253]. In her monographic work, Ilczuk discusses cultural policies in a civic society system, using the classification of a welfare state according to Stanis³awa Golinowska and Anthony Giddens [Ilczuk, 2002]. M. Che³miñska gives a synthesis of views of different researchers and proposes her own concept of a cultural policy model which is often referred to in works by Polish researchers of the subject [Che³miñska, 1993; Grad, Kaczmarek, 1996]. Works by the above-mentioned researchers present a review of variants of cultural policy models seen from a wider perspective. These works provide a basis for comparison between various classifications and for grouping them by indicators derived from similarities of different researchers views on the state policy towards culture. According to the above, contemporary science offers many typologies of cultural policy models. The reason for this situation is the existence of different methods to explain their goals, implementation mechanisms and outcomes. For example, A. Mole, on the basis of sociostatic and sociodynamic characteristics, has identified four groups of state cultural policies. The sociostatic model describes permanent objectives and institutions of cultural policy. A. Mole identifies three types of such policies:

Nataliya Medvedchuk lecturer in the Department of General and Humanistic Studies at Volin Institute of Economy and Management in £uck (Ukraine). A PhD student at Maria Curie-Sk³odowska University in Lublin. Project manager; she cooperates with several Ukrainian nongovernmental organizations. Coordinator of the project initiated by International Organization for Migration (IOM), European Commission and Dutch company ECORYS Research and Consulting.

In recent years there has been a growth in interest among researchers to identify the place of culture in politics and political systems of individual countries. Thanks to this trend, the term cultural politics has begun to be used to define the operational principles, administrative and financed types of activity and procedures which ensure a basis for the activity of the state in the sphere of culture. However, ensuring the effectiveness of cultural politics may be realized using different methods which depend on the state system and the state s level of economic and social development. Therefore, considering, first of all, the level of involvement of state institutions in the development and organization of culture, researchers believe that several models of cultural politics can be distinguished. Researchers in different disciplines political scientists, cultural specialists and philosophers from the USA as well as Western and Eastern Europe have created different models of cultural policy. However, they have also used different criteria to create typologies and classifications. So far, no attempts have been made to list and compare variants of cultural policy models. The only researchers, who have tried to present information in an orderly manner, discussing it in view of seeking the most effective model of development of Russian and Polish culture, are Lev Vostriakov, Dorota Ilczuk and Maria Che³miñska. In several articles, one of which was co-authored by Boris Peril, Vostriakov gives a detailed description of models of

In recent years there has been a growth in interest among researchers to identify the place of culture in politics and political systems of individual countries. Thanks to this trend, the term cultural politics has begun to be used to define the operational principles, administrative and financed types of activity and procedures which ensure a basis for the activity of the state in the sphere of culture. However, ensuring the effectiveness of cultural politics may be realized using different methods which depend on the state system and the state s level of economic and social development. Therefore, considering, first of all, the level of involvement of state institutions in the development and organization of culture, researchers believe that several models of cultural politics can be distinguished. Researchers in different disciplines political scientists, cultural specialists and philosophers from the USA as well as Western and Eastern Europe have created different models of cultural policy. However, they have also used different criteria to create typologies and classifications. So far, no attempts have been made to list and compare variants of cultural policy models. The only researchers, who have tried to present information in an orderly manner, discussing it in view of seeking the most effective model of development of Russian and Polish culture, are Lev Vostriakov, Dorota Ilczuk and Maria Che³miñska. In several articles, one of which was co-authored by Boris Peril, Vostriakov gives a detailed description of models of

Translated by Ma³gorzata Walczak

Nataliya Medvedchuk lecturer in the Department of General and Humanistic Studies at Volin Institute of Economy and Management in £uck (Ukraine). A PhD student at Maria Curie-Sk³odowska University in Lublin. Project manager; she cooperates with several Ukrainian nongovernmental organizations. Coordinator of the project initiated by International Organization for Migration (IOM), European Commission and Dutch company ECORYS Research and Consulting.

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Nataliya Medvedchuk

46

Models of Cultural Policy and Types of State Participation in Cultural Policy-Making: Proposed Classifications


Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

populist or demagogical, aimed at satisfying the cultural needs of the largest number of people possible, G paternalist or dogmatic, following which the rights and major channels for the dissemination of cultural values are possessed by an administrative council . The latter has a detailed system for defining values of established and new cultural products. If a policy in the sphere of culture develops following this standard, it can serve the goals of a political party, religious organization or the state as a whole, G eclectic, striving for the individual formation of culture by each person in the process of undistorted reflection, a good summary of the general humanitarian and humanistic culture. In this case, society has to make sure that every element of culture corresponds with its cultural values and that it is disseminated proportionally, respective of the frequency and importance of this element in common culture as a system of values shared by contemporary society. Sociodynamic policy in the sphere of culture is contradictory to sociostatic culture, as it reacts to constant and ongoing social change and reflects the alterations of cultural contents in every era. According to A. Mole, sociodynamic policy has two streams: progressive and conservative . In the first case, an institution shaping such a policy aims to speed up the evolution of culture, while in the latter, on the contrary, to slow it down [Mole, 1974, pp. 342-346]. M. Dragiæeviæ- e iæ proposes a different classification. The criteria for determining models of cultural policy are as follows: firstly, the political system of the state and, secondly, the role of the state and other stakeholders in the implementation of cultural policy. On the basis of these two criteria, the author identifies four models which show significant differences: G the model of a liberal cultural policy, based on popularity, accessibility and a rich market for cultural products and services. This model is followed and visible in cultures based on the principles of liberalism, G the state bureaucratic model, involving educational cultural policy, within the framework of which the role of the state is dominant as it controls culture through finance, institutions and regulation (legislative, political and ideological). Positive features of such a policy undoubtedly include the financial security of culture provided by the state. Such a model used to be typical of commuG

47

nist countries. Currently, the state bureaucratic model is, according to M. Dragiæeviæ- e iæ, typical of the cultural policy of France and Sweden, G the nationalistic and liberation model of cultural policy, typical of the former colonies but also present in Central and Eastern Europe. It focuses on preservation and restoration, i.e. the strengthening of original cultural traditions, suppressed in times of colonialism or the communist era. Alas, this sometimes leads to distortions such as the closing/isolation of culture, or even chauvinism. Often these phenomena are connected with the rejection of works of art which have been created earlier, cultures of ethnic minorities as well as alternative and experimental art, G the model of a cultural policy of the transition period is fully oriented towards democracy. This model is often implemented by the structures of the state which are unable to reject centralized and bureaucratic methods in the management of culture. It leads to conflicting processes which, most often, results in a shift of culture to nationalistic organizations and circles [Dragiæeviæ- e iæ, 2000, pp. 26-31]. The Head of the European Research Institute for Comparative Cultural Policy and the Arts in Bonn, A. Wiesand, proposes yet another approach to a model of cultural policy. He has identified two main models of cultural policy development. The first is based on a traditional idea of social assistance for culture and art, while the latter is based on using economic instruments. According to A. Wiesand, the most important issues for a cultural policy based on social assistance are the following: G the interest of authorities focused on traditional cultural institutions museums, theatres, libraries and culture centres which obtain co-financing from the state and sponsors. Artists and creators often play the role of missionaries who promote the only truth and consider experimental art as being of little importance, G the existence of important institutions and personalities in culture and art in generally recognized streams is considered to be the main objective, G in order for the state budget to be the main source of financing, the state must have instruments of control such as planning and a system for the submission of various projects, offers, applications and financial settlements,

G populist or demagogical, aimed at satisfying the cultural needs of the largest number of people possible, G paternalist or dogmatic, following which the rights and major channels for the dissemination of cultural values are possessed by an administrative council . The latter has a detailed system for defining values of established and new cultural products. If a policy in the sphere of culture develops following this standard, it can serve the goals of a political party, religious organization or the state as a whole, G eclectic, striving for the individual formation of culture by each person in the process of undistorted reflection, a good summary of the general humanitarian and humanistic culture. In this case, society has to make sure that every element of culture corresponds with its cultural values and that it is disseminated proportionally, respective of the frequency and importance of this element in common culture as a system of values shared by contemporary society. Sociodynamic policy in the sphere of culture is contradictory to sociostatic culture, as it reacts to constant and ongoing social change and reflects the alterations of cultural contents in every era. According to A. Mole, sociodynamic policy has two streams: progressive and conservative . In the first case, an institution shaping such a policy aims to speed up the evolution of culture, while in the latter, on the contrary, to slow it down [Mole, 1974, pp. 342-346]. M. Dragiæeviæ- e iæ proposes a different classification. The criteria for determining models of cultural policy are as follows: firstly, the political system of the state and, secondly, the role of the state and other stakeholders in the implementation of cultural policy. On the basis of these two criteria, the author identifies four models which show significant differences: G the model of a liberal cultural policy, based on popularity, accessibility and a rich market for cultural products and services. This model is followed and visible in cultures based on the principles of liberalism, G the state bureaucratic model, involving educational cultural policy, within the framework of which the role of the state is dominant as it controls culture through finance, institutions and regulation (legislative, political and ideological). Positive features of such a policy undoubtedly include the financial security of culture provided by the state. Such a model used to be typical of commu-

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nist countries. Currently, the state bureaucratic model is, according to M. Dragiæeviæ- e iæ, typical of the cultural policy of France and Sweden, G the nationalistic and liberation model of cultural policy, typical of the former colonies but also present in Central and Eastern Europe. It focuses on preservation and restoration, i.e. the strengthening of original cultural traditions, suppressed in times of colonialism or the communist era. Alas, this sometimes leads to distortions such as the closing/isolation of culture, or even chauvinism. Often these phenomena are connected with the rejection of works of art which have been created earlier, cultures of ethnic minorities as well as alternative and experimental art, G the model of a cultural policy of the transition period is fully oriented towards democracy. This model is often implemented by the structures of the state which are unable to reject centralized and bureaucratic methods in the management of culture. It leads to conflicting processes which, most often, results in a shift of culture to nationalistic organizations and circles [Dragiæeviæ- e iæ, 2000, pp. 26-31]. The Head of the European Research Institute for Comparative Cultural Policy and the Arts in Bonn, A. Wiesand, proposes yet another approach to a model of cultural policy. He has identified two main models of cultural policy development. The first is based on a traditional idea of social assistance for culture and art, while the latter is based on using economic instruments. According to A. Wiesand, the most important issues for a cultural policy based on social assistance are the following: G the interest of authorities focused on traditional cultural institutions museums, theatres, libraries and culture centres which obtain co-financing from the state and sponsors. Artists and creators often play the role of missionaries who promote the only truth and consider experimental art as being of little importance, G the existence of important institutions and personalities in culture and art in generally recognized streams is considered to be the main objective, G in order for the state budget to be the main source of financing, the state must have instruments of control such as planning and a system for the submission of various projects, offers, applications and financial settlements,

47


G the policy is, in principle, made at the national level, G international cultural associations are founded only exceptionally within the framework of diplomatic relations, G in order to control the development of cultural processes the authorities appoint various art councils. However, such a model of cultural policy may create the following problems: G conditions for innovation are very limited and unfavourable. New models of arts and cultural activity, in particular those presented by artists of the young generation, are often rejected, G people responsible for cultural policymaking and for the implementation of this policy have insufficient knowledge about the development of culture and cultural innovations. For this reason the priority in granting funding is given to traditional forms of culture and the arts, G flexible planning instruments are created and developed with great difficulty, G an administrative method for decision-making is dominant the influence of bureaucrats is too high and the role of artists and creators of culture too small. A market-oriented model of cultural policy, according to A. Wiesand, has the following features: G culture, just like any other sector of social life, is market-regulated, G policy is basically focused on ensuring further economic development, G traditional barriers between the elite and mass culture become irrelevant, G the main term of cultural policy in this model is cultural manager, based on the concept of the mixed cultural economy and commercial sponsoring, G special attention is paid to the development of culture at the local level, though in fact international culture is strengthened (particularly in Europe), G a major role in policymaking is played by the cultural elite, especially artists. The development of the policy is ensured by economic experts managers and businesspeople. The limitations of the market-oriented model of cultural policy are as follows: G artistic and cultural activity which requires constant financing but cannot prove its economic profitability (even indirectly) seems to have no prospects, profitability is a dominant criterion. Hence the freedom of artists is limited, as it is dif-

ficult for them to find sponsors individually, and, in particular, partners who share similar interests, G international cultural activity is mainly addressed to a limited number of countries (as in the case of the European Union). Most often this activity involves the entertainment industry controlled by international (mostly American) corporations, G the interests of the audience and the public are often wrongly assessed which can lead to the upsetting of the market, both in economic terms and in terms of the quality of works of art, G expert bodies are often entrusted with limited power, while the power of managers who do not show any interest in the artistic value of cultural products sold may be too high. In addition, A. Wiesand forecasts a change in the role of the state in the market type of cultural policy. In his opinion, the internationalization of culture will be strengthened as the market will gradually replace the state in financing culture. For this reason, he expects that the state will become a source of innovation to ensure flexible financing from various funds and to ensure a client-specific cultural service for the public [Vostriakov, electronic doc; Vostriakov, 2004, pp. 91-93]. The Polish researcher, D. Ilczuk, discusses the correlation between the development of civic society and cultural policy. In her view, cultural policy is a determinant of civic society and cannot exist without it. Hence D. Ilczuk identifies models of cultural policy with social policy models in the broader sense [Ilczuk, 2002, p. 23]. S. Golinowska also shares this point of view. On the basis of typologies provided by Gosta Esping-Andersen and Richard Titmuss, she has identified, according to ideological criteria, three models of a welfare state liberal, conservative-corporative and social democratic. A liberal model welfare state limits its activities to counteracting the social impoverishment of the most disadvantaged social classes. Its assistance, as minimal and clearly addressed as it is, requires the checking of revenues of its beneficiaries and controlling expenses. The philosophy of this model is rooted in the British legislative system which used to be focused on the protection of the poor in the United Kingdom. The conservative-corporative model is based on the assumption that social policy, and by this also cultural policy, is an indispensable element of the economic and political system of the state. Social policy of this type seeks to create moti-

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G

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48

ficult for them to find sponsors individually, and, in particular, partners who share similar interests, G international cultural activity is mainly addressed to a limited number of countries (as in the case of the European Union). Most often this activity involves the entertainment industry controlled by international (mostly American) corporations, G the interests of the audience and the public are often wrongly assessed which can lead to the upsetting of the market, both in economic terms and in terms of the quality of works of art, G expert bodies are often entrusted with limited power, while the power of managers who do not show any interest in the artistic value of cultural products sold may be too high. In addition, A. Wiesand forecasts a change in the role of the state in the market type of cultural policy. In his opinion, the internationalization of culture will be strengthened as the market will gradually replace the state in financing culture. For this reason, he expects that the state will become a source of innovation to ensure flexible financing from various funds and to ensure a client-specific cultural service for the public [Vostriakov, electronic doc; Vostriakov, 2004, pp. 91-93]. The Polish researcher, D. Ilczuk, discusses the correlation between the development of civic society and cultural policy. In her view, cultural policy is a determinant of civic society and cannot exist without it. Hence D. Ilczuk identifies models of cultural policy with social policy models in the broader sense [Ilczuk, 2002, p. 23]. S. Golinowska also shares this point of view. On the basis of typologies provided by Gosta Esping-Andersen and Richard Titmuss, she has identified, according to ideological criteria, three models of a welfare state liberal, conservative-corporative and social democratic. A liberal model welfare state limits its activities to counteracting the social impoverishment of the most disadvantaged social classes. Its assistance, as minimal and clearly addressed as it is, requires the checking of revenues of its beneficiaries and controlling expenses. The philosophy of this model is rooted in the British legislative system which used to be focused on the protection of the poor in the United Kingdom. The conservative-corporative model is based on the assumption that social policy, and by this also cultural policy, is an indispensable element of the economic and political system of the state. Social policy of this type seeks to create moti-

48

the policy is, in principle, made at the national level, G international cultural associations are founded only exceptionally within the framework of diplomatic relations, G in order to control the development of cultural processes the authorities appoint various art councils. However, such a model of cultural policy may create the following problems: G conditions for innovation are very limited and unfavourable. New models of arts and cultural activity, in particular those presented by artists of the young generation, are often rejected, G people responsible for cultural policymaking and for the implementation of this policy have insufficient knowledge about the development of culture and cultural innovations. For this reason the priority in granting funding is given to traditional forms of culture and the arts, G flexible planning instruments are created and developed with great difficulty, G an administrative method for decision-making is dominant the influence of bureaucrats is too high and the role of artists and creators of culture too small. A market-oriented model of cultural policy, according to A. Wiesand, has the following features: G culture, just like any other sector of social life, is market-regulated, G policy is basically focused on ensuring further economic development, G traditional barriers between the elite and mass culture become irrelevant, G the main term of cultural policy in this model is cultural manager, based on the concept of the mixed cultural economy and commercial sponsoring, G special attention is paid to the development of culture at the local level, though in fact international culture is strengthened (particularly in Europe), G a major role in policymaking is played by the cultural elite, especially artists. The development of the policy is ensured by economic experts managers and businesspeople. The limitations of the market-oriented model of cultural policy are as follows: G artistic and cultural activity which requires constant financing but cannot prove its economic profitability (even indirectly) seems to have no prospects, G profitability is a dominant criterion. Hence the freedom of artists is limited, as it is difG


Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

vated, equity-based relations between members of society to overcome possible social unrest and destructive feelings. The instruments of such policy are local government bodies, churches, non-governmental organizations, well-organized intellectual societies etc. In S. Golinowska s opinion, the policy of countries of continental Europe, especially Germany, reflect this model of social and cultural policies. In the social democratic model the state strives for the realization of very ambitious social goals. For instance, the objective is not only equal opportunities but also an equal level of welfare of residents through a wide redistribution of profits. This model is used in Scandinavian countries, most effectively in Sweden [Golinowska, 2000, pp. 11-12; Ilczuk, 2002, pp. 23-24; Golinowska (ed.), 1991, pp. 5-6]. A. Giddens provides his own classification of European welfare states, broken down into four groups: G the British system (model) focused on social assistance and healthcare services. It tends to make the amounts of social assistance dependent on the level of revenues of individuals in need, G the Scandinavian (Nordic) model is used in countries which provide generous funding for social services, including healthcare, which is possible due to high taxes, G the Central European system, in which social welfare is rather poorly developed, but various types of relief assistance are granted. Funds generated from returned taxes are redistributed to working people via the social insurance system, G the Southern European system is much like the central European one but it covers a smaller number of people and can guarantee a lower level and amount of social assistance [Giddens, 1999, p. 14]. When analyzing the classifications of social policy provided by S. Golinowska and A. Giddens, as well as D. Ilczuk, it should be stressed that in addition to an ideological criterion, they also use a geographical criterion. Attributing only secondary importance to the geographical criterion by these scholars has a number of adverse effects. For example, A. Giddens does not take into account the conservativecorporative model which operates in Germany and is based on the social market economy. Moreover, both these typologies refer to neoliberal and social democratic approaches, which are of primary importance. Neo-liberals consider the optimum form of societal development to be one where the state plays a

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minimal role, while social democrats believe that the level of state intervention in all spheres of social life should be as high as possible. According to D. Ilczuk, both forms are unacceptable in the case of culture. However, in the neo-liberal approach no social unrest can be expected from cultural activists. The commercialization of culture is visible, as art and creativity is replaced by industry, consumerism and limited public access to cultural goods. The development of elite forms of culture is particularly difficult, as they require refined aesthetic tastes from the audience and a rather high level of familiarity with the arts. On the other hand, the social democratic model turns out to be too great a burden for the budget by constantly increasing expenditure on administration [Ilczuk, 2002, p. 24]. Besides, excessive intervention of administrative bodies in cultural affairs limits the artists initiative; they become used to the passive execution of government commissions, only undertake activities that are recommended by the state, whether explicitly or implicitly (pandering to bad taste and satisfying unsophisticated cultural needs). Following this thought, the researchers state that in the present phase of societal development, one should abandon existing models of social and cultural policy and, through a synthesis of existing concepts, create a new model which would accumulate all positive aspects of the neo-liberal and social democratic system of management. It could be termed a third-way model. S. Golinowska was probably most right in defining this model. According to her, the responsibility of the state for maintaining a general social insurance system must be combined with an increasing level of individual responsibility and pay special attention to decisions taken depending on the situation (individualization) [Golinowska, 2000, p.18]. A. Giddens adds that to guarantee the effectiveness of a thirdway model the revival of culture and civic activity, i.e. the revival of civic society is needed. A civic society is considered to be governed by the following rules: G government and society are partners, G social unity is revived by support of local initiatives, G the role of the third-sector increases (A. Giddens refers to this as non-governmental organizations), G local public sphere is protected [Giddens, 1999, p. 16]. The sense of the third-way model lies in the co-existence of the state and active social groups. The limits of their cooperation may

49

vated, equity-based relations between members of society to overcome possible social unrest and destructive feelings. The instruments of such policy are local government bodies, churches, non-governmental organizations, well-organized intellectual societies etc. In S. Golinowska s opinion, the policy of countries of continental Europe, especially Germany, reflect this model of social and cultural policies. In the social democratic model the state strives for the realization of very ambitious social goals. For instance, the objective is not only equal opportunities but also an equal level of welfare of residents through a wide redistribution of profits. This model is used in Scandinavian countries, most effectively in Sweden [Golinowska, 2000, pp. 11-12; Ilczuk, 2002, pp. 23-24; Golinowska (ed.), 1991, pp. 5-6]. A. Giddens provides his own classification of European welfare states, broken down into four groups: G the British system (model) focused on social assistance and healthcare services. It tends to make the amounts of social assistance dependent on the level of revenues of individuals in need, G the Scandinavian (Nordic) model is used in countries which provide generous funding for social services, including healthcare, which is possible due to high taxes, G the Central European system, in which social welfare is rather poorly developed, but various types of relief assistance are granted. Funds generated from returned taxes are redistributed to working people via the social insurance system, G the Southern European system is much like the central European one but it covers a smaller number of people and can guarantee a lower level and amount of social assistance [Giddens, 1999, p. 14]. When analyzing the classifications of social policy provided by S. Golinowska and A. Giddens, as well as D. Ilczuk, it should be stressed that in addition to an ideological criterion, they also use a geographical criterion. Attributing only secondary importance to the geographical criterion by these scholars has a number of adverse effects. For example, A. Giddens does not take into account the conservativecorporative model which operates in Germany and is based on the social market economy. Moreover, both these typologies refer to neoliberal and social democratic approaches, which are of primary importance. Neo-liberals consider the optimum form of societal development to be one where the state plays a

49

minimal role, while social democrats believe that the level of state intervention in all spheres of social life should be as high as possible. According to D. Ilczuk, both forms are unacceptable in the case of culture. However, in the neo-liberal approach no social unrest can be expected from cultural activists. The commercialization of culture is visible, as art and creativity is replaced by industry, consumerism and limited public access to cultural goods. The development of elite forms of culture is particularly difficult, as they require refined aesthetic tastes from the audience and a rather high level of familiarity with the arts. On the other hand, the social democratic model turns out to be too great a burden for the budget by constantly increasing expenditure on administration [Ilczuk, 2002, p. 24]. Besides, excessive intervention of administrative bodies in cultural affairs limits the artists initiative; they become used to the passive execution of government commissions, only undertake activities that are recommended by the state, whether explicitly or implicitly (pandering to bad taste and satisfying unsophisticated cultural needs). Following this thought, the researchers state that in the present phase of societal development, one should abandon existing models of social and cultural policy and, through a synthesis of existing concepts, create a new model which would accumulate all positive aspects of the neo-liberal and social democratic system of management. It could be termed a third-way model. S. Golinowska was probably most right in defining this model. According to her, the responsibility of the state for maintaining a general social insurance system must be combined with an increasing level of individual responsibility and pay special attention to decisions taken depending on the situation (individualization) [Golinowska, 2000, p.18]. A. Giddens adds that to guarantee the effectiveness of a thirdway model the revival of culture and civic activity, i.e. the revival of civic society is needed. A civic society is considered to be governed by the following rules: G government and society are partners, G social unity is revived by support of local initiatives, G the role of the third-sector increases (A. Giddens refers to this as non-governmental organizations), G local public sphere is protected [Giddens, 1999, p. 16]. The sense of the third-way model lies in the co-existence of the state and active social groups. The limits of their cooperation may


An important, both theoretically and practically, question about the participation of the state in the processes of development of culture is posed by researchers from post-Soviet countries. L. Vostriakov stresses that, in this case, the state helps to create mechanisms for cultural policy-making. According to this criterion and on the basis of studies by his co-workers, Vostriakov distinguishes three types of state involvement in cultural policy, i.e. three models of state cultural policy. These are as follows: G charismatic policy, in which, in granting its support, the state gives priority to organizations and individuals whose works are of national significance and are recognized outside the country, G policy of accessibility, in which the main effort focuses on ensuring that all citizens have equal access to artefacts which are considered cultural and artistic masterpieces, G the policy of cultural self-expression, which focuses on cultural self-identification (by a local or professional community, diaspora, social group or any other minority ). In this case, every cultural hierarchy vanishes and the dominant role in aesthetic terms is taken by cultural communication and self-expression [Vostriakov, 2004, p. 96]. Recognizing the purposefulness of reasonable intervention of the state in cultural matters, researchers try to analyze the effectiveness of the state regulatory instruments in this sector of social life. These instruments are as follows: G regulatory methods, which encompass the entire legislatory basis for cultural activity, G organizational methods, which the state uses to influence local governments, by giving recommendations or ordering the creation of appropriate organizational structures for the management of culture, G financial methods, which prove to be of decisive importance under any circumstances. Currently, an optimum solution is to finance culture from various sources central and local budgets, various social funds, private donations and revenue-generating activity of cultural and arts institutions, G expert methods, which have become increasingly popular in recent years. In particular, expert opinions are sought and a system of detailed reports about activities of municipal councils, regions and individual cultural institutions is often used. The more extensive use of fundraising practices (preparing applications) for cultural projects, also at the international level, is also left to experts,

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

change depending on specific situations and needs. However, transferring part of state authority to local governments and non-governmental organizations should not lead to the complete withdrawal of the central government s social policy, including cultural policy [Ilczuk, 2002, pp. 26-27]. The British researcher, R. Fisher, is of a very similar view. He discusses the level and the role of state involvement in the development of culture in different European countries. Following this criterion, he has identified three models of cultural policy: G the ministerial model, which he describes as pure and perfect . This model operates in France with its centralized and powerful ministry of culture. If the ministry is well-organized, active, and cooperates closely with the Prime Minister, culture enjoys a very high status in the state. However, even in these circumstances, the minister is only a government official, showing no interest in the artistic dimension of works, so the outlook for the development of culture is rather poor, G the arm s length model, under which a council for culture, a group of consultants independent of the government operates at arm s length from the government. This was used in the United Kingdom and now this model is used in Ireland. A positive feature of this model is that the government does not interfere in decision-making on cultural matters, leaving this prerogative to a group of artists. The weakness of this model is that culture is practically isolated from the system of state governance. By transferring its management functions to other bodies, the government shows less and less interest in culture as a sphere of social life. Therefore, the importance of culture among political priorities constantly decreases, G the mixed model, which operates in the United Kingdom and the countries of continental Europe (except Germany and Austria), and, as was mentioned-above, France. This model is implemented by the distributing authority between the ministry of culture and an advisory committee or council for cultural affairs. This mixed model proves to be the most effective. On the one hand, it ensures sufficient government control over cultural processes and gives culture an opportunity for playing an important role in socio-economic life. On the other hand, decisions on the arts and artistic creations are not taken by bureaucrats but experts in one discipline or another [Le niak (ed.), 1995, pp. 99-100].

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50

An important, both theoretically and practically, question about the participation of the state in the processes of development of culture is posed by researchers from post-Soviet countries. L. Vostriakov stresses that, in this case, the state helps to create mechanisms for cultural policy-making. According to this criterion and on the basis of studies by his co-workers, Vostriakov distinguishes three types of state involvement in cultural policy, i.e. three models of state cultural policy. These are as follows: G charismatic policy, in which, in granting its support, the state gives priority to organizations and individuals whose works are of national significance and are recognized outside the country, G policy of accessibility, in which the main effort focuses on ensuring that all citizens have equal access to artefacts which are considered cultural and artistic masterpieces, G the policy of cultural self-expression, which focuses on cultural self-identification (by a local or professional community, diaspora, social group or any other minority ). In this case, every cultural hierarchy vanishes and the dominant role in aesthetic terms is taken by cultural communication and self-expression [Vostriakov, 2004, p. 96]. Recognizing the purposefulness of reasonable intervention of the state in cultural matters, researchers try to analyze the effectiveness of the state regulatory instruments in this sector of social life. These instruments are as follows: G regulatory methods, which encompass the entire legislatory basis for cultural activity, G organizational methods, which the state uses to influence local governments, by giving recommendations or ordering the creation of appropriate organizational structures for the management of culture, G financial methods, which prove to be of decisive importance under any circumstances. Currently, an optimum solution is to finance culture from various sources central and local budgets, various social funds, private donations and revenue-generating activity of cultural and arts institutions, G expert methods, which have become increasingly popular in recent years. In particular, expert opinions are sought and a system of detailed reports about activities of municipal councils, regions and individual cultural institutions is often used. The more extensive use of fundraising practices (preparing applications) for cultural projects, also at the international level, is also left to experts,

50

change depending on specific situations and needs. However, transferring part of state authority to local governments and non-governmental organizations should not lead to the complete withdrawal of the central government s social policy, including cultural policy [Ilczuk, 2002, pp. 26-27]. The British researcher, R. Fisher, is of a very similar view. He discusses the level and the role of state involvement in the development of culture in different European countries. Following this criterion, he has identified three models of cultural policy: G the ministerial model, which he describes as pure and perfect . This model operates in France with its centralized and powerful ministry of culture. If the ministry is well-organized, active, and cooperates closely with the Prime Minister, culture enjoys a very high status in the state. However, even in these circumstances, the minister is only a government official, showing no interest in the artistic dimension of works, so the outlook for the development of culture is rather poor, G the arm s length model, under which a council for culture, a group of consultants independent of the government operates at arm s length from the government. This was used in the United Kingdom and now this model is used in Ireland. A positive feature of this model is that the government does not interfere in decision-making on cultural matters, leaving this prerogative to a group of artists. The weakness of this model is that culture is practically isolated from the system of state governance. By transferring its management functions to other bodies, the government shows less and less interest in culture as a sphere of social life. Therefore, the importance of culture among political priorities constantly decreases, G the mixed model, which operates in the United Kingdom and the countries of continental Europe (except Germany and Austria), and, as was mentioned-above, France. This model is implemented by the distributing authority between the ministry of culture and an advisory committee or council for cultural affairs. This mixed model proves to be the most effective. On the one hand, it ensures sufficient government control over cultural processes and gives culture an opportunity for playing an important role in socio-economic life. On the other hand, decisions on the arts and artistic creations are not taken by bureaucrats but experts in one discipline or another [Le niak (ed.), 1995, pp. 99-100].


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professionalization, which now focuses on creating a group of highly qualified cultural managers [Vostriakov, electronic doc]. The effectiveness of these instruments depends on several factors. One must agree with R. Fisher at this point. The most important of such factors is political will. Indeed, it is necessary for the authorities to recognize the need for cultural development, regardless of the complexity of this process and the scope of power of administrative structures. The next element influencing the effectiveness of cultural policy is the swiftness of decision-making in culture-related matters. Operating inefficiently causes lengthy bureaucratic procedures and increases the risk of addressing applications to incompetent individuals. In this context, it seems logical that the third factor is having clearly specified criteria for taking decisions. In this case, selection depends on the quality and accessibility of material resources which are necessary to run a cultural event or a series of events [Le niak (ed.), 1995, p. 101]. It corroborates the thesis which was formulated earlier that the most important method of managing culture by the state is the financial method. Any other concepts which characterize the position of the state with regard to cultural policy is, in one way or another, connected with the monetary aspect of creating culture. L. Vostriakov describes these concepts in the following way: G firstly, the level of state intervention in cultural policy does not directly depend on the amount paid out of the budget for culture, G secondly, where the state waives its obligations to provide full financing for culture, it still reserves its role as an inspiring stakeholder in matters of funding by creating appropriate conditions for this activity, G thirdly, a regionalization-oriented or regionalized cultural policy does not mean that the state completely abandons its patronage of culture and transfers its full authority to local administrations, playing only the role of an arbiter. Interestingly, staff and managers employed in the field of culture believe this strategy to be the best, G fourthly, economically developed states use different models of financing for culture but aim to separate themselves from the process of awarding funds. To this end, special organizational structures are created and experts employed, and G fifthly, with time, the state shows a growing interest in the protection of cultural development by expanding a group of cultural G

51

policy bodies eligible for co-financing [Vostriakov, 2004, p. 104]. Of course, individual countries use different methods for financing culture and forming state policy on culture as part of social life. It should be stressed that the analysis of these differences has become the basis for yet another classification of models of cultural policy. It could be called referring to the cultural landscape , or geographical . Among the supporters of this classification are the Ukrainian scholar, O. Hrytsenko, and the Polish researcher, M. Che³miñska. O. Hrytsenko argues that using this approach makes it possible to abandon the creation of hypothetical constructs, which may be numerous, and focus on actually existing variants of cultural policy in different states. He believes that, though slightly exaggerated, one can say that cultural policy of most countries can be included in one of four models: American, British, French and Eastern European. They differ in point of view of several indicators: G the object and the purpose of cultural policy, G the principles and mechanisms of its delivery, G actual effects of the implementation of a given type of cultural policy and overall assessment of its effectiveness [Hrytsenko, 1994, p. 13]. Thus, according to O. Hrytsenko, in the American model, the object is not culture but rather a self-sustaining entertainment industry. The goals include, firstly support (but not sustenance) of the entertainment industry, regardless of its sector or style, and, secondly, ensuring not only access to wide audiences (in particular young people) to cultural facilities but also creating conditions for the development of cultures of various ethnic groups. American cultural policy is guided by the following principles: assistance to and stimulation of cultural development; diversification of sources of aid to the greatest extent possible, mainly as a result of initiatives of private individuals and institutions; support granted to projects not institutions; maximum profitability of every cultural/art event. The present situation in American culture is a result of two factors: the main factor is that traditionally artists are used to relying on their own resources and to a smaller extent on assistance provided by private individuals. An active state policy over the past 30-40 years, in particular in the 1970s, is only of secondary importance. Generally speaking, according to O. Hrytsenko, the Amer-

G professionalization, which now focuses on creating a group of highly qualified cultural managers [Vostriakov, electronic doc]. The effectiveness of these instruments depends on several factors. One must agree with R. Fisher at this point. The most important of such factors is political will. Indeed, it is necessary for the authorities to recognize the need for cultural development, regardless of the complexity of this process and the scope of power of administrative structures. The next element influencing the effectiveness of cultural policy is the swiftness of decision-making in culture-related matters. Operating inefficiently causes lengthy bureaucratic procedures and increases the risk of addressing applications to incompetent individuals. In this context, it seems logical that the third factor is having clearly specified criteria for taking decisions. In this case, selection depends on the quality and accessibility of material resources which are necessary to run a cultural event or a series of events [Le niak (ed.), 1995, p. 101]. It corroborates the thesis which was formulated earlier that the most important method of managing culture by the state is the financial method. Any other concepts which characterize the position of the state with regard to cultural policy is, in one way or another, connected with the monetary aspect of creating culture. L. Vostriakov describes these concepts in the following way: G firstly, the level of state intervention in cultural policy does not directly depend on the amount paid out of the budget for culture, G secondly, where the state waives its obligations to provide full financing for culture, it still reserves its role as an inspiring stakeholder in matters of funding by creating appropriate conditions for this activity, G thirdly, a regionalization-oriented or regionalized cultural policy does not mean that the state completely abandons its patronage of culture and transfers its full authority to local administrations, playing only the role of an arbiter. Interestingly, staff and managers employed in the field of culture believe this strategy to be the best, G fourthly, economically developed states use different models of financing for culture but aim to separate themselves from the process of awarding funds. To this end, special organizational structures are created and experts employed, and G fifthly, with time, the state shows a growing interest in the protection of cultural development by expanding a group of cultural

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

policy bodies eligible for co-financing [Vostriakov, 2004, p. 104]. Of course, individual countries use different methods for financing culture and forming state policy on culture as part of social life. It should be stressed that the analysis of these differences has become the basis for yet another classification of models of cultural policy. It could be called referring to the cultural landscape , or geographical . Among the supporters of this classification are the Ukrainian scholar, O. Hrytsenko, and the Polish researcher, M. Che³miñska. O. Hrytsenko argues that using this approach makes it possible to abandon the creation of hypothetical constructs, which may be numerous, and focus on actually existing variants of cultural policy in different states. He believes that, though slightly exaggerated, one can say that cultural policy of most countries can be included in one of four models: American, British, French and Eastern European. They differ in point of view of several indicators: G the object and the purpose of cultural policy, G the principles and mechanisms of its delivery, G actual effects of the implementation of a given type of cultural policy and overall assessment of its effectiveness [Hrytsenko, 1994, p. 13]. Thus, according to O. Hrytsenko, in the American model, the object is not culture but rather a self-sustaining entertainment industry. The goals include, firstly support (but not sustenance) of the entertainment industry, regardless of its sector or style, and, secondly, ensuring not only access to wide audiences (in particular young people) to cultural facilities but also creating conditions for the development of cultures of various ethnic groups. American cultural policy is guided by the following principles: assistance to and stimulation of cultural development; diversification of sources of aid to the greatest extent possible, mainly as a result of initiatives of private individuals and institutions; support granted to projects not institutions; maximum profitability of every cultural/art event. The present situation in American culture is a result of two factors: the main factor is that traditionally artists are used to relying on their own resources and to a smaller extent on assistance provided by private individuals. An active state policy over the past 30-40 years, in particular in the 1970s, is only of secondary importance. Generally speaking, according to O. Hrytsenko, the Amer-

51


it has become bureaucratized and funding transferred by the state for culture is not used effectively enough. Another feature of this model is the institutionalization of national cultural and artistic events, which are treated as some kind of ornament for the state s machinery, and are considered the nuts and bolts for the French cause [ibid, p. 23]. Paradoxically, the avantgarde is also institutionalized, though this movement originally opposed stagnation and involvement with semi-official affairs. This situation makes some specialists of French culture to talk about the bleeding out of the avant-garde and its imminent decline as a result of the excessive dependence on the state [ibid, pp. 21-23]. In his attempts to describe the Eastern European (post-communist) model of cultural policy, O. Hrytsenko makes the reservation that his conclusions should not be treated as categorical. He argues that it cannot be safely assumed that there is a model of cultural policy common for all post-communist countries and that there may be different views on this issue (even the view that denies its existence). It results from the fact that the meaning and the principles of development of culture and its status in political processes are distinctly different in Poland, Belarus, Hungary, the Ukraine and other countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Despite this fact they have some common features. Besides O. Hrytsenko, this fact has been noticed by A. Giddens who has provided the above-mentioned system (model) of a Central European welfare state [ibid, 23-24; Giddens, 1999, p. 24]. O. Hrytsenko further argues that the Eastern European model does not actually provide a theoretical justification for the existence of cultural policy in general, but it shows the cultural reality of a transition period. A specific infrastructure is involved, being a legacy of the past era, and conditions for cultural development are unfavourable, as a result of the economic crisis. In such circumstances decisionmaking in the sphere of culture is often forced and too fast (ill-considered). This explains the similarity of cultural realities of post-communist countries without considering the differences in the national and political concepts of cultural policies [Hrytsenko, 2004, p. 96]. Under the geographical classification group, M. Che³miñska, distinguishes three criteria of typologies of cultural policy, which Jan Grad and Urszula Kaczmarek summarize in the following: 1. The criterion of the level of centralization of the system the basis for qualifying a coun-

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

ican model of cultural policy ensures unusual versatility, constant renewal and a high vitality of culture [ibid, pp. 13-18]. Most of the features, goals and principles in the American cultural policy equally apply to the British model. It can be explained by the genetic likeness of both societies. The basic difference between their systems consists of the significant financial contribution of the British state to social affairs as well as the fact that during recent decades Great Britain has been economically weaker than the USA. The British method is based on the fact that, although the state provides funding, it does not manage the development of culture (cf. R. Fisher s arm s length model) [Le niak, 1995, p. 99]. In this context, the activities of a network of art councils in the country as well as indirect assistance to culture in the form of state or local government contracts for specific work: the renovation of buildings, the construction of monuments and the like. The British model of cultural policy, which O. Hrytsenko believes to be half-way between the American and the French models, results in a high degree of independence and economic resilience of cultural and arts institutions [Hrytsenko, 1994, pp.19-12]. The French model used to be considered an example of how a strongly centralized system of state patronage over culture could be developed in a market society. At the same time, this patronage uses a very liberal definition of culture next to traditional disciplines of art, design, fashion and even national cuisine have been included as specific types of activity in which the spirit of the nation is manifested. The goal of cultural policy in this model is to support, preserve and develop all forms of national culture as a guarantee of the nation s prosperity and its positive image in the world. A method to accomplish such an ambitious goal is leadership of the state authorities (and more specifically the Ministry of Culture) in supporting cultural projects; a variety of criteria of granting support based on a wide understanding of culture and cultural events; despite the centralized system and etatism in the sphere of culture in France, with minor exceptions, the state does not actually run cultural institutions and does not sustain them but only supports cultural events and projects. The results of the French model are ambiguous. On the one hand, due to the state s active support, French culture is developing, has its own distinct image and is sparkling with life. However, as a result of excessive centralization

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

52

it has become bureaucratized and funding transferred by the state for culture is not used effectively enough. Another feature of this model is the institutionalization of national cultural and artistic events, which are treated as some kind of ornament for the state s machinery, and are considered the nuts and bolts for the French cause [ibid, p. 23]. Paradoxically, the avantgarde is also institutionalized, though this movement originally opposed stagnation and involvement with semi-official affairs. This situation makes some specialists of French culture to talk about the bleeding out of the avant-garde and its imminent decline as a result of the excessive dependence on the state [ibid, pp. 21-23]. In his attempts to describe the Eastern European (post-communist) model of cultural policy, O. Hrytsenko makes the reservation that his conclusions should not be treated as categorical. He argues that it cannot be safely assumed that there is a model of cultural policy common for all post-communist countries and that there may be different views on this issue (even the view that denies its existence). It results from the fact that the meaning and the principles of development of culture and its status in political processes are distinctly different in Poland, Belarus, Hungary, the Ukraine and other countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Despite this fact they have some common features. Besides O. Hrytsenko, this fact has been noticed by A. Giddens who has provided the above-mentioned system (model) of a Central European welfare state [ibid, 23-24; Giddens, 1999, p. 24]. O. Hrytsenko further argues that the Eastern European model does not actually provide a theoretical justification for the existence of cultural policy in general, but it shows the cultural reality of a transition period. A specific infrastructure is involved, being a legacy of the past era, and conditions for cultural development are unfavourable, as a result of the economic crisis. In such circumstances decisionmaking in the sphere of culture is often forced and too fast (ill-considered). This explains the similarity of cultural realities of post-communist countries without considering the differences in the national and political concepts of cultural policies [Hrytsenko, 2004, p. 96]. Under the geographical classification group, M. Che³miñska, distinguishes three criteria of typologies of cultural policy, which Jan Grad and Urszula Kaczmarek summarize in the following: 1. The criterion of the level of centralization of the system the basis for qualifying a coun-

52

ican model of cultural policy ensures unusual versatility, constant renewal and a high vitality of culture [ibid, pp. 13-18]. Most of the features, goals and principles in the American cultural policy equally apply to the British model. It can be explained by the genetic likeness of both societies. The basic difference between their systems consists of the significant financial contribution of the British state to social affairs as well as the fact that during recent decades Great Britain has been economically weaker than the USA. The British method is based on the fact that, although the state provides funding, it does not manage the development of culture (cf. R. Fisher s arm s length model) [Le niak, 1995, p. 99]. In this context, the activities of a network of art councils in the country as well as indirect assistance to culture in the form of state or local government contracts for specific work: the renovation of buildings, the construction of monuments and the like. The British model of cultural policy, which O. Hrytsenko believes to be half-way between the American and the French models, results in a high degree of independence and economic resilience of cultural and arts institutions [Hrytsenko, 1994, pp.19-12]. The French model used to be considered an example of how a strongly centralized system of state patronage over culture could be developed in a market society. At the same time, this patronage uses a very liberal definition of culture next to traditional disciplines of art, design, fashion and even national cuisine have been included as specific types of activity in which the spirit of the nation is manifested. The goal of cultural policy in this model is to support, preserve and develop all forms of national culture as a guarantee of the nation s prosperity and its positive image in the world. A method to accomplish such an ambitious goal is leadership of the state authorities (and more specifically the Ministry of Culture) in supporting cultural projects; a variety of criteria of granting support based on a wide understanding of culture and cultural events; despite the centralized system and etatism in the sphere of culture in France, with minor exceptions, the state does not actually run cultural institutions and does not sustain them but only supports cultural events and projects. The results of the French model are ambiguous. On the one hand, due to the state s active support, French culture is developing, has its own distinct image and is sparkling with life. However, as a result of excessive centralization


Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

try to one of the models according to this criterion is the degree of concentration of cultural policy making instruments at the state level and the scope of intervention in the activity of local governments. Following this criterion, three models can be distinguished: a) a highly centralized model France, Denmark, Greece, Portugal, b) a model of relative balance between centralization and decentralization Sweden, Spain, Belgium, Italy, c) a highly decentralized model Switzerland, Germany, the United Kingdom. 2. The criterion of preferred functions of cultural policy: a) a model supporting the development of highprofile professional art, b) a model of democratization of culture, c) a model of protection of the cultural market and of state interventionism. 3. The criterion of forms of intervention used: a) a restrictive model cultural policy is subjugated to legislative or other norms, b) a voluntaristic model decisions are made by higher-level authorities and intervention is direct, c) a persuasion and promotion model efforts to promote goals, principles and accomplishments of cultural policy are dominant, d) a subsidizing model distribution of funding among various entities which operate in the area of culture according to rules that are sometimes not defined precisely, e) a stimulative model financial assistance is granted following precise criteria set in advance to stimulate activity [Grad, Kaczmarek, 1996, pp. 178-179]. Recently, in particular, at the European Council, the need for the decentralization of cultural policy has been expressed more and more often. Thus, the Council of Europe considers the main functions of cultural policy to be, firstly, the democratization of culture and secondly, the development of cultural democracy. Democratization consists of activities targeted at familiarizing society as a whole with professional artistic culture. Obviously, both the quality and accessibility of the arts on offer count in this context. What may seem paradoxical is that democratization understood in this way is, to a large extent, centrally realized [ibid, p. 179]. One can only agree with L. Vostriakov and B. Peril who state that a model of approach of the state towards culture can neither be borrowed nor replicated unless it proves to be efficient. An optimum solution for each country

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

which tries to use a model successfully tested in another country is to adapt this model to its own conditions, taking into account the characteristic features of the country s own internal and external politics. This path has been taken by Australia, Japan, and South Korea in developing their cultural policies [Vostriakov, Peril, 2004, pp. 247-249]. It should be borne in mind, however, that there is no single cultural policy model that is always equally effective, and thus the activity of the state in the area of culture must be regulated, monitored and reviewed. In the above-presented classifications of models of cultural policy, all the researchers attempted to provide their own typologies, using four or five main indicators of culture development in a given country or region. These include institutions and goals of cultural policy, principles and mechanisms and the results of policy implementation. Among the principles and mechanisms of the implementation of cultural policy, from a perspective of assessment of the models discussed, one can also include the nature of the state political system and the level of intervention in the processes of cultural management. From this point of view, all the classifications of cultural policy models discussed above can be divided into three large groups. The first may be called ideological, as following the systems discussed in this work, they envisage a direct relation between the processes of a democratic civic society and cultural policy. It is particularly visible in classifications provided by G. Esping-Andersen, R. Titmuss, M. Dragiæeviæ- e iæ, D. Ilczuk, S. Golinowska and A. Giddens. The criterion of being included in the second economic group is the authors focus on the level of ensuring material and financial resources for culture in the models of cultural policy. Such an approach is represented by A. Mole, A. Wiesand, R. Fisher, L. Vostriakov and B. Peril. The third, geographical, group may be seen in the theories formulated by O. Hrytsenko and M. Che³miñska. The identification of various models of cultural policy in this case is based on specificities of governance of culture in different countries. As has already been stressed, the implementation of any model of cultural policy must be a process that is an integral part of the internal and external political development of the state and as such it should be treated by the nation s authorities.

53

try to one of the models according to this criterion is the degree of concentration of cultural policy making instruments at the state level and the scope of intervention in the activity of local governments. Following this criterion, three models can be distinguished: a) a highly centralized model France, Denmark, Greece, Portugal, b) a model of relative balance between centralization and decentralization Sweden, Spain, Belgium, Italy, c) a highly decentralized model Switzerland, Germany, the United Kingdom. 2. The criterion of preferred functions of cultural policy: a) a model supporting the development of highprofile professional art, b) a model of democratization of culture, c) a model of protection of the cultural market and of state interventionism. 3. The criterion of forms of intervention used: a) a restrictive model cultural policy is subjugated to legislative or other norms, b) a voluntaristic model decisions are made by higher-level authorities and intervention is direct, c) a persuasion and promotion model efforts to promote goals, principles and accomplishments of cultural policy are dominant, d) a subsidizing model distribution of funding among various entities which operate in the area of culture according to rules that are sometimes not defined precisely, e) a stimulative model financial assistance is granted following precise criteria set in advance to stimulate activity [Grad, Kaczmarek, 1996, pp. 178-179]. Recently, in particular, at the European Council, the need for the decentralization of cultural policy has been expressed more and more often. Thus, the Council of Europe considers the main functions of cultural policy to be, firstly, the democratization of culture and secondly, the development of cultural democracy. Democratization consists of activities targeted at familiarizing society as a whole with professional artistic culture. Obviously, both the quality and accessibility of the arts on offer count in this context. What may seem paradoxical is that democratization understood in this way is, to a large extent, centrally realized [ibid, p. 179]. One can only agree with L. Vostriakov and B. Peril who state that a model of approach of the state towards culture can neither be borrowed nor replicated unless it proves to be efficient. An optimum solution for each country

53

which tries to use a model successfully tested in another country is to adapt this model to its own conditions, taking into account the characteristic features of the country s own internal and external politics. This path has been taken by Australia, Japan, and South Korea in developing their cultural policies [Vostriakov, Peril, 2004, pp. 247-249]. It should be borne in mind, however, that there is no single cultural policy model that is always equally effective, and thus the activity of the state in the area of culture must be regulated, monitored and reviewed. In the above-presented classifications of models of cultural policy, all the researchers attempted to provide their own typologies, using four or five main indicators of culture development in a given country or region. These include institutions and goals of cultural policy, principles and mechanisms and the results of policy implementation. Among the principles and mechanisms of the implementation of cultural policy, from a perspective of assessment of the models discussed, one can also include the nature of the state political system and the level of intervention in the processes of cultural management. From this point of view, all the classifications of cultural policy models discussed above can be divided into three large groups. The first may be called ideological, as following the systems discussed in this work, they envisage a direct relation between the processes of a democratic civic society and cultural policy. It is particularly visible in classifications provided by G. Esping-Andersen, R. Titmuss, M. Dragiæeviæ- e iæ, D. Ilczuk, S. Golinowska and A. Giddens. The criterion of being included in the second economic group is the authors focus on the level of ensuring material and financial resources for culture in the models of cultural policy. Such an approach is represented by A. Mole, A. Wiesand, R. Fisher, L. Vostriakov and B. Peril. The third, geographical, group may be seen in the theories formulated by O. Hrytsenko and M. Che³miñska. The identification of various models of cultural policy in this case is based on specificities of governance of culture in different countries. As has already been stressed, the implementation of any model of cultural policy must be a process that is an integral part of the internal and external political development of the state and as such it should be treated by the nation s authorities.


54

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

watelskim, Kraków 2002. Le niak T. (ed.), Europejskie modele zarz¹dzania

temowych a sytuacja w Polsce, Warsaw 1993.

kultur¹ (appendix) [in:] Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹:

Dragiæeviæ- e iæ M. Kultura: menedzhment, animat-

wybrane materia³y seminarium dla mened¿erów 1995. Mol A., Sotsiodinamika kultury, Moscow 1973.

Golinowska S. (ed.), W poszukiwaniu nowych róde³

Vostriakov £. E., Kulturnaya politika: kontseptsyi,

i form finansowania kultury. Studia z krajów o

poniatiya, modieli (electornic document), http://

gospodarce rynkowej, Warsaw 1991.

www.cpolicy.ru/analytics/80.html.

yatielnosti, Lichnost. Kultura. Obshchestvo , 2004, Wyp. 3 (23).

2004, Wyp. 3 (23). yatielnosti, Lichnost. Kultura. Obshchestvo , nauchnaya disciplina i oblast prakticheskoy dieVostriakov £. E., Peril B. W., Kulturnaya politika kak 1 (32). kontseptsyi i modieli, Ekologia kultury, 2004, no. Vostriakov £. E., Kulturnaya politika: osnownyie www.cpolicy.ru/analytics/80.html.

gospodarce rynkowej, Warsaw 1991.

poniatiya, modieli (electornic document), http://

i form finansowania kultury. Studia z krajów o

Vostriakov £. E., Kulturnaya politika: kontseptsyi,

Golinowska S. (ed.), W poszukiwaniu nowych róde³

Mol A., Sotsiodinamika kultury, Moscow 1973. 1995. kultury Kraków, marzec kwiecieñ 1993, Kraków wybrane materia³y seminarium dla mened¿erów

Dragiæeviæ- e iæ M. Kultura: menedzhment, animat-

kultur¹ (appendix) [in:] Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹:

temowych a sytuacja w Polsce, Warsaw 1993.

Le niak T. (ed.), Europejskie modele zarz¹dzania watelskim, Kraków 2002. Ilczuk D., Polityka kulturalna w spo³eczeñstwie oby54

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navchalnyi posibnik, Kiev 94.

lu lokalnym. Europejskie modele rozwi¹zañ sys-

Hrytsenko O., Kulturna politika: kontseptsyi i doseid:

nauchnaya disciplina i oblast prakticheskoy die-

Che³miñska M., Warunki rozwoju kultury na szczeb-

studentów kulturoznawstwa, Poznañ 1996.

1 (32). Vostriakov £. E., Peril B. W., Kulturnaya politika kak

sya, markieting, Novosibirsk 2000.

anie kultury w Polsce. Zmiany modelu. Skrypt dla

kontseptsyi i modieli, Ekologia kultury, 2004, no.

Warsaw 1999.

Grad J., Kaczmarek U., Organizacja i upowszechni-

Vostriakov £. E., Kulturnaya politika: osnownyie

Giddens A., Trzecia droga. Odnowa socjaldemokracji,

stytucje koszty, Warsaw 2000.

stytucje koszty, Warsaw 2000.

Golinowska S., Polityka spo³eczna: koncepcje in-

Golinowska S., Polityka spo³eczna: koncepcje in-

Warsaw 1999.

Grad J., Kaczmarek U., Organizacja i upowszechni-

Giddens A., Trzecia droga. Odnowa socjaldemokracji,

kultury Kraków, marzec kwiecieñ 1993, Kraków

anie kultury w Polsce. Zmiany modelu. Skrypt dla

sya, markieting, Novosibirsk 2000.

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Che³miñska M., Warunki rozwoju kultury na szczeb-

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Literature


Culture Managemen 2008, Vol 1 (1)

ecently we have been observing a consid erable increase in the interest in the topic of institution, with a particular attention paid to the issues connected with institutional transformation. By making the analysis of transformation with regards to institutional changes, it is worth determining the frame notions, which will enable us an effective analysis. According to North [North, 1992, p. 3], in general approach, institutions are restrictions of human reactions created by a man, institutional transformation describes the way of the development of societies and thus, it is a key to understand historical processes. By being a universal method of decision-making [Lepsius, 1990, p. 56], to a considerable extent, institutions contribute to an absolute power takeover in the case of social relations. Institutions are the same norms, which, first of all, refer to division and execution of power, to the definition of competence, access to resources, as well as social relations of superiority and subjection [Mayntz, Scharpf, 1995, p. 40]. Institutional transformation has become a common phenomenon since the breakthrough in the Eastern Europe, which is one of the most important factor aiming to understand society and politics in their dynamics. According to Göhler, a phenomenon of institutional transformation is presented methodically with regards to three aspects in the following pairs of opposites:

R

55

itransformation as a process: degradation and re-appointment of the institution evolution of the character of the already existing institutions, G institutional transformation from the social perspective s point of view: a commonly noticeable change a hidden change, G the effect of institutional transformation: deep transformation of living conditions changes of a superficial character ( actually, nothing has changed ) [Göhler, 1997, p. 23]. The process of institutional transformation must face many challenges. On one hand, after the decline of the soviet model, political, economic, social, and cultural management mechanisms have been subjected to transformation. On the other hand, the Eastern European countries have been exposed to a worldwide integration pressure the globalization process. An efficient transformation of the Eastern European countries, as well as their development perspectives are generally understood as modernization in order to make up for arrears modernization interpreted as progress in aiming for the ideal of social development, understood as the present shape of the most developed Western industrial countries. The aim of institutional transformation, which characterizes the dynamics of social development, is to work out substantially rational, best solutions of the problems. However, according to Beyme, no other former system transformation has been bur-

Ivars Berzin , graduated from the Latvian Academy of Music. He obtained his doctoral degree at the National Conservatoire in Sankt Petersburg. Graduated from Management of Culture at the Hamburg School of Music and Theatre. In 2005 he obtained a doctoral degree at University in Münster on the subject of privatisation in the cultural sphere on the example of Latvia. Since 2006 professor of Management of Culture at the Latvian Academy of Culture. Musician, conductor of the Latvian Radio Choir. Laureate of many international choir competitions in Spain, Finland, Latvia.

G

Translated by Aleksandra Rosiñska & Pawe³ Szlachta

Ivars Berzin ,

Institutional Transformation and Decentralization as a New Approach and Structuralization of Relations on Decision-Making Grounds

Institutional Transformation and Decentralization as a New Approach and Structuralization of Relations on Decision-Making Grounds Ivars Berzin , Translated by Aleksandra Rosiñska & Pawe³ Szlachta

R

ecently we have been observing a consid erable increase in the interest in the topic of institution, with a particular attention paid to the issues connected with institutional transformation. By making the analysis of transformation with regards to institutional changes, it is worth determining the frame notions, which will enable us an effective analysis. According to North [North, 1992, p. 3], in general approach, institutions are restrictions of human reactions created by a man, institutional transformation describes the way of the development of societies and thus, it is a key to understand historical processes. By being a universal method of decision-making [Lepsius, 1990, p. 56], to a considerable extent, institutions contribute to an absolute power takeover in the case of social relations. Institutions are the same norms, which, first of all, refer to division and execution of power, to the definition of competence, access to resources, as well as social relations of superiority and subjection [Mayntz, Scharpf, 1995, p. 40]. Institutional transformation has become a common phenomenon since the breakthrough in the Eastern Europe, which is one of the most important factor aiming to understand society and politics in their dynamics. According to Göhler, a phenomenon of institutional transformation is presented methodically with regards to three aspects in the following pairs of opposites:

G itransformation as a process: degradation and re-appointment of the institution evolution of the character of the already existing institutions, G institutional transformation from the social perspective s point of view: a commonly noticeable change a hidden change, G the effect of institutional transformation: deep transformation of living conditions changes of a superficial character ( actually, nothing has changed ) [Göhler, 1997, p. 23]. The process of institutional transformation must face many challenges. On one hand, after the decline of the soviet model, political, economic, social, and cultural management mechanisms have been subjected to transformation. On the other hand, the Eastern European countries have been exposed to a worldwide integration pressure the globalization process. An efficient transformation of the Eastern European countries, as well as their development perspectives are generally understood as modernization in order to make up for arrears modernization interpreted as progress in aiming for the ideal of social development, understood as the present shape of the most developed Western industrial countries. The aim of institutional transformation, which characterizes the dynamics of social development, is to work out substantially rational, best solutions of the problems. However, according to Beyme, no other former system transformation has been bur-

Ivars Berzin , graduated from the Latvian Academy of Music. He obtained his doctoral degree at the National Conservatoire in Sankt Petersburg. Graduated from Management of Culture at the Hamburg School of Music and Theatre. In 2005 he obtained a doctoral degree at University in Münster on the subject of privatisation in the cultural sphere on the example of Latvia. Since 2006 professor of Management of Culture at the Latvian Academy of Culture. Musician, conductor of the Latvian Radio Choir. Laureate of many international choir competitions in Spain, Finland, Latvia.

55

Culture Managemen 2008, Vol 1 (1)


56

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

legal and organizational division between the public administration institutions and the partisan apparatus are considered important characteristics of the Western democracy. In a long-term perspective of development, the nowadays-appearing organizational weakness of the institution of the civil society is essential. The lack of effective and professional social organizations means that the state or the market is becoming the alternative, whereas the third sector is being assigned only a subordinate importance. In the case of the shortage of the acknowledged social institutions, the sphere of action for civil initiatives is scarce. Multidimensional administrative politics can give support and a decisive stimulus to creating the institution of civil society, and at the same time, to contribute to consolidation of the institutional foundation of democracy. Together with expanding the functions within the range of services, planning, and public tasks realization, their participation in the administrative objectives is becoming in comparison to the tasks of the legal order increasingly large. Traditional structures of administration, created with regards to assumptions of the ideal type of bureaucracy according to Weber, to fulfil tasks within the range of realization of the legal order, are still carrying them out well. However, they provide the citizens with services on attractive prices increasingly more seldom, whereas society got used to such a state by well-managed and profitable private companies. The essential elements are also to create bigger decision-making possibilities, to transfer decision-making competences towards the bottom, and to connect the issues of financing and responsibility for the accomplished task.

he retreat from democratic centralism , built according to the Marxist-Lenin doctrine, resulted in a fact that not only the issue of horizontal, but also the vertical division of power has become the subject of interest. Thus, the task of decentralization of administration gained a special meaning. The term decentralization applies in different disciplines of science such as political studies (decentralization of the government systems), microeconomics (decentralization within a company), sociology (decentralization of structures), macroeconomics (decentralization of public finances), and administration study (decentralization

Decentralization Typologies

T

T

Decentralization Typologies

he retreat from democratic centralism , built according to the Marxist-Lenin doctrine, resulted in a fact that not only the issue of horizontal, but also the vertical division of power has become the subject of interest. Thus, the task of decentralization of administration gained a special meaning. The term decentralization applies in different disciplines of science such as political studies (decentralization of the government systems), microeconomics (decentralization within a company), sociology (decentralization of structures), macroeconomics (decentralization of public finances), and administration study (decentralization

56

legal and organizational division between the public administration institutions and the partisan apparatus are considered important characteristics of the Western democracy. In a long-term perspective of development, the nowadays-appearing organizational weakness of the institution of the civil society is essential. The lack of effective and professional social organizations means that the state or the market is becoming the alternative, whereas the third sector is being assigned only a subordinate importance. In the case of the shortage of the acknowledged social institutions, the sphere of action for civil initiatives is scarce. Multidimensional administrative politics can give support and a decisive stimulus to creating the institution of civil society, and at the same time, to contribute to consolidation of the institutional foundation of democracy. Together with expanding the functions within the range of services, planning, and public tasks realization, their participation in the administrative objectives is becoming in comparison to the tasks of the legal order increasingly large. Traditional structures of administration, created with regards to assumptions of the ideal type of bureaucracy according to Weber, to fulfil tasks within the range of realization of the legal order, are still carrying them out well. However, they provide the citizens with services on attractive prices increasingly more seldom, whereas society got used to such a state by well-managed and profitable private companies. The essential elements are also to create bigger decision-making possibilities, to transfer decision-making competences towards the bottom, and to connect the issues of financing and responsibility for the accomplished task.

dened with such immense labour of shaping institutions [Beyme, 1994, p. 49]. Therefore, institutional architecture of the newly born democracies is one of the most important factors of the efficient consolidation of new democracies. The essence of the institutional transformation analysis is, first of all, longterm changes of societies and their institutional structures, situations of structural breakthrough, as well as the decline of the communist ruling systems in Central Europe. Administration transformation in post-communist countries of Eastern Europe is commonly described as a process of re-orientation, whose starting point was the system of popular-democratic bureaucratic centralism and the final result law-abiding public administration of a continental-European character. On one hand, post-communist administration is determined by the retreat from the national management system, i.e. real socialism ; and on the other hand, by shaping administrative organizational rules, based on these obliging in liberal democratic Western European countries. It means that the objectives and direction of the administrative development are highly foreseeable [Goetz, 1995, p. 538]. Also administration studies will have to face the challenge of conducting analyses over vast transformational processes. The classic European administration is based on separation between politics and administration, aiming to neutralize the political element. An official should perform his job not in political categories, but to manage first of all in a non-party way [Weber, 1980, p. 563]. In real socialism, administration was omnipresent, but it always worked according to the party s will [König, 1999, p. 16]. Such a sequence infected administration and contributed politics into the rank of basic conditioning. There are a lot of challenges in front of administrative politics and administration studies. To the foreground are brought the concepts of transformation, modernization and reforms [Goetz, 1994] as well as of transformation, development, and modernization [König, 1999]. It is mainly connected with relations between administration and politics and between administration and civil society. For the politics-administration relation, the key element is the degree of functional and organizational division, as well as a relative autonomy of administration. The process of administration automation, with regards to politics, still belongs to the preliminary phase. Rigorous usage of legal rules preferred over the partisan-politic interests and

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

dened with such immense labour of shaping institutions [Beyme, 1994, p. 49]. Therefore, institutional architecture of the newly born democracies is one of the most important factors of the efficient consolidation of new democracies. The essence of the institutional transformation analysis is, first of all, longterm changes of societies and their institutional structures, situations of structural breakthrough, as well as the decline of the communist ruling systems in Central Europe. Administration transformation in post-communist countries of Eastern Europe is commonly described as a process of re-orientation, whose starting point was the system of popular-democratic bureaucratic centralism and the final result law-abiding public administration of a continental-European character. On one hand, post-communist administration is determined by the retreat from the national management system, i.e. real socialism ; and on the other hand, by shaping administrative organizational rules, based on these obliging in liberal democratic Western European countries. It means that the objectives and direction of the administrative development are highly foreseeable [Goetz, 1995, p. 538]. Also administration studies will have to face the challenge of conducting analyses over vast transformational processes. The classic European administration is based on separation between politics and administration, aiming to neutralize the political element. An official should perform his job not in political categories, but to manage first of all in a non-party way [Weber, 1980, p. 563]. In real socialism, administration was omnipresent, but it always worked according to the party s will [König, 1999, p. 16]. Such a sequence infected administration and contributed politics into the rank of basic conditioning. There are a lot of challenges in front of administrative politics and administration studies. To the foreground are brought the concepts of transformation, modernization and reforms [Goetz, 1994] as well as of transformation, development, and modernization [König, 1999]. It is mainly connected with relations between administration and politics and between administration and civil society. For the politics-administration relation, the key element is the degree of functional and organizational division, as well as a relative autonomy of administration. The process of administration automation, with regards to politics, still belongs to the preliminary phase. Rigorous usage of legal rules preferred over the partisan-politic interests and


57

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

of administrative structures). The purposes of decentralization are: simplification of the management system, political and institutional division of power, official continuity, introduction of democracy, and economic effectiveness. The degree of centralization of a given political system says a lot about the structure of the system organization, at the same time, centralization refers to the organizational core, whereas decentralization to the division. The degree of centralization of the organizational structure informs about the decision-making processes, and by that, about the authority relationships. Decentralization can be defined in a general way as a transfer of the official and political superiority in the sphere of planning, decision-making, and administrative management from the central level to the local administrative units, half-autonomous and overstate organizations, communal administration, or non-governmental organizations. Decentralization is perceived in this case as the means to reach the target. Rondinelli [Rondinelli, 1981, pp. 133-145] quoted many arguments in favour of decentralization, among which the most important are: the increase of the effectiveness in development planning, better adjustment of the national programs to the local needs, lowering the costs of producing public goods, increasing the attractiveness of local administration, supporting over-regional equality, facilitating the administrative cooperation and the increased range of responsibility for the local governments. Decentralization is a description of structures, which can be applied however not only in national structures and in such a case it may mean the scheme of administrative procedures. The following spheres can be enumerated as the components of the decentralization strategy: political, administrative, and financial. They are connected with one another and the realization of the decentralization strategy is possible together with preservation of the cohesion between the particular spheres. The division of the political and administrative tasks allows to distinguish, according to Mayntz [Mayntz, 1985, p. 42], political and administrative decentralization. From the political point of view, it means transferring the official decision-making competences on other elements of the system, supporting political stability, increasing support for national development programs, and increasing the importance of regional and local interests on the scale of the whole political system. Political decentralization means usually trans-

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

fer of the decision-making competences on citizens or their elected representatives. Administrative decentralization is characterized by the fact that only the realization of the stated tasks is delegated. It also means hierarchical and functional division of decisionmaking competences between central and non-central units of authorities, gradual cooperation between particular spheres of central administration, local authorities, as well as non-governmental organizations, in order to achieve the assigned goals due to the expanded range of mutual cooperation. The next element is economic decentralization: the increase of economic effectiveness, i.e. achieving goals by means of cutting down the expenses. This kind of decentralization can be brought down to two categories: G market decentralization means a process of introducing conditionings which enable production and distribution of goods and services according to the rules of the market e.g. economic liberalization and privatization, G public finances decentralization means a fiscal federalism or national financial streams, which supply the spheres of political and administrative decentralization. It is also necessary to provide a differentiation between horizontal and vertical decentralization. Horizontal decentralization is a balance between institutions functioning on equal levels. In the case of vertical decentralization, political power is transferred on different spheres of performing power and administration. It is possible to distinguish four forms, treated as the basic types, according to the criterion of the degree of the transferred power and the range of functions.

Deconcentration A transfer of the functions within the central hierarchy of power into local units. As a result of deconcentration, routine tasks are transferred to lower levels of the central power. The effective control stays in the central hands, which outline directives according to the rules of hierarchy. The following levels of intensity can be distinguished here: G ordinary transfer of tasks without the transfer of autonomy within the range of decision-making, G transfer of limited autonomy on local offices within the range of deciding on routine tasks, G adjustment of the central directives to the

57

of administrative structures). The purposes of decentralization are: simplification of the management system, political and institutional division of power, official continuity, introduction of democracy, and economic effectiveness. The degree of centralization of a given political system says a lot about the structure of the system organization, at the same time, centralization refers to the organizational core, whereas decentralization to the division. The degree of centralization of the organizational structure informs about the decision-making processes, and by that, about the authority relationships. Decentralization can be defined in a general way as a transfer of the official and political superiority in the sphere of planning, decision-making, and administrative management from the central level to the local administrative units, half-autonomous and overstate organizations, communal administration, or non-governmental organizations. Decentralization is perceived in this case as the means to reach the target. Rondinelli [Rondinelli, 1981, pp. 133-145] quoted many arguments in favour of decentralization, among which the most important are: the increase of the effectiveness in development planning, better adjustment of the national programs to the local needs, lowering the costs of producing public goods, increasing the attractiveness of local administration, supporting over-regional equality, facilitating the administrative cooperation and the increased range of responsibility for the local governments. Decentralization is a description of structures, which can be applied however not only in national structures and in such a case it may mean the scheme of administrative procedures. The following spheres can be enumerated as the components of the decentralization strategy: political, administrative, and financial. They are connected with one another and the realization of the decentralization strategy is possible together with preservation of the cohesion between the particular spheres. The division of the political and administrative tasks allows to distinguish, according to Mayntz [Mayntz, 1985, p. 42], political and administrative decentralization. From the political point of view, it means transferring the official decision-making competences on other elements of the system, supporting political stability, increasing support for national development programs, and increasing the importance of regional and local interests on the scale of the whole political system. Political decentralization means usually trans-

A transfer of the functions within the central hierarchy of power into local units. As a result of deconcentration, routine tasks are transferred to lower levels of the central power. The effective control stays in the central hands, which outline directives according to the rules of hierarchy. The following levels of intensity can be distinguished here: G ordinary transfer of tasks without the transfer of autonomy within the range of decision-making, G transfer of limited autonomy on local offices within the range of deciding on routine tasks, adjustment of the central directives to the G

Deconcentration fer of the decision-making competences on citizens or their elected representatives. Administrative decentralization is characterized by the fact that only the realization of the stated tasks is delegated. It also means hierarchical and functional division of decisionmaking competences between central and non-central units of authorities, gradual cooperation between particular spheres of central administration, local authorities, as well as non-governmental organizations, in order to achieve the assigned goals due to the expanded range of mutual cooperation. The next element is economic decentralization: the increase of economic effectiveness, i.e. achieving goals by means of cutting down the expenses. This kind of decentralization can be brought down to two categories: G market decentralization means a process of introducing conditionings which enable production and distribution of goods and services according to the rules of the market e.g. economic liberalization and privatization, G public finances decentralization means a fiscal federalism or national financial streams, which supply the spheres of political and administrative decentralization. It is also necessary to provide a differentiation between horizontal and vertical decentralization. Horizontal decentralization is a balance between institutions functioning on equal levels. In the case of vertical decentralization, political power is transferred on different spheres of performing power and administration. It is possible to distinguish four forms, treated as the basic types, according to the criterion of the degree of the transferred power and the range of functions.


58

D

Decentralization as a Tool to Realize a Strategy and the Subsidiary Rule trative policy in order to mobilize cultural, economic, and political resources on regional and local grounds, as well as for the needs of benefit of the whole nation [König, 1999, p. 64].

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

local conditions at the same time personnel is employed within the frames of central ministry or is nominated by the central government and they are responsible to it. Deconcentration may lead to the increase of the range of tasks for the local administration. However, it does not constitute means on the way to enhance its autonomy. Deconcentration is administrative decentralization. Division of work and the need to acknowledge local conditionings in the process of making specific decisions are pointed out as a stimulus for deconcentration. Deconcentration is considered the least intense, but the most commonly occurring form of decentralization.

58

Delegation

ransfer of tasks from the public to private sector [Rondinelli, 1981, p. 13]. In many cases the elements of the abovementioned grounds are connected (policy mix). It is worth underlining that deconcentration of tasks appears on a large scale and yet it is accompanied by deconcentration of resources to a smaller degree. Decentralization and deconcentration are the proper means of adminis-

T

T

ransfer of the function on regional or trade organizations functioning outside the competent governmental bureaucracy for the fulfilment of precisely defined spheres of tasks. They can be referred as independent administrative units . Hence, the transfer of state tasks to private institutions is comprised in this definition. This form of decentralization is accompanied by a wave of privatization. In a wide aspect, it is possible to talk about providing public goods by private suppliers under the state supervision.

Transfer of Tasks to Non-governmental Organizations

Devolution

ransferring tasks and decision-making competences into lower-level authorities with a relative autonomy. In the case of devolution, the whole decision-making areas are subjected to local authorities, which, without consultation with central authorities, cannot work on projects, finance, or realize them. Devolution is a kind of political decentralization.

T

T

ransferring tasks and decision-making competences into lower-level authorities with a relative autonomy. In the case of devolution, the whole decision-making areas are subjected to local authorities, which, without consultation with central authorities, cannot work on projects, finance, or realize them. Devolution is a kind of political decentralization.

Devolution

ecentralization is not a goal itself, but a tool of a particular strategy realization. It is a basis of the actions of the efficient and prodevelopment public administration in a democratic state of law [Illner, 2000, pp. 23-38]. Decentralization is often a part of a vast program of reforms in the process of democratization [Weidner, 2000, p. 54]. One of the important factors is the political will to realize the process of reforms from the policy-makers part. The success of decentralization depends particularly on the availability of financial resources adequate to needs, as well as on administering the personnel suitable for realization of the set tasks. Decentralization projects always have a political dimension and are a particularly sensitive sphere of cooperation. Expectations connected with decision-making about the realization of the decentralizational policy are usually high and cover a wide spectrum: obeying human rights, expected economic stimuli for economy and the country, social-cultural identity effects, as well as creating an effective and citizen-friendly administration. Decentralization is also understood as the division of decision-making competences inside the system into autonomous and semiautonomous subsystems. The basis of that is constituted by the, so called, subsidiary rule, depicting that fulfilling the state tasks is ascribed to the lowest possible subsystem and that the superior subsystems or administration take the tasks over only if the lower subsystems are on able to fulfil the tasks on their own [Illy, Schimitzek, 1986, p. 11]. It is obvious that the interpretation of decentralization is used in those countries, which show the development from bottom tradition or those which came into being as a result of will of independent bodies of creating the central country (e.g. Germany, the USA). In authoritarian political systems, the ruling parties do not accept a division of power. The best it can be observed there is some level of deconcentration, i.e. a division of competences on different administrative authorities and offices.

Transfer of Tasks to Non-governmental Organizations

ransfer of the function on regional or trade organizations functioning outside the competent governmental bureaucracy for the fulfilment of precisely defined spheres of tasks. They can be referred as independent administrative units . Hence, the transfer of state tasks to private institutions is comprised in this definition. This form of decentralization is accompanied by a wave of privatization. In a wide aspect, it is possible to talk about providing public goods by private suppliers under the state supervision.

D

T

T

Decentralization as a Tool to Realize a Strategy and the Subsidiary Rule

ecentralization is not a goal itself, but a tool of a particular strategy realization. It is a basis of the actions of the efficient and prodevelopment public administration in a democratic state of law [Illner, 2000, pp. 23-38]. Decentralization is often a part of a vast program of reforms in the process of democratization [Weidner, 2000, p. 54]. One of the important factors is the political will to realize the process of reforms from the policy-makers part. The success of decentralization depends particularly on the availability of financial resources adequate to needs, as well as on administering the personnel suitable for realization of the set tasks. Decentralization projects always have a political dimension and are a particularly sensitive sphere of cooperation. Expectations connected with decision-making about the realization of the decentralizational policy are usually high and cover a wide spectrum: obeying human rights, expected economic stimuli for economy and the country, social-cultural identity effects, as well as creating an effective and citizen-friendly administration. Decentralization is also understood as the division of decision-making competences inside the system into autonomous and semiautonomous subsystems. The basis of that is constituted by the, so called, subsidiary rule, depicting that fulfilling the state tasks is ascribed to the lowest possible subsystem and that the superior subsystems or administration take the tasks over only if the lower subsystems are on able to fulfil the tasks on their own [Illy, Schimitzek, 1986, p. 11]. It is obvious that the interpretation of decentralization is used in those countries, which show the development from bottom tradition or those which came into being as a result of will of independent bodies of creating the central country (e.g. Germany, the USA). In authoritarian political systems, the ruling parties do not accept a division of power. The best it can be observed there is some level of deconcentration, i.e. a division of competences on different administrative authorities and offices.

Delegation

trative policy in order to mobilize cultural, economic, and political resources on regional and local grounds, as well as for the needs of benefit of the whole nation [König, 1999, p. 64].

ransfer of tasks from the public to private sector [Rondinelli, 1981, p. 13]. In many cases the elements of the abovementioned grounds are connected (policy mix). It is worth underlining that deconcentration of tasks appears on a large scale and yet it is accompanied by deconcentration of resources to a smaller degree. Decentralization and deconcentration are the proper means of adminis-

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

local conditions at the same time personnel is employed within the frames of central ministry or is nominated by the central government and they are responsible to it. Deconcentration may lead to the increase of the range of tasks for the local administration. However, it does not constitute means on the way to enhance its autonomy. Deconcentration is administrative decentralization. Division of work and the need to acknowledge local conditionings in the process of making specific decisions are pointed out as a stimulus for deconcentration. Deconcentration is considered the least intense, but the most commonly occurring form of decentralization.


59

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Decentralizational Tendencies in Culture

C

entralization or decentralization? On the grounds of action structures, which preserve an indirect but durable influence on cultural institutions, the division referring to the state structures bears considerable consequence for the sphere of culture. Apart from democratization, the terms decentralization and regionalization have been the keywords in a cultural policy since the 1980s. Decentralization can be even acknowledged as a re-ethinization of the cultural policy [Rasky, 1997, p. 80]. Culture decentralization deals with the following issues: G it gives equal possibilities to access the cultural offer to all the society participants, G citizens are included in the political and cultural decision-making processes, G transparent communication and effective division of power and responsibility between different spheres of power are possible, G state, market, and the third sector perform the optimization of the process of distribution of financial and cultural values [Heiskanen, 2001, p. 7 and further]. When bringing the above aspects into the political objectives grounds, the first and the second point refer to culture democratization, whereas the third point to the organization of democratic and effective administration (management) of the cultural sphere. The fourth point concerns the increase of effectiveness of the optimization of investing the financial resources.

National and international interests, dominating ideologies, and the potential of some sectors influence the strategies. Undoubtedly, decentralization has become a standard in the cultural policy. In this case, we are mainly facing vertical decentralization, which lies in rapprochement to the society by the authorities, decision-making competences, and resources. Kawashima [Kawashima, 1997] suggests that the political strategies of decentralization in the cultural sphere were grass-roots (as local initiatives) or top-down (the initiator is the central administration or their representatives) initiatives. Strategies may be, but do not have to, be supported by parallel, political or financial decentralization. By analyzing general tendencies of cultural decentralization in Europe, the picture of the situation seems satisfactory. The idea of regional autonomy with regards to cultural and political issues works in practice. Regional cultural policy is a new sphere for the cultural policy [Klein, 2003, p. 134]. This thought has gained a larger importance in a European scale than within the range of particular countries. Nowadays, region is perceived as not only as an economic area or a political term, but, most of all, as a cultural area. Only on the condition of supporting and developing actions on a local level, it is possible to achieve a goal, which is cultural democracy. The center can coordinate but it cannot impose specific solutions. Nowadays, an opinion is dominating that, first of all, culture should be

Table 1. FOUR STRATEGIES OF STRUCTURAL DECENTRALIZATION [KAWASHIMA, 1997, P. 355 AND FURTHER]

Central structures as an initiator of cultural decentralization

Regional or local structures as an initiator of cultural decentralization

Regional or local structures as an initiator of cultural decentralization Central structures as an initiator of cultural decentralization

Legislative enforcement of cultural and political decision-making competences within organizations and on regional and local levels. Examples: An agreement to cultural autonomy and to infrastructure connected to it on the regional level and within organization.

Voluntary regional and local financial actions and initiatives. Examples: Local, including charity, financing of cultural organizations: theatres, orchestras, museums, etc., appointment of community centers and other local initiatives.

Transfer of actual political decision-making competences and financing the resources in the sphere of culture on the regional and local levels. Examples: The transfer of national property of cultural institutions to local governments.

Decentralization of central national administration. Development of cultural services and organizations, which are financed from the public budget. Examples: Using regional representatives as the arm s length of national administration, financing art events, exhibitions, etc., supporting and financing regional and local cultural infrastructure and projects.

Cultural decentralization supported by a parallel political and financial decentralization.

Cultural decentralization unsupported by a parallel political and financial decentralization.

Table 1. FOUR STRATEGIES OF STRUCTURAL DECENTRALIZATION [KAWASHIMA, 1997, P. 355 AND FURTHER]

entralization or decentralization? On the grounds of action structures, which preserve an indirect but durable influence on cultural institutions, the division referring to the state structures bears considerable consequence for the sphere of culture. Apart from democratization, the terms decentralization and regionalization have been the keywords in a cultural policy since the 1980s. Decentralization can be even acknowledged as a re-ethinization of the cultural policy [Rasky, 1997, p. 80]. Culture decentralization deals with the following issues: G it gives equal possibilities to access the cultural offer to all the society participants, G citizens are included in the political and cultural decision-making processes, G transparent communication and effective division of power and responsibility between different spheres of power are possible, G state, market, and the third sector perform the optimization of the process of distribution of financial and cultural values [Heiskanen, 2001, p. 7 and further]. When bringing the above aspects into the political objectives grounds, the first and the second point refer to culture democratization, whereas the third point to the organization of democratic and effective administration (management) of the cultural sphere. The fourth point concerns the increase of effectiveness of the optimization of investing the financial resources.

C

Decentralizational Tendencies in Culture Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Cultural decentralization unsupported by a parallel political and financial decentralization.

Cultural decentralization supported by a parallel political and financial decentralization.

Decentralization of central national administration. Development of cultural services and organizations, which are financed from the public budget. Examples: Using regional representatives as the arm s length of national administration, financing art events, exhibitions, etc., supporting and financing regional and local cultural infrastructure and projects.

Transfer of actual political decision-making competences and financing the resources in the sphere of culture on the regional and local levels. Examples: The transfer of national property of cultural institutions to local governments.

Voluntary regional and local financial actions and initiatives. Examples: Local, including charity, financing of cultural organizations: theatres, orchestras, museums, etc., appointment of community centers and other local initiatives.

Legislative enforcement of cultural and political decision-making competences within organizations and on regional and local levels. Examples: An agreement to cultural autonomy and to infrastructure connected to it on the regional level and within organization.

59

National and international interests, dominating ideologies, and the potential of some sectors influence the strategies. Undoubtedly, decentralization has become a standard in the cultural policy. In this case, we are mainly facing vertical decentralization, which lies in rapprochement to the society by the authorities, decision-making competences, and resources. Kawashima [Kawashima, 1997] suggests that the political strategies of decentralization in the cultural sphere were grass-roots (as local initiatives) or top-down (the initiator is the central administration or their representatives) initiatives. Strategies may be, but do not have to, be supported by parallel, political or financial decentralization. By analyzing general tendencies of cultural decentralization in Europe, the picture of the situation seems satisfactory. The idea of regional autonomy with regards to cultural and political issues works in practice. Regional cultural policy is a new sphere for the cultural policy [Klein, 2003, p. 134]. This thought has gained a larger importance in a European scale than within the range of particular countries. Nowadays, region is perceived as not only as an economic area or a political term, but, most of all, as a cultural area. Only on the condition of supporting and developing actions on a local level, it is possible to achieve a goal, which is cultural democracy. The center can coordinate but it cannot impose specific solutions. Nowadays, an opinion is dominating that, first of all, culture should be


60 Table 2. NATIONAL STRUCTURALIZATION

n Latvia, new democracy assigned itself de centralization in the cultural sector as early as in the first stadium of the transformation process. These tasks were realized with regards to three issues: G creating legislation and a division of competences between different levels of administration and their institutionalization, G problems of the ownership and a legal status of the cultural institution, G the role of artists with regards to their autonomy, as well as social and economic functions in order to influence the cultural and political processes. From the ERICarts data for the years 2003/ 2004, Latvia is considered a country with a centralized structure [Cultural Policies in Europe: a Compendium of basic Facts and Trends. www.culturalpolicies.net from. 13.01.2005]. What effects would the application of decentralization solutions have in the case of Latvia, a country with a population of merely 2.3 million? In the case of ever-changing and evolving relation between the state (on a national and local level) and the society (independent sector), it is essentially important that the official

I

The Process of Decentralization from the Point of View of the Decentralization in the Cultural Sector in Latvia Concept provided for the citizens and that citizens should not be brought to culture. Culture and art belong to everybody and must be realized in places where citizens can experience them directly and benefit from their existence [Quinn, 1998, p. 82 and further]. Decentralization is not only a differentiation of internal structures and a division of competences, but also a three-dimensional diversification of the cultural offer. Various forms can be observed there: it is about providing the citizens with cultural offers or about facilitating the engagement in cultural activities.

system was confronted as often as possible with particular units and small groups of interest. Thus, democracies will be judged according to their actions towards the minorities. The transfer of decision-making competences and the range of power to the level of local administration do not result in the automatic enforcement of the civil society. The more important in this case is the level of engagement and the level of political maturity among the citizens. The political and cultural purposes on the local level have been so far strongly directed towards traditional infrastructure libraries, museums, and community centers. There also appeared a notion that professional art, its creation and distribution belongs to the country s responsibility, whereas the local authorities should be responsible for traditional, amateur art. Evidently, in the future the local administration will assume responsibility for the infrastructure. On the other hand, the ministry of culture will be responsible for providing culture on a national scale. The heritage of the initial situation in Latvia is the fact that the cultural policy and endeavours in the spheres of culture realized by state are always initiated by the central authority whereas the lower levels are only responsible for their execution. Decentralization did not succeed not only in the aspect of centralization rule, but also when we compare the effectiveness of particular units of the local government in fulfilling objectives (after Riga, where one-third of all the Latvia s citizens live about 750.000 inhabitants the second biggest city is Daugavpils with no more than 110.000 citizens). We cannot identify Latvia and its administrative division with a federal structure. This country is, to a large extent, ruled centrally, as a consequence of which is a strong position of the capital city Riga. There are the most important cultural institutions, including these founded in the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century, such as the Latvian National Opera, National Dramatic Theater, National Symphonic Orchestra, etc. Until the middle of the 20th century Latvia was

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Inter-department teams

Inter-government teams

Country

Inter-department teams

National cultural funds or foundations

60

Inter-government teams

Institutions working on the basis of so called arm s length

National cultural funds or foundations

Central ministry with competences in the sphere of culture

Centralized structure

Institutions working on the basis of so called arm s length

Centralized/ decentralized system

Latvia

Central ministry with competences in the sphere of culture

Centralized/ decentralized system

Country

Table 2. NATIONAL STRUCTURALIZATION

n Latvia, new democracy assigned itself de centralization in the cultural sector as early as in the first stadium of the transformation process. These tasks were realized with regards to three issues: G creating legislation and a division of competences between different levels of administration and their institutionalization, G problems of the ownership and a legal status of the cultural institution, G the role of artists with regards to their autonomy, as well as social and economic functions in order to influence the cultural and political processes. From the ERICarts data for the years 2003/ 2004, Latvia is considered a country with a centralized structure [Cultural Policies in Europe: a Compendium of basic Facts and Trends. www.culturalpolicies.net from. 13.01.2005]. What effects would the application of decentralization solutions have in the case of Latvia, a country with a population of merely 2.3 million? In the case of ever-changing and evolving relation between the state (on a national and local level) and the society (independent sector), it is essentially important that the official

I

Centralized structure

The Process of Decentralization from the Point of View of the Decentralization in the Cultural Sector in Latvia Concept

system was confronted as often as possible with particular units and small groups of interest. Thus, democracies will be judged according to their actions towards the minorities. The transfer of decision-making competences and the range of power to the level of local administration do not result in the automatic enforcement of the civil society. The more important in this case is the level of engagement and the level of political maturity among the citizens. The political and cultural purposes on the local level have been so far strongly directed towards traditional infrastructure libraries, museums, and community centers. There also appeared a notion that professional art, its creation and distribution belongs to the country s responsibility, whereas the local authorities should be responsible for traditional, amateur art. Evidently, in the future the local administration will assume responsibility for the infrastructure. On the other hand, the ministry of culture will be responsible for providing culture on a national scale. The heritage of the initial situation in Latvia is the fact that the cultural policy and endeavours in the spheres of culture realized by state are always initiated by the central authority whereas the lower levels are only responsible for their execution. Decentralization did not succeed not only in the aspect of centralization rule, but also when we compare the effectiveness of particular units of the local government in fulfilling objectives (after Riga, where one-third of all the Latvia s citizens live about 750.000 inhabitants the second biggest city is Daugavpils with no more than 110.000 citizens). We cannot identify Latvia and its administrative division with a federal structure. This country is, to a large extent, ruled centrally, as a consequence of which is a strong position of the capital city Riga. There are the most important cultural institutions, including these founded in the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century, such as the Latvian National Opera, National Dramatic Theater, National Symphonic Orchestra, etc. Until the middle of the 20th century Latvia was

Latvia

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

provided for the citizens and that citizens should not be brought to culture. Culture and art belong to everybody and must be realized in places where citizens can experience them directly and benefit from their existence [Quinn, 1998, p. 82 and further]. Decentralization is not only a differentiation of internal structures and a division of competences, but also a three-dimensional diversification of the cultural offer. Various forms can be observed there: it is about providing the citizens with cultural offers or about facilitating the engagement in cultural activities.


Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

mainly an agricultural country. Moreover, this actual state has been partly kept until today. The agricultural areas demand not only specific treatment in the case of the functioning of the decentralized system of providing the cultural offer, but they also postulate the equal support for their traditional culture. Therefore, the patronage over the folk art (i.e. music, dance) has a significant importance in the case of Latvia. The Economy Institute at Latvian Academy of Sciences introduced, according to the order of the Ministry of Culture from 1999, the concept of Decentralization in the cultural sector [Abele, Riga, 1999]. After drawing up this document, two research programs were conducted in 2000: Decentralization in the cultural sector. The analysis of social processes and The position of particular social groups against the introduction of different decentralization mechanisms in Latvia [Kulturas..., Riga, 2000]. These are unfortunately, as far as now, the only comprehensive studies concerning these important issues in Latvia. That is why, the concept of Decentralization in the cultural sector is something more than just a research study describing in-depth situation in Latvia. This study, after a short definition of such notions as centralization, decentralization, and culture, determines, already in the introduction, the goals of decentralization in the cultural sector in Latvia: G dismantling centralistic structures by means of the political and cultural process, G freeing the administrative apparatus from the necessity of realization the functions, which do not constitute the axis of their functioning, G development of local initiatives, including new financial resources and human resources [ibid, p. 4]. The next part was focused on Latvia s location, centralistic heritage, the Ministry of Culture s tasks, as well as the assessment of the situation in the sphere of differences appearing between the declared rules and the reality. In the part devoted to characteristics in the case of decentralization in culture, an interesting thesis was developed the process cannot appear without any obstacles, because at any sphere of culture there are objective and subjective factors trying to hamper this process. The objective factors are: specificity of each area and existing structures capable of taking over the state s role. The subjective factors are: the subjects readiness for changes in particular areas.

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

As a general rule, we can accept that after conducting reforms, the possibility of creating the cultural policy will be retained. It means: a maximal orientation to release the national institutions from fulfilling additional functions and a possibility of introducing the subsidiary rules to reality [ibid, p. 8]. Further, the present situation was examined with regards to structuralization of the cultural sphere by enumerating these functions which should be delegated: G supporting the access to cultural heritage, G creating regional policy in the sphere of museums and realizing regional programs, G creating and realizing a regional policy in the sphere of libraries, G providing functioning of professional regional theaters, G creating and realizing a strategy in the sphere of cultural education. Then, the functions, which should be decentralized by the centrally fixed Ministry of Culture, were presented: G creating regional cultural policy, G further development and access to professional art, G creating and sustaining professional music centers, G undertaking regional actions in the sphere of culture, G creating a register of historical-cultural buildings of an exceptional importance for the region and the actions aiming for preserving them. Decentralization and delegation, realized in such a way, can have both positive and negative consequences. We can speak about positive consequences when the actions will be realized in a direct proximity to the units they refer to, and by this, they relieve the state. Negative consequences appear when, as a result of reforms, any function stops being realized. Such a situation renders harm for the culture, society, and the whole country. The next element, which was subjected to the research procedure, was the state of the financing system. The conclusion was a statement that until now the most important source of financing has been the national budget. The fact that in the case of transferring the function, a simultaneous transfer of financial resources should be conducted was marked as important. A little bit of attention was also devoted to the necessity of preparing the statutory frames and the earlier explanation of all the legal issues, as well as making the necessary decision in this range before the process of reforms starts.

61

mainly an agricultural country. Moreover, this actual state has been partly kept until today. The agricultural areas demand not only specific treatment in the case of the functioning of the decentralized system of providing the cultural offer, but they also postulate the equal support for their traditional culture. Therefore, the patronage over the folk art (i.e. music, dance) has a significant importance in the case of Latvia. The Economy Institute at Latvian Academy of Sciences introduced, according to the order of the Ministry of Culture from 1999, the concept of Decentralization in the cultural sector [Abele, Riga, 1999]. After drawing up this document, two research programs were conducted in 2000: Decentralization in the cultural sector. The analysis of social processes and The position of particular social groups against the introduction of different decentralization mechanisms in Latvia [Kulturas..., Riga, 2000]. These are unfortunately, as far as now, the only comprehensive studies concerning these important issues in Latvia. That is why, the concept of Decentralization in the cultural sector is something more than just a research study describing in-depth situation in Latvia. This study, after a short definition of such notions as centralization, decentralization, and culture, determines, already in the introduction, the goals of decentralization in the cultural sector in Latvia: G dismantling centralistic structures by means of the political and cultural process, G freeing the administrative apparatus from the necessity of realization the functions, which do not constitute the axis of their functioning, G development of local initiatives, including new financial resources and human resources [ibid, p. 4]. The next part was focused on Latvia s location, centralistic heritage, the Ministry of Culture s tasks, as well as the assessment of the situation in the sphere of differences appearing between the declared rules and the reality. In the part devoted to characteristics in the case of decentralization in culture, an interesting thesis was developed the process cannot appear without any obstacles, because at any sphere of culture there are objective and subjective factors trying to hamper this process. The objective factors are: specificity of each area and existing structures capable of taking over the state s role. The subjective factors are: the subjects readiness for changes in particular areas.

61

As a general rule, we can accept that after conducting reforms, the possibility of creating the cultural policy will be retained. It means: a maximal orientation to release the national institutions from fulfilling additional functions and a possibility of introducing the subsidiary rules to reality [ibid, p. 8]. Further, the present situation was examined with regards to structuralization of the cultural sphere by enumerating these functions which should be delegated: G supporting the access to cultural heritage, G creating regional policy in the sphere of museums and realizing regional programs, G creating and realizing a regional policy in the sphere of libraries, G providing functioning of professional regional theaters, G creating and realizing a strategy in the sphere of cultural education. Then, the functions, which should be decentralized by the centrally fixed Ministry of Culture, were presented: G creating regional cultural policy, G further development and access to professional art, G creating and sustaining professional music centers, G undertaking regional actions in the sphere of culture, G creating a register of historical-cultural buildings of an exceptional importance for the region and the actions aiming for preserving them. Decentralization and delegation, realized in such a way, can have both positive and negative consequences. We can speak about positive consequences when the actions will be realized in a direct proximity to the units they refer to, and by this, they relieve the state. Negative consequences appear when, as a result of reforms, any function stops being realized. Such a situation renders harm for the culture, society, and the whole country. The next element, which was subjected to the research procedure, was the state of the financing system. The conclusion was a statement that until now the most important source of financing has been the national budget. The fact that in the case of transferring the function, a simultaneous transfer of financial resources should be conducted was marked as important. A little bit of attention was also devoted to the necessity of preparing the statutory frames and the earlier explanation of all the legal issues, as well as making the necessary decision in this range before the process of reforms starts.


62 G

·

Problems G There is no regional cultural policy in the sphere of national and regional development. Fragmented administrative division and delayed process of reforms. G

G G

Solutions G Assessment of current documents concerning cultural policy and legislative projects. G Creating directives in the sphere of cultural policy. Finishing regional reforms (does not belong to the Ministry of Culture s competences). G

Table 3. PROBLEMS AND SOLUTIONS IN THE DECENTRALIZATION PROCESS

In the second part of the concept, detailed strategies were presented on the basis of three cultural spheres: theater, museums, and cultural education. Still, many tasks have not been realized but the state at least created a strategy, directives, and provided instruments. However, in the future, the most important task will depend on expanding the areas of cultural life concentration (in the sense of affirmative culture) currently Riga is such an area by reinforcing the regional administrative units and by decentralization of decision-making competences to the area of the whole country. Problems and potential solutions are illustrated in the table 3. Efforts, in order to take into the account the province needs to a larger extent, have been facing yet another difficulty the basic directives, programs, etc. are directed by central authorities, which in a way constitutes centralized decentralization . A difficult economic situation and placing extreme pressure on the issues of effectiveness imposed by the Ministry of Finance, inevitably lead to tension. It became obvious that

the process of harmonization and decentralization in Latvia, with its deeply-rooted traditions of civil society and people dividing culturally and linguistically, faces difficulties, not being able to develop without obstacles in an unbound way. When assessing the process of decentralization in the cultural sector in Latvia, it is clear that the development is visible only on paper directives are presented, to some extent we are even facing the commencement of the process and realization of the development tasks but in reality, it is hampered by ambiguities, rejection, and even prevention. The Chairman of the Latvian Foundation of Culture, Peteris Bankovskis, said: The models presented by the state are obviously of a great importance. We have to talk them through, discuss all doubts, create them anew and change them again, possibly harmonize them with other directives. However, if each citizen is not able and does not want to be responsible for himself and his surroundings, all the above-mentioned actions seem meaningless. This ability and will to assume responsibility are the key and essence of decentralization [ibid, p. 27].

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

G

G

In a small country there is a better possibility of conducting faster system changes and reforms. Expanding the market together with the accession to the EU.

G

G

G

G

G

G

G

Inequality between the capital city of Riga and the rest of the country. Riga assured access to professional culture and art, concentration of intellectual potential, more competitive salaries, better infrastructure and access to information. The rest of the country mainly traditional (folk) art.

62

Small market, small auditory, small audience leads to the increase of prices for the product.

G

Creating programs of regional development. Using the possibilities created by financing by means of EU structural funds. Supporting availability of various educational programs in the regions. Supporting regional initiatives. Transferring the decision-making competences to a local level. Clearly defined national and local responsibility in the sphere of traditional (folk) art.

G

G

G

Creating programs of regional development. Using the possibilities created by financing by means of EU structural funds. Supporting availability of various educational programs in the regions. Supporting regional initiatives. Transferring the decision-making competences to a local level. Clearly defined national and local responsibility in the sphere of traditional (folk) art.

G

G

G

G

Inequality between the capital city of Riga and the rest of the country. Riga assured access to professional culture and art, concentration of intellectual potential, more competitive salaries, better infrastructure and access to information. The rest of the country mainly traditional (folk) art.

G

G

Solutions G Assessment of current documents concerning cultural policy and legislative projects. G Creating directives in the sphere of cultural policy. G Finishing regional reforms (does not belong to the Ministry of Culture s competences).

Small market, small auditory, small audience leads to the increase of prices for the product.

Problems G There is no regional cultural policy in the sphere of national and regional development. G Fragmented administrative division and delayed process of reforms. ·

In a small country there is a better possibility of conducting faster system changes and reforms. Expanding the market together with the accession to the EU.

Table 3. PROBLEMS AND SOLUTIONS IN THE DECENTRALIZATION PROCESS

G

the process of harmonization and decentralization in Latvia, with its deeply-rooted traditions of civil society and people dividing culturally and linguistically, faces difficulties, not being able to develop without obstacles in an unbound way. When assessing the process of decentralization in the cultural sector in Latvia, it is clear that the development is visible only on paper directives are presented, to some extent we are even facing the commencement of the process and realization of the development tasks but in reality, it is hampered by ambiguities, rejection, and even prevention. The Chairman of the Latvian Foundation of Culture, Peteris Bankovskis, said: The models presented by the state are obviously of a great importance. We have to talk them through, discuss all doubts, create them anew and change them again, possibly harmonize them with other directives. However, if each citizen is not able and does not want to be responsible for himself and his surroundings, all the above-mentioned actions seem meaningless. This ability and will to assume responsibility are the key and essence of decentralization [ibid, p. 27].

G

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

In the second part of the concept, detailed strategies were presented on the basis of three cultural spheres: theater, museums, and cultural education. Still, many tasks have not been realized but the state at least created a strategy, directives, and provided instruments. However, in the future, the most important task will depend on expanding the areas of cultural life concentration (in the sense of affirmative culture) currently Riga is such an area by reinforcing the regional administrative units and by decentralization of decision-making competences to the area of the whole country. Problems and potential solutions are illustrated in the table 3. Efforts, in order to take into the account the province needs to a larger extent, have been facing yet another difficulty the basic directives, programs, etc. are directed by central authorities, which in a way constitutes centralized decentralization . A difficult economic situation and placing extreme pressure on the issues of effectiveness imposed by the Ministry of Finance, inevitably lead to tension. It became obvious that


63

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

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mation, Entwicklung, Modernisierung. 1. ed. Ver-

(The concept of Decentralization in the cultural

waltungsorganisation, Staatsaufgaben und

sector ), Ekonomikas Instituts, Riga 1999.

Öffentlicher Dienst, Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft,

Beyme, K., Systemwechsel in Osteuropa, Frankfurt am Main 1994. Goetz, K. H., Ein neuer Verwaltungstyp in Mittel- und

vol 41, Baden-Baden 1999. Kulturas decentralizacija. Socialo procesu analize, Riga 2000.

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Lepsius, R., Modernisierungspolitik als Institutio-

tischen öffentlichen Verwaltung [in:] Wollmann,

nenbildung: Kriterien institutioneller Differen-

H. Wisenthal, H. Bönker, F., [eds.]: Transforma-

zierung [in:] Interessen, Ideen und Institutionen,

tion sozialistischer Gesellschaften: Am Ende des Anfangs, Opladen 1995. Göhler, G., Wie verändern sich Institutionen? [in:]

Opladen 1990. Mayntz, R.: Soziologie der öffentlichen Verwaltung, Müller Juristischer Verlag, Heidelberg 1985.

Göhler, G. [ed.], Institutionenwandel, sociologi-

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scher Verlag, Opladen 1997. Heiskanen, I., Decentralisation: trends in European cultural policies. Cultural Policies research and Development Unit, Policy Note, Council of Europe Publishing no 9, Strasburg 2001. Illner, M., Decentralization Reforms in Central and

New York 1995. North, D. C., Institutionen, institutioneller Wandel und Wirtschaftsleistung, Tuebingen 1992. Quinn, R.-B. M., Public policy and the arts: a comparative study of Great Britain and Ireland, Aldershot 1998.

Eastern Europe and this CIS after 1989: Aims,

Rasky, B., Kulturpolitik in Europa die national-

Problems and Solutions [in:] Decentralization:

staatlichen Rahmenbedingungen. [in:] Kulturpoli-

Conditions for Success. Lessons from Central and

tik in Europa Europäische Kulturpolitik? Von

Eastern Europe and the Commonwealth of Inde-

nationalstaatlichen und transnationalen Konzep-

pendent States, New York, United Nations, De-

tionen, Ratzenböck, V. [ed.], Österreichische Kul-

partment of Economic and Social Affairs Division for Public Economics and Public Administration 2000. Illy, H. F., Schimitzek, K., Entwicklung durch Dezentralisierung?, Munich 1986. Kawashima, N., Theorising decentralisation in cultural policy: concepts, values and strategies [in:] European Journal of Cultural Policy no. 3/2, 1997. Klein, A., Kulturpolitik. Eine Einführung, Opladen 2003.

turdokumentation, Vienna 1997. Rondinelli, D. A., Government Decentralization in Comparative Perspective: Theory and practice in Developing Countries [in:] International Review of Administrative Sciences, nr 2/1981. Weber, M., Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft. Studienausgabe, Tuebingen 1980. Weidner, H., Querschnittsauswertung der Serienevaluierung Dezentralisierung [in:] Bodemer, K. [ed.]: Subsidiaritätsprinzip, Dezentralisierung und local government Konzeptionelle Fragen und Fallbeispiele aus drei Kontinenten, Hamburg 2000.

Fallbeispiele aus drei Kontinenten, Hamburg 2000. 2003. Klein, A., Kulturpolitik. Eine Einführung, Opladen 1997. European Journal of Cultural Policy no. 3/2, tural policy: concepts, values and strategies [in:] Kawashima, N., Theorising decentralisation in cultralisierung?, Munich 1986. Illy, H. F., Schimitzek, K., Entwicklung durch Dezentration 2000. sion for Public Economics and Public Adminis-

local government Konzeptionelle Fragen und [ed.]: Subsidiaritätsprinzip, Dezentralisierung und uierung Dezentralisierung [in:] Bodemer, K. Weidner, H., Querschnittsauswertung der Serienevalgabe, Tuebingen 1980. Weber, M., Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft. Studienausof Administrative Sciences, nr 2/1981. Developing Countries [in:] International Review Comparative Perspective: Theory and practice in Rondinelli, D. A., Government Decentralization in turdokumentation, Vienna 1997.

partment of Economic and Social Affairs Divi-

tionen, Ratzenböck, V. [ed.], Österreichische Kul-

pendent States, New York, United Nations, De-

nationalstaatlichen und transnationalen Konzep-

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tik in Europa Europäische Kulturpolitik? Von

Conditions for Success. Lessons from Central and

staatlichen Rahmenbedingungen. [in:] Kulturpoli-

Problems and Solutions [in:] Decentralization:

Rasky, B., Kulturpolitik in Europa die national-

Eastern Europe and this CIS after 1989: Aims, Illner, M., Decentralization Reforms in Central and rope Publishing no 9, Strasburg 2001. Development Unit, Policy Note, Council of Eucultural policies. Cultural Policies research and Heiskanen, I., Decentralisation: trends in European

dershot 1998. parative study of Great Britain and Ireland, AlQuinn, R.-B. M., Public policy and the arts: a comund Wirtschaftsleistung, Tuebingen 1992. North, D. C., Institutionen, institutioneller Wandel New York 1995.

scher Verlag, Opladen 1997.

stregelung und politische Steuerung, Frankfurt/

cal magazin Leviathan, special edition, Westdeut-

Mayntz, R., Scharpf, F. [eds.]: Gesellschaftliche Selb-

Göhler, G. [ed.], Institutionenwandel, sociologiGöhler, G., Wie verändern sich Institutionen? [in:] Anfangs, Opladen 1995.

Müller Juristischer Verlag, Heidelberg 1985. Mayntz, R.: Soziologie der öffentlichen Verwaltung, Opladen 1990.

tion sozialistischer Gesellschaften: Am Ende des

zierung [in:] Interessen, Ideen und Institutionen,

H. Wisenthal, H. Bönker, F., [eds.]: Transforma-

nenbildung: Kriterien institutioneller Differen-

tischen öffentlichen Verwaltung [in:] Wollmann,

Lepsius, R., Modernisierungspolitik als Institutio-

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Riga 2000. Kulturas decentralizacija. Socialo procesu analize, vol 41, Baden-Baden 1999. Öffentlicher Dienst, Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft,

sector ), Ekonomikas Instituts, Riga 1999.

waltungsorganisation, Staatsaufgaben und

(The concept of Decentralization in the cultural

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Abele, D., Koncepcija Kulturas decentralizacija

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König, K., Verwaltungsstaat im Übergang. Transfor-


64 2

There are three dominant cultural models: elite, mass and traditional [Dragiæeviæ- e iæ and Dragojeviæ, 2004, p. 53].

1 Among many definitions of the notion of cultural policy, the following one seems particularly useful to me: the cultural policy represents an estimation and determination of the public authorities (federal, republic, regional and local) to intervene in a democratic way into certain fields and activities in order to fulfill their strategic goals. This public intervention may assume different shapes, direct and indirect, legislative and financial, and the relevant fields of intervention may encompass education and training, art (and all types of creative processes), protection of the cultural heritage, cultural industries, marketing and distribution, audience development, institutions of culture, free lance artists, networks of users, buildings and equipment. The public government bodies should define their intervention through clearly set goals, rather than link it to particular organizations or activities [Report of the Expert Team of the Council of Europe on cultural policy in Serbia, 2003, here quoted from: Ramiæ, 2005, p. 22].

Jelena Jankovic

Le sort d un art dépend d abord de la richesse du milieu qui le nourrit. Emmanuel Wallon

ne of the characteristic features of the turn of the millennia is the fact that all across the Europe the culture has become an important factor of the social life [Lacombe, 2004, p. 35]. The cultural practices don t represent a privilege of an elite group anymore, but they have become accessible to the broad audience thanks to the development of the educational systems, tourism and media. The notion of cultural policy1, or rather public intervention in the field of culture, is today best understood in terms of necessity to provide equal access to art and culture to all social groups, including the deprivileged ones. Consequently, the democratization of the cultural institutions, and particularly in the field of the performing arts, must become the first and the most important element in defining a national cultural policy. When speaking about the democratization of the field of classical music in Serbia, it is worth noting that, in minds of people, this art form is still linked almost exclusively to the elite cultural model2, and thus it is consumed by a

Cultural Policy and Social Policy

O

O

Jelena Jankovic 1

Among many definitions of the notion of cultural policy, the following one seems particularly useful to me: the cultural policy represents an estimation and determination of the public authorities (federal, republic, regional and local) to intervene in a democratic way into certain fields and activities in order to fulfill their strategic goals. This public intervention may assume different shapes, direct and indirect, legislative and financial, and the relevant fields of intervention may encompass education and training, art (and all types of creative processes), protection of the cultural heritage, cultural industries, marketing and distribution, audience development, institutions of culture, free lance artists, networks of users, buildings and equipment. The public government bodies should define their intervention through clearly set goals, rather than link it to particular organizations or activities [Report of the Expert Team of the Council of Europe on cultural policy in Serbia, 2003, here quoted from: Ramiæ, 2005, p. 22].

2

There are three dominant cultural models: elite, mass and traditional [Dragiæeviæ- e iæ and Dragojeviæ, 2004, p. 53].

64

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Festivals as an Investment for the Future of the Serbian Society

Jelena Jankovic a graduate from the Faculty of Music in Belgrade, Department of Musicology. She completed the Interdisciplinary Postgraduate Studies in Cultural Management and Cultural Policy in the Balkan at the University of Arts in Belgrade (joint programme with the Université Lumiere Lyon 2, France). Since 2002 she has worked as a programme editor and producer at the Belgrade Concert Agency Jugokoncert. She participates regularly in the international conferences and symposia (Greece, Belgium, Spain, Serbia, Bulgaria). She conducts research in the fields of contemporary music and management of cultural institutions and classical music festivals.

relatively small number of people. However, the very notion of elite is rather problematic in Serbia, and that makes the whole situation ever more difficult. Namely, all countries in transition have undergone the impoverishment and stratification of the society, with the emergence of new financial elites. The impoverished social groups (retired and unemployed people or workers with very low incomes, teachers ) have withdrawn from the public scene, they are no longer visible or active in the social life, because they are struggling to survive or they even feel ashamed because of their degraded social position and helplessness. On the other hand, the nouveau riches gain social influence by purchasing media houses, using them to promote their own lifestyle and values and showing off with their economic power [Dragiæeviæ- e iæ, Dragojeviæ, 2004, p. 46]. This new social elite is not, at the same time, the intellectual elite, and thus it has very little interest in high art forms. Dragiæeviæ- e iæ and Dragojeviæ rightfully observe that in transitional societies there is an increase of the social distance, and they suggest that carefully devised actions of inter-

relatively small number of people. However, the very notion of elite is rather problematic in Serbia, and that makes the whole situation ever more difficult. Namely, all countries in transition have undergone the impoverishment and stratification of the society, with the emergence of new financial elites. The impoverished social groups (retired and unemployed people or workers with very low incomes, teachers ) have withdrawn from the public scene, they are no longer visible or active in the social life, because they are struggling to survive or they even feel ashamed because of their degraded social position and helplessness. On the other hand, the nouveau riches gain social influence by purchasing media houses, using them to promote their own lifestyle and values and showing off with their economic power [Dragiæeviæ- e iæ, Dragojeviæ, 2004, p. 46]. This new social elite is not, at the same time, the intellectual elite, and thus it has very little interest in high art forms. Dragiæeviæ- e iæ and Dragojeviæ rightfully observe that in transitional societies there is an increase of the social distance, and they suggest that carefully devised actions of inter-

Cultural Policy and Social Policy

ne of the characteristic features of the turn of the millennia is the fact that all across the Europe the culture has become an important factor of the social life [Lacombe, 2004, p. 35]. The cultural practices don t represent a privilege of an elite group anymore, but they have become accessible to the broad audience thanks to the development of the educational systems, tourism and media. The notion of cultural policy1, or rather public intervention in the field of culture, is today best understood in terms of necessity to provide equal access to art and culture to all social groups, including the deprivileged ones. Consequently, the democratization of the cultural institutions, and particularly in the field of the performing arts, must become the first and the most important element in defining a national cultural policy. When speaking about the democratization of the field of classical music in Serbia, it is worth noting that, in minds of people, this art form is still linked almost exclusively to the elite cultural model2, and thus it is consumed by a

Le sort d un art dépend d abord de la richesse du milieu qui le nourrit. Emmanuel Wallon

Jelena Jankovic a graduate from the Faculty of Music in Belgrade, Department of Musicology. She completed the Interdisciplinary Postgraduate Studies in Cultural Management and Cultural Policy in the Balkan at the University of Arts in Belgrade (joint programme with the Université Lumiere Lyon 2, France). Since 2002 she has worked as a programme editor and producer at the Belgrade Concert Agency Jugokoncert. She participates regularly in the international conferences and symposia (Greece, Belgium, Spain, Serbia, Bulgaria). She conducts research in the fields of contemporary music and management of cultural institutions and classical music festivals.

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Festivals as an Investment for the Future of the Serbian Society


65

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

cultural mediation3 can reduce the distance by providing the society with such artistic programs that bring together different social groups and integrate the community. At the same time, these actions should raise critical conscience and give right to the neglected groups to express their attitude, become more visible and more involved in the processes of social communication. The main tools of the intercultural mediation are the following: G informatic and media resources, G establishment of projects, G direct exchange of experiences (seminars, workshops, debates ), G artistic interventions, G use of the city locations and suburbs, G organization of events and festivities [ibid]. Having this in mind, would it be possible to say that the festivals of classical music could represent a good form of intercultural mediation? I will argue that indeed they can serve as mediators between different social groups and help integrate the community, because of the fact that it is much easier to promote them in the media than entire concert seasons, but we must not forget that in Serbian society the classical music occupies a very particular place. I believe that the root of the problem lies in the rigid system of elementary and secondary schools of music in Serbia, which adds to the already existing problem of socio-cultural differentiation. The classical music schooling in Serbia is extremely specialized these schools don t serve as cultural mediators, bringing the classical music closer to people and vice versa, but they educate future professional musicians, who remain entrapped within their narrow professional field. The only logical resolution of this problem lies in the close collaboration between the artistic organizations and festivals and the schools of music in other words, in the institutional public relations. The managers of artistic organizations in the field of classical music should approach music teachers working in elementary and secondary schools of general education, as well as teachers working in schools of music, and together they should 3

develop special projects which would gather a large number of children and youth around classical music programs (choir singing, dance, small music-stage productions ). Such form of mediation can also circumstantially influence the parents of the children involved in these projects, and thus reduce the cultural gap evident in the society. Another possible way to achieve intercultural mediation with the classical music festivals (and here I have in mind the mediation between different social models) is to incorporate various off programs in the festivals, which would go outside the usual concert venues (for instance, galleries or open air locations could be used). In 2002, Bemus had a very well received accompanying program called Music on the Screen in the Belgrade Cultural Centre, with films about classical music concerts or music-stage productions. Also, this festival edition featured an exhibition in the Pedagogic Museum entitled Hyper textual Ex-tensions of Music , but unfortunately this good idea was not well promoted and it failed to attract wider audience. Workshops also represent an excellent form of cultural mediation, and some festivals in Serbia have already recognized this opportunity to involve various social groups in their programs. Bemus serves yet again as an excellent example: starting from the year 2003, Ivana Stefanoviæ, its Artistic Director, has decided to include various workshops for children and youth. In 2003 and 2004, the workshops for children of elementary schools were organized in co-operation with the NGO Susret from Belgrade, in the Art Pavilion Cvijeta Zuzoric, beautifully located at the Kalemegdan Fortress. In 2005 the members of the Compagnie Georges Momboye from Paris gave a dance workshop for the children with Down syndrome, and this year there were two workshops, one of which for the children with special needs, organized in co-operation with the Mudra Theatre from Belgrade. There are numerous examples of how classical music festivals in Serbia can and already do contribute to raising awareness about dif-

These authors identify several important forms of intercultural and sociocultural mediation: 1) mediation directed towards wide groups of population 2) mediation directed towards establishing a dialogue and cultural exchange 3) mediation directed towards breaking interethnical and ideological prejudices and exclusions 4) mediation among different social models 5) therapeutic forms of mediation 6) mediation directed towards groups with special needs 7) mediation directed towards groups with minority and special identities 8) mediation directed towards groups which are spatially marginalized or isolated [ibid: 48-62].

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3

These authors identify several important forms of intercultural and sociocultural mediation: 1) mediation directed towards wide groups of population 2) mediation directed towards establishing a dialogue and cultural exchange 3) mediation directed towards breaking interethnical and ideological prejudices and exclusions 4) mediation among different social models 5) therapeutic forms of mediation 6) mediation directed towards groups with special needs 7) mediation directed towards groups with minority and special identities 8) mediation directed towards groups which are spatially marginalized or isolated [ibid: 48-62].

cultural mediation3 can reduce the distance by providing the society with such artistic programs that bring together different social groups and integrate the community. At the same time, these actions should raise critical conscience and give right to the neglected groups to express their attitude, become more visible and more involved in the processes of social communication. The main tools of the intercultural mediation are the following: G informatic and media resources, G establishment of projects, G direct exchange of experiences (seminars, workshops, debates ), G artistic interventions, G use of the city locations and suburbs, G organization of events and festivities [ibid]. Having this in mind, would it be possible to say that the festivals of classical music could represent a good form of intercultural mediation? I will argue that indeed they can serve as mediators between different social groups and help integrate the community, because of the fact that it is much easier to promote them in the media than entire concert seasons, but we must not forget that in Serbian society the classical music occupies a very particular place. I believe that the root of the problem lies in the rigid system of elementary and secondary schools of music in Serbia, which adds to the already existing problem of socio-cultural differentiation. The classical music schooling in Serbia is extremely specialized these schools don t serve as cultural mediators, bringing the classical music closer to people and vice versa, but they educate future professional musicians, who remain entrapped within their narrow professional field. The only logical resolution of this problem lies in the close collaboration between the artistic organizations and festivals and the schools of music in other words, in the institutional public relations. The managers of artistic organizations in the field of classical music should approach music teachers working in elementary and secondary schools of general education, as well as teachers working in schools of music, and together they should

develop special projects which would gather a large number of children and youth around classical music programs (choir singing, dance, small music-stage productions ). Such form of mediation can also circumstantially influence the parents of the children involved in these projects, and thus reduce the cultural gap evident in the society. Another possible way to achieve intercultural mediation with the classical music festivals (and here I have in mind the mediation between different social models) is to incorporate various off programs in the festivals, which would go outside the usual concert venues (for instance, galleries or open air locations could be used). In 2002, Bemus had a very well received accompanying program called Music on the Screen in the Belgrade Cultural Centre, with films about classical music concerts or music-stage productions. Also, this festival edition featured an exhibition in the Pedagogic Museum entitled Hyper textual Ex-tensions of Music , but unfortunately this good idea was not well promoted and it failed to attract wider audience. Workshops also represent an excellent form of cultural mediation, and some festivals in Serbia have already recognized this opportunity to involve various social groups in their programs. Bemus serves yet again as an excellent example: starting from the year 2003, Ivana Stefanoviæ, its Artistic Director, has decided to include various workshops for children and youth. In 2003 and 2004, the workshops for children of elementary schools were organized in co-operation with the NGO Susret from Belgrade, in the Art Pavilion Cvijeta Zuzoric, beautifully located at the Kalemegdan Fortress. In 2005 the members of the Compagnie Georges Momboye from Paris gave a dance workshop for the children with Down syndrome, and this year there were two workshops, one of which for the children with special needs, organized in co-operation with the Mudra Theatre from Belgrade. There are numerous examples of how classical music festivals in Serbia can and already do contribute to raising awareness about dif-


ferent neglected cultural groups and specific identities (minorities, people with different capacities, stigmatized groups etc.) The problem is that people outside the festival audience are not really aware of this important segment of their socio-cultural activism, because it is not well promoted in the media. Indeed, the basic problem of the classical music festivals in Serbia is the lack of visibility, because of the rudimentary marketing campaigns, and that is something that their managers should really think about if they want to secure a better future for them.

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Transition-Influenced Cultural Policy

66

L

The majority of European countries based their cultural policies on four key principles: 1) preservation of the cultural identity, 2) support to the cultural diversity, 3) support to and development of creativity and 4) stimulating participation in cultural life (in from the Margins, Council of Europe, 1996). In the report of the Serbian Ministry of Culture, after one year of transition (in 2001), the following basic priorities of the cultural policy were defined: 1) de-etatization, 2) democratization, 3) decentralization, 4) cultural pluralism, 5) alternative sources of financing, 6) legislative harmonization with the EU, 7) regional and international co-operation. However, in reality these priorities were not in concordance with the priorities that the Ministry really carried out, so they were more an expression of the Ministry s reformist spirit. It is also possible to deduct from this that the Government didn t have a clearly defined program orientation in the field of culture, and that the culture was not among the priorities in the first year of transition [Macura, 2006, p. 24. See also: Ðukiæ-Dojèinoviæ, 2003, p. 48 and further].

ond phase (of European integration), due to the economic sanctions imposed to it. But there was more to it: not only that Serbian economy was entrapped by the external factors, but the Ministry of Culture imposed an internal embargo [ibid, p. 373]: it was sending clear signals that Serbian culture should turn its back to the world and close itself within its own culture and tradition. The problem inherent in this idea of selfisolation consisted in the fact that any national identity cannot be recognized or confirmed in isolation. On the contrary, a national culture is developed and affirmed through contacts with other cultures (it is also useful to remember Welsch s observation that all cultures today are hybrids of various cultural traces). I believe that here we can see the origins of the problem which still influences our cultural policy (or should I say in the lack of our cultural policy): Serbia has not as yet reinvented its cultural identity, it has not prescribed the cultural values and priorities4 and thus it doesn t have a clear strategy of its short term or long term cultural development. It is obvious that in such circumstances all artistic production and promotion in our country suffers from disorientation, and classical music festivals are not an exception. Who should decide about the program policy of the festivals is it the Ministry of Culture, city authorities, or the artists themselves? Who should define their program focus and should it be oriented towards promotion of European or national artistic achievements? Indeed, the festivals should represent a segment of the national cultural policy but what should we do in this particular case when the cultural policy doesn t exist? The Ministry of Culture is not the only one to blame for the present situation the newly elected city governments (after democratic changes in 2000) in most cases haven t possessed a sufficient knowledge to create the city cultural policy, to define strategic goals and prepare action plans that would secure their realization. Even now, the cultural policy is commonly understood as a mere distribution

4

ooking back at the dynamic of the process of the postsocialist transition in Serbia, it is easy to see that it didn t follow the pattern of other countries of the former Eastern Block, and not even of other ex-Yugoslavian countries. Vesna Ðukiæ-Dojèinoviæ identifies three phases of the transitional process, typical for most post socialist countries: G rethinking of the countries own national heritage (which was sealed off in bunkers of museums, archives and libraries during the rule of the communist regime) and beginning the process of reaffirming the national identity, G phase of European integration, characterized by two basic processes: decentralization and privatization, G final phase, where the country s institutions are democratized, and it presupposes a well balanced relation of the national cultural policy towards the national and elite cultural values as well as towards new creativity and contemporary arts [Ðukiæ-Dojèinoviæ, 2000, pp. 373-374]. It is obvious that at some point Serbian post socialist transition started to lose touch with the speed of transformations in other countries, and the reason lied in the simple fact that Serbia was denied the right to enter the sec-

ooking back at the dynamic of the process of the postsocialist transition in Serbia, it is easy to see that it didn t follow the pattern of other countries of the former Eastern Block, and not even of other ex-Yugoslavian countries. Vesna Ðukiæ-Dojèinoviæ identifies three phases of the transitional process, typical for most post socialist countries: G rethinking of the countries own national heritage (which was sealed off in bunkers of museums, archives and libraries during the rule of the communist regime) and beginning the process of reaffirming the national identity, G phase of European integration, characterized by two basic processes: decentralization and privatization, G final phase, where the country s institutions are democratized, and it presupposes a well balanced relation of the national cultural policy towards the national and elite cultural values as well as towards new creativity and contemporary arts [Ðukiæ-Dojèinoviæ, 2000, pp. 373-374]. It is obvious that at some point Serbian post socialist transition started to lose touch with the speed of transformations in other countries, and the reason lied in the simple fact that Serbia was denied the right to enter the sec-

The majority of European countries based their cultural policies on four key principles: 1) preservation of the cultural identity, 2) support to the cultural diversity, 3) support to and development of creativity and 4) stimulating participation in cultural life (in from the Margins, Council of Europe, 1996). In the report of the Serbian Ministry of Culture, after one year of transition (in 2001), the following basic priorities of the cultural policy were defined: 1) de-etatization, 2) democratization, 3) decentralization, 4) cultural pluralism, 5) alternative sources of financing, 6) legislative harmonization with the EU, 7) regional and international co-operation. However, in reality these priorities were not in concordance with the priorities that the Ministry really carried out, so they were more an expression of the Ministry s reformist spirit. It is also possible to deduct from this that the Government didn t have a clearly defined program orientation in the field of culture, and that the culture was not among the priorities in the first year of transition [Macura, 2006, p. 24. See also: Ðukiæ-Dojèinoviæ, 2003, p. 48 and further].

L

4

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Transition-Influenced Cultural Policy

ond phase (of European integration), due to the economic sanctions imposed to it. But there was more to it: not only that Serbian economy was entrapped by the external factors, but the Ministry of Culture imposed an internal embargo [ibid, p. 373]: it was sending clear signals that Serbian culture should turn its back to the world and close itself within its own culture and tradition. The problem inherent in this idea of selfisolation consisted in the fact that any national identity cannot be recognized or confirmed in isolation. On the contrary, a national culture is developed and affirmed through contacts with other cultures (it is also useful to remember Welsch s observation that all cultures today are hybrids of various cultural traces). I believe that here we can see the origins of the problem which still influences our cultural policy (or should I say in the lack of our cultural policy): Serbia has not as yet reinvented its cultural identity, it has not prescribed the cultural values and priorities4 and thus it doesn t have a clear strategy of its short term or long term cultural development. It is obvious that in such circumstances all artistic production and promotion in our country suffers from disorientation, and classical music festivals are not an exception. Who should decide about the program policy of the festivals is it the Ministry of Culture, city authorities, or the artists themselves? Who should define their program focus and should it be oriented towards promotion of European or national artistic achievements? Indeed, the festivals should represent a segment of the national cultural policy but what should we do in this particular case when the cultural policy doesn t exist? The Ministry of Culture is not the only one to blame for the present situation the newly elected city governments (after democratic changes in 2000) in most cases haven t possessed a sufficient knowledge to create the city cultural policy, to define strategic goals and prepare action plans that would secure their realization. Even now, the cultural policy is commonly understood as a mere distribution

66

ferent neglected cultural groups and specific identities (minorities, people with different capacities, stigmatized groups etc.) The problem is that people outside the festival audience are not really aware of this important segment of their socio-cultural activism, because it is not well promoted in the media. Indeed, the basic problem of the classical music festivals in Serbia is the lack of visibility, because of the rudimentary marketing campaigns, and that is something that their managers should really think about if they want to secure a better future for them.


Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

of the public budget for culture, which is never sufficient, and this distribution is carried out with routine and without creativity [ÐukiæDojèinoviæ, 2000, p. 375]. The same author argues that the local governments, or, better said, city governments, should be the bearers of the cultural policy that would be in concordance with the general strategic goals of the city. In terms of such civic policy, local cultural organizations should develop their own entrepreneurial spirit and capacities for innovation, whilst the business sector of the city should take advantage of the cultural potential of the local environment [ibid, p. 376]. The main challenge of transition in the field of culture is to create the new social-political context. The development of private business must be supported to the maximum, giving ground to emergence of new, modern business elite. The main goal is to establish a class of successful private entrepreneurs who would live of their work and who would become in the future one of the key social pillars of democracy [Ramic, 2005, p. 23]. According to the same author, all institutions of culture will have to undergo transformation, and the main strategy of transformation will be shift towards the project model of work5, not because it represents a trend , but because this shift is dictated by the laws of the market [ibid, p. 30]. Today it is commonplace to speak about the dichotomy of institutions and projects accross the Europe [Lacombe, 2004, p. 74]. In practice, in many European countries the state still subventions directly a number of big cultural institutions, such as opera houses, national theatres, symphony or radio symphony orchestras), and Serbia is no exception. There are many reasons for this, and it is not enough to say that the cultural institutions are inert and act according to routines, or that their managers are not equipped with necessary skills to transform their theatres, concert agencies, festivals or opera houses into modern, project based and flexible organizations. I believe that there are some reasons inherent in the very definition of the performing arts that will never allow them to achieve considerable success in the open market and that is even truer for the classical music, as one of the most hermetic art forms in the contemporary society. Here, I will quote some of the observations of

5

Ichak Adizes [Adizes, 2002] which explain why it is so difficult for the artistic organizations to advance in the market. In order to attract the audience and purchasing power, the high art today is forced to compete more and more with the commercial business companies, which have flooded the society with the mass entertainment of very poor quality. Should the high art adjust to the commercial market oriented society, it would lose ability to perform its vital social role to act against the popular and, very often, low taste, to give a critical insight into the society s achievements and to share with the audience new perspectives and perceptions of reality [ibid, p. 64]. Whether or not commercialization of the art will be prevented, it will depend upon the amount and type of help that artistic organizations receive, but also on their abilities to give their maximum of efficiency and effectiveness. Adizes points out to the fact that art responds to all disruptions of the existing conditions in politics, economy, tax laws, government support, education and development of the community. The post socialist transition that we are experiencing in Serbia today is based on expectation that any institution, no matter what is the nature of its business, will justify its existence through fast commercial profitability. It seems that it is more difficult to determine the market price of art than of any other product. For the moment, the largest portion of the art work s price comes from the fact that only certain segments of the society participate in this public good [ibid, p. 66], and that is why the abovementioned democratization of cultural life must become a priority in any envisaged future of Serbia. The difficulties that the artistic organizations are faced with in their contact with the market can be observed if they are compared with the commercial art forms (for example, let s compare one of the festivals analyzed in this thesis with Serbian turbo-folk music). The starting point for the commercial music production is to discover what the audience wants, to interpret the general (low) taste and to and deliver the artistic creation according to these findings. The commercial art uses the existing levels of needs, while the high art enriches the needs, adding new levels to these already existing.

The Opéra de Lyon represents an interesting example of how it is possible to create a mixed model , somewhere in between of the classical institutional model and project model: starting from the year 2003, the opera productions are conceived as true projects , while in the productions of the ballet troupe the institutional model is still partly reflected.

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67

67

5 The Opéra de Lyon represents an interesting example of how it is possible to create a mixed model , somewhere in between of the classical institutional model and project model: starting from the year 2003, the opera productions are conceived as true projects , while in the productions of the ballet troupe the institutional model is still partly reflected.

of the public budget for culture, which is never sufficient, and this distribution is carried out with routine and without creativity [ÐukiæDojèinoviæ, 2000, p. 375]. The same author argues that the local governments, or, better said, city governments, should be the bearers of the cultural policy that would be in concordance with the general strategic goals of the city. In terms of such civic policy, local cultural organizations should develop their own entrepreneurial spirit and capacities for innovation, whilst the business sector of the city should take advantage of the cultural potential of the local environment [ibid, p. 376]. The main challenge of transition in the field of culture is to create the new social-political context. The development of private business must be supported to the maximum, giving ground to emergence of new, modern business elite. The main goal is to establish a class of successful private entrepreneurs who would live of their work and who would become in the future one of the key social pillars of democracy [Ramic, 2005, p. 23]. According to the same author, all institutions of culture will have to undergo transformation, and the main strategy of transformation will be shift towards the project model of work5, not because it represents a trend , but because this shift is dictated by the laws of the market [ibid, p. 30]. Today it is commonplace to speak about the dichotomy of institutions and projects accross the Europe [Lacombe, 2004, p. 74]. In practice, in many European countries the state still subventions directly a number of big cultural institutions, such as opera houses, national theatres, symphony or radio symphony orchestras), and Serbia is no exception. There are many reasons for this, and it is not enough to say that the cultural institutions are inert and act according to routines, or that their managers are not equipped with necessary skills to transform their theatres, concert agencies, festivals or opera houses into modern, project based and flexible organizations. I believe that there are some reasons inherent in the very definition of the performing arts that will never allow them to achieve considerable success in the open market and that is even truer for the classical music, as one of the most hermetic art forms in the contemporary society. Here, I will quote some of the observations of

Ichak Adizes [Adizes, 2002] which explain why it is so difficult for the artistic organizations to advance in the market. In order to attract the audience and purchasing power, the high art today is forced to compete more and more with the commercial business companies, which have flooded the society with the mass entertainment of very poor quality. Should the high art adjust to the commercial market oriented society, it would lose ability to perform its vital social role to act against the popular and, very often, low taste, to give a critical insight into the society s achievements and to share with the audience new perspectives and perceptions of reality [ibid, p. 64]. Whether or not commercialization of the art will be prevented, it will depend upon the amount and type of help that artistic organizations receive, but also on their abilities to give their maximum of efficiency and effectiveness. Adizes points out to the fact that art responds to all disruptions of the existing conditions in politics, economy, tax laws, government support, education and development of the community. The post socialist transition that we are experiencing in Serbia today is based on expectation that any institution, no matter what is the nature of its business, will justify its existence through fast commercial profitability. It seems that it is more difficult to determine the market price of art than of any other product. For the moment, the largest portion of the art work s price comes from the fact that only certain segments of the society participate in this public good [ibid, p. 66], and that is why the abovementioned democratization of cultural life must become a priority in any envisaged future of Serbia. The difficulties that the artistic organizations are faced with in their contact with the market can be observed if they are compared with the commercial art forms (for example, let s compare one of the festivals analyzed in this thesis with Serbian turbo-folk music). The starting point for the commercial music production is to discover what the audience wants, to interpret the general (low) taste and to and deliver the artistic creation according to these findings. The commercial art uses the existing levels of needs, while the high art enriches the needs, adding new levels to these already existing.


68

Adizes identifies the following factors of technological nature which put an artistic organization in an unfavorable position on the market: a) Baumol s disease: the source of this problem lies in the work-intense nature of artistic production. The main factor of the artistic production is a human being and he can not be replaced by a machine; since the cost of human work grows constantly every year, the production costs progressively grow. b) Limited audience: the artistic audience is limited not only by the selective orientation of some organizations, but in case of the performing arts, by the live character of the product which is linked to the real time. The size of the venue where the artistic product is usually determined; in that case, the increased demand can not be satisfied without the increased cost caused by the change of the location or additional performances. c) Unpredictability: the main factor of artistic production is a human being and therefore it is less predictable than the business organizations which possess the machine based technology. The artistic production in the performing arts encompasses five primary factors: 1) creator, 2) interpreter, 3) performer, 4) audience 5) physical location. Variation in any of these factors will influence the artistic expression [ibid, p. 28]. Because of this unpredictability, it is very difficult for an artistic organization to estimate the risks it undertakes. d) Devotion to concepts: few business organizations would market the product without first developing its concept. Usually, they would produce a prototype, and should it prove to be successful, they would start with the mass production of it. But in art the [marketing] decisions must be made at the very beginning of the process of creating a product (concert or performance). The largest portion of budget has already been spent before the prototype (premiere or general rehearsal) has been created. e) Harmonization of offer and demand. In the field of commercial business it is often possible to manage the stocks to reduce the risks. However, it is impossible to use this means in the performing arts because of the live (real time) character of the product. Each time when the art work is being performed, the creation is simultaneously produced and consumed; the product can not lie on the shell waiting for a better moment to be sold. f) Limited production. Many business organizations can use the mass production as another means of risk reduction. The mass production is possible in case of cultural industries (publishing of books or CDs, for instance), but it is virtually impossible in case of performing and visual arts [ibid, pp. 29-30].

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some of them are really trying to innovate their programs, and at the same time to preserve the existing and attract new audience (Bemus, Èelo fest, Guitar Art Fest). In order to expand its market without spoiling the product, an artistic organization must invest time and money in marketing activities targeted to the available audience and in educational public relations so that it could in the long run recruit new clients from the unavailable audience. The ultimate problem originates from the tendency of artistic institutions to take risks in new spheres rather than to repeat the successes from the past6. All these factors indicate that the goals and principles of an artistic organization are not suitable for the competitive market. In that respect, artistic organizations are similar to the research organizations or educational institutions. The differences deriving from the ways of production are technological differences. This type of differences between the high and commercial art are the consequence of certain characteristics of the structure of expenditures distinctive of one or another area and the nature of their products7.

7

Adizes analyzes main factor which make it difficult for the artistic organizations to advance in the open market. These factors can be divided in two categories: teleological and technological differences [ibid, p. 23]. The differences in objectives and goals of the high and commercial art are called teleological differences. A non profitable artistic organization is oriented primarily towards the product, while the profitable artistic organization is oriented towards the market. The purpose of the artistic organization or festival is to enable the artists to create and to transfer their creation to the entire society according to their artistic conscience, to expose the artists and their messages to the broadest possible audience rather than to create artists and messages required by the broadest possible audience. Artists professional standards dictate innovations which are undertaken by the artistic organizations and which represent social or artistic values. An artistic institution which tries to fulfil its mission and to innovate regardless of the economic principles, must invest an enormous effort in finding, expanding and preserving the audience. The research of the classical music festivals in this thesis has shown that

Unlike artistic organizations, a business organization will not change a successful trend. The whole theory of minimizing risks and maximizing profit is based on exploitation of existing trends, and once the components of success have been identified, the business organization will repeat that same activity until the favorable opportunity is fully used [ibid].

6 Unlike artistic organizations, a business organization will not change a successful trend. The whole theory of minimizing risks and maximizing profit is based on exploitation of existing trends, and once the components of success have been identified, the business organization will repeat that same activity until the favorable opportunity is fully used [ibid].

6

Adizes identifies the following factors of technological nature which put an artistic organization in an unfavorable position on the market: a) Baumol s disease: the source of this problem lies in the work-intense nature of artistic production. The main factor of the artistic production is a human being and he can not be replaced by a machine; since the cost of human work grows constantly every year, the production costs progressively grow. b) Limited audience: the artistic audience is limited not only by the selective orientation of some organizations, but in case of the performing arts, by the live character of the product which is linked to the real time. The size of the venue where the artistic product is usually determined; in that case, the increased demand can not be satisfied without the increased cost caused by the change of the location or additional performances. c) Unpredictability: the main factor of artistic production is a human being and therefore it is less predictable than the business organizations which possess the machine based technology. The artistic production in the performing arts encompasses five primary factors: 1) creator, 2) interpreter, 3) performer, 4) audience 5) physical location. Variation in any of these factors will influence the artistic expression [ibid, p. 28]. Because of this unpredictability, it is very difficult for an artistic organization to estimate the risks it undertakes. d) Devotion to concepts: few business organizations would market the product without first developing its concept. Usually, they would produce a prototype, and should it prove to be successful, they would start with the mass production of it. But in art the [marketing] decisions must be made at the very beginning of the process of creating a product (concert or performance). The largest portion of budget has already been spent before the prototype (premiere or general rehearsal) has been created. e) Harmonization of offer and demand. In the field of commercial business it is often possible to manage the stocks to reduce the risks. However, it is impossible to use this means in the performing arts because of the live (real time) character of the product. Each time when the art work is being performed, the creation is simultaneously produced and consumed; the product can not lie on the shell waiting for a better moment to be sold. f) Limited production. Many business organizations can use the mass production as another means of risk reduction. The mass production is possible in case of cultural industries (publishing of books or CDs, for instance), but it is virtually impossible in case of performing and visual arts [ibid, pp. 29-30].

some of them are really trying to innovate their programs, and at the same time to preserve the existing and attract new audience (Bemus, Èelo fest, Guitar Art Fest). In order to expand its market without spoiling the product, an artistic organization must invest time and money in marketing activities targeted to the available audience and in educational public relations so that it could in the long run recruit new clients from the unavailable audience. The ultimate problem originates from the tendency of artistic institutions to take risks in new spheres rather than to repeat the successes from the past6. All these factors indicate that the goals and principles of an artistic organization are not suitable for the competitive market. In that respect, artistic organizations are similar to the research organizations or educational institutions. The differences deriving from the ways of production are technological differences. This type of differences between the high and commercial art are the consequence of certain characteristics of the structure of expenditures distinctive of one or another area and the nature of their products7.

7

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Adizes analyzes main factor which make it difficult for the artistic organizations to advance in the open market. These factors can be divided in two categories: teleological and technological differences [ibid, p. 23]. The differences in objectives and goals of the high and commercial art are called teleological differences. A non profitable artistic organization is oriented primarily towards the product, while the profitable artistic organization is oriented towards the market. The purpose of the artistic organization or festival is to enable the artists to create and to transfer their creation to the entire society according to their artistic conscience, to expose the artists and their messages to the broadest possible audience rather than to create artists and messages required by the broadest possible audience. Artists professional standards dictate innovations which are undertaken by the artistic organizations and which represent social or artistic values. An artistic institution which tries to fulfil its mission and to innovate regardless of the economic principles, must invest an enormous effort in finding, expanding and preserving the audience. The research of the classical music festivals in this thesis has shown that


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Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

The combination of teleological and technological factors puts an artistic organization in a difficult position if it must rely on the success on the market to survive. The organization will be forced to adjust its artistic orientation to better fit the demands of the market, but even then the problems related to the technology of artistic production remain unsolved. Therefore, I agree with Adizes opinion that artistic organizations should be partly removed from the market and protected in the same way as educational and artistic institutions. He speaks about the partial help because he thinks that art should not be completely protected from the response of the audience [ibid, p. 32], but instead the social policy for arts should be adopted that would provide permanent assistance to stimulating invention without separating artists from the society. For example, the practice of subventioning tickets could be adopted, in form of a sum awarded to the organization for every ticket sold, and that should motivate the organization to give its maximum to attract the audience [ibid, p. 33]. Such a system would enable the artistic organization to predict its income and to plan its productions accordingly, to work on expanding the audience without compromising its creative activity and social goals. Apart from this objective problems concerning the transformation of the cultural organizations in Serbia, it is also true that some organizations suffer from the lack of leadership, of ideas, of entrepreneurial spirit (and indeed, some of the answers in the questionnaire do reveal that!) There is yet another problem evident in Serbia, and that is the fact that the cultural life is still strongly centralized the majority of artistic events take place in Belgrade, and the only other cultural center, but much smaller, is Novi Sad. Other bigger Serbian towns, like Nis and Kragujevac, even though they are also university centres, literally don t exist on the cultural map of Serbia and what s left to say about smaller towns! It is no surprise that there is a huge migration of artists and cultural workers to Belgrade (and Novi Sad), and no one is encouraged to move to smaller, regional centres and to invest time

and energy in an attempt to revive local cultural and artistic scenes. In fact, there aren t any job offers for cultural workers outside the above-mentioned cities, and that is another reason why experts have no choice but to stay in either Belgrade or Novi Sad. It is easy to conclude that the decentralization of culture must become a top priority when designing the future cultural policy of Serbia. It is only enough to remember the positive experiences from the past, when ambitious artistic events such as the Marble and Sounds Festival were successfully developed in the province, as a result of then decentralized cultural policy model.8 However, it would represent an oversimplification to simply choose one of the existing models and apply it in Serbia, with no respect to the tradition and present condition. To begin with, it is more useful, according to Lacombe, to problematize some of the dichotomies, concepts and ideas which are usually taken for granted: for instance, the notions and relations of creation-production-diffusion, institutional or project logic, cultural or artistic policy, decentralization or deconcentration, permanent or temporary employment, and similar. There are, in fact, two basic questions that must be posed. First of all, the question of diffusion of arts, which is directly linked to issues such as: the conditions of access to art works, democratization of culture, but also of efficiency in the field of culture and pertinence of a cultural public service . The second important idea that should be questioned is the notion of artistic excellency [Lacombe, 2004, p. 33], and it must be compared with other experiences, assumptions and results.

The Role of the Classical Music Festivals in Serbia, Today: Co-operation on Local and International Level

B

ernard Faivre-d Arcier identifies at least four good reasons why a festival should be organized in any city: 1. Festivals offer a good chance to the democratization of culture, since they facilitate access to art to the citizens who, for various

There are three basic forms of public intervention in the field of culture, spread across the Europe: 1. Federal or extremely decentralized model the competences are given to the local collectivities or federal states. Examples: Belgium, Spain, Austria, Germany (the competence of länder ), 2. In some countries, the competencies for the culture are delegated to the quasi autonomous councils. Examples: the United Kingdom, Ireland, Denmark, Sweden, the Netherlands, 3. Centralized cultural model, with a prominent role of the Ministry of Culture. Examples: Luxemburg, Portugal, Greece, Italy, as well as the majority of the (South) Eastern European, post socialist countries [Lacombe, 2004, pp.40-41] 8

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

69

8 There are three basic forms of public intervention in the field of culture, spread across the Europe: 1. Federal or extremely decentralized model the competences are given to the local collectivities or federal states. Examples: Belgium, Spain, Austria, Germany (the competence of länder ), 2. In some countries, the competencies for the culture are delegated to the quasi autonomous councils. Examples: the United Kingdom, Ireland, Denmark, Sweden, the Netherlands, 3. Centralized cultural model, with a prominent role of the Ministry of Culture. Examples: Luxemburg, Portugal, Greece, Italy, as well as the majority of the (South) Eastern European, post socialist countries [Lacombe, 2004, pp.40-41]

The combination of teleological and technological factors puts an artistic organization in a difficult position if it must rely on the success on the market to survive. The organization will be forced to adjust its artistic orientation to better fit the demands of the market, but even then the problems related to the technology of artistic production remain unsolved. Therefore, I agree with Adizes opinion that artistic organizations should be partly removed from the market and protected in the same way as educational and artistic institutions. He speaks about the partial help because he thinks that art should not be completely protected from the response of the audience [ibid, p. 32], but instead the social policy for arts should be adopted that would provide permanent assistance to stimulating invention without separating artists from the society. For example, the practice of subventioning tickets could be adopted, in form of a sum awarded to the organization for every ticket sold, and that should motivate the organization to give its maximum to attract the audience [ibid, p. 33]. Such a system would enable the artistic organization to predict its income and to plan its productions accordingly, to work on expanding the audience without compromising its creative activity and social goals. Apart from this objective problems concerning the transformation of the cultural organizations in Serbia, it is also true that some organizations suffer from the lack of leadership, of ideas, of entrepreneurial spirit (and indeed, some of the answers in the questionnaire do reveal that!) There is yet another problem evident in Serbia, and that is the fact that the cultural life is still strongly centralized the majority of artistic events take place in Belgrade, and the only other cultural center, but much smaller, is Novi Sad. Other bigger Serbian towns, like Nis and Kragujevac, even though they are also university centres, literally don t exist on the cultural map of Serbia and what s left to say about smaller towns! It is no surprise that there is a huge migration of artists and cultural workers to Belgrade (and Novi Sad), and no one is encouraged to move to smaller, regional centres and to invest time

ernard Faivre-d Arcier identifies at least four good reasons why a festival should be organized in any city: 1. Festivals offer a good chance to the democratization of culture, since they facilitate access to art to the citizens who, for various

B

The Role of the Classical Music Festivals in Serbia, Today: Co-operation on Local and International Level and energy in an attempt to revive local cultural and artistic scenes. In fact, there aren t any job offers for cultural workers outside the above-mentioned cities, and that is another reason why experts have no choice but to stay in either Belgrade or Novi Sad. It is easy to conclude that the decentralization of culture must become a top priority when designing the future cultural policy of Serbia. It is only enough to remember the positive experiences from the past, when ambitious artistic events such as the Marble and Sounds Festival were successfully developed in the province, as a result of then decentralized cultural policy model.8 However, it would represent an oversimplification to simply choose one of the existing models and apply it in Serbia, with no respect to the tradition and present condition. To begin with, it is more useful, according to Lacombe, to problematize some of the dichotomies, concepts and ideas which are usually taken for granted: for instance, the notions and relations of creation-production-diffusion, institutional or project logic, cultural or artistic policy, decentralization or deconcentration, permanent or temporary employment, and similar. There are, in fact, two basic questions that must be posed. First of all, the question of diffusion of arts, which is directly linked to issues such as: the conditions of access to art works, democratization of culture, but also of efficiency in the field of culture and pertinence of a cultural public service . The second important idea that should be questioned is the notion of artistic excellency [Lacombe, 2004, p. 33], and it must be compared with other experiences, assumptions and results.


Everywhere in the world, promotion of local identities and cultural diversity represents an important side effect of the globalization. The connection between the local and international dimension in the distribution of art is achieved in various ways, but the most important factor is the participation of the local community in art rather than the idea of promotion of the cultural identity. Festivals can respond ideally to this challenge, especially if they manage to reach certain categories of the society such as young people, defavorized groups (minorities, people with different capacities and similar). Members of the community should be invited to adopt a more active approach to the festivals instead of observing them as a mere entertainment or a place of consumption, they should recognize the opportunities that the festivals offer, and here I have in mind the owners of small or medium private companies and services who can promote their own businesses through partnerships with artistic events and organizations. Citizens and people who visit the cities where festivals take place often search for more than an artistic performance: they desire an experience of collectivity in a creative and inspiring milieu. Thanks to their ability to connect the artistic and social dimensions, festivals may become a means of urban revitalization and rethinking of the city spaces, of cultural animation and regeneration. In that respect, the best way to enrich the festivals with the aura of exclusivity, to promote them as something beyond the regular cultural offer, is to allow them to conquer some less conventional spaces especially in cases of exclusive festival productions. An excellent example of this kind is the production of Gluck s opera Orpheus and Eurydice on Bemus 2005, which revised and resemantized the space of the Museum 25 May 9 and attracted enormous interest of various audiences (it is sufficient to say that the number of visitors grew constantly from the first to the last performance!). Some authors speak about the phenomenon of the festivalization of arts , which means that the (performing) arts today are largely influenced by the mondialization of the transfer of goods, including the art works. As a consequence, artistic organizations feature pro-

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

reasons, don t visit theatres or concert reasons throughout the year (the reasons could be lack of information, costs of tickets, feeling that they don t belong there and similar). This is especially true for the festivals in open air: art can take advantage of the nice weather, vacations, feeling relaxed... In Belgrade, Belef offers a very good example of this type of summer event. 2. Festivals might reinforce the local identity of a community, of a neighbourhood, of a professional milieu... 3. Festivals offer possibilities for economic gain, and different city services and sectors can generate a considerable profit (hotels, restaurants, parkings, travel agencies). It is true that in Serbia this stands mostly for popular or traditional music festivals in the open air, such as EXIT or Guèa, which are not restricted by the infrastructural constraints like the classical music festivals. 4. Festivals contribute to creation of a positive image of the city/community, they add to its visibility and recognisability [Faivre-d Arcier, Comment donner un avenir aux festivals]. The same author speaks about yet another important reason why the festivals are needed today, which could easily be forgotten even though it is maybe even more important than the others: namely, the value of the festivals to the field of arts and culture. In Serbia particularly, this last reason may well represent the best argument in the defence of the festivals, since classical music in our country doesn t generate profit, nor does it contribute to the political prestige. Therefore, festivals support to the local artistic production should be one of their primary goals, and it should be seen as their major contribution and reason why they should be preserved. Our emerging cultural policy will have to define the tasks for the festivals producers concerning the promotion of national artistic production otherwise, we will be faced again with the paradoxical situation that the Belgrade Philharmonic Orchestra, as one of the few national orchestras, doesn t play a single piece of any Serbian composer in its 2006/2007 concert season! In other words, as long as there is no clear policy in that respect, it will be up to the artistic organizations in Serbia to decide whether they want to promote local production or not.

70

Museum 25 May is best known as the museum of the history of ex-Yugoslavia (SFRY), and one of the buildings in the museum complex is the Memorial house of Tito, a life-long president of the SFRY!

Museum 25 May is best known as the museum of the history of ex-Yugoslavia (SFRY), and one of the buildings in the museum complex is the Memorial house of Tito, a life-long president of the SFRY!

9

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1) 9

Everywhere in the world, promotion of local identities and cultural diversity represents an important side effect of the globalization. The connection between the local and international dimension in the distribution of art is achieved in various ways, but the most important factor is the participation of the local community in art rather than the idea of promotion of the cultural identity. Festivals can respond ideally to this challenge, especially if they manage to reach certain categories of the society such as young people, defavorized groups (minorities, people with different capacities and similar). Members of the community should be invited to adopt a more active approach to the festivals instead of observing them as a mere entertainment or a place of consumption, they should recognize the opportunities that the festivals offer, and here I have in mind the owners of small or medium private companies and services who can promote their own businesses through partnerships with artistic events and organizations. Citizens and people who visit the cities where festivals take place often search for more than an artistic performance: they desire an experience of collectivity in a creative and inspiring milieu. Thanks to their ability to connect the artistic and social dimensions, festivals may become a means of urban revitalization and rethinking of the city spaces, of cultural animation and regeneration. In that respect, the best way to enrich the festivals with the aura of exclusivity, to promote them as something beyond the regular cultural offer, is to allow them to conquer some less conventional spaces especially in cases of exclusive festival productions. An excellent example of this kind is the production of Gluck s opera Orpheus and Eurydice on Bemus 2005, which revised and resemantized the space of the Museum 25 May 9 and attracted enormous interest of various audiences (it is sufficient to say that the number of visitors grew constantly from the first to the last performance!). Some authors speak about the phenomenon of the festivalization of arts , which means that the (performing) arts today are largely influenced by the mondialization of the transfer of goods, including the art works. As a consequence, artistic organizations feature pro-

70

reasons, don t visit theatres or concert reasons throughout the year (the reasons could be lack of information, costs of tickets, feeling that they don t belong there and similar). This is especially true for the festivals in open air: art can take advantage of the nice weather, vacations, feeling relaxed... In Belgrade, Belef offers a very good example of this type of summer event. 2. Festivals might reinforce the local identity of a community, of a neighbourhood, of a professional milieu... 3. Festivals offer possibilities for economic gain, and different city services and sectors can generate a considerable profit (hotels, restaurants, parkings, travel agencies). It is true that in Serbia this stands mostly for popular or traditional music festivals in the open air, such as EXIT or Guèa, which are not restricted by the infrastructural constraints like the classical music festivals. 4. Festivals contribute to creation of a positive image of the city/community, they add to its visibility and recognisability [Faivre-d Arcier, Comment donner un avenir aux festivals]. The same author speaks about yet another important reason why the festivals are needed today, which could easily be forgotten even though it is maybe even more important than the others: namely, the value of the festivals to the field of arts and culture. In Serbia particularly, this last reason may well represent the best argument in the defence of the festivals, since classical music in our country doesn t generate profit, nor does it contribute to the political prestige. Therefore, festivals support to the local artistic production should be one of their primary goals, and it should be seen as their major contribution and reason why they should be preserved. Our emerging cultural policy will have to define the tasks for the festivals producers concerning the promotion of national artistic production otherwise, we will be faced again with the paradoxical situation that the Belgrade Philharmonic Orchestra, as one of the few national orchestras, doesn t play a single piece of any Serbian composer in its 2006/2007 concert season! In other words, as long as there is no clear policy in that respect, it will be up to the artistic organizations in Serbia to decide whether they want to promote local production or not.


Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

grams which are more and more pluricultural [Lacombe, 2004, p. 77; I would also call these programs transcultural ]. The internationalization of the cultural production and diffusion is a result of the progress in the field of communication technologies, development of tourism and creation of the world market. In that respect, festivals can be understood as a privileged observatory of the policy and economy of the performing arts [ibid, p. 78]. However, the international dimension of the festivals usually results from the needs and aspirations of the cultural entrepreneurs, and later it receives the support from the public authorities. And while the cultural administrators decide to develop the international dimension of the festivals encouraged by their artistic reasons, the public authorities offer their assistance in order to support their own political agendas and interests, using the festivals to increase the prestige, to generate larger income from the touristic sector and to achieve greater political influence through cultural ambassadorship . The membership in the international networks provides opportunities for the festivals because it enables their managers to establish contacts with potential partners, to exchange information about the actual trends in their field of art, and to improve visibility and create a positive image. Bemus festival has been a member of the European Festivals Association (EFA-AEF) since 2002, the network which gathers the most prestigious festivals of performing arts (in Salzburg, Avignon, Bayreuth, Edinburgh), and Bitef, as the most important theatre festival in Belgrade and Serbia, is well marked on the artistic map of Europe and is an respectful member of the IETM network. Unfortunately, other Serbian festivals don t have a possibility of such an international promotion and co-operation. There is a need to create in Serbia an association of festivals, an umbrella institution, which would engage in their promotion and there is a good chance that such a body will soon come to life (its foundation has already been initiated). D. Klaiæ observes that festivals today act more and more as (co-)producers, and not only as a place where the already existing art works are being reproduced. Festival productions and co-productions may contribute to the international co-operation because they may bring together artist (or artistic organizations) from different environments. For festivals, the new productions represent a way of affirming their own value and purpose through creation of new artistic capital [Festivals: Challenges of

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Growth..., p. 32]. International co-productions are also important because they also presuppose some sort of international co-financing and sharing the costs and risks among the partners responsible for their realization. Bemus, as a festival of reference in Serbia, has managed in the past couple of years to realize several ambitious projects, and the special place belongs to the chamber opera Zora D. by Serbian composer Isidora ebeljan, which was a co-production of the Dutch Chamber Opera from Amsterdam, Wiener Kammeroper and Bemus, and in 2007 it will also be produced at the Music Biennial in Zagreb (Croatia). Another interesting and successful example of Bemus co-productions is the Chamber Music Marathon, which was realized in partnership with the Guildhall School of Music and Drama from London and it gathered together chamber ensembles from the UK and Serbia. At local level, the festivals may search for partner organizations from different (artistic or non artistic) areas, for the mutual benefit. The Bitef and Bemus festivals offer a good example of this, since this year they have co-produced no less than three large and current productions which stand at the boundary of theatre and music: The Last Paysage by Jozsef Nagy, Dance for Life by Maurice Béjart and The im-permanence by Meredith Monk. Another mutual initiative of Bitef and Bemus this year, which has attracted several more cultural and educational organizations (NGO ArtLink from Belgrade, University of Arts in Belgrade, Sava Center) is the International Conference for Young Managers in the Performing Arts New Art Net , which represents the accompanying programs of these festivals. Such co-operations are important because they create an additional value in the minds of the artists and the audience, but also of the stakeholders (especially the public and private financiers). It is reasonable to expect that in such way they can create a greater impact on the local (and hopefully international) community than the festivals and artistic organizations can do when they act independently. When speaking about the local co-operation, the partnership with the media houses represents an immense challenge for the festivals. Ideally, it should last throughout the year, in the shape of the institutional public relations, and not only immediately before or during the festivals going on. The media houses must be understood among the key stakeholders because they introduce the festivals identities, programs and values to the audience. Concerning the fact that Serbian festivals are in most

71

grams which are more and more pluricultural [Lacombe, 2004, p. 77; I would also call these programs transcultural ]. The internationalization of the cultural production and diffusion is a result of the progress in the field of communication technologies, development of tourism and creation of the world market. In that respect, festivals can be understood as a privileged observatory of the policy and economy of the performing arts [ibid, p. 78]. However, the international dimension of the festivals usually results from the needs and aspirations of the cultural entrepreneurs, and later it receives the support from the public authorities. And while the cultural administrators decide to develop the international dimension of the festivals encouraged by their artistic reasons, the public authorities offer their assistance in order to support their own political agendas and interests, using the festivals to increase the prestige, to generate larger income from the touristic sector and to achieve greater political influence through cultural ambassadorship . The membership in the international networks provides opportunities for the festivals because it enables their managers to establish contacts with potential partners, to exchange information about the actual trends in their field of art, and to improve visibility and create a positive image. Bemus festival has been a member of the European Festivals Association (EFA-AEF) since 2002, the network which gathers the most prestigious festivals of performing arts (in Salzburg, Avignon, Bayreuth, Edinburgh), and Bitef, as the most important theatre festival in Belgrade and Serbia, is well marked on the artistic map of Europe and is an respectful member of the IETM network. Unfortunately, other Serbian festivals don t have a possibility of such an international promotion and co-operation. There is a need to create in Serbia an association of festivals, an umbrella institution, which would engage in their promotion and there is a good chance that such a body will soon come to life (its foundation has already been initiated). D. Klaiæ observes that festivals today act more and more as (co-)producers, and not only as a place where the already existing art works are being reproduced. Festival productions and co-productions may contribute to the international co-operation because they may bring together artist (or artistic organizations) from different environments. For festivals, the new productions represent a way of affirming their own value and purpose through creation of new artistic capital [Festivals: Challenges of

71

Growth..., p. 32]. International co-productions are also important because they also presuppose some sort of international co-financing and sharing the costs and risks among the partners responsible for their realization. Bemus, as a festival of reference in Serbia, has managed in the past couple of years to realize several ambitious projects, and the special place belongs to the chamber opera Zora D. by Serbian composer Isidora ebeljan, which was a co-production of the Dutch Chamber Opera from Amsterdam, Wiener Kammeroper and Bemus, and in 2007 it will also be produced at the Music Biennial in Zagreb (Croatia). Another interesting and successful example of Bemus co-productions is the Chamber Music Marathon, which was realized in partnership with the Guildhall School of Music and Drama from London and it gathered together chamber ensembles from the UK and Serbia. At local level, the festivals may search for partner organizations from different (artistic or non artistic) areas, for the mutual benefit. The Bitef and Bemus festivals offer a good example of this, since this year they have co-produced no less than three large and current productions which stand at the boundary of theatre and music: The Last Paysage by Jozsef Nagy, Dance for Life by Maurice Béjart and The im-permanence by Meredith Monk. Another mutual initiative of Bitef and Bemus this year, which has attracted several more cultural and educational organizations (NGO ArtLink from Belgrade, University of Arts in Belgrade, Sava Center) is the International Conference for Young Managers in the Performing Arts New Art Net , which represents the accompanying programs of these festivals. Such co-operations are important because they create an additional value in the minds of the artists and the audience, but also of the stakeholders (especially the public and private financiers). It is reasonable to expect that in such way they can create a greater impact on the local (and hopefully international) community than the festivals and artistic organizations can do when they act independently. When speaking about the local co-operation, the partnership with the media houses represents an immense challenge for the festivals. Ideally, it should last throughout the year, in the shape of the institutional public relations, and not only immediately before or during the festivals going on. The media houses must be understood among the key stakeholders because they introduce the festivals identities, programs and values to the audience. Concerning the fact that Serbian festivals are in most


72

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Zagreb 2000. vob-Ðokiæ, N., Tranzicija i nove europske dr ave, raznovrsnost Srbija, Beograd 2005.

German Presidency of the European Union Zeche

verzalna studija: Kulturna politika i kulturna

European Congress of Experts held under the

Stojkoviæ, B., Stanovèiæ, V., Radojkoviæ, M., Trans-

duction and Services (2000), Proceedings of the

l esthétique, Paris 1980.

Calais region and undertaken by EFAH (Europe-

essai sur la relation entre l économie et

2004). Study Commissioned by Nord Pas de

Leroy, D., Economie des arts du spectacle vivant:

search into Regional Cultural Policy (October Anglaret, A., Anselme, L., Berthelot, D., La gestion Adi es, I., Menad ment u kulturi, Novi Sad, 2002.

Literature

menad ement, animacija, marketing, Beograd 2003. Dragiæeviæ- e iæ, M. Stojkoviæ, B., Kultura ogradskih muzièkih sveèanosti, Beograd 2002. Despiæ, D., BEMUS 1969-1998. Trideset godina Be-

post scriptum to the transitional changes. Also, it is the high time to recognize the enormous potential for the development of the local communities, of the local and international co-operation. Eventually, we must not forget that people artists, producers, and audience are the main force of the festivals, and that the essence of the value created by artistic events lies in the advancement of the social conscience and improvement of the quality of life. Today, the citizens of Serbia desperately need both.

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

The smallest organization works well if it thinks about entertaining the audience world wide, about using any technology and deriving resources from any segment of the population in order to fulfil its mission. Ichak Adizes

Zagreb 2000. Welsch, W., Transculturality. The Changing Form of

cases produced by the cultural institutions and professional associations which engage in other activities throughout the year, they are faced with an important task; to try to find the adequate place for the festivals in their regular promotional activities, especially in their institutional public relations. The identity of an artistic organization or event is built through constant promotional activities, and these activities can set the stage for the festival s edition much better than any campaign no matter how ambitious! which is launched shortly before the opening night. Finally, I dare say that I am optimistic about the future survival of the classical music festivals in Serbia. The time has come to work actively on the capacity building in the organizations that engage in the production of the festivals (fortunately, nowadays we have the literature, courses and other educational programs in cultural management at our disposal), in order to achieve skills necessary to adapt

raznovrsnost Srbija, Beograd 2005. vob-Ðokiæ, N., Tranzicija i nove europske dr ave,

Cultures Today, (Handwriting), 1997.

72

de l enterprise culturelle, Paris/Lyon, 1996.

verzalna studija: Kulturna politika i kulturna

nosti Mermer i zvuci 1968-2000, 2002.

mediation on the Balkans, Sarajevo 2004.

2005.

European Congress of Experts held under the

Èoliæ-Biljanovski, D., Smotra jugoslovenske umet-

Dragiæeviæ- e iæ, M., Dragojeviæ, S., Intercultural

ograd 2006. Ramiæ, B., Reorganizacija ustanova culture, Beograd Stojkoviæ, B., Stanovèiæ, V., Radojkoviæ, M., Trans-

Zollverein XII, Essen, 19th to 21st May 1999.

open to the performing arts, Information box 2

l esthétique, Paris 1980. Macura, N., Kulturna politika u oblasti muzike, Be-

duction and Services (2000), Proceedings of the German Presidency of the European Union Zeche

Bread and Circuses. EC programmes and schemes

ment Concepts for Private-Sector Cultural Pro-

ment in turbulent times, Amsterdam 2005.

française, Paris 2004. essai sur la relation entre l économie et

seil Régional Nord Pas de Calais.

Dragiæeviæ- e iæ, M., Dragojeviæ, S., Art manage-

d Emmanuel Wallon. Paris: La Documentation

2004). Study Commissioned by Nord Pas de

Culture Industries in Europe Regional Develoop-

Information magazine on cultural development

konfuzije i dileme, Beograd 2003. Lacombe, R., Le spectacle vivant. Avant-propos

Leroy, D., Economie des arts du spectacle vivant:

an Forum for the Arts and Heritage). Lille: Con-

in Europe, Brussels 1992.

tike u Srbiji, Beograd 2000. Ðukiæ-Dojèinoviæ, V., Tranzicione kulturne politike

search into Regional Cultural Policy (October Calais region and undertaken by EFAH (Europe-

Cools, G., International co-production & touring, 2004.

tike u Srbiji, Beograd 2000. link Joint Publications Series No. 6. Zagreb 2004. Culture and European Regions, Preliminary Re-

Ðukiæ-Dojèinoviæ, V., Za regionalizaciju kulturne poli-

versity Centre, Dubrovnik, 9-16 may 2004, Culture-

Cultural Transitions in Southeastern Europe, Collec-

konfuzije i dileme, Beograd 2003. Ðukiæ-Dojèinoviæ, V., Tranzicione kulturne politike

tural Transitions: Southeastern Europe , Inter-Uni-

tion of papers from the Course on managing Cul-

Lacombe, R., Le spectacle vivant. Avant-propos

tion of papers from the Course on managing Cul-

tural Transitions: Southeastern Europe , Inter-Uni-

Cultural Transitions in Southeastern Europe, Collec-

ment in turbulent times, Amsterdam 2005. Ðukiæ-Dojèinoviæ, V., Za regionalizaciju kulturne poli-

versity Centre, Dubrovnik, 9-16 may 2004, Culture-

d Emmanuel Wallon. Paris: La Documentation

Cools, G., International co-production & touring, 2004.

Dragiæeviæ- e iæ, M., Dragojeviæ, S., Art manage-

link Joint Publications Series No. 6. Zagreb 2004.

française, Paris 2004.

in Europe, Brussels 1992.

Culture and European Regions, Preliminary Re-

Information magazine on cultural development

mediation on the Balkans, Sarajevo 2004.

an Forum for the Arts and Heritage). Lille: Con-

ograd 2006. Macura, N., Kulturna politika u oblasti muzike, Be-

open to the performing arts, Information box 2

menad ement, animacija, marketing, Beograd 2003. Dragiæeviæ- e iæ, M., Dragojeviæ, S., Intercultural

seil Régional Nord Pas de Calais.

2005. Ramiæ, B., Reorganizacija ustanova culture, Beograd

de l enterprise culturelle, Paris/Lyon, 1996. Bread and Circuses. EC programmes and schemes

ogradskih muzièkih sveèanosti, Beograd 2002. Dragiæeviæ- e iæ, M. Stojkoviæ, B., Kultura

Culture Industries in Europe Regional Develoop-

Anglaret, A., Anselme, L., Berthelot, D., La gestion

ment Concepts for Private-Sector Cultural Pro-

Adi es, I., Menad ment u kulturi, Novi Sad, 2002.

Zollverein XII, Essen, 19th to 21st May 1999.

Welsch, W., Transculturality. The Changing Form of

Despiæ, D., BEMUS 1969-1998. Trideset godina Be-

The smallest organization works well if it thinks about entertaining the audience world wide, about using any technology and deriving resources from any segment of the population in order to fulfil its mission. Ichak Adizes

nosti Mermer i zvuci 1968-2000, 2002.

Literature

post scriptum

Èoliæ-Biljanovski, D., Smotra jugoslovenske umet-

to the transitional changes. Also, it is the high time to recognize the enormous potential for the development of the local communities, of the local and international co-operation. Eventually, we must not forget that people artists, producers, and audience are the main force of the festivals, and that the essence of the value created by artistic events lies in the advancement of the social conscience and improvement of the quality of life. Today, the citizens of Serbia desperately need both.

Cultures Today, (Handwriting), 1997.

cases produced by the cultural institutions and professional associations which engage in other activities throughout the year, they are faced with an important task; to try to find the adequate place for the festivals in their regular promotional activities, especially in their institutional public relations. The identity of an artistic organization or event is built through constant promotional activities, and these activities can set the stage for the festival s edition much better than any campaign no matter how ambitious! which is launched shortly before the opening night. Finally, I dare say that I am optimistic about the future survival of the classical music festivals in Serbia. The time has come to work actively on the capacity building in the organizations that engage in the production of the festivals (fortunately, nowadays we have the literature, courses and other educational programs in cultural management at our disposal), in order to achieve skills necessary to adapt


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Culture Managemen 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Reform of Serbian Museums through Art Projects Marijana Cvetkovic

Introduction and Context

S

erbia, a country that has been gone through a very dramatic, painful and in every other way difficult process of political, economic, cultural and moral transition since 1990, stands today in front of both negative consequences of its recess pass and new opportunities for better and perspective future. In this landscape of opportunities culture represents one of the strongest pillars can bear support all the challenges and temptations of this responsibility. Following the processes and phases of change in culture and its institutions, I have been looking forward to seeing the signs of new times in Serbian museums too. The majority of other non-profit cultural institutions as theatres, cultural centers, galleries, have so far shown the will to answer to demands of new times, to catch the flow, to build new partnerships and to build their new image for the 21th century. Although the results come slowly, sometime maybe too slowly and with a lot of effort, one can see the ultimate resolution to succeed in this difficult task. In the same time, Serbian museums look like they gave up this fight. With very few exceptions, they remain in a deep institutional depression, deserted, forgotten and thus almost abject by audience, artists, researchers and authorities. The reasons of this state of arts in Serbian museums might be different, but I see most of them in the field of professional depression and apathy that rules the museums professionals in this country. Absence of any care by authorities and cultural policy makers, isolation of all museum circles and flows, long silence in which they have survived for years all this made the museum staff and museums in Serbia inert, self-oriented and self-sufficient, as

Culture Managemen 2008, Vol 1 (1)

isolated islands within lively, dynamic and creative artistic and cultural scene in Serbia. As a defence mechanism, museum professional have been trying to develop and keep and image of untouchable noblemen distrait in their strange and secret world of wanders . It has been the justification of poor conditions rooted in a complex economic, political, social and cultural deterioration of the 90 s.

The Aim of the Study

T

his study has for the aim to examine and propose some strategies for reform of different museums in Serbia and for creation of new image of museum as an open, dynamic, creative institution competitive with other contemporary types of organizations existing in Serbia. These strategies come out from the practices of contemporary art and its complexity and richness of forms, techniques, ideas, market experiences, social and cultural status and, above all, its privileged status in the era of image we live in. The study tries to detect a number of strategies that have already been or might be introduced into the museum practice, while coming from the rich world of contemporary art. Relying on selected examples both from internationally known museums like the Louvre, Musée d Orsay or MAC in Vienna, international projects like Gemine Muse or Serbian National Museum in Belgrade and Museum of African Art in Belgrade, as well as on some other examples, this study calls attention to positive results of the encounters of different kinds of museums and contemporary way of visual expression. This new visual thinking and its philosophical, aesthetic, conceptual, narrative-making, media and technology capacities could serve as a toolbox for fixing

73

Marijana Cvetkovic graduated from Art History at the Faculty of Humanities (University in Belgrade), and finished the School for History and Theory of Images of the Center for Contemporary Art (Belgrade). In 2006 she completed MA studies in Cultural Management and Cultural Policy in the Balkans, joint program of the University of Arts in Belgrade, Université Lyon 2 and Université Pierre-Mendes France with the thesis Reform of Serbian museums through contemporary art projects. As a Fellow of the French Government in 2004/ 2005 she did her internship at the National Museum of Modern Art, Centre Georges Pompidou in Paris. She has been involved in various, local, Balkan and international arts, culture and education projects and programs ranging from visual and performing arts to curatorial programs and cultural policy projects.

erbia, a country that has been gone through a very dramatic, painful and in every other way difficult process of political, economic, cultural and moral transition since 1990, stands today in front of both negative consequences of its recess pass and new opportunities for better and perspective future. In this landscape of opportunities culture represents one of the strongest pillars can bear support all the challenges and temptations of this responsibility. Following the processes and phases of change in culture and its institutions, I have been looking forward to seeing the signs of new times in Serbian museums too. The majority of other non-profit cultural institutions as theatres, cultural centers, galleries, have so far shown the will to answer to demands of new times, to catch the flow, to build new partnerships and to build their new image for the 21th century. Although the results come slowly, sometime maybe too slowly and with a lot of effort, one can see the ultimate resolution to succeed in this difficult task. In the same time, Serbian museums look like they gave up this fight. With very few exceptions, they remain in a deep institutional depression, deserted, forgotten and thus almost abject by audience, artists, researchers and authorities. The reasons of this state of arts in Serbian museums might be different, but I see most of them in the field of professional depression and apathy that rules the museums professionals in this country. Absence of any care by authorities and cultural policy makers, isolation of all museum circles and flows, long silence in which they have survived for years all this made the museum staff and museums in Serbia inert, self-oriented and self-sufficient, as

S

Introduction and Context

his study has for the aim to examine and propose some strategies for reform of different museums in Serbia and for creation of new image of museum as an open, dynamic, creative institution competitive with other contemporary types of organizations existing in Serbia. These strategies come out from the practices of contemporary art and its complexity and richness of forms, techniques, ideas, market experiences, social and cultural status and, above all, its privileged status in the era of image we live in. The study tries to detect a number of strategies that have already been or might be introduced into the museum practice, while coming from the rich world of contemporary art. Relying on selected examples both from internationally known museums like the Louvre, Musée d Orsay or MAC in Vienna, international projects like Gemine Muse or Serbian National Museum in Belgrade and Museum of African Art in Belgrade, as well as on some other examples, this study calls attention to positive results of the encounters of different kinds of museums and contemporary way of visual expression. This new visual thinking and its philosophical, aesthetic, conceptual, narrative-making, media and technology capacities could serve as a toolbox for fixing

T

The Aim of the Study isolated islands within lively, dynamic and creative artistic and cultural scene in Serbia. As a defence mechanism, museum professional have been trying to develop and keep and image of untouchable noblemen distrait in their strange and secret world of wanders . It has been the justification of poor conditions rooted in a complex economic, political, social and cultural deterioration of the 90 s.

Marijana Cvetkovic

Reform of Serbian Museums through Art Projects

Marijana Cvetkovic graduated from Art History at the Faculty of Humanities (University in Belgrade), and finished the School for History and Theory of Images of the Center for Contemporary Art (Belgrade). In 2006 she completed MA studies in Cultural Management and Cultural Policy in the Balkans, joint program of the University of Arts in Belgrade, Université Lyon 2 and Université Pierre-Mendes France with the thesis Reform of Serbian museums through contemporary art projects. As a Fellow of the French Government in 2004/ 2005 she did her internship at the National Museum of Modern Art, Centre Georges Pompidou in Paris. She has been involved in various, local, Balkan and international arts, culture and education projects and programs ranging from visual and performing arts to curatorial programs and cultural policy projects.


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74

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

The Main Research Questions

In this book Eseji o muzeima i njihovej teoriji: ptrema kibernetickom muzeju [Essays on museums and their theory: Towards the cybernetic museum, Zagreb 2003], Dr Tomislav Sola speaks about ecomuseum i.e. new open or total museum for the new era. He identifies a list of tendencies that lead towards the ecomuseum (conceptualization of museum, crisis of traditional theory of museums, merging of cultural and commercial, cultural tourism, individualization of museums, integration of information system, redefinition of non-profit status, multidisciplinary approach, participation, nationalistic temptations etc.) among which he sees also para-artistic communication language .

T

he principal research questions of this thesis are: What capacities and strategies of contemporary art can be used as tools for change of the Serbian museums? Would introduction of contemporary art strategies help in a more efficient and creative way repositioning of Serbian museums within national and broader cultural context? How and to what extent would the strategies of contemporary art help audience attraction in the Serbian museums? First, it would be necessary to explain what is meant under the syntagm strategies of contemporary art . By this I refer to all those representation techniques, organization modes, visual and symbolic instrumentality and relations of object and surrounding space that have been established through development of visual culture, institutionalized through art market, expanded to other fields like architecture or design, or rooted in theory of 20th century. Comparing the developments of many mostly European museums and related institutions (archives, botanical gardens), I could see that many of these museums have adopted principles belonging to the world of contemporary art. Of course, this kind of shift in display orientations, policies, new partnerships or upgraded narratives has come into museums probably under the influences of expanding art market, domination of visual culture and postmodern paradigm that allows impossible connections. But, these elements have brought a new primarily visual and representational energy that enabled the museums to stay in the very heart of contemporary creation and to even introduce innovative interdisciplinary projects. In this same time, the introduction of visual art in different layers of a museum of natural history, archaeology, a historical event, a person, or the introduction of contemporary art into an art historical museum opens new readings of the collections and their objects and creates different, for today s visitors more understanding or communicative narratives.

he principal research questions of this thesis are: What capacities and strategies of contemporary art can be used as tools for change of the Serbian museums? Would introduction of contemporary art strategies help in a more efficient and creative way repositioning of Serbian museums within national and broader cultural context? How and to what extent would the strategies of contemporary art help audience attraction in the Serbian museums? First, it would be necessary to explain what is meant under the syntagm strategies of contemporary art . By this I refer to all those representation techniques, organization modes, visual and symbolic instrumentality and relations of object and surrounding space that have been established through development of visual culture, institutionalized through art market, expanded to other fields like architecture or design, or rooted in theory of 20th century. Comparing the developments of many mostly European museums and related institutions (archives, botanical gardens), I could see that many of these museums have adopted principles belonging to the world of contemporary art. Of course, this kind of shift in display orientations, policies, new partnerships or upgraded narratives has come into museums probably under the influences of expanding art market, domination of visual culture and postmodern paradigm that allows impossible connections. But, these elements have brought a new primarily visual and representational energy that enabled the museums to stay in the very heart of contemporary creation and to even introduce innovative interdisciplinary projects. In this same time, the introduction of visual art in different layers of a museum of natural history, archaeology, a historical event, a person, or the introduction of contemporary art into an art historical museum opens new readings of the collections and their objects and creates different, for today s visitors more understanding or communicative narratives.

T

new image of Serbian museums and paraartistic communication language 1 that would help the museums to become different from what they are now. Identification of different characteristics or strategies of contemporary art and their analysis in the context of museums should lead towards outline of some possible tools and models of changing the image, policy, attitudes and institutional discourse of the museums in Serbia. The thesis should prove that implication of these strategies immanent to contemporary art and its vocabulary into the musical context could improve museum practice in Serbia with less effort and transform the museums from inert and forgotten places of dead objects into vivid and progressive, knowledge and ideas-generated centers for the 21th century. The suggested models should draw attention of museum professionals to capacities of the museum concepts for self-regeneration and development. The strategy proposed by the thesis concerns the field of museums, especially in Serbia where it has been neglected for more than a decade. The study aspires to propose a model that combines project-based strategy of institutional changes. Theoretical basis for such model has been found in theories of organizational development and strategic management proposed by Milena Dragiæeviæ- e iæ and Sanjin Dragojeviæ in complex and turbulent social and political [Dragiæeviæ- e iæ, Dragojeviæ, 2005]. Their theoretical concepts provide the tools for context definition and for creation of appropriate strategy for organizational development. Model of reform proposed by this thesis is based in the project logic (which is, according to Dragiæeviæ- e iæ and Dragojeviæ, a desirable model of institutional behaviour), but more in the form of testing the institutional capacities in the transitory phase from institutional towards full project logic. The model combines elements of several developmental strategies strategy of relation, strategy of diversification s programme, strategy of attaining quality [ibid, p. 89 and further] with the aim to regulate program quality, audience development, capacity building, public relations, funding.

1

The Main Research Questions

1 In this book Eseji o muzeima i njihovej teoriji: ptrema kibernetickom muzeju [Essays on museums and their theory: Towards the cybernetic museum, Zagreb 2003], Dr Tomislav Sola speaks about ecomuseum i.e. new open or total museum for the new era. He identifies a list of tendencies that lead towards the ecomuseum (conceptualization of museum, crisis of traditional theory of museums, merging of cultural and commercial, cultural tourism, individualization of museums, integration of information system, redefinition of non-profit status, multidisciplinary approach, participation, nationalistic temptations etc.) among which he sees also para-artistic communication language .

new image of Serbian museums and paraartistic communication language 1 that would help the museums to become different from what they are now. Identification of different characteristics or strategies of contemporary art and their analysis in the context of museums should lead towards outline of some possible tools and models of changing the image, policy, attitudes and institutional discourse of the museums in Serbia. The thesis should prove that implication of these strategies immanent to contemporary art and its vocabulary into the musical context could improve museum practice in Serbia with less effort and transform the museums from inert and forgotten places of dead objects into vivid and progressive, knowledge and ideas-generated centers for the 21th century. The suggested models should draw attention of museum professionals to capacities of the museum concepts for self-regeneration and development. The strategy proposed by the thesis concerns the field of museums, especially in Serbia where it has been neglected for more than a decade. The study aspires to propose a model that combines project-based strategy of institutional changes. Theoretical basis for such model has been found in theories of organizational development and strategic management proposed by Milena Dragiæeviæ- e iæ and Sanjin Dragojeviæ in complex and turbulent social and political [Dragiæeviæ- e iæ, Dragojeviæ, 2005]. Their theoretical concepts provide the tools for context definition and for creation of appropriate strategy for organizational development. Model of reform proposed by this thesis is based in the project logic (which is, according to Dragiæeviæ- e iæ and Dragojeviæ, a desirable model of institutional behaviour), but more in the form of testing the institutional capacities in the transitory phase from institutional towards full project logic. The model combines elements of several developmental strategies strategy of relation, strategy of diversification s programme, strategy of attaining quality [ibid, p. 89 and further] with the aim to regulate program quality, audience development, capacity building, public relations, funding.


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MUSEUMS AND CONTEMPORARY ART CREATION The Role of the Museums in Contemporary Culture Shift of Discourse

A

t the very beginning of this chapter, I would like to draw attention to some ideas about museum that come from the early 20th century and that still wait to be heard and hopefully understood. These ideas are found in the writings of Alexander Dorner, director of the Hanover Museum in the 1920s who, defined the museum as a self-transforming institution and as a Kraftwerk and was willing to realize a contemporary, dynamic display of a museum on the move (atmosphere galleries). He anticipated the issues that are potent and valid today more than ever before: The museum in permanent transformation within dynamic parameters; The museum in an oscillation between objects and process; The multi-identitied museum; The museum on the move; The museum as a risktaking pioneer: to act and not to wait; The museum as a locus of crossing of art and life; The museum as laboratory; The museum based on a dynamic concept of art history; The elastic museum, which means both elastic display and elastic buildings; Bridges between the artist, the museum and other disciplines... [Obrost, 2003, p. 9 and further]. We should not forget one more personality that thought of museums in a far-seeing way: it was Kasimir Malevich who, as a head of GINHUK (State Institute of Artistic Culture in St. Petersburg), was establishing the ground for the further innovation research in the sphere of fine art and museums. He strove for a museum with a classical permanent collection and an active program with living artists from all over the world2. This idea, about close relations between classical museums and art of today is not new, but unfortunately, it is very rarely taken optimistically and as a chance for improvement of the museum practice, image and influence in the wide fields of art creation, education and cultural policy. Complex and accelerated processes of social and, consequently, institutional developments in the globalized world with dominating neo-liberal economy, multicultural openness and postmodernist decentralization call for the change of each constituent element of the sys-

tem: the museums that operate in the field of permanent values are also asked to do selfevaluation. Now, collections, always the core of the museums, coexist with narratives and educational programs as prime museum values. This is proved by the shift from control by experts to control by audiences (in the USA mostly, Great Britain, Australia etc.), from the exhibition towards educational programs. In recent years museums have changed from being predominantly custodial institutions to becoming increasingly focused on audience attraction. New emphasis is placed on museumaudience interactions and relationships3. Older modernist models for communication based on the transmission of authoritative subjectbased facts to a mass of passive receivers are being superseded by new approaches that acknowledge active audiences , constructivist and interpretation learning theories and the complexities of cultural policies. The change of focus (from the collection to the audience), naturally, influenced the position of the collection within the museum system. Museum experts understood that it would be necessary to change the narratives of the museum exhibitions displays in order to be able to fulfil the new role of the museum. The new narratives (in exhibition, institutional policy and audience policy) would offer possibilities for the re-conceptualization of art 9 and other) museums that are rooted in late 19th-century modernist culture. The new narratives are based on communication and interaction as the most spread tools of global knowledge. This has brought replacement of old definition of museum by different approaches in defining what would be the prime role of the museums in contemporary culture. One of the definitions coming from Jorge Glusberg makes distinction between so-called hot and cold museums. Cold museums are communication museums, while hot museums are information museums former allow active learning and creative development, and latter only transmit information already shaped and determined neutralizing audience s participation in the learning process [Glusberg, 1983, p. 69]. In the late 1980s the museums found themselves in front of the new era. In that time the western world started to face a continuing boom of cultural institution projects, despite

2

The first museum of contemporary art was founded in Soviet Union as Museum of artistic culture on 5th December 1918 in St. Petersburg.

3

Stransky speaks of programme orientation instead of cognitive orientation [Stransky, 1983, pp. 126-132].

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

75

Stransky speaks of programme orientation instead of cognitive orientation [Stransky, 1983, pp. 126-132].

3

The first museum of contemporary art was founded in Soviet Union as Museum of artistic culture on 5th December 1918 in St. Petersburg.

2

t the very beginning of this chapter, I would like to draw attention to some ideas about museum that come from the early 20th century and that still wait to be heard and hopefully understood. These ideas are found in the writings of Alexander Dorner, director of the Hanover Museum in the 1920s who, defined the museum as a self-transforming institution and as a Kraftwerk and was willing to realize a contemporary, dynamic display of a museum on the move (atmosphere galleries). He anticipated the issues that are potent and valid today more than ever before: The museum in permanent transformation within dynamic parameters; The museum in an oscillation between objects and process; The multi-identitied museum; The museum on the move; The museum as a risktaking pioneer: to act and not to wait; The museum as a locus of crossing of art and life; The museum as laboratory; The museum based on a dynamic concept of art history; The elastic museum, which means both elastic display and elastic buildings; Bridges between the artist, the museum and other disciplines... [Obrost, 2003, p. 9 and further]. We should not forget one more personality that thought of museums in a far-seeing way: it was Kasimir Malevich who, as a head of GINHUK (State Institute of Artistic Culture in St. Petersburg), was establishing the ground for the further innovation research in the sphere of fine art and museums. He strove for a museum with a classical permanent collection and an active program with living artists from all over the world2. This idea, about close relations between classical museums and art of today is not new, but unfortunately, it is very rarely taken optimistically and as a chance for improvement of the museum practice, image and influence in the wide fields of art creation, education and cultural policy. Complex and accelerated processes of social and, consequently, institutional developments in the globalized world with dominating neo-liberal economy, multicultural openness and postmodernist decentralization call for the change of each constituent element of the sys-

A

The Role of the Museums in Contemporary Culture Shift of Discourse MUSEUMS AND CONTEMPORARY ART CREATION

tem: the museums that operate in the field of permanent values are also asked to do selfevaluation. Now, collections, always the core of the museums, coexist with narratives and educational programs as prime museum values. This is proved by the shift from control by experts to control by audiences (in the USA mostly, Great Britain, Australia etc.), from the exhibition towards educational programs. In recent years museums have changed from being predominantly custodial institutions to becoming increasingly focused on audience attraction. New emphasis is placed on museumaudience interactions and relationships3. Older modernist models for communication based on the transmission of authoritative subjectbased facts to a mass of passive receivers are being superseded by new approaches that acknowledge active audiences , constructivist and interpretation learning theories and the complexities of cultural policies. The change of focus (from the collection to the audience), naturally, influenced the position of the collection within the museum system. Museum experts understood that it would be necessary to change the narratives of the museum exhibitions displays in order to be able to fulfil the new role of the museum. The new narratives (in exhibition, institutional policy and audience policy) would offer possibilities for the re-conceptualization of art 9 and other) museums that are rooted in late 19th-century modernist culture. The new narratives are based on communication and interaction as the most spread tools of global knowledge. This has brought replacement of old definition of museum by different approaches in defining what would be the prime role of the museums in contemporary culture. One of the definitions coming from Jorge Glusberg makes distinction between so-called hot and cold museums. Cold museums are communication museums, while hot museums are information museums former allow active learning and creative development, and latter only transmit information already shaped and determined neutralizing audience s participation in the learning process [Glusberg, 1983, p. 69]. In the late 1980s the museums found themselves in front of the new era. In that time the western world started to face a continuing boom of cultural institution projects, despite


76

M

Strategies of Contemporary Art in Museums Reform as it has been said before, focused towards new audiences. The study analyzes examples like Grand Palais and Musée du Louvre, Musée d Orsay and the manifestation Nuit Blanche in Paris, British Museum in London, Sigmund Freud Museum and MAC in Vienna and Italian project Gemine Muse. Selected museums and projects are good showcases of the practice that this study stands for: introduction of contemporary art projects into the museums. The criteria for their selection are that they are prominent and respectful museum or art institutions with long history and that they clearly stated intentions to develop new policies whose aim is, among other things, introduction of contemporary arts in the museum system. Practice and programs of the major world museums prove that this opening towards the new trends in arts, visual culture and even other forms of artistic production (new music, theatre experiments, architecture, design and new media) raise the social function of the museum, intensify its content , develop its educational character and place the museum in the very center of contemporary culture.

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

all cost-cutting programs and neo-liberal attitudes, while all cultural institutions confronted the increasing difficulties, mainly financial. Peter Noever believes that undisputed function of museums (and of art and culture) for public identity formation and self-definition is fundamentally at stake as a consequence of misguided notion of democratization and the all-encompassing economization of society [Noever, 2001, pp. 108-109]. Within the scope of this study, I will mention some earlier theoretical hints and allusions about museum institutions and art as creative act. For example, Jean Claire noticed that museum seemed to have tendencies to exhibit itself because each procedure that defines the museum practice collecting and collection, taxonomy, notation, selection, putting into showcase gradually has become an aesthetic category [Claire, 1998, p. 39]. He defines the museum of 20th century as schizo-museum, followed by schizo-museology [ibid], just like the art of the same century. Speaking about this art, André Malraux begins his reflections, not with abstract definition of art, but with the range of particular objects that contemporary Western culture considers to be art and thus, the objects displayed in the world s art museums. These, together with many objects that cannot be moved (such as stained glass windows and many frescoes) make up what Malraux terms our musée imaginaire a vast art collection in our minds , so to speak, that far exceeds the scope of individual institution no matter how large or well endowed. Therefore, museum is for Malraux self-conscious of art, an ideal place.

76

useum of contemporary art belong to the family of youngest museums and external relations and most dynamic flow of people, ideas and technological improvements. Although these museums cannot be proclaimed generally as the leaders in new museological practices, they are often first to introduce innovations and experiments (in exhibiting, new technologies, marketing, education programs, staff policy etc.) The museums of contemporary art have arisen from Foucault s critique of institutions as museums of influence which is the fact visible in the genesis of the major European and world museums. On the narrative level as well as on the level of meta-languages, modern and contemporary art is among the most communicative media channels in today s culture. It is freed of norms of historic art and it includes in its procedures techniques of all kinds, including those archaic and non-western. It is in the same time freed of privileged themes, materials, media and forms that used to define a work of art. Such liberty in the age of postmodern hybridism, non-hierarchy, decentralization and technological advancement, makes the entire field of

Contemporary Art in Historical Museums Successful Encounter

he history of relations of museums and living art is very long and it overcomes genesis of museums of modern contemporary art. But, the theme of this study is the relation between the museums of different kinds and contemporary art creation in the last 2 decades. Fast development of contemporary art has necessarily influenced the museum field in general, especially the museum management. Analysis of the most successful museums can indicate what changes in the image, public relations, programs, exhibitions displays and even human resource policy have been made under direct or indirect influence of contemporary art. All these changes are,

M

T

T

Strategies of Contemporary Art in Museums Reform

useum of contemporary art belong to the family of youngest museums and external relations and most dynamic flow of people, ideas and technological improvements. Although these museums cannot be proclaimed generally as the leaders in new museological practices, they are often first to introduce innovations and experiments (in exhibiting, new technologies, marketing, education programs, staff policy etc.) The museums of contemporary art have arisen from Foucault s critique of institutions as museums of influence which is the fact visible in the genesis of the major European and world museums. On the narrative level as well as on the level of meta-languages, modern and contemporary art is among the most communicative media channels in today s culture. It is freed of norms of historic art and it includes in its procedures techniques of all kinds, including those archaic and non-western. It is in the same time freed of privileged themes, materials, media and forms that used to define a work of art. Such liberty in the age of postmodern hybridism, non-hierarchy, decentralization and technological advancement, makes the entire field of

Contemporary Art in Historical Museums Successful Encounter

as it has been said before, focused towards new audiences. The study analyzes examples like Grand Palais and Musée du Louvre, Musée d Orsay and the manifestation Nuit Blanche in Paris, British Museum in London, Sigmund Freud Museum and MAC in Vienna and Italian project Gemine Muse. Selected museums and projects are good showcases of the practice that this study stands for: introduction of contemporary art projects into the museums. The criteria for their selection are that they are prominent and respectful museum or art institutions with long history and that they clearly stated intentions to develop new policies whose aim is, among other things, introduction of contemporary arts in the museum system. Practice and programs of the major world museums prove that this opening towards the new trends in arts, visual culture and even other forms of artistic production (new music, theatre experiments, architecture, design and new media) raise the social function of the museum, intensify its content , develop its educational character and place the museum in the very center of contemporary culture.

he history of relations of museums and living art is very long and it overcomes genesis of museums of modern contemporary art. But, the theme of this study is the relation between the museums of different kinds and contemporary art creation in the last 2 decades. Fast development of contemporary art has necessarily influenced the museum field in general, especially the museum management. Analysis of the most successful museums can indicate what changes in the image, public relations, programs, exhibitions displays and even human resource policy have been made under direct or indirect influence of contemporary art. All these changes are,

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

all cost-cutting programs and neo-liberal attitudes, while all cultural institutions confronted the increasing difficulties, mainly financial. Peter Noever believes that undisputed function of museums (and of art and culture) for public identity formation and self-definition is fundamentally at stake as a consequence of misguided notion of democratization and the all-encompassing economization of society [Noever, 2001, pp. 108-109]. Within the scope of this study, I will mention some earlier theoretical hints and allusions about museum institutions and art as creative act. For example, Jean Claire noticed that museum seemed to have tendencies to exhibit itself because each procedure that defines the museum practice collecting and collection, taxonomy, notation, selection, putting into showcase gradually has become an aesthetic category [Claire, 1998, p. 39]. He defines the museum of 20th century as schizo-museum, followed by schizo-museology [ibid], just like the art of the same century. Speaking about this art, André Malraux begins his reflections, not with abstract definition of art, but with the range of particular objects that contemporary Western culture considers to be art and thus, the objects displayed in the world s art museums. These, together with many objects that cannot be moved (such as stained glass windows and many frescoes) make up what Malraux terms our musée imaginaire a vast art collection in our minds , so to speak, that far exceeds the scope of individual institution no matter how large or well endowed. Therefore, museum is for Malraux self-conscious of art, an ideal place.


77

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

contemporary art a source for new conceptual, institutional, political and research protocols for functioning of the museum today. One of the key forms of sampling contemporary art is the exhibition. It is a form that differs from the permanent collection, survived but still very present display configuration of the original concept of museum (Kunstkammer). Temporary exhibition as a small format of museological presentation has become more and more present in all other different museums (non-contemporary-art museum). Mieke Bal speaks of allegory of the museology or the idea that a museological display in its physical and technical aspects represents a discourse, while one exhibition is a statement within this discourse. The statement doesn t consist of words, single images, frames or constructions of the given display, but of productive tension among images, legends (words) and physical positions (row, high, light, combinations). The perspective should inevitably deprive the museum practice of its naiveté and give it possibility to explain and educate [Bal, 2003, p. 67]. Bourriaud s concept of postproduction as a dominant paradigm of the art of 1990s examines the exhibition as an integral part of the work: L exposition n est plus l aboutissement d un processus, son happy end (Parreno), mais un lieu de production Tout en récusant les formes académiques de l exposition, les artistes des annéequatre-vingt-dix envisagent le lieu de monstrantion come un espace de cohabitation, une scène ouverte à mi-chemin entre le décor, le plateau de tournage et la salle de documentation [Bourriaud, 2003, p. 67]. The museum might be seen as a place of accentuation of these conditions, the prime form of postproduction paradigm in contemporary art. The richness of the collections, values of the exhibited objects, their origins and cultural values might be approached differently. There lies their richness: they can be interpreted in many ways that communicate different message, recognizable or totally unknown, and extravagant facts and stories. Because of that contemporary exhibits use large scale of tools for re-contextualization of displayed objects or scenes. These approaches can be noticed on the formal level and on the content level i.e. art interventions, exhibitions, installations, events, productions The following examples are treated as some possible approaches to museum reform that might function as project based strategies that function individually as particular attempts in a non-favourable museum environment, as well as a unit within the

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

complex strategic planning of a museum with outlined reform strategy. They are given through analysis of positive examples both from international and Serbian museum field.

Installation Principles

M

useum display represents the basic communication channel within the museum space. It organizes the objects in chronological, thematic, generic or relational way transmitting the information, message or aesthetic sensation to the audience. By its character and capacities to transmit all this, the museum display can reflect institutional, political or aesthetical position of the museum regarding towards its existing and potential new audience and reveal the grade of institutional development and maturity. The example of the largest number of Serbian museums whose collection displays was created twenty or thirty years ago illustrates clearly the absence of any audience development strategy. Collections display must respect severe technical or security conditions necessary for showing sensitive musealia (like old books, tiny objects of sensitive material, natural specimens ) or objects treated as invaluable artefacts (like Mona Lisa by Leonardo da Vinci shown under highest security measures, there is always a possibility to create an inspiring, information-charged and visually attractive display in every museum. If we investigate majority of different museums in Europe, USA or Australia, we can see an increasing appeal towards the display techniques of the art galleries: to draw attention to specific objects from the collection, to distinctive group of objects that make this a museum unique, special, or to a coordinated message sent to the audience. Art galleries do the same: focus on the autonomy and individuality of the artwork displayed in its own right [Marshall, 2005, p. 171]. Given examples should indicate a trend in the museological practice today and draw attention of other museums, not yet using these techniques. I believe that such approach may foster the museum display and space to open up to a more experimental and evocative form of message communication and to overcome traditional ways of exhibiting permanent collection. New museum exhibit practices are those innovative features that help to think outside traditional and outdated models of representation.

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contemporary art a source for new conceptual, institutional, political and research protocols for functioning of the museum today. One of the key forms of sampling contemporary art is the exhibition. It is a form that differs from the permanent collection, survived but still very present display configuration of the original concept of museum (Kunstkammer). Temporary exhibition as a small format of museological presentation has become more and more present in all other different museums (non-contemporary-art museum). Mieke Bal speaks of allegory of the museology or the idea that a museological display in its physical and technical aspects represents a discourse, while one exhibition is a statement within this discourse. The statement doesn t consist of words, single images, frames or constructions of the given display, but of productive tension among images, legends (words) and physical positions (row, high, light, combinations). The perspective should inevitably deprive the museum practice of its naiveté and give it possibility to explain and educate [Bal, 2003, p. 67]. Bourriaud s concept of postproduction as a dominant paradigm of the art of 1990s examines the exhibition as an integral part of the work: L exposition n est plus l aboutissement d un processus, son happy end (Parreno), mais un lieu de production Tout en récusant les formes académiques de l exposition, les artistes des annéequatre-vingt-dix envisagent le lieu de monstrantion come un espace de cohabitation, une scène ouverte à mi-chemin entre le décor, le plateau de tournage et la salle de documentation [Bourriaud, 2003, p. 67]. The museum might be seen as a place of accentuation of these conditions, the prime form of postproduction paradigm in contemporary art. The richness of the collections, values of the exhibited objects, their origins and cultural values might be approached differently. There lies their richness: they can be interpreted in many ways that communicate different message, recognizable or totally unknown, and extravagant facts and stories. Because of that contemporary exhibits use large scale of tools for re-contextualization of displayed objects or scenes. These approaches can be noticed on the formal level and on the content level i.e. art interventions, exhibitions, installations, events, productions The following examples are treated as some possible approaches to museum reform that might function as project based strategies that function individually as particular attempts in a non-favourable museum environment, as well as a unit within the

useum display represents the basic communication channel within the museum space. It organizes the objects in chronological, thematic, generic or relational way transmitting the information, message or aesthetic sensation to the audience. By its character and capacities to transmit all this, the museum display can reflect institutional, political or aesthetical position of the museum regarding towards its existing and potential new audience and reveal the grade of institutional development and maturity. The example of the largest number of Serbian museums whose collection displays was created twenty or thirty years ago illustrates clearly the absence of any audience development strategy. Collections display must respect severe technical or security conditions necessary for showing sensitive musealia (like old books, tiny objects of sensitive material, natural specimens ) or objects treated as invaluable artefacts (like Mona Lisa by Leonardo da Vinci shown under highest security measures, there is always a possibility to create an inspiring, information-charged and visually attractive display in every museum. If we investigate majority of different museums in Europe, USA or Australia, we can see an increasing appeal towards the display techniques of the art galleries: to draw attention to specific objects from the collection, to distinctive group of objects that make this a museum unique, special, or to a coordinated message sent to the audience. Art galleries do the same: focus on the autonomy and individuality of the artwork displayed in its own right [Marshall, 2005, p. 171]. Given examples should indicate a trend in the museological practice today and draw attention of other museums, not yet using these techniques. I believe that such approach may foster the museum display and space to open up to a more experimental and evocative form of message communication and to overcome traditional ways of exhibiting permanent collection. New museum exhibit practices are those innovative features that help to think outside traditional and outdated models of representation.

M

Installation Principles complex strategic planning of a museum with outlined reform strategy. They are given through analysis of positive examples both from international and Serbian museum field.


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Conceptualization of Display

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Architecture and Space Design

n many museums that aim to present, educate and evoke certain topics, events, personal histories etc. a number of, sometimes crucial, objects/artefacts might lack. One of the most successful ways to fulfil the gap, the empty space in the discursive field, is new art creation that supports and emphasizes the communicative capacity of the collection, its educative elements and/or its museological unity and wholeness. In such way, art can help building up a picture that otherwise would be almost impossible to create. Christopher R. Marshall gives the example of the Museum of Sidney [ibid, p. 173] that preserves the material history of the site, pre-colonial and colonial roots of the city. Of course, reconstruction of history is neither always easy nor good, especially when the museum lacks, documents and objects from the period that need to be represented. In the same time, it is very difficult to make such exhibits attractive, understandable, communicative and visually appealing. The use of new technology can help, but cannot replace the real objects.

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I

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Supplement for the Missing Objects

onceptualization of museum collection dis plays aims at making a museum, a collection, its objects and thematic segments more communicative, contextualized or thematically broadened. Introduction of new works with different comments, readings or interpretation of museum objects may enlarge the perspective of understanding and receiving their message. In the same time, museum can be shown as a terrain of strange, deviant and inexplicable (Kunstkammer or Wunderkammer), which is the notion that upgrades the museum s image at the new audiences oriented more towards contemporary visual or even performing arts. In conceiving displays curators should not outmanoeuvre contemporary art theories that are great help for making new relations and links between apparently distant and incompatible art works and objects. This approach that overpowers traditional chronological or simple thematic order can increase the importance of the collection or its artefacts revealing the hidden layers and establishing new relations. Display of permanent collection can be treated as an (art) work per se that incites intellectual curiosity and public interest, participates in wider social and cultural issues and becomes a cite of edutainment.

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onceptualization of museum collection dis plays aims at making a museum, a collection, its objects and thematic segments more communicative, contextualized or thematically broadened. Introduction of new works with different comments, readings or interpretation of museum objects may enlarge the perspective of understanding and receiving their message. In the same time, museum can be shown as a terrain of strange, deviant and inexplicable (Kunstkammer or Wunderkammer), which is the notion that upgrades the museum s image at the new audiences oriented more towards contemporary visual or even performing arts. In conceiving displays curators should not outmanoeuvre contemporary art theories that are great help for making new relations and links between apparently distant and incompatible art works and objects. This approach that overpowers traditional chronological or simple thematic order can increase the importance of the collection or its artefacts revealing the hidden layers and establishing new relations. Display of permanent collection can be treated as an (art) work per se that incites intellectual curiosity and public interest, participates in wider social and cultural issues and becomes a cite of edutainment.

Supplement for the Missing Objects

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n today s museum filed the architecture and design are among the key elements of public image of a museum. Many museums in Europe founded long ago were given historical buildings for their collections and this match of historic facts (art works, documents, objects of the history of science and nature, personal belongings of a historic personality, testimonies of a historic event) to the historic places were considered logical and dialectical. Next, in 1980s new monumental postmodern architecture influenced the museum building too. New structures were made mostly for the museum of modern and contemporary art, but the old museums were added new wings and parts (shops, learning centers, mediateques, cafeterias). 19th century museums, cold and unwelcoming building with dark rooms, distant showcases and shelves, silence and one-direction halls were replaced with open glass walls, daylight, sound installations, free movement of visitors (non-directive way), free movement of visitors (non-directive way), direct communication with the outer space spreading of museum content outside of the walls and introduction of new technologies. The architectural design of spaces in which different kinds of musealia are strongly influences the perception of these musealia be it art works, historical documents, ethnographic objects, natural history specimens, industrial products etc. The aesthetics of the space cannot stay separated of display of exhibits, system of light, communication ways, entrance and all concomitant spaces and services. It gives a sense of contemporary eye referring to diverse art and other musealia. A certain post-modern encounter between the historical objects and contemporary setting makes every collection (which does not belong to an ambient complex or interior) closer to the contemporary visitor, viewer and user . It has been discussed many times about the social and economic role of the new museums that gave or are to give valuable input to local development and territorial marketing: Bilbao, Kanzawara or Metz. Contemporary architecture as a constituent part of contemporary visual culture has enormous capacities in the field of museum development and significantly influences the image of a museum be it in an old or a modern building.

I

I

n many museums that aim to present, educate and evoke certain topics, events, personal histories etc. a number of, sometimes crucial, objects/artefacts might lack. One of the most successful ways to fulfil the gap, the empty space in the discursive field, is new art creation that supports and emphasizes the communicative capacity of the collection, its educative elements and/or its museological unity and wholeness. In such way, art can help building up a picture that otherwise would be almost impossible to create. Christopher R. Marshall gives the example of the Museum of Sidney [ibid, p. 173] that preserves the material history of the site, pre-colonial and colonial roots of the city. Of course, reconstruction of history is neither always easy nor good, especially when the museum lacks, documents and objects from the period that need to be represented. In the same time, it is very difficult to make such exhibits attractive, understandable, communicative and visually appealing. The use of new technology can help, but cannot replace the real objects.

Conceptualization of Display

n today s museum filed the architecture and design are among the key elements of public image of a museum. Many museums in Europe founded long ago were given historical buildings for their collections and this match of historic facts (art works, documents, objects of the history of science and nature, personal belongings of a historic personality, testimonies of a historic event) to the historic places were considered logical and dialectical. Next, in 1980s new monumental postmodern architecture influenced the museum building too. New structures were made mostly for the museum of modern and contemporary art, but the old museums were added new wings and parts (shops, learning centers, mediateques, cafeterias). 19th century museums, cold and unwelcoming building with dark rooms, distant showcases and shelves, silence and one-direction halls were replaced with open glass walls, daylight, sound installations, free movement of visitors (non-directive way), free movement of visitors (non-directive way), direct communication with the outer space spreading of museum content outside of the walls and introduction of new technologies. The architectural design of spaces in which different kinds of musealia are strongly influences the perception of these musealia be it art works, historical documents, ethnographic objects, natural history specimens, industrial products etc. The aesthetics of the space cannot stay separated of display of exhibits, system of light, communication ways, entrance and all concomitant spaces and services. It gives a sense of contemporary eye referring to diverse art and other musealia. A certain post-modern encounter between the historical objects and contemporary setting makes every collection (which does not belong to an ambient complex or interior) closer to the contemporary visitor, viewer and user . It has been discussed many times about the social and economic role of the new museums that gave or are to give valuable input to local development and territorial marketing: Bilbao, Kanzawara or Metz. Contemporary architecture as a constituent part of contemporary visual culture has enormous capacities in the field of museum development and significantly influences the image of a museum be it in an old or a modern building.

Architecture and Space Design


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The Museum of Sidney invited two artists that made works integrated into the historical and ethnographical collection of the Museum: the sound installation was made by the musician and sound artist. The permanent exhibit became very popular and was seen as the prime education tool for teaching history of the city and the country. It immediately became an interesting partner for the network of contemporary art institutions, but also individual artists and art project authors. This innovation in the museum display made the museum passing very museum.

Setting the Stage for the Narrative

T

his role of the artwork made or installed in a museum environment should help to express wider institutional perspectives similar to the role performed by a public sculpture in a prominent public space. Such work could gain a major responsibility as regards the projected selfimage of the institutions in terms of the deeper cultural and ideological values that it seeks to uphold. New narratives offer possibilities for the re-conceptualization of art museums rooted in late 19th-century modernist culture. Contemporary artwork that immanently reflects political, social and theoretical discourses of its time can become a benchmark for repositioning of the museum. This strategy or possibility is very important in discussions about future of a certain museum. It should not be taken as an inappropriate question whether a museum should change its role, its research or educative capacities and procedures by introduction of some strange and alien features. It should be rightly considered as an auxiliary tool for repositioning of the museum within the institutional context, public relations and audience outreach.

Humour

H

umour as a form of human communication that engages people s feelings of happiness and pleasure can become an effective museological instrument. Although the ancient Greeks used it in medical practice as a cure for human body and soul, we could say that contemporary art often use it for the similar purposes, be it ironic, satiric or just fun. This

4

does not mean either that previous époques were not familiar with humour and its many visual forms and functions, it just wants to say that only art of 20th century and popular culture have upraised humour to the level of high art (absurdity, caricature, comics, clowns). Used in some of the regular museum features like text panels, direction instructions, secondary signs (for toilettes, cafeteria or restaurants, wardrooms, shops, entrance/exit ), humour becomes and added value to apparently ordinary elements of museum equipment. Such museum environment shortens the distance between its institutional coldness and the audience becoming a place for being well.

Hidden Spaces of Museums Material for New Art

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any artists have accentuated the mystery of the museum depots, by presenting objects in settings that resemble the back stage of museums. The depots should become centers for research and reflexion. Making them available for temporary use could be another way for the museums to open towards the outside world: what can be found inside? Works that haven t been displayed for years or never, objects that are almost forgotten by the official histories and art reviews, pictures of person that became legendary (subject as an value, not the work itself), pictures related to some historical, forgotten, controversial events that arouse imagination of contemporary artists and authors A museum depot could inspire all kinds of creative authors visual artists, emerging and established ones, designers, art historians, arts theoreticians, historians, writes of all kinds, journalists, composer, students, children and many, many more.

SERBIAN MUSEUMS SUSPENDED HISTORY Serbian Museums State of Art

T

oday in Serbia there are around 100 museums [Benderiæ, 2000]4, mostly public, supported by the Serbian government, the province of Vojvodina, cities or municipalities (i.e. founders), while private museums are only few.

In this book are given only the basic and mostly standard facts about 111 museums and galleries with collections. Among them are also the museums from Kosovo, whose collections are today moved out of Kosovo.

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

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4

In this book are given only the basic and mostly standard facts about 111 museums and galleries with collections. Among them are also the museums from Kosovo, whose collections are today moved out of Kosovo.

umour as a form of human communication that engages people s feelings of happiness and pleasure can become an effective museological instrument. Although the ancient Greeks used it in medical practice as a cure for human body and soul, we could say that contemporary art often use it for the similar purposes, be it ironic, satiric or just fun. This

H

Humour his role of the artwork made or installed in a museum environment should help to express wider institutional perspectives similar to the role performed by a public sculpture in a prominent public space. Such work could gain a major responsibility as regards the projected selfimage of the institutions in terms of the deeper cultural and ideological values that it seeks to uphold. New narratives offer possibilities for the re-conceptualization of art museums rooted in late 19th-century modernist culture. Contemporary artwork that immanently reflects political, social and theoretical discourses of its time can become a benchmark for repositioning of the museum. This strategy or possibility is very important in discussions about future of a certain museum. It should not be taken as an inappropriate question whether a museum should change its role, its research or educative capacities and procedures by introduction of some strange and alien features. It should be rightly considered as an auxiliary tool for repositioning of the museum within the institutional context, public relations and audience outreach.

T

Setting the Stage for the Narrative The Museum of Sidney invited two artists that made works integrated into the historical and ethnographical collection of the Museum: the sound installation was made by the musician and sound artist. The permanent exhibit became very popular and was seen as the prime education tool for teaching history of the city and the country. It immediately became an interesting partner for the network of contemporary art institutions, but also individual artists and art project authors. This innovation in the museum display made the museum passing very museum.

oday in Serbia there are around 100 museums [Benderiæ, 2000]4, mostly public, supported by the Serbian government, the province of Vojvodina, cities or municipalities (i.e. founders), while private museums are only few.

T

Serbian Museums State of Art SERBIAN MUSEUMS SUSPENDED HISTORY any artists have accentuated the mystery of the museum depots, by presenting objects in settings that resemble the back stage of museums. The depots should become centers for research and reflexion. Making them available for temporary use could be another way for the museums to open towards the outside world: what can be found inside? Works that haven t been displayed for years or never, objects that are almost forgotten by the official histories and art reviews, pictures of person that became legendary (subject as an value, not the work itself), pictures related to some historical, forgotten, controversial events that arouse imagination of contemporary artists and authors A museum depot could inspire all kinds of creative authors visual artists, emerging and established ones, designers, art historians, arts theoreticians, historians, writes of all kinds, journalists, composer, students, children and many, many more.

M

Hidden Spaces of Museums Material for New Art does not mean either that previous époques were not familiar with humour and its many visual forms and functions, it just wants to say that only art of 20th century and popular culture have upraised humour to the level of high art (absurdity, caricature, comics, clowns). Used in some of the regular museum features like text panels, direction instructions, secondary signs (for toilettes, cafeteria or restaurants, wardrooms, shops, entrance/exit ), humour becomes and added value to apparently ordinary elements of museum equipment. Such museum environment shortens the distance between its institutional coldness and the audience becoming a place for being well.


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it becomes strange that in post-socialist Serbia, in the processes of new national identity creation (in Milo eviæ s time and after the change of regime in 2000), the museums were not assigned any important role. Majority of the museums have been surviving difficult years in the state of hibernation, while the museum professionals have been waiting for better days. But, it proved that long years in such conditions left serious consequences clearly visible when it came to definition of vision and mission of each particular museum institution. Outdated concepts of museum functions is clearly visible in the definition of the museum activities given in the book Museums of Serbia published in 2000 by the Institute for Cultural Development: none of here presented museum institutions in their fundamental activities does not cross over the boundaries of collecting, research, protection and presentation of cultural goods, some have publishing activity, some organize lectures and here we come to the end of their actions. Neither education as one of the central demands of today s museums nor interdisciplinary scientific research, entertainment (creative industry) and community work are mentioned. Museum staff and experts in Serbia see the lack of funds as the main reasons for the poor state of their museums, modest number of visitors, lack of new projects and of educational programs, old-fashioned management, absence of latest techniques of conservation, presentation and evaluation of museum collection. Bazon Brock says that bankruptcies of museums are less consequence of local economics and are more related to what the museum stuff does to develop its identity [Brock, 2001, p. 24]. But, such responses reflect also an attitude towards the world outside of the museums that is based on the belief that museums still live on the ground of myths about omnipotent science, superiority of the human race over the nature, determination of knowledge [Sola, 2003, p. 44]. This is a fake ground. It often suggested in the official and unofficial statements that the prevailing attitude among museum stuff and museologists in and around Serbian museums is one of non-commitment.

ases of direct merge of contemporary art and different museums in Serbia whose primary museum function does not include the living art

Contemporary Art in Serbia Museums: a Few Cases

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ases of direct merge of contemporary art and different museums in Serbia whose primary museum function does not include the living art

Contemporary Art in Serbia Museums: a Few Cases

C

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it becomes strange that in post-socialist Serbia, in the processes of new national identity creation (in Milo eviæ s time and after the change of regime in 2000), the museums were not assigned any important role. Majority of the museums have been surviving difficult years in the state of hibernation, while the museum professionals have been waiting for better days. But, it proved that long years in such conditions left serious consequences clearly visible when it came to definition of vision and mission of each particular museum institution. Outdated concepts of museum functions is clearly visible in the definition of the museum activities given in the book Museums of Serbia published in 2000 by the Institute for Cultural Development: none of here presented museum institutions in their fundamental activities does not cross over the boundaries of collecting, research, protection and presentation of cultural goods, some have publishing activity, some organize lectures and here we come to the end of their actions. Neither education as one of the central demands of today s museums nor interdisciplinary scientific research, entertainment (creative industry) and community work are mentioned. Museum staff and experts in Serbia see the lack of funds as the main reasons for the poor state of their museums, modest number of visitors, lack of new projects and of educational programs, old-fashioned management, absence of latest techniques of conservation, presentation and evaluation of museum collection. Bazon Brock says that bankruptcies of museums are less consequence of local economics and are more related to what the museum stuff does to develop its identity [Brock, 2001, p. 24]. But, such responses reflect also an attitude towards the world outside of the museums that is based on the belief that museums still live on the ground of myths about omnipotent science, superiority of the human race over the nature, determination of knowledge [Sola, 2003, p. 44]. This is a fake ground. It often suggested in the official and unofficial statements that the prevailing attitude among museum stuff and museologists in and around Serbian museums is one of non-commitment.

During the 1990s all of them have passed through a difficult period of general social pauperization and stagnation, as well as through dramatic and frustrating processes of social and political changes. On all levels of social structure public institutions have been submitted protections of professional ethic values: following the shifts of state politics in the 1990s, legal framework, cultural policy, cooperation policy, staff policy, as well as objectives of cultural institutions (including museums) have been changing radically. In such situation, museums and museums professionals have been facing various risks: from incompetent directors and other responsible stuff, lack of finance for urgent repairs, absence of necessary systems for collection protection (alarm and surveillance system, humidity control system, dry and safe depots etc.), rupture with all outer partners and lack of international cooperation, restriction of professional development of museum personal and experts, to malversations with museum collections and space, to direct physical threats during the NATO bombing campaign in 1999. A new chance was given to Serbian museums after year 2000 when Serbian society stepped into the new stage of its transition. Opening of the country toward international community began first in arts and culture field. New possibilities for institutional reform were offered by international networks and institutions, but also by the local experts and professionals. But when it comes to the museums, it seems that they have remained at the periphery of actions and policies of the Ministry of Culture and other authority levels. Only a small number of museums in Serbia have initiated internal reforms on the levels of management, marketing, funding system and audience policy. But, in spite of several cases with positive outcomes, their efforts haven t been fully supported by the authorities because of the lack of national cultural policy and any consistent policy in the field of heritage protection and museums. But, simultaneously, one can perceive significant passivity and resignation of large part of museum staff and cultural policy makers when it comes to resolving serious problems in this field, problems that cry out for systematic and long-term solution. Namely if the museum is considered as an enlightenment invention that came into the core of social, ethical and political formation of bourgeoisie of modern nation-states, as one of the most powerful genders of modern fiction and shaping of history [Preziosi, 2004, p. 486],

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

During the 1990s all of them have passed through a difficult period of general social pauperization and stagnation, as well as through dramatic and frustrating processes of social and political changes. On all levels of social structure public institutions have been submitted protections of professional ethic values: following the shifts of state politics in the 1990s, legal framework, cultural policy, cooperation policy, staff policy, as well as objectives of cultural institutions (including museums) have been changing radically. In such situation, museums and museums professionals have been facing various risks: from incompetent directors and other responsible stuff, lack of finance for urgent repairs, absence of necessary systems for collection protection (alarm and surveillance system, humidity control system, dry and safe depots etc.), rupture with all outer partners and lack of international cooperation, restriction of professional development of museum personal and experts, to malversations with museum collections and space, to direct physical threats during the NATO bombing campaign in 1999. A new chance was given to Serbian museums after year 2000 when Serbian society stepped into the new stage of its transition. Opening of the country toward international community began first in arts and culture field. New possibilities for institutional reform were offered by international networks and institutions, but also by the local experts and professionals. But when it comes to the museums, it seems that they have remained at the periphery of actions and policies of the Ministry of Culture and other authority levels. Only a small number of museums in Serbia have initiated internal reforms on the levels of management, marketing, funding system and audience policy. But, in spite of several cases with positive outcomes, their efforts haven t been fully supported by the authorities because of the lack of national cultural policy and any consistent policy in the field of heritage protection and museums. But, simultaneously, one can perceive significant passivity and resignation of large part of museum staff and cultural policy makers when it comes to resolving serious problems in this field, problems that cry out for systematic and long-term solution. Namely if the museum is considered as an enlightenment invention that came into the core of social, ethical and political formation of bourgeoisie of modern nation-states, as one of the most powerful genders of modern fiction and shaping of history [Preziosi, 2004, p. 486],


Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

are very few. In fact, there were only two significant cases of exhibitions initiated and realized by the museum curators. Their character and success both with the audience and with the art community inspired me to consider the capacities of contemporary art exhibits and projects for institutional reform of museums in Serbia. The study considers two Serbian museums National Museum and Museum of African Art that experimented with artists and curators from the field of contemporary visual arts. Their experiences are positive enough to be followed by other museums and museum experts. Exhibition Experiences from memory, the one-year work in progress of two curators of the National Museum, was inspiring process of creation that opened the Museum for those that were, by the nature of their professional work, among non-visitors of this museum. Exhibitions in the Museum of African Art brought to repositioning of this museum within the cultural scene of Belgrade and opened new possibilities for other initiatives but also for its proper institutional development and change. All these features create a set of strategies of institutional development (programming strategy, quality strategies, strategies of linkage, strategies to engage public) that can be further elaborated and upgraded to an effective museum reform strategy.

HOW TO OPEN SERBIAN MUSEUM? Management Solutions

I

n analysis and critiques of the museum field in Serbia one cannot discern other but claim for very basic actions that are needed, which is due to the fact the large number of crucial systematic questions of the museums functioning and their satisfactory management are still unsolved. These basic steps are: to regulate legally museum field, to define cultural policy priorities and museums, role in it, to ascertain channels of interactive cooperation with the authorities, to make strategic plans of museums development, to search the existing and potential audience, to create marketing cam-

paign, to innovate exhibition practices, to introduce alternative funding. These tasks 5 should be realized on 4 levels: G individual museums, G Serbian museum network (a kind of association of museums6 that would represent the museum community in front of the Ministry of culture, regional and local authorities, international museum networks and organizations) and Yugoslav committee of ICOM, G institution that educate professionals in the museum field: Department of Art History and Department of Archaeology of the Faculty of Humanities in Belgrade, Faculty of Applied Arts, Faculty of Dramatic Arts, Group for Management in Culture at the University of Arts in Belgrade, Center for conservation Diana, G Serbian Ministry of Culture and other levels of authorities in Serbia. On these levels a special attention should be focused on the strategic activities of the entire sector in the first phase of reforms: G cooperation with the centers of education of different museum professionals, G education of curators, managers, conservation and restoration professionals, PR and marketing experts, designers, architects, volunteers, interns these different profiles bring the strength as well as responsibility for the successful reform of the museums, G new types of programs/innovative programming meetings, lectures, presentations, interdisciplinary partnerships with other art and science areas: events and manifestations, not solely exhibitions, G establishing research as well as education centers for various target group starting from pre-school children to the third age, to pedagogues, to tourism professionals and businessman, G leadership is one of the basic pre-conditions for successful organizational development and transformation, just like many other institutions that are expected radical change, G capacity building, which refers to the capability of an organization to work on its transformation in accordance with its mis-

5

National Museum in Krusevac and Yugoslav committee of ICOM organized a symposium of museum professionals in October 2000 with the title Where further? The conclusion of the symposium clearly define the basic tasks that should be completed. More at: www.ncd.bg.ac.yu/yuicom.

6

In the final report of this symposium there is recommendation of the Ministry of Culture for foundation of the Center for intermuseum communication as well as the museums themselves in order to create a data base and thus foster the flow of information about all important and relevant questions from the museum field [www.ncd.matf.bg.yu.yuicom]. Such center has not been founded so far.

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

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6 In the final report of this symposium there is recommendation of the Ministry of Culture for foundation of the Center for intermuseum communication as well as the museums themselves in order to create a data base and thus foster the flow of information about all important and relevant questions from the museum field [www.ncd.matf.bg.yu.yuicom]. Such center has not been founded so far. 5 National Museum in Krusevac and Yugoslav committee of ICOM organized a symposium of museum professionals in October 2000 with the title Where further? The conclusion of the symposium clearly define the basic tasks that should be completed. More at: www.ncd.bg.ac.yu/yuicom.

n analysis and critiques of the museum field in Serbia one cannot discern other but claim for very basic actions that are needed, which is due to the fact the large number of crucial systematic questions of the museums functioning and their satisfactory management are still unsolved. These basic steps are: to regulate legally museum field, to define cultural policy priorities and museums, role in it, to ascertain channels of interactive cooperation with the authorities, to make strategic plans of museums development, to search the existing and potential audience, to create marketing cam-

I

Management Solutions HOW TO OPEN SERBIAN MUSEUM? are very few. In fact, there were only two significant cases of exhibitions initiated and realized by the museum curators. Their character and success both with the audience and with the art community inspired me to consider the capacities of contemporary art exhibits and projects for institutional reform of museums in Serbia. The study considers two Serbian museums National Museum and Museum of African Art that experimented with artists and curators from the field of contemporary visual arts. Their experiences are positive enough to be followed by other museums and museum experts. Exhibition Experiences from memory, the one-year work in progress of two curators of the National Museum, was inspiring process of creation that opened the Museum for those that were, by the nature of their professional work, among non-visitors of this museum. Exhibitions in the Museum of African Art brought to repositioning of this museum within the cultural scene of Belgrade and opened new possibilities for other initiatives but also for its proper institutional development and change. All these features create a set of strategies of institutional development (programming strategy, quality strategies, strategies of linkage, strategies to engage public) that can be further elaborated and upgraded to an effective museum reform strategy.

paign, to innovate exhibition practices, to introduce alternative funding. These tasks 5 should be realized on 4 levels: G individual museums, G Serbian museum network (a kind of association of museums6 that would represent the museum community in front of the Ministry of culture, regional and local authorities, international museum networks and organizations) and Yugoslav committee of ICOM, G institution that educate professionals in the museum field: Department of Art History and Department of Archaeology of the Faculty of Humanities in Belgrade, Faculty of Applied Arts, Faculty of Dramatic Arts, Group for Management in Culture at the University of Arts in Belgrade, Center for conservation Diana, G Serbian Ministry of Culture and other levels of authorities in Serbia. On these levels a special attention should be focused on the strategic activities of the entire sector in the first phase of reforms: G cooperation with the centers of education of different museum professionals, G education of curators, managers, conservation and restoration professionals, PR and marketing experts, designers, architects, volunteers, interns these different profiles bring the strength as well as responsibility for the successful reform of the museums, G new types of programs/innovative programming meetings, lectures, presentations, interdisciplinary partnerships with other art and science areas: events and manifestations, not solely exhibitions, G establishing research as well as education centers for various target group starting from pre-school children to the third age, to pedagogues, to tourism professionals and businessman, G leadership is one of the basic pre-conditions for successful organizational development and transformation, just like many other institutions that are expected radical change, G capacity building, which refers to the capability of an organization to work on its transformation in accordance with its mis-


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planning and programming that made cultural institution (first cultural centers and then museums) more effective and dynamic. It should fit into the new project logic that has been slowly introduced into the Serbian cultural institutions. Working on a cultural project is giving the sense to a museum because it is based on the vision of the museum as an instrument of cultural and even social policy [ibid, p. 90]. Proposed model of introduction of contemporary art project as a tool for organizational development of a museum in accordance with the socio-cultural changes in post-socialist transition could be the right measure for many Serbian museums. The reasons for such measure are indicated by European experiences and several local case studies. SWOT (S strength, W weaknesses, O opportunities, T threats) analysis of this partnership shows its high capacities for achieving positive results. Analysis of strength and weaknesses of Serbian museums and a general concept of a project in contemporary art, we can see that they can be compatible in many levels. Weaknesses and threats that endanger one can be neutralized or diminished by other. This partnership might make stronger the museum structure regarding its public promotion, audience outreach and general organizational strengthening. If we consider the museum activities as a part of development strategy, as spaces of synthesis, if we agree that tasks of museums is not science, but public benefit based on scientific research, than it becomes clear that today in Serbia a united front should be established in order to show that it is now the last moment for the museums to change and reform. Conversely, they will continue to perish, and museum professions (one more weak point in the museum system) will decline and vanish. The Ministry of Culture should, stimulated by and in cooperation with the museum professionals and local authorities, make a long term plan for resolving the basis problems of the Serbian museums. National strategy would also help bringing international expertise, scholarships, donations and strategic partnerships.

eneral overview of the museum landscape in Europe could provide a certain number innovative practices and methodologies that

CONCLUSIONS

G

eneral overview of the museum landscape in Europe could provide a certain number innovative practices and methodologies that

CONCLUSIONS

G

82

planning and programming that made cultural institution (first cultural centers and then museums) more effective and dynamic. It should fit into the new project logic that has been slowly introduced into the Serbian cultural institutions. Working on a cultural project is giving the sense to a museum because it is based on the vision of the museum as an instrument of cultural and even social policy [ibid, p. 90]. Proposed model of introduction of contemporary art project as a tool for organizational development of a museum in accordance with the socio-cultural changes in post-socialist transition could be the right measure for many Serbian museums. The reasons for such measure are indicated by European experiences and several local case studies. SWOT (S strength, W weaknesses, O opportunities, T threats) analysis of this partnership shows its high capacities for achieving positive results. Analysis of strength and weaknesses of Serbian museums and a general concept of a project in contemporary art, we can see that they can be compatible in many levels. Weaknesses and threats that endanger one can be neutralized or diminished by other. This partnership might make stronger the museum structure regarding its public promotion, audience outreach and general organizational strengthening. If we consider the museum activities as a part of development strategy, as spaces of synthesis, if we agree that tasks of museums is not science, but public benefit based on scientific research, than it becomes clear that today in Serbia a united front should be established in order to show that it is now the last moment for the museums to change and reform. Conversely, they will continue to perish, and museum professions (one more weak point in the museum system) will decline and vanish. The Ministry of Culture should, stimulated by and in cooperation with the museum professionals and local authorities, make a long term plan for resolving the basis problems of the Serbian museums. National strategy would also help bringing international expertise, scholarships, donations and strategic partnerships.

sion and vision, development objectives and priorities [Dragiæeviæ e iæ·, Dragojeviæ, 2005, p. 50], G partnerships for future local, regional, national, international, G new technologies and digitalization, G marketing, strategies, public relations and new total design/visual identity, G legal framework, G cultural tourism. Simultaneously it is necessary to work on several zones of change that do not request too investments, but only a different more responsible relation towards the museum mission: internal campaign: G motivation of the museum stuff for teamwork in order to make a representative and attractive, museum that will become a place different from all other places of culture, education and entertainment, G establishing the criteria of quality control in all segments of a museum, G communicative permanent collection with understandable, informative and clear texts, G flyers for all exhibitions, in Serbian and in foreign languages, G working hours in accordance with time of the year, cultural calendar in the city and region, G other manifestations and important events that might increase visibility of the museum programs, G access to the museum for people with disabilities, strollers, old people, G children programs, students club, animation of different target groups, G volunteers program development, G cooperation with local and other centers for permanent education, G cooperation with other art fields; theater and dance performances in the museum, music concerts in specific museum interiors etc. These strategies are also focused on successful shift from the never questionable rights of a public institution towards responsibilities. This attitude is the characteristic of the majority of public administrations in the post-socialist societies: belief that the state will continue to support their bare existence regardless their results and productivity; market economy is ignored and considered as a parallel reality not afflicting the public i.e. eternal and immutable institutions. Project logic seems to be good transitional methodology and it gave very good results in the French museums [Joly, 2005, p. 88]. Cultural project is the cultural policy tool for

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

sion and vision, development objectives and priorities [Dragiæeviæ e iæ·, Dragojeviæ, 2005, p. 50], G partnerships for future local, regional, national, international, G new technologies and digitalization, G marketing, strategies, public relations and new total design/visual identity, G legal framework, G cultural tourism. Simultaneously it is necessary to work on several zones of change that do not request too investments, but only a different more responsible relation towards the museum mission: internal campaign: G motivation of the museum stuff for teamwork in order to make a representative and attractive, museum that will become a place different from all other places of culture, education and entertainment, G establishing the criteria of quality control in all segments of a museum, G communicative permanent collection with understandable, informative and clear texts, G flyers for all exhibitions, in Serbian and in foreign languages, G working hours in accordance with time of the year, cultural calendar in the city and region, G other manifestations and important events that might increase visibility of the museum programs, G access to the museum for people with disabilities, strollers, old people, G children programs, students club, animation of different target groups, G volunteers program development, G cooperation with local and other centers for permanent education, G cooperation with other art fields; theater and dance performances in the museum, music concerts in specific museum interiors etc. These strategies are also focused on successful shift from the never questionable rights of a public institution towards responsibilities. This attitude is the characteristic of the majority of public administrations in the post-socialist societies: belief that the state will continue to support their bare existence regardless their results and productivity; market economy is ignored and considered as a parallel reality not afflicting the public i.e. eternal and immutable institutions. Project logic seems to be good transitional methodology and it gave very good results in the French museums [Joly, 2005, p. 88]. Cultural project is the cultural policy tool for


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Table 1. SWOT ANALYSIS SWOT

MUSEUMS

CONTEMPORARY ART PROJECT

Strength

Institutional stability

Openness and mobility /non-hierarchy

Confirmed values

Flexible team relations

Public protection

Rules established by project needs

Richness of collection

Independence of public policies

Exclusive positioning the urban environment

Contemporary design

Artistic and cultural significance of the museum building

Project management skills and experiences

Professional knowledge, museological experiences, quality research

Communication tools

Fundraising experience and skills In favour for interdisciplinary experiments

Threats

Unregulated authorÂ’s rights field

Lack of professional museum managers and project coordinators

Still unclear cultural policy regarding contemporary creation

Lack of funds for restoration and equipping of new building

Underdeveloped local art market

Immobility of employed costs

Unresolved status of free lance artist in Serbia

Slowness of systematic changes Legal constrains

Loose links with the institution

Cultural tourism development

Appeal for new technologies

Cooperation with NGO sector

International networking and recognition

Program for volunteers and interns

Acquaintance of art market/sponsorship rules Project-tailored teams Opportunities

Possibility for diverse partnership Diversity of founds sources for contemporary creation Mobility of staff

Cooperation with social, local businesses, local authorities

Capacities for fast changes

Public and other programs for professional education Potential role in multicultural projects

Formal flexibility

Weaknesses

Hierarchy

Project-based/temporary activities

Director appointed by the founders (public authorities)

Changing of art trends

Procedural rules and limitations

Changing stability

Dependence of political will/ public policy

In search for exhibition space

Outdated/conservative visual identity

Instable sources of funding (project funding)

Inherited administration and non-professional staff Underdeveloped sponsorship policy Lack of international contacts, partnerships, projects

Lack resources for marketing,

Underdeveloped IT systems

PR, fundraising activities

Reluctance for interdisciplinary linkage

Reluctance for interdisciplinary linkage

PR, fundraising activities

Underdeveloped IT systems

Lack resources for marketing,

Lack of international contacts, partnerships, projects Underdeveloped sponsorship policy Inherited administration and non-professional staff

Weaknesses

Instable sources of funding (project funding)

Outdated/conservative visual identity

In search for exhibition space

Dependence of political will/ public policy

Changing stability

Procedural rules and limitations

Changing of art trends

Director appointed by the founders (public authorities) Hierarchy

Project-based/temporary activities

Opportunities

Potential role in multicultural projects

Formal flexibility

Public and other programs for professional education

Capacities for fast changes

Cooperation with social, local businesses, local authorities

Mobility of staff

Program for volunteers and interns

Possibility for diverse partnership

Project-tailored teams Acquaintance of art market/sponsorship rules International networking and recognition

Cooperation with NGO sector

Diversity of founds sources for contemporary creation

Appeal for new technologies

Cultural tourism development

Professional knowledge, museological experiences, quality research

Threats

Legal constrains

Loose links with the institution

Slowness of systematic changes

Unresolved status of free lance artist in Serbia

Immobility of employed costs

Underdeveloped local art market

Lack of funds for restoration and equipping of new building

Still unclear cultural policy regarding contemporary creation

Lack of professional museum managers and project coordinators

Unregulated authorÂ’s rights field

In favour for interdisciplinary experiments Communication tools Fundraising experience and skills Project management skills and experiences

Artistic and cultural significance of the museum building

Contemporary design

Exclusive positioning the urban environment

Independence of public policies

Richness of collection

Rules established by project needs

Public protection

Flexible team relations

Confirmed values Institutional stability

Strength

MUSEUMS

SWOT

Table 1. SWOT ANALYSIS Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

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Openness and mobility /non-hierarchy CONTEMPORARY ART PROJECT


museological practice. This necessary shift from institutional towards projects logic will be done gradually and according to the principles and strategies proposed by theories of strategic management. Contemporary art project can be one model for this passage and can serve Serbian museums, as well as new museological and museoghraphical tendencies. Such projects introduce new ways of communications objects, with the museum institution, museum profession, and new communication with the audience. Contemporary art in these cases can have a role of mediator, which is a very important change in the practices of the museums. Belief that the object must speak for itself, be unmediated was the rule and in the case of Serbian museums, still is, culturally and institutionally enshrined, but it is also a way of secreting knowledge. And the museums should be among the leading institution in efforts for democratization of knowledge. Finally the SWOT analysis of the partnership between the museums in difficult conditions such as Serbian and a contemporary art project showed high level of compatibility. The institutional relations of these two could make museums the setting for ongoing and open dialogues about a range of issues, occurring in environments of mutual respect and commitment to the museums missions. The most important issue is the audience development and outreach and thus fulfilment of the social role of museums to educate and inspire new knowledge. Of course, of crucial importance for any changes of museum landscape in Serbia would be the change cultural policy and museum policy within it. There is still not ant strategic document they would regulate the museum system or define priorities or establish strategic goals. Mostly initiative is left to museum directors but they are deprived of all efficient instruments for systematic change. Only an integrating model of cultural policy, based on scientific research, with clear goals and tasks in the field of museum activities can create conditions for complete organizational reform of Serbian museums. Today the museums are taken away their normative function: they do not represent the social norms and dominating taste. They are more than ever the spaces for new experiments, innovative attitudes in arts and culture, even innovative managerial and marketing strategies. One could say that the museums in the last decades of 20th century have become a

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

derive from the experiences of contemporary art world. Although these practices have been seldom deeply examined and there are few studies relating this issue, they are so well rooted in the museum practices that one could miss their pioneer character. The most successful and maybe the least expected examples are found in the museums of highest rank, national institutions that became symbols of national culture and cultural history. Museum like the Louvre, the British Museum, Musée d Orsay or MAC in Vienna have been paradigms for well organized, research and theory based museology, with high-level education programs and long term development strategies. They are distinguished treasurers of world heritage around which they built their identity and world famous tourist destinations. But, in spite of collecting artefacts from the national or world history of art and civilization, these museums and their experts try to invest this treasure into future and for the future. Openness and orientation towards cultural developments of nowadays has naturally brought into the museums many various features that should support museums activities. Entering and presence of contemporary art in the museums that do not primary collect the art of today is logical suite of general cultural developments that easily engage all cultural players that want to survive as relevant cultural places. The form of this presence insertion of contemporary art works, techniques, languages or theoretical discourses can be recognized as project form. It appeared as reaction after the problem identification how to refresh museum exhibits, museum spaces, museum narratives. Offered strategy of change used the tools (strategies) of contemporary art that could solve the problem and achieve the goal: to have an exciting exhibition of historic art in an animating context (reflective and physical). These capacities of contemporary art intervention in a museum environment could be also used in the complex work on reforms of the Serbian museums. Several cases of positive impact of contemporary art projects in different museums (Louvre, British Museum, Musee d Orsay, MAK) were the ground for examination in a museum environment could be also used in the complex work on reforms of the Serbian museums. In the context of transitional society and with the consequences of long deprivation and pauperization of Serbian museums, these institutions are facing today the urgent need to start organizational reforms and to follow European trends and standards in

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

84

museological practice. This necessary shift from institutional towards projects logic will be done gradually and according to the principles and strategies proposed by theories of strategic management. Contemporary art project can be one model for this passage and can serve Serbian museums, as well as new museological and museoghraphical tendencies. Such projects introduce new ways of communications objects, with the museum institution, museum profession, and new communication with the audience. Contemporary art in these cases can have a role of mediator, which is a very important change in the practices of the museums. Belief that the object must speak for itself, be unmediated was the rule and in the case of Serbian museums, still is, culturally and institutionally enshrined, but it is also a way of secreting knowledge. And the museums should be among the leading institution in efforts for democratization of knowledge. Finally the SWOT analysis of the partnership between the museums in difficult conditions such as Serbian and a contemporary art project showed high level of compatibility. The institutional relations of these two could make museums the setting for ongoing and open dialogues about a range of issues, occurring in environments of mutual respect and commitment to the museums missions. The most important issue is the audience development and outreach and thus fulfilment of the social role of museums to educate and inspire new knowledge. Of course, of crucial importance for any changes of museum landscape in Serbia would be the change cultural policy and museum policy within it. There is still not ant strategic document they would regulate the museum system or define priorities or establish strategic goals. Mostly initiative is left to museum directors but they are deprived of all efficient instruments for systematic change. Only an integrating model of cultural policy, based on scientific research, with clear goals and tasks in the field of museum activities can create conditions for complete organizational reform of Serbian museums. Today the museums are taken away their normative function: they do not represent the social norms and dominating taste. They are more than ever the spaces for new experiments, innovative attitudes in arts and culture, even innovative managerial and marketing strategies. One could say that the museums in the last decades of 20th century have become a

84

derive from the experiences of contemporary art world. Although these practices have been seldom deeply examined and there are few studies relating this issue, they are so well rooted in the museum practices that one could miss their pioneer character. The most successful and maybe the least expected examples are found in the museums of highest rank, national institutions that became symbols of national culture and cultural history. Museum like the Louvre, the British Museum, Musée d Orsay or MAC in Vienna have been paradigms for well organized, research and theory based museology, with high-level education programs and long term development strategies. They are distinguished treasurers of world heritage around which they built their identity and world famous tourist destinations. But, in spite of collecting artefacts from the national or world history of art and civilization, these museums and their experts try to invest this treasure into future and for the future. Openness and orientation towards cultural developments of nowadays has naturally brought into the museums many various features that should support museums activities. Entering and presence of contemporary art in the museums that do not primary collect the art of today is logical suite of general cultural developments that easily engage all cultural players that want to survive as relevant cultural places. The form of this presence insertion of contemporary art works, techniques, languages or theoretical discourses can be recognized as project form. It appeared as reaction after the problem identification how to refresh museum exhibits, museum spaces, museum narratives. Offered strategy of change used the tools (strategies) of contemporary art that could solve the problem and achieve the goal: to have an exciting exhibition of historic art in an animating context (reflective and physical). These capacities of contemporary art intervention in a museum environment could be also used in the complex work on reforms of the Serbian museums. Several cases of positive impact of contemporary art projects in different museums (Louvre, British Museum, Musee d Orsay, MAK) were the ground for examination in a museum environment could be also used in the complex work on reforms of the Serbian museums. In the context of transitional society and with the consequences of long deprivation and pauperization of Serbian museums, these institutions are facing today the urgent need to start organizational reforms and to follow European trends and standards in


85

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

kind of challenge, provocation of the cultural, social, and political environment, expecting for reactions, regulating comments and measures, positive or negative responses that would consequently fortify new protocols in cultural pol-

icy, aesthetics, museology, art production, economy etc. And we can say the same for contemporary art. Because of that creative connection of museums and living art should be accepted and supported as a strategic innovation.

Literature

Marshall, Ch. R., The contemporary museum as art

Bal, M., Muzej koji govori, Anomalija, Anomalija,

gallery [in:] MacLeod S., [ed.], Reshaping Muse-

Casopis za kulturu istoriju i teoriju umetnosti

um Space: architecture, design, exhibitions, Lon-

2005, vol. 1. Benderiæ, L. [ed.], Muzeji Srbije, Belgrade 2000. Bourriaud, N., Postproduction, 2003.

don and New York 2005. Noever, Peter (ed.), Museums without Futures, Vienna 2001.

Brock, B., God and Garbage Museums as creators

Obrost H.-U., Migrators Curator, Musée d art mod-

of lime [in:] Noever P. [ed.], The Discursive Mu-

erne de la Ville de Paris [cited in:] Sans J.,

seum, Vienna 2001.

Sanchez M. [eds.], What do you expect from an

Claire, J., Herostrat ili Muzej pod znakom pitanija, Belgrade 1998. Dragiæeviæ- e iæ, M., Arts management in turbulent times: Adaptable Quality Management, Amsterdam, 2005.

art institution in the 21st century?, Paris 2003. Preziosi D., Zbirke i muzeji [in:] Nelson R. S., if R. [eds.], Kriticki termini istorije umetnosti, priredili, Novi Sad 2004. Stransky Z., Basic paper [in:] Sofka V. [ed.], Meth-

Glusberg, J., Hladni i vruci muzeji, Zagreb 1983.

odology of Museology and professional training,

Joly M.-E., Cultural Project of museum [in:] Gilbert

Stockholm 1983.

C. [ed.], Muzej i publika, Belgrade 2005.

C. [ed.], Muzej i publika, Belgrade 2005. Stockholm 1983.

Joly M.-E., Cultural Project of museum [in:] Gilbert

odology of Museology and professional training,

Glusberg, J., Hladni i vruci muzeji, Zagreb 1983. dam, 2005. times: Adaptable Quality Management, AmsterDragiæeviæ- e iæ, M., Arts management in turbulent Belgrade 1998. Claire, J., Herostrat ili Muzej pod znakom pitanija,

Stransky Z., Basic paper [in:] Sofka V. [ed.], Methdili, Novi Sad 2004. [eds.], Kriticki termini istorije umetnosti, prirePreziosi D., Zbirke i muzeji [in:] Nelson R. S., if R. art institution in the 21st century?, Paris 2003. Sanchez M. [eds.], What do you expect from an

seum, Vienna 2001.

erne de la Ville de Paris [cited in:] Sans J.,

of lime [in:] Noever P. [ed.], The Discursive Mu-

Obrost H.-U., Migrators Curator, Musée d art mod-

Brock, B., God and Garbage Museums as creators Bourriaud, N., Postproduction, 2003. Benderiæ, L. [ed.], Muzeji Srbije, Belgrade 2000. Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

85

enna 2001. Noever, Peter (ed.), Museums without Futures, Vidon and New York 2005.

2005, vol. 1.

um Space: architecture, design, exhibitions, Lon-

Casopis za kulturu istoriju i teoriju umetnosti

gallery [in:] MacLeod S., [ed.], Reshaping Muse-

Bal, M., Muzej koji govori, Anomalija, Anomalija,

Marshall, Ch. R., The contemporary museum as art

Literature

icy, aesthetics, museology, art production, economy etc. And we can say the same for contemporary art. Because of that creative connection of museums and living art should be accepted and supported as a strategic innovation.

kind of challenge, provocation of the cultural, social, and political environment, expecting for reactions, regulating comments and measures, positive or negative responses that would consequently fortify new protocols in cultural pol-


Oksana Boytsova

The Heritage of the Kaliningrad District Prospects and Challenges

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Translated by Ma³gorzata Krywult

86

sion of the region it is very important to both protect the heritage that is still remaining in the Kaliningrad District, and to reproduce what was here in the past and was destroyed. Meanwhile it is important to note that the mentality of people is changing, however slowly; it is with great difficulty that understanding of heritage as not only cultural and national value, but also as an important direction of development with measurable practical significance is born. The situation is difficult because most of the Kaliningrad District s heritage has been destroyed. For instance in architecture, which is the most measurable example, only 5 per cent of cultural monuments and historical buildings has been preserved until today. Worse still, they have been completely destroyed or have lost their distinct features with the passing of time. Many historical and cultural goods have been carried away beyond the borders of the region. Nevertheless, nowadays there are almost 40 monuments on the territory of the district, which have federal status. Moreover, there are also archaeological monuments and monuments of regional status. The condition of the preserved monuments is incredibly important for organizations whose activity is somehow connected with the protection and development of the cultural heritage in the Kaliningrad District. Very important is saturating these objects with cultural contents, so that these historical monuments correspond with their actual message. It is here that the financial problem comes up. Obtaining resources for renovation or for a complete reconstruction of monuments is very difficult. In such conditions, interesting and innovative forms of cultural activity in a historic building

T

Oksana Boytsova graduated from History at Immanuel Kant s Russian State University in Kaliningrad (currently she is a PhD student at this faculty). Project coordinator in the nongovernmental Agency in Support for Cultural Initiatives Tranzit in Kaliningrad. Research activities: cultural management, cultural policy, participation of non-governmental organizations in creating and fulfillment cultural policy, culture as a factor of regions development, management of the cultural heritage.

he Kaliningrad District is a region unique in its own way: a small area of the Russian Federation located at the Baltic Sea, surrounded by European countries and not sharing any borders with the territory of the so-called continental Russia. Contemporary Russian enclave has undergone a few cultural changes during its history: Prussian, German, and finally Russian one. Each one of these historical stages has left its trace on this area. The architectural image of towns and villages, the cultural goods, constitute an eclectic collection and contribute to a unique colour of the Kaliningrad District. The historical image of Koenigsberg, the capital of Eastern Prussia and of the whole region, was seriously violated as a result of hostilities during the Second World War. Moreover, missing on this territory is direct historical succession due to complete exchange of population after the war. Displaced persons from Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus and from other countries of the former Soviet Union who populated this region introduced here their own traditions, whereas everything left from previous years was treated as alien. On the other hand, anything that survived was consciously destroyed by the displaced after the war. Although with difficulty, this hatred to alien culture, born as a consequence of the cruel war, can be understood. Nowadays, there are already a few generations who live and were born on this area and consider it to be their homeland. For this reason, they perceive the historical heritage of all historical periods as their own, understanding its worth and importance as historical values. In order to reconstruct the historical succes-

sion of the region it is very important to both protect the heritage that is still remaining in the Kaliningrad District, and to reproduce what was here in the past and was destroyed. Meanwhile it is important to note that the mentality of people is changing, however slowly; it is with great difficulty that understanding of heritage as not only cultural and national value, but also as an important direction of development with measurable practical significance is born. The situation is difficult because most of the Kaliningrad District s heritage has been destroyed. For instance in architecture, which is the most measurable example, only 5 per cent of cultural monuments and historical buildings has been preserved until today. Worse still, they have been completely destroyed or have lost their distinct features with the passing of time. Many historical and cultural goods have been carried away beyond the borders of the region. Nevertheless, nowadays there are almost 40 monuments on the territory of the district, which have federal status. Moreover, there are also archaeological monuments and monuments of regional status. The condition of the preserved monuments is incredibly important for organizations whose activity is somehow connected with the protection and development of the cultural heritage in the Kaliningrad District. Very important is saturating these objects with cultural contents, so that these historical monuments correspond with their actual message. It is here that the financial problem comes up. Obtaining resources for renovation or for a complete reconstruction of monuments is very difficult. In such conditions, interesting and innovative forms of cultural activity in a historic building

T

he Kaliningrad District is a region unique in its own way: a small area of the Russian Federation located at the Baltic Sea, surrounded by European countries and not sharing any borders with the territory of the so-called continental Russia. Contemporary Russian enclave has undergone a few cultural changes during its history: Prussian, German, and finally Russian one. Each one of these historical stages has left its trace on this area. The architectural image of towns and villages, the cultural goods, constitute an eclectic collection and contribute to a unique colour of the Kaliningrad District. The historical image of Koenigsberg, the capital of Eastern Prussia and of the whole region, was seriously violated as a result of hostilities during the Second World War. Moreover, missing on this territory is direct historical succession due to complete exchange of population after the war. Displaced persons from Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus and from other countries of the former Soviet Union who populated this region introduced here their own traditions, whereas everything left from previous years was treated as alien. On the other hand, anything that survived was consciously destroyed by the displaced after the war. Although with difficulty, this hatred to alien culture, born as a consequence of the cruel war, can be understood. Nowadays, there are already a few generations who live and were born on this area and consider it to be their homeland. For this reason, they perceive the historical heritage of all historical periods as their own, understanding its worth and importance as historical values. In order to reconstruct the historical succes-

Translated by Ma³gorzata Krywult

Oksana Boytsova graduated from History at Immanuel Kant s Russian State University in Kaliningrad (currently she is a PhD student at this faculty). Project coordinator in the nongovernmental Agency in Support for Cultural Initiatives Tranzit in Kaliningrad. Research activities: cultural management, cultural policy, participation of non-governmental organizations in creating and fulfillment cultural policy, culture as a factor of regions development, management of the cultural heritage.

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Oksana Boytsova

86

The Heritage of the Kaliningrad District Prospects and Challenges


87

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could focus more attention thereon, thereby providing more material and non-material resources. It will be interesting now to compare the attitude towards historic buildings and the activity conducted therein between Poland (for example Cracow), and the Kaliningrad District. What is important in Cracow is the external shape of the historical monument, filled with forms and cultural activity which cannot be harmful to the external architectural form but which should serve the development and promotion of this monument. The very monument itself may become a part of promotion of the activity conducted therein, which does not necessarily have to be cultural in its nature (it may be for example a restaurant business). To what extent is this realized in a harmonious way, does it lead to a conflict between the form and the contents, is another thing. What is important is the preservation of the monument in the appropriate condition and its protection. On the territory of the Kaliningrad District, considering the extent to which the heritage has been preserved, the most important is the process in which the monuments own life is contained, because its exterior was lost. Consequently, very important is the cultural contents and the form of activity conducted therein. Historical and cultural centers, festivals, exhibitions, international cultural projects, etc., can serve as examples. The problem of the Kaliningrad District is, however, very traditional forms of cultural activity. What are still missing are exceptional, innovative forms which could come into being not only within the region but which could also become renown in the whole Russian Federation and beyond its borders. NGOs which are involved in the protection and development of the heritage have much bigger successes in this domain than public administration, mostly because they are more mobile, dynamic and creative, whereas routine prevails in case of traditional state institutions. A popular form of cultural activity in historical monuments is museum (a sightseeing or historical one); it is a space intended for the organization of exhibitions. Against this background the activity of non-governmental organization, the House-Castle Foundation stands out, which has been active for 10 years as a centre of history and culture in the 14thcentury castle, a monument of federal status. Among the projects of this foundation are many exceptional, innovative productions, which have been prepared together with other institutions

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

of culture, business and private persons. An example is a festival of medieval art, knightly tournaments, presence of contemporary art in the ancient monument. At the same time these projects always have an important social significance, as the castle, located in a small town, is important for its development and for the local community. Moreover, it is a kind of a showcase of the town, important for the culture, tourism and promotion. Apart from renovation of architectural monuments, important for the protection of the heritage of the Kaliningrad District is also reconstruction of historical traditions and trades which existed on this area in the past Old-Prussian, Knight s, German ones, as well as traditional trades and methods of farming of various Russian regions from which displaced persons arrived, including representatives of other nationalities living nowadays in the Kaliningrad District (Ukrainians, Belorussians, Lithuanians, Armenians, etc.). All these cultures constitute an important component of the heritage and are nowadays of huge importance. To some extent it manifests itself in the current trend of return to history.

Cultural Heritage and its Protection in the Kaliningrad District

A

n important challenge connected with protection of the heritage of the Kaliningrad District lies in the fact that monuments require prompt preservation and reconstruction, otherwise there is a risk of their complete loss. On the territory of the Russian Federation there are, however, many much better preserved, cultural and historical monuments which require significant expenditures for preservation and protection. On the national scale and considering the world heritage, these monuments present a much bigger value. At the same time, the heritage of the Kaliningrad District is perceived as less developmental with respect to culture and tourism, except for the cultural goods which are traditional symbols of Kaliningrad both in Russia and beyond its borders (amber, a unique national nature reserve Kurszskaja Kosa). Another problem lies in the fact that renovation of historic real estate requires huge investments, whereas a definite, detailed concept of development and management of cultural heritage has not been prepared until today. It renders possibility to obtain resources for restoration works from the central budget very difficult.

87

could focus more attention thereon, thereby providing more material and non-material resources. It will be interesting now to compare the attitude towards historic buildings and the activity conducted therein between Poland (for example Cracow), and the Kaliningrad District. What is important in Cracow is the external shape of the historical monument, filled with forms and cultural activity which cannot be harmful to the external architectural form but which should serve the development and promotion of this monument. The very monument itself may become a part of promotion of the activity conducted therein, which does not necessarily have to be cultural in its nature (it may be for example a restaurant business). To what extent is this realized in a harmonious way, does it lead to a conflict between the form and the contents, is another thing. What is important is the preservation of the monument in the appropriate condition and its protection. On the territory of the Kaliningrad District, considering the extent to which the heritage has been preserved, the most important is the process in which the monuments own life is contained, because its exterior was lost. Consequently, very important is the cultural contents and the form of activity conducted therein. Historical and cultural centers, festivals, exhibitions, international cultural projects, etc., can serve as examples. The problem of the Kaliningrad District is, however, very traditional forms of cultural activity. What are still missing are exceptional, innovative forms which could come into being not only within the region but which could also become renown in the whole Russian Federation and beyond its borders. NGOs which are involved in the protection and development of the heritage have much bigger successes in this domain than public administration, mostly because they are more mobile, dynamic and creative, whereas routine prevails in case of traditional state institutions. A popular form of cultural activity in historical monuments is museum (a sightseeing or historical one); it is a space intended for the organization of exhibitions. Against this background the activity of non-governmental organization, the House-Castle Foundation stands out, which has been active for 10 years as a centre of history and culture in the 14thcentury castle, a monument of federal status. Among the projects of this foundation are many exceptional, innovative productions, which have been prepared together with other institutions

n important challenge connected with protection of the heritage of the Kaliningrad District lies in the fact that monuments require prompt preservation and reconstruction, otherwise there is a risk of their complete loss. On the territory of the Russian Federation there are, however, many much better preserved, cultural and historical monuments which require significant expenditures for preservation and protection. On the national scale and considering the world heritage, these monuments present a much bigger value. At the same time, the heritage of the Kaliningrad District is perceived as less developmental with respect to culture and tourism, except for the cultural goods which are traditional symbols of Kaliningrad both in Russia and beyond its borders (amber, a unique national nature reserve Kurszskaja Kosa). Another problem lies in the fact that renovation of historic real estate requires huge investments, whereas a definite, detailed concept of development and management of cultural heritage has not been prepared until today. It renders possibility to obtain resources for restoration works from the central budget very difficult.

A

Cultural Heritage and its Protection in the Kaliningrad District of culture, business and private persons. An example is a festival of medieval art, knightly tournaments, presence of contemporary art in the ancient monument. At the same time these projects always have an important social significance, as the castle, located in a small town, is important for its development and for the local community. Moreover, it is a kind of a showcase of the town, important for the culture, tourism and promotion. Apart from renovation of architectural monuments, important for the protection of the heritage of the Kaliningrad District is also reconstruction of historical traditions and trades which existed on this area in the past Old-Prussian, Knight s, German ones, as well as traditional trades and methods of farming of various Russian regions from which displaced persons arrived, including representatives of other nationalities living nowadays in the Kaliningrad District (Ukrainians, Belorussians, Lithuanians, Armenians, etc.). All these cultures constitute an important component of the heritage and are nowadays of huge importance. To some extent it manifests itself in the current trend of return to history.


Apart from financial resources, what is necessary is a change in methods of protection of cultural goods, introduction of a comprehensive approach: from protection of individual monuments to creation of protected zones and areas. Global experiences prove that the most effective for the protection of monuments is to include them in the plans of cities and land development. For the Kaliningrad District, considering the degree of destruction of its cultural heritage, it is important to create whole zones of restoration and protection of monuments. Nowadays, on the area of the district such zones have already been marked out but they are connected exclusively with the most well-known historical and natural monuments; these are only individual objects, therefore, this kind of approach does not offer an opportunity to reconstruct and protect the whole cultural and landscape image of the area and of the historic environment.

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Importance of Heritage

88

F

or the Kaliningrad District, which has a limited industrial and agricultural potential, orientation on cultural richness could become a real opportunity for economic and social development. This kind of an attitude corresponds with the UNESCO Convention concerning the protection of the world cultural and natural heritage, which recommends to states-participants a common policy aiming at assigning particular functions in society s life to the cultural and natural heritage, and at including it in programs of general planning [Convention concerning the protection of the world cultural and natural heritage, 1972, art. 5]. The used potential of cultural goods, of historical monuments of the Kaliningrad District, could have influence on the development of recreation, scientific and educational facilities, reconstruction of tradition and strengthening of disappearing professions and forms of farming and, finally, on activation of the whole economic, social and cultural zone of the region. Apart from this, heritage provides an opportunity to create a unique image of the area, to expose its distinction among other regions of the Russian Federation and among the neighbouring countries. At the same time, it is a special part of a potential which has a measurable value; here lies the economic importance of the heritage. Its role is invaluable also for the development of culture and education; here lies the social importance of the heritage. It could

also contribute to integration of the Kaliningrad District with the neighbouring countries. Such processes can be observed for example in Poland, where the cultural heritage is considered a national value, but also a universal, common to all mankind and pan-European one. This kind of approach includes Poland in the European and world zone of values, culture and tourism. A particular nature of the heritage of the Kaliningrad District, both the historical and the natural one, is similar to the resources of the neighbouring countries. It could have more influence on the development of international cultural cooperation, support creation of a uniform tourist concept (transnational tourist tracks, cultural projects, etc.). Traditional heritage plays an important role in the development of tourism. Despite the fact that the Kaliningrad District has a huge potential in this respect and tourism developed on a high level could become an important branch of the national economy, there are a few obstacles in the way to obtaining this goal. Nowadays, buildings belonging to cultural heritage are included to some extent in the domestic tourist market, which, unfortunately, has limited possibilities and scale. Nowadays, the main type of tourism functioning in the Kaliningrad District is foreign tourism. This is understandable, caused by a high level of services and generally by a higher tourist attractiveness of foreign countries. At the same time, a gradual growth of domestic tourism is observable, both on the whole area of Russia, and in the Kaliningrad District. We can see a particular interest in the history of the country and in its heritage among the very inhabitants and among representatives of other regions of Russia, as well as among tourists from abroad. It would be good to take advantage of this tendency. Making use of the cultural and natural heritage and of their potential in a premeditated way, combined with an advantageous geographical location, would provide an opportunity to transform the district into a multi-profile territory with respect to the tourist potential. On the other hand, cutting out a proportion of income from tourism could help obtain significant resources for the maintenance and protection of cultural goods. Unfortunately, the domain of cultural and natural heritage is not only not a priority, but not even an important, independent division of neither the domestic, nor the foreign tourism. It is prevented by multiple, unsolved today issues concerning lack of infrastructure, visa and customs regime, lack

F

or the Kaliningrad District, which has a limited industrial and agricultural potential, orientation on cultural richness could become a real opportunity for economic and social development. This kind of an attitude corresponds with the UNESCO Convention concerning the protection of the world cultural and natural heritage, which recommends to states-participants a common policy aiming at assigning particular functions in society s life to the cultural and natural heritage, and at including it in programs of general planning [Convention concerning the protection of the world cultural and natural heritage, 1972, art. 5]. The used potential of cultural goods, of historical monuments of the Kaliningrad District, could have influence on the development of recreation, scientific and educational facilities, reconstruction of tradition and strengthening of disappearing professions and forms of farming and, finally, on activation of the whole economic, social and cultural zone of the region. Apart from this, heritage provides an opportunity to create a unique image of the area, to expose its distinction among other regions of the Russian Federation and among the neighbouring countries. At the same time, it is a special part of a potential which has a measurable value; here lies the economic importance of the heritage. Its role is invaluable also for the development of culture and education; here lies the social importance of the heritage. It could

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Importance of Heritage

also contribute to integration of the Kaliningrad District with the neighbouring countries. Such processes can be observed for example in Poland, where the cultural heritage is considered a national value, but also a universal, common to all mankind and pan-European one. This kind of approach includes Poland in the European and world zone of values, culture and tourism. A particular nature of the heritage of the Kaliningrad District, both the historical and the natural one, is similar to the resources of the neighbouring countries. It could have more influence on the development of international cultural cooperation, support creation of a uniform tourist concept (transnational tourist tracks, cultural projects, etc.). Traditional heritage plays an important role in the development of tourism. Despite the fact that the Kaliningrad District has a huge potential in this respect and tourism developed on a high level could become an important branch of the national economy, there are a few obstacles in the way to obtaining this goal. Nowadays, buildings belonging to cultural heritage are included to some extent in the domestic tourist market, which, unfortunately, has limited possibilities and scale. Nowadays, the main type of tourism functioning in the Kaliningrad District is foreign tourism. This is understandable, caused by a high level of services and generally by a higher tourist attractiveness of foreign countries. At the same time, a gradual growth of domestic tourism is observable, both on the whole area of Russia, and in the Kaliningrad District. We can see a particular interest in the history of the country and in its heritage among the very inhabitants and among representatives of other regions of Russia, as well as among tourists from abroad. It would be good to take advantage of this tendency. Making use of the cultural and natural heritage and of their potential in a premeditated way, combined with an advantageous geographical location, would provide an opportunity to transform the district into a multi-profile territory with respect to the tourist potential. On the other hand, cutting out a proportion of income from tourism could help obtain significant resources for the maintenance and protection of cultural goods. Unfortunately, the domain of cultural and natural heritage is not only not a priority, but not even an important, independent division of neither the domestic, nor the foreign tourism. It is prevented by multiple, unsolved today issues concerning lack of infrastructure, visa and customs regime, lack

88

Apart from financial resources, what is necessary is a change in methods of protection of cultural goods, introduction of a comprehensive approach: from protection of individual monuments to creation of protected zones and areas. Global experiences prove that the most effective for the protection of monuments is to include them in the plans of cities and land development. For the Kaliningrad District, considering the degree of destruction of its cultural heritage, it is important to create whole zones of restoration and protection of monuments. Nowadays, on the area of the district such zones have already been marked out but they are connected exclusively with the most well-known historical and natural monuments; these are only individual objects, therefore, this kind of approach does not offer an opportunity to reconstruct and protect the whole cultural and landscape image of the area and of the historic environment.


Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

of comprehensive, premeditated and financially-supported state policy on culture and tourism of the region. Meanwhile, without investment in renovation, reconstruction, creation of appropriate infrastructure, without supporting the development of buildings for cultural purposes, the heritage of the Kaliningrad District will not be attractive from the perspective of entry tourism. The situation is even more complicated due to competition from the neighbouring countries: Poland and Lithuania, where we can find similar heritage, but both the conditions and the mechanisms of the usage thereof are much better and meet all the requirements of the tourist industry. Nowadays, the Kaliningrad District is unable to compete with the offer of its neighbours. Therefore, the existing potential is not used in an appropriate way. The protection of heritage in the Kaliningrad District is regulated by the federal and by the regional law. The most important role, however, in determining and developing the heritage protection system, is played by the state. The mechanisms that it employs for this purpose are: G restrictions referring to the usage of monuments, G investment policy, G implementation of different programs connected with protection, use and promotion of the heritage. The legal system referring to the protection of monuments consists of a few acts. The most important one is the Constitution of the Russian Federation, obliging every citizen to care for and protect the historical and cultural heritage, emphasizing its national and universal significance. Here lies the similarity with the Polish legal system which also imposes the obligation of protection of cultural goods not only on the state, but also on citizens. These issues are additionally regulated in detail by a number of legal acts on the federal level. Of paramount importance is the law On objects of cultural heritage (monuments of history and culture) of the nations of the Russian Federation from the year 2002. Separate norms, devoted to the regulation of legal relations referring to heritage protection, are included in the building code, land code, tax code of the Russian Federation, in federal acts ( On architectural activity in the Russian Federation , On state privatization and local-government s ownership , On licensing of particular types of activity ) and in legal acts concerning the budget.

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

The federal law on the protection of cultural heritage objects, as well as legal act from the year 1978 which was previously in force, foresee division of objects of heritage into: monuments of federal, regional and local significance. At the same time, depending on a particular value of the monument, a division exists into the following categories: listed in the world heritage register, objects of national importance, and monuments considered objects of heritage. The value of the object defined in this way has impact on the way it is managed (objects from the UNESCO World Cultural Heritage List and of national importance are subject to the central authority; monuments of lesser value to the local or regional government). Protection is assigned to a state structure of a relevant level. Considering the size of the territory of the Russian Federation, this kind of solution is justified, however, there is an opinion among specialists on heritage that such a division as the application of the law of 15 XII 1978 proves does not meet scientifically justified criteria. The state protection system should not be based on the category of the monument. Nowadays, this kind of classification creates unnecessary barriers during implementation of the state program of monuments protection and leads to a problem of separation of qualities. Abandoning this division could help improve the protection system and reach its compliance with legal regulations. In the present system of monuments protection a comprehensive approach is still missing; more common is the practice of protection and reconstruction of single monuments. However, legal acts, such as for example the land code, include the notion of historical and cultural territory which surrounds the monument. It is subject to protection together with such a monument. A proof of comprehensive approach is also presence in the legislation of a definition of historical, landscape and urban environment. On the scale of the Kaliningrad District the state protection of monuments of regional and local significance is regulated by the law of the Kaliningrad District On the protection of objects of cultural heritage (monuments of history and culture) in the Kaliningrad District from the year 2003. Preservation of heritage is treated as one of the most important objectives in all documents concerning the activity and cultural policy in the Kaliningrad District, and as a practical task included in the program of development of the region s culture until the

89

of comprehensive, premeditated and financially-supported state policy on culture and tourism of the region. Meanwhile, without investment in renovation, reconstruction, creation of appropriate infrastructure, without supporting the development of buildings for cultural purposes, the heritage of the Kaliningrad District will not be attractive from the perspective of entry tourism. The situation is even more complicated due to competition from the neighbouring countries: Poland and Lithuania, where we can find similar heritage, but both the conditions and the mechanisms of the usage thereof are much better and meet all the requirements of the tourist industry. Nowadays, the Kaliningrad District is unable to compete with the offer of its neighbours. Therefore, the existing potential is not used in an appropriate way. The protection of heritage in the Kaliningrad District is regulated by the federal and by the regional law. The most important role, however, in determining and developing the heritage protection system, is played by the state. The mechanisms that it employs for this purpose are: G restrictions referring to the usage of monuments, G investment policy, G implementation of different programs connected with protection, use and promotion of the heritage. The legal system referring to the protection of monuments consists of a few acts. The most important one is the Constitution of the Russian Federation, obliging every citizen to care for and protect the historical and cultural heritage, emphasizing its national and universal significance. Here lies the similarity with the Polish legal system which also imposes the obligation of protection of cultural goods not only on the state, but also on citizens. These issues are additionally regulated in detail by a number of legal acts on the federal level. Of paramount importance is the law On objects of cultural heritage (monuments of history and culture) of the nations of the Russian Federation from the year 2002. Separate norms, devoted to the regulation of legal relations referring to heritage protection, are included in the building code, land code, tax code of the Russian Federation, in federal acts ( On architectural activity in the Russian Federation , On state privatization and local-government s ownership , On licensing of particular types of activity ) and in legal acts concerning the budget.

89

The federal law on the protection of cultural heritage objects, as well as legal act from the year 1978 which was previously in force, foresee division of objects of heritage into: monuments of federal, regional and local significance. At the same time, depending on a particular value of the monument, a division exists into the following categories: listed in the world heritage register, objects of national importance, and monuments considered objects of heritage. The value of the object defined in this way has impact on the way it is managed (objects from the UNESCO World Cultural Heritage List and of national importance are subject to the central authority; monuments of lesser value to the local or regional government). Protection is assigned to a state structure of a relevant level. Considering the size of the territory of the Russian Federation, this kind of solution is justified, however, there is an opinion among specialists on heritage that such a division as the application of the law of 15 XII 1978 proves does not meet scientifically justified criteria. The state protection system should not be based on the category of the monument. Nowadays, this kind of classification creates unnecessary barriers during implementation of the state program of monuments protection and leads to a problem of separation of qualities. Abandoning this division could help improve the protection system and reach its compliance with legal regulations. In the present system of monuments protection a comprehensive approach is still missing; more common is the practice of protection and reconstruction of single monuments. However, legal acts, such as for example the land code, include the notion of historical and cultural territory which surrounds the monument. It is subject to protection together with such a monument. A proof of comprehensive approach is also presence in the legislation of a definition of historical, landscape and urban environment. On the scale of the Kaliningrad District the state protection of monuments of regional and local significance is regulated by the law of the Kaliningrad District On the protection of objects of cultural heritage (monuments of history and culture) in the Kaliningrad District from the year 2003. Preservation of heritage is treated as one of the most important objectives in all documents concerning the activity and cultural policy in the Kaliningrad District, and as a practical task included in the program of development of the region s culture until the


year 2010. The federal program of development of the Kaliningrad District until 2010 includes special chapters Culture and Protection of cultural heritage [Popow, 2006, pp. 34]. Recently, heritage has become an important factor of development, a visible phenomenon in the economic, social and cultural life of the society. For many years, it had not been mentioned neither in statistical, nor in analytical documents. Nowadays, it is mentioned both in mass media and in official documents, in plans of economic and cultural development. A truly effective activity for the protection of heritage requires improvement on both the federal and the local level, a system of management and implementation of legal regulations according to international agreements and Russian legislation. Key problems to be solved are property issues and such things as sponsoring and patronage with respect to culture.

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Ownership

90

T

he existing Russian legislation theoretically foresees a situation in which objects belonging to cultural heritage become private property after a few conditions are met: G conducting cultural activity as the main type of activity on the premises of the monument, G maintaining profiled services, G provision of services for these categories of citizens who have special discounts, G securing the existing places of work and social benefits for employees. Cultural goods of particular significance may become private property. There are among them: cultural heritage of the nations of the Russian Federation, including cultural goods which are kept by national or local museums, archives, libraries, art galleries, including buildings and rooms in which they are stored. Development of private ownership of objects and building a market of heritage is a very important condition of the market economics. It is a method of transmittal by the state of the obligation of protection of monuments, of developing a partnership between the state and the society in this field, of attracting new resources for the renovation of monuments, finding caring owners for monuments. And although there are cases in which monuments become private property, these are only single instances on the whole territory of Russia. Monuments of history are one of the last pillars of a vast sphere of state ownership, not covered yet by privatization. The issue of own-

ership, referring mostly to architectural monuments, remains still unsolved, which significantly prevents the development of the system of protection. The problem lies in absence of criteria for defining the value of the monument in one or another category: federal, regional or local. The issue of management over the monument is also not clear what level of authority should be involved with protection. As it has already been mentioned, there are about 40 monuments of federal significance in the Kaliningrad District. It is difficult to specify the exact number of monuments of regional or local character. At the same time, opportunities for privatization of monuments, of organizing long-term lease or unpaid use, are very big today. Preparing an effective system which would guarantee protection and maintenance of the monument in the proper condition by new owners, could attract new resources for a more effective protection of heritage. In order to clarify this issue and delegate authorization for protection and use of objects of heritage, it is necessary to urgently introduce an inventory of monuments based on specified criteria. It is also necessary to work out mechanisms enabling the owners of monuments to use financial resources of the state budget assigned for the protection of the cultural goods, especially in cases when activities conducted in this object do not bring profits big enough to maintain the monument in a proper condition. Currently works are underway aimed at preparation of a draft of a legal act with amendments introduced and supplements to the previous law No. 73-F3 On objects of cultural heritage of the nations of the Russian Federation from the 25th June 2002. The main problem here is different approaches to the rights and power of attorney of regions with reference to protection of heritage of federal significance, including the transfer of financial resources and implementation of a state register of cultural heritage objects (monuments of history and culture). According to the opinion of the Ministry of Finance, on the basis of the legislation in force today it is impossible to specify the category of the monument without solving the problem of ownership of the object. The last problem remains unsolved. A new draft of the Federal Law confirms, however, the possibility to transfer financing and protection of monuments to local governments [Wizja polityki kulturalnej w Obwodzie Kaliningradzkim, 2006, pp. 15-16].

T

he existing Russian legislation theoretically foresees a situation in which objects belonging to cultural heritage become private property after a few conditions are met: G conducting cultural activity as the main type of activity on the premises of the monument, G maintaining profiled services, G provision of services for these categories of citizens who have special discounts, G securing the existing places of work and social benefits for employees. Cultural goods of particular significance may become private property. There are among them: cultural heritage of the nations of the Russian Federation, including cultural goods which are kept by national or local museums, archives, libraries, art galleries, including buildings and rooms in which they are stored. Development of private ownership of objects and building a market of heritage is a very important condition of the market economics. It is a method of transmittal by the state of the obligation of protection of monuments, of developing a partnership between the state and the society in this field, of attracting new resources for the renovation of monuments, finding caring owners for monuments. And although there are cases in which monuments become private property, these are only single instances on the whole territory of Russia. Monuments of history are one of the last pillars of a vast sphere of state ownership, not covered yet by privatization. The issue of own-

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Ownership

ership, referring mostly to architectural monuments, remains still unsolved, which significantly prevents the development of the system of protection. The problem lies in absence of criteria for defining the value of the monument in one or another category: federal, regional or local. The issue of management over the monument is also not clear what level of authority should be involved with protection. As it has already been mentioned, there are about 40 monuments of federal significance in the Kaliningrad District. It is difficult to specify the exact number of monuments of regional or local character. At the same time, opportunities for privatization of monuments, of organizing long-term lease or unpaid use, are very big today. Preparing an effective system which would guarantee protection and maintenance of the monument in the proper condition by new owners, could attract new resources for a more effective protection of heritage. In order to clarify this issue and delegate authorization for protection and use of objects of heritage, it is necessary to urgently introduce an inventory of monuments based on specified criteria. It is also necessary to work out mechanisms enabling the owners of monuments to use financial resources of the state budget assigned for the protection of the cultural goods, especially in cases when activities conducted in this object do not bring profits big enough to maintain the monument in a proper condition. Currently works are underway aimed at preparation of a draft of a legal act with amendments introduced and supplements to the previous law No. 73-F3 On objects of cultural heritage of the nations of the Russian Federation from the 25th June 2002. The main problem here is different approaches to the rights and power of attorney of regions with reference to protection of heritage of federal significance, including the transfer of financial resources and implementation of a state register of cultural heritage objects (monuments of history and culture). According to the opinion of the Ministry of Finance, on the basis of the legislation in force today it is impossible to specify the category of the monument without solving the problem of ownership of the object. The last problem remains unsolved. A new draft of the Federal Law confirms, however, the possibility to transfer financing and protection of monuments to local governments [Wizja polityki kulturalnej w Obwodzie Kaliningradzkim, 2006, pp. 15-16].

90

year 2010. The federal program of development of the Kaliningrad District until 2010 includes special chapters Culture and Protection of cultural heritage [Popow, 2006, pp. 34]. Recently, heritage has become an important factor of development, a visible phenomenon in the economic, social and cultural life of the society. For many years, it had not been mentioned neither in statistical, nor in analytical documents. Nowadays, it is mentioned both in mass media and in official documents, in plans of economic and cultural development. A truly effective activity for the protection of heritage requires improvement on both the federal and the local level, a system of management and implementation of legal regulations according to international agreements and Russian legislation. Key problems to be solved are property issues and such things as sponsoring and patronage with respect to culture.


91

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

A weak link in the practice of heritage protection in Russia and in the Kaliningrad District is absence of partnership between the state on the one hand, and the society and the private sector on the other hand. Immediate involvement of individual persons or legal entities and non-governmental organizations could improve efficiency of the protection of monuments which are not being used yet and reconstruction of the lost ones, lead to selfdevelopment effect, have influence on understanding personal and common responsibility and respect for heritage. Flexible mechanisms of supporting private initiatives, individual sponsoring and business, are necessary for the development of such partnership. Due to ab-

sence of appropriate conditions for patronage and sponsoring, as well as the already mentioned deficient legislation, heritage is deprived of important resources for reconstruction and development. Apart from changes in legislation concerning heritage protection, a comprehensive and far-sighted approach is necessary. It is important to create a strategy of heritage protection in the Kaliningrad District which could determine basic priorities and directions for actions aimed at protection of cultural goods, challenges connected with protection, renovation and use of monuments of culture, as well as publications and justifications of a system of practical activity in this field and protection of different kinds of cultural goods. Moreover, it should contain studies on the potential of the historical and cultural heritage in the district, as well as legal and practical mechanisms of implementation of this strategy. This kind of strategy should determine prospects of economic, social and cultural development of the region, considering the use of the potential of the heritage. For this reason, the strategy of heritage protection must be created in accordance with the program and strategy of development of the region s culture and the program of development of tourism and of leisure activities. Moreover, it must be included in the general strategy of development of the Kaliningrad District. Only such comprehensive approach may enable effective and proper reconstruction and development of heritage in the Kaliningrad District. Moreover, this kind of a strategy could become a model of cooperation and combining development of the sphere of culture and economics.

Literature

Polityka kulturalna w Obwodzie Kaliningradzkim

Regulations (Basic Law of the Kaliningrad District) recommend introduction of a special status for the region s monuments and referring them to the state register. According to regulations, such monuments are withdrawn from civil circulation, which means that they cannot become private property [Gercyk, 2006, p. 20]. Summing up, we can enumerate present tasks concerning heritage protection in the Kaliningrad District: G making inventory of monuments and cultural goods existing in the region, determining their condition and making a general register, G design and creation of monuments protection zones, G study and research works, G renovation works [Polityka kulturalna w Obwodzie Kaliningradzkim materia³y do koncepcji, 2006, s. 18].

Gercyk I. Ustawodawstwo Obwodu Kaliningradzk-

materia³y do koncepcji, Kaliningrad 2006.

iego, reguluj¹ce stosunki w zakresie kultury [w:]

Popow A., Struktura sektoru. Sieæ organizacji pub-

Wizja polityki kulturalnej w Obwodzie Kalinin-

licznych [w:] Wizja polityki kulturalnej w Obwodzie

gradzkim, Kaliningrad 2006.

Kaliningradzkim, Kaliningrad 2006.

Konwencja w sprawie ochrony wiatowego dziedzictwa kulturalnego i naturalnego, Pary¿ 1972.

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

91

wa kulturalnego i naturalnego, Pary¿ 1972. Konwencja w sprawie ochrony wiatowego dziedzictKaliningradzkim, Kaliningrad 2006.

gradzkim, Kaliningrad 2006.

licznych [w:] Wizja polityki kulturalnej w Obwodzie

Wizja polityki kulturalnej w Obwodzie Kalinin-

Popow A., Struktura sektoru. Sieæ organizacji pub-

iego, reguluj¹ce stosunki w zakresie kultury [w:] Gercyk I. Ustawodawstwo Obwodu Kaliningradzk-

materia³y do koncepcji, Kaliningrad 2006. Polityka kulturalna w Obwodzie Kaliningradzkim

Literature

sence of appropriate conditions for patronage and sponsoring, as well as the already mentioned deficient legislation, heritage is deprived of important resources for reconstruction and development. Apart from changes in legislation concerning heritage protection, a comprehensive and far-sighted approach is necessary. It is important to create a strategy of heritage protection in the Kaliningrad District which could determine basic priorities and directions for actions aimed at protection of cultural goods, challenges connected with protection, renovation and use of monuments of culture, as well as publications and justifications of a system of practical activity in this field and protection of different kinds of cultural goods. Moreover, it should contain studies on the potential of the historical and cultural heritage in the district, as well as legal and practical mechanisms of implementation of this strategy. This kind of strategy should determine prospects of economic, social and cultural development of the region, considering the use of the potential of the heritage. For this reason, the strategy of heritage protection must be created in accordance with the program and strategy of development of the region s culture and the program of development of tourism and of leisure activities. Moreover, it must be included in the general strategy of development of the Kaliningrad District. Only such comprehensive approach may enable effective and proper reconstruction and development of heritage in the Kaliningrad District. Moreover, this kind of a strategy could become a model of cooperation and combining development of the sphere of culture and economics.

A weak link in the practice of heritage protection in Russia and in the Kaliningrad District is absence of partnership between the state on the one hand, and the society and the private sector on the other hand. Immediate involvement of individual persons or legal entities and non-governmental organizations could improve efficiency of the protection of monuments which are not being used yet and reconstruction of the lost ones, lead to selfdevelopment effect, have influence on understanding personal and common responsibility and respect for heritage. Flexible mechanisms of supporting private initiatives, individual sponsoring and business, are necessary for the development of such partnership. Due to abRegulations (Basic Law of the Kaliningrad District) recommend introduction of a special status for the region s monuments and referring them to the state register. According to regulations, such monuments are withdrawn from civil circulation, which means that they cannot become private property [Gercyk, 2006, p. 20]. Summing up, we can enumerate present tasks concerning heritage protection in the Kaliningrad District: G making inventory of monuments and cultural goods existing in the region, determining their condition and making a general register, G design and creation of monuments protection zones, G study and research works, G renovation works [Polityka kulturalna w Obwodzie Kaliningradzkim materia³y do koncepcji, 2006, s. 18].


Larysa Osmalovskaya

Basic Problems of the Third Sector Development in the Cultural Sphere of the Belarusian Republic

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Translated by El¿bieta Kania & Pawe³ Szlachta

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such positive effects as the increase in the cultural, intellectual and moral potential of the society, etc. In this context, non-commercial, non-state organizations in Belarus constitute an important innovative mechanism for the formation of the production sphere of important social consumer goods. From economic point of view, this is an interesting sector as its direct contribution to the economy consists in the creation of additional job places. At the same time unlike commercial institutions it ensures its members, often socially involved citizens, socio-psychological support. Improving the social climate, the third sector makes its own contribution to secure social and economic stability which is, in turn, an indispensable factor of economic development [Lidorakina, http:/www.urbaneconomics.ru]. The third sector acts in the spheres which cannot interest commercial organizations. Another reason for the third sector attractiveness is the fact that non-commercial non-state sector may be competitive with the non-commercial state sector, thus increasing the effectiveness of social services offer. World experience has shown that state organizations have not shown high efficiency when acting in this field that is why their role here is diminishing. In Germany, for example, 35% of all kindergartens are non-state institutions, over 60% of homes for the disabled are under private management, like about 50% of old people s homes and 40% of hospitals [http:/www.demokratia.ru.]. The state is gradually switching over from supplying social services to contracting them out, choosing the most efficient ways of spending public resources.

A

Larysa Osmo³owska a scientific worker and a PhD student in the Institute of Economy at the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus. She is preparing a dissertation Imrovement Mechanism Financing of Cultural Sphere in Belarus. She conducted researches on financing of the culture in Poland in the Institute of Public Affairs at Jagiellonian University.

ll the legal entities existing in the Belarusian National Republic can be, in accordance with the binding legislation, divided into two main groups: commercial and non-commercial organizations. The basic criterion is the category of profit. There is also a visible division into spheres of interests. The non-commercial organization sector deals mainly with social and cultural spheres as well as with other important public objectives. Organizations in this sector can business activity only when it is indispensable for the statutory purposes for which a given institution was created, when it is in accordance with these purposes and with the subject of the organization activity. Conducting such business is only possible with commercial firms acting as intermediaries or with their direct participation. In accordance with the binding legislation, the net profit should be allocated for the exact purpose for which a given organization was established. The non-commercial organizations acting in Belarus can be divided into two groups: state and non-state ones. The non-commercial state institutions constitute a substantial part of non-commercial organizations in the cultural sphere of the Belarusian National Republic. The phenomenon known as the third sector (non-state and non-commercial organizations) resulted from the search for an alternative sector for the realization of social tasks important for the state. Production of consumer goods in this sphere is connected with the occurrence of costs and profits not included in their prices, and their consumption leads to

such positive effects as the increase in the cultural, intellectual and moral potential of the society, etc. In this context, non-commercial, non-state organizations in Belarus constitute an important innovative mechanism for the formation of the production sphere of important social consumer goods. From economic point of view, this is an interesting sector as its direct contribution to the economy consists in the creation of additional job places. At the same time unlike commercial institutions it ensures its members, often socially involved citizens, socio-psychological support. Improving the social climate, the third sector makes its own contribution to secure social and economic stability which is, in turn, an indispensable factor of economic development [Lidorakina, http:/www.urbaneconomics.ru]. The third sector acts in the spheres which cannot interest commercial organizations. Another reason for the third sector attractiveness is the fact that non-commercial non-state sector may be competitive with the non-commercial state sector, thus increasing the effectiveness of social services offer. World experience has shown that state organizations have not shown high efficiency when acting in this field that is why their role here is diminishing. In Germany, for example, 35% of all kindergartens are non-state institutions, over 60% of homes for the disabled are under private management, like about 50% of old people s homes and 40% of hospitals [http:/www.demokratia.ru.]. The state is gradually switching over from supplying social services to contracting them out, choosing the most efficient ways of spending public resources.

A

ll the legal entities existing in the Belarusian National Republic can be, in accordance with the binding legislation, divided into two main groups: commercial and non-commercial organizations. The basic criterion is the category of profit. There is also a visible division into spheres of interests. The non-commercial organization sector deals mainly with social and cultural spheres as well as with other important public objectives. Organizations in this sector can business activity only when it is indispensable for the statutory purposes for which a given institution was created, when it is in accordance with these purposes and with the subject of the organization activity. Conducting such business is only possible with commercial firms acting as intermediaries or with their direct participation. In accordance with the binding legislation, the net profit should be allocated for the exact purpose for which a given organization was established. The non-commercial organizations acting in Belarus can be divided into two groups: state and non-state ones. The non-commercial state institutions constitute a substantial part of non-commercial organizations in the cultural sphere of the Belarusian National Republic. The phenomenon known as the third sector (non-state and non-commercial organizations) resulted from the search for an alternative sector for the realization of social tasks important for the state. Production of consumer goods in this sphere is connected with the occurrence of costs and profits not included in their prices, and their consumption leads to

Translated by El¿bieta Kania & Pawe³ Szlachta

Larysa Osmo³owska a scientific worker and a PhD student in the Institute of Economy at the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus. She is preparing a dissertation Imrovement Mechanism Financing of Cultural Sphere in Belarus. She conducted researches on financing of the culture in Poland in the Institute of Public Affairs at Jagiellonian University.

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Larysa Osmalovskaya

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Basic Problems of the Third Sector Development in the Cultural Sphere of the Belarusian Republic


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Legal Bases of Non-Commercial and Non-State Organizations in the Republic of Belarus

N

on-commercial organizations in the Belarusian National Republic may exist legally as social or religious associations, as state foundations, offices, as well as the associations of legal entities (associations or unions). The activity of non-commercial organizations in Belarus is regulated by the following norm setting acts: G Constitution of the Belarus Republic, G Civil Code of the Belarus Republic: Article 116 Commercial Cooperative Article 117 Public and religious organizations (associations) Article 117-1 State-communal companies Article 118 Foundations Article 119 Status change and fund liquidation Article 120 Offices Article 121 Legal persons agreement (associations, companies) G Law of the Belarusian National Republic No. 3254-XII of 4th October 1994 On Public Associations (Lists of the Chief Council of the Belarusian National Republic No. 29, article 503 of 1994), G Law of the Belarusian National Republic No. 150-3 of 19th July 2006, On national statecommunal organizations (registered in the National Register of Legal Acts of the Belarusian National Republic No. 2/1247 of 20th July 2006, G Decree of the President of the Belarusian Republic No. 2 of 26th January 1999, On certain principles concerning regulating the activities of political parties, trade unions and other public associations (Registered in the National Register of Legal Acts of the Belarusian Republic No. 1/65 of 28th January 1999), G Decision of the Ministry of Justice of the Belarusian Republic No. 48, of 30th August 2005, On approving normative legal acts concerning the preparation and consideration of the documents connected with the registration of political parties, trade unions and other public associations, with including and excluding their organizational structures from state registers and records . (Registered in the National Register of Legal Acts of the Belarusian Republic No. 8/ 13102 of 12th September 2005). The main problem of the non-state noncommercial institutions in Belarus is finding

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

domestic or foreign sponsors. In March 2001 appeared Presidential Decree No. 8 On certain issues concerning the process of obtaining and utilizing foreign sponsorship. This regulation was changed then Decree No. 24: On receiving and using free assistance , of 28th November 2003, which was accompanied by a large number of executive legal acts. All this resulted in the formalization and restrictions in receiving and utilizing foreign free assistance According to the latest Decree, foreign donation is defined as financial resources, also in foreign currency, as well as goods given free of charge to be used or managed by organizations and natural persons of the Belarusian Republic. The donors may be foreign countries, foreign organizations or citizens, international organizations, as well as persons without citizenship or anonymous people . Foreign free assistance has to be registered by the recipient in the Humanitarian Activity Division of the President s Office. The registration of the donation is confirmed by a certificate issued by the Division. Foreign donations can be spent on following causes: G elimination of the aftermath of natural and technological disasters, G carrying out research work, realization of RD programmes, scientific publications, G supporting environmental protection, developing nature reserves, creating cultural values, reconstructing historical objects, G providing medical help, G providing social service for the poor and unprovisioned, G on other purposes determined by the President of Belarus and after receiving his permission. In the situation when free foreign assistance is allocated for the above-mentioned purposes it is duty-free and exempt from excise tax, from income tax and from income tax from individuals. In all other situations free foreign assistance is taxable. In July 2005 the state also decided to take control of the free domestic assistance (sponsorship). Presidential Decree No. 300, of 1st July 2005, On the donation and utilization of free (sponsored) assistance defined twelve purposes to which the above-mentioned assistance can be allocated: G developing and strengthening technological base, G purchasing agricultural technologies and (or) spare parts for machines, flammable

93

The main problem of the non-state noncommercial institutions in Belarus is finding on-commercial organizations in the Belarusian National Republic may exist legally as social or religious associations, as state foundations, offices, as well as the associations of legal entities (associations or unions). The activity of non-commercial organizations in Belarus is regulated by the following norm setting acts: G Constitution of the Belarus Republic, G Civil Code of the Belarus Republic: Article 116 Commercial Cooperative Article 117 Public and religious organizations (associations) Article 117-1 State-communal companies Article 118 Foundations Article 119 Status change and fund liquidation Article 120 Offices Article 121 Legal persons agreement (associations, companies) G Law of the Belarusian National Republic No. 3254-XII of 4th October 1994 On Public Associations (Lists of the Chief Council of the Belarusian National Republic No. 29, article 503 of 1994), G Law of the Belarusian National Republic No. 150-3 of 19th July 2006, On national statecommunal organizations (registered in the National Register of Legal Acts of the Belarusian National Republic No. 2/1247 of 20th July 2006, G Decree of the President of the Belarusian Republic No. 2 of 26th January 1999, On certain principles concerning regulating the activities of political parties, trade unions and other public associations (Registered in the National Register of Legal Acts of the Belarusian Republic No. 1/65 of 28th January 1999), G Decision of the Ministry of Justice of the Belarusian Republic No. 48, of 30th August 2005, On approving normative legal acts concerning the preparation and consideration of the documents connected with the registration of political parties, trade unions and other public associations, with including and excluding their organizational structures from state registers and records . (Registered in the National Register of Legal Acts of the Belarusian Republic No. 8/ 13102 of 12th September 2005).

N

Legal Bases of Non-Commercial and Non-State Organizations in the Republic of Belarus

In the situation when free foreign assistance is allocated for the above-mentioned purposes it is duty-free and exempt from excise tax, from income tax and from income tax from individuals. In all other situations free foreign assistance is taxable. In July 2005 the state also decided to take control of the free domestic assistance (sponsorship). Presidential Decree No. 300, of 1st July 2005, On the donation and utilization of free (sponsored) assistance defined twelve purposes to which the above-mentioned assistance can be allocated: G developing and strengthening technological base, purchasing agricultural technologies and (or) spare parts for machines, flammable G

domestic or foreign sponsors. In March 2001 appeared Presidential Decree No. 8 On certain issues concerning the process of obtaining and utilizing foreign sponsorship. This regulation was changed then Decree No. 24: On receiving and using free assistance , of 28th November 2003, which was accompanied by a large number of executive legal acts. All this resulted in the formalization and restrictions in receiving and utilizing foreign free assistance According to the latest Decree, foreign donation is defined as financial resources, also in foreign currency, as well as goods given free of charge to be used or managed by organizations and natural persons of the Belarusian Republic. The donors may be foreign countries, foreign organizations or citizens, international organizations, as well as persons without citizenship or anonymous people . Foreign free assistance has to be registered by the recipient in the Humanitarian Activity Division of the President s Office. The registration of the donation is confirmed by a certificate issued by the Division. Foreign donations can be spent on following causes: G elimination of the aftermath of natural and technological disasters, G carrying out research work, realization of RD programmes, scientific publications, G supporting environmental protection, developing nature reserves, creating cultural values, reconstructing historical objects, G providing medical help, G providing social service for the poor and unprovisioned, G on other purposes determined by the President of Belarus and after receiving his permission.


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ities of Mensk (or other provincial cities). In any other case sponsoring is possible only after receiving Presidential permission. Allocating free assistance to organizing mass cultural projects is only possible if the objective can be classified as one of those mentioned in Decree No. 300. The binding law on culture does not define the concept of national creative output . It appears only in Law No. 4 on copyright and coauthorship. In accordance with this law, national creative output is a work including elements of artistic tradition (folk tales, national poetry, national songs, national music, national art and dance, artistic forms of traditional rituals and others). If mass cultural project cannot be included in the category of national output or activity of national music groups or performers, free assistance for its realization can only be granted and obtained with the presidential consent.

he comparison of the non-state non-commercial sector with the state one shows the real potential of the former. However, carrying out a clear comparative procedure actually proved impossible. Only the state sector can be described in the form which lends itself to any useful analysis and evaluation (there are special ways of doing accountancy, settlements and records; there is also a special body Municipal Culture Council that oversees these activities). A similar description of the non-state sector is in fact impossible. The only accessible source of information referring to this sector is the Municipal Court register of public companies. It contains the names of organizations, their localization, registration dates and activity profiles. Information concerning the source of financing is practically impossible to obtain. 416 associations have been registered in the Mensk Municipal Court, 45 (10,8%) of which act in the sphere of culture and education or culture and entertainment. Depending on the aims of their creation the organizations can be divided into the following categories: G organizations of general cultural and educational character (18 organizations; 40%), G national minority organizations, whose main purpose is keeping and propagating their language and culture in Belarus (14; 31,1%),

Comparative Analysis of the State and Non-State Sector in the Sphere of Culture in Mensk

T

T

Comparative Analysis of the State and Non-State Sector in the Sphere of Culture in Mensk

he comparison of the non-state non-commercial sector with the state one shows the real potential of the former. However, carrying out a clear comparative procedure actually proved impossible. Only the state sector can be described in the form which lends itself to any useful analysis and evaluation (there are special ways of doing accountancy, settlements and records; there is also a special body Municipal Culture Council that oversees these activities). A similar description of the non-state sector is in fact impossible. The only accessible source of information referring to this sector is the Municipal Court register of public companies. It contains the names of organizations, their localization, registration dates and activity profiles. Information concerning the source of financing is practically impossible to obtain. 416 associations have been registered in the Mensk Municipal Court, 45 (10,8%) of which act in the sphere of culture and education or culture and entertainment. Depending on the aims of their creation the organizations can be divided into the following categories: G organizations of general cultural and educational character (18 organizations; 40%), G national minority organizations, whose main purpose is keeping and propagating their language and culture in Belarus (14; 31,1%),

94

ities of Mensk (or other provincial cities). In any other case sponsoring is possible only after receiving Presidential permission. Allocating free assistance to organizing mass cultural projects is only possible if the objective can be classified as one of those mentioned in Decree No. 300. The binding law on culture does not define the concept of national creative output . It appears only in Law No. 4 on copyright and coauthorship. In accordance with this law, national creative output is a work including elements of artistic tradition (folk tales, national poetry, national songs, national music, national art and dance, artistic forms of traditional rituals and others). If mass cultural project cannot be included in the category of national output or activity of national music groups or performers, free assistance for its realization can only be granted and obtained with the presidential consent.

grease, linseed, fertilizers, plant protection agents, as well as supporting the realization of state programmes concerning the revival and development of the countryside, G supporting Olympic and Para Olympic Belarusian initiatives, games, organizing sports competitions, sports-health activity, sports enterprises, organizing sports as well as building and maintaining sports centres, G protection and restoration of historical and cultural heritage, development of libraries, museums and cinematography, artistic and cultural education, as well as supporting national creative output and folk handicraft, domestic music groups and performers, G purchasing medicines, medical products and equipment for health service, rendering medical help to Belarusian citizens, supporting activity in the sphere of health protection and propagating healthy life style, G organizing Olympiads, competitions, festivals, parades and other events prepared on approval of Belarusian President, the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Belarus, provincial authorities and the City Council of Mensk, G publishing school textbooks, buying teaching aids, preparing meals for pupils and undergraduates of educational institutions, G supporting organizations carrying out social services for the poor and for other citizens who are in need of state assistance either due to their health problems (physical or mental) or to their difficult social situation (lonely old people, the disabled, war veterans, families with many children or singleparent families, orphans, children without parental care, and other of citizens specified by legislation), G supporting religious organizations legally registered in Belarus, G eliminating the aftermath of natural and technological disasters, G carrying out research included in state programmes, G developing protected areas (nature reserves, national parks, natural monuments). Allocating assistance for other purposes requires presidential permission. It may seem that culture and sport are in a more privileged position in comparison to other spheres, but it should be noted that the above list excludes a large number of other social projects for which it used to be allowed to obtain sponsorship. For example, sponsoring Olympiads, competitions, festivals and sports competitions is acceptable only if they are organized with the consent of the President, the government or the author-

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

grease, linseed, fertilizers, plant protection agents, as well as supporting the realization of state programmes concerning the revival and development of the countryside, G supporting Olympic and Para Olympic Belarusian initiatives, games, organizing sports competitions, sports-health activity, sports enterprises, organizing sports as well as building and maintaining sports centres, G protection and restoration of historical and cultural heritage, development of libraries, museums and cinematography, artistic and cultural education, as well as supporting national creative output and folk handicraft, domestic music groups and performers, G purchasing medicines, medical products and equipment for health service, rendering medical help to Belarusian citizens, supporting activity in the sphere of health protection and propagating healthy life style, G organizing Olympiads, competitions, festivals, parades and other events prepared on approval of Belarusian President, the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Belarus, provincial authorities and the City Council of Mensk, G publishing school textbooks, buying teaching aids, preparing meals for pupils and undergraduates of educational institutions, G supporting organizations carrying out social services for the poor and for other citizens who are in need of state assistance either due to their health problems (physical or mental) or to their difficult social situation (lonely old people, the disabled, war veterans, families with many children or singleparent families, orphans, children without parental care, and other of citizens specified by legislation), G supporting religious organizations legally registered in Belarus, G eliminating the aftermath of natural and technological disasters, G carrying out research included in state programmes, G developing protected areas (nature reserves, national parks, natural monuments). Allocating assistance for other purposes requires presidential permission. It may seem that culture and sport are in a more privileged position in comparison to other spheres, but it should be noted that the above list excludes a large number of other social projects for which it used to be allowed to obtain sponsorship. For example, sponsoring Olympiads, competitions, festivals and sports competitions is acceptable only if they are organized with the consent of the President, the government or the author-


Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

(electronic doc); www.urbaneconomics.ru. tor niekomercyjny: do wiadczenie miêdzynarodowe M. Lidorakina, Fundusz Instytut ekonomiki miasta , Sek-

Literature organizations promoting choreography (2; 4,4%), G organizations dealing with national heritage issues (2; 4,4%), G organizations dealing with foreign language teaching and the promotion of these languages (2; 4,4%), G other organizations (7; 15,6%). Interestingly, precedence has been given to organizations of a very wide profile, like cultural and educational activity aiming at the development of intellectual abilities or helping to create the right conditions for the educational, cultural, physical and creative development of children and youths: upbringing in the spirit of justice, friendship and peace . Organizations whose purposes have been clearly defined (for example, charity theatre, association responsible for the introduction of modern technologies into the sphere of culture or a club for the fans of singing poets) take the last, sixth place. It should be noted that there also exist some select organizations, like Autoamerica which takes care of the interests of American car owners. The sphere of Mensk culture also abounds in organizations which have not been officially registered. Their activities are possible thanks to individual entrepreneurs who possess a licence to organize concerts and who get about 22% of the organization s profit. The main reason for such an arrangement is that the registration of a group and its activity is connected with additional administrative expenses, namely a large registration fee (about 145 USD). Running an organization also requires a lot of accountancy work and submitting documents every month. In case of ceasing the activity it takes a long time and a lot of problems to have the organization removed from the register (sometimes over 5 years). Comparing the number of the state and nonstate organizations acting in the sphere of culture and being under the control of the Municipal Department of Culture, it can be said that the latter are more numerous. The Department is in charge of 78 cultural organizations, includ-

G organizations promoting choreography (2; 4,4%), G organizations dealing with national heritage issues (2; 4,4%), G organizations dealing with foreign language teaching and the promotion of these languages (2; 4,4%), G other organizations (7; 15,6%). Interestingly, precedence has been given to organizations of a very wide profile, like cultural and educational activity aiming at the development of intellectual abilities or helping to create the right conditions for the educational, cultural, physical and creative development of children and youths: upbringing in the spirit of justice, friendship and peace . Organizations whose purposes have been clearly defined (for example, charity theatre, association responsible for the introduction of modern technologies into the sphere of culture or a club for the fans of singing poets) take the last, sixth place. It should be noted that there also exist some select organizations, like Autoamerica which takes care of the interests of American car owners. The sphere of Mensk culture also abounds in organizations which have not been officially registered. Their activities are possible thanks to individual entrepreneurs who possess a licence to organize concerts and who get about 22% of the organization s profit. The main reason for such an arrangement is that the registration of a group and its activity is connected with additional administrative expenses, namely a large registration fee (about 145 USD). Running an organization also requires a lot of accountancy work and submitting documents every month. In case of ceasing the activity it takes a long time and a lot of problems to have the organization removed from the register (sometimes over 5 years). Comparing the number of the state and nonstate organizations acting in the sphere of culture and being under the control of the Municipal Department of Culture, it can be said that the latter are more numerous. The Department is in charge of 78 cultural organizations, includ-

Literature M. Lidorakina, Fundusz Instytut ekonomiki miasta , Sektor niekomercyjny: do wiadczenie miêdzynarodowe (electronic doc); www.urbaneconomics.ru.

ing 42 libraries, 3 museums, 26 extra school educational institutions (music schools, children s arts schools etc.), 5 theatres, 1 national school of arts and 1 music school. Although they are not helped by the state they constitute 36% of the total number of organizations. It can be said for certain that at the moment the non-commercial non-state sector cannot gain advantage over the state one. The reasons that lie behind the insufficient development of the non-commercial sector are as follows: G the existence of a large number of legal acts controlling the activities of non-state organizations and their financing sources, while the organizations base has not formed yet, G little public support of civil initiatives, G lack of state encouragement for attracting individual and corporate funds, G the fact that these organizations are still new in Belarus, so they have not got enough experience, their leaders lack professional skills, cannot do effective marketing or planning, cannot organize team work. There seem to exist deeper reasons for the low work efficiency and weak development of the third sector in the sphere of culture. They are to be found in the low level of the development of the society, which is connected with the state policy (this consideration does not belong to the subject of this work). However, in spite of what has been said above, there can be observed some stimuli inside the third sector that influence its efficiency and further development. They are also responsible for the, it might seem, paradoxical phenomenon of the division of this sector into two alternative groups. One of them includes the officially registered organizations, and the other the unregistered ones. It can be supposed that the potential of the second group holds greater future perspectives, even if because of its greater adaptability to atypical conditions. In our opinion, it is just this part of the third sector that can gain advantage over the state sector, taking over part of the functions connected with providing social services in the sphere of culture.

Pañstwowa polityka w obwodzie wsparcia inicjatyw obywatelskich: pozycja organizacji pozarz¹dowych (electronic doc); www.demokratia.ru.

G

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(electronic doc); www.demokratia.ru. obywatelskich: pozycja organizacji pozarz¹dowych Pañstwowa polityka w obwodzie wsparcia inicjatyw

There seem to exist deeper reasons for the low work efficiency and weak development of the third sector in the sphere of culture. They are to be found in the low level of the development of the society, which is connected with the state policy (this consideration does not belong to the subject of this work). However, in spite of what has been said above, there can be observed some stimuli inside the third sector that influence its efficiency and further development. They are also responsible for the, it might seem, paradoxical phenomenon of the division of this sector into two alternative groups. One of them includes the officially registered organizations, and the other the unregistered ones. It can be supposed that the potential of the second group holds greater future perspectives, even if because of its greater adaptability to atypical conditions. In our opinion, it is just this part of the third sector that can gain advantage over the state sector, taking over part of the functions connected with providing social services in the sphere of culture. ing 42 libraries, 3 museums, 26 extra school educational institutions (music schools, children s arts schools etc.), 5 theatres, 1 national school of arts and 1 music school. Although they are not helped by the state they constitute 36% of the total number of organizations. It can be said for certain that at the moment the non-commercial non-state sector cannot gain advantage over the state one. The reasons that lie behind the insufficient development of the non-commercial sector are as follows: G the existence of a large number of legal acts controlling the activities of non-state organizations and their financing sources, while the organizations base has not formed yet, G little public support of civil initiatives, G lack of state encouragement for attracting individual and corporate funds, G the fact that these organizations are still new in Belarus, so they have not got enough experience, their leaders lack professional skills, cannot do effective marketing or planning, cannot organize team work.

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LIST OF PUBLIC ASSOCIATIONS REGISTERED IN THE MENSK MUNICIPAL OFFICE (AS FOR 23RD MAY 2007)

Mensk 19/1/102 Szugajeva St. tel. + 375 17 283 69 68

Supporting, propagating and developing both old and new styles and trends in music, choreography, art and theatre.

7 III 2003

12

Public Organization Tajpin

Mensk 220049 59 Volgograckogo St. tel. + 375 17 269 13 48

Educational and cultural activity aiming at propagating a healthy lifestyle, physical education and the theatre.

16 I 2004

13

Public Association Focus Group

Mensk 4B Prospekt Partyzancki tel. + 375 17 298 39 33

Empowering children and young people, developing their creativity and adaptability to the life in a modern society; development of physical education and theatrical skills.

12 IV 2002

12 IV 2002 16 I 2004 7 III 2003 16 V 2005 6 II 1999 3 VII 2002 19 IV 2002 25 I 2006 23 I 1992

Promotion and encouragement of cultural traditions in the field of choreography.

18 VI 2004

Preservation and restoration of historical and cultural monuments in Mensk. Organization of cultural exchange programmes, protection of monuments, propagation and realization of humanistic initiatives. Field of activity

The Youth and Kids Artistic Association Eola

Address

11

Name

31 VII 1997

Number

Educational and cultural activity oriented towards the development of friendship and cooperation between Belarusian and Turkish people.

Propagating the knowledge of the handicraft of Mensk and its region.

Mensk 191/4 Soltysa St. tel. + 375 17 227 01 60

1

Friendship Dost³uk Public Association

Mensk 220007 23 Vakzalnaja St. tel. +375 17 225 41 51

10

The Master of the European Home Public Association

12 IV 2002

2

Cultural and educational activity, supporting studies of Japanese and Slavonic culture, propagating Japanese and Slavonic achievements in the field of art and sport.

The Municipal Public Associa- Mensk 220050 tion Kalvaria 15 Sovecka St. tel. +375 17 253 44 12

Mensk 30 Gurskogo St.

3

The Public Association of Eastern Culture and Tradition Chagakure

Mensk 27 Zukova St. tel. +375 17 271 66 84

9

The Public Youth Association Breath of Dance

16 V 2005

Amateur activity directed at propagating and enhancing the knowledge of modern art.

Getting young people interested in the cultural and historical heritage of the Belarus Republic.

4

Mensk 220053 3/1 Parchomienko St. + 735 17 247 27 81

The Modern Art Fans Associa- Mensk 220030 27/7A Ukraiñska St. tion Koncept Art tel. + 375 29 402 80 17

A Rejuvenated Public Association The Centre of Humanistic Initiatives

5

8

Cultural and educational activity oriented towards helping the development of Jewish culture, tradition and history, and propagating Jewish cultural heritage.

6 II 1999

The European Cultural Association Emuna

Cultural and educational activity directed towards the enhancing of the knowledge and understanding of Polish culture.

Mensk 220123 28/3 V. Choruzej St. tel. +375 17 286 79 61 + 375 17 286 78 74

Mensk 7/29 Fofela St. tel. +375 17 505 13 80

Cultural and educational activity connected with Cossack history, propagating Cossack culture.

Polish Social, Cultural and Educational Society Poloniczka

6

7

Mensk 6/608 Skryganova St. tel. +375 17 277 94 33

3 VII 2002

The Russian Cossacks Descendants Public Association

Cultural and educational activity connected with Cossack history, propagating Cossack culture.

7

Mensk 6/608 Skryganova St. tel. +375 17 277 94 33

Cultural and educational activity directed towards the enhancing of the knowledge and understanding of Polish culture.

The Russian Cossacks Descendants Public Association

Mensk 7/29 Fofela St. tel. +375 17 505 13 80

6

Polish Social, Cultural and Educational Society Poloniczka

19 IV 2002

Getting young people interested in the cultural and historical heritage of the Belarus Republic.

Cultural and educational activity oriented towards helping the development of Jewish culture, tradition and history, and propagating Jewish cultural heritage.

8

Mensk 220123 28/3 V. Choruzej St. tel. +375 17 286 79 61 + 375 17 286 78 74

Mensk 220053 3/1 Parchomienko St. + 735 17 247 27 81

The European Cultural Association Emuna

A Rejuvenated Public Association The Centre of Humanistic Initiatives

5

12 IV 2002

25 I 2006

Mensk 30 Gurskogo St.

Amateur activity directed at propagating and enhancing the knowledge of modern art.

9

The Modern Art Fans Associa- Mensk 220030 27/7A Ukraiñska St. tion Koncept Art tel. + 375 29 402 80 17

Cultural and educational activity, supporting studies of Japanese and Slavonic culture, propagating Japanese and Slavonic achievements in the field of art and sport.

4

The Public Association of Eastern Culture and Tradition Chagakure

23 I 1992

31 VII 1997

Promotion and encouragement of cultural traditions in the field of choreography.

16 III 2004

Mensk 27 Zukova St. tel. +375 17 271 66 84

10

The Public Youth Association Breath of Dance

Educational and cultural activity oriented towards the development of friendship and cooperation between Belarusian and Turkish people.

3

Mensk 191/4 Soltysa St. tel. + 375 17 227 01 60

18 VI 2004

Friendship Dost³uk Public Association

Preservation and restoration of historical and cultural monuments in Mensk. Organization of cultural exchange programmes, protection of monuments, propagation and realization of humanistic initiatives.

Supporting, propagating and developing both old and new styles and trends in music, choreography, art and theatre.

The Municipal Public Associa- Mensk 220050 tion Kalvaria 15 Sovecka St. tel. +375 17 253 44 12

11

2

Mensk 19/1/102 Szugajeva St. tel. + 375 17 283 69 68

16 III 2004

The Youth and Kids Artistic Association Eola

Propagating the knowledge of the handicraft of Mensk and its region.

12

Mensk 220007 23 Vakzalnaja St. tel. +375 17 225 41 51

Educational and cultural activity aiming at propagating a healthy lifestyle, physical education and the theatre.

The Master of the European Home Public Association

Mensk 220049 59 Volgograckogo St. tel. + 375 17 269 13 48

1

Public Organization Tajpin

Registration Date

Public Association Focus Group

Field of activity

13

Address

Empowering children and young people, developing their creativity and adaptability to the life in a modern society; development of physical education and theatrical skills.

Name

Mensk 4B Prospekt Partyzancki tel. + 375 17 298 39 33

Number

Registration Date

LIST OF PUBLIC ASSOCIATIONS REGISTERED IN THE MENSK MUNICIPAL OFFICE (AS FOR 23RD MAY 2007) 96

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)


97

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Number Name

Address

Field of activity

Registration Date

14

German Language and German Studies Society

Mensk 21/419 Zacharova St. tel. + 375 17 284 81 31

Educational and cultural activity aiming at propagating German language and culture, improving the teaching level of German, helping the intercultural coexistence, strengthening friendship and mutual understanding between German learners and native speakers.

5 VIII 2005

15

Public Association Dyjaryusz

Mensk 220030 4 Kupa³y St. tel. + 375 17 213 60 87

Popularization of Belarusian historical and cultural values, assistance with cultural exchange and in the field of historiography.

14 II 2000

16

The Youth Public Association Modern Choreography Studio

Mensk 62/312 Prytyckiego St.

Popularizing choreography between children and the youth.

10 XI 2004

17

The Kids and Youth Society Sotworcy

Mensk 220053 2 Braginski per. 61/1 tel. + 375 17 211 62 64

Educational and cultural activity encouraging the development of creativity among young people.

18 VI 2004

The Municipal Organization for Intellectual Creation Master-craftsman

Mensk 21/5 Budslavska St.

Social activity concentrating on education, development of national crafts, preservation of national traditions in Christian culture.

3 VI 2002

Social Association The Ray of Education

Mensk 15/102 Belskogo St. tel. + 375 17 220 70 29

Educational activity, upbringing in the spirit of Belarusian traditions and values, formulating moral values.

7 VIII 2000

20

The Workshop of the Future Mensk Social Youth Centre 10 Olszevskogo St. tel. + 375 17 201 91 90

Cultural and educational activity aimed at the development of children and the youth.

2 VI 1999

Mensk Cultural and Educational Armenian Association Anastan

Mensk 33/16 Marksa St. tel. + 375 17 227 55 72

Popularizing Armenian language, culture, literature and music.

4 I 1992

Georgian Cultural and Educational Society Mamuli

Mensk 220023 42 Ponamarenko St. tel. + 375 17 215 90 27 + 375 29 707 88 28 + 375 29 315 90 27

Educational and cultural activity directed towards spreading the knowledge of national culture and spiritual values of Ukrainian people, propagation of Georgian culture among Belarusian citizens.

26 X 2006

23

The Youth Public Association Ukrainian Music Society Krynica

Mensk 220026 43/30 Narodnaja St. tel. + 375 17 251 75 93

Educational and cultural activity directed towards spreading the knowledge of national culture and spiritual values of Ukrainian people, propagation of Georgian culture among Belarusian citizens.

2 XI 2006

24

Ravensky Culture forming Public Association Lyre

Mensk 11a/1 Radialna St. tel. +375 280 69 14

Cultural activity aiming at the improvement of the intellectual and creative development of the society, fostering social interest in Belarusian art and culture.

23 V 2007

25

Cultural and Educational Public Association Admant

Mensk 11/2 Fiodorova St. tel. + 375 17 241 97 29

Activity in the field of computer science, analyses of mass information, corporate activity oriented towards cultural and personal development.

4 I 2001

25

Cultural and Educational Public Association Admant

Mensk 11/2 Fiodorova St. tel. + 375 17 241 97 29

Activity in the field of computer science, analyses of mass information, corporate activity oriented towards cultural and personal development.

4 I 2001 23 V 2007

Cultural activity aiming at the improvement of the intellectual and creative development of the society, fostering social interest in Belarusian art and culture.

Mensk 11a/1 Radialna St. tel. +375 280 69 14

Ravensky Culture forming Public Association Lyre

2 XI 2006

Educational and cultural activity directed towards spreading the knowledge of national culture and spiritual values of Ukrainian people, propagation of Georgian culture among Belarusian citizens.

Mensk 220026 43/30 Narodnaja St. tel. + 375 17 251 75 93

The Youth Public Association Ukrainian Music Society Krynica

Educational and cultural activity directed towards spreading the knowledge of national culture and spiritual values of Ukrainian people, propagation of Georgian culture among Belarusian citizens.

Mensk 220023 42 Ponamarenko St. tel. + 375 17 215 90 27 + 375 29 707 88 28 + 375 29 315 90 27

Georgian Cultural and Educational Society Mamuli

22

18

Popularizing Armenian language, culture, literature and music.

Mensk 33/16 Marksa St. tel. + 375 17 227 55 72

Mensk Cultural and Educational Armenian Association Anastan

21

19

The Workshop of the Future Mensk Social Youth Centre 10 Olszevskogo St. tel. + 375 17 201 91 90

20

24 23

Cultural and educational activity aimed at the development of children and the youth.

Mensk 15/102 Belskogo St. tel. + 375 17 220 70 29

Social Association The Ray of Education

19

21

Social activity concentrating on education, development of national crafts, preservation of national traditions in Christian culture.

Mensk 21/5 Budslavska St.

The Municipal Organization for Intellectual Creation Master-craftsman

18

22

Educational and cultural activity encouraging the development of creativity among young people.

Mensk 220053 2 Braginski per. 61/1 tel. + 375 17 211 62 64

The Kids and Youth Society Sotworcy

17

Mensk 62/312 Prytyckiego St.

The Youth Public Association Modern Choreography Studio

16 15 14

Public Association Dyjaryusz German Language and German Studies Society

Number Name Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

97

Mensk 220030 4 Kupa³y St. tel. + 375 17 213 60 87 Mensk 21/419 Zacharova St. tel. + 375 17 284 81 31 Address

Educational activity, upbringing in the spirit of Belarusian traditions and values, formulating moral values. Popularizing choreography between children and the youth. Popularization of Belarusian historical and cultural values, assistance with cultural exchange and in the field of historiography. Educational and cultural activity aiming at propagating German language and culture, improving the teaching level of German, helping the intercultural coexistence, strengthening friendship and mutual understanding between German learners and native speakers. Field of activity

26 X 2006 4 I 1992 2 VI 1999 7 VIII 2000 3 VI 2002 18 VI 2004 10 XI 2004 14 II 2000 5 VIII 2005 Registration Date


98

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Public Association The Club of Poets Songs Fans

Mensk 2A Fabryczny per. tel. + 375 17 256 70 56

Helping to create the right conditions for the moral and cultural development of citizens, fostering poetic creation - poets songs, songs by poets-amateurs.

4 V 2007

38

Sports Tourist Club Eldewiejs

Mensk 220024 ul. Stebieniova 20a tel. + 375 17 288 10 88

Cultural and educational activity aiming the promotion of social life, sport and tourism development, health care.

13 VII 2005

39

The Municipal Association of German Culture

Mensk 32 Pertoszuna St. tel. +375 17 202 13 59

Helping the restoration of the cultural heritage of German people living in the Republic of Belarus.

4 I 2001

13 VII 2005 4 V 2007 26 XII 1995 2 XI 2006 5 XI 1992 12 IV 1999 1 VIII 1991 19 XII 2006 14 IX 2005 30 XI 2006 11 XI 2000 10 XI 2004 7 IV 2000 Registration Date 98

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Field of activity

37

Address

26 XII 1995

Numer Name

Ukrainian self-identification, propagation of Ukrainian culture.

Cultural and educational activity aiming at the studies of Azerbaijan cultural heritage.

Mensk 43 Narodnaja St.

26

Public Association The Centre of Ukrainian Culture Sicz

Mensk 25 Kupaly St. tel. + 375 17 29 345 74

36

Cultural and Educational Public Association Globustan

2 XI 2006

27

Helping to create the right conditions for the cultural, physical and artistic development of children and the youth, upbringing in the atmosphere of friendship, peace, justice and reason.

Mensk Developing cultural bonds between the Republic of Bela12/403 Rumiancova per. rus and Italy through international cooperation, organizatel. + 375 17 252 83 67 tion of courses and seminars.

Mensk 16 Szabany St. tel. + 375 17 286 98 41 + 375 29 686 98 41

Public Association of Italian Language Teachers Dante

The Youth Public Association Young Eagles

Introducing modern technologies into the sphere of culture.

35

28

5 XI 1992

Mensk 12 Kalinovskogo St. tel. + 375 17 231 34 68

Propagating Russian culture and language, strengthening friendship between the nations of Russia and Belarus.

Public Association ArtMultiMedia

Mensk 14 Marksa St. tel. + 375 17 267 26 54

29

Mensk Association of Russian Culture Ru

Fostering interest in electronic and dance music among children, propagating club culture and show business.

34

Mensk 41 Starovilenski trakt tel. + 375 29 264 43 30

12 IV 1999

The Youth Public Association New Club Restoration

Giving performances for charitable purposes for disabled children, orphans, children from one-parent families and many-children families.

Creating favourable conditions for the intellectual, moral and creative convalescence of disabled children.

Mensk 220050 4 Kalvaryjska St. tel. + 375 29 650 26 90

30

A Family Theatre Public Association Theatre without Subsidies

Mensk 46 Czerviakova St. tel. + 375 17 249 59 55

33

The Youth and Kids Charity Association A Ray of Hope

1 VIII 1991

Preservation and development of Estonian folk traditions.

Educational and cultural activity concentrating on the studies of Jewish culture.

31

Mensk 28/13 Choruzej St. tel. + 375 17 267 37 20

Mensk 23 Solomenna St. tel. + 375 17 237 16 15

Izi Charik Jewish Culture Association

Cultural and Educational Public Association Estonian Commune A Swallow

32

Educational and cultural activity concentrating on the studies of Jewish culture.

19 XII 2006

32

Preservation and development of Estonian folk traditions.

Mensk 28/13 Choruzej St. tel. + 375 17 267 37 20

Mensk 23 Solomenna St. tel. + 375 17 237 16 15

Izi Charik Jewish Culture Association

Cultural and Educational Public Association Estonian Commune A Swallow

33

31

Giving performances for charitable purposes for disabled children, orphans, children from one-parent families and many-children families.

14 IX 2005

Mensk 220050 4 Kalvaryjska St. tel. + 375 29 650 26 90

Creating favourable conditions for the intellectual, moral and creative convalescence of disabled children.

A Family Theatre Public Association Theatre without Subsidies

Mensk 46 Czerviakova St. tel. + 375 17 249 59 55

34

The Youth and Kids Charity Association A Ray of Hope

Propagating Russian culture and language, strengthening friendship between the nations of Russia and Belarus.

30

Mensk 14 Marksa St. tel. + 375 17 267 26 54

30 XI 2006

Mensk Association of Russian Culture Ru

Fostering interest in electronic and dance music among children, propagating club culture and show business.

The Youth Public Association Young Eagles

Mensk 41 Starovilenski trakt tel. + 375 29 264 43 30

35

The Youth Public Association New Club Restoration

Helping to create the right conditions for the cultural, physical and artistic development of children and the youth, upbringing in the atmosphere of friendship, peace, justice and reason.

29

Mensk 16 Szabany St. tel. + 375 17 286 98 41 + 375 29 686 98 41

11 XI 2000

Ukrainian self-identification, propagation of Ukrainian culture.

Introducing modern technologies into the sphere of culture.

Mensk 43 Narodnaja St.

Mensk 12 Kalinovskogo St. tel. + 375 17 231 34 68

36

Public Association ArtMultiMedia

Public Association The Centre of Ukrainian Culture Sicz

28

37

10 XI 2004

Helping to create the right conditions for the moral and cultural development of citizens, fostering poetic creation - poets songs, songs by poets-amateurs.

Mensk Developing cultural bonds between the Republic of Bela12/403 Rumiancova per. rus and Italy through international cooperation, organizatel. + 375 17 252 83 67 tion of courses and seminars.

Mensk 2A Fabryczny per. tel. + 375 17 256 70 56

Public Association of Italian Language Teachers Dante

Public Association The Club of Poets Songs Fans

27

38

7 IV 2000

Cultural and educational activity aiming the promotion of social life, sport and tourism development, health care.

Cultural and educational activity aiming at the studies of Azerbaijan cultural heritage.

Mensk 220024 ul. Stebieniova 20a tel. + 375 17 288 10 88

Mensk 25 Kupaly St. tel. + 375 17 29 345 74

Sports Tourist Club Eldewiejs

Cultural and Educational Public Association Globustan

4 I 2001

26

Helping the restoration of the cultural heritage of German people living in the Republic of Belarus.

Registration Date

39

Field of activity

Mensk 32 Pertoszuna St. tel. +375 17 202 13 59

Address

The Municipal Association of German Culture

Numer Name


99

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Registration Date

Number Name

Address

Field of activity

40

Public Association A New Existence Club

Mensk Fostering the development of intellectual abilities. 166a/20 Rokosovski pr. tel. + 375 17 294 16 23

28 IX 1995

41

Mensk Group of Freelance Painters Palette

Mensk 220050 2-B Skaryny pr.

Supporting the artistic work of national painters and craftsmen.

10 V 2004

42

The Public Association of Practical and Creative Women

Mensk 2 Bagratinovski pr. 24

Development of practical skills, for example connected with business, among women, as well as encouraging Mensk women to solve women s social problems.

14 II 2000

43

The Youth Sports Association The Twenty-first Century Generations

Mensk 40 Marksa St. tel. + 375 17 251 03 10

Creating conditions for physical, intellectual, moral and aesthetic development of children and the youth.

6 X 2005

44

Public Society Autoamerica

Mensk 220047 82/113a Nesterova St. tel. + 375 29 509 42 00

Represents joint interests of American car owners, providing their economic and social protection.

25 I 2006

45

Public Society Opora

Mensk 8/1 Gamarnika St.

Educational and cultural activity aimed at children s versatile development.

3 VI 2002

Educational and cultural activity aimed at children s versatile development.

Mensk 8/1 Gamarnika St.

Public Society Opora

45

Represents joint interests of American car owners, providing their economic and social protection.

Mensk 220047 82/113a Nesterova St. tel. + 375 29 509 42 00

Public Society Autoamerica

44

6 X 2005

Creating conditions for physical, intellectual, moral and aesthetic development of children and the youth.

Mensk 40 Marksa St. tel. + 375 17 251 03 10

The Youth Sports Association The Twenty-first Century Generations

43

14 II 2000

Development of practical skills, for example connected with business, among women, as well as encouraging Mensk women to solve women s social problems.

Mensk 2 Bagratinovski pr. 24

The Public Association of Practical and Creative Women

42

Supporting the artistic work of national painters and craftsmen.

Mensk 220050 2-B Skaryny pr.

Mensk Group of Freelance Painters Palette

41

Mensk Fostering the development of intellectual abilities. 166a/20 Rokosovski pr. tel. + 375 17 294 16 23

Public Association A New Existence Club

40

Number Name Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

99

Address

Field of activity

3 VI 2002 25 I 2006 10 V 2004 28 IX 1995 Registration Date


Vladimir Kreck

Should Theaters be Taxed?

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Translated by Edyta Winiarska & Pawe³ Szlachta

100

theatres would have to keep taxable expenditure on a very low level. It can be done only if the needs of stage productions are satisfied mainly by theaters own staff. It had for a long time been a standard situation in Germany. However, the situation changed radically as a result of job cuts in public theatres. Their operation is currently based on outsourcing. The activities previously performed within theaters and covered by the market are now carried out, if possible, by external contractors (cleaning of facilities, sale of tickets, services provided to customers, occasional workshop services, or getting rid of some accounting areas may serve as examples). Undoubtedly, this solution results in the reduction of staff-related costs and amounts payable by public representatives. However, each order generates greater and greater mandatory VAT. Its growth witnessed every year goes hand in hand with growing material and energy prices. Moreover, VAT rate grew from 16 to 19 per cent at the beginning of the year. Current tax situation is acutely felt by so small a musical theater as, for example, the theatre in Görlitz. Its director, Mr. Michael Wieler calculated that the losses suffered by the theater each year amounted to approx. EUR 150,000 200,000. He believes that such a situation could be avoided if theaters participated in taxation. Görlitz is not an isolated case. The restructuring process had an impact on many other stages in Germany. They were forced to undertake private business activity and the staff reduction was a top-down decision. Therefore they demand that they operate as free market enterprises. However, proper legal conditions have not been provided. Annual VAT paid by applicable theatres is estimated at a doubledigit EUR-denominated million amount. Neither refund nor a waiver of the so-called tax privilege is possible.

T

Vladimir Kreck a graduate from the Culture and Management at the University of Applied Sciences Zittau/Görlitz, at the Dresden University of Technology and at the University of Naples Federico II . He worked among others as a project manager for the GoetheInstitute Munich, the Filmfest Dresden and the Theatre Görlitz. Currently he is a research assistant at the Institut für kulturelle Infrastruktur Sachsen (Görlitz) and project coordinator for the evaluation of the cultural institutions of the Sorbian minority.

heaters in Germany have for a very long time been exempt from taxation. Public theatres have been tax exempt since 1926 and private theatres, which meet the same cultural criteria, since 1961. The provisions were introduced at that time in favour of the latter to avoid staff reduction. According to the legislator, theaters are public utility enterprises whose turnover does not reflect any ability to pay the tax and, in most of the cases, they need subsidies. Thus, theatres were not viewed at that time as the institutions on which tax could be imposed. From a political point of view, raising ticket prices or increasing subsidies also made no sense. The provisions of Para. 4, item 20 of the Polish Act on Corporate Income Tax, which also refers to orchestras, choirs, and chamber music orchestras, provide for tax exemption. Pursuant to the Act, favourable rules apply to typical events offered by theaters, public performances, sale of programs, and fees for depositing outerwear in cloakrooms. Restrictions refer to the sale of food and beverages. Tax is levied on the entire income earned under lease agreements, workshops or sponsoring. Tax exemption seems justified. It supports the development of drama and makes the majority of performances affordable for viewers. Why is then a verification of tax privileges attempted? The answer should be sought in a current concept of taxation. In the case of VAT, the tax is levied only on a final user. VAT is added by each entrepreneur to a net price but it is eventually paid to the revenue office. An entrepreneur can be repaid by the revenue office any overpaid VAT. However, theaters do not participate in taxation and, consequently, cannot recover any tax on goods and services. Thus, tax exemption makes sense only if tax prepayments do not go beyond the amounts payable to the State in connection with taxable income. To meet this requirement,

theatres would have to keep taxable expenditure on a very low level. It can be done only if the needs of stage productions are satisfied mainly by theaters own staff. It had for a long time been a standard situation in Germany. However, the situation changed radically as a result of job cuts in public theatres. Their operation is currently based on outsourcing. The activities previously performed within theaters and covered by the market are now carried out, if possible, by external contractors (cleaning of facilities, sale of tickets, services provided to customers, occasional workshop services, or getting rid of some accounting areas may serve as examples). Undoubtedly, this solution results in the reduction of staff-related costs and amounts payable by public representatives. However, each order generates greater and greater mandatory VAT. Its growth witnessed every year goes hand in hand with growing material and energy prices. Moreover, VAT rate grew from 16 to 19 per cent at the beginning of the year. Current tax situation is acutely felt by so small a musical theater as, for example, the theatre in Görlitz. Its director, Mr. Michael Wieler calculated that the losses suffered by the theater each year amounted to approx. EUR 150,000 200,000. He believes that such a situation could be avoided if theaters participated in taxation. Görlitz is not an isolated case. The restructuring process had an impact on many other stages in Germany. They were forced to undertake private business activity and the staff reduction was a top-down decision. Therefore they demand that they operate as free market enterprises. However, proper legal conditions have not been provided. Annual VAT paid by applicable theatres is estimated at a doubledigit EUR-denominated million amount. Neither refund nor a waiver of the so-called tax privilege is possible.

T

heaters in Germany have for a very long time been exempt from taxation. Public theatres have been tax exempt since 1926 and private theatres, which meet the same cultural criteria, since 1961. The provisions were introduced at that time in favour of the latter to avoid staff reduction. According to the legislator, theaters are public utility enterprises whose turnover does not reflect any ability to pay the tax and, in most of the cases, they need subsidies. Thus, theatres were not viewed at that time as the institutions on which tax could be imposed. From a political point of view, raising ticket prices or increasing subsidies also made no sense. The provisions of Para. 4, item 20 of the Polish Act on Corporate Income Tax, which also refers to orchestras, choirs, and chamber music orchestras, provide for tax exemption. Pursuant to the Act, favourable rules apply to typical events offered by theaters, public performances, sale of programs, and fees for depositing outerwear in cloakrooms. Restrictions refer to the sale of food and beverages. Tax is levied on the entire income earned under lease agreements, workshops or sponsoring. Tax exemption seems justified. It supports the development of drama and makes the majority of performances affordable for viewers. Why is then a verification of tax privileges attempted? The answer should be sought in a current concept of taxation. In the case of VAT, the tax is levied only on a final user. VAT is added by each entrepreneur to a net price but it is eventually paid to the revenue office. An entrepreneur can be repaid by the revenue office any overpaid VAT. However, theaters do not participate in taxation and, consequently, cannot recover any tax on goods and services. Thus, tax exemption makes sense only if tax prepayments do not go beyond the amounts payable to the State in connection with taxable income. To meet this requirement,

Translated by Edyta Winiarska & Pawe³ Szlachta

Vladimir Kreck a graduate from the Culture and Management at the University of Applied Sciences Zittau/Görlitz, at the Dresden University of Technology and at the University of Naples Federico II . He worked among others as a project manager for the GoetheInstitute Munich, the Filmfest Dresden and the Theatre Görlitz. Currently he is a research assistant at the Institut für kulturelle Infrastruktur Sachsen (Görlitz) and project coordinator for the evaluation of the cultural institutions of the Sorbian minority.

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Vladimir Kreck

100

Should Theaters be Taxed?


Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

101

There is serious doubt whether it was the legislator s original concept. Moreover, if we consider the current extremely difficult situation of theaters the issue of tax exemption is raised again. Apart from necessary cost control and the reduction of staff and contracts with particular theaters the question about structure will soon be asked in many of them. Tax prepayments, which have been taken away, are missing to support many stages. Therefore, each financial relief that would limit any losses is extremely precious. Perhaps an amendment to the tax exemption act should be made? The European Union, which has also given up taxation laws, will definitely not object. Each member state is free to decide which cultural offer should be tax exempt. It is only the theaters right to decide about their participation in the taxation process that would be in breach of the EU guidelines. What remains is an important decision in favour of taxation. This system has for a long time been a common practice in

the Dutch, Austrian, and Polish theaters. Their turnover is subject to reduced taxation. A decision to follow this model seems probable. 7% tax would then be levied on the German drama and theaters would consequently be entitled to a tax refund. The fact that a mass staff reduction has not yet affected all theaters is the only argument which does not support such a line of thinking. The above-mentioned theaters would not benefit from the new rules. It is possible, however, that they will soon become affected by a general trend toward job cuts. A refund of tax prepayments would then be profitable to those theaters. By then, tax will still be levied on their viewers. A 7% tax rate would mean from two to three euro per ticket. In many theatres, the taxation would soothe the problems related to never-ending control of costs aimed at their reduction. Many theaters would be able to maintain all branches and some would for sure manage to survive.

There is serious doubt whether it was the legislator s original concept. Moreover, if we consider the current extremely difficult situation of theaters the issue of tax exemption is raised again. Apart from necessary cost control and the reduction of staff and contracts with particular theaters the question about structure will soon be asked in many of them. Tax prepayments, which have been taken away, are missing to support many stages. Therefore, each financial relief that would limit any losses is extremely precious. Perhaps an amendment to the tax exemption act should be made? The European Union, which has also given up taxation laws, will definitely not object. Each member state is free to decide which cultural offer should be tax exempt. It is only the theaters right to decide about their participation in the taxation process that would be in breach of the EU guidelines. What remains is an important decision in favour of taxation. This system has for a long time been a common practice in Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

101

the Dutch, Austrian, and Polish theaters. Their turnover is subject to reduced taxation. A decision to follow this model seems probable. 7% tax would then be levied on the German drama and theaters would consequently be entitled to a tax refund. The fact that a mass staff reduction has not yet affected all theaters is the only argument which does not support such a line of thinking. The above-mentioned theaters would not benefit from the new rules. It is possible, however, that they will soon become affected by a general trend toward job cuts. A refund of tax prepayments would then be profitable to those theaters. By then, tax will still be levied on their viewers. A 7% tax rate would mean from two to three euro per ticket. In many theatres, the taxation would soothe the problems related to never-ending control of costs aimed at their reduction. Many theaters would be able to maintain all branches and some would for sure manage to survive.


A

Translated by Andy Davenport

Manuela Lück to establish an appropriate institutional framework, led by skilled and experienced managers, in order to take best advantage of those rich and varied expressions of culture present within the region of Saxony. Prof. Matthias Theodor Vogt has been closely involved in the cultural management course from the beginning and is deemed to be one of the main initiators of the Culture and Management. Students are required to spend at least one term of their studies abroad. Prof. Vogt reported that this element of the course has been successfully established, and students are particularly active in re-establishing a dynamic cultural within Görlitz itself. A town is not just a place to work and shop, but can also offer the town people the opportunity to sample the different expressions of a varied culture. How can cultural policy help this to take place? This was the central focus on the symposium. Cultural policy is largely determined by economic factors and the na-

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Report on the Symposium Urban Culture. Strategies of the Cultural Policy in Central Europe on the Occasion of the Decennial Existence of the Culture and Management Program at the University of Applied Sciences Zittau-Görlitz September 30 October 2, 2007

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to establish an appropriate institutional framework, led by skilled and experienced managers, in order to take best advantage of those rich and varied expressions of culture present within the region of Saxony. Prof. Matthias Theodor Vogt has been closely involved in the cultural management course from the beginning and is deemed to be one of the main initiators of the Culture and Management. Students are required to spend at least one term of their studies abroad. Prof. Vogt reported that this element of the course has been successfully established, and students are particularly active in re-establishing a dynamic cultural within Görlitz itself. A town is not just a place to work and shop, but can also offer the town people the opportunity to sample the different expressions of a varied culture. How can cultural policy help this to take place? This was the central focus on the symposium. Cultural policy is largely determined by economic factors and the na-

Manuela Lück a graduate in German Studies and Modern History at Humboldt University Berlin, Technische Universität Dresden and Palacký-University Olomouc/Czech Republic. She cooperates with Institut für kulturelle Infrastruktur Sachsen and GWZO University of Leipzig. She works at University of Applied Sciences Zittau/ Görlitz, Department of Economics, Cultural Management.

cademic, cultural managers and students from central and east Europe met to exchange ideas at a symposium held at house Klingewalde in Görlitz 30/9 2/10; their chosen topic was Urban culture. Strategies of the cultural policy . This event marked the 10th anniversary of the cultural management course and the inauguration of the Dual post degree program. Delegates included, Deputy Mayor for Culture of the City of Görlitz, Ulf Großmann, Prof. Dr. Ing. Rainer Hampel, Vice Chancellor of the University of Applied Sciences Zittau-Görlitz, Prof. Roland Giese, from the Faculty of Economics, and many delegates from abroad, including Dr. Péter Várnagy (Pécs, Hungary) and Prof. Dr. Ivars Berzin,s (Riga, Latvia), both closely involved in the program for the last decade. Speakers celebrated the success of the program so far, and shared experiences of difficulties they had encountered. Prof. Matthias Munkwitz director of the cultural management course expressed his belief that it is necessary

cademic, cultural managers and students from central and east Europe met to exchange ideas at a symposium held at house Klingewalde in Görlitz 30/9 2/10; their chosen topic was Urban culture. Strategies of the cultural policy . This event marked the 10th anniversary of the cultural management course and the inauguration of the Dual post degree program. Delegates included, Deputy Mayor for Culture of the City of Görlitz, Ulf Großmann, Prof. Dr. Ing. Rainer Hampel, Vice Chancellor of the University of Applied Sciences Zittau-Görlitz, Prof. Roland Giese, from the Faculty of Economics, and many delegates from abroad, including Dr. Péter Várnagy (Pécs, Hungary) and Prof. Dr. Ivars Berzin,s (Riga, Latvia), both closely involved in the program for the last decade. Speakers celebrated the success of the program so far, and shared experiences of difficulties they had encountered. Prof. Matthias Munkwitz director of the cultural management course expressed his belief that it is necessary

Translated by Andy Davenport

Manuela Lück a graduate in German Studies and Modern History at Humboldt University Berlin, Technische Universität Dresden and Palacký-University Olomouc/Czech Republic. She cooperates with Institut für kulturelle Infrastruktur Sachsen and GWZO University of Leipzig. She works at University of Applied Sciences Zittau/ Görlitz, Department of Economics, Cultural Management.

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

Manuela Lück

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Report on the Symposium Urban Culture. Strategies of the Cultural Policy in Central Europe on the Occasion of the Decennial Existence of the Culture and Management Program at the University of Applied Sciences Zittau-Görlitz September 30 October 2, 2007


Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

ture of that policy shapes and appropriate training program for future students of cultural management. Prof. Dr. Peter Bendixen (Vienna, Austria) presented his orating Ökonomie der Entgrenzung [ Economy of the Delimitation ]. He explored the way the desire for unlimited economic growth has come to dominate the fields of politics and culture. Economic growth, within has always had its natural limits. Surplus production was seen in the ancient world as both wasteful an immoral. That thinking had changed in early modern period. As a part of globalization, transport systems have improved, physical distance and international boundaries are no longer relevant factors, and perception and attitudes towards economic growth have changed, but at a cost. Prof. Bendixen said that modern economic process and theory become divorced from any cultural or ethic background. A more intense lifestyle, with creasing pressure on the individual to consume, consume have led to an emphasis on what is useful or pragmatic. Bendixen feels a balanced society needs to focus more on the sensual aspects of life, and this should be the aim of policy. Prof. Dr. Rosemary Statelova (Bulgarian academy of sciences, Sofia) dealt with similar issues. Using the example of Sorbian music she describes how minority rural cultures have become increasingly marginalized, and eventually disappear. Prof. Dr. Emil Orzechowski (Jagillonian University Cracow, Poland) delegates to explore the relationship between culture, cultural administration, cultural policy and society in Poland. He wonders whether any particular culture can continue to thrive when challenged by modern global culture and its hi-tech charisma. He feels that in countries with limited experience of operating democratically, particularly Poland, those responsible for shaping cultural policy are failing to engage the public.

Culture Management 2008, Vol 1 (1)

The theory and practice of cultural management is poorly understood, and lacks credibility. Before people can take part in, and actually enjoy cultural events, Poland really need a public discussion regarding cultural policy and private initiatives. Prof. Dr. Ivars Berzin,s (Latvian academy of culture, Riga/Latvia) observes that those shaping cultural policy need to balance conflicting demands; to focus on the cities or decentralise? Which is more important? Government cultural policy? The artistic development of individuals? Free market forces? Una Sedleniece (Ministry of culture, Riga, Latvia), one of the first graduates of those course, 1997 year, now works at the ministry of culture, Riga. She outlined the principles of Latvian cultural policy, and how this affects Riga. There are currently plans for a new national library, a museum of contemporary art, and a modern centre for the presentation of events. She feels that cultural policy has helped to re-establish a sense of Latvian identity. Pécs in Hungary will become Euro Capital of Culture in 2010 and Prof. Mihaly Sári describes developments in cultural policy and changes in the city itself. Prof. Dr. Levan Khetaguri (Tiflis, Georgia), describes the effects of current cultural policy within urban environment in Georgia where international exchanges is particularly valued. Finally Ralph Lindner, director of culture foundation Saxony, outlined future policy within the region. The foundation aims to develop communication between the public and central government, enhance a popular sense of cultural identity, and supports the engagement of statutory bodies in facilitating this process. The symposium ended with a general discussion about aspects multi-cultural societies in Europe, with particular references to Lausitz. This discussion was led by Prof. Dr. Eckehard Binas (Hochschule Zittau-Görlitz).

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ture of that policy shapes and appropriate training program for future students of cultural management. Prof. Dr. Peter Bendixen (Vienna, Austria) presented his orating Ökonomie der Entgrenzung [ Economy of the Delimitation ]. He explored the way the desire for unlimited economic growth has come to dominate the fields of politics and culture. Economic growth, within has always had its natural limits. Surplus production was seen in the ancient world as both wasteful an immoral. That thinking had changed in early modern period. As a part of globalization, transport systems have improved, physical distance and international boundaries are no longer relevant factors, and perception and attitudes towards economic growth have changed, but at a cost. Prof. Bendixen said that modern economic process and theory become divorced from any cultural or ethic background. A more intense lifestyle, with creasing pressure on the individual to consume, consume have led to an emphasis on what is useful or pragmatic. Bendixen feels a balanced society needs to focus more on the sensual aspects of life, and this should be the aim of policy. Prof. Dr. Rosemary Statelova (Bulgarian academy of sciences, Sofia) dealt with similar issues. Using the example of Sorbian music she describes how minority rural cultures have become increasingly marginalized, and eventually disappear. Prof. Dr. Emil Orzechowski (Jagillonian University Cracow, Poland) delegates to explore the relationship between culture, cultural administration, cultural policy and society in Poland. He wonders whether any particular culture can continue to thrive when challenged by modern global culture and its hi-tech charisma. He feels that in countries with limited experience of operating democratically, particularly Poland, those responsible for shaping cultural policy are failing to engage the public.

103

The theory and practice of cultural management is poorly understood, and lacks credibility. Before people can take part in, and actually enjoy cultural events, Poland really need a public discussion regarding cultural policy and private initiatives. Prof. Dr. Ivars Berzin,s (Latvian academy of culture, Riga/Latvia) observes that those shaping cultural policy need to balance conflicting demands; to focus on the cities or decentralise? Which is more important? Government cultural policy? The artistic development of individuals? Free market forces? Una Sedleniece (Ministry of culture, Riga, Latvia), one of the first graduates of those course, 1997 year, now works at the ministry of culture, Riga. She outlined the principles of Latvian cultural policy, and how this affects Riga. There are currently plans for a new national library, a museum of contemporary art, and a modern centre for the presentation of events. She feels that cultural policy has helped to re-establish a sense of Latvian identity. Pécs in Hungary will become Euro Capital of Culture in 2010 and Prof. Mihaly Sári describes developments in cultural policy and changes in the city itself. Prof. Dr. Levan Khetaguri (Tiflis, Georgia), describes the effects of current cultural policy within urban environment in Georgia where international exchanges is particularly valued. Finally Ralph Lindner, director of culture foundation Saxony, outlined future policy within the region. The foundation aims to develop communication between the public and central government, enhance a popular sense of cultural identity, and supports the engagement of statutory bodies in facilitating this process. The symposium ended with a general discussion about aspects multi-cultural societies in Europe, with particular references to Lausitz. This discussion was led by Prof. Dr. Eckehard Binas (Hochschule Zittau-Görlitz).



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Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Einführung Emil Orzechowski Übersetzung: Anna Oskulska

Allea iacta est Die Würfel sind gefallen und gut ist es! Die erste in Osteuropa (oder wenn man will in Mittel-Osteuropa) Zeitschrift, die sich den in Kulturmanagement auftretenden Problemen widmet, wird verwirklicht. Diese Ausgabe ist auch eine Bestätigung dafür.

S

olch eine Zeitschrift wäre schon seit lan ger Zeit gewünscht, jedoch bis jetzt hat man aus etlichen Gründen kein der vielen Projekten realisieren können. Dies ist auch charakteristisch für Art und Weise der europäischen Zusammenarbeit in Kulturbranche. Alte Modele: auf der einen Seite das westliche auf Unternehmungsgeist und Managementregeln beruhende Model und auf der anderen das östliche, auf Diktatur ideologisch gekennzeichneter Kulturpolitik und ihrer von Zensur kontrollierten Realisierung beruhendes Model, die sich erst nach 1989 begegnet sind. Im Osten hatte diese Situation sofort viele Anpassungsproben des westlichen Systems zu lokalen Realitäten zur Folge. Erfahrene Kulturmanagers von Großbritannien, Holland, Frankreich und Deutschland haben sehr gerne ihre Erfahrungen mit uns ausgetauscht. Es wurden auch viele Kurse, Schulungen, Workshops und Seminare angeboten und durchgeführt, während deren Zehner oder vielleicht sogar Hunderter der bisherigen Leitungskräften gelernt haben, was es bedeutet Manager zu sein, sowie wie man sozialistisches Zentralplanen gegen nur mit rationellen Managementregeln eingeschränkten Unternehmungsgeist eintauschen kann. Im Rahmen der Programme trainers for trainers haben wir nicht nur Knowhow von Kollegen aus dem Westen beigebracht bekommen, aber auch viele für Durchführen der Schulungen für neue Kultur- und Managementkräfte unentbehrliche Materialien. Veröffentlichung der Materialien vom Seminar des Internationalen Kulturzentrums in Krakow Kultur und Management (1995) mit wichtigen Texten der amerikanischen, briti-

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

schen, holländischen und deutschen Fachkräften hat dies auch dieser Initiative zu verdanken. Weiterhin konnten viele Bücher der Grundliteratur von Giep Hagoort, Peter Bendixen, Mark J. Schuster im Polnischen erscheinen. Es sind Arbeiten, die bei Verbreitung des Wissens aus dem Gebiet des Managements im Kulturbereich intensiv verwendet werden.

H

ier kommt auch das erste Problem zum Vorschein. Trotz der Bologneser Erklärung gibt es einen deutlichen Unterschied zwischen westlichen und mittel- und osteuropäischen Lehrsystemen. Und es liegt nicht am Wesen sondern Organisationsaspekten. Elastische versus steife Unterrichtsprogramme auf dem B.A. und M.A. Level fördern keine Entwicklung unbeschränkter, internationaler Zusammenarbeit und internationales Studenten- sowie Mentorenaustausches. Umso mehr dringender Bedürfnis zum unbeschränkten Zugang für alle zu den besten Veröffentlichungen und didaktischen Materialien. Es müssen aber solche Publikationen sein, von denen lokale Realitäten berücksichtigt werden.

H

ier tritt das zweite Problem auf. Westliche Fachzeitschriften scheinen Realitäten der Ost- und Mitteleuropa komplett zu ignorieren. Es gibt also absolut keinen Meinungsaustausch, keine Verbreitung von empfehlungswerten Lösungen und gegenseitige Inspiration. Deswegen, hauptsächlich aus diesem Grund, ist unsere Zeitschrift nötig und scheint notwendig zu sein.

M

an sieht es auch wegen enormer Entwick lung akademischer Fachrichtungen im Bereich Kultur und Management in Ländern der Mittel- und Osteuropa als notwendig an, die in verschiedenen Modellen entwickelt werden: als ein internationales Programm im wahren Sinn des Wortes (Belgrad, Görlitz), als Partner-Studiengänge (Riga-Hamburg) und vor al-

107

olch eine Zeitschrift wäre schon seit lan ger Zeit gewünscht, jedoch bis jetzt hat man aus etlichen Gründen kein der vielen Projekten realisieren können. Dies ist auch charakteristisch für Art und Weise der europäischen Zusammenarbeit in Kulturbranche. Alte Modele: auf der einen Seite das westliche auf Unternehmungsgeist und Managementregeln beruhende Model und auf der anderen das östliche, auf Diktatur ideologisch gekennzeichneter Kulturpolitik und ihrer von Zensur kontrollierten Realisierung beruhendes Model, die sich erst nach 1989 begegnet sind. Im Osten hatte diese Situation sofort viele Anpassungsproben des westlichen Systems zu lokalen Realitäten zur Folge. Erfahrene Kulturmanagers von Großbritannien, Holland, Frankreich und Deutschland haben sehr gerne ihre Erfahrungen mit uns ausgetauscht. Es wurden auch viele Kurse, Schulungen, Workshops und Seminare angeboten und durchgeführt, während deren Zehner oder vielleicht sogar Hunderter der bisherigen Leitungskräften gelernt haben, was es bedeutet Manager zu sein, sowie wie man sozialistisches Zentralplanen gegen nur mit rationellen Managementregeln eingeschränkten Unternehmungsgeist eintauschen kann. Im Rahmen der Programme trainers for trainers haben wir nicht nur Knowhow von Kollegen aus dem Westen beigebracht bekommen, aber auch viele für Durchführen der Schulungen für neue Kultur- und Managementkräfte unentbehrliche Materialien. Veröffentlichung der Materialien vom Seminar des Internationalen Kulturzentrums in Krakow Kultur und Management (1995) mit wichtigen Texten der amerikanischen, briti-

S

Allea iacta est Die Würfel sind gefallen und gut ist es! Die erste in Osteuropa (oder wenn man will in Mittel-Osteuropa) Zeitschrift, die sich den in Kulturmanagement auftretenden Problemen widmet, wird verwirklicht. Diese Ausgabe ist auch eine Bestätigung dafür.

an sieht es auch wegen enormer Entwick lung akademischer Fachrichtungen im Bereich Kultur und Management in Ländern der Mittel- und Osteuropa als notwendig an, die in verschiedenen Modellen entwickelt werden: als ein internationales Programm im wahren Sinn des Wortes (Belgrad, Görlitz), als Partner-Studiengänge (Riga-Hamburg) und vor al-

M

ier tritt das zweite Problem auf. Westliche Fachzeitschriften scheinen Realitäten der Ost- und Mitteleuropa komplett zu ignorieren. Es gibt also absolut keinen Meinungsaustausch, keine Verbreitung von empfehlungswerten Lösungen und gegenseitige Inspiration. Deswegen, hauptsächlich aus diesem Grund, ist unsere Zeitschrift nötig und scheint notwendig zu sein.

H

ier kommt auch das erste Problem zum Vorschein. Trotz der Bologneser Erklärung gibt es einen deutlichen Unterschied zwischen westlichen und mittel- und osteuropäischen Lehrsystemen. Und es liegt nicht am Wesen sondern Organisationsaspekten. Elastische versus steife Unterrichtsprogramme auf dem B.A. und M.A. Level fördern keine Entwicklung unbeschränkter, internationaler Zusammenarbeit und internationales Studenten- sowie Mentorenaustausches. Umso mehr dringender Bedürfnis zum unbeschränkten Zugang für alle zu den besten Veröffentlichungen und didaktischen Materialien. Es müssen aber solche Publikationen sein, von denen lokale Realitäten berücksichtigt werden.

H

schen, holländischen und deutschen Fachkräften hat dies auch dieser Initiative zu verdanken. Weiterhin konnten viele Bücher der Grundliteratur von Giep Hagoort, Peter Bendixen, Mark J. Schuster im Polnischen erscheinen. Es sind Arbeiten, die bei Verbreitung des Wissens aus dem Gebiet des Managements im Kulturbereich intensiv verwendet werden.

Übersetzung: Anna Oskulska

Emil Orzechowski

Einführung


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lem als ein lokales Angebot (Krakow, Tbilisi, Istanbul). Diese Differenzierung in Programmen in didaktischem Bereich war unter anderen der Grund dafür eine ganz bestimmte Auswahl der Redaktionsmitglieder unserer Zeitschrift zu treffen. Wir sind davon überzeugt, dass diese Vielfältigkeit ein attraktives Angebot der publizierten Texte zur Folge haben wird. Dieser Druck ist notwendig, wenn wir effektiv akademische Teams, die sich mit Problematik des Managements in Kultur und ähnlichen Aspekten, wie z.B. Kulturpolitik, kulturelle Diplomatie, Kulturökonomie, Kulturanimation etc., etc. befassen, entwickeln wollen. In heutigen Realitäten kann man nur durch Meinungsaustausch und deren Konfrontation auf der internationalen Ebene den Bildungsprozess von neuen (und modernen) Fachkräften entwickeln.

n dieser neuen Initiative d.h. an der drei sprachigen Zeitschrift Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ Culture Management Kulturmanagement arbeitet der Lehrstuhl für Kultur und Management der Jagiellonen Universität mit bedeutenden Partnerorganisationen zusammen (ihre Profile werden in der darauf folgenden Nummer präsentiert). An dieser Stelle sollen sie aber genannt werden:

A

zende Studien an. Dank der finanziellen Hilfe vom Krakauer Stadtamt wird regelmäßig und seit neun Jahren ein Jahrbuch Management in Kultur , sowie die Reihe Bibliothek des Kulturmanagements herausgegeben.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Akademie der Schönen Künste in Belgrad Kulturakademie Lettlands in Riga Institut für kulturelle Infrastruktur Sachsen Yeditepe Universität in Istanbul Schota Rustaweli Staatsinstitut für Theaterund Filmkünste in Tbilisi

ür alle Bemerkungen, Kommentare und Polemiken, die Texte und Zusammensetzung der ersten Ausgabe neuen Zeitschrift herauslösen sollten, würden wir sehr dankbar sein. Wir wünschen nützliche Lektüre und warten auf Reaktionen unserer Leser.

K

F

D

eranlasser dieser Zeitschrift hoffen auf Au torenzusammenarbeit mit zahlreichen Wissenschaftszentren, die sich im Gebiet des Kulturmanagements spezialisiert haben, sowie Verwaltende der Kultur (darunter auch Politiker, besonders von der lokalen Ebene). Es werden sich bestimmt Institutionen und Personen finden, die sowohl mit dem Herausgeber- als auch Empfängerkreis zusammenarbeiten so wie wir mit europäischen Netzwerken, u.a. ENCATC oder CIRCLE.

rakow und die Jagiellonen Universität ge hen das Risiko der Veröffentlichung der Zeitschrift ein, und der Grund dafür ist nicht, dass sie über ein gewisses Alter verfügen und deswegen auch die Ehre dazu haben, aber weil hier eine gewisse Offenheit dieser Initiative gegenüber vorgewiesen wird sowie Garantie einer relativen Stabilität und solide Basis und Erfahrung als Herausgeber.

V

D

D

* * * ie erste Ausgabe von unserer Zeitschrift ist vielleicht etwas thematisch gesehen zerstreut wir möchten aber dadurch die Eigentümlichkeit von allen Partnern zum Ausdruck bringen. Die darauffolgenden Ausgaben werden systematisch immer mehr auf Themen, die sich mit zahlreichen Problemen des Managements in Kulturbereich befassen, konzentrieren. Wir werden auch einen ganz besonderen Wert Präsentationen von beachtenswerten Case Studies widmen. Weiterhin wird uns am Herzen die Möglichkeit von Veröffentlichungen der Texte unserer jüngeren Kollegen liegen, die an Doktor- und Habilitationsstudien arbeiten.

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* * * ie erste Ausgabe von unserer Zeitschrift ist vielleicht etwas thematisch gesehen zerstreut wir möchten aber dadurch die Eigentümlichkeit von allen Partnern zum Ausdruck bringen. Die darauffolgenden Ausgaben werden systematisch immer mehr auf Themen, die sich mit zahlreichen Problemen des Managements in Kulturbereich befassen, konzentrieren. Wir werden auch einen ganz besonderen Wert Präsentationen von beachtenswerten Case Studies widmen. Weiterhin wird uns am Herzen die Möglichkeit von Veröffentlichungen der Texte unserer jüngeren Kollegen liegen, die an Doktor- und Habilitationsstudien arbeiten.

V

er Lehrstuhl für Kultur und Management, der der Gruppe von Lehrstühlen für Kulturwissenschaften der Jagiellonen Universität angehört (die Gruppe wird demnächst in Institut für Kultur der Jagiellonen Universität umbenannt), hat seinen Sitz in Fakultät für Management und Gesellschaftskommunikation der Jagiellonen Universität und beschäftigt elf Mitarbeiter, die mindestens über einen Doktortitel verfügen, die Mehrheit aus dem Bereich der humanistischen Wissenschaften im Fachgebiet Management. Dies ist eine sehr wichtige Information: Fakultät für Management und Gesellschaftskommunikation hat als die einzige in Polen (und ganz bestimmt in dieser Lokalität in Europa) akademische Berechtigung zum Verleihen von Professor-, Habilitations- und Doktortiteln im Bereich der Humanistischen Wissenschaften im Fachgebiet Management. Das ermöglicht auch Kandidaten vom Ausland Erlangen von voller akademischer Berechtigung in diesem Bereich und eröffnet gleichzeitig neue Möglichkeiten des Kreierens von neuen Studienprogrammen auf heimischen Hochschulen. Der Lehrstuhl bietet (im Rahmen des Instituts und der Fakultät) Studiengänge aus dem Bereich Kultur und Management als B.A., M.A., Ph.D. und nicht zuletzt als ergän-

Akademie der Schönen Künste in Belgrad Kulturakademie Lettlands in Riga Institut für kulturelle Infrastruktur Sachsen Yeditepe Universität in Istanbul Schota Rustaweli Staatsinstitut für Theaterund Filmkünste in Tbilisi

eranlasser dieser Zeitschrift hoffen auf Au torenzusammenarbeit mit zahlreichen Wissenschaftszentren, die sich im Gebiet des Kulturmanagements spezialisiert haben, sowie Verwaltende der Kultur (darunter auch Politiker, besonders von der lokalen Ebene). Es werden sich bestimmt Institutionen und Personen finden, die sowohl mit dem Herausgeber- als auch Empfängerkreis zusammenarbeiten so wie wir mit europäischen Netzwerken, u.a. ENCATC oder CIRCLE.

D

n dieser neuen Initiative d.h. an der drei sprachigen Zeitschrift Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ Culture Management Kulturmanagement arbeitet der Lehrstuhl für Kultur und Management der Jagiellonen Universität mit bedeutenden Partnerorganisationen zusammen (ihre Profile werden in der darauf folgenden Nummer präsentiert). An dieser Stelle sollen sie aber genannt werden:

F

rakow und die Jagiellonen Universität ge hen das Risiko der Veröffentlichung der Zeitschrift ein, und der Grund dafür ist nicht, dass sie über ein gewisses Alter verfügen und deswegen auch die Ehre dazu haben, aber weil hier eine gewisse Offenheit dieser Initiative gegenüber vorgewiesen wird sowie Garantie einer relativen Stabilität und solide Basis und Erfahrung als Herausgeber.

A

ür alle Bemerkungen, Kommentare und Polemiken, die Texte und Zusammensetzung der ersten Ausgabe neuen Zeitschrift herauslösen sollten, würden wir sehr dankbar sein. Wir wünschen nützliche Lektüre und warten auf Reaktionen unserer Leser.

K

zende Studien an. Dank der finanziellen Hilfe vom Krakauer Stadtamt wird regelmäßig und seit neun Jahren ein Jahrbuch Management in Kultur , sowie die Reihe Bibliothek des Kulturmanagements herausgegeben.

er Lehrstuhl für Kultur und Management, der der Gruppe von Lehrstühlen für Kulturwissenschaften der Jagiellonen Universität angehört (die Gruppe wird demnächst in Institut für Kultur der Jagiellonen Universität umbenannt), hat seinen Sitz in Fakultät für Management und Gesellschaftskommunikation der Jagiellonen Universität und beschäftigt elf Mitarbeiter, die mindestens über einen Doktortitel verfügen, die Mehrheit aus dem Bereich der humanistischen Wissenschaften im Fachgebiet Management. Dies ist eine sehr wichtige Information: Fakultät für Management und Gesellschaftskommunikation hat als die einzige in Polen (und ganz bestimmt in dieser Lokalität in Europa) akademische Berechtigung zum Verleihen von Professor-, Habilitations- und Doktortiteln im Bereich der Humanistischen Wissenschaften im Fachgebiet Management. Das ermöglicht auch Kandidaten vom Ausland Erlangen von voller akademischer Berechtigung in diesem Bereich und eröffnet gleichzeitig neue Möglichkeiten des Kreierens von neuen Studienprogrammen auf heimischen Hochschulen. Der Lehrstuhl bietet (im Rahmen des Instituts und der Fakultät) Studiengänge aus dem Bereich Kultur und Management als B.A., M.A., Ph.D. und nicht zuletzt als ergän-

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

lem als ein lokales Angebot (Krakow, Tbilisi, Istanbul). Diese Differenzierung in Programmen in didaktischem Bereich war unter anderen der Grund dafür eine ganz bestimmte Auswahl der Redaktionsmitglieder unserer Zeitschrift zu treffen. Wir sind davon überzeugt, dass diese Vielfältigkeit ein attraktives Angebot der publizierten Texte zur Folge haben wird. Dieser Druck ist notwendig, wenn wir effektiv akademische Teams, die sich mit Problematik des Managements in Kultur und ähnlichen Aspekten, wie z.B. Kulturpolitik, kulturelle Diplomatie, Kulturökonomie, Kulturanimation etc., etc. befassen, entwickeln wollen. In heutigen Realitäten kann man nur durch Meinungsaustausch und deren Konfrontation auf der internationalen Ebene den Bildungsprozess von neuen (und modernen) Fachkräften entwickeln.


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Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Über einige philosophische Grundlagen einer Theorie des Kulturmanagements Peter Bendixen

Gedanklicher Aufriss

K

ulturmanagement ist ein sehr junges aka demisches Fachgebiet, das noch weitgehend ohne festen theoretischen Unterbau auskommen muss. Es befindet sich zudem intellektuell und methodologisch in einer instabilen Lage zwischen zwei etablierten Wissenschaften und Praxisfeldern, die hinslichtlich ihrer methodologischer Gewissheiten nicht wirklich gefestigt sind: Kulturwissenschaften und Wirtschaftswissenschaften. Die Frage stellt sich heute, nach mehr als zwanzig Jahren akademischer Karriere als neues Fachgebiet, ob es nicht an der Zeit ist, die wissenschaftlichen Grundlagen des Kulturmanagements nachdrücklich zu bearbeiten, um dem Fach sowohl theoretisch als auch pragmatisch einen etwas sichereren Stand zu geben. Mit diesem Beitrag soll versucht werden, ohne Anspruch auf Vollständigkeit und Systematik einige grundlegende Fragestellungen vorzustellen, die in weiteren Diskussionen mit der Zeit genügend Festigkeit bekommen und so das theoretische Fundament des Faches bereiten können. Für diese gedankliche Aufgabe bieten sich einige Anknüpfungspunkte an, die sich aus vielerei Erfahrungen und Beobachtungen in der Kunst- und Kulturpraxis ergeben haben. Zwar verbreiten Kunstereignisse auch heute noch einen Hauch von Feierlichkeit und Herausgehobenheit, aber in Wahrheit sind die Künste längst in die Fangnetze der profanen Ökonomisierung geraten. Dies nicht nur in dem vordergründigen Sinne der strangulierenden Wirkungen von Haushaltskürzungen, sondern in der Arena des Kampfes um öffentliche Auf-

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

merksamkeit gegen die Besetzungslust kommerzieller Interessen, z. B. in den Medien. Im Kern der folgenden Überlegungen stehen allerdings nicht die Alltagserscheinungen, sondern die grundsätzliche Kritik des herrschenden wirtschaftwissenschaftlichen Denkens und seiner gängigen Methodologie. Der wichtigste und zugleich am wenigsten geklärte Anknüpfungspunkt scheint ein ganz banaler zu sein: Der Kulturbegriff und in seinem Umfeld natürlich der Kunstbegriff. Mancher Leser wird vielleicht mit Unverständnis reagieren, weil es langsam zu einem unergiebigen Ritual geworden ist, sich zu Beginn jeder Fachkonferenz, jeder akademischen Diskussion und jedes seriösen Fachbuchs mit diesem zentralen Begriff zu befassen und doch letztlich an der Oberfläche zu bleiben mit einer Art Willkürerklärung oder mit der Berufung auf die bekannte Formel der UNESCO zu folgen. Die Hauptthese, die in diesem Beitrag im Mittelpunkt stehen wird, hat mit der Problematik zu tun, dass zwar alle Welt sich mit Kultur befasst und doch nicht so recht zu wissen scheint, worum es sich dabei handelt, und dass dieser Mangel ausgerechnet jene Wissenschaft am stärksten betrifft, die sich erklärtermassen nicht mit Kultur befassen kann oder will: die Wirtschaftswissenschaft. Gerade diese Wissenschaft liefert aber den vielleicht wichtigsten Block notwendigen geistigen Rüstzeugs für Kulturmanagement, nämlich das administrative Instrumentarium zu praktischen Ausübung von Funktionen des Kulturmanagements. Der Gang der folgenden Argumentationen wird bei den methodologischen Schwachpunk-

109

Peter Bendixen Hochschullehrer an den Universitäten in Lüneburg, Salzburg, Warwick, Istanbul. Mitbegründer des Studiengangs Kulturmanagement an der Hamburger Universität für Wirtschaft und Politik, wie auch des RudolfArnheim-Institut für Kunst, Musik und Kulturökonomie in Hamburg. Seit 2003 ist er als Direktor für Forschung und Doktorandenprogramme am Wiener Studienzentrum Hohe Warte tätig. Zur Zeit ist er Professor an der Yeditepe Universität in Istanbul.

ulturmanagement ist ein sehr junges aka demisches Fachgebiet, das noch weitgehend ohne festen theoretischen Unterbau auskommen muss. Es befindet sich zudem intellektuell und methodologisch in einer instabilen Lage zwischen zwei etablierten Wissenschaften und Praxisfeldern, die hinslichtlich ihrer methodologischer Gewissheiten nicht wirklich gefestigt sind: Kulturwissenschaften und Wirtschaftswissenschaften. Die Frage stellt sich heute, nach mehr als zwanzig Jahren akademischer Karriere als neues Fachgebiet, ob es nicht an der Zeit ist, die wissenschaftlichen Grundlagen des Kulturmanagements nachdrücklich zu bearbeiten, um dem Fach sowohl theoretisch als auch pragmatisch einen etwas sichereren Stand zu geben. Mit diesem Beitrag soll versucht werden, ohne Anspruch auf Vollständigkeit und Systematik einige grundlegende Fragestellungen vorzustellen, die in weiteren Diskussionen mit der Zeit genügend Festigkeit bekommen und so das theoretische Fundament des Faches bereiten können. Für diese gedankliche Aufgabe bieten sich einige Anknüpfungspunkte an, die sich aus vielerei Erfahrungen und Beobachtungen in der Kunst- und Kulturpraxis ergeben haben. Zwar verbreiten Kunstereignisse auch heute noch einen Hauch von Feierlichkeit und Herausgehobenheit, aber in Wahrheit sind die Künste längst in die Fangnetze der profanen Ökonomisierung geraten. Dies nicht nur in dem vordergründigen Sinne der strangulierenden Wirkungen von Haushaltskürzungen, sondern in der Arena des Kampfes um öffentliche Auf-

K

Gedanklicher Aufriss

merksamkeit gegen die Besetzungslust kommerzieller Interessen, z. B. in den Medien. Im Kern der folgenden Überlegungen stehen allerdings nicht die Alltagserscheinungen, sondern die grundsätzliche Kritik des herrschenden wirtschaftwissenschaftlichen Denkens und seiner gängigen Methodologie. Der wichtigste und zugleich am wenigsten geklärte Anknüpfungspunkt scheint ein ganz banaler zu sein: Der Kulturbegriff und in seinem Umfeld natürlich der Kunstbegriff. Mancher Leser wird vielleicht mit Unverständnis reagieren, weil es langsam zu einem unergiebigen Ritual geworden ist, sich zu Beginn jeder Fachkonferenz, jeder akademischen Diskussion und jedes seriösen Fachbuchs mit diesem zentralen Begriff zu befassen und doch letztlich an der Oberfläche zu bleiben mit einer Art Willkürerklärung oder mit der Berufung auf die bekannte Formel der UNESCO zu folgen. Die Hauptthese, die in diesem Beitrag im Mittelpunkt stehen wird, hat mit der Problematik zu tun, dass zwar alle Welt sich mit Kultur befasst und doch nicht so recht zu wissen scheint, worum es sich dabei handelt, und dass dieser Mangel ausgerechnet jene Wissenschaft am stärksten betrifft, die sich erklärtermassen nicht mit Kultur befassen kann oder will: die Wirtschaftswissenschaft. Gerade diese Wissenschaft liefert aber den vielleicht wichtigsten Block notwendigen geistigen Rüstzeugs für Kulturmanagement, nämlich das administrative Instrumentarium zu praktischen Ausübung von Funktionen des Kulturmanagements. Der Gang der folgenden Argumentationen wird bei den methodologischen Schwachpunk-

Peter Bendixen

Über einige philosophische Grundlagen einer Theorie des Kulturmanagements

Peter Bendixen Hochschullehrer an den Universitäten in Lüneburg, Salzburg, Warwick, Istanbul. Mitbegründer des Studiengangs Kulturmanagement an der Hamburger Universität für Wirtschaft und Politik, wie auch des RudolfArnheim-Institut für Kunst, Musik und Kulturökonomie in Hamburg. Seit 2003 ist er als Direktor für Forschung und Doktorandenprogramme am Wiener Studienzentrum Hohe Warte tätig. Zur Zeit ist er Professor an der Yeditepe Universität in Istanbul.


ten der Ökonomik (Volkswirtschaftslehre und Betriebswirtschaftslehre hier zusammengefasst) beginnen. Der Weg führt weiter über den Versuch, einen anderen als den gewohnten Zugang zum Kulturbegriff zu gewinnen, denn ohne ein vertieftes Verständnis von Kulur und damit auch von Kunst verfehlt die Kritik traditionellen ökonomischen Denkens ihr Ziel: die Erweiterung der ökonomischen Denkhorizonte. Eine letzte Fragestellung wendet sich dem schwierigen Punkt zu, wie sich das Kulturmanagement innerhalb des allgemeinen Prinzips vom Vorrang des Inhalts vor der Form positionieren kann. Diese Frage stellt sich, auch in der Praxis, besonders dort, wo es um die Substanz von Kunst und ihre Bedeutung für die Gesellschaft geht. Das Problem resultiert daraus, dass Kulturmanagement weder Form noch Inhalt ist, sondern instrumentellen Charakter hat. Das bedeutet, dass es als Instrument verschiedene Positionen einnehmen und unterschiedlichen Absichten dienen kann, so wie ein Beil als Nutzwerkzeug, aber auch als Mordwaffe gebraucht werden kann.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Das ökonomische Denken und seine Widersprüche

110

S

Etwas genauer habe ich mich mit dieser Frage befasst in: Bendixen, P.: Ökonomie der Entgrenzung Wege aus der Unwirtlichkeit, Berlin 2007 und Bendixen, P.: Fastfood-Ökonomie Die unaufhaltsame Kommerzialisierung der Zeit, Berlin 2008.

durch den Namen des Fachs kaschiert: Ökonomie. Der Handel hat weder in der Antike noch in den nachfolgenden Epochen bis heute unmittelbar etwas mit Produktion zu tun gehabt, also mit dem, was Aristoteles mit Oikonomia nannte. Viele Ökonomen berufen sich auf Aristoteles Ausführungen über Oikonomia und wollen damit begründen, dass dieses akademische Fach auf eine lange Geschichte zurückblicken kann. Das ist definitiv falsch. Würde man ernsthaft der aristotelischen Philosophie folgen, müsste es Chrematistik genannt werden. Es würde zu weit führen, dies alles im Einzelnen zu begründen und zu diskutieren.1 Solange das Produzieren historisch noch nicht den geschlossenen Kreis des Haushalts überschritten hatte, und das war noch bis vor wenigen Generationen zu einem grossen Teil der Fall, blieben der Anlass und die Art der Ausführung der Erzeugung von benötigten Gegenständen in einen internen Kreislauf eingebunden. Der Begriff Haushalt darf nicht als der Betriebsteil einer Kleinfamilie heutigen Ausmasses verstanden werden. Das Haus ( Oikos bei Aristoteles, famiglia in der italienischen Renaissance, unter anderem bei Leon Battista Alberti in seinem Buch I libri della famiglia von 1441) muss in Kategorien von örtlichen und regionalen Gemeinschaften und Verbänden gesehen werden, z. B. die römischen Latifundien und die mittelalterlichen feudalistischen Grundherrschaften. Der neuzeitliche Merkantilismus ist noch ein bis heute nachwirkender Ausläufer jener alten Politik der Akkumulation von Reichtum und Wohlstand durch intern regulierte Produktion. Sie stellte den Handel zwar in ihren Dienst, gewährte ihm aber keinerlei Dominanz in der Wirtschaft. Die französischen Physiokraten des 18. Jahrhunderts hielten den Handel für eine unproduktive Klasse im Gegensatz zur Landwirtschaft, die mit der Natur und von der Natur die wahren Werte schafft. Die Geisteshaltung der Physiokraten begünstigte grundherrschaftliches Denken, nicht etwa marktwirtschaftlichesç Mit strengen Massstäben ist die heutige Ökonomik nicht älter als etwas mehr als 232 Jahre beginnend mit Adam Smiths berühmtem Buch von 1776 übr den Wohlstand der Nationen . Mit dem Begriff Produktion kommen zuerst physische Vorgänge in den Sinn: Äcker werden bestellt, Holz wird geschlagen und in

1

treng genommenist es nicht möglich, eine so kardinale Problematik wie die Kritik der Ökonomie in wenigen Sätzen uszubreiten und zugleich umfassend die methodologischen Schwachpunkte des herkömmlichen ökonomischen Denkens freizulegen und kritisch zu beleuchten. Denoch muss hier der direkte Sprung in den wohl problematischsten Aspekt gewagt werden: Der historische Ursprung des marktwirtschaftlichen Systems liegt n i c h t in jenem gesellschaftlichen Kernbereich, der als das Wesen der Wirtschaft aufgefasst wird, nämlich der Produktion. Der historische Ursprung der Marktwirtschaft ist im Handel zu suchen, und der hat nun bekanntlich nichts mit der Erzeugung von Gütern zu tun. Der Geist des Handels, das Denken in kommerziellen und vor allem monetären Kategorien, hat sich bis heute erhalten. Dort und n i c h t in der Produktion wird man die Marktwirtschaft als eine moderne zivilisatorische Errungenschaft, aber auch ihre Schattenseiten verstehen lernen können. Der Gedankenfehler über den historischen Ursprung der Marktwirtschaft wird zudem

treng genommenist es nicht möglich, eine so kardinale Problematik wie die Kritik der Ökonomie in wenigen Sätzen uszubreiten und zugleich umfassend die methodologischen Schwachpunkte des herkömmlichen ökonomischen Denkens freizulegen und kritisch zu beleuchten. Denoch muss hier der direkte Sprung in den wohl problematischsten Aspekt gewagt werden: Der historische Ursprung des marktwirtschaftlichen Systems liegt n i c h t in jenem gesellschaftlichen Kernbereich, der als das Wesen der Wirtschaft aufgefasst wird, nämlich der Produktion. Der historische Ursprung der Marktwirtschaft ist im Handel zu suchen, und der hat nun bekanntlich nichts mit der Erzeugung von Gütern zu tun. Der Geist des Handels, das Denken in kommerziellen und vor allem monetären Kategorien, hat sich bis heute erhalten. Dort und n i c h t in der Produktion wird man die Marktwirtschaft als eine moderne zivilisatorische Errungenschaft, aber auch ihre Schattenseiten verstehen lernen können. Der Gedankenfehler über den historischen Ursprung der Marktwirtschaft wird zudem

Etwas genauer habe ich mich mit dieser Frage befasst in: Bendixen, P.: Ökonomie der Entgrenzung Wege aus der Unwirtlichkeit, Berlin 2007 und Bendixen, P.: Fastfood-Ökonomie Die unaufhaltsame Kommerzialisierung der Zeit, Berlin 2008.

S

1

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Das ökonomische Denken und seine Widersprüche

durch den Namen des Fachs kaschiert: Ökonomie. Der Handel hat weder in der Antike noch in den nachfolgenden Epochen bis heute unmittelbar etwas mit Produktion zu tun gehabt, also mit dem, was Aristoteles mit Oikonomia nannte. Viele Ökonomen berufen sich auf Aristoteles Ausführungen über Oikonomia und wollen damit begründen, dass dieses akademische Fach auf eine lange Geschichte zurückblicken kann. Das ist definitiv falsch. Würde man ernsthaft der aristotelischen Philosophie folgen, müsste es Chrematistik genannt werden. Es würde zu weit führen, dies alles im Einzelnen zu begründen und zu diskutieren.1 Solange das Produzieren historisch noch nicht den geschlossenen Kreis des Haushalts überschritten hatte, und das war noch bis vor wenigen Generationen zu einem grossen Teil der Fall, blieben der Anlass und die Art der Ausführung der Erzeugung von benötigten Gegenständen in einen internen Kreislauf eingebunden. Der Begriff Haushalt darf nicht als der Betriebsteil einer Kleinfamilie heutigen Ausmasses verstanden werden. Das Haus ( Oikos bei Aristoteles, famiglia in der italienischen Renaissance, unter anderem bei Leon Battista Alberti in seinem Buch I libri della famiglia von 1441) muss in Kategorien von örtlichen und regionalen Gemeinschaften und Verbänden gesehen werden, z. B. die römischen Latifundien und die mittelalterlichen feudalistischen Grundherrschaften. Der neuzeitliche Merkantilismus ist noch ein bis heute nachwirkender Ausläufer jener alten Politik der Akkumulation von Reichtum und Wohlstand durch intern regulierte Produktion. Sie stellte den Handel zwar in ihren Dienst, gewährte ihm aber keinerlei Dominanz in der Wirtschaft. Die französischen Physiokraten des 18. Jahrhunderts hielten den Handel für eine unproduktive Klasse im Gegensatz zur Landwirtschaft, die mit der Natur und von der Natur die wahren Werte schafft. Die Geisteshaltung der Physiokraten begünstigte grundherrschaftliches Denken, nicht etwa marktwirtschaftlichesç Mit strengen Massstäben ist die heutige Ökonomik nicht älter als etwas mehr als 232 Jahre beginnend mit Adam Smiths berühmtem Buch von 1776 übr den Wohlstand der Nationen . Mit dem Begriff Produktion kommen zuerst physische Vorgänge in den Sinn: Äcker werden bestellt, Holz wird geschlagen und in

110

ten der Ökonomik (Volkswirtschaftslehre und Betriebswirtschaftslehre hier zusammengefasst) beginnen. Der Weg führt weiter über den Versuch, einen anderen als den gewohnten Zugang zum Kulturbegriff zu gewinnen, denn ohne ein vertieftes Verständnis von Kulur und damit auch von Kunst verfehlt die Kritik traditionellen ökonomischen Denkens ihr Ziel: die Erweiterung der ökonomischen Denkhorizonte. Eine letzte Fragestellung wendet sich dem schwierigen Punkt zu, wie sich das Kulturmanagement innerhalb des allgemeinen Prinzips vom Vorrang des Inhalts vor der Form positionieren kann. Diese Frage stellt sich, auch in der Praxis, besonders dort, wo es um die Substanz von Kunst und ihre Bedeutung für die Gesellschaft geht. Das Problem resultiert daraus, dass Kulturmanagement weder Form noch Inhalt ist, sondern instrumentellen Charakter hat. Das bedeutet, dass es als Instrument verschiedene Positionen einnehmen und unterschiedlichen Absichten dienen kann, so wie ein Beil als Nutzwerkzeug, aber auch als Mordwaffe gebraucht werden kann.


111

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

die Zimmerei transportiert, Textilien werden gewebt, Schweine geschlachtet und verarbeitet. Heute denkt man vielleicht eher an rauchende Schlote, Fliessbänder, Materialtransporte auf überfüllten Strassen, Bürohochhäuser. Diese dinglichen Erscheinungen haben sich in der modernen Wirtschaftstheorie niedergeschlagen in der bekannten, auf Adam Smith zurückgehenden Klassifikation der Produktionsfaktoren in Boden , Arbeit und Kapital .2 Der Grundansatz der ökonomischen Theorie geht von der Aufgabe aus, dass es angesichts der prinzipiellen Knappheit dieser drei Faktoren eine Sache der Vernunft (in der spezifizierten Version der ökonomischen Rationalität) ist, volkwirtschaftlich ebenso wie betriebswirtschaftlich in jedem Moment eine optimale (d.h. Ressourcen sparende) Kombination dieser Produktionsfaktoren anzustreben. Das ist in sich logisch und geht doch an der Realität vorbei, weil der Ursprung produzierenden Handelns nicht im Dinglichen, sondern im Geistigen liegt. Um es hier kurz zu machen: Jeder menschlichen Handlung geht eine gedankliche Vorarbeit voraus, eine Idee, ein Entwurf, ein Muster. Produktion ist eine absichtsgeleitete Tätigkeit, die einer kulturellen Kraft folgt, nämlich dem Nachdenken darüber, dass der Mensch nicht gezwungen ist, sich knechtisch mit dem zufrieden zu geben, was die rohe Natur zu bieten hat. Er kann seine Lebensbedingungen gestalten. Produktion ist nur Ausführung; die Initiative liegt stets im Geistigen, in den Ideen und damit im Kulturellen. Dieser elementare Zusammenhang zwischen schöpferischem Denken, das im kulturellen Selbstbewusstsein des Menschen angelegt ist (und evolutorisch mit den Besonderheiten der menschlichen Gehirnarchitektur zusammenhängt), und der einer bestimmten inneren Vision folgenden physischen Handlung, ist dem ökonomischen Denken abhanden gekommen (falls es je in der Ökonomie eine bedeutende Rolle spielte). Das Denken in Kategorien von Gestaltungsmöglichkeiten, also Kreativität im ursprünglichen Sinne, ist ein individueller Vorgang so etwas wie ein kollektives Gehirn ist nichts als eine Fiktion. Die Denkmuster, die im Archiv des Gehirns, dem Gedächtnis, eingraviert sind, erlangt der Mensch im wachen Erleben, also in aufmerksamer Wahrnehmung seines äusseren Umfeldes und in seiner Einbindung in die

2

soziale Kommunikation. Die in einer Gemeinschaft für wichtig und richtig gehaltenen Muster des Verhaltens und Handelns bilden sich im individuellen Gehirn im Lauf des Lebens immer differenzierter ab und leiten auf diese Weise das konkrete Handeln. Daraus folgt, dass alles menschliche Handeln, auch und gerade in der materiellen Produktion, aus der kulturellen Grundverfassung des Menschen hervorgeht, und diese bewegt sich innerhalb des Rahmens sozialer Erfahrungen und Vorgaben. Diese sind zwar hochgradig veränderbar, aber es geschieht nichts ohne einen solchen geistigen Boden, der hier vorerst noch unge sichert als Kultur aufgefasst wird. Mit anderen Worten: Es gibt keine kulturfreie oder kulturlose Produktion, und da diese wichtige Erkenntnis in der gesamten ökonomischen Theorie fehlt, können ihre Resulte logischerweise nur Halbheiten sein.

Die kulturelle Bedeutung von Kunstproduktion

D

as konkrete Bearbeiten von physischem Material kann und wird in den meisten Fällen einem wirtschaftlichen Versorgungsziel dienen. Dass Wirtschaftsgüter funktional gestaltet sind, damit sie funktionieren, macht ihren d i n g l i c h e n Sinn aus; dass sie einer ä s t he t i s c h e n (d.h. der sinnlichen Wahrnehmung zugänglichen) Gestalt bedürfen, hängt wiederum mit Kultur zusammen, nämlich mit Lebensstilmustern, aus denen Präferenzen und Abneigungen hervorgehen, die letztlich über den Markterfolg entscheiden. Das menschliche Bedürfnis nach spirituellen und emotionalen Anregungen (Anmutungen, Inspirationen, Herausforderungen, Glückgefühlen) scheint ein unabweisbares Element von Kultur zu sein. Dieses Bedürfnis nach spirituellem und emotionalem Erleben muss nicht zwingend mit einem Konsumakt verbunden sein, wie das etwa in der Gastronomie der Fall ist. Es versteht sich von selbst, dass es im Interesse von Herstellern liegt, diese Verbindung zu physischem Konsum nach Möglichkeit zu festigen. Geld wird mit materiellen Gütern verdient, nicht mit abstrakten Gebilden, die positive Gefühle auslösen. Dass Kunst hier eine andere, geradezu entgegen gesetzte Rolle spielt, liegt natürlich nahe. Kunst kann sich auf Situationen und Objekte

Dass das Kapital ebenso wie Geld dingliche Kategorien sind, kann hier nicht näher ausgeführt werden. Dazu sei ebenfalls auf die genannten Bücher verwiesen.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

111

2

Dass das Kapital ebenso wie Geld dingliche Kategorien sind, kann hier nicht näher ausgeführt werden. Dazu sei ebenfalls auf die genannten Bücher verwiesen.

die Zimmerei transportiert, Textilien werden gewebt, Schweine geschlachtet und verarbeitet. Heute denkt man vielleicht eher an rauchende Schlote, Fliessbänder, Materialtransporte auf überfüllten Strassen, Bürohochhäuser. Diese dinglichen Erscheinungen haben sich in der modernen Wirtschaftstheorie niedergeschlagen in der bekannten, auf Adam Smith zurückgehenden Klassifikation der Produktionsfaktoren in Boden , Arbeit und Kapital .2 Der Grundansatz der ökonomischen Theorie geht von der Aufgabe aus, dass es angesichts der prinzipiellen Knappheit dieser drei Faktoren eine Sache der Vernunft (in der spezifizierten Version der ökonomischen Rationalität) ist, volkwirtschaftlich ebenso wie betriebswirtschaftlich in jedem Moment eine optimale (d.h. Ressourcen sparende) Kombination dieser Produktionsfaktoren anzustreben. Das ist in sich logisch und geht doch an der Realität vorbei, weil der Ursprung produzierenden Handelns nicht im Dinglichen, sondern im Geistigen liegt. Um es hier kurz zu machen: Jeder menschlichen Handlung geht eine gedankliche Vorarbeit voraus, eine Idee, ein Entwurf, ein Muster. Produktion ist eine absichtsgeleitete Tätigkeit, die einer kulturellen Kraft folgt, nämlich dem Nachdenken darüber, dass der Mensch nicht gezwungen ist, sich knechtisch mit dem zufrieden zu geben, was die rohe Natur zu bieten hat. Er kann seine Lebensbedingungen gestalten. Produktion ist nur Ausführung; die Initiative liegt stets im Geistigen, in den Ideen und damit im Kulturellen. Dieser elementare Zusammenhang zwischen schöpferischem Denken, das im kulturellen Selbstbewusstsein des Menschen angelegt ist (und evolutorisch mit den Besonderheiten der menschlichen Gehirnarchitektur zusammenhängt), und der einer bestimmten inneren Vision folgenden physischen Handlung, ist dem ökonomischen Denken abhanden gekommen (falls es je in der Ökonomie eine bedeutende Rolle spielte). Das Denken in Kategorien von Gestaltungsmöglichkeiten, also Kreativität im ursprünglichen Sinne, ist ein individueller Vorgang so etwas wie ein kollektives Gehirn ist nichts als eine Fiktion. Die Denkmuster, die im Archiv des Gehirns, dem Gedächtnis, eingraviert sind, erlangt der Mensch im wachen Erleben, also in aufmerksamer Wahrnehmung seines äusseren Umfeldes und in seiner Einbindung in die

as konkrete Bearbeiten von physischem Material kann und wird in den meisten Fällen einem wirtschaftlichen Versorgungsziel dienen. Dass Wirtschaftsgüter funktional gestaltet sind, damit sie funktionieren, macht ihren d i n g l i c h e n Sinn aus; dass sie einer ä s t he t i s c h e n (d.h. der sinnlichen Wahrnehmung zugänglichen) Gestalt bedürfen, hängt wiederum mit Kultur zusammen, nämlich mit Lebensstilmustern, aus denen Präferenzen und Abneigungen hervorgehen, die letztlich über den Markterfolg entscheiden. Das menschliche Bedürfnis nach spirituellen und emotionalen Anregungen (Anmutungen, Inspirationen, Herausforderungen, Glückgefühlen) scheint ein unabweisbares Element von Kultur zu sein. Dieses Bedürfnis nach spirituellem und emotionalem Erleben muss nicht zwingend mit einem Konsumakt verbunden sein, wie das etwa in der Gastronomie der Fall ist. Es versteht sich von selbst, dass es im Interesse von Herstellern liegt, diese Verbindung zu physischem Konsum nach Möglichkeit zu festigen. Geld wird mit materiellen Gütern verdient, nicht mit abstrakten Gebilden, die positive Gefühle auslösen. Dass Kunst hier eine andere, geradezu entgegen gesetzte Rolle spielt, liegt natürlich nahe. Kunst kann sich auf Situationen und Objekte

D

Die kulturelle Bedeutung von Kunstproduktion soziale Kommunikation. Die in einer Gemeinschaft für wichtig und richtig gehaltenen Muster des Verhaltens und Handelns bilden sich im individuellen Gehirn im Lauf des Lebens immer differenzierter ab und leiten auf diese Weise das konkrete Handeln. Daraus folgt, dass alles menschliche Handeln, auch und gerade in der materiellen Produktion, aus der kulturellen Grundverfassung des Menschen hervorgeht, und diese bewegt sich innerhalb des Rahmens sozialer Erfahrungen und Vorgaben. Diese sind zwar hochgradig veränderbar, aber es geschieht nichts ohne einen solchen geistigen Boden, der hier vorerst noch unge sichert als Kultur aufgefasst wird. Mit anderen Worten: Es gibt keine kulturfreie oder kulturlose Produktion, und da diese wichtige Erkenntnis in der gesamten ökonomischen Theorie fehlt, können ihre Resulte logischerweise nur Halbheiten sein.


beziehen, die zu nichts anderem da sind, als eben diese spirituelle Wirkung zu bieten, ohne physisch verzehrt zu werden. Kunst ist nicht konsumptiv, sondern additiv. Jedes neue Kunstwerk (von Rang) ersetzt nicht alte, weil diese etwa verbrauch wären, sondern fügt dem Bestand an kulturellem Erbe ein weiteres Element hinzu. Anders dagegen Schlagermusik: Sie wird durch häufigen Gebrauch geistig und emotional abgenutzt und durch neue ersetzt. Dadurch ist sie kommerziell interessant. Bei aller gebotenen Vorsicht angesichts hier fehlender ausführlicher Begründungen, die in diesem Rahmen nicht geliefert werden können, wird vorgeschlagen, in diesem eben beschriebenen Phänomen einen Kernbestandteil von Kunst zu erkennen. Behauptet wird, dass Kunst immer eine spirituell und emotional gemeinte Botschaft im weitesten Sinne enthält. Diese Botschaft muss nicht narrativer Natur sein, wie das beispielsweise bei einem Roman, einem Theaterstück oder einem figurativen Gemälde der Fall ist. Die Botschaft kann initiativen Charakter haben, indem sie beim Wahrnehmenden innere Visionen auslöst, ohne selbst eine deutbare Geschichte zu erzählen. Mit dieser Erklärung wird nicht behauptet, dass jede spirituel und emotional gewichtige Botschaft Kunst ist. Die frohe Botschaft einer Tageszeitung über die geglückte Lösung eines dramatischen Ereignisses, z.B. einer Kindesentführung, ist zweifellos kein Kunstwerk. Kunst bleibt somit weiterhin eine nicht vollständig erklärte Sache. Der verständliche Drang, reale Erscheinungen wie Kunst, Religion oder die prächtige Wirkung einer grandiosen Naturlandschaft zu erklären, sie also gedanklich in den Griff (oder Begriff) zu bekommen, hat etwas von Herrschsucht an sich. Möglicherweise erweist sich der tiefere Sinn von Kunst dadurch, dass sie sich der Beherrschung und dem aufklärenden Bohren des Verstands entzieht, also ihre Geheimnisse bewahren kann so wie das immer noch rätselhafte Lächeln der Mona Lisa. Weisheit könnte darin liegen, der Kunst den Zauber der Unerklärlichkeit zu belassen und sie nicht begrifflich zu zerlegen und verständlich machen zu wollen und sie damit letztlich zu ruinieren.

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zielle Erzeugnisse ebenso wie für Kunstobjekte, für ein Bürogebäude ebenso wie für eine komplette Kunstausstellung. Diese Objekte beziehen sich in ihrer reinen Stofflichkeit auf die Natur, auf ihre Gaben und ihre Gesetze. Die Gestalt dagegen bezieht sich auf Kultur und legt Zeugnis davon ab, dass der Mensch partiell die natürlichen Gegebenheiten für seine Bedürnisse umformen kann. Er hat somit im Laufe seiner Evolution als Kulturwesen eine physisch wahrnehmbare dingliche Kulturwelt in all den vielfältigen Gestalten der Vergangenheit und der Gegenwart geschaffen, deren Wert nicht nur in ihrer alltäglichen Nützlichkeit liegt, sondern zugleich die schöpferischen Kräfte des Menschen bezeugt. Deshalb hat die Bewahrung des kulturellen Erbes in allen Gesellschaften und Kulturen und auf internationaler Ebene (z. B. durch die UNESCO) einen sehr hohen Stellenwert. Aus diesen Überlegungen folgt eine erste markante Dimension des zu präzisierenden Kulturbegriffs. Da jeder Gegenstand, ob Kunst oder Kommerz, eine das gesellschaftliche Umfeld reflektierende Gestalt aufweist, deren Ursprung im Denken und dem Geist (dem Weltverständnis) dessen liegt, der ihn geschaffen hat, ergibt sich ein zentrales Element des Kulturbegriffs, der beide Seinsweisen untrennbar umfasst. Die kulturelle Gestalt hat eine mentale und eine ihr korrenspondierende reale (physische) Erscheinungsweise. Die Korrespondenz der beiden Erscheinungsweisen macht deutlich, dass Kultur, dass kulturelle Vorstellungen, nicht nur im Kopf existiert, sondern als Sinngehalt den Objekten imprägniert ist. Man kann in Kulturgestalten gewissermassen lesen wie in einem Buch. Kulturdefinitionen, wie sie in der Soziologie üblich sind, die der Kultur ausschliesslich eine normative und damit spirituelle oder mentale Seinweise zuschreiben, sind ebenso unzureichend, wie umgekehrt solche Definitionen, die sich eng und ausschliesslich an die Objekte selbst halten. Das entscheidende Moment ist, wie es hier gesehen wird, die Korrespondenz, das Verbindende in Geist und Vergegenständlichung. Die Wirtschaftswissenschaften kommen mit ihrer Weltsicht und methodologischen Herangehensweise zwar der Objektvarianten nahe, weil sie die Produkte (und das Geld, um das sich letztlich alles dreht) nur in ihrer Dinglichkeit sieht und von der geistigen Welt dahinter abstrahiert. Das Sonderbare dieser Wissenschaft besteht indessen darin, dass sie den Produkten als menschlichen Hervorbringun-

eder von Menschen gemachte Gegenstand besitzt eine intendierte Gestalt und hat stoffliche Eigenschaften. Das gilt für kommer-

J

J

eder von Menschen gemachte Gegenstand besitzt eine intendierte Gestalt und hat stoffliche Eigenschaften. Das gilt für kommer-

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Kultur in Geist und Vergegenständlichung

zielle Erzeugnisse ebenso wie für Kunstobjekte, für ein Bürogebäude ebenso wie für eine komplette Kunstausstellung. Diese Objekte beziehen sich in ihrer reinen Stofflichkeit auf die Natur, auf ihre Gaben und ihre Gesetze. Die Gestalt dagegen bezieht sich auf Kultur und legt Zeugnis davon ab, dass der Mensch partiell die natürlichen Gegebenheiten für seine Bedürnisse umformen kann. Er hat somit im Laufe seiner Evolution als Kulturwesen eine physisch wahrnehmbare dingliche Kulturwelt in all den vielfältigen Gestalten der Vergangenheit und der Gegenwart geschaffen, deren Wert nicht nur in ihrer alltäglichen Nützlichkeit liegt, sondern zugleich die schöpferischen Kräfte des Menschen bezeugt. Deshalb hat die Bewahrung des kulturellen Erbes in allen Gesellschaften und Kulturen und auf internationaler Ebene (z. B. durch die UNESCO) einen sehr hohen Stellenwert. Aus diesen Überlegungen folgt eine erste markante Dimension des zu präzisierenden Kulturbegriffs. Da jeder Gegenstand, ob Kunst oder Kommerz, eine das gesellschaftliche Umfeld reflektierende Gestalt aufweist, deren Ursprung im Denken und dem Geist (dem Weltverständnis) dessen liegt, der ihn geschaffen hat, ergibt sich ein zentrales Element des Kulturbegriffs, der beide Seinsweisen untrennbar umfasst. Die kulturelle Gestalt hat eine mentale und eine ihr korrenspondierende reale (physische) Erscheinungsweise. Die Korrespondenz der beiden Erscheinungsweisen macht deutlich, dass Kultur, dass kulturelle Vorstellungen, nicht nur im Kopf existiert, sondern als Sinngehalt den Objekten imprägniert ist. Man kann in Kulturgestalten gewissermassen lesen wie in einem Buch. Kulturdefinitionen, wie sie in der Soziologie üblich sind, die der Kultur ausschliesslich eine normative und damit spirituelle oder mentale Seinweise zuschreiben, sind ebenso unzureichend, wie umgekehrt solche Definitionen, die sich eng und ausschliesslich an die Objekte selbst halten. Das entscheidende Moment ist, wie es hier gesehen wird, die Korrespondenz, das Verbindende in Geist und Vergegenständlichung. Die Wirtschaftswissenschaften kommen mit ihrer Weltsicht und methodologischen Herangehensweise zwar der Objektvarianten nahe, weil sie die Produkte (und das Geld, um das sich letztlich alles dreht) nur in ihrer Dinglichkeit sieht und von der geistigen Welt dahinter abstrahiert. Das Sonderbare dieser Wissenschaft besteht indessen darin, dass sie den Produkten als menschlichen Hervorbringun-

112

beziehen, die zu nichts anderem da sind, als eben diese spirituelle Wirkung zu bieten, ohne physisch verzehrt zu werden. Kunst ist nicht konsumptiv, sondern additiv. Jedes neue Kunstwerk (von Rang) ersetzt nicht alte, weil diese etwa verbrauch wären, sondern fügt dem Bestand an kulturellem Erbe ein weiteres Element hinzu. Anders dagegen Schlagermusik: Sie wird durch häufigen Gebrauch geistig und emotional abgenutzt und durch neue ersetzt. Dadurch ist sie kommerziell interessant. Bei aller gebotenen Vorsicht angesichts hier fehlender ausführlicher Begründungen, die in diesem Rahmen nicht geliefert werden können, wird vorgeschlagen, in diesem eben beschriebenen Phänomen einen Kernbestandteil von Kunst zu erkennen. Behauptet wird, dass Kunst immer eine spirituell und emotional gemeinte Botschaft im weitesten Sinne enthält. Diese Botschaft muss nicht narrativer Natur sein, wie das beispielsweise bei einem Roman, einem Theaterstück oder einem figurativen Gemälde der Fall ist. Die Botschaft kann initiativen Charakter haben, indem sie beim Wahrnehmenden innere Visionen auslöst, ohne selbst eine deutbare Geschichte zu erzählen. Mit dieser Erklärung wird nicht behauptet, dass jede spirituel und emotional gewichtige Botschaft Kunst ist. Die frohe Botschaft einer Tageszeitung über die geglückte Lösung eines dramatischen Ereignisses, z.B. einer Kindesentführung, ist zweifellos kein Kunstwerk. Kunst bleibt somit weiterhin eine nicht vollständig erklärte Sache. Der verständliche Drang, reale Erscheinungen wie Kunst, Religion oder die prächtige Wirkung einer grandiosen Naturlandschaft zu erklären, sie also gedanklich in den Griff (oder Begriff) zu bekommen, hat etwas von Herrschsucht an sich. Möglicherweise erweist sich der tiefere Sinn von Kunst dadurch, dass sie sich der Beherrschung und dem aufklärenden Bohren des Verstands entzieht, also ihre Geheimnisse bewahren kann so wie das immer noch rätselhafte Lächeln der Mona Lisa. Weisheit könnte darin liegen, der Kunst den Zauber der Unerklärlichkeit zu belassen und sie nicht begrifflich zu zerlegen und verständlich machen zu wollen und sie damit letztlich zu ruinieren.


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

gen einen kulturellen Status und Sinn in ihren Gestalten nicht erkennt. Man kann entsprechend dem üblichen Erkenntnisziel der Ökonomie auf die, wie man meint, weiche Komponente Kultur problemlos verzichten. Diese Methodologie macht die Ökonomie zu einem in Sachen Kunst und Kultur weitgehend inkompetenten Wissensarchiv.3 Ihr Instrumentarium bedarf daher sorgfältiger Prüfung ihrer Eignung für die Praxis des Kulturmanagements. Der auf das Dingliche beschränkte Zugang zu Objekten der realen Welt, wie ihn die Wirtschaftswissenschaften bevorzugen, wäre an sich kein Problem, wenn der entscheidende Deutungsschritt für das Verstehen von Erscheinungen und Ereignissen in der Wirtschaft getan wird, nämlich die geistigen Hintergründe zu erfassen und zu erläutern, vielleicht sogar in Teilen zu erklären. Damit käme die Wirtschaftswissenschaft methodologisch in die Nähe zur Archäologie. Aus einem gefundenen Objekt, z.B. einem Ausgrabungsfund. kann auf die kulturelle Welt seines Ursprungs geschlossen werden, falls die Funde dicht genug sind. In gleicher Weise kann man auch die eigene Gegenwart in Einzelteilen oder in den ganzheitlichen kulturellen Ausdrucksformen zu lesen versuchen. Es gehört allerdings sehr viel Erfahrung und Wissen dazu, die kommerzialisierte Gegenwart kulturell zu deuten. Der bedeutende Unterschied zwischen einem kommerziellen Gegenstand und einem Kunstwerk liegt darin, dass die kulturelle Gestalt eines industriellen Produktes nur ein Instrument der Erzeugung von Verkäuflichkeit darstellt. Bei einem Kunstwerk ist die Lage gerade umgekehrt: Die kulturelle Gestalt, etwa eine Skulptur, enthält eine zu entschlüsselnde Botschaft des Künstlers, während die Stofflichkeit, etwa Metall oder Gips, von sekundärer Bedeutung ist. Ein Buch ist physisch ein zusammengehefteter und gebundener Stapel Papier, der ohne jeden Wert und Sinn wäre, wenn darin nicht eine Mitteilung oder Botschaft transportiert würde. S i e macht den kulturellen Gehalt aus, nicht das Papier. Noch deutlicher wird diese Sachlage bei einer Banknote. Sie ist zwar kein

Kunstwerk, aber ein bedeutendes Kulturgut. Zwischen Stoff und Gestalt gibt es klarerweise komplizierte Wirkungsbeziehungen, weil die Gestalt nicht nur eine abstrakte Botschaft trägt, sondern zugleich Zeugnis vom Kampf des Künstlers mit den natürlichen Bedingungen des Materials ablegt.4 Die dialektische Beziehung zwischen Idee und Objekt wird vermittelt durch das denkende und fühlende Individuum, welches seine Schaffenskräfte und Gestaltungsmöglichkeiten im Gehirn aktiviert. Das Denk- und Imaginationsvermögen wirkt sich auf die Gestalt aus, die diese zu einem deutbaren Objekt für andere macht. Jeder Gegenstand ist deshalb zugleich ein Vehikel der sozialen Kommunikation. Das gilt in besonderem Maße für ein Kunstwerk, dessen verwickelte und verrätselte Botschaften sich nicht sofort und einfach erschliessen, wie das bei einem kommerziellen Produkt gewöhnlich der Fall ist. Aus der Eigenschaft des Kunstwerks und ebenso wie aller anderen gestalteten Objekte als Träger von Mitteilungen ergibt sich unmittelbar die soziale Rolle oder Funktion von Kunstobjekten. Diese sind wegen ihres ausgeweiteten kommunikativen Gehalts ein vielfältig wirksames soziales Medium. Ein gestalteter Gegenstand, der sich dagegen nicht der Öffentlichkeit stellt, kann im Grunde kein Kunstwerk sein. Ein Tagebuch, das niemals das Licht der Öffentlichkeit erreicht, ist keine Dichtung und keine Poesie. Das Tagebuch kann aber als erzählerisches Stilelement durchaus vielfältige Wirkungen vermitteln, weil es beispielsweise in einem Roman seines intimen Charakters entkleidet wird. Das Moment der Kommunikation hebt ein weiteres wichtiges Element des Kulturbegriffs hervor. Die kulturellen Vorstellungen eines Individuums, seine geistigen Prägungen und emotionalen Berührbarkeiten sind zwar in seinem Gehirn als biologisches Organ eingeschlossen. Da diese Prägungen aber die erlebte Welt in sich verarbeitet haben, also strukturell und sinnlich die wirksamen Aussenimpulse aus der Gesellschaft aufnimmt und zu eigenen Mustern umformt, hat eben diese Aus-

3

Das eine derart reduzierte Denkweise auch Probleme in der Beurteilung von Vorgängen in der realen Wirtschaft hervorruft, lässt sich denken. Diese Diskussion kann hier nicht geführt werden. Ich habe mich damit in einem im Druck befindlichen Buch befasst: Understanding the Economy A Cultural Perspective, voraussichtlich ab Juni 2008 im Handel verfügbar.

4

Diese Überlegungen gelten uneingeschränkt auch für die darstellenden Künste. Das zu begründen, würde hier den Rahmen sprengen. Der einstudierte Balletttanz auf der Bühne ist ein sichtbares und spürbares Beispiel für den Zusammenhang von Stoff und Gestalt und dem gelungenen Kampf der tanzenden Künstler mit den stofflichen Bedingungen ihrer eigenen Körperlichkeit. Dies sei nur als ein illustrierendes Beispiel genannt.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

113

113

4 Diese Überlegungen gelten uneingeschränkt auch für die darstellenden Künste. Das zu begründen, würde hier den Rahmen sprengen. Der einstudierte Balletttanz auf der Bühne ist ein sichtbares und spürbares Beispiel für den Zusammenhang von Stoff und Gestalt und dem gelungenen Kampf der tanzenden Künstler mit den stofflichen Bedingungen ihrer eigenen Körperlichkeit. Dies sei nur als ein illustrierendes Beispiel genannt. 3 Das eine derart reduzierte Denkweise auch Probleme in der Beurteilung von Vorgängen in der realen Wirtschaft hervorruft, lässt sich denken. Diese Diskussion kann hier nicht geführt werden. Ich habe mich damit in einem im Druck befindlichen Buch befasst: Understanding the Economy A Cultural Perspective, voraussichtlich ab Juni 2008 im Handel verfügbar.

gen einen kulturellen Status und Sinn in ihren Gestalten nicht erkennt. Man kann entsprechend dem üblichen Erkenntnisziel der Ökonomie auf die, wie man meint, weiche Komponente Kultur problemlos verzichten. Diese Methodologie macht die Ökonomie zu einem in Sachen Kunst und Kultur weitgehend inkompetenten Wissensarchiv.3 Ihr Instrumentarium bedarf daher sorgfältiger Prüfung ihrer Eignung für die Praxis des Kulturmanagements. Der auf das Dingliche beschränkte Zugang zu Objekten der realen Welt, wie ihn die Wirtschaftswissenschaften bevorzugen, wäre an sich kein Problem, wenn der entscheidende Deutungsschritt für das Verstehen von Erscheinungen und Ereignissen in der Wirtschaft getan wird, nämlich die geistigen Hintergründe zu erfassen und zu erläutern, vielleicht sogar in Teilen zu erklären. Damit käme die Wirtschaftswissenschaft methodologisch in die Nähe zur Archäologie. Aus einem gefundenen Objekt, z.B. einem Ausgrabungsfund. kann auf die kulturelle Welt seines Ursprungs geschlossen werden, falls die Funde dicht genug sind. In gleicher Weise kann man auch die eigene Gegenwart in Einzelteilen oder in den ganzheitlichen kulturellen Ausdrucksformen zu lesen versuchen. Es gehört allerdings sehr viel Erfahrung und Wissen dazu, die kommerzialisierte Gegenwart kulturell zu deuten. Der bedeutende Unterschied zwischen einem kommerziellen Gegenstand und einem Kunstwerk liegt darin, dass die kulturelle Gestalt eines industriellen Produktes nur ein Instrument der Erzeugung von Verkäuflichkeit darstellt. Bei einem Kunstwerk ist die Lage gerade umgekehrt: Die kulturelle Gestalt, etwa eine Skulptur, enthält eine zu entschlüsselnde Botschaft des Künstlers, während die Stofflichkeit, etwa Metall oder Gips, von sekundärer Bedeutung ist. Ein Buch ist physisch ein zusammengehefteter und gebundener Stapel Papier, der ohne jeden Wert und Sinn wäre, wenn darin nicht eine Mitteilung oder Botschaft transportiert würde. S i e macht den kulturellen Gehalt aus, nicht das Papier. Noch deutlicher wird diese Sachlage bei einer Banknote. Sie ist zwar kein

Kunstwerk, aber ein bedeutendes Kulturgut. Zwischen Stoff und Gestalt gibt es klarerweise komplizierte Wirkungsbeziehungen, weil die Gestalt nicht nur eine abstrakte Botschaft trägt, sondern zugleich Zeugnis vom Kampf des Künstlers mit den natürlichen Bedingungen des Materials ablegt.4 Die dialektische Beziehung zwischen Idee und Objekt wird vermittelt durch das denkende und fühlende Individuum, welches seine Schaffenskräfte und Gestaltungsmöglichkeiten im Gehirn aktiviert. Das Denk- und Imaginationsvermögen wirkt sich auf die Gestalt aus, die diese zu einem deutbaren Objekt für andere macht. Jeder Gegenstand ist deshalb zugleich ein Vehikel der sozialen Kommunikation. Das gilt in besonderem Maße für ein Kunstwerk, dessen verwickelte und verrätselte Botschaften sich nicht sofort und einfach erschliessen, wie das bei einem kommerziellen Produkt gewöhnlich der Fall ist. Aus der Eigenschaft des Kunstwerks und ebenso wie aller anderen gestalteten Objekte als Träger von Mitteilungen ergibt sich unmittelbar die soziale Rolle oder Funktion von Kunstobjekten. Diese sind wegen ihres ausgeweiteten kommunikativen Gehalts ein vielfältig wirksames soziales Medium. Ein gestalteter Gegenstand, der sich dagegen nicht der Öffentlichkeit stellt, kann im Grunde kein Kunstwerk sein. Ein Tagebuch, das niemals das Licht der Öffentlichkeit erreicht, ist keine Dichtung und keine Poesie. Das Tagebuch kann aber als erzählerisches Stilelement durchaus vielfältige Wirkungen vermitteln, weil es beispielsweise in einem Roman seines intimen Charakters entkleidet wird. Das Moment der Kommunikation hebt ein weiteres wichtiges Element des Kulturbegriffs hervor. Die kulturellen Vorstellungen eines Individuums, seine geistigen Prägungen und emotionalen Berührbarkeiten sind zwar in seinem Gehirn als biologisches Organ eingeschlossen. Da diese Prägungen aber die erlebte Welt in sich verarbeitet haben, also strukturell und sinnlich die wirksamen Aussenimpulse aus der Gesellschaft aufnimmt und zu eigenen Mustern umformt, hat eben diese Aus-


senwelt einen wenn auch nicht immer eindeutigen Platz im individuellen Gedächtnis und kann leicht stimuliert werden, z. B. durch ein Kunstwerk. In dieser Stimulierbarkeit von aussen, die nur dann entsprechend wirken kann, wenn das Gedächtnis ein System von Mustern der sozialen und natürlichen Aussenwelt gespeichert hat, kommt die abstrakte Existenz von Kultur als soziale (gesellschaftliche) Erscheinungsform zum Tragen. Diese Tatsache lässt sich relativ leicht in Erfahrung bringen, wenn beispielsweise fast unisono eine öffentliche Reaktion auf einen skandalösen Vorfall erfolgt. Der relative Gleichklang der Reaktionen zeigt an, dass es überindividuelle Formen der Geltung von kulturellen Wertemustern geben muss. Schlicht gesagt: ohne solche Formen des Gleichklangs oder der spontanen Übereinstimmungen in vielen Fragen des Geschmacks, der Überzeugungen oder des Gemeinschaftsempfinden wären koordinierte Aktionen wie Chorgesang nicht möglich. Die Existenz von abstrakter Kultur ist mit empiristischen Mitteln nicht belegbar; man kann sie nicht sinnlich wahrnehmen, nicht wiegen und messen, und doch ist sie als ein kulturelles Abstimmungsphänomen real wirksam, denn sie lenkt das individuelle Denken und Handeln. Empiristen, wie die frühere britische Premierministerin Margaret Thatcher es anscheinend war mit ihrem berüchtigten Satz There is no such thing as society 5, sprechen der Kultur die Eigenschaft ab, etwas Reales zu sein. Ohne auf die (teilweise auch umstrittenen) Resulte der jüngsten Gehirnforschung einzugehen, können wir aber davon ausgehen, dass jedes einzelne Gehirn in analoger Weise Prägungen aufweist wie die physisch eindeutigen Fingerabdrücke, die eine gesuchte Person irgendwo hinterlässt. Es ist der Tatbestand des unsichtbaren, aber wirksamen Einklangs, der die soziale Tatsache der Kultur hinlänglich beweist.

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D

Nachzulesen in: Women s Own Magazine, 31 Oktober 1987.

fangsimpuls dazu hat Aristoteles gegeben mit seiner in diesem Punkt Platon widersprechenden Philosopie der Entelechie, wonach die Gestalt eines Gegenstandes aus seinen inneren natürlichen Anlagen heraus sich bildet; sie ist keine von aussen vorgebene Form. Im Unterschied dazu hat die Platonsche Philosophie, die sich in deutlichen Zügen in den modernen Naturwissenschaften wiederfindet, den realen Objekten den Charakter der Zufälligkeit gegeben, die in ihren Wesenszügen allgemeinen Gesetzen folgen. Die gegenständliche Welt besteht aus lauter Exemplaren einer überweltlichen Naturgesetzlichkeit, in denen die Ideen für konkrete Gestalten zu suchen sind. Es ist Sache der Wissenschaft, so diese Philosophie, die Naturgesetze aufzuspüren und zu erklären. Die konsequenteste Philosophie in dieser Richtung hatte René Descartes formuliert, der die folgenreiche Methodologie der modernen Naturwissenschaften als systematische Suche nach allgemeinen Naturgesetzen wesentlich geprägt hat. Beide Philosophien stehen sich konträr gegenüber, mit Konsequenzen im Bereich der Kunst und anderer hermeneutisch angelegter (ganzlich operierender) Tätigkeiten des Menschen. Grob verallgemeinernd kann man sagen, dass Kunst sowie die meisten deutenden Wissenschaften (Geschichte, Archäologie, Literaturwissenschaft und weitere) mit der aristotelischen und die Naturwissenschaften sowie die Ökonomie mit der platonisch-cartesianischen Auffassung in Einklang gebracht werden können. Aus dieser Gegensätzlichkeit folgt die methodologische Grundproblematik des Kulturmanagements, deren Denkansatz einerseits mit den Künsten und anderen kulturellen Aktivitäten verknüpft ist und andererseits auf wirtschaftswissenschaftlichen Fundamenten aufbaut. Im Kulturmanagement kreuzen sich gewissermassen beide methodologische Ausrichtungen. Daraus lassen sich drei methodologische Ansätze für das Kulturmanagement ableiten, die in der einen oder anderen Form in der akademischen (weniger in der beruflichen) Praxis ausgeformt sind: die aristotelische, die platonische und die indifferente Denkweise und Methodologie. Lässt man die aristotelische Philosophie gelten, so kommt es innerhalb der Kunstpraxis und in ihrem sie unterstützenden Umfeld darauf an, das Wesen eines Kunstwerks oder die Arbeit eines Künstlers als das allmähliche

5

as gängige und wahrscheinlich sehr alte Postulat vom Vorrang des Inhalts über die Form hat philosophische Überlegungen der verschiedensten Richtungen in Gang gebracht und ist selbstverständlich nicht ohne Widerspruch geblieben. Einen wesentlichen An-

as gängige und wahrscheinlich sehr alte Postulat vom Vorrang des Inhalts über die Form hat philosophische Überlegungen der verschiedensten Richtungen in Gang gebracht und ist selbstverständlich nicht ohne Widerspruch geblieben. Einen wesentlichen An-

Nachzulesen in: Women s Own Magazine, 31 Oktober 1987.

D

5

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Vom Vorrang des Inhalts über die Form

fangsimpuls dazu hat Aristoteles gegeben mit seiner in diesem Punkt Platon widersprechenden Philosopie der Entelechie, wonach die Gestalt eines Gegenstandes aus seinen inneren natürlichen Anlagen heraus sich bildet; sie ist keine von aussen vorgebene Form. Im Unterschied dazu hat die Platonsche Philosophie, die sich in deutlichen Zügen in den modernen Naturwissenschaften wiederfindet, den realen Objekten den Charakter der Zufälligkeit gegeben, die in ihren Wesenszügen allgemeinen Gesetzen folgen. Die gegenständliche Welt besteht aus lauter Exemplaren einer überweltlichen Naturgesetzlichkeit, in denen die Ideen für konkrete Gestalten zu suchen sind. Es ist Sache der Wissenschaft, so diese Philosophie, die Naturgesetze aufzuspüren und zu erklären. Die konsequenteste Philosophie in dieser Richtung hatte René Descartes formuliert, der die folgenreiche Methodologie der modernen Naturwissenschaften als systematische Suche nach allgemeinen Naturgesetzen wesentlich geprägt hat. Beide Philosophien stehen sich konträr gegenüber, mit Konsequenzen im Bereich der Kunst und anderer hermeneutisch angelegter (ganzlich operierender) Tätigkeiten des Menschen. Grob verallgemeinernd kann man sagen, dass Kunst sowie die meisten deutenden Wissenschaften (Geschichte, Archäologie, Literaturwissenschaft und weitere) mit der aristotelischen und die Naturwissenschaften sowie die Ökonomie mit der platonisch-cartesianischen Auffassung in Einklang gebracht werden können. Aus dieser Gegensätzlichkeit folgt die methodologische Grundproblematik des Kulturmanagements, deren Denkansatz einerseits mit den Künsten und anderen kulturellen Aktivitäten verknüpft ist und andererseits auf wirtschaftswissenschaftlichen Fundamenten aufbaut. Im Kulturmanagement kreuzen sich gewissermassen beide methodologische Ausrichtungen. Daraus lassen sich drei methodologische Ansätze für das Kulturmanagement ableiten, die in der einen oder anderen Form in der akademischen (weniger in der beruflichen) Praxis ausgeformt sind: die aristotelische, die platonische und die indifferente Denkweise und Methodologie. Lässt man die aristotelische Philosophie gelten, so kommt es innerhalb der Kunstpraxis und in ihrem sie unterstützenden Umfeld darauf an, das Wesen eines Kunstwerks oder die Arbeit eines Künstlers als das allmähliche

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senwelt einen wenn auch nicht immer eindeutigen Platz im individuellen Gedächtnis und kann leicht stimuliert werden, z. B. durch ein Kunstwerk. In dieser Stimulierbarkeit von aussen, die nur dann entsprechend wirken kann, wenn das Gedächtnis ein System von Mustern der sozialen und natürlichen Aussenwelt gespeichert hat, kommt die abstrakte Existenz von Kultur als soziale (gesellschaftliche) Erscheinungsform zum Tragen. Diese Tatsache lässt sich relativ leicht in Erfahrung bringen, wenn beispielsweise fast unisono eine öffentliche Reaktion auf einen skandalösen Vorfall erfolgt. Der relative Gleichklang der Reaktionen zeigt an, dass es überindividuelle Formen der Geltung von kulturellen Wertemustern geben muss. Schlicht gesagt: ohne solche Formen des Gleichklangs oder der spontanen Übereinstimmungen in vielen Fragen des Geschmacks, der Überzeugungen oder des Gemeinschaftsempfinden wären koordinierte Aktionen wie Chorgesang nicht möglich. Die Existenz von abstrakter Kultur ist mit empiristischen Mitteln nicht belegbar; man kann sie nicht sinnlich wahrnehmen, nicht wiegen und messen, und doch ist sie als ein kulturelles Abstimmungsphänomen real wirksam, denn sie lenkt das individuelle Denken und Handeln. Empiristen, wie die frühere britische Premierministerin Margaret Thatcher es anscheinend war mit ihrem berüchtigten Satz There is no such thing as society 5, sprechen der Kultur die Eigenschaft ab, etwas Reales zu sein. Ohne auf die (teilweise auch umstrittenen) Resulte der jüngsten Gehirnforschung einzugehen, können wir aber davon ausgehen, dass jedes einzelne Gehirn in analoger Weise Prägungen aufweist wie die physisch eindeutigen Fingerabdrücke, die eine gesuchte Person irgendwo hinterlässt. Es ist der Tatbestand des unsichtbaren, aber wirksamen Einklangs, der die soziale Tatsache der Kultur hinlänglich beweist.


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Entstehen einer ästhetischen Gestalt zu betrachten, die als solche mitteilbar und dadurch mit ihrer Botschaft in die Öffentlichkeit gebracht werden kann. Die Gestalt eines Kunstwerks ist dann, wie schon an anderer Stelle beschrieben, das Ergebnis eines Kampfes des Künstlers mit dem Material und seinen physischen Möglichkeiten einerseits und dem künstlerischen Willen, dem Objekt eine Bedeutung oder einen Sinn zu geben andererseits. So bildet sich die Kunstgestalt aus den inneren Bedingungen des Objektes und seinem Sinn selbst im Einzelfall mehr oder weniger gelungen. In diesem aristotelischen Zusammenhang kann Kulturmanagement nur eine dienende Funktion ausüben. Der Servicecharakter des Kulturmanagements liegt ausserhalb des eigenlichen künstlerischen Kreationsprozesses an jenen Stellen und Momenten, in denen der Anschluss der Kunst an die Realitäten der umgebenden Gesellschaft unvermeidlich ist: materielle Ressourcen wie Geld, Räumlichkeiten, Kontakte zur Öffentlichkeit, administrative Pflichten. Es lässt sich leicht vorstellen, dass grosse Einheiten des Kunstschaffens wie Opernhäuser, Theater oder Museen6 ohne professionelle Unterstützung in den genannten Funktionen nicht nur intern chaotisch werden (was gelegentlich auch mit Kulturmanagement geschieht), sondern die existenziellen Lebensbahnen zur gesellschaftlichen Aussenwelt, insbesondere zum Publikum, verlieren. Es gibt andere Auffassungen und Konzeptionen des Kulturmanagements, deren Ansatz in der Betonung des Managements und damit der Wichtigkeit der ökonomischen Bezüge liegt. Ablesbar ist diese Orientierung häufig am Curriculum der Lehrgänge, in denen betriebswirtschaftliche Grundlagen quantitativ und qualitativ überwiegen: Strategische Planung, Marketing, Organisation, Logistik, Finanzierung, Haushaltwirtschaft, Personalwirtschaft und weitere, vor allem weitere Ausfächerungen. Diese Konzeptionen folgen zu einem grossen Teil einer Grundorientierung des Fachs, die weder dem Vorrang des Inhalts vor der Form noch umgekehrt dem Grundsatz der Systembildung als Gerüst für die Füllung mit Inhalt folgen. Sie sind bestimmt von der Professionalität bestimmter Instrumente innerhalb des Kunstgeschehens einer Organisation. Ihre konkrete Aufgabenstellung ist deshalb so neutral

6

wie die Axt zum Holzeinschlag mit dem leichten Risiko, dass die Axt auch als Mordwaffe missbraucht werden könnte. Das pragmatische Kennzeichen der instrumentalistischen Orientierung ist Indifferenz gegenüber Inhalten und Formen. Die praktische Ausübung von Funktionen des Kulturmanagements in dieser Version baut auf instrumenteller Professionalität auf, die allerdings der substanziellen Nähe zu der betreffenden Kunst bedarf, um ihr dienen zu können. Die Erfahrungen und Beobachtungen auf diesem Gebiet haben gezeigt, dass es oft am notwendigen Wissen und geschulter Sensibilität für die Kunst mangelt oder diese Aspekte in der akademischen Ausbildung zu kurz kommen. Die Gefahr ist nicht gering, dass das professionalisierte System des praktizierten Kulturmanagements zu einem Prokrustesbett wird, welches der Kunst entweder die Glieder abhackt, falls sie zu gross angelegt ist (durch Budgetkürzungen kann man der Kunst sehr leicht die Glieder stutzen), oder sie breit zerrt, damit die Hülle nicht wie leer aussieht (durch profitable Einschübe ins Programm kann man eine Menge in dieser Hinsicht erreichen). Ein Sonderfall sind solche Kunst- oder Kulturinstitutionen, die unter dem Kommando der Profitabilität stehen, also Kunst erzeugen und präsentieren, die ein zur Gewinnerzielung ergiebiges Publikum anziehen und bedienen können. Das hat nicht unbedingt mit Qualität und anderen denkbaren Kriterien des Kunstschaffens zu tun. Eine Musicalproduction kann durchaus hohen qualitativen Rang erreichen; ihre Ergiebigkeit liegt in der oft jahrelangen standardisierten Wiederholung. Hier ist selbstverständlich ebenfalls professionelles Kulturmanagement gefragt, wenngleich es unter einem anderen Stern steht, nämlich der Profiterzielung. An diesem Beispiel lässt sich besonders gut demonstrieren, dass die Regel von der Priorität des Inhalts vor der Form auch unter kommerziellen Bedingungen gelten kann. Der Inhalt, um den es dabei geht und das gilt in gleicher Weise für nicht-kommerzielles Institutionen besteht ganz eindeutig nicht in den sinnlich wahrnehmbaren physischen Erscheinungen (auf der Bühne oder sonstwo), sondern in dem Sinngehalt dieses Geschehens. Die physische Ausführung ist die Form oder Gestalt, in der sich der Inhalt oder der Sinn erfüllen

Museen sind keine Aufbewahrungsorte für gehobene Kunst, sondern Veranstalter von Kunstinstallationen mit eigenen Exponaten oder vorübergehend geliehenen. Installationskunst ist eine Kategorie eigener Art.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

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6

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Museen sind keine Aufbewahrungsorte für gehobene Kunst, sondern Veranstalter von Kunstinstallationen mit eigenen Exponaten oder vorübergehend geliehenen. Installationskunst ist eine Kategorie eigener Art.

Entstehen einer ästhetischen Gestalt zu betrachten, die als solche mitteilbar und dadurch mit ihrer Botschaft in die Öffentlichkeit gebracht werden kann. Die Gestalt eines Kunstwerks ist dann, wie schon an anderer Stelle beschrieben, das Ergebnis eines Kampfes des Künstlers mit dem Material und seinen physischen Möglichkeiten einerseits und dem künstlerischen Willen, dem Objekt eine Bedeutung oder einen Sinn zu geben andererseits. So bildet sich die Kunstgestalt aus den inneren Bedingungen des Objektes und seinem Sinn selbst im Einzelfall mehr oder weniger gelungen. In diesem aristotelischen Zusammenhang kann Kulturmanagement nur eine dienende Funktion ausüben. Der Servicecharakter des Kulturmanagements liegt ausserhalb des eigenlichen künstlerischen Kreationsprozesses an jenen Stellen und Momenten, in denen der Anschluss der Kunst an die Realitäten der umgebenden Gesellschaft unvermeidlich ist: materielle Ressourcen wie Geld, Räumlichkeiten, Kontakte zur Öffentlichkeit, administrative Pflichten. Es lässt sich leicht vorstellen, dass grosse Einheiten des Kunstschaffens wie Opernhäuser, Theater oder Museen6 ohne professionelle Unterstützung in den genannten Funktionen nicht nur intern chaotisch werden (was gelegentlich auch mit Kulturmanagement geschieht), sondern die existenziellen Lebensbahnen zur gesellschaftlichen Aussenwelt, insbesondere zum Publikum, verlieren. Es gibt andere Auffassungen und Konzeptionen des Kulturmanagements, deren Ansatz in der Betonung des Managements und damit der Wichtigkeit der ökonomischen Bezüge liegt. Ablesbar ist diese Orientierung häufig am Curriculum der Lehrgänge, in denen betriebswirtschaftliche Grundlagen quantitativ und qualitativ überwiegen: Strategische Planung, Marketing, Organisation, Logistik, Finanzierung, Haushaltwirtschaft, Personalwirtschaft und weitere, vor allem weitere Ausfächerungen. Diese Konzeptionen folgen zu einem grossen Teil einer Grundorientierung des Fachs, die weder dem Vorrang des Inhalts vor der Form noch umgekehrt dem Grundsatz der Systembildung als Gerüst für die Füllung mit Inhalt folgen. Sie sind bestimmt von der Professionalität bestimmter Instrumente innerhalb des Kunstgeschehens einer Organisation. Ihre konkrete Aufgabenstellung ist deshalb so neutral

wie die Axt zum Holzeinschlag mit dem leichten Risiko, dass die Axt auch als Mordwaffe missbraucht werden könnte. Das pragmatische Kennzeichen der instrumentalistischen Orientierung ist Indifferenz gegenüber Inhalten und Formen. Die praktische Ausübung von Funktionen des Kulturmanagements in dieser Version baut auf instrumenteller Professionalität auf, die allerdings der substanziellen Nähe zu der betreffenden Kunst bedarf, um ihr dienen zu können. Die Erfahrungen und Beobachtungen auf diesem Gebiet haben gezeigt, dass es oft am notwendigen Wissen und geschulter Sensibilität für die Kunst mangelt oder diese Aspekte in der akademischen Ausbildung zu kurz kommen. Die Gefahr ist nicht gering, dass das professionalisierte System des praktizierten Kulturmanagements zu einem Prokrustesbett wird, welches der Kunst entweder die Glieder abhackt, falls sie zu gross angelegt ist (durch Budgetkürzungen kann man der Kunst sehr leicht die Glieder stutzen), oder sie breit zerrt, damit die Hülle nicht wie leer aussieht (durch profitable Einschübe ins Programm kann man eine Menge in dieser Hinsicht erreichen). Ein Sonderfall sind solche Kunst- oder Kulturinstitutionen, die unter dem Kommando der Profitabilität stehen, also Kunst erzeugen und präsentieren, die ein zur Gewinnerzielung ergiebiges Publikum anziehen und bedienen können. Das hat nicht unbedingt mit Qualität und anderen denkbaren Kriterien des Kunstschaffens zu tun. Eine Musicalproduction kann durchaus hohen qualitativen Rang erreichen; ihre Ergiebigkeit liegt in der oft jahrelangen standardisierten Wiederholung. Hier ist selbstverständlich ebenfalls professionelles Kulturmanagement gefragt, wenngleich es unter einem anderen Stern steht, nämlich der Profiterzielung. An diesem Beispiel lässt sich besonders gut demonstrieren, dass die Regel von der Priorität des Inhalts vor der Form auch unter kommerziellen Bedingungen gelten kann. Der Inhalt, um den es dabei geht und das gilt in gleicher Weise für nicht-kommerzielles Institutionen besteht ganz eindeutig nicht in den sinnlich wahrnehmbaren physischen Erscheinungen (auf der Bühne oder sonstwo), sondern in dem Sinngehalt dieses Geschehens. Die physische Ausführung ist die Form oder Gestalt, in der sich der Inhalt oder der Sinn erfüllen


soll. Der Inhalt im Falle einer kommerziellen Einrichtung ist die Profiterzielung. Wie anfangs erläutert, wird nun erkennbar, dass bei kommerziellen Produktionen ob mit Hilfe von Kulturmanagement oder ohne der kulturelle Sinn eines Gegenstandes (der Einfachheit halber sei eine Darstellung auf der Bühne als ein Gegenstand bezeichnet) auf den Aspekt der Gewinnerzielung verkürzt wird. Die Ästhetik eines kommerziellen Musicals muss nicht eine komplizierte, langwierig zu entschlüsselnde Botschaft enthalten, sondern muss in all ihrer Geschmeidigkeit einem unkomplizierten Publikumsgeschmack entgegen kommen. Nur in dieser Form folgt sie in der Regel dem kommerziellen Inhalt . Analog gilt für die Praxis der nicht-kommerziellen Kunst, dass die vom Künstler in seinem Objekt angelegte Botschaft dasjenige ist, was die Öffentlichkeit erreichen soll. Diese Botschaft, nicht die materielle Ausführung, der sie eingraviert ist, ist in diesem Falle der Inhalt. Es lässt sich denken, dass Kulturmanagement, da es selbst ja nicht an der Kunstproduktion beteiligt ist, hier in der Tat nur eine unterstützende Rolle spielen kann.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Kein Fazit, nur ein Zwischenbericht

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ieser Beitrag hat nur einige Grundüberle gungen bieten können, die im Übrigen weiterer, vor allem ausführlicherer Diskussionen bedarf. Es gibt aber darüber hinaus thematische Felder, die noch der Auslotung bedürfen und die für die Begründung einer Theorie des Kulturmanagements herangezogen werden müssen. Dazu gehört insbesondere der gesamte Bereich der darstellenden Künste und innerhalb ihrer der jeweiligen Besonderheiten. Musik ist etwas anderes als ein Theaterstück;

authentische Musik im Konzertsaal ist etwas anderes als die gleiche Musik abgehört von einer Compact Disc. Ein vorgetragenes Gedicht ist etwas anderes als ein gedruckter Roman. Ein Film unterscheidet sich von der Fotografie schon physikalisch durch die Besonderheit der Erzeugung von Makrostrukturen durch rasch ablaufende Einzelbilder. Die Reihe lässt sich verlängern. Ein weiteres wichtiges Thema ist die Rolle der Kulturpolitik als dialektischer Gegenpart zur Kunstpraxis und verbunden damit zur Praxis des Kulturmanagements. Die Kulturpolitik greift nicht direkt in das Kunstgeschehen ein, selbst dort nicht, wo die Kommune oder der Staat als Eigentümer einer Einrichtung fungiert. Indirekt werden Einflüsse dennoch auf vielfältige Weise wirksam: durch die Subventionspolitik oder gelegentlich auch durch Besetzungsvorbehalten bei Intendantenposten. Die Problematik, vor der Kunst heute steht, hat häufig weder etwas mit der künstlerischen Qualität noch mit einem Mangel an finanziellen Mitteln zu tun, sondern mit dem wachsenden Phlegma der Öffentlichkeit, den gravierenden Schwächen des Bildungssystems, aus dem kaum noch Kunsthungrige hervorkommen, und der Reizüberflutung durch kommerzielles Getöse in den städtischen Räumen ebenso wie in den Medien. Auf diesen Gebieten liegen noch zahlreiche Themen für professionelles Kulturmanagement parat. Etwas theatralisch könnte man sagen: die Zeiten, in denen es selbstverständlich war, aus eigenem Antrieb ins Theater oder ins Konzert zu gehen, gehen langsam zu Ende. Es kommen die Zeiten, in denen professionelles Kulturmanagement den Künsten neue Bahnen des Zugangs zu einem hellwachen Publikum eröffnen muss. Es wird daran gearbeitet.

D

ieser Beitrag hat nur einige Grundüberle gungen bieten können, die im Übrigen weiterer, vor allem ausführlicherer Diskussionen bedarf. Es gibt aber darüber hinaus thematische Felder, die noch der Auslotung bedürfen und die für die Begründung einer Theorie des Kulturmanagements herangezogen werden müssen. Dazu gehört insbesondere der gesamte Bereich der darstellenden Künste und innerhalb ihrer der jeweiligen Besonderheiten. Musik ist etwas anderes als ein Theaterstück;

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Kein Fazit, nur ein Zwischenbericht

authentische Musik im Konzertsaal ist etwas anderes als die gleiche Musik abgehört von einer Compact Disc. Ein vorgetragenes Gedicht ist etwas anderes als ein gedruckter Roman. Ein Film unterscheidet sich von der Fotografie schon physikalisch durch die Besonderheit der Erzeugung von Makrostrukturen durch rasch ablaufende Einzelbilder. Die Reihe lässt sich verlängern. Ein weiteres wichtiges Thema ist die Rolle der Kulturpolitik als dialektischer Gegenpart zur Kunstpraxis und verbunden damit zur Praxis des Kulturmanagements. Die Kulturpolitik greift nicht direkt in das Kunstgeschehen ein, selbst dort nicht, wo die Kommune oder der Staat als Eigentümer einer Einrichtung fungiert. Indirekt werden Einflüsse dennoch auf vielfältige Weise wirksam: durch die Subventionspolitik oder gelegentlich auch durch Besetzungsvorbehalten bei Intendantenposten. Die Problematik, vor der Kunst heute steht, hat häufig weder etwas mit der künstlerischen Qualität noch mit einem Mangel an finanziellen Mitteln zu tun, sondern mit dem wachsenden Phlegma der Öffentlichkeit, den gravierenden Schwächen des Bildungssystems, aus dem kaum noch Kunsthungrige hervorkommen, und der Reizüberflutung durch kommerzielles Getöse in den städtischen Räumen ebenso wie in den Medien. Auf diesen Gebieten liegen noch zahlreiche Themen für professionelles Kulturmanagement parat. Etwas theatralisch könnte man sagen: die Zeiten, in denen es selbstverständlich war, aus eigenem Antrieb ins Theater oder ins Konzert zu gehen, gehen langsam zu Ende. Es kommen die Zeiten, in denen professionelles Kulturmanagement den Künsten neue Bahnen des Zugangs zu einem hellwachen Publikum eröffnen muss. Es wird daran gearbeitet.

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soll. Der Inhalt im Falle einer kommerziellen Einrichtung ist die Profiterzielung. Wie anfangs erläutert, wird nun erkennbar, dass bei kommerziellen Produktionen ob mit Hilfe von Kulturmanagement oder ohne der kulturelle Sinn eines Gegenstandes (der Einfachheit halber sei eine Darstellung auf der Bühne als ein Gegenstand bezeichnet) auf den Aspekt der Gewinnerzielung verkürzt wird. Die Ästhetik eines kommerziellen Musicals muss nicht eine komplizierte, langwierig zu entschlüsselnde Botschaft enthalten, sondern muss in all ihrer Geschmeidigkeit einem unkomplizierten Publikumsgeschmack entgegen kommen. Nur in dieser Form folgt sie in der Regel dem kommerziellen Inhalt . Analog gilt für die Praxis der nicht-kommerziellen Kunst, dass die vom Künstler in seinem Objekt angelegte Botschaft dasjenige ist, was die Öffentlichkeit erreichen soll. Diese Botschaft, nicht die materielle Ausführung, der sie eingraviert ist, ist in diesem Falle der Inhalt. Es lässt sich denken, dass Kulturmanagement, da es selbst ja nicht an der Kunstproduktion beteiligt ist, hier in der Tat nur eine unterstützende Rolle spielen kann.


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Kulturmanagement -Ausbildung an Universitäten zwischen Theorienansprüchen und den Anforderungen der kulturellen Praxis Birgit Mandel

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eit etwa 20 Jahren bildet auch der deut sche Kulturbetrieb mit einiger Verspätung gegenüber den angelsächsischen Staaten Kulturmanager aus, die sich professionell um die Gestaltung der Rahmenbedingungen kultureller Produktion kümmern. Kulturmanagement meint die systematische, möglichst effiziente, kulturadäquate Konzeption und Organisation der Rahmenbedingungen von Kunst- und Kulturproduktion. Das Einsatzfeld von Kulturmanagement reicht von traditionellen Kulturinstitutionen wie Theater, Museen über Tätigkeiten in der öffentlichen Kulturadministration bis zu kulturwirtschaftlichen Betrieben etwa im Literaturbetrieb oder der Filmbranche und freiberuflichen Tätigkeiten als externe, selbständige Dienstleister etwa in der Kulturberatung. Ende der 80er Jahre entstanden die ersten Kulturmanagement-Ausbildungen in der Fortund Weiterbildung. Als Konsequenz auf Kürzungen öffentlicher Kulturhaushalte verbreiteten sich Kulturmanagement-Konzepte und Rezepte boomartig viele der abgewickelten Kulturarbeitern der ehemaligen DDR wurden in Crashkursen zu Kulturmanagern umgeschult, ebenso wie viele von Arbeitslosigkeit bedrohte Geisteswisschenschaftler in der neuen Disziplin ihre Chance sahen, auf dem Arbeitsmarkt Kultur Fuß zu fassen. Ausbildungsstätten entstanden wildwüchsig und zunächst ohne Qualitätskontrolle. Inzwischen ist die Zahl der Kulturmanagement-Anbieter auf ein überschaubares Maß zu-

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

sammengeschrumpft. Ein Ausbildungsführer des Netzwerkes Kulturmanagement verzeichnet aktuell 2004 ca. 40 Ausbildungen, darunter 20 universitäre Studiengänge mit KulturmanagementAnsätzen (vgl. www.kulturmanagement.net). Weder die großen Hoffnungen auf unbegrenzte Arbeitplätze und großen Geldsegen, die in die neue Disziplin gesetzt wurden, noch die großen Befürchtungen vieler Kulturschaffenden, die Kulturmanagement mit Kommerzialisierung von Kultur gleichsetzten, erfüllten sich und machten einer realistischeren Einschätzung der neuen Disziplin Platz. Die Notwendigkeit eines professionellen Kulturmanagements im Sinne einer systematischen Herangehensweise an Konzeptionsund Organisationsprozesse gilt inzwischen in der kulturellen Praxis als selbstverständlich auch wenn es, vor allem in den staatlich getragenen Kulturinstitutionen, oftmals noch Beharrungskräfte alteingesessenen Personals gibt. In den nächsten Jahren wird sich der strukturelle Wandel der Kulturlandschaft in Deutschland beschleunigen. Zentrale Auslöser sind zum einen der zu erwartende weitere Rückgang der öffentlichen Förderung und zum anderen eine Zunahme neuer, stärker privatwirtschaftlich orientierter Finanzierungs- und Trägerschaftsmodelle, die neue Organisations- und Vermarktungsstrategien erfordern. Professionelles Kultur-Management wird mehr und mehr zu einem entscheidenden Überlebensfaktor für Kultureinrichtungen.

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Birgit Mandel Hochschullehrerin für Kulturwissenschaft, -kommunikation und -management. Sie arbeitet im Fachbereich Kulturmanagement im Institut für Kulturpolitik an der Universität Hildesheim. Sie arbeitet mit zahlreichen Kultureinrichtungen in Berlin zusammen, u.a. als Pressesprecherin der Berliner Festspiele, Direktorin für Kommunikation im Theater Bar jeder Vernunft , Direktorin für Marketing in Wissenschaft im Dialog . Sie nimmt an staatlichen Bildungsprojekten teil, die sich mit Kunst und Kultur beschäftigen. Ihre Forschungsschwerpunkte liegen in Public Relations für Kunst, Öffentlichkeitsforschungen, Kulturarbeitsmärkte.

eit etwa 20 Jahren bildet auch der deut sche Kulturbetrieb mit einiger Verspätung gegenüber den angelsächsischen Staaten Kulturmanager aus, die sich professionell um die Gestaltung der Rahmenbedingungen kultureller Produktion kümmern. Kulturmanagement meint die systematische, möglichst effiziente, kulturadäquate Konzeption und Organisation der Rahmenbedingungen von Kunst- und Kulturproduktion. Das Einsatzfeld von Kulturmanagement reicht von traditionellen Kulturinstitutionen wie Theater, Museen über Tätigkeiten in der öffentlichen Kulturadministration bis zu kulturwirtschaftlichen Betrieben etwa im Literaturbetrieb oder der Filmbranche und freiberuflichen Tätigkeiten als externe, selbständige Dienstleister etwa in der Kulturberatung. Ende der 80er Jahre entstanden die ersten Kulturmanagement-Ausbildungen in der Fortund Weiterbildung. Als Konsequenz auf Kürzungen öffentlicher Kulturhaushalte verbreiteten sich Kulturmanagement-Konzepte und Rezepte boomartig viele der abgewickelten Kulturarbeitern der ehemaligen DDR wurden in Crashkursen zu Kulturmanagern umgeschult, ebenso wie viele von Arbeitslosigkeit bedrohte Geisteswisschenschaftler in der neuen Disziplin ihre Chance sahen, auf dem Arbeitsmarkt Kultur Fuß zu fassen. Ausbildungsstätten entstanden wildwüchsig und zunächst ohne Qualitätskontrolle. Inzwischen ist die Zahl der Kulturmanagement-Anbieter auf ein überschaubares Maß zu-

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sammengeschrumpft. Ein Ausbildungsführer des Netzwerkes Kulturmanagement verzeichnet aktuell 2004 ca. 40 Ausbildungen, darunter 20 universitäre Studiengänge mit KulturmanagementAnsätzen (vgl. www.kulturmanagement.net). Weder die großen Hoffnungen auf unbegrenzte Arbeitplätze und großen Geldsegen, die in die neue Disziplin gesetzt wurden, noch die großen Befürchtungen vieler Kulturschaffenden, die Kulturmanagement mit Kommerzialisierung von Kultur gleichsetzten, erfüllten sich und machten einer realistischeren Einschätzung der neuen Disziplin Platz. Die Notwendigkeit eines professionellen Kulturmanagements im Sinne einer systematischen Herangehensweise an Konzeptionsund Organisationsprozesse gilt inzwischen in der kulturellen Praxis als selbstverständlich auch wenn es, vor allem in den staatlich getragenen Kulturinstitutionen, oftmals noch Beharrungskräfte alteingesessenen Personals gibt. In den nächsten Jahren wird sich der strukturelle Wandel der Kulturlandschaft in Deutschland beschleunigen. Zentrale Auslöser sind zum einen der zu erwartende weitere Rückgang der öffentlichen Förderung und zum anderen eine Zunahme neuer, stärker privatwirtschaftlich orientierter Finanzierungs- und Trägerschaftsmodelle, die neue Organisations- und Vermarktungsstrategien erfordern. Professionelles Kultur-Management wird mehr und mehr zu einem entscheidenden Überlebensfaktor für Kultureinrichtungen.

Birgit Mandel

Kulturmanagement -Ausbildung an Universitäten zwischen Theorienansprüchen und den Anforderungen der kulturellen Praxis

Birgit Mandel Hochschullehrerin für Kulturwissenschaft, -kommunikation und -management. Sie arbeitet im Fachbereich Kulturmanagement im Institut für Kulturpolitik an der Universität Hildesheim. Sie arbeitet mit zahlreichen Kultureinrichtungen in Berlin zusammen, u.a. als Pressesprecherin der Berliner Festspiele, Direktorin für Kommunikation im Theater Bar jeder Vernunft , Direktorin für Marketing in Wissenschaft im Dialog . Sie nimmt an staatlichen Bildungsprojekten teil, die sich mit Kunst und Kultur beschäftigen. Ihre Forschungsschwerpunkte liegen in Public Relations für Kunst, Öffentlichkeitsforschungen, Kulturarbeitsmärkte.


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In traditionellen Wissenschaftsbetrieb stößt Kulturmanagement hingegen nach wie vor auf größere Legitimationsprobleme. Obwohl es hier vielerorts Ansätze von Kulturmanagement gibt sowie eigene Aufbaustudiengänge, sind diese Bereiche fast überall nur mit geringen Personalmitteln ausgestattet. In vielen Studiengängen wird überwiegend mit Kulturmachern und -managern aus der Praxis gearbeitet, die ihr Praxiswissen mehr oder weniger ehrenamtlich an die Studierenden weitergeben. Umstritten ist in den Kultur- und Geisteswissenschaften nach wie vor, ob Kulturmanagement tatsächlich als Wissenschaftsdisziplin taugt, und wenn, ob sie dann nicht eher in die Wirtschaftswissenschaften zu integrieren sei statt in traditionelle Geisteswissenschaften. Woraus bezieht Kulturmanagement seine Substanz? Was macht Kulturmanagement zu mehr als einem Handwerkszeug?

triebswirtschaftslehre, Kommunikationswissenschaft, Sozialwissenschaft, Kultur- und Kunstwissenschaft. Dazwischen muss das Kulturmanagement seinen eigenen wissenschaftlichen Standpunkt finden. Dabei geht es darum, ein an den besonderen Zielen, Produktionsweisen, Rezeptionsbedingungen und Wirkungsweisen von Kultur orientiertes Verständnis von Management zu entwickeln. Für eine eigenständige Theoriebildung reicht eine Modifizierung anderer Wissenschaftsgebiete nicht aus erkenntnisbildend hinzukommen muss die genaue Analyse kultureller Praxis.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Kulturmanagement eine eigene wissenschaftliche Disziplin?

ulturmanager bewegen sich auf einem im mer komplexer werdenden Markt: Die Internationalisierung und Globalisierung, auch des Kultursektors, bringt eine wachsende Komplexität und Zunahme an Beziehungen zu unterschiedlichen Teilöffentlichkeiten mit sich. Eine stärkere Differenzierung und Individualisierung in der Gesellschaft, die sich in immer kleinere, schwer erreichbare Gruppen zersplittert, fordert erhörte Kommunikations- und Vernetzungsfähigkeiten. Hinzu kommen demografische Veränderungen in der Gesellschaft: der Anteil älterer Menschen nimmt zu, jüngeres Publikum differenziert sich in immer kleinere Interessensgruppen und ist immer weniger für traditionelle Kulturangebote zu mobilisieren [vgl. Evaluation Zentrum für Kulturforschung].

D

K

Theoriebildung ist vor allem für die akademische Ausbildung in grundständigen Studiengängen eine zentrale Frage, geht es hier doch darum, eine wissenschaftliche Basis zu legen, die für Führungspositionen in der Kultur qualifiziert. Besonders junge Studierende ohne Erfahrungen in Kulturtrieb tendieren dazu, die Techniken des Kulturmanagements über zu bewerten, erwarten direkt anzuwendendes Rezeptwissen und interessieren sich in der Regel nur wenig für übergeordnete Theorien. Ein universal anzuwendendes Handwerkszeug ist jedoch angesichts der Komplexität des Kunst- und Kulturmarktes nicht zu liefern. Kulturmanagement-Rezeptwissen stößt sehr schnell an seine Grenzen. Zunehmend weniger werden Kultuverwalter und Kulturmechanikier gebraucht und zunehmend mehr visionäre Kulturunternehmer .

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Neue Herausforderungen des Kulturmarktes:

Neue Herausforderungen des Kulturmarktes:

ie Curricula der Kulturmanagement-Aus bildung in Deutschland und in anderen europäischen Ländern sind einander relativ ähnlich [vgl. Suteu, Corina: Academic training in cultural management in Europe, Amsterdam 2003] Sie orientieren sich weitgehend an den Vorbildern aus den USA und Großbritannien, wo Kulturmanagement aufgrund der stärkeren marktwirtschaftlichen Organisation des Kulturbetriebes eine längere Tradition hat. Die Ausbildungskonzepte basieren in der Regel auf modifizierten Ansätzen der Betriebswirtschaftslehre, die dem Gegenstand Kunst und Kultur angepasst und mit zusätzlichen Inhalten angereichert wurden. Dass Kulturmanagement sich von einer allgemeinen Betriebswirtschaftslehre unterscheiden muss, gilt inzwischen als Konsens. Das Management von Kunst und Kultur unterscheidet sich von Managementstrategien für andere Güter und Dienstleistungen, denn das Produkt Kunst und Kultur unterscheidet sich in vielen Aspekten von anderen Produkten, u.a. durch die Zweckfreiheit von Kunst, durch ihre Unberechenbarkeit, durch den Unikatcharakter von Kunst und Kultur, durch die besonderen Rezeptionsweisen von Kultur. Wie sich das in kunstadäquaten Managementkonzepten niederschlägt, ist in ersten Publikationen entwickelt worden [vgl. u.a. Bendixen, Colbert, Klein, Mandel]. Kulturmanagement stellt sich als eine Art Collagendisziplin dar mit Elementen aus Be-

K

D

Theoriebildung ist vor allem für die akademische Ausbildung in grundständigen Studiengängen eine zentrale Frage, geht es hier doch darum, eine wissenschaftliche Basis zu legen, die für Führungspositionen in der Kultur qualifiziert. Besonders junge Studierende ohne Erfahrungen in Kulturtrieb tendieren dazu, die Techniken des Kulturmanagements über zu bewerten, erwarten direkt anzuwendendes Rezeptwissen und interessieren sich in der Regel nur wenig für übergeordnete Theorien. Ein universal anzuwendendes Handwerkszeug ist jedoch angesichts der Komplexität des Kunst- und Kulturmarktes nicht zu liefern. Kulturmanagement-Rezeptwissen stößt sehr schnell an seine Grenzen. Zunehmend weniger werden Kultuverwalter und Kulturmechanikier gebraucht und zunehmend mehr visionäre Kulturunternehmer .

ulturmanager bewegen sich auf einem im mer komplexer werdenden Markt: Die Internationalisierung und Globalisierung, auch des Kultursektors, bringt eine wachsende Komplexität und Zunahme an Beziehungen zu unterschiedlichen Teilöffentlichkeiten mit sich. Eine stärkere Differenzierung und Individualisierung in der Gesellschaft, die sich in immer kleinere, schwer erreichbare Gruppen zersplittert, fordert erhörte Kommunikations- und Vernetzungsfähigkeiten. Hinzu kommen demografische Veränderungen in der Gesellschaft: der Anteil älterer Menschen nimmt zu, jüngeres Publikum differenziert sich in immer kleinere Interessensgruppen und ist immer weniger für traditionelle Kulturangebote zu mobilisieren [vgl. Evaluation Zentrum für Kulturforschung].

Kulturmanagement eine eigene wissenschaftliche Disziplin?

triebswirtschaftslehre, Kommunikationswissenschaft, Sozialwissenschaft, Kultur- und Kunstwissenschaft. Dazwischen muss das Kulturmanagement seinen eigenen wissenschaftlichen Standpunkt finden. Dabei geht es darum, ein an den besonderen Zielen, Produktionsweisen, Rezeptionsbedingungen und Wirkungsweisen von Kultur orientiertes Verständnis von Management zu entwickeln. Für eine eigenständige Theoriebildung reicht eine Modifizierung anderer Wissenschaftsgebiete nicht aus erkenntnisbildend hinzukommen muss die genaue Analyse kultureller Praxis.

ie Curricula der Kulturmanagement-Aus bildung in Deutschland und in anderen europäischen Ländern sind einander relativ ähnlich [vgl. Suteu, Corina: Academic training in cultural management in Europe, Amsterdam 2003] Sie orientieren sich weitgehend an den Vorbildern aus den USA und Großbritannien, wo Kulturmanagement aufgrund der stärkeren marktwirtschaftlichen Organisation des Kulturbetriebes eine längere Tradition hat. Die Ausbildungskonzepte basieren in der Regel auf modifizierten Ansätzen der Betriebswirtschaftslehre, die dem Gegenstand Kunst und Kultur angepasst und mit zusätzlichen Inhalten angereichert wurden. Dass Kulturmanagement sich von einer allgemeinen Betriebswirtschaftslehre unterscheiden muss, gilt inzwischen als Konsens. Das Management von Kunst und Kultur unterscheidet sich von Managementstrategien für andere Güter und Dienstleistungen, denn das Produkt Kunst und Kultur unterscheidet sich in vielen Aspekten von anderen Produkten, u.a. durch die Zweckfreiheit von Kunst, durch ihre Unberechenbarkeit, durch den Unikatcharakter von Kunst und Kultur, durch die besonderen Rezeptionsweisen von Kultur. Wie sich das in kunstadäquaten Managementkonzepten niederschlägt, ist in ersten Publikationen entwickelt worden [vgl. u.a. Bendixen, Colbert, Klein, Mandel]. Kulturmanagement stellt sich als eine Art Collagendisziplin dar mit Elementen aus Be-

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

In traditionellen Wissenschaftsbetrieb stößt Kulturmanagement hingegen nach wie vor auf größere Legitimationsprobleme. Obwohl es hier vielerorts Ansätze von Kulturmanagement gibt sowie eigene Aufbaustudiengänge, sind diese Bereiche fast überall nur mit geringen Personalmitteln ausgestattet. In vielen Studiengängen wird überwiegend mit Kulturmachern und -managern aus der Praxis gearbeitet, die ihr Praxiswissen mehr oder weniger ehrenamtlich an die Studierenden weitergeben. Umstritten ist in den Kultur- und Geisteswissenschaften nach wie vor, ob Kulturmanagement tatsächlich als Wissenschaftsdisziplin taugt, und wenn, ob sie dann nicht eher in die Wirtschaftswissenschaften zu integrieren sei statt in traditionelle Geisteswissenschaften. Woraus bezieht Kulturmanagement seine Substanz? Was macht Kulturmanagement zu mehr als einem Handwerkszeug?


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Das Auseinanderfallen der Gesellschaft in gebildete, besser Verdienende, die zugleich zu den Kulturnutzern gehören und der großen Gruppe der gering gebildeten, die am kulturellen Leben zunehmend weniger teilhaben, erfordert es, wieder mehr Möglichkeiten der Partizipation zu eröffnen und Kultur als gemeinschaftsstiftendes Mittel zu nutzen. Die Knappheit öffentlicher Gelder für Kultur erhöht den Legitimationsdruck öffentlich geförderter Kultureinrichtungen gegenüber Zuwendungsgebern und Bürgern und erfordert zugleich die Erschließung neuer Finanzquellen. Neue Formen der Kooperation zwischen Kulturinstitutionen und Wirtschaftssponsoren müssen gesucht werden. Die wachsende Konkurrenz durch andere Freizeitanbieter und ein zunehmend unberechenbares, stark event-orientiertes Kulturpublikum, erfordern ein neues Verhältnis zu den Kulturnutzern. Das Kulturpublikum stellt höhere Ansprüche an Servicequalitäten im Kulturbereich und erwartet neue Formen der Ansprache und der Besucherbindung. Auf der anderen Seite, auf dem Markt der Kulturproduzenten, gibt es eine zunehmende Unübersichtlichkeit und scheinbare Beliebigkeit. Im Überangebot der Kunstproduktionen wird es immer schwerer, Kriterien für Qualität festzumachen. Hinzu kommen die Veränderungen auf dem Kultur-Arbeitsmarkt: Es gibt immer weniger feste Stellen, stattdessen befristete Werkverträge in wechselnden Projekten mit wechselnden Teams, und es gibt immer weniger öffentlich finanzierte Stellen im Kulturbereich. Weniger Verwaltungsund mehr Unternehmer- und Innovationsqualitäten sind gefragt. Folgende Kern-Kompetenzen sind angesichts der skizzierten Herausforderungen wesentlich für zukünftige Kulturmanager: - Strategische Kompetenz Strategisch zu handeln meint ganzheitlich zu denken, klare und langfristige Ziele zu entwickeln unter Berücksichtigung unterschiedlicher Interessen. Strategisches Handeln setzt voraus, dass man um diese unterschiedlichen Interessen weiß und dass man kultur- und gesellschaftspolitische Hintergründe in sein Handeln einbezieht. - Künstlerische und kulturelle Sensibilität, Qualitätsbewusstsein

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

In einer Zeit, in der es Kunst und Kultur im Überangebot gibt, ist die Fähigkeit, kulturelle Qualität zu erkennen und durchzusetzen die entscheidende Qualifikation eines Kulturmanagers. Es kann nicht darum gehen, immer mehr Kulturangebote auf den Markt zu bringen durch die Fähigkeit öffentliche Gelder zu akquirieren oder Kulturangebote marktgerecht zu positionieren. Vielmehr geht es um Qualitätssicherung kultureller Angebote und zwar sowohl in bezug auf künstlerische Qualität wie auch kulturelle, bildungspolitische und Vermittlungsqualität. Es geht um die Relevanz kultureller Projekte. - Vermittlungs- und Vernetzungskompetenz Kulturmanagement ist eine komplexe Vermittlungsleistung zwischen Kunstschaffenden, Kunstrezipienten, Medienöffentlichkeit und Kunstförderern wie Politiker und Sponsoren. Kulturmanager sind Vernetzer, Initiatoren von Beziehungen zwischen künstlerischer Produktion und Publikum, zwischen staatlichem, gemeinnützigem und privatwirtschaftlichem Engagement. Um zwischen diesen unterschiedlichen Sprach- und Sinnwelten vermitteln zu können, müssen Kulturmanager strategisches Denken mit kommunikativen Kompetenzen verbinden. Kulturmanager müssen auch dazu beitragen, von den spezifischen Werten und Nutzen zu überzeugen, den Kunst und Kultur für die Gesellschaft und für jeden einzelnen haben könnte. Dafür müssen sie selbst überzeugt sein von diesem besonderen Wert. Jeder Kulturmanager sollte seine individuellen Werthaltungen und Überzeugungen entwickelt haben, um nicht beliebig zu organisieren, sondern einen eigenen kulturellen und kulturpolitischen Standort zu haben. Erst dadurch erhält Managementhandeln eine Richtung und einen Sinn und kann über rein monetäre Ziele hinaus, die im Kulturbereich kaum genügen, Kriterien für die Arbeit entwickelt werden. Kulturmanagement kann zu einem Innovationsschub in einem verkrusteten Kulturbetrieb führen, wenn eine neue Generation engagierter Kulturmanager neue Wege für die Integration von Kultur in die Gesellschaft aufzeigt. - Konzeptionelle visionäre kulturelle Kompetenz Mehr als nur dem Vorhandenen zur Durchsetzung zu verhelfen, sollten Kulturmanager

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- Künstlerische und kulturelle Sensibilität, Qualitätsbewusstsein - Strategische Kompetenz Strategisch zu handeln meint ganzheitlich zu denken, klare und langfristige Ziele zu entwickeln unter Berücksichtigung unterschiedlicher Interessen. Strategisches Handeln setzt voraus, dass man um diese unterschiedlichen Interessen weiß und dass man kultur- und gesellschaftspolitische Hintergründe in sein Handeln einbezieht. Folgende Kern-Kompetenzen sind angesichts der skizzierten Herausforderungen wesentlich für zukünftige Kulturmanager: Hinzu kommen die Veränderungen auf dem Kultur-Arbeitsmarkt: Es gibt immer weniger feste Stellen, stattdessen befristete Werkverträge in wechselnden Projekten mit wechselnden Teams, und es gibt immer weniger öffentlich finanzierte Stellen im Kulturbereich. Weniger Verwaltungsund mehr Unternehmer- und Innovationsqualitäten sind gefragt. Das Auseinanderfallen der Gesellschaft in gebildete, besser Verdienende, die zugleich zu den Kulturnutzern gehören und der großen Gruppe der gering gebildeten, die am kulturellen Leben zunehmend weniger teilhaben, erfordert es, wieder mehr Möglichkeiten der Partizipation zu eröffnen und Kultur als gemeinschaftsstiftendes Mittel zu nutzen. Die Knappheit öffentlicher Gelder für Kultur erhöht den Legitimationsdruck öffentlich geförderter Kultureinrichtungen gegenüber Zuwendungsgebern und Bürgern und erfordert zugleich die Erschließung neuer Finanzquellen. Neue Formen der Kooperation zwischen Kulturinstitutionen und Wirtschaftssponsoren müssen gesucht werden. Die wachsende Konkurrenz durch andere Freizeitanbieter und ein zunehmend unberechenbares, stark event-orientiertes Kulturpublikum, erfordern ein neues Verhältnis zu den Kulturnutzern. Das Kulturpublikum stellt höhere Ansprüche an Servicequalitäten im Kulturbereich und erwartet neue Formen der Ansprache und der Besucherbindung. Auf der anderen Seite, auf dem Markt der Kulturproduzenten, gibt es eine zunehmende Unübersichtlichkeit und scheinbare Beliebigkeit. Im Überangebot der Kunstproduktionen wird es immer schwerer, Kriterien für Qualität festzumachen.

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- Konzeptionelle visionäre kulturelle Kompetenz Mehr als nur dem Vorhandenen zur Durchsetzung zu verhelfen, sollten Kulturmanager Kulturmanager müssen auch dazu beitragen, von den spezifischen Werten und Nutzen zu überzeugen, den Kunst und Kultur für die Gesellschaft und für jeden einzelnen haben könnte. Dafür müssen sie selbst überzeugt sein von diesem besonderen Wert. Jeder Kulturmanager sollte seine individuellen Werthaltungen und Überzeugungen entwickelt haben, um nicht beliebig zu organisieren, sondern einen eigenen kulturellen und kulturpolitischen Standort zu haben. Erst dadurch erhält Managementhandeln eine Richtung und einen Sinn und kann über rein monetäre Ziele hinaus, die im Kulturbereich kaum genügen, Kriterien für die Arbeit entwickelt werden. Kulturmanagement kann zu einem Innovationsschub in einem verkrusteten Kulturbetrieb führen, wenn eine neue Generation engagierter Kulturmanager neue Wege für die Integration von Kultur in die Gesellschaft aufzeigt. - Vermittlungs- und Vernetzungskompetenz Kulturmanagement ist eine komplexe Vermittlungsleistung zwischen Kunstschaffenden, Kunstrezipienten, Medienöffentlichkeit und Kunstförderern wie Politiker und Sponsoren. Kulturmanager sind Vernetzer, Initiatoren von Beziehungen zwischen künstlerischer Produktion und Publikum, zwischen staatlichem, gemeinnützigem und privatwirtschaftlichem Engagement. Um zwischen diesen unterschiedlichen Sprach- und Sinnwelten vermitteln zu können, müssen Kulturmanager strategisches Denken mit kommunikativen Kompetenzen verbinden. In einer Zeit, in der es Kunst und Kultur im Überangebot gibt, ist die Fähigkeit, kulturelle Qualität zu erkennen und durchzusetzen die entscheidende Qualifikation eines Kulturmanagers. Es kann nicht darum gehen, immer mehr Kulturangebote auf den Markt zu bringen durch die Fähigkeit öffentliche Gelder zu akquirieren oder Kulturangebote marktgerecht zu positionieren. Vielmehr geht es um Qualitätssicherung kultureller Angebote und zwar sowohl in bezug auf künstlerische Qualität wie auch kulturelle, bildungspolitische und Vermittlungsqualität. Es geht um die Relevanz kultureller Projekte.


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Konsequenzen für universitäre Kulturmanagement-Ausbildung auch visionär denken können, um Ideen für neue kulturelle Projekte zu entwickeln, in denen erkannte Potentiale zusammengebracht werden. Kulturmanager sind keine Künstler, wohl aber Kulturschaffende. Kulturmanagement ist dann nicht nur Erfüllungsgehilfe, sondern wirkt selbst kulturstiftend.

ie eng muss, wie eng darf ein akademi sches Studium an der Berufspraxis orientiert sein? Wenn Kulturmanagement als visionäre und innovative Disziplin verstanden wird, kann die Ausrichtung an der bestehenden Berufspraxis nicht alleiniger Impulsgeber sein, geht es doch darum, über das Bestehende hinaus zu denken. Und zugleich ist die direkte Auseinandersetzung mit der Praxis des Kulturtriebs für eine neue Disziplin wie das Kulturmanagement in mehrfacher Hinsicht essentiell:

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Vielfältiger Praxisbezug, um Realitätsbewusstsein, Führugsqualitäten und den Mut zum Unternehmertum auszubilden Sachzwängen des Alltagshandelns Ideen entwickelt werden können, hier lässt sich lernen, dem Zweck Sinn zu geben (Herman Glaser).

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

ie lassen sich diese Fähigkeiten, Zusam menhänge, gemeinsame Interessen und Potentiale zu erkennen, neue Allianzen zu stiften, Qualität zu fördern, Projekte zu initiieren, ausbilden ? Kulturmanagement-Lehre sollte weniger an operativen Methoden orientiert sein und sehr viel stärker die Beschäftigung mit inhaltlichen Fragen sowohl in Bezug auf den sozioökonomischen Wandel wie in Bezug auf Kunst und Kultur anregen. Die Auseinandersetzung mit kultur- und gesellschaftspolitischen Fragestellungen, ein vielfältiger Praxisbezug sowie der enge Kontakt zu den Künsten, könnten notwendige inhaltliche Voraussetzungen schaffen.

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4. Zeitlich begrenzte Einstiege in die konkrete Berufspraxis in Form von Praktika Vor allem die reale Berufs-Praxis lehrt, dass alle idealen Management-Konzepte theoretisch sind und von den realen Unwägsamkei-

1. Praxis als exemplarischer Anschauungsgegenstand für die Lehre. Erst in der Analyse der bestehenden Praxis lassen sich die Besonderheiten kultureller Organisation erfassen und benennen. Da es noch kaum abgesichertes Grundlagenwissen gibt, sind die genaue Wahrnehmung und vergleichende Auswertung von Fallbeispielen essentiell.

Anders als in Wochenendworkshops, die nur in Kürze das Handwerkszeug des Kulturmanagements weitergeben können, haben Hochschulen Zeit, sich mit dem Überbau kulturorganisatorischen Handelns zu beschäftigen, mit kulturpolitischen, kultursoziologischen, kulturpädagogischen und kulturwissenschaftlichen Fragestellungen. Hochschulen sind ein Schonraum, wo jenseits von Pragmatismus und

3. Praxisbezogenes Projekt-Lernen durch selbstgestellte Projekte im Studium oder durch die Bearbeitung von Projekt-Aufträgen aus der Praxis Im Rahmen projektorientierter Lehrformen lassen sich die vielfältigen Inhalte und Methoden der Collagendisziplin zusammenbringen und ganzheitliches Herangehen erproben. Unterschiedlichste Kompetenzen werden exemplarisch erlernt, eigene Kreativität ebenso wie soziale Kompetenzen und Führungsqualitäten werden in der Konzeption und Durchführung von Projekten mit Ernstfallcharakter mehr als in anderen Seminarformen erfahren. Nicht zuletzt lässt sich dabei Mut zum Unternehmertum entwickeln.

2. Praxis als Forschungsgegenstand für Theorieentwicklung

m eigene Ziele entwickeln zu können, ist die Beschäftigung mit kulturpolitischen Fragestellungen essentiell. In der Auseinandersetzung mit kulturpolitischen Strukturen und Zielen, dem Vergleich mit Kultur-FörderSystemen anderer Staaten oder soziologischen Erkenntnissen über gesellschaftliche Milieus lassen sich Kriterien für die Ausrichtung des eigenen Handelns finden, Sensibilität für Veränderungen in Gesellschaft und Kulturbetrieb schärfen und Gespür für neue Bedürfnisse und Marktnischen entwickeln.

2. Praxis als Forschungsgegenstand für Theorieentwicklung

Beschäftigung mit kulturpolitischen und sozioökonomischen Fragestellungen, um eine eigene Position und Visionen als Kulturmanager zu entwickeln

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1. Praxis als exemplarischer Anschauungsgegenstand für die Lehre. Erst in der Analyse der bestehenden Praxis lassen sich die Besonderheiten kultureller Organisation erfassen und benennen. Da es noch kaum abgesichertes Grundlagenwissen gibt, sind die genaue Wahrnehmung und vergleichende Auswertung von Fallbeispielen essentiell.

U

Beschäftigung mit kulturpolitischen und sozioökonomischen Fragestellungen, um eine eigene Position und Visionen als Kulturmanager zu entwickeln

ie eng muss, wie eng darf ein akademi sches Studium an der Berufspraxis orientiert sein? Wenn Kulturmanagement als visionäre und innovative Disziplin verstanden wird, kann die Ausrichtung an der bestehenden Berufspraxis nicht alleiniger Impulsgeber sein, geht es doch darum, über das Bestehende hinaus zu denken. Und zugleich ist die direkte Auseinandersetzung mit der Praxis des Kulturtriebs für eine neue Disziplin wie das Kulturmanagement in mehrfacher Hinsicht essentiell:

m eigene Ziele entwickeln zu können, ist die Beschäftigung mit kulturpolitischen Fragestellungen essentiell. In der Auseinandersetzung mit kulturpolitischen Strukturen und Zielen, dem Vergleich mit Kultur-FörderSystemen anderer Staaten oder soziologischen Erkenntnissen über gesellschaftliche Milieus lassen sich Kriterien für die Ausrichtung des eigenen Handelns finden, Sensibilität für Veränderungen in Gesellschaft und Kulturbetrieb schärfen und Gespür für neue Bedürfnisse und Marktnischen entwickeln.

ie lassen sich diese Fähigkeiten, Zusam menhänge, gemeinsame Interessen und Potentiale zu erkennen, neue Allianzen zu stiften, Qualität zu fördern, Projekte zu initiieren, ausbilden ? Kulturmanagement-Lehre sollte weniger an operativen Methoden orientiert sein und sehr viel stärker die Beschäftigung mit inhaltlichen Fragen sowohl in Bezug auf den sozioökonomischen Wandel wie in Bezug auf Kunst und Kultur anregen. Die Auseinandersetzung mit kultur- und gesellschaftspolitischen Fragestellungen, ein vielfältiger Praxisbezug sowie der enge Kontakt zu den Künsten, könnten notwendige inhaltliche Voraussetzungen schaffen.

W

3. Praxisbezogenes Projekt-Lernen durch selbstgestellte Projekte im Studium oder durch die Bearbeitung von Projekt-Aufträgen aus der Praxis Im Rahmen projektorientierter Lehrformen lassen sich die vielfältigen Inhalte und Methoden der Collagendisziplin zusammenbringen und ganzheitliches Herangehen erproben. Unterschiedlichste Kompetenzen werden exemplarisch erlernt, eigene Kreativität ebenso wie soziale Kompetenzen und Führungsqualitäten werden in der Konzeption und Durchführung von Projekten mit Ernstfallcharakter mehr als in anderen Seminarformen erfahren. Nicht zuletzt lässt sich dabei Mut zum Unternehmertum entwickeln.

W

Vielfältiger Praxisbezug, um Realitätsbewusstsein, Führugsqualitäten und den Mut zum Unternehmertum auszubilden

4. Zeitlich begrenzte Einstiege in die konkrete Berufspraxis in Form von Praktika Vor allem die reale Berufs-Praxis lehrt, dass alle idealen Management-Konzepte theoretisch sind und von den realen Unwägsamkei-

Konsequenzen für universitäre Kulturmanagement-Ausbildung

Sachzwängen des Alltagshandelns Ideen entwickelt werden können, hier lässt sich lernen, dem Zweck Sinn zu geben (Herman Glaser).

Anders als in Wochenendworkshops, die nur in Kürze das Handwerkszeug des Kulturmanagements weitergeben können, haben Hochschulen Zeit, sich mit dem Überbau kulturorganisatorischen Handelns zu beschäftigen, mit kulturpolitischen, kultursoziologischen, kulturpädagogischen und kulturwissenschaftlichen Fragestellungen. Hochschulen sind ein Schonraum, wo jenseits von Pragmatismus und

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

auch visionär denken können, um Ideen für neue kulturelle Projekte zu entwickeln, in denen erkannte Potentiale zusammengebracht werden. Kulturmanager sind keine Künstler, wohl aber Kulturschaffende. Kulturmanagement ist dann nicht nur Erfüllungsgehilfe, sondern wirkt selbst kulturstiftend.


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

121

ten immer wieder gestört werden können. Dabei wird deutlich, wie wichtig Flexibilität und Offenheit als weitere Kompetenzen von Kulturmanagern sind.

Auseinandersetzung mit den Künsten als Möglichkeit, Qualitätskriterien zu entwickeln

K

ulturmanagement-Lehre braucht vor al lem die Künste als Substanzgeber, denn Kunst und Künstler sind der Nukleus des Kulturlebens. Erst ein profundes, möglichst auch in eigener künstlerischer Praxis erfahrenes Kunstwissen garantiert den Primat des Inhalts (Max Fuchs) und die Qualitätsorientierung des Managementhandelns. Darum ist Kulturmanagement an Kunsthochschulen besonders gut angesiedelt. Kulturmanagement als neues Lehr- und Wissenschaftsgebiet braucht also sowohl die

Auseinandersetzung mit anderen Wissenschaftsgebieten wie der Soziologie, der Politik, den Kulturwissenschaften wie auch die Auseinandersetzung mit der kulturellen Praxis. Nicht zuletzt braucht sie ein profundes Wissen von Kunst und Kultur, das nicht nur Buchwissen ist, sondern in eigener Beschäftigung mit Kunst entwickelt wurde. Damit ist die Chance eines publikumszugewandten, qualitätsorientierten, kunstnahen und visionären Kulturmanagement-Ansatzes gegeben, der über Organisationstechniken weit hinaus geht. Wie auch immer die universitären Kulturmanagement-Studiengänge ihre Schwerpunkte gewichten: Notwendig ist die Beantwortung der Frage nach den Zielen und der Mission ihrer Ausbildung. Welchen Typus von Kulturmanagern möchte man hervorbringen und zu welchem gesellschaftlichen Sinn und Zweck?

ulturmanagement-Lehre braucht vor al lem die Künste als Substanzgeber, denn Kunst und Künstler sind der Nukleus des Kulturlebens. Erst ein profundes, möglichst auch in eigener künstlerischer Praxis erfahrenes Kunstwissen garantiert den Primat des Inhalts (Max Fuchs) und die Qualitätsorientierung des Managementhandelns. Darum ist Kulturmanagement an Kunsthochschulen besonders gut angesiedelt. Kulturmanagement als neues Lehr- und Wissenschaftsgebiet braucht also sowohl die

K

Auseinandersetzung mit den Künsten als Möglichkeit, Qualitätskriterien zu entwickeln ten immer wieder gestört werden können. Dabei wird deutlich, wie wichtig Flexibilität und Offenheit als weitere Kompetenzen von Kulturmanagern sind. Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

121

Wie auch immer die universitären Kulturmanagement-Studiengänge ihre Schwerpunkte gewichten: Notwendig ist die Beantwortung der Frage nach den Zielen und der Mission ihrer Ausbildung. Welchen Typus von Kulturmanagern möchte man hervorbringen und zu welchem gesellschaftlichen Sinn und Zweck? Auseinandersetzung mit anderen Wissenschaftsgebieten wie der Soziologie, der Politik, den Kulturwissenschaften wie auch die Auseinandersetzung mit der kulturellen Praxis. Nicht zuletzt braucht sie ein profundes Wissen von Kunst und Kultur, das nicht nur Buchwissen ist, sondern in eigener Beschäftigung mit Kunst entwickelt wurde. Damit ist die Chance eines publikumszugewandten, qualitätsorientierten, kunstnahen und visionären Kulturmanagement-Ansatzes gegeben, der über Organisationstechniken weit hinaus geht.


Katherine Nölling

Kulturgut oder Kultur als Gut Betrachtungen aus ökonomischer Sicht

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Es gibt in den Wirtschaftswissenschaften seit langem ein Bemühen, dass theoretische Wissen und analytische Instrumentarium der Ökonomie auf Gebiete anzuwenden, die nicht unmittelbar zur Wirtschaft gehören [Bendixen, 2001, S. 11]. Diese Tendenz hängt aber nicht nur mit dem reinen Imperialismusstreben der Ökonomie [Engelhardt, 1987] zusammen. Sie hat auch damit zu tun, dass sich die ökonomischen und gesellschaftlichen Rahmenbedingungen für alle Bereiche, die mit öffentlichen Geldern wirtschaften, in den letzten Jahren grundlegend und wahrscheinlich unumkehrbar verändert haben.

122

Entwicklung der öffentlichen Ausgaben für Kultur in Deutschland und Lettland

u diesen Bereichen gehört auch die Kultur. Betrachtet man die staatlichen Ausgaben, die für öffentliche Kultur , d.h. für Museen, Theater, Opernhäuser, Bibliotheken, Denkmalschutz, kulturelle Angelegenheiten im Ausland und Kunsthochschulen in Deutschland, geleistet worden sind, so fällt auf, dass diese Ausgaben zuletzt leicht zurückgegangen sind. Bund, Länder und Gemeinden gaben im Jahr 2003 knapp 8,2 Mrd. Euro für Kultur aus. In Relation zur Wirtschaftkraft Deutschlands erreichten die öffentlichen Ausgaben für Kultur wie in den Jahren zuvor einen Anteil von 0,4 % am Bruttoinlandsprodukt (Statistisches Bundesamt: Kulturfinanzbericht 2003). Detailliertere Angaben liegen allerdings erst für das Jahr 2002 vor. Danach gaben die öffentlichen Haushalte im Jahr 2002 insgesamt 107 Mio.

Z

Z

Euro weniger aus als im Vorjahr. Anders ausgedrückt: Die Ausgaben wurden um insgesamt 1,3% verringert. Dabei gab es deutliche Gewinner und Verlierer innerhalb des Kultursektors. Während der Bereich Theater und Musik seinen Anteil an den Gesamtausgaben um 4,7% oder um144 Mio. Euro steigern konnte, reduzierte sich der Anteil der Ausgaben für Museen, Sammlungen und Ausstellungen um fast 10% (134 Mio. Euro) und der Anteil für Bibliotheken um gut 4% (60 Mio. Euro). Auch die Denkmalpflege konnte ihren Anteil deutlich, nämlich um fast ein Drittel oder 133 Mio. Euro steigern, während die Kunsthochschulen 13 Mio. Euro oder fast 3% weniger bekamen. Insgesamt, so mein Fazit, ist der hier dokumentierte Ausgabenrückgang für Deutschland eher moderat, auch wenn es in der längerfristigen Betrachtung ab 1995 den Anschein hat, als ob der Zenit der Ausgaben für Kultur überschritten sei und in Zukunft keine großen Erwartungen rechtfertigt. In Lettland haben die Ausgaben der öffentlichen Haushalte (General government consolidated budget) in Lettland für den Bereich Erholung, Sport, Kultur und religiöse Angelegenheiten hat dagegen einen recht anderen Verlauf genommen. Hier stiegen die Ausgaben vom Jahr 2000 bis 2004 von knapp 60 Mio. Lats (ca. 103 Mio. Euro) auf über 95 Mio. Lats (ca. 136 Mio. Euro) an, d.h. insgesamt um fast 60% (Statistisches Amt Lettland). Wie viel davon auf den Sektor Kultur entfiel, müsste noch genauer untersucht werden bei diesen Steigerungsraten ist allerdings davon auszugehen, dass dieser Bereich ebenfalls berücksichtigt wurde.

Entwicklung der öffentlichen Ausgaben für Kultur in Deutschland und Lettland

Euro weniger aus als im Vorjahr. Anders ausgedrückt: Die Ausgaben wurden um insgesamt 1,3% verringert. Dabei gab es deutliche Gewinner und Verlierer innerhalb des Kultursektors. Während der Bereich Theater und Musik seinen Anteil an den Gesamtausgaben um 4,7% oder um144 Mio. Euro steigern konnte, reduzierte sich der Anteil der Ausgaben für Museen, Sammlungen und Ausstellungen um fast 10% (134 Mio. Euro) und der Anteil für Bibliotheken um gut 4% (60 Mio. Euro). Auch die Denkmalpflege konnte ihren Anteil deutlich, nämlich um fast ein Drittel oder 133 Mio. Euro steigern, während die Kunsthochschulen 13 Mio. Euro oder fast 3% weniger bekamen. Insgesamt, so mein Fazit, ist der hier dokumentierte Ausgabenrückgang für Deutschland eher moderat, auch wenn es in der längerfristigen Betrachtung ab 1995 den Anschein hat, als ob der Zenit der Ausgaben für Kultur überschritten sei und in Zukunft keine großen Erwartungen rechtfertigt. In Lettland haben die Ausgaben der öffentlichen Haushalte (General government consolidated budget) in Lettland für den Bereich Erholung, Sport, Kultur und religiöse Angelegenheiten hat dagegen einen recht anderen Verlauf genommen. Hier stiegen die Ausgaben vom Jahr 2000 bis 2004 von knapp 60 Mio. Lats (ca. 103 Mio. Euro) auf über 95 Mio. Lats (ca. 136 Mio. Euro) an, d.h. insgesamt um fast 60% (Statistisches Amt Lettland). Wie viel davon auf den Sektor Kultur entfiel, müsste noch genauer untersucht werden bei diesen Steigerungsraten ist allerdings davon auszugehen, dass dieser Bereich ebenfalls berücksichtigt wurde.

u diesen Bereichen gehört auch die Kultur. Betrachtet man die staatlichen Ausgaben, die für öffentliche Kultur , d.h. für Museen, Theater, Opernhäuser, Bibliotheken, Denkmalschutz, kulturelle Angelegenheiten im Ausland und Kunsthochschulen in Deutschland, geleistet worden sind, so fällt auf, dass diese Ausgaben zuletzt leicht zurückgegangen sind. Bund, Länder und Gemeinden gaben im Jahr 2003 knapp 8,2 Mrd. Euro für Kultur aus. In Relation zur Wirtschaftkraft Deutschlands erreichten die öffentlichen Ausgaben für Kultur wie in den Jahren zuvor einen Anteil von 0,4 % am Bruttoinlandsprodukt (Statistisches Bundesamt: Kulturfinanzbericht 2003). Detailliertere Angaben liegen allerdings erst für das Jahr 2002 vor. Danach gaben die öffentlichen Haushalte im Jahr 2002 insgesamt 107 Mio.

Katherine Nölling studierte Volkswirtschaftslehre, Politik, Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte an der Universität Hamburg. In den Jahren 1990-1993 war sie als wissenschaftliche Mitarbeiterin an der Hamburger Universität der Bundeswehr, im Lehrstuhl für Wirtschaftspolitik tätig, wo sie ihre Promotion über die Krise der amerikanischen Sparinstitute abschloss. In den Jahren 2003-2005 war sie Lehrbeauftragte für Volkswirtschaftslehre an der Universität Hamburg sowie Dozentin für Finanzwissenschaft an der FernFachhochschule Hamburg. Ab 2005 ist sie Professorin für Ökonomie an der Lettischen Kulturakademie in Riga.

Es gibt in den Wirtschaftswissenschaften seit langem ein Bemühen, dass theoretische Wissen und analytische Instrumentarium der Ökonomie auf Gebiete anzuwenden, die nicht unmittelbar zur Wirtschaft gehören [Bendixen, 2001, S. 11]. Diese Tendenz hängt aber nicht nur mit dem reinen Imperialismusstreben der Ökonomie [Engelhardt, 1987] zusammen. Sie hat auch damit zu tun, dass sich die ökonomischen und gesellschaftlichen Rahmenbedingungen für alle Bereiche, die mit öffentlichen Geldern wirtschaften, in den letzten Jahren grundlegend und wahrscheinlich unumkehrbar verändert haben.

Katherine Nölling studierte Volkswirtschaftslehre, Politik, Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte an der Universität Hamburg. In den Jahren 1990-1993 war sie als wissenschaftliche Mitarbeiterin an der Hamburger Universität der Bundeswehr, im Lehrstuhl für Wirtschaftspolitik tätig, wo sie ihre Promotion über die Krise der amerikanischen Sparinstitute abschloss. In den Jahren 2003-2005 war sie Lehrbeauftragte für Volkswirtschaftslehre an der Universität Hamburg sowie Dozentin für Finanzwissenschaft an der FernFachhochschule Hamburg. Ab 2005 ist sie Professorin für Ökonomie an der Lettischen Kulturakademie in Riga.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Katherine Nölling

122

Kulturgut oder Kultur als Gut Betrachtungen aus ökonomischer Sicht


123

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Kultur als Gut in der ökonomischen Betrachtung

B

etrachtet man hingegen die veröffentlich te Meinung in Deutschland, so gewinnt man leicht den Eindruck, als würden den Kulturinstitutionen die Mittel radikal gekürzt. Zwischen den Zahlen und der Wahrnehmung klafft ein m.E. ein deutlicher Widerspruch. Dieser Widerspruch so meine Erklärung entsteht dadurch, dass sich der Rechtfertigungsdruck für die Kulturinstitutionen und ihre Betreiber erhöht hat. Die heute kaum noch verbrämte Frage Lohnt das denn? war im Bereich der Kultur lange Zeit ungewohnt, um nicht zu sagen ungehörig zumindest aus Sicht der Kulturschaffenden. Nur langsam setzt sich die Erkenntnis durch, dass sich auch Kunst und Kulturpflege für die Mittel, die sie von öffentlichen Haushalten erhält, rechtfertigen muss und dass die Vergabe dieser Mittel in der bisherigen Höhe nicht selbstverständlich ist bzw. bleiben muss. Denn dass Kulturförderung sich außerhalb des Marktes bewege, glauben nur Kulturförderer und Künstler [Knüsel, 2003, S. 3]. Für die rein ökonomische Betrachtung ist Kultur zunächst einmal nur ein Gut ein Gut wie andere Güter auch. Es wird produziert und konsumiert, angeboten und nachgefragt oder eben auch nicht. Die Bedingungen, unter denen das Gut Kultur produziert und angeboten wird, unterscheiden sich in der ökonomischen Betrachtung nicht von den Bedingungen, unter denen beispielsweise Schuhe oder Brot produziert und angeboten werden. Ebenso steht es mit der Nachfrageseite. Der Konsum des Gutes Kultur verschafft Menschen einen Nutzen. Dieser Nutzen muss da-

bei dem Preis für dieses Gut entsprechen bzw. ihn übersteigen, sonst bleibt die Nachfrage aus. Ob der Nutzen dabei im reinen Kulturgenuss oder aber darin besteht, im Foyer der Staatsoper zu sehen und gesehen zu werden, ist für die ökonomische Analyse unerheblich. Der Konsument und nur er weiß um seinen Nutzen. In der ökonomischen Theorie des Konsumentenverhaltens wird davon ausgegangen, dass der Verbraucher nicht nur seine Präferenzen ausdrücken kann, sondern auch über eine fest umrissene Präferenzstruktur verfügt, so dass er zu entscheiden weiß, wofür er sein Geld ausgeben will. Der Verbraucher ist daher imstande, die Verbrauchsstruktur auszuwählen, die ihm optimal erscheint. Das ist seine Gleichgewichtslage. Sie ist dadurch gekennzeichnet, dass er keine weitere Veränderung an Art und/oder Menge an konsumierten Gütern und Dienstleistungen mehr vorzunehmen wünscht, weil er seine Ausgaben bereits derart auf die einzelnen Güter aufgeschlüsselt hat, dass ihm die für die einzelnen Güter ausgegebenen letzten Cents überall einen gleich großen Nutzenzuwachs verschaffen. Da er aber nur über ein begrenztes Einkommen verfügt und sich Preisen gegenübersieht, die für ihn nicht zu beeinflussen sind, kann er nicht von allem so viel nachfragen, wie er möchte. Er muss wählen und wägen. Diese Annahmen sind zentral für das ökonomische Verständnis des Verbrauchers als Souverän oder, anders ausgedrückt, des Konzepts der Konsumentensouveränität. In dieser freiheitlichen und liberalen Sichtweise ist das Individuum, d.h. jeder einzelne Verbraucher nicht nur derjenige, der über eine fest umrissene Nutzenstruktur verfügt, sondern

TABELLE 1: AUSGABEN DER ÖFFENTLICHEN HAUSHALTE FÜR KUNST UND KULTURPFLEGE NACH AUFGABENBEREICHEN IN MILL. EURO IN DEUTSCHLAND Theater / Musik Bibliotheken Museen, Sammlungen, Ausstellungen Denkmalschutz und pflege Kulturelle Angelegenheiten im Ausland Kunsthochschulen Sonstige Kulturpflege Verwaltung für kulturelle Angelegenheiten Kulturausgaben insgesamt nachrichtlich: Kulturnahe Bereiche (VHS, Weiterbildung, kirchliche Angelegenheiten, Rundfunk, Fernsehen)

1995 2752 1058 1130 315 352 369 1018 464 7468

1999 2875 1270 1218 313 329 396 1056 479 7937

2000 2966 1306 1284 318 314 418 1110 492 8206

2001 3080 1372 1376 404 315 436 899 519 8400

2002 3224 1312 1242 537 320 423 736 499 8293

1438

1466

1463

1646

1533

2003

8196*

Quelle: Statistisches Bundesamt, 7. April 2005 *Schätzung

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

123

*Schätzung Quelle: Statistisches Bundesamt, 7. April 2005

Theater / Musik Bibliotheken Museen, Sammlungen, Ausstellungen Denkmalschutz und pflege Kulturelle Angelegenheiten im Ausland Kunsthochschulen Sonstige Kulturpflege Verwaltung für kulturelle Angelegenheiten Kulturausgaben insgesamt nachrichtlich: Kulturnahe Bereiche (VHS, Weiterbildung, kirchliche Angelegenheiten, Rundfunk, Fernsehen)

1466

1438

1999 2875 1270 1218 313 329 396 1056 479 7937

1995 2752 1058 1130 315 352 369 1018 464 7468

1463 2000 2966 1306 1284 318 314 418 1110 492 8206

1646 2001 3080 1372 1376 404 315 436 899 519 8400

1533 2002 3224 1312 1242 537 320 423 736 499 8293

8196* 2003

TABELLE 1: AUSGABEN DER ÖFFENTLICHEN HAUSHALTE FÜR KUNST UND KULTURPFLEGE NACH AUFGABENBEREICHEN IN MILL. EURO IN DEUTSCHLAND

etrachtet man hingegen die veröffentlich te Meinung in Deutschland, so gewinnt man leicht den Eindruck, als würden den Kulturinstitutionen die Mittel radikal gekürzt. Zwischen den Zahlen und der Wahrnehmung klafft ein m.E. ein deutlicher Widerspruch. Dieser Widerspruch so meine Erklärung entsteht dadurch, dass sich der Rechtfertigungsdruck für die Kulturinstitutionen und ihre Betreiber erhöht hat. Die heute kaum noch verbrämte Frage Lohnt das denn? war im Bereich der Kultur lange Zeit ungewohnt, um nicht zu sagen ungehörig zumindest aus Sicht der Kulturschaffenden. Nur langsam setzt sich die Erkenntnis durch, dass sich auch Kunst und Kulturpflege für die Mittel, die sie von öffentlichen Haushalten erhält, rechtfertigen muss und dass die Vergabe dieser Mittel in der bisherigen Höhe nicht selbstverständlich ist bzw. bleiben muss. Denn dass Kulturförderung sich außerhalb des Marktes bewege, glauben nur Kulturförderer und Künstler [Knüsel, 2003, S. 3]. Für die rein ökonomische Betrachtung ist Kultur zunächst einmal nur ein Gut ein Gut wie andere Güter auch. Es wird produziert und konsumiert, angeboten und nachgefragt oder eben auch nicht. Die Bedingungen, unter denen das Gut Kultur produziert und angeboten wird, unterscheiden sich in der ökonomischen Betrachtung nicht von den Bedingungen, unter denen beispielsweise Schuhe oder Brot produziert und angeboten werden. Ebenso steht es mit der Nachfrageseite. Der Konsum des Gutes Kultur verschafft Menschen einen Nutzen. Dieser Nutzen muss da-

B

Kultur als Gut in der ökonomischen Betrachtung

bei dem Preis für dieses Gut entsprechen bzw. ihn übersteigen, sonst bleibt die Nachfrage aus. Ob der Nutzen dabei im reinen Kulturgenuss oder aber darin besteht, im Foyer der Staatsoper zu sehen und gesehen zu werden, ist für die ökonomische Analyse unerheblich. Der Konsument und nur er weiß um seinen Nutzen. In der ökonomischen Theorie des Konsumentenverhaltens wird davon ausgegangen, dass der Verbraucher nicht nur seine Präferenzen ausdrücken kann, sondern auch über eine fest umrissene Präferenzstruktur verfügt, so dass er zu entscheiden weiß, wofür er sein Geld ausgeben will. Der Verbraucher ist daher imstande, die Verbrauchsstruktur auszuwählen, die ihm optimal erscheint. Das ist seine Gleichgewichtslage. Sie ist dadurch gekennzeichnet, dass er keine weitere Veränderung an Art und/oder Menge an konsumierten Gütern und Dienstleistungen mehr vorzunehmen wünscht, weil er seine Ausgaben bereits derart auf die einzelnen Güter aufgeschlüsselt hat, dass ihm die für die einzelnen Güter ausgegebenen letzten Cents überall einen gleich großen Nutzenzuwachs verschaffen. Da er aber nur über ein begrenztes Einkommen verfügt und sich Preisen gegenübersieht, die für ihn nicht zu beeinflussen sind, kann er nicht von allem so viel nachfragen, wie er möchte. Er muss wählen und wägen. Diese Annahmen sind zentral für das ökonomische Verständnis des Verbrauchers als Souverän oder, anders ausgedrückt, des Konzepts der Konsumentensouveränität. In dieser freiheitlichen und liberalen Sichtweise ist das Individuum, d.h. jeder einzelne Verbraucher nicht nur derjenige, der über eine fest umrissene Nutzenstruktur verfügt, sondern


124

D

Die Bereitstellung Öffentlicher Güter als Aufgabe des Staates durch die Privatwirtschaft angeboten. Für dieses Eingreifen des Staates in den Markt bietet die ökonomische Theorie verschiedene Begründungen an.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

auch derjenige und zwar ausschließlich der seinen Nutzen am besten einschätzen kann. Kein anderes Individuum, geschweige denn eine andere Institution, kann den Nutzen so einschätzen, wie es jeder von uns für sich selbst tun kann. Diese Souveränität des Verbrauchers ist eine große Macht und ein hohes Gut. Sie steht für die Freiheit des Menschen, sich zwischen Alternativen entscheiden zu können und sich dabei nur und ausschließlich für die Alternative zu entscheiden, die sie für sich zu dem Zeitpunkt der Entscheidung als die Beste empfinden. Für die Bereitstellung privater Güter ist der Marktmechanismus gut geeignet. Er beruht auf einem Austausch, und ein Austausch kann nur entstehen in Verbindung mit der Übertragung eines ausschließlichen Besitztitels. Es ist hier nur folgerichtig, wenn diejenige Konsumenten ausgeschlossen werden, die nicht zur Zahlung bereit sind. Die Konsumenten müssen nachfragen, was sie zu erwerben wünschen und dadurch den Produzenten ihre Präferenzen enthüllen es kommt zur Preisbildung!

ür die Bereitstellung privater Güter ist der Marktmechanismus gut geeignet. Er beruht auf einem Austausch, und ein Austausch kann nur entstehen in Verbindung mit der Übertragung eines ausschließlichen Besitzti-

Ist im Markt für Kultur alles anders?

F

I

Gehört Kultur zu den Öffentlichen Gütern?

ie Theorie der öffentlichen Güter bildet die wissenschaftliche Grundlage für die Allokationsfunktion, d.h. für die Steuerungsfunktion des Staates und damit auch eine wesentliche Begründung für das Eingreifen des Staates in das Marktgeschehen. Denn der Markt versagt bei der Bereitstellung von öffentlichen Gütern Warum? Öffentliche Güter werden wegen ihrer technischen Eigenschaften nicht über den Markt, also nicht von privaten Unternehmen angeboten, weil sie durch zwei Merkmale gekennzeichnet sind: Erstens, das Versagen des Ausschlussprinzips vom Konsum sowie zweitens die Nicht-Rivalität im Konsum. Das Ausschlussprinzip versagt, wenn Konsumenten auch ohne Zahlung des Preises ein Gut konsumieren können bzw. der Nutzungsausschluss für den Produzenten zu teuer würde. Klassische Beispiele dafür sind die Straßenbeleuchtung oder die Leuchttürme an der Küste. Es kommt dabei zu einem strategischen Verhalten der Nachfrager: Da jeder ein öffentliches Gut konsumieren kann, wenn es erst angeboten wird, besteht ein Anreiz für die Nachfrager, zunächst abzuwarten, ob andere dieses Angebot finanzieren, bevor sie selbst ihre Zahlungsbereitschaft und damit ihre Präferenzen erklären.

Überwiegt dieses nicht-kooperative, strategische Verhalten der Nachfrager, wird es zu keinem privaten Angebot kommen. Der Markt funktioniert nicht: Es kommt zu Marktversagen. Individuell rationales Verhalten führt zu kollektiver Irrationalität. Angebot und Nachfrage wären zwar vorhanden, aber der Markt vermag sie nicht zu koordinieren.

Überwiegt dieses nicht-kooperative, strategische Verhalten der Nachfrager, wird es zu keinem privaten Angebot kommen. Der Markt funktioniert nicht: Es kommt zu Marktversagen. Individuell rationales Verhalten führt zu kollektiver Irrationalität. Angebot und Nachfrage wären zwar vorhanden, aber der Markt vermag sie nicht zu koordinieren.

124

ie Theorie der öffentlichen Güter bildet die wissenschaftliche Grundlage für die Allokationsfunktion, d.h. für die Steuerungsfunktion des Staates und damit auch eine wesentliche Begründung für das Eingreifen des Staates in das Marktgeschehen. Denn der Markt versagt bei der Bereitstellung von öffentlichen Gütern Warum? Öffentliche Güter werden wegen ihrer technischen Eigenschaften nicht über den Markt, also nicht von privaten Unternehmen angeboten, weil sie durch zwei Merkmale gekennzeichnet sind: Erstens, das Versagen des Ausschlussprinzips vom Konsum sowie zweitens die Nicht-Rivalität im Konsum. Das Ausschlussprinzip versagt, wenn Konsumenten auch ohne Zahlung des Preises ein Gut konsumieren können bzw. der Nutzungsausschluss für den Produzenten zu teuer würde. Klassische Beispiele dafür sind die Straßenbeleuchtung oder die Leuchttürme an der Küste. Es kommt dabei zu einem strategischen Verhalten der Nachfrager: Da jeder ein öffentliches Gut konsumieren kann, wenn es erst angeboten wird, besteht ein Anreiz für die Nachfrager, zunächst abzuwarten, ob andere dieses Angebot finanzieren, bevor sie selbst ihre Zahlungsbereitschaft und damit ihre Präferenzen erklären.

Gehört Kultur zu den Öffentlichen Gütern?

m Markt für Kultur wird die Konsument souveränität insofern vernachlässigt, als dass sich der Konsument erstens keinen Marktpreisen gegenübersieht. Die Preisgestaltung für Kulturgüter spiegelt nicht die Kosten wider, die bei der Erstellung des Kulturgutes anfallen. Zweitens kann es auch dazu kommen, dass das Gut Kultur zwar angeboten, aber nicht im selben Maße nachgefragt wird, ohne dass dieses Missverhältnis Konsequenzen für die Quantität oder Qualität der angebotenen Kulturgüter haben muss. Denn der Markt für Kultur ist eben doch kein Markt wie der für Schuhe oder Brot, sondern gekennzeichnet durch verschiedene Besonderheiten. Das Angebot und die Nachfrage widersetzen sich in weiten Bereichen den Gesetzen der Marktwirtschaft. Weil das so ist, weil der Markt bei der Erstellung des Gutes Kultur nicht die Ergebnisse hervorbringt, die die Gesellschaft für ausreichend und wünschenswert hält, greift der Staat ein. Das Gut Kultur, wenn wir es als Angebot von Theatern, Museen, Opernhäusern und Bibliotheken verstehen, wird, zumindest in den europäischen Ländern, überwiegend durch den Staat und weniger

D

F

I

Die Bereitstellung Öffentlicher Güter als Aufgabe des Staates

ür die Bereitstellung privater Güter ist der Marktmechanismus gut geeignet. Er beruht auf einem Austausch, und ein Austausch kann nur entstehen in Verbindung mit der Übertragung eines ausschließlichen Besitzti-

Ist im Markt für Kultur alles anders?

durch die Privatwirtschaft angeboten. Für dieses Eingreifen des Staates in den Markt bietet die ökonomische Theorie verschiedene Begründungen an.

m Markt für Kultur wird die Konsument souveränität insofern vernachlässigt, als dass sich der Konsument erstens keinen Marktpreisen gegenübersieht. Die Preisgestaltung für Kulturgüter spiegelt nicht die Kosten wider, die bei der Erstellung des Kulturgutes anfallen. Zweitens kann es auch dazu kommen, dass das Gut Kultur zwar angeboten, aber nicht im selben Maße nachgefragt wird, ohne dass dieses Missverhältnis Konsequenzen für die Quantität oder Qualität der angebotenen Kulturgüter haben muss. Denn der Markt für Kultur ist eben doch kein Markt wie der für Schuhe oder Brot, sondern gekennzeichnet durch verschiedene Besonderheiten. Das Angebot und die Nachfrage widersetzen sich in weiten Bereichen den Gesetzen der Marktwirtschaft. Weil das so ist, weil der Markt bei der Erstellung des Gutes Kultur nicht die Ergebnisse hervorbringt, die die Gesellschaft für ausreichend und wünschenswert hält, greift der Staat ein. Das Gut Kultur, wenn wir es als Angebot von Theatern, Museen, Opernhäusern und Bibliotheken verstehen, wird, zumindest in den europäischen Ländern, überwiegend durch den Staat und weniger

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

auch derjenige und zwar ausschließlich der seinen Nutzen am besten einschätzen kann. Kein anderes Individuum, geschweige denn eine andere Institution, kann den Nutzen so einschätzen, wie es jeder von uns für sich selbst tun kann. Diese Souveränität des Verbrauchers ist eine große Macht und ein hohes Gut. Sie steht für die Freiheit des Menschen, sich zwischen Alternativen entscheiden zu können und sich dabei nur und ausschließlich für die Alternative zu entscheiden, die sie für sich zu dem Zeitpunkt der Entscheidung als die Beste empfinden. Für die Bereitstellung privater Güter ist der Marktmechanismus gut geeignet. Er beruht auf einem Austausch, und ein Austausch kann nur entstehen in Verbindung mit der Übertragung eines ausschließlichen Besitztitels. Es ist hier nur folgerichtig, wenn diejenige Konsumenten ausgeschlossen werden, die nicht zur Zahlung bereit sind. Die Konsumenten müssen nachfragen, was sie zu erwerben wünschen und dadurch den Produzenten ihre Präferenzen enthüllen es kommt zur Preisbildung!


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

tels. Es ist hier nur folgerichtig, wenn diejenige Konsumenten ausgeschlossen werden, die nicht zur Zahlung bereit sind. Das Angebot spezifisch öffentlicher Güter muß der Staat sichern, denn er kann aufgrund seiner hoheitlichen Befugnisse die Finanzierung des Angebots dieser Güter durch Zwangseinnahmen gewährleisten. Aber wie ist der Markt für Kultur charakterisiert? Treffen die Merkmale der Öffentlichen Güter hier ebenfalls zu? Die Antwort lautet: Nein! Denn natürlich ist es nicht nur möglich, Konsumenten von dem Gut der Kultur auszuschließen; es geschieht auch jeden Abend an den Kassen der Theater und Opernhäuser ebenso wie bei den Museen und Bibliotheken. Es gibt einen Preis und der Konsument muss seine Präferenzen enthüllen, wenn er das Gut Kultur konsumieren möchte. Auch ist es keineswegs so, dass im Fall von Kultur eine Nicht-Rivalität im Konsum besteht. Wer schon einmal eine beliebte Ausstellung besucht hat, der wird wissen, dass der Konsum der ja eben auch in der Betrachtung eines Bildes liegen kann durch andere Konsumenten durchaus beeinträchtigt werden kann. Also haben wir im Fall von Kultur offensichtlich einen besonderen Fall zu beobachten: Es liegt kein allgemeines Marktversagen, wie bei der Existenz von Öffentlichen Gütern vor, aber ein Staatseingriff findet trotzdem statt. Die Erstellung des Guts Kultur wird durch staatliche Ausgaben deutlich befördert.

Kultur als meritorisches Gut

U

m die Staatseingriffe zu begründen, bei de nen kein Marktversagen vorliegt, hat der amerikanische Finanzwissenschaftler Richard Musgrave bereits 1959 das Konzept der meritorischen Güter eingeführt [Musgrave, 1959]. Der Staat hat danach nicht nur die Aufgabe, öffentliche Güter bereitzustellen. Er hat auch in bestimmten Fällen, in den der Markt zwar funktioniert, aber aus Sicht des Staates bzw. der Gesellschaft unerwünschte Ergebnisse hervorbringt, in die individuelle Konsumwahl einzugreifen. Die Gründe, weshalb der Markt unerwünschte Ergebnisse hervorbringt, liegen in verzerrten Präferenzen der Konsumenten, in fehlenden oder falschen Informationen oder in irrationalen Entscheidungen der Bürger [Brümmerhoff, 2001, S. 113]. Die Notwendigkeit eines Eingriffs in die Konsumentensouveränität und damit einer Korrek-

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

tur der individuellen Präferenzen veranlasst den Staat, öffentliche Leistungen anzubieten, weil bei einer privatwirtschaftlichen Regelung eine als unzureichend angesehene Versorgung mit diesen Leistungen zustande käme. Meritorische oder verdienstvolle Güter sind Marktgüter, die der Konsument aufgrund verzerrter Präferenzen in zu geringem Umfang nachfragt. Der Staat bewertet bestimmte Güter höher, als sich das in der Nachfrage der Konsumenten widerspiegelt. Die Einführung der allgemeinen Schulpflicht im 18. Jahrhundert am 28. Oktober 1717 hat Friedrich Wilhelm I. in Preußen die allgemeine Schulpflicht verordnet ist ein Beispiel für den Eingriff des Staates auf der Basis dieser Überlegungen des meritorischen Gutes. Der Staat hatte erkannt, dass es sowohl für das einzelne Kind, als auch für die Gesellschaft als Ganzes vorteilhafter ist, wenn die Kinder gut ausgebildet werden und zwang die Eltern, ihre Kinder in die Schule zu schicken. Ebenso sieht der Staat bei der Altersvorsorge weiter voraus als so manches Individuum und verpflichtet den Einzelnen zur Vorsorge. Und so fallen auch die Ausgaben für Kulturgüter unter diese Begründung für staatliche Aktivität. Die Aufgabe des Staates wird aus dieser Sicht darin gesehen, für ein größeres Angebot zu sorgen. Demeritorische Güter werden in ihrem Nutzen dagegen von den Individuen überbewertet. Der Staat sollte das Marktangebot, folgt man dieser Theorie, einschränken. Beispiele dafür sind Alkohol, Spielkasinos oder Rauschgifte, Güter also, deren Nachfrage durch den Verbraucher durch den Staat entweder verteuert, begrenzt oder sogar verboten werden. Das Gut Kultur gehört nach dieser Argumentation eindeutig zu den meritorischen Gütern. Offensichtlich so die staatliche Argumentation sind die Bürger nicht in der Lage, den Nutzen, der sich aus dem Gut Kultur für sie ergibt, richtig einzuschätzen. Sie würden, überließe man die Preisgestaltung dieses Gutes dem Markt, nur sehr wenig davon nachfragen, auf jeden Fall weniger, als aus Sicht des Staates gut für sie ist. Also verbilligt der Staat das Angebot künstlich und versucht auf diesem Wege dafür zu sorgen, dass mehr Menschen Kultur konsumieren, als sie es ohne sein Eingreifen tun würden. Der staatliche Bildungsauftrag bricht sich hier seine Bahn und die meisten von uns stimmen dieser Verwendung öffentlicher Mittel zu. Ob die Mittel der Preissubventionierung für die Verwirklichung des Ziels, möglichst vielen

125

m die Staatseingriffe zu begründen, bei de nen kein Marktversagen vorliegt, hat der amerikanische Finanzwissenschaftler Richard Musgrave bereits 1959 das Konzept der meritorischen Güter eingeführt [Musgrave, 1959]. Der Staat hat danach nicht nur die Aufgabe, öffentliche Güter bereitzustellen. Er hat auch in bestimmten Fällen, in den der Markt zwar funktioniert, aber aus Sicht des Staates bzw. der Gesellschaft unerwünschte Ergebnisse hervorbringt, in die individuelle Konsumwahl einzugreifen. Die Gründe, weshalb der Markt unerwünschte Ergebnisse hervorbringt, liegen in verzerrten Präferenzen der Konsumenten, in fehlenden oder falschen Informationen oder in irrationalen Entscheidungen der Bürger [Brümmerhoff, 2001, S. 113]. Die Notwendigkeit eines Eingriffs in die Konsumentensouveränität und damit einer Korrek-

U

Kultur als meritorisches Gut tels. Es ist hier nur folgerichtig, wenn diejenige Konsumenten ausgeschlossen werden, die nicht zur Zahlung bereit sind. Das Angebot spezifisch öffentlicher Güter muß der Staat sichern, denn er kann aufgrund seiner hoheitlichen Befugnisse die Finanzierung des Angebots dieser Güter durch Zwangseinnahmen gewährleisten. Aber wie ist der Markt für Kultur charakterisiert? Treffen die Merkmale der Öffentlichen Güter hier ebenfalls zu? Die Antwort lautet: Nein! Denn natürlich ist es nicht nur möglich, Konsumenten von dem Gut der Kultur auszuschließen; es geschieht auch jeden Abend an den Kassen der Theater und Opernhäuser ebenso wie bei den Museen und Bibliotheken. Es gibt einen Preis und der Konsument muss seine Präferenzen enthüllen, wenn er das Gut Kultur konsumieren möchte. Auch ist es keineswegs so, dass im Fall von Kultur eine Nicht-Rivalität im Konsum besteht. Wer schon einmal eine beliebte Ausstellung besucht hat, der wird wissen, dass der Konsum der ja eben auch in der Betrachtung eines Bildes liegen kann durch andere Konsumenten durchaus beeinträchtigt werden kann. Also haben wir im Fall von Kultur offensichtlich einen besonderen Fall zu beobachten: Es liegt kein allgemeines Marktversagen, wie bei der Existenz von Öffentlichen Gütern vor, aber ein Staatseingriff findet trotzdem statt. Die Erstellung des Guts Kultur wird durch staatliche Ausgaben deutlich befördert.

125

tur der individuellen Präferenzen veranlasst den Staat, öffentliche Leistungen anzubieten, weil bei einer privatwirtschaftlichen Regelung eine als unzureichend angesehene Versorgung mit diesen Leistungen zustande käme. Meritorische oder verdienstvolle Güter sind Marktgüter, die der Konsument aufgrund verzerrter Präferenzen in zu geringem Umfang nachfragt. Der Staat bewertet bestimmte Güter höher, als sich das in der Nachfrage der Konsumenten widerspiegelt. Die Einführung der allgemeinen Schulpflicht im 18. Jahrhundert am 28. Oktober 1717 hat Friedrich Wilhelm I. in Preußen die allgemeine Schulpflicht verordnet ist ein Beispiel für den Eingriff des Staates auf der Basis dieser Überlegungen des meritorischen Gutes. Der Staat hatte erkannt, dass es sowohl für das einzelne Kind, als auch für die Gesellschaft als Ganzes vorteilhafter ist, wenn die Kinder gut ausgebildet werden und zwang die Eltern, ihre Kinder in die Schule zu schicken. Ebenso sieht der Staat bei der Altersvorsorge weiter voraus als so manches Individuum und verpflichtet den Einzelnen zur Vorsorge. Und so fallen auch die Ausgaben für Kulturgüter unter diese Begründung für staatliche Aktivität. Die Aufgabe des Staates wird aus dieser Sicht darin gesehen, für ein größeres Angebot zu sorgen. Demeritorische Güter werden in ihrem Nutzen dagegen von den Individuen überbewertet. Der Staat sollte das Marktangebot, folgt man dieser Theorie, einschränken. Beispiele dafür sind Alkohol, Spielkasinos oder Rauschgifte, Güter also, deren Nachfrage durch den Verbraucher durch den Staat entweder verteuert, begrenzt oder sogar verboten werden. Das Gut Kultur gehört nach dieser Argumentation eindeutig zu den meritorischen Gütern. Offensichtlich so die staatliche Argumentation sind die Bürger nicht in der Lage, den Nutzen, der sich aus dem Gut Kultur für sie ergibt, richtig einzuschätzen. Sie würden, überließe man die Preisgestaltung dieses Gutes dem Markt, nur sehr wenig davon nachfragen, auf jeden Fall weniger, als aus Sicht des Staates gut für sie ist. Also verbilligt der Staat das Angebot künstlich und versucht auf diesem Wege dafür zu sorgen, dass mehr Menschen Kultur konsumieren, als sie es ohne sein Eingreifen tun würden. Der staatliche Bildungsauftrag bricht sich hier seine Bahn und die meisten von uns stimmen dieser Verwendung öffentlicher Mittel zu. Ob die Mittel der Preissubventionierung für die Verwirklichung des Ziels, möglichst vielen


Literatur: ie Finanzierung von Kulturangeboten der öffentlichen Hand wird heute und in Zukunft zu dem herausragenden Thema im Kulturmanagement der nächsten Jahre und Jahrzehnte werden. Leere Staatskassen im Zusammenhang mit vertraglich eingegangenen Verpflichtungen, die Neuverschuldung in be-

D

Kulturfinanzierung als zukünftig stärkste Herausforderung für das Kulturmanagement Menschen Kultur zu eröffnen, sei hier dahingestellt. Nach meiner Einschätzung werden mit der derzeitigen staatlichen Praxis eher die Bevölkerungskreise unterstützt, die der Unterstützung nicht bedürfen. Ein Kuponheft für Kultur würde aus verteilungspolitischen Gesichtspunkten der Begründung staatlichen Eingriffs in den Markt für Kultur wahrscheinlich besser dienen. Die Frage ist nur, wie lange die Zustimmung noch andauert. Denn Ökonomie ist eben auch die Lehre der knappen Mittel und jeder Euro, der für ein Theater, ein Museum oder eine Bibliothek ausgegeben wird, kann eben nicht mehr für einen Kindergartenplatz, ein Krankenhausbett oder das Gehalt eines Polizisten ausgegeben werden. Denn mit diesen anderen staatlichen Ausgaben konkurrieren die Kulturausgaben und müssen sich gegen diese Begründungen behaupten.

Die neuen Mühen und Chancen der KulturfinanHeinrichs W., Nichts wird mehr so sein wie gestern!

stimmten, eng umrissenen Grenzen zu halten, werden alle freiwilligen Aufgaben und Ausgaben des Staates dem Sparzwang unterwerfen. Diese Zwänge werden auch vor den Kulturausgaben nicht Halt machen. Ging es vor einigen Jahren vielleicht noch um die Frage, welche Kultur wollen wir uns in diesem Jahr und welche erst später leisten, so lautet die Frage heute: Sollen wir uns überhaupt noch Kultur leisten und wenn ja, wie können wir sie außerhalb öffentlicher Haushalte finanzieren oder wenigsten mitfinanzieren? [Heinrichs, S. 2f] Das zukünftige Kulturmanagement muss daher nach neuen Wegen der Finanzierung suchen. Das Ziel muss es sein, die Abhängigkeit von staatlichen Zuschüssen zu verringern und gleichzeitig mehr Einfluss auf Umfang, Richtung und Zielsetzung des Kulturangebots nehmen. Dies wird mit Sicherheit neue Anforderungen an die angehenden Kulturmanager stellen. In einem immer größerer Teil ihrer Zeit werden sie sich mit Finanzierungsfragen beschäftigen müssen. Der Abstand zwischen öffentlicher und privatwirtschaftlicher Kulturfinanzierung wird sich weiter verringern und nicht zuletzt völlig neue Kompetenzen erforderlich machen. Es ist zu begrüßen, dass die Institutionen, die künftige Kulturmanager ausbilden, sich diesen Herausforderungen stellen nicht zuletzt auch und gerade an der lettischen Kulturakademie in Riga!

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Bendixen P., Einführung in die Kultur- und Kunst-

126

für KulturAustausch 4/2003. Musgrave R., The Theory of Public Finance, New York 1959.

zierung [In:] Handbuch KulturManagement ,

die Finanzwissenschaft, Hamburg 1987.

Band 3, Abschnitt D 2.1.

Engelhardt G., Vorlesungsskript zur Einführung in

Band 3, Abschnitt D 2.1. Knüsel P., Der Teufel der Evaluation [In:] Zeitschrift

ökonomie, Wiesbaden 2001.

Wien 2001.

zierung [In:] Handbuch KulturManagement ,

Brümmerhoff D., Finanzwissenschaft, München/

Brümmerhoff D., Finanzwissenschaft, München/

Die neuen Mühen und Chancen der Kulturfinan-

für KulturAustausch 4/2003.

ökonomie, Wiesbaden 2001.

Heinrichs W., Nichts wird mehr so sein wie gestern!

Knüsel P., Der Teufel der Evaluation [In:] Zeitschrift

Bendixen P., Einführung in die Kultur- und Kunst-

Wien 2001.

Literatur:

Musgrave R., The Theory of Public Finance, New York 1959.

ie Finanzierung von Kulturangeboten der öffentlichen Hand wird heute und in Zukunft zu dem herausragenden Thema im Kulturmanagement der nächsten Jahre und Jahrzehnte werden. Leere Staatskassen im Zusammenhang mit vertraglich eingegangenen Verpflichtungen, die Neuverschuldung in be-

die Finanzwissenschaft, Hamburg 1987.

D

Engelhardt G., Vorlesungsskript zur Einführung in

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Kulturfinanzierung als zukünftig stärkste Herausforderung für das Kulturmanagement

stimmten, eng umrissenen Grenzen zu halten, werden alle freiwilligen Aufgaben und Ausgaben des Staates dem Sparzwang unterwerfen. Diese Zwänge werden auch vor den Kulturausgaben nicht Halt machen. Ging es vor einigen Jahren vielleicht noch um die Frage, welche Kultur wollen wir uns in diesem Jahr und welche erst später leisten, so lautet die Frage heute: Sollen wir uns überhaupt noch Kultur leisten und wenn ja, wie können wir sie außerhalb öffentlicher Haushalte finanzieren oder wenigsten mitfinanzieren? [Heinrichs, S. 2f] Das zukünftige Kulturmanagement muss daher nach neuen Wegen der Finanzierung suchen. Das Ziel muss es sein, die Abhängigkeit von staatlichen Zuschüssen zu verringern und gleichzeitig mehr Einfluss auf Umfang, Richtung und Zielsetzung des Kulturangebots nehmen. Dies wird mit Sicherheit neue Anforderungen an die angehenden Kulturmanager stellen. In einem immer größerer Teil ihrer Zeit werden sie sich mit Finanzierungsfragen beschäftigen müssen. Der Abstand zwischen öffentlicher und privatwirtschaftlicher Kulturfinanzierung wird sich weiter verringern und nicht zuletzt völlig neue Kompetenzen erforderlich machen. Es ist zu begrüßen, dass die Institutionen, die künftige Kulturmanager ausbilden, sich diesen Herausforderungen stellen nicht zuletzt auch und gerade an der lettischen Kulturakademie in Riga!

126

Menschen Kultur zu eröffnen, sei hier dahingestellt. Nach meiner Einschätzung werden mit der derzeitigen staatlichen Praxis eher die Bevölkerungskreise unterstützt, die der Unterstützung nicht bedürfen. Ein Kuponheft für Kultur würde aus verteilungspolitischen Gesichtspunkten der Begründung staatlichen Eingriffs in den Markt für Kultur wahrscheinlich besser dienen. Die Frage ist nur, wie lange die Zustimmung noch andauert. Denn Ökonomie ist eben auch die Lehre der knappen Mittel und jeder Euro, der für ein Theater, ein Museum oder eine Bibliothek ausgegeben wird, kann eben nicht mehr für einen Kindergartenplatz, ein Krankenhausbett oder das Gehalt eines Polizisten ausgegeben werden. Denn mit diesen anderen staatlichen Ausgaben konkurrieren die Kulturausgaben und müssen sich gegen diese Begründungen behaupten.


127

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Image und Reputation. Die Eckpfeiler der Unternehmenskommunikation Eugen Buß

In Übereinstimmung mit der Öffentlichkeit kann nichts fehlgehen, ohne diese nichts erfolgreich sein. Abraham Lincoln

Image als soziales Steuerungsprinzip

D

er moderne Konsument und Staatsbürger ist offenbar eine schillernde Figur. Unternehmen, Organisationen und Parteien haben große Schwierigkeiten, ihn zu verstehen. Sie betreiben Markt- und Meinungsforschung, denken mehr über ihn als mit ihm nach, entwickeln Zielgruppenstrategien, taxieren Verbrauchsgewohnheiten, prognostizieren Lebensstil- und Milieuveränderungen und stellen trotz allem verblüfft fest: Die tragfähige Bindung wird brüchig, das Vertrauen sinkt, Reputation und öffentlicher Ruf erodieren. Der Wertwandel in Mitteleuropa nötigt zum Umdenken traditioneller Kommunikationsmaßstäbe. Er nötigt insbesondere zu Antworten auf neue Fragen: Wie verändern sich die Wertansprüche der Stakeholder? Welche Rückwirkungen haben sie auf Unternehmensstrategien, auf Kommunikationsmodalitäten? Unter welchen Prämissen avancieren Image und Reputation zu Werttreibern für das Management? Wer sich mit Image beschäftigt, muß klären, auf welche Phänomene er sich bezieht. Beim Image handelt es sich um ein grundlegendes Ordnungs- und Wertschöpfungsprinzip in der Wirtschaft. Image ist eine zentrale Steuerungsquelle für die Orientierung im Markt, es ist Quelle von Wertschätzung oder Ablehnung einer Organisation, Quelle von Loya-

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

lität oder Zurückweisung, Chiffre von Zugehörigkeit oder Ausgrenzung. Image dient als maßgebliches Kriterium für Bewertungen von Organisationen und Institutionen. (Buß, 2000, S. 41ff) These zum Definitionsverständnis: Image ist das Ergebnis eines öffentlichen Deutungsprozesses. Es ist ein mit einem Unternehmen unmittelbar verwobenes, historisch gegründetes, relativ dauerhaftes und auf die Zukunft gerichtetes Vorstellungsbild, G das direkt verhaltens- bzw. handlungssteuernd wirkt (und zwar doppelseitig: im Sinne des Selbstbildes, das ein Unternehmen verpflichtet sowie im Sinne des Fremdbildes, dem zufolge Kunden und Öffentlichkeit Akzeptanzentscheidungen treffen); G das im Verhältnis zu Konkurrenten eine Positionierung und/oder einen Ruf vermittelt. Image steht immer zu einer Umgebung in Beziehung; in diesem Sinne ist Image Abgrenzung und Unterscheidung. Das AndersSein ist eines seiner Zentralelemente; G das in symbolisch verdichtender Exemplifikation aus der Fülle denkbarer Merkmale und Eigenschaften auf einige wenige vereinfachende, bildhafte oder typisierende reduziert ist. Das Image ist immer einfacher gestaltet als das Objekt, das es repräsentiert; G das einen sozialen und immateriellen Wert darstellt, der sich darin ausdrückt, daß

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Eugen Buß studierte Soziologie und Volkswirtschaft in Kiel, Berlin und Basel und promovierte 1971 im Fach Soziologie. 1971-1979 war er in einem multinationalen Elektrokonzern und einer Unternehmensberatung tätig, bevor er 1981 im Fach Soziologie habilitierte und bis 1987 Professuren in Siegen, Köln und Gießen übernahm. Seit 1987 ist er Professor für Soziologie und empirische Sozialforschung an der Universität Hohenheim in Stuttgart. Seine Forschungsschwerpunkte liegen in den Bereichen Elitenforschung, kulturelle Identitäten, Führung, Unternehmenskommunikation, Markenimage und Nachhaltigkeitsprozesse.

er moderne Konsument und Staatsbürger ist offenbar eine schillernde Figur. Unternehmen, Organisationen und Parteien haben große Schwierigkeiten, ihn zu verstehen. Sie betreiben Markt- und Meinungsforschung, denken mehr über ihn als mit ihm nach, entwickeln Zielgruppenstrategien, taxieren Verbrauchsgewohnheiten, prognostizieren Lebensstil- und Milieuveränderungen und stellen trotz allem verblüfft fest: Die tragfähige Bindung wird brüchig, das Vertrauen sinkt, Reputation und öffentlicher Ruf erodieren. Der Wertwandel in Mitteleuropa nötigt zum Umdenken traditioneller Kommunikationsmaßstäbe. Er nötigt insbesondere zu Antworten auf neue Fragen: Wie verändern sich die Wertansprüche der Stakeholder? Welche Rückwirkungen haben sie auf Unternehmensstrategien, auf Kommunikationsmodalitäten? Unter welchen Prämissen avancieren Image und Reputation zu Werttreibern für das Management? Wer sich mit Image beschäftigt, muß klären, auf welche Phänomene er sich bezieht. Beim Image handelt es sich um ein grundlegendes Ordnungs- und Wertschöpfungsprinzip in der Wirtschaft. Image ist eine zentrale Steuerungsquelle für die Orientierung im Markt, es ist Quelle von Wertschätzung oder Ablehnung einer Organisation, Quelle von Loya-

D

Image als soziales Steuerungsprinzip

These zum Definitionsverständnis: Image ist das Ergebnis eines öffentlichen Deutungsprozesses. Es ist ein mit einem Unternehmen unmittelbar verwobenes, historisch gegründetes, relativ dauerhaftes und auf die Zukunft gerichtetes Vorstellungsbild, G das direkt verhaltens- bzw. handlungssteuernd wirkt (und zwar doppelseitig: im Sinne des Selbstbildes, das ein Unternehmen verpflichtet sowie im Sinne des Fremdbildes, dem zufolge Kunden und Öffentlichkeit Akzeptanzentscheidungen treffen); G das im Verhältnis zu Konkurrenten eine Positionierung und/oder einen Ruf vermittelt. Image steht immer zu einer Umgebung in Beziehung; in diesem Sinne ist Image Abgrenzung und Unterscheidung. Das AndersSein ist eines seiner Zentralelemente; G das in symbolisch verdichtender Exemplifikation aus der Fülle denkbarer Merkmale und Eigenschaften auf einige wenige vereinfachende, bildhafte oder typisierende reduziert ist. Das Image ist immer einfacher gestaltet als das Objekt, das es repräsentiert; das einen sozialen und immateriellen Wert darstellt, der sich darin ausdrückt, daß G

lität oder Zurückweisung, Chiffre von Zugehörigkeit oder Ausgrenzung. Image dient als maßgebliches Kriterium für Bewertungen von Organisationen und Institutionen. (Buß, 2000, S. 41ff)

In Übereinstimmung mit der Öffentlichkeit kann nichts fehlgehen, ohne diese nichts erfolgreich sein. Abraham Lincoln

Eugen Buß

Image und Reputation. Die Eckpfeiler der Unternehmenskommunikation

Eugen Buß studierte Soziologie und Volkswirtschaft in Kiel, Berlin und Basel und promovierte 1971 im Fach Soziologie. 1971-1979 war er in einem multinationalen Elektrokonzern und einer Unternehmensberatung tätig, bevor er 1981 im Fach Soziologie habilitierte und bis 1987 Professuren in Siegen, Köln und Gießen übernahm. Seit 1987 ist er Professor für Soziologie und empirische Sozialforschung an der Universität Hohenheim in Stuttgart. Seine Forschungsschwerpunkte liegen in den Bereichen Elitenforschung, kulturelle Identitäten, Führung, Unternehmenskommunikation, Markenimage und Nachhaltigkeitsprozesse.


128

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

mationsbruchstücke. Sie rekonstruiert diese Steinchen zu einem Mosaikbild, das ein vereinfachtes, durch die eigene Perspektive gedeutetes Bild von einer Organisation ergibt, und das schließlich über Akzeptanz oder NichtAkzeptanz entscheidet.

ie wachsende Bedeutung von Image und Reputation in modernen Märkten geht auf eine ganze Reihe von veränderten institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen zurück: 1. Die Wettbewerbsbedingungen haben sich auf vielen Teilmärkten verschärft. Produkte und Leistungen werden vermehrt austauschbar, ihre Transparenz steigt. Damit nehmen die Abwanderungschancen deutlich zu. Wenn aber kein entscheidender Vorteil mehr gegenüber den Mitbewerbern erreicht werden kann, wenn technische Leistungsmerkmale zunehmend vergleichbar werden, wenn Service und Dienstleistungsangebote sich ähneln, ändert sich auch das eigentliche Wettbewerbsfeld. Bei annähernd gleichen Preisen und Sicherheitsstandards wird die Wahl zwischen den Fluggesellschaften häufig durch den guten Ruf entschieden. Wenn sich der Kampf um Kunden, Lieferanten, Mitarbeiter, Aktionäre und Medien verschärft, gibt es nur einen erfolgreichen Weg: Nicht das Produkt an sich schafft Präferenzen, sondern ausschließlich Imagebilder. Der wachsende Wettbewerbsdruck führt zu einer Verlagerung vom Produktwettbewerb über den Problemlösungswettbewerb zum Identitätsund Reputationswettbewerb. Auf dem Feld der Konkurrenz wird dann nicht mehr um die bessere Problemlösung gerungen, sondern um Aufmerksamkeit, Identität und Reputation gefochten. Sie ermöglicht eine trennscharfe Abgrenzung im Wettbewerbsfeld und schafft Distinktions- und Reputationsgewinne. 2. In zunehmend globalisierten Märkten sind wirtschaftliche Transaktionen zunehmend anonyme Beziehungen man tritt beim Kauf einer Aktie nicht der Organisation gegenüber, eben sowenig beim Kauf eines Autos oder einer Zahnpasta. Moderne wirtschaftliche Interaktionen sind vorwiegend gesichtslose Interaktionen (Giddens, 1995). Sie sind typischerweise Beziehungen unter Fremden. Fremdheit bietet jedoch keine Grundlage für öffentliches Ansehen. Wie kann Reputation in entbetteten, gesichtslosen Interaktionen erzeugt werden, wenn man dem Hersteller nie begegnet ist

Stellenwert von Image in modernen Gesellschaften

D

D

Stellenwert von Image in modernen Gesellschaften

ie wachsende Bedeutung von Image und Reputation in modernen Märkten geht auf eine ganze Reihe von veränderten institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen zurück: 1. Die Wettbewerbsbedingungen haben sich auf vielen Teilmärkten verschärft. Produkte und Leistungen werden vermehrt austauschbar, ihre Transparenz steigt. Damit nehmen die Abwanderungschancen deutlich zu. Wenn aber kein entscheidender Vorteil mehr gegenüber den Mitbewerbern erreicht werden kann, wenn technische Leistungsmerkmale zunehmend vergleichbar werden, wenn Service und Dienstleistungsangebote sich ähneln, ändert sich auch das eigentliche Wettbewerbsfeld. Bei annähernd gleichen Preisen und Sicherheitsstandards wird die Wahl zwischen den Fluggesellschaften häufig durch den guten Ruf entschieden. Wenn sich der Kampf um Kunden, Lieferanten, Mitarbeiter, Aktionäre und Medien verschärft, gibt es nur einen erfolgreichen Weg: Nicht das Produkt an sich schafft Präferenzen, sondern ausschließlich Imagebilder. Der wachsende Wettbewerbsdruck führt zu einer Verlagerung vom Produktwettbewerb über den Problemlösungswettbewerb zum Identitätsund Reputationswettbewerb. Auf dem Feld der Konkurrenz wird dann nicht mehr um die bessere Problemlösung gerungen, sondern um Aufmerksamkeit, Identität und Reputation gefochten. Sie ermöglicht eine trennscharfe Abgrenzung im Wettbewerbsfeld und schafft Distinktions- und Reputationsgewinne. 2. In zunehmend globalisierten Märkten sind wirtschaftliche Transaktionen zunehmend anonyme Beziehungen man tritt beim Kauf einer Aktie nicht der Organisation gegenüber, eben sowenig beim Kauf eines Autos oder einer Zahnpasta. Moderne wirtschaftliche Interaktionen sind vorwiegend gesichtslose Interaktionen (Giddens, 1995). Sie sind typischerweise Beziehungen unter Fremden. Fremdheit bietet jedoch keine Grundlage für öffentliches Ansehen. Wie kann Reputation in entbetteten, gesichtslosen Interaktionen erzeugt werden, wenn man dem Hersteller nie begegnet ist

128

mationsbruchstücke. Sie rekonstruiert diese Steinchen zu einem Mosaikbild, das ein vereinfachtes, durch die eigene Perspektive gedeutetes Bild von einer Organisation ergibt, und das schließlich über Akzeptanz oder NichtAkzeptanz entscheidet.

Image grundsätzlich Ausdruck von hohen oder niedrigen Akzeptanz- und Wertschätzungsurteilen ist. Zusammengefaßt bedeutet Image: historisch begründete, bewertende, relativ dauerhafte und typisierende Vorstellungen, die in symbolischen, identitätsstiftenden Bildern verdichtet sind und zu einem bestimmten Handeln verpflichten oder mobilisieren. Oder in einer Metapher: Image ist das Gesicht einer Organisation. Über Image können gesichtslose Beziehungen in gesichtsabhängige Bindungen transformiert werden. Image-Management beruht auf der Fähigkeit, Unternehmensprozesse bildhaft zu führen. Kennzeichnend für jedes Image sind perspektivische Wahrnehmungen. Man interpretiert die Welt selektiv, generalisiert die Informationen, die man erhält, reduziert die Erfahrungen auf einen Umfang, an dem man sich sinnvoll orientieren kann, und gewinnt dadurch erst Möglichkeiten, Akzeptanzentscheidungen zu treffen. Image entzieht sich dem rationalen Kalkül. Es ist nicht Ausdruck einer begründeten Annahme, es läßt sich auch nicht auf klar umreißbare, objektive und handgreifliche Ursachen zurückführen, sondern wird durch subjektive Prozesse der vereinfachenden Erlebnisverarbeitung gesteuert (Luhmann, 1973, S. 83). Image entsteht aus vagen Teilansichten . Nicht Fakten, sondern Vorstellungen steuern das Bild der Öffentlichkeit über eine Organisation. Schon 1956 schrieb Boulding (Boulding, 1956), daß eher subjektive Vorstellungen über ein Unternehmen das Verhalten der Öffentlichkeit bestimmen als die tatsächlichen Gegebenheiten. Image, so sah es Boulding, steuert das Verhalten: Image-Orientierung statt FaktenOrientierung. Nicht das Produkt oder die Marke an sich entscheiden über Zustimmung oder Ablehnung, sondern das Bild über sie. Nicht das Unternehmen selbst, nicht seine Leistungen und Erfolge steuern die Konsumentenentscheidung, sondern die Vorstellungen über sie. In ihnen liegt das eigentliche Wertschöpfungspotential. Dies hat für das Verständnis von Image Folgen: Es sind Bilder, Deutungen und Assoziationen, die unser Urteil über eine Organisation bestimmen. Ob dieses Bild mit der Wirklichkeit übereinstimmt, ist unerheblich. Entscheidend ist, daß die mit dem Image verbundenen Vorstellungsbilder eine größere Orientierungsund Steuerungskraft in der Öffentlichkeit haben als die faktischen Leistungsergebnisse. Die Öffentlichkeit sammelt in der Regel nur Infor-

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Image grundsätzlich Ausdruck von hohen oder niedrigen Akzeptanz- und Wertschätzungsurteilen ist. Zusammengefaßt bedeutet Image: historisch begründete, bewertende, relativ dauerhafte und typisierende Vorstellungen, die in symbolischen, identitätsstiftenden Bildern verdichtet sind und zu einem bestimmten Handeln verpflichten oder mobilisieren. Oder in einer Metapher: Image ist das Gesicht einer Organisation. Über Image können gesichtslose Beziehungen in gesichtsabhängige Bindungen transformiert werden. Image-Management beruht auf der Fähigkeit, Unternehmensprozesse bildhaft zu führen. Kennzeichnend für jedes Image sind perspektivische Wahrnehmungen. Man interpretiert die Welt selektiv, generalisiert die Informationen, die man erhält, reduziert die Erfahrungen auf einen Umfang, an dem man sich sinnvoll orientieren kann, und gewinnt dadurch erst Möglichkeiten, Akzeptanzentscheidungen zu treffen. Image entzieht sich dem rationalen Kalkül. Es ist nicht Ausdruck einer begründeten Annahme, es läßt sich auch nicht auf klar umreißbare, objektive und handgreifliche Ursachen zurückführen, sondern wird durch subjektive Prozesse der vereinfachenden Erlebnisverarbeitung gesteuert (Luhmann, 1973, S. 83). Image entsteht aus vagen Teilansichten . Nicht Fakten, sondern Vorstellungen steuern das Bild der Öffentlichkeit über eine Organisation. Schon 1956 schrieb Boulding (Boulding, 1956), daß eher subjektive Vorstellungen über ein Unternehmen das Verhalten der Öffentlichkeit bestimmen als die tatsächlichen Gegebenheiten. Image, so sah es Boulding, steuert das Verhalten: Image-Orientierung statt FaktenOrientierung. Nicht das Produkt oder die Marke an sich entscheiden über Zustimmung oder Ablehnung, sondern das Bild über sie. Nicht das Unternehmen selbst, nicht seine Leistungen und Erfolge steuern die Konsumentenentscheidung, sondern die Vorstellungen über sie. In ihnen liegt das eigentliche Wertschöpfungspotential. Dies hat für das Verständnis von Image Folgen: Es sind Bilder, Deutungen und Assoziationen, die unser Urteil über eine Organisation bestimmen. Ob dieses Bild mit der Wirklichkeit übereinstimmt, ist unerheblich. Entscheidend ist, daß die mit dem Image verbundenen Vorstellungsbilder eine größere Orientierungsund Steuerungskraft in der Öffentlichkeit haben als die faktischen Leistungsergebnisse. Die Öffentlichkeit sammelt in der Regel nur Infor-


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Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

wie kann eine abstrakte Organisation ein Gesicht bekommen? Image hilft, Vertrauensbeziehungen in modernen Massenmärkten zu stiften und damit Markenakzeptanz, im besten Fall sogar Preispremium-Akzeptanz zu generieren. Es ist relativ leicht, dem persönlich bekannten Dorfmetzger zu vertrauen, daß seine Erzeugnisse artgerechter lokaler Tierhaltung entstammen, aber dem europaweit agierenden Fleischkonzern? Über Imagebildung erhalten Unternehmen ein Gesicht über Identität können gesichsunabhängige, anonyme Marktbeziehungen transformiert werden in gesichtsabhängige Beziehungen. Imagemanagement kann daher als eine Art struktureller Rückbettungsmechanismus in globalisierten Märkten bezeichnet werden. 3. Innerhalb einer Generation hat sich das Informationsangebot der Medien um den Faktor des ca. 40-fachen erweitert. Die Pro-KopfVersorgung mit Massenkommunikationsmitteln sowie die Mediennutzungszeit steigen kontinuierlich um etwa 10% jährlich. Durch neue multimediale Informationsangebote werden die Folgen der Informationsüberlastung noch gravierender. Angesichts der Flut von Informationen reagiert der moderne Mensch mit einer unbewußten, fast völligen Nicht-Beachtung der empfangenen Botschaften. Der einzelne wird unfähig, das Wichtige vom Unwichtigen zu trennen. Er ist auch nicht mehr in der Lage, die wirklich kritischen Informationen zu erfassen. Im Zusammenhang mit dem epochalen Wandel zur Information-Driven-Economy ist nicht Information das dringlichste Problem, sondern Aufmerksamkeit. Faktischer Zeitdruck und Informationsfülle rufen Abwehrreaktionen bei den öffentlichen Adressaten hervor. Immer neue Unternehmen und Organisationen konkurrieren um das knappe Gut Aufmerksamkeit . Die Aufgabe moderner Kommunikationspolitik ist es daher, eine Art Aufmerksamkeitsportal zu schaffen und über sie öffentliche Aufmerksamkeitsgemeinschaften herzustellen. Je höher die Reputation eines Unternehmens ist, um so leichter ist es, die Aufmerksamkeitsschwellen der Öffentlichkeit und Kunden zu überwinden. Unternehmen wie Google, Intel oder General Electric belegen eindrucksvoll, daß das Urteil über den Zukunftswert eines Unternehmens keineswegs von konkreten Bilanzen abhängt. Die enorme Differenz zwischen Nominal- und Börsenwert ist Ausdruck des Bemühens, Zukunftswerte im Markt der öffentlichen Aufmerksamkeit zu besetzen. 4. Auf der Ebene allgemeiner Botschaften und Werte herrscht ein regelrechter Verdrängungs-

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Abb. 1. WETTBEWERBSPYRAMIDE

wettbewerb. Die generellen Positionierungsziele und Leistungsversprechen vieler Unternehmen sind nicht nur relativ abstrakt, sondern größtenteils auch austauschbar. Es fehlt an unverwechselbarem Differenzierungspotential. Ohne in konkrete Inhalte übersetzt zu werden, bleiben viele Unternehmensleitbilder bloße me-too-Produkte. Nur über Imageprozesse lassen sich die notwendigen Differenzierungspotentiale im Markt erschließen und zugleich die erfolgsdifferenzierenden Leitbotschaften im Aufmerksamkeitsportal der Öffentlichkeit positionieren. 5. Die Vorstellung der Öffentlichkeit von einem idealen oder wünschenswerten Unternehmen hat sich in den letzten Jahren gründlich verändert. Sie hat sich wertbezogener entwickelt, d.h. stärker in Richtung einer Integration von sozialen und moralischen Wertmaßstäben im unternehmerischen Entscheidungskontext. Entsprechend ist das Wertklima insgesamt öffentlicher geworden. Was die Öffentlichkeit den Organisationen zumutet, ist nicht mehr und nicht weniger als eine verstärkte Integration von Loyalitätsgesten in die öffentliche Kommunikation. Wollen Unternehmen ihre Wertschöpfungspotentiale nutzen, bedarf es einer Art tektonische Verschiebung im Stellenwert der Imagekommunikation. Der strategische Quantensprung modernen Image-Managements beruht vor allem darin, die tiefer liegenden Strömungen des öffentlichen Wertklimas zu erfassen, um die Positionierung von

129

wie kann eine abstrakte Organisation ein Gesicht bekommen? Image hilft, Vertrauensbeziehungen in modernen Massenmärkten zu stiften und damit Markenakzeptanz, im besten Fall sogar Preispremium-Akzeptanz zu generieren. Es ist relativ leicht, dem persönlich bekannten Dorfmetzger zu vertrauen, daß seine Erzeugnisse artgerechter lokaler Tierhaltung entstammen, aber dem europaweit agierenden Fleischkonzern? Über Imagebildung erhalten Unternehmen ein Gesicht über Identität können gesichsunabhängige, anonyme Marktbeziehungen transformiert werden in gesichtsabhängige Beziehungen. Imagemanagement kann daher als eine Art struktureller Rückbettungsmechanismus in globalisierten Märkten bezeichnet werden. 3. Innerhalb einer Generation hat sich das Informationsangebot der Medien um den Faktor des ca. 40-fachen erweitert. Die Pro-KopfVersorgung mit Massenkommunikationsmitteln sowie die Mediennutzungszeit steigen kontinuierlich um etwa 10% jährlich. Durch neue multimediale Informationsangebote werden die Folgen der Informationsüberlastung noch gravierender. Angesichts der Flut von Informationen reagiert der moderne Mensch mit einer unbewußten, fast völligen Nicht-Beachtung der empfangenen Botschaften. Der einzelne wird unfähig, das Wichtige vom Unwichtigen zu trennen. Er ist auch nicht mehr in der Lage, die wirklich kritischen Informationen zu erfassen. Im Zusammenhang mit dem epochalen Wandel zur Information-Driven-Economy ist nicht Information das dringlichste Problem, sondern Aufmerksamkeit. Faktischer Zeitdruck und Informationsfülle rufen Abwehrreaktionen bei den öffentlichen Adressaten hervor. Immer neue Unternehmen und Organisationen konkurrieren um das knappe Gut Aufmerksamkeit . Die Aufgabe moderner Kommunikationspolitik ist es daher, eine Art Aufmerksamkeitsportal zu schaffen und über sie öffentliche Aufmerksamkeitsgemeinschaften herzustellen. Je höher die Reputation eines Unternehmens ist, um so leichter ist es, die Aufmerksamkeitsschwellen der Öffentlichkeit und Kunden zu überwinden. Unternehmen wie Google, Intel oder General Electric belegen eindrucksvoll, daß das Urteil über den Zukunftswert eines Unternehmens keineswegs von konkreten Bilanzen abhängt. Die enorme Differenz zwischen Nominal- und Börsenwert ist Ausdruck des Bemühens, Zukunftswerte im Markt der öffentlichen Aufmerksamkeit zu besetzen. 4. Auf der Ebene allgemeiner Botschaften und Werte herrscht ein regelrechter Verdrängungs-

wettbewerb. Die generellen Positionierungsziele und Leistungsversprechen vieler Unternehmen sind nicht nur relativ abstrakt, sondern größtenteils auch austauschbar. Es fehlt an unverwechselbarem Differenzierungspotential. Ohne in konkrete Inhalte übersetzt zu werden, bleiben viele Unternehmensleitbilder bloße me-too-Produkte. Nur über Imageprozesse lassen sich die notwendigen Differenzierungspotentiale im Markt erschließen und zugleich die erfolgsdifferenzierenden Leitbotschaften im Aufmerksamkeitsportal der Öffentlichkeit positionieren. 5. Die Vorstellung der Öffentlichkeit von einem idealen oder wünschenswerten Unternehmen hat sich in den letzten Jahren gründlich verändert. Sie hat sich wertbezogener entwickelt, d.h. stärker in Richtung einer Integration von sozialen und moralischen Wertmaßstäben im unternehmerischen Entscheidungskontext. Entsprechend ist das Wertklima insgesamt öffentlicher geworden. Was die Öffentlichkeit den Organisationen zumutet, ist nicht mehr und nicht weniger als eine verstärkte Integration von Loyalitätsgesten in die öffentliche Kommunikation. Wollen Unternehmen ihre Wertschöpfungspotentiale nutzen, bedarf es einer Art tektonische Verschiebung im Stellenwert der Imagekommunikation. Der strategische Quantensprung modernen Image-Managements beruht vor allem darin, die tiefer liegenden Strömungen des öffentlichen Wertklimas zu erfassen, um die Positionierung von Abb. 1. WETTBEWERBSPYRAMIDE


Unternehmen bzw. die Codierung von Marken wirksamer auf das neue Mentalitätsprofil der Öffentlichkeit und Kunden zu beziehen. An der Schnittstelle zwischen Organisation und Öffentlichkeit liegt der Schlüssel zum Verständnis dessen verborgen, was modernes ImageManagement programmatisch meint und worin die Wertschöpfungsquellen von Image ruhen. (Buß, 2000, S. 103ff) Die Beobachtungssensibilität der Öffentlichkeit gegenüber Wirtschaft und Politik ist deutlich gestiegen. Gleichzeitig ist die Toleranzschwelle gegenüber Wertübertretungen spürbar gesunken. Die neuen Wertströmungen bilden heute ein Risiko für Unternehmer. Die Kommunikation vieler Unternehmen mit der Öffentlichkeit ist nämlich fast schon zum Selbstgespräch verkümmert. Schlüsselwerte wie Sicherheit, Gesundheit, Umwelt, Arbeitsplätze, Bindungsverlust durch Mobilität, Vereinbarkeit von Privat- und Berufsleben, etc.: lauter Themen, die eng mit der Rolle der Unternehmen in der modernen Gesellschaft zusammenhängen, werden oft ignoriert (Buß, 1999, S. 158ff). Entsprechend sehen sich die Unternehmen mit einer Reihe neuartiger Ansprüche konfrontiert: Wie können sie mit den veränderten Wertansprüchen der Öffentlichkeit und der Mitarbeiter umgehen? Wie können sie ihre oft praktizierte kommunikative Selbstgenügsamkeit durchbrechen? Wie können sie die natürlichen Wert- und damit Verständigungsschwellen gegenüber der Öffentlichkeit überwinden? Die Antwort heißt Image- und Reputationsmanagement. Arbeit am Image heißt, um öffentliches Ansehen zu ringen und damit Bindungspotentiale zu Mitarbeitern, Kunden und Öffentlichkeit zu generieren. Die sich abzeichnende Wertsensibilisierung der Öffentlichkeit nötigt die Unternehmen stärker als früher, den Wertkodex der Gesellschaft in ihre Dispositionen einzubeziehen.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Die Bedeutung des Imagekapitals

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U

nternehmen werden in modernen Dienst leistungsgesellschaften nicht nur als rein wirtschaftliche oder technische Systeme betrachtet, sondern vor allem als soziale Organisationen. Sie haben die Aufgabe, neben einer Dienst- oder Sachleistung auch Akzeptanz und Ansehen zu produzieren. Erst beides zusammengenommen (Produkte und Akzeptanz) machen den wirtschaftlichen Erfolg einer Organisation aus. Führt man sich nämlich vor

Augen, wie Unternehmenswert und Umsatzrendite beispielsweise durch a) Opportunitätskosten (verschenkte Reputationschancen), b) Transaktionskosten (z.B. Aufwendungen für Krisenkommunikation) und c) Interaktionskosten (verschenkte Kunden- und Vertrauensbindungen) nachhaltig beeinflußt werden können, wird deutlich, daß Image für die Entwicklung der Wertschöpfung eines Unternehmens ebenso wichtig sein kann wie ökonomische Erfolgszahlen: je nach Studie hängen zwischen 15% und 50% der Marktkapitalisierung eines Unternehmens von seinem Ansehen in der Öffentlichkeit ab. Interessant ist, daß der Imagewert immer nur im Krisenfalle Aufmerksamkeit erweckt. Im Verlust bemerkt man den Wert. Imageverlust ist Gesichtsverlust, Vertrauensverlust, Reputationsverlust, Verlust an Nachfrage und im Grenzfall Beschädigung der Existenz. Daher ist eines klar: Das Marken- bzw. Unternehmensimage bestimmt Firmenwert und Wachstumsperspektiven mehr als jede andere Vermögensposition im Jahres-abschluß. Imagekapital ist nicht minder wichtig als das Stammkapital. Nicht der Bilanzwert, sondern der Ansehenswert ist entscheidend. Würde morgen beispielsweise BMW abbrennen, alle Fabriken, alle Büros, und nichts bliebe übrig als nur die Marke, dieses schimmernde Abstraktum dann könnte der BMW-Chef die Markenrechte noch während der Löscharbeiten als Sicherheit für einen 30 Milliarden Euro Kredit hinterlegen. Der Imagewert der Marke von BMW, der Wert des öffentlichen Ansehenskapitals, beträgt deutlich über 30 Milliarden . Öffentliche Akzeptanz ist demnach nicht ein beiläufiges Etwas , sondern geht konstitutiv in die Wertschöpfung eines Unternehmens ein. Image im Sinn öffentlicher Akzeptanz ist ein wirtschaftliches Gut. Es fungiert quasi als eine Art Akquisitionswährung. Akquisition im Sinne von Kundenbindung, Mitarbeiterbindung und Öffentlichkeitsbindung. Und ein guter Ruf kann noch mehr: er entscheidet über Lieferantenkredite; er ermöglicht höhere Produktpreise, er erhöht die Bonität. Image erleichtert die Zugänge zu Absatzmärkten, Lieferantenmärkten und Kapitalmärkten. Und schließlich ist der gute Ruf unerläßlich, um auch außerhalb des Heimatmarktes mit seinen Produkten Akzeptanz bei den Kunden zu finden, um die richtigen Partner für eine Kooperation zu gewinnen, um Übernahmen auch im Ausland über die Bühne zu bringen oder um institutionelle Investoren für die eigene Aktie zu gewinnen (vgl. Abb. 2).

U

nternehmen werden in modernen Dienst leistungsgesellschaften nicht nur als rein wirtschaftliche oder technische Systeme betrachtet, sondern vor allem als soziale Organisationen. Sie haben die Aufgabe, neben einer Dienst- oder Sachleistung auch Akzeptanz und Ansehen zu produzieren. Erst beides zusammengenommen (Produkte und Akzeptanz) machen den wirtschaftlichen Erfolg einer Organisation aus. Führt man sich nämlich vor

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Die Bedeutung des Imagekapitals

Augen, wie Unternehmenswert und Umsatzrendite beispielsweise durch a) Opportunitätskosten (verschenkte Reputationschancen), b) Transaktionskosten (z.B. Aufwendungen für Krisenkommunikation) und c) Interaktionskosten (verschenkte Kunden- und Vertrauensbindungen) nachhaltig beeinflußt werden können, wird deutlich, daß Image für die Entwicklung der Wertschöpfung eines Unternehmens ebenso wichtig sein kann wie ökonomische Erfolgszahlen: je nach Studie hängen zwischen 15% und 50% der Marktkapitalisierung eines Unternehmens von seinem Ansehen in der Öffentlichkeit ab. Interessant ist, daß der Imagewert immer nur im Krisenfalle Aufmerksamkeit erweckt. Im Verlust bemerkt man den Wert. Imageverlust ist Gesichtsverlust, Vertrauensverlust, Reputationsverlust, Verlust an Nachfrage und im Grenzfall Beschädigung der Existenz. Daher ist eines klar: Das Marken- bzw. Unternehmensimage bestimmt Firmenwert und Wachstumsperspektiven mehr als jede andere Vermögensposition im Jahres-abschluß. Imagekapital ist nicht minder wichtig als das Stammkapital. Nicht der Bilanzwert, sondern der Ansehenswert ist entscheidend. Würde morgen beispielsweise BMW abbrennen, alle Fabriken, alle Büros, und nichts bliebe übrig als nur die Marke, dieses schimmernde Abstraktum dann könnte der BMW-Chef die Markenrechte noch während der Löscharbeiten als Sicherheit für einen 30 Milliarden Euro Kredit hinterlegen. Der Imagewert der Marke von BMW, der Wert des öffentlichen Ansehenskapitals, beträgt deutlich über 30 Milliarden . Öffentliche Akzeptanz ist demnach nicht ein beiläufiges Etwas , sondern geht konstitutiv in die Wertschöpfung eines Unternehmens ein. Image im Sinn öffentlicher Akzeptanz ist ein wirtschaftliches Gut. Es fungiert quasi als eine Art Akquisitionswährung. Akquisition im Sinne von Kundenbindung, Mitarbeiterbindung und Öffentlichkeitsbindung. Und ein guter Ruf kann noch mehr: er entscheidet über Lieferantenkredite; er ermöglicht höhere Produktpreise, er erhöht die Bonität. Image erleichtert die Zugänge zu Absatzmärkten, Lieferantenmärkten und Kapitalmärkten. Und schließlich ist der gute Ruf unerläßlich, um auch außerhalb des Heimatmarktes mit seinen Produkten Akzeptanz bei den Kunden zu finden, um die richtigen Partner für eine Kooperation zu gewinnen, um Übernahmen auch im Ausland über die Bühne zu bringen oder um institutionelle Investoren für die eigene Aktie zu gewinnen (vgl. Abb. 2).

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Unternehmen bzw. die Codierung von Marken wirksamer auf das neue Mentalitätsprofil der Öffentlichkeit und Kunden zu beziehen. An der Schnittstelle zwischen Organisation und Öffentlichkeit liegt der Schlüssel zum Verständnis dessen verborgen, was modernes ImageManagement programmatisch meint und worin die Wertschöpfungsquellen von Image ruhen. (Buß, 2000, S. 103ff) Die Beobachtungssensibilität der Öffentlichkeit gegenüber Wirtschaft und Politik ist deutlich gestiegen. Gleichzeitig ist die Toleranzschwelle gegenüber Wertübertretungen spürbar gesunken. Die neuen Wertströmungen bilden heute ein Risiko für Unternehmer. Die Kommunikation vieler Unternehmen mit der Öffentlichkeit ist nämlich fast schon zum Selbstgespräch verkümmert. Schlüsselwerte wie Sicherheit, Gesundheit, Umwelt, Arbeitsplätze, Bindungsverlust durch Mobilität, Vereinbarkeit von Privat- und Berufsleben, etc.: lauter Themen, die eng mit der Rolle der Unternehmen in der modernen Gesellschaft zusammenhängen, werden oft ignoriert (Buß, 1999, S. 158ff). Entsprechend sehen sich die Unternehmen mit einer Reihe neuartiger Ansprüche konfrontiert: Wie können sie mit den veränderten Wertansprüchen der Öffentlichkeit und der Mitarbeiter umgehen? Wie können sie ihre oft praktizierte kommunikative Selbstgenügsamkeit durchbrechen? Wie können sie die natürlichen Wert- und damit Verständigungsschwellen gegenüber der Öffentlichkeit überwinden? Die Antwort heißt Image- und Reputationsmanagement. Arbeit am Image heißt, um öffentliches Ansehen zu ringen und damit Bindungspotentiale zu Mitarbeitern, Kunden und Öffentlichkeit zu generieren. Die sich abzeichnende Wertsensibilisierung der Öffentlichkeit nötigt die Unternehmen stärker als früher, den Wertkodex der Gesellschaft in ihre Dispositionen einzubeziehen.


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Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Image kann verstanden werden als besondere Form einer unternehmerischer Ressource. Ihr Nutzen ist auf Unternehmens- wie auf Kundenseite: Image entlastet das Unternehmen von direkten Vertriebsaufwendungen wie personalintensiver Fachberatung, Kosten-Nutzen-Analysen, Wettbewerbsvergleichen und vor allem Preiszugeständnissen. Es eröffnet neue Handlungsspielräume für Innovationen und immunisiert gegen verschiedene Umweltereignisse. Umgekehrt wird der Kunde enthoben von zeitaufwendigen Produktvergleichen, vom Problem, Vertrauen gewinnen und anschließend kontrollieren zu müssen. Diese Form der Entlastung ist der moderne Mensch gerne bereit zu honorieren. Mit Image sind also gegenseitige Loyalitäten verbunden, die wie Markteintrittsbarrieren für Konkurrenten wirken. Oder anders ausgedrückt: Je weniger Imageleistungen ein Unternehmen anbietet, um so höher sind im Gegenzug die Betriebsaufwendungen für denselben Unternehmenserfolg. Neben den direkten Wertschöpfungsfaktoren bietet Image auch indirekte Werttreiber für das Management. Es sind seine Ordnungs- und Orientierungsleistungen (vgl. Abb. 2). Die jüngste Entwicklungen in Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft haben eine wichtige Konsequenz: Angesichts der Flut von Marken, der zunehmenden Informationskomplexität, der Austauschbarkeit der Produkte, dem wachsenden Mißtrauen gegenüber Experten und Leistungsversprechungen nimmt die Suche nach Orientierung bietenden Leitbildern deutlich zu. Heute kennzeichnet eine prinzipielle Unsicherheit die Entscheidungen der Öffentlichkeit: Die Grenze zwischen Richtigem und Falschem, Vertrautem und Neuem, die früher klar markiert schien, ist gefallen. Angesichts dieser Situation wird der moderne Mensch unsicher. Er steht unter einem selbsterzeugten Legitimationsdruck seiner Entscheidung: Hat er das richtige Produkt erworben, hat er die richtigen Entscheidungen getroffen, alle Alternativen berücksichtigt? Hat er alle verfügbaren Informationen bei der Bewertung des Unternehmens berücksichtigt? Paßt das Markenbild zu seinem Lebensstil, zu seinem Status? Die Unsicherheit des modernen Menschen hat grundsätzliche Züge. Die Vielfalt der Angebote nötigt ihn, sich immer wieder von vertrauten Orientierungen und früheren Entscheidungen zu distanzieren. Stabile Dienstleistungsund Produktbindungen lösen sich auf in JaNein-Optionen. Die Folge: Mit der Auflösung vorgefundener Interpretationsordnungen der modernen

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

ABB. 2 WERTTREIBER VON IMAGE Direkte Werttreiber von Image

Image G erhöht die Markteintrittsbarriere für neue Wettbewerber; G befreit von der Verpflichtung, jedem kurzfristigen Trend zu folgen; G erhöht die Kreditwürdigkeit und Bonität; G ermöglicht, die Preis-Leistungsschere zu spreizen; G erweitert die wirtschaftlichen und unternehmerischen Handlungsspielräume; G reduziert Marketingkosten und Vertriebsaufwendungen; G reduziert Einkaufs- und Supportkosten; G reduziert Kundenbindungs- und Kundengewinnungskosten; G erhöht die eigenen Human Resources; G erhöht Kooperationschancen; Indirekte Werttreiber von Image

Image G bringt Relevanzstrukturen in den anonymen Waren- und Informationsmarkt; G signalisiert Reputationsunterschiede zwischen den Unternehmen/Organisationen; G schafft eine trennscharfe Abgrenzung gegenüber dem Wettbewerb; G beschleunigt Entscheidungsprozesse von Konsumenten; G schaltet verfügbare Optionen aus; G entlastet den Verbraucher von aufwendigen Produktvergleichen und Produktanalysen; G schafft Vertrauensbindungen zur Öffentlichkeit, Mitarbeiter und Kunden; G ist Medium von Loyalitäten; G erleichtert Verständigungs- und Akzeptanzprozesse in der Öffentlichkeit; G bietet Identifikationsangebote und erkennbare Persönlichkeiten ; G bietet der Öffentlichkeit eine Selektionshilfe, bzw. einen Filter für eingehende Informationen; G verhindert Mehrdeutigkeit; G reduziert eine komplizierte Sachlogik auf eine einfache Bildlogik; G reduziert Ungewißheit, Unsicherheit, Ambiguität und dies scheint das Wichtigste; G erzeugt Sinn.

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Image kann verstanden werden als besondere Form einer unternehmerischer Ressource. Ihr Nutzen ist auf Unternehmens- wie auf Kundenseite: Image entlastet das Unternehmen von direkten Vertriebsaufwendungen wie personalintensiver Fachberatung, Kosten-Nutzen-Analysen, Wettbewerbsvergleichen und vor allem Preiszugeständnissen. Es eröffnet neue Handlungsspielräume für Innovationen und immunisiert gegen verschiedene Umweltereignisse. Umgekehrt wird der Kunde enthoben von zeitaufwendigen Produktvergleichen, vom Problem, Vertrauen gewinnen und anschließend kontrollieren zu müssen. Diese Form der Entlastung ist der moderne Mensch gerne bereit zu honorieren. Mit Image sind also gegenseitige Loyalitäten verbunden, die wie Markteintrittsbarrieren für Konkurrenten wirken. Oder anders ausgedrückt: Je weniger Imageleistungen ein Unternehmen anbietet, um so höher sind im Gegenzug die Betriebsaufwendungen für denselben Unternehmenserfolg. Neben den direkten Wertschöpfungsfaktoren bietet Image auch indirekte Werttreiber für das Management. Es sind seine Ordnungs- und Orientierungsleistungen (vgl. Abb. 2). Die jüngste Entwicklungen in Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft haben eine wichtige Konsequenz: Angesichts der Flut von Marken, der zunehmenden Informationskomplexität, der Austauschbarkeit der Produkte, dem wachsenden Mißtrauen gegenüber Experten und Leistungsversprechungen nimmt die Suche nach Orientierung bietenden Leitbildern deutlich zu. Heute kennzeichnet eine prinzipielle Unsicherheit die Entscheidungen der Öffentlichkeit: Die Grenze zwischen Richtigem und Falschem, Vertrautem und Neuem, die früher klar markiert schien, ist gefallen. Angesichts dieser Situation wird der moderne Mensch unsicher. Er steht unter einem selbsterzeugten Legitimationsdruck seiner Entscheidung: Hat er das richtige Produkt erworben, hat er die richtigen Entscheidungen getroffen, alle Alternativen berücksichtigt? Hat er alle verfügbaren Informationen bei der Bewertung des Unternehmens berücksichtigt? Paßt das Markenbild zu seinem Lebensstil, zu seinem Status? Die Unsicherheit des modernen Menschen hat grundsätzliche Züge. Die Vielfalt der Angebote nötigt ihn, sich immer wieder von vertrauten Orientierungen und früheren Entscheidungen zu distanzieren. Stabile Dienstleistungsund Produktbindungen lösen sich auf in JaNein-Optionen. Die Folge: Mit der Auflösung vorgefundener Interpretationsordnungen der modernen

Image G bringt Relevanzstrukturen in den anonymen Waren- und Informationsmarkt; G signalisiert Reputationsunterschiede zwischen den Unternehmen/Organisationen; G schafft eine trennscharfe Abgrenzung gegenüber dem Wettbewerb; G beschleunigt Entscheidungsprozesse von Konsumenten; G schaltet verfügbare Optionen aus; G entlastet den Verbraucher von aufwendigen Produktvergleichen und Produktanalysen; G schafft Vertrauensbindungen zur Öffentlichkeit, Mitarbeiter und Kunden; G ist Medium von Loyalitäten; G erleichtert Verständigungs- und Akzeptanzprozesse in der Öffentlichkeit; G bietet Identifikationsangebote und erkennbare Persönlichkeiten ; G bietet der Öffentlichkeit eine Selektionshilfe, bzw. einen Filter für eingehende Informationen; G verhindert Mehrdeutigkeit; G reduziert eine komplizierte Sachlogik auf eine einfache Bildlogik; G reduziert Ungewißheit, Unsicherheit, Ambiguität und dies scheint das Wichtigste; erzeugt Sinn. G

Indirekte Werttreiber von Image

Image G erhöht die Markteintrittsbarriere für neue Wettbewerber; G befreit von der Verpflichtung, jedem kurzfristigen Trend zu folgen; G erhöht die Kreditwürdigkeit und Bonität; G ermöglicht, die Preis-Leistungsschere zu spreizen; G erweitert die wirtschaftlichen und unternehmerischen Handlungsspielräume; G reduziert Marketingkosten und Vertriebsaufwendungen; G reduziert Einkaufs- und Supportkosten; G reduziert Kundenbindungs- und Kundengewinnungskosten; erhöht die eigenen Human Resources; erhöht Kooperationschancen; G G

Direkte Werttreiber von Image

ABB. 2 WERTTREIBER VON IMAGE


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Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Beispiel: Je mehr objektive Beurteilungskriterien fehlen, desto stärker wird Image zum entscheidenden Faktor für eine Kaufentscheidung. Aus einer Studie des Journal of Marketing Research, die bestimmte Entscheidungskriterien beim Kauf von 0 (wenig wichtig) bis 100 (sehr wichtig) einstufte, lag das Markenimage mit der Punktzahl von 94 im Vergleich aller Kriterien deutlich an der Spitze. Objektive Parameter wie Testvergleiche oder Befragungen von Experten spielten dagegen nur eine untergeordnete Rolle. Dieses Verhalten ist keineswegs irrational, denn die Entscheidungen werden für den Menschen einfacher, wenn er sich auf Imagebilder verlassen kann. Image vermittelt Orientierungssicherheit in Situationen unvollständigen Wissens, wird zum Ersatzwissen für soziale Orientierung (Schulz, 1991, S. 37). Damit stellt Image ein wesentliches Beschleunigungselement in Entscheidungsprozessen dar, da es von komplexen Auswahlverfahren entlastet. Der Markt wird vereinfacht gesehen. Wo auf ein Reservoir klarer Imagebilder zurückgegriffen werden kann, lassen sich Menschen leichter mobilisieren.

mage-Management ist imstande, den Wert eines Unternehmens deutlich zu steigern (vgl. Bergler, 1998): 1. Imagewert als Unternehmenswert Eine Vielzahl von empirischen Untersuchungen belegt, daß zwischen dem Ruf eines Un-

Fazit: Unter den veränderten Informationsbedingungen moderner Märkte steigt die Bedeutung von Image als stabilisierende Navigationsmetaphorik. Es gibt Handlungs-, Orientierungs- und Entscheidungssicherheit. Die Öffentlichkeit kontrolliert nicht mehr die diversen Leistungs- bzw. Produktdetails, sondern nur noch ihr Vertrauen und langfristig auch die sachlichen Fakten. Die große wirtschaftliche Bedeutung eines historisch gewachsenen Unternehmens- oder Organisationsimages liegt darin, daß die Öffentlichkeit weniger die Leistungen als solche prüft, sondern vielmehr, ob die Fortsetzung ihres Vertrauens noch gerechtfertigt ist oder nicht. Mit anderen Worten: Stabile Beziehungen sind in besonderer Weise Ausdruck einer Reputation, die weniger durch faktische Leistungsstandards gekennzeichnet ist als vielmehr durch ein vom Organisationsimage geprägtes Vertrauensangebot.

I

Die Wertdimensionen von Image und Reputation

Die Wertdimensionen von Image und Reputation

I

Fazit: Unter den veränderten Informationsbedingungen moderner Märkte steigt die Bedeutung von Image als stabilisierende Navigationsmetaphorik. Es gibt Handlungs-, Orientierungs- und Entscheidungssicherheit. Die Öffentlichkeit kontrolliert nicht mehr die diversen Leistungs- bzw. Produktdetails, sondern nur noch ihr Vertrauen und langfristig auch die sachlichen Fakten. Die große wirtschaftliche Bedeutung eines historisch gewachsenen Unternehmens- oder Organisationsimages liegt darin, daß die Öffentlichkeit weniger die Leistungen als solche prüft, sondern vielmehr, ob die Fortsetzung ihres Vertrauens noch gerechtfertigt ist oder nicht. Mit anderen Worten: Stabile Beziehungen sind in besonderer Weise Ausdruck einer Reputation, die weniger durch faktische Leistungsstandards gekennzeichnet ist als vielmehr durch ein vom Organisationsimage geprägtes Vertrauensangebot.

mage-Management ist imstande, den Wert eines Unternehmens deutlich zu steigern (vgl. Bergler, 1998): 1. Imagewert als Unternehmenswert Eine Vielzahl von empirischen Untersuchungen belegt, daß zwischen dem Ruf eines Un-

132

Beispiel: Je mehr objektive Beurteilungskriterien fehlen, desto stärker wird Image zum entscheidenden Faktor für eine Kaufentscheidung. Aus einer Studie des Journal of Marketing Research, die bestimmte Entscheidungskriterien beim Kauf von 0 (wenig wichtig) bis 100 (sehr wichtig) einstufte, lag das Markenimage mit der Punktzahl von 94 im Vergleich aller Kriterien deutlich an der Spitze. Objektive Parameter wie Testvergleiche oder Befragungen von Experten spielten dagegen nur eine untergeordnete Rolle. Dieses Verhalten ist keineswegs irrational, denn die Entscheidungen werden für den Menschen einfacher, wenn er sich auf Imagebilder verlassen kann. Image vermittelt Orientierungssicherheit in Situationen unvollständigen Wissens, wird zum Ersatzwissen für soziale Orientierung (Schulz, 1991, S. 37). Damit stellt Image ein wesentliches Beschleunigungselement in Entscheidungsprozessen dar, da es von komplexen Auswahlverfahren entlastet. Der Markt wird vereinfacht gesehen. Wo auf ein Reservoir klarer Imagebilder zurückgegriffen werden kann, lassen sich Menschen leichter mobilisieren.

Lebenswelt wächst der Bedarf an richtiger Orientierung . Die Öffentlichkeit sucht nach Ruhepolen im Bilder- und Informationsrauschen der modernen Kommunikationsflut. Einen solchen Ruhepol bildet Image Image verstanden als Vertrauensbindung an eine Organisation. Vertrauensbindungen bieten Entscheidungssicherheit. Der Verbraucher ist entlastet, sich mit der Komplexität der Angebote überhaupt befassen zu müssen. Er nimmt nur noch unsystematisch und unregelmäßig Information entgegen. Die über das Image erzeugte Vertrauensbindung ersetzt die Dauerauseinandersetzung mit zahlreichen komplexen Einzelinformationen und Konkurrenzprodukten. Was gesucht wird, sind also nicht primär Sachinformationen zur Orientierung, sondern eher atmosphärische Signale, ob Vertrauen gerechtfertigt ist oder nicht; atmosphärische Signale, die Vertrautheit, Kontinuität, und Verläßlichkeit symbolisch untermauern. Imagebilder bringen nicht nur den vom einzelnen geforderten Grenznutzen; um sie herum sind über die Jahre Erlebniswelten entstanden. Diese Erlebniswelten können, solange sie einen glaubwürdigen Bezug zum Hersteller und zu seinen Leistungen wahren, Bindungen stärker vertiefen als es jeder Vergleich von Produkt- oder Programmdetails vermag. Hierin liegt die eigentliche Faszinationsenergie von Imagebildern. Imagebilder wirken wie eine Navigationsmetaphorik im Strom der Informationen. Sie bilden einen reichen Fundus an unmißverständlicher Deutungsressource, mit denen komplizierte Entscheidungssituationen sicher bewertet werden können. Image-Management ist die eigentliche strukturelle Antwort auf die mit der Informationsüberflutung verbundenen Wahrnehmungsprobleme der Öffentlichkeit. Der indirekte Werttreiber von Image heißt: Entscheidungsvereinfachung und Entscheidungsklarheit. Imageinvestitionen eines Unternehmens sind insoweit Investitionen zur Ausschaltung verfügbarer Optionen. Ein klares Image schafft Unterscheidungen, schafft Differenzen, schafft Positionierungen im Markt und in der Öffentlichkeit. Es ermöglicht, sich mit den öffentlichen Adressaten in Form stillschweigenden Verstehens zu arrangieren. Image erzeugt also auf besondere Weise feste Bindungen zu einer eigenen Klientel und das Interessante ist, daß eine vom Image gesteuerte Entscheidung Kunden und Öffentlichkeit mehr befriedigt als eine Entscheidung aufgrund kompletter Informationen.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Lebenswelt wächst der Bedarf an richtiger Orientierung . Die Öffentlichkeit sucht nach Ruhepolen im Bilder- und Informationsrauschen der modernen Kommunikationsflut. Einen solchen Ruhepol bildet Image Image verstanden als Vertrauensbindung an eine Organisation. Vertrauensbindungen bieten Entscheidungssicherheit. Der Verbraucher ist entlastet, sich mit der Komplexität der Angebote überhaupt befassen zu müssen. Er nimmt nur noch unsystematisch und unregelmäßig Information entgegen. Die über das Image erzeugte Vertrauensbindung ersetzt die Dauerauseinandersetzung mit zahlreichen komplexen Einzelinformationen und Konkurrenzprodukten. Was gesucht wird, sind also nicht primär Sachinformationen zur Orientierung, sondern eher atmosphärische Signale, ob Vertrauen gerechtfertigt ist oder nicht; atmosphärische Signale, die Vertrautheit, Kontinuität, und Verläßlichkeit symbolisch untermauern. Imagebilder bringen nicht nur den vom einzelnen geforderten Grenznutzen; um sie herum sind über die Jahre Erlebniswelten entstanden. Diese Erlebniswelten können, solange sie einen glaubwürdigen Bezug zum Hersteller und zu seinen Leistungen wahren, Bindungen stärker vertiefen als es jeder Vergleich von Produkt- oder Programmdetails vermag. Hierin liegt die eigentliche Faszinationsenergie von Imagebildern. Imagebilder wirken wie eine Navigationsmetaphorik im Strom der Informationen. Sie bilden einen reichen Fundus an unmißverständlicher Deutungsressource, mit denen komplizierte Entscheidungssituationen sicher bewertet werden können. Image-Management ist die eigentliche strukturelle Antwort auf die mit der Informationsüberflutung verbundenen Wahrnehmungsprobleme der Öffentlichkeit. Der indirekte Werttreiber von Image heißt: Entscheidungsvereinfachung und Entscheidungsklarheit. Imageinvestitionen eines Unternehmens sind insoweit Investitionen zur Ausschaltung verfügbarer Optionen. Ein klares Image schafft Unterscheidungen, schafft Differenzen, schafft Positionierungen im Markt und in der Öffentlichkeit. Es ermöglicht, sich mit den öffentlichen Adressaten in Form stillschweigenden Verstehens zu arrangieren. Image erzeugt also auf besondere Weise feste Bindungen zu einer eigenen Klientel und das Interessante ist, daß eine vom Image gesteuerte Entscheidung Kunden und Öffentlichkeit mehr befriedigt als eine Entscheidung aufgrund kompletter Informationen.


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

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ternehmens und seiner betriebswirtschaftlichen Performance positive korrelative Zusammenhänge bestehen. Die Reputation übernimmt immer stärker die Rolle produktiven Kapitals. Im Sinne eines Unternehmenswertes begründen Imagebilder Wettbewerbsvorteile. Beispiele solcher Wettbewerbsvorteile gibt es genug. Die Liste der Weltmarken ist lang: angefangen von Coca-Cola über Marlboro, McDonalds, Sony, Levi s bis hin zu adidas. Hier geht es nicht mehr um Produkte, der Unternehmensname dient als ikonisiertes Synonym für einen erfolgreichen Wettbewerbsstatus. Die erste Studie, die sich mit dem betriebswirtschaftlichen Wert eines Unternehmensimages befaßt, ist schon gut 25 Jahre alt. Mitte der 70iger Jahre beschäftigte sich eine vom US-Magazin Time in Auftrag gegebene Untersuchung mit der Wirkung von Unternehmenskommunikation auf Aktienkurse. Das

wichtigste Ergebnis dieser Studie war, daß immerhin etwa 40% des Aktienwertes von kommunikativen Faktoren (beispielsweise Unternehmensklima, Unternehmenskommunikation, Image) geprägt wird. Einer jüngeren Studie der Universität Harvard zufolge werden Kaufentscheidungen sogar zu 75% durch das Image und nur zu 62% durch den Preis oder andere Faktoren ausgelöst (vgl. Lohrmann, 1995, S. 59; Klage, 1995, S. 67f.). Weitere Untersuchungen aus den Jahren 1986 und 1988 zeigen, daß Unternehmen mit einem sehr guten Ruf am Verkauf ihrer Produkte und Dienstleistungen sowohl bei der Absatzmenge als auch beim Preis klare Vorteile gegenüber Konkurrenten mit einem weniger guten Image haben (Klage, 1995, S. 68). Im Jahre 1989 verglich Schmidt das Unternehmensimage und den Unternehmenserfolg von 50 Unternehmen. Das Ergebnis seiner Untersuchung bestätigt

Abb. 3. WERTSCHÖPFUNKSFAKTOREN VON IMAGE

Abb. 3. WERTSCHÖPFUNKSFAKTOREN VON IMAGE

ternehmens und seiner betriebswirtschaftlichen Performance positive korrelative Zusammenhänge bestehen. Die Reputation übernimmt immer stärker die Rolle produktiven Kapitals. Im Sinne eines Unternehmenswertes begründen Imagebilder Wettbewerbsvorteile. Beispiele solcher Wettbewerbsvorteile gibt es genug. Die Liste der Weltmarken ist lang: angefangen von Coca-Cola über Marlboro, McDonalds, Sony, Levi s bis hin zu adidas. Hier geht es nicht mehr um Produkte, der Unternehmensname dient als ikonisiertes Synonym für einen erfolgreichen Wettbewerbsstatus. Die erste Studie, die sich mit dem betriebswirtschaftlichen Wert eines Unternehmensimages befaßt, ist schon gut 25 Jahre alt. Mitte der 70iger Jahre beschäftigte sich eine vom US-Magazin Time in Auftrag gegebene Untersuchung mit der Wirkung von Unternehmenskommunikation auf Aktienkurse. Das Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

133

wichtigste Ergebnis dieser Studie war, daß immerhin etwa 40% des Aktienwertes von kommunikativen Faktoren (beispielsweise Unternehmensklima, Unternehmenskommunikation, Image) geprägt wird. Einer jüngeren Studie der Universität Harvard zufolge werden Kaufentscheidungen sogar zu 75% durch das Image und nur zu 62% durch den Preis oder andere Faktoren ausgelöst (vgl. Lohrmann, 1995, S. 59; Klage, 1995, S. 67f.). Weitere Untersuchungen aus den Jahren 1986 und 1988 zeigen, daß Unternehmen mit einem sehr guten Ruf am Verkauf ihrer Produkte und Dienstleistungen sowohl bei der Absatzmenge als auch beim Preis klare Vorteile gegenüber Konkurrenten mit einem weniger guten Image haben (Klage, 1995, S. 68). Im Jahre 1989 verglich Schmidt das Unternehmensimage und den Unternehmenserfolg von 50 Unternehmen. Das Ergebnis seiner Untersuchung bestätigt


reaktion auf vorübergehende Konkurrenz- und Markttrends in den Hintergrund treten. In letzter Konsequenz zielt das Image auf geregelte Bindungen zwischen Unternehmen und Kunden, die im besten Fall durch ihre Exklusivität eine Art firmenspezifische Klientel zu schaffen vermögen. 8.Imagewert als Ordnungswert Jedes Image kann als eigener Mikrokosmos gedeutet werden. Er schafft Grenzen nach außen, differenziert, klassifiziert, grenzt ab, definiert Präferenzen bei der Wahl zwischen Handlungsalternativen und ordnet die Komplexität von Märkten und Informationen. Image fungiert als eine Art kultureller Erkennungscode. Öffentlichkeit, aber auch Kunden, Investoren, Medien, etc. fühlen sich wohler in ihrer Haut, wenn sie von einer Annahme ausgehen, ein Unternehmensimage im Sinne eines Erkennungscodes sei in der Lage, ihnen eine klare Orientierung zu bieten. Und auch für das Unternehmen ist die Frage nach seinem kulturellem und produkttechnischem Selbstverständnis von weitreichender Bedeutung. Sie dient erstens der Selbstlokalisierung im Markt und in der Öffentlichkeit. Und zweitens schafft der Mikrokosmos eines Imagerahmens neue Handlungsspielräume. Die Flexibilität wird durch Image nicht beeinträchtigt, sondern erst durch sie geschaffen. Je besser das Image einer Organisation, um so größer werden die unternehmerischen Handlungsspielräume.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Fazit: Imageprozesse bilden ein hochentwikkeltes vernetztes System unterschiedlicher Perspektiven, deren Wirkung als Wertschöpfungsquelle an zahlreiche Faktoren geknüpft ist. Faßt man Image als Werttreiber für das Management auf, empfiehlt es sich, auf ein mehrstufiges Wirkungsmodell zurückgreifen (vgl. Abb. 3). Wahrgenommene konkrete Imagemerkmale wirken auf erwartete Nutzenkomponenten (Image-Values). Diese wiederum beeinflussen die Imagestärke einer Organisation, insbesondere sein Wertschöpfungspotential. Bei der dargestellten Wirkungsstruktur wird davon ausgegangen, daß sowohl Unternehmen wie auch Konsumenten und Öffentlichkeit gemeinsam wünschenswerte Ziele erreichen. Gelungenes Image bildet ein erfolgreiches Scharnier zwischen den Eigeninteressen eines Unternehmens und den Ansprüchen der Öffentlichkeit. Je prägnanter das Image in den Augen der Öffentlichkeit erscheint, und je wirksamer der Orientierungsnutzen wahrgenommen wird, desto stärker ist das Image und sein Wertschöpfungspotential.

Fazit: Imageprozesse bilden ein hochentwikkeltes vernetztes System unterschiedlicher Perspektiven, deren Wirkung als Wertschöpfungsquelle an zahlreiche Faktoren geknüpft ist. Faßt man Image als Werttreiber für das Management auf, empfiehlt es sich, auf ein mehrstufiges Wirkungsmodell zurückgreifen (vgl. Abb. 3). Wahrgenommene konkrete Imagemerkmale wirken auf erwartete Nutzenkomponenten (Image-Values). Diese wiederum beeinflussen die Imagestärke einer Organisation, insbesondere sein Wertschöpfungspotential. Bei der dargestellten Wirkungsstruktur wird davon ausgegangen, daß sowohl Unternehmen wie auch Konsumenten und Öffentlichkeit gemeinsam wünschenswerte Ziele erreichen. Gelungenes Image bildet ein erfolgreiches Scharnier zwischen den Eigeninteressen eines Unternehmens und den Ansprüchen der Öffentlichkeit. Je prägnanter das Image in den Augen der Öffentlichkeit erscheint, und je wirksamer der Orientierungsnutzen wahrgenommen wird, desto stärker ist das Image und sein Wertschöpfungspotential.

eine Korrelation zwischen Unternehmensimage und Unternehmenserfolg (Rüßmann, 1989, S. 121f.). 2. Imagewert als politischer Wert Erfolg schafft Reputation und über sie läßt sich öffentliche Aufmerksamkeit erzielen. Unternehmen können über ihre Reputation für ihre Interessen schneller öffentliche Autorität bzw. leichter Publizität herstellen. Der prominente Ruf mobilisiert für eine Organisation Respekt von der Art, wie man ihn öffentlichen Autoritäten entgegenbringt. Darin liegt eine wichtige politische Funktion des Images. Die Reputation eines Unternehmens prägt die Attraktion seiner Leistungen; nicht nur im Markt, sondern auch in der politischen und gesellschaftlichen Arena der öffentlichen Diskussion. 3.Imagewert als Kontaktwert Image schließt die Informationslücke zwischen Öffentlichkeit und Organisation. Die Herstellung von Kontakten zu Stakeholdern wird wesentlich erleichtert. Auch kommt dem Image als Kontaktwert eine Art Aufmerksamkeitsreserve zu; er entscheidet, ob Kommunikation überhaupt auf Resonanz stößt. 4.Imagewert als Nachfragewert Die Untersuchungen über Einflußfaktoren auf die individuellen beruflichen Entscheidungen für einen bestimmten Arbeitgeber zeigen die empirisch gut belegte hohe Nachfragewirkung eines attraktiven Images. 5.Imagewert als Motivationswert Die Leistungs- und Arbeitsmotivation der Mitarbeiter in einer Organisation wird hochgradig positiv beeinflußt, wenn es zu einer Identifikation mit dem Sockelimage der Organisation kommt. 6.Imagewert als Kommunikationswert Images attraktiver Organisationen sind per se von hohem Öffentlichkeitswert. Daraus ergibt sich, daß Interessen und Anliegen dieser Organisationen mit wesentlich höherer Wahrscheinlichkeit von Medien und ihren Multiplikatoren aufgegriffen werden. 7.Imagewert als Sicherungswert Reputation bietet eine tragfähige Grundlage für eine langfristige Unternehmensexistenz durch Abbau von Marktrisiken und Sicherung der Marktstellung. Image ermöglicht es einem Unternehmen, dauerhafte und feste Beziehungen zu einem eigenen Kundenstamm zu entwickeln. Ein guter Ruf erzeugt eine Marktstellung, die gegenüber kurzfristigen Konkurrenzaktivitäten relativ immun ist. Je verläßlicher und höher die Reputation einer Organisation ist, um so mehr kann die kostspielige Dauer-

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

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reaktion auf vorübergehende Konkurrenz- und Markttrends in den Hintergrund treten. In letzter Konsequenz zielt das Image auf geregelte Bindungen zwischen Unternehmen und Kunden, die im besten Fall durch ihre Exklusivität eine Art firmenspezifische Klientel zu schaffen vermögen. 8.Imagewert als Ordnungswert Jedes Image kann als eigener Mikrokosmos gedeutet werden. Er schafft Grenzen nach außen, differenziert, klassifiziert, grenzt ab, definiert Präferenzen bei der Wahl zwischen Handlungsalternativen und ordnet die Komplexität von Märkten und Informationen. Image fungiert als eine Art kultureller Erkennungscode. Öffentlichkeit, aber auch Kunden, Investoren, Medien, etc. fühlen sich wohler in ihrer Haut, wenn sie von einer Annahme ausgehen, ein Unternehmensimage im Sinne eines Erkennungscodes sei in der Lage, ihnen eine klare Orientierung zu bieten. Und auch für das Unternehmen ist die Frage nach seinem kulturellem und produkttechnischem Selbstverständnis von weitreichender Bedeutung. Sie dient erstens der Selbstlokalisierung im Markt und in der Öffentlichkeit. Und zweitens schafft der Mikrokosmos eines Imagerahmens neue Handlungsspielräume. Die Flexibilität wird durch Image nicht beeinträchtigt, sondern erst durch sie geschaffen. Je besser das Image einer Organisation, um so größer werden die unternehmerischen Handlungsspielräume.

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eine Korrelation zwischen Unternehmensimage und Unternehmenserfolg (Rüßmann, 1989, S. 121f.). 2. Imagewert als politischer Wert Erfolg schafft Reputation und über sie läßt sich öffentliche Aufmerksamkeit erzielen. Unternehmen können über ihre Reputation für ihre Interessen schneller öffentliche Autorität bzw. leichter Publizität herstellen. Der prominente Ruf mobilisiert für eine Organisation Respekt von der Art, wie man ihn öffentlichen Autoritäten entgegenbringt. Darin liegt eine wichtige politische Funktion des Images. Die Reputation eines Unternehmens prägt die Attraktion seiner Leistungen; nicht nur im Markt, sondern auch in der politischen und gesellschaftlichen Arena der öffentlichen Diskussion. 3.Imagewert als Kontaktwert Image schließt die Informationslücke zwischen Öffentlichkeit und Organisation. Die Herstellung von Kontakten zu Stakeholdern wird wesentlich erleichtert. Auch kommt dem Image als Kontaktwert eine Art Aufmerksamkeitsreserve zu; er entscheidet, ob Kommunikation überhaupt auf Resonanz stößt. 4.Imagewert als Nachfragewert Die Untersuchungen über Einflußfaktoren auf die individuellen beruflichen Entscheidungen für einen bestimmten Arbeitgeber zeigen die empirisch gut belegte hohe Nachfragewirkung eines attraktiven Images. 5.Imagewert als Motivationswert Die Leistungs- und Arbeitsmotivation der Mitarbeiter in einer Organisation wird hochgradig positiv beeinflußt, wenn es zu einer Identifikation mit dem Sockelimage der Organisation kommt. 6.Imagewert als Kommunikationswert Images attraktiver Organisationen sind per se von hohem Öffentlichkeitswert. Daraus ergibt sich, daß Interessen und Anliegen dieser Organisationen mit wesentlich höherer Wahrscheinlichkeit von Medien und ihren Multiplikatoren aufgegriffen werden. 7.Imagewert als Sicherungswert Reputation bietet eine tragfähige Grundlage für eine langfristige Unternehmensexistenz durch Abbau von Marktrisiken und Sicherung der Marktstellung. Image ermöglicht es einem Unternehmen, dauerhafte und feste Beziehungen zu einem eigenen Kundenstamm zu entwickeln. Ein guter Ruf erzeugt eine Marktstellung, die gegenüber kurzfristigen Konkurrenzaktivitäten relativ immun ist. Je verläßlicher und höher die Reputation einer Organisation ist, um so mehr kann die kostspielige Dauer-


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Die Funktionen von Image als Werttreiber für Unternehmen

J

edes Unternehmen muß sich immer wie der der zentralen Funktionen des Images vergewissern, um die in ihr schlummernden Wertschöpfungspotentiale zu nutzen. Dazu gehören: 1. Image verpflichtet Image beeinflußt öffentliche Wertschätzungen gegenüber einer Organisation unmittelbar. Image ist handlungsrelevant in doppelter Weise: wer Image hat, muß gemäß seines Images handeln; wer Image wahrnimmt, orientiert sich am Image. Image ist ein normatives System mit Verpflichtungscharakter. Image setzt Handlungs- und Stilregeln, Image verpflichtet. Der Grund ist einfach: Image ist für die Öffentlichkeit die Rechtfertigungsgrundlage, sich für oder gegen eine Organisation zu entscheiden. Es liefert unmittelbar Maßstäbe, auf die sich die Öffentlichkeit im Dialog mit einem Unternehmen beruft. Als die Deutsche Shell ihre Imagekampagne mit dem Leitthema: Wir wollen uns ändern startete, hat sie zugleich Normen formuliert, an denen die Öffentlichkeit sie im Zusammenhang mit den Brent SparEreignissen gemessen hat. Imagebilder binden. Sie binden unwiderruflich. Sie können nicht ohne weiteres bei Bedarf, und sei der Bedarf noch so sehr rechtlich, betriebswirtschaftlich oder technisch gerechtfertigt, zur Disposition gestellt werden. Imagebilder haben eine überragende Verantwortungs- und Verpflichtungskraft für das Management. Ein guter Ruf nötigt entsprechend alle Organisationsmitarbeiter, bestimmte Regeln zu achten und sich bestimmter Darstellungspraktiken zu bedienen, die dem gegebenen Organisationsimage entsprechen. Image beruht also auf einem doppelten Verpflichtungsverhältnis gegenüber der Öffentlichkeit: Verpflichtung einer Organisation nicht nur auf eine entsprechende Leistungsqualität, sondern auch auf die Werte und Kultur, die eine Organisation repräsentiert, d.h. auf eine Art von öffentlichem Wohlverhalten der Organisation. Insofern ist Image Ausdruck der anhaltenden Verpflichtung von Organisationen, diese doppelte Glaubwürdigkeit zu schaffen und zu bewahren. Wenn Vorstandsvorsitzende deutscher Konzerne beispielsweise im Zusammenhang mit der öffentlichen Diskussion über die mögliche Verlegung von Produktionsstätten in das Ausland davon sprechen, ihre Unternehmen seien keine heimatlosen Unternehmen, ist dies vor allem ein Statement, das der Einhaltung bestimmter Ansehensnormen verpflichtet ist.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Über die mit ihrem Ansehen verbundenen Wertnormen treten Unternehmen aus ihrer Anonymität auf die Bühne der Gesellschaft und gehen damit Verpflichtungen ein. Image erfordert ein hohes Maß an commitment . Es nötigt zur Einhaltung ganz bestimmter Normen, Regeln und Standards, die das Management und alle Mitarbeiter unmittelbar binden. Und genau in diesen Standards liegen die wesentlichen Reputationschancen, die sich schließlich als Wertschöpfungsimpulse auch in den entsprechenden Vermögenspositionen niederschlagen. 2. Image integriert Image bindet allerdings nicht nur die Organisationen, sondern bildet auch für öffentlichen Adressaten einen klaren Verpflichtungs- und Ordnungsrahmen. Anschauung und Lebensstil eines Menschen werden beispielsweise durch Markenimages symbolisch erkennbar. Der einzelne repräsentiert mit der Marke nicht nur sich selbst, sondern ein Milieu, eine Gruppe, einen Status, dem er sich zugehörig fühlt. Das Image einer Marke avanciert zu einem sozialen Erkennungszeichen für ein Zugehörigkeitsgefühl. Es wird quasi zu einer sozialen Duftmarke für ein bestimmtes Gruppen-Selbstverständnis. Marken- oder Organisationsbilder fungieren als Chiffren der Zugehörigkeit. Sie machen Gemeinsamkeiten und Verschiedenheiten offenkundig und erleichtern es dem einzelnen, seinen Platz im sozialen Raum zu definieren. Daher sind in jeder bekannten Marke bestimmte soziale Werte und Normen aufeinander bezogen. Die Wertideale Pioniergeist , Wagnisfreude , Freiheit , Individualismus , die die Marke Levi s verkörpert, sind mit gewissen Verhaltensanforderungen an die Markenträger verbunden: z.B. Unkonventionalität, Einhaltung post- materialistischer Normen, etc. Durch Imagesymbole entsteht ein soziales Geflecht, im besten Fall eine Art Markengemeinschaft Gleichgesinnter und Gleichgestimmter. Markenbilder wirken dann im Sinne eines gemeinsamen kulturellen Codes, der einen bestimmten Verhaltens- oder Erscheinungsstil nahe legt. Über Markenimages wird das Selbstverständnis jedes einzelnen auf subtile Weise symbolisch repräsentiert. Sie machen ein Stück Eigenidentität, ein gemeinsames Lebensgefühl oder auch ein gemeinsames Wertverständnis sichtbar. Vor allem junge Menschen vermögen sich ihrer eigenen privaten Wirklichkeit häufig erst dann zu vergewissern, wenn sie sich in Gestalt von Markensymbolen vorstellen.

135

edes Unternehmen muß sich immer wie der der zentralen Funktionen des Images vergewissern, um die in ihr schlummernden Wertschöpfungspotentiale zu nutzen. Dazu gehören: 1. Image verpflichtet Image beeinflußt öffentliche Wertschätzungen gegenüber einer Organisation unmittelbar. Image ist handlungsrelevant in doppelter Weise: wer Image hat, muß gemäß seines Images handeln; wer Image wahrnimmt, orientiert sich am Image. Image ist ein normatives System mit Verpflichtungscharakter. Image setzt Handlungs- und Stilregeln, Image verpflichtet. Der Grund ist einfach: Image ist für die Öffentlichkeit die Rechtfertigungsgrundlage, sich für oder gegen eine Organisation zu entscheiden. Es liefert unmittelbar Maßstäbe, auf die sich die Öffentlichkeit im Dialog mit einem Unternehmen beruft. Als die Deutsche Shell ihre Imagekampagne mit dem Leitthema: Wir wollen uns ändern startete, hat sie zugleich Normen formuliert, an denen die Öffentlichkeit sie im Zusammenhang mit den Brent SparEreignissen gemessen hat. Imagebilder binden. Sie binden unwiderruflich. Sie können nicht ohne weiteres bei Bedarf, und sei der Bedarf noch so sehr rechtlich, betriebswirtschaftlich oder technisch gerechtfertigt, zur Disposition gestellt werden. Imagebilder haben eine überragende Verantwortungs- und Verpflichtungskraft für das Management. Ein guter Ruf nötigt entsprechend alle Organisationsmitarbeiter, bestimmte Regeln zu achten und sich bestimmter Darstellungspraktiken zu bedienen, die dem gegebenen Organisationsimage entsprechen. Image beruht also auf einem doppelten Verpflichtungsverhältnis gegenüber der Öffentlichkeit: Verpflichtung einer Organisation nicht nur auf eine entsprechende Leistungsqualität, sondern auch auf die Werte und Kultur, die eine Organisation repräsentiert, d.h. auf eine Art von öffentlichem Wohlverhalten der Organisation. Insofern ist Image Ausdruck der anhaltenden Verpflichtung von Organisationen, diese doppelte Glaubwürdigkeit zu schaffen und zu bewahren. Wenn Vorstandsvorsitzende deutscher Konzerne beispielsweise im Zusammenhang mit der öffentlichen Diskussion über die mögliche Verlegung von Produktionsstätten in das Ausland davon sprechen, ihre Unternehmen seien keine heimatlosen Unternehmen, ist dies vor allem ein Statement, das der Einhaltung bestimmter Ansehensnormen verpflichtet ist.

J

Die Funktionen von Image als Werttreiber für Unternehmen

135

Über die mit ihrem Ansehen verbundenen Wertnormen treten Unternehmen aus ihrer Anonymität auf die Bühne der Gesellschaft und gehen damit Verpflichtungen ein. Image erfordert ein hohes Maß an commitment . Es nötigt zur Einhaltung ganz bestimmter Normen, Regeln und Standards, die das Management und alle Mitarbeiter unmittelbar binden. Und genau in diesen Standards liegen die wesentlichen Reputationschancen, die sich schließlich als Wertschöpfungsimpulse auch in den entsprechenden Vermögenspositionen niederschlagen. 2. Image integriert Image bindet allerdings nicht nur die Organisationen, sondern bildet auch für öffentlichen Adressaten einen klaren Verpflichtungs- und Ordnungsrahmen. Anschauung und Lebensstil eines Menschen werden beispielsweise durch Markenimages symbolisch erkennbar. Der einzelne repräsentiert mit der Marke nicht nur sich selbst, sondern ein Milieu, eine Gruppe, einen Status, dem er sich zugehörig fühlt. Das Image einer Marke avanciert zu einem sozialen Erkennungszeichen für ein Zugehörigkeitsgefühl. Es wird quasi zu einer sozialen Duftmarke für ein bestimmtes Gruppen-Selbstverständnis. Marken- oder Organisationsbilder fungieren als Chiffren der Zugehörigkeit. Sie machen Gemeinsamkeiten und Verschiedenheiten offenkundig und erleichtern es dem einzelnen, seinen Platz im sozialen Raum zu definieren. Daher sind in jeder bekannten Marke bestimmte soziale Werte und Normen aufeinander bezogen. Die Wertideale Pioniergeist , Wagnisfreude , Freiheit , Individualismus , die die Marke Levi s verkörpert, sind mit gewissen Verhaltensanforderungen an die Markenträger verbunden: z.B. Unkonventionalität, Einhaltung post- materialistischer Normen, etc. Durch Imagesymbole entsteht ein soziales Geflecht, im besten Fall eine Art Markengemeinschaft Gleichgesinnter und Gleichgestimmter. Markenbilder wirken dann im Sinne eines gemeinsamen kulturellen Codes, der einen bestimmten Verhaltens- oder Erscheinungsstil nahe legt. Über Markenimages wird das Selbstverständnis jedes einzelnen auf subtile Weise symbolisch repräsentiert. Sie machen ein Stück Eigenidentität, ein gemeinsames Lebensgefühl oder auch ein gemeinsames Wertverständnis sichtbar. Vor allem junge Menschen vermögen sich ihrer eigenen privaten Wirklichkeit häufig erst dann zu vergewissern, wenn sie sich in Gestalt von Markensymbolen vorstellen.


wert liegt im historisch gewachsenen Erfahrungs- und Erlebniskern von Menschen oder ganzen Generationen. Im Imagekern einer Marke kristallisieren sich sozusagen die als Sediment abgelagerten Etappenerfahrungen einer Generation. Sie allein haben schon eine wertschöpfende Funktion. Insbesondere globale Marken können als eine Art Kulturprinzip fungieren. Kulturen sind als historische Gebilde zwar einzigartig, doch auf der Ebene der Bilder gibt es Gemeinsamkeiten. Marken avancieren dann zu kulturübergreifenden Symbolen, wenn sie dem modernen Menschen erlauben, sich auf authentische Weise einer anderen Kultur zu nähern. Man denke etwa an die mit dem Begriff Coca-Cola Zivilisation bezeichneten Akkulturationsprozesse in unterentwickelten Gesellschaften. Hier geht es nicht mehr um die regionale Nützlichkeit eines Imagesymbols, sondern um das einem bestimmten Markensymbol zugrundeliegende Kulturbild einer offenen Gesellschaft. Insoweit vermögen globale Imagesymbole den kulturellen Provinzialismus einer Gesellschaft zu überwinden oder zumindest zu einer Auseinandersetzung mit ihr zu bewegen. Das Image eines Unternehmens fungiert hier als eine Art kultureller Erkennungscode und begründet damit ein zeitüberdauerndes Wertschöpfungspotential.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Fazit: Wer konkurrenzfähig bleiben und den Unternehmenswert steigern will, muß seinen Ruf stärken und die Wertschöpfungspotentiale der Imagefunktionen strategisch nutzen. Nach wie vor ist es allerdings die Regel, den Wert erfolgreicher Unternehmen anhand berechenbarer Indikatoren wie Produktionskosten, Marktanteilen, Umsatz, Gewinn vor Steuern oder anhand der in den USA üblichen p/eratio (price-earnings-ratio) zu ermitteln. Um eine erfolgreiche Unternehmensstrategie für den wachsenden Wettbewerb zu finden, ist ein ganzheitlicher Ansatz notwendig, der neben den ökonomischen Bilanzwerten auch den Ansehenswert (corporate brand) berücksichtigt. Es ist daher an der Zeit umzudenken. Der künftige Erfolg ist in hohem Maße abhängig von der öffentlichen Positionierung eines Unternehmens. Image- und Reputationsmanagement, richtig eingesetzt, können für die Entwicklung der Wertschöpfung ebenso wichtig sein wie ökonomische Erfolgszahlen. Daraus lassen sich drei Konsequenzen ziehen: a) erstens ist die Unternehmenskommunikation als Wertschöpfungsfaktor im Selbstverständnis der Unternehmensleitlinien zu verankern,

Fazit: Wer konkurrenzfähig bleiben und den Unternehmenswert steigern will, muß seinen Ruf stärken und die Wertschöpfungspotentiale der Imagefunktionen strategisch nutzen. Nach wie vor ist es allerdings die Regel, den Wert erfolgreicher Unternehmen anhand berechenbarer Indikatoren wie Produktionskosten, Marktanteilen, Umsatz, Gewinn vor Steuern oder anhand der in den USA üblichen p/eratio (price-earnings-ratio) zu ermitteln. Um eine erfolgreiche Unternehmensstrategie für den wachsenden Wettbewerb zu finden, ist ein ganzheitlicher Ansatz notwendig, der neben den ökonomischen Bilanzwerten auch den Ansehenswert (corporate brand) berücksichtigt. Es ist daher an der Zeit umzudenken. Der künftige Erfolg ist in hohem Maße abhängig von der öffentlichen Positionierung eines Unternehmens. Image- und Reputationsmanagement, richtig eingesetzt, können für die Entwicklung der Wertschöpfung ebenso wichtig sein wie ökonomische Erfolgszahlen. Daraus lassen sich drei Konsequenzen ziehen: a) erstens ist die Unternehmenskommunikation als Wertschöpfungsfaktor im Selbstverständnis der Unternehmensleitlinien zu verankern,

Auf diese Weise bildet das spezifische Image einer Marke eine Art symbolische Selbstergänzung. Der Träger einer bestimmten Markenkleidung signalisiert: er will ernst genommen werden, er will dazu gehören. Markensymbole bilden eine Navigationsmetaphorik eigener Art. In der Identifikationsstärke einer Marke und in seiner Kraft, Zugehörigkeiten zu definieren, ruhen die tiefer liegenden Wertschöpfungschancen des Images. 3. Image verleiht Status Das durch ein Marken- oder Organisationsimage emblematisierte Individuum drückt immer auch einen Teil seines Selbstverständnisses aus, indem es diesen Teil seiner Identität von einer kollektiven Marken- oder Organisationspersönlichkeit entleiht. Dadurch fällt es dem einzelnen leichter, seinen Status zu inszenieren. Markenimages sind ein wichtiger Teil des Selbstinszenierungsrituals von Menschen geworden. Sie bilden eine symbolische Kulisse, die entweder aus einem defizitären Selbstwertgefühl oder aus einem Abgrenzungs- oder Unterscheidungsbedürfnis des einzelnen aufgebaut wird. Für viele Menschen bedeutet die Verfügbarkeit einer Marke immer auch Statussicherheit, da sie seine soziale Position deutlich macht. Durch Marken wird die soziale Position des einzelnen auf symbolische Art und Weise dinghaft gemacht. Marken sind die Eckpfeiler, an denen sich eine hierarchische Ordnung, Statusunterschiede oder ein Oben und ein Unten festmachen lassen. Insoweit stellt die Statusfunktion einer Marke einen symbolischen Ordnungsfaktor dar, der eng mit den Reputationsprozessen in einem Unternehmen korrespondiert. 4. Image mobilisiert Image mobilisiert. Fehlt gegenüber einer Organisation jedes Reaktionsinteresse, dann hat sie auch kein Image. Eine Organisation oder eine Marke muß aus sich heraus in der Lage sein, Reaktionstendenzen auszulösen. Entweder Image macht aufmerksam, provoziert Zustimmung und schafft Zugehörigkeit oder es grenzt aus, ruft Ablehnung hervor und schafft Distanz. Die Ereignis- und Mobilisierungschance eines Unternehmensnamens ist ein Wert sui generis. 5. Image akkulturiert Zurückliegende persönliche Erfahrungen lassen sich in der kulturgeschichtlichen Symbolik einer Marke bündeln. So erstaunlich es klingt, Marken helfen dem einzelnen, sich seines biographischen Zusammenhangs zu vergewissern und ihn emotional anzureichern (z.B. die Ikea-Etappe). Der kulturelle Marken-

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wert liegt im historisch gewachsenen Erfahrungs- und Erlebniskern von Menschen oder ganzen Generationen. Im Imagekern einer Marke kristallisieren sich sozusagen die als Sediment abgelagerten Etappenerfahrungen einer Generation. Sie allein haben schon eine wertschöpfende Funktion. Insbesondere globale Marken können als eine Art Kulturprinzip fungieren. Kulturen sind als historische Gebilde zwar einzigartig, doch auf der Ebene der Bilder gibt es Gemeinsamkeiten. Marken avancieren dann zu kulturübergreifenden Symbolen, wenn sie dem modernen Menschen erlauben, sich auf authentische Weise einer anderen Kultur zu nähern. Man denke etwa an die mit dem Begriff Coca-Cola Zivilisation bezeichneten Akkulturationsprozesse in unterentwickelten Gesellschaften. Hier geht es nicht mehr um die regionale Nützlichkeit eines Imagesymbols, sondern um das einem bestimmten Markensymbol zugrundeliegende Kulturbild einer offenen Gesellschaft. Insoweit vermögen globale Imagesymbole den kulturellen Provinzialismus einer Gesellschaft zu überwinden oder zumindest zu einer Auseinandersetzung mit ihr zu bewegen. Das Image eines Unternehmens fungiert hier als eine Art kultureller Erkennungscode und begründet damit ein zeitüberdauerndes Wertschöpfungspotential.

136

Auf diese Weise bildet das spezifische Image einer Marke eine Art symbolische Selbstergänzung. Der Träger einer bestimmten Markenkleidung signalisiert: er will ernst genommen werden, er will dazu gehören. Markensymbole bilden eine Navigationsmetaphorik eigener Art. In der Identifikationsstärke einer Marke und in seiner Kraft, Zugehörigkeiten zu definieren, ruhen die tiefer liegenden Wertschöpfungschancen des Images. 3. Image verleiht Status Das durch ein Marken- oder Organisationsimage emblematisierte Individuum drückt immer auch einen Teil seines Selbstverständnisses aus, indem es diesen Teil seiner Identität von einer kollektiven Marken- oder Organisationspersönlichkeit entleiht. Dadurch fällt es dem einzelnen leichter, seinen Status zu inszenieren. Markenimages sind ein wichtiger Teil des Selbstinszenierungsrituals von Menschen geworden. Sie bilden eine symbolische Kulisse, die entweder aus einem defizitären Selbstwertgefühl oder aus einem Abgrenzungs- oder Unterscheidungsbedürfnis des einzelnen aufgebaut wird. Für viele Menschen bedeutet die Verfügbarkeit einer Marke immer auch Statussicherheit, da sie seine soziale Position deutlich macht. Durch Marken wird die soziale Position des einzelnen auf symbolische Art und Weise dinghaft gemacht. Marken sind die Eckpfeiler, an denen sich eine hierarchische Ordnung, Statusunterschiede oder ein Oben und ein Unten festmachen lassen. Insoweit stellt die Statusfunktion einer Marke einen symbolischen Ordnungsfaktor dar, der eng mit den Reputationsprozessen in einem Unternehmen korrespondiert. 4. Image mobilisiert Image mobilisiert. Fehlt gegenüber einer Organisation jedes Reaktionsinteresse, dann hat sie auch kein Image. Eine Organisation oder eine Marke muß aus sich heraus in der Lage sein, Reaktionstendenzen auszulösen. Entweder Image macht aufmerksam, provoziert Zustimmung und schafft Zugehörigkeit oder es grenzt aus, ruft Ablehnung hervor und schafft Distanz. Die Ereignis- und Mobilisierungschance eines Unternehmensnamens ist ein Wert sui generis. 5. Image akkulturiert Zurückliegende persönliche Erfahrungen lassen sich in der kulturgeschichtlichen Symbolik einer Marke bündeln. So erstaunlich es klingt, Marken helfen dem einzelnen, sich seines biographischen Zusammenhangs zu vergewissern und ihn emotional anzureichern (z.B. die Ikea-Etappe). Der kulturelle Marken-


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b) zweitens ist zu überlegen, wie Reputation als planbare Größe in die Investitionsplanung einbezogen wird und entsprechend Standards zur Goodwill-Bilanzierung entwickelt werden, c) sowie drittens schließlich ist es erforderlich, alle öffentlichen Darstellungsschritte als Sprungbrett für Reputationschancen zu nutzen. Akzeptiert man Image als Wertschöpfungs-

chance und als Wertschöpfungsrisiko, ist das Image Management in die allgemeine Strategieplanung zu integrieren. Durch Verzahnung der unternehmensstrategischen Aufgaben wie Public Relations, Mitarbeiterkommunikation, Marketing, Markenmanagement, Werbung, Vertrieb, etc. lassen sich Image und Reputation als Teil eines umfassenden Wertschöpfungsprozesses anwenden.

Literatur:

Giddens A., Konsequenzen der Moderne, Frankfurt/

Bergler R., Unternehmenskultur als Führungsaufgabe, unveröff. Ms., Münster 1998. Boulding K.E., The Image, Michigan 1956.

M 2005. Klage J., Vom Image zum Unternehmenserfolg [In:] Markenartikel , Gräfelfing 1995, Heft 1.

Buß E., Image Management. Wie Sie Ihr Image-Ka-

Lohrmann S., Image und Unternehmenserfolg, un-

pital erhöhen. Erfolgsregeln für das öffentliche

veröff. Diplomarbeit, Universität Hohenheim,

Ansehen von Unternehmen, Parteien und Organisationen, Frankfurt/M 2000. Buß E., Das emotionale Profil der Deutschen. Bestandsaufnahme und Konsequenzen für Unternehmer, Politiker und Öffentlichkeitsarbeiter, Frankfurt/M 1999.

Stuttgart 1995. Luhmann N., Vertrauen. Ein Mechanismus der Reduktion sozialer Komplexität, Stuttgart 1973. Rüßmann K.H., Strahlkraft durch Kompetenz [In:] Manager Magazin , Hamburg 1989, Heft 4. Schulz B., Strategische Planung von Public Relations, Frankfurt/M., New York 1991.

ons, Frankfurt/M., New York 1991. Frankfurt/M 1999. nehmer, Politiker und Öffentlichkeitsarbeiter, standsaufnahme und Konsequenzen für UnterBuß E., Das emotionale Profil der Deutschen. Benisationen, Frankfurt/M 2000.

Schulz B., Strategische Planung von Public Relati Manager Magazin , Hamburg 1989, Heft 4. Rüßmann K.H., Strahlkraft durch Kompetenz [In:] duktion sozialer Komplexität, Stuttgart 1973. Luhmann N., Vertrauen. Ein Mechanismus der ReStuttgart 1995.

Ansehen von Unternehmen, Parteien und Orga-

veröff. Diplomarbeit, Universität Hohenheim,

pital erhöhen. Erfolgsregeln für das öffentliche

Lohrmann S., Image und Unternehmenserfolg, un-

Buß E., Image Management. Wie Sie Ihr Image-KaBoulding K.E., The Image, Michigan 1956. gabe, unveröff. Ms., Münster 1998. Bergler R., Unternehmenskultur als FührungsaufKulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

137

Markenartikel , Gräfelfing 1995, Heft 1. Klage J., Vom Image zum Unternehmenserfolg [In:] M 2005. Giddens A., Konsequenzen der Moderne, Frankfurt/

Literatur:

chance und als Wertschöpfungsrisiko, ist das Image Management in die allgemeine Strategieplanung zu integrieren. Durch Verzahnung der unternehmensstrategischen Aufgaben wie Public Relations, Mitarbeiterkommunikation, Marketing, Markenmanagement, Werbung, Vertrieb, etc. lassen sich Image und Reputation als Teil eines umfassenden Wertschöpfungsprozesses anwenden.

b) zweitens ist zu überlegen, wie Reputation als planbare Größe in die Investitionsplanung einbezogen wird und entsprechend Standards zur Goodwill-Bilanzierung entwickelt werden, c) sowie drittens schließlich ist es erforderlich, alle öffentlichen Darstellungsschritte als Sprungbrett für Reputationschancen zu nutzen. Akzeptiert man Image als Wertschöpfungs-


Sanjin Dragojevic

Definitionen der Kulturpolitik

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Übersetzung: Agnieszka Przeszlakowska

138

Bei der Erörterung der Definitionen der Kulturpolitik werden drei Typen der Definierung dargestellt, wobei keins davon weder vollkommen noch irrtümlich ist. Die Gegenüberstellung dieser Definitionstypen hat zum Zweck, auf die Schwierigkeiten hinzuweisen, die bei jedem Versuch der Definierung, d.h. der Abgrenzung eines so komplexen und umfangreichen Gebietes wie Kulturpolitik anfallen, sowie die Schwierigkeiten konzeptueller und pragmatischer Natur zu veranschaulichen, mit denen sich jeder Typ der Definition zu messen hat.

Die Kulturbedürfnisse sollen selbstverständlich den Hauptbegriff und die Determinante einer demokratisch gestalteten Kulturpolitik darstellen. Die Kulturbedürfnisse sind oft mit den Kulturwünschen eng verbunden und beide Begriffe haben einen weitgehenden sozialen Rang und Umfang. Vor Bedeutung ist die Tatsache, dass einige neuerlich vorgenommenen Versuche der Beurteilung der Kulturpolitik von einer ganz anderen Ebene ausgehen. Diese konzentrieren sich auf das Verhältnis zwischen den erklärten Zielen der Kulturpolitik und deren Implementierung. Man versucht, die Übereinstimmung der Ziele mit deren Realisierung vor allem auf dem Gebiet der Finanzierung und des Verbrauchs zu zeigen, welche grundlegende Kennzeichen der kulturellen Verhaltensweisen sind. Die Weichen solch einer Einstellung wurden wahrgenommen, diese werden aber aus formalen Gründen übersehen, d.h. es ist nahezu unmöglich, ein methodologisches Messgerät zur Messung der Kulturbedürfnisse und insbesondere zur Ablesung der Kulturwünschen zu schaffen und deswegen sollen diese Bedürfnisse und Wünsche im privaten Bereich belassen werden. [Gouiedo, 1993].

Überweite Definition

1

D

ie nachfolgend angeführte Formel kann als Bespiel dieser Definition dienen: Die Kulturpolitik ist Summe von bewussten und geplanten Methoden und Aktivitäten (bzw. deren Mangel), welche die Befriedigung von gewissen Kulturbedürfnissen durch optimale Nutzung aller für die Gesellschaft zum jeweiligen Zeitpunkt zugänglichen Mittel zum Zweck hat. [Siehe: Unesco. Round Table Meeting on Cultural Policies, 1967, S. 76; Koncs, 1986] Diese Definition ist aus mehreren Gründen zu weit. Die Frage, ob sich diese Definition neben Kultur auch auf andere Arten der Politik, Wirtschaft, Technologie und Information beziehen kann, wirt bejaht. Darüber hinaus basiert

diese Definition nicht auf zwei zweifellos starken und festen, aber schwer definierbaren Fundamenten. Eine der wesentlichen Aufgaben jeder Kulturpolitik ist zu bestimmen, was als Kulturbedürfnis zu betrachten ist sowie wie der Umfang und die Qualität der Kulturbedürfnisse zu definieren sind und schließlich diese der Politik und dem Kulturleben gegenüberzustellen. Allerdings lässt fast jede Kulturpolitik die Frage nach Kulturbedürfnissen offen, um eine doppelte Gefahr zu vermeiden, und zwar: G zu starre Bestimmung der Geschmäcke, Präferenzen und Verhaltensweisen im Zusammenhang mit der Kulturaktivität und zugleich; G zu präzise Bestimmung der Kulturzwecke, die oft unerreichbar sind und zusätzlich die Flexibilität und Dynamik der Kulturpolitik vermindern können. So suchen die meisten Kulturpolitikarten dieser Frage zu entgehen und vor allem die mit dem Angebot, der Anfrage und dem Verbrauch der Kultur zusammenhängenden Probleme in Fokus zu rücken.1 Wenn wir von der optimalen Nutzung der verfügbaren Mitteln und Möglichkeiten reden, so stellen sich weitere Fragen: Handelt sich hier nur um eng definierte Mittel und Möglichkeiten oder geht es vielleicht um allgemeine Bestände, gesellschaftliche Mittel; was ist unter deren optimaler Nutzung zu verstehen; wer

Sanjin Dragojevic Hochschullehrer für Kultur- und Massenkommunikationssoziologie, Medien- und Kulturpolitik im Fachbereich Politikwissenschaft an der Universität in Zagreb. Berater zahlreicher Organisationen auf dem Gebiet von Kulturpolitik und management (u.a. UNESCO, Council of Europe, European Cultural Foundation). Vorstandsmitglied von Culturelink Network und CIRCLE. Er führt internationale Kurse u.a. in Wien, Amsterdam, Krems, Belgrad und Dubrovnik durch.

D

ie nachfolgend angeführte Formel kann als Bespiel dieser Definition dienen: Die Kulturpolitik ist Summe von bewussten und geplanten Methoden und Aktivitäten (bzw. deren Mangel), welche die Befriedigung von gewissen Kulturbedürfnissen durch optimale Nutzung aller für die Gesellschaft zum jeweiligen Zeitpunkt zugänglichen Mittel zum Zweck hat. [Siehe: Unesco. Round Table Meeting on Cultural Policies, 1967, S. 76; Koncs, 1986] Diese Definition ist aus mehreren Gründen zu weit. Die Frage, ob sich diese Definition neben Kultur auch auf andere Arten der Politik, Wirtschaft, Technologie und Information beziehen kann, wirt bejaht. Darüber hinaus basiert

Überweite Definition

diese Definition nicht auf zwei zweifellos starken und festen, aber schwer definierbaren Fundamenten. Eine der wesentlichen Aufgaben jeder Kulturpolitik ist zu bestimmen, was als Kulturbedürfnis zu betrachten ist sowie wie der Umfang und die Qualität der Kulturbedürfnisse zu definieren sind und schließlich diese der Politik und dem Kulturleben gegenüberzustellen. Allerdings lässt fast jede Kulturpolitik die Frage nach Kulturbedürfnissen offen, um eine doppelte Gefahr zu vermeiden, und zwar: G zu starre Bestimmung der Geschmäcke, Präferenzen und Verhaltensweisen im Zusammenhang mit der Kulturaktivität und zugleich; G zu präzise Bestimmung der Kulturzwecke, die oft unerreichbar sind und zusätzlich die Flexibilität und Dynamik der Kulturpolitik vermindern können. So suchen die meisten Kulturpolitikarten dieser Frage zu entgehen und vor allem die mit dem Angebot, der Anfrage und dem Verbrauch der Kultur zusammenhängenden Probleme in Fokus zu rücken.1 Wenn wir von der optimalen Nutzung der verfügbaren Mitteln und Möglichkeiten reden, so stellen sich weitere Fragen: Handelt sich hier nur um eng definierte Mittel und Möglichkeiten oder geht es vielleicht um allgemeine Bestände, gesellschaftliche Mittel; was ist unter deren optimaler Nutzung zu verstehen; wer

1

Bei der Erörterung der Definitionen der Kulturpolitik werden drei Typen der Definierung dargestellt, wobei keins davon weder vollkommen noch irrtümlich ist. Die Gegenüberstellung dieser Definitionstypen hat zum Zweck, auf die Schwierigkeiten hinzuweisen, die bei jedem Versuch der Definierung, d.h. der Abgrenzung eines so komplexen und umfangreichen Gebietes wie Kulturpolitik anfallen, sowie die Schwierigkeiten konzeptueller und pragmatischer Natur zu veranschaulichen, mit denen sich jeder Typ der Definition zu messen hat.

Die Kulturbedürfnisse sollen selbstverständlich den Hauptbegriff und die Determinante einer demokratisch gestalteten Kulturpolitik darstellen. Die Kulturbedürfnisse sind oft mit den Kulturwünschen eng verbunden und beide Begriffe haben einen weitgehenden sozialen Rang und Umfang. Vor Bedeutung ist die Tatsache, dass einige neuerlich vorgenommenen Versuche der Beurteilung der Kulturpolitik von einer ganz anderen Ebene ausgehen. Diese konzentrieren sich auf das Verhältnis zwischen den erklärten Zielen der Kulturpolitik und deren Implementierung. Man versucht, die Übereinstimmung der Ziele mit deren Realisierung vor allem auf dem Gebiet der Finanzierung und des Verbrauchs zu zeigen, welche grundlegende Kennzeichen der kulturellen Verhaltensweisen sind. Die Weichen solch einer Einstellung wurden wahrgenommen, diese werden aber aus formalen Gründen übersehen, d.h. es ist nahezu unmöglich, ein methodologisches Messgerät zur Messung der Kulturbedürfnisse und insbesondere zur Ablesung der Kulturwünschen zu schaffen und deswegen sollen diese Bedürfnisse und Wünsche im privaten Bereich belassen werden. [Gouiedo, 1993].

Übersetzung: Agnieszka Przeszlakowska

Sanjin Dragojevic Hochschullehrer für Kultur- und Massenkommunikationssoziologie, Medien- und Kulturpolitik im Fachbereich Politikwissenschaft an der Universität in Zagreb. Berater zahlreicher Organisationen auf dem Gebiet von Kulturpolitik und management (u.a. UNESCO, Council of Europe, European Cultural Foundation). Vorstandsmitglied von Culturelink Network und CIRCLE. Er führt internationale Kurse u.a. in Wien, Amsterdam, Krems, Belgrad und Dubrovnik durch.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Sanjin Dragojevic

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Definitionen der Kulturpolitik


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definiert dieses Optimum; wie sieht es mit den Mitteln aus, die nicht verfügbar, aber zugleich unentbehrlich sind (z.B. nicht ausreichende Finanzierung, Mangel an Fachleuten, ungenügende Kommunikations- und Informationsinfrastruktur zur Entwicklung der internationalen Kulturzusammenarbeit)? Bei diesem Typ der Definition der Kulturpolitik bleiben die vorstehenden Fragen offen und unklar.

Technokratische Definition

E

in weiterer Definitionstyp der Kulturpolitik konzentriert sich auch auf den institutionellen, administrativen und operativen Ausmaß und Rang der Kulturpolitik. Die Kulturpolitik spielt aus dieser Sicht vor allem eine organisatorische und technische Rolle im kulturellen Gesellschaftsleben, während die Konzeptualisierung und Bestimmung der Ziele und Prioritäten der Kultur sowie einer allgemeinen Kulturstrategie außerhalb deren Interesse liegt. Diese Einstellung (die bei Einschätzung der Position und der gesellschaftlichen Rolle der Kulturpolitik keineswegs für belanglos und unangemessen gehalten werden darf) legt der Kulturpolitik eine Ausführungsfunktion bei, die wirksam oder unwirksam, mit hoher oder geringer Flexibilität und inneren Dynamik realisiert wird, wobei die kulturellen Bestrebungen und Vorzüge berücksichtigt oder nicht berücksichtigt werden. Diese Einstellung fokussiert nicht die Ziele, sondern die verfahrenseigenen und operativen Aspekte und beobachtet diese auf einer anderen Ebene: innerhalb der gesellschaftlichen und politischen Mechanismen der Entscheidungsfindung bzw. innerhalb der internen kulturellen Dynamik einer konkreten Gemeinschaft. Ein Beispiel für derartige Definition kann so lauten: Die Kulturpolitik ist eine Aktivität, die die Bestimmung der Subjekte und Objekte der Kultur innerhalb des Vorgangs deren Institutionalisierung zum Zweck hat. [Car, 1991, S. 74ff] Obwohl es wörtlich nicht zum Ausdruck

2

gebracht wurde, konzentriert sich diese Definition völlig auf die grundsätzlichen Methoden und Instrumenten der Kulturpolitik, und zwar auf die Planung, Regelung und Finanzierung. Es steht zugleich fest, dass die Aufteilung zwischen dem Objekt und Subjekt der Kulturpolitik zu starr ist (innerhalb des Institutionalisierungsvorgangs) und konsequent: G die fundamentale Dynamik zwischen dem Objekt und Subjekt der Kulturpolitik im Zusammenhang mit deren stetigen Veränderlichkeit und Auswechselbarkeit dekontsruiert; G das kulturelle Leben und Entwicklung vor allem als systematisierte und eng definierte kulturelle Produktion und Infrastruktur betrachtet werden.2

Operative Definition

W

odurch zeichnet sich die operative Defi nition der Kulturpolitik aus? Erstens durch eine relativ präzise Bestimmung der Kulturpolitikfelder, durch die Bestimmung des Umfangs und Typs der charakteristischen Tätigkeiten sowie der Ebenen der Ausführung dieser Tätigkeiten. Diese Kennzeichen wurden sehr deutlich in folgender Definition der Kulturpolitik hervorgehoben: Kulturpolitik ist ein geplantes und organisiertes Handeln einer relativ homogenen Gemeinschaft, das Folgendes zum Zweck hat: G Schutz der bestehenden Kulturobjekte und Kulturwerte, G Entwicklung und Förderung der schöpferischen Kulturinitiativen, G Entwicklung des Kulturlebens der Gruppen, für welche diese geschaffen wird. Bei unseren weiteren Erwägungen werden wir uns vor allem auf die Auffassung unserer Kulturpolitik nach der vorgenannten Definition konzentrieren, wobei wir jedoch die aus den vorher angeführten Definitionen hervorgehenden Prämissen nicht vergessen sollen. Die erste Definition (überweit) geht von etwas Bedeutsamen aus, was in der dritten De-

Es ist festzustellen, dass die Definition, die in den wichtigsten strategischen Dokumenten, die sich auf die kroatische Kulturpolitik beziehen, weiter vorhanden ist, den Umfang dieser Kulturpolitik beträchtlich einengt. Erstens bezüglich der vor allem mit den politischen und Verwaltungsbehörden verbundenen Subjekte und zweitens bezüglich der legislatorischen und administrativen Instrumente. Diese Definition kann somit teilweise in die Kategorie der technokratischen Definitionen eingestuft werden. Im weiteren Teil unserer Analyse versuchen wir zu zeigen, dass die Kulturpolitik ein weitaus umfangreiches Gebiet und ein vielmehr komplexer Vorgang der Entscheidungsfindung und der Konziliation ist, die sich auf die Problemen bezieht, die für die Kultur und die Kulturentwicklung von Bedeutung sind. Die subjektive Definition wird folgenderweise formuliert: Die Kulturpolitik ist Sammlung von legislatorischen und administrativen Mechanismen, die die Nutzung von verschiedenen Mitteln Finanzmittel, physikalischen, politischen, künstlerischen, wissenschaftlichen, erzieherischen und gesellschaftlichen Mitteln zwecks Vermehrung des Kulturkapitals des Staates und zwecks Gestaltung der Kulturlandschaft steuern und ausrichten. [Katunariæ, 2003, S. 45].

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2 Es ist festzustellen, dass die Definition, die in den wichtigsten strategischen Dokumenten, die sich auf die kroatische Kulturpolitik beziehen, weiter vorhanden ist, den Umfang dieser Kulturpolitik beträchtlich einengt. Erstens bezüglich der vor allem mit den politischen und Verwaltungsbehörden verbundenen Subjekte und zweitens bezüglich der legislatorischen und administrativen Instrumente. Diese Definition kann somit teilweise in die Kategorie der technokratischen Definitionen eingestuft werden. Im weiteren Teil unserer Analyse versuchen wir zu zeigen, dass die Kulturpolitik ein weitaus umfangreiches Gebiet und ein vielmehr komplexer Vorgang der Entscheidungsfindung und der Konziliation ist, die sich auf die Problemen bezieht, die für die Kultur und die Kulturentwicklung von Bedeutung sind. Die subjektive Definition wird folgenderweise formuliert: Die Kulturpolitik ist Sammlung von legislatorischen und administrativen Mechanismen, die die Nutzung von verschiedenen Mitteln Finanzmittel, physikalischen, politischen, künstlerischen, wissenschaftlichen, erzieherischen und gesellschaftlichen Mitteln zwecks Vermehrung des Kulturkapitals des Staates und zwecks Gestaltung der Kulturlandschaft steuern und ausrichten. [Katunariæ, 2003, S. 45].

in weiterer Definitionstyp der Kulturpolitik konzentriert sich auch auf den institutionellen, administrativen und operativen Ausmaß und Rang der Kulturpolitik. Die Kulturpolitik spielt aus dieser Sicht vor allem eine organisatorische und technische Rolle im kulturellen Gesellschaftsleben, während die Konzeptualisierung und Bestimmung der Ziele und Prioritäten der Kultur sowie einer allgemeinen Kulturstrategie außerhalb deren Interesse liegt. Diese Einstellung (die bei Einschätzung der Position und der gesellschaftlichen Rolle der Kulturpolitik keineswegs für belanglos und unangemessen gehalten werden darf) legt der Kulturpolitik eine Ausführungsfunktion bei, die wirksam oder unwirksam, mit hoher oder geringer Flexibilität und inneren Dynamik realisiert wird, wobei die kulturellen Bestrebungen und Vorzüge berücksichtigt oder nicht berücksichtigt werden. Diese Einstellung fokussiert nicht die Ziele, sondern die verfahrenseigenen und operativen Aspekte und beobachtet diese auf einer anderen Ebene: innerhalb der gesellschaftlichen und politischen Mechanismen der Entscheidungsfindung bzw. innerhalb der internen kulturellen Dynamik einer konkreten Gemeinschaft. Ein Beispiel für derartige Definition kann so lauten: Die Kulturpolitik ist eine Aktivität, die die Bestimmung der Subjekte und Objekte der Kultur innerhalb des Vorgangs deren Institutionalisierung zum Zweck hat. [Car, 1991, S. 74ff] Obwohl es wörtlich nicht zum Ausdruck

E

Technokratische Definition definiert dieses Optimum; wie sieht es mit den Mitteln aus, die nicht verfügbar, aber zugleich unentbehrlich sind (z.B. nicht ausreichende Finanzierung, Mangel an Fachleuten, ungenügende Kommunikations- und Informationsinfrastruktur zur Entwicklung der internationalen Kulturzusammenarbeit)? Bei diesem Typ der Definition der Kulturpolitik bleiben die vorstehenden Fragen offen und unklar.

odurch zeichnet sich die operative Defi nition der Kulturpolitik aus? Erstens durch eine relativ präzise Bestimmung der Kulturpolitikfelder, durch die Bestimmung des Umfangs und Typs der charakteristischen Tätigkeiten sowie der Ebenen der Ausführung dieser Tätigkeiten. Diese Kennzeichen wurden sehr deutlich in folgender Definition der Kulturpolitik hervorgehoben: Kulturpolitik ist ein geplantes und organisiertes Handeln einer relativ homogenen Gemeinschaft, das Folgendes zum Zweck hat: G Schutz der bestehenden Kulturobjekte und Kulturwerte, G Entwicklung und Förderung der schöpferischen Kulturinitiativen, G Entwicklung des Kulturlebens der Gruppen, für welche diese geschaffen wird. Bei unseren weiteren Erwägungen werden wir uns vor allem auf die Auffassung unserer Kulturpolitik nach der vorgenannten Definition konzentrieren, wobei wir jedoch die aus den vorher angeführten Definitionen hervorgehenden Prämissen nicht vergessen sollen. Die erste Definition (überweit) geht von etwas Bedeutsamen aus, was in der dritten De-

W

Operative Definition gebracht wurde, konzentriert sich diese Definition völlig auf die grundsätzlichen Methoden und Instrumenten der Kulturpolitik, und zwar auf die Planung, Regelung und Finanzierung. Es steht zugleich fest, dass die Aufteilung zwischen dem Objekt und Subjekt der Kulturpolitik zu starr ist (innerhalb des Institutionalisierungsvorgangs) und konsequent: G die fundamentale Dynamik zwischen dem Objekt und Subjekt der Kulturpolitik im Zusammenhang mit deren stetigen Veränderlichkeit und Auswechselbarkeit dekontsruiert; G das kulturelle Leben und Entwicklung vor allem als systematisierte und eng definierte kulturelle Produktion und Infrastruktur betrachtet werden.2


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Die Kulturpolitik in ihrer zeitgenössischen Auffassung sollte jedoch als eine sehr neue Erscheinung betrachtet werden. Es ist selbstverständlich, dass die Gemeinschaften in der ganzen Welt durch alle neuen und vor kurzem entstandenen Umstände dazu gezwungen sind, dieses Problem in Angriff zu nehmen und die Kulturpolitik als eine der festen Aufgaben zu betrachten. Von vielen Gründen, die zur Definierung und Entstehung der Kulturpolitik führen, werde ich nur die wichtigsten aufführen.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

finition (operativ) fehlt, und zwar von einer spezifischen, weitsichtigen Auffassung der Kultur und Kulturaktivität, die eine konkrete Kulturpolitik zweifelsohne determiniert. Was mehr, die Einsetzung der Kulturpolitik in einer konkreten Kulturgesamtheit soll ein grundlegendes Kriterium der Beurteilung einer konkreten Kulturpolitik sein. Die aus der zweiten Definition (technokratisch) hervorgehende Lehre ist der Nachdruck auf die Übereinstimmung der Kulturpolitik mit den anderen Entwicklungspolitiken sowie relativ offen definierte Grenzen der Reichweite und des Einflusses der Kulturpolitik. Die Kulturpolitik lässt die Wahl auf verschiedenen Ebenen treffen. Es geht nicht nur um die Wahl eines Feldes, aber auch um die Wahl der zumutbaren Schritte, Maßnahmen, Subjekte. Diese Wahl wird aber nicht in Isolierung getroffen. Diese ist immer an die gesellschaftlichen Prioritäten, an die allgemeine Politik und Dynamik angebunden. Vorhanden ist eben dieser Aspekt, obwohl er in der zweiten Definition nicht wörtlich ausgedrückt wurde. Damit wird die Gelegenheit geschaffen, die Möglichkeiten der Auswirkung aber auch der Einschränkungen jeder Kulturpolitik als solcher zu zeigen. Obwohl wir nach dritter Auffassung neigen, ist nicht zu vergessen, dass es noch mehrere Auffassungen gibt und einige sehr bedeutend sind.3

140

Kulturpolitik - Hintergrund und Gründe, warum sie wichtig ist

Im Bereich der europäischen Geschichte sind die am meisten als selbstverständlich betrachteten Beispiele, die wir bedingt und vorsichtig Kulturpolitikarten nennen dürfen, die Kulturpolitik des Perikles im antiken Griechenland sowie das Kunstpatronat der Medici in der Epoche der Hochrenaissance.

D

4

1) Verwaltung und Planung zunehmende Tendenz Eine der Erklärungen ist in der allgemeinen Bedeutungssteigerung von Verwaltung und Planung im Gesellschaftsleben zu finden. Komplexe Entwicklungsprobleme, mit denen die zeitgenössischen Gemeinschaften in Berührung kommen, waren in der Vergangenheit schwer vorzustellen. Das Gesellschaftsleben fiel in eine unzählbare Anzahl von aufeinander gelegenen und ineinander verflochtenen Teilen auseinander. Auf der einen Seite existiert eine Gesamtheit von mehr oder weniger gestalteten Gebieten des Gesellschaftslebens (obwohl immer wieder viele neuen zum Vorschein kommen), auf der anderen Seite besteht weiter das Bedürfnis danach, diese zu erkennen, zu definieren, zu koordinieren, ihnen einen bestimmten Kontext zu geben und über sie zu verwalten. Kulturelle Maßnahmen, deren Einstufung, Anzahl, Wesen, Bedeutung, zugehörige Formen und Gestaltungsweisen, Koordination und Verwaltung finden ihre Widerspiegelung und zumindest ein mögliches Spiegelbild im Bereich verschiedener Kulturpolitikarten (oder sollen diese finden). Diese Politikarten sollen einerseits mit der nationalen Kulturpolitik kompatibel sein, andererseits sollen sie mit den anderen Entwicklungspolitiken organisch verbunden sein.

Eine von dieser bedeutsamen Definition der Kulturpolitik sagt: Die Kulturpolitik bezeichnet die Gesamtheit kultureller Maßnahmen, die aufgrund einer globalen Vorstellung der gesellschaftlichen und kulturellen Entwicklung, der Sondersituation, der Kulturbedürfnisse sowie der aktuellen Kulturstandards geplant werden. [Martwiæ, 1990, S. 186].

2) Sektoreneinteilung Der oben dargestellte Trend entwickelt sich als Folge dessen, was wir als Sektoreneinteilung der gesellschaftlichen Aktivitäten bezeichnen können. Diese ist eben der nächste Entstehungsgrund der zeitgenössischen Kul-

3

as kulturelle Fortbestehen, d.h. das Behar ren in einer Kultur und in einem gewissen Kultursystem ist zweifellos mit den einzuführenden Mechanismen und Regeln verbunden, die sich auf das kulturelle Weiterbestehen, die kulturelle Veränderung und Entwicklung beziehen. Dementsprechend ist die Kulturpolitik so alt wie die Menschenrasse. Je größer der Einfluss einer bestimmten historischen Periode, desto expressiver und selbstverständlicher, aus Sicht der historischen Retrospektive, wird das (oft sehr allgemeine) Konzept der Kulturpolitik dieser Periode.4

2) Sektoreneinteilung Der oben dargestellte Trend entwickelt sich als Folge dessen, was wir als Sektoreneinteilung der gesellschaftlichen Aktivitäten bezeichnen können. Diese ist eben der nächste Entstehungsgrund der zeitgenössischen Kul-

3

as kulturelle Fortbestehen, d.h. das Behar ren in einer Kultur und in einem gewissen Kultursystem ist zweifellos mit den einzuführenden Mechanismen und Regeln verbunden, die sich auf das kulturelle Weiterbestehen, die kulturelle Veränderung und Entwicklung beziehen. Dementsprechend ist die Kulturpolitik so alt wie die Menschenrasse. Je größer der Einfluss einer bestimmten historischen Periode, desto expressiver und selbstverständlicher, aus Sicht der historischen Retrospektive, wird das (oft sehr allgemeine) Konzept der Kulturpolitik dieser Periode.4

Eine von dieser bedeutsamen Definition der Kulturpolitik sagt: Die Kulturpolitik bezeichnet die Gesamtheit kultureller Maßnahmen, die aufgrund einer globalen Vorstellung der gesellschaftlichen und kulturellen Entwicklung, der Sondersituation, der Kulturbedürfnisse sowie der aktuellen Kulturstandards geplant werden. [Martwiæ, 1990, S. 186].

D

1) Verwaltung und Planung zunehmende Tendenz Eine der Erklärungen ist in der allgemeinen Bedeutungssteigerung von Verwaltung und Planung im Gesellschaftsleben zu finden. Komplexe Entwicklungsprobleme, mit denen die zeitgenössischen Gemeinschaften in Berührung kommen, waren in der Vergangenheit schwer vorzustellen. Das Gesellschaftsleben fiel in eine unzählbare Anzahl von aufeinander gelegenen und ineinander verflochtenen Teilen auseinander. Auf der einen Seite existiert eine Gesamtheit von mehr oder weniger gestalteten Gebieten des Gesellschaftslebens (obwohl immer wieder viele neuen zum Vorschein kommen), auf der anderen Seite besteht weiter das Bedürfnis danach, diese zu erkennen, zu definieren, zu koordinieren, ihnen einen bestimmten Kontext zu geben und über sie zu verwalten. Kulturelle Maßnahmen, deren Einstufung, Anzahl, Wesen, Bedeutung, zugehörige Formen und Gestaltungsweisen, Koordination und Verwaltung finden ihre Widerspiegelung und zumindest ein mögliches Spiegelbild im Bereich verschiedener Kulturpolitikarten (oder sollen diese finden). Diese Politikarten sollen einerseits mit der nationalen Kulturpolitik kompatibel sein, andererseits sollen sie mit den anderen Entwicklungspolitiken organisch verbunden sein.

4 Im Bereich der europäischen Geschichte sind die am meisten als selbstverständlich betrachteten Beispiele, die wir bedingt und vorsichtig Kulturpolitikarten nennen dürfen, die Kulturpolitik des Perikles im antiken Griechenland sowie das Kunstpatronat der Medici in der Epoche der Hochrenaissance.

Kulturpolitik - Hintergrund und Gründe, warum sie wichtig ist

Die Kulturpolitik in ihrer zeitgenössischen Auffassung sollte jedoch als eine sehr neue Erscheinung betrachtet werden. Es ist selbstverständlich, dass die Gemeinschaften in der ganzen Welt durch alle neuen und vor kurzem entstandenen Umstände dazu gezwungen sind, dieses Problem in Angriff zu nehmen und die Kulturpolitik als eine der festen Aufgaben zu betrachten. Von vielen Gründen, die zur Definierung und Entstehung der Kulturpolitik führen, werde ich nur die wichtigsten aufführen.

140

finition (operativ) fehlt, und zwar von einer spezifischen, weitsichtigen Auffassung der Kultur und Kulturaktivität, die eine konkrete Kulturpolitik zweifelsohne determiniert. Was mehr, die Einsetzung der Kulturpolitik in einer konkreten Kulturgesamtheit soll ein grundlegendes Kriterium der Beurteilung einer konkreten Kulturpolitik sein. Die aus der zweiten Definition (technokratisch) hervorgehende Lehre ist der Nachdruck auf die Übereinstimmung der Kulturpolitik mit den anderen Entwicklungspolitiken sowie relativ offen definierte Grenzen der Reichweite und des Einflusses der Kulturpolitik. Die Kulturpolitik lässt die Wahl auf verschiedenen Ebenen treffen. Es geht nicht nur um die Wahl eines Feldes, aber auch um die Wahl der zumutbaren Schritte, Maßnahmen, Subjekte. Diese Wahl wird aber nicht in Isolierung getroffen. Diese ist immer an die gesellschaftlichen Prioritäten, an die allgemeine Politik und Dynamik angebunden. Vorhanden ist eben dieser Aspekt, obwohl er in der zweiten Definition nicht wörtlich ausgedrückt wurde. Damit wird die Gelegenheit geschaffen, die Möglichkeiten der Auswirkung aber auch der Einschränkungen jeder Kulturpolitik als solcher zu zeigen. Obwohl wir nach dritter Auffassung neigen, ist nicht zu vergessen, dass es noch mehrere Auffassungen gibt und einige sehr bedeutend sind.3


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

turpolitik. Bei der ganzen vorher erwähnten Mehrdeutigkeit und Unproduktivität dieser Einstellung wird die Kultur in den Bereich der allgemeinen Sektoreneinteilung versetzt. Deswegen nimmt sie die innere Sektorennatur an, die am häufigsten mit der Kulturessenz als einzigartiger wahren Quintessenz und Verkörperung einer Gesellschaftssumme drastisch im Widerspruch steht. Da der Systematisierungsund Dekonstruktionsprozess der allgemeinen Nomenklatur der Gesellschaftssektoren immerhin als vorherrschendes Muster allgemeiner Planung und Verwaltung gilt, schließt diese Erscheinung nichtsdestoweniger auch weitgehende und entwickelte Kulturpolitikarten ein, die als höchstentwickelte Methoden zur Führung, Verwaltung und Finanzierung von Maßnahmen zu betrachten sind, die als mit Kultur verbunden wahrgenommen werden dies ist fast unvermeidlich. 3) Entwicklung des Kommunikationssystems Der dritte Grund der Entwicklung und der Bedeutungszunahme der Kulturpolitik kann in der Intensivierung und in der Konsolidierung des globalen Systems der kulturellen, wirtschaftlichen und politischen Kommunikation gesucht werden. Die Entwicklung dieses Systems hat alle Länder dazu gezwungen, ihre Position in der Kommunikationslandschaft ständig zu bestimmen: einige Länder wurden zur Förderung dieser Position, andere zur Eroberung einer neuen Position und noch andere dazu gezwungen, diese Position nicht vollständig zu verlieren.5

All dies liegt der Entstehung des Bedürfnisses zugrunde, einheitliche Strategien für die Kulturentwicklung aufzubauen, was am häufigsten und am meisten natürlich im Rahmen der Kulturpolitik erfolgt.6 4) Entwicklung der internationalen Zusammenarbeit Der vierte Grund soll in der Steigerung des Einflusses, der Wirkungskraft und der Bedeutung von internationalen Kulturanstalten sowie in der internationalen Kulturzusammenarbeit gesucht werden. Auf diesem Gebiet sind die zwischen den Regierungen agierenden sowie die übernationalen Kulturanstalten und -körper am weitesten bekannt. Ihre wichtigsten und bedeutendsten Mitglieder sind zweifelsohne die Staaten, die in diesen Anstalten verschiedenartig vertreten werden. Selbst diese Tatsache impliziert das Vorhandensein von etwas, was wir als nationale Prioritäten und Kultureigenart bezeichnen können, die wiederum über die Kulturpolitik, die immer sowohl der Ausgangspunkt als auch das Ziel darstellt, zum Ausdruck gebracht wird. In Anbetracht dieser Zusammenhänge wird das Bedürfnis nach Einigung und Abstimmung der von den internationalen Kulturorganisationen angeregten Aktivitäten und Programmen mit den nationalen Kulturpolitikarten hervorgehoben. 5) Integration und Aufrechterhaltung der Identität

5

Eine derartige Ansicht hat wenigstens 2 unlösbare Aporien zur Folge. Die Sektoreneinteilung setzt einen drastischen Bruch an, der besonders ernste Folgen in der Abgrenzung zwischen den produktiven und nicht-produktiven Aktivitäten und den zugehörigen Sektoren hat. Im Rahmen einer derartigen Einteilung wird zwar das Bedürfnis nach der Existenz nichtproduktiver Aktivitäten nicht in Frage gestellt, diese werden aber als auf Kosten anderer existierende Aktivitäten betrachtet. Meistens bedeutet dies, dass die Kulturaktivitäten insbesondere die äußerst charakteristischen Beispiele der nichtproduktiven Aktivitäten darstellen und nicht nur innerhalb des nicht-produktiven Sektors, sondern auch sogar innerhalb des Konsumsektors konsequent eingestuft werden. Diese Einstellung liegt der Auffassung zugrunde, dass die Kultur keinen Beitrag zur sozialen Entwicklung leisten kann. Die Kultur verbindet eine Summe von Identitäten, Aktivitäten und Möglichkeiten einer bestimmten Gemeinschaft. Die andere Aporie kommt immer in jedem Versuch zum Vorschein, ein Klassifizierungssystem zu schaffen, dessen Ziel ist, das zu bestimmen, was für Kulturhandeln gehalten werden soll und was für Kulturhandeln gehalten wird. Die letzten Tendenzen zeigen scheinbar paradoxerweise, dass die Aktivitäten, die von der kulturellen Grundlage und von der Matrize, von der sie stammen, höchst unabhängig zu sein scheinen, und dass diese ohne kulturelle und zeitliche Kontextualisierung als ein soziales Phänomen einfach unerklärbar sind. Viele unglückliche Erfahrungen aus der nahen Vergangenheit haben zur Entwicklung einer Einstellung geführt, die nicht imstande war, zu einer praktischen Lösung der erwähnten Aporien zu führen. Diese Einstellung kann folgendermaßen ausgedrückt werden: Kultur ist Alles und insbesondere ist sie ein Teil von Allem. [Cliche, Mitchell, Wiegand, 2002].

6

Viele Experte, die den japanischen Wirtschaftswunder zu erklären versuchten, teilen eine beinahe identische Ansicht: eine der wichtigsten Ursachen eines so schnellen und starken Wirtschaftswachstums ist das Verfügen über ein einzigartiges Langzeitplanungssystem, das in einige miteinander verbundenen Politikverfahren eingeteilt wird, die einer alljährlichen Überprüfung und Berichtigung unterliegen. Was oft übersehen wird und sich aus den neuerlich durchgeführten kulturologischen Analysen ergibt, ist die hoch entwickelte Kunst der Planerstellung, die woanders auf der Welt schwer zu finden ist, sowie die Fähigkeit, nach den weitgehend akzeptierten Plänen zu handeln . Die Erklärung dieses Phänomens kann eher in der Totalität des japanischen Kultursystems und nicht in einigen, oft übertriebenen Außenfaktoren (wie Inselcharakter des Landes, Rohstoffmangel, starres Bildungssystem usw.) gesucht werden. [Kato, 1981; Moore, 1990].

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

141

141

6 Viele Experte, die den japanischen Wirtschaftswunder zu erklären versuchten, teilen eine beinahe identische Ansicht: eine der wichtigsten Ursachen eines so schnellen und starken Wirtschaftswachstums ist das Verfügen über ein einzigartiges Langzeitplanungssystem, das in einige miteinander verbundenen Politikverfahren eingeteilt wird, die einer alljährlichen Überprüfung und Berichtigung unterliegen. Was oft übersehen wird und sich aus den neuerlich durchgeführten kulturologischen Analysen ergibt, ist die hoch entwickelte Kunst der Planerstellung, die woanders auf der Welt schwer zu finden ist, sowie die Fähigkeit, nach den weitgehend akzeptierten Plänen zu handeln . Die Erklärung dieses Phänomens kann eher in der Totalität des japanischen Kultursystems und nicht in einigen, oft übertriebenen Außenfaktoren (wie Inselcharakter des Landes, Rohstoffmangel, starres Bildungssystem usw.) gesucht werden. [Kato, 1981; Moore, 1990]. 5 Eine derartige Ansicht hat wenigstens 2 unlösbare Aporien zur Folge. Die Sektoreneinteilung setzt einen drastischen Bruch an, der besonders ernste Folgen in der Abgrenzung zwischen den produktiven und nicht-produktiven Aktivitäten und den zugehörigen Sektoren hat. Im Rahmen einer derartigen Einteilung wird zwar das Bedürfnis nach der Existenz nichtproduktiver Aktivitäten nicht in Frage gestellt, diese werden aber als auf Kosten anderer existierende Aktivitäten betrachtet. Meistens bedeutet dies, dass die Kulturaktivitäten insbesondere die äußerst charakteristischen Beispiele der nichtproduktiven Aktivitäten darstellen und nicht nur innerhalb des nicht-produktiven Sektors, sondern auch sogar innerhalb des Konsumsektors konsequent eingestuft werden. Diese Einstellung liegt der Auffassung zugrunde, dass die Kultur keinen Beitrag zur sozialen Entwicklung leisten kann. Die Kultur verbindet eine Summe von Identitäten, Aktivitäten und Möglichkeiten einer bestimmten Gemeinschaft. Die andere Aporie kommt immer in jedem Versuch zum Vorschein, ein Klassifizierungssystem zu schaffen, dessen Ziel ist, das zu bestimmen, was für Kulturhandeln gehalten werden soll und was für Kulturhandeln gehalten wird. Die letzten Tendenzen zeigen scheinbar paradoxerweise, dass die Aktivitäten, die von der kulturellen Grundlage und von der Matrize, von der sie stammen, höchst unabhängig zu sein scheinen, und dass diese ohne kulturelle und zeitliche Kontextualisierung als ein soziales Phänomen einfach unerklärbar sind. Viele unglückliche Erfahrungen aus der nahen Vergangenheit haben zur Entwicklung einer Einstellung geführt, die nicht imstande war, zu einer praktischen Lösung der erwähnten Aporien zu führen. Diese Einstellung kann folgendermaßen ausgedrückt werden: Kultur ist Alles und insbesondere ist sie ein Teil von Allem. [Cliche, Mitchell, Wiegand, 2002].

3) Entwicklung des Kommunikationssystems Der dritte Grund der Entwicklung und der Bedeutungszunahme der Kulturpolitik kann in der Intensivierung und in der Konsolidierung des globalen Systems der kulturellen, wirtschaftlichen und politischen Kommunikation gesucht werden. Die Entwicklung dieses Systems hat alle Länder dazu gezwungen, ihre Position in der Kommunikationslandschaft ständig zu bestimmen: einige Länder wurden zur Förderung dieser Position, andere zur Eroberung einer neuen Position und noch andere dazu gezwungen, diese Position nicht vollständig zu verlieren.5 turpolitik. Bei der ganzen vorher erwähnten Mehrdeutigkeit und Unproduktivität dieser Einstellung wird die Kultur in den Bereich der allgemeinen Sektoreneinteilung versetzt. Deswegen nimmt sie die innere Sektorennatur an, die am häufigsten mit der Kulturessenz als einzigartiger wahren Quintessenz und Verkörperung einer Gesellschaftssumme drastisch im Widerspruch steht. Da der Systematisierungsund Dekonstruktionsprozess der allgemeinen Nomenklatur der Gesellschaftssektoren immerhin als vorherrschendes Muster allgemeiner Planung und Verwaltung gilt, schließt diese Erscheinung nichtsdestoweniger auch weitgehende und entwickelte Kulturpolitikarten ein, die als höchstentwickelte Methoden zur Führung, Verwaltung und Finanzierung von Maßnahmen zu betrachten sind, die als mit Kultur verbunden wahrgenommen werden dies ist fast unvermeidlich.

5) Integration und Aufrechterhaltung der Identität 4) Entwicklung der internationalen Zusammenarbeit Der vierte Grund soll in der Steigerung des Einflusses, der Wirkungskraft und der Bedeutung von internationalen Kulturanstalten sowie in der internationalen Kulturzusammenarbeit gesucht werden. Auf diesem Gebiet sind die zwischen den Regierungen agierenden sowie die übernationalen Kulturanstalten und -körper am weitesten bekannt. Ihre wichtigsten und bedeutendsten Mitglieder sind zweifelsohne die Staaten, die in diesen Anstalten verschiedenartig vertreten werden. Selbst diese Tatsache impliziert das Vorhandensein von etwas, was wir als nationale Prioritäten und Kultureigenart bezeichnen können, die wiederum über die Kulturpolitik, die immer sowohl der Ausgangspunkt als auch das Ziel darstellt, zum Ausdruck gebracht wird. In Anbetracht dieser Zusammenhänge wird das Bedürfnis nach Einigung und Abstimmung der von den internationalen Kulturorganisationen angeregten Aktivitäten und Programmen mit den nationalen Kulturpolitikarten hervorgehoben. All dies liegt der Entstehung des Bedürfnisses zugrunde, einheitliche Strategien für die Kulturentwicklung aufzubauen, was am häufigsten und am meisten natürlich im Rahmen der Kulturpolitik erfolgt.6


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1) Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

werden kann, scheint sowohl eine Vortäuschung als auch eine letzte und einzige Verteidigungsbastion der inneren Kultureigenart der Mechanismen der einzelnen Kulturen gegen eine unsichtbare und leise Dekonstruktion zu sein.

142

6) Hypostase der Entwiklungsparameter Der sechste Grund der Bedeutungszunahme der Kulturpolitik ist ein neuer Zivilisationstrend, der wir als Hypostase der sozialen Entwicklungsparameter bezeichnen können. Man kann sagen, dass dieses Phänomen aus langer Zivilisationsperspektive eher neu ist und erst nach dem Jahr 1989 und nach allen Veränderungen, die in diesem für das ganze Europa und die ganze Welt wichtigen Jahr stattfanden, richtig in Schwung kam. Zum ersten Mal entwickelt sich etwas, was als Universalität der Entwicklungsparameter bezeichnet werden kann, auf einer allgemeinen übernationalen Ebene. Obwohl für die Effektivität dieser Parameter keine Bemessungskriterien verfügbar sind, sind mehrere Experten der Meinung, dass sich diese Parameter auf Folgendes beziehen: G demokratisches Politiksystem und Rechtsherrschaft G Achtung der Menschenrechte G Achtung und Begünstigung des Privateigentums sowie G Achtung der multikulturellen Regeln, der Glaubenvielfalt und Rechte der ethnischen Minderheiten

Die Erscheinung, derer wir Zeugen sind, und die extern mit neuen Debatten zum Thema der GATT-Transformation verbunden ist, ist eine tiefgründige und belehrende Lektion. Obwohl das Kulturgebiet immer noch als ephemerisch und eher unwesentlich angesehen wird, hat sich jedoch schnell erwiesen, dass zum Beispiel der problematische Filmproduktionsbereich und audiovisueller Produktionsbereich europäischer Länder, insbesondere Frankreichs, und Amerikas Konkurrenzproduktion gefährlich für den ganzen Verhandlungsprozess sein kann. Einerseits ist zu vermerken, dass die Aufopferung kultureller Ziele, die der Erreichung eines Kompromiss im Hinblick auf die Harmonisierung der meistens gegensätzlichen Wirtschaftsinteressen dient, das Äußerste ist. Andererseits stellt eine derartige Aufopferung jedoch die beste Methode dar, eine dauerhafte strukturelle und systematische Interdependenz zu erreichen, was wahrscheinlich unanwendbar ist. Die Mechanismen der Kulturproduktion, wenn wir diese aus wirtschaftlicher Sicht betrachten, scheinen bis dahin banal zu sein, wenn die soziale Kulturselbstbewusstheit in Frage gestellt wird. In diesem Punkt verändert die ganze Debatte ihren Charakter und die Kulturziele werden zu den wichtigsten und zu den wertvollsten Zielen und deren Aufgabe sollte um jeden Preis vermieden werden. [d Angelo, Vespertini, 1998, S. 37; Smiers, 2003].

Die Willkür der Versuche, die oben genannten Probleme zu ermessen, ist sehr groß, deswegen stellt die angeführte Zusammenstellung eher eine Wertsammlung als ein System von definierten und klar festgelegten Parametern dar. Unbestreitbar ist auch die Tatsache, dass diese Parameter in Bezug auf unterschiedliche Gesellschaften wegen der Vielfalt der Subjekte und deren unterschiedlichen Interessen auf verschiedenen, oft gegensätzlichen Ebenen eingeschätzt werden sollen.

Die Willkür der Versuche, die oben genannten Probleme zu ermessen, ist sehr groß, deswegen stellt die angeführte Zusammenstellung eher eine Wertsammlung als ein System von definierten und klar festgelegten Parametern dar. Unbestreitbar ist auch die Tatsache, dass diese Parameter in Bezug auf unterschiedliche Gesellschaften wegen der Vielfalt der Subjekte und deren unterschiedlichen Interessen auf verschiedenen, oft gegensätzlichen Ebenen eingeschätzt werden sollen.

Die fünfte Ursache der Bedeutungszunahme der Kulturpolitik, und insbesondere der nationalen Kulturpolitik, ist die Überzeugung, dass diese Politik vor einer potenziellen kulturellen Dekonstruktion schützen kann, die fast alle Kulturen bedroht. Es gibt zwei miteinander verbundene Tendenzen, die dieser Bedrohung zugrunde liegen. Die erste tritt auf der Ebene des globalen Kulturmarktes auf, der den einzelnen Kulturen ein den globalen Standards und Mustern entsprechendes Schaffen aufzwingt, was häufig mit der Aufopferung, Vereinfachung und in Extremfällen mit dem Verzicht auf die Einzigartigkeit verbunden ist.7 Die andere Tendenz, die mit der ersten im Zusammenhang steht, ist insofern sehr gefährlich, dass diese meistens nicht so selbstverständlich und erkennbar ist und ferner eine systematische Natur hat und langfristige und tiefgründige Folgen haben kann. Kurz gesagt: der Umfang und das Niveau der übernationalen Regelungen von vitalen Elementen und Aspekten des nationalen und übernationalen Gemeinschaftsfunktionierens nehmen in einem Blitztempo zu. Es besteht kein Zweifel drüber, dass die Integrationsprozesse trotz verschiedener Schwierigkeiten fortschreiten. Obwohl die Integrationsprozesse in permanenter Krise liegen, ist die Tatsache unbestreitbar, dass die Krisen alle Bereiche des Gesellschaftslebens und insbesondere den Kulturbereich infizieren, obwohl diese meistens auf der Ebene der Wirtschaftszusammenarbeit entstehen (politische und militärische Einigkeit sind nicht mehr vorrangig). Der systematische und mehrdimensionale Einfluss einiger wirtschaftlicher Entscheidungen bleibt meistens unanfechtbar, es wird jedoch versucht, deren möglich negative Folgen durch entsprechende Gegenmaßnahmen zu neutralisieren. Die Kulturpolitik, die die Prioritäten und Funktionsweisen auf eine genug klare Art und Weise zu definieren versucht, sodass diese nicht in Frage gestellt werden kann oder sodass diese höchstens in Extremfällen in Frage gestellt

6) Hypostase der Entwiklungsparameter Der sechste Grund der Bedeutungszunahme der Kulturpolitik ist ein neuer Zivilisationstrend, der wir als Hypostase der sozialen Entwicklungsparameter bezeichnen können. Man kann sagen, dass dieses Phänomen aus langer Zivilisationsperspektive eher neu ist und erst nach dem Jahr 1989 und nach allen Veränderungen, die in diesem für das ganze Europa und die ganze Welt wichtigen Jahr stattfanden, richtig in Schwung kam. Zum ersten Mal entwickelt sich etwas, was als Universalität der Entwicklungsparameter bezeichnet werden kann, auf einer allgemeinen übernationalen Ebene. Obwohl für die Effektivität dieser Parameter keine Bemessungskriterien verfügbar sind, sind mehrere Experten der Meinung, dass sich diese Parameter auf Folgendes beziehen: G demokratisches Politiksystem und Rechtsherrschaft G Achtung der Menschenrechte G Achtung und Begünstigung des Privateigentums sowie G Achtung der multikulturellen Regeln, der Glaubenvielfalt und Rechte der ethnischen Minderheiten

7 Die Erscheinung, derer wir Zeugen sind, und die extern mit neuen Debatten zum Thema der GATT-Transformation verbunden ist, ist eine tiefgründige und belehrende Lektion. Obwohl das Kulturgebiet immer noch als ephemerisch und eher unwesentlich angesehen wird, hat sich jedoch schnell erwiesen, dass zum Beispiel der problematische Filmproduktionsbereich und audiovisueller Produktionsbereich europäischer Länder, insbesondere Frankreichs, und Amerikas Konkurrenzproduktion gefährlich für den ganzen Verhandlungsprozess sein kann. Einerseits ist zu vermerken, dass die Aufopferung kultureller Ziele, die der Erreichung eines Kompromiss im Hinblick auf die Harmonisierung der meistens gegensätzlichen Wirtschaftsinteressen dient, das Äußerste ist. Andererseits stellt eine derartige Aufopferung jedoch die beste Methode dar, eine dauerhafte strukturelle und systematische Interdependenz zu erreichen, was wahrscheinlich unanwendbar ist. Die Mechanismen der Kulturproduktion, wenn wir diese aus wirtschaftlicher Sicht betrachten, scheinen bis dahin banal zu sein, wenn die soziale Kulturselbstbewusstheit in Frage gestellt wird. In diesem Punkt verändert die ganze Debatte ihren Charakter und die Kulturziele werden zu den wichtigsten und zu den wertvollsten Zielen und deren Aufgabe sollte um jeden Preis vermieden werden. [d Angelo, Vespertini, 1998, S. 37; Smiers, 2003].

7

werden kann, scheint sowohl eine Vortäuschung als auch eine letzte und einzige Verteidigungsbastion der inneren Kultureigenart der Mechanismen der einzelnen Kulturen gegen eine unsichtbare und leise Dekonstruktion zu sein.

142

Die fünfte Ursache der Bedeutungszunahme der Kulturpolitik, und insbesondere der nationalen Kulturpolitik, ist die Überzeugung, dass diese Politik vor einer potenziellen kulturellen Dekonstruktion schützen kann, die fast alle Kulturen bedroht. Es gibt zwei miteinander verbundene Tendenzen, die dieser Bedrohung zugrunde liegen. Die erste tritt auf der Ebene des globalen Kulturmarktes auf, der den einzelnen Kulturen ein den globalen Standards und Mustern entsprechendes Schaffen aufzwingt, was häufig mit der Aufopferung, Vereinfachung und in Extremfällen mit dem Verzicht auf die Einzigartigkeit verbunden ist.7 Die andere Tendenz, die mit der ersten im Zusammenhang steht, ist insofern sehr gefährlich, dass diese meistens nicht so selbstverständlich und erkennbar ist und ferner eine systematische Natur hat und langfristige und tiefgründige Folgen haben kann. Kurz gesagt: der Umfang und das Niveau der übernationalen Regelungen von vitalen Elementen und Aspekten des nationalen und übernationalen Gemeinschaftsfunktionierens nehmen in einem Blitztempo zu. Es besteht kein Zweifel drüber, dass die Integrationsprozesse trotz verschiedener Schwierigkeiten fortschreiten. Obwohl die Integrationsprozesse in permanenter Krise liegen, ist die Tatsache unbestreitbar, dass die Krisen alle Bereiche des Gesellschaftslebens und insbesondere den Kulturbereich infizieren, obwohl diese meistens auf der Ebene der Wirtschaftszusammenarbeit entstehen (politische und militärische Einigkeit sind nicht mehr vorrangig). Der systematische und mehrdimensionale Einfluss einiger wirtschaftlicher Entscheidungen bleibt meistens unanfechtbar, es wird jedoch versucht, deren möglich negative Folgen durch entsprechende Gegenmaßnahmen zu neutralisieren. Die Kulturpolitik, die die Prioritäten und Funktionsweisen auf eine genug klare Art und Weise zu definieren versucht, sodass diese nicht in Frage gestellt werden kann oder sodass diese höchstens in Extremfällen in Frage gestellt


143

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Die Möglichkeit eines allgemeinen internationalen Dialogs hängt trotzdem vor allem von einer (meistens uneinheitlichen und zweifelhaften) Beurteilung der Erfüllung der oben genannten Parameter. Unbestreitbar ist die Tatsache, dass die Unmöglichkeit einer derartigen allgemeinen sozialen Dialogführung im Rahmen eines globalen Dialogs die Entwicklung einer bestimmten Gemeinschaft hemmt und zu ihrem Untergang führen kann. Das Erreichen der vorher genannten Parameter hat meistens zwei Ebenen: protokollarisch-regulative und real-operatorische Ebene. Selbst eine äußerst oberflächliche Betrachtung der vorgenannten Parameter signalisiert uns, dass diese das verstärkte Auftreten von den mit Kultur verbundenen Erscheinungen implizieren. Da die Kulturpolitik beide Ebenen beinhaltet, wird sie zu einem unvermeidlichen und wichtigen Element der allgemeinen Beurteilung und Erfüllung der vorgenannten Parameter. 7) Steigerung der wirtschaftlichen Bedeutung von Kulturaktivitäten Einer der wichtigsten Faktoren der Steigerung von Kulturpolitikbedeutung ist ein schneller Wachstum der Entwicklungs- und Wirtschaftseinflüssen und der Bedeutung von Kulturaktivitäten.8 Werden wir die Schlussfolgerungen aus den oben genannten sieben Gründen der Bedeutungszunahme der Kulturpolitik ziehen, die wir seit den 60-er Jahren des zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts beobachten, so können wir feststellen, dass es sich seit jener Zeit zwei Betrachtungsachsen herauskristallisiert haben: G die erste, die sich vor allem auf globale Trends konzentriert G die zweite, die die Fragen zu allgemeinen Hinweisen und Definitionen auf der nationalen Ebene beantwortet.

Wir sollen somit die zwei vorgenannten Ebenen im zweiten Teil der Analyse einhalten und diese als nationale und übernationale Ebenen für vorherrschende Wandel in der Kulturpolitik ansehen.

Verwaltung, Planung und Kulturpolitik

I

n Anbetracht der vorgenannten Gründe so wie der untrennbaren, mit dem kulturellen Weiterbestehen verbundenen Charakteristika wird die Erarbeitung eines relativ einheitlichen Systems der Verwaltung, Planung und Politik im Kulturbereich zu einer vorläufigen Voraussetzung für die Überlieferung von kulturellen Werten und Formen. Üblicherweise existieren zwei Arten von Gründen, die der Kulturplanung zugrunde liegen: der erste ergibt sich aus dem Kulturleben selbst, der zweite aus dem Bedürfnis nach dem Verflechten von sozial-wirtschaftlichen Determinanten der gesamten Gesellschaftsentwicklung. Die Aufmerksamkeit der Kulturexperten, Kulturbehörden und Kulturmanager konzentriert sich seit den 80-er Jahren des zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts jedoch nicht so sehr auf Planung (eine Tendenz, die in dem vorangehenden Zeitraum dominierte), sondern auf Kulturverwaltung. Dieser Einstellungswandel entstand in Folge des Anschauungswandels in Bezug auf die Kulturfunktionen, die ursprünglich als Verbrauchsformen und heutzutage immer häufiger auch im produktiven Ausmaß betrachtet werden. Die Kulturplanung ist ein gleichberechtigter Bestandteil der Planung von nationaler Entwicklung (und es handelt sich nicht nur um Ausgaben) und in vielen Ländern hat die Kulturverwaltung einen den anderen Formen des Organisations- und Verwaltungssystems gleichwertigen Status erreicht.9

8

Diese Zunahme von wirtschaftlicher Bedeutung der Kulturaktivitäten, derer Anfänge wir in den 60-er Jahren des zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts beobachten konnten, wird in den 80-er Jahren sehr auffällig, als z.B. 1989 im Kultursektor der Europäischen Union über vier Millionen Personen angestellt waren und es im Falle von einzelnen Ländern von 3 bis 6 % des BIP ausmachte. (Siehe: Domenach, Jean-Marie. Europe: le defi culturel. Decouverte, Paris 1990.) Um die Größen im Vergleich zu den anderen Sektoren näher zu bestimmen, kann folgendes Beispiel anführt werden: die Elektro-, Energie- und Autoindustrie haben in demselben Jahr insgesamt 3% des BIP dargestellt (nach Aussage von John Myerscough Wirtschaftliche Bedeutung des Kultursektors in Großbritannien beim Treffen Round Table zum Thema Employment in the Field of Art. And Regional Developement , Dublin, den 29. September 1989. Siehe: Culturelink, IMRO, Bd. 1 Nr. 1, 1989). Heute ist diese Tendenz im Fall von Finnland äußerst auffällig, wo 7% des BIP vom Kulturbereich und Kreativindustrie kommt. [Cliche, Mitchell, Wiesbad, 2002, S. 135.].

9

Die wesentlichsten theoretischen Abhandlungen über die mit diesem Betrachtungswandel verbundenen Probleme sind vor allem die Bearbeitungen von Pierre Bourdieu und James Coleman. Während der erste Verfasser versucht, das produktive Potenzial und den Kulturwert im Rahmen des Kulturkapitalbegriffs zu erforschen und zu analysieren, nimmt der zweite dasselbe im Rahmen des Sozialkapitals vor. Das wichtigste ist, dass beide darüber einig sind, dass das größte Produktionskapital in der Kulturmatrize enthalten ist, die die einzelnen Gemeinschaften auszeichnet und die deren Entwicklungseffizienz fundamental definiert. [Bourdieu, 1979; Coleman, 1990, S. 300-321].

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

143

9 Die wesentlichsten theoretischen Abhandlungen über die mit diesem Betrachtungswandel verbundenen Probleme sind vor allem die Bearbeitungen von Pierre Bourdieu und James Coleman. Während der erste Verfasser versucht, das produktive Potenzial und den Kulturwert im Rahmen des Kulturkapitalbegriffs zu erforschen und zu analysieren, nimmt der zweite dasselbe im Rahmen des Sozialkapitals vor. Das wichtigste ist, dass beide darüber einig sind, dass das größte Produktionskapital in der Kulturmatrize enthalten ist, die die einzelnen Gemeinschaften auszeichnet und die deren Entwicklungseffizienz fundamental definiert. [Bourdieu, 1979; Coleman, 1990, S. 300-321]. 8 Diese Zunahme von wirtschaftlicher Bedeutung der Kulturaktivitäten, derer Anfänge wir in den 60-er Jahren des zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts beobachten konnten, wird in den 80-er Jahren sehr auffällig, als z.B. 1989 im Kultursektor der Europäischen Union über vier Millionen Personen angestellt waren und es im Falle von einzelnen Ländern von 3 bis 6 % des BIP ausmachte. (Siehe: Domenach, Jean-Marie. Europe: le defi culturel. Decouverte, Paris 1990.) Um die Größen im Vergleich zu den anderen Sektoren näher zu bestimmen, kann folgendes Beispiel anführt werden: die Elektro-, Energie- und Autoindustrie haben in demselben Jahr insgesamt 3% des BIP dargestellt (nach Aussage von John Myerscough Wirtschaftliche Bedeutung des Kultursektors in Großbritannien beim Treffen Round Table zum Thema Employment in the Field of Art. And Regional Developement , Dublin, den 29. September 1989. Siehe: Culturelink, IMRO, Bd. 1 Nr. 1, 1989). Heute ist diese Tendenz im Fall von Finnland äußerst auffällig, wo 7% des BIP vom Kulturbereich und Kreativindustrie kommt. [Cliche, Mitchell, Wiesbad, 2002, S. 135.].

7) Steigerung der wirtschaftlichen Bedeutung von Kulturaktivitäten Einer der wichtigsten Faktoren der Steigerung von Kulturpolitikbedeutung ist ein schneller Wachstum der Entwicklungs- und Wirtschaftseinflüssen und der Bedeutung von Kulturaktivitäten.8 Werden wir die Schlussfolgerungen aus den oben genannten sieben Gründen der Bedeutungszunahme der Kulturpolitik ziehen, die wir seit den 60-er Jahren des zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts beobachten, so können wir feststellen, dass es sich seit jener Zeit zwei Betrachtungsachsen herauskristallisiert haben: G die erste, die sich vor allem auf globale Trends konzentriert G die zweite, die die Fragen zu allgemeinen Hinweisen und Definitionen auf der nationalen Ebene beantwortet. Die Möglichkeit eines allgemeinen internationalen Dialogs hängt trotzdem vor allem von einer (meistens uneinheitlichen und zweifelhaften) Beurteilung der Erfüllung der oben genannten Parameter. Unbestreitbar ist die Tatsache, dass die Unmöglichkeit einer derartigen allgemeinen sozialen Dialogführung im Rahmen eines globalen Dialogs die Entwicklung einer bestimmten Gemeinschaft hemmt und zu ihrem Untergang führen kann. Das Erreichen der vorher genannten Parameter hat meistens zwei Ebenen: protokollarisch-regulative und real-operatorische Ebene. Selbst eine äußerst oberflächliche Betrachtung der vorgenannten Parameter signalisiert uns, dass diese das verstärkte Auftreten von den mit Kultur verbundenen Erscheinungen implizieren. Da die Kulturpolitik beide Ebenen beinhaltet, wird sie zu einem unvermeidlichen und wichtigen Element der allgemeinen Beurteilung und Erfüllung der vorgenannten Parameter.

n Anbetracht der vorgenannten Gründe so wie der untrennbaren, mit dem kulturellen Weiterbestehen verbundenen Charakteristika wird die Erarbeitung eines relativ einheitlichen Systems der Verwaltung, Planung und Politik im Kulturbereich zu einer vorläufigen Voraussetzung für die Überlieferung von kulturellen Werten und Formen. Üblicherweise existieren zwei Arten von Gründen, die der Kulturplanung zugrunde liegen: der erste ergibt sich aus dem Kulturleben selbst, der zweite aus dem Bedürfnis nach dem Verflechten von sozial-wirtschaftlichen Determinanten der gesamten Gesellschaftsentwicklung. Die Aufmerksamkeit der Kulturexperten, Kulturbehörden und Kulturmanager konzentriert sich seit den 80-er Jahren des zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts jedoch nicht so sehr auf Planung (eine Tendenz, die in dem vorangehenden Zeitraum dominierte), sondern auf Kulturverwaltung. Dieser Einstellungswandel entstand in Folge des Anschauungswandels in Bezug auf die Kulturfunktionen, die ursprünglich als Verbrauchsformen und heutzutage immer häufiger auch im produktiven Ausmaß betrachtet werden. Die Kulturplanung ist ein gleichberechtigter Bestandteil der Planung von nationaler Entwicklung (und es handelt sich nicht nur um Ausgaben) und in vielen Ländern hat die Kulturverwaltung einen den anderen Formen des Organisations- und Verwaltungssystems gleichwertigen Status erreicht.9

I

Verwaltung, Planung und Kulturpolitik Wir sollen somit die zwei vorgenannten Ebenen im zweiten Teil der Analyse einhalten und diese als nationale und übernationale Ebenen für vorherrschende Wandel in der Kulturpolitik ansehen.


144

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Es ist natürlich kein Zufall. Die Gründe dafür liegen im Wesen der Kulturaktivitäten selbst sowie in der Eigenartigkeit der derzeitigen sozialen Planung. werden können zum Beispiel in Anlehnung an den Bereich, den Umfang, die Operationsebene, auf der sie realisiert werden bzw. an das professionell-organisatorische Modell11 ist die Aufteilung in eine eindeutige (öffentliche) und eine verborgene (indirekte) Kulturpolitik eine Einstufungsart, die nicht nur als ursprüngliche sondern auch als tiefgründigste Einstufung zu sein scheint. Immer wenn wir mit der öffentlichen und eindeutigen Kulturpolitik zu tun haben, hat sie meistens einen anderen (tieferen) Boden, wo sich wichtige und nicht zufällige Gründe befinden. Ähnlich sieht es übrigens im Falle der verborgenen Politik aus. Dieses Argument werden wir besser verstehen, wenn wir die Tatsache, die oft übersehen wird, in Erwägung ziehen, und zwar - wenn wir von der Kulturpolitik sprechen, gehen wir intuitiv davon aus, dass: G sie national ist sie expressiv und öffentlich ist (oder wenigstens so sein sollte). G

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Eindeutige (öffentliche) Kulturpolitik

144

E

Wenn wir die Kulturpolitikarten in Anlehnung an Bereiche aufteilen und einstufen, dann sprechen wir praktisch von kulturellen Sektorpolitikarten, d.h. von der Kulturpolitik im Literatur-, Theater-, Tanz-, Rundfunk-, Film-, Herausgeber- und Musikbereich usw. Wenn wir diese in Anlehnung an ihren Umfang einstufen, können wir dann von übernationalen, nationalen, regionalen und lokalen Kulturpolitikarten sprechen. Diese Einstufung ist der in Anlehnung an die Operationsebene vorgenommenen Einstufung der Kulturpolitikarten sehr ähnlich, manchmal sogar identisch. Der grundlegende Unterschied liegt darin, dass der geographisch-territoriale Schlüssel im zweiten Fall mehr präzise bestimmt ist, und so werden wir mit der Staats-, Regions-, Stadt-, Viertel- , Dorf-, Inselkulturpolitik usw. zu tun haben. Wenn wir das professionellorganisatorische Modell als das grundlegende Einstufungsparameter annehmen (was ziemlich oft getan wird und es ist eine der wichtigsten Einstufungen), kann Kulturpolitik als zentralisierte oder dezentralisierte Kulturpolitik eingestuft werden.

Da die Abgrenzung des Kultursektors von den technischen und wirtschaftlichen Sektoren immer schwerer fällt, können wir die Ausbildung eines neuen Typs von Interaktion und sozialer Beziehung beobachten; die grundsätzlichen Sozialkategorien werden erneut formuliert und auf eine neue Art und Weise betrachtet. Während die traditionelle Kulturplanung vor allem einen Bezug auf die Showkultur nahm, wird sie heutzutage in ganz neuen Kulturbereichen eingesetzt, die oft starke und bedeutende Muster aus dem Wirtschafts- und Politikgebiet übernommen haben. Die derartige Planung gehört nicht mehr nur der Kultur im engeren Sinne an. Alle klassischen Kategorien und Funktionen der Kulturanalyse werden in Frage gestellt und sollten auf eine neue Art und Weise formuliert werden, und zwar auf eine Art und Weise, die sich auf folgende analytische Paare bezieht: entweder individuell/kollektiv, Verbrauch/Produktion, Innovation/Reproduktion oder Expressivität/Instrumentalität.10 Tiefgehende Änderungen sind auch in der Eigentumsform, die im Bereich der kulturellen Produktion und Distribution vorherrscht, sowie in der Auswirkung und im Umfang der kulturellen Verwaltung im Kulturleben und in der Kulturentwicklung zu verzeichnen. Wir haben mit einer Mischung von öffentlichem Eigentum, teilöffentlichem Eigentum und Privateigentum sowie mit den Änderungen der vorherrschenden Zusammenarbeits- und Wettbewerbsmodellen im Bereich der Kulturaktivitäten zu tun, was zusätzlich durch wachsende Rolle und Bedeutung von Sponsoring und Kulturpatronat begleitet wird. All dies bewirkt, dass der Prozess der Kulturplanung und -verwaltung bis zu einem vorher unvorstellbaren Grad kompliziert wird.

Dies bezieht sich vor allem auf Medien und Kulturindustrie.

11

Zwei Typen der Kulturpolitik eindeutige (öffentliche) und verborgene (indirekte) Politik

10

in mit den kulturellen Aktivitäten verbun denes Probem ist oft die fehlende Organisation der Beziehungen und Relationen untereinander. Da diese überwiegend kein streng bestimmtes Außenziel haben, das ableitbar und zweitrangig wäre (und so soll es bestehen bleiben), bedürfen sie einer finanziellen, informativen, organisatorischen und infrastrukturellen Unterstützung, weil sie in dieser Hinsicht nicht autark sind. Aus diesem Grund werden im Kulturbereich Muster aus anderen Gebieten, wie Planung und Gestaltung von Politiken übertragen. Es ist ein Ausdruck einer allgemeinen Befähigung der Gesellschaft zur Verwirt-

in mit den kulturellen Aktivitäten verbun denes Probem ist oft die fehlende Organisation der Beziehungen und Relationen untereinander. Da diese überwiegend kein streng bestimmtes Außenziel haben, das ableitbar und zweitrangig wäre (und so soll es bestehen bleiben), bedürfen sie einer finanziellen, informativen, organisatorischen und infrastrukturellen Unterstützung, weil sie in dieser Hinsicht nicht autark sind. Aus diesem Grund werden im Kulturbereich Muster aus anderen Gebieten, wie Planung und Gestaltung von Politiken übertragen. Es ist ein Ausdruck einer allgemeinen Befähigung der Gesellschaft zur Verwirt-

bwohl die Kulturpolitikarten in Anlehnung an viele Kriterien analysiert und eingestuft

E

O

bwohl die Kulturpolitikarten in Anlehnung an viele Kriterien analysiert und eingestuft

Eindeutige (öffentliche) Kulturpolitik

Dies bezieht sich vor allem auf Medien und Kulturindustrie.

O

Es ist natürlich kein Zufall. Die Gründe dafür liegen im Wesen der Kulturaktivitäten selbst sowie in der Eigenartigkeit der derzeitigen sozialen Planung.

10

Zwei Typen der Kulturpolitik eindeutige (öffentliche) und verborgene (indirekte) Politik

werden können zum Beispiel in Anlehnung an den Bereich, den Umfang, die Operationsebene, auf der sie realisiert werden bzw. an das professionell-organisatorische Modell11 ist die Aufteilung in eine eindeutige (öffentliche) und eine verborgene (indirekte) Kulturpolitik eine Einstufungsart, die nicht nur als ursprüngliche sondern auch als tiefgründigste Einstufung zu sein scheint. Immer wenn wir mit der öffentlichen und eindeutigen Kulturpolitik zu tun haben, hat sie meistens einen anderen (tieferen) Boden, wo sich wichtige und nicht zufällige Gründe befinden. Ähnlich sieht es übrigens im Falle der verborgenen Politik aus. Dieses Argument werden wir besser verstehen, wenn wir die Tatsache, die oft übersehen wird, in Erwägung ziehen, und zwar - wenn wir von der Kulturpolitik sprechen, gehen wir intuitiv davon aus, dass: G sie national ist G sie expressiv und öffentlich ist (oder wenigstens so sein sollte).

11 Wenn wir die Kulturpolitikarten in Anlehnung an Bereiche aufteilen und einstufen, dann sprechen wir praktisch von kulturellen Sektorpolitikarten, d.h. von der Kulturpolitik im Literatur-, Theater-, Tanz-, Rundfunk-, Film-, Herausgeber- und Musikbereich usw. Wenn wir diese in Anlehnung an ihren Umfang einstufen, können wir dann von übernationalen, nationalen, regionalen und lokalen Kulturpolitikarten sprechen. Diese Einstufung ist der in Anlehnung an die Operationsebene vorgenommenen Einstufung der Kulturpolitikarten sehr ähnlich, manchmal sogar identisch. Der grundlegende Unterschied liegt darin, dass der geographisch-territoriale Schlüssel im zweiten Fall mehr präzise bestimmt ist, und so werden wir mit der Staats-, Regions-, Stadt-, Viertel- , Dorf-, Inselkulturpolitik usw. zu tun haben. Wenn wir das professionellorganisatorische Modell als das grundlegende Einstufungsparameter annehmen (was ziemlich oft getan wird und es ist eine der wichtigsten Einstufungen), kann Kulturpolitik als zentralisierte oder dezentralisierte Kulturpolitik eingestuft werden.

Da die Abgrenzung des Kultursektors von den technischen und wirtschaftlichen Sektoren immer schwerer fällt, können wir die Ausbildung eines neuen Typs von Interaktion und sozialer Beziehung beobachten; die grundsätzlichen Sozialkategorien werden erneut formuliert und auf eine neue Art und Weise betrachtet. Während die traditionelle Kulturplanung vor allem einen Bezug auf die Showkultur nahm, wird sie heutzutage in ganz neuen Kulturbereichen eingesetzt, die oft starke und bedeutende Muster aus dem Wirtschafts- und Politikgebiet übernommen haben. Die derartige Planung gehört nicht mehr nur der Kultur im engeren Sinne an. Alle klassischen Kategorien und Funktionen der Kulturanalyse werden in Frage gestellt und sollten auf eine neue Art und Weise formuliert werden, und zwar auf eine Art und Weise, die sich auf folgende analytische Paare bezieht: entweder individuell/kollektiv, Verbrauch/Produktion, Innovation/Reproduktion oder Expressivität/Instrumentalität.10 Tiefgehende Änderungen sind auch in der Eigentumsform, die im Bereich der kulturellen Produktion und Distribution vorherrscht, sowie in der Auswirkung und im Umfang der kulturellen Verwaltung im Kulturleben und in der Kulturentwicklung zu verzeichnen. Wir haben mit einer Mischung von öffentlichem Eigentum, teilöffentlichem Eigentum und Privateigentum sowie mit den Änderungen der vorherrschenden Zusammenarbeits- und Wettbewerbsmodellen im Bereich der Kulturaktivitäten zu tun, was zusätzlich durch wachsende Rolle und Bedeutung von Sponsoring und Kulturpatronat begleitet wird. All dies bewirkt, dass der Prozess der Kulturplanung und -verwaltung bis zu einem vorher unvorstellbaren Grad kompliziert wird.


145

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

schaftlichung ihrer Mittel und Ressourcen. Da die Nationalstaaten stets elementare Wirtschafts- und Politiksubjekte sind und da zugleich die Kultur den fundamentalen Ausdruck deren gesellschaftlichen und spirituellen Identität darstellt, führt dies zur Entstehung eindeutiger nationaler Kulturpolitikarten, die der wesentlichste und deutliche Ausdruck allgemeiner kultureller und politischer Strategien sind. Um die Entstehungsgründe derartiger Kulturpolitik ausdrücklich zu erläutern, sollen wir noch auf folgende Probleme hinzuweisen: G wenn die Politik eindeutig ist, d.h. in bestimmten Dokumenten und in der Gesetzgebung mit einem genau festgesetzten Ziel der Regelung kultureller Aktivitäten enthalten und geäußert ist, ist sie einfach zu beobachten und zu problematisieren.12 G das kulturelle Leben, die kulturelle Dynamik sowie die kulturelle Infrastrukturentwicklung einer bestimmten Gemeinschaft wird sehr oft durch die eindeutige (öffentliche) Kulturpolitik gründlich, weitläufig und manchmal auch langfristig determiniert. G die Nationalebene der Kulturpolitik ist aus dem analytischen Standpunkt für den Vergleich und die Beurteilung kultureller Modelle, des Kulturverbrauchs, der Ausgaben, der Standards und des Kulturlebenengagements am meisten angemessen; G im Falle europäischer Länder ist insbesondere die eindeutige Nationalkulturpolitik tief in der langen Tradition und Geschichte der Organisation und Regelung des Kulturgebiets dieser Länder verwurzelt.

Verborgene (indirekte) Kulturpolitik

N

ichtsdestoweniger zeigen viele wichtige Beispiele andererseits, dass auch die verborgene Kulturpolitik ihre Funktion und Anhänger hat und dies sowohl auf der nationalen als auch auf der übernationalen Ebene. Dies hat zur Folge, dass die vorgenannte Selbstverständlichkeit der eindeutigen Kulturpolitik in Frage gestellt wird. Die bedeutendsten Beispiele der verborgenen Kulturpolitik sind die Vereinigten Staaten und die Europäischen Union.13 Es ist zu betonen, dass wir im ersten Fall mit einem Land mit weltgrößtem Einfluss im Bereich der Kultur und im zweiten Fall mit der weltgrößten Union und Interessengruppe zu tun haben. Sollten wir vorläufig feststellen, was die USA und die EU im hartnäckigen Bestehen auf die Anwendung eben der verborgenen Kulturpolitik verbindet, dann sind die Ähnlichkeitselemente auf zwei Ebenen zu suchen. Auf der ersten Ebene sind sowohl die USA als auch die EU Anhänger der marktbezogenen Orientierung und der wirtschaftlichen Verwurzelung des Kulturaktivitäten im allgemeinen System sozialer Aktivitäten; auf der anderen Ebene (die zum Teil aus der ersten hervorgeht) existiert das sich sowohl in den USA als auch unter Obhut der EU entwickelnde Bewusstsein des Vorhandenseins einer übernationalen Ebene der Kulturaktivitäten.14 Was für uns aber eine größere Überraschung sein sollte, ist die Tatsache, dass die Kulturpolitikarten internationaler Organisationen wie der UNESCO oder des Europarates sich auch eben an das Muster der verborge-

12

Im Gegensatz zur öffentlichen (eindeutigen) Politik wird die verborgene Politik aus Gesamtheit der Maßnahmen und Vorgehensweisen (finanziellen, gesetzgebenden, politischen, medialen Vorgehensweisen usw.) sozusagen herausgezogen , die von einer Gemeinschaft oder einer Gruppe zwecks Gesamtregelung eigener Aktivitäten vorgenommen werden.

13

Gemäß der verborgenen Kulturpolitik stellt sich die Stellung der Europäischen Union wie folgt dar: Die Gemeinschaft wünscht sich zu helfen und nicht einen Einfluss auf die Kulturaktivität auszuüben. Die Europäische Kommission hat nicht vor, die Inhalte der Kunstaktivitäten zu erforschen bzw. die von den anderen, für die Kultur zuständigen Behörden / Anstalten ausgeführte Arbeit zu duplizieren. Ihre Aktivitäten im Bereich der Kultur konzentrieren sich hauptsächlich auf Verbesserung der Sozial- und Wirtschaftsbedingungen, in denen kulturelle Aktivitäten stattfinden, weil, wie die Kommission glaubt, solche Maßnahmen nicht nur bei der Entwicklung des Kulturgebiets sondern auch bei der allgemeinen Entwicklung der Gemeinschaft helfen. (Siehe Commission of the European Communities. Stronger Community Action in the Cultural Sector. Bulletin of the European Communities, Supplement 6, Luxemburg, 1982., S. 6) Die generelle Einstellung der Europäischen Union hat sich bis dato grundsätzlich nicht verändert.

14

Es ist jedoch zu vermerken, dass das Betreiben der verborgenen Kulturpolitik durch die EU eher ein Ausdruck eines Kompromisses als eines expliziten Willens ist. Einerseits unterliegt die EU einem ständigen Druck von kulturellen Problemen (insbesondere angesichts der Niederlagen, die mit dem Zurückbleiben im audiovisuellen Bereich verbunden sind), die die Möglichkeiten einzelner Mitgliedsstaaten übersteigen und andererseits muss die EU viele verschiedene (meistens widersprüchliche) Interessen stets berücksichtigen, die aus den einzelnen nationalen Kulturpolitikarten hervorgehen. Die Situation wird zusätzlich wegen einer sehr engen Regulierung der einzelnen Bereiche wie z.B. Dienstleistungen (insbesondere finanzielle, informationelle und touristische Dienstleistungen) kompliziert, die, was nicht einmal betont werden muss, mit der Tradition und dem Kulturleben einzelner Mitgliedsstaaten sehr eng verbunden sind.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

145

Es ist jedoch zu vermerken, dass das Betreiben der verborgenen Kulturpolitik durch die EU eher ein Ausdruck eines Kompromisses als eines expliziten Willens ist. Einerseits unterliegt die EU einem ständigen Druck von kulturellen Problemen (insbesondere angesichts der Niederlagen, die mit dem Zurückbleiben im audiovisuellen Bereich verbunden sind), die die Möglichkeiten einzelner Mitgliedsstaaten übersteigen und andererseits muss die EU viele verschiedene (meistens widersprüchliche) Interessen stets berücksichtigen, die aus den einzelnen nationalen Kulturpolitikarten hervorgehen. Die Situation wird zusätzlich wegen einer sehr engen Regulierung der einzelnen Bereiche wie z.B. Dienstleistungen (insbesondere finanzielle, informationelle und touristische Dienstleistungen) kompliziert, die, was nicht einmal betont werden muss, mit der Tradition und dem Kulturleben einzelner Mitgliedsstaaten sehr eng verbunden sind.

14

Gemäß der verborgenen Kulturpolitik stellt sich die Stellung der Europäischen Union wie folgt dar: Die Gemeinschaft wünscht sich zu helfen und nicht einen Einfluss auf die Kulturaktivität auszuüben. Die Europäische Kommission hat nicht vor, die Inhalte der Kunstaktivitäten zu erforschen bzw. die von den anderen, für die Kultur zuständigen Behörden / Anstalten ausgeführte Arbeit zu duplizieren. Ihre Aktivitäten im Bereich der Kultur konzentrieren sich hauptsächlich auf Verbesserung der Sozial- und Wirtschaftsbedingungen, in denen kulturelle Aktivitäten stattfinden, weil, wie die Kommission glaubt, solche Maßnahmen nicht nur bei der Entwicklung des Kulturgebiets sondern auch bei der allgemeinen Entwicklung der Gemeinschaft helfen. (Siehe Commission of the European Communities. Stronger Community Action in the Cultural Sector. Bulletin of the European Communities, Supplement 6, Luxemburg, 1982., S. 6) Die generelle Einstellung der Europäischen Union hat sich bis dato grundsätzlich nicht verändert.

13

12 Im Gegensatz zur öffentlichen (eindeutigen) Politik wird die verborgene Politik aus Gesamtheit der Maßnahmen und Vorgehensweisen (finanziellen, gesetzgebenden, politischen, medialen Vorgehensweisen usw.) sozusagen herausgezogen , die von einer Gemeinschaft oder einer Gruppe zwecks Gesamtregelung eigener Aktivitäten vorgenommen werden.

schaftlichung ihrer Mittel und Ressourcen. Da die Nationalstaaten stets elementare Wirtschafts- und Politiksubjekte sind und da zugleich die Kultur den fundamentalen Ausdruck deren gesellschaftlichen und spirituellen Identität darstellt, führt dies zur Entstehung eindeutiger nationaler Kulturpolitikarten, die der wesentlichste und deutliche Ausdruck allgemeiner kultureller und politischer Strategien sind. Um die Entstehungsgründe derartiger Kulturpolitik ausdrücklich zu erläutern, sollen wir noch auf folgende Probleme hinzuweisen: G wenn die Politik eindeutig ist, d.h. in bestimmten Dokumenten und in der Gesetzgebung mit einem genau festgesetzten Ziel der Regelung kultureller Aktivitäten enthalten und geäußert ist, ist sie einfach zu beobachten und zu problematisieren.12 G das kulturelle Leben, die kulturelle Dynamik sowie die kulturelle Infrastrukturentwicklung einer bestimmten Gemeinschaft wird sehr oft durch die eindeutige (öffentliche) Kulturpolitik gründlich, weitläufig und manchmal auch langfristig determiniert. G die Nationalebene der Kulturpolitik ist aus dem analytischen Standpunkt für den Vergleich und die Beurteilung kultureller Modelle, des Kulturverbrauchs, der Ausgaben, der Standards und des Kulturlebenengagements am meisten angemessen; G im Falle europäischer Länder ist insbesondere die eindeutige Nationalkulturpolitik tief in der langen Tradition und Geschichte der Organisation und Regelung des Kulturgebiets dieser Länder verwurzelt.

ichtsdestoweniger zeigen viele wichtige Beispiele andererseits, dass auch die verborgene Kulturpolitik ihre Funktion und Anhänger hat und dies sowohl auf der nationalen als auch auf der übernationalen Ebene. Dies hat zur Folge, dass die vorgenannte Selbstverständlichkeit der eindeutigen Kulturpolitik in Frage gestellt wird. Die bedeutendsten Beispiele der verborgenen Kulturpolitik sind die Vereinigten Staaten und die Europäischen Union.13 Es ist zu betonen, dass wir im ersten Fall mit einem Land mit weltgrößtem Einfluss im Bereich der Kultur und im zweiten Fall mit der weltgrößten Union und Interessengruppe zu tun haben. Sollten wir vorläufig feststellen, was die USA und die EU im hartnäckigen Bestehen auf die Anwendung eben der verborgenen Kulturpolitik verbindet, dann sind die Ähnlichkeitselemente auf zwei Ebenen zu suchen. Auf der ersten Ebene sind sowohl die USA als auch die EU Anhänger der marktbezogenen Orientierung und der wirtschaftlichen Verwurzelung des Kulturaktivitäten im allgemeinen System sozialer Aktivitäten; auf der anderen Ebene (die zum Teil aus der ersten hervorgeht) existiert das sich sowohl in den USA als auch unter Obhut der EU entwickelnde Bewusstsein des Vorhandenseins einer übernationalen Ebene der Kulturaktivitäten.14 Was für uns aber eine größere Überraschung sein sollte, ist die Tatsache, dass die Kulturpolitikarten internationaler Organisationen wie der UNESCO oder des Europarates sich auch eben an das Muster der verborge-

N

Verborgene (indirekte) Kulturpolitik


146

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

146

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

griffs und Regelung für die Kultur von Nachteil ist (weil dies bewirkt, dass sie abhängig und nicht frei wird). Wenn die Kulturpolitik allein von ihrer Natur her mehr zu dem verborgenen als zu dem öffentlichen Modell vorbestimmt ist, hat dies meistens weitgehende Konsequenzen für die Entwicklung der kulturellen Informationssysteme. Da diese eine weiche Kulturpolitik vertritt, versucht sie, die Kulturaktivitäten durch Herstellung einer engeren Relation zwischen finanzieller und informativer Kulturpolitik zu integrieren. Man glaubt, dass die zwei so eng integrierten und verbundenen Kulturpolitikarten (zusammen mit einigen anderen Entwicklungspolitiken) imstande sind, die eindeutige Kulturpolitik zu ersetzen. Dieser Einstellung liegt die Ansicht zugrunde, dass solch eine Vorgehensweise sowohl vor Dekonstruktion der Kulturaktivitäten schützen kann als auch eine übermäßige Regelung zu vermeiden lässt. 15

Selbstverständlich soll dieser Problembereich mit dem politischen System und der politischen Sozialorientierung verbunden sein. Werden wir diesen Ansatz entwickeln, kommen wir zur folgenden Unterscheidung: im Fall der zentralisierten Staaten und der Wohlstandsstaaten wird der Typ der öffentlichen Kulturpolitik bevorzugt (der wiederum mit dem sog. menschlichen Modell der Kulturpolitik im Zusammenhang steht) und im Fall der liberalen Staaten wird hingegen der verborgene Typ (das sog. kommerzielle Modell der Kulturpolitik) bevorzugt. Was für uns zum gegebenen Zeitpunkt wesentlich ist, ist dies, dass weder der eine noch der andere Typ das Bedürfnis nach Schaffung der Informationssysteme bestreitet. Es gibt Analytiker, die der verborgenen Politik Vorrang geben und es damit argumentieren, dass in den Ländern, die solche Politik betreiben, Kulturdynamik und Kulturvitalität höher als in denjenigen ist, die eine öffentliche Politik betreiben. Angesichts dieser Argumente können und sollen besondere Kulturverwaltungsarten, d.h. eine spezifische Kulturverwaltung eingeführt werden. [Mitchell, Fisher, 1992].

Schlussbemerkungen

it dem Bolognaprozess wurden neue Kri terien und Standards eingeführt, welche die Bildungsform im Bereich der Kulturpolitik nicht nur auf der nationalen, sondern auch auf der internationalen Ebene unvermeidlich beeinflussen werden. Der Druck, der auf eine verfahrenseigene Bildungstransparenz, auf eine präzise Erörterung angewandter Methoden und Mittel, auf die Fokussierung praktischer Aspekte des Wissenserwerbs und insbesondere auf die Mobilität der Studenten und internationaler Experten im Rahmen der allgemeinen Transformation des europäischen Hochschulsystems gelegt wird, versetzt alle Experten und Lehrbeauftragten, die sich mit der Kulturpolitik befassen, in eine ganz neue Situation und stellt von ihnen neue Dilemmas und Fragen. Unterschiedliche europäische Einstellungen zu diesem Problem sowie die damit zusam-

M

M

it dem Bolognaprozess wurden neue Kri terien und Standards eingeführt, welche die Bildungsform im Bereich der Kulturpolitik nicht nur auf der nationalen, sondern auch auf der internationalen Ebene unvermeidlich beeinflussen werden. Der Druck, der auf eine verfahrenseigene Bildungstransparenz, auf eine präzise Erörterung angewandter Methoden und Mittel, auf die Fokussierung praktischer Aspekte des Wissenserwerbs und insbesondere auf die Mobilität der Studenten und internationaler Experten im Rahmen der allgemeinen Transformation des europäischen Hochschulsystems gelegt wird, versetzt alle Experten und Lehrbeauftragten, die sich mit der Kulturpolitik befassen, in eine ganz neue Situation und stellt von ihnen neue Dilemmas und Fragen. Unterschiedliche europäische Einstellungen zu diesem Problem sowie die damit zusam-

Schlussbemerkungen

nen Kulturpolitik herannähern. Diese Institutionen bemühen sich, ihre eigenen Aktivitäten (sowie deren Rahmen) auf eine härtere und mehr präzise Art und Weise zu definieren, gleichzeitig jedoch lassen sie die Fragen der institutionellen Implementierung offen. Sie verteidigen also zugleich sowohl die von ihnen verkündigte Universalität der Maßnahmen und Ansichten als auch das Gleichheitsprinzip unterschiedlicher Initiativen und Vorschläge. Diese Einstellung enthält jedoch oft Elemente der diesen Organisationen vorgeworfenen Unwirksamkeit und zwar: der Fortschritt wird durch die Entscheidungsfindung und die Entwicklung der Methodologie sowie durch die allzu ausgebauten Protokolle der vorzunehmenden und zu fördernden Initiativen und Maßnahmen gehemmt (was mit der Verschwendung verbunden ist). Da die in der vorliegenden Abhandlung vorgenommenen Ausführungen, vor allem die Erläuterung des problematischen Kulturpolitikgebietes mit seinen verschiedenen Aspekten und Formen (vor allem in Bezug auf das Verwaltungsproblem in der Kultur) sowie die Analyse der Zusammenhänge dieser Politik mit Aufbau informativer Kultursystemen zum Zweck haben, wird der Unterschied zwischen der eindeutigen und verborgenen Kulturpolitik nicht die vorrangige Bedeutung haben. Eine derartige typologische Abgrenzung war jedoch aus mindestens zwei Gründen erforderlich: Dies, ob das eindeutige oder verborgene Kulturpolitikmodell bevorzugt wird, widerspiegelt den Kern der Anschauungen über die Kulturaktivitätsfragen sowie über die Kultur im Ganzen. So handelt sich im ersten Fall und eine Anschauung, nach der die Kulturaktivitäten eine separate, differenzierbare Soziallebensform darstellen, die auf eine spezifische Art und Weise reguliert werden muss, im zweiten Fall hingegen geht es um eine Ansicht, nach der die Kulturaktivitäten ausschließlich als ein Teil einer breiteren Sozialaktivität verständlich sind und irgendeine Form eines mehr direkten Ein-

15

griffs und Regelung für die Kultur von Nachteil ist (weil dies bewirkt, dass sie abhängig und nicht frei wird). Wenn die Kulturpolitik allein von ihrer Natur her mehr zu dem verborgenen als zu dem öffentlichen Modell vorbestimmt ist, hat dies meistens weitgehende Konsequenzen für die Entwicklung der kulturellen Informationssysteme. Da diese eine weiche Kulturpolitik vertritt, versucht sie, die Kulturaktivitäten durch Herstellung einer engeren Relation zwischen finanzieller und informativer Kulturpolitik zu integrieren. Man glaubt, dass die zwei so eng integrierten und verbundenen Kulturpolitikarten (zusammen mit einigen anderen Entwicklungspolitiken) imstande sind, die eindeutige Kulturpolitik zu ersetzen. Dieser Einstellung liegt die Ansicht zugrunde, dass solch eine Vorgehensweise sowohl vor Dekonstruktion der Kulturaktivitäten schützen kann als auch eine übermäßige Regelung zu vermeiden lässt. 15

15 Selbstverständlich soll dieser Problembereich mit dem politischen System und der politischen Sozialorientierung verbunden sein. Werden wir diesen Ansatz entwickeln, kommen wir zur folgenden Unterscheidung: im Fall der zentralisierten Staaten und der Wohlstandsstaaten wird der Typ der öffentlichen Kulturpolitik bevorzugt (der wiederum mit dem sog. menschlichen Modell der Kulturpolitik im Zusammenhang steht) und im Fall der liberalen Staaten wird hingegen der verborgene Typ (das sog. kommerzielle Modell der Kulturpolitik) bevorzugt. Was für uns zum gegebenen Zeitpunkt wesentlich ist, ist dies, dass weder der eine noch der andere Typ das Bedürfnis nach Schaffung der Informationssysteme bestreitet. Es gibt Analytiker, die der verborgenen Politik Vorrang geben und es damit argumentieren, dass in den Ländern, die solche Politik betreiben, Kulturdynamik und Kulturvitalität höher als in denjenigen ist, die eine öffentliche Politik betreiben. Angesichts dieser Argumente können und sollen besondere Kulturverwaltungsarten, d.h. eine spezifische Kulturverwaltung eingeführt werden. [Mitchell, Fisher, 1992].

nen Kulturpolitik herannähern. Diese Institutionen bemühen sich, ihre eigenen Aktivitäten (sowie deren Rahmen) auf eine härtere und mehr präzise Art und Weise zu definieren, gleichzeitig jedoch lassen sie die Fragen der institutionellen Implementierung offen. Sie verteidigen also zugleich sowohl die von ihnen verkündigte Universalität der Maßnahmen und Ansichten als auch das Gleichheitsprinzip unterschiedlicher Initiativen und Vorschläge. Diese Einstellung enthält jedoch oft Elemente der diesen Organisationen vorgeworfenen Unwirksamkeit und zwar: der Fortschritt wird durch die Entscheidungsfindung und die Entwicklung der Methodologie sowie durch die allzu ausgebauten Protokolle der vorzunehmenden und zu fördernden Initiativen und Maßnahmen gehemmt (was mit der Verschwendung verbunden ist). Da die in der vorliegenden Abhandlung vorgenommenen Ausführungen, vor allem die Erläuterung des problematischen Kulturpolitikgebietes mit seinen verschiedenen Aspekten und Formen (vor allem in Bezug auf das Verwaltungsproblem in der Kultur) sowie die Analyse der Zusammenhänge dieser Politik mit Aufbau informativer Kultursystemen zum Zweck haben, wird der Unterschied zwischen der eindeutigen und verborgenen Kulturpolitik nicht die vorrangige Bedeutung haben. Eine derartige typologische Abgrenzung war jedoch aus mindestens zwei Gründen erforderlich: Dies, ob das eindeutige oder verborgene Kulturpolitikmodell bevorzugt wird, widerspiegelt den Kern der Anschauungen über die Kulturaktivitätsfragen sowie über die Kultur im Ganzen. So handelt sich im ersten Fall und eine Anschauung, nach der die Kulturaktivitäten eine separate, differenzierbare Soziallebensform darstellen, die auf eine spezifische Art und Weise reguliert werden muss, im zweiten Fall hingegen geht es um eine Ansicht, nach der die Kulturaktivitäten ausschließlich als ein Teil einer breiteren Sozialaktivität verständlich sind und irgendeine Form eines mehr direkten Ein-


147

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

menhängenden und zurzeit keiner akademischen und praktischen Koordination unterliegenden Unterrichtsprogramme (unabhängig davon, ob sie in Zagreb, Belgrad, Sofia, Krakau, Wien oder Tallinn angewandt werden) werden in der Zukunft ein gemeinsames europäisches akademisches Angebot schaffen, aus dem Hunderte oder sogar Tausende von Studenten je nach ihren Präferenzen auswählen können. In diesem Angebot finden die Studenten hochwertige Allgemeinprogramme sowie, insbesondere die auf dem Kulturpolitikgebiet bildenden Richtungen. In Anbetracht dessen, dass in der Bildung eine Tendenz zur Verkürzung der Bildungsdauer sowie eine Tendenz zur Intensivierung der Bildung beobachtet wird, was sich auch auf die Ausbildung im Kulturpolitikbereich beziehen wird, ist es notwendig, eine angemessene Auswahl der Inhalte und Unterrichtsmethoden zu schaffen. Diese Tendenzen führen auf längere Sicht zur Harmonisierung europäischer Unterrichtsprogramme im Kulturpolitikbereich, obwohl viele Unterschiede bestehen bleiben. Auch Fragen formaler Natur wie lange und

auf welcher Bildungsstufe die Bildung in solchen Richtungen dauern soll, an welche Studenten das Angebot gerichtet werden soll, welche Unterrichtsformaten, Methoden und Mittel angewandt werden sollen usw., sowie Fragen nach Unterrichtsinhalten welche theoretische und methodologische Vorgehensweisen angewandt werden sollen, welche Gebiete für am wichtigsten und für vorrangig gehalten werden sollen, auf welche Art und Weise eine interdisziplinäre und transdisziplinäre Vorgehensweise geschaffen und eingeführt werden soll, auf welche Art und Weise internationale, und insbesondere europäische, nationale, regionale und lokale Aspekte mit besonderem Nachdruck auf die Stadtkulturpolitik im Unterricht integriert werden sollen bleiben offen. Nicht zu vergessen ist auch die Integration neuer und innovativer Methoden, unabhängig davon, ob wir von Kreativindustrie oder von neuen Zusammenarbeitsebenen oder unabhängigen kulturellen Mikroinitiativen usw. sprechen, weil diese Aspekte für Kompetenzentwicklung zukünftiger Fachleute auch von Bedeutung sind.

Literatur:

Katunariæ V., Kultura: sredstvo i cilj, [In:] Katunariæ

nese Art and Society, Tokyo 1981 Kato S., Form, Style; Tradition. Reflection on Japano. 10, Unesco, Paris 1993. sion for Europe, 26-28 April 1993, Working Paper Statistical Commission and Economic CommisECE/UNESCO Work Session on Cultural Statistics. tors. Conference of European Statisticians. Joint Gouiedo L., Proposals for a Set of Cultural Indicabridge 1990. Coleman J. S., Foundations of Social Theory, CamBonn 2002. Cliche D., Mitchell R., Wiegand A., Creative Europe,

pe. A comparative approach, Strasbourg 1998. Vespertini P., d Angelo M., Cultural Policie in EuroDiversity in the Age of Globalization, London 2003. Smiers J., Arts under Pressure: Promoting Cultural of Japanese Philosophy and Culture, Moore Ch. A. (Red.) The Japanese Mind. Essentials spectives, CIRCLE Publications, 1992, Nr. 4. tors and Managers in Europe Trends and Perand Culture? The Training of Cultural AdministraMitchell R., Fisher R., Professional Managers for Arts Zagreb 1990. Martwiæ T., [In:] Leksikon temljnih pojmova politike, Paris 1967.

1990.

Monaco, 18-22 December, 1967. Final Report,

Conference, Copenhagen, Special Issue Nr. 24, nization (IFSSO), Selected Papers, IX General Charles E. Tuttle Federation of Social Science OrgaCar T., Culterelink, Special Issue, Zagreb 1991. de la Recherche en Science Sociales 1979, no. 30. Bourdieu P., Les trois etats du capitel culturel. Actes

Literatur:

Unesco. Round Table Meeting on Cultural Policies, Planning, Paris 1986. Koncs G., Unesco s Action in the Field of Cultural Strategija kulturnog razvitka, Zagreb 2003. V., Cvjetièanin B. (Red.), Kultura u 21. stoljeæu. Katunariæ V., Kultura: sredstvo i cilj, [In:] Katunariæ

Bourdieu P., Les trois etats du capitel culturel. Actes de la Recherche en Science Sociales 1979, no. 30. Car T., Culterelink, Special Issue, Zagreb 1991. Charles E. Tuttle Federation of Social Science Orga-

V., Cvjetièanin B. (Red.), Kultura u 21. stoljeæu. Strategija kulturnog razvitka, Zagreb 2003. Koncs G., Unesco s Action in the Field of Cultural Planning, Paris 1986.

nization (IFSSO), Selected Papers, IX General

Unesco. Round Table Meeting on Cultural Policies,

Conference, Copenhagen, Special Issue Nr. 24,

Monaco, 18-22 December, 1967. Final Report,

1990. Cliche D., Mitchell R., Wiegand A., Creative Europe, Bonn 2002. Coleman J. S., Foundations of Social Theory, Cambridge 1990. Gouiedo L., Proposals for a Set of Cultural Indicators. Conference of European Statisticians. Joint ECE/UNESCO Work Session on Cultural Statistics. Statistical Commission and Economic Commission for Europe, 26-28 April 1993, Working Paper no. 10, Unesco, Paris 1993. Kato S., Form, Style; Tradition. Reflection on Japanese Art and Society, Tokyo 1981

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Paris 1967. Martwiæ T., [In:] Leksikon temljnih pojmova politike, Zagreb 1990. Mitchell R., Fisher R., Professional Managers for Arts and Culture? The Training of Cultural Administrators and Managers in Europe Trends and Perspectives, CIRCLE Publications, 1992, Nr. 4. Moore Ch. A. (Red.) The Japanese Mind. Essentials of Japanese Philosophy and Culture, Smiers J., Arts under Pressure: Promoting Cultural Diversity in the Age of Globalization, London 2003. Vespertini P., d Angelo M., Cultural Policie in Europe. A comparative approach, Strasbourg 1998.

147

menhängenden und zurzeit keiner akademischen und praktischen Koordination unterliegenden Unterrichtsprogramme (unabhängig davon, ob sie in Zagreb, Belgrad, Sofia, Krakau, Wien oder Tallinn angewandt werden) werden in der Zukunft ein gemeinsames europäisches akademisches Angebot schaffen, aus dem Hunderte oder sogar Tausende von Studenten je nach ihren Präferenzen auswählen können. In diesem Angebot finden die Studenten hochwertige Allgemeinprogramme sowie, insbesondere die auf dem Kulturpolitikgebiet bildenden Richtungen. In Anbetracht dessen, dass in der Bildung eine Tendenz zur Verkürzung der Bildungsdauer sowie eine Tendenz zur Intensivierung der Bildung beobachtet wird, was sich auch auf die Ausbildung im Kulturpolitikbereich beziehen wird, ist es notwendig, eine angemessene Auswahl der Inhalte und Unterrichtsmethoden zu schaffen. Diese Tendenzen führen auf längere Sicht zur Harmonisierung europäischer Unterrichtsprogramme im Kulturpolitikbereich, obwohl viele Unterschiede bestehen bleiben. Auch Fragen formaler Natur wie lange und

auf welcher Bildungsstufe die Bildung in solchen Richtungen dauern soll, an welche Studenten das Angebot gerichtet werden soll, welche Unterrichtsformaten, Methoden und Mittel angewandt werden sollen usw., sowie Fragen nach Unterrichtsinhalten welche theoretische und methodologische Vorgehensweisen angewandt werden sollen, welche Gebiete für am wichtigsten und für vorrangig gehalten werden sollen, auf welche Art und Weise eine interdisziplinäre und transdisziplinäre Vorgehensweise geschaffen und eingeführt werden soll, auf welche Art und Weise internationale, und insbesondere europäische, nationale, regionale und lokale Aspekte mit besonderem Nachdruck auf die Stadtkulturpolitik im Unterricht integriert werden sollen bleiben offen. Nicht zu vergessen ist auch die Integration neuer und innovativer Methoden, unabhängig davon, ob wir von Kreativindustrie oder von neuen Zusammenarbeitsebenen oder unabhängigen kulturellen Mikroinitiativen usw. sprechen, weil diese Aspekte für Kompetenzentwicklung zukünftiger Fachleute auch von Bedeutung sind.


Nataliya Medvedchuk

Modele der Kulturpolitik und Anteilnahme des Staates an Kulturpolitik: Vorschläge der Klassifizierung

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Übersetzung: Anna Oskulska

148

sichtlich des effizientesten Entwicklungsmodels der polnischen und russischen Kultur zu ordnen. In einigen Artikeln, von denen einer in Zusammenarbeit mit Borys Peril entstanden ist, werden von L. Wostriakow Modele der Kulturpolitik, formuliert von Milena Dragiceviæ e iæ, Abraham Mole, Andreas Wisand und anderen [Wostriakow, 2004, S. 79-108; Wostriakow, Peril, 2004, 240-253], sehr detailliert beschrieben. D. Ilczuk in ihrer Monographie untersucht Kulturpolitik in System der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft, bei Verwendung Klassifikation eines Vormundschaftsstaates laut Stanis³awa Golinowska und Anthony Giddens [Ilczuk, 2002]. M. Che³miñska hat eine Synthese von verschiedenen Sichtweisen einiger Wissenschaftler durchgeführt und ihr eigenes Konzept für Modele der Kulturpolitik vorgeschlagen, das sehr häufig in Arbeiten polnischer, sich mit dieser Problematik [Che³miñska, 1993; Grad, Kaczmarek, 1996] befassender Forscher verwendet wird. Arbeiten von oben genannten Wissenschaftlern erlauben Untersuchung der Klassifikationsvarianten von Modellen der Kulturpolitik aus einer breiteren Perspektive. Außerdem ermöglichen siê auch Vergleich dieser Klassifikationen und deren Gruppierung laut Kriterien, die auf Ähnlichkeiten der Sichtweise verschiedener Wissenschaftler hinsichtlich des Formens und Entwicklung der Staatspolitik im Kulturbereich hinweisen. Laut der früheren, im Text vorhandenen Thesen, gibt es in zeitgenössischer Wissen-

I

Nataliya Medvedchuk wissenschaftliche Angestellte im Lehrstuhl für allgemeine und humanistische Wissenschaften an der Volyn Hochschule für Ökonomie und Management in Lutsk/ Ukraine, Doktorandin im Fachbereich Politikwissenschaft an der Maria CurieSk³odowska Universität in Lublin. Als Projektmanagerin arbeitet sie mit vielen ukrainischen Nichtregierungsorganisationen zusammen. Sie koordinierte u.a. Projekte, die von der Internationalen Organisation für Migration (IOM), Europäischen Kommission und holländischen Firma ECORYS Research and Consulting initiiert wurden.

n den letzten Zeiten haben Wissenschaftler wesentlich mehr Aufmerksamkeit der Kultur und ihrer Platz in Politik und politischen Systemen verschiedener Länder gewidmet. Dank dem wurde auch der Begriff Kulturpolitik verwendet, der den gesamten Komplex von operativen Prinzipien, administrativen und finanziellen Aktivitätsarten sowie Prozeduren, die Grundlagen der Staatsaktivitäten im Bereich Kultur gewährleisten, definiert. Gewährleistung der Effektivität in Kulturpolitik kann allerdings mit Hilfe von verschiedenen Methoden realisiert werden, deren Auswahl von Staatsform, sowie seiner ökonomischen und sozialen Entwicklung abhängig ist. Deswegen, bei Berücksichtigung des Engagements staatlicher Institutionen in Entwicklung und Organisation der Kultur, waren sich Wissenschaftler über Aussonderung von mehreren Modellen der Kulturpolitik einig. Entwicklung von kulturpolitischen Modellen beschäftigt Wissenschaftler aus verschiedenen Fachgebieten: Politologen, Kulturwissenschaftler und Philozofen aus Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika, sowie West- und Osteuropäischen Ländern. Allerdings gibt es einen Unterschied bei in Typologie und Klassifikation verwendeten Kriterien. Das ist auch der Grund dafür, warum man bis jetzt keine Vergleiche und Zusammenstellungen verschiedener Varianten der Aufteilung von kulturpolitischen Modellen durchgeführt hat. Lew Wostriakow, Dorota Ilczuk und Maria Che³miñska waren die einzigen Forscher, die versucht haben, gewonnene Informationen hin-

sichtlich des effizientesten Entwicklungsmodels der polnischen und russischen Kultur zu ordnen. In einigen Artikeln, von denen einer in Zusammenarbeit mit Borys Peril entstanden ist, werden von L. Wostriakow Modele der Kulturpolitik, formuliert von Milena Dragiceviæ e iæ, Abraham Mole, Andreas Wisand und anderen [Wostriakow, 2004, S. 79-108; Wostriakow, Peril, 2004, 240-253], sehr detailliert beschrieben. D. Ilczuk in ihrer Monographie untersucht Kulturpolitik in System der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft, bei Verwendung Klassifikation eines Vormundschaftsstaates laut Stanis³awa Golinowska und Anthony Giddens [Ilczuk, 2002]. M. Che³miñska hat eine Synthese von verschiedenen Sichtweisen einiger Wissenschaftler durchgeführt und ihr eigenes Konzept für Modele der Kulturpolitik vorgeschlagen, das sehr häufig in Arbeiten polnischer, sich mit dieser Problematik [Che³miñska, 1993; Grad, Kaczmarek, 1996] befassender Forscher verwendet wird. Arbeiten von oben genannten Wissenschaftlern erlauben Untersuchung der Klassifikationsvarianten von Modellen der Kulturpolitik aus einer breiteren Perspektive. Außerdem ermöglichen siê auch Vergleich dieser Klassifikationen und deren Gruppierung laut Kriterien, die auf Ähnlichkeiten der Sichtweise verschiedener Wissenschaftler hinsichtlich des Formens und Entwicklung der Staatspolitik im Kulturbereich hinweisen. Laut der früheren, im Text vorhandenen Thesen, gibt es in zeitgenössischer Wissen-

I

n den letzten Zeiten haben Wissenschaftler wesentlich mehr Aufmerksamkeit der Kultur und ihrer Platz in Politik und politischen Systemen verschiedener Länder gewidmet. Dank dem wurde auch der Begriff Kulturpolitik verwendet, der den gesamten Komplex von operativen Prinzipien, administrativen und finanziellen Aktivitätsarten sowie Prozeduren, die Grundlagen der Staatsaktivitäten im Bereich Kultur gewährleisten, definiert. Gewährleistung der Effektivität in Kulturpolitik kann allerdings mit Hilfe von verschiedenen Methoden realisiert werden, deren Auswahl von Staatsform, sowie seiner ökonomischen und sozialen Entwicklung abhängig ist. Deswegen, bei Berücksichtigung des Engagements staatlicher Institutionen in Entwicklung und Organisation der Kultur, waren sich Wissenschaftler über Aussonderung von mehreren Modellen der Kulturpolitik einig. Entwicklung von kulturpolitischen Modellen beschäftigt Wissenschaftler aus verschiedenen Fachgebieten: Politologen, Kulturwissenschaftler und Philozofen aus Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika, sowie West- und Osteuropäischen Ländern. Allerdings gibt es einen Unterschied bei in Typologie und Klassifikation verwendeten Kriterien. Das ist auch der Grund dafür, warum man bis jetzt keine Vergleiche und Zusammenstellungen verschiedener Varianten der Aufteilung von kulturpolitischen Modellen durchgeführt hat. Lew Wostriakow, Dorota Ilczuk und Maria Che³miñska waren die einzigen Forscher, die versucht haben, gewonnene Informationen hin-

Übersetzung: Anna Oskulska

Nataliya Medvedchuk wissenschaftliche Angestellte im Lehrstuhl für allgemeine und humanistische Wissenschaften an der Volyn Hochschule für Ökonomie und Management in Lutsk/ Ukraine, Doktorandin im Fachbereich Politikwissenschaft an der Maria CurieSk³odowska Universität in Lublin. Als Projektmanagerin arbeitet sie mit vielen ukrainischen Nichtregierungsorganisationen zusammen. Sie koordinierte u.a. Projekte, die von der Internationalen Organisation für Migration (IOM), Europäischen Kommission und holländischen Firma ECORYS Research and Consulting initiiert wurden.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Nataliya Medvedchuk

148

Modele der Kulturpolitik und Anteilnahme des Staates an Kulturpolitik: Vorschläge der Klassifizierung


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

schaft viele Typologien von Modellen der Kulturpolitik. Man kann es mit verschiedenen Erklärungsarten der Ziele und Mechanismen erklären, die zur Realisierung und Ergebnissen der Kulturpolitik beitragen. A. Mole hat, basierend auf soziostatistischen und - dynamischen Charakteristika vier Gruppen von Kulturpolitik des Staates ausgesondert. Soziostatisches Model beschreibt feste Ziele der Kulturpolitik und ihre Institutionen. A. Mole unterscheidet drei Arten von solch einer Politik: G volkstümliche oder demagogische, die zum Ziel völlige Befriedigung von kulturellen Bedürfnissen einer möglich großen Anzahl der Menschen hat; G paternalistische, oder dogmatische, laut der Recht und Hauptträger zur Verbreitung der kulturellen Werte so genanntes Administrationsrat hat. Sie verfügt auch über ein ganz genaues System zur Bestimmung von Werten aller schon seit Langem bestehenden, sowie neu entstandenen Kulturprodukten. Politik in der Kultursphäre, die sich gemäß dieser Standards entwickelt, kann sehr gut beliebigen Zielen einer politischen Partei, eines Konfessionsbundes oder eines ganzen Staates dienen; G eklektische, die zum Ziel hat, Kulturgestaltung bei jedem Menschen individuell zu formen, die auch eine unverformte Spiegelung und «gute» Zusammenfassung der allgemeinen humanitären und humanistischen Kultur darstellt. In solch einem Fall soll Gesellschaft unbedingt darauf achten, dass jedes einzelne Element der Kultur den allgemein geltenden Kulturwerten entspricht und sich proportional, der Häufigkeit und Wichtigkeit dieses Elements entsprechend in öffentlicher und von moderner Bevölkerung geschätzter Kultur, verbreitet. Soziodinamische Politik in der Kultursphäre ist ein Gegenteil der soziostatischen Politik, weil sie auf ständige und kontinuierliche Veränderungen in der Gesellschaft reagiert und eine Spiegelung der Veränderungen von Kulturinhalten in jeder Epoche ist. Soziodynamische Politik stellt laut A. Mole zwei Richtungen dar: eine «progressive» und eine «konservative». In dem ersten Fall Institution, von der solch eine Politik gebildet wird, strebt eine Beschleunigung an, in dem zweiten ist es umgekehrt - es wird eine Verlangsamung der Kulturevolution angestrebt [Mol, 1973, S. 342-346]. M. Dragiceviæ- e iæ schlägt eine andere Klassifikation vor. Kriterien, die von ihr ausgesucht wurden um Modele der Kulturpolitik zu

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

unterscheiden sind: vor allem Charakter der politischen Staatsordnung, zweitens Rolle des Staates und anderen Aktivisten in Realisierung der Kulturpolitik. Durch Einführung dieser zwei Grundkriterien nennt die Autorin vier sich wesentlich voneinander unterscheidende Modele: G Model liberaler Kulturpolitik, das sich durch Öffentlichkeit, Zugänglichkeit und eine breite Palette auf dem Markt kultureller Dienstleistungen sowie Produkte auszeichnet. Es wird realisiert und sichtbar vor allem in auf liberalen Grundsätzen basierenden Kulturen; G Staatliches bürokratisches Model, also Weltkulturpolitik, im Rahmen dessen der Staat dominiert, indem er Kultur mit Hilfe von Finanzen, Institutionen und Gesetzen (gesetzgebenden, politischen, ideologischen) kontrolliert. Zu Vorteilen solch einer Politik gehört unbestreitbar finanzieller Schutz der Kultur durch den Staat. Dieses Model war auch typisch für sozialistische Staaten. Jetzt ist, aus Sicht von M. Dragiceviæ- e iæ, das staatliche bürokratische Model wesentlich für Kulturpolitik von Frankreich und Schweden; G Model nationaler Unabhängigkeitskulturpolitik ist charakteristisch für ehemalige durch Unterwerfung angeeignete und ausgebeutete Gebiete imperialistischer Staaten, ist aber auch präsent in Ländern der Ost- und Mitteleuropa. Als Hauptmerkmal nennt man Protektion und Wiederherstellung also Stärkung der originalen, in kolonialen und sozialistischen Zeiten stark unterdrückten Kulturtraditionen. Leider führt es in manchen Fällen zu Entstellungen, wie «Verschließen/Isolation der Kultur» oder sogar Chauvinismus. Oft bedeuten diese Erscheinungen auch Abweisen von früher entstandenen Kunstwerken, Kultur der Minderheiten, sowie alternativer und experimentaler Kunst; G Model der Kulturpolitik in Übergangsperiode zeichnet sich mit voller demokratischer Orientierung aus. Dieses Model wird oft von staatlichen Strukturen realisiert, die oft auf zentralistisch-bürokratischen Methoden im Kulturmanagement nicht verzichten wollen. Dies führt zum Erscheinen von sich widersprechenden Prozessen, dank dem die Kultur am meisten an Organisationen und nationalistische Wirkungskreise weitergerückt wird [Dragiceviæ- e iæ, 2000, S. 26-31]. Noch anderes Model der Kulturpolitik hat Leiter eines Forschungsinstitutes für Kultur-

149

schaft viele Typologien von Modellen der Kulturpolitik. Man kann es mit verschiedenen Erklärungsarten der Ziele und Mechanismen erklären, die zur Realisierung und Ergebnissen der Kulturpolitik beitragen. A. Mole hat, basierend auf soziostatistischen und - dynamischen Charakteristika vier Gruppen von Kulturpolitik des Staates ausgesondert. Soziostatisches Model beschreibt feste Ziele der Kulturpolitik und ihre Institutionen. A. Mole unterscheidet drei Arten von solch einer Politik: G volkstümliche oder demagogische, die zum Ziel völlige Befriedigung von kulturellen Bedürfnissen einer möglich großen Anzahl der Menschen hat; G paternalistische, oder dogmatische, laut der Recht und Hauptträger zur Verbreitung der kulturellen Werte so genanntes Administrationsrat hat. Sie verfügt auch über ein ganz genaues System zur Bestimmung von Werten aller schon seit Langem bestehenden, sowie neu entstandenen Kulturprodukten. Politik in der Kultursphäre, die sich gemäß dieser Standards entwickelt, kann sehr gut beliebigen Zielen einer politischen Partei, eines Konfessionsbundes oder eines ganzen Staates dienen; G eklektische, die zum Ziel hat, Kulturgestaltung bei jedem Menschen individuell zu formen, die auch eine unverformte Spiegelung und «gute» Zusammenfassung der allgemeinen humanitären und humanistischen Kultur darstellt. In solch einem Fall soll Gesellschaft unbedingt darauf achten, dass jedes einzelne Element der Kultur den allgemein geltenden Kulturwerten entspricht und sich proportional, der Häufigkeit und Wichtigkeit dieses Elements entsprechend in öffentlicher und von moderner Bevölkerung geschätzter Kultur, verbreitet. Soziodinamische Politik in der Kultursphäre ist ein Gegenteil der soziostatischen Politik, weil sie auf ständige und kontinuierliche Veränderungen in der Gesellschaft reagiert und eine Spiegelung der Veränderungen von Kulturinhalten in jeder Epoche ist. Soziodynamische Politik stellt laut A. Mole zwei Richtungen dar: eine «progressive» und eine «konservative». In dem ersten Fall Institution, von der solch eine Politik gebildet wird, strebt eine Beschleunigung an, in dem zweiten ist es umgekehrt - es wird eine Verlangsamung der Kulturevolution angestrebt [Mol, 1973, S. 342-346]. M. Dragiceviæ- e iæ schlägt eine andere Klassifikation vor. Kriterien, die von ihr ausgesucht wurden um Modele der Kulturpolitik zu

149

unterscheiden sind: vor allem Charakter der politischen Staatsordnung, zweitens Rolle des Staates und anderen Aktivisten in Realisierung der Kulturpolitik. Durch Einführung dieser zwei Grundkriterien nennt die Autorin vier sich wesentlich voneinander unterscheidende Modele: G Model liberaler Kulturpolitik, das sich durch Öffentlichkeit, Zugänglichkeit und eine breite Palette auf dem Markt kultureller Dienstleistungen sowie Produkte auszeichnet. Es wird realisiert und sichtbar vor allem in auf liberalen Grundsätzen basierenden Kulturen; G Staatliches bürokratisches Model, also Weltkulturpolitik, im Rahmen dessen der Staat dominiert, indem er Kultur mit Hilfe von Finanzen, Institutionen und Gesetzen (gesetzgebenden, politischen, ideologischen) kontrolliert. Zu Vorteilen solch einer Politik gehört unbestreitbar finanzieller Schutz der Kultur durch den Staat. Dieses Model war auch typisch für sozialistische Staaten. Jetzt ist, aus Sicht von M. Dragiceviæ- e iæ, das staatliche bürokratische Model wesentlich für Kulturpolitik von Frankreich und Schweden; G Model nationaler Unabhängigkeitskulturpolitik ist charakteristisch für ehemalige durch Unterwerfung angeeignete und ausgebeutete Gebiete imperialistischer Staaten, ist aber auch präsent in Ländern der Ost- und Mitteleuropa. Als Hauptmerkmal nennt man Protektion und Wiederherstellung also Stärkung der originalen, in kolonialen und sozialistischen Zeiten stark unterdrückten Kulturtraditionen. Leider führt es in manchen Fällen zu Entstellungen, wie «Verschließen/Isolation der Kultur» oder sogar Chauvinismus. Oft bedeuten diese Erscheinungen auch Abweisen von früher entstandenen Kunstwerken, Kultur der Minderheiten, sowie alternativer und experimentaler Kunst; G Model der Kulturpolitik in Übergangsperiode zeichnet sich mit voller demokratischer Orientierung aus. Dieses Model wird oft von staatlichen Strukturen realisiert, die oft auf zentralistisch-bürokratischen Methoden im Kulturmanagement nicht verzichten wollen. Dies führt zum Erscheinen von sich widersprechenden Prozessen, dank dem die Kultur am meisten an Organisationen und nationalistische Wirkungskreise weitergerückt wird [Dragiceviæ- e iæ, 2000, S. 26-31]. Noch anderes Model der Kulturpolitik hat Leiter eines Forschungsinstitutes für Kultur-


150 G G

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

G

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G

G

hat laut A. Wisand folgende Merkmale: Kultur, ähnlich wie alle anderen Bereiche des Gesellschaftslebens wird vom Markt reguliert; Politik wird grundsätzlich auf Gewährleisten von weiterer ökonomischer Entwicklung fixiert; Traditionelle Barrieren zwischen für die Elite bestimmter und populärer Kultur werden unwichtig; Wichtigster Spruch der Kulturpolitik in diesem Model heißt Kulturmanager, der auf der Idee «gemischter Kulturökonomie» und kommerzielles Sponsorings beruht; Man legt einen besonderen Wert auf Kulturentwicklung auf der lokalen Ebene, auch wenn in Wirklichkeit internationale Kultur gestärkt wird (insbesondere in Europa); Entscheidende Rolle beim Formen der Politik spielt kulturelle Elite, insbesondere die künstlerische. Ihre Entwicklung gewährleisten Experte aus dem Ökonomiegebiet Managers und Geschäftsmänner. Zu den Einschränkungen bei dem Marktorientierten Model der Kulturpolitik gehören: Künstlerische und kulturelle Tätigkeit, die ihre ökonomische Rentabilität nicht nachweisen kann (auch indirekt) und bei der eine konstante Finanzierung benötigt wird scheint ohne Perspektiven verlassen zu sein; Ein Rentabilitätskriterium dominiert. Deswegen kann auch künstlerische Freiheit eingeschränkt werden, da es nicht so einfach ist selbständig Sponsoren zu finden und besonders schwierig Partner mit ähnlichen Interessen; Internationale Kulturaktivitäten werden meistens an eine beschränkte Anzahl von Ländern gerichtet (so wie im Fall der Europäischen Union). Wobei solch eine Aktivität wird in den meisten Fällen Unterhaltungsindustrie, die von internationalen Korporationen kontrolliert wird, überwiegend amerikanischer, anbelangen; Interessen des Auditoriums und der Gesellschaft werden oft falsch eingeschätzt, was auch zur Folge Wanken des Marktes in ökonomischen Sinne und der Qualität der Kunstwerke haben könnte; Organe, die von Fachkräften repräsentiert werden, gehen in größtem Teil nur seinen Hauptpflichten nach; und Macht der Managers, die kein Interesse über Wert der sich verkaufenden Kulturprodukte vorzeigen, kann sich als zu groß erweisen. Außerdem A. Wisand sagt eine Veränderung

G

hat laut A. Wisand folgende Merkmale: Kultur, ähnlich wie alle anderen Bereiche des Gesellschaftslebens wird vom Markt reguliert; Politik wird grundsätzlich auf Gewährleisten von weiterer ökonomischer Entwicklung fixiert; Traditionelle Barrieren zwischen für die Elite bestimmter und populärer Kultur werden unwichtig; Wichtigster Spruch der Kulturpolitik in diesem Model heißt Kulturmanager, der auf der Idee «gemischter Kulturökonomie» und kommerzielles Sponsorings beruht; Man legt einen besonderen Wert auf Kulturentwicklung auf der lokalen Ebene, auch wenn in Wirklichkeit internationale Kultur gestärkt wird (insbesondere in Europa); Entscheidende Rolle beim Formen der Politik spielt kulturelle Elite, insbesondere die künstlerische. Ihre Entwicklung gewährleisten Experte aus dem Ökonomiegebiet Managers und Geschäftsmänner. Zu den Einschränkungen bei dem Marktorientierten Model der Kulturpolitik gehören: Künstlerische und kulturelle Tätigkeit, die ihre ökonomische Rentabilität nicht nachweisen kann (auch indirekt) und bei der eine konstante Finanzierung benötigt wird scheint ohne Perspektiven verlassen zu sein; Ein Rentabilitätskriterium dominiert. Deswegen kann auch künstlerische Freiheit eingeschränkt werden, da es nicht so einfach ist selbständig Sponsoren zu finden und besonders schwierig Partner mit ähnlichen Interessen; Internationale Kulturaktivitäten werden meistens an eine beschränkte Anzahl von Ländern gerichtet (so wie im Fall der Europäischen Union). Wobei solch eine Aktivität wird in den meisten Fällen Unterhaltungsindustrie, die von internationalen Korporationen kontrolliert wird, überwiegend amerikanischer, anbelangen; Interessen des Auditoriums und der Gesellschaft werden oft falsch eingeschätzt, was auch zur Folge Wanken des Marktes in ökonomischen Sinne und der Qualität der Kunstwerke haben könnte; Organe, die von Fachkräften repräsentiert werden, gehen in größtem Teil nur seinen Hauptpflichten nach; und Macht der Managers, die kein Interesse über Wert der sich verkaufenden Kulturprodukte vorzeigen, kann sich als zu groß erweisen. Außerdem A. Wisand sagt eine Veränderung

G

150

G

politik aus Bonn A. Wisand vorgeschlagen. Er hat zwei Hauptmodelle der Entwicklung von Kulturpolitik ausgesondert. Das erste basiert auf traditioneller Idee von Sozialhilfe für Kunst und Kultur, das andere - auf Verwendung von ökonomischen Instrumenten. Laut A. Wisand für die Kulturpolitik der Sozialhilfe am wichtigsten sind: G Interesse der Regierung konzentriert auf traditionellen Kulturinstitutionen Museen, Theatern, Bibliotheken und Kulturzentren, die vom Staat und Sponsoren finanziell unterstützt werden. Abreitende für solche Institutionen Künstler und Schöpfer werden oft als «Wahrheit» verbreitende Missionäre betrachtet, wobei experimentelle Kultur als unwichtig eingestuft wird; G als Hauptziel wird Existenz der Institution und Persönlichkeit in Kultur und Kunst eingesehen, die dank der allgemein anerkannten Richtungen funktionieren; G Da hier Hauptfinanzierungsquelle das Budget des Staates ist, werden Instrumente der Staatsaufsicht, wie Planen und Einreichen von verschiedenen Programmen, Angeboten, Anträgen und Abrechnungen erforderlich; G Politik wird im Grunde genommen auf der allgemeinen Nationalebene geführt; G Internationale Kulturverknüpfungen entstehen ausnahmsweise in Rahmen der diplomatischen Beziehungen; G Um Entwicklung der Kulturprozesse zu kontrollieren werden von der Regierung verschiedene Künstlerräte einberufen. G Allerdings solch ein Model der Kulturpolitik kann folgende Probleme zur Folge haben: G sehr eingeschränkte und ungünstige Bedingungen bei Einführung von Innovationen. Neue Modele der künstlerischen und kulturellen Tätigkeit, insbesondere vertreten von Künstlern einer neuen Generation werden oft abgelehnt; G Für Bearbeiten von Kulturpolitik sowie ihr Einführen in Praxis zuständige Personen besitzen kein gründliches Wissen über Kulturentwicklung und kulturelle Innovationen. Deswegen geben sie auch Vorrang, beim Einplanen der Mittel, traditionellen Formen der Kultur und Kunst; G Instrumente der elastischen Planung werden sehr schwer gebildet und geformt; G Es herrscht administrative Entscheidungsweise ein wesentlich zu großer Einfluss von Beamten und zu geringe Rolle der Künstler und Schöpfer der Kultur. Marktorientiertes Model der Kulturpolitik

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

politik aus Bonn A. Wisand vorgeschlagen. Er hat zwei Hauptmodelle der Entwicklung von Kulturpolitik ausgesondert. Das erste basiert auf traditioneller Idee von Sozialhilfe für Kunst und Kultur, das andere - auf Verwendung von ökonomischen Instrumenten. Laut A. Wisand für die Kulturpolitik der Sozialhilfe am wichtigsten sind: G Interesse der Regierung konzentriert auf traditionellen Kulturinstitutionen Museen, Theatern, Bibliotheken und Kulturzentren, die vom Staat und Sponsoren finanziell unterstützt werden. Abreitende für solche Institutionen Künstler und Schöpfer werden oft als «Wahrheit» verbreitende Missionäre betrachtet, wobei experimentelle Kultur als unwichtig eingestuft wird; G als Hauptziel wird Existenz der Institution und Persönlichkeit in Kultur und Kunst eingesehen, die dank der allgemein anerkannten Richtungen funktionieren; G Da hier Hauptfinanzierungsquelle das Budget des Staates ist, werden Instrumente der Staatsaufsicht, wie Planen und Einreichen von verschiedenen Programmen, Angeboten, Anträgen und Abrechnungen erforderlich; G Politik wird im Grunde genommen auf der allgemeinen Nationalebene geführt; G Internationale Kulturverknüpfungen entstehen ausnahmsweise in Rahmen der diplomatischen Beziehungen; G Um Entwicklung der Kulturprozesse zu kontrollieren werden von der Regierung verschiedene Künstlerräte einberufen. G Allerdings solch ein Model der Kulturpolitik kann folgende Probleme zur Folge haben: G sehr eingeschränkte und ungünstige Bedingungen bei Einführung von Innovationen. Neue Modele der künstlerischen und kulturellen Tätigkeit, insbesondere vertreten von Künstlern einer neuen Generation werden oft abgelehnt; G Für Bearbeiten von Kulturpolitik sowie ihr Einführen in Praxis zuständige Personen besitzen kein gründliches Wissen über Kulturentwicklung und kulturelle Innovationen. Deswegen geben sie auch Vorrang, beim Einplanen der Mittel, traditionellen Formen der Kultur und Kunst; G Instrumente der elastischen Planung werden sehr schwer gebildet und geformt; G Es herrscht administrative Entscheidungsweise ein wesentlich zu großer Einfluss von Beamten und zu geringe Rolle der Künstler und Schöpfer der Kultur. G Marktorientiertes Model der Kulturpolitik


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

der Rolle des Staates im Model der marktorientierten Kulturpolitik voraus. Seiner Meinung nach wird der Prozess der Kulturinternationalisierung in Zukunft gestärkt, da der Staat schrittweise durch den Markt in ihrer Finanzierung ersetzt wird. Aus diesem Grund behauptet der Forscher soll der Staat mit der Zeit eine Quelle der Innovation werden und der Kultur elastische Finanzierung aus verschiedenen Fonds gewährleisten und der Gesellschaft kundenorientierte kulturelle Dienstleistungen [Wostriakow, 2004, S. 91-93]. Polnische Wissenschaftlerin D. Ilczuk überlegt einen Zusammenhang zwischen Prozess der Entwicklung von einer bürgerlichen Gesellschaft und ihrer Kulturpolitik. Sie ist davon überzeugt, dass bürgerliche Gesellschaft von der Kulturpolitik bestimmt wird und dass die letzte außerhalb der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft nicht funktionieren kann. Aus diesem Grund kann gehört sie zu einem dieser Wissenschaftler, die in Wirklichkeit Modele der Kulturpolitik mit Modellen der Gesellschaftspolitik in breitem Sinne des Wortes identifizieren [Ilczuk, 2002, S. 23]. Diese Sichtweise wird auch von S. Golinowska repräsentiert, die anhand von Typologien von Gosty Esping-Andersen und Richard Titmuss mit Hilfe eines ideologischen Kriteriums drei Modele eines Vormundschaftsstaates unterscheidet: liberales, korporations-konservatives und sozialdemokratisches. Vormundschaftsstaat in liberalen Model begrenzt seine Aktivitäten zum Vorbeugen von Verelendung der ärmsten Gesellschaftsschichten. Wobei diese Hilfe, auch wenn von geringem Umfang und deutlich hingerichtet bedarf Überprüfung von Ankommen ihrer Empfänger und Kontrolle der Ausgaben. Philosophie dieses Models ist festgewurzelt in englischer Gesetzgebung, die als Schutz von armer Bevölkerung der britischen Monarchie gedacht war. Korporations-konservatives Model funktioniert und basiert auf These, dass soziale Politik, also auch Kulturpolitik unzertrennliche Elemente der ökonomischen sowie politischen Staatsordnung sind. Solch eine Gesellschaftspolitik baut auf Verschaffung von motivierten, gleichberechtigten Verhältnissen zwischen den Gesellschaftsmitgliedern, bei gleichzeitiger Überwindung von verschiedenen Unruhen und destruktiver Stimmung. Zu ihren Instrumenten gehören Organe der Selbstverwaltung, Kirche, Non-Profit Vereine, gescheitert organisierte Verbände für Intellektuelle usw. Für Spiegelung von oben erwähntem Model der Sozial- und Kulturpolitik hält S. Golinowska

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Politik Länder des europäischen Kontinents, repräsentiert insbesondere durch Deutschland. In dem sozial-demokratischen Model werden vom Staat sehr ehrgeizige soziale Ziele angestrebt und realisiert. Der Staat versucht z.B. nicht nur Chancen, aber auch Wohlstandsniveau seiner Einwohner mit Hilfe von breiter Verteilung von Einkünften auszugleichen. Dieses Model wird in skandinavischen Ländern angewendet, am effektivsten in Schweden [Golinowska, 2000, S. 11-12; Ilczuk, 2002, S. 2324; Golinowska, 1991, S. 5-6]. G Giddens nennt seine eigene Klassifikation europäischer Vormundsstaaten indem er sie in vier Gruppen einteilt: G Britisches System (Model) konzentriert auf Sozialhilfe und Gesundheitswesen. Es zeigt eine Tendenz zu Differenzierung von Spektrums sozialer Hilfe je nach Einkünften der Menschen, die dieser Hilfe bedürfen; G Skandinavisches Model (Nordisches) verwendet in Ländern, von denen soziale Dienstleistungen großzügig finanziert werden, inbegriffen Gesundheitsschutz - es ist möglich dank hoher Steuer; G Zentraleuropäisches System, bei dem Sozialhilfe ziemlich schwach entwickelt ist, allerdings werden verschiedene Begünstigungen eingeführt. Fonds aus denen Rückzahlung werden durch soziales Versicherungssystem an arbeitende Bevölkerung zurückgezahlt; G Südeuropäisches System ähnelt sehr dem zentraleuropäischen, von dem aber eine wesentlich geringere Menschenanzahl umfasst wird, es kann auch Garantie von einem niedrigeren Niveau und Umfang der Sozialhilfe bedeuten [Giddens, 1999, S. 14]. Bei Analyse von Klassifikationen der Gesellschaftspolitik laut S. Golinowska, A. Giddens und D. Ilczuk ist es zu betonen, dass neben ideologischen Kriterien werden von denen noch geographische Kriterien berücksichtigt. Verwendung von diesen Wissenschaftlern dieses geographischen Kriteriums als zweitrangiges verursacht unzählige negative Folgen. A. Giddens berücksichtigt z.B. kein in Deutschland funktionierendes korporations-konservatives Model, das sich auf gesellschaftlicher Marktökonomie anlehnt. Außerdem, in beiden oben genannten Typologien, rückt neoliberale und sozialdemokratische Sichtweise in den Vordergrund. Optimale Form der Gesellschaftsentwicklung bedeutet für Neoliberale solch eine Form, bei der Rolle des Staates sehr gering bleiben sollte, für Sozialdemokraten dagegen

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der Rolle des Staates im Model der marktorientierten Kulturpolitik voraus. Seiner Meinung nach wird der Prozess der Kulturinternationalisierung in Zukunft gestärkt, da der Staat schrittweise durch den Markt in ihrer Finanzierung ersetzt wird. Aus diesem Grund behauptet der Forscher soll der Staat mit der Zeit eine Quelle der Innovation werden und der Kultur elastische Finanzierung aus verschiedenen Fonds gewährleisten und der Gesellschaft kundenorientierte kulturelle Dienstleistungen [Wostriakow, 2004, S. 91-93]. Polnische Wissenschaftlerin D. Ilczuk überlegt einen Zusammenhang zwischen Prozess der Entwicklung von einer bürgerlichen Gesellschaft und ihrer Kulturpolitik. Sie ist davon überzeugt, dass bürgerliche Gesellschaft von der Kulturpolitik bestimmt wird und dass die letzte außerhalb der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft nicht funktionieren kann. Aus diesem Grund kann gehört sie zu einem dieser Wissenschaftler, die in Wirklichkeit Modele der Kulturpolitik mit Modellen der Gesellschaftspolitik in breitem Sinne des Wortes identifizieren [Ilczuk, 2002, S. 23]. Diese Sichtweise wird auch von S. Golinowska repräsentiert, die anhand von Typologien von Gosty Esping-Andersen und Richard Titmuss mit Hilfe eines ideologischen Kriteriums drei Modele eines Vormundschaftsstaates unterscheidet: liberales, korporations-konservatives und sozialdemokratisches. Vormundschaftsstaat in liberalen Model begrenzt seine Aktivitäten zum Vorbeugen von Verelendung der ärmsten Gesellschaftsschichten. Wobei diese Hilfe, auch wenn von geringem Umfang und deutlich hingerichtet bedarf Überprüfung von Ankommen ihrer Empfänger und Kontrolle der Ausgaben. Philosophie dieses Models ist festgewurzelt in englischer Gesetzgebung, die als Schutz von armer Bevölkerung der britischen Monarchie gedacht war. Korporations-konservatives Model funktioniert und basiert auf These, dass soziale Politik, also auch Kulturpolitik unzertrennliche Elemente der ökonomischen sowie politischen Staatsordnung sind. Solch eine Gesellschaftspolitik baut auf Verschaffung von motivierten, gleichberechtigten Verhältnissen zwischen den Gesellschaftsmitgliedern, bei gleichzeitiger Überwindung von verschiedenen Unruhen und destruktiver Stimmung. Zu ihren Instrumenten gehören Organe der Selbstverwaltung, Kirche, Non-Profit Vereine, gescheitert organisierte Verbände für Intellektuelle usw. Für Spiegelung von oben erwähntem Model der Sozial- und Kulturpolitik hält S. Golinowska

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Politik Länder des europäischen Kontinents, repräsentiert insbesondere durch Deutschland. In dem sozial-demokratischen Model werden vom Staat sehr ehrgeizige soziale Ziele angestrebt und realisiert. Der Staat versucht z.B. nicht nur Chancen, aber auch Wohlstandsniveau seiner Einwohner mit Hilfe von breiter Verteilung von Einkünften auszugleichen. Dieses Model wird in skandinavischen Ländern angewendet, am effektivsten in Schweden [Golinowska, 2000, S. 11-12; Ilczuk, 2002, S. 2324; Golinowska, 1991, S. 5-6]. G Giddens nennt seine eigene Klassifikation europäischer Vormundsstaaten indem er sie in vier Gruppen einteilt: G Britisches System (Model) konzentriert auf Sozialhilfe und Gesundheitswesen. Es zeigt eine Tendenz zu Differenzierung von Spektrums sozialer Hilfe je nach Einkünften der Menschen, die dieser Hilfe bedürfen; G Skandinavisches Model (Nordisches) verwendet in Ländern, von denen soziale Dienstleistungen großzügig finanziert werden, inbegriffen Gesundheitsschutz - es ist möglich dank hoher Steuer; G Zentraleuropäisches System, bei dem Sozialhilfe ziemlich schwach entwickelt ist, allerdings werden verschiedene Begünstigungen eingeführt. Fonds aus denen Rückzahlung werden durch soziales Versicherungssystem an arbeitende Bevölkerung zurückgezahlt; G Südeuropäisches System ähnelt sehr dem zentraleuropäischen, von dem aber eine wesentlich geringere Menschenanzahl umfasst wird, es kann auch Garantie von einem niedrigeren Niveau und Umfang der Sozialhilfe bedeuten [Giddens, 1999, S. 14]. Bei Analyse von Klassifikationen der Gesellschaftspolitik laut S. Golinowska, A. Giddens und D. Ilczuk ist es zu betonen, dass neben ideologischen Kriterien werden von denen noch geographische Kriterien berücksichtigt. Verwendung von diesen Wissenschaftlern dieses geographischen Kriteriums als zweitrangiges verursacht unzählige negative Folgen. A. Giddens berücksichtigt z.B. kein in Deutschland funktionierendes korporations-konservatives Model, das sich auf gesellschaftlicher Marktökonomie anlehnt. Außerdem, in beiden oben genannten Typologien, rückt neoliberale und sozialdemokratische Sichtweise in den Vordergrund. Optimale Form der Gesellschaftsentwicklung bedeutet für Neoliberale solch eine Form, bei der Rolle des Staates sehr gering bleiben sollte, für Sozialdemokraten dagegen


- solch eine, bei der Eingriffsgrad des Staates in alle Sphären des gesellschaftlichen Lebens möglich groß sein sollte. D. Ilczuk ist davon überzeugt, dass für Kultur sowohl die erste als auch die zweite Form nicht denkbar wäre. Wenn es um Neoliberalismus geht, ist es schwer über irgendwelche gesellschaftlichen Unstimmigkeiten in Kreisen der Kulturaktivisten zu sprechen. Man sieht sofort Kommerzialisierung des Kulturgebietes, Ersetzen der Kunst und des Kunstschaffens durch Industrie, Konsum, begrenzter Zugang der Bevölkerung zu Kunstgütern. Insbesondere gefährdet scheint Entwicklung von elitären Kulturformen zu sein, die von Empfänger ästhetischen Geschmack und ein ziemlich hohes Niveau der Kunstkennung erfordern. Sozialdemokratisches Model schien wiederum zu sehr das Budget zu belasten, denn es bedürfte konstanter Aufwande für Administration [Ilczuk, 2002, S. 24]. Außerdem häufiger Eingriff in Kultur der administrativen Organe bedeutet Einschränkung der Künstlerinitiative, gewöhnt Künstler an passives Ausführen der staatlichen Aufträge und Annehmen ausschließlich von dem Staat direkt oder indirekt empfohlenen Tätigkeiten (Liebedienerei den Geschmäcken und Befriedigen von Kulturbedürfnissen durchschnittlicher Personen). Dieser These folgend sind Wissenschaftler der Meinung, dass man bei jetziger Stufe der Gesellschaftsentwicklung von funktionierenden Modellen der sozialen Politik und Kulturpolitik abgehen soll. Durch Synthese bisheriger Konzepte und auf ihrer Basis sollte man ein neues Model entwickeln, das alle guten Eigenschaften eines neoliberalen und sozialdemokratischen Managementsystems verwirklichen würde. Man könnte sich auf einen neuen Namen einigen und es als Model des dritten Weges bezeichnen. S. Golinowska hat dieses Model sehr wahrscheinlich annähernd präzise definiert. Sie schreibt, dass Verantwortung des Staates fürs Erhalten der allgemeinen sozialen Versicherung soll mit Wachstum individueller Verantwortung und Beachten der zutreffenden Entscheidungen abhängig von der Situation (Individualisierung) [Golinowska, 2000, S. 18] zusammengehen. A. Giddens ergänzt, dass Wiedergeburt der Kultur und gesellschaftlicher Aktivität leisten Bürgschaft für Effizienz des Models des dritten Weges, was gleichzeitig der Wiederbelebung der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft entspricht. Für bürgerliche Gesellschaft hält man Gesellschaft, die nach folgenden Grundsätzen handelt:

G Regierung und Gesellschaft sind Partner; G Wiederbelebung der gesellschaftlichen Einheit als Weg zum Unterstützen von lokalen Initiativen; G Gewinnung an Bedeutung des dritten Sektors (A. Giddens meint hier Non-Profit Organisationen); G Schutz lokaler Öffentlichkeitssphäre [Giddens, 1999, S. 16]. Sinn des Models des dritten Weges bedeutet Zusammenwachsen vom Staat und aktiver sozialer Gruppen. Zuständigkeitsgebiete und Grenzen der Zusammenarbeit können auch abhängig von konkreten Situationen und Bedürfnissen verschoben werden. Allerdings Anvertrauung von der Regierung eines Teils von Vollmächten an Selbstverwaltungen oder NonProfit Organisationen dürfte nicht zum absoluten Ausschließen der Regierung aus irgendwelcher Form der Sozialpolitik, wie z.B. Kulturpolitik führen [Ilczuk, 2000, S. 26-27]. Sehr ähnlich beschreibt seine Ansichten britischer Wissenschaftler R. Fisher. Er überlegt Grad und Rolle der Mitwirkung eines Staates in Kulturentwicklung von verschiedenen europäischen Ländern. Das ist auch ein Kriterium nach dem er drei Modele der Kulturpolitik aussondert: G Ministerielles Model, das von ihm als «reines und vollkommenes» beschrieben wird, funktioniert in Frankreich mit seinem zentralisierten und starken Kulturministerium. Gut organisiertes, aktives und eng mit Ministerpräsident zusammenarbeitendes Ministerium bedeutet für Kultur sehr hohe Position im Staat. Allerdings auch in solcher Situation, wenn der Ministerpräsident nur als typischer Beamter, ohne Interesse an künstlerische Aussage der Werke handelt, sind Aussichten für Kulturentwicklung relativ gering; G Model «der ausgestreckten Hand», in Rahmen dessen, wie auf Entfernung einer ausgestreckten Hand, ein von der Regierung unabhängiger Rat für Kulturangelegenheiten funktioniert, also eine Beratergruppe. Eine ähnliche Situation hat Mal in Großbritannien funktioniert und heutzutage ist das der Fall in Irland. Das Positive an diesem Model ist, dass Regierung den Künstlergremien als Vorrecht freie Hand beim Treffen von Entscheidungen aus dem Kulturgebiet lässt. Zum Nachteil dieses Systems wird eine fast absolute Isolierung der Kultur von System der Staatsverwaltung. Durch Verleihung von Leitungsfunktionen an andere Organe wird Regierung immer weniger an

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Regierung und Gesellschaft sind Partner; Wiederbelebung der gesellschaftlichen Einheit als Weg zum Unterstützen von lokalen Initiativen; G Gewinnung an Bedeutung des dritten Sektors (A. Giddens meint hier Non-Profit Organisationen); G Schutz lokaler Öffentlichkeitssphäre [Giddens, 1999, S. 16]. Sinn des Models des dritten Weges bedeutet Zusammenwachsen vom Staat und aktiver sozialer Gruppen. Zuständigkeitsgebiete und Grenzen der Zusammenarbeit können auch abhängig von konkreten Situationen und Bedürfnissen verschoben werden. Allerdings Anvertrauung von der Regierung eines Teils von Vollmächten an Selbstverwaltungen oder NonProfit Organisationen dürfte nicht zum absoluten Ausschließen der Regierung aus irgendwelcher Form der Sozialpolitik, wie z.B. Kulturpolitik führen [Ilczuk, 2000, S. 26-27]. Sehr ähnlich beschreibt seine Ansichten britischer Wissenschaftler R. Fisher. Er überlegt Grad und Rolle der Mitwirkung eines Staates in Kulturentwicklung von verschiedenen europäischen Ländern. Das ist auch ein Kriterium nach dem er drei Modele der Kulturpolitik aussondert: G Ministerielles Model, das von ihm als «reines und vollkommenes» beschrieben wird, funktioniert in Frankreich mit seinem zentralisierten und starken Kulturministerium. Gut organisiertes, aktives und eng mit Ministerpräsident zusammenarbeitendes Ministerium bedeutet für Kultur sehr hohe Position im Staat. Allerdings auch in solcher Situation, wenn der Ministerpräsident nur als typischer Beamter, ohne Interesse an künstlerische Aussage der Werke handelt, sind Aussichten für Kulturentwicklung relativ gering; G Model «der ausgestreckten Hand», in Rahmen dessen, wie auf Entfernung einer ausgestreckten Hand, ein von der Regierung unabhängiger Rat für Kulturangelegenheiten funktioniert, also eine Beratergruppe. Eine ähnliche Situation hat Mal in Großbritannien funktioniert und heutzutage ist das der Fall in Irland. Das Positive an diesem Model ist, dass Regierung den Künstlergremien als Vorrecht freie Hand beim Treffen von Entscheidungen aus dem Kulturgebiet lässt. Zum Nachteil dieses Systems wird eine fast absolute Isolierung der Kultur von System der Staatsverwaltung. Durch Verleihung von Leitungsfunktionen an andere Organe wird Regierung immer weniger an G G

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- solch eine, bei der Eingriffsgrad des Staates in alle Sphären des gesellschaftlichen Lebens möglich groß sein sollte. D. Ilczuk ist davon überzeugt, dass für Kultur sowohl die erste als auch die zweite Form nicht denkbar wäre. Wenn es um Neoliberalismus geht, ist es schwer über irgendwelche gesellschaftlichen Unstimmigkeiten in Kreisen der Kulturaktivisten zu sprechen. Man sieht sofort Kommerzialisierung des Kulturgebietes, Ersetzen der Kunst und des Kunstschaffens durch Industrie, Konsum, begrenzter Zugang der Bevölkerung zu Kunstgütern. Insbesondere gefährdet scheint Entwicklung von elitären Kulturformen zu sein, die von Empfänger ästhetischen Geschmack und ein ziemlich hohes Niveau der Kunstkennung erfordern. Sozialdemokratisches Model schien wiederum zu sehr das Budget zu belasten, denn es bedürfte konstanter Aufwande für Administration [Ilczuk, 2002, S. 24]. Außerdem häufiger Eingriff in Kultur der administrativen Organe bedeutet Einschränkung der Künstlerinitiative, gewöhnt Künstler an passives Ausführen der staatlichen Aufträge und Annehmen ausschließlich von dem Staat direkt oder indirekt empfohlenen Tätigkeiten (Liebedienerei den Geschmäcken und Befriedigen von Kulturbedürfnissen durchschnittlicher Personen). Dieser These folgend sind Wissenschaftler der Meinung, dass man bei jetziger Stufe der Gesellschaftsentwicklung von funktionierenden Modellen der sozialen Politik und Kulturpolitik abgehen soll. Durch Synthese bisheriger Konzepte und auf ihrer Basis sollte man ein neues Model entwickeln, das alle guten Eigenschaften eines neoliberalen und sozialdemokratischen Managementsystems verwirklichen würde. Man könnte sich auf einen neuen Namen einigen und es als Model des dritten Weges bezeichnen. S. Golinowska hat dieses Model sehr wahrscheinlich annähernd präzise definiert. Sie schreibt, dass Verantwortung des Staates fürs Erhalten der allgemeinen sozialen Versicherung soll mit Wachstum individueller Verantwortung und Beachten der zutreffenden Entscheidungen abhängig von der Situation (Individualisierung) [Golinowska, 2000, S. 18] zusammengehen. A. Giddens ergänzt, dass Wiedergeburt der Kultur und gesellschaftlicher Aktivität leisten Bürgschaft für Effizienz des Models des dritten Weges, was gleichzeitig der Wiederbelebung der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft entspricht. Für bürgerliche Gesellschaft hält man Gesellschaft, die nach folgenden Grundsätzen handelt:

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Kultur als Sphäre des gesellschaftlichen Lebens interessiert. Das hat auch zur Folge ständiges Verlieren an Bedeutung unter anderen politischen Prioritäten; G Gemischtes Model, funktioniert in Großbritannien und Ländern der kontinentalen Europa, Ausnahme ist Deutschland, Österreich und wie vorher erklärt - Frankreich. Dieses Model wird durch Verteilen von Verantwortlichkeiten zwischen Kulturministerium und Beratungskomitee für Kulturangelegenheiten also den Rat für Kulturangelegenheiten realisiert. Das gemischte Model erwies sich als das effektivste Model. Einerseits verleiht es Garantie ausreichender Kontrolle der Regierung über Kulturprozesse und gibt der Kultur Möglichkeit zum Spielen einer wichtigen Rolle im gesellschaftlich-politischen Leben. Andererseits meritorische Kunst und Schöpfungsprozesse betreffende Entscheidungen werden nicht von Beamten getroffen, aber durch Experten aus entsprechenden oder anderen Kunstdisziplinen [Le niak, 1995, S. 99-100]. Wichtig, aus der theoretischen und praktischen Sicht, ist von Wissenschaftlern aus den ehemaligen sowjetischen Staaten gestellte Frage bezüglich der Teilname des Staates am Prozess der Kulturentwicklung. L. Wostriakow betont, dass der Staat bei Gestaltung der Mechanismen zur Realisierung von Kulturpolitik mithilft. Laut dieses Kriteriums, aufbauend auf Monographien seiner Mitarbeiter, nennt er drei Typen einer Anteilnahme des Staates in Kulturpolitik, d.h. drei Modele von Kulturpolitik des Staates. Das sind: - charismatische Politik, bei der das Wesentliche an Unterstützung durch den Staat beruht, in erster Linie von Organisationen und Personen, deren Kunstwerke von einer allgemein-nationalen Bedeutung sind und auch außerhalb des Staates bekannt sind; - Zugänglichkeitspolitik, die hauptsächlich an Gewährleistung von gleichem Zugang für verschiedene Menschenkategorien zu kulturellen Events, die für Meisterstücke der Kultur und Kunst gehalten werden (aus gewissen Gründen), konzentriert ist; - Politik des kulturellen Selbstausdruckes, in Rahmen der jede Art der kulturellen Selbstidentifikation als wichtig angesehen wird (durch eine lokale oder berufliche Gemeinschaft, eine Diaspora, eine soziale Gruppe oder andere «Minderheit»). In diesem Fall klassische Hierarchie der Kultur geht ein, und Werte kultureller Kommunikation und Selbstausdruckes nehmen unter ästhetischen Katego-

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

rien den ersten Platz ein [Wostriakow, 2004, S. 96]. Bei voller Anerkennung der Ziele rationeller Eingriffe des Staates in Kulturangelegenheiten versuchen Wissenschaftler die Wirksamkeit der vom Staat verwendeten Instrumente zu analisieren, die diesen Bereich des gesellschaftlichen Lebens regulieren sollten. Zu diesen Instrumenten gehören: G Auf Rechtsgrundlagen basierende Methoden, die eine ganze gesetzgebende Basis der kulturellen Tätigkeiten berücksichtigen; G Organisatorische Methoden - ihre Anwendung vom Staat kann Selbstverwaltungen beeinflussen, indem bestimmte Organisationsstrukturen für Kulturmanagement empfohlen werden oder Entstehung von diesen Strukturen anbefohlen wird; G Finanzielle Methoden, die bei jeden Umständen, unabhängig von Situation, entscheidend sind. In jetziger Situation wäre Finanzierung der Kultur aus verschiedenen Quellen optimal: staatlicher, lokalen Budgets, verschiedenen sozialen Fonds sowie durch private Zuschüsse und Wirtschaftstätigkeit der Kultur- Kunstinstitutionen selbst; G Fachmännische Methoden, deren Popularität in den letzten Jahren wesentlich gestiegen ist. Besonders oft werden Urteile von Fachkräften und System von genauem Berichten über Tätigkeit der Munizipien (Räte der Stadt), Regionen und einzelner Kulturinstitutionen verwendet. Man verdankt es unter anderem Verbreitung der FandraisingPraktika (Schreiben von Projekten) in Kultur, darunter auf der internationalen Ebene. G Professionalisierung, die auf Bilden einer qualifizierten Schicht, speziell ausgebildeter und vorbereiteter Kulturmanager [Wostriakow, E-Dokument]. Wirksamkeit von allen diesen Instrumenten hängt von mehreren Faktoren ab und es wäre schwierig dem R. Fisher zu widersprechen. Politischer Wille zählt zu den wichtigsten Faktoren. Tatsächlich, Anerkennen des Bedürfnisses ständiger Kulturentwicklung von der Regierung ist unentbehrlich, unabhängig vom Komplizierungsgrad und Bevollmächtigungsumfang der administrativen Strukturen. Zu dem nächsten Effizienz der Kulturpolitik beeinflussenden Faktor gehört schnelle Bearbeitung von Prozeduren, die beim Treffen von Entscheidungen im Kulturbereich helfen. Ihre Leistungsstärke minimalisiert Verlängerung von bürokratischen Prozessen und Vermindert Risiko von Weiterleitung aller Angelegenheiten,

153

Kultur als Sphäre des gesellschaftlichen Lebens interessiert. Das hat auch zur Folge ständiges Verlieren an Bedeutung unter anderen politischen Prioritäten; G Gemischtes Model, funktioniert in Großbritannien und Ländern der kontinentalen Europa, Ausnahme ist Deutschland, Österreich und wie vorher erklärt - Frankreich. Dieses Model wird durch Verteilen von Verantwortlichkeiten zwischen Kulturministerium und Beratungskomitee für Kulturangelegenheiten also den Rat für Kulturangelegenheiten realisiert. Das gemischte Model erwies sich als das effektivste Model. Einerseits verleiht es Garantie ausreichender Kontrolle der Regierung über Kulturprozesse und gibt der Kultur Möglichkeit zum Spielen einer wichtigen Rolle im gesellschaftlich-politischen Leben. Andererseits meritorische Kunst und Schöpfungsprozesse betreffende Entscheidungen werden nicht von Beamten getroffen, aber durch Experten aus entsprechenden oder anderen Kunstdisziplinen [Le niak, 1995, S. 99-100]. Wichtig, aus der theoretischen und praktischen Sicht, ist von Wissenschaftlern aus den ehemaligen sowjetischen Staaten gestellte Frage bezüglich der Teilname des Staates am Prozess der Kulturentwicklung. L. Wostriakow betont, dass der Staat bei Gestaltung der Mechanismen zur Realisierung von Kulturpolitik mithilft. Laut dieses Kriteriums, aufbauend auf Monographien seiner Mitarbeiter, nennt er drei Typen einer Anteilnahme des Staates in Kulturpolitik, d.h. drei Modele von Kulturpolitik des Staates. Das sind: - charismatische Politik, bei der das Wesentliche an Unterstützung durch den Staat beruht, in erster Linie von Organisationen und Personen, deren Kunstwerke von einer allgemein-nationalen Bedeutung sind und auch außerhalb des Staates bekannt sind; - Zugänglichkeitspolitik, die hauptsächlich an Gewährleistung von gleichem Zugang für verschiedene Menschenkategorien zu kulturellen Events, die für Meisterstücke der Kultur und Kunst gehalten werden (aus gewissen Gründen), konzentriert ist; - Politik des kulturellen Selbstausdruckes, in Rahmen der jede Art der kulturellen Selbstidentifikation als wichtig angesehen wird (durch eine lokale oder berufliche Gemeinschaft, eine Diaspora, eine soziale Gruppe oder andere «Minderheit»). In diesem Fall klassische Hierarchie der Kultur geht ein, und Werte kultureller Kommunikation und Selbstausdruckes nehmen unter ästhetischen Katego-

153

rien den ersten Platz ein [Wostriakow, 2004, S. 96]. Bei voller Anerkennung der Ziele rationeller Eingriffe des Staates in Kulturangelegenheiten versuchen Wissenschaftler die Wirksamkeit der vom Staat verwendeten Instrumente zu analisieren, die diesen Bereich des gesellschaftlichen Lebens regulieren sollten. Zu diesen Instrumenten gehören: G Auf Rechtsgrundlagen basierende Methoden, die eine ganze gesetzgebende Basis der kulturellen Tätigkeiten berücksichtigen; G Organisatorische Methoden - ihre Anwendung vom Staat kann Selbstverwaltungen beeinflussen, indem bestimmte Organisationsstrukturen für Kulturmanagement empfohlen werden oder Entstehung von diesen Strukturen anbefohlen wird; G Finanzielle Methoden, die bei jeden Umständen, unabhängig von Situation, entscheidend sind. In jetziger Situation wäre Finanzierung der Kultur aus verschiedenen Quellen optimal: staatlicher, lokalen Budgets, verschiedenen sozialen Fonds sowie durch private Zuschüsse und Wirtschaftstätigkeit der Kultur- Kunstinstitutionen selbst; G Fachmännische Methoden, deren Popularität in den letzten Jahren wesentlich gestiegen ist. Besonders oft werden Urteile von Fachkräften und System von genauem Berichten über Tätigkeit der Munizipien (Räte der Stadt), Regionen und einzelner Kulturinstitutionen verwendet. Man verdankt es unter anderem Verbreitung der FandraisingPraktika (Schreiben von Projekten) in Kultur, darunter auf der internationalen Ebene. G Professionalisierung, die auf Bilden einer qualifizierten Schicht, speziell ausgebildeter und vorbereiteter Kulturmanager [Wostriakow, E-Dokument]. Wirksamkeit von allen diesen Instrumenten hängt von mehreren Faktoren ab und es wäre schwierig dem R. Fisher zu widersprechen. Politischer Wille zählt zu den wichtigsten Faktoren. Tatsächlich, Anerkennen des Bedürfnisses ständiger Kulturentwicklung von der Regierung ist unentbehrlich, unabhängig vom Komplizierungsgrad und Bevollmächtigungsumfang der administrativen Strukturen. Zu dem nächsten Effizienz der Kulturpolitik beeinflussenden Faktor gehört schnelle Bearbeitung von Prozeduren, die beim Treffen von Entscheidungen im Kulturbereich helfen. Ihre Leistungsstärke minimalisiert Verlängerung von bürokratischen Prozessen und Vermindert Risiko von Weiterleitung aller Angelegenheiten,


Gebiet des gesellschaftlichen Lebens zuständig sind. In diesem Artikel wurde schon betont, dass Analyse von solchen Unterschieden Basis für Formulierung nächster Klassifikation der kulturpolitischen Modelle schafft. Man könnte sich auf ihre Bezeichnung als «landeskundig», oder «geographisch» einigen. Befürworter dieser Klassifikation werden von einem ukrainischen Wissenschaftler O. Hrycenko und polnischer Forscherin M. Che³miñska repräsentiert. O. Hrycenko schreibt, dass solch eine Auffassung Abgang von Bildung zahlreicher hypothetischer Konstruktionen und Konzentration auf in Wirklichkeit bestehenden Unterschieden in Kulturpolitik von verschiedenen Ländern ermöglicht. Er ist tief davon überzeugt, dass man, ohne stark zu übertreiben, die Kulturpolitik der meisten Länder in der Welt zu einem der vier Modelle einordnen könnte: dem «amerikanischen», «britischen», «französischen» und «osteuropäischen». Sie unterscheiden sich voneinander mit wenigen Kennzeichen: - Gegenständen und Zielen der Kulturpolitik; - Grundsätzen und Mechanismen ihrer Realisierung; - tatsächlichen Folgen von Realisierung eines bestimmten Typs der Kulturpolitik und allgemeiner Bewertung ihrer Effektivität [Hrycenko, 1994, S. 13]. Der Gegenstand des «amerikanischen» Models ist laut O. Hrycenko nicht Kultur, aber eher Unterhaltungsindustrie, die im Stande ist sich selbst zu finanzieren. Seine Ziele sind vor allem Unterstützung (aber nicht Erhaltung) der Unterhaltungsindustrie, unabhängig von Richtung und Stil, zweitens Gewährleistung nicht nur des Zugangs für ein breites Empfängerspektrum (insbesondere der Jugendlichen) zu kulturellen Sehenswürdigkeiten, aber auch entsprechender Bedingungen für Erhaltung der Kultur verschiedener ethnischen Gruppen. Zu den Grundsätzen der amerikanischen Kulturpolitik gehören: Hilfe und Stimulieren der Kulturentwicklung; maximale Vielfältigkeit der Hilfequellen, hauptsächlich dank Initiativen privater Personen und Institutionen; Unterstützung nicht für Institutionen, aber konkrete Projekte; maximale Wirtschaftlichkeit jeder kulturellen und künstlerischer Veranstaltung. Heutige Situation in der amerikanischen Kultur ist eine Folge von zwei Faktoren. Der wichtigste Faktor bedeutet traditionelles Denken der Künstler hinsichtlich ihrer eigenen Eigeninitiative und selbständigen Handelns, bei gleichzeitiger geringerer Hilfe seitens privater

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

die einer Entscheidung bedürfen an nicht kompetente Personen. In diesem Kontext ist es logisch, dass der dritte Faktor Festlegung von klar definierten Kriterien zum Entscheidungstreffen darstellt. In diesem Fall, die Wahl betrifft Qualität und Zugänglichkeit der materiellen Mittel, die zum Durchführen von einem kulturellen Event oder einer Reihenfolge von denen unentbehrlich sind [Le niak, 1995, S. 101]. Dies ist auch Bestätigung für die vorher formulierte These, dass man für die wichtigste Methode von staatlichem Kulturmanagement die finanzielle Methode hält. Alle anderen Konzepte, die Position des Staates angesichts der Kulturpolitik charakterisieren, sind in gewissem Sinne sowieso mit der Monetärpolitik in Kulturmanagement verbunden. Diese Konzepte beschreibt L. Wostriakow auf folgende Weise: - Erstens, Intensität des staatlichen Eingriffs in Kulturpolitik ist nicht direkt von der Größe der Budgetauszahlungen zugunsten der Kulturfinanzierung beeinflusst; - Zweitens, in solch einer Situation, wenn der Staat auf Verpflichtung absoluter Finanzierung der Kultursphäre verzichtet, bleibt ihm trotzdem eine Funktion eines «Anregers» in Angelegenheiten von Mittelerwerben, bei gleichzeitiger Verschaffung entsprechender Bedingungen; - Drittens, eine Tendenz zu Regionalisierung oder Regionalisierung der Kulturpolitik bedeutet nicht, dass der Staat auf völlige Kulturaufsicht verzichtet und Bevollmächtigung an lokale Administration abgibt, mit gleichzeitiger Beibehaltung der obersten Arbitragefunktion. Es ist interessant, dass diese Strategie von zurzeit beschäftigtem Personal und Leiter der Kulturbranche für die beste von allen gehalten wird; - Viertens, wirtschaftlich entwickelte Länder machen einen guten Gebrauch von verschieden Modellen der Kulturfinanzierung und versuchen gleichzeitig sich von Einteilungsprozeduren der gewonnenen Fonds zu entfernen. Um dieses Ziel zu erreichen bilden sie spezielle Organisationsstrukturen und engagierte Fachkräfte; - Fünftens, mit der Zeit wächst Interesse des Staates an Schutz der Kulturentwicklung mit Hilfe von Verbreitung der Gruppen von bezuschussten Institutionen der Kulturpolitik [Wostriakow, 2004, S. 104]. In verschiedenen Ländern gibt es natürlich sehr unterschiedliche Arten von Kulturfinanzierung und Organisationsmethoden der Systemverwaltung des Staates, die für dieses

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

154

Gebiet des gesellschaftlichen Lebens zuständig sind. In diesem Artikel wurde schon betont, dass Analyse von solchen Unterschieden Basis für Formulierung nächster Klassifikation der kulturpolitischen Modelle schafft. Man könnte sich auf ihre Bezeichnung als «landeskundig», oder «geographisch» einigen. Befürworter dieser Klassifikation werden von einem ukrainischen Wissenschaftler O. Hrycenko und polnischer Forscherin M. Che³miñska repräsentiert. O. Hrycenko schreibt, dass solch eine Auffassung Abgang von Bildung zahlreicher hypothetischer Konstruktionen und Konzentration auf in Wirklichkeit bestehenden Unterschieden in Kulturpolitik von verschiedenen Ländern ermöglicht. Er ist tief davon überzeugt, dass man, ohne stark zu übertreiben, die Kulturpolitik der meisten Länder in der Welt zu einem der vier Modelle einordnen könnte: dem «amerikanischen», «britischen», «französischen» und «osteuropäischen». Sie unterscheiden sich voneinander mit wenigen Kennzeichen: - Gegenständen und Zielen der Kulturpolitik; - Grundsätzen und Mechanismen ihrer Realisierung; - tatsächlichen Folgen von Realisierung eines bestimmten Typs der Kulturpolitik und allgemeiner Bewertung ihrer Effektivität [Hrycenko, 1994, S. 13]. Der Gegenstand des «amerikanischen» Models ist laut O. Hrycenko nicht Kultur, aber eher Unterhaltungsindustrie, die im Stande ist sich selbst zu finanzieren. Seine Ziele sind vor allem Unterstützung (aber nicht Erhaltung) der Unterhaltungsindustrie, unabhängig von Richtung und Stil, zweitens Gewährleistung nicht nur des Zugangs für ein breites Empfängerspektrum (insbesondere der Jugendlichen) zu kulturellen Sehenswürdigkeiten, aber auch entsprechender Bedingungen für Erhaltung der Kultur verschiedener ethnischen Gruppen. Zu den Grundsätzen der amerikanischen Kulturpolitik gehören: Hilfe und Stimulieren der Kulturentwicklung; maximale Vielfältigkeit der Hilfequellen, hauptsächlich dank Initiativen privater Personen und Institutionen; Unterstützung nicht für Institutionen, aber konkrete Projekte; maximale Wirtschaftlichkeit jeder kulturellen und künstlerischer Veranstaltung. Heutige Situation in der amerikanischen Kultur ist eine Folge von zwei Faktoren. Der wichtigste Faktor bedeutet traditionelles Denken der Künstler hinsichtlich ihrer eigenen Eigeninitiative und selbständigen Handelns, bei gleichzeitiger geringerer Hilfe seitens privater

154

die einer Entscheidung bedürfen an nicht kompetente Personen. In diesem Kontext ist es logisch, dass der dritte Faktor Festlegung von klar definierten Kriterien zum Entscheidungstreffen darstellt. In diesem Fall, die Wahl betrifft Qualität und Zugänglichkeit der materiellen Mittel, die zum Durchführen von einem kulturellen Event oder einer Reihenfolge von denen unentbehrlich sind [Le niak, 1995, S. 101]. Dies ist auch Bestätigung für die vorher formulierte These, dass man für die wichtigste Methode von staatlichem Kulturmanagement die finanzielle Methode hält. Alle anderen Konzepte, die Position des Staates angesichts der Kulturpolitik charakterisieren, sind in gewissem Sinne sowieso mit der Monetärpolitik in Kulturmanagement verbunden. Diese Konzepte beschreibt L. Wostriakow auf folgende Weise: - Erstens, Intensität des staatlichen Eingriffs in Kulturpolitik ist nicht direkt von der Größe der Budgetauszahlungen zugunsten der Kulturfinanzierung beeinflusst; - Zweitens, in solch einer Situation, wenn der Staat auf Verpflichtung absoluter Finanzierung der Kultursphäre verzichtet, bleibt ihm trotzdem eine Funktion eines «Anregers» in Angelegenheiten von Mittelerwerben, bei gleichzeitiger Verschaffung entsprechender Bedingungen; - Drittens, eine Tendenz zu Regionalisierung oder Regionalisierung der Kulturpolitik bedeutet nicht, dass der Staat auf völlige Kulturaufsicht verzichtet und Bevollmächtigung an lokale Administration abgibt, mit gleichzeitiger Beibehaltung der obersten Arbitragefunktion. Es ist interessant, dass diese Strategie von zurzeit beschäftigtem Personal und Leiter der Kulturbranche für die beste von allen gehalten wird; - Viertens, wirtschaftlich entwickelte Länder machen einen guten Gebrauch von verschieden Modellen der Kulturfinanzierung und versuchen gleichzeitig sich von Einteilungsprozeduren der gewonnenen Fonds zu entfernen. Um dieses Ziel zu erreichen bilden sie spezielle Organisationsstrukturen und engagierte Fachkräfte; - Fünftens, mit der Zeit wächst Interesse des Staates an Schutz der Kulturentwicklung mit Hilfe von Verbreitung der Gruppen von bezuschussten Institutionen der Kulturpolitik [Wostriakow, 2004, S. 104]. In verschiedenen Ländern gibt es natürlich sehr unterschiedliche Arten von Kulturfinanzierung und Organisationsmethoden der Systemverwaltung des Staates, die für dieses


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Personen. Nebensächlich bleibt aktive Staatspolitik in diesem Bereich innerhalb der letzten 30-40 Jahren, insbesondere seit den 70-er Jahren des ?? Jahrhunderts. O. Hrycenko verallgemeinert seine Meinung und beschreibt das «amerikanische» Model der Kulturpolitik als Gewährleistung einer enormen Vielfalt, ständiger Wiederbelebung und hoher Kulturvitalität [ebd., S. 13-18]. Die meisten Merkmale, Ziele und Grundsätze der amerikanischen Kulturpolitik betreffen auch das «britische Model». Es lässt sich mit genetischer Verwandtschaft beider Gesellschaften erklären. Grundlegender Unterschied beruht daran, dass die finanzielle Anteilnahme des britischen Staates an sozialen Angelegenheiten wesentlich größer ist und seine ökonomische Schwäche - im Vergleich zu USA - in den letzten Jahrzehnten. Das Wesen der britischen Methode heißt: Kulturentwicklung wird vom Staat finanziert, aber nicht steuert (vgl. Model «der ausgestreckten Hand» von R. Fisher) [Le niak, 1995, S. 99]. Tätigkeit des Netzwerkes von künstlerischen Räten ist in diesem Kontext wichtig, genauso indirekte Hilfe für Kultur in Form von Aufträgen vom Staat oder Selbstverwaltung für gewisse Leistungen wie: Renovierung von Gebäuden, Erheben von Denkmälern usw. Zu den Hauptfolgen von Anwendung des «britischen Models» der Kulturpolitik, das O. Hrycenko als eine Zwischenstufe zwischen dem «amerikanischen» und «französischen» Model beschreibt, gehören relativ große Selbständigkeit und ökonomische «Abwehrkräfte» von kulturellen und künstlerischen Institutionen [Hrycenko, 1994, S. 19-21]. «Französisches» Model galt als Vorbild eines starken, zentralisierten Systems der Staatsschirmherrschaft für Kultur, das man unter Bedingungen einer Marktwirtschaftsgesellschaft schaffen kann. Dabei war der Umgang mit Kultur als eines Objektes der Schirmherrschaft sehr liberal: neben traditionellen Zweigen der Kultur gab es zusätzlich Musterung, Mode und sogar nationale Küche spezifische Aktivitäten, wo ethnische Mentalität eine Rolle gespielt hat. Ziel der Kulturpolitik in Rahmen dieses Models war Unterstützung, Aufbewahrung und Entwicklung der nationalen Kultur in allen ihren Formen, als Garantie für gute Entwicklung der Nation und Pflegen ihres positiven image auf der Welt. Das Geheimnis von Erzielen solcher rühmlicher Ziele waren: die führende Rolle des Staates (des Kulturministeriums) bei Förderung von kulturellen Projekten; bedingt durch großes

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Verständnis für Kultur und kulturelle Veranstaltungen Kriterienvielfalt bei Hilfeleistungen; trotz Zentralisierung des Staates und der «Staatlichkeit» mit kleinen Ausnahmen auf dem Kulturgebiet in Frankreich, werden keine Kulturinstitutionen vom Staat geleitet und unterhalten, sondern kulturelle Veranstaltungen und Projekte unterstützt. Folgen der Realisierung des «französischen» Models sind nicht eindeutig. Einerseits, dank der aktiven Unterstützung durch den Staat, lebt die französische Kultur, entfaltet sich und hat ihr eigenes Gesicht. Allerdings übermäßige Zentralisierung der Führungskräfte hat nach sich Bürokratie gezogen und als ihre Folge nicht effiziente Ausnutzung der für Kultur vom Staat zur Verfügung gestellter Mittel. Ein weiteres Merkmal von diesem Model ist eine gewisse Institutionalisierung von nationalen Erscheinungen kultureller und künstlerischer Art, die zu Schmuckstücken der Staatsmaschine umgewandelt werden, als «Kronenmutter und Schrauben der allgemeinen französischen Angelegenheiten» [ebd., S. 23]. Als Paradox wird auch Institutionalisierung von Avantgarde angesehen, die ursprünglich gegen jede Art vom Stillstand und Teiloffiziellen gerichtet wurde. Dies gibt auch einigen französischen Kulturwissenschaftlern einen Grund zur Behauptung, dass ihre Kultur ausgeblutet ist und vor einem unvermeidlichen Untergang wegen einer zu starken Abhängigkeit vom Staat steht [ebd., S. 21-23]. Bei Versuch einer Charakteristika des «osteuropäischen» Models («postkommunistischen») der Kulturpolitik, O. Hrycenko warnt vor einer kategorischen Interpretation seiner Urteile. Er betont, dass Feststellung über ein für alle postkommunistischen Länder gemeinsames Model der Kulturpolitik ziemlich allgemein ist und kann verschiedene Urteile hervorrufen (auch seine Existenz ablehnende Meinungen). Daraus kann man schlussfolgern, dass Bedeutung und Grundsätze der Kulturentwicklung und ihr Platz in politischen Prozessen in Polen, Weißrussland, in der Ukraine und anderen Ländern der Ost- und Mitteleuropa sehr unterschiedlich sind. Trotzdem besitzen sie auch gemeinsame Merkmale. Neben O. Hrycenko hat das auch A. Giddens gemerkt, während er vorher beschriebenes zentraleuropäisches System (Model) des Vormundsstaates ausgesondert hat [ebd., S. 23-24; Giddens, 1999, S. 24]. Wie von O. Hrycenko betont, «osteuropäisches» Model ist ein in Fakt nicht wirklich theoretisches Bestehen der Kulturpolitik rechtfer-

155

Personen. Nebensächlich bleibt aktive Staatspolitik in diesem Bereich innerhalb der letzten 30-40 Jahren, insbesondere seit den 70-er Jahren des ?? Jahrhunderts. O. Hrycenko verallgemeinert seine Meinung und beschreibt das «amerikanische» Model der Kulturpolitik als Gewährleistung einer enormen Vielfalt, ständiger Wiederbelebung und hoher Kulturvitalität [ebd., S. 13-18]. Die meisten Merkmale, Ziele und Grundsätze der amerikanischen Kulturpolitik betreffen auch das «britische Model». Es lässt sich mit genetischer Verwandtschaft beider Gesellschaften erklären. Grundlegender Unterschied beruht daran, dass die finanzielle Anteilnahme des britischen Staates an sozialen Angelegenheiten wesentlich größer ist und seine ökonomische Schwäche - im Vergleich zu USA - in den letzten Jahrzehnten. Das Wesen der britischen Methode heißt: Kulturentwicklung wird vom Staat finanziert, aber nicht steuert (vgl. Model «der ausgestreckten Hand» von R. Fisher) [Le niak, 1995, S. 99]. Tätigkeit des Netzwerkes von künstlerischen Räten ist in diesem Kontext wichtig, genauso indirekte Hilfe für Kultur in Form von Aufträgen vom Staat oder Selbstverwaltung für gewisse Leistungen wie: Renovierung von Gebäuden, Erheben von Denkmälern usw. Zu den Hauptfolgen von Anwendung des «britischen Models» der Kulturpolitik, das O. Hrycenko als eine Zwischenstufe zwischen dem «amerikanischen» und «französischen» Model beschreibt, gehören relativ große Selbständigkeit und ökonomische «Abwehrkräfte» von kulturellen und künstlerischen Institutionen [Hrycenko, 1994, S. 19-21]. «Französisches» Model galt als Vorbild eines starken, zentralisierten Systems der Staatsschirmherrschaft für Kultur, das man unter Bedingungen einer Marktwirtschaftsgesellschaft schaffen kann. Dabei war der Umgang mit Kultur als eines Objektes der Schirmherrschaft sehr liberal: neben traditionellen Zweigen der Kultur gab es zusätzlich Musterung, Mode und sogar nationale Küche spezifische Aktivitäten, wo ethnische Mentalität eine Rolle gespielt hat. Ziel der Kulturpolitik in Rahmen dieses Models war Unterstützung, Aufbewahrung und Entwicklung der nationalen Kultur in allen ihren Formen, als Garantie für gute Entwicklung der Nation und Pflegen ihres positiven image auf der Welt. Das Geheimnis von Erzielen solcher rühmlicher Ziele waren: die führende Rolle des Staates (des Kulturministeriums) bei Förderung von kulturellen Projekten; bedingt durch großes

155

Verständnis für Kultur und kulturelle Veranstaltungen Kriterienvielfalt bei Hilfeleistungen; trotz Zentralisierung des Staates und der «Staatlichkeit» mit kleinen Ausnahmen auf dem Kulturgebiet in Frankreich, werden keine Kulturinstitutionen vom Staat geleitet und unterhalten, sondern kulturelle Veranstaltungen und Projekte unterstützt. Folgen der Realisierung des «französischen» Models sind nicht eindeutig. Einerseits, dank der aktiven Unterstützung durch den Staat, lebt die französische Kultur, entfaltet sich und hat ihr eigenes Gesicht. Allerdings übermäßige Zentralisierung der Führungskräfte hat nach sich Bürokratie gezogen und als ihre Folge nicht effiziente Ausnutzung der für Kultur vom Staat zur Verfügung gestellter Mittel. Ein weiteres Merkmal von diesem Model ist eine gewisse Institutionalisierung von nationalen Erscheinungen kultureller und künstlerischer Art, die zu Schmuckstücken der Staatsmaschine umgewandelt werden, als «Kronenmutter und Schrauben der allgemeinen französischen Angelegenheiten» [ebd., S. 23]. Als Paradox wird auch Institutionalisierung von Avantgarde angesehen, die ursprünglich gegen jede Art vom Stillstand und Teiloffiziellen gerichtet wurde. Dies gibt auch einigen französischen Kulturwissenschaftlern einen Grund zur Behauptung, dass ihre Kultur ausgeblutet ist und vor einem unvermeidlichen Untergang wegen einer zu starken Abhängigkeit vom Staat steht [ebd., S. 21-23]. Bei Versuch einer Charakteristika des «osteuropäischen» Models («postkommunistischen») der Kulturpolitik, O. Hrycenko warnt vor einer kategorischen Interpretation seiner Urteile. Er betont, dass Feststellung über ein für alle postkommunistischen Länder gemeinsames Model der Kulturpolitik ziemlich allgemein ist und kann verschiedene Urteile hervorrufen (auch seine Existenz ablehnende Meinungen). Daraus kann man schlussfolgern, dass Bedeutung und Grundsätze der Kulturentwicklung und ihr Platz in politischen Prozessen in Polen, Weißrussland, in der Ukraine und anderen Ländern der Ost- und Mitteleuropa sehr unterschiedlich sind. Trotzdem besitzen sie auch gemeinsame Merkmale. Neben O. Hrycenko hat das auch A. Giddens gemerkt, während er vorher beschriebenes zentraleuropäisches System (Model) des Vormundsstaates ausgesondert hat [ebd., S. 23-24; Giddens, 1999, S. 24]. Wie von O. Hrycenko betont, «osteuropäisches» Model ist ein in Fakt nicht wirklich theoretisches Bestehen der Kulturpolitik rechtfer-


zwischen verschiedene Subjekte der kulturellen Tätigkeit gemäß mehr oder weniger präzise festgelegten Kriterien; e) Anregungsmodel Finanzielle Hilfe wird sehr präzise nach früher festgelegten Kriterien zuerkannt, wodurch sie als Anregung zum Handeln wirkt [Grad, Kaczmarek, 1996, S. 178f]. In den letzten Jahren, insbesondere im Forum des Europarates, wird immer öfters das Bedürfnis nach Dezentralisierung der Kulturpolitik zum Ausdruck gebracht. Nicht ohne Grund wurden Hauptfunktionen der Kulturpolitik von dem Europarat genannt: erstens Demokratisierung der Kultur, zweitens - Entwicklung der kulturellen Demokratisierung, wobei man unter diesem Begriff alle Tätigkeiten versteht, die zum Ziel haben, professionelle künstlerische Kultur der ganzen Gesellschaft näher zu bringen. Qualität zählt genauso wie Zugänglichkeit des künstlerischen Angebotes. So verstandene Demokratisierung, was paradox klingeln mag, wird zum größten Teil zentralistisch realisiert [ebd., S. 179]. Es ist schwer mit der von L. Wostriakow und B. Peril gestellten These, die besagt, dass das Verhaltensmodel des Staates nicht entlehnt oder kopiert sein kann, wenn es nicht effizient ist, nicht übereinzustimmen. Eine optimale Lösung für jedes Land, das ein schon in einem anderen Land ausprobiertes Model anzuwenden versucht, ist Anpassung dieses Models an eigene Bedingungen, bei Berücksichtigung eigener Außen- und Innenpolitik. Australien, Japan und der Republik Korea versuchen diesen Weg zu gehen bei Entwicklung ihrer Kultur [Wostriakow, Peril, 2004, S. 247-249]. Man soll bedenken, dass es kein Model der Kulturpolitik gibt, das immer genauso effektiv wäre - das ist auch der Grund dafür, warum Handeln des Staates im Kulturgebiet immer wieder regulär kontrolliert, beurteilt und verifiziert sein soll. In oben präsentierten Klassifikationen von Modellen der Kulturpolitik versuchen alle Wissenschaftler eigene Typologien bei Verwendung von vier bis fünf Hauptindikatoren der Kulturentwicklung eines bestimmten Landes oder Region auszuformulieren. Zu diesen Indikatoren gehören: Institutionen und Ziele der Kulturpolitik, Grundsätze und Mechanismen, sowie Folgen ihrer Realisierung. Zu den Grundsätzen und Mechanismen von Realisierung der Kulturpolitik gehören aus Perspektive der Beurteilung besprochener Modelle Charakter des politischen Staatssystems und Grad seiner Integration in Prozesse des Kulturmanagements.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

tigendes, aber Wirklichkeit der Übergangsperiode zeigendes Model. Damit ist auch eine gewisse, aus früheren Zeiten geerbte Infrastruktur und ungünstige aus Zeiten der ökonomischen Krise rückenden Bedingungen verbunden, in denen sich Kultur entwickeln soll. Treffen von Entscheidungen bei solchen Umständen im Kulturgebiet ist oft erzwungen und zu schnell (nicht durchdacht). Es erklärt auch die Ähnlichkeit der kulturellen Wirklichkeit in postkommunistischen Ländern, die keine Unterschiede in national-staatlichen Konzepten der Kulturpolitik zu berücksichtigen scheinen [Hrycenko, 2004, S. 96]. M. Che³miñska unterscheidet in Rahmen dieser «landeskundiger» Klassifikationsgruppe drei Kriterien für Typologie von Systemen der Kulturpolitik, die von Jana Grada und Urszula Kaczmarek zusammengefasst wurden: 1. Kriterium des Zentralisierungsgrades eines Systems als Grundlage einer Einklassifizierung des Staates zu einem der entstandenen gemäß dieses Kriteriums Modelle. Man hat Intensitätsgrad der zum Leiten der Kulturpolitik auf der Staatsebene benötigten Instrumente sowie Einspruchsgrad bei Tätigkeit der lokalen Selbstverwaltungen berücksichtigt. Auf diese Weise unterscheidet man drei Modelle: a) Model einer starken Zentralisierung Frankreich, Dänemark, Griechenland, Portugal; b) Model eines relativen Gleichgewichtes zwischen Zentralisierung und Dezentralisierung Schweden, Spanien, Belgien, Italien; c) Model einer starken Dezentralisierung Schweiz, Deutschland, Großbritannien; 2. Kriterium bevorzugter Funktionen der Kulturpolitik: a) Ein Entwicklung eines professionellen und künstlerischen Schaffens von Prestigetyp förderndes Model; b) Model der Kulturdemokratisierung; c) Schutzmodel des Kulturmarktes, Model des Einspruchstaates; 3. Kriterium der angewandten Einspruchsformen: a) Bewirtschaftungsmodel Unterordnung der Kulturpolitik den Legislativ- und anderen, auf andere Weise bestimmten Normen; b) Voluntaristisches Model Treffen von Entscheidungen durch Regierung der höchsten Ebene und Indirekte Eingriffe ihrerseits; c) Überzeugendes und werbendes Model da herrschen Bemühungen, die Popularisierung der Ziele und Prinzipien der Kulturpolitik und ihrer Errungenschaften zum Ziel haben; d) Zuwendungsmodel Verteilen der Mittel

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

156

zwischen verschiedene Subjekte der kulturellen Tätigkeit gemäß mehr oder weniger präzise festgelegten Kriterien; e) Anregungsmodel Finanzielle Hilfe wird sehr präzise nach früher festgelegten Kriterien zuerkannt, wodurch sie als Anregung zum Handeln wirkt [Grad, Kaczmarek, 1996, S. 178f]. In den letzten Jahren, insbesondere im Forum des Europarates, wird immer öfters das Bedürfnis nach Dezentralisierung der Kulturpolitik zum Ausdruck gebracht. Nicht ohne Grund wurden Hauptfunktionen der Kulturpolitik von dem Europarat genannt: erstens Demokratisierung der Kultur, zweitens - Entwicklung der kulturellen Demokratisierung, wobei man unter diesem Begriff alle Tätigkeiten versteht, die zum Ziel haben, professionelle künstlerische Kultur der ganzen Gesellschaft näher zu bringen. Qualität zählt genauso wie Zugänglichkeit des künstlerischen Angebotes. So verstandene Demokratisierung, was paradox klingeln mag, wird zum größten Teil zentralistisch realisiert [ebd., S. 179]. Es ist schwer mit der von L. Wostriakow und B. Peril gestellten These, die besagt, dass das Verhaltensmodel des Staates nicht entlehnt oder kopiert sein kann, wenn es nicht effizient ist, nicht übereinzustimmen. Eine optimale Lösung für jedes Land, das ein schon in einem anderen Land ausprobiertes Model anzuwenden versucht, ist Anpassung dieses Models an eigene Bedingungen, bei Berücksichtigung eigener Außen- und Innenpolitik. Australien, Japan und der Republik Korea versuchen diesen Weg zu gehen bei Entwicklung ihrer Kultur [Wostriakow, Peril, 2004, S. 247-249]. Man soll bedenken, dass es kein Model der Kulturpolitik gibt, das immer genauso effektiv wäre - das ist auch der Grund dafür, warum Handeln des Staates im Kulturgebiet immer wieder regulär kontrolliert, beurteilt und verifiziert sein soll. In oben präsentierten Klassifikationen von Modellen der Kulturpolitik versuchen alle Wissenschaftler eigene Typologien bei Verwendung von vier bis fünf Hauptindikatoren der Kulturentwicklung eines bestimmten Landes oder Region auszuformulieren. Zu diesen Indikatoren gehören: Institutionen und Ziele der Kulturpolitik, Grundsätze und Mechanismen, sowie Folgen ihrer Realisierung. Zu den Grundsätzen und Mechanismen von Realisierung der Kulturpolitik gehören aus Perspektive der Beurteilung besprochener Modelle Charakter des politischen Staatssystems und Grad seiner Integration in Prozesse des Kulturmanagements.

156

tigendes, aber Wirklichkeit der Übergangsperiode zeigendes Model. Damit ist auch eine gewisse, aus früheren Zeiten geerbte Infrastruktur und ungünstige aus Zeiten der ökonomischen Krise rückenden Bedingungen verbunden, in denen sich Kultur entwickeln soll. Treffen von Entscheidungen bei solchen Umständen im Kulturgebiet ist oft erzwungen und zu schnell (nicht durchdacht). Es erklärt auch die Ähnlichkeit der kulturellen Wirklichkeit in postkommunistischen Ländern, die keine Unterschiede in national-staatlichen Konzepten der Kulturpolitik zu berücksichtigen scheinen [Hrycenko, 2004, S. 96]. M. Che³miñska unterscheidet in Rahmen dieser «landeskundiger» Klassifikationsgruppe drei Kriterien für Typologie von Systemen der Kulturpolitik, die von Jana Grada und Urszula Kaczmarek zusammengefasst wurden: 1. Kriterium des Zentralisierungsgrades eines Systems als Grundlage einer Einklassifizierung des Staates zu einem der entstandenen gemäß dieses Kriteriums Modelle. Man hat Intensitätsgrad der zum Leiten der Kulturpolitik auf der Staatsebene benötigten Instrumente sowie Einspruchsgrad bei Tätigkeit der lokalen Selbstverwaltungen berücksichtigt. Auf diese Weise unterscheidet man drei Modelle: a) Model einer starken Zentralisierung Frankreich, Dänemark, Griechenland, Portugal; b) Model eines relativen Gleichgewichtes zwischen Zentralisierung und Dezentralisierung Schweden, Spanien, Belgien, Italien; c) Model einer starken Dezentralisierung Schweiz, Deutschland, Großbritannien; 2. Kriterium bevorzugter Funktionen der Kulturpolitik: a) Ein Entwicklung eines professionellen und künstlerischen Schaffens von Prestigetyp förderndes Model; b) Model der Kulturdemokratisierung; c) Schutzmodel des Kulturmarktes, Model des Einspruchstaates; 3. Kriterium der angewandten Einspruchsformen: a) Bewirtschaftungsmodel Unterordnung der Kulturpolitik den Legislativ- und anderen, auf andere Weise bestimmten Normen; b) Voluntaristisches Model Treffen von Entscheidungen durch Regierung der höchsten Ebene und Indirekte Eingriffe ihrerseits; c) Überzeugendes und werbendes Model da herrschen Bemühungen, die Popularisierung der Ziele und Prinzipien der Kulturpolitik und ihrer Errungenschaften zum Ziel haben; d) Zuwendungsmodel Verteilen der Mittel


157

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Bei Berücksichtigung dieser Anschauungsweise wäre interessant alle oben aufgelisteten Klassifikationen von Modellen der Kulturpolitik in drei große Gruppen einzuteilen. Die erste Gruppe könnte man als ideologisch bezeichnen, denn beschriebene in dieser Arbeit Schemata berücksichtigen direkte Abhängigkeit zwischen Prozessen der demokratischen Entwicklung einer bürgerlichen Gesellschaft und der Kulturpolitik. Es sind insbesondere von G. Esping-Andersen, R. Titmuss, M. Dragiceviæ- e iæ, D. Ilczuk, S. Golinowsku und A. Giddens ausgearbeitete Klassifikationen . Kriterium, das für Autoren der zweiten ökonomischer Gruppe der Klassifikation von Modellen der Kulturpolitik wichtig ist, ist der Ge-

währleistungsgrad der materiellen und finanziellen Mittel für Kultur. Diese Auffassung repräsentieren A. Mole, A. Wisand, R. Fisher, L. Wostriakow und B. Peril. Die dritte landeskundige oder geographische Theorie wurde von O. Hrycenka und M. Che³miñsku formuliert. Als Hauptkriterium zur Absonderung von Modellen der Kulturpolitik nennen sie, wie schon anhand der im Namen berücksichtigten Hinweise, spezifische Eigenart des Kulturmanagements in verschiedenen Ländern der Welt. Einführung von jedem Model der Kulturpolitik bedeutet, was schon betont wurde, ein Prozess, der von der Regierung als integraler Teil der innen- und außenpolitischen Entwicklung des Landes anerkannt werden soll.

Literatur: Che³miñska M., Warunki rozwoju kultury na szczeblu lokalnym. Europejskie modele rozwi¹zañ sy-

Ilczuk D., Polityka kulturalna w spo³eczeñstwie obywatelskim, Kraków 2002.

stemowych a sytuacja w Polsce, Warszawa 1993.

Le niak T., (Red.) Europejskie modele zarz¹dzania

Dragiceviæ- e ic M., Kultura: mened¿ment, animac-

kultur¹ (Appendix), [In:] Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹:

ja, marketing, Novosibirsk 2000. Giddens A., Trzecia droga. Odnowa socjaldemokracji, Warszawa 1999.

wybrane materia³y seminarium dla mened¿erów kultury Kraków, Kraków 1995. Mol A., Soziodynamika kultury, Moskau 1973.

Golinowska S., (Red.), W poszukiwaniu nowych róde³

Wostriakow L. E., Kulturnaya politika: Konzeptsyi,

i form finansowania. Studia z krajów o gospodar-

poniatiya, modieli, http://www.cpolicy.ru/analy-

ce rynkowej, Warszawa 1991.

tics/80.html.

Golinowska S., Polityka spo³eczna: koncepcje instytucje koszty, Warszawa 2000. Grad J., Kaczmarek U., Organizacja i upowszechnianie kultury w Polsce. Zmiany modelu. Skrypt dla studentów kulturoznawstwa, Poznañ 1996. Hrycenko O., Kulturna politika: Kontseptsyi i doseid: Navchalnyi posibnik, Kiev 1994.

Wostriakow L. E., Kulturnaya polityka: osnownyie konzeptsyi i modieli, [In:] Ekologia kultury , 2004, Nr. 1 (32). Wostriakow L. E., Peril B. W., Kulturnaya polityka kak nauchnaya disziplina i oblast prakticheskoy dieyatielnosti, [In:] Litsnost. Kultura. Obschtsestvo , 2004, Nr. 3 (23).

Navchalnyi posibnik, Kiev 1994. Hrycenko O., Kulturna politika: Kontseptsyi i doseid: studentów kulturoznawstwa, Poznañ 1996. nie kultury w Polsce. Zmiany modelu. Skrypt dla Grad J., Kaczmarek U., Organizacja i upowszechniatytucje koszty, Warszawa 2000. Golinowska S., Polityka spo³eczna: koncepcje ins-

sestvo , 2004, Nr. 3 (23). dieyatielnosti, [In:] Litsnost. Kultura. Obschtkak nauchnaya disziplina i oblast prakticheskoy Wostriakow L. E., Peril B. W., Kulturnaya polityka Nr. 1 (32). konzeptsyi i modieli, [In:] Ekologia kultury , 2004, Wostriakow L. E., Kulturnaya polityka: osnownyie tics/80.html.

ce rynkowej, Warszawa 1991.

poniatiya, modieli, http://www.cpolicy.ru/analy-

i form finansowania. Studia z krajów o gospodar-

Wostriakow L. E., Kulturnaya politika: Konzeptsyi,

Golinowska S., (Red.), W poszukiwaniu nowych róde³ Warszawa 1999. Giddens A., Trzecia droga. Odnowa socjaldemokracji, ja, marketing, Novosibirsk 2000.

Mol A., Soziodynamika kultury, Moskau 1973. kultury Kraków, Kraków 1995. wybrane materia³y seminarium dla mened¿erów kultur¹ (Appendix), [In:] Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹:

Dragiceviæ- e ic M., Kultura: mened¿ment, animac-

Le niak T., (Red.) Europejskie modele zarz¹dzania

stemowych a sytuacja w Polsce, Warszawa 1993. lu lokalnym. Europejskie modele rozwi¹zañ syChe³miñska M., Warunki rozwoju kultury na szczeb-

watelskim, Kraków 2002. Ilczuk D., Polityka kulturalna w spo³eczeñstwie oby-

Literatur: Bei Berücksichtigung dieser Anschauungsweise wäre interessant alle oben aufgelisteten Klassifikationen von Modellen der Kulturpolitik in drei große Gruppen einzuteilen. Die erste Gruppe könnte man als ideologisch bezeichnen, denn beschriebene in dieser Arbeit Schemata berücksichtigen direkte Abhängigkeit zwischen Prozessen der demokratischen Entwicklung einer bürgerlichen Gesellschaft und der Kulturpolitik. Es sind insbesondere von G. Esping-Andersen, R. Titmuss, M. Dragiceviæ- e iæ, D. Ilczuk, S. Golinowsku und A. Giddens ausgearbeitete Klassifikationen . Kriterium, das für Autoren der zweiten ökonomischer Gruppe der Klassifikation von Modellen der Kulturpolitik wichtig ist, ist der Ge-

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

157

währleistungsgrad der materiellen und finanziellen Mittel für Kultur. Diese Auffassung repräsentieren A. Mole, A. Wisand, R. Fisher, L. Wostriakow und B. Peril. Die dritte landeskundige oder geographische Theorie wurde von O. Hrycenka und M. Che³miñsku formuliert. Als Hauptkriterium zur Absonderung von Modellen der Kulturpolitik nennen sie, wie schon anhand der im Namen berücksichtigten Hinweise, spezifische Eigenart des Kulturmanagements in verschiedenen Ländern der Welt. Einführung von jedem Model der Kulturpolitik bedeutet, was schon betont wurde, ein Prozess, der von der Regierung als integraler Teil der innen- und außenpolitischen Entwicklung des Landes anerkannt werden soll.


Institutionelle Transformation und Dezentralisierung als Neuformulierung und -strukturierung der Beziehungen auf den Entscheidungsebenen Ivars Berzin ,

D

as Interesse an Institutionen und vor al lem an institutioneller Transformation hat in der letzten Zeit erheblich zugenommen. Analysiert man die Transformation unter dem thematisierten Aspekt des Institutionswandels, verfügt man zweifellos über einen Rahmen, der fruchtbringend analysierbar ist. Nach North [North, 1992, S. 3] sind Institutionen allgemein die von Menschen erdachten Beschränkungen menschlicher Interaktionen; institutioneller Wandel bestimmt die Art und Weise der Entwicklung von Gesellschaften und sei deshalb der Schlüssel zum Verständnis historischen Wandels. Als universelle Technik der Entscheidungsfindung [Lepsius, 1990, S. 56] tragen Institutionen entscheidend dazu bei, komplexe Sozialverhältnisse zu regieren . Institutionen sind somit die Regeln, die sich vor allem auf die Verteilung und Ausübung von Macht, die Definition von Zuständigkeiten, die Verfügung über Ressourcen sowie die Autoritäts- und Abhängigkeitsverhältnisse beziehen [Mayntz, Scharpf, 1995, S. 40]. Institutionelle Transformation ist seit dem Umbruch in Osteuropa ein vertrautes Phänomen geworden, das eines der wichtigsten Faktoren ist, um Gesellschaft und Politik in ihrer Dynamik zu begreifen. Nach Göhler werden die Phänomene des Institutionswandels systematisch unter drei Aspekten in Gegensatzpaaren gesehen: G Institutionswandel als Vorgang: Niedergang und Neugründung von Institutionen Veränderung des Charakters bestehender In-

stitutionen G Institutionswandel in der Wahrnehmung: Veränderung sichtbar Veränderung mehr im Hintergrund G Wirkung des Institutionswandels: tiefgreifende Umgestaltung der Lebensbedingungen Änderungen nur an der Oberfläche ( eigentlich hat sich doch nichts verändert ) [Göhler, 1997, S. 23]. Institutionelle Transformation ist auch mehrfachen Herausforderungen ausgesetzt. Zum einen wandelt sich ihre politische, wirtschaftliche, soziale und kulturelle Steuerungsweise nach dem Ende des sowjetischen Modells. Zum anderem sind die osteuropäischen Länder auch dem weltweiten Integrationsdruck - der Globalisierung - ausgesetzt. Die erfolgreiche Transformation Osteuropas, beziehungsweise deren zukünftige gesellschaftliche Entwicklung wird in der Regel als nachholende Modernisierung gedacht, dabei wird die Modernisierung stets als Fortschritt interpretiert und der Ist-Zustand der entwickeltsten westlichen Industriestaaten gilt als Ideal der gesellschaftlichen Entwicklung. Institutionelle Transformation ist an der Entwicklung sachlich-rationaler, bestmöglicher Lösungen von Problemen interessiert und charakterisiert die Dynamik der gesellschaftlichen Entwicklung. Doch wie Beyme sagt, kein früherer Systemwechsel hat eine so ungeheure Last der Institutionenbildung zu tragen [Beyme, S. 49]. Des-

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

stitutionen Institutionswandel in der Wahrnehmung: Veränderung sichtbar Veränderung mehr im Hintergrund G Wirkung des Institutionswandels: tiefgreifende Umgestaltung der Lebensbedingungen Änderungen nur an der Oberfläche ( eigentlich hat sich doch nichts verändert ) [Göhler, 1997, S. 23]. Institutionelle Transformation ist auch mehrfachen Herausforderungen ausgesetzt. Zum einen wandelt sich ihre politische, wirtschaftliche, soziale und kulturelle Steuerungsweise nach dem Ende des sowjetischen Modells. Zum anderem sind die osteuropäischen Länder auch dem weltweiten Integrationsdruck - der Globalisierung - ausgesetzt. Die erfolgreiche Transformation Osteuropas, beziehungsweise deren zukünftige gesellschaftliche Entwicklung wird in der Regel als nachholende Modernisierung gedacht, dabei wird die Modernisierung stets als Fortschritt interpretiert und der Ist-Zustand der entwickeltsten westlichen Industriestaaten gilt als Ideal der gesellschaftlichen Entwicklung. Institutionelle Transformation ist an der Entwicklung sachlich-rationaler, bestmöglicher Lösungen von Problemen interessiert und charakterisiert die Dynamik der gesellschaftlichen Entwicklung. Doch wie Beyme sagt, kein früherer Systemwechsel hat eine so ungeheure Last der Institutionenbildung zu tragen [Beyme, S. 49]. DesG

Ivars Berzin , studierte an der Musikakademie Lettlands, promovierte an dem Staatlichen Konservatorium St. Petersburg. Absolvent des Kulturmanagements an der Hochschule für Musik und Theater in Hamburg. 2005 verteidigte er seine Dissertation über die Privatisierung im Kulturbereich in Lettland an der Universität Münster. Seit 2006 ist er als Professor für Kulturmangement an der Kulturakademie Lettlands tätig. Musiker, Dirigent des Rundfunkchores Lettland (1978-1986), Preisträger mehrerer internationalen Chorwettbewerbe in Spanien, Finnland, Lettland, Expert des Kultusministeriums für die Fragen der Kulturausbildung und -ökonomie.

158

as Interesse an Institutionen und vor al lem an institutioneller Transformation hat in der letzten Zeit erheblich zugenommen. Analysiert man die Transformation unter dem thematisierten Aspekt des Institutionswandels, verfügt man zweifellos über einen Rahmen, der fruchtbringend analysierbar ist. Nach North [North, 1992, S. 3] sind Institutionen allgemein die von Menschen erdachten Beschränkungen menschlicher Interaktionen; institutioneller Wandel bestimmt die Art und Weise der Entwicklung von Gesellschaften und sei deshalb der Schlüssel zum Verständnis historischen Wandels. Als universelle Technik der Entscheidungsfindung [Lepsius, 1990, S. 56] tragen Institutionen entscheidend dazu bei, komplexe Sozialverhältnisse zu regieren . Institutionen sind somit die Regeln, die sich vor allem auf die Verteilung und Ausübung von Macht, die Definition von Zuständigkeiten, die Verfügung über Ressourcen sowie die Autoritäts- und Abhängigkeitsverhältnisse beziehen [Mayntz, Scharpf, 1995, S. 40]. Institutionelle Transformation ist seit dem Umbruch in Osteuropa ein vertrautes Phänomen geworden, das eines der wichtigsten Faktoren ist, um Gesellschaft und Politik in ihrer Dynamik zu begreifen. Nach Göhler werden die Phänomene des Institutionswandels systematisch unter drei Aspekten in Gegensatzpaaren gesehen: G Institutionswandel als Vorgang: Niedergang und Neugründung von Institutionen Veränderung des Charakters bestehender In-

D

158

Ivars Berzin , studierte an der Musikakademie Lettlands, promovierte an dem Staatlichen Konservatorium St. Petersburg. Absolvent des Kulturmanagements an der Hochschule für Musik und Theater in Hamburg. 2005 verteidigte er seine Dissertation über die Privatisierung im Kulturbereich in Lettland an der Universität Münster. Seit 2006 ist er als Professor für Kulturmangement an der Kulturakademie Lettlands tätig. Musiker, Dirigent des Rundfunkchores Lettland (1978-1986), Preisträger mehrerer internationalen Chorwettbewerbe in Spanien, Finnland, Lettland, Expert des Kultusministeriums für die Fragen der Kulturausbildung und -ökonomie.

Ivars Berzin ,

Institutionelle Transformation und Dezentralisierung als Neuformulierung und -strukturierung der Beziehungen auf den Entscheidungsebenen

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)


159

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

halb ist die institutionelle Architektur von neu entstandenen Demokratien eine der wichtigsten Faktoren für eine erfolgreiche Konsolidierung der neuen Demokratien. So stehen im Zentrum der Analyse institutioneller Transformation vor allem langfristige Veränderungen von Gesellschaften und deren institutionelles Gefüge, die strukturellen Bruchsituationen, wie der Zusammenbruch der kommunistischen Herrschaftssysteme in Osteuropa. Die Verwaltungsentwicklung in den postkommunistischen Staaten Osteuropas wird gemeinhin als Umwandlungsprozess beschrieben, dessen Ausgangspunkt das System des demokratisch-bürokratischen Zentralismus und dessen Endpunkt eine rechtsstaatliche öffentliche Verwaltung westlich kontinentaleuropäischer Prägung markieren. Die postkommunistische Verwaltung ist einerseits durch die Abkehr vom Staatsleitungssystem des realen Sozialismus gekennzeichnet, andererseits durch die Herausbildung administrativer Organisationsprinzipien, die denen der liberal-demokratischen Staaten Westeuropas folgen. Das heißt, die Ziele und damit die Richtung administrativer Entwicklung stehen weitgehend fest [Goetz, 1995, S. 538]. Auch die Verwaltungswissenschaft ist mit der Herausforderung konfrontiert, einen umfassenden Wandlungsprozess zu analysieren. Die klassisch-europäische Verwaltung differenziert zwischen Politik und Verwaltung und versucht, das Politische zu neutralisieren. Der Beamte soll seinem Berufsverständnis nach nicht Politik betreiben, sondern verwalten , unparteiisch vor allem [Weber, 1980, S. 563]. Die Verwaltung im realen Sozialismus war überall zugegen, aber sie agierte strikt nach dem parteilichen Kommando [König, 1999, S. 16]. Solche Ordnung infizierte Politik und Verwaltung und machte das Politische zur Qualifikation. Um das alles zu verarbeiten, stellen sich viele Aufgaben für die Verwaltungspolitik und die Verwaltungswissenschaft. Vor allem stehen hier die Konzepte der Transformation, Modernisierung und Reform (Goetz) und Transformation, Entwicklung und Modernisierung (König) im Vordergrund. Vor allem stehen hier die Beziehungen zwischen Verwaltung und Politik und zwischen Verwaltung und Zivilgesellschaft. Für das Verhältnis Politik-Verwaltung ist dabei der Grad ihrer funktionalen und organisatorischen Differenzierung, wie auch die relative Autonomie der Verwaltung wichtig. Die Autonomie der Verwaltung gegenüber der Politik steckt noch

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

immer in der Anfangsphase. Hier gilt die vorrangige Verpflichtung auf Recht und Gesetz anstelle von parteipolitischen Vorgaben, auf rechtlich-organisatorische Trennung zwischen den Institutionen der staatlichen Verwaltung und des Parteiapparates, als wichtiges Merkmal westlicher Verwaltung. Auf lange Sicht bedeutsamer für die Weiterentwicklung ist die momentane organisatorische Schwäche zivilgesellschaftlicher Institutionen. Das Fehlen leistungsfähiger und professioneller Assoziationen bedeutet, dass die Alternative Staat oder Markt heißt, während dem dritten Sektor nur eine untergeordnete Bedeutung zukommt. Bei Fehlen der anerkannten gesellschaftlichen Institutionen ist der Spielraum für gesellschaftliche Selbstregulierung gering. Gerade für den Aufbau zivilgesellschaftlicher Institutionen kann eine umfassende angelegte Verwaltungspolitik entscheidende Anreize und Hilfen bereitstellen und somit einen wichtigen Beitrag zur Konsolidierung der institutionellen Basis demokratischer Praxis leisten. Mit der kontinuierlich wachsenden Bedeutung von Dienstleistungs- sowie Planungs- und Gestaltungsaufgaben ist deren Anteil an den öffentlichen Aufgaben im Vergleich zu den Ordnungsaufgaben immer größer geworden. Die traditionellen Verwaltungsstrukturen, die gemäß dem Weberschen Idealtypus der Bürokratie für Ordnungsaufgaben konzipiert wurden, sind zwar nach wie vor geeignet, Ordnungsaufgaben korrekt zu erfüllen. Sie sind aber immer weniger in der Lage, Dienstleistungen zu vertretbaren Kosten zu erbringen, wie die Bürger dies von erfolgreichen privaten Unternehmen gewohnt sind. Wesentliche Elemente sind hierbei die Schaffung von größeren Entscheidungsspielräumen, die Verlagerung von Entscheidungsbefugnissen nach unten und die Verbindung von Mitteleinsatz und Aufgabenverantwortung.

Typologien von Dezentralisierung.

D

ie Abwendung vom demokratischen Zen tralismus nach marxistisch-leninistischer Doktrin brachte es mit sich, dass die Frage einer nicht nur horizontalen, sondern auch vertikalen Gewaltenteilung und damit einer dezentralisierten Verwaltung besondere Bedeutung erhielt. Der Gebrauch des Begriffes Dezentralisierung ist in verschiedenen Wissenschaftsdisziplinen vertreten, wie Politikwissenschaft (Dezentralisierung von Regierungssy-

159

halb ist die institutionelle Architektur von neu entstandenen Demokratien eine der wichtigsten Faktoren für eine erfolgreiche Konsolidierung der neuen Demokratien. So stehen im Zentrum der Analyse institutioneller Transformation vor allem langfristige Veränderungen von Gesellschaften und deren institutionelles Gefüge, die strukturellen Bruchsituationen, wie der Zusammenbruch der kommunistischen Herrschaftssysteme in Osteuropa. Die Verwaltungsentwicklung in den postkommunistischen Staaten Osteuropas wird gemeinhin als Umwandlungsprozess beschrieben, dessen Ausgangspunkt das System des demokratisch-bürokratischen Zentralismus und dessen Endpunkt eine rechtsstaatliche öffentliche Verwaltung westlich kontinentaleuropäischer Prägung markieren. Die postkommunistische Verwaltung ist einerseits durch die Abkehr vom Staatsleitungssystem des realen Sozialismus gekennzeichnet, andererseits durch die Herausbildung administrativer Organisationsprinzipien, die denen der liberal-demokratischen Staaten Westeuropas folgen. Das heißt, die Ziele und damit die Richtung administrativer Entwicklung stehen weitgehend fest [Goetz, 1995, S. 538]. Auch die Verwaltungswissenschaft ist mit der Herausforderung konfrontiert, einen umfassenden Wandlungsprozess zu analysieren. Die klassisch-europäische Verwaltung differenziert zwischen Politik und Verwaltung und versucht, das Politische zu neutralisieren. Der Beamte soll seinem Berufsverständnis nach nicht Politik betreiben, sondern verwalten , unparteiisch vor allem [Weber, 1980, S. 563]. Die Verwaltung im realen Sozialismus war überall zugegen, aber sie agierte strikt nach dem parteilichen Kommando [König, 1999, S. 16]. Solche Ordnung infizierte Politik und Verwaltung und machte das Politische zur Qualifikation. Um das alles zu verarbeiten, stellen sich viele Aufgaben für die Verwaltungspolitik und die Verwaltungswissenschaft. Vor allem stehen hier die Konzepte der Transformation, Modernisierung und Reform (Goetz) und Transformation, Entwicklung und Modernisierung (König) im Vordergrund. Vor allem stehen hier die Beziehungen zwischen Verwaltung und Politik und zwischen Verwaltung und Zivilgesellschaft. Für das Verhältnis Politik-Verwaltung ist dabei der Grad ihrer funktionalen und organisatorischen Differenzierung, wie auch die relative Autonomie der Verwaltung wichtig. Die Autonomie der Verwaltung gegenüber der Politik steckt noch

ie Abwendung vom demokratischen Zen tralismus nach marxistisch-leninistischer Doktrin brachte es mit sich, dass die Frage einer nicht nur horizontalen, sondern auch vertikalen Gewaltenteilung und damit einer dezentralisierten Verwaltung besondere Bedeutung erhielt. Der Gebrauch des Begriffes Dezentralisierung ist in verschiedenen Wissenschaftsdisziplinen vertreten, wie Politikwissenschaft (Dezentralisierung von Regierungssy-

D

Typologien von Dezentralisierung. immer in der Anfangsphase. Hier gilt die vorrangige Verpflichtung auf Recht und Gesetz anstelle von parteipolitischen Vorgaben, auf rechtlich-organisatorische Trennung zwischen den Institutionen der staatlichen Verwaltung und des Parteiapparates, als wichtiges Merkmal westlicher Verwaltung. Auf lange Sicht bedeutsamer für die Weiterentwicklung ist die momentane organisatorische Schwäche zivilgesellschaftlicher Institutionen. Das Fehlen leistungsfähiger und professioneller Assoziationen bedeutet, dass die Alternative Staat oder Markt heißt, während dem dritten Sektor nur eine untergeordnete Bedeutung zukommt. Bei Fehlen der anerkannten gesellschaftlichen Institutionen ist der Spielraum für gesellschaftliche Selbstregulierung gering. Gerade für den Aufbau zivilgesellschaftlicher Institutionen kann eine umfassende angelegte Verwaltungspolitik entscheidende Anreize und Hilfen bereitstellen und somit einen wichtigen Beitrag zur Konsolidierung der institutionellen Basis demokratischer Praxis leisten. Mit der kontinuierlich wachsenden Bedeutung von Dienstleistungs- sowie Planungs- und Gestaltungsaufgaben ist deren Anteil an den öffentlichen Aufgaben im Vergleich zu den Ordnungsaufgaben immer größer geworden. Die traditionellen Verwaltungsstrukturen, die gemäß dem Weberschen Idealtypus der Bürokratie für Ordnungsaufgaben konzipiert wurden, sind zwar nach wie vor geeignet, Ordnungsaufgaben korrekt zu erfüllen. Sie sind aber immer weniger in der Lage, Dienstleistungen zu vertretbaren Kosten zu erbringen, wie die Bürger dies von erfolgreichen privaten Unternehmen gewohnt sind. Wesentliche Elemente sind hierbei die Schaffung von größeren Entscheidungsspielräumen, die Verlagerung von Entscheidungsbefugnissen nach unten und die Verbindung von Mitteleinsatz und Aufgabenverantwortung.


160

gramme, größerer Wert regionaler und lokaler Interessen innerhalb des politischen Gesamtsystems. Politische Dezentralisierung bedeutet meist der Übergang von Entscheidungsmacht an Bürger oder deren gewählte Vertreter. Administrative Dezentralisierung bedeutet, dass nur die Durchführung von festgelegten Aufgaben delegiert wird. Das bedeutet auch hierarchische und funktionale Verteilung von Entscheidungsmacht zwischen zentralen und nichtzentralen Regierungseinheiten, wachsende Koordination zwischen Teilbereichen der Zentralregierung, der Lokalverwaltungen und auch nichtstaatlichen Organisationen, um durch größere Kooperation vereinbarte Ziele zu erreichen. Hinzu kommt noch die ökonomische Dezentralisierung: Steigerung der ökonomischen Effizienz, d.h. Erreichung von Zielen durch Kostensenkung. Die können wir in zwei Kategorien einordnen. Diese sind: Marktbezogene Dezentralisierung bezeichnet den Prozess der Herbeiführung von Rahmenbedingungen, welche die Produktion und Distribution von Gütern und Dienstleistungen unter Marktbedingungen ermöglichen - wie ökonomische Liberalisierung und Privatisierung. Finanzielle Dezentralisierung bedeutet Fiskalföderalismus bzw. staatliche Finanzströme, die die Bereiche der politischen und administrativen Dezentralisierung ergänzen. Man unterscheidet auch zwischen horizontaler und vertikaler Dezentralisierung. Horizontale Dezentralisierung ist die Balance zwischen Institutionen gleicher Ebene. Bei der vertikalen Dezentralisierung handelt es um die Aufteilung von politischer Macht auf verschiedene Regierungs- oder Verwaltungsebenen. Hier gelten als Basistypen vier verschiedene Formen, je nach Grad von übertragener Autorität und Reichweite der Funktionen:

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Dekonzentration

bertragung von Funktionen innerhalb der zentralen Regierungshierarchie auf lokale Verwaltungseinheiten. Durch Dekonzentration werden (Routine-) Aufgaben auf eine untere Ebenen der Zentralverwaltung übertragen. Die effektive Kontrolle verbleibt beim Zentrum, das die Leitlinien nach hierarchischen Prinzipien vergibt. Es lassen sich verschiedene Intensitätsgrade feststellen: G Die bloße Übertragung von Aufgaben ohne Übertragung von Entscheidungs-freiheit

Ü

Ü

bertragung von Funktionen innerhalb der zentralen Regierungshierarchie auf lokale Verwaltungseinheiten. Durch Dekonzentration werden (Routine-) Aufgaben auf eine untere Ebenen der Zentralverwaltung übertragen. Die effektive Kontrolle verbleibt beim Zentrum, das die Leitlinien nach hierarchischen Prinzipien vergibt. Es lassen sich verschiedene Intensitätsgrade feststellen: Die bloße Übertragung von Aufgaben ohne Übertragung von Entscheidungs-freiheit

Dekonzentration

G

160

gramme, größerer Wert regionaler und lokaler Interessen innerhalb des politischen Gesamtsystems. Politische Dezentralisierung bedeutet meist der Übergang von Entscheidungsmacht an Bürger oder deren gewählte Vertreter. Administrative Dezentralisierung bedeutet, dass nur die Durchführung von festgelegten Aufgaben delegiert wird. Das bedeutet auch hierarchische und funktionale Verteilung von Entscheidungsmacht zwischen zentralen und nichtzentralen Regierungseinheiten, wachsende Koordination zwischen Teilbereichen der Zentralregierung, der Lokalverwaltungen und auch nichtstaatlichen Organisationen, um durch größere Kooperation vereinbarte Ziele zu erreichen. Hinzu kommt noch die ökonomische Dezentralisierung: Steigerung der ökonomischen Effizienz, d.h. Erreichung von Zielen durch Kostensenkung. Die können wir in zwei Kategorien einordnen. Diese sind: Marktbezogene Dezentralisierung bezeichnet den Prozess der Herbeiführung von Rahmenbedingungen, welche die Produktion und Distribution von Gütern und Dienstleistungen unter Marktbedingungen ermöglichen - wie ökonomische Liberalisierung und Privatisierung. Finanzielle Dezentralisierung bedeutet Fiskalföderalismus bzw. staatliche Finanzströme, die die Bereiche der politischen und administrativen Dezentralisierung ergänzen. Man unterscheidet auch zwischen horizontaler und vertikaler Dezentralisierung. Horizontale Dezentralisierung ist die Balance zwischen Institutionen gleicher Ebene. Bei der vertikalen Dezentralisierung handelt es um die Aufteilung von politischer Macht auf verschiedene Regierungs- oder Verwaltungsebenen. Hier gelten als Basistypen vier verschiedene Formen, je nach Grad von übertragener Autorität und Reichweite der Funktionen:

stemen), Betriebswirtschaft (Dezentralisierung von Unternehmen), Soziologie (Dezentralisierung von Strukturen), Nationalökonomie (finanzielle Dezentralisierung), Verwaltungswissenschaft (Dezentralisierung von Verwaltungsstrukturen). Die Ziele sind Vereinfachung von Steuerung, Aufteilung politisch-institutioneller Macht, rechtliche Kontinuität, Einführung von Demokratie, ökonomische Effizienzgewinne. Zentralisierungsgrad eines politischen Systems sagt etwas über seine Organisationsstruktur aus, wobei Zentralisation eine organisatorische Zusammenfassung, Dezentralisation eine Verteilung beinhaltet. Der Zentralisierungsgrad der Organisationsstruktur gibt über Entscheidungsprozesse und damit über Machtverhältnisse Auskunft. Dezentralisierung kann allgemein definiert werden als die Übertragung von legaler und politischer Autorität über Planung, Entscheidungsfindung und administrativem Management von der Zentralregierung auf lokale Verwaltungseinheiten, halbautonome und überstaatliche Organisationen, Kommunalverwaltungen oder nichtstaatliche Organisationen. Dezentralisierung wird insofern derzeit als Maßnahme zur Erreichung des Zieles gewertet. Rondinelli [Rondinelli, 1981, S. 133-145] hat viele Argumente für Dezentralisierung zusammengetragen, wobei die wichtigsten sind: die Effektivität von Entwicklungsplanung wird erhöht, die staatlichen Programme sind besser auf die Bedürfnisse von Regionen abstimmbar, eine Kostenminderung für öffentliche Güter wird erzielt, die Attraktivität lokaler Verwaltungen wird verbessert, die interregionale Gleichheit wird gefördert, die administrative Koordination wird erleichtert und die Verantwortlichkeit der Regierungseinheiten wird gestärkt. Dezentralisierung ist auch eine Strukturbeschreibung, die nicht nur, aber auch auf staatliche Gebilde übertragen werden kann und hier dann nun Verwaltungsabläufe meinen kann. Als Komponenten von Dezentralisierungsstrategien können folgende Teilbereiche genannt werden: politische, administrative und finanzielle Dezentralisierung. Diese sind natürlich mit einander verbunden und auch gemeinsam durchzuführen. Die Trennung der Aufgaben von Politik und Verwaltung unterscheidet sich auch bei Mayntz [Mayntz, 1985, S. 42] in politische und administrative Dezentralisierung. Politisch ist es die Delegation von legaler Entscheidungsmacht an Teile eines Systems, Förderung politischer Stabilität, wachsende Unterstützung für nationale Entwicklungspro-

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

stemen), Betriebswirtschaft (Dezentralisierung von Unternehmen), Soziologie (Dezentralisierung von Strukturen), Nationalökonomie (finanzielle Dezentralisierung), Verwaltungswissenschaft (Dezentralisierung von Verwaltungsstrukturen). Die Ziele sind Vereinfachung von Steuerung, Aufteilung politisch-institutioneller Macht, rechtliche Kontinuität, Einführung von Demokratie, ökonomische Effizienzgewinne. Zentralisierungsgrad eines politischen Systems sagt etwas über seine Organisationsstruktur aus, wobei Zentralisation eine organisatorische Zusammenfassung, Dezentralisation eine Verteilung beinhaltet. Der Zentralisierungsgrad der Organisationsstruktur gibt über Entscheidungsprozesse und damit über Machtverhältnisse Auskunft. Dezentralisierung kann allgemein definiert werden als die Übertragung von legaler und politischer Autorität über Planung, Entscheidungsfindung und administrativem Management von der Zentralregierung auf lokale Verwaltungseinheiten, halbautonome und überstaatliche Organisationen, Kommunalverwaltungen oder nichtstaatliche Organisationen. Dezentralisierung wird insofern derzeit als Maßnahme zur Erreichung des Zieles gewertet. Rondinelli [Rondinelli, 1981, S. 133-145] hat viele Argumente für Dezentralisierung zusammengetragen, wobei die wichtigsten sind: die Effektivität von Entwicklungsplanung wird erhöht, die staatlichen Programme sind besser auf die Bedürfnisse von Regionen abstimmbar, eine Kostenminderung für öffentliche Güter wird erzielt, die Attraktivität lokaler Verwaltungen wird verbessert, die interregionale Gleichheit wird gefördert, die administrative Koordination wird erleichtert und die Verantwortlichkeit der Regierungseinheiten wird gestärkt. Dezentralisierung ist auch eine Strukturbeschreibung, die nicht nur, aber auch auf staatliche Gebilde übertragen werden kann und hier dann nun Verwaltungsabläufe meinen kann. Als Komponenten von Dezentralisierungsstrategien können folgende Teilbereiche genannt werden: politische, administrative und finanzielle Dezentralisierung. Diese sind natürlich mit einander verbunden und auch gemeinsam durchzuführen. Die Trennung der Aufgaben von Politik und Verwaltung unterscheidet sich auch bei Mayntz [Mayntz, 1985, S. 42] in politische und administrative Dezentralisierung. Politisch ist es die Delegation von legaler Entscheidungsmacht an Teile eines Systems, Förderung politischer Stabilität, wachsende Unterstützung für nationale Entwicklungspro-


161

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1) G

G

Transfer von begrenzter Entscheidungsfreiheit bezüglich der Routineaufgaben auf lokale Behörden, Anpassung der zentralen Direktiven an lokale Bedingungen. Doch das Personal ist entweder bei Zentralministerien angestellt oder von der Zentralregierung ernannt worden und ihr gegenüber verantwortlich.

Durch Dekonzentration kann also die Aufgabenmenge der Kommunalverwaltung erhöht werden. Es ist jedoch kein Mittel zur Steigerung ihrer Autonomie. Dekonzentration ist administrative Dezentralisierung. Als Motivation für Dekonzentration verweist man auf die Arbeitsteilung und ortsgebundene Detaileinentscheidungen. Dekonzentration gilt als die am wenigsten intensive Ausprägung von Dezentralisierung, die aber am häufigsten vorkommt.

Delegation

Ü

bertragung von Funktionen auf regionale oder funktionale Organisationen außerhalb der eigentlichen Regierungsbürokratie zur Erfüllung eng begrenzter Aufgabenbereiche. Man kann von verselbstständigten Verwaltungseinheiten sprechen. Damit fällt auch die gesamte Übertragung der staatlichen Aufgaben an private Institutionen unter diese Definition. Diese Form von Dezentralisierung ist durch eine Privatisierungswelle begleitet. Im weitesten Sinne kann von der Bereitstellung öffentlicher Güter durch private Anbieter unter staatlicher Einflussnahme gesprochen werden.

Devolution

Ü

bertragung von Aufgaben und Entschei dungsautorität auf Kommunalregierungen mit relativer Autonomie. Im Falle der Devolution werden ganze Entscheidungsbereiche lokalen Autoritäten zugeordnet diese können ohne Rücksprache mit der nationalen Regierung Projekte entwerfen, finanzieren und durchführen. Devolution ist eine politische Dezentralisierung.

Transfer to non-government institutions

Ü

bertragung von Aufgaben vom öffentlichen auf den privaten Sektor [Rondinelli, S. 13].

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

In vielen Fällen werden Elemente dieser Ebenen kombiniert (policy mix). Hervorzuheben ist, dass die Dekonzentration von Aufgaben auf breiter Basis zu beobachten ist, die jedoch weniger deutlich auch von einer Dekonzentration von Ressourcen begleitet wird. Dezentralisierung und Dekonzentration sind die geeigneten Mittel der Verwaltungspolitik, die kulturellen, ökonomischen und politischen Ressourcen auf regionaler und lokaler Ebene auch zum Nutzen der nationalen Wohlfahrt zu mobilisieren [König, 1999, S. 64].

Dezentralisierung als instrumentale Politik und Subsidiaritätsprinzip.

D

ezentralisierung ist kein Selbstzweck, son dern instrumentale Politik. Sie ist Voraussetzung einer leistungsfähigen und entwicklungsorientierten öffentlichen Verwaltung im demokratischen Rechtsstaat [Illner, 2000, S. 23-38]. Dezentralisierung ist oft Teil eines umfassenden Reformprogramms zur Demokratisierung [Weidner, 2000, S. 54]. Ein sehr wichtiger Faktor ist der politische Wille der politischen Entscheidungsträger zur Reform. Der Erfolg der Dezentralisierung hängt insbesondere ab von einer bedarfsgerechten Verfügbarkeit von finanziellen Mitteln, sowie von einer aufgabengerechten Ausstattung mit personellen Ressourcen. Dezentralisierungsprojekte haben immer eine politische Dimension und sind ein besonders sensibler Bereich der Kooperation. Die Erwartungen, die sich mit der Entscheidung für eine Dezentralisierungspolitik verbinden, sind meist hoch gesteckt und umfassen ein breites Spektrum: Gewährung von Menschenrechten, erhoffte ökonomische Impulse in Wirtschaft und Staat, soziokulturelle Identifizierungseffekte, sowie eine effiziente, bürgerfreundliche Verwaltung. Dezentralisierung wird verstanden auch als die Verteilung von Entscheidungskompetenzen innerhalb eines Systems auf autonome oder teilautonome Subsysteme, wobei das so- genannte Subsidiaritätsprinzip zugrunde liegt, d.h. dass die Erfüllung staatlicher Aufgaben einem möglichst niedrig angesiedelten Subsystem zugewiesen wird und dass übergeordnete Subsysteme oder die Zentralregierung Aufgaben nur dann an sich ziehen, wenn nachgeordnete Subsysteme diese Aufgaben nicht selbstständig erfüllen können [Illy, Schimitzek, 1986, S. 11]. Es ist offensichtlich, dass dieses Verständnis von Dezentralisierung in den Ländern ge-

161

Ü

bertragung von Aufgaben vom öffentlichen auf den privaten Sektor [Rondinelli, S. 13].

Transfer to non-government institutions bertragung von Aufgaben und Entschei dungsautorität auf Kommunalregierungen mit relativer Autonomie. Im Falle der Devolution werden ganze Entscheidungsbereiche lokalen Autoritäten zugeordnet diese können ohne Rücksprache mit der nationalen Regierung Projekte entwerfen, finanzieren und durchführen. Devolution ist eine politische Dezentralisierung.

Ü

Devolution bertragung von Funktionen auf regionale oder funktionale Organisationen außerhalb der eigentlichen Regierungsbürokratie zur Erfüllung eng begrenzter Aufgabenbereiche. Man kann von verselbstständigten Verwaltungseinheiten sprechen. Damit fällt auch die gesamte Übertragung der staatlichen Aufgaben an private Institutionen unter diese Definition. Diese Form von Dezentralisierung ist durch eine Privatisierungswelle begleitet. Im weitesten Sinne kann von der Bereitstellung öffentlicher Güter durch private Anbieter unter staatlicher Einflussnahme gesprochen werden.

Ü

Delegation Durch Dekonzentration kann also die Aufgabenmenge der Kommunalverwaltung erhöht werden. Es ist jedoch kein Mittel zur Steigerung ihrer Autonomie. Dekonzentration ist administrative Dezentralisierung. Als Motivation für Dekonzentration verweist man auf die Arbeitsteilung und ortsgebundene Detaileinentscheidungen. Dekonzentration gilt als die am wenigsten intensive Ausprägung von Dezentralisierung, die aber am häufigsten vorkommt. G G

Transfer von begrenzter Entscheidungsfreiheit bezüglich der Routineaufgaben auf lokale Behörden, Anpassung der zentralen Direktiven an lokale Bedingungen. Doch das Personal ist entweder bei Zentralministerien angestellt oder von der Zentralregierung ernannt worden und ihr gegenüber verantwortlich.

ezentralisierung ist kein Selbstzweck, son dern instrumentale Politik. Sie ist Voraussetzung einer leistungsfähigen und entwicklungsorientierten öffentlichen Verwaltung im demokratischen Rechtsstaat [Illner, 2000, S. 23-38]. Dezentralisierung ist oft Teil eines umfassenden Reformprogramms zur Demokratisierung [Weidner, 2000, S. 54]. Ein sehr wichtiger Faktor ist der politische Wille der politischen Entscheidungsträger zur Reform. Der Erfolg der Dezentralisierung hängt insbesondere ab von einer bedarfsgerechten Verfügbarkeit von finanziellen Mitteln, sowie von einer aufgabengerechten Ausstattung mit personellen Ressourcen. Dezentralisierungsprojekte haben immer eine politische Dimension und sind ein besonders sensibler Bereich der Kooperation. Die Erwartungen, die sich mit der Entscheidung für eine Dezentralisierungspolitik verbinden, sind meist hoch gesteckt und umfassen ein breites Spektrum: Gewährung von Menschenrechten, erhoffte ökonomische Impulse in Wirtschaft und Staat, soziokulturelle Identifizierungseffekte, sowie eine effiziente, bürgerfreundliche Verwaltung. Dezentralisierung wird verstanden auch als die Verteilung von Entscheidungskompetenzen innerhalb eines Systems auf autonome oder teilautonome Subsysteme, wobei das so- genannte Subsidiaritätsprinzip zugrunde liegt, d.h. dass die Erfüllung staatlicher Aufgaben einem möglichst niedrig angesiedelten Subsystem zugewiesen wird und dass übergeordnete Subsysteme oder die Zentralregierung Aufgaben nur dann an sich ziehen, wenn nachgeordnete Subsysteme diese Aufgaben nicht selbstständig erfüllen können [Illy, Schimitzek, 1986, S. 11]. Es ist offensichtlich, dass dieses Verständnis von Dezentralisierung in den Ländern ge-

D

Dezentralisierung als instrumentale Politik und Subsidiaritätsprinzip. In vielen Fällen werden Elemente dieser Ebenen kombiniert (policy mix). Hervorzuheben ist, dass die Dekonzentration von Aufgaben auf breiter Basis zu beobachten ist, die jedoch weniger deutlich auch von einer Dekonzentration von Ressourcen begleitet wird. Dezentralisierung und Dekonzentration sind die geeigneten Mittel der Verwaltungspolitik, die kulturellen, ökonomischen und politischen Ressourcen auf regionaler und lokaler Ebene auch zum Nutzen der nationalen Wohlfahrt zu mobilisieren [König, 1999, S. 64].


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Z

Dezentralisierungstendenzen im Kulturbereich. wachsen ist, die eine Tradition der Entwicklung von unten aufweisen bzw. die erst als Resultate des Willens der Teilsysteme einen Zentralstaat aufgebaut haben (z.B. Deutschland, USA). In autoritären politischen Systemen akzeptieren die Herrschenden nicht so ohne weitere eine Machtteilung. Hier kann vielleicht bestenfalls ein gewisser Grad an Dekonzentration festgestellt werden, d.h. eine Verteilung von Kompetenzen auf verschiedene Verwaltungsorgane und Behörden.

kungsvolle Verteilung der Macht und der Verantwortlichkeit zwischen unterschiedlichen Regierungsebenen wird dadurch ermöglicht. G Optimierung der Verteilung von finanziellen und kulturellen Werten durch den Staat, den Markt und den Dritten Sektor [Heiskanen, 2001, S. 7-8]. In politische Zielsetzungen ausgedrückt betrifft der erste und zweite Punkt die Demokratisierung der Kultur, der dritte Punkt die Organisation einer demokratischen und wirkungsvollen Verwaltung (Management) des Kulturbereiches. Der vierte Punkt betrifft das Erhöhen der Leistungsfähigkeit und die Optimierung der finanziellen Ressourcen. Nationale und internationale Interessen, dominierende Ideologien und auch die Stärke von unterschiedlichen Sektoren beeinflussen die Strategien. Dezentralisierung hat zweifellos den Status einer Norm in der Kulturpolitik gewonnen. Es betrifft hauptsächlich vertikale Dezentralisierung: Macht, Entscheidungen und Ressourcen näher an die Gesellschaft zu holen. Kawashima schlägt vor, das politische Dezentralisierungsstrategien im Kulturbe-reich entweder von unten (als lokale Initiativen) oder von oben (Zentralverwaltung oder seine Agenturen) ausgehen können. Die sind entweder gestützt oder ungestützt durch eine parallele politische und finanzielle Dezentralisierung.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Wenn man die allgemeinen Tendenzen der politischen Kulturdezentralisierung in Europa betrachtet, scheint die gesamte Situation zu-

162

entralität oder Dezentralität? Auf der Ebe ne der Handlungsstrukturen, die den Kulturbetrieb zwar nur indirekt, aber doch nachhaltig beeinflussen, hat die staatliche Gliederung erhebliche Auswirkungen auf die Kultur. Neben der Demokratisierung ist der Begriff Dezentralisierung und Regionalisierung das zentrale Schlüsselwort der Kulturpolitik seit den 80iger Jahren Man kann Dezentralisierung sogar als eine Re-Ethnisierung der Kulturpolitik betrachten [Rasky, 1997, S. 80]. Kulturdezentralisierung beschäftigt sich mit folgenden Themen: G Allen Teilnehmern der Gesellschaft wurden die gleichen kulturellen Gelegenheiten zur Verfügung gestellt. G Die Menschen werden in kulturpolitische Entscheidungsprozesse miteinbezogen. Transparente Kommunikation und wir-

Gesetzliche Verstärkung der kulturellen politischen Entscheidungen der regionalen, lokalen Ebenen und Organisationen. Beispiele: Bewilligen der kulturellen Autonomie und der in Verbindung stehenden Betriebsmittel zu regionalen Ebenen und Organisationen.

G

Regionale oder lokale Ebenen als Initiatoren der Kulturdezentralisierung

Volontäre regionale und lokale Tätigkeiten und finanzielle Initiativen. Beispiele: Lokale und freiwillige Finanzierung der kulturellen Organisationen: Theater, Orchester, Museen usw. Einrichten der Kulturhäuser und anderer lokaler Initiativen.

TABELLE 1 VIER STRATEGIEN FÜR DIE STRUKTURELLE DEZENTRALISIERUNG (NACH KAWASHIMA, 1997, S. 355F)

Übertragung der tatsächlichen politischen Entscheidungen und finanziellen Ressourcen im Kulturbereich auf die regionale und lokale Ebene. Beispiele: Transfer des Besitzes der staatlichen kulturellen Institution auf regionale Verwaltungen.

Kulturdezentralisierung die durch parallele politische und finanzielle Dezentralisierung gestützt ist.

Zentrum als Initiator der Kulturdezentralisierung

Dezentralisierung der zentralen staatlichen Verwaltung. Herstellen des kulturellen Services und der Organisationen, die vom staatlichen Haushalt finanziert werden. Beispiele: Einsetzen der regionalen Büros oder der Räte als verlängerter Arm der Staatsverwaltung. Finan-zierung verschiedener Gastspiele, Ausstellungen usw. Unterstützung und Finanzierung von regionalen und lokalen Kulturinfrastrukturen und Projekten.

Kulturdezentralisierung die durch die parallele politische und finanzielle Dezentralisierung nicht gestützt ist.

Kulturdezentralisierung die durch parallele politische und finanzielle Dezentralisierung gestützt ist.

Übertragung der tatsächlichen politischen Entscheidungen und finanziellen Ressourcen im Kulturbereich auf die regionale und lokale Ebene. Beispiele: Transfer des Besitzes der staatlichen kulturellen Institution auf regionale Verwaltungen.

Kulturdezentralisierung die durch die parallele politische und finanzielle Dezentralisierung nicht gestützt ist.

Zentrum als Initiator der Kulturdezentralisierung

TABELLE 1 VIER STRATEGIEN FÜR DIE STRUKTURELLE DEZENTRALISIERUNG (NACH KAWASHIMA, 1997, S. 355F)

Dezentralisierung der zentralen staatlichen Verwaltung. Herstellen des kulturellen Services und der Organisationen, die vom staatlichen Haushalt finanziert werden. Beispiele: Einsetzen der regionalen Büros oder der Räte als verlängerter Arm der Staatsverwaltung. Finan-zierung verschiedener Gastspiele, Ausstellungen usw. Unterstützung und Finanzierung von regionalen und lokalen Kulturinfrastrukturen und Projekten.

Wenn man die allgemeinen Tendenzen der politischen Kulturdezentralisierung in Europa betrachtet, scheint die gesamte Situation zu-

Regionale oder lokale Ebenen als Initiatoren der Kulturdezentralisierung

entralität oder Dezentralität? Auf der Ebe ne der Handlungsstrukturen, die den Kulturbetrieb zwar nur indirekt, aber doch nachhaltig beeinflussen, hat die staatliche Gliederung erhebliche Auswirkungen auf die Kultur. Neben der Demokratisierung ist der Begriff Dezentralisierung und Regionalisierung das zentrale Schlüsselwort der Kulturpolitik seit den 80iger Jahren Man kann Dezentralisierung sogar als eine Re-Ethnisierung der Kulturpolitik betrachten [Rasky, 1997, S. 80]. Kulturdezentralisierung beschäftigt sich mit folgenden Themen: G Allen Teilnehmern der Gesellschaft wurden die gleichen kulturellen Gelegenheiten zur Verfügung gestellt. G Die Menschen werden in kulturpolitische Entscheidungsprozesse miteinbezogen. G Transparente Kommunikation und wir-

Gesetzliche Verstärkung der kulturellen politischen Entscheidungen der regionalen, lokalen Ebenen und Organisationen. Beispiele: Bewilligen der kulturellen Autonomie und der in Verbindung stehenden Betriebsmittel zu regionalen Ebenen und Organisationen.

Z

Volontäre regionale und lokale Tätigkeiten und finanzielle Initiativen. Beispiele: Lokale und freiwillige Finanzierung der kulturellen Organisationen: Theater, Orchester, Museen usw. Einrichten der Kulturhäuser und anderer lokaler Initiativen.

Dezentralisierungstendenzen im Kulturbereich.

kungsvolle Verteilung der Macht und der Verantwortlichkeit zwischen unterschiedlichen Regierungsebenen wird dadurch ermöglicht. G Optimierung der Verteilung von finanziellen und kulturellen Werten durch den Staat, den Markt und den Dritten Sektor [Heiskanen, 2001, S. 7-8]. In politische Zielsetzungen ausgedrückt betrifft der erste und zweite Punkt die Demokratisierung der Kultur, der dritte Punkt die Organisation einer demokratischen und wirkungsvollen Verwaltung (Management) des Kulturbereiches. Der vierte Punkt betrifft das Erhöhen der Leistungsfähigkeit und die Optimierung der finanziellen Ressourcen. Nationale und internationale Interessen, dominierende Ideologien und auch die Stärke von unterschiedlichen Sektoren beeinflussen die Strategien. Dezentralisierung hat zweifellos den Status einer Norm in der Kulturpolitik gewonnen. Es betrifft hauptsächlich vertikale Dezentralisierung: Macht, Entscheidungen und Ressourcen näher an die Gesellschaft zu holen. Kawashima schlägt vor, das politische Dezentralisierungsstrategien im Kulturbe-reich entweder von unten (als lokale Initiativen) oder von oben (Zentralverwaltung oder seine Agenturen) ausgehen können. Die sind entweder gestützt oder ungestützt durch eine parallele politische und finanzielle Dezentralisierung.

162

wachsen ist, die eine Tradition der Entwicklung von unten aufweisen bzw. die erst als Resultate des Willens der Teilsysteme einen Zentralstaat aufgebaut haben (z.B. Deutschland, USA). In autoritären politischen Systemen akzeptieren die Herrschenden nicht so ohne weitere eine Machtteilung. Hier kann vielleicht bestenfalls ein gewisser Grad an Dekonzentration festgestellt werden, d.h. eine Verteilung von Kompetenzen auf verschiedene Verwaltungsorgane und Behörden.


163

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

friedenstellend. Die Idee einer regionalen Autonomie in den kulturpolitischen Angelegenheiten scheint sich durchzusetzen. Regionale Kulturpolitik ist ein neuer Bereich von Kulturpolitik [Klein, 2003, S. 134]. Diese Idee erfuhr mehr Bedeutung auf der europäischen Ebene als innerhalb der einzelnen Staaten. Region wird heute als Wirtschaftsraum gesehen, natürlich auch als politischer Begriff, aber vor allem als Kulturraum. Nur wenn die Aktivitäten auf lokalem Niveau gefördert und entwickelt werden, kann die kulturelle Demokratie erzielt werden. Das Zentrum kann koordinieren, aber es kann nicht vorschreiben. Heutzutage herrscht die Meinung vor, die Kultur zum Menschen zu bringen, als sie zur Kultur zu holen. Kultur und Kunst gehört allen, und die muss dort geschehen, wo die Leute sie direkt erfahren und häufig genießen können [Quinn, 1998, S. 82f]. Dezentralisierung ist nicht nur eine Ausdifferenzierung von Binnenstrukturen und eine Verteilung von Kompetenzen, sondern gleichermaßen auch eine räumliche Differenzierung des Kulturangebots. Hier kann man verschiedene Formen beobachten: es handelt sich um die bürgernahe Versorgung mit kulturellen Angeboten oder darum, den Zugang zu den Aktivitäten zu erleichtern.

Dezentralisierungsprozess aus der Sicht der Konzeption Dezentralisierung im Kulturbereich Lettlands .

I

n Lettland stellte die neue Demokratie die Aufgaben der Kulturdezentralisierung schon zu einem ziemlich frühen Stadium ihrer Transformationsprozesse gegenüber. Die Aufgaben tauchten im Kontext von drei Problemen auf: G Gesetzgebung und Verteilung der Verantwortlichkeiten zwischen unterschiedlichen Ebenen der Verwaltung und ihrer Institutionalisierung. G Die Probleme des Besitzes und rechtlichen Status der Kulturorganisationen. G Die Rolle der Organisation von Künstlerver-

einigungen in Bezug auf ihre Autonomie, wie auch die sozialen und ökonomischen Funktionen, um kulturpolitische Prozesse zu beeinflussen. In den Daten von ERICarts für 2003/2004 wird Lettland als Staat mit zentralisierter Struktur bezeichnet (Nach: Cultural Policies in Europe: a Compendium of basic Facts and Trends, www.culturalpolicies.net, im Internet vom 13. Januar 2005): Wie werden sich die Dezentralisierungsmaßnahmen im Kontext von Lettland, in einem Staat mit einer Bevölkerung von nur ca. 2.3 Millionen, auswirken? Im sich ändernden und sich entwickelnden Verhältnis zwischen dem Staat (auf nationale und lokale Ebene) und Gesellschaft (freiwilliger Sektor) ist es wichtig, dass das amtliche System so offen wie möglich gegenüber Einzelpersonen und kleinen Interessengruppen sich verhält. Demokratien werden entsprechend ihrer Behandlung von Minoritäten beurteilt. Die Übergabe von Entscheidungs- und Machtbefugnissen an die lokalen Verwaltungen wird von sich allein nicht die Zivilgesellschaft verstärken. Dies ist vielmehr der Grad der Verpflichtung und des Niveaus der politischen Reife unter den Bürgern im Allgemeinen. Die kulturpolitischen Ziele der Regionen wurden bis jetzt sehr stark auf die ziemlich traditionelle Infrastruktur - Bibliotheken, Museen, Kulturzentren ausgerichtet. Es ist auch die Ansicht verbreitet, dass der Staat für die professionelle Kunst und deren Produktion und Verteilung, die lokalen Regierungen dagegen für die traditionelle Laienkunst verantwortlich sind. Natürlich werden in Zukunft die regionalen und kommunalen Verwaltungen für die Infrastruktur verantwortlich sein. Andererseits ist das Kulturministerium verantwortlich für die Zugänglichkeit zu der Kultur im ganzen Staat. Die Ausgangssituation in Lettland hat zur Folge, dass Kulturpolitik und der Kulturbetrieb der öffentlichen Hand immer von der Zentralgewalt ausgegangen ist und auf den unteren

TABELLE 2. STAATLICHE STRUKTURIERUNG Table 2. NATIONAL STRUCTURALIZATION Land

Zentralisiertes System /Dezentralisiertes System

Lettland

Zentralisierte Struktur

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Zentrales Ministerium mit der Zuständigkeit für die Kultur

Institutionen, die auf dem so genannten Auf Armeslänge Prinzip beruhen (Arms Length-Prinzip)

Staatliche Fonds oder Kulturstiftungen

Zwischenstaatliche Komitees

163

Interministerielle Komitees

Lettland Land

Zentralisierte Struktur Zentralisiertes System /Dezentralisiertes System

Zentrales Ministerium mit der Zuständigkeit für die Kultur

Institutionen, die auf dem so genannten Auf Armeslänge Prinzip beruhen (Arms Length-Prinzip)

Staatliche Fonds oder Kulturstiftungen

– Zwischenstaatliche Komitees

TABELLE 2. STAATLICHE STRUKTURIERUNG Table 2. NATIONAL STRUCTURALIZATION

n Lettland stellte die neue Demokratie die Aufgaben der Kulturdezentralisierung schon zu einem ziemlich frühen Stadium ihrer Transformationsprozesse gegenüber. Die Aufgaben tauchten im Kontext von drei Problemen auf: G Gesetzgebung und Verteilung der Verantwortlichkeiten zwischen unterschiedlichen Ebenen der Verwaltung und ihrer Institutionalisierung. G Die Probleme des Besitzes und rechtlichen Status der Kulturorganisationen. Die Rolle der Organisation von KünstlerverG

I

Dezentralisierungsprozess aus der Sicht der Konzeption Dezentralisierung im Kulturbereich Lettlands . friedenstellend. Die Idee einer regionalen Autonomie in den kulturpolitischen Angelegenheiten scheint sich durchzusetzen. Regionale Kulturpolitik ist ein neuer Bereich von Kulturpolitik [Klein, 2003, S. 134]. Diese Idee erfuhr mehr Bedeutung auf der europäischen Ebene als innerhalb der einzelnen Staaten. Region wird heute als Wirtschaftsraum gesehen, natürlich auch als politischer Begriff, aber vor allem als Kulturraum. Nur wenn die Aktivitäten auf lokalem Niveau gefördert und entwickelt werden, kann die kulturelle Demokratie erzielt werden. Das Zentrum kann koordinieren, aber es kann nicht vorschreiben. Heutzutage herrscht die Meinung vor, die Kultur zum Menschen zu bringen, als sie zur Kultur zu holen. Kultur und Kunst gehört allen, und die muss dort geschehen, wo die Leute sie direkt erfahren und häufig genießen können [Quinn, 1998, S. 82f]. Dezentralisierung ist nicht nur eine Ausdifferenzierung von Binnenstrukturen und eine Verteilung von Kompetenzen, sondern gleichermaßen auch eine räumliche Differenzierung des Kulturangebots. Hier kann man verschiedene Formen beobachten: es handelt sich um die bürgernahe Versorgung mit kulturellen Angeboten oder darum, den Zugang zu den Aktivitäten zu erleichtern.

Wie werden sich die Dezentralisierungsmaßnahmen im Kontext von Lettland, in einem Staat mit einer Bevölkerung von nur ca. 2.3 Millionen, auswirken? Im sich ändernden und sich entwickelnden Verhältnis zwischen dem Staat (auf nationale und lokale Ebene) und Gesellschaft (freiwilliger Sektor) ist es wichtig, dass das amtliche System so offen wie möglich gegenüber Einzelpersonen und kleinen Interessengruppen sich verhält. Demokratien werden entsprechend ihrer Behandlung von Minoritäten beurteilt. Die Übergabe von Entscheidungs- und Machtbefugnissen an die lokalen Verwaltungen wird von sich allein nicht die Zivilgesellschaft verstärken. Dies ist vielmehr der Grad der Verpflichtung und des Niveaus der politischen Reife unter den Bürgern im Allgemeinen. Die kulturpolitischen Ziele der Regionen wurden bis jetzt sehr stark auf die ziemlich traditionelle Infrastruktur - Bibliotheken, Museen, Kulturzentren ausgerichtet. Es ist auch die Ansicht verbreitet, dass der Staat für die professionelle Kunst und deren Produktion und Verteilung, die lokalen Regierungen dagegen für die traditionelle Laienkunst verantwortlich sind. Natürlich werden in Zukunft die regionalen und kommunalen Verwaltungen für die Infrastruktur verantwortlich sein. Andererseits ist das Kulturministerium verantwortlich für die Zugänglichkeit zu der Kultur im ganzen Staat. Die Ausgangssituation in Lettland hat zur Folge, dass Kulturpolitik und der Kulturbetrieb der öffentlichen Hand immer von der Zentralgewalt ausgegangen ist und auf den unteren In den Daten von ERICarts für 2003/2004 wird Lettland als Staat mit zentralisierter Struktur bezeichnet (Nach: Cultural Policies in Europe: a Compendium of basic Facts and Trends, www.culturalpolicies.net, im Internet vom 13. Januar 2005): einigungen in Bezug auf ihre Autonomie, wie auch die sozialen und ökonomischen Funktionen, um kulturpolitische Prozesse zu beeinflussen.

– Interministerielle Komitees


164 G

Entwicklung der örtlichen Initiativen, Einbindung von neuen Human- und Finanzressourcen (Seite 4)

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Weiter wird dann die Lage Lettlands betrachtet, das zentralistische Erbe, die Aufgaben des Kulturministeriums, wie auch die Situationsbewertung über die jetzigen Unstimmigkeiten zwischen den deklarierten Prinzipien und der Realität. Eine interessante These wird dann in dem Teil, der den Besonderheiten bei der Dezentralisierung in der Kultur gewidmet ist, entwikkelt. Es kann der Prozess nicht ungestört ablaufen, weil es objektive und subjektive Faktoren in jedem Unterbereich der Kultur gibt, die das nicht zulassen. Objektive Faktoren sind: die Spezifik eines jeden Bereiches und das Vorhanden sein realer Strukturen für die mögliche Übernahme der staatlichen Funktionen Subjektive Faktoren dagegen sind: Die Bereitschaft der Betroffenen zu Änderungen in jedem einzelnen Bereich. Als allgemeines Prinzip könnte werden, dass nach Durchführung der Reformen, die Möglichkeit Kulturpolitik zu gestalten, beibehalten wird. Das heißt: Maximale Orientierung zum Entlastung der staatlichen Institutionen von unspezifischen Funktionen; mögliche Verwirklichung der Prinzipien der Subsidiarität (Seite 8). Im nächsten Teil wird die jetzige Lage der Strukturierung des Kulturbereiches untersucht, in der dann auch diejenige Funktionen aufgezählt werden, die delegiert werden sollen: G Förderung des Zugangs zum kulturellen Erbe, G Ausarbeitung der Regionalpolitik im Museumsbereich und Verwirklichung der regionalen Programme, G Ausarbeitung und Realisierung der regionalen Politik des Bibliothekswesen, G Erhaltung der professionellen Regionaltheater, Ausarbeitung und Verwirklichung der Strategie in der Kulturausbildung.

Weiter werden auch die Funktionen aufgezählt die von zentralistischem Kulturministerium dezentralisiert werden sollen: G Ausarbeitung der regionalen Kulturpolitik, G Weiterentwicklung und Zugang zur professionellen Kunst, G Gründung und Erhaltung der professionellen Musikeinheiten, G Ablauf der regionalen Kulturaktivitäten,

G

Weiter wird dann die Lage Lettlands betrachtet, das zentralistische Erbe, die Aufgaben des Kulturministeriums, wie auch die Situationsbewertung über die jetzigen Unstimmigkeiten zwischen den deklarierten Prinzipien und der Realität. Eine interessante These wird dann in dem Teil, der den Besonderheiten bei der Dezentralisierung in der Kultur gewidmet ist, entwikkelt. Es kann der Prozess nicht ungestört ablaufen, weil es objektive und subjektive Faktoren in jedem Unterbereich der Kultur gibt, die das nicht zulassen. Objektive Faktoren sind: die Spezifik eines jeden Bereiches und das Vorhanden sein realer Strukturen für die mögliche Übernahme der staatlichen Funktionen Subjektive Faktoren dagegen sind: Die Bereitschaft der Betroffenen zu Änderungen in jedem einzelnen Bereich. Als allgemeines Prinzip könnte werden, dass nach Durchführung der Reformen, die Möglichkeit Kulturpolitik zu gestalten, beibehalten wird. Das heißt: Maximale Orientierung zum Entlastung der staatlichen Institutionen von unspezifischen Funktionen; mögliche Verwirklichung der Prinzipien der Subsidiarität (Seite 8). Im nächsten Teil wird die jetzige Lage der Strukturierung des Kulturbereiches untersucht, in der dann auch diejenige Funktionen aufgezählt werden, die delegiert werden sollen: G Förderung des Zugangs zum kulturellen Erbe, G Ausarbeitung der Regionalpolitik im Museumsbereich und Verwirklichung der regionalen Programme, G Ausarbeitung und Realisierung der regionalen Politik des Bibliothekswesen, G Erhaltung der professionellen Regionaltheater, G Ausarbeitung und Verwirklichung der Strategie in der Kulturausbildung.

Weiter werden auch die Funktionen aufgezählt die von zentralistischem Kulturministerium dezentralisiert werden sollen: G Ausarbeitung der regionalen Kulturpolitik, G Weiterentwicklung und Zugang zur professionellen Kunst, G Gründung und Erhaltung der professionellen Musikeinheiten, Ablauf der regionalen Kulturaktivitäten,

Entwicklung der örtlichen Initiativen, Einbindung von neuen Human- und Finanzressourcen (Seite 4)

G

164

G

Ebenen nur umgesetzt wurde. Die Dezentralität scheiterte nicht nur am zentralistischen Prinzip, sondern auch an vergleichende Leistungsfähigkeit der Kommunen (nach Riga, wo ein Drittel der Bevölkerung Lettlands, ca. 750 000 wohnt, ist die nächstgrößte Stadt Daugavpils nur mit ca.110 000 Einwohner). Lettland darf mit seiner administrativen Gliederung nicht mit einer föderalistischen Struktur verwechselt werden. Vielmehr wird das Land zentral regiert, was eine starke Stellung der Hauptstadt Riga zur Folge hat. Hier befinden sich denn auch die größten kulturellen Einrichtungen, die vielfach noch Gründungen aus dem 19. und Anfang des 20.Jh. sind, wie beispielsweise die staatliche Nationaloper, das staatliche Nationale Dramatische Theater, das nationale Symphonieorchester, usw. Lettland war auch noch bis Mitte des 20.Jahrhunderts überwiegend ein Agrarstaat, was es auch noch heute teilweise ist. Diese ländlichen Gebiete bedürfen nicht nur besonderer Anstrengungen bei einer dezentralen Versorgung mit kulturellen Angeboten, sondern erheben auch Anspruch auf eine gleichberechtigte Förderung ihrer volkstümlichen Kultur. Deshalb hat auch Volksmusik und Volkstanz oder die Pflege der Volkskunst in Lettland einen ganz hohen Stellenwert. Das Ökonomische Institut an der Wissenschaftsakademie Lettlands hat, im Auftrag des Kulturministeriums im Jahre 1999, die Konzeption Dezentralisierung im Kulturbereich [Abele, 1992] ausgearbeitet. Dieser Konzeption folgten anschließend dann noch zwei Forschungen im Jahre 2000: Dezentralisierung der Kultur. Analyse der sozialen Prozessen und Position der einzelnen gesellschaftlichen Gruppen gegenüber den Einführung der verschiedenen Mechanismen der Dezentralisierung in Lettland [Kulturas decentralizacija. Socialo procesu analize, Riga 2000]. Dies sind bis jetzt leider nur die einzigen umfassenden Arbeiten, die sich mit diesem wichtigen Themenkomplex für Lettland beschäftigen. Deshalb ist auch die Konzeption mehr als nur eine Forschungsarbeit, die die Situation in Lettland umfassende untersucht. Nach der kurzen Definierung der Begriffe wie Zentraliserung, Dezentralisierung und Kultur wird dann in dem einleitenden Teil schon das Ziel der Dezentralisierung im Kulturbereich Lettlands festgelegt: G Abbau der Zentralisierung bei dem kulturpolitischen Prozess. G Entlastung des Verwaltungsapparats von den Durchführungen untypischer Funktionen.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Ebenen nur umgesetzt wurde. Die Dezentralität scheiterte nicht nur am zentralistischen Prinzip, sondern auch an vergleichende Leistungsfähigkeit der Kommunen (nach Riga, wo ein Drittel der Bevölkerung Lettlands, ca. 750 000 wohnt, ist die nächstgrößte Stadt Daugavpils nur mit ca.110 000 Einwohner). Lettland darf mit seiner administrativen Gliederung nicht mit einer föderalistischen Struktur verwechselt werden. Vielmehr wird das Land zentral regiert, was eine starke Stellung der Hauptstadt Riga zur Folge hat. Hier befinden sich denn auch die größten kulturellen Einrichtungen, die vielfach noch Gründungen aus dem 19. und Anfang des 20.Jh. sind, wie beispielsweise die staatliche Nationaloper, das staatliche Nationale Dramatische Theater, das nationale Symphonieorchester, usw. Lettland war auch noch bis Mitte des 20.Jahrhunderts überwiegend ein Agrarstaat, was es auch noch heute teilweise ist. Diese ländlichen Gebiete bedürfen nicht nur besonderer Anstrengungen bei einer dezentralen Versorgung mit kulturellen Angeboten, sondern erheben auch Anspruch auf eine gleichberechtigte Förderung ihrer volkstümlichen Kultur. Deshalb hat auch Volksmusik und Volkstanz oder die Pflege der Volkskunst in Lettland einen ganz hohen Stellenwert. Das Ökonomische Institut an der Wissenschaftsakademie Lettlands hat, im Auftrag des Kulturministeriums im Jahre 1999, die Konzeption Dezentralisierung im Kulturbereich [Abele, 1992] ausgearbeitet. Dieser Konzeption folgten anschließend dann noch zwei Forschungen im Jahre 2000: Dezentralisierung der Kultur. Analyse der sozialen Prozessen und Position der einzelnen gesellschaftlichen Gruppen gegenüber den Einführung der verschiedenen Mechanismen der Dezentralisierung in Lettland [Kulturas decentralizacija. Socialo procesu analize, Riga 2000]. Dies sind bis jetzt leider nur die einzigen umfassenden Arbeiten, die sich mit diesem wichtigen Themenkomplex für Lettland beschäftigen. Deshalb ist auch die Konzeption mehr als nur eine Forschungsarbeit, die die Situation in Lettland umfassende untersucht. Nach der kurzen Definierung der Begriffe wie Zentraliserung, Dezentralisierung und Kultur wird dann in dem einleitenden Teil schon das Ziel der Dezentralisierung im Kulturbereich Lettlands festgelegt: G Abbau der Zentralisierung bei dem kulturpolitischen Prozess. G Entlastung des Verwaltungsapparats von den Durchführungen untypischer Funktionen.


165

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Ausarbeitung und Erhaltung des Registers für die kulturhistorischen Objekte von regionaler Bedeutung.

G G

Solche Dezentralisierung und Delegation kann positive und auch negative Folgen haben. Positiv wird, wenn die Funktionen näher an die Betroffenen geführt werden und damit den Staat entlasten. Negative Nachteile werden beobachtet, wenn bei den Reformen irgendeine Funktion verloren geht. Damit wird der Kultur geschadet, der Gesellschaft und dem ganzen Staat. Weiter wird auch der Stand des Finanzierungssystems untersucht und festgestellt, dass bis jetzt die wichtigste finanzielle Quelle der Staatshaushalt ist. Es ist auch wichtig, dass bei der Übergabe von Funktionen, auch die Übergabe von finanziellen Mitteln folgt. Es wird auch kurz das Thema der gesetzlichen Rahmenbedingungen und der Notwendigkeit alle juristische Fragen vorher zu klären angesprochen und die notwendige Entscheidungen zu treffen, bevor man mit den Reformen anfängt. In dem zweiten Teil der Konzeption werden die genauen Strategien am Beispiel von drei Kulturbereichen Theater, Museum und kulturelle Ausbildung dargestellt. Vieles ist noch nicht durchgeführt, aber zumindest hat der Staat eine Strategie, Richtlinien und auch schon konkrete Maßnahmen eingeleitet.

Doch die wichtigste Aufgabe für die Zukunft wird sein, dass die ehemals vorherrschende Konzentration des kulturellen Lebens auf Riga (im Sinne affirmativer Kultur) durch Stärkung der föderalistischen Verwaltungseinheiten und der Dezentralisierung von Entscheidungskompetenzen auf das gesamte Staatsgebiet ausgeweitet wird. Als Probleme und eventuelle Lösungen könnte man folgende Tabelle vorschlagen: Die Bemühungen um eine bessere Berücksichtigung der Provinz litten bis jetzt auch darunter, dass die Grundlinien, Programme, usw. wiederum von zentralen Instanzen erstellt werden, also im Grunde eine zentralisierte Dezentralisierung darstellen. Die kritische ökonomische Situation und die zunehmende Nachfrage nach Leistungsfähigkeit, vorgeschrieben durch das Finanzministerium, haben Spannungen verursacht. Es wurde auch offensichtlich, dass das Harmonisieren und das Dezentralisieren in Lettland, wo eine Tradition der Zivilgesellschaft unterentwickelt und die Bevölkerung kulturell und linguistisch geteilt ist, Schwierigkeiten hat, sich frei und unproblematisch zu entwickelt. * * * Wenn wir den Dezentralisierungsprozess im Kulturbereich Lettlands bewerten, dann ist die Tendenz offensichtlich, dass auf dem Papier,

TABELLE 3. PROBLEME UND LÖSUNGEN BEI DER DEZENTRALISIERUNG Probleme G Nationale und regionale Entwicklung nichtvorhandene regionale Kulturpolitik G Zersplitterte administrative Verteilung und verzögerten Reformen ·

G G

G

G

Lösungen G Auswertung der bisherigen kulturpolitischen Dokumente und gesetzlichen Vorhaben. G Ausarbeitung der Richtlinien der regionalen Kulturpolitik G Beendung der regionalen Reformen (nicht in Kompetenz des Kulturministeriums)

Unausgeglichenheit zwischen Hauptstadt Riga und dem Rest des Staates Riga gesicherter Zugang zur professionellen Kunst und Kultur, Konzentration des intellektuellen Potenzials, umfangreichere Ausbildungsmöglichkeiten, konkurenzfähiger Belohnung, bessere Infrasturktur und Zugänglichkeit zur Information Rest des Staaes meistens Traditionelle (Volks)kunst.

G

Kleiner Markt, kleine Auditorien was zum Verteuerung des Produktes führt

G

G G G G G

G G G G

Kleiner Markt, kleine Auditorien was zum Verteuerung des Produktes führt Unausgeglichenheit zwischen Hauptstadt Riga und dem Rest des Staates Riga gesicherter Zugang zur professionellen Kunst und Kultur, Konzentration des intellektuellen Potenzials, umfangreichere Ausbildungsmöglichkeiten, konkurenzfähiger Belohnung, bessere Infrasturktur und Zugänglichkeit zur Information Rest des Staaes meistens Traditionelle (Volks)kunst.

·

G G G G G G G

Bei kleinem Staat ist die Möglichkeit schneller zum Systemänderungen und Reformen zu kommen. Ausweiterung des Marktes mit dem Eintritt in EU. Ausarbeitung der Programmen für regionale Entwicklung. Nutzen der Sturkturfonds der EU. Förderung der Zugänglichkeit zu verschiedenen Bildungsprogrammen in den Regionen Förderung der regionalen Initiativen Treffen der Entscheidungen vor Ort Klare Definierung der staatlichen und kommunalen Verantwortung im Bereich Traditioneller (Volks)Kunst.

Lösungen G Auswertung der bisherigen kulturpolitischen Dokumente und gesetzlichen Vorhaben. G Ausarbeitung der Richtlinien der regionalen Kulturpolitik Beendung der regionalen Reformen (nicht in Kompetenz des Kulturministeriums) G

Probleme G Nationale und regionale Entwicklung nichtvorhandene regionale Kulturpolitik Zersplitterte administrative Verteilung und verzögerten Reformen G

TABELLE 3. PROBLEME UND LÖSUNGEN BEI DER DEZENTRALISIERUNG

Solche Dezentralisierung und Delegation kann positive und auch negative Folgen haben. Positiv wird, wenn die Funktionen näher an die Betroffenen geführt werden und damit den Staat entlasten. Negative Nachteile werden beobachtet, wenn bei den Reformen irgendeine Funktion verloren geht. Damit wird der Kultur geschadet, der Gesellschaft und dem ganzen Staat. Weiter wird auch der Stand des Finanzierungssystems untersucht und festgestellt, dass bis jetzt die wichtigste finanzielle Quelle der Staatshaushalt ist. Es ist auch wichtig, dass bei der Übergabe von Funktionen, auch die Übergabe von finanziellen Mitteln folgt. Es wird auch kurz das Thema der gesetzlichen Rahmenbedingungen und der Notwendigkeit alle juristische Fragen vorher zu klären angesprochen und die notwendige Entscheidungen zu treffen, bevor man mit den Reformen anfängt. In dem zweiten Teil der Konzeption werden die genauen Strategien am Beispiel von drei Kulturbereichen Theater, Museum und kulturelle Ausbildung dargestellt. Vieles ist noch nicht durchgeführt, aber zumindest hat der Staat eine Strategie, Richtlinien und auch schon konkrete Maßnahmen eingeleitet.

G

Ausarbeitung der Programmen für regionale Entwicklung. Nutzen der Sturkturfonds der EU. Förderung der Zugänglichkeit zu verschiedenen Bildungsprogrammen in den Regionen Förderung der regionalen Initiativen Treffen der Entscheidungen vor Ort Klare Definierung der staatlichen und kommunalen Verantwortung im Bereich Traditioneller (Volks)Kunst. Bei kleinem Staat ist die Möglichkeit schneller zum Systemänderungen und Reformen zu kommen. Ausweiterung des Marktes mit dem Eintritt in EU.

G

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

165

Ausarbeitung und Erhaltung des Registers für die kulturhistorischen Objekte von regionaler Bedeutung.

* * * Wenn wir den Dezentralisierungsprozess im Kulturbereich Lettlands bewerten, dann ist die Tendenz offensichtlich, dass auf dem Papier, Doch die wichtigste Aufgabe für die Zukunft wird sein, dass die ehemals vorherrschende Konzentration des kulturellen Lebens auf Riga (im Sinne affirmativer Kultur) durch Stärkung der föderalistischen Verwaltungseinheiten und der Dezentralisierung von Entscheidungskompetenzen auf das gesamte Staatsgebiet ausgeweitet wird. Als Probleme und eventuelle Lösungen könnte man folgende Tabelle vorschlagen: Die Bemühungen um eine bessere Berücksichtigung der Provinz litten bis jetzt auch darunter, dass die Grundlinien, Programme, usw. wiederum von zentralen Instanzen erstellt werden, also im Grunde eine zentralisierte Dezentralisierung darstellen. Die kritische ökonomische Situation und die zunehmende Nachfrage nach Leistungsfähigkeit, vorgeschrieben durch das Finanzministerium, haben Spannungen verursacht. Es wurde auch offensichtlich, dass das Harmonisieren und das Dezentralisieren in Lettland, wo eine Tradition der Zivilgesellschaft unterentwickelt und die Bevölkerung kulturell und linguistisch geteilt ist, Schwierigkeiten hat, sich frei und unproblematisch zu entwickelt.


166

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in Richtlinien und sogar in Bestrebungen gewisse Entwicklungen und Erneuerungen erkennbar ist, aber in der Realität werden wir mit Unverständlichkeiten, Ablehnung und sogar Gegenwirkung konfrontiert. Der Vorsitzende des lettischen Kulturstiftung, Peteris Bankovskis sagte: Die Modelle, die durch den Staat vorgeschlagen wurden, sind natürlich sehr bedeutend. Wir müssen sie


167

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1) 2

Festspiele als Zukunftsinvestition der serbischen Gesellschaft the Future of the Serbian Society Jelena Jankovic Übersetzung: Ma³gorzata Olszar Le sort d un art dépend d abord de la richesse du milieu qui le nourrit. Emmanuel Wallon

Kultur- und Gesellschaftspolitik

E

s ist für den Anfang des gegenwärtigen Jahrtausend bezeichnend, dass die Kultur europaweit zum wesentlichen Bestandteil des Gesellschaftsleben geworden ist. (Lacombe, 2004, S. 35). Die Teilnahme an den kulturellen Aktivitäten ist nicht mehr ausschließlich ein Privileg der Elite, es ist, dank der Entwicklung der Bildungssysteme, Touristik sowie Medien, den breiteren Massen zugänglich. Der Begriff Kulturpolitik1 oder vielmehr des öffentlichen Interventionismus im Kulturbereich, ist gegenwärtig zu verstehen als eine Notwendigkeit allen Gesellschaftsgruppen, auch denen mit minderen Status, den gleichen Zugang zur Kultur und Kunst zu gewährleisten. Konsequenterweise, Demokratisierung der Kulturinstitutionen, insbesondere im Bereich der Schauspiele, soll zum ersten und wichtigsten Element beim Definieren von nationalen Kulturpolitik werden.

Wenn von Demokratisierung im Bereich der klassischen Musik in Serbien die Rede ist, so empfiehlt sich zu erwähnen, dass diese Kunstart immer wieder fast ausschließlich mit einen elitären Kulturmodel2 . assoziiert und, als solcher, von einer verhältnismäßig kleinen Menschengruppe konsumiert wird. Dennoch ist allein der Begriff Elite in Serbien problematisch, was zur Folge hat, dass die ganze Situation noch komplizierter wird. Nämlich in allen Ländern, in denen sich eine Systemtransformation vollgebracht hatte, haben wir zu tun gehabt mit dem Pauperismus und der gesellschaftlichen Stratifikation verbunden mit Entwicklung der neuen Finanzeliten. Verarmte Gesellschaftsschichten (Rentner, Arbeitslose, Menschen mit sehr geringem Einkommen, Lehrer ) haben die öffentliche Bühne geräumt, sind weder anwesend noch aktiv im gesellschaftlichen Leben, was auf ihren Existenzkampf bzw. auf ihre Demütigung, soziale Degradation und Hilflosigkeit zurückzuführen ist. Andererseits ge-

1

Der folgende Begriff scheint mir unter zahlreichen Auslegungen des Begriffs Kulturpolitik besonders nützlich zu sein: Kulturpolitik bedeutet Einschätzen und Bestimmen seitens öffentlicher Gewalt (föderale Gewalt, Republiken, Gewalt auf regionaler und lokaler Ebenen) mit dem Ziel, in manche Gebiete demokratisch einzugreifen, um strategische Ziele zu erreichen. Ein öffentlicher Interventionismus kann verschiedene Formen haben u.a. direkte und indirekte, gesetzgebende und finanzielle Form, und Eingriffsbereiche können Bildung und Schulung, Kunst (sämtliche Arten von künstlerischen Prozessen), Schutz des Kulturerbes, Kulturindustrie, Marketing und Vertrieb, Bildung von Empfängern, Kultureinrichtungen, unabhängige Künstler, Netzwerke von Nutzern, Gebäude und Ausrüstung umfassen. Die Regierungseinheiten sollen Interventionismus eher mit Hilfe von klar formulierten Zielen definieren als mit Hilfe von dessen Verbindung mit konkreten Organisationen oder Tätigkeitsarten [Ramic, 2005, S. 22].

2

Es gibt drei vorherrschende Kulturmodelle: elitär, massiv und traditionell [Dragicevic-Sesic, Dragojevic, 2004, S. 53].

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

167

Jelena Jankovic Absolventin der Musikwissenschaft im Fachbereich Musik an der Belgrader Universität. Im Rahmen eines gemeinsamen Programms der Belgrader Universität und Université Lyon 2 absolvierte sie das Aufbaustudium Kulturmanagement und Kulturpolitik. Seit 2002 ist sie als Verlegerin und Produzentin im Belgrader Konzertagentur Jugokoncert tätig. Sie nimmt an internationalen Konferenzen und Symposien teil (u.a. in Griechenland, Belgien, Spanien, Serbien, Bulgarien). Sie führte Forschungen im Bereich von der modernen Musik, dem Management in Kultureinrichtungen und in klassischen Musikfestivals durch.

Es gibt drei vorherrschende Kulturmodelle: elitär, massiv und traditionell [Dragicevic-Sesic, Dragojevic, 2004, S. 53].

1 Der folgende Begriff scheint mir unter zahlreichen Auslegungen des Begriffs Kulturpolitik besonders nützlich zu sein: Kulturpolitik bedeutet Einschätzen und Bestimmen seitens öffentlicher Gewalt (föderale Gewalt, Republiken, Gewalt auf regionaler und lokaler Ebenen) mit dem Ziel, in manche Gebiete demokratisch einzugreifen, um strategische Ziele zu erreichen. Ein öffentlicher Interventionismus kann verschiedene Formen haben u.a. direkte und indirekte, gesetzgebende und finanzielle Form, und Eingriffsbereiche können Bildung und Schulung, Kunst (sämtliche Arten von künstlerischen Prozessen), Schutz des Kulturerbes, Kulturindustrie, Marketing und Vertrieb, Bildung von Empfängern, Kultureinrichtungen, unabhängige Künstler, Netzwerke von Nutzern, Gebäude und Ausrüstung umfassen. Die Regierungseinheiten sollen Interventionismus eher mit Hilfe von klar formulierten Zielen definieren als mit Hilfe von dessen Verbindung mit konkreten Organisationen oder Tätigkeitsarten [Ramic, 2005, S. 22].

s ist für den Anfang des gegenwärtigen Jahrtausend bezeichnend, dass die Kultur europaweit zum wesentlichen Bestandteil des Gesellschaftsleben geworden ist. (Lacombe, 2004, S. 35). Die Teilnahme an den kulturellen Aktivitäten ist nicht mehr ausschließlich ein Privileg der Elite, es ist, dank der Entwicklung der Bildungssysteme, Touristik sowie Medien, den breiteren Massen zugänglich. Der Begriff Kulturpolitik1 oder vielmehr des öffentlichen Interventionismus im Kulturbereich, ist gegenwärtig zu verstehen als eine Notwendigkeit allen Gesellschaftsgruppen, auch denen mit minderen Status, den gleichen Zugang zur Kultur und Kunst zu gewährleisten. Konsequenterweise, Demokratisierung der Kulturinstitutionen, insbesondere im Bereich der Schauspiele, soll zum ersten und wichtigsten Element beim Definieren von nationalen Kulturpolitik werden.

E

Kultur- und Gesellschaftspolitik

Wenn von Demokratisierung im Bereich der klassischen Musik in Serbien die Rede ist, so empfiehlt sich zu erwähnen, dass diese Kunstart immer wieder fast ausschließlich mit einen elitären Kulturmodel2 . assoziiert und, als solcher, von einer verhältnismäßig kleinen Menschengruppe konsumiert wird. Dennoch ist allein der Begriff Elite in Serbien problematisch, was zur Folge hat, dass die ganze Situation noch komplizierter wird. Nämlich in allen Ländern, in denen sich eine Systemtransformation vollgebracht hatte, haben wir zu tun gehabt mit dem Pauperismus und der gesellschaftlichen Stratifikation verbunden mit Entwicklung der neuen Finanzeliten. Verarmte Gesellschaftsschichten (Rentner, Arbeitslose, Menschen mit sehr geringem Einkommen, Lehrer ) haben die öffentliche Bühne geräumt, sind weder anwesend noch aktiv im gesellschaftlichen Leben, was auf ihren Existenzkampf bzw. auf ihre Demütigung, soziale Degradation und Hilflosigkeit zurückzuführen ist. Andererseits geLe sort d un art dépend d abord de la richesse du milieu qui le nourrit. Emmanuel Wallon

Übersetzung: Ma³gorzata Olszar

Jelena Jankovic

Festspiele als Zukunftsinvestition der serbischen Gesellschaft the Future of the Serbian Society

Jelena Jankovic Absolventin der Musikwissenschaft im Fachbereich Musik an der Belgrader Universität. Im Rahmen eines gemeinsamen Programms der Belgrader Universität und Université Lyon 2 absolvierte sie das Aufbaustudium Kulturmanagement und Kulturpolitik. Seit 2002 ist sie als Verlegerin und Produzentin im Belgrader Konzertagentur Jugokoncert tätig. Sie nimmt an internationalen Konferenzen und Symposien teil (u.a. in Griechenland, Belgien, Spanien, Serbien, Bulgarien). Sie führte Forschungen im Bereich von der modernen Musik, dem Management in Kultureinrichtungen und in klassischen Musikfestivals durch.


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

winnen die Neureichen gesellschaftlichen Einfluss, indem sie Medien übernehmen und sie als eine Art Werbetrommel für ihren Lebensstils, ihre Werte sowie ihren wirtschaftlichen Reichtum nutzen [Dragicevic-Sesic, Dragojevic, 2004, S. 46]. Diese neue gesellschaftliche Elite ist zugleich keine intellektuelle Elite und ihr Interesse an hohen Künsten ist sehr gering.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

dungssystem in den Musikschulen des ersten und zweiten Grades in Serbien zurückführen und dieses Problem überlappt sich mit den gegenwärtigen soziokulturellen Differenzierung. Die in der klassischen Musik ausbildenden Schulen sind außerordentlich spezialisiert sie dienen nicht als Mittel der kulturellen Mediation, die dieser Art von Musik den Menschen näher bringen und umgekehrt. Sie bilden vielmehr die zukünftigen Berufsmusiker, die demnächst in ihrer schmalspurigen Spezialisierung abgeschlossen bleiben. Als einzig plausible Lösung dieses Problems scheint sich anzubieten, die Beziehungen zwischen künstlerischen Organisationen, den Festspielinstitutionen und dem Musikschulwesen mit anderen Worten, im institutionellen PR (wie im vorstehenden Kapitel angedeutet wurde) anzuknüpfen. Die im Gebiet der klassischen Musik agierenden Managers von den künstlerischen Organisationen sollen den Kontakt zu den Lehrern von den allgemeinen als auch von Musikfachschulen aufbauen und gemeinsam Projekte entwickeln, die viele Kinder und Jugendliche in musikalische Aktivitäten (Chorsingen, Tanzen, Veranstaltungen auf der kleinen Bühne) engagieren würden. Diese Form von Mediation kann auf die Eltern und auf die im Projekt sich beteiligenden Kinder einen Einfluss ausüben und auf diese Weise die gesellschaftliche Kluft konsequent reduzieren. Eine andere Möglichkeit die zwischenkulturelle Mediation auf dem Gebiet der klassischen Festspiele (an dieser Stelle wird die Mediation zwischen verschiedenen gesellschaftlichen Modellen gemeint) zu schaffen, ist, im Rahmen der Festspiele anregende Off- Programme beizufügen, die in anderen Räumen als die typischen Konzertstandorte (z.B. Galerien, OpenAir-Veranstaltungen) realisiert werden. Im Jahre 2002 wurde Bemus-Festival von einem vom Publikum gut angenommenem Programm Musik auf dem Bildschirm mit Filmen über klassische Musik und Musikproduktionen aus der Filmbranche im Belgrader Kulturzentrum begleitet. Im Rahmen dieser Festspiele wurde im Pädagogischen Museum eine Ausstellung Überdimensionale Ausdehnung der

168

Dragicevic-Sesic und Dragojevic bemerken zurecht, dass in den Übergangsgesellschaften die sozialen Differenzen wachsen und sie suggerieren, dass eine durchdachte und gezielte zwischenkulturelle Mediation3 diese Entfernung schrumpfen kann, indem sie den Menschen solche Programme und kulturelle Veranstaltungen bietet, die verschiedene Gesellschaftsgruppen integrieren könnten. Solche Handlungen sollten zugleich das Niveau des kritischen Bewusstseins steigern und der gering schätzten Gesellschaftsgruppen Äußerung ihrer Meinung sowie ihre Engagement im Prozess der gesellschaftlichen Kommunikation ermöglichen [ebd.]. Die zwischenkulturelle Mediation bedient sich folgender Hauptmittel: 1. informative und mediale Mitteln 2. Bearbeitung der Projekte 3. unmittelbarer Erfahrungsaustausch (Seminare, Workshops, Debatten...) 4. artistische Interventionen 5. Ausnutzung der städtischen Lokalisierung und Vororte Veranstaltung der Festspiele und Festivals [ebd.]. Im Hinblick auf das obige könnte man sagen, dass Festspiele der klassischen Musik ein gutes Beispiel für zwischenkulturelle Mediation darstellen können? Ich bin der Überzeugung, dass sie in der Tat ein Instrument der Vermittlung zwischen etlichen Gesellschaftsgruppen und ihrer Integration dienen können aufgrund der Tatsache, dass für die Festspiele leichter in Medien zu werben als dies bei den ganzen Konzertsaisons der Fall ist. Man darf jedoch auch nicht vergessen, dass der klassischen Musik in Serbien ein eigenartiger Platz eingeräumt ist. Meines Erachtens, lassen sich die Ursachen dafür auf ein erstarrtes Bil-

3 Die oben genannten Autoren nennen einige Formen der zwischenkulturellen und soziokulturellen Mediation: 1) Eine auf breite Populationsgruppen gerichtete Mediation 2) Eine auf die Dialogbildung und den Kulturaustausch gerichtete Mediation 3) Eine auf die Bekämpfung ethnischer und ideologischer Vorurteile gerichtete Mediation 4) Mediation zwischen verschiedenen Sozialmodellen 5) Therapeutische Mediationsformen 6) Eine auf die Gruppen mit speziellen Bedürfnissen gerichtete Mediation 7) Eine auf die Gruppen mit minderheitlichen und spezifischen Identitäten gerichtete Mediation 8) Eine auf die marginalisierten und räumlich isolierten Gruppen gerichtete Mediation.

3 Die oben genannten Autoren nennen einige Formen der zwischenkulturellen und soziokulturellen Mediation: 1) Eine auf breite Populationsgruppen gerichtete Mediation 2) Eine auf die Dialogbildung und den Kulturaustausch gerichtete Mediation 3) Eine auf die Bekämpfung ethnischer und ideologischer Vorurteile gerichtete Mediation 4) Mediation zwischen verschiedenen Sozialmodellen 5) Therapeutische Mediationsformen 6) Eine auf die Gruppen mit speziellen Bedürfnissen gerichtete Mediation 7) Eine auf die Gruppen mit minderheitlichen und spezifischen Identitäten gerichtete Mediation 8) Eine auf die marginalisierten und räumlich isolierten Gruppen gerichtete Mediation.

Dragicevic-Sesic und Dragojevic bemerken zurecht, dass in den Übergangsgesellschaften die sozialen Differenzen wachsen und sie suggerieren, dass eine durchdachte und gezielte zwischenkulturelle Mediation3 diese Entfernung schrumpfen kann, indem sie den Menschen solche Programme und kulturelle Veranstaltungen bietet, die verschiedene Gesellschaftsgruppen integrieren könnten. Solche Handlungen sollten zugleich das Niveau des kritischen Bewusstseins steigern und der gering schätzten Gesellschaftsgruppen Äußerung ihrer Meinung sowie ihre Engagement im Prozess der gesellschaftlichen Kommunikation ermöglichen [ebd.]. Die zwischenkulturelle Mediation bedient sich folgender Hauptmittel: 1. informative und mediale Mitteln 2. Bearbeitung der Projekte 3. unmittelbarer Erfahrungsaustausch (Seminare, Workshops, Debatten...) 4. artistische Interventionen 5. Ausnutzung der städtischen Lokalisierung und Vororte Veranstaltung der Festspiele und Festivals [ebd.]. Im Hinblick auf das obige könnte man sagen, dass Festspiele der klassischen Musik ein gutes Beispiel für zwischenkulturelle Mediation darstellen können? Ich bin der Überzeugung, dass sie in der Tat ein Instrument der Vermittlung zwischen etlichen Gesellschaftsgruppen und ihrer Integration dienen können aufgrund der Tatsache, dass für die Festspiele leichter in Medien zu werben als dies bei den ganzen Konzertsaisons der Fall ist. Man darf jedoch auch nicht vergessen, dass der klassischen Musik in Serbien ein eigenartiger Platz eingeräumt ist. Meines Erachtens, lassen sich die Ursachen dafür auf ein erstarrtes Bil-

dungssystem in den Musikschulen des ersten und zweiten Grades in Serbien zurückführen und dieses Problem überlappt sich mit den gegenwärtigen soziokulturellen Differenzierung. Die in der klassischen Musik ausbildenden Schulen sind außerordentlich spezialisiert sie dienen nicht als Mittel der kulturellen Mediation, die dieser Art von Musik den Menschen näher bringen und umgekehrt. Sie bilden vielmehr die zukünftigen Berufsmusiker, die demnächst in ihrer schmalspurigen Spezialisierung abgeschlossen bleiben. Als einzig plausible Lösung dieses Problems scheint sich anzubieten, die Beziehungen zwischen künstlerischen Organisationen, den Festspielinstitutionen und dem Musikschulwesen mit anderen Worten, im institutionellen PR (wie im vorstehenden Kapitel angedeutet wurde) anzuknüpfen. Die im Gebiet der klassischen Musik agierenden Managers von den künstlerischen Organisationen sollen den Kontakt zu den Lehrern von den allgemeinen als auch von Musikfachschulen aufbauen und gemeinsam Projekte entwickeln, die viele Kinder und Jugendliche in musikalische Aktivitäten (Chorsingen, Tanzen, Veranstaltungen auf der kleinen Bühne) engagieren würden. Diese Form von Mediation kann auf die Eltern und auf die im Projekt sich beteiligenden Kinder einen Einfluss ausüben und auf diese Weise die gesellschaftliche Kluft konsequent reduzieren. Eine andere Möglichkeit die zwischenkulturelle Mediation auf dem Gebiet der klassischen Festspiele (an dieser Stelle wird die Mediation zwischen verschiedenen gesellschaftlichen Modellen gemeint) zu schaffen, ist, im Rahmen der Festspiele anregende Off- Programme beizufügen, die in anderen Räumen als die typischen Konzertstandorte (z.B. Galerien, OpenAir-Veranstaltungen) realisiert werden. Im Jahre 2002 wurde Bemus-Festival von einem vom Publikum gut angenommenem Programm Musik auf dem Bildschirm mit Filmen über klassische Musik und Musikproduktionen aus der Filmbranche im Belgrader Kulturzentrum begleitet. Im Rahmen dieser Festspiele wurde im Pädagogischen Museum eine Ausstellung Überdimensionale Ausdehnung der

168

winnen die Neureichen gesellschaftlichen Einfluss, indem sie Medien übernehmen und sie als eine Art Werbetrommel für ihren Lebensstils, ihre Werte sowie ihren wirtschaftlichen Reichtum nutzen [Dragicevic-Sesic, Dragojevic, 2004, S. 46]. Diese neue gesellschaftliche Elite ist zugleich keine intellektuelle Elite und ihr Interesse an hohen Künsten ist sehr gering.


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Musik präsentiert, die aber aufgrund der schwachen Promotion fast klanglos verhallt ist. Auch die Workshops stellen eine ausgezeichnete Form der kulturellen Mediation dar. Die Veranstalter von einigen Festspielen in Serbien sind zu der Ansicht gekommen, dass dies eine sich gut anbietende Angelegenheit ist, zu ihren Programmen verschiedene Gesellschaftsgruppen einzubeziehen. Bemus Festspiele können hier erneut ein treffender Beispiel sein: seit 2003 hat sich die Kunstdirektorin der Festspiele Ivana Stafanovic entschlossen, mannigfaltige Workshops für Kinder und Jugendliche zu organisieren. 2003 und 2004 haben solche Workshops für die Grundschulkinder stattgefunden. Sie wurden in Zusammenarbeit mit Susret (eine außerhalb der Regierung agierende Organisationseinheit aus Belgrad) vorbereitet und im wunderschönen in der Kalemegdan-Festung gelegenen Kunstpavillon Cvijeta Zuzoric lokalisiert. Im Jahre 2005 haben die Mitglieder der Compagnie Georges Momboye aus Paris die Tanz-Workshops für die Kinder mit dem DownSyndrom veranstaltet und im diesem Jahr haben zwei Workshops in der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Mudra -Theater aus Belgrad stattgefunden u.a. für die Kinder der speziellen Sorge. Es gibt zahlreiche Beispiele dafür, inwiefern Festspiele der klassischen Musik zur Steigerung des gesellschaftlichen Bewusstseins beitragen können in Bezug auf die nicht beachteten und nicht richtig wahrgenommenen Gruppen und Identitäten (Minderheiten, unbegabte Menschen, Gruppen aus dem vorgezeichneten sozialen Umfeld). Das Problem besteht darin, dass die Außenstehenden, die das Festivalpublikum nicht darstellen, scheinen das nicht zu begreifen, welches wichtige Kettenglied der soziokulturellen Aktivität sie verkörpern. Ein plausibler Grund dafür ist, dass in den Medien für die Festspiele nicht ausreichend geworben wird. In der Tat, das Hauptproblem, mit dem Festspiele der klassischen Musik in Serbien zu kämpfen haben, ist, dass sie aufgrund der mangelnden Werbungskampagnen außer Acht gelassen werden. Dies sollte die Managers aufmerksam machen, um den Festspielen eine bessere Zukunft zu sichern.

Einfluss der Transformation der Gesellschaftsordnung auf die Kulturpolitik Wenn man die postsozialistische Transformation der Gesellschaftsordnung in Serbien betrachtet, ist es nicht zu übersehen, dass sie

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

nicht den gleichen Verlauf wie in den anderen Ostblockländern, ja nicht den, wie in übrigen Ländern der ehemaligen Jugoslawien, angenommen hatte. Vesna Ðukic-Dojcinovic nennt drei für die Mehrheit der postsozialistischen Staaten typischen Transformationsstufen: 1. Nachdenken über das eigene nationale Erbe (dessen Elemente in der Zeit des herrschenden sozialistischen Regimes tief in den Museenbunkern, in der Archiven und Bibliotheken verstaut und versiegelt wurden) und Beginn des Prozesses der Wiederentdeckung und Affirmation eigener nationalen Identität. 2. Integrationsphase mit Europa, die von zwei Grundprozessen gekennzeichnet ist: Dezentralisierung und Privatisierung 3. Endphase, in der die staatlichen Institutionen demokratisiert werden und eine entsprechend ausgeglichene Kulturpolitik geschaffen wird, die sowohl mit nationalen Werten als auch mit denen von elitärem Teil der Gesellschaft im Zusammenklang steht. Diese Politik ist auch gerichtet auf Bildung der Kreativität und Entfaltung der zeitgemäßen Kunst [Vesna Ðukic-Dojcinovic, 2000, S. 373f]. Wie bereits im zweiten Kapitel vorliegender Abhandlung erwähnt wurde, es ist offensichtlich, dass zum bestimmten Zeitpunkt der Prozess der postsozialistischen Transformation in Serbien nicht das den übrigen postsozialistischen Ländern gewöhnte Tempo einhalten konnte. Dies ist auf die simple Tatsache zurückzuführen, dass Serbien der Übergang zur zweiten Phase, also die Vereinigung mit Europa, verweigert wurde, was unter anderem in wirtschaftlichen Sanktionen sein Niederschlag fand. Als das nicht genug wäre, zu der durch äußere Umstände verschlechterten Serbiens Wirtschaftslage, hat das Kultusministerium eine Art von inneres Embargo auferlegt [ebd., S. 373] indem es eindeutig signalisierte, die serbische Kultur solle sich von Außenwelt abwenden und im Kreis der eigenen Tradition bleiben. Diese willkürliche Selbstisolation war aber unzertrennlich mit der Tatsache verbunden, die besagt, dass die nationale Identität in der Absonderung niemals gefunden und bestätigt sein konnte. Ganz im Gegenteil, die nationale Kultur entwickelt sich und findet ihren Ausdruck durch Kontakte mit Kulturen anderer Ländern. (Hier empfiehlt sich eine Bemerkung von Welsch vorzubringen, alle gegenwärtigen Kulturen seien Hybriden, die aus der Verschmelzung unterschiedlicher Kulturwege

169

Wenn man die postsozialistische Transformation der Gesellschaftsordnung in Serbien betrachtet, ist es nicht zu übersehen, dass sie

Einfluss der Transformation der Gesellschaftsordnung auf die Kulturpolitik Musik präsentiert, die aber aufgrund der schwachen Promotion fast klanglos verhallt ist. Auch die Workshops stellen eine ausgezeichnete Form der kulturellen Mediation dar. Die Veranstalter von einigen Festspielen in Serbien sind zu der Ansicht gekommen, dass dies eine sich gut anbietende Angelegenheit ist, zu ihren Programmen verschiedene Gesellschaftsgruppen einzubeziehen. Bemus Festspiele können hier erneut ein treffender Beispiel sein: seit 2003 hat sich die Kunstdirektorin der Festspiele Ivana Stafanovic entschlossen, mannigfaltige Workshops für Kinder und Jugendliche zu organisieren. 2003 und 2004 haben solche Workshops für die Grundschulkinder stattgefunden. Sie wurden in Zusammenarbeit mit Susret (eine außerhalb der Regierung agierende Organisationseinheit aus Belgrad) vorbereitet und im wunderschönen in der Kalemegdan-Festung gelegenen Kunstpavillon Cvijeta Zuzoric lokalisiert. Im Jahre 2005 haben die Mitglieder der Compagnie Georges Momboye aus Paris die Tanz-Workshops für die Kinder mit dem DownSyndrom veranstaltet und im diesem Jahr haben zwei Workshops in der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Mudra -Theater aus Belgrad stattgefunden u.a. für die Kinder der speziellen Sorge. Es gibt zahlreiche Beispiele dafür, inwiefern Festspiele der klassischen Musik zur Steigerung des gesellschaftlichen Bewusstseins beitragen können in Bezug auf die nicht beachteten und nicht richtig wahrgenommenen Gruppen und Identitäten (Minderheiten, unbegabte Menschen, Gruppen aus dem vorgezeichneten sozialen Umfeld). Das Problem besteht darin, dass die Außenstehenden, die das Festivalpublikum nicht darstellen, scheinen das nicht zu begreifen, welches wichtige Kettenglied der soziokulturellen Aktivität sie verkörpern. Ein plausibler Grund dafür ist, dass in den Medien für die Festspiele nicht ausreichend geworben wird. In der Tat, das Hauptproblem, mit dem Festspiele der klassischen Musik in Serbien zu kämpfen haben, ist, dass sie aufgrund der mangelnden Werbungskampagnen außer Acht gelassen werden. Dies sollte die Managers aufmerksam machen, um den Festspielen eine bessere Zukunft zu sichern.

169

Wie bereits im zweiten Kapitel vorliegender Abhandlung erwähnt wurde, es ist offensichtlich, dass zum bestimmten Zeitpunkt der Prozess der postsozialistischen Transformation in Serbien nicht das den übrigen postsozialistischen Ländern gewöhnte Tempo einhalten konnte. Dies ist auf die simple Tatsache zurückzuführen, dass Serbien der Übergang zur zweiten Phase, also die Vereinigung mit Europa, verweigert wurde, was unter anderem in wirtschaftlichen Sanktionen sein Niederschlag fand. Als das nicht genug wäre, zu der durch äußere Umstände verschlechterten Serbiens Wirtschaftslage, hat das Kultusministerium eine Art von inneres Embargo auferlegt [ebd., S. 373] indem es eindeutig signalisierte, die serbische Kultur solle sich von Außenwelt abwenden und im Kreis der eigenen Tradition bleiben. Diese willkürliche Selbstisolation war aber unzertrennlich mit der Tatsache verbunden, die besagt, dass die nationale Identität in der Absonderung niemals gefunden und bestätigt sein konnte. Ganz im Gegenteil, die nationale Kultur entwickelt sich und findet ihren Ausdruck durch Kontakte mit Kulturen anderer Ländern. (Hier empfiehlt sich eine Bemerkung von Welsch vorzubringen, alle gegenwärtigen Kulturen seien Hybriden, die aus der Verschmelzung unterschiedlicher Kulturwege nicht den gleichen Verlauf wie in den anderen Ostblockländern, ja nicht den, wie in übrigen Ländern der ehemaligen Jugoslawien, angenommen hatte. Vesna Ðukic-Dojcinovic nennt drei für die Mehrheit der postsozialistischen Staaten typischen Transformationsstufen: 1. Nachdenken über das eigene nationale Erbe (dessen Elemente in der Zeit des herrschenden sozialistischen Regimes tief in den Museenbunkern, in der Archiven und Bibliotheken verstaut und versiegelt wurden) und Beginn des Prozesses der Wiederentdeckung und Affirmation eigener nationalen Identität. 2. Integrationsphase mit Europa, die von zwei Grundprozessen gekennzeichnet ist: Dezentralisierung und Privatisierung 3. Endphase, in der die staatlichen Institutionen demokratisiert werden und eine entsprechend ausgeglichene Kulturpolitik geschaffen wird, die sowohl mit nationalen Werten als auch mit denen von elitärem Teil der Gesellschaft im Zusammenklang steht. Diese Politik ist auch gerichtet auf Bildung der Kreativität und Entfaltung der zeitgemäßen Kunst [Vesna Ðukic-Dojcinovic, 2000, S. 373f].


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Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

te übereinstimmen Kulturpolitik auferlegen sollte. In Rahmen solcher bürgerlichen Politik sollten lokale Kulturorganisationen den Unternehmungsgeist und Entwicklungspotential erweisen und der städtische Geschäftssektor sollte den Kulturpotential der lokalen Umgebung nutzen [ebd., S. 376]. Die Hauptherausforderung für die Transformation auf dem Gebiet der Kultur ist die Schaffung eines neuen gesellschaftspolitischen Kontexts. Die private Geschäftsinitiative soll maximal gefördert und damit die Grundlage für die Entwicklung der modernen Geschäftselite geschaffen werden. Das Hauptziel ist, eine Klasse von gut prosperierenden Privatunternehmern zu bilden, die auf diese Weise ihr Lebensunterhalt verdienen und in der Zukunft zur gesellschaftlichen Säulen der Demokratisierung werden [Ramic, 2005, S. 23]. Laut demselben Verfasser müssen alle kulturellen Institutionen eine Transformation durchmachen, deren Haupttendenz ein Übergehen zum Modell einer Projektarbeit5 ist, und dies nicht, weil es so der neuer Trend verlangt. Diese Veränderung wird allein marktwirtschaftlich determiniert [ebd., S. 30]. Heutzutage spricht man in Europa offen über Dichotomie von Institutionen und Projekten [Lacombe, 2004, S. 74]. In vielen europäischen Ländern werden große Kulturinstitutionen wie Opernhäuser, Nationaltheater, Symphonieund Radioorchester vom Staat praktisch immer wieder subventioniert, und hier ist Serbien keine Ausnahme. Dies ist auf viele Faktoren zurückzuführen und eine Feststellung, dass die Kulturinstitutionen erstarrt sind und schematisch agieren, den Managers an der Kreativität und Durchsetzungsvermögen fehlt um ihre Theater, Konzertagenturen, Opernhäuser oder auch Festspielinstitutionen zu profitablen, modernen und anhand der Projekte arbeitenden Organisationen zu machen, genügt

Opéra de Lyon ist ein interessantes Beispiel dafür, dass es möglich sei, ein gemischtes Modell zu schaffen, das zwischen dem klassischen institutionellen Modell und dem Modell der Projektarbeit zu positionieren ist. Seit 2003 sind die dortigen Operproduktionen als wahre Projekte gedacht, während die Ballettproduktionen immer noch das institutionelle Modell widerspiegeln.

entstanden sind). Darin kann man meines Erachtens die Grundlage dieses Problems erkennen, das auf die Kulturpolitik (oder auch das Fehlen dieser Politik) seinen Einfluss ausübt Serbien hat nämlich ihre kulturelle Identität nicht definiert und ihre Werte sowie Kulturprioritäten4 nicht bestimmt und aus diesen Gründen hat sie auch keine klare kurz- bzw. langfristige kulturelle Entwicklungsstrategie ausarbeiten können. Es ist offensichtlich, dass unter diesen Umständen die Kunstproduktion und -förderung in unserem Land an Desorientierung leidet, und Festspiele der klassischen Musik hier keine Ausnahme sind. Wer soll über die Programmpolitik der Festspiele entscheiden? Kultusministerium, Stadtbehörden oder die Künstler selbst? Wessen Aufgabe ist es zu bestimmen, was das künstlerische Programm beinhalten und ob es auf die Förderung der nationalen oder auch europäischen Werte und Errungenschaften gerichtet sein sollte? Die Festspiele sollten in Wirklichkeit die nationale Kulturpolitik widerspiegeln, aber was tun, wenn, wie in diesem Fall, solche Kulturpolitik gar nicht existiert? Die Schuld daran ist nicht ausschließlich dem Kultusministerium zuzuschreiben. Der neu erwählten Stadtbehörde (nach demokratischen Umwandlungen im Jahre 2000) fehlt dass Wissen und Erfahrung die Kulturpolitik der Städte zu schaffen, die strategischen Ziele zu definieren und die auf diese Ziele gerichtete Handlungspläne auszuarbeiten. Selbst gegenwärtig gilt die Kulturpolitik als einfache Verteilung von Haushaltsgeldern zur Kulturzwecken, was natürlich nicht ausreichend ist und obendrein findet diese Distribution routinemäßig und ohne Kreativität statt [Vesna Ðukic-Dojcinovic, 2000, S. 375]. Der gleicher Verfasser betont, dass die Lokalbehörde, insbesondere städtische, sich die Bildungspflichten von mit den strategischen Zielen der Städ-

5

4

Die meisten europäischen Länder beruhen ihre Kulturpolitik auf vier Hauptprinzipien: 1) Schutz der Kulturidentität, 2) Förderung der kulturellen Vielfalt, 3) Förderung der Kreativitätsentwicklung und 4) Stimulierung der Teilnahme am Kulturleben [In from the Margins, Council of Europe, 1996]. In dem Bericht, der vom serbischen Kultusministerium nach einem Jahr der Transformation (2001) ausgefertigt worden ist, sind die folgenden Prioritäten der Kulturpolitik definiert: 1) Deetatisierung, 2) Demokratisierung, 3) Dezentralisierung, 4) Kulturpluralismus, 5) alternative Finanzierungsquellen, 6) Harmonisierung der Gesetzgebung mit dem EU-Recht, 7) regionale und internationale Zusammenarbeit. In der Wirklichkeit bedeuteten diese Prioritäten keine realen vom Kultusministerium unternommenen Tätigkeiten und sie konnten eher als ein Ausdruck des reformistischen Geistes des Kultusministeriums bezeichnet werden. Man kann auch eine Schlussfolgerung ziehen, dass die Regierung kein klar formuliertes Programm im Bereich Kultur besaß wie auch dass die Kultur unter den Prioritäten im Zeitraum vom ersten Jahre der Transformation nicht zu finden war [Macura, 2006, S. 24; ÐukicDojcinovic, 2003, S. 48ff].

Die meisten europäischen Länder beruhen ihre Kulturpolitik auf vier Hauptprinzipien: 1) Schutz der Kulturidentität, 2) Förderung der kulturellen Vielfalt, 3) Förderung der Kreativitätsentwicklung und 4) Stimulierung der Teilnahme am Kulturleben [In from the Margins, Council of Europe, 1996]. In dem Bericht, der vom serbischen Kultusministerium nach einem Jahr der Transformation (2001) ausgefertigt worden ist, sind die folgenden Prioritäten der Kulturpolitik definiert: 1) Deetatisierung, 2) Demokratisierung, 3) Dezentralisierung, 4) Kulturpluralismus, 5) alternative Finanzierungsquellen, 6) Harmonisierung der Gesetzgebung mit dem EU-Recht, 7) regionale und internationale Zusammenarbeit. In der Wirklichkeit bedeuteten diese Prioritäten keine realen vom Kultusministerium unternommenen Tätigkeiten und sie konnten eher als ein Ausdruck des reformistischen Geistes des Kultusministeriums bezeichnet werden. Man kann auch eine Schlussfolgerung ziehen, dass die Regierung kein klar formuliertes Programm im Bereich Kultur besaß wie auch dass die Kultur unter den Prioritäten im Zeitraum vom ersten Jahre der Transformation nicht zu finden war [Macura, 2006, S. 24; ÐukicDojcinovic, 2003, S. 48ff].

4

5 Opéra de Lyon ist ein interessantes Beispiel dafür, dass es möglich sei, ein gemischtes Modell zu schaffen, das zwischen dem klassischen institutionellen Modell und dem Modell der Projektarbeit zu positionieren ist. Seit 2003 sind die dortigen Operproduktionen als wahre Projekte gedacht, während die Ballettproduktionen immer noch das institutionelle Modell widerspiegeln.

te übereinstimmen Kulturpolitik auferlegen sollte. In Rahmen solcher bürgerlichen Politik sollten lokale Kulturorganisationen den Unternehmungsgeist und Entwicklungspotential erweisen und der städtische Geschäftssektor sollte den Kulturpotential der lokalen Umgebung nutzen [ebd., S. 376]. Die Hauptherausforderung für die Transformation auf dem Gebiet der Kultur ist die Schaffung eines neuen gesellschaftspolitischen Kontexts. Die private Geschäftsinitiative soll maximal gefördert und damit die Grundlage für die Entwicklung der modernen Geschäftselite geschaffen werden. Das Hauptziel ist, eine Klasse von gut prosperierenden Privatunternehmern zu bilden, die auf diese Weise ihr Lebensunterhalt verdienen und in der Zukunft zur gesellschaftlichen Säulen der Demokratisierung werden [Ramic, 2005, S. 23]. Laut demselben Verfasser müssen alle kulturellen Institutionen eine Transformation durchmachen, deren Haupttendenz ein Übergehen zum Modell einer Projektarbeit5 ist, und dies nicht, weil es so der neuer Trend verlangt. Diese Veränderung wird allein marktwirtschaftlich determiniert [ebd., S. 30]. Heutzutage spricht man in Europa offen über Dichotomie von Institutionen und Projekten [Lacombe, 2004, S. 74]. In vielen europäischen Ländern werden große Kulturinstitutionen wie Opernhäuser, Nationaltheater, Symphonieund Radioorchester vom Staat praktisch immer wieder subventioniert, und hier ist Serbien keine Ausnahme. Dies ist auf viele Faktoren zurückzuführen und eine Feststellung, dass die Kulturinstitutionen erstarrt sind und schematisch agieren, den Managers an der Kreativität und Durchsetzungsvermögen fehlt um ihre Theater, Konzertagenturen, Opernhäuser oder auch Festspielinstitutionen zu profitablen, modernen und anhand der Projekte arbeitenden Organisationen zu machen, genügt

170

entstanden sind). Darin kann man meines Erachtens die Grundlage dieses Problems erkennen, das auf die Kulturpolitik (oder auch das Fehlen dieser Politik) seinen Einfluss ausübt Serbien hat nämlich ihre kulturelle Identität nicht definiert und ihre Werte sowie Kulturprioritäten4 nicht bestimmt und aus diesen Gründen hat sie auch keine klare kurz- bzw. langfristige kulturelle Entwicklungsstrategie ausarbeiten können. Es ist offensichtlich, dass unter diesen Umständen die Kunstproduktion und -förderung in unserem Land an Desorientierung leidet, und Festspiele der klassischen Musik hier keine Ausnahme sind. Wer soll über die Programmpolitik der Festspiele entscheiden? Kultusministerium, Stadtbehörden oder die Künstler selbst? Wessen Aufgabe ist es zu bestimmen, was das künstlerische Programm beinhalten und ob es auf die Förderung der nationalen oder auch europäischen Werte und Errungenschaften gerichtet sein sollte? Die Festspiele sollten in Wirklichkeit die nationale Kulturpolitik widerspiegeln, aber was tun, wenn, wie in diesem Fall, solche Kulturpolitik gar nicht existiert? Die Schuld daran ist nicht ausschließlich dem Kultusministerium zuzuschreiben. Der neu erwählten Stadtbehörde (nach demokratischen Umwandlungen im Jahre 2000) fehlt dass Wissen und Erfahrung die Kulturpolitik der Städte zu schaffen, die strategischen Ziele zu definieren und die auf diese Ziele gerichtete Handlungspläne auszuarbeiten. Selbst gegenwärtig gilt die Kulturpolitik als einfache Verteilung von Haushaltsgeldern zur Kulturzwecken, was natürlich nicht ausreichend ist und obendrein findet diese Distribution routinemäßig und ohne Kreativität statt [Vesna Ðukic-Dojcinovic, 2000, S. 375]. Der gleicher Verfasser betont, dass die Lokalbehörde, insbesondere städtische, sich die Bildungspflichten von mit den strategischen Zielen der Städ-


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

nicht. Es gibt meiner Auffassung angeborene Gründe, die sich allein aus der Definition der Unterhaltungskünste ergeben und die niemals den bedeutsamen Erfolg in der freien Marktwirtschaft zulassen werden. Im Falle der klassischen Musik, die zu einer der meist hermetisch abgekapselten Kunstarten gehört, trifft das besonders zu. An dieser Stelle werde ich einige Bemerkungen von Ichak Adizes (2002) vorbringen, der sich bemüht zu erklären, warum den künstlerischen Organisationen so schwer auf dem Markt zu konkurrieren sei. Um das Publikumsinteresse zu gewinnen ist die hohe Kunst gezwungen, den immer schärfer werdenden Wettkampf mit den kommerziellen Unternehmen aufzunehmen, die die Gesellschaft mit minderqualitativen Massenunterhaltung überschwemmen. Sollte sich die hohe Kunst völlig an die ausschließlich kommerziell gesinnte Gesellschaft orientieren, so würde sie ihre Hauptaufgabe aus den Augen verlieren, d.h. sich gegen der Verbreitung des volkstümlichen und so oft minderwertigen Geschmacks entgegenzusetzen und die gesellschaftlichen Errungenschaften mit feinem Verständnis zu betrachten sowie mit dem Publikum die Wahrnehmungen der realen Welt und die Erwägungen über die Perspektiven zu teilen [Adizes, 2002, S. 64]. Ob die Kunst vor der Kommerzialisierung bewahrt werden kann, hängt allein davon ab, welche Art von Hilfe den künstlerische Organisationen geleistet wird aber auch davon, wie effektiv sie diese Hilfe in Anspruch nehmen. Adizes fasst eine Tatsache ins Auge, dass alle politischen und wirtschaftlichen Wallungen, die Steuerpolitik, staatliche Unterstützung, Erziehung sowie Entwicklung der Gesellschaft in Bezug auf die Kunst von nachhaltiger Wirkung sind. Angesichts der aktuell vorkommenden postsozialistischen Transformation ist man der Überzeugung, dass die Existenzberechtigung jeder Institution, von ihrem Charakter abgesehen, sich in kommerziellen Ergebnissen widerspiegeln muss. Jedoch gerade was die Kunst betrifft, ihrer Marktwert lässt sich viel schwerer zu beziffern als dies bei den anderen Produkten der Fall ist. Die mit der Kunst verbundenen Preise sind zurzeit von vereinzelten gesellschaftlichen Gruppen bestimmt, denn ausschließlich sie beteiligen sich an der Konsumption dieses Kulturgutes [ebd., S. 66], und aufgrund dessen die früher erwähnte Demokratisierung des Kulturlebens sollte zur langzeitigen Priorität hervorgehoben werden. Schwierigkeiten, auf die künstlerische Organisationen auf dem Markt stoßen, sind ein-

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

deutiger, wenn sie mit den Formen der kommerziellen Kunst verglichen werden (z.B. vergleichen wir die in vorliegender Abhandlung analisierten Festspiele mit dem serbischen turbo-folk ). Der Ausgangspunkt für die kommerzielle Musikproduktion ist, die Erwartungen des Publikums zu befriedigen, seinen (schlechten) Geschmack zu erkennen und ein Kunstgebilde entsprechend diesen Präferenzen zu produzieren. Die kommerzielle Kunst richtet sich nach den bestehenden Bedürfnissen, während die hohe Kunst strebt diese Bedürfnisse um neue Elemente zu bereichern und auf eine höhere Ebene aufzustufen. Adizes analisiert die entscheidenden Faktoren denen zufolge, den künstlerischen Organisationen sehr schwer fällt, sich auf dem freien Markt zu beweisen. Diese Faktoren können in zwei Kategorien aufgeteilt werden: teleologische und technologische [ebd., S. 23]. Die Unterschiede in Plan- und Zielsetzung der hohen und kommerziellen Kunst werden teleologische Differenzen genannt. Eine nicht auf den Gewinn gezielte künstlerische Organisation ist im überwiegenden Maße auf den Produkt orientiert, während diese, die ein Gewinn vor Augen hat, ist vor allem auf den Markt orientiert. Eine künstlerische Organisation oder auch die Veranstalter der Festspiele setzen sich zum Ziel, den Künstlern das Schaffen zu ermöglichen, damit sie ihre Kreativität und Schöpfergeist entfalten und ihre Werke dem breitem Publikum präsentieren können. Man strebt derartige Bedingungen zu schaffen, damit die Künstler und ihre künstlerische Botschaft von immer größeren Publikumskreisen empfangen würden und nicht die umgekehrte Reihenfolge, wo man die Künstler und Kunstwerke für die Befriedigung des Interesses eines breiten Spektrums der Empfänger kreiert. Professionelle künstlerische Standards erfordern Innovativität und die aufgrund deren unternommene Tätigkeit von künstlerischen Organisationen sollte gesellschaftliche und künstlerische Werte widerspiegeln. Eine künstlerische Organisation, die ihre Mission erfüllen und die Innovativität fördern will, ganz gleich wie die wirtschaftliche Prinzipien sind, muss sich besonders anstrengen, um die Empfänger zu identifizieren, sie zu gewinnen und halten. Die in vorliegender Abhandlung vorgebrachte Studien in Bezug auf die Festspiele der klassischen Musik haben gezeigt, dass einige von ihren Veranstalter ihre Programme wahrhaftig innovativ gestalten und somit neues Publikum anlocken aber das alte nicht verlieren wollen. (Bemus, Èelo fest, Guitar Art Fest). Um

171

nicht. Es gibt meiner Auffassung angeborene Gründe, die sich allein aus der Definition der Unterhaltungskünste ergeben und die niemals den bedeutsamen Erfolg in der freien Marktwirtschaft zulassen werden. Im Falle der klassischen Musik, die zu einer der meist hermetisch abgekapselten Kunstarten gehört, trifft das besonders zu. An dieser Stelle werde ich einige Bemerkungen von Ichak Adizes (2002) vorbringen, der sich bemüht zu erklären, warum den künstlerischen Organisationen so schwer auf dem Markt zu konkurrieren sei. Um das Publikumsinteresse zu gewinnen ist die hohe Kunst gezwungen, den immer schärfer werdenden Wettkampf mit den kommerziellen Unternehmen aufzunehmen, die die Gesellschaft mit minderqualitativen Massenunterhaltung überschwemmen. Sollte sich die hohe Kunst völlig an die ausschließlich kommerziell gesinnte Gesellschaft orientieren, so würde sie ihre Hauptaufgabe aus den Augen verlieren, d.h. sich gegen der Verbreitung des volkstümlichen und so oft minderwertigen Geschmacks entgegenzusetzen und die gesellschaftlichen Errungenschaften mit feinem Verständnis zu betrachten sowie mit dem Publikum die Wahrnehmungen der realen Welt und die Erwägungen über die Perspektiven zu teilen [Adizes, 2002, S. 64]. Ob die Kunst vor der Kommerzialisierung bewahrt werden kann, hängt allein davon ab, welche Art von Hilfe den künstlerische Organisationen geleistet wird aber auch davon, wie effektiv sie diese Hilfe in Anspruch nehmen. Adizes fasst eine Tatsache ins Auge, dass alle politischen und wirtschaftlichen Wallungen, die Steuerpolitik, staatliche Unterstützung, Erziehung sowie Entwicklung der Gesellschaft in Bezug auf die Kunst von nachhaltiger Wirkung sind. Angesichts der aktuell vorkommenden postsozialistischen Transformation ist man der Überzeugung, dass die Existenzberechtigung jeder Institution, von ihrem Charakter abgesehen, sich in kommerziellen Ergebnissen widerspiegeln muss. Jedoch gerade was die Kunst betrifft, ihrer Marktwert lässt sich viel schwerer zu beziffern als dies bei den anderen Produkten der Fall ist. Die mit der Kunst verbundenen Preise sind zurzeit von vereinzelten gesellschaftlichen Gruppen bestimmt, denn ausschließlich sie beteiligen sich an der Konsumption dieses Kulturgutes [ebd., S. 66], und aufgrund dessen die früher erwähnte Demokratisierung des Kulturlebens sollte zur langzeitigen Priorität hervorgehoben werden. Schwierigkeiten, auf die künstlerische Organisationen auf dem Markt stoßen, sind ein-

171

deutiger, wenn sie mit den Formen der kommerziellen Kunst verglichen werden (z.B. vergleichen wir die in vorliegender Abhandlung analisierten Festspiele mit dem serbischen turbo-folk ). Der Ausgangspunkt für die kommerzielle Musikproduktion ist, die Erwartungen des Publikums zu befriedigen, seinen (schlechten) Geschmack zu erkennen und ein Kunstgebilde entsprechend diesen Präferenzen zu produzieren. Die kommerzielle Kunst richtet sich nach den bestehenden Bedürfnissen, während die hohe Kunst strebt diese Bedürfnisse um neue Elemente zu bereichern und auf eine höhere Ebene aufzustufen. Adizes analisiert die entscheidenden Faktoren denen zufolge, den künstlerischen Organisationen sehr schwer fällt, sich auf dem freien Markt zu beweisen. Diese Faktoren können in zwei Kategorien aufgeteilt werden: teleologische und technologische [ebd., S. 23]. Die Unterschiede in Plan- und Zielsetzung der hohen und kommerziellen Kunst werden teleologische Differenzen genannt. Eine nicht auf den Gewinn gezielte künstlerische Organisation ist im überwiegenden Maße auf den Produkt orientiert, während diese, die ein Gewinn vor Augen hat, ist vor allem auf den Markt orientiert. Eine künstlerische Organisation oder auch die Veranstalter der Festspiele setzen sich zum Ziel, den Künstlern das Schaffen zu ermöglichen, damit sie ihre Kreativität und Schöpfergeist entfalten und ihre Werke dem breitem Publikum präsentieren können. Man strebt derartige Bedingungen zu schaffen, damit die Künstler und ihre künstlerische Botschaft von immer größeren Publikumskreisen empfangen würden und nicht die umgekehrte Reihenfolge, wo man die Künstler und Kunstwerke für die Befriedigung des Interesses eines breiten Spektrums der Empfänger kreiert. Professionelle künstlerische Standards erfordern Innovativität und die aufgrund deren unternommene Tätigkeit von künstlerischen Organisationen sollte gesellschaftliche und künstlerische Werte widerspiegeln. Eine künstlerische Organisation, die ihre Mission erfüllen und die Innovativität fördern will, ganz gleich wie die wirtschaftliche Prinzipien sind, muss sich besonders anstrengen, um die Empfänger zu identifizieren, sie zu gewinnen und halten. Die in vorliegender Abhandlung vorgebrachte Studien in Bezug auf die Festspiele der klassischen Musik haben gezeigt, dass einige von ihren Veranstalter ihre Programme wahrhaftig innovativ gestalten und somit neues Publikum anlocken aber das alte nicht verlieren wollen. (Bemus, Èelo fest, Guitar Art Fest). Um


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

bieten bzw. Produkten gehörigen Ausgabenaufbaus7 [Adizes, 2002]. Konjunktion von teleologischen und technologischen Faktoren bringt die künstlerische Organisation in eine schwere Position und hat zur Folge, dass sie um sich zu beweisen gezwungen ist, völlig auf den Markterfolg zu setzen. Die Organisation wird genötigt sein, ihre künstlerische Einstellung dem Marktbedarf anzupassen, was aber die mit dem technologischem Aspekt der künstlerischen Produktion verbundenen Probleme nicht lösen kann. Ich stimme also mit Adizes überein, dass künstlerische Organisationen zum Teil vom Marktwettkampf ausgeschlossen und auf dieser Weise geschützt werden sollten, wie das bei den Bildungs- und Kunstinstitutionen der Fall ist. Er spricht von der Teilhilfe, denn er ist der Auffassung, die Kunst dürfe nicht völlig von der Empfangsreaktion des Publikums geschützt werden [ebd., S. 32] aber man solle solche Sozialpolitik in Bezug auf die Kunst betreiben, die permanente Hilfe und fördernde Innovativität

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

ihr Markt zu vergrößern ohne das Produkt gleichzeitig zu beschädigen, muss eine künstlerische Organisation Zeit und Geld in marktwirtschaftliche, auf bestimmte Empfänger und Bildungs- PR gerichtete, Aktivitäten investieren, um langfristig neue Kundschaft unter denen zurzeit noch Unzugänglichen zu gewinnen. Das Hauptproblem liegt darin, dass künstlerische Institutionen zur Risiko auf dem unbekanntem Gebiet neigen, statt auf den früheren Erfolgen zu bauen6 . Alle diese Faktoren machen ersichtlich, dass Ziele und Prinzipien der künstlerischen Organisationen mit den Grundsätzen des marktwirtschaftlichen Wettbewerbs nicht korrespondieren. In dieser Hinsicht sind die künstlerischen Organisationen den Forschungs- und Bildungsinstitutionen ähnlich. Unterschiede, die sich aus den Produktionsmethoden ergeben gelten als technologische Differenzen. Dieser Typ von Unterschieden zwischen der hohen und kommerziellen Kunst ist als Konsequenz des dem bestimmten Ge-

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6

Adizes nennt die folgenden technologischen Faktoren, die dafür zuständig sind, dass die Situation einer künstlerischen Einrichtung auf dem Markt ungünstig ist: a) Baumol-Effekt die Quelle dieses Problem ist es, dass die künstlerische Tätigkeit überwiegend auf menschlicher Arbeit beruht. Das Hauptelement einer Kunstproduktion ist ein Mensch, der von einer Maschine nicht ersetzt werden kann; Wenn Arbeitskosten steigen, steigen gleichzeitig Produktionskosten. b) Beschränkte Öffentlichkeit die Empfängerzahl ist nicht nur durch die selektive Orientierung mancher Kunsteinrichtungen beschränkt aber auch im Falle von darstellenden Künsten dadurch, dass ihre Tätigkeit darin besteht, eine in der Realzeit stattfindende Live-Veranstaltung vorzubereiten. Die Größe des Gebäudes, in dem eine künstlerische Veranstaltung stattfindet, ist üblicherweise beschränkt; im diesem Falle ist es nicht einfach, erhöhten Bedürfnissen entgegenzukommen, ohne dass die Kosten steigen, die durch eine mögliche Adresseänderung oder durch Vorschläge neuer zusätzlicher Termine verursacht sind. c) Unvoraussichtlichkeit das Hauptelement einer Kunstproduktion ist ein Mensch, weswegen solch eine Produktion unvoraussichtlicher als im Falle von einer Businessorganisation ist, bei der die Produktion auf Maschinen und Technologien basiert. Die Kunstproduktion im Bereich darstellender Künste umfasst fünf grundsätzliche Faktoren: 1) Schöpfer 2) Dolmetscher/Übersetzer 3) Künstler 4) Öffentlichkeit 5) physische Lokalisierung Die Änderungen einer dieser Faktoren beeinflussen den Endeffekt. Aufgrund dieser Unvoraussichtlichkeit ist es einer Kunsteinrichtung relativ schwer, das Risiko einzuschätzen. d) Engagement in konzeptionelle Arbeit wenige Businessorganisationen würden sich dafür entscheiden, ein Produkt in den Markt ohne die frühere konzeptuelle Vorbereitung einzuführen. Normalerweise wird ein Prototyp hergestellt und wenn man weiß, dass er einen Erfolg bringt, wird er massenhaft produziert. Was aber die Kunst anbelangt, die wichtigsten Marketingentscheidungen am Anfang des Prozesses von Produktschöpfung (eines Konzerts, Schauspiels, einer Aufführung) getroffen werden müssen. Der größte Teil von Geld wird lange vor der Prototyp-Präsentation (Uraufführung, Generalprobe) ausgegeben. e) Harmonisierung des Angebots mit der Nachfrage im Business werden häufig Rücklagen gebildet oder Produkte gelagert, um das Risiko zu minimalisieren. Wenn es aber um darstellende Künste geht, ist es unmöglich, denn dieses Produkt eine in der Realzeit stattfindende Live-Veranstaltung ist. Immer wenn wir mit einer Aufführung zu tun haben, wird das Produkt gleichzeitig geschaffen und konsumiert; So ein Produkt kann nicht abseits gelegen werden und auf bessere Zeit warten. f) Beschränkte Produktion viele Businessorganisationen können massenhafte Produktion als ein Weg zum Risikominimalisieren nutzen. Die massenhafte Produktion ist also denkbar, wenn es um einige Kulturindustriezweige geht (Veröffentlichung von Büchern, CDs mit Musik usw.), ist aber gar nicht möglich in darstellenden und visuellen Künsten. 7

Im Gegensatz zu künstlerischen Institutionen verändern Businessorganisationen nicht die Tendenz, wenn sie zu einem Erfolg wird. Die Theorie über die Minimalisierung des Risikos und die Maximalisierung des Ertrags besteht darin, aus vorhandenen Tendenzen den größten Nutzen ziehen. Wenn der Ausgangspunkt des Erfolgs identifiziert wird, wird eine Businessorganisation solange auf dem Gebiet agieren bis gewisse Möglichkeiten erschöpft werden.

Im Gegensatz zu künstlerischen Institutionen verändern Businessorganisationen nicht die Tendenz, wenn sie zu einem Erfolg wird. Die Theorie über die Minimalisierung des Risikos und die Maximalisierung des Ertrags besteht darin, aus vorhandenen Tendenzen den größten Nutzen ziehen. Wenn der Ausgangspunkt des Erfolgs identifiziert wird, wird eine Businessorganisation solange auf dem Gebiet agieren bis gewisse Möglichkeiten erschöpft werden.

7 Adizes nennt die folgenden technologischen Faktoren, die dafür zuständig sind, dass die Situation einer künstlerischen Einrichtung auf dem Markt ungünstig ist: a) Baumol-Effekt die Quelle dieses Problem ist es, dass die künstlerische Tätigkeit überwiegend auf menschlicher Arbeit beruht. Das Hauptelement einer Kunstproduktion ist ein Mensch, der von einer Maschine nicht ersetzt werden kann; Wenn Arbeitskosten steigen, steigen gleichzeitig Produktionskosten. b) Beschränkte Öffentlichkeit die Empfängerzahl ist nicht nur durch die selektive Orientierung mancher Kunsteinrichtungen beschränkt aber auch im Falle von darstellenden Künsten dadurch, dass ihre Tätigkeit darin besteht, eine in der Realzeit stattfindende Live-Veranstaltung vorzubereiten. Die Größe des Gebäudes, in dem eine künstlerische Veranstaltung stattfindet, ist üblicherweise beschränkt; im diesem Falle ist es nicht einfach, erhöhten Bedürfnissen entgegenzukommen, ohne dass die Kosten steigen, die durch eine mögliche Adresseänderung oder durch Vorschläge neuer zusätzlicher Termine verursacht sind. c) Unvoraussichtlichkeit das Hauptelement einer Kunstproduktion ist ein Mensch, weswegen solch eine Produktion unvoraussichtlicher als im Falle von einer Businessorganisation ist, bei der die Produktion auf Maschinen und Technologien basiert. Die Kunstproduktion im Bereich darstellender Künste umfasst fünf grundsätzliche Faktoren: 1) Schöpfer 2) Dolmetscher/Übersetzer 3) Künstler 4) Öffentlichkeit 5) physische Lokalisierung Die Änderungen einer dieser Faktoren beeinflussen den Endeffekt. Aufgrund dieser Unvoraussichtlichkeit ist es einer Kunsteinrichtung relativ schwer, das Risiko einzuschätzen. d) Engagement in konzeptionelle Arbeit wenige Businessorganisationen würden sich dafür entscheiden, ein Produkt in den Markt ohne die frühere konzeptuelle Vorbereitung einzuführen. Normalerweise wird ein Prototyp hergestellt und wenn man weiß, dass er einen Erfolg bringt, wird er massenhaft produziert. Was aber die Kunst anbelangt, die wichtigsten Marketingentscheidungen am Anfang des Prozesses von Produktschöpfung (eines Konzerts, Schauspiels, einer Aufführung) getroffen werden müssen. Der größte Teil von Geld wird lange vor der Prototyp-Präsentation (Uraufführung, Generalprobe) ausgegeben. e) Harmonisierung des Angebots mit der Nachfrage im Business werden häufig Rücklagen gebildet oder Produkte gelagert, um das Risiko zu minimalisieren. Wenn es aber um darstellende Künste geht, ist es unmöglich, denn dieses Produkt eine in der Realzeit stattfindende Live-Veranstaltung ist. Immer wenn wir mit einer Aufführung zu tun haben, wird das Produkt gleichzeitig geschaffen und konsumiert; So ein Produkt kann nicht abseits gelegen werden und auf bessere Zeit warten. f) Beschränkte Produktion viele Businessorganisationen können massenhafte Produktion als ein Weg zum Risikominimalisieren nutzen. Die massenhafte Produktion ist also denkbar, wenn es um einige Kulturindustriezweige geht (Veröffentlichung von Büchern, CDs mit Musik usw.), ist aber gar nicht möglich in darstellenden und visuellen Künsten.

6

bieten bzw. Produkten gehörigen Ausgabenaufbaus7 [Adizes, 2002]. Konjunktion von teleologischen und technologischen Faktoren bringt die künstlerische Organisation in eine schwere Position und hat zur Folge, dass sie um sich zu beweisen gezwungen ist, völlig auf den Markterfolg zu setzen. Die Organisation wird genötigt sein, ihre künstlerische Einstellung dem Marktbedarf anzupassen, was aber die mit dem technologischem Aspekt der künstlerischen Produktion verbundenen Probleme nicht lösen kann. Ich stimme also mit Adizes überein, dass künstlerische Organisationen zum Teil vom Marktwettkampf ausgeschlossen und auf dieser Weise geschützt werden sollten, wie das bei den Bildungs- und Kunstinstitutionen der Fall ist. Er spricht von der Teilhilfe, denn er ist der Auffassung, die Kunst dürfe nicht völlig von der Empfangsreaktion des Publikums geschützt werden [ebd., S. 32] aber man solle solche Sozialpolitik in Bezug auf die Kunst betreiben, die permanente Hilfe und fördernde Innovativität

172

ihr Markt zu vergrößern ohne das Produkt gleichzeitig zu beschädigen, muss eine künstlerische Organisation Zeit und Geld in marktwirtschaftliche, auf bestimmte Empfänger und Bildungs- PR gerichtete, Aktivitäten investieren, um langfristig neue Kundschaft unter denen zurzeit noch Unzugänglichen zu gewinnen. Das Hauptproblem liegt darin, dass künstlerische Institutionen zur Risiko auf dem unbekanntem Gebiet neigen, statt auf den früheren Erfolgen zu bauen6 . Alle diese Faktoren machen ersichtlich, dass Ziele und Prinzipien der künstlerischen Organisationen mit den Grundsätzen des marktwirtschaftlichen Wettbewerbs nicht korrespondieren. In dieser Hinsicht sind die künstlerischen Organisationen den Forschungs- und Bildungsinstitutionen ähnlich. Unterschiede, die sich aus den Produktionsmethoden ergeben gelten als technologische Differenzen. Dieser Typ von Unterschieden zwischen der hohen und kommerziellen Kunst ist als Konsequenz des dem bestimmten Ge-


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

ohne gleichzeitiger Separation der Künstler von der Gesellschaft sichern würde. Man könnte beispielsweise eine Art Subventionierung von Eintrittskarten in Form von einem Zuschuss für künstlerische Organisation einführen. Die Höhe der Zuschussquote würde auf der Zahl der verkauften Eintrittskarten basieren, was im Gegenzug die Organisation motivieren solle, das zahlreiche Publikum anlocken [ebd., S. 33]. Solches System hätte der künstlerischen Organisation ermöglicht ihre Einnahmen zu prognostizieren und darauf basierend ihre Produktion auf dieser Weise zu planen, dass die Zahl der potentiellen Empfänger gestiegen wäre ohne die künstlerische Kreativität und gesellschaftliche Ziele zu beeinträchtigen. Neben der schon signalisierten, mit Transformation der kulturellen Organisationen in Serbien verbundenen Problematik, muss zugegeben werden, dass viele von ihnen an Mangel an der Führungspersonen, klaren Ideen und Unternehmergeist leiden (in der Tat, einige Antworten im Fragebogen weisen daraufhin). Es gibt noch ein besonders in Serbien ins Auge fallendes Problem: das kulturelle Leben wird nämlich stark zentralisiert, die meisten Kunstereignisse finden in Belgrad statt und neben der Hauptstadt gibt es praktisch nur noch ein Kulturzentrum Novi Sad (eindeutig kleiner als Belgrad). Andere bedeutende serbische Städte wie Nis oder Kragujevac abgesehen davon, dass sie Universitätsstädte sind - sind auf der Kulturkarte Serbiens gar nicht präsent, von den kleineren Städten ganz zu schweigen! Also wundert auch keinen, dass die Künstler und andere auf dem Gebiet der Kultur tätigen Menschen nach Belgrad bzw. Novi Sad ziehen. Selten wagt einer den Umzug zu den regionalen Zentren um dort Zeit und Geld zwecks Belebung der lokalen Kunst- und Kulturszenen zu investieren. In der Wirklichkeit gibt es außerhalb Belgrad und Novi Sad keine Arbeitsangebote für die im Bereich der Kultur tätigen Menschen und das scheint ein plausibler Grund dafür zu sein, dass die Experten in dieser Branche sich genötigt sehen, eben in Belgrad oder Novi Sad sich niederzulassen. Man kommt zum sich leicht aufdrängenden

Schluss, dass die Dezentralisation der Kultur von der höchstrangigen Priorität in der Diskussion um die Planung Serbiens zukünftige Kulturpolitik sein sollte. Als ein positives Beispiel aus der Vergangenheit kann man Festival von Marmor und Klang hervorrufen, das als Ergebnis eines dezentralisierten Models von Kulturpolitik8 [Lacombe, 2004, S. 40f] gerade in der Provinz organisiert wurde. Es wäre jedoch eine Vereinfachung der Versuch ein einziges Modell zu wählen und es auf den Grund der serbischen Realität zu verpflanzen, ohne dass man Tradition und aktuelle Situation in Betracht zieht. Laut Lacombe eindeutig von Vorteil ist, die mit Dichotomien, Ideen und Konzeptionen zusammenhängenden Probleme, die meistens als offensichtlich und gegeben angenommen werden, zu nennen z. B. die mit Schöpfungsprozess - Produktion Distribution verbundenen Begriffe und Relationen, institutionelle oder auf die Projekte gerichtete Logik, Kultur- oder Kunstpolitik, Dezentralisation oder Dekonzentration, Teiloder Vollzeitbeschäftigung usw. Es sollen zwei Grundfragen gestellt werden. Erstens, die Frage nach Verbreitungsumfang der Kunst, die mit solchen Schlüsselproblemen in Zusammenhang steht wie: Zugang zu Kunstwerken, Demokratisierung der Kultur, aber auch mit der Frage der Effizienz im Bereich der Kultur und Adäquatheit des kulturellen öffentliches Dienstes . Zweitens, man soll die Frage der künstlerischen Vollkommenheit [Lacombe, 2004, S. 33] erörtern und sie mit anderen Erfahrungen, Thesen und Ergebnissen nebeneinander stellen. Rolle der Festspiele der klassischen Musik in Serbien heute: Zusammenarbeit auf der lokalen und internationalen Ebene Bernard Faivre-d´Arcier bringt mindestens vier ausreichende Gründe dafür, dass die Festspiele in jeder Stadt organisiert werden sollten: 1. Festspiele sind eine gute Gelegenheit Kultur zu demokratisieren, weil sie den Zugang zur Kunst diesen Menschen ermöglichen, die aus verschiedenen Gründen Theatervor-

8 In Europa gibt es drei grundsätzliche Formen des öffentlichen Interventionismus im Kulturbereich: 1) Das föderale oder äußerst dezentralisierte Modell die Kompetenzen sind an lokale Akteure oder an weitere föderale Einheiten delegiert (Belgien, Spanien, Österreich, Deutschland). 2) In einigen Ländern sind die Kulturkompetenzen an quasi autonome Räte delegiert (Großbritannien, Irland, Dänemark, Schweden, Holland). 3) Das zentralisierte Kulturmodell, mit einer beachtlichen Bedeutung von Kultusministerium (Luxemburg, Portugal, Griechenland, Italien, die Mehrheit von Ländern aus Süd- und Osteuropa sowie postsozialistische Ländern (R. Lacombe, 2004: 40-41).

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

173

173

8 In Europa gibt es drei grundsätzliche Formen des öffentlichen Interventionismus im Kulturbereich: 1) Das föderale oder äußerst dezentralisierte Modell die Kompetenzen sind an lokale Akteure oder an weitere föderale Einheiten delegiert (Belgien, Spanien, Österreich, Deutschland). 2) In einigen Ländern sind die Kulturkompetenzen an quasi autonome Räte delegiert (Großbritannien, Irland, Dänemark, Schweden, Holland). 3) Das zentralisierte Kulturmodell, mit einer beachtlichen Bedeutung von Kultusministerium (Luxemburg, Portugal, Griechenland, Italien, die Mehrheit von Ländern aus Süd- und Osteuropa sowie postsozialistische Ländern (R. Lacombe, 2004: 40-41).

ohne gleichzeitiger Separation der Künstler von der Gesellschaft sichern würde. Man könnte beispielsweise eine Art Subventionierung von Eintrittskarten in Form von einem Zuschuss für künstlerische Organisation einführen. Die Höhe der Zuschussquote würde auf der Zahl der verkauften Eintrittskarten basieren, was im Gegenzug die Organisation motivieren solle, das zahlreiche Publikum anlocken [ebd., S. 33]. Solches System hätte der künstlerischen Organisation ermöglicht ihre Einnahmen zu prognostizieren und darauf basierend ihre Produktion auf dieser Weise zu planen, dass die Zahl der potentiellen Empfänger gestiegen wäre ohne die künstlerische Kreativität und gesellschaftliche Ziele zu beeinträchtigen. Neben der schon signalisierten, mit Transformation der kulturellen Organisationen in Serbien verbundenen Problematik, muss zugegeben werden, dass viele von ihnen an Mangel an der Führungspersonen, klaren Ideen und Unternehmergeist leiden (in der Tat, einige Antworten im Fragebogen weisen daraufhin). Es gibt noch ein besonders in Serbien ins Auge fallendes Problem: das kulturelle Leben wird nämlich stark zentralisiert, die meisten Kunstereignisse finden in Belgrad statt und neben der Hauptstadt gibt es praktisch nur noch ein Kulturzentrum Novi Sad (eindeutig kleiner als Belgrad). Andere bedeutende serbische Städte wie Nis oder Kragujevac abgesehen davon, dass sie Universitätsstädte sind - sind auf der Kulturkarte Serbiens gar nicht präsent, von den kleineren Städten ganz zu schweigen! Also wundert auch keinen, dass die Künstler und andere auf dem Gebiet der Kultur tätigen Menschen nach Belgrad bzw. Novi Sad ziehen. Selten wagt einer den Umzug zu den regionalen Zentren um dort Zeit und Geld zwecks Belebung der lokalen Kunst- und Kulturszenen zu investieren. In der Wirklichkeit gibt es außerhalb Belgrad und Novi Sad keine Arbeitsangebote für die im Bereich der Kultur tätigen Menschen und das scheint ein plausibler Grund dafür zu sein, dass die Experten in dieser Branche sich genötigt sehen, eben in Belgrad oder Novi Sad sich niederzulassen. Man kommt zum sich leicht aufdrängenden

Rolle der Festspiele der klassischen Musik in Serbien heute: Zusammenarbeit auf der lokalen und internationalen Ebene Bernard Faivre-d´Arcier bringt mindestens vier ausreichende Gründe dafür, dass die Festspiele in jeder Stadt organisiert werden sollten: 1. Festspiele sind eine gute Gelegenheit Kultur zu demokratisieren, weil sie den Zugang zur Kunst diesen Menschen ermöglichen, die aus verschiedenen Gründen TheatervorSchluss, dass die Dezentralisation der Kultur von der höchstrangigen Priorität in der Diskussion um die Planung Serbiens zukünftige Kulturpolitik sein sollte. Als ein positives Beispiel aus der Vergangenheit kann man Festival von Marmor und Klang hervorrufen, das als Ergebnis eines dezentralisierten Models von Kulturpolitik8 [Lacombe, 2004, S. 40f] gerade in der Provinz organisiert wurde. Es wäre jedoch eine Vereinfachung der Versuch ein einziges Modell zu wählen und es auf den Grund der serbischen Realität zu verpflanzen, ohne dass man Tradition und aktuelle Situation in Betracht zieht. Laut Lacombe eindeutig von Vorteil ist, die mit Dichotomien, Ideen und Konzeptionen zusammenhängenden Probleme, die meistens als offensichtlich und gegeben angenommen werden, zu nennen z. B. die mit Schöpfungsprozess - Produktion Distribution verbundenen Begriffe und Relationen, institutionelle oder auf die Projekte gerichtete Logik, Kultur- oder Kunstpolitik, Dezentralisation oder Dekonzentration, Teiloder Vollzeitbeschäftigung usw. Es sollen zwei Grundfragen gestellt werden. Erstens, die Frage nach Verbreitungsumfang der Kunst, die mit solchen Schlüsselproblemen in Zusammenhang steht wie: Zugang zu Kunstwerken, Demokratisierung der Kultur, aber auch mit der Frage der Effizienz im Bereich der Kultur und Adäquatheit des kulturellen öffentliches Dienstes . Zweitens, man soll die Frage der künstlerischen Vollkommenheit [Lacombe, 2004, S. 33] erörtern und sie mit anderen Erfahrungen, Thesen und Ergebnissen nebeneinander stellen.


Repertoire hatte. Mit anderen Worten - so lange es keine zielgerichtete und kohärente Politik in dieser Materie gibt, wird die Förderung der lokalen Initiativen und Produktionen lediglich von einen guten Willen der Kunstorganisationen abhängig sein. Weltweit gilt die Promotion der lokalen Identität und kulturellen Differenzierung als ein wesentlicher Nebeneffekt der Globalisierung. Die Vereinbarung des lokalen und internationalen Charakters in Bezug auf die Kunstdistribution kann unterschiedliche Formen einnehmen aber der allerwichtigste Faktor ist die Beteiligung der lokalen Gemeinschaft und nicht die Promotion der kulturellen Identität. Festivals können eine geradezu ideelle Antwort auf diese Herausforderung sein, insbesondere wenn es mit ihrer Hilfe gelingt, einige Gesellschaftsgruppen wie Jugendliche, Minderheiten, schlecht situierte oder wenig begabte Menschen zu engagieren. Die Gesellschaftsmitglieder sollen dazu bewegt werden, gegenüber der Festspiele mehr Engagement zu zeigen. Man soll ihnen ersichtlich machen, dass die Festspiele nicht nur als Konsumptions- und Unterhaltungsstätte gelten aber zahlreiche Möglichkeiten darbieten können. Ich denke an dieser Stelle an klein- und mittelständische Unternehmer, die durch Affiliation mit Kunstorganisationen und -ereignissen eine Chance haben, ihre eigenen Unternehmen zu fördern. Die Stadtbürger und -besucher suchen während der Austragung der Festspiele nicht ausschließlich Bühnenunterhaltung. Sie streben nach dem Gefühl der Gemeinschaftlichkeit in kreativem und inspirierendem Umfeld. Dank der Vereinbarung ihres künstlerischen und gesellschaftlichen Charakters können die Festspiele zur Revitalisierung und Umgestaltung der Städte sowie zur ihrer kulturellen Belebung eindeutig beitragen. Das beste Mittel den Festspielen eine Aura der Exklusivität zu verleihen und für sie als eine über übliche Standards herausragende Ware zu werben ist zu ermöglichen, dass sie in unkonventioneller Umgebung veranstaltet würden, was besonders für Exklusivfestivals zutrifft. Ein Paradebeispiel dafür ist eine Veranstaltung von Glucks Oper Orpheus and Eurydice auf den Bemus 2005, die die Festspiele in völlig neues Licht geworfen und den Räumen im 25 Mai-Museum 9 tiefere Bedeutung verliehen hat, indem sie enormes Interesse des Publikums erweckte (es genügt zu sagen, dass die Besucherzahl vom

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

stellungen und Konzertsäle nicht besuchen (Informationsmangel, Eintrittspreise, Gefühl der Absonderung und ähnliche). Insbesondere trifft das für Open-Air-Veranstaltungen zu, wo Kunst mit dem Genuss des schönen Wetters, dem Urlaub und Relax vereinigt wird. In Belgrad ist Belef ein gutes Beispiel für diese Art von Sommerveranstaltung. 2. Festspiele können das Gefühl der lokalen Gesellschaftsidentität (Nachbarschaft, Berufsgruppe) steigern. 3. Festspiele bieten Möglichkeit an, konkrete ökonomischen Gewinne zu erzielen und für die städtischen Dienstleistungsunternehmen (Hotels, Restaurants, Reisebüros, Parkplätze) ist dies eine Chance auf erhöhte Umsätze. Was Serbien betrifft, bezieht sich das überwiegend auf Open - Air- Festivals der populären bzw. Traditionsmusik wie EXIT oder Guèa, die im Gegensatz zu den Klassik- Festspielen solchen infrastrukturellen Einschränkungen nicht unterliegen. 4. Festspiele tragen zur Bildung eines durchaus positiven Image der Stadt/der Gesellschaft bei, steigern ihre Attraktivität und Erkennbarkeit (B. Faivre-d´Arcier, Comment donner une avenir aux festivals). Derselbe Verfasser erwähnt noch einen wichtigen Grund, der für die Organisation der Festspiele spricht. Dieser Grund, anscheinend von geringer Bedeutung, kann sich als allerwichtigster erweisen. Es geht um den Beitrag, den die Festspiele in den Bereich der Kultur und Kunst leisten. Im Falle Serbiens ist der letzt ernannte Grund wahrscheinlich das stärkste Argument für Befürworter der Festspiele und das in einer Marktsituation, wo klassische Musik in unserem Land weder Gewinn bringt noch mit dem politischen Prestige verbunden ist. Die Festspiele sollen also als Promotion für lokale Kunstproduktionen dienen und das soll als einer der wichtigsten, mit Beharrlichkeit verfolgten Ziele wahrgenommen werden. Diese Rolle der Festspiele soll ein ausschlaggebendes Argument für diejenige sein, die für sie plädieren. Unsere in Entwicklungsphase sich befindliche Kulturpolitik wird den Festivalproduzenten ihre Aufgaben vorstellen müssen, zu deren in erster Linie die Promotion der inländischen Kunstproduktion gehört. Andererseits geraten wir erneut in eine paradoxen Situation wie die aus der Saison 2006/2007, als das Belgrader Philharmonieorchester kein einziges Werk eines serbischen Komponist in ihrem

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Das 25 Mai-Museum ist als Museum der Geschichte ehemaligen Jugoslawiens bekannt; eins der Museumsgebäude ist ein Denkmal, das dem langjährigen Staatsführer Josip Broz Tito gewidmet ist.

Das 25 Mai-Museum ist als Museum der Geschichte ehemaligen Jugoslawiens bekannt; eins der Museumsgebäude ist ein Denkmal, das dem langjährigen Staatsführer Josip Broz Tito gewidmet ist.

9

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1) 9

Repertoire hatte. Mit anderen Worten - so lange es keine zielgerichtete und kohärente Politik in dieser Materie gibt, wird die Förderung der lokalen Initiativen und Produktionen lediglich von einen guten Willen der Kunstorganisationen abhängig sein. Weltweit gilt die Promotion der lokalen Identität und kulturellen Differenzierung als ein wesentlicher Nebeneffekt der Globalisierung. Die Vereinbarung des lokalen und internationalen Charakters in Bezug auf die Kunstdistribution kann unterschiedliche Formen einnehmen aber der allerwichtigste Faktor ist die Beteiligung der lokalen Gemeinschaft und nicht die Promotion der kulturellen Identität. Festivals können eine geradezu ideelle Antwort auf diese Herausforderung sein, insbesondere wenn es mit ihrer Hilfe gelingt, einige Gesellschaftsgruppen wie Jugendliche, Minderheiten, schlecht situierte oder wenig begabte Menschen zu engagieren. Die Gesellschaftsmitglieder sollen dazu bewegt werden, gegenüber der Festspiele mehr Engagement zu zeigen. Man soll ihnen ersichtlich machen, dass die Festspiele nicht nur als Konsumptions- und Unterhaltungsstätte gelten aber zahlreiche Möglichkeiten darbieten können. Ich denke an dieser Stelle an klein- und mittelständische Unternehmer, die durch Affiliation mit Kunstorganisationen und -ereignissen eine Chance haben, ihre eigenen Unternehmen zu fördern. Die Stadtbürger und -besucher suchen während der Austragung der Festspiele nicht ausschließlich Bühnenunterhaltung. Sie streben nach dem Gefühl der Gemeinschaftlichkeit in kreativem und inspirierendem Umfeld. Dank der Vereinbarung ihres künstlerischen und gesellschaftlichen Charakters können die Festspiele zur Revitalisierung und Umgestaltung der Städte sowie zur ihrer kulturellen Belebung eindeutig beitragen. Das beste Mittel den Festspielen eine Aura der Exklusivität zu verleihen und für sie als eine über übliche Standards herausragende Ware zu werben ist zu ermöglichen, dass sie in unkonventioneller Umgebung veranstaltet würden, was besonders für Exklusivfestivals zutrifft. Ein Paradebeispiel dafür ist eine Veranstaltung von Glucks Oper Orpheus and Eurydice auf den Bemus 2005, die die Festspiele in völlig neues Licht geworfen und den Räumen im 25 Mai-Museum 9 tiefere Bedeutung verliehen hat, indem sie enormes Interesse des Publikums erweckte (es genügt zu sagen, dass die Besucherzahl vom

174

stellungen und Konzertsäle nicht besuchen (Informationsmangel, Eintrittspreise, Gefühl der Absonderung und ähnliche). Insbesondere trifft das für Open-Air-Veranstaltungen zu, wo Kunst mit dem Genuss des schönen Wetters, dem Urlaub und Relax vereinigt wird. In Belgrad ist Belef ein gutes Beispiel für diese Art von Sommerveranstaltung. 2. Festspiele können das Gefühl der lokalen Gesellschaftsidentität (Nachbarschaft, Berufsgruppe) steigern. 3. Festspiele bieten Möglichkeit an, konkrete ökonomischen Gewinne zu erzielen und für die städtischen Dienstleistungsunternehmen (Hotels, Restaurants, Reisebüros, Parkplätze) ist dies eine Chance auf erhöhte Umsätze. Was Serbien betrifft, bezieht sich das überwiegend auf Open - Air- Festivals der populären bzw. Traditionsmusik wie EXIT oder Guèa, die im Gegensatz zu den Klassik- Festspielen solchen infrastrukturellen Einschränkungen nicht unterliegen. 4. Festspiele tragen zur Bildung eines durchaus positiven Image der Stadt/der Gesellschaft bei, steigern ihre Attraktivität und Erkennbarkeit (B. Faivre-d´Arcier, Comment donner une avenir aux festivals). Derselbe Verfasser erwähnt noch einen wichtigen Grund, der für die Organisation der Festspiele spricht. Dieser Grund, anscheinend von geringer Bedeutung, kann sich als allerwichtigster erweisen. Es geht um den Beitrag, den die Festspiele in den Bereich der Kultur und Kunst leisten. Im Falle Serbiens ist der letzt ernannte Grund wahrscheinlich das stärkste Argument für Befürworter der Festspiele und das in einer Marktsituation, wo klassische Musik in unserem Land weder Gewinn bringt noch mit dem politischen Prestige verbunden ist. Die Festspiele sollen also als Promotion für lokale Kunstproduktionen dienen und das soll als einer der wichtigsten, mit Beharrlichkeit verfolgten Ziele wahrgenommen werden. Diese Rolle der Festspiele soll ein ausschlaggebendes Argument für diejenige sein, die für sie plädieren. Unsere in Entwicklungsphase sich befindliche Kulturpolitik wird den Festivalproduzenten ihre Aufgaben vorstellen müssen, zu deren in erster Linie die Promotion der inländischen Kunstproduktion gehört. Andererseits geraten wir erneut in eine paradoxen Situation wie die aus der Saison 2006/2007, als das Belgrader Philharmonieorchester kein einziges Werk eines serbischen Komponist in ihrem


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

ersten Tag an kontinuierlich in die Höhe kletterte). Einige Autoren schreiben von einem Festvalisierungseffekt der Kunst, was zu bedeuten hat, dass die Schaustücke heutzutage einem weltweitem Gütertransfer, die Kunstwerke eingeschlossen, erliegen. Demzufolge schlagen künstlerische Organisationen mehr und mehr multikulturelle Programme vor [Lacombe, 2004, S. 77] ich würde sie eher interkulturell nennen). Die Internationalisierung der Kulturproduktion und -verbreitung ist auf den Fortschritt in den Telekommunikations- und Touristikbranchen sowie auf die Bildung des Weltmarktes zurückzuführen. In dieser Hinsicht können die Festspiele als privilegierte Beobachtungsstellen für Tendenzen und Trends in der Schaustück-Branche gesehen werden [ebd., S. 78]. Jedoch das internationale Ausmaß der Festspiele ist meistens ein Resultat der Bedürfnisse und Aspirationen einzelner Kulturunternehmer, die letztendlich von der Regierung unterstützt werden. Während die Kulturverwalter sich zur Entfaltung des internationalen Ausmaß der Festspiele entschließen, weil sie künstlerisch motiviert sind, bieten die Regierungsbehörden ihre Hilfe an zwecks Förderung eigener politischen Agenda und Befriedigung eigener Interessen. Sie bedienen sich der Festspiele, damit ihr Prestige steigert, die Einnahmen aus dem Touristiksektor wachsen und ihr politischer Einfluss durch kulturelles Botschaften aufgebaut wird. Die Mitgliedschaft im internationalen Bund stellt eine große Chance für die Festspiele dar, denn es ermöglicht ihren Managers neue Kontakte mit potentiellen Partner anzuknüpfen, vereinfacht den Informationsaustausch bezüglich der aktuellen Trends, weckt die Aufmerksamkeit des Publikums auf und letztendlich baut Image der Festspiele auf. Die Bemus-Festspiele gehören seit 2002 zur European Festivals Association (EFA-AEF), einem Bund, der die sich des größten Ansehens erfreuenden Festivals (in Salzburg, Avignon, Bayreuth, Edinburg) gruppiert und Bitef der wichtigste Theaterfestival in Belgrad, hat seinen festen Platz auf der Festivalkarte Europas. Er gehört zum Bund IETM. Andere serbischen Festivals können mit derartigen internationalen Promotion und Zusammenarbeit nicht rechnen. Es besteht eine Notwendigkeit in Serbien einen Festivalbund zu bilden, eine Art Schirmherrschaft-Organisation, die sich in die Promotion engagieren würde. Eine solche Organisation kann demnächst gegründet werden (Gründungsprozess ist bereits im Gange).

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

D. Klaic bemerkt, dass die Festspiele zurzeit immer mehr als Koproduzenten agieren und nicht nur als Austragungsstätten für die zuvor geschaffenen Werke dienen. Festivalproduktionen und Koproduktionen können einen wesentlichen Beitrag zur internationalen Zusammenarbeit leisten, weil sie ein Treffen der Künstler bzw. der künstlerischen Organisationen aus unterschiedlichen Gesellschaftsgruppen ermöglichen. Für die Festspiele sind neue Produktionen eine Gelegenheit ihre Ziele und Bedeutung zu bestätigen, indem das neue künstlerische Kapital gegründet wird [Festivals: Challenges of Growth, S. 32]. Internationale Koproduktionen sind auch von Vorteil und Bedeutung, denn sie setzen eine gewisse Form von internationalen Mitfinanzierung sowie Teilung der Kosten und Risiken voraus. Im Fall Bemus konnte man im Laufe der letzten zwei Jahre einige hochrangige Projekte realisieren. Besonders erwähnenswert ist die Oper Zora D. vom serbischen Komponist Isidor Zebeljan. Diese Oper wurde in der Kooperation mit der Niederländischen Oper aus Amsterdam, Wiener Kammeroper und Bemus veranstaltet. 2007 wird sie auf der Musikbiennale in Zagreb (Kroatien) präsentiert. Ein anderes Beispiel für die Bemus - Koproduktion ist Chamber Music Marathon, die in Zusammenarbeit mit The Guidhall School of Music and Drama aus London realisiert wurde. Diese Veranstaltung hat zahlreiches Publikum aus Großbritannien und Serbien versammelt. Auf der lokalen Ebene können sich die Festivalmanagers ihre Partner aus unterschiedlichen Gruppierungen (künstlerischen aber auch außerhalb dieses Kreises) aussuchen. Dieser Art von Partnerschaft kann gegenseitige Profite bieten. Bemus - und Bitef - Festspiele sind zwei sehr gute Beispiele dafür, weil sie Jahr für Jahr mindestens drei große Veranstaltungen aus dem Grenzraum Theater und Musik koproduzieren: Letzte Landschaft von Jozsef Nagy, Dance de la vie von Maurice Béjart und The im-permanence Mereith Monk. Ihre nächste gemeinsame Initiative in diesem Jahr als Begleitungsprogramm der Festspiele ist die Internationale Konferenz für Junge Managers im Bereich der Schaustücke New Art Net , die zusätzlich auch andere Kultur- und Bildungsorganisationen (NGO ArtLink aus Belgrad, Belgrader Universität der Künste, Sava Center) zur Teilnahme bewogen hat. Derartige Kooperationen sind von Bedeutung, weil sie Mehrwert in Wahrnehmung der Künstler, des Publikums, aber auch der Unternehmer (ins-

175

ersten Tag an kontinuierlich in die Höhe kletterte). Einige Autoren schreiben von einem Festvalisierungseffekt der Kunst, was zu bedeuten hat, dass die Schaustücke heutzutage einem weltweitem Gütertransfer, die Kunstwerke eingeschlossen, erliegen. Demzufolge schlagen künstlerische Organisationen mehr und mehr multikulturelle Programme vor [Lacombe, 2004, S. 77] ich würde sie eher interkulturell nennen). Die Internationalisierung der Kulturproduktion und -verbreitung ist auf den Fortschritt in den Telekommunikations- und Touristikbranchen sowie auf die Bildung des Weltmarktes zurückzuführen. In dieser Hinsicht können die Festspiele als privilegierte Beobachtungsstellen für Tendenzen und Trends in der Schaustück-Branche gesehen werden [ebd., S. 78]. Jedoch das internationale Ausmaß der Festspiele ist meistens ein Resultat der Bedürfnisse und Aspirationen einzelner Kulturunternehmer, die letztendlich von der Regierung unterstützt werden. Während die Kulturverwalter sich zur Entfaltung des internationalen Ausmaß der Festspiele entschließen, weil sie künstlerisch motiviert sind, bieten die Regierungsbehörden ihre Hilfe an zwecks Förderung eigener politischen Agenda und Befriedigung eigener Interessen. Sie bedienen sich der Festspiele, damit ihr Prestige steigert, die Einnahmen aus dem Touristiksektor wachsen und ihr politischer Einfluss durch kulturelles Botschaften aufgebaut wird. Die Mitgliedschaft im internationalen Bund stellt eine große Chance für die Festspiele dar, denn es ermöglicht ihren Managers neue Kontakte mit potentiellen Partner anzuknüpfen, vereinfacht den Informationsaustausch bezüglich der aktuellen Trends, weckt die Aufmerksamkeit des Publikums auf und letztendlich baut Image der Festspiele auf. Die Bemus-Festspiele gehören seit 2002 zur European Festivals Association (EFA-AEF), einem Bund, der die sich des größten Ansehens erfreuenden Festivals (in Salzburg, Avignon, Bayreuth, Edinburg) gruppiert und Bitef der wichtigste Theaterfestival in Belgrad, hat seinen festen Platz auf der Festivalkarte Europas. Er gehört zum Bund IETM. Andere serbischen Festivals können mit derartigen internationalen Promotion und Zusammenarbeit nicht rechnen. Es besteht eine Notwendigkeit in Serbien einen Festivalbund zu bilden, eine Art Schirmherrschaft-Organisation, die sich in die Promotion engagieren würde. Eine solche Organisation kann demnächst gegründet werden (Gründungsprozess ist bereits im Gange).

175

D. Klaic bemerkt, dass die Festspiele zurzeit immer mehr als Koproduzenten agieren und nicht nur als Austragungsstätten für die zuvor geschaffenen Werke dienen. Festivalproduktionen und Koproduktionen können einen wesentlichen Beitrag zur internationalen Zusammenarbeit leisten, weil sie ein Treffen der Künstler bzw. der künstlerischen Organisationen aus unterschiedlichen Gesellschaftsgruppen ermöglichen. Für die Festspiele sind neue Produktionen eine Gelegenheit ihre Ziele und Bedeutung zu bestätigen, indem das neue künstlerische Kapital gegründet wird [Festivals: Challenges of Growth, S. 32]. Internationale Koproduktionen sind auch von Vorteil und Bedeutung, denn sie setzen eine gewisse Form von internationalen Mitfinanzierung sowie Teilung der Kosten und Risiken voraus. Im Fall Bemus konnte man im Laufe der letzten zwei Jahre einige hochrangige Projekte realisieren. Besonders erwähnenswert ist die Oper Zora D. vom serbischen Komponist Isidor Zebeljan. Diese Oper wurde in der Kooperation mit der Niederländischen Oper aus Amsterdam, Wiener Kammeroper und Bemus veranstaltet. 2007 wird sie auf der Musikbiennale in Zagreb (Kroatien) präsentiert. Ein anderes Beispiel für die Bemus - Koproduktion ist Chamber Music Marathon, die in Zusammenarbeit mit The Guidhall School of Music and Drama aus London realisiert wurde. Diese Veranstaltung hat zahlreiches Publikum aus Großbritannien und Serbien versammelt. Auf der lokalen Ebene können sich die Festivalmanagers ihre Partner aus unterschiedlichen Gruppierungen (künstlerischen aber auch außerhalb dieses Kreises) aussuchen. Dieser Art von Partnerschaft kann gegenseitige Profite bieten. Bemus - und Bitef - Festspiele sind zwei sehr gute Beispiele dafür, weil sie Jahr für Jahr mindestens drei große Veranstaltungen aus dem Grenzraum Theater und Musik koproduzieren: Letzte Landschaft von Jozsef Nagy, Dance de la vie von Maurice Béjart und The im-permanence Mereith Monk. Ihre nächste gemeinsame Initiative in diesem Jahr als Begleitungsprogramm der Festspiele ist die Internationale Konferenz für Junge Managers im Bereich der Schaustücke New Art Net , die zusätzlich auch andere Kultur- und Bildungsorganisationen (NGO ArtLink aus Belgrad, Belgrader Universität der Künste, Sava Center) zur Teilnahme bewogen hat. Derartige Kooperationen sind von Bedeutung, weil sie Mehrwert in Wahrnehmung der Künstler, des Publikums, aber auch der Unternehmer (ins-


Letzten Endes bin ich ein Optimist was die Zukunft der Festspiele der klassischen Musik in Serbien anbelangt. Es ist an der Zeit aktiv daran zu arbeiten, dass die in Organisierung der Festspiele sich engagierende Institutionen ihr Potential aufbauen (zum Glück verfügen wir derzeit über entsprechende Literatur, Bildungskurse sowie andere Bildungsprogramme in Bezug auf Kulturmanagement) und somit die Transformationsschwierigkeiten der Übergangszeit überwinden können. Ferner sollte man endlich das unausgeschöpfte Wirkungspotential zur Gründung der lokalen Gemeinschaften sowie der Zusammenarbeit auf der nationalen und internationalen Ebene nutzen. Und zu allerletzten dürfen wir nicht vergessen, dass die Menschen, also Künstler, Produzenten, Publikum, die Festspiele darstellen und verkörpern. Essenz der anlässlich der künstlerischen Ereignisse aufgenommenen Werte ist das gesellschaftliche Bewusstsein zu wecken und Lebensqualität zu steigern. Heute brauchen die Bürger Serbiens dringend sowohl das eine als auch das andere.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

POST SCRIPTUM

Die kleinste Organisation funktioniert richtig, wenn sie sich zum Ziel setzt, Bedürfnisse des weltweiten Publikums zu befriedigen, sich der Technologie zu bedienen, aus jedem Populationssegment zu schöpfen, und das, um ihre Mission zu erfüllen. Ichak Adizes

Die kleinste Organisation funktioniert richtig, wenn sie sich zum Ziel setzt, Bedürfnisse des weltweiten Publikums zu befriedigen, sich der Technologie zu bedienen, aus jedem Populationssegment zu schöpfen, und das, um ihre Mission zu erfüllen. Ichak Adizes

POST SCRIPTUM

besondere öffentliche und private Geldgeber) darbieten. Man liegt nicht fehl in der Annahme, dass sie auf dieser Weise größeren Einfluss auf die lokale Gesellschaft (und hoffentlich auch die internationale) ausüben als die unabhängig agierende Festspiele und Kunstorganisationen. Wenn man die Zusammenarbeit auf der lokalen Ebene betrachtet, es ist vorzubringen, dass die Partnerschaft mit den Medien für Festspielorganisatoren eine enorme Herausforderung darstellt. Es wäre von Vorteil, dass diese Partnerschaft langfristig wäre und das ganze Jahr andauerte, indem sie Charakter eines institutionellen PR annehme und sich lediglich nicht auf die Austragungszeit der Festspiele begrenzte. Medien sollen als Schlüsselpartner angesehen werden, weil sie eben dem Publikum die Werte und Programm der Festspiele übertragen. Angesichts der Tatsache, dass die Festspiele in Serbien des öffteren von den Kulturinstitutionen und professionellen Körperschaften produziert werden, die sich im Laufe des Jahres in andere Aktivitäten engagieren, stehen sie vor einer gravierenden und ernsten Herausforderung - Bestimmung, welchen Platz die von ihnen organisierten Festspiele in der allgemeinen Promotionsstrategie, besonders in PR, einnehmen sollen. Identität einer Kunstorganisation oder eines Ereignisses wird durch gezielte Förderungsaktivitäten geschaffen und eben sie können den Festspielen den Grund viel effizienter vorbereiten als irgendeine, sogar beste und engagierteste aber einmalige und kurzfristig im Vorfeld vorgenommene Werbungskampagne.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

176

Letzten Endes bin ich ein Optimist was die Zukunft der Festspiele der klassischen Musik in Serbien anbelangt. Es ist an der Zeit aktiv daran zu arbeiten, dass die in Organisierung der Festspiele sich engagierende Institutionen ihr Potential aufbauen (zum Glück verfügen wir derzeit über entsprechende Literatur, Bildungskurse sowie andere Bildungsprogramme in Bezug auf Kulturmanagement) und somit die Transformationsschwierigkeiten der Übergangszeit überwinden können. Ferner sollte man endlich das unausgeschöpfte Wirkungspotential zur Gründung der lokalen Gemeinschaften sowie der Zusammenarbeit auf der nationalen und internationalen Ebene nutzen. Und zu allerletzten dürfen wir nicht vergessen, dass die Menschen, also Künstler, Produzenten, Publikum, die Festspiele darstellen und verkörpern. Essenz der anlässlich der künstlerischen Ereignisse aufgenommenen Werte ist das gesellschaftliche Bewusstsein zu wecken und Lebensqualität zu steigern. Heute brauchen die Bürger Serbiens dringend sowohl das eine als auch das andere.

176

besondere öffentliche und private Geldgeber) darbieten. Man liegt nicht fehl in der Annahme, dass sie auf dieser Weise größeren Einfluss auf die lokale Gesellschaft (und hoffentlich auch die internationale) ausüben als die unabhängig agierende Festspiele und Kunstorganisationen. Wenn man die Zusammenarbeit auf der lokalen Ebene betrachtet, es ist vorzubringen, dass die Partnerschaft mit den Medien für Festspielorganisatoren eine enorme Herausforderung darstellt. Es wäre von Vorteil, dass diese Partnerschaft langfristig wäre und das ganze Jahr andauerte, indem sie Charakter eines institutionellen PR annehme und sich lediglich nicht auf die Austragungszeit der Festspiele begrenzte. Medien sollen als Schlüsselpartner angesehen werden, weil sie eben dem Publikum die Werte und Programm der Festspiele übertragen. Angesichts der Tatsache, dass die Festspiele in Serbien des öffteren von den Kulturinstitutionen und professionellen Körperschaften produziert werden, die sich im Laufe des Jahres in andere Aktivitäten engagieren, stehen sie vor einer gravierenden und ernsten Herausforderung - Bestimmung, welchen Platz die von ihnen organisierten Festspiele in der allgemeinen Promotionsstrategie, besonders in PR, einnehmen sollen. Identität einer Kunstorganisation oder eines Ereignisses wird durch gezielte Förderungsaktivitäten geschaffen und eben sie können den Festspielen den Grund viel effizienter vorbereiten als irgendeine, sogar beste und engagierteste aber einmalige und kurzfristig im Vorfeld vorgenommene Werbungskampagne.


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Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

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Despic D., BEMUS 1969-1998. Trideset godina Beogradskih muzièkih sveèanosti, Beograd 2000. Dragicevic-Sesic M., Stojkovic B., Kultura menad ement, animacija, marketing, Beograd 2003. Dragicevic-Sesic M., Dragojevic S., Intercultural mediation on the Balkans, Sarajevo 2004. Dragicevic-Sesic M., Dragojevic S., Art management in turbulent times, Amsterdam 2005. Ðukic-Dojcinovic V., Za regionalizaciju kulturne politike u Srbiji, Beograd 2000.

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Welsch W., Transculturality. The Changing Form of Zagreb 2000. Svob-Ðokic N., Tranzicija i nove europske dr ave. novrsnost Srbija. Beograd 2005. zalna studija: Kulturna politika i kulturna razStojkovic B., Stanovcic V., Radojkovic M., Transver2005. Ramic B., Reorganizacija ustanova kulture. Beograd grad 2006. Macura N., Kulturna politika u oblasti muzike. Beol esthétique, Paris 1980.

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litike u Srbiji, Beograd 2000. Ðukic-Dojcinovic V., Za regionalizaciju kulturne poin turbulent times, Amsterdam 2005. Dragicevic-Sesic M., Dragojevic S., Art management mediation on the Balkans, Sarajevo 2004. Dragicevic-Sesic M., Dragojevic S., Intercultural 2003. menad ement, animacija, marketing, Beograd Dragicevic-Sesic M., Stojkovic B., Kultura gradskih muzièkih sveèanosti, Beograd 2000. Despic D., BEMUS 1969-1998. Trideset godina Beo-


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Marijana Cvetkovic

Reform der serbischen Museen mit Hilfe von Kunstprojekten

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Übersetzung: Agata ¯ukrowska

as Ziel der vorliegenden Studie ist es, ei nige Reformstrategien für verschiedene Museen in Serbien zu untersuchen und vorzuschlagen, sowie Strategien darzustellen, die dazu helfen können, ein Bild von Museen als offene, dynamische, kreative und wettbewerbsfähige Institutionen zu schaffen. Die vorgeschlagenen Strategien stehen im engen Zusammenhang mit dem spezifischen Charakter der zeitgenössischen Kunst mit ihrer Fülle von Formen, Techniken, Ideen und Markterfahrungen, mit ihrem besonderen, privilegierten Status, den sie insbesondere in unserer Zeit des Images genießt. Die nachfolgende Analyse ist ein Versuch, manche Strategien aus der überreichen Welt der zeitgenössischen Kunst zu identifizieren, die bereits mancherorts in die Museumspraxis einbezogen wurden oder bald einbezogen werden können. Anhand von ausgewählten Beispielen der international berühmten Museen wie dem Musée du Louvre,

Einleitung und Kontext

D

S

178

Ziel der Analyse

Mitarbeiter träge, auf sich konzentriert und selbstgenügsam geworden sind, ähnlich einsamen Inseln in der lebendigen, dynamischen und kreativen kulturellen Landschaft Serbiens. Als eine Art Abwehrmechanismus haben die Museumsleute versucht, eine besondere Aura um sich zu schaffen und ein Bild von sich zu entwerfen als unantastbare, in den Wolken schwebende Aristokraten, die in ihrer eigenen, seltsamer Welt der Wunder leben . Die Ursache und gewissermaßen eine Rechtfertigung für die allgemein schlechte Situation liegt in der rapiden Verschlechterung der wirtschaftlichen, politischen, gesellschaftlicher und kulturellen Bedingungen seit Anfang der 90er Jahre des 20. Jahrhunderts.

Marijana Cvetkovic studierte Kunstgeschichte an der Belgrader Universität. Sie ist auch Absolventin der Schule für Bildgeschichte und theorie im Zentrum für Zeitgenössische Kunst in Belgrad. Mit der Arbeit Reformieren der serbischen Museen durch Projekte der zeitgenössischen Kunst absolvierte sie im Jahre 2006 die Studienrichtung, die im Rahmen eines gemeinsamen Programms der Universität für Kunst in Belgrad, Université Lyon 2 und Université Pierre-Mendès in Grenoble geführt wurde. Sie leistete ein Praktikum im Nationalmuseum der Zeitgenössischen Kunst und Centre Georges Pompidou in Paris. Sie engagiert sich in lokale und internationale Kulturund Bildungsprojekte.

erbien, ein Land, das in den letzten Jahren einen sehr schwierigen und oft dramatischen Prozess politischer, ökonomischer, kultureller und sittlicher Wandlungen durchlaufen hat, steht heute sowohl den negativen Folgen der letzten Jahren, als auch Chancen und Aussichten für eine bessere Zukunft gegenüber. Eine der wichtigsten Grundlagen, auf denen man die Zukunft aufbauen kann, indem man diese Aussichten verwirklicht und Chancen nutzt, ist die Kultur. Ich beobachtete die Wandlungsprozesse in der serbischen Kultur und in den Kulturinstitutionen und wollte Anzeichen ähnlicher Wandlungen auch in serbischen Museen finden. Die meisten Nonprofit-Kultureinrichtungen, wie Theater, Kulturzentren oder Galerien, zeigten sich bereit, sich den geänderten Bedürfnissen anzupassen, mit der Zeit zu gehen, eine Partnerschaft zu bauen und sich ein neues, zeitgemäßes Image für das 21. Jahrhundert zu geben. Obwohl die Erfolge langsam, manchmal zu langsam und nur mit großer Mühe kommen, ist die Entschlossenheit erkennbar, gesetzte Ziele zu erreichen. Serbische Museen dagegen scheinen ohne Kampf aufgegeben zu haben. Mit wenigen Ausnahmen bleiben sie in tiefer institutioneller Depression, von Publikum, Künstlern, Forschern und Behörden verlassen und vergessen. Die Gründe für diese Situation können vielfältig sein, persönlich finde ich aber, dass die meisten mit einer tiefen professionellen Krise und Apathie der Museumsmitarbeiter in unserem Land zusammenhängen. Das fehlende Interesse seitens der Behörden, Isolierung der Museumswelt und Ruhe, die Museumsleute jahrelang genossen hatten all das hat zur Folge, dass die serbischen Museen und ihre

Ziel der Analyse

S

Mitarbeiter träge, auf sich konzentriert und selbstgenügsam geworden sind, ähnlich einsamen Inseln in der lebendigen, dynamischen und kreativen kulturellen Landschaft Serbiens. Als eine Art Abwehrmechanismus haben die Museumsleute versucht, eine besondere Aura um sich zu schaffen und ein Bild von sich zu entwerfen als unantastbare, in den Wolken schwebende Aristokraten, die in ihrer eigenen, seltsamer Welt der Wunder leben . Die Ursache und gewissermaßen eine Rechtfertigung für die allgemein schlechte Situation liegt in der rapiden Verschlechterung der wirtschaftlichen, politischen, gesellschaftlicher und kulturellen Bedingungen seit Anfang der 90er Jahre des 20. Jahrhunderts.

D

Einleitung und Kontext

as Ziel der vorliegenden Studie ist es, ei nige Reformstrategien für verschiedene Museen in Serbien zu untersuchen und vorzuschlagen, sowie Strategien darzustellen, die dazu helfen können, ein Bild von Museen als offene, dynamische, kreative und wettbewerbsfähige Institutionen zu schaffen. Die vorgeschlagenen Strategien stehen im engen Zusammenhang mit dem spezifischen Charakter der zeitgenössischen Kunst mit ihrer Fülle von Formen, Techniken, Ideen und Markterfahrungen, mit ihrem besonderen, privilegierten Status, den sie insbesondere in unserer Zeit des Images genießt. Die nachfolgende Analyse ist ein Versuch, manche Strategien aus der überreichen Welt der zeitgenössischen Kunst zu identifizieren, die bereits mancherorts in die Museumspraxis einbezogen wurden oder bald einbezogen werden können. Anhand von ausgewählten Beispielen der international berühmten Museen wie dem Musée du Louvre,

Übersetzung: Agata ¯ukrowska

erbien, ein Land, das in den letzten Jahren einen sehr schwierigen und oft dramatischen Prozess politischer, ökonomischer, kultureller und sittlicher Wandlungen durchlaufen hat, steht heute sowohl den negativen Folgen der letzten Jahren, als auch Chancen und Aussichten für eine bessere Zukunft gegenüber. Eine der wichtigsten Grundlagen, auf denen man die Zukunft aufbauen kann, indem man diese Aussichten verwirklicht und Chancen nutzt, ist die Kultur. Ich beobachtete die Wandlungsprozesse in der serbischen Kultur und in den Kulturinstitutionen und wollte Anzeichen ähnlicher Wandlungen auch in serbischen Museen finden. Die meisten Nonprofit-Kultureinrichtungen, wie Theater, Kulturzentren oder Galerien, zeigten sich bereit, sich den geänderten Bedürfnissen anzupassen, mit der Zeit zu gehen, eine Partnerschaft zu bauen und sich ein neues, zeitgemäßes Image für das 21. Jahrhundert zu geben. Obwohl die Erfolge langsam, manchmal zu langsam und nur mit großer Mühe kommen, ist die Entschlossenheit erkennbar, gesetzte Ziele zu erreichen. Serbische Museen dagegen scheinen ohne Kampf aufgegeben zu haben. Mit wenigen Ausnahmen bleiben sie in tiefer institutioneller Depression, von Publikum, Künstlern, Forschern und Behörden verlassen und vergessen. Die Gründe für diese Situation können vielfältig sein, persönlich finde ich aber, dass die meisten mit einer tiefen professionellen Krise und Apathie der Museumsmitarbeiter in unserem Land zusammenhängen. Das fehlende Interesse seitens der Behörden, Isolierung der Museumswelt und Ruhe, die Museumsleute jahrelang genossen hatten all das hat zur Folge, dass die serbischen Museen und ihre

Marijana Cvetkovic

Marijana Cvetkovic studierte Kunstgeschichte an der Belgrader Universität. Sie ist auch Absolventin der Schule für Bildgeschichte und theorie im Zentrum für Zeitgenössische Kunst in Belgrad. Mit der Arbeit Reformieren der serbischen Museen durch Projekte der zeitgenössischen Kunst absolvierte sie im Jahre 2006 die Studienrichtung, die im Rahmen eines gemeinsamen Programms der Universität für Kunst in Belgrad, Université Lyon 2 und Université Pierre-Mendès in Grenoble geführt wurde. Sie leistete ein Praktikum im Nationalmuseum der Zeitgenössischen Kunst und Centre Georges Pompidou in Paris. Sie engagiert sich in lokale und internationale Kulturund Bildungsprojekte.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Reform der serbischen Museen mit Hilfe von Kunstprojekten


179

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

dem Musée d Orsay oder dem MAK in Wien, von internationalen Kunstprojekten wie Gemine Muse, sowie von serbischen Beispielen (das Nationalmuseum und das Museum der Afrikanischen Kunst in Belgrad) und einigen anderen, hebt die vorliegende Arbeit positive Resultate hervor, die sich aus der Anwendung von modernen Formen des visuellen künstlerischen Ausdrucks in einigen Museen ergeben. Diese neue, visuelle Denkweise, sowie ihr konzeptuelles, erzählerisches, mediales und technologisches Potential kann als ein Werkzeugkasten zum Aufbau eines neuen Images der serbischen Museen und einer neuen parakünstlerischen Kommunikationssprache 1 dienen, durch welche die Museen etwas anderes werden könnten, als sie jetzt sind. Identifizierung verschiedener Charakteristiken und Strategien im Bereich der zeitgenössischen Kunst, sowie ihre Analyse im Kontext der musealen Tätigkeit sollen mögliche Werkzeuge und Modelle skizzieren, die zur Änderung von Image, Politik, Stellungnahme und institutioneller Diskussion über Museen in Serbien verhelfen können. Diese Analyse soll beweisen, dass es durch die Anwendung der Strategie und Sprache der zeitgenössischen Kunst im musealen Kontext ohne große Mühe gelingen kann, das Funktionieren von serbischen Museen zu verbessern und die erstarrten und verlassenen Orte in lebendige und fortschrittliche Generatoren von Wissen und Ideen umzuwandeln. Die empfohlenen Modelle sollen die Museumsleute auf das Potential der Museen und die Möglichkeiten ihrer Erneuerung und Entwicklung aufmerksam machen. Die in dieser Arbeit vorgeschlagene Strategie steht in Verbindung mit dem Bereich des Museumsmanagements und der Erweiterung des Publikums. Dieser Bereich ist ausschlaggebend für das heutige Museumswesen, insbesondere in Serbien, wo es jahrelang ganz ignoriert und übersehen war. Das Ziel dieser Arbeit ist es, ein Modell vorzuschlagen, das eine auf Kunstprojekten basierende Strategie zum institutionellen Wandel beinhalten würde. Theoretische Grundlagen für solch ein Modell findet man in den Theorien der organisatorischen Entwicklung und des strategischen Managements, welche Milena Dragicevic Se-

1

sic und Sanjin Dragojevic für komplexe und instabile gesellschaftliche und politische Verhältnisse vorschlagen [Dragicevic-Sesic, Dragojevic, 2005]. Ihre Theorie stellt geeignete Werkzeuge zur Verfügung für die Definierung des Kontextes und Erstellung einer wirksamen Strategie zur organisatorischen Entwicklung. Das in dieser Arbeit vorgeschlagene Reformmodell baut auf der Projektlogik auf (die nach Dragicevic-Sesic und Dragojevic ein erwünschtes Modell des institutionellen Verhaltens ist), allerdings eher in Form eines Tests der institutionellen Möglichkeiten in der Übergangsphase vom institutionellen Modell zu einer Logik, die ganz auf Projekten basiert. Das Modell vereint Elemente mehrerer Entwicklungsstrategien Bindungsstrategie, Diversifikationsstrategie, Qualitätsstrategie [ebd., S. 89f] um die Qualität des Programms regulieren, das Publikum erweitern und Möglichkeiten schaffen zu können, sowie für die PR- und Finanzierungszwecke.

Grundlegende Forschungsfragen

I

n diesem Bereich stellen sich folgende Hauptfragen: Welche Möglichkeiten und Strategien der zeitgenössischen Kunst können zur Änderung des Images von serbischen Museen eingesetzt werden? Würde der Einsatz von Strategien der zeitgenössischen Kunst dazu helfen, die Stellung der Museen im nationalen sowie breiteren Kulturkontext effektiver und kreativer zu ändern? Wie und in welchem Maße können die Strategien aus dem Bereich der zeitgenössischen Kunst Besucher in die serbischen Museen locken? Erstens muss das Syntagma Strategien der zeitgenössischen Kunst erklärt werden. Darunter verstehe ich alle Techniken der Repräsentation, Organisationsformen, visuelle und symbolische Instrumentalität sowie Beziehungen der Objekte zu dem sie umgebenden Raum, welche durch die Entwicklung der visuellen Kultur entstanden sind, durch den Markt institutionalisiert wurden und sich auf andere Gebiete wie Architektur und Design verbreitet haben, oder welche ihre Wurzeln in den Theorien des 20. Jahrhunderts haben. Als

In seinem Buch Eseji o muzejima i njihovoj teoriji: prema kibernetiækom muzeju (Essays über Museen und ihre Theorien: Richtung kybernetisches Museum) schreibt Dr. Tomislav Sola über ein Ökomuseum d.h. über ein neues, zeitgemäßes offenes oder totales Museum . Er identifiziert Tendenzen, die zur Entstehung von Ökomuseum führen (Konzeptualisierung des Museums, Krise der traditionellen Theorie des Museums, Verschmelzung von Kultur und Kommerz, Kulturtouristik, Individualisierung der Museen, Neudefinierung des Non-Profit -Status, multidisziplinärer Ansatz, Beteiligung, nationalistische Neigungen etc.). Darunter erkennt er auch die para-künstlerische Kommunikationssprache .

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

179

1 In seinem Buch Eseji o muzejima i njihovoj teoriji: prema kibernetiækom muzeju (Essays über Museen und ihre Theorien: Richtung kybernetisches Museum) schreibt Dr. Tomislav Sola über ein Ökomuseum d.h. über ein neues, zeitgemäßes offenes oder totales Museum . Er identifiziert Tendenzen, die zur Entstehung von Ökomuseum führen (Konzeptualisierung des Museums, Krise der traditionellen Theorie des Museums, Verschmelzung von Kultur und Kommerz, Kulturtouristik, Individualisierung der Museen, Neudefinierung des Non-Profit -Status, multidisziplinärer Ansatz, Beteiligung, nationalistische Neigungen etc.). Darunter erkennt er auch die para-künstlerische Kommunikationssprache .

dem Musée d Orsay oder dem MAK in Wien, von internationalen Kunstprojekten wie Gemine Muse, sowie von serbischen Beispielen (das Nationalmuseum und das Museum der Afrikanischen Kunst in Belgrad) und einigen anderen, hebt die vorliegende Arbeit positive Resultate hervor, die sich aus der Anwendung von modernen Formen des visuellen künstlerischen Ausdrucks in einigen Museen ergeben. Diese neue, visuelle Denkweise, sowie ihr konzeptuelles, erzählerisches, mediales und technologisches Potential kann als ein Werkzeugkasten zum Aufbau eines neuen Images der serbischen Museen und einer neuen parakünstlerischen Kommunikationssprache 1 dienen, durch welche die Museen etwas anderes werden könnten, als sie jetzt sind. Identifizierung verschiedener Charakteristiken und Strategien im Bereich der zeitgenössischen Kunst, sowie ihre Analyse im Kontext der musealen Tätigkeit sollen mögliche Werkzeuge und Modelle skizzieren, die zur Änderung von Image, Politik, Stellungnahme und institutioneller Diskussion über Museen in Serbien verhelfen können. Diese Analyse soll beweisen, dass es durch die Anwendung der Strategie und Sprache der zeitgenössischen Kunst im musealen Kontext ohne große Mühe gelingen kann, das Funktionieren von serbischen Museen zu verbessern und die erstarrten und verlassenen Orte in lebendige und fortschrittliche Generatoren von Wissen und Ideen umzuwandeln. Die empfohlenen Modelle sollen die Museumsleute auf das Potential der Museen und die Möglichkeiten ihrer Erneuerung und Entwicklung aufmerksam machen. Die in dieser Arbeit vorgeschlagene Strategie steht in Verbindung mit dem Bereich des Museumsmanagements und der Erweiterung des Publikums. Dieser Bereich ist ausschlaggebend für das heutige Museumswesen, insbesondere in Serbien, wo es jahrelang ganz ignoriert und übersehen war. Das Ziel dieser Arbeit ist es, ein Modell vorzuschlagen, das eine auf Kunstprojekten basierende Strategie zum institutionellen Wandel beinhalten würde. Theoretische Grundlagen für solch ein Modell findet man in den Theorien der organisatorischen Entwicklung und des strategischen Managements, welche Milena Dragicevic Se-

n diesem Bereich stellen sich folgende Hauptfragen: Welche Möglichkeiten und Strategien der zeitgenössischen Kunst können zur Änderung des Images von serbischen Museen eingesetzt werden? Würde der Einsatz von Strategien der zeitgenössischen Kunst dazu helfen, die Stellung der Museen im nationalen sowie breiteren Kulturkontext effektiver und kreativer zu ändern? Wie und in welchem Maße können die Strategien aus dem Bereich der zeitgenössischen Kunst Besucher in die serbischen Museen locken? Erstens muss das Syntagma Strategien der zeitgenössischen Kunst erklärt werden. Darunter verstehe ich alle Techniken der Repräsentation, Organisationsformen, visuelle und symbolische Instrumentalität sowie Beziehungen der Objekte zu dem sie umgebenden Raum, welche durch die Entwicklung der visuellen Kultur entstanden sind, durch den Markt institutionalisiert wurden und sich auf andere Gebiete wie Architektur und Design verbreitet haben, oder welche ihre Wurzeln in den Theorien des 20. Jahrhunderts haben. Als

I

Grundlegende Forschungsfragen sic und Sanjin Dragojevic für komplexe und instabile gesellschaftliche und politische Verhältnisse vorschlagen [Dragicevic-Sesic, Dragojevic, 2005]. Ihre Theorie stellt geeignete Werkzeuge zur Verfügung für die Definierung des Kontextes und Erstellung einer wirksamen Strategie zur organisatorischen Entwicklung. Das in dieser Arbeit vorgeschlagene Reformmodell baut auf der Projektlogik auf (die nach Dragicevic-Sesic und Dragojevic ein erwünschtes Modell des institutionellen Verhaltens ist), allerdings eher in Form eines Tests der institutionellen Möglichkeiten in der Übergangsphase vom institutionellen Modell zu einer Logik, die ganz auf Projekten basiert. Das Modell vereint Elemente mehrerer Entwicklungsstrategien Bindungsstrategie, Diversifikationsstrategie, Qualitätsstrategie [ebd., S. 89f] um die Qualität des Programms regulieren, das Publikum erweitern und Möglichkeiten schaffen zu können, sowie für die PR- und Finanzierungszwecke.


ich die Entwicklung vieler, vor allem europäischer Museen und ähnlicher Einrichtungen (Archive, botanische Gärten, ) verglichen hatte, bemerkte ich, dass viele von ihnen die Regeln aus der Welt der zeitgenössischen Kunst übernommen haben. Derartige Veränderung der Ausstellungskonzeptionen und -politiken, der neue Charakter der Partnerschaft und die stärker erzählende Tendenz erreichten die Museen höchstwahrscheinlich unter dem Einfluss des wachsenden Kulturmarktes, der Dominanz der visuellen Kultur und des postmodernen Paradigmas, welches unvorstellbare und unmögliche Verbindungen suggeriert. Diese Elemente brachten mit sich eine neue, hauptsächlich visuelle und figurative Energie, die es den Museen ermöglichte, im Mittelpunkt des zeitgenössischen Kunstschaffens zu bleiben und sogar neue innovative, interdisziplinäre Projekte einzuleiten. Einführung der visuellen Künste in naturhistorische, archäologische, historische und biografische Museen, sowie Einführung der zeitgenössischen Kunst in die kunsthistorische Museen eröffnet gleichzeitig neue Möglichkeiten der Rezeption von Museumssammlungen und entwickelt andere, für heutige Rezipienten besser verständliche und kommunikative Narrativitäten.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

MUSEEN UND DAS ZEITGENÖSSISCHE KÜNSTLERISCHE SCHAFFEN

180

Rolle der Museen in der zeitgenössischen Kultur / Änderung des Ansatzes

Das erste Museum für zeitgenössische Kunst wurde in der Sowjetunion als das Museum für künstlerische Kultur am 5. Dezember 1918 in Sankt Petersburg errichtet.

G

2

schen Objekt und Prozess schwankt; Museum vieler Identitäten; Museum in Bewegung; Museum als eine bahnbrechende Einrichtung, die das Risiko eingeht: nicht warten, sondern handeln; Museum als Ort der Durchdringung von Kunst und Leben; Museum als Labor; Museum, das auf der dynamischen Konzeption der Kunstgeschichte gründet; flexibles Museum im Sinne sowohl einer flexiblen Ausstellung als auch eines flexiblen Gebäudes; eine Brücke zwischen Künstler, Museum und anderen Disziplinen. [Obrost, 2003, S. 9f] In diesem Zusammenhang sollte man noch eine weitblickende Persönlichkeit nicht vergessen und zwar Kazimierz Malewicz, der als Leiter des Staatlichen Instituts für künstlerische Kultur (GINHUK) in Sankt Petersburg Grundlagen für spätere innovative Forschungen im Bereich der schönen Künste und Museen entwickelte. Sein Ziel war es, eine Konzeption des Museums zu erarbeiten mit einer ständigen Sammlung und einem aktiven Programm, an dem Künstler aus der ganzen Welt beteiligt wären2. Diese Idee, die auf der engen Verbindung zwischen dem klassischen Museum und der Gegenwartskunst beruht, ist nichts Neues, dennoch wird sie leider sehr selten mit Begeisterung begrüßt und als eine Chance zur Verbesserung der Aktivität des Museums, seines Images und Einflusses auf dem breiten Gebiet der Kunst, Bildung und Kulturpolitik betrachtet. Komplexe und beschleunigte Prozesse der gesellschaftlichen und der darauf folgenden institutionellen Entwicklung in einer globalisierten Welt, in der die neoliberale Wirtschaft, multikulturelle Aufgeschlossenheit und postmoderne Dezentralisierung dominieren, erzwingen Änderungen aller Bestandteile des gesamten Systems; Museen, die auf dem Gebiet fester Werte funktionieren, müssen sich ebenfalls einer Selbstbewertung unterziehen. Sammlungen, die den Kern jedes Museums bilden, koexistieren mit Bildungspublikationen und -programmen als grundlegende Werte des Museums. Als Beweis dafür kann der Wechsel von der Kontrolle seitens der Museumsleute zur Kontrolle seitens des Publikums (vor allem in den USA, Großbritannien, Australien, etc.) und von Ausstellungsprogrammen zu den Bildungsprogrammen angeführt werden. In den letzten Jahren haben sich die Museen von Einrichtungen mit einem überwiegend betreu-

leich am Anfang dieses Kapitels möchte ich auf einige Ideen zum Thema Museen hinweisen, welche zwar schon zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts entstanden sind, aber immer noch auf eine nähere Betrachtung warten. Diese Ideen sind in den Schriften von Alexander Dorner, Direktor des Landesmuseums in Hannover in den 1920er Jahren zu finden. Dorner definierte das Museum als eine sich selbst verwandelnde Einrichtung und als Kraftwerk . Er postulierte auch Bildung moderner, dynamischer Museumsausstellungen in Bewegung ( atmosphärische Galerien ). Dorner nahm Tendenzen und Bedürfnisse vorweg, die heute wichtiger denn je sind: Museum, das einer stetigen Transformation innerhalb dynamischer Parameter unterliegt; Museum, das zwi-

leich am Anfang dieses Kapitels möchte ich auf einige Ideen zum Thema Museen hinweisen, welche zwar schon zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts entstanden sind, aber immer noch auf eine nähere Betrachtung warten. Diese Ideen sind in den Schriften von Alexander Dorner, Direktor des Landesmuseums in Hannover in den 1920er Jahren zu finden. Dorner definierte das Museum als eine sich selbst verwandelnde Einrichtung und als Kraftwerk . Er postulierte auch Bildung moderner, dynamischer Museumsausstellungen in Bewegung ( atmosphärische Galerien ). Dorner nahm Tendenzen und Bedürfnisse vorweg, die heute wichtiger denn je sind: Museum, das einer stetigen Transformation innerhalb dynamischer Parameter unterliegt; Museum, das zwi-

G

Das erste Museum für zeitgenössische Kunst wurde in der Sowjetunion als das Museum für künstlerische Kultur am 5. Dezember 1918 in Sankt Petersburg errichtet.

Rolle der Museen in der zeitgenössischen Kultur / Änderung des Ansatzes

2

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

MUSEEN UND DAS ZEITGENÖSSISCHE KÜNSTLERISCHE SCHAFFEN

schen Objekt und Prozess schwankt; Museum vieler Identitäten; Museum in Bewegung; Museum als eine bahnbrechende Einrichtung, die das Risiko eingeht: nicht warten, sondern handeln; Museum als Ort der Durchdringung von Kunst und Leben; Museum als Labor; Museum, das auf der dynamischen Konzeption der Kunstgeschichte gründet; flexibles Museum im Sinne sowohl einer flexiblen Ausstellung als auch eines flexiblen Gebäudes; eine Brücke zwischen Künstler, Museum und anderen Disziplinen. [Obrost, 2003, S. 9f] In diesem Zusammenhang sollte man noch eine weitblickende Persönlichkeit nicht vergessen und zwar Kazimierz Malewicz, der als Leiter des Staatlichen Instituts für künstlerische Kultur (GINHUK) in Sankt Petersburg Grundlagen für spätere innovative Forschungen im Bereich der schönen Künste und Museen entwickelte. Sein Ziel war es, eine Konzeption des Museums zu erarbeiten mit einer ständigen Sammlung und einem aktiven Programm, an dem Künstler aus der ganzen Welt beteiligt wären2. Diese Idee, die auf der engen Verbindung zwischen dem klassischen Museum und der Gegenwartskunst beruht, ist nichts Neues, dennoch wird sie leider sehr selten mit Begeisterung begrüßt und als eine Chance zur Verbesserung der Aktivität des Museums, seines Images und Einflusses auf dem breiten Gebiet der Kunst, Bildung und Kulturpolitik betrachtet. Komplexe und beschleunigte Prozesse der gesellschaftlichen und der darauf folgenden institutionellen Entwicklung in einer globalisierten Welt, in der die neoliberale Wirtschaft, multikulturelle Aufgeschlossenheit und postmoderne Dezentralisierung dominieren, erzwingen Änderungen aller Bestandteile des gesamten Systems; Museen, die auf dem Gebiet fester Werte funktionieren, müssen sich ebenfalls einer Selbstbewertung unterziehen. Sammlungen, die den Kern jedes Museums bilden, koexistieren mit Bildungspublikationen und -programmen als grundlegende Werte des Museums. Als Beweis dafür kann der Wechsel von der Kontrolle seitens der Museumsleute zur Kontrolle seitens des Publikums (vor allem in den USA, Großbritannien, Australien, etc.) und von Ausstellungsprogrammen zu den Bildungsprogrammen angeführt werden. In den letzten Jahren haben sich die Museen von Einrichtungen mit einem überwiegend betreu-

180

ich die Entwicklung vieler, vor allem europäischer Museen und ähnlicher Einrichtungen (Archive, botanische Gärten, ) verglichen hatte, bemerkte ich, dass viele von ihnen die Regeln aus der Welt der zeitgenössischen Kunst übernommen haben. Derartige Veränderung der Ausstellungskonzeptionen und -politiken, der neue Charakter der Partnerschaft und die stärker erzählende Tendenz erreichten die Museen höchstwahrscheinlich unter dem Einfluss des wachsenden Kulturmarktes, der Dominanz der visuellen Kultur und des postmodernen Paradigmas, welches unvorstellbare und unmögliche Verbindungen suggeriert. Diese Elemente brachten mit sich eine neue, hauptsächlich visuelle und figurative Energie, die es den Museen ermöglichte, im Mittelpunkt des zeitgenössischen Kunstschaffens zu bleiben und sogar neue innovative, interdisziplinäre Projekte einzuleiten. Einführung der visuellen Künste in naturhistorische, archäologische, historische und biografische Museen, sowie Einführung der zeitgenössischen Kunst in die kunsthistorische Museen eröffnet gleichzeitig neue Möglichkeiten der Rezeption von Museumssammlungen und entwickelt andere, für heutige Rezipienten besser verständliche und kommunikative Narrativitäten.


181

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

enden Charakter zu Einrichtungen umgewandelt, die immer mehr darauf abzielen, die Aufmerksamkeit des Publikums auf sich zu ziehen. Der Schwerpunkt liegt gegenwärtig auf Interaktionen und Beziehungen zwischen Museum und Besuchern3. Ältere modernistische Modelle, welche die Kommunikation als Übermittlung von autoritativen thematischen Fakten an eine Masse passiver Rezipienten betrachten, werden heute durch neue Ansätze ersetzt, die ein aktives Publikum , konstruktivistische und interpretative Lehrtheorien sowie die Komplexität der Kulturpolitik anerkennen. Diese Verschiebung des Interesses (von Sammlungen zu Rezipienten) hat den Stellenwert von Sammlungen innerhalb des musealen Systems auf natürliche Weise beeinflusst. Die Museumsangestellten sind zur Erkenntnis gelangt, dass eine Veränderung der Narrativität von Museumsausstellungen notwendig sein wird, damit Museen ihre neue Rolle erfüllen können. Eine neue Narrativität (im Rahmen der Ausstallung, Institutions- und Publikumspolitik) wird Möglichkeiten der Re-Konzeptualisierung von Kunstmuseen (und anderen Museen), die in der modernistischen Kultur aus dem Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts eingewurzelt sind, schaffen. Die neue Narrativität gründet auf der Kommunikation und Interaktion als den meistverbreiteten Werkzeugen des globalen Wissens. In der Konsequenz führte das zur Notwendigkeit, alte Definitionen des Museums durch andere Ansätze zur Definierung der Hauptrolle von Museen in der zeitgenössischen Kultur zu ersetzen. Eine der Definitionen (von Jorge Glusberg) unterscheidet zwischen den sog. heißen und kalten Museen. Kalte Museen basieren auf der Kommunikation, während sich heiße Museen auf der Information konzentrieren. Die ersten ermöglichen aktives Lernen und Kreativitätsentwicklung, die zweiten übermitteln lediglich eine vorher bearbeitete und determinierte Information, wodurch die Teilnahme des Publikums am Lernprozess neutralisiert wird [Glusberg, 1983, S. 69]. Ende der 1980er Jahre standen die Museen angesichts einer neuen Ära. In dieser Zeit begann im Westen eine Belebung im Bereich der Kultureinrichtungen trotz reduzierter finanzieller Mittel und der Dominanz der neoliberalen Weltanschauung während alle Kultureinrichtungen sich mit immer größeren Schwierigkeiten (vor allem finanziellen) auseinandersetzen mussten. Peter Noever vertritt

3

die Meinung, dass die unbestrittene Funktion der Museen (Kunst- und Kulturmuseen) als ein notwendiges Mittel zur Schaffung öffentlicher Identität und Selbstbestimmung infolge einer falschen Auffassung von Demokratisierung und der allgegenwärtigen Ökonomisierung der Gesellschaft ernstlich bedroht ist. [Noever, 2001, S. 108f] Für die Analysezwecke sind einige frühere theoretische Hinweise und Anregungen für Museums- und Kultureinrichtungen als schöpferischen Akt erwähnenswert. So hat zum Beispiel Jean Claire bemerkt, dass Museen zum Sich-Zeigen tendieren, da alle Prozeduren der Museumstätigkeit Sammeln und Sammlungen, Taxonomie, Erstellung von Verzeichnissen, Auswahl und Ausstellen der Kunstwerke in den Vitrinen allmählich zu ästhetischen Kategorien geworden sind [Claire, 1998, S. 39]. Er bezeichnet das Museum des 20. Jahrhunderts als Schizo-Museum , was ein SchizoMuseumswesen [ebd.] zur Folge hat. Dieselbe Bezeichnung verwendet er in Bezug auf den Charakter der Kunst dieses Jahrhunderts. Andre Malraux beginnt seine Überlegungen zu dieser Kunst nicht mit abstrakten Definitionen von Kunst, sondern mit der Zusammenstellung von Objekten, die von der ihm zeitgenössischen westlichen Welt für Kunstwerke gehalten werden, also in Weltmuseen ausgestellt sind. Zusammen mit vielen unbeweglichen Objekten (wie Glasgemälde und Fresken) bilden sie das, was Malraux als musee imaginaire bezeichnet eine riesige Kunstsammlung, die in unseren Gedanken existiert, viel größer als Sammlungen jeder individuellen Institution egal wie groß und gut ausgestattet sie ist. Museum ist für Malraux das Selbstbewusstsein der Kunst, ein idealer Ort.

Zeitgenössische Kunst in der Museumsgeschichte eine gelungene Begegnung

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ie Geschichte der Beziehungen von Muse en und lebendiger Kunst reicht sehr weit zurück und ihr Ursprung geht der Entstehung von Museen für zeitgenössische oder moderne Kunst zeitlich bedeutend voraus. Thema der vorliegenden Arbeit ist jedoch das Verhältnis zwischen verschiedenen Museumstypen und der zeitgenössischen Kunst lediglich innerhalb der letzten zwei Jahrzehnte.

Stransky spricht über Programmorientierung anstelle von kognitiver Orientierung [Stransky, 1983, S. 126ff].

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

181

3

Stransky spricht über Programmorientierung anstelle von kognitiver Orientierung [Stransky, 1983, S. 126ff].

enden Charakter zu Einrichtungen umgewandelt, die immer mehr darauf abzielen, die Aufmerksamkeit des Publikums auf sich zu ziehen. Der Schwerpunkt liegt gegenwärtig auf Interaktionen und Beziehungen zwischen Museum und Besuchern3. Ältere modernistische Modelle, welche die Kommunikation als Übermittlung von autoritativen thematischen Fakten an eine Masse passiver Rezipienten betrachten, werden heute durch neue Ansätze ersetzt, die ein aktives Publikum , konstruktivistische und interpretative Lehrtheorien sowie die Komplexität der Kulturpolitik anerkennen. Diese Verschiebung des Interesses (von Sammlungen zu Rezipienten) hat den Stellenwert von Sammlungen innerhalb des musealen Systems auf natürliche Weise beeinflusst. Die Museumsangestellten sind zur Erkenntnis gelangt, dass eine Veränderung der Narrativität von Museumsausstellungen notwendig sein wird, damit Museen ihre neue Rolle erfüllen können. Eine neue Narrativität (im Rahmen der Ausstallung, Institutions- und Publikumspolitik) wird Möglichkeiten der Re-Konzeptualisierung von Kunstmuseen (und anderen Museen), die in der modernistischen Kultur aus dem Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts eingewurzelt sind, schaffen. Die neue Narrativität gründet auf der Kommunikation und Interaktion als den meistverbreiteten Werkzeugen des globalen Wissens. In der Konsequenz führte das zur Notwendigkeit, alte Definitionen des Museums durch andere Ansätze zur Definierung der Hauptrolle von Museen in der zeitgenössischen Kultur zu ersetzen. Eine der Definitionen (von Jorge Glusberg) unterscheidet zwischen den sog. heißen und kalten Museen. Kalte Museen basieren auf der Kommunikation, während sich heiße Museen auf der Information konzentrieren. Die ersten ermöglichen aktives Lernen und Kreativitätsentwicklung, die zweiten übermitteln lediglich eine vorher bearbeitete und determinierte Information, wodurch die Teilnahme des Publikums am Lernprozess neutralisiert wird [Glusberg, 1983, S. 69]. Ende der 1980er Jahre standen die Museen angesichts einer neuen Ära. In dieser Zeit begann im Westen eine Belebung im Bereich der Kultureinrichtungen trotz reduzierter finanzieller Mittel und der Dominanz der neoliberalen Weltanschauung während alle Kultureinrichtungen sich mit immer größeren Schwierigkeiten (vor allem finanziellen) auseinandersetzen mussten. Peter Noever vertritt

ie Geschichte der Beziehungen von Muse en und lebendiger Kunst reicht sehr weit zurück und ihr Ursprung geht der Entstehung von Museen für zeitgenössische oder moderne Kunst zeitlich bedeutend voraus. Thema der vorliegenden Arbeit ist jedoch das Verhältnis zwischen verschiedenen Museumstypen und der zeitgenössischen Kunst lediglich innerhalb der letzten zwei Jahrzehnte.

D

Zeitgenössische Kunst in der Museumsgeschichte eine gelungene Begegnung die Meinung, dass die unbestrittene Funktion der Museen (Kunst- und Kulturmuseen) als ein notwendiges Mittel zur Schaffung öffentlicher Identität und Selbstbestimmung infolge einer falschen Auffassung von Demokratisierung und der allgegenwärtigen Ökonomisierung der Gesellschaft ernstlich bedroht ist. [Noever, 2001, S. 108f] Für die Analysezwecke sind einige frühere theoretische Hinweise und Anregungen für Museums- und Kultureinrichtungen als schöpferischen Akt erwähnenswert. So hat zum Beispiel Jean Claire bemerkt, dass Museen zum Sich-Zeigen tendieren, da alle Prozeduren der Museumstätigkeit Sammeln und Sammlungen, Taxonomie, Erstellung von Verzeichnissen, Auswahl und Ausstellen der Kunstwerke in den Vitrinen allmählich zu ästhetischen Kategorien geworden sind [Claire, 1998, S. 39]. Er bezeichnet das Museum des 20. Jahrhunderts als Schizo-Museum , was ein SchizoMuseumswesen [ebd.] zur Folge hat. Dieselbe Bezeichnung verwendet er in Bezug auf den Charakter der Kunst dieses Jahrhunderts. Andre Malraux beginnt seine Überlegungen zu dieser Kunst nicht mit abstrakten Definitionen von Kunst, sondern mit der Zusammenstellung von Objekten, die von der ihm zeitgenössischen westlichen Welt für Kunstwerke gehalten werden, also in Weltmuseen ausgestellt sind. Zusammen mit vielen unbeweglichen Objekten (wie Glasgemälde und Fresken) bilden sie das, was Malraux als musee imaginaire bezeichnet eine riesige Kunstsammlung, die in unseren Gedanken existiert, viel größer als Sammlungen jeder individuellen Institution egal wie groß und gut ausgestattet sie ist. Museum ist für Malraux das Selbstbewusstsein der Kunst, ein idealer Ort.


Die schnelle Entwicklung der zeitgenössischen Kunst hatte einen entscheidenden Einfluss auf das Museumswesen im Allgemeinen, insbesondere aber auf den Bereich des Museumsmanagements. Analyse der Fälle von den meisten erfolgreichen Museen kann aufzeigen, welche Veränderungen sich im Hinblick auf Image, Public Relations, Programme, Ausstellungen und Personalpolitik unter dem direkten oder indirekten Einfluss der zeitgenössischen Kunst vollzogen haben. Wie oben schon erwähnt wurde, waren alle diese Veränderungen auf neue Rezipienten ausgerichtet. Die vorliegende Arbeit analysiert Beispiele wie Grand Palais und Musée du Louvre, Musée d Orsay, Nuit Blanche in Paris, British Museum in London, Sigmund Freud Museum und MAK in Wien sowie das italienische Projekt Gemine Muse. Die ausgewählten Museen und Projekte sind gute Beispiele für den Einsatz der in dieser Arbeit postulierten Maßnahme: der Einführung von zeitgenössischen Kunstprojekten in die Museen. Entscheidend für die Auswahl gerade dieser Beispiele war der Umstand, dass es sich hier um bedeutende und hoch geschätzte Museen und Institutionen mit einer langen Geschichte handelt, die sich darüber hinaus ein klares Ziel gesetzt hatten, eine Politik zu entwickeln, welche die moderne Kunst in das Museumswesen bringt. Praxis und Programme der weltweit bedeutendsten Museen zeigen, dass diese Offenheit für neue Trends in Kunst, visueller Kultur und sogar anderen Formen künstlerischen Schaffens (neue Musik, Theaterexperimente, Architektur, Design, neue Medien) die soziale Funktion des Museums bereichert, seinen Inhalt intensiviert, seinen bildenden Charakter entwickelt und das Museum in den Mittelpunkt der zeitgenössischen Kultur stellt.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Stellung der zeitgenössischen Kunststrategien in der Museumsreform

182

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useen für zeitgenössische Kunst gehören zu den jüngsten Museen und sollen daher die größte Flexibilität in Bezug auf Politiken sowie innere und äußere Beziehungen, den dynamischsten Personal- und Ideenfluss sowie den größten Einsatz von technologischen Innovationen aufweisen. Obwohl man diese Museen generell nicht ganz als Leader auf dem Gebiet musealer Praktiken betrachten kann, sind sie doch oft die ersten, die Innovationen oder Experimente einführen (im Hinblick auf

Exposition, neue Technologien, Marketing, Bildungsprogramme, Personalpolitik etc.). Museen für zeitgenössische Kunst sind der Foucaults Kritik an Museen als Einrichtungen der Beeinflussung entwachsen, was in der Genese der meisten europäischen und außereuropäischen Museen feststellbar ist. Auf der Ebene der Narrativität und der Metasprache gehören die zeitgenössische und die moderne Kunst zu den kommunikativsten Übermittlungskanälen in der heutigen Kulturwelt. Die zeitgenössische Kunst ist frei von den Normen der traditionellen Kunst und kann die Möglichkeiten von allerlei Techniken nutzen, darunter auch archaischen und solchen, die der westlichen Welt nicht eigen sind. Gleichzeitig ist sie frei von der Notwendigkeit, privilegierte Themen, Materialien, Medien und Formen, die das Kunstwerk traditionell definierten, zu verwenden. Eine derartige Freiheit, besonders in der Zeit postmoderner Hybridisierung, fehlender Hierarchie, Dezentralisierung und technischen Fortschritts, hat zur Folge, dass die zeitgenössische Kunst zu einer Quelle neuer konzeptueller, institutioneller, politischer und Forschungsschemata wird, die durch heutige Museen benutzt werden können. Eine der Grundformen der Präsentation von zeitgenössischer Kunst ist eine temporäre Ausstellung. Sie unterscheidet sich von der ständigen Sammlung einer veralteten, aber immer noch in der originalen Konzeption des Museums stark präsenten Ausstellungsgestaltung (Kunstkammer). Temporäre Ausstellung als eine kleine Form der musealen Präsentation ist in der letzten Zeit zu einer beliebten Ausstellungsform auch in anderen Museumstypen (Museen für nicht-zeitgenössische Kunst) geworden. Mieke Bal spricht über eine Allegorie, in der das Museumswesen oder allgemein die museale Exposition in ihrer physischen und technischen Dimension eine Diskussion bedeutet, wobei eine einzelne Ausstellung ein Satz in dieser Diskussion ist. Dieser Satz besteht nicht aus Worten, einzelnen Bildern, Rahmen und Konstruktion der jeweiligen Ausstellung, sondern aus einer produktiven Spannung, die zwischen den Bildern, Legenden (Worten) und der physischen Lokalisierung (welche Reihe, wie hoch, wie hell, in welchen Kombinationen. Annahme dieser Perspektive soll dem Museum unvermeidlich seine Naivität entziehen und ihm eine Möglichkeit zur Erklärung und Bildung geben [Bal, 2005, S. 23]. Die von Bourriaud entwickelte Konzeption der Postproduktion, die in den 90er Jahren ein dominierendes Paradigma war, betrachtet die

M

useen für zeitgenössische Kunst gehören zu den jüngsten Museen und sollen daher die größte Flexibilität in Bezug auf Politiken sowie innere und äußere Beziehungen, den dynamischsten Personal- und Ideenfluss sowie den größten Einsatz von technologischen Innovationen aufweisen. Obwohl man diese Museen generell nicht ganz als Leader auf dem Gebiet musealer Praktiken betrachten kann, sind sie doch oft die ersten, die Innovationen oder Experimente einführen (im Hinblick auf

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Stellung der zeitgenössischen Kunststrategien in der Museumsreform

Exposition, neue Technologien, Marketing, Bildungsprogramme, Personalpolitik etc.). Museen für zeitgenössische Kunst sind der Foucaults Kritik an Museen als Einrichtungen der Beeinflussung entwachsen, was in der Genese der meisten europäischen und außereuropäischen Museen feststellbar ist. Auf der Ebene der Narrativität und der Metasprache gehören die zeitgenössische und die moderne Kunst zu den kommunikativsten Übermittlungskanälen in der heutigen Kulturwelt. Die zeitgenössische Kunst ist frei von den Normen der traditionellen Kunst und kann die Möglichkeiten von allerlei Techniken nutzen, darunter auch archaischen und solchen, die der westlichen Welt nicht eigen sind. Gleichzeitig ist sie frei von der Notwendigkeit, privilegierte Themen, Materialien, Medien und Formen, die das Kunstwerk traditionell definierten, zu verwenden. Eine derartige Freiheit, besonders in der Zeit postmoderner Hybridisierung, fehlender Hierarchie, Dezentralisierung und technischen Fortschritts, hat zur Folge, dass die zeitgenössische Kunst zu einer Quelle neuer konzeptueller, institutioneller, politischer und Forschungsschemata wird, die durch heutige Museen benutzt werden können. Eine der Grundformen der Präsentation von zeitgenössischer Kunst ist eine temporäre Ausstellung. Sie unterscheidet sich von der ständigen Sammlung einer veralteten, aber immer noch in der originalen Konzeption des Museums stark präsenten Ausstellungsgestaltung (Kunstkammer). Temporäre Ausstellung als eine kleine Form der musealen Präsentation ist in der letzten Zeit zu einer beliebten Ausstellungsform auch in anderen Museumstypen (Museen für nicht-zeitgenössische Kunst) geworden. Mieke Bal spricht über eine Allegorie, in der das Museumswesen oder allgemein die museale Exposition in ihrer physischen und technischen Dimension eine Diskussion bedeutet, wobei eine einzelne Ausstellung ein Satz in dieser Diskussion ist. Dieser Satz besteht nicht aus Worten, einzelnen Bildern, Rahmen und Konstruktion der jeweiligen Ausstellung, sondern aus einer produktiven Spannung, die zwischen den Bildern, Legenden (Worten) und der physischen Lokalisierung (welche Reihe, wie hoch, wie hell, in welchen Kombinationen. Annahme dieser Perspektive soll dem Museum unvermeidlich seine Naivität entziehen und ihm eine Möglichkeit zur Erklärung und Bildung geben [Bal, 2005, S. 23]. Die von Bourriaud entwickelte Konzeption der Postproduktion, die in den 90er Jahren ein dominierendes Paradigma war, betrachtet die

182

Die schnelle Entwicklung der zeitgenössischen Kunst hatte einen entscheidenden Einfluss auf das Museumswesen im Allgemeinen, insbesondere aber auf den Bereich des Museumsmanagements. Analyse der Fälle von den meisten erfolgreichen Museen kann aufzeigen, welche Veränderungen sich im Hinblick auf Image, Public Relations, Programme, Ausstellungen und Personalpolitik unter dem direkten oder indirekten Einfluss der zeitgenössischen Kunst vollzogen haben. Wie oben schon erwähnt wurde, waren alle diese Veränderungen auf neue Rezipienten ausgerichtet. Die vorliegende Arbeit analysiert Beispiele wie Grand Palais und Musée du Louvre, Musée d Orsay, Nuit Blanche in Paris, British Museum in London, Sigmund Freud Museum und MAK in Wien sowie das italienische Projekt Gemine Muse. Die ausgewählten Museen und Projekte sind gute Beispiele für den Einsatz der in dieser Arbeit postulierten Maßnahme: der Einführung von zeitgenössischen Kunstprojekten in die Museen. Entscheidend für die Auswahl gerade dieser Beispiele war der Umstand, dass es sich hier um bedeutende und hoch geschätzte Museen und Institutionen mit einer langen Geschichte handelt, die sich darüber hinaus ein klares Ziel gesetzt hatten, eine Politik zu entwickeln, welche die moderne Kunst in das Museumswesen bringt. Praxis und Programme der weltweit bedeutendsten Museen zeigen, dass diese Offenheit für neue Trends in Kunst, visueller Kultur und sogar anderen Formen künstlerischen Schaffens (neue Musik, Theaterexperimente, Architektur, Design, neue Medien) die soziale Funktion des Museums bereichert, seinen Inhalt intensiviert, seinen bildenden Charakter entwickelt und das Museum in den Mittelpunkt der zeitgenössischen Kultur stellt.


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Ausstellung als integralen Bestandteil des Kunstwerks: L exposition n est plus l aboutissement d unprocessus, son happy end (Parreno), mais un lieu de production...Tout en récusant les formes académiques de l exposition, les artistes des années quatre-vingt-dix envisagent le lieu de monstration comme un espace de cohabitation, une scéne ouverte á mi-chemin entre le décor, le plateau de tournage et la salle de documentation. [Bourriaud, 2003, S. 67] Museum kann als Ort der Betonung dieser Bedingungen, eine Grundform des Postproduktions-Paradigma in der zeitgenössischen Kunst aufgefasst werden. Den Sammlungsreichtum sowie den Wert und die kulturelle Bedeutung ausgestellter Objekte kann man unterschiedlich beurteilen. Darin besteht eben der Reichtum: sie können auf viele verschiedene Arten interpretiert werden und, je nach der Interpretation, verschiedene erkennbare oder ganz unbekannte Inhalte vermitteln und extravagante Fakten und Geschichten darstellen. Ausstellungen der zeitgenössischen Kunst verfügen über ein breites Spektrum von Werkzeugen, die den ausgestellten Objekten einen neuen Kontext geben können. Verschiedene Ansätze zu der Präsentation zeitgenössischer Kunst kann man sowohl auf der formellen Ebene als auch auf der inhaltlichen Ebene beobachten d.h. künstlerische Interventionen, Ausstellungen, Installationen, künstlerische Happenings, Produktionen Folgende Beispiele können als einige der möglichen Mittel zur Reformierung der Museen auf dem Weg von projektgestützten Strategien betrachtet werden. Diese Strategien können sowohl individuell funktionieren (einzelne Anstrengungen in der unfreundlichen musealen Umgebung), wie auch als ein Element in einer komplexeren strategischen Reformplanung. Diese Beispiele wurden aufgrund einer positiven Analyse von Fällen aus dem internationalen und serbischen Museumswesen ausgewählt.

Installationen die Grundregeln

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useale Exposition ist der fundamentale Übermittlungskanal im musealen Raum. Sie ordnet Objekte nach Chronologie, Thematik, Gattungen oder gegenseitigen Beziehungen und vermittelt den Rezipienten Informationen, Inhalte und Gefühle. Durch ihren Charakter und ihre Übermittlungsmöglichkeiten

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

kann eine museale Exposition die institutionelle, politische und ästhetische Position des Museums selbst sowie seiner Manager, Mitarbeiter, Stifter usw. wiederspiegeln. Sie spiegelt auch die Politik des Museums gegenüber den bestehenden oder potentiellen neuen Rezipienten und zeigt das Niveau der institutionellen Entwicklung und die Reife des Museums. Die meisten serbischen Museen, deren Sammlungen und Expositionen vor zwanzig oder dreißig Jahren entstanden, sind ein deutliches Beispiel für die mangelnde Strategie zur Gewinnung von Rezipienten. Eine Ausstellung von Sammlungen muss strenge technische Anforderungen und Sicherheitsbedingungen erfüllen. Diese gelten hauptsächlich für besonders empfindliche Musealien (wie zum Beispiel alte Bücher, kleine Objekte aus delikaten Materialien, naturwissenschaftliche Objekte ) oder für Objekte, die als unschätzbare Artefakte gelten (so z.B. Mona Lisa von Leonardo da Vinci, die nur unter Einhaltung der restriktivsten Sicherheitsanforderungen zur Schau gestellt; dies betrifft auch Schmuck, Edelsteine etc.). Trotz all dieser Restriktionen und Einschränkungen ist es jedoch möglich, in jedem Museum eine inspirierende, informative und visuell attraktive Ausstellung zu errichten. Wenn wir die meisten verschiedenen Museen in Europa, in den USA oder Australien betrachten, erkennen wir die zunehmende Tendenz zur Gestaltung der Exposition auf eine Art und Weise, dass konkrete Gegenstände der Sammlung hervorgehoben werden eine Gruppe von sich auszeichnenden Objekten, die das jeweilige Museum besonders und einmalig erscheinen lassen oder die Aufmerksamkeit der Rezipienten auf einen konkreten übermittelten Inhalt lenken können. Kunstgalerien tun genau das Gleiche: sie konzentrieren sich auf die Autonomie und Individualität der ausgestellten Kunstwerke [Marshall, 2005, S. 171]. Die angeführten Beispiele sollen eine Vorstellung vom aktuellen Trend im Museumswesen geben und andere Museen, die diese Techniken noch nicht einsetzen, darauf aufmerksam machen. Ich glaube, dass dieser neue Ansatz bewirken könnte, dass sich museale Expositionen und Räume für mehr experimentelle und suggestive Übermittlungsformen öffnen und traditionelle Ausstellungsformen durch neue ersetzt werden. Die neue Ausstellungspraxis in Museen soll einen integrierten Charakter haben, im Rahmen dessen die mit der zeitgenössischen Kunst verbundenen Formen und Praktiken das innova-

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useale Exposition ist der fundamentale Übermittlungskanal im musealen Raum. Sie ordnet Objekte nach Chronologie, Thematik, Gattungen oder gegenseitigen Beziehungen und vermittelt den Rezipienten Informationen, Inhalte und Gefühle. Durch ihren Charakter und ihre Übermittlungsmöglichkeiten

M

Installationen die Grundregeln Ausstellung als integralen Bestandteil des Kunstwerks: L exposition n est plus l aboutissement d unprocessus, son happy end (Parreno), mais un lieu de production...Tout en récusant les formes académiques de l exposition, les artistes des années quatre-vingt-dix envisagent le lieu de monstration comme un espace de cohabitation, une scéne ouverte á mi-chemin entre le décor, le plateau de tournage et la salle de documentation. [Bourriaud, 2003, S. 67] Museum kann als Ort der Betonung dieser Bedingungen, eine Grundform des Postproduktions-Paradigma in der zeitgenössischen Kunst aufgefasst werden. Den Sammlungsreichtum sowie den Wert und die kulturelle Bedeutung ausgestellter Objekte kann man unterschiedlich beurteilen. Darin besteht eben der Reichtum: sie können auf viele verschiedene Arten interpretiert werden und, je nach der Interpretation, verschiedene erkennbare oder ganz unbekannte Inhalte vermitteln und extravagante Fakten und Geschichten darstellen. Ausstellungen der zeitgenössischen Kunst verfügen über ein breites Spektrum von Werkzeugen, die den ausgestellten Objekten einen neuen Kontext geben können. Verschiedene Ansätze zu der Präsentation zeitgenössischer Kunst kann man sowohl auf der formellen Ebene als auch auf der inhaltlichen Ebene beobachten d.h. künstlerische Interventionen, Ausstellungen, Installationen, künstlerische Happenings, Produktionen Folgende Beispiele können als einige der möglichen Mittel zur Reformierung der Museen auf dem Weg von projektgestützten Strategien betrachtet werden. Diese Strategien können sowohl individuell funktionieren (einzelne Anstrengungen in der unfreundlichen musealen Umgebung), wie auch als ein Element in einer komplexeren strategischen Reformplanung. Diese Beispiele wurden aufgrund einer positiven Analyse von Fällen aus dem internationalen und serbischen Museumswesen ausgewählt.

183

kann eine museale Exposition die institutionelle, politische und ästhetische Position des Museums selbst sowie seiner Manager, Mitarbeiter, Stifter usw. wiederspiegeln. Sie spiegelt auch die Politik des Museums gegenüber den bestehenden oder potentiellen neuen Rezipienten und zeigt das Niveau der institutionellen Entwicklung und die Reife des Museums. Die meisten serbischen Museen, deren Sammlungen und Expositionen vor zwanzig oder dreißig Jahren entstanden, sind ein deutliches Beispiel für die mangelnde Strategie zur Gewinnung von Rezipienten. Eine Ausstellung von Sammlungen muss strenge technische Anforderungen und Sicherheitsbedingungen erfüllen. Diese gelten hauptsächlich für besonders empfindliche Musealien (wie zum Beispiel alte Bücher, kleine Objekte aus delikaten Materialien, naturwissenschaftliche Objekte ) oder für Objekte, die als unschätzbare Artefakte gelten (so z.B. Mona Lisa von Leonardo da Vinci, die nur unter Einhaltung der restriktivsten Sicherheitsanforderungen zur Schau gestellt; dies betrifft auch Schmuck, Edelsteine etc.). Trotz all dieser Restriktionen und Einschränkungen ist es jedoch möglich, in jedem Museum eine inspirierende, informative und visuell attraktive Ausstellung zu errichten. Wenn wir die meisten verschiedenen Museen in Europa, in den USA oder Australien betrachten, erkennen wir die zunehmende Tendenz zur Gestaltung der Exposition auf eine Art und Weise, dass konkrete Gegenstände der Sammlung hervorgehoben werden eine Gruppe von sich auszeichnenden Objekten, die das jeweilige Museum besonders und einmalig erscheinen lassen oder die Aufmerksamkeit der Rezipienten auf einen konkreten übermittelten Inhalt lenken können. Kunstgalerien tun genau das Gleiche: sie konzentrieren sich auf die Autonomie und Individualität der ausgestellten Kunstwerke [Marshall, 2005, S. 171]. Die angeführten Beispiele sollen eine Vorstellung vom aktuellen Trend im Museumswesen geben und andere Museen, die diese Techniken noch nicht einsetzen, darauf aufmerksam machen. Ich glaube, dass dieser neue Ansatz bewirken könnte, dass sich museale Expositionen und Räume für mehr experimentelle und suggestive Übermittlungsformen öffnen und traditionelle Ausstellungsformen durch neue ersetzt werden. Die neue Ausstellungspraxis in Museen soll einen integrierten Charakter haben, im Rahmen dessen die mit der zeitgenössischen Kunst verbundenen Formen und Praktiken das innova-


184

tivste Element wären, das dazu verhelfen würde, über traditionelle und veraltete Schemata hinauszugehen.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Architektur und Raumgestaltung

onzeptualisierung der Ausstellung von Mu seumssammlungen soll dazu führen, dass Museum, Sammlung, Objekte und thematische Segmente kommunikativer sind und in einen Kontext eingebettet oder thematisch erweitert werden. Einführung neuer Arbeiten mit verschiedenen Kommentaren sowie Lesen oder Interpretation der Museumsobjekte kann die Perspektive für ihr Verstehen und ihre Rezeption erweitern. Gleichzeitig kann das Museum als Ort des Seltsamen, Abweichenden, Ungeklärten (Kunstkammer oder Wunderkammer) dargestellt werden, was das Bild dieses Museums bei potentiellen neuen Rezipienten, die mehr auf die visuelle oder sogar spektakuläre Gegenwartskunst eingestellt sind, verbessern kann. Bei der Planung von Ausstellungen sollten sich die Kuratoren von den Theorien der zeitgenössischen Kunst nicht lossagen. Diese können sich bei der Erstellung neuer Verhältnisse und Beziehungen zwischen sichtbar entfernten und nicht zueinanderpassenden Kunstwerken und Objekten sehr hilfreich zeigen. Ein Ansatz, der die traditionelle chronologische oder einfache thematische Ordnung zerstört, kann die Bedeutung von Sammlungen und Objekten vergrößern, indem er die versteckten Ebenen aufdeckt und neue Zusammenhänge herstellt. Präsentation einer ständigen Sammlung kann als Kunst an sich betrachtet werden, welche die intellektuelle Neugier schürt, an breiteren gesellschaftlichen und kulturellen Debatten beteiligt ist und zu einer Einladung zu Bildungsspielen wird.

A

K

jede Sammlung (die nicht zu dem umgebenden Gebäudekomplex oder Raum gehört) dem zeitgenössischen Besucher, Rezipienten und Verbraucher näher. Es wurde mehrmals über die gesellschaftliche und ökonomische Rolle der neuen Museen diskutiert, die immerhin einen wertvollen Beitrag zur lokalen Entwicklung und zum Gebietsmarketing leisten sollten: Bilbao, Kanazawara oder Metz (wo 2008 das neue Beaubourg eröffnet werden wird). Die Gegenwartsarchitektur, als ein Bestandteil der zeitgenössischen visuellen Kultur, verfügt über riesige Möglichkeiten im Bereich der Museumsentwicklung und hat einen bedeutenden Einfluss auf das Image der Museen und das sowohl im Fall von neuen als auch alten Gebäuden.

184

Konzeptualisierung der Ausstellung

Konzeptualisierung der Ausstellung

rchitektur und Gestaltung der Museen ge hören heutzutage zu den wichtigsten Elementen, die über ihr öffentliches Image entscheiden. Viele Museen in Europa, die schon vor langer Zeit gegründet wurden, erhielten für ihre Sitze historische Gebäude so eine Anpassung von historischen Artefakten (Kunstwerken, Dokumenten, persönlichen Sachen berühmter Persönlichkeiten, Zeugnissen historischer Ereignisse) und eines historischen Ortes hat man für logisch und dialektisch gehalten. Auch die Verbreitung einer neuen, monumentalen postmodernen Architektur in den 80er Jahren des 20. Jahrhunderts hat die museale Bauten beeinflusst. Neue Konstruktionen wurden hauptsächlich in den neugebauten Museen für zeitgenössische Kunst eingesetzt, allerdings hat man auch zu den bereits bestehenden älteren Museumsgebäuden neue Seitenflügel oder Elemente im neuen Stil zugebaut (z.B. Pyramide du Louvre). Diese Tendenz hat sich auch auf die Form der ständigen und temporären Museumsaustellungen ausgewirkt und hat sie für neue Bedürfnisse des Publikums geöffnet (Museumsläden, Lehrzentren, Medientheken, Cafés ). Museen aus dem neunzehnten Jahrhundert kalte und unfreundliche Gebäude mit dunklen Sälen, entfernten Vitrinen und Regalen und stillen Gängen, die nur in einer Richtung begangen wurden all das wurde durch Glaswände, Sonnenlicht, Toninstallationen, freie Besichtigungsrichtung, direkte Kommunikation mit dem Außenraum, Bringen des Museums nach außen und neue Technologien ersetzt. Das architektonische Projekt der Räume, in denen Exponate ausgestellt werden, beeinflusst stark ihre Rezeption egal ob es sich um Kunstwerke, historische Urkunden, ethnographische oder naturwissenschaftliche Objekte, industrielle Produkte etc. handelt. Ästhetik des Ortes kann nicht getrennt von ausgestellten Exponaten, Beleuchtungssystem, Gängen, Eingängen und allen begleitenden Räumen und Dienstleistungen bleiben. Verknüpfung dieser Elemente gibt das Gefühl eines modernen Blicks auf die Vielfalt von Kunst und Exponaten. Dank der postmodernen Verbindung historischer Objekte mit der modernen Lokalisierung steht

K

A

onzeptualisierung der Ausstellung von Mu seumssammlungen soll dazu führen, dass Museum, Sammlung, Objekte und thematische Segmente kommunikativer sind und in einen Kontext eingebettet oder thematisch erweitert werden. Einführung neuer Arbeiten mit verschiedenen Kommentaren sowie Lesen oder Interpretation der Museumsobjekte kann die Perspektive für ihr Verstehen und ihre Rezeption erweitern. Gleichzeitig kann das Museum als Ort des Seltsamen, Abweichenden, Ungeklärten (Kunstkammer oder Wunderkammer) dargestellt werden, was das Bild dieses Museums bei potentiellen neuen Rezipienten, die mehr auf die visuelle oder sogar spektakuläre Gegenwartskunst eingestellt sind, verbessern kann. Bei der Planung von Ausstellungen sollten sich die Kuratoren von den Theorien der zeitgenössischen Kunst nicht lossagen. Diese können sich bei der Erstellung neuer Verhältnisse und Beziehungen zwischen sichtbar entfernten und nicht zueinanderpassenden Kunstwerken und Objekten sehr hilfreich zeigen. Ein Ansatz, der die traditionelle chronologische oder einfache thematische Ordnung zerstört, kann die Bedeutung von Sammlungen und Objekten vergrößern, indem er die versteckten Ebenen aufdeckt und neue Zusammenhänge herstellt. Präsentation einer ständigen Sammlung kann als Kunst an sich betrachtet werden, welche die intellektuelle Neugier schürt, an breiteren gesellschaftlichen und kulturellen Debatten beteiligt ist und zu einer Einladung zu Bildungsspielen wird.

Architektur und Raumgestaltung

jede Sammlung (die nicht zu dem umgebenden Gebäudekomplex oder Raum gehört) dem zeitgenössischen Besucher, Rezipienten und Verbraucher näher. Es wurde mehrmals über die gesellschaftliche und ökonomische Rolle der neuen Museen diskutiert, die immerhin einen wertvollen Beitrag zur lokalen Entwicklung und zum Gebietsmarketing leisten sollten: Bilbao, Kanazawara oder Metz (wo 2008 das neue Beaubourg eröffnet werden wird). Die Gegenwartsarchitektur, als ein Bestandteil der zeitgenössischen visuellen Kultur, verfügt über riesige Möglichkeiten im Bereich der Museumsentwicklung und hat einen bedeutenden Einfluss auf das Image der Museen und das sowohl im Fall von neuen als auch alten Gebäuden.

rchitektur und Gestaltung der Museen ge hören heutzutage zu den wichtigsten Elementen, die über ihr öffentliches Image entscheiden. Viele Museen in Europa, die schon vor langer Zeit gegründet wurden, erhielten für ihre Sitze historische Gebäude so eine Anpassung von historischen Artefakten (Kunstwerken, Dokumenten, persönlichen Sachen berühmter Persönlichkeiten, Zeugnissen historischer Ereignisse) und eines historischen Ortes hat man für logisch und dialektisch gehalten. Auch die Verbreitung einer neuen, monumentalen postmodernen Architektur in den 80er Jahren des 20. Jahrhunderts hat die museale Bauten beeinflusst. Neue Konstruktionen wurden hauptsächlich in den neugebauten Museen für zeitgenössische Kunst eingesetzt, allerdings hat man auch zu den bereits bestehenden älteren Museumsgebäuden neue Seitenflügel oder Elemente im neuen Stil zugebaut (z.B. Pyramide du Louvre). Diese Tendenz hat sich auch auf die Form der ständigen und temporären Museumsaustellungen ausgewirkt und hat sie für neue Bedürfnisse des Publikums geöffnet (Museumsläden, Lehrzentren, Medientheken, Cafés ). Museen aus dem neunzehnten Jahrhundert kalte und unfreundliche Gebäude mit dunklen Sälen, entfernten Vitrinen und Regalen und stillen Gängen, die nur in einer Richtung begangen wurden all das wurde durch Glaswände, Sonnenlicht, Toninstallationen, freie Besichtigungsrichtung, direkte Kommunikation mit dem Außenraum, Bringen des Museums nach außen und neue Technologien ersetzt. Das architektonische Projekt der Räume, in denen Exponate ausgestellt werden, beeinflusst stark ihre Rezeption egal ob es sich um Kunstwerke, historische Urkunden, ethnographische oder naturwissenschaftliche Objekte, industrielle Produkte etc. handelt. Ästhetik des Ortes kann nicht getrennt von ausgestellten Exponaten, Beleuchtungssystem, Gängen, Eingängen und allen begleitenden Räumen und Dienstleistungen bleiben. Verknüpfung dieser Elemente gibt das Gefühl eines modernen Blicks auf die Vielfalt von Kunst und Exponaten. Dank der postmodernen Verbindung historischer Objekte mit der modernen Lokalisierung steht

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

tivste Element wären, das dazu verhelfen würde, über traditionelle und veraltete Schemata hinauszugehen.


185

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Ersatz für nicht vorhandene Objekte

I

n vielen Museen, deren Ziel es ist, zu präsen tieren, zu bilden, gewisse Themen zur Sprache zu bringen, Ereignisse und persönliche Geschichten zu beleuchten etc, fehlen einige, manchmal sehr bedeutende Objekte oder Artefakte. Eine der besten Methoden zum Ausfüllen dieser Lücke, des leeren Raums im Diskursfeld, ist das Schaffen neuer Kunst, welche die kommunikativen Möglichkeiten der Sammlung, ihre Bildungselemente und/oder museale Zusammengehörigkeit und Ganzheitlichkeit fördert und betont. So kann die Kunst dazu helfen, ein Bild zu erstellen, das auf einem anderen Weg nicht zu erstellen wäre. Christopher R. Marshall nennt das Beispiel eines Museums in Sydney [ebd., S. 173], das sich mit der materiellen Geschichte der Stadt und ihrer vorkolonialen und kolonialen Wurzeln beschäftigt. Natürlich ist eine Rekonstruktion der Geschichte nicht immer einfach und vollständig, besonders wenn im Museum Dokumente und Objekte aus der darzustellenden Epoche fehlen. Gleichzeitig ist es sehr schwer, solche Ausstellungen attraktiv, verständlich, kommunikativ und visuell ansprechbar zu gestalten. Der Einsatz neuer Technologien kann helfen, obwohl er die authentischen Objekte nicht ersetzen kann. Das Museum in Sydney hat zwei Künstler eingeladen sie entwarfen Arbeiten, die eng mit dem historischen und ethnographischen Teil der Sammlungen verbunden sind: die Toninstallation wurde durch einen Musiker und einen Tonkünstler ausgeführt. Die ständige Ausstellung wurde sehr erfolgreich und begann als das wichtigste Instrument zur Bildung im Bereich Stadt- und Landesgeschichte betrachtet zu werden. Das Museum ist gleich ein interessanter Partner für ein Netz von Institutionen, die sich mit der zeitgenössischen Kunst beschäftigen, sowie für einzelne Künstler und Autoren von Kunstprojekten geworden. Anwendung dieser Innovation in der Ausstellung hatte zur Folge, dass sich das Museum innerhalb von kurzer Zeit dem Status einer interessanten, anregenden und bildenden Einrichtung näherte, wonach jedes Museum streben soll.

Vorbereitung der Szene für Narrativität

D

iese Rolle der graphischen Ausstattung, die in der musealen Umgebung ausgeführt oder installiert ist, soll dazu helfen, eine breitere institutionelle Perspektive zum Ausdruck zu bringen ähnliche Funktion erfüllt eine Skulp-

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

tur, die an einem gut sichtbaren öffentlichen Ort platziert ist. Solche Arbeit könnte auf ihre Schultern die Hauptverantwortung für das geplante Image der Einrichtung in Bezug auf tiefgreifende kulturelle und ideologische Werte, welche dieses Museum bewachen möchte, nehmen. Neue Narrativitäten ermöglichen die Re-Konzeptualisierung von Kunstmuseen, die in der modernistischen Kultur aus dem Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts eingewurzelt sind. Die gegenwärtige graphische Ausstattung, die politische, gesellschaftliche und theoretische Diskurse ihrer Zeit immanent wiederspiegelt, kann ein Vorbild für eine neue Bestimmung der Stelle von Museen werden. Diese Strategie oder Möglichkeit hat eine sehr große Bedeutung für die Diskussionen über die Zukunft mancher Museen. Man soll die Frage danach, ob das Museum seine Rolle, Forschungs- und Bildungsmöglichkeiten und Verfahren durch die Einführung einiger seltsamer und fremder Elemente ändern soll, nicht als ungehörig betrachten. Diese Frage ist vielmehr als ein Hilfswerkzeug zur Bestimmung einer neuen Stelle des Museums in institutionellem Kontext, Public Relations und Publikumsreichweite anzusehen.

Humor

D

er Humor als eine Form der zwischen menschlichen Kommunikation, die das Gefühl des Glücks und der Freude ausdrückt, könnte ein wirksames Werkzeug in einem Museum werden. Die alten Griechen nutzten den Humor als Medikament für Körper und Geist, die Kunst nutzt diesen zu ähnlichen Zwecken, entweder ironischen, satirischen oder einfach nur zum Spaß. Dies bedeutet jedoch nicht, dass die früheren Epochen mit dem Humor und seinen vielfältigen visuellen Formen und Funktionen nicht vertraut waren, das bedeutet nur, dass die Kunst des 20. Jh. und die populäre Kultur den Humor zu einer hohen Kunst erhoben haben (Absurdität, Karikatur, Komik, Clowns...). Der Humor wird in manchen normalen Situationen der Museumsarbeit genutzt, wie Texttafeln, Richtungsweiser, Hilfsschilder (in den Toiletten, Cafes oder Restaurants, Garderoben, Shops, beim Ausgang/Eingang...). Der Humor wird zum zusätzlichem Wert der scheinbar gewöhnlichen Ausstattungselementen des Museums. Solch eine Umgebung verkürzt den Abstand zwischen der institutionellen Kälte des Museums und des Publikums und letztendlich wird das Museum zum Ort an dem man sich wohl fühlen kann.

185

iese Rolle der graphischen Ausstattung, die in der musealen Umgebung ausgeführt oder installiert ist, soll dazu helfen, eine breitere institutionelle Perspektive zum Ausdruck zu bringen ähnliche Funktion erfüllt eine Skulp-

D

Vorbereitung der Szene für Narrativität n vielen Museen, deren Ziel es ist, zu präsen tieren, zu bilden, gewisse Themen zur Sprache zu bringen, Ereignisse und persönliche Geschichten zu beleuchten etc, fehlen einige, manchmal sehr bedeutende Objekte oder Artefakte. Eine der besten Methoden zum Ausfüllen dieser Lücke, des leeren Raums im Diskursfeld, ist das Schaffen neuer Kunst, welche die kommunikativen Möglichkeiten der Sammlung, ihre Bildungselemente und/oder museale Zusammengehörigkeit und Ganzheitlichkeit fördert und betont. So kann die Kunst dazu helfen, ein Bild zu erstellen, das auf einem anderen Weg nicht zu erstellen wäre. Christopher R. Marshall nennt das Beispiel eines Museums in Sydney [ebd., S. 173], das sich mit der materiellen Geschichte der Stadt und ihrer vorkolonialen und kolonialen Wurzeln beschäftigt. Natürlich ist eine Rekonstruktion der Geschichte nicht immer einfach und vollständig, besonders wenn im Museum Dokumente und Objekte aus der darzustellenden Epoche fehlen. Gleichzeitig ist es sehr schwer, solche Ausstellungen attraktiv, verständlich, kommunikativ und visuell ansprechbar zu gestalten. Der Einsatz neuer Technologien kann helfen, obwohl er die authentischen Objekte nicht ersetzen kann. Das Museum in Sydney hat zwei Künstler eingeladen sie entwarfen Arbeiten, die eng mit dem historischen und ethnographischen Teil der Sammlungen verbunden sind: die Toninstallation wurde durch einen Musiker und einen Tonkünstler ausgeführt. Die ständige Ausstellung wurde sehr erfolgreich und begann als das wichtigste Instrument zur Bildung im Bereich Stadt- und Landesgeschichte betrachtet zu werden. Das Museum ist gleich ein interessanter Partner für ein Netz von Institutionen, die sich mit der zeitgenössischen Kunst beschäftigen, sowie für einzelne Künstler und Autoren von Kunstprojekten geworden. Anwendung dieser Innovation in der Ausstellung hatte zur Folge, dass sich das Museum innerhalb von kurzer Zeit dem Status einer interessanten, anregenden und bildenden Einrichtung näherte, wonach jedes Museum streben soll.

I

Ersatz für nicht vorhandene Objekte

er Humor als eine Form der zwischen menschlichen Kommunikation, die das Gefühl des Glücks und der Freude ausdrückt, könnte ein wirksames Werkzeug in einem Museum werden. Die alten Griechen nutzten den Humor als Medikament für Körper und Geist, die Kunst nutzt diesen zu ähnlichen Zwecken, entweder ironischen, satirischen oder einfach nur zum Spaß. Dies bedeutet jedoch nicht, dass die früheren Epochen mit dem Humor und seinen vielfältigen visuellen Formen und Funktionen nicht vertraut waren, das bedeutet nur, dass die Kunst des 20. Jh. und die populäre Kultur den Humor zu einer hohen Kunst erhoben haben (Absurdität, Karikatur, Komik, Clowns...). Der Humor wird in manchen normalen Situationen der Museumsarbeit genutzt, wie Texttafeln, Richtungsweiser, Hilfsschilder (in den Toiletten, Cafes oder Restaurants, Garderoben, Shops, beim Ausgang/Eingang...). Der Humor wird zum zusätzlichem Wert der scheinbar gewöhnlichen Ausstattungselementen des Museums. Solch eine Umgebung verkürzt den Abstand zwischen der institutionellen Kälte des Museums und des Publikums und letztendlich wird das Museum zum Ort an dem man sich wohl fühlen kann.

D

Humor tur, die an einem gut sichtbaren öffentlichen Ort platziert ist. Solche Arbeit könnte auf ihre Schultern die Hauptverantwortung für das geplante Image der Einrichtung in Bezug auf tiefgreifende kulturelle und ideologische Werte, welche dieses Museum bewachen möchte, nehmen. Neue Narrativitäten ermöglichen die Re-Konzeptualisierung von Kunstmuseen, die in der modernistischen Kultur aus dem Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts eingewurzelt sind. Die gegenwärtige graphische Ausstattung, die politische, gesellschaftliche und theoretische Diskurse ihrer Zeit immanent wiederspiegelt, kann ein Vorbild für eine neue Bestimmung der Stelle von Museen werden. Diese Strategie oder Möglichkeit hat eine sehr große Bedeutung für die Diskussionen über die Zukunft mancher Museen. Man soll die Frage danach, ob das Museum seine Rolle, Forschungs- und Bildungsmöglichkeiten und Verfahren durch die Einführung einiger seltsamer und fremder Elemente ändern soll, nicht als ungehörig betrachten. Diese Frage ist vielmehr als ein Hilfswerkzeug zur Bestimmung einer neuen Stelle des Museums in institutionellem Kontext, Public Relations und Publikumsreichweite anzusehen.


Versteckte Museumsräume Stoff für neue Kunst

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

V

186

iele Künstler betonten das Geheimnis der Mu seumslager, indem sie die Elemente der Bühnenausstattung zeigten, die ein Hinterzimmer des Museums ähnelten. Die Lager sollten zum Forschungs- und Nachdenkzentrum werden. Das Zugänglichmachen dieser Lager zur befristeten Nutzung könnte auf eine andere Art und Weise den Museen dazu verhelfen, sich der äußeren Welt zu öffnen. Was kann man darin finden? Arbeiten, die man seit Jahren nicht ausgestellt hat, Gegenstände, die fast in den offiziellen Geschichten und Kritiken in Vergessenheit geraten sind, Fotos von Menschen die zur Legende wurden (ein Thema als ein Wert und nicht das Werk allein), Fotos oder Gegenstände, die mit geschichtlichen, vergessenen, kontroversen Ereignissen verbunden sind, die die Fantasie der gegenwärtigen Künstler und Autoren geweckt haben... Das Museumslager kann für alle möglichen Schöpfer eine Inspiration sein für visuelle Künstler, für die aufstrebenden und anerkannte, für Planer, Graphiker und industrielle Künstler, Theaterdirektoren, Drehbuchautoren, Modedesigner, Kunsthistoriker, Kunsttheoretiker, Künstler aller Art, Journalisten, Studenten, Kinder und viele mehr.

Im Buch wurden nur Grund- und Standardfakten geschildert, die 111 Museen und Galerien betreffen. Unter ihnen fanden sich Museen aus Kosovo, dessen Sammlungen aus Kosovo weggebracht wurden.

SERBISCHE MUSSEEN EINGESTELLTE GESCHICHTE

4

Serbische Museen Zustand der Kunst

egenwärtig existieren in Serbien über 100 Museen [Benderiæ, 2000]4, vor allem öffentliche, die von der serbischen Regierung, der Wojwodin Provinz, der Stadt oder der Stadtbehörde (d.h. Gründer) unterstützt werden, während private Museen zur Rarität gehören. In den 90er Jahren des 20. Jahrhunderts sind alle durch eine schwere Zeit einer allgemeinen Volksarmut und Stagnation gegangen, sowie durch dramatische und frustrierende soziale und politische Änderungsprozesse. Auf allen Ebenen der Gesellschaftsstruktur wurden die öffentlichen Institutionen oft heftigen Umwandlungen untergeordnet, die umgehende Änderungen, Anpassung der Strategien so-

G

G

wie ununterbrochenen Schutz der ethischen Arbeitswerte forderten: infolge der politischen Änderungen, die in den 90er Jahren stattgefunden haben, änderten sich radikal das Rechtsystem, die Kulturpolitik, die Politik der Zusammenarbeit und der Arbeitnehmer, sowie die Ziele der kulturellen Institutionen (auch der Museen). In dieser Situation standen die Museen und mit ihnen die Museumsangestellten angesichts vieler Gefahren, angefangen von inkompetenten Direktoren und anderen wichtigen Mitarbeitern, über fehlende Finanzmittel für dringende Renovierungen, Mangel an unentbehrlichen Schutzsystemen der Sammlungen (Alarm- und Überwachungssysteme, Feuchtigkeitskontrollsysteme, trockene und sichere Lager, u.s.w.), Spaltung aller Partner sowie Mangel an internationalen Zusammenarbeit, Einschränkung der Weiterbildung von Museumsmitarbeitern, Veruntreuung der Sammlungen und des Museumsraumes, bis hin zu einer physischen Gefahr während des NATO Bombardements im Jahr 1999. Die serbischen Museen erhielten eine zweite Chance nach dem Jahr 2000, als das serbische Volk eine neue Etappe der Änderungen begann. Das Öffnen des Landes einer internationalen Gesellschaft wurde in den Bereichen der Kunst und Kultur begonnen. Die institutionelle Reform wurde nicht nur dank internationalen Organisationen und Institutionen ermöglicht, sondern auch dank der lokalen Experten und Fachleuten. Wenn es jedoch um die Museen geht, scheint es, als ob sie abseits der Tätigkeiten des Kulturministeriums und anderer Institutionen blieben. Ausschließlich eine Handvoll Museen initiierte innere Reformen auf den Ebenen der Verwaltung, des Marketings, des Finanzierungssystems und der Öffentlichkeitspolitik. Jedoch, trotz weniger positiver Beispiele, wurden die Bemühungen nur beschränkt durch die Behörden unterstütz, da es an nationalen Kulturpolitik und überhaupt an fester Politik auf dem Gebiet des Denkmal- und Museumsschutzes fehlte. Gleichzeitig kann man jedoch auch eine erhebliche Passivität und Resignation einer großen Gruppe der Museumsmitarbeiter sowie der Kulturpolitikgründer bei der Lösung von ernsten Problemen in diesem Gebiet beobachten. Problemen, bei denen systematische und langzeitige Lösungen notwendig sind. In anderen Worten, wenn wir annehmen, dass das

Serbische Museen Zustand der Kunst

egenwärtig existieren in Serbien über 100 Museen [Benderiæ, 2000]4, vor allem öffentliche, die von der serbischen Regierung, der Wojwodin Provinz, der Stadt oder der Stadtbehörde (d.h. Gründer) unterstützt werden, während private Museen zur Rarität gehören. In den 90er Jahren des 20. Jahrhunderts sind alle durch eine schwere Zeit einer allgemeinen Volksarmut und Stagnation gegangen, sowie durch dramatische und frustrierende soziale und politische Änderungsprozesse. Auf allen Ebenen der Gesellschaftsstruktur wurden die öffentlichen Institutionen oft heftigen Umwandlungen untergeordnet, die umgehende Änderungen, Anpassung der Strategien so-

SERBISCHE MUSSEEN EINGESTELLTE GESCHICHTE

Im Buch wurden nur Grund- und Standardfakten geschildert, die 111 Museen und Galerien betreffen. Unter ihnen fanden sich Museen aus Kosovo, dessen Sammlungen aus Kosovo weggebracht wurden.

iele Künstler betonten das Geheimnis der Mu seumslager, indem sie die Elemente der Bühnenausstattung zeigten, die ein Hinterzimmer des Museums ähnelten. Die Lager sollten zum Forschungs- und Nachdenkzentrum werden. Das Zugänglichmachen dieser Lager zur befristeten Nutzung könnte auf eine andere Art und Weise den Museen dazu verhelfen, sich der äußeren Welt zu öffnen. Was kann man darin finden? Arbeiten, die man seit Jahren nicht ausgestellt hat, Gegenstände, die fast in den offiziellen Geschichten und Kritiken in Vergessenheit geraten sind, Fotos von Menschen die zur Legende wurden (ein Thema als ein Wert und nicht das Werk allein), Fotos oder Gegenstände, die mit geschichtlichen, vergessenen, kontroversen Ereignissen verbunden sind, die die Fantasie der gegenwärtigen Künstler und Autoren geweckt haben... Das Museumslager kann für alle möglichen Schöpfer eine Inspiration sein für visuelle Künstler, für die aufstrebenden und anerkannte, für Planer, Graphiker und industrielle Künstler, Theaterdirektoren, Drehbuchautoren, Modedesigner, Kunsthistoriker, Kunsttheoretiker, Künstler aller Art, Journalisten, Studenten, Kinder und viele mehr.

4

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

V

wie ununterbrochenen Schutz der ethischen Arbeitswerte forderten: infolge der politischen Änderungen, die in den 90er Jahren stattgefunden haben, änderten sich radikal das Rechtsystem, die Kulturpolitik, die Politik der Zusammenarbeit und der Arbeitnehmer, sowie die Ziele der kulturellen Institutionen (auch der Museen). In dieser Situation standen die Museen und mit ihnen die Museumsangestellten angesichts vieler Gefahren, angefangen von inkompetenten Direktoren und anderen wichtigen Mitarbeitern, über fehlende Finanzmittel für dringende Renovierungen, Mangel an unentbehrlichen Schutzsystemen der Sammlungen (Alarm- und Überwachungssysteme, Feuchtigkeitskontrollsysteme, trockene und sichere Lager, u.s.w.), Spaltung aller Partner sowie Mangel an internationalen Zusammenarbeit, Einschränkung der Weiterbildung von Museumsmitarbeitern, Veruntreuung der Sammlungen und des Museumsraumes, bis hin zu einer physischen Gefahr während des NATO Bombardements im Jahr 1999. Die serbischen Museen erhielten eine zweite Chance nach dem Jahr 2000, als das serbische Volk eine neue Etappe der Änderungen begann. Das Öffnen des Landes einer internationalen Gesellschaft wurde in den Bereichen der Kunst und Kultur begonnen. Die institutionelle Reform wurde nicht nur dank internationalen Organisationen und Institutionen ermöglicht, sondern auch dank der lokalen Experten und Fachleuten. Wenn es jedoch um die Museen geht, scheint es, als ob sie abseits der Tätigkeiten des Kulturministeriums und anderer Institutionen blieben. Ausschließlich eine Handvoll Museen initiierte innere Reformen auf den Ebenen der Verwaltung, des Marketings, des Finanzierungssystems und der Öffentlichkeitspolitik. Jedoch, trotz weniger positiver Beispiele, wurden die Bemühungen nur beschränkt durch die Behörden unterstütz, da es an nationalen Kulturpolitik und überhaupt an fester Politik auf dem Gebiet des Denkmal- und Museumsschutzes fehlte. Gleichzeitig kann man jedoch auch eine erhebliche Passivität und Resignation einer großen Gruppe der Museumsmitarbeiter sowie der Kulturpolitikgründer bei der Lösung von ernsten Problemen in diesem Gebiet beobachten. Problemen, bei denen systematische und langzeitige Lösungen notwendig sind. In anderen Worten, wenn wir annehmen, dass das

186

Versteckte Museumsräume Stoff für neue Kunst


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Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Museum eine Erfindung der Aufklärung ist, die sich im sozialen, ethischen und politischen Kern der Entwicklung des Bürgertums der modernen Länder befand, es eines der mächtigsten Gattungen der modernen Fiktion und Geschichtsformung [Preziosi, 2004, S. 486] ist, scheint es komisch, dass im postsozialistischen Serbien, im Prozess der Gestaltung einer neuen nationalen Identität (zur Zeit der Milosevic Regierung und nach Änderung des Regimes im Jahr 2000) den Museen keine wichtige Rolle zuteil wurde. Die meisten Museen überstanden die schwierigen Jahre im Zustand einer Hibernation, während die Museumsmitarbeiter auf bessere Zeiten gewartet haben. Es stellte sich jedoch heraus, dass lange Jahre in solchen Bedingungen ernste Konsequenzen hinterlassen haben, die sehr sichtbar sind, wenn es um die Definition der Vision und Mission in jedem einzelnen Museum geht. Eine altmodische Wahrnehmung der Funktion eines Museums ist in der Definition der Museumstätigkeit im Buch Serbische Museen , das im Jahr 2000 vom Institut der Kulturentwicklung herausgegeben wurde, gut sichtbar: keines der hier angegebenen Museen geht in seiner Grundtätigkeit über seine Grenzen des Sammelns, der Forschung, des Schutzes und der Präsentation von Kulturgütern, manche publizieren, manche veranstalten Vorlesungen und damit enden deren Tätigkeiten. Weder Bildung, was die Grundforderung der heutigen Museen ist, noch interdisziplinäre wissenschaftliche Forschungstätigkeiten, Unterhaltung (künstlerisches Schaffen) oder gemeinnützige Arbeit werden erwähnt. Die Museumsmitarbeiter und die Experten sehen im Mangel an finanziellen Mitteln den Hauptgrund dafür, dass deren Museen im schlechten Zustand sind, wenig Besucher haben, das keine neuen Projekte und Bildungsprogramme erscheinen, die Verwaltung immer noch auf eine altmodische Weise geführt wird, und dass man keine neuen Errungenschaften der konservatorischen- und Ausstellungskunst einwendet. Bazon Brock stellt fest, dass der Bankrott der Museen nicht nur an der Wirtschaft liegt, sondern auch an dem, was das Personal für die innere Identität des Museums tut [Brock, 2001, S. 24]. Darüber hinaus entsteht so ein Zustand auch aus der Welteinstellung außerhalb des Museums. Diese Einstellung ist in der Annahme des Mythos der allmächtigen Bildung, der Überordnung der Menschenrasse gegenüber der Natur und der Entschlossenheit des Wissens... [Sola, 2001, S.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

44] verankert. Diese Annahme ist nicht wahr. Oft wird in offiziellen und inoffiziellen Meinungen gesagt, dass das fehlende Engagement unter den serbischen Museumsmitarbeitern die Oberhand genommen hat.

Zeitgenössische Kunst in serbischen Museen: einige Beispiele

E

s gibt wenige Beispiele einer direkten Ver bindung der zeitgenössischen Kunst mit solchen serbischen Museen, deren Grundfunktion keine Präsentation von lebendiger Kunst ist. In der Realität gab es nur zwei bedeutsame Ausstellungen, die von Museumsleitern initiiert und realisiert wurden. Deren Charakter und Erfolg sowohl beim Publikum als auch bei den Kennern, inspirierte mich dazu Überlegungen zum Potenzial der Ausstellungen der zeitgenössischen Kunst einzugehen, was als ein Faktor zur Reform der serbischen Museen gelten kann. Die Studie handelt von zwei serbischen Museen Nationalmuseum und Museum der Afrikanischen Kunst, die sich entschlossen haben mit der Auswahl von Künstlern und Leitern zu experimentieren, deren Wurzeln in der modernen und visuellen Kunst verankert sind. Die Erfolge dieser Museen sind so positiv, dass sie ein Beispiel für andere Museen sein können. Die Ausstellung Erfahrungen der Erinnerungen, und die einjährige Arbeit von zwei Leitern des Nationalmuseums, war ein inspirierender Schöpfungsprozess, der das Museum für die geöffnet hat, die auf Grund ihrer Berufe außerhalb des Besucherkreises blieben. Die Ausstellungen im Museum der Afrikanischen Kunst führten zur Stellungsänderung dieses Museums in der kulturellen Szene von Belgrad und haben neue Möglichkeiten für die Initiativen und einer richtigen Entwicklung geöffnet. Alle diese Eigenschaften bilden eine Kombination der Entwicklungsstrategien (Programm, Qualitäts-, Verbindungs- und Engagementstrategien des Publikums), die zwecks Schaffung einer effektiven Reformstrategie der Museen ausführlich ausgearbeitet werden können.

WIE SOLL MAN DIE SERBISCHEN MUSEEN ÖFFNEN ? Verwaltungslösungen

D

ie Analysen und Kritiken der Museumsbe reiche in Serbien kann man nicht anders anfangen, wie mit der Forderung elementare

187

Museum eine Erfindung der Aufklärung ist, die sich im sozialen, ethischen und politischen Kern der Entwicklung des Bürgertums der modernen Länder befand, es eines der mächtigsten Gattungen der modernen Fiktion und Geschichtsformung [Preziosi, 2004, S. 486] ist, scheint es komisch, dass im postsozialistischen Serbien, im Prozess der Gestaltung einer neuen nationalen Identität (zur Zeit der Milosevic Regierung und nach Änderung des Regimes im Jahr 2000) den Museen keine wichtige Rolle zuteil wurde. Die meisten Museen überstanden die schwierigen Jahre im Zustand einer Hibernation, während die Museumsmitarbeiter auf bessere Zeiten gewartet haben. Es stellte sich jedoch heraus, dass lange Jahre in solchen Bedingungen ernste Konsequenzen hinterlassen haben, die sehr sichtbar sind, wenn es um die Definition der Vision und Mission in jedem einzelnen Museum geht. Eine altmodische Wahrnehmung der Funktion eines Museums ist in der Definition der Museumstätigkeit im Buch Serbische Museen , das im Jahr 2000 vom Institut der Kulturentwicklung herausgegeben wurde, gut sichtbar: keines der hier angegebenen Museen geht in seiner Grundtätigkeit über seine Grenzen des Sammelns, der Forschung, des Schutzes und der Präsentation von Kulturgütern, manche publizieren, manche veranstalten Vorlesungen und damit enden deren Tätigkeiten. Weder Bildung, was die Grundforderung der heutigen Museen ist, noch interdisziplinäre wissenschaftliche Forschungstätigkeiten, Unterhaltung (künstlerisches Schaffen) oder gemeinnützige Arbeit werden erwähnt. Die Museumsmitarbeiter und die Experten sehen im Mangel an finanziellen Mitteln den Hauptgrund dafür, dass deren Museen im schlechten Zustand sind, wenig Besucher haben, das keine neuen Projekte und Bildungsprogramme erscheinen, die Verwaltung immer noch auf eine altmodische Weise geführt wird, und dass man keine neuen Errungenschaften der konservatorischen- und Ausstellungskunst einwendet. Bazon Brock stellt fest, dass der Bankrott der Museen nicht nur an der Wirtschaft liegt, sondern auch an dem, was das Personal für die innere Identität des Museums tut [Brock, 2001, S. 24]. Darüber hinaus entsteht so ein Zustand auch aus der Welteinstellung außerhalb des Museums. Diese Einstellung ist in der Annahme des Mythos der allmächtigen Bildung, der Überordnung der Menschenrasse gegenüber der Natur und der Entschlossenheit des Wissens... [Sola, 2001, S.

ie Analysen und Kritiken der Museumsbe reiche in Serbien kann man nicht anders anfangen, wie mit der Forderung elementare

D

Verwaltungslösungen WIE SOLL MAN DIE SERBISCHEN MUSEEN ÖFFNEN ? s gibt wenige Beispiele einer direkten Ver bindung der zeitgenössischen Kunst mit solchen serbischen Museen, deren Grundfunktion keine Präsentation von lebendiger Kunst ist. In der Realität gab es nur zwei bedeutsame Ausstellungen, die von Museumsleitern initiiert und realisiert wurden. Deren Charakter und Erfolg sowohl beim Publikum als auch bei den Kennern, inspirierte mich dazu Überlegungen zum Potenzial der Ausstellungen der zeitgenössischen Kunst einzugehen, was als ein Faktor zur Reform der serbischen Museen gelten kann. Die Studie handelt von zwei serbischen Museen Nationalmuseum und Museum der Afrikanischen Kunst, die sich entschlossen haben mit der Auswahl von Künstlern und Leitern zu experimentieren, deren Wurzeln in der modernen und visuellen Kunst verankert sind. Die Erfolge dieser Museen sind so positiv, dass sie ein Beispiel für andere Museen sein können. Die Ausstellung Erfahrungen der Erinnerungen, und die einjährige Arbeit von zwei Leitern des Nationalmuseums, war ein inspirierender Schöpfungsprozess, der das Museum für die geöffnet hat, die auf Grund ihrer Berufe außerhalb des Besucherkreises blieben. Die Ausstellungen im Museum der Afrikanischen Kunst führten zur Stellungsänderung dieses Museums in der kulturellen Szene von Belgrad und haben neue Möglichkeiten für die Initiativen und einer richtigen Entwicklung geöffnet. Alle diese Eigenschaften bilden eine Kombination der Entwicklungsstrategien (Programm, Qualitäts-, Verbindungs- und Engagementstrategien des Publikums), die zwecks Schaffung einer effektiven Reformstrategie der Museen ausführlich ausgearbeitet werden können.

E

Zeitgenössische Kunst in serbischen Museen: einige Beispiele 44] verankert. Diese Annahme ist nicht wahr. Oft wird in offiziellen und inoffiziellen Meinungen gesagt, dass das fehlende Engagement unter den serbischen Museumsmitarbeitern die Oberhand genommen hat.


188

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Im Endbericht aus diesem Symposium fand sich eine Empfehlung vom Kulturminister, die die Errichtung eines Zentrums für zwischenmuseale Kommunikation betrifft, das eine stärkere Verbindung zwischen Ministerium und den Museen, wie auch zwischen den Museen untereinander schaffen soll. Das Ziel ist die Errichtung von Datenbanken, dank denen der Informationsfluss von allen wichtigen Problemen vereinfacht werden soll. www.ncd.matf.bg.ac.yu/yuicoin. Bis jetzt wurde solch ein Zentrum noch nicht errichtet.

188

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

G

6

G

Nationalmuseum in Krusevac und jugoslawische Kommission ICOM organisierten ein Symposium für Museumswesen im Oktober 2000 unter dem Titel Wohin weiter? Die Schlussfolgerungen aus dem Symposium bestimmen klar die Grundaufgaben welche zu tätigen sind. Mehr unter: www.ncd.matf.bg.ac.vu/yuicom

G

5

G

Gleichzeitig sollte man sich mit ein paar Änderungssphären beschäftigen, die nicht sehr viel Investitionen, jedoch eine verantwortungsvollere Einstellung zu der Museumsmission fordern: interne Kampagne, die folgende Elemente beinhaltet: Motivation der Mitarbeiter zu einer Teamarbeit, um das Museum attraktiver zu gestalten, das sich von anderen Institutionen abhebt, die mit Kultur, Bildung und Unterhaltung verbunden sind; Kontrolle der Qualitätskriterien in allen Museumssparten; kommunikative gleichbleibende Sammlung, die aus verständlichen, informationsreichen und klaren Texten zusammengesetzt ist, Flugblätter zu allen Ausstellungen sowohl in serbischer Sprache als auch in Fremdsprachen, an einzelne Jahresperioden und Kultur-

G

G

G

G

Kunst- und Bildungsbereichen: Organisieren von Events und nicht nur von Ausstellungen; Erschaffung von Forschungs- und Bildungszentren für verschiedene Zielgruppen angefangen von Kindergartenkindern bis hin zu Erwachsenen, für Pädagogen, für Menschen, die sich mit Touristik beschäftigen und für Geschäftsleute; Richtige Leitung ist eine Grundbedingung für eine erfolgreiche Leistung in der Organisation und Umgestaltung. Es ist der Schlüssel, ähnlich wie in allen anderen Institutionen, die radikale Änderungen benötigen; Aufbau von Möglichkeiten, die sich auf die organisatorischen Fähigkeiten zur Durchführung von Änderungen gemäß der Mission und Vision, der Ziele und Prioritäten bezieht [Dragicevic-Sesic, Dragojevic, 2005, S. 50]; Partnerschaft für die Zukunft örtlich, regional, auf nationaler und internationaler Ebene; Neue Technologien und Digitalisierung; Marketingstrategien, Public Relations, neues Design/visuelle Identität; Rechtliche Rahmen; Kulturtouristik

G

G

G

G

G

Gleichzeitig sollte man sich mit ein paar Änderungssphären beschäftigen, die nicht sehr viel Investitionen, jedoch eine verantwortungsvollere Einstellung zu der Museumsmission fordern: interne Kampagne, die folgende Elemente beinhaltet: Motivation der Mitarbeiter zu einer Teamarbeit, um das Museum attraktiver zu gestalten, das sich von anderen Institutionen abhebt, die mit Kultur, Bildung und Unterhaltung verbunden sind; Kontrolle der Qualitätskriterien in allen Museumssparten; kommunikative gleichbleibende Sammlung, die aus verständlichen, informationsreichen und klaren Texten zusammengesetzt ist, Flugblätter zu allen Ausstellungen sowohl in serbischer Sprache als auch in Fremdsprachen, an einzelne Jahresperioden und Kultur-

G

Schritte zu setzen, was dem Faktum entspringt, dass eine ziemlich große Zahl von Systemprinzipien ungelöst bleibt. Man sollte vor allem: die Rechtslage der Museen regeln, die Prioritäten der Kulturpolitik definieren und die Rolle der Museen bestimmen, die Zusammenarbeit mit Behörden klären, Strategiepläne der Museumsentwicklung aufstellen, bestehende und potenzielle Kunstrezipienten identifizieren, Marketingkampagne entwickeln, Innovationen und alternative Finanzierungsmöglichkeiten in die Museen einführen. Diese und andere Aufgaben5 sollten auf vier Ebenen realisiert werden: G Einzelner Museen, G Serbischer Museumsnetze (in Form von Museenvereinigung6, das die Museumsgemeinschaft gegenüber dem Kulturministerium, der regionalen und örtlichen Behörden, internationalen Museen und Organisationen vertreten würde...) und jugoslawischen ICOM Kommission, G Institutionen, die sich mit der Ausbildung von Museumsmitarbeitern beschäftigen: Kunstgeschichte und Archäologie an der Humanistischen Fakultät in Belgrad, Fakultät für angewandte Kunst, Fakultät für dramatische Kunst, Gruppe für Verwaltung in Kultur und Kulturpolitik auf der Kunstuniversität in Belgrad, Konservatorisches Zentrum Diana, G Serbisches Kulturministerium und Behörden verschiedenen Ranges Auf diesen Ebenen sollte man den strategischen Aktivitäten des gesamten Sektors in der ersten Reformphase Beachtung schenken. Das wird folgendes sein: G Zusammenarbeit zwischen Bildungszentren und Museumsmitarbeitern; G Bildung von Leitern, Managern, Konservatoren, Marketing- und PR-Experten, Planern, Architekten, Freiwilligen und Praktikanten eine breite Reichweite kann über die Kraft und Verantwortung der Museumsreform bestimmen; neue Programmarten Treffen, Vorlesungen, Präsentationen, interdisziplinäre Zusammenarbeit mit anderen

G

5 Nationalmuseum in Krusevac und jugoslawische Kommission ICOM organisierten ein Symposium für Museumswesen im Oktober 2000 unter dem Titel Wohin weiter? Die Schlussfolgerungen aus dem Symposium bestimmen klar die Grundaufgaben welche zu tätigen sind. Mehr unter: www.ncd.matf.bg.ac.vu/yuicom

G

Kunst- und Bildungsbereichen: Organisieren von Events und nicht nur von Ausstellungen; Erschaffung von Forschungs- und Bildungszentren für verschiedene Zielgruppen angefangen von Kindergartenkindern bis hin zu Erwachsenen, für Pädagogen, für Menschen, die sich mit Touristik beschäftigen und für Geschäftsleute; Richtige Leitung ist eine Grundbedingung für eine erfolgreiche Leistung in der Organisation und Umgestaltung. Es ist der Schlüssel, ähnlich wie in allen anderen Institutionen, die radikale Änderungen benötigen; Aufbau von Möglichkeiten, die sich auf die organisatorischen Fähigkeiten zur Durchführung von Änderungen gemäß der Mission und Vision, der Ziele und Prioritäten bezieht [Dragicevic-Sesic, Dragojevic, 2005, S. 50]; Partnerschaft für die Zukunft örtlich, regional, auf nationaler und internationaler Ebene; Neue Technologien und Digitalisierung; Marketingstrategien, Public Relations, neues Design/visuelle Identität; Rechtliche Rahmen; Kulturtouristik

6 Im Endbericht aus diesem Symposium fand sich eine Empfehlung vom Kulturminister, die die Errichtung eines Zentrums für zwischenmuseale Kommunikation betrifft, das eine stärkere Verbindung zwischen Ministerium und den Museen, wie auch zwischen den Museen untereinander schaffen soll. Das Ziel ist die Errichtung von Datenbanken, dank denen der Informationsfluss von allen wichtigen Problemen vereinfacht werden soll. www.ncd.matf.bg.ac.yu/yuicoin. Bis jetzt wurde solch ein Zentrum noch nicht errichtet.

Schritte zu setzen, was dem Faktum entspringt, dass eine ziemlich große Zahl von Systemprinzipien ungelöst bleibt. Man sollte vor allem: die Rechtslage der Museen regeln, die Prioritäten der Kulturpolitik definieren und die Rolle der Museen bestimmen, die Zusammenarbeit mit Behörden klären, Strategiepläne der Museumsentwicklung aufstellen, bestehende und potenzielle Kunstrezipienten identifizieren, Marketingkampagne entwickeln, Innovationen und alternative Finanzierungsmöglichkeiten in die Museen einführen. Diese und andere Aufgaben5 sollten auf vier Ebenen realisiert werden: G Einzelner Museen, G Serbischer Museumsnetze (in Form von Museenvereinigung6, das die Museumsgemeinschaft gegenüber dem Kulturministerium, der regionalen und örtlichen Behörden, internationalen Museen und Organisationen vertreten würde...) und jugoslawischen ICOM Kommission, G Institutionen, die sich mit der Ausbildung von Museumsmitarbeitern beschäftigen: Kunstgeschichte und Archäologie an der Humanistischen Fakultät in Belgrad, Fakultät für angewandte Kunst, Fakultät für dramatische Kunst, Gruppe für Verwaltung in Kultur und Kulturpolitik auf der Kunstuniversität in Belgrad, Konservatorisches Zentrum Diana, G Serbisches Kulturministerium und Behörden verschiedenen Ranges Auf diesen Ebenen sollte man den strategischen Aktivitäten des gesamten Sektors in der ersten Reformphase Beachtung schenken. Das wird folgendes sein: G Zusammenarbeit zwischen Bildungszentren und Museumsmitarbeitern; G Bildung von Leitern, Managern, Konservatoren, Marketing- und PR-Experten, Planern, Architekten, Freiwilligen und Praktikanten eine breite Reichweite kann über die Kraft und Verantwortung der Museumsreform bestimmen; neue Programmarten Treffen, Vorlesungen, Präsentationen, interdisziplinäre Zusammenarbeit mit anderen


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TABELLE 1: SWOT ANALYSE SWOT

MUSEEN

Starke Seiten

Institutionelle Stabilität

Keine professionellen Manager und Projektkoordinatoren

Bekannte Werte Öffentlicher Schutz Reichtum der Sammlungen Besonderer Stellenwert in der Stadtbevölkerung

Keine Finanzmittel für Renovierung und Ausstattung der neuen Gebäude,

Künstlerische und kulturelle Bedeutung des Museumsgebäudes Fachwissen, Erfahrungen und Qualitätsforschung

PROJEKTE DER ZEITGENÖSSISCHEN KUNST Offenheit und Mobilität/ keine Hierarchie Flexible Teambeziehungen Angepasste Regeln zu den Bedürfnissen des gegebenen Projektes Unabhängigkeit von öffentlicher Politik Modernes Design Fertigkeiten und Erfahrungen bei der Projektverwaltung Fertigkeiten und Erfahrungen beim Sammeln von Finanzmitteln Kommunikationswerkzeuge Unterstützung bei interdisziplinären Experimenten Interesse an neuen Technologien Internationalles Kontakteknüpfen und Annerkennung der Kenntnisse des Kunstmarktes/ Prinzipien des Sponsorings Teams für einzelne Projekte

Gefahren

Fortwährend unklare Situation des zeitgenössischen künstlerischen Schaffens Schwache Entwicklung des lokalen Kunstmarktes Ungeklärter Status des unabhängigen Künstlers (freelance) in Serbien

Langsamkeit der Systemänderungen,

Lockere Bindung mit der Institution

Rechtliche Limitierungen

Möglichkeit von mannigfaltigen Formen der Zusammenarbeit

Entwicklung der Kulturtouristik Zusammenarbeit mit Nichtregierungsorganisationen Programme für Volontäre und Praktikanten Zusammenarbeit mit Schulen, lokalen Firmen und Behörden Chancen

Ungeregelter Bereich des Urheberrechtes

Kosten zur Instandhaltung der Sammlungen, Keine Mobilität der Angestellten, Schwache

Hierarchie

Tätigkeit, die auf Projekten beruht/ befristete Tätigkeit

Seiten

Wahl des Direktors durch die Gründer (öffentliche Behörden)

Änderungen in den Kunsttrends

Regeln und Einschränkungen der Verfahren

Suche nach Ausstellungsräumen

Öffentliche und andere Bildungsprojekte Potenzielle Teilnahme an internationalen Projekten

Vielfälltigkeit der Finanzquellen des modernen Schaffens Mobilität des Personals Möglichkeiten der schnellen Veränderungen Formelle Flexibilität

Vererbte Administration und unprofessionelle Mitarbeiter Keine oder nicht geeignete Gebäude Keine internationalen Kontakte, Beziehungen und Projekte

Politische Abhängigkeit Altmodische/konservative visuelle Identität

Keine fixe Stabilität Keine fixe Finanzquelle

Schwach ausgebildetet Informatiksysteme

Keine Mitarbeiter, die sich mit Marketing, PR und dem Beschaffen von Finanzmitteln beschäftigen

Abneigung zu Interdisziplinarität Keine Mitarbeiter, die sich mit Marketing, PR und dem Beschaffen von Finanzmitteln beschäftigen

Abneigung zu Interdisziplinarität Schwach ausgebildetet Informatiksysteme

Altmodische/konservative visuelle Identität

Keine internationalen Kontakte, Beziehungen und Projekte

Politische Abhängigkeit Regeln und Einschränkungen der Verfahren

Keine oder nicht geeignete Gebäude Vererbte Administration und unprofessionelle Mitarbeiter

Wahl des Direktors durch die Gründer (öffentliche Behörden)

Seiten

Hierarchie

Schwache Chancen

Potenzielle Teilnahme an internationalen Projekten Öffentliche und andere Bildungsprojekte Zusammenarbeit mit Schulen, lokalen Firmen und Behörden Programme für Volontäre und Praktikanten Zusammenarbeit mit Nichtregierungsorganisationen

Gefahren

Formelle Flexibilität Möglichkeiten der schnellen Veränderungen Mobilität des Personals Vielfälltigkeit der Finanzquellen des modernen Schaffens

Entwicklung der Kulturtouristik

Möglichkeit von mannigfaltigen Formen der Zusammenarbeit

Rechtliche Limitierungen

Lockere Bindung mit der Institution

Langsamkeit der Systemänderungen,

Ungeklärter Status des unabhängigen Künstlers (freelance) in Serbien

Künstlerische und kulturelle Bedeutung des Museumsgebäudes Fachwissen, Erfahrungen und Qualitätsforschung

Keine Mobilität der Angestellten, Kosten zur Instandhaltung der Sammlungen,

Bekannte Werte Öffentlicher Schutz Reichtum der Sammlungen Besonderer Stellenwert in der Stadtbevölkerung

Keine Finanzmittel für Renovierung und Ausstattung der neuen Gebäude, Keine professionellen Manager und Projektkoordinatoren

Schwache Entwicklung des lokalen Kunstmarktes Fortwährend unklare Situation des zeitgenössischen künstlerischen Schaffens Ungeregelter Bereich des Urheberrechtes

Institutionelle Stabilität

Starke Seiten

MUSEEN

SWOT

TABELLE 1: SWOT ANALYSE Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

189

Keine fixe Finanzquelle Suche nach Ausstellungsräumen Keine fixe Stabilität Änderungen in den Kunsttrends Tätigkeit, die auf Projekten beruht/ befristete Tätigkeit PROJEKTE DER ZEITGENÖSSISCHEN KUNST Offenheit und Mobilität/ keine Hierarchie Flexible Teambeziehungen Angepasste Regeln zu den Bedürfnissen des gegebenen Projektes Unabhängigkeit von öffentlicher Politik Modernes Design Fertigkeiten und Erfahrungen bei der Projektverwaltung Fertigkeiten und Erfahrungen beim Sammeln von Finanzmitteln Kommunikationswerkzeuge Unterstützung bei interdisziplinären Experimenten Interesse an neuen Technologien Internationalles Kontakteknüpfen und Annerkennung der Kenntnisse des Kunstmarktes/ Prinzipien des Sponsorings Teams für einzelne Projekte


190

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Kunst, erkennen wir, das diese auf vielen Ebenen kompatibel sein können. Die Schwächen und Gefahren der einen Seite können durch die andere neutralisiert werden. Diese Verbindung könnte die Struktur des Museums in den Bereichen Promotion, Publikumsreichweite und allgemeine Organisation stärken. Wenn wir die Handlungen der Museen als einen Teil der Entwicklungsstrategie betrachten, als eine Synthese, wenn wir damit einverstanden sind, dass die Aufgaben der Museen nicht nur rein wissenschaftlich sind, aber dass sie gesellschaftliche Vorteile mit sich bringen, dann wird klar, dass heute eine gemeinsame Front in Serbien entstehen sollte, das zum Ziel hat lauthals darauf hinzuweisen, dass der letzte Moment für Änderungen und Reformen der serbischen Museen gekommen ist. Im anderen Fall wird das Museumsgewerbe (noch ein schwacher Punkt im Museumssystem) weiterhin verfallen, die Bedeutung nimmt ab, bis sie ganz verschwinden. Das Kulturministerium sollte in Zusammenarbeit mit den Museumsmitarbeitern und den örtlichen Behörden einen langfristigen Plan schaffen, um die Grundprobleme der serbischen Museen zu lösen. Eine nationale Strategie könnte auch dabei helfen, ausländische Expertisen, Stipendien, Beihilfen und Partnerschaften zu erlangen.

ie Beobachtung des Werdeganges der eu ropäischen Museen kann Vorbilder für innovative Praktiken und Methodologien liefern, die aus der zeitgenössischen Kunst übernommen werden können. Ungeachtet dessen, dass diese Praktiken bis dato kein häufiger Untersuchungsgegenstand waren, sind sie jedoch so fest in der Museumspraxis verankert, dass man kaum den Pioniercharakter erkennen kann. Beispielhafte Museen, die in dieser Materie die größten Erfolge verzeichnen können, sind Museen hohen Ranges, nationale Institutionen, die zum Symbol einer nationalen Kultur und Kulturgeschichte wurden. Museen wie Louvre, British Museum, Musée d Orsay oder MAK in Wien wurden zum Vorbild eines gut organisierten, auf Forschung und Theorien basierenden Museumswesens, mit einem hohen Niveau der Bildungsprogramme und langfristigen Strategien. Sie heben sich als Schätze des Welterbes hervor und um dieses Bild bauen sie die eigene Identität als weltberühmte touristische Attraktionen. Sie nutzen jedoch das große Potenzial nicht nur um Artefakte zu sammeln und

Schlussfolgerungen

D

D

Schlussfolgerungen

ie Beobachtung des Werdeganges der eu ropäischen Museen kann Vorbilder für innovative Praktiken und Methodologien liefern, die aus der zeitgenössischen Kunst übernommen werden können. Ungeachtet dessen, dass diese Praktiken bis dato kein häufiger Untersuchungsgegenstand waren, sind sie jedoch so fest in der Museumspraxis verankert, dass man kaum den Pioniercharakter erkennen kann. Beispielhafte Museen, die in dieser Materie die größten Erfolge verzeichnen können, sind Museen hohen Ranges, nationale Institutionen, die zum Symbol einer nationalen Kultur und Kulturgeschichte wurden. Museen wie Louvre, British Museum, Musée d Orsay oder MAK in Wien wurden zum Vorbild eines gut organisierten, auf Forschung und Theorien basierenden Museumswesens, mit einem hohen Niveau der Bildungsprogramme und langfristigen Strategien. Sie heben sich als Schätze des Welterbes hervor und um dieses Bild bauen sie die eigene Identität als weltberühmte touristische Attraktionen. Sie nutzen jedoch das große Potenzial nicht nur um Artefakte zu sammeln und

190

Kunst, erkennen wir, das diese auf vielen Ebenen kompatibel sein können. Die Schwächen und Gefahren der einen Seite können durch die andere neutralisiert werden. Diese Verbindung könnte die Struktur des Museums in den Bereichen Promotion, Publikumsreichweite und allgemeine Organisation stärken. Wenn wir die Handlungen der Museen als einen Teil der Entwicklungsstrategie betrachten, als eine Synthese, wenn wir damit einverstanden sind, dass die Aufgaben der Museen nicht nur rein wissenschaftlich sind, aber dass sie gesellschaftliche Vorteile mit sich bringen, dann wird klar, dass heute eine gemeinsame Front in Serbien entstehen sollte, das zum Ziel hat lauthals darauf hinzuweisen, dass der letzte Moment für Änderungen und Reformen der serbischen Museen gekommen ist. Im anderen Fall wird das Museumsgewerbe (noch ein schwacher Punkt im Museumssystem) weiterhin verfallen, die Bedeutung nimmt ab, bis sie ganz verschwinden. Das Kulturministerium sollte in Zusammenarbeit mit den Museumsmitarbeitern und den örtlichen Behörden einen langfristigen Plan schaffen, um die Grundprobleme der serbischen Museen zu lösen. Eine nationale Strategie könnte auch dabei helfen, ausländische Expertisen, Stipendien, Beihilfen und Partnerschaften zu erlangen.

kalender der Stadt und Umgebung angepasste Arbeitszeit, sowie andere Mittel und wichtige Ereignisse, die die Programme im Museum sichtbarer machen; Behinderten- und Kinderwagengerechte Eingänge, Programme für Kinder, Zielgruppen und Volontäre, Studentenclubs; Zusammenarbeit mit örtlichen und anderen Zentren im Bereich eines fixen Bildungsangebotes; Zusammenarbeit mit anderen Kultureinheiten, Theater- und Tanzveranstaltungen im Museum, Musikkonzerte in besonderen Museumsräumen, u.s.w. Die oben erwähnten Strategien konzentrieren sich auch auf einen wirksamen Ersatz der unangefochtenen Rechte einer öffentlichen Institution mittels Verantwortung. Diese Einstellung ist typisch für die meisten administrativen Institutionen der postsozialistischen Gesellschaft; die Überzeugung, dass der Staat weiterhin ihre erfolglose Existenz unabhängig von Ergebnissen und Effizienz unterstützen wird; die Marktwirtschaft wird ignoriert und als parallele Realität betrachtet, die keinen Einfluss auf die öffentlichen , in anderen Worten, ewigen und unveränderlichen Institutionen, hat. Die Logik der Projekte scheint eine gute Übergangsmethodologie zu sein und hat gute Ergebnisse bei den französischen Museen gebracht [Joly, 2005, S. 88]. Ein Kulturprojekt ist ein Werkzeug der Kulturpolitik zur Planung und Programmierung, das zur Effektivität und Dynamik der kulturellen Institutionen beigetragen hat (vorerst der Kulturzentren, dann der Museen). Dieses sollte sich an die neue Projektlogik anpassen, die langsam in die serbischen Kulturinstitutionen eingeführt wird. Die Arbeit beim Kulturprojekt gibt dem Museum einen Sinn, da sie auf einer Vision Museum als Kultur- und Gesellschaftsinstrument beruht [ebd., S. 90]. Das vorgeschlagene Modell die Projekte der zeitgenössischen Kunst als Werkzeug zur Entwicklung der Museumsorganisation, die im Einklang mit den kulturgesellschaftlichen Veränderungen steht und die mit postsozialistischen Übergangszeit verbunden ist, einzuführen, könnte ein gutes Mittel für viele serbischen Museen sein. Für so ei Mittel sprechen die Erfahrungen der europäischen Länder und einige lokale Fälle. Die SWOT Analyse (S-starke Seiten, W-schwache Seiten, O-Chancen, TGefahren) einer solchen Verbindung zeigt viele Möglichkeiten zum Erfolg auf. Bei der Analyse der starken und schwachen Seiten von serbischen Museen und des allgemeinen Konzeptes in der zeitgenössischen

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

kalender der Stadt und Umgebung angepasste Arbeitszeit, sowie andere Mittel und wichtige Ereignisse, die die Programme im Museum sichtbarer machen; Behinderten- und Kinderwagengerechte Eingänge, Programme für Kinder, Zielgruppen und Volontäre, Studentenclubs; Zusammenarbeit mit örtlichen und anderen Zentren im Bereich eines fixen Bildungsangebotes; Zusammenarbeit mit anderen Kultureinheiten, Theater- und Tanzveranstaltungen im Museum, Musikkonzerte in besonderen Museumsräumen, u.s.w. Die oben erwähnten Strategien konzentrieren sich auch auf einen wirksamen Ersatz der unangefochtenen Rechte einer öffentlichen Institution mittels Verantwortung. Diese Einstellung ist typisch für die meisten administrativen Institutionen der postsozialistischen Gesellschaft; die Überzeugung, dass der Staat weiterhin ihre erfolglose Existenz unabhängig von Ergebnissen und Effizienz unterstützen wird; die Marktwirtschaft wird ignoriert und als parallele Realität betrachtet, die keinen Einfluss auf die öffentlichen , in anderen Worten, ewigen und unveränderlichen Institutionen, hat. Die Logik der Projekte scheint eine gute Übergangsmethodologie zu sein und hat gute Ergebnisse bei den französischen Museen gebracht [Joly, 2005, S. 88]. Ein Kulturprojekt ist ein Werkzeug der Kulturpolitik zur Planung und Programmierung, das zur Effektivität und Dynamik der kulturellen Institutionen beigetragen hat (vorerst der Kulturzentren, dann der Museen). Dieses sollte sich an die neue Projektlogik anpassen, die langsam in die serbischen Kulturinstitutionen eingeführt wird. Die Arbeit beim Kulturprojekt gibt dem Museum einen Sinn, da sie auf einer Vision Museum als Kultur- und Gesellschaftsinstrument beruht [ebd., S. 90]. Das vorgeschlagene Modell die Projekte der zeitgenössischen Kunst als Werkzeug zur Entwicklung der Museumsorganisation, die im Einklang mit den kulturgesellschaftlichen Veränderungen steht und die mit postsozialistischen Übergangszeit verbunden ist, einzuführen, könnte ein gutes Mittel für viele serbischen Museen sein. Für so ei Mittel sprechen die Erfahrungen der europäischen Länder und einige lokale Fälle. Die SWOT Analyse (S-starke Seiten, W-schwache Seiten, O-Chancen, TGefahren) einer solchen Verbindung zeigt viele Möglichkeiten zum Erfolg auf. Bei der Analyse der starken und schwachen Seiten von serbischen Museen und des allgemeinen Konzeptes in der zeitgenössischen


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

die Kollektion zu erweitern, sondern versuchen das Potenzial in die Zukunft und für die Zukunft zu investieren. Die Offenheit und Orientierung auf das, was heutzutage in der Kulturwelt passiert, bereicherte diese Museen um viele neue Eigenschaften, die zur besseren Funktionsweise beigetragen haben. Der Einstieg und das Vorhandensein der zeitgenössischen Kunst in den Museen, deren Hauptziel nicht das Sammeln dieser Kunst ist, ist eine logische Konsequenz der allgemeinen Trends in der Kultur, die alle Spieler der Kulturwelt integriert, die als bedeutende Persönlichkeiten überdauern wollen. Diese Form des Vorhandenseins Einführung von zeitgenössischen Kunstwerken, Techniken, Sprachen und Diskurstheorien kann als Projektform angesehen werden. Die Änderungen wurden nach der Problemerkennung eingeführt, und das Problem war: wie soll man die Ausstellung, Räume und Darstellungen auffrischen? Die Strategie der Änderung nutzte die Werkzeuge (Strategien), die aus der zeitgenössischen Kunst übernommen werden können und die die Lösung des Problems darstellen sowie ein Ziel zur Bildung einer spannenden Ausstellung der Geschichtskunst in einem lebendigen Kontext (reflexiv und physisch) erreichen konnten. Dieses Potenzial, das mit den Möglichkeiten der zeitgenössischen Kunst zur Änderung des Museumskreises verbunden war, könnte auch zur komplexen Reform der serbischen Museen genutzt werden. Einige Beispiele des positiven Einflusses der Projekte, die mit der zeitgenössischen Kunst in den Museen (Nationalmuseum, Museum der Afrikanischen Kunst) verbunden waren, bildete die Grundlage zur Analyse von möglichen Resultaten der institutionellen Entwicklung und strategischer Verwaltung. Im Zusammenhang mit der sich verändernden Gesellschaft und im Angesicht der Folgen der schon lange anhaltenden Verarmung der serbischen Museen, stehen diese Institutionen vor der dringenden Notwendigkeit von organisatorischen Reformen und des Folgens der europäischen Trends und Standards. Diese unentbehrliche Veränderung, die auf dem Übergang von einer institutionellen Logik in eine projektbezogene Logik beruht, wird Schritt für Schritt und gemäß der Prinzipien und Strategien, die in den Verwaltungsstrategien empfohlen werden, fortschreiten. Die mit der zeitgenössischen Kunst verbundenen Projekte können eines der Übergangsmodelle bilden und können als Instrument dienen, das bei der Veranschaulichung der Grundbegriffe der Verwaltung und des Mar-

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

ketings sowie der neuen museologischen und museographischen Tendenzen der serbischen Museen hilft. Dank solcher Projekte werden neue Kontaktmöglichkeiten mit Sammlungen und Objekten des Museums, mit der Institution und den Mitarbeitern, sowie neue Kommunikationsarten mit dem Publikum eingeführt. In diesen Fällen kann die zeitgenössische Kunst die Rolle eines Mediators übernehmen, was eine wichtige Änderung in der Museumspraxis ist. Die kulturelle und institutionelle in Ehre umhüllte Überzeugung, dass das Kunstobjekt für sich, ohne Vermittler, sprechen muss, war eine Regel. Im Falle der serbischen Museen gilt sie bis heute. Solch eine Praxis ist auch eine Art das Wissen geheim zu halten. Das Museum sollte doch eine der führenden Institutionen in der Demokratisierung des Wissens sein. Letztendlich bewies die SWOT Analyse, die den Zusammenschluss der Museen anbelangt, die sich wie die serbischen in einer schwierigen Situation befinden, ein hohes Niveau an Kompatibilität. Solche institutionellen Relationen könnten dazu führen, dass sich das Museum zu einem Ort eines kontinuierlichen und offenen Dialoges zu verschiedenen Themen entwickelt. Dieser Dialog findet unter einer gegenseitigen Schätzung und Opferung für die Museumsmission statt. Das wichtigste Problem betrifft den Aufbau des Publikums und dessen Reichweite, also Erfüllung einer gesellschaftlichen Funktion der Museen Bildung und Inspiration des Wissens. Das Grundprinzip in der Veränderung des serbischen Museumsbildes liegt in der Veränderung der Kulturpolitik, die auch die Museen betrifft. Bis dato existiert kein strategisches Dokument, das das Museumssystem regelt und die Prioritäten und strategische Ziele definiert. Die größte Initiative liegt in den Händen der Museumsdirektoren, die jedoch über keine wirksamen Instrumente zur Einführung von systematischen Änderungen verfügen. Nur ein integriertes Modell der Kulturpolitik, das sich auf wissenschaftlicher Forschungsarbeit stützt, das klar bestimmte Ziele und Aufgaben im Bereich der Museumstätigkeit hat, kann Bedingungen für eine komplette Organisationsreform der serbischen Museen schaffen. Heutzutage verlieren die Museen ihre normative Funktion: sie vertreten keine Gesellschaftsnormen oder herrschende Geschmäkker. Wie nie zuvor, bilden sie einen Raum für neue Experimente, innovative Einstellungen im Bereich der Kunst und Kultur, wie auch für innovative Marketing- und Verwaltungsstrategi-

191

die Kollektion zu erweitern, sondern versuchen das Potenzial in die Zukunft und für die Zukunft zu investieren. Die Offenheit und Orientierung auf das, was heutzutage in der Kulturwelt passiert, bereicherte diese Museen um viele neue Eigenschaften, die zur besseren Funktionsweise beigetragen haben. Der Einstieg und das Vorhandensein der zeitgenössischen Kunst in den Museen, deren Hauptziel nicht das Sammeln dieser Kunst ist, ist eine logische Konsequenz der allgemeinen Trends in der Kultur, die alle Spieler der Kulturwelt integriert, die als bedeutende Persönlichkeiten überdauern wollen. Diese Form des Vorhandenseins Einführung von zeitgenössischen Kunstwerken, Techniken, Sprachen und Diskurstheorien kann als Projektform angesehen werden. Die Änderungen wurden nach der Problemerkennung eingeführt, und das Problem war: wie soll man die Ausstellung, Räume und Darstellungen auffrischen? Die Strategie der Änderung nutzte die Werkzeuge (Strategien), die aus der zeitgenössischen Kunst übernommen werden können und die die Lösung des Problems darstellen sowie ein Ziel zur Bildung einer spannenden Ausstellung der Geschichtskunst in einem lebendigen Kontext (reflexiv und physisch) erreichen konnten. Dieses Potenzial, das mit den Möglichkeiten der zeitgenössischen Kunst zur Änderung des Museumskreises verbunden war, könnte auch zur komplexen Reform der serbischen Museen genutzt werden. Einige Beispiele des positiven Einflusses der Projekte, die mit der zeitgenössischen Kunst in den Museen (Nationalmuseum, Museum der Afrikanischen Kunst) verbunden waren, bildete die Grundlage zur Analyse von möglichen Resultaten der institutionellen Entwicklung und strategischer Verwaltung. Im Zusammenhang mit der sich verändernden Gesellschaft und im Angesicht der Folgen der schon lange anhaltenden Verarmung der serbischen Museen, stehen diese Institutionen vor der dringenden Notwendigkeit von organisatorischen Reformen und des Folgens der europäischen Trends und Standards. Diese unentbehrliche Veränderung, die auf dem Übergang von einer institutionellen Logik in eine projektbezogene Logik beruht, wird Schritt für Schritt und gemäß der Prinzipien und Strategien, die in den Verwaltungsstrategien empfohlen werden, fortschreiten. Die mit der zeitgenössischen Kunst verbundenen Projekte können eines der Übergangsmodelle bilden und können als Instrument dienen, das bei der Veranschaulichung der Grundbegriffe der Verwaltung und des Mar-

191

ketings sowie der neuen museologischen und museographischen Tendenzen der serbischen Museen hilft. Dank solcher Projekte werden neue Kontaktmöglichkeiten mit Sammlungen und Objekten des Museums, mit der Institution und den Mitarbeitern, sowie neue Kommunikationsarten mit dem Publikum eingeführt. In diesen Fällen kann die zeitgenössische Kunst die Rolle eines Mediators übernehmen, was eine wichtige Änderung in der Museumspraxis ist. Die kulturelle und institutionelle in Ehre umhüllte Überzeugung, dass das Kunstobjekt für sich, ohne Vermittler, sprechen muss, war eine Regel. Im Falle der serbischen Museen gilt sie bis heute. Solch eine Praxis ist auch eine Art das Wissen geheim zu halten. Das Museum sollte doch eine der führenden Institutionen in der Demokratisierung des Wissens sein. Letztendlich bewies die SWOT Analyse, die den Zusammenschluss der Museen anbelangt, die sich wie die serbischen in einer schwierigen Situation befinden, ein hohes Niveau an Kompatibilität. Solche institutionellen Relationen könnten dazu führen, dass sich das Museum zu einem Ort eines kontinuierlichen und offenen Dialoges zu verschiedenen Themen entwickelt. Dieser Dialog findet unter einer gegenseitigen Schätzung und Opferung für die Museumsmission statt. Das wichtigste Problem betrifft den Aufbau des Publikums und dessen Reichweite, also Erfüllung einer gesellschaftlichen Funktion der Museen Bildung und Inspiration des Wissens. Das Grundprinzip in der Veränderung des serbischen Museumsbildes liegt in der Veränderung der Kulturpolitik, die auch die Museen betrifft. Bis dato existiert kein strategisches Dokument, das das Museumssystem regelt und die Prioritäten und strategische Ziele definiert. Die größte Initiative liegt in den Händen der Museumsdirektoren, die jedoch über keine wirksamen Instrumente zur Einführung von systematischen Änderungen verfügen. Nur ein integriertes Modell der Kulturpolitik, das sich auf wissenschaftlicher Forschungsarbeit stützt, das klar bestimmte Ziele und Aufgaben im Bereich der Museumstätigkeit hat, kann Bedingungen für eine komplette Organisationsreform der serbischen Museen schaffen. Heutzutage verlieren die Museen ihre normative Funktion: sie vertreten keine Gesellschaftsnormen oder herrschende Geschmäkker. Wie nie zuvor, bilden sie einen Raum für neue Experimente, innovative Einstellungen im Bereich der Kunst und Kultur, wie auch für innovative Marketing- und Verwaltungsstrategi-


192

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

en. Man kann sogar andeuten, dass die Museen in der letzten Dekade des 20. Jh. eine Herausforderung, eine Provokation für den kulturellen, gesellschaftlichen und politischen Kreis wurden, die eine Reaktion, positive und negative Äußerungen erwartet, die sie letztendlich um neue Praktiken in der Kulturpolitik, Ästhe-

tik, Museologie, Kunstproduktionen, Wirtschaft u.s.w. bereichern würden. Das selbe können wir über die zeitgenössische Kunst sagen. Daher sollte die kreative Fusion zwischen Museen und der lebendigen Kunst als eine strategische Innovation akzeptiert und unterstützt werden.

Literatur:

Marshall Ch. R., The contemporary museum as art

Bal M., Muze koji govori, [In:] Anomalija Casopis za

gallery [In:] S. MacLeod [Red.] Reshaping Muse-

kulturu, istoriju i teoriju umetnosti 2005, Nr 1.

um Space: architecture, design, exhibitions, London and New York 2005.

Bourriaud N., Postproduction, 2003.

Noever P. [Red], Museums without Futures, Wien 2001.

Brock B., God and Garbage Museums as creators

Obrost H.-U., Migrators Curator, Musée d art mo-

of lime [In:] Noever P. [Red.], The Discursive Mu-

derne de la Ville de Paris zitiert in: What do you

seum, Wien 2001.

expect from an art institution in the 21st centu-

thodology of museology and professional training, Stockholm 1983. Stockholm 1983. thodology of museology and professional training, Stransky Z., Basic paper [In:] V. Softka [Red.], Mebernetickom muzeju, Zagreb 2003. Sola T., Eseji o muzejima i njihovoj leoriji, Prema kili, Novi Sad 2004. [Red.], Kritièki termini istirije umetnosti, prirediPreziosi D., Zbirke i muzeji [In:] Nelson R. S., if R. ry?, Paris 2003. expect from an art institution in the 21st centu-

seum, Wien 2001.

derne de la Ville de Paris zitiert in: What do you

of lime [In:] Noever P. [Red.], The Discursive Mu-

Obrost H.-U., Migrators Curator, Musée d art mo-

Brock B., God and Garbage Museums as creators

Noever P. [Red], Museums without Futures, Wien 2001. don and New York 2005. um Space: architecture, design, exhibitions, Lon-

kulturu, istoriju i teoriju umetnosti 2005, Nr 1.

gallery [In:] S. MacLeod [Red.] Reshaping Muse-

Bal M., Muze koji govori, [In:] Anomalija Casopis za

Marshall Ch. R., The contemporary museum as art

Literatur:

tik, Museologie, Kunstproduktionen, Wirtschaft u.s.w. bereichern würden. Das selbe können wir über die zeitgenössische Kunst sagen. Daher sollte die kreative Fusion zwischen Museen und der lebendigen Kunst als eine strategische Innovation akzeptiert und unterstützt werden.

en. Man kann sogar andeuten, dass die Museen in der letzten Dekade des 20. Jh. eine Herausforderung, eine Provokation für den kulturellen, gesellschaftlichen und politischen Kreis wurden, die eine Reaktion, positive und negative Äußerungen erwartet, die sie letztendlich um neue Praktiken in der Kulturpolitik, Ästhe-

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Bourriaud N., Postproduction, 2003.

192

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193

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Das Erbe des Bezirks Königsberg Chancen und Probleme Oksana Boytsova Übersetzung: Dorota Lupa

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er Bezirk Königsberg ist auf seine eige ne Art und Weise ein einzigartiges Gebiet: ein kleines Stück der Russischen Föderation, das an der Ostsee umgeben von europäischen Staaten liegt und keine gemeinsamen Grenzen mit dem Gebiet des so genannten kontinentalen Russlands hat. Die heutige russische Enklave erlebte in ihrer Geschichte mehrere kulturelle Veränderungen preußische, deutsche und zum Schluss russische. Jede von diesen historischen Etappen hinterließ ihre Spur auf diesem Gebiet. Das architektonische Aussehen der Städte und Dörfer, kulturelle Güter, sind eine eklektische Sammlung und bilden das eigenartige Kolorit des Bezirks Königsberg. Das historische Aussehen von Königsberg der Hauptstadt von Ostpreußen und des ganzen Gebietes wurde beachtlich infolge der Kriegshandlungen während des zweiten Weltkriegs beeinträchtigt. Auf diesem Gebiet fehlt auch die direkte historische Nachwirkung, weil sich die Bevölkerung nach dem Krieg vollständig veränderte. Die Umsiedler aus Russland, der Ukraine, Weißrussland und anderen Ländern der ehemaligen Sowjetunion, die dieses Gebiet bewohnt haben, haben hier ihre Traditionen eingeführt, wobei alles, was aus den vergangenen Jahren stammte, als etwas Fremdes behandelt wurde. Und das, was bewahrt wurde, wurde von den hier nach dem Krieg Umgesiedelten absichtlich zerstört. Man kann aber, zwar mit Mühe, diesen Hass gegen die fremde Kultur verstehen, der infolge des grausamen Kriegs hervorgerufen wurde. Heutzutage leben hier schon einige Generationen, die auf diesem Boden geboren wurden und ihn für ihre Heimat halten. Deshalb verstehen sie das Erbe von allen historischen

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Perioden als ihr eigenes, indem sie sich dessen Wert und Bedeutung als kultureller Werte bewusst werden. Für die Wiederherstellung der historischen Nachwirkung des Gebietes ist es sehr wichtig sowohl das Erbe, das noch im Bezirk Königsberg übrig blieb zu schützen, als auch das, was sich hier in der Vergangenheit befand und zerstört wurde, zu rekonstruieren. Es ist dabei wichtig, dass sich langsam, aber doch die Mentalität der Bevölkerung ändert, schwerer fällt es, das Erbe nicht nur als Kulturerbe und das Erbe mit dem allgemeinen Wert, sondern auch als die wichtige Entwicklungsrichtung, die messbare praktische Bedeutung hat, zu erfassen. Die Situation ist schwer, weil das meiste Erbe des Bezirks Königsberg zerstört wurde. Und zum Beispiel in der Architektur- was das messbarste Beispiel ist sind bis zum heutigen Tag lediglich 5% von Kulturdenkmälern und historischen Gebäuden erhalten geblieben. Was noch schlimmer ist, wurden sie ganz zerstört oder haben im Laufe der Zeit ihre historischen Eigenschaften verloren. Viele historische und kulturelle Güter wurden außerhalb der Grenzen des Gebiets ausgeführt. Trotzdem befinden sich auf dem Gebiet des Bezirks Königsberg fast 40 Kunstdenkmäler, die den föderativen Status besitzen. Außerdem gibt es hier auch archäologische Denkmäler und Denkmäler, die den lokalen Status besitzen. Der Zustand von erhalten gebliebenen Baudenkmälern ist besonders wichtig für die Organisationen deren Tätigkeit auf irgendwelche Weise mit dem Schutz und mit der Entwicklung des Kulturerbes im Bezirk Königsberg verbunden ist. Es ist sehr wichtig, in welchem Grade diese Objekte mit dem Kulturwert ge-

193

Oksana Boytsova studierte Geschichte an der Russischen Staatlichen ImmanuelKant-Universität in Kaliningrad (zur Zeit ist sie Doktorandin in demselben Fachbereich). Sie ist als Projektkoordinatorin in der Nichtregierungsorganisation für die Förderung der Kulturprojekte Tranzit in Kaliningrad tätig. Ihr wissenschaftliches Interesse liegt im Kulturmanagement, in der Kulturpolitik, der Teilnahme der Nichtregierungsorganisationen an der Gestaltung und Durchführung der Kulturpolitik, in der Kultur als Faktor der Regionalentwicklung, und im Management des kulturellen Erbes.

er Bezirk Königsberg ist auf seine eige ne Art und Weise ein einzigartiges Gebiet: ein kleines Stück der Russischen Föderation, das an der Ostsee umgeben von europäischen Staaten liegt und keine gemeinsamen Grenzen mit dem Gebiet des so genannten kontinentalen Russlands hat. Die heutige russische Enklave erlebte in ihrer Geschichte mehrere kulturelle Veränderungen preußische, deutsche und zum Schluss russische. Jede von diesen historischen Etappen hinterließ ihre Spur auf diesem Gebiet. Das architektonische Aussehen der Städte und Dörfer, kulturelle Güter, sind eine eklektische Sammlung und bilden das eigenartige Kolorit des Bezirks Königsberg. Das historische Aussehen von Königsberg der Hauptstadt von Ostpreußen und des ganzen Gebietes wurde beachtlich infolge der Kriegshandlungen während des zweiten Weltkriegs beeinträchtigt. Auf diesem Gebiet fehlt auch die direkte historische Nachwirkung, weil sich die Bevölkerung nach dem Krieg vollständig veränderte. Die Umsiedler aus Russland, der Ukraine, Weißrussland und anderen Ländern der ehemaligen Sowjetunion, die dieses Gebiet bewohnt haben, haben hier ihre Traditionen eingeführt, wobei alles, was aus den vergangenen Jahren stammte, als etwas Fremdes behandelt wurde. Und das, was bewahrt wurde, wurde von den hier nach dem Krieg Umgesiedelten absichtlich zerstört. Man kann aber, zwar mit Mühe, diesen Hass gegen die fremde Kultur verstehen, der infolge des grausamen Kriegs hervorgerufen wurde. Heutzutage leben hier schon einige Generationen, die auf diesem Boden geboren wurden und ihn für ihre Heimat halten. Deshalb verstehen sie das Erbe von allen historischen

D

Perioden als ihr eigenes, indem sie sich dessen Wert und Bedeutung als kultureller Werte bewusst werden. Für die Wiederherstellung der historischen Nachwirkung des Gebietes ist es sehr wichtig sowohl das Erbe, das noch im Bezirk Königsberg übrig blieb zu schützen, als auch das, was sich hier in der Vergangenheit befand und zerstört wurde, zu rekonstruieren. Es ist dabei wichtig, dass sich langsam, aber doch die Mentalität der Bevölkerung ändert, schwerer fällt es, das Erbe nicht nur als Kulturerbe und das Erbe mit dem allgemeinen Wert, sondern auch als die wichtige Entwicklungsrichtung, die messbare praktische Bedeutung hat, zu erfassen. Die Situation ist schwer, weil das meiste Erbe des Bezirks Königsberg zerstört wurde. Und zum Beispiel in der Architektur- was das messbarste Beispiel ist sind bis zum heutigen Tag lediglich 5% von Kulturdenkmälern und historischen Gebäuden erhalten geblieben. Was noch schlimmer ist, wurden sie ganz zerstört oder haben im Laufe der Zeit ihre historischen Eigenschaften verloren. Viele historische und kulturelle Güter wurden außerhalb der Grenzen des Gebiets ausgeführt. Trotzdem befinden sich auf dem Gebiet des Bezirks Königsberg fast 40 Kunstdenkmäler, die den föderativen Status besitzen. Außerdem gibt es hier auch archäologische Denkmäler und Denkmäler, die den lokalen Status besitzen. Der Zustand von erhalten gebliebenen Baudenkmälern ist besonders wichtig für die Organisationen deren Tätigkeit auf irgendwelche Weise mit dem Schutz und mit der Entwicklung des Kulturerbes im Bezirk Königsberg verbunden ist. Es ist sehr wichtig, in welchem Grade diese Objekte mit dem Kulturwert ge-

Übersetzung: Dorota Lupa

Oksana Boytsova

Das Erbe des Bezirks Königsberg Chancen und Probleme

Oksana Boytsova studierte Geschichte an der Russischen Staatlichen ImmanuelKant-Universität in Kaliningrad (zur Zeit ist sie Doktorandin in demselben Fachbereich). Sie ist als Projektkoordinatorin in der Nichtregierungsorganisation für die Förderung der Kulturprojekte Tranzit in Kaliningrad tätig. Ihr wissenschaftliches Interesse liegt im Kulturmanagement, in der Kulturpolitik, der Teilnahme der Nichtregierungsorganisationen an der Gestaltung und Durchführung der Kulturpolitik, in der Kultur als Faktor der Regionalentwicklung, und im Management des kulturellen Erbes.


194

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Eine populäre Form der kulturellen Tätigkeit auf dem Gebiet der historischen Baudenkmäler ist das Museum (das landeskundliche oder historische) es ist ein Raum, der für die Organisation der Ausstellungen bestimmt ist. Deutlich hebt sich hier die Tätigkeit einer Nichtregierungsorganisation, der HausSchloss-Stiftung hervor, die seit 10 Jahren funktioniert als historisches und kulturelles Zentrum im Schloss aus dem 14.Jh.- dem Baudenkmal, das den föderativen Status besitzt. Unter den Projekten dieser Stiftung gibt es viele ungewöhnliche neuartige Realisationen, die gemeinsam mit anderen kulturellen und geschäftlichen Institutionen sowie mit privaten Personen vorbereitet wurden. Ein Beispiel ist hier das Festival der mittelalterlichen Kunst, Ritterkämpfe, die Anwesendheit der modernen Kunst auf dem Gebiet des alten Schlosses. Diese Projekte haben dabei immer eine wesentliche gesellschaftliche Bedeutung. Das Schloss befindet sich in einer kleinen Stadt und hat eine wichtige Bedeutung für deren Entwicklung und für die lokale Gesellschaft. Außerdem ist es das Markenzeichen der Stadt, das wichtig für Kultur, Tourismus und Promotion ist. Außer des Wiederaufbaus der architektonischen Baudenkmäler ist es für den Schutz des Erbes des Bezirks Königsberg auch nötig, historische Traditionen und Handwerke altpreußische, ritterliche, deutsche, die auf diesem Gebiet in der Vergangenheit existierten, sowie auch traditionelle Handwerke und die Arten der Wirtschaftsführung in verschiedenen russischen Regionen, aus denen die Umsiedler gekommen sind, auch die Vertreter anderer Nationen, die heute im Bezirk Königsberg (Ukrainer, Weißrussen, Litauer, Armenier usw. ) leben, zu rekonstruieren. Alle diese Kulturen bilden einen wichtigen Bestandteil des Erbes und haben heute eine große Bedeutung. Es erscheint teilweise im heutigen Trend der Rückkehr zur Geschichte.

as wesentliche Problem beim Schutz des Erbes auf dem Gebiet des Bezirks Königsberg besteht darin, dass die Baudenkmäler unverzüglich die Pflege und Rekonstruktion erfordern, sonst droht deren endgültiger Verlust. Auf dem Gebiet der Russischen Föderation befinden sich aber viele besser aufbewahrte kulturelle und historische Denkmäler, die auch beachtliche finanzielle Aufwendungen für Pfle-

Das Kulturerbe und dessen Schutz im Bezirk Königsberg

D

D

Das Kulturerbe und dessen Schutz im Bezirk Königsberg

as wesentliche Problem beim Schutz des Erbes auf dem Gebiet des Bezirks Königsberg besteht darin, dass die Baudenkmäler unverzüglich die Pflege und Rekonstruktion erfordern, sonst droht deren endgültiger Verlust. Auf dem Gebiet der Russischen Föderation befinden sich aber viele besser aufbewahrte kulturelle und historische Denkmäler, die auch beachtliche finanzielle Aufwendungen für Pfle-

194

Eine populäre Form der kulturellen Tätigkeit auf dem Gebiet der historischen Baudenkmäler ist das Museum (das landeskundliche oder historische) es ist ein Raum, der für die Organisation der Ausstellungen bestimmt ist. Deutlich hebt sich hier die Tätigkeit einer Nichtregierungsorganisation, der HausSchloss-Stiftung hervor, die seit 10 Jahren funktioniert als historisches und kulturelles Zentrum im Schloss aus dem 14.Jh.- dem Baudenkmal, das den föderativen Status besitzt. Unter den Projekten dieser Stiftung gibt es viele ungewöhnliche neuartige Realisationen, die gemeinsam mit anderen kulturellen und geschäftlichen Institutionen sowie mit privaten Personen vorbereitet wurden. Ein Beispiel ist hier das Festival der mittelalterlichen Kunst, Ritterkämpfe, die Anwesendheit der modernen Kunst auf dem Gebiet des alten Schlosses. Diese Projekte haben dabei immer eine wesentliche gesellschaftliche Bedeutung. Das Schloss befindet sich in einer kleinen Stadt und hat eine wichtige Bedeutung für deren Entwicklung und für die lokale Gesellschaft. Außerdem ist es das Markenzeichen der Stadt, das wichtig für Kultur, Tourismus und Promotion ist. Außer des Wiederaufbaus der architektonischen Baudenkmäler ist es für den Schutz des Erbes des Bezirks Königsberg auch nötig, historische Traditionen und Handwerke altpreußische, ritterliche, deutsche, die auf diesem Gebiet in der Vergangenheit existierten, sowie auch traditionelle Handwerke und die Arten der Wirtschaftsführung in verschiedenen russischen Regionen, aus denen die Umsiedler gekommen sind, auch die Vertreter anderer Nationen, die heute im Bezirk Königsberg (Ukrainer, Weißrussen, Litauer, Armenier usw. ) leben, zu rekonstruieren. Alle diese Kulturen bilden einen wichtigen Bestandteil des Erbes und haben heute eine große Bedeutung. Es erscheint teilweise im heutigen Trend der Rückkehr zur Geschichte.

sättigt werden, so dass diese historischen Denkmäler ihrer wahren Übermittlung entsprechen. Und hier taucht ein finanzielles Problem auf. Es ist sehr schwer, Mittel für die Renovierung oder vollständige Rekonstruktion der Baudenkmäler zu gewinnen. Unter solchen Umständen könnten interessante und innovative Formen der kulturellen Tätigkeit im historischen Objekt größere Aufmerksamkeit darauf lenken und dadurch mehr materielle und immaterielle Mittel sichern. An dieser Stelle wäre interessant, die Einstellung zum Ausnutzen der historischen Objekte und zur darin geführten Tätigkeit in Polen (am Beispiel von Krakau) und im Bezirk Königsberg miteinander zu vergleichen. In Krakau ist sehr wichtig die äußere Form des historischen Denkmals, das mit den Formen und der Kulturtätigkeit ausgefüllt wird, die aber keinen Schaden der architektonischen äußeren Form anrichten dürfen, sondern der Entwicklung und der Promotion dieses Baudenkmals dienen sollen. Das Objekt selbst kann zum Element der Promotion der darin geführten Tätigkeit werden, die nicht unbedingt den Kulturcharakter haben muss (es kann z.B. Restaurantgeschäft sein). In welchem Grade wird das harmonisch realisiert, ob es zum Konflikt zwischen der Form und dem Inhalt führt oder nicht ist schon eine ganz andere Sache. Es ist wichtig, das Baudenkmal im guten Zustand aufzubewahren und zu schützen. Wenn man berücksichtigt, inwiefern das Erbe erhalten geblieben wurde, ist auf dem Gebiet des Bezirks Königsberg der Prozess am wichtigsten, in dem das eigene Leben des Baudenkmals enthalten ist, weil sein äußeres Aussehen schon verloren wurde. Daraus ergibt sich eine große Bedeutung des Inhalts und der kulturellen Form der darin geführten Tätigkeit. Als Beispiel können historische und kulturelle Zentren, Festspiele, Ausstellungen, internationale kulturelle Projekte usw. dienen. Aber an dieser Stelle erscheint für den Bezirk Königsberg ein Problem sehr traditionelle Formen der Organisation von kultureller Tätigkeit. Immer noch fehlen hier außergewöhnliche innovative Formen, die nicht nur innerhalb der Region erscheinen, sondern auch in der ganzen Russischen Föderation und außerhalb deren Grenzen bekannt werden können. NGO, die sich mit dem Schutz und der Entwicklung des Erbes beschäftigen, haben mehr Erfolge auf diesem Gebiet als öffentliche Verwaltung, vor allem wegen der größeren Mobilität, Dynamik und Kreativität. Im Fall der traditionellen staatlichen Institutionen überwiegt die Routine.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

sättigt werden, so dass diese historischen Denkmäler ihrer wahren Übermittlung entsprechen. Und hier taucht ein finanzielles Problem auf. Es ist sehr schwer, Mittel für die Renovierung oder vollständige Rekonstruktion der Baudenkmäler zu gewinnen. Unter solchen Umständen könnten interessante und innovative Formen der kulturellen Tätigkeit im historischen Objekt größere Aufmerksamkeit darauf lenken und dadurch mehr materielle und immaterielle Mittel sichern. An dieser Stelle wäre interessant, die Einstellung zum Ausnutzen der historischen Objekte und zur darin geführten Tätigkeit in Polen (am Beispiel von Krakau) und im Bezirk Königsberg miteinander zu vergleichen. In Krakau ist sehr wichtig die äußere Form des historischen Denkmals, das mit den Formen und der Kulturtätigkeit ausgefüllt wird, die aber keinen Schaden der architektonischen äußeren Form anrichten dürfen, sondern der Entwicklung und der Promotion dieses Baudenkmals dienen sollen. Das Objekt selbst kann zum Element der Promotion der darin geführten Tätigkeit werden, die nicht unbedingt den Kulturcharakter haben muss (es kann z.B. Restaurantgeschäft sein). In welchem Grade wird das harmonisch realisiert, ob es zum Konflikt zwischen der Form und dem Inhalt führt oder nicht ist schon eine ganz andere Sache. Es ist wichtig, das Baudenkmal im guten Zustand aufzubewahren und zu schützen. Wenn man berücksichtigt, inwiefern das Erbe erhalten geblieben wurde, ist auf dem Gebiet des Bezirks Königsberg der Prozess am wichtigsten, in dem das eigene Leben des Baudenkmals enthalten ist, weil sein äußeres Aussehen schon verloren wurde. Daraus ergibt sich eine große Bedeutung des Inhalts und der kulturellen Form der darin geführten Tätigkeit. Als Beispiel können historische und kulturelle Zentren, Festspiele, Ausstellungen, internationale kulturelle Projekte usw. dienen. Aber an dieser Stelle erscheint für den Bezirk Königsberg ein Problem sehr traditionelle Formen der Organisation von kultureller Tätigkeit. Immer noch fehlen hier außergewöhnliche innovative Formen, die nicht nur innerhalb der Region erscheinen, sondern auch in der ganzen Russischen Föderation und außerhalb deren Grenzen bekannt werden können. NGO, die sich mit dem Schutz und der Entwicklung des Erbes beschäftigen, haben mehr Erfolge auf diesem Gebiet als öffentliche Verwaltung, vor allem wegen der größeren Mobilität, Dynamik und Kreativität. Im Fall der traditionellen staatlichen Institutionen überwiegt die Routine.


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

ge und Schutz brauchen. Diese Baudenkmäler stellen im Maßstab des ganzen Staates und des Welterbes einen beachtlich größeren Wert dar. Indessen wird das Erbe des Bezirks Königsberg als weniger perspektivistisch für die Entwicklung der Kultur und des Tourismus betrachtet, ausgenommen die Kulturgüter, die traditionelle Symbole von Königsberg sowohl in Russland als auch außerhalb dessen Grenzen sind (Bernstein, der einzigartige Naturnationalpark Kurszskaja Kosa). Das nächste Problem ist die Tatsache, dass die Renovierung der historischen Immobilien große Investitionen erfordert und bis jetzt keine konkrete genaue Konzeption der Entwicklung und Bewirtschaftung des Kulturerbes erstellt wurde. Es erschwert sehr die Möglichkeit, finanzielle Mittel aus dem zentralen Budget für Renovierungsarbeiten zu gewinnen. Außer der finanziellen Mittel braucht man auch die Änderung der Methoden des Schutzes von Kulturgütern, die Einführung der komplexen Auffassung: vom Schutz der einzelnen Baudenkmäler bis zur Bildung der geschützten Zonen und Gebiete. Die Welterfahrungen zeigen, dass am wirksamsten für den Schutz der Baudenkmäler ist, sie in die Entwicklungsund Raumordnungspläne der Städte aufzunehmen. Für den Bezirk Königsberg ist es wegen des Grades der Vernichtung des Erbes wichtig, die ganzen Zonen der Renovierung und des Schutzes von Baudenkmälern zu bilden. Heute hat man schon auf diesem Gebiet solche Zonen bestimmt, die aber nur mit den bekanntesten historischen Denkmälern und Naturdenkmälern verbunden sind; es sind nur einzelne Objekte, deshalb gibt solch eine Auffassung keine Möglichkeit, das ganze kulturelle und landschaftliche Aussehen des Gebietes und des historischen Milieus zu rekonstruieren und zu schützen.

Die Bedeutung des Erbes

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ür den Bezirk Königsberg, der das be schränkte Industrie- und Agrarpotential besitzt, könnte die Einstellung auf den Kulturreichtum zu einer wirklichen Möglichkeit der ökonomischen und sozialen Entwicklung werden. Solch eine Einstellung entspricht der UNESCO-Konvention zum Schutz des Weltkultur- und Naturerbes, die den Staaten-Teilnehmern empfiehlt, eine gemeinsame Politik zu führen, deren Ziel ist, dem Kultur- und Naturerbe bestimmte Funktionen im Leben der Gesellschaft beizumessen und es in die Program-

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

me der allgemeinen Planung aufzunehmen. [Konvention zum Schutz des Weltkultur- und Naturerbes, 1972, Art. 5]. Das ausgenutzte Potential der Kulturgüter, der historischen Denkmäler des Bezirks Königsberg könnte den Einfluss haben auf die Entwicklung der Erholungsgebiete, des Wissenschafts- und Bildungskomplexes, auf die Wiederherstellung der Tradition und Verstärkung der verschwindenden Berufe und der Formen der Wirtschaft, sowie zum Schluss auf die Aktivierung des ökonomischen, sozialen und kulturellen Bereichs der Region. Außerdem gibt das Erbe die Chance, das einzigartige Bild des Gebietes zu schaffen und dessen Eigenart unter anderen Regionen der Russischen Föderation und der Nachbarländer hervorzuheben. Zugleich bildet es einen besonderen Teil des Potentials, das einen messbaren Wert besitzt. Darin besteht die ökonomische Bedeutung des Erbes. Seine Rolle ist auch unschätzbar für die Entwicklung der Kultur und der Bildung es bildet gerade die soziale Bedeutung des Erbes. Es könnte auch zur Integration des Bezirks Königsberg mit den Nachbarsländern beitragen. Solche Prozesse kann man zum Beispiel in Polen beobachten, wo das Kulturerbe als Nationalwert und zugleich als universaler, allgemeinmenschlicher und allgemeineuropäischer Wert betrachtet wird. Solch eine Betrachtung nimmt Polen in den europäischen und weltlichen Wert-, Kultur-, und Tourismusbereich auf. Der besondere Charakter des Erbes des Bezirks Königsberg sowohl des historischen als auch des Naturerbes ist den Beständen der Nachbarländer ähnlich. Er könnte noch intensiver die Entwicklung der internationalen Zusammenarbeit auf dem Gebiet der Kultur beeinflussen, die Bildung der einheitlichen touristischen Konzeption unterstützen (Touristenwege, die auch ins Ausland führen, kulturelle Projekte usw.). Traditionsgemäß spielt das Erbe eine sehr wichtige Rolle in der Entwicklung des Tourismus. Obwohl der Bezirk Königsberg ein großes Potential in diesem Bereich besitzt und der auf hohem Niveau entwickelte Tourismus zum wichtigen Zweig der lokalen Wirtschaft werden könnte, stehen auf dem Weg zu diesem Ziel einige Hindernisse. Heute sind Objekte, die dem Kulturerbe gehören, im gewissen Grade in den Bereich des touristischen Binnenmarktes hineingezogen, der leider nur beschränkte Möglichkeiten hat. Heutzutage funktioniert im Bezirk Königsberg hauptsächlich der Ausreisetourismus. Es ist

195

ür den Bezirk Königsberg, der das be schränkte Industrie- und Agrarpotential besitzt, könnte die Einstellung auf den Kulturreichtum zu einer wirklichen Möglichkeit der ökonomischen und sozialen Entwicklung werden. Solch eine Einstellung entspricht der UNESCO-Konvention zum Schutz des Weltkultur- und Naturerbes, die den Staaten-Teilnehmern empfiehlt, eine gemeinsame Politik zu führen, deren Ziel ist, dem Kultur- und Naturerbe bestimmte Funktionen im Leben der Gesellschaft beizumessen und es in die Program-

F

Die Bedeutung des Erbes ge und Schutz brauchen. Diese Baudenkmäler stellen im Maßstab des ganzen Staates und des Welterbes einen beachtlich größeren Wert dar. Indessen wird das Erbe des Bezirks Königsberg als weniger perspektivistisch für die Entwicklung der Kultur und des Tourismus betrachtet, ausgenommen die Kulturgüter, die traditionelle Symbole von Königsberg sowohl in Russland als auch außerhalb dessen Grenzen sind (Bernstein, der einzigartige Naturnationalpark Kurszskaja Kosa). Das nächste Problem ist die Tatsache, dass die Renovierung der historischen Immobilien große Investitionen erfordert und bis jetzt keine konkrete genaue Konzeption der Entwicklung und Bewirtschaftung des Kulturerbes erstellt wurde. Es erschwert sehr die Möglichkeit, finanzielle Mittel aus dem zentralen Budget für Renovierungsarbeiten zu gewinnen. Außer der finanziellen Mittel braucht man auch die Änderung der Methoden des Schutzes von Kulturgütern, die Einführung der komplexen Auffassung: vom Schutz der einzelnen Baudenkmäler bis zur Bildung der geschützten Zonen und Gebiete. Die Welterfahrungen zeigen, dass am wirksamsten für den Schutz der Baudenkmäler ist, sie in die Entwicklungsund Raumordnungspläne der Städte aufzunehmen. Für den Bezirk Königsberg ist es wegen des Grades der Vernichtung des Erbes wichtig, die ganzen Zonen der Renovierung und des Schutzes von Baudenkmälern zu bilden. Heute hat man schon auf diesem Gebiet solche Zonen bestimmt, die aber nur mit den bekanntesten historischen Denkmälern und Naturdenkmälern verbunden sind; es sind nur einzelne Objekte, deshalb gibt solch eine Auffassung keine Möglichkeit, das ganze kulturelle und landschaftliche Aussehen des Gebietes und des historischen Milieus zu rekonstruieren und zu schützen.

195

me der allgemeinen Planung aufzunehmen. [Konvention zum Schutz des Weltkultur- und Naturerbes, 1972, Art. 5]. Das ausgenutzte Potential der Kulturgüter, der historischen Denkmäler des Bezirks Königsberg könnte den Einfluss haben auf die Entwicklung der Erholungsgebiete, des Wissenschafts- und Bildungskomplexes, auf die Wiederherstellung der Tradition und Verstärkung der verschwindenden Berufe und der Formen der Wirtschaft, sowie zum Schluss auf die Aktivierung des ökonomischen, sozialen und kulturellen Bereichs der Region. Außerdem gibt das Erbe die Chance, das einzigartige Bild des Gebietes zu schaffen und dessen Eigenart unter anderen Regionen der Russischen Föderation und der Nachbarländer hervorzuheben. Zugleich bildet es einen besonderen Teil des Potentials, das einen messbaren Wert besitzt. Darin besteht die ökonomische Bedeutung des Erbes. Seine Rolle ist auch unschätzbar für die Entwicklung der Kultur und der Bildung es bildet gerade die soziale Bedeutung des Erbes. Es könnte auch zur Integration des Bezirks Königsberg mit den Nachbarsländern beitragen. Solche Prozesse kann man zum Beispiel in Polen beobachten, wo das Kulturerbe als Nationalwert und zugleich als universaler, allgemeinmenschlicher und allgemeineuropäischer Wert betrachtet wird. Solch eine Betrachtung nimmt Polen in den europäischen und weltlichen Wert-, Kultur-, und Tourismusbereich auf. Der besondere Charakter des Erbes des Bezirks Königsberg sowohl des historischen als auch des Naturerbes ist den Beständen der Nachbarländer ähnlich. Er könnte noch intensiver die Entwicklung der internationalen Zusammenarbeit auf dem Gebiet der Kultur beeinflussen, die Bildung der einheitlichen touristischen Konzeption unterstützen (Touristenwege, die auch ins Ausland führen, kulturelle Projekte usw.). Traditionsgemäß spielt das Erbe eine sehr wichtige Rolle in der Entwicklung des Tourismus. Obwohl der Bezirk Königsberg ein großes Potential in diesem Bereich besitzt und der auf hohem Niveau entwickelte Tourismus zum wichtigen Zweig der lokalen Wirtschaft werden könnte, stehen auf dem Weg zu diesem Ziel einige Hindernisse. Heute sind Objekte, die dem Kulturerbe gehören, im gewissen Grade in den Bereich des touristischen Binnenmarktes hineingezogen, der leider nur beschränkte Möglichkeiten hat. Heutzutage funktioniert im Bezirk Königsberg hauptsächlich der Ausreisetourismus. Es ist


verständlich verursacht durch das hohe Niveau des Services und durch die größere touristische Attraktivität der Auslandsreisen. Zugleich beobachtet man den langsamen Anstieg des Binnentourismus sowohl auf dem ganzen Gebiet Russlands als auch auf dem Gebiet des Bezirks Königsberg. Man kann das besondere Interesse an der Geschichte des Landes und an dessen Erbe unter den Einwohnern und Vertretern von anderen Regionen Russlands so wie unter den ausländischen Touristen sehen. Es wäre gut, wenn diese Tendenz ausgenutzt werden könnte. Wenn man auf eine durchdachte Weise das Kultur- und Naturerbe und dessen Potential ausnutzt, kann es in Verbindung mit der günstigen geografischen Lage die Chance geben, den Bezirk in das entwickelte Gebiet wegen des Potentials des Tourismus umzuwandeln. Und wenn man langfristig einen Teil der Einnahmen vom Tourismus aussondern würde, würde es helfen, beachtliche Mittel für die Pflege und den Schutz der Kulturgüter zu gewinnen. Leider stellt den Bereich des Kultur- und des Naturerbes heute keinen vorrangigen Bereich dar und bildet sogar keinen selbständigen Bereich des Binnentourismus und des Auslandstourismus. Es wird gehindert durch eine Reihe von ungelösten Problemen, wie z.B. Fehlen der Infrastruktur, Visum- und Zollregime, Fehlen der komplexen durchdachten und finanziell gestützten Politik des Staates im Bereich der Kultur und des Tourismus der Region. Und ohne Investitionen in die Renovierung, Rekonstruierung, Bildung der entsprechenden Infrastruktur, ohne Unterstützung der Entwicklung von Objekte, die für die Kulturtätigkeit bestimmt werden, wird das Erbe des Bezirks Königsberg nicht attraktiv hinsichtlich des Einfahrtstourismus. Die Situation ist umso mehr kompliziert, dass es notwendig ist, mit den nächsten Nachbarn: Polen und Litauen zu wetteifern, wo man das ähnliche Erbe findet, aber die Bedingungen und Mechanismen dessen Ausnutzen, sowie Infrastruktur viel besser sind und allen Anforderungen der Tourismusindustrie entsprechen. Heute ist der Bezirk Königsberg nicht im Stande, mit dem Angebot der Nachbar zu wetteifern. Das bestehende Potential wird also nicht richtig ausgenutzt. Der Erbeschutz im Bezirk Königsberg wird geregelt durch das Föderations- und Regionalrecht. Die Hauptrolle in der Bestimmung und Entwicklung des Systems des Erbeschutzes spielt aber der Staat. Die Werkzeuge, die der Staat dazu verwendet sind:

G Beschränkungen, die mit der Ausnutzung der historischen Denkmäler verbunden sind, G Investitionspolitik, G Realisierung der einzelnen Programme auf dem Gebiet des Staates, die mit dem Schutz, der Ausnutzung und der Promotion des Erbes verbunden sind. Das Rechtssystem im Bezug auf den Schutz der historischen Denkmäler besteht aus mehreren Akten. Der wichtigste ist die Verfassung der Russischen Föderation, die jeden Bürger zur Pflege und zum Schutz des historischen und des kulturellen Erbes verpflichtet, und dessen nationale und allgemeinmenschliche Bedeutung hervorhebt. Darin besteht die Ähnlichkeit mit dem polnischen Rechtssystem, das nicht nur den Staat sondern auch die Bürger zum Schutz der Kulturgüter verpflichtet. Dieses Problem wird näher durch eine Reihe von Rechtsakten auf dem föderativen Niveau geregelt. Die hauptsächliche Bedeutung besitzt das Gesetz Über Objekte des Kulturerbes (Baudenkmäler der Geschichte und der Kultur) von Nationen der Russischen Föderation vom Jahr 2002. Getrennte Normen, die der Regelung der Rechtsverhältnisse im Bereich des Erbeschutzes gewidmet sind, befinden sich im Baugesetzbuch, Bodengesetzbuch, Steuergesetzbuch der Russischen Föderation, in föderativen Gesetzen ( Über architektonische Tätigkeit in der Russischen Föderation , Über staatliche Privatisierung und Eigentum der Selbstverwaltung , Über Lizenzierung von bestimmten Arten der Tätigkeit ) und in Rechtsakten, die das Budget betreffen. Das Föderationsgesetz zum Schutz von Objekten des Kulturerbes sowie der früher geltende Rechtsakt vom Jahr 1978, sehen die Aufteilung von Objekten des Erbes vor in: Baudenkmäler, die föderative, regionale und lokale Bedeutung haben. Gleichzeitig gibt es nach dem bestimmten Wert des Baudenkmals eine Aufteilung in folgende Kategorien: Baudenkmäler, die in die Liste des Weltkulturerbes eingetragen sind, Objekte mit der Nationalbedeutung und Baudenkmäler, die für Objekte des Erbes anerkannt wurden. Der auf diese Weise ermittelte Wert des Objekts hat den Einfluss auf die Form dessen Verwaltung (Objekte von der Liste des UNESCO-Weltkulturerbes und Objekte mit der Nationalbedeutung unterliegen der Zentralmacht, Baudenkmäler mit dem geringeren Wert unterliegen der Regional oder Lokalselbstverwaltung). Die Schutzfunktion füllt die Staatsstruktur entsprechenden Niveaus aus.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Beschränkungen, die mit der Ausnutzung der historischen Denkmäler verbunden sind, G Investitionspolitik, G Realisierung der einzelnen Programme auf dem Gebiet des Staates, die mit dem Schutz, der Ausnutzung und der Promotion des Erbes verbunden sind. Das Rechtssystem im Bezug auf den Schutz der historischen Denkmäler besteht aus mehreren Akten. Der wichtigste ist die Verfassung der Russischen Föderation, die jeden Bürger zur Pflege und zum Schutz des historischen und des kulturellen Erbes verpflichtet, und dessen nationale und allgemeinmenschliche Bedeutung hervorhebt. Darin besteht die Ähnlichkeit mit dem polnischen Rechtssystem, das nicht nur den Staat sondern auch die Bürger zum Schutz der Kulturgüter verpflichtet. Dieses Problem wird näher durch eine Reihe von Rechtsakten auf dem föderativen Niveau geregelt. Die hauptsächliche Bedeutung besitzt das Gesetz Über Objekte des Kulturerbes (Baudenkmäler der Geschichte und der Kultur) von Nationen der Russischen Föderation vom Jahr 2002. Getrennte Normen, die der Regelung der Rechtsverhältnisse im Bereich des Erbeschutzes gewidmet sind, befinden sich im Baugesetzbuch, Bodengesetzbuch, Steuergesetzbuch der Russischen Föderation, in föderativen Gesetzen ( Über architektonische Tätigkeit in der Russischen Föderation , Über staatliche Privatisierung und Eigentum der Selbstverwaltung , Über Lizenzierung von bestimmten Arten der Tätigkeit ) und in Rechtsakten, die das Budget betreffen. Das Föderationsgesetz zum Schutz von Objekten des Kulturerbes sowie der früher geltende Rechtsakt vom Jahr 1978, sehen die Aufteilung von Objekten des Erbes vor in: Baudenkmäler, die föderative, regionale und lokale Bedeutung haben. Gleichzeitig gibt es nach dem bestimmten Wert des Baudenkmals eine Aufteilung in folgende Kategorien: Baudenkmäler, die in die Liste des Weltkulturerbes eingetragen sind, Objekte mit der Nationalbedeutung und Baudenkmäler, die für Objekte des Erbes anerkannt wurden. Der auf diese Weise ermittelte Wert des Objekts hat den Einfluss auf die Form dessen Verwaltung (Objekte von der Liste des UNESCO-Weltkulturerbes und Objekte mit der Nationalbedeutung unterliegen der Zentralmacht, Baudenkmäler mit dem geringeren Wert unterliegen der Regional oder Lokalselbstverwaltung). Die Schutzfunktion füllt die Staatsstruktur entsprechenden Niveaus aus. G

196

196

verständlich verursacht durch das hohe Niveau des Services und durch die größere touristische Attraktivität der Auslandsreisen. Zugleich beobachtet man den langsamen Anstieg des Binnentourismus sowohl auf dem ganzen Gebiet Russlands als auch auf dem Gebiet des Bezirks Königsberg. Man kann das besondere Interesse an der Geschichte des Landes und an dessen Erbe unter den Einwohnern und Vertretern von anderen Regionen Russlands so wie unter den ausländischen Touristen sehen. Es wäre gut, wenn diese Tendenz ausgenutzt werden könnte. Wenn man auf eine durchdachte Weise das Kultur- und Naturerbe und dessen Potential ausnutzt, kann es in Verbindung mit der günstigen geografischen Lage die Chance geben, den Bezirk in das entwickelte Gebiet wegen des Potentials des Tourismus umzuwandeln. Und wenn man langfristig einen Teil der Einnahmen vom Tourismus aussondern würde, würde es helfen, beachtliche Mittel für die Pflege und den Schutz der Kulturgüter zu gewinnen. Leider stellt den Bereich des Kultur- und des Naturerbes heute keinen vorrangigen Bereich dar und bildet sogar keinen selbständigen Bereich des Binnentourismus und des Auslandstourismus. Es wird gehindert durch eine Reihe von ungelösten Problemen, wie z.B. Fehlen der Infrastruktur, Visum- und Zollregime, Fehlen der komplexen durchdachten und finanziell gestützten Politik des Staates im Bereich der Kultur und des Tourismus der Region. Und ohne Investitionen in die Renovierung, Rekonstruierung, Bildung der entsprechenden Infrastruktur, ohne Unterstützung der Entwicklung von Objekte, die für die Kulturtätigkeit bestimmt werden, wird das Erbe des Bezirks Königsberg nicht attraktiv hinsichtlich des Einfahrtstourismus. Die Situation ist umso mehr kompliziert, dass es notwendig ist, mit den nächsten Nachbarn: Polen und Litauen zu wetteifern, wo man das ähnliche Erbe findet, aber die Bedingungen und Mechanismen dessen Ausnutzen, sowie Infrastruktur viel besser sind und allen Anforderungen der Tourismusindustrie entsprechen. Heute ist der Bezirk Königsberg nicht im Stande, mit dem Angebot der Nachbar zu wetteifern. Das bestehende Potential wird also nicht richtig ausgenutzt. Der Erbeschutz im Bezirk Königsberg wird geregelt durch das Föderations- und Regionalrecht. Die Hauptrolle in der Bestimmung und Entwicklung des Systems des Erbeschutzes spielt aber der Staat. Die Werkzeuge, die der Staat dazu verwendet sind:

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)


197

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Wegen der Größe der Russischen Föderation ist die ähnliche Lösung begründet, aber unter den Spezialsten auf dem Gebiet des Erbes gibt es die Ansicht, dass solche Aufteilung wovon die Praxis der Anwendung des Gesetzes vom 15.12.1978 zeugt die wissenschaftlich begründeten Kriterien nicht erfüllt. Das staatliche Schutzsystem soll sich nicht auf die Kategorie des Baudenkmals stützen. In gegenwärtigen Bedingungen bildet solch eine Kategorisierung unnütze Hindernisse bei der Realisierung des Programms des staatlichen Schutzes von Baudenkmälern und hat es zur Folge, dass das Problem der Abgrenzung des Eigentums erscheint. Der Verzicht auf solch eine Aufteilung würde es ermöglichen, das Schutzsystem zu verbessern und dessen Konformität mit gültigen Vorschriften zu gewinnen. Im gegenwärtigen System des Denkmalschutzes fehlt immer noch eine komplexe Auffassung mehr verbreitet ist die Praxis, einzelne Baudenkmäler zu schützen und wiederaufzubauen. Aber die Rechtsakten wie z.B. das Bodengesetzbuch enthalten den Begriff des historischen und kulturellen Territoriums , der das Baudenkmal umgibt. Er unterliegt dem Schutz zusammen mit diesem Denkmal. Der Beweis für die komplexe Auffassung ist auch die Anwesendheit in der Gesetzgebung der Definition eines historischen, landschaftlichen und urbanistischen Milieus. Im Maßstab der Königsberger Region regelt den staatlichen Schutz der Baudenkmäler mit der regionalen oder lokalen Bedeutung das Gesetz des Bezirks Königsberg Über den Schutz von Objekten des Kulturerbes (Denkmäler der Geschichte und der Kultur) im Bezirk Königsberg vom Jahr 2003. Die Aufrechterhaltung des Erbes wird betrachtet als eines der wichtigsten Ziele in allen Unterlagen, die die Kulturtätigkeit und -politik im Bezirk Königsberg betreffen und als eine praktische Aufgabe, die im Programm und in den Plänen der Kulturentwicklung der Region bis zum Jahr 2010 enthalten ist. Das Föderationsprogramm der Entwicklung des Bezirks Königsberg bis zum Jahr 2010 enthält besondere Kapitel Kultur und Schutz des Kulturerbes [Popow, 2006, S. 34]. In der letzten Zeit wird das Erbe zu einem wichtigen Faktor der Entwicklung, zur sichtbaren Erscheinung im ökonomischen, sozialen und kulturellen Leben der Gesellschaft. Viele Jahre lang war das Erbe überhaupt nicht erwähnt sowohl in statistischen als auch in analytischen Unterlagen. Heute sprechen darüber sowohl Massenmedien als auch erwäh-

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

nen es offizielle Unterlagen, Pläne der ökonomischen und kulturellen Entwicklung. Aber eine wirklich wirksame Tätigkeit für den Schutz des Erbes erfordert die Vervollkommnung sowohl auf dem föderativen als auch lokalen Niveau und braucht das System der Verwaltung und der Realisierung der Vorschriften nach den internationalen Verträgen und der russischen Gesetzgebung. Die zu lösenden Schlüsselprobleme sind Eigentumsprobleme und das Problem des Sponserns und Mäzenatentums im Bereich der Kultur.

Eigentum

D

ie bestehende russische Gesetzgebung sieht theoretisch die Übergabe von den dem Kulturerbe gehörenden Objekten ins Eigentum nach der Erfüllung von einigen Bedingungen vor: G Führen der kulturellen Tätigkeit als der Grundtätigkeit im Bereich des Baudenkmals, G Aufrechterhalten von Profil-Dienstleistungen, G Organisation der Bedienung von diesen Bürgern, die bestimmte Vergünstigungen haben, G Sichern der bestehenden Zahl der Arbeitsplätze und der sozialen Garantien für die Arbeiter. Die Kulturgüter, die eine besondere Bedeutung haben, können nicht ins Eigentum übergehen. Darunter befindet sich das Kulturerbe der Nationen der Russischen Föderation, darin die Kulturgüter, die aufbewahrt werden in staatlichen oder lokalen Museen, in Archiven, Bibliotheken, Kunstgalerien, samt den Gebäuden und Räumen, wo sie sich befinden. Die Entwicklung des privaten Eigentums von Objekten und die Bildung des Erbemarktes sind eine wichtige Bedingung der Marktökonomie. Es ist eine Möglichkeit, die Pflicht des Baudenkmalschutzes von dem Staat zu übergeben, die Partnerschaft zwischen dem Staat und der Gesellschaft in diesem Bereich zu entwickeln, neue finanzielle Mitteln für die Renovierung der Baudenkmäler anzulocken, fürsorgliche Eigentümer für Baudenkmäler zu finden. Und obwohl es schon heute Beispiele für die Übergabe von Baudenkmälern ins Eigentum gibt, sind es nur einzelne Beispiele auf dem ganzen Gebiet Russlands. Die historischen Baudenkmäler sind die letzten Pfeiler des großen Staatseigentumsbereichs, der noch nicht in den Privatisierungsprozess aufgenommen wird. Das Problem des Eigentums, das vor

197

Wegen der Größe der Russischen Föderation ist die ähnliche Lösung begründet, aber unter den Spezialsten auf dem Gebiet des Erbes gibt es die Ansicht, dass solche Aufteilung wovon die Praxis der Anwendung des Gesetzes vom 15.12.1978 zeugt die wissenschaftlich begründeten Kriterien nicht erfüllt. Das staatliche Schutzsystem soll sich nicht auf die Kategorie des Baudenkmals stützen. In gegenwärtigen Bedingungen bildet solch eine Kategorisierung unnütze Hindernisse bei der Realisierung des Programms des staatlichen Schutzes von Baudenkmälern und hat es zur Folge, dass das Problem der Abgrenzung des Eigentums erscheint. Der Verzicht auf solch eine Aufteilung würde es ermöglichen, das Schutzsystem zu verbessern und dessen Konformität mit gültigen Vorschriften zu gewinnen. Im gegenwärtigen System des Denkmalschutzes fehlt immer noch eine komplexe Auffassung mehr verbreitet ist die Praxis, einzelne Baudenkmäler zu schützen und wiederaufzubauen. Aber die Rechtsakten wie z.B. das Bodengesetzbuch enthalten den Begriff des historischen und kulturellen Territoriums , der das Baudenkmal umgibt. Er unterliegt dem Schutz zusammen mit diesem Denkmal. Der Beweis für die komplexe Auffassung ist auch die Anwesendheit in der Gesetzgebung der Definition eines historischen, landschaftlichen und urbanistischen Milieus. Im Maßstab der Königsberger Region regelt den staatlichen Schutz der Baudenkmäler mit der regionalen oder lokalen Bedeutung das Gesetz des Bezirks Königsberg Über den Schutz von Objekten des Kulturerbes (Denkmäler der Geschichte und der Kultur) im Bezirk Königsberg vom Jahr 2003. Die Aufrechterhaltung des Erbes wird betrachtet als eines der wichtigsten Ziele in allen Unterlagen, die die Kulturtätigkeit und -politik im Bezirk Königsberg betreffen und als eine praktische Aufgabe, die im Programm und in den Plänen der Kulturentwicklung der Region bis zum Jahr 2010 enthalten ist. Das Föderationsprogramm der Entwicklung des Bezirks Königsberg bis zum Jahr 2010 enthält besondere Kapitel Kultur und Schutz des Kulturerbes [Popow, 2006, S. 34]. In der letzten Zeit wird das Erbe zu einem wichtigen Faktor der Entwicklung, zur sichtbaren Erscheinung im ökonomischen, sozialen und kulturellen Leben der Gesellschaft. Viele Jahre lang war das Erbe überhaupt nicht erwähnt sowohl in statistischen als auch in analytischen Unterlagen. Heute sprechen darüber sowohl Massenmedien als auch erwäh-

ie bestehende russische Gesetzgebung sieht theoretisch die Übergabe von den dem Kulturerbe gehörenden Objekten ins Eigentum nach der Erfüllung von einigen Bedingungen vor: G Führen der kulturellen Tätigkeit als der Grundtätigkeit im Bereich des Baudenkmals, G Aufrechterhalten von Profil-Dienstleistungen, G Organisation der Bedienung von diesen Bürgern, die bestimmte Vergünstigungen haben, G Sichern der bestehenden Zahl der Arbeitsplätze und der sozialen Garantien für die Arbeiter. Die Kulturgüter, die eine besondere Bedeutung haben, können nicht ins Eigentum übergehen. Darunter befindet sich das Kulturerbe der Nationen der Russischen Föderation, darin die Kulturgüter, die aufbewahrt werden in staatlichen oder lokalen Museen, in Archiven, Bibliotheken, Kunstgalerien, samt den Gebäuden und Räumen, wo sie sich befinden. Die Entwicklung des privaten Eigentums von Objekten und die Bildung des Erbemarktes sind eine wichtige Bedingung der Marktökonomie. Es ist eine Möglichkeit, die Pflicht des Baudenkmalschutzes von dem Staat zu übergeben, die Partnerschaft zwischen dem Staat und der Gesellschaft in diesem Bereich zu entwickeln, neue finanzielle Mitteln für die Renovierung der Baudenkmäler anzulocken, fürsorgliche Eigentümer für Baudenkmäler zu finden. Und obwohl es schon heute Beispiele für die Übergabe von Baudenkmälern ins Eigentum gibt, sind es nur einzelne Beispiele auf dem ganzen Gebiet Russlands. Die historischen Baudenkmäler sind die letzten Pfeiler des großen Staatseigentumsbereichs, der noch nicht in den Privatisierungsprozess aufgenommen wird. Das Problem des Eigentums, das vor

D

Eigentum nen es offizielle Unterlagen, Pläne der ökonomischen und kulturellen Entwicklung. Aber eine wirklich wirksame Tätigkeit für den Schutz des Erbes erfordert die Vervollkommnung sowohl auf dem föderativen als auch lokalen Niveau und braucht das System der Verwaltung und der Realisierung der Vorschriften nach den internationalen Verträgen und der russischen Gesetzgebung. Die zu lösenden Schlüsselprobleme sind Eigentumsprobleme und das Problem des Sponserns und Mäzenatentums im Bereich der Kultur.


und des Schutzes von Baudenkmälern der lokalen Selbstverwaltung zu übergeben. [Vorstellung der Kulturpolitik im Bezirk Königsberg, 2006, S. 15-16]. Die Ordnung (Das Grundrecht des Bezirks Königsberg) empfiehlt, den besonderen Status für die Baudenkmäler der Region zu bestimmen und sie auf das Staatsregister zu beziehen. Gemäß der Ordnung sind solche Baudenkmäler aus dem Umsatz zurückgezogen, also sie können nicht ins Eigentum gehen. [Gercyk, 2006, S. 20]. Zusammenfassend kann man aktuelle Aufgaben im Bereich des Schutzes des Erbes im Bezirk Königsberg aufzählen: G Inventur der in der Region existierenden Baudenkmäler und Kulturgüter, Bestimmung deren Zustands und Bildung des allgemeinen Registers, G Planung und Bildung von Zonen des Baudenkmalschutzes, G Führen der wissenschaftlichen Arbeiten, G Führen der Renovierungsarbeiten [Kulturpolitik im Bezirk Königsberg Konzeptionsmaterialien, 2006, S. 18].

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Der schwache Punkt in der Praxis des Erbeschutzes auf dem Gebiet Russland und im Bezirk Königsberg ist das Fehlen des Nutzens der Partnerschaft des Staates mit der Gesellschaft und mit dem Privatsektor. Die direkte Anziehung der privaten oder juristischen Einheiten und der Nichtregierungsorganisationen könnte die Effektivität des Schutzes von Baudenkmälern, die noch nicht bewirtschaftet sind steigern, und den Wiederaufbau der verlorenen intensivieren, sowie zur Selbstentwicklung führen und den Einfluss auf das Verständnis der persönlichen und allgemeinen Verantwortung und auf den Respekt vor dem Erbe haben. Für die Entwicklung solcher Partnerschaft muss man flexible Mechanismen der Unterstützung von privaten Initiativen, Sponsoren durch private Personen und Firmen erstellen. Weil es entsprechende Bedingungen für Mäzenatentum und Sponsoren fehlen, und es dazu noch eine fehlerhafte Gesetzgebung gibt, verliert das Erbe wichtige Mittel für die Rekonstruktion und Entwicklung. Außer der Veränderungen in der Gesetzgebung, die den Schutz des Erbes betrifft, braucht man eine komplexe und langfristige Auffassung. Es ist wichtig, eine Strategie des Erbeschutzes im Bezirk Königsberg zu schaffen, die grundlegende Prioritäten und Tätigkeitsrichtungen im Bereich des Schutzes von Kulturgütern, Problem des Schutzes, der Renovie-

Der schwache Punkt in der Praxis des Erbeschutzes auf dem Gebiet Russland und im Bezirk Königsberg ist das Fehlen des Nutzens der Partnerschaft des Staates mit der Gesellschaft und mit dem Privatsektor. Die direkte Anziehung der privaten oder juristischen Einheiten und der Nichtregierungsorganisationen könnte die Effektivität des Schutzes von Baudenkmälern, die noch nicht bewirtschaftet sind steigern, und den Wiederaufbau der verlorenen intensivieren, sowie zur Selbstentwicklung führen und den Einfluss auf das Verständnis der persönlichen und allgemeinen Verantwortung und auf den Respekt vor dem Erbe haben. Für die Entwicklung solcher Partnerschaft muss man flexible Mechanismen der Unterstützung von privaten Initiativen, Sponsoren durch private Personen und Firmen erstellen. Weil es entsprechende Bedingungen für Mäzenatentum und Sponsoren fehlen, und es dazu noch eine fehlerhafte Gesetzgebung gibt, verliert das Erbe wichtige Mittel für die Rekonstruktion und Entwicklung. Außer der Veränderungen in der Gesetzgebung, die den Schutz des Erbes betrifft, braucht man eine komplexe und langfristige Auffassung. Es ist wichtig, eine Strategie des Erbeschutzes im Bezirk Königsberg zu schaffen, die grundlegende Prioritäten und Tätigkeitsrichtungen im Bereich des Schutzes von Kulturgütern, Problem des Schutzes, der Renovie-

allem die Architekturdenkmäler betrifft, wird immer noch nicht gelöst, was beachtlich die Entwicklung des Schutzsystems erschwert. Das Problem besteht im Fehlen des Kriteriums zur Ermittlung des Werts von Baudenkmälern dieser oder einer anderen Kategorie: föderative, regionale oder lokale. Es ist auch nicht klar, wer sich mit der Verwaltung des Baudenkmals beschäftigen sollte welche Machtebene soll die Schutzfunktion ausüben. Wie es schon erwähnt wurde, befinden sich im Bezirk Königsberg ungefähr 40 Baudenkmäler mit der föderativen Bedeutung. Es ist schwer, die Anzahl von Baudenkmälern mit dem regionalen oder lokalen Charakter präzise anzugeben. Gleichzeitig gibt es große Möglichkeiten, Baudenkmäler zu privatisieren, einen langfristigen Pachtvertrag oder den Vertrag über das kostenlose Nutzen abzuschließen. Das Erstellen von einem wirksamen System, das die Garantie geben würde, dass die neuen Eigentümer die Pflicht des Schutzes und der Pflege vom Baudenkmal ausfüllen werden, könnte neue Mittel für den wirksameren Schutz des Erbes anziehen. Um dieses Problem zu klären und zum Schutz und Nutzen der Baudenkmäler zu ermächtigen, muss man dringend die Inventur der Baudenkmäler auf Grund von bestimmten Kriterien einführen. Es ist unerlässlich, Mechanismen zu erstellen, die es den Besitzern von Baudenkmälern ermöglichen, finanzielle Mitteln zu nutzen, die aus dem Staatsbudget kommen und für den Schutz der Kulturgüter bestimmt sind, besonders in der Situation, wenn die Tätigkeit in dem Objekt keine Einnahmen bringt, die ausreichend für die Pflege des Baudenkmals sind. Man arbeitet jetzt an dem Entwurf des Gesetztes mit Veränderungen und Ergänzungen des früheren Gesetzes Nr. 73-F3 Über die Objekte des Kulturerbes von Nationen der Russischen Föderation vom 25. Juni 2002 . Das Hauptproblem bilden hier unterschiedliche Einstellungen zu den Berechtigungen und Ermächtigungen der Regionen im Bereich des Schutzes des Erbes mit föderativer Bedeutung, darunter zur Übergabe von finanziellen Mitteln und zur Einführung des Staatsregisters von Objekten des Kulturerbes (Denkmäler der Geschichte und Kultur). Nach der Ansicht des Finanzministeriums ist es nicht möglich, auf Grund der heute geltenden Gesetzgebung, die Kategorie des Baudenkmals zu bestimmen, ohne das Problem des Objektseigentums zu lösen. Dieses letzte Problem wurde noch nicht gelöst. Der neue Entwurf des Föderationgesetzes bestätigt aber die Möglichkeit, die Funktion der Finanzierung

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

198

und des Schutzes von Baudenkmälern der lokalen Selbstverwaltung zu übergeben. [Vorstellung der Kulturpolitik im Bezirk Königsberg, 2006, S. 15-16]. Die Ordnung (Das Grundrecht des Bezirks Königsberg) empfiehlt, den besonderen Status für die Baudenkmäler der Region zu bestimmen und sie auf das Staatsregister zu beziehen. Gemäß der Ordnung sind solche Baudenkmäler aus dem Umsatz zurückgezogen, also sie können nicht ins Eigentum gehen. [Gercyk, 2006, S. 20]. Zusammenfassend kann man aktuelle Aufgaben im Bereich des Schutzes des Erbes im Bezirk Königsberg aufzählen: G Inventur der in der Region existierenden Baudenkmäler und Kulturgüter, Bestimmung deren Zustands und Bildung des allgemeinen Registers, G Planung und Bildung von Zonen des Baudenkmalschutzes, G Führen der wissenschaftlichen Arbeiten, G Führen der Renovierungsarbeiten [Kulturpolitik im Bezirk Königsberg Konzeptionsmaterialien, 2006, S. 18].

198

allem die Architekturdenkmäler betrifft, wird immer noch nicht gelöst, was beachtlich die Entwicklung des Schutzsystems erschwert. Das Problem besteht im Fehlen des Kriteriums zur Ermittlung des Werts von Baudenkmälern dieser oder einer anderen Kategorie: föderative, regionale oder lokale. Es ist auch nicht klar, wer sich mit der Verwaltung des Baudenkmals beschäftigen sollte welche Machtebene soll die Schutzfunktion ausüben. Wie es schon erwähnt wurde, befinden sich im Bezirk Königsberg ungefähr 40 Baudenkmäler mit der föderativen Bedeutung. Es ist schwer, die Anzahl von Baudenkmälern mit dem regionalen oder lokalen Charakter präzise anzugeben. Gleichzeitig gibt es große Möglichkeiten, Baudenkmäler zu privatisieren, einen langfristigen Pachtvertrag oder den Vertrag über das kostenlose Nutzen abzuschließen. Das Erstellen von einem wirksamen System, das die Garantie geben würde, dass die neuen Eigentümer die Pflicht des Schutzes und der Pflege vom Baudenkmal ausfüllen werden, könnte neue Mittel für den wirksameren Schutz des Erbes anziehen. Um dieses Problem zu klären und zum Schutz und Nutzen der Baudenkmäler zu ermächtigen, muss man dringend die Inventur der Baudenkmäler auf Grund von bestimmten Kriterien einführen. Es ist unerlässlich, Mechanismen zu erstellen, die es den Besitzern von Baudenkmälern ermöglichen, finanzielle Mitteln zu nutzen, die aus dem Staatsbudget kommen und für den Schutz der Kulturgüter bestimmt sind, besonders in der Situation, wenn die Tätigkeit in dem Objekt keine Einnahmen bringt, die ausreichend für die Pflege des Baudenkmals sind. Man arbeitet jetzt an dem Entwurf des Gesetztes mit Veränderungen und Ergänzungen des früheren Gesetzes Nr. 73-F3 Über die Objekte des Kulturerbes von Nationen der Russischen Föderation vom 25. Juni 2002 . Das Hauptproblem bilden hier unterschiedliche Einstellungen zu den Berechtigungen und Ermächtigungen der Regionen im Bereich des Schutzes des Erbes mit föderativer Bedeutung, darunter zur Übergabe von finanziellen Mitteln und zur Einführung des Staatsregisters von Objekten des Kulturerbes (Denkmäler der Geschichte und Kultur). Nach der Ansicht des Finanzministeriums ist es nicht möglich, auf Grund der heute geltenden Gesetzgebung, die Kategorie des Baudenkmals zu bestimmen, ohne das Problem des Objektseigentums zu lösen. Dieses letzte Problem wurde noch nicht gelöst. Der neue Entwurf des Föderationgesetzes bestätigt aber die Möglichkeit, die Funktion der Finanzierung


199

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

rung und des Ausnutzens der Kulturdenkmäler bestimmen wird, sowie auch das System der praktischen Tätigkeit in diesem Bereich und im Schutz von verschiedenen Kulturgütern zu erstellen und zu begründen. Außerdem soll diese Strategie Untersuchungen aus dem Bereich des Potentials des historischen und kulturellen Erbes im Bezirk, sowie juristische und praktische Mechanismen der Realisierungen von dieser Strategie enthalten. Eine ähnliche Strategie soll Aussichten der ökonomischen, sozialen und kulturellen Entwicklung des Gebietes bestimmen und dabei das Ausnutzen des Potentials des Erbes berücksichtigen. Deshalb muss die Strategie des

Erbeschutzes in Übereinstimmung mit dem Programm und der Strategie der Kulturentwicklung der Region und mit dem Programm der Entwicklung des Tourismus und der Erholungsgebiete geschaffen werden. Außerdem muss sie in die allgemeine Strategie der Entwicklung des Bezirks Königsberg aufgenommen werden. Nur solch eine komplexe Einstellung kann ermöglichen, wirksam und richtig die Aufgabe der Rekonstruktion und Entwicklung des Erbes im Bezirk Königsberg zu lösen. Und noch mehr, solch eine Strategie könnte als Beispiel der Zusammenarbeit und der Verbindung der Entwicklung von Kultur und Ökonomik angesehen werden.

Literatur:

Kulturpolitik im Bezirk Königsberg Konzeptions-

Gercyk I., Gesetzgebung des Bezirks Königsberg, die

materialien, Königsberg 2006.

Verhältnisse im Bereich der Kultur regelt [In:]

Popow A., Struktur des Sektors. Netz von öffentli-

Vorstellung der Kulturpolitik im Bezirk Königs-

chen Organisationen [In:] Vorstellung der Kultur-

berg, Königsberg 2006.

politik im Bezirk Königsberg, Königsberg 2006.

Konvention zum Schutz des Weltkultur- und Naturerbes, Paris 1972.

erbes, Paris 1972. Konvention zum Schutz des Weltkultur- und Naturpolitik im Bezirk Königsberg, Königsberg 2006.

berg, Königsberg 2006.

chen Organisationen [In:] Vorstellung der Kultur-

Vorstellung der Kulturpolitik im Bezirk Königs-

Popow A., Struktur des Sektors. Netz von öffentli-

Verhältnisse im Bereich der Kultur regelt [In:] Gercyk I., Gesetzgebung des Bezirks Königsberg, die Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

199

materialien, Königsberg 2006. Kulturpolitik im Bezirk Königsberg Konzeptions-

Literatur:

Erbeschutzes in Übereinstimmung mit dem Programm und der Strategie der Kulturentwicklung der Region und mit dem Programm der Entwicklung des Tourismus und der Erholungsgebiete geschaffen werden. Außerdem muss sie in die allgemeine Strategie der Entwicklung des Bezirks Königsberg aufgenommen werden. Nur solch eine komplexe Einstellung kann ermöglichen, wirksam und richtig die Aufgabe der Rekonstruktion und Entwicklung des Erbes im Bezirk Königsberg zu lösen. Und noch mehr, solch eine Strategie könnte als Beispiel der Zusammenarbeit und der Verbindung der Entwicklung von Kultur und Ökonomik angesehen werden.

rung und des Ausnutzens der Kulturdenkmäler bestimmen wird, sowie auch das System der praktischen Tätigkeit in diesem Bereich und im Schutz von verschiedenen Kulturgütern zu erstellen und zu begründen. Außerdem soll diese Strategie Untersuchungen aus dem Bereich des Potentials des historischen und kulturellen Erbes im Bezirk, sowie juristische und praktische Mechanismen der Realisierungen von dieser Strategie enthalten. Eine ähnliche Strategie soll Aussichten der ökonomischen, sozialen und kulturellen Entwicklung des Gebietes bestimmen und dabei das Ausnutzen des Potentials des Erbes berücksichtigen. Deshalb muss die Strategie des


Larysa Osmolowska

Hauptprobleme der Entwicklung des dritten Sektors im Bereich der Kultur in der Republik Weißrussland

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Übersetzung: Dorota Lupa

200

Das Phänomen, das als der dritte Sektor bekannt ist (nichtstaatliche und nichtkommerzielle Organisationen), entstand als Ergebnis der Suche nach dem alternativen Sektor der Realisierung von für den Staat wichtigen Sozialaufgaben. Die Produktion von diesen Gütern besteht darin, dass Kosten oder Gewinne erscheinen, die in Preisen nicht berücksichtigt werden und deren Verbrauch zu solchen positiven Ergebnissen führt wie die Vergrößerung des kulturellen, intellektuellen und moralischen Potentials der Gesellschaft usw. In diesem Kontext sind nichtkommerzielle nichtstaatliche Organisationen in Weißrussland ein sehr wichtiger innovativer Mechanismus der Gestaltung des Bereichs der Produktion von sozial wichtigen Gütern. In ökonomischer Hinsicht ist dieser Sektor interessant, weil er seinen direkten Beitrag zur Ökonomik leistet, indem er zusätzliche Arbeitsplätze bildet. Zugleich im Unterschied zu kommerziellen Unternehmen sichert er sozial-psychologische Unterstützung von dessen Mitgliedern, oft sehr sensiblen Bürgern, die sich an der Sozialtätigkeit engagieren. Das soziale Klima verbessernd, leistet der dritte Sektor seinen eigenen Beitrag zur Sicherung der sozialen und ökonomischen Stabilität, die wiederum der unerlässliche Faktor der ökonomischen Entwicklung ist [Lidorakina, htpp:/www.urbaneconomics.ru]. Der dritte Sektor wirkt in solchen Bereichen, die das Interesse der kommerziellen Organisationen

Das Phänomen, das als der dritte Sektor bekannt ist (nichtstaatliche und nichtkommerzielle Organisationen), entstand als Ergebnis der Suche nach dem alternativen Sektor der Realisierung von für den Staat wichtigen Sozialaufgaben. Die Produktion von diesen Gütern besteht darin, dass Kosten oder Gewinne erscheinen, die in Preisen nicht berücksichtigt werden und deren Verbrauch zu solchen positiven Ergebnissen führt wie die Vergrößerung des kulturellen, intellektuellen und moralischen Potentials der Gesellschaft usw. In diesem Kontext sind nichtkommerzielle nichtstaatliche Organisationen in Weißrussland ein sehr wichtiger innovativer Mechanismus der Gestaltung des Bereichs der Produktion von sozial wichtigen Gütern. In ökonomischer Hinsicht ist dieser Sektor interessant, weil er seinen direkten Beitrag zur Ökonomik leistet, indem er zusätzliche Arbeitsplätze bildet. Zugleich im Unterschied zu kommerziellen Unternehmen sichert er sozial-psychologische Unterstützung von dessen Mitgliedern, oft sehr sensiblen Bürgern, die sich an der Sozialtätigkeit engagieren. Das soziale Klima verbessernd, leistet der dritte Sektor seinen eigenen Beitrag zur Sicherung der sozialen und ökonomischen Stabilität, die wiederum der unerlässliche Faktor der ökonomischen Entwicklung ist [Lidorakina, htpp:/www.urbaneconomics.ru]. Der dritte Sektor wirkt in solchen Bereichen, die das Interesse der kommerziellen Organisationen

Larysa Osmolowska wissenschaftliche Angestellte und Doktorandin im Institut für Volkswirtschaftslehre an der Belarussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Sie arbeitet an ihrer Dissertation Neugestaltung des Mechanismus zur Kulturfinanzierung in Belarus. Für ihre Promotionsarbeit forschte sie im Institut für öffentliche Angelegenheiten an der Jagiellonen Universität auf dem Gebiet der Kulturfinanzierung und der Methoden zur Auswertung der Kultureffektivität in Polen.

Alle in der Republik Weißrussland existierenden juristischen Personen kann man gemäß der geltenden Gesetzgebung (Recht) in zwei Gruppen aufteilen: kommerzielle und nichtkommerzielle Organisationen. Das Hauptkriterium bildet die Kategorie des Gewinns; es ist auch die Aufteilung in Bereiche der Interessen sichtbar. Der Sektor der nichtkommerziellen Organisationen beschäftigt sich hauptsächlich mit dem Sozialbereich, Kulturbereich und mit anderen sozial wichtigen Zielen. Organisationen dieses Sektors können nur dann ein Gewerbe treiben, wenn es nötig für die Statusziele ist, für die die gegebene Organisation gegründet wurde, diesen Zielen und dem Gegenstand deren Tätigkeit entspricht. Solch eine Tätigkeit ist nur möglich durch Vermittlung der kommerziellen Organisationen oder mit deren Teilnahme. Das Einkommen, das nach der Erstattung von allen Steuern und Pflichtgebühren erzielt wird, soll gemäß der geltenden Gesetzgebung für die Ziele bestimmt werden, für deren Realisierung das gegebene Subjekt ins Leben gerufen wurde. Nichtkommerzielle Organisationen, die in Weißrussland tätig sind, lassem sich in zwei Gruppen aufteilen: staatliche und nichtstaatliche. Den größten Teil von nichtkommerziellen Organisationen im Bereich der Kultur in der Republik Weißrussland bilden staatliche nichtkommerzielle Institutionen.

Alle in der Republik Weißrussland existierenden juristischen Personen kann man gemäß der geltenden Gesetzgebung (Recht) in zwei Gruppen aufteilen: kommerzielle und nichtkommerzielle Organisationen. Das Hauptkriterium bildet die Kategorie des Gewinns; es ist auch die Aufteilung in Bereiche der Interessen sichtbar. Der Sektor der nichtkommerziellen Organisationen beschäftigt sich hauptsächlich mit dem Sozialbereich, Kulturbereich und mit anderen sozial wichtigen Zielen. Organisationen dieses Sektors können nur dann ein Gewerbe treiben, wenn es nötig für die Statusziele ist, für die die gegebene Organisation gegründet wurde, diesen Zielen und dem Gegenstand deren Tätigkeit entspricht. Solch eine Tätigkeit ist nur möglich durch Vermittlung der kommerziellen Organisationen oder mit deren Teilnahme. Das Einkommen, das nach der Erstattung von allen Steuern und Pflichtgebühren erzielt wird, soll gemäß der geltenden Gesetzgebung für die Ziele bestimmt werden, für deren Realisierung das gegebene Subjekt ins Leben gerufen wurde. Nichtkommerzielle Organisationen, die in Weißrussland tätig sind, lassem sich in zwei Gruppen aufteilen: staatliche und nichtstaatliche. Den größten Teil von nichtkommerziellen Organisationen im Bereich der Kultur in der Republik Weißrussland bilden staatliche nichtkommerzielle Institutionen.

Übersetzung: Dorota Lupa

Larysa Osmolowska wissenschaftliche Angestellte und Doktorandin im Institut für Volkswirtschaftslehre an der Belarussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Sie arbeitet an ihrer Dissertation Neugestaltung des Mechanismus zur Kulturfinanzierung in Belarus. Für ihre Promotionsarbeit forschte sie im Institut für öffentliche Angelegenheiten an der Jagiellonen Universität auf dem Gebiet der Kulturfinanzierung und der Methoden zur Auswertung der Kultureffektivität in Polen.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Larysa Osmolowska

200

Hauptprobleme der Entwicklung des dritten Sektors im Bereich der Kultur in der Republik Weißrussland


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Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

nicht erwecken können. Der zweite Grund für die Attraktivität des «dritten» Sektors ist die Tatsache, dass der nichtkommerzielle nichtstaatliche Sektor dem nichtkommerziellen staatlichen Sektor eine Konkurrenz machen kann, und somit die Effektivität des Angebots von gesellschaftlichen Dienstleistungen steigert. Die Welterfahrungen haben gezeigt, dass staatliche Organisationen, als Lieferanten von solchen Dienstleistungen, keine große Effektivität erwiesen haben, deshalb wird ihr Tätigkeitsumfang immer kleiner. Zum Beispiel in Deutschland sind über 35% von allen Kindergärten nichtstaatliche Unternehmen, über 60% von Behindertenheimen wird von privaten Besitzern verwaltet, es ist ähnlich bei 50% von Altenheimen und 40% von Krankenhäusern [htpp:/www. demokratia.ru]. Der Staat wechselt langsam seine Rolle und wird vom Lieferanten der gesellschaftlichen Dienstleistungen zu deren Auftraggeber, indem er die wirksamste Methode wählt, öffentliche Mittel auszugeben.

Rechtsgrundlagen von nicht-kommerziellen und nicht-staatlichen Organisationen in der Republik Weißrussland

N

ichtkommerzielle Organisationen in der Republik Weißrussland können die organisatorische Rechtsform des Konsumunternehmens als soziale und religiöse Vereine haben, als staatliche Stiftungen, Ämter und auch als Gesellschaften der juristischen Personen (Vereine oder Verbände). Die Tätigkeit der nichtkommerziellen Organisationen in Weißrussland wird durch folgende Rechts- und Normakten geregelt: G Verfassung der Republik Weißrussland, G Zivilgesetzbuch der Republik Weißrussland: Artikel 116. Kommerzielle Gesellschaft, Artikel 117. Soziale und religiöse Organisationen (Vereine), Artikel 117-1. Staatlich-soziale Gesellschaften, Artikel 118. Stiftungen, Artikel 119. Änderung des Status und Fondsabschaffung, Artikel 120. Ämter, Artikel 121. Vereinbarung von juristischen Personen (Vereine und Gesellschaften), G Gesetz der Republik Weißrussland vom 4. Oktober 1994 Nr. 3254-XII Über gesellschaftliche Vereinigungen (Verzeichnisse den Hauptrats der Republik Weißrussland, 1994, Nr. 29, Artikel 503),

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

G

G

G

Gesetz der Republik Weißrussland vom 19. Juli 2006, Nr. 150-3 Über nationale staatlich-soziale Organisationen (Registriert im Nationalregister der Rechtsakten der Republik Weißrussland am 20. Juli 2006 Nr. 2/ 1247), Dekret der Präsidenten der Republik Weißrussland vom 26. Januar 1999, Nr. 2 Über gewisse Prinzipien, die das Ordnen der Tätigkeit von politischen Parteien, Berufsbündnissen und anderen gesellschaftlichen Vereinen betrifft (Registriert im Nationalregister der Rechtsakten der Republik Weißrussland am 28. Januar 1999, Nr. 1/65), Beschluss des Justizministeriums der Republik Weißrussland Nr. 48 vom 30. August 2005 Über die Genehmigung der normativen Rechtsakten, die betreffen die Gestaltung und Prüfung der mit der staatlichen Registrierung von politischen Parteien, professionellen Bündnissen und anderen gesellschaftlichen Vereinen und deren Bündnissen (Vereinen) verbundenen Unterlagen, sowie die staatliche Registrierung und das Streichen aus dem Amtsblatt der staatlichen Registrierung, sowie über das Hinterlassen in der Evidenz und das Streichen aus der Evidenz deren organisatorischen Strukturen (Registriert im Nationalregister der Rechtsakten der Republik Weißrussland am 12. September 2005 Nr. 8/13102).

Das Hauptproblem der nichtstaatlichen und nichtkommerziellen Organisationen in Weißrussland sind die Schwierigkeiten, alternative Finanzierungsquellen (Sponsorenmittel) zu gewinnen, sowohl auf dem Binnenmarkt als auch auf dem Außenmarkt. Im März 2001 erschien das Dekret des Präsidenten der Republik Weißrussland Nr. 8 Über gewisse Probleme, die die Ordnung beim Gewinnen und Ausnutzen der ausländischen kostenlosen Hilfe (Sponsorenmittel) betreffen . Dann wurde diese Aufzeichnung durch das Dekret Nr. 24 Über das Bekommen und Ausnutzen der kostenlosen Hilfe vom 28. November 2003 ersetzt, zu dem als Ergänzung eine große Anzahl von Ausführungsakten angenommen wurde. Das alles führte dazu, dass die kostenlose Auslandshilfe und deren Bekommen sowie Ausnutzen sehr formalisiert und beschränkt wurden. Als die kostenlose Auslandshilfe (Spende) gelten dem letzten Dekret gemäß Geldmittel, auch in der fremden Währung, Waren (Güter), die für das kostenlose Nutzen, Handhaben und Verwalten von Organisationen und natürlichen Personen

201

ichtkommerzielle Organisationen in der Republik Weißrussland können die organisatorische Rechtsform des Konsumunternehmens als soziale und religiöse Vereine haben, als staatliche Stiftungen, Ämter und auch als Gesellschaften der juristischen Personen (Vereine oder Verbände). Die Tätigkeit der nichtkommerziellen Organisationen in Weißrussland wird durch folgende Rechts- und Normakten geregelt: G Verfassung der Republik Weißrussland, G Zivilgesetzbuch der Republik Weißrussland: Artikel 116. Kommerzielle Gesellschaft, Artikel 117. Soziale und religiöse Organisationen (Vereine), Artikel 117-1. Staatlich-soziale Gesellschaften, Artikel 118. Stiftungen, Artikel 119. Änderung des Status und Fondsabschaffung, Artikel 120. Ämter, Artikel 121. Vereinbarung von juristischen Personen (Vereine und Gesellschaften), G Gesetz der Republik Weißrussland vom 4. Oktober 1994 Nr. 3254-XII Über gesellschaftliche Vereinigungen (Verzeichnisse den Hauptrats der Republik Weißrussland, 1994, Nr. 29, Artikel 503),

N

Das Hauptproblem der nichtstaatlichen und nichtkommerziellen Organisationen in Weißrussland sind die Schwierigkeiten, alternative Finanzierungsquellen (Sponsorenmittel) zu gewinnen, sowohl auf dem Binnenmarkt als auch auf dem Außenmarkt. Im März 2001 erschien das Dekret des Präsidenten der Republik Weißrussland Nr. 8 Über gewisse Probleme, die die Ordnung beim Gewinnen und Ausnutzen der ausländischen kostenlosen Hilfe (Sponsorenmittel) betreffen . Dann wurde diese Aufzeichnung durch das Dekret Nr. 24 Über das Bekommen und Ausnutzen der kostenlosen Hilfe vom 28. November 2003 ersetzt, zu dem als Ergänzung eine große Anzahl von Ausführungsakten angenommen wurde. Das alles führte dazu, dass die kostenlose Auslandshilfe und deren Bekommen sowie Ausnutzen sehr formalisiert und beschränkt wurden. Als die kostenlose Auslandshilfe (Spende) gelten dem letzten Dekret gemäß Geldmittel, auch in der fremden Währung, Waren (Güter), die für das kostenlose Nutzen, Handhaben und Verwalten von Organisationen und natürlichen Personen

Rechtsgrundlagen von nicht-kommerziellen und nicht-staatlichen Organisationen in der Republik Weißrussland nicht erwecken können. Der zweite Grund für die Attraktivität des «dritten» Sektors ist die Tatsache, dass der nichtkommerzielle nichtstaatliche Sektor dem nichtkommerziellen staatlichen Sektor eine Konkurrenz machen kann, und somit die Effektivität des Angebots von gesellschaftlichen Dienstleistungen steigert. Die Welterfahrungen haben gezeigt, dass staatliche Organisationen, als Lieferanten von solchen Dienstleistungen, keine große Effektivität erwiesen haben, deshalb wird ihr Tätigkeitsumfang immer kleiner. Zum Beispiel in Deutschland sind über 35% von allen Kindergärten nichtstaatliche Unternehmen, über 60% von Behindertenheimen wird von privaten Besitzern verwaltet, es ist ähnlich bei 50% von Altenheimen und 40% von Krankenhäusern [htpp:/www. demokratia.ru]. Der Staat wechselt langsam seine Rolle und wird vom Lieferanten der gesellschaftlichen Dienstleistungen zu deren Auftraggeber, indem er die wirksamste Methode wählt, öffentliche Mittel auszugeben.

G G G

Gesetz der Republik Weißrussland vom 19. Juli 2006, Nr. 150-3 Über nationale staatlich-soziale Organisationen (Registriert im Nationalregister der Rechtsakten der Republik Weißrussland am 20. Juli 2006 Nr. 2/ 1247), Dekret der Präsidenten der Republik Weißrussland vom 26. Januar 1999, Nr. 2 Über gewisse Prinzipien, die das Ordnen der Tätigkeit von politischen Parteien, Berufsbündnissen und anderen gesellschaftlichen Vereinen betrifft (Registriert im Nationalregister der Rechtsakten der Republik Weißrussland am 28. Januar 1999, Nr. 1/65), Beschluss des Justizministeriums der Republik Weißrussland Nr. 48 vom 30. August 2005 Über die Genehmigung der normativen Rechtsakten, die betreffen die Gestaltung und Prüfung der mit der staatlichen Registrierung von politischen Parteien, professionellen Bündnissen und anderen gesellschaftlichen Vereinen und deren Bündnissen (Vereinen) verbundenen Unterlagen, sowie die staatliche Registrierung und das Streichen aus dem Amtsblatt der staatlichen Registrierung, sowie über das Hinterlassen in der Evidenz und das Streichen aus der Evidenz deren organisatorischen Strukturen (Registriert im Nationalregister der Rechtsakten der Republik Weißrussland am 12. September 2005 Nr. 8/13102).


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Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

4.

9.

5.

8.

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7.

6.

8.

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die Realisierung von staatlichen Programmen der Neugestaltung und der Entwicklung des Dorfes betreffen, Unterstützung der weißrussischen Initiativen, die mit der Olympiade und der Behinderten-Olympiade verbunden sind, sowie Mannschaftsspiele und nicht nur, Organisierung der Sportbewerbe, Führen der Tätigkeit, die mit Sport und Gesundheit verbunden ist, Sport- Massenarbeit, Organisieren von Sportlichen Unternehmen und Teilnahme daran, Unterstützung der Sportler und Mannschaften, sowie Bauen und Unterhalten der Gebäude, die für die Sporttätigkeit bestimmt sind, Schutz und Wiederaufbau des historischkulturellen Erbes, die Entwicklung der Bibliotheken und Museen, der Kinematografie, der Kunst- und Kulturausbildung, sowie die Unterstützung des nationalen Schaffens und des Volkshandwerks, der Tätigkeit von nationalen Musikgruppen und Darstellern, Einkaufen durch medizinische Institutionen der Medikamente, medizinischen Produkte, medizinischen Geräte, sowie das Leisten der medizinischen Hilfe den Bürgern der Republik Weißrussland, die Unterstützung der Tätigkeit im Bereich des Gesundheitsschutzes der Menschen, sowie die Kampagne für den gesunden Lebensstil, Durchführung von Olympiaden, Wettbewerben, Festspielen, Paraden und anderen Unternehmen, die im Einverständnis mit dem Präsidenten der Republik Weißrussland, dem Ministerrat der Republik Weißrussland, den Bezirksvorständen und dem Rat der Stadt Minsk, organisiert werden, Herausgeben von Schullehrbüchern und Lehrhilfen, Organisieren von Mahlzeiten für Schüler und Lehrlinge, Unterstützung der Organisationen, die sich mit dem Sozialschutz der Bevölkerung beschäftigen, die den armen Menschen sozial helfen und den Bürgern, die Hilfe seitens des Staates wegen ihrer Körperbehinderung oder psychologischen Probleme brauchen, weil sie nicht imstande sind, sich um ihre Rechte und Interessen selbst kümmern (alte einsame Menschen, Invaliden, Kriegsveteranen, Familien mit mehreren Kindern, Personen aus nicht vollen Familien, behinderte Kinder, Waisen, Kinder, die ohne Hilfe der Eltern geblieben sind, andere Bürger, die in der Gesetzgebung bestimmt wurden, Unterstützung der in der Republik Weißrussland rechtsgemäß registrierten Religionsorganisationen,

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die Realisierung von staatlichen Programmen der Neugestaltung und der Entwicklung des Dorfes betreffen, Unterstützung der weißrussischen Initiativen, die mit der Olympiade und der Behinderten-Olympiade verbunden sind, sowie Mannschaftsspiele und nicht nur, Organisierung der Sportbewerbe, Führen der Tätigkeit, die mit Sport und Gesundheit verbunden ist, Sport- Massenarbeit, Organisieren von Sportlichen Unternehmen und Teilnahme daran, Unterstützung der Sportler und Mannschaften, sowie Bauen und Unterhalten der Gebäude, die für die Sporttätigkeit bestimmt sind, Schutz und Wiederaufbau des historischkulturellen Erbes, die Entwicklung der Bibliotheken und Museen, der Kinematografie, der Kunst- und Kulturausbildung, sowie die Unterstützung des nationalen Schaffens und des Volkshandwerks, der Tätigkeit von nationalen Musikgruppen und Darstellern, Einkaufen durch medizinische Institutionen der Medikamente, medizinischen Produkte, medizinischen Geräte, sowie das Leisten der medizinischen Hilfe den Bürgern der Republik Weißrussland, die Unterstützung der Tätigkeit im Bereich des Gesundheitsschutzes der Menschen, sowie die Kampagne für den gesunden Lebensstil, Durchführung von Olympiaden, Wettbewerben, Festspielen, Paraden und anderen Unternehmen, die im Einverständnis mit dem Präsidenten der Republik Weißrussland, dem Ministerrat der Republik Weißrussland, den Bezirksvorständen und dem Rat der Stadt Minsk, organisiert werden, Herausgeben von Schullehrbüchern und Lehrhilfen, Organisieren von Mahlzeiten für Schüler und Lehrlinge, Unterstützung der Organisationen, die sich mit dem Sozialschutz der Bevölkerung beschäftigen, die den armen Menschen sozial helfen und den Bürgern, die Hilfe seitens des Staates wegen ihrer Körperbehinderung oder psychologischen Probleme brauchen, weil sie nicht imstande sind, sich um ihre Rechte und Interessen selbst kümmern (alte einsame Menschen, Invaliden, Kriegsveteranen, Familien mit mehreren Kindern, Personen aus nicht vollen Familien, behinderte Kinder, Waisen, Kinder, die ohne Hilfe der Eltern geblieben sind, andere Bürger, die in der Gesetzgebung bestimmt wurden, Unterstützung der in der Republik Weißrussland rechtsgemäß registrierten Religionsorganisationen,

der Republik Weißrussland durch fremde Länder, internationale Organisationen, fremde Organisationen und Bürger, auch durch Personen ohne Staatsangehörigkeit und anonyme Personen, die Schenker sind, gegeben wurden. Die kostenlose Auslandshilfe muss unbedingt von dem Empfänger selbst im Departement für Humanitäre Tätigkeit des Amtes des Präsidenten der Republik Weißrussland registriert werden. Die Unterlage, die die Registrierung der Spende bestätigt, ist die Bescheinigung, die vom Departement ausgestellt wird. Die kostenlose Auslandshilfe (Spende) kann zu folgenden Ziele ausgenutzt werden: G Beseitigung der Folgen von außergewöhnlichen Situationen natürlichen und technologischen Charakters, G Führen der wissenschaftlichen Untersuchungen, Veröffentlichung der wissenschaftlichen Arbeiten, sowie für die Realisierung von wissenschaftlichen Programmen, G Unterstützung des Schutzes, Wiederaufbau, Bildung von historisch-kulturellen Werte, Entwicklung der Naturschutzgebiete, G Leisten der medizinischen Hilfe, G Leisten der sozialen Hilfe für arme und sozial nicht versicherte Bürger, G Für andere Ziele, die vom Büro des Präsidenten der Republik Weißrussland bestimmt wurden, nach der Vereinbarung mit dem Präsidenten der Republik Weißrussland. In der Situation, wenn die kostenlose Auslandshilfe für die oben genannten Ziele bestimmt wird, wird sie befreit von den Zollgebühren, der Mehrwertsteuer, der Akzise, Einkommenssteuer und der Einkommenssteuer von den natürlichen Personen. In allen anderen Situationen unterliegt die kostenlose Auslandshilfe der Steuerpflicht, die alle oben genannten Steuern umfasst. Im Juli 2005 hat sich der Staat entschlossen, auch innere kostenlose Hilfe (Sponserhilfe) zu kontrollieren. Dekret des Präsidenten der Republik Weißrussland vom 1. Juli 2005, Nr. 300 Über die Darstellung und Ausnutzung der kostenlosen Hilfe (Sponsorenhilfe) legte zwölf Ziele fest, auf die die oben genannte Hilfe gerichtet werden kann: 1. Schaffen und Verstärken der technischen Materialbasis, 2. Erwerben der landwirtschaftlichen Technik und (oder) Ersatzteile dafür, leichtbrannbare Schmiermittel, Leinsamen, Dünger, Pflanzenschutzmittel, andere Waren, Arbeiten und Dienstleistungen, die mit der landwirtschaftlichen Produktion verbunden sind, sowie Unterstützung der Unternehmen, die

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

der Republik Weißrussland durch fremde Länder, internationale Organisationen, fremde Organisationen und Bürger, auch durch Personen ohne Staatsangehörigkeit und anonyme Personen, die Schenker sind, gegeben wurden. Die kostenlose Auslandshilfe muss unbedingt von dem Empfänger selbst im Departement für Humanitäre Tätigkeit des Amtes des Präsidenten der Republik Weißrussland registriert werden. Die Unterlage, die die Registrierung der Spende bestätigt, ist die Bescheinigung, die vom Departement ausgestellt wird. Die kostenlose Auslandshilfe (Spende) kann zu folgenden Ziele ausgenutzt werden: G Beseitigung der Folgen von außergewöhnlichen Situationen natürlichen und technologischen Charakters, G Führen der wissenschaftlichen Untersuchungen, Veröffentlichung der wissenschaftlichen Arbeiten, sowie für die Realisierung von wissenschaftlichen Programmen, G Unterstützung des Schutzes, Wiederaufbau, Bildung von historisch-kulturellen Werte, Entwicklung der Naturschutzgebiete, G Leisten der medizinischen Hilfe, G Leisten der sozialen Hilfe für arme und sozial nicht versicherte Bürger, G Für andere Ziele, die vom Büro des Präsidenten der Republik Weißrussland bestimmt wurden, nach der Vereinbarung mit dem Präsidenten der Republik Weißrussland. In der Situation, wenn die kostenlose Auslandshilfe für die oben genannten Ziele bestimmt wird, wird sie befreit von den Zollgebühren, der Mehrwertsteuer, der Akzise, Einkommenssteuer und der Einkommenssteuer von den natürlichen Personen. In allen anderen Situationen unterliegt die kostenlose Auslandshilfe der Steuerpflicht, die alle oben genannten Steuern umfasst. Im Juli 2005 hat sich der Staat entschlossen, auch innere kostenlose Hilfe (Sponserhilfe) zu kontrollieren. Dekret des Präsidenten der Republik Weißrussland vom 1. Juli 2005, Nr. 300 Über die Darstellung und Ausnutzung der kostenlosen Hilfe (Sponsorenhilfe) legte zwölf Ziele fest, auf die die oben genannte Hilfe gerichtet werden kann: 1. Schaffen und Verstärken der technischen Materialbasis, 2. Erwerben der landwirtschaftlichen Technik und (oder) Ersatzteile dafür, leichtbrannbare Schmiermittel, Leinsamen, Dünger, Pflanzenschutzmittel, andere Waren, Arbeiten und Dienstleistungen, die mit der landwirtschaftlichen Produktion verbunden sind, sowie Unterstützung der Unternehmen, die


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10.Beseitigung der außergewöhnlichen Folgen der Naturkatastrophen und der Katastrophen technologischen Charakters, 11. Durchführung von wissenschaftlichen Untersuchungen im Rahmen der staatlichen wissenschaftlichen Programme, 12. Ausbau der unter Naturschutz stehenden Gebiete (Reservate, Nationalparks, Alleen, Naturdenkmäler), Die kostenlose Hilfe für andere Ziele zu leisten, ist es nur möglich mit Erlaubnis des Präsidenten der Republik Weißrussland. Wenn es scheint, dass Kultur und Sport privilegierter als andere Bereiche sind, muss man hier hinzufügen, dass es im Verzeichnis viele soziale Projekte fehlen, für die man früher kostenlose Hilfe bekommen konnte. Zum Beispiel die Unterstützung vom Sponsor bei der Organisation der Wettbewerbe, Festspiele, Sportwettbewerbe ist nur dann zugelassen, wenn die gegebene Aktion in Erlaubnis mit dem Präsidenten der Republik Weißrussland, der Regierung oder der Behörde der Stadt Minsk (oder anderer Kreisstädte) organisiert wird. Wenn die oben genannten Aktionen von anderen Subjekten organisiert werden, ist das Leisten der kostenlosen Hilfe nur mit Erlaubnis des Präsidenten der Republik Weißrussland möglich. Das Leisten der kostenlosen Hilfe für die Organisation der Massenkulturunternehmen (Sponsern) ist möglich, wenn die gegebene Hilfe für die Ziele bestimmt werden kann, die im früher erwähnten Dekret Nr. 300 genannt wurden. Im in Weißrussland gültigen Gesetz Über Kultur wird der Begriff Nationales Schaffen nicht erklärt. Er erscheint nur im Gesetz Nr. 4, Über Urheberrechte und Rechte der Mitautorschaft . Diesem Gesetz gemäß ist nationales Schaffen: ein Werk, das Elemente der künstlerischen Tradition enthält (Volksmärchen, Volksgedichte, Nationallieder, nationale Instrumentalmusik, Volkskunst und Volkstanz, künstlerische Formen der Nationalbräuche und andere) Wenn massenhaft organisierte kulturelle Veranstaltungen nicht als nationales Schaffen oder als Konzerte der nationalen Musikgruppen und Sänger angesehen werden können, kann die kostenlose Hilfe nur mit Erlaubnis des Präsidenten der Republik Weißrussland geleistet werden. Vergleichsanalyse des staatlichen und nichtstaatlichen Sektors im Bereich der Kultur in der Stadt Minsk. Der Vergleich des nichtstaatlichen nichtkommerziellen Sektors mit dem staatlichen Sektor zeigt das wahre Potential des ersten

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

davon. Aber die Durchführung einer rationellen (logischsten) Vergleichanalyse wurde praktisch unmöglich. In der für die Analyse und Bewertung nützlichen Form lässt sich nur der staatliche Sektor beschreiben (es gibt besondere Formen der buchhalterischen und statistischen Abrechnung und Evidenz; außerdem gibt es eine besondere Behörde im gegebenen Fall Vorstand der städtischen Kultur der dessen Tätigkeit überwacht); dagegen die Durchführung einer ähnlichen Analyse im Falle des nicht-staatlichen Sektors ist problematisch und eigentlich unmöglich. Die einzige hier zugängliche Quelle ist das Register von öffentlichen Gesellschaften im Stadtgericht. Darin werden Namen der Organisationen, Adressen, Registrierdatum und Tätigkeitsbereich von einzelnen Subjekten aufgezeichnet. Die Angaben über Finanzierungsquellen sind praktisch unmöglich zu erreichen. Im Stadtgericht von Minsk wurden 416 öffentliche Vereine registriert, davon 45 (10,8%) sind Organisationen deren Tätigkeit den Kultur- und Bildungsbereich sowie Kultur- und Unterhaltungsbereich umfasst. Die Ziele, für die die gegebenen Organisationen gegründet wurden, sind unterschiedlich und lassen sich in folgende Gruppen aufteilen: G Organisationen mit allgemeinem Kultur - und Bildungscharakter (18 Organisationen; 40%), G Organisationen der Nationalminderheiten, deren Hauptziel ist, die Nationalkultur und die Sprache auf dem Gebiet Weißrusslands zu erhalten und zu verbreiten (14; 31,1%), G Organisationen, die sich mit der Promotion der choreografischen Kunst beschäftigen (2; 4,4%), G Organisationen, die sich mit dem Kulturerbe beschäftigen (2; 4,4%), G Organisationen, die sich mit dem Fremdsprachenunterricht und der Promotion von Fremdsprachen beschäftigen (2; 4,4%), G Sonstige Organisationen (7; 15,6%). Es ist interessant, dass sich an der ersten Stalle solche Organisationen befinden, die einen breiten Tätigkeitsbereich haben, zum Beispiel Kultur- und Bildungstätigkeit, die bei ihren Mitgliedern intellektuelle Begabung entwikkeln wollen oder Hilfe bei der Schaffung der Bedingungen für die Bildungs-, Kultur-, Körperentwicklung und schöpferische Entwicklung der Kinder und Jugendlichen, geistige Erziehung in der Aura der Gerechtigkeit, der Vernunft, des Friedens und der Freundschaft . An der letzten sechsten Stelle befinden sich Organisationen, die direkt mit den deutlich bestimmten Zielen

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10.Beseitigung der außergewöhnlichen Folgen der Naturkatastrophen und der Katastrophen technologischen Charakters, 11. Durchführung von wissenschaftlichen Untersuchungen im Rahmen der staatlichen wissenschaftlichen Programme, 12. Ausbau der unter Naturschutz stehenden Gebiete (Reservate, Nationalparks, Alleen, Naturdenkmäler), Die kostenlose Hilfe für andere Ziele zu leisten, ist es nur möglich mit Erlaubnis des Präsidenten der Republik Weißrussland. Wenn es scheint, dass Kultur und Sport privilegierter als andere Bereiche sind, muss man hier hinzufügen, dass es im Verzeichnis viele soziale Projekte fehlen, für die man früher kostenlose Hilfe bekommen konnte. Zum Beispiel die Unterstützung vom Sponsor bei der Organisation der Wettbewerbe, Festspiele, Sportwettbewerbe ist nur dann zugelassen, wenn die gegebene Aktion in Erlaubnis mit dem Präsidenten der Republik Weißrussland, der Regierung oder der Behörde der Stadt Minsk (oder anderer Kreisstädte) organisiert wird. Wenn die oben genannten Aktionen von anderen Subjekten organisiert werden, ist das Leisten der kostenlosen Hilfe nur mit Erlaubnis des Präsidenten der Republik Weißrussland möglich. Das Leisten der kostenlosen Hilfe für die Organisation der Massenkulturunternehmen (Sponsern) ist möglich, wenn die gegebene Hilfe für die Ziele bestimmt werden kann, die im früher erwähnten Dekret Nr. 300 genannt wurden. Im in Weißrussland gültigen Gesetz Über Kultur wird der Begriff Nationales Schaffen nicht erklärt. Er erscheint nur im Gesetz Nr. 4, Über Urheberrechte und Rechte der Mitautorschaft . Diesem Gesetz gemäß ist nationales Schaffen: ein Werk, das Elemente der künstlerischen Tradition enthält (Volksmärchen, Volksgedichte, Nationallieder, nationale Instrumentalmusik, Volkskunst und Volkstanz, künstlerische Formen der Nationalbräuche und andere) Wenn massenhaft organisierte kulturelle Veranstaltungen nicht als nationales Schaffen oder als Konzerte der nationalen Musikgruppen und Sänger angesehen werden können, kann die kostenlose Hilfe nur mit Erlaubnis des Präsidenten der Republik Weißrussland geleistet werden. Vergleichsanalyse des staatlichen und nichtstaatlichen Sektors im Bereich der Kultur in der Stadt Minsk. Der Vergleich des nichtstaatlichen nichtkommerziellen Sektors mit dem staatlichen Sektor zeigt das wahre Potential des ersten

Es ist interessant, dass sich an der ersten Stalle solche Organisationen befinden, die einen breiten Tätigkeitsbereich haben, zum Beispiel Kultur- und Bildungstätigkeit, die bei ihren Mitgliedern intellektuelle Begabung entwikkeln wollen oder Hilfe bei der Schaffung der Bedingungen für die Bildungs-, Kultur-, Körperentwicklung und schöpferische Entwicklung der Kinder und Jugendlichen, geistige Erziehung in der Aura der Gerechtigkeit, der Vernunft, des Friedens und der Freundschaft . An der letzten sechsten Stelle befinden sich Organisationen, die direkt mit den deutlich bestimmten Zielen davon. Aber die Durchführung einer rationellen (logischsten) Vergleichanalyse wurde praktisch unmöglich. In der für die Analyse und Bewertung nützlichen Form lässt sich nur der staatliche Sektor beschreiben (es gibt besondere Formen der buchhalterischen und statistischen Abrechnung und Evidenz; außerdem gibt es eine besondere Behörde im gegebenen Fall Vorstand der städtischen Kultur der dessen Tätigkeit überwacht); dagegen die Durchführung einer ähnlichen Analyse im Falle des nicht-staatlichen Sektors ist problematisch und eigentlich unmöglich. Die einzige hier zugängliche Quelle ist das Register von öffentlichen Gesellschaften im Stadtgericht. Darin werden Namen der Organisationen, Adressen, Registrierdatum und Tätigkeitsbereich von einzelnen Subjekten aufgezeichnet. Die Angaben über Finanzierungsquellen sind praktisch unmöglich zu erreichen. Im Stadtgericht von Minsk wurden 416 öffentliche Vereine registriert, davon 45 (10,8%) sind Organisationen deren Tätigkeit den Kultur- und Bildungsbereich sowie Kultur- und Unterhaltungsbereich umfasst. Die Ziele, für die die gegebenen Organisationen gegründet wurden, sind unterschiedlich und lassen sich in folgende Gruppen aufteilen: G Organisationen mit allgemeinem Kultur - und Bildungscharakter (18 Organisationen; 40%), G Organisationen der Nationalminderheiten, deren Hauptziel ist, die Nationalkultur und die Sprache auf dem Gebiet Weißrusslands zu erhalten und zu verbreiten (14; 31,1%), G Organisationen, die sich mit der Promotion der choreografischen Kunst beschäftigen (2; 4,4%), G Organisationen, die sich mit dem Kulturerbe beschäftigen (2; 4,4%), G Organisationen, die sich mit dem Fremdsprachenunterricht und der Promotion von Fremdsprachen beschäftigen (2; 4,4%), Sonstige Organisationen (7; 15,6%). G


Literatur: und dem Tätigkeitsbereich verbunden sind (z.B. Wohltätigkeitstheater, Verein, der in den Kulturbereich neue Technologien einführt, Klub der Liebhaber von Autorenliedern). Man muss auch darauf aufmerksam machen, dass es auch exklusive Organisationen gibt, z.B. der Verein Autoamerika : die Kultur- und Bildungstätigkeit dieser Organisation konzentriert sich auf die Verbindung und Koordinierung der Bemühungen von Mitgliedern Besitzern der Autos, die in Amerika hergestellt wurden, und auf die Verteidigung deren Interessen. Man soll auch bemerken, dass es im Kulturbereich in Minsk sehr viele offiziell nichtregistrierte Organisationen gibt (schöpferische Gruppen). Sie möchten lieber ihre Tätigkeit mit Hilfe von individuellen Unternehmern führen, die die Lizenz zur Konzerttätigkeit haben, indem sie für sie einen Teil von ihrem Honorar (ca. 22%) bestimmen. Der wichtigste Grund, warum die Gruppen auf offizielle Registrierung der Gruppe und der Tätigkeit selbst verzichten wollen, sind zusätzliche Verwaltungsausgaben. Es geht hier um die Staatsgebühr für die Registrierung (ca. 145 USD), und während der Tätigkeit verlangt man jeden Monat viele buchhalterische Unterlagen und außerdem ist das Liquidationsverfahren sehr kompliziert (manche Organisationen befinden sich im Liquidationszustand schon über 5 Jahre). Wenn man die Anzahl von staatlichen und nichtstaatlichen Organisationen, die im Kulturbereich tätig sind, vergleicht, kann man über die Überlegenheit der nichtstaatlichen nichtkommerziellen Organisationen sprechen, die der Kulturabteilung im Stadtsamt unterstehen. In seinem Vorstand gibt es 78 Organisationen, die sich auf den Kulturbereich beziehen, darunter gibt es 42 Bibliotheken, 3 Museen, 26 außerschulische Bildungseinrichtungen, (Musikschulen, Kunstschulen für Kinder usw.), 5 Theaters, 1 nationale Kunstschule und 1 Musikschule. Obwohl sie ohne staatliche Hilfe existieren, bilden sie sogar 36% der allgemeinen Anzahl von Organisationen. Mit Sicherheit kann man sagen, dass heute der nichtkommerzielle nichtstaatliche Sektor noch keine Konkurrenz für den staatlichen

Staatliche Politik im Bereich der Unterstützung von

Sektor machen kann. Die wichtigsten Gründe der nicht genügenden Entwicklung des nichtkommerziellen Sektors sind: G Eine große Anzahl der Rechtsakten, die die Tätigkeit der nicht-staatlichen Organisationen regeln, sowie deren Finanzierungsquellen, während sich die Eigenbasis in diesen Organisationen noch nicht gebildet hat, G Zu wenige Informationen der Menschen über die Unterstützung der Bürgerinitiativen, G Fehlen der Anregungen seitens des Staates für das Anziehen der individuellen und korporatistischen Mittel, G Tatsache, dass die Organisationen sehr jung sind, und was damit verbunden ist, keine große Erfahrung, keine gute Vorbereitung der Anführer haben, sich nicht gut auf den Sozialmarketing, die strategische Planung, die Bildung eines modernen auf die Zusammenarbeit eingestellten Teams verstehen. Wie es scheint, gibt es noch andere wichtigere Gründe, die den Einfluss auf geringe Effektivität der Arbeit und schwache Entwicklung des dritten Sektors im Kulturbereich haben. Sie sind im niedrigen Entwicklungsniveau der Gesellschaft zu sehen, was mit der Staatspolitik verbunden ist, die aber nicht zu besprechen in diesem Text ist. Gleichzeitig trotz dieser Vorbehalte sieht man deutlich, dass im Rahmen des dritten Sektors selbst Anregungen gibt, die den Einfluss auf die Effektivität dessen Tätigkeit und weitere Entwicklung haben. Und gerade sie beeinflussen die auf den ersten Blick paradoxe Erscheinung der inneren Teilung des dritten Sektors in zwei alternative Gruppen. Die erste bilden die offiziell registrierte Organisationen, die zweite Organisationen, die unsichtbar, offiziell nicht registriert sind. Man kann vermuten, dass das Potential der zweiten Gruppe bessere Aussichten für die Zukunft gibt, dank des konkurrenzfähigen Charakters hinsichtlich der Adaptation an ungewöhnliche Bedingungen. Unserer Meinung nach kann gerade dieser Teil des dritten Sektors Konkurrenz für den staatlichen Sektor machen, indem er einen Teil der Funktionen übernimmt, die mit den sozialen Dienstleistungen im Kulturbereich verbunden sind.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Bürgerinitiativen: Stellung der Nichtregierungsorga-

204

nisationen (elektr. Unterlage); www.demokratia.ru.

Marina Lidorakina, Fonds Institut der Stadtökonomik ,

gen (elektr. Unterlage); www.urbaneconomics.ru.

Bürgerinitiativen: Stellung der Nichtregierungsorga-

nisationen (elektr. Unterlage); www.demokratia.ru.

Nichtkommerzieller Sektor: internationale Erfahrun-

Staatliche Politik im Bereich der Unterstützung von

Nichtkommerzieller Sektor: internationale Erfahrun-

Marina Lidorakina, Fonds Institut der Stadtökonomik ,

gen (elektr. Unterlage); www.urbaneconomics.ru.

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Literatur:

Sektor machen kann. Die wichtigsten Gründe der nicht genügenden Entwicklung des nichtkommerziellen Sektors sind: G Eine große Anzahl der Rechtsakten, die die Tätigkeit der nicht-staatlichen Organisationen regeln, sowie deren Finanzierungsquellen, während sich die Eigenbasis in diesen Organisationen noch nicht gebildet hat, G Zu wenige Informationen der Menschen über die Unterstützung der Bürgerinitiativen, G Fehlen der Anregungen seitens des Staates für das Anziehen der individuellen und korporatistischen Mittel, G Tatsache, dass die Organisationen sehr jung sind, und was damit verbunden ist, keine große Erfahrung, keine gute Vorbereitung der Anführer haben, sich nicht gut auf den Sozialmarketing, die strategische Planung, die Bildung eines modernen auf die Zusammenarbeit eingestellten Teams verstehen. Wie es scheint, gibt es noch andere wichtigere Gründe, die den Einfluss auf geringe Effektivität der Arbeit und schwache Entwicklung des dritten Sektors im Kulturbereich haben. Sie sind im niedrigen Entwicklungsniveau der Gesellschaft zu sehen, was mit der Staatspolitik verbunden ist, die aber nicht zu besprechen in diesem Text ist. Gleichzeitig trotz dieser Vorbehalte sieht man deutlich, dass im Rahmen des dritten Sektors selbst Anregungen gibt, die den Einfluss auf die Effektivität dessen Tätigkeit und weitere Entwicklung haben. Und gerade sie beeinflussen die auf den ersten Blick paradoxe Erscheinung der inneren Teilung des dritten Sektors in zwei alternative Gruppen. Die erste bilden die offiziell registrierte Organisationen, die zweite Organisationen, die unsichtbar, offiziell nicht registriert sind. Man kann vermuten, dass das Potential der zweiten Gruppe bessere Aussichten für die Zukunft gibt, dank des konkurrenzfähigen Charakters hinsichtlich der Adaptation an ungewöhnliche Bedingungen. Unserer Meinung nach kann gerade dieser Teil des dritten Sektors Konkurrenz für den staatlichen Sektor machen, indem er einen Teil der Funktionen übernimmt, die mit den sozialen Dienstleistungen im Kulturbereich verbunden sind.

204

und dem Tätigkeitsbereich verbunden sind (z.B. Wohltätigkeitstheater, Verein, der in den Kulturbereich neue Technologien einführt, Klub der Liebhaber von Autorenliedern). Man muss auch darauf aufmerksam machen, dass es auch exklusive Organisationen gibt, z.B. der Verein Autoamerika : die Kultur- und Bildungstätigkeit dieser Organisation konzentriert sich auf die Verbindung und Koordinierung der Bemühungen von Mitgliedern Besitzern der Autos, die in Amerika hergestellt wurden, und auf die Verteidigung deren Interessen. Man soll auch bemerken, dass es im Kulturbereich in Minsk sehr viele offiziell nichtregistrierte Organisationen gibt (schöpferische Gruppen). Sie möchten lieber ihre Tätigkeit mit Hilfe von individuellen Unternehmern führen, die die Lizenz zur Konzerttätigkeit haben, indem sie für sie einen Teil von ihrem Honorar (ca. 22%) bestimmen. Der wichtigste Grund, warum die Gruppen auf offizielle Registrierung der Gruppe und der Tätigkeit selbst verzichten wollen, sind zusätzliche Verwaltungsausgaben. Es geht hier um die Staatsgebühr für die Registrierung (ca. 145 USD), und während der Tätigkeit verlangt man jeden Monat viele buchhalterische Unterlagen und außerdem ist das Liquidationsverfahren sehr kompliziert (manche Organisationen befinden sich im Liquidationszustand schon über 5 Jahre). Wenn man die Anzahl von staatlichen und nichtstaatlichen Organisationen, die im Kulturbereich tätig sind, vergleicht, kann man über die Überlegenheit der nichtstaatlichen nichtkommerziellen Organisationen sprechen, die der Kulturabteilung im Stadtsamt unterstehen. In seinem Vorstand gibt es 78 Organisationen, die sich auf den Kulturbereich beziehen, darunter gibt es 42 Bibliotheken, 3 Museen, 26 außerschulische Bildungseinrichtungen, (Musikschulen, Kunstschulen für Kinder usw.), 5 Theaters, 1 nationale Kunstschule und 1 Musikschule. Obwohl sie ohne staatliche Hilfe existieren, bilden sie sogar 36% der allgemeinen Anzahl von Organisationen. Mit Sicherheit kann man sagen, dass heute der nichtkommerzielle nichtstaatliche Sektor noch keine Konkurrenz für den staatlichen


205

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

ANLAGE I VERZEICHNIS DER GESELLSCHAFTLICHEN VEREINE, DIE IM STADTSAMT MINSK REGISTRIERT WURDEN (STAND FÜR DEN 23. MAI 2007)

12 IV 2002

Unterstützung der Selbständigkeit von Kindern und Jugendlichen, Entwicklung deren schöpferischen Potentials und Adaptationsfähigkeit in der modernen Gesellschaft, die Entwicklung der körperlichen Kultur, der Theaterkunst und des Theaterhandwerks

Minsk ul. Prospekt Partyzancki 2-4B Tel. + 375 17 298 39 33

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Gruppe Fokus

16 I 2004

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die auf die Durchführung der Propaganda des gesunden Lebensstils, auf die Entwicklung der körperlichen Kultur, der Theaterkunst und des Theaterhandwerks gerichtet ist

220049 Minsk ul. Volgograckogo 59 Tel. + 375 17 269 13 48

Gesellschaftliche Organisation Tajpin

12

Unterstützung, Popularisierung und Entwicklung der schon existierenden als auch neuen Stilen und Richtungen in Musik, Choreografie, bildender Kunst und im Theater

Minsk ul. Szugajeva 19/1/102 Tel. + 375 17 283 69 68

Gesellschaftlicher Verein des Jugend-und Kinderschaffens Eola

11

Nummer Name

Tätigkeitsbereich

Registrierdatum

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Mistrz 220007 Minsk domu europejskiego (Meister ul. Vakzalnaja 23 des europäischen Hauses) Tel. +375 17 225 41 51

Verbreiten des Wissens und der Gewohnheiten im Bereich des Handwerks in der Stadt und im Bezirk Minsk

16 III 2004

220050 Minsk ul. Sovecka 15 Tel. +375 17 253 44 12

Erhalten und Wiederaufbau der historisch- kulturellen und der landschaftlichen Denkmäler in Minsk; Organisieren der kulturellen und historischen Austauschprogramme und Führen der Tätigkeit im Bereich des Denkmalschutzes, Veröffentlichen und Realisieren von humanistischen Initiativen

18 VI 2004

3

Gesellschaftlicher Jugendver- Minsk ein Tchnienie tañca Zukova 27 (Hauch des Tanzes) Tel. +375 17 271 66 84

Promotion und Unterstützung der kulturellen Traditionen im Bereich der choreografischen Kunst

23 I 1992

4

Gesellschaftlicher Verein der Liebhaber moderner Kunst KonceptArt

220030 Minsk ul. Ukraiñska 27/7A Tel. + 375 29 402 80 17

Amateurtätigkeit, die auf die Verbreitung und Vertiefung der Kenntnisse moderner Kunst gerichtet ist

25 I 2006

5

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Europäischer Kulturverein Emuna

220123 Minsk ul. V.Choruzej 28/3 Tel. +375 17 286 79 61 + 375 17 286 78 74

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die auf die Hilfe bei der Entwicklung der jüdischen Kultur, Geschichte und der Tradition der jüdischen Bevölkerung gerichtet ist, Verbreitung des jüdischen Kulturerbes

19 IV 2002

6

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Minsk Potomkowie Rosyjskich ul. Skryganova 6/608 Kozaków (Nachkommen der Tel. +375 17 277 94 33 Russischen Kosaken)

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die mit historischen Untersuchungen der Kosaken, verbunden ist, Verbreitung der Kosakenkultur

3 VII 2002

7

Minsker Gesellschaftlicher Kultur-und Bildungsverein von Poloniczka

Minsk ul. Fofela 7/29 Tel. +375 17 505 13 80

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die auf die Hilfe beim vollen und tiefen Kennenlernen des Reichtums der polnischen Kultur gerichtet ist

6 II 1999

8

Verjüngter gesellschaftlicher Verein Centrum Inicjatyw Humanistycznych (Zentrum der humanistischen Initiativen)

220053 Minsk ul. Parchomienko 3/1 + 735 17 247 27 81

Erwecken des Interesses bei den Jugendlichen an dem kulturellen und historischen Erbe der Republik Weißrussland

16 V 2005

9

Gesellschaftlicher Verein der Minsk östlichen Kultur und Tradition ul. Gurskogo 30 Chagakure

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, Unterstützung der Untersuchungen zum Kennenlernen des Reichtums der japanischen und slawischen Kunst; Propagieren japanischer und slawischer Errungenschaften im Bereich der Kunst, Tradition und Sport

12 IV 2002

10

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Przyja ñ-Dost³uk (Freundschaft-Dost³uk)

Minsk ul. Soltysa 191/4 Tel. + 375 17 227 01 60

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die auf die Entwicklung der Freundschaft und Zusammenarbeit zwischen der weißrussischen und türkischen Bevölkerung gerichtet ist

31 VII 1997

11

Gesellschaftlicher Verein des Jugend-und Kinderschaffens Eola

Minsk ul. Szugajeva 19/1/102 Tel. + 375 17 283 69 68

Unterstützung, Popularisierung und Entwicklung der schon existierenden als auch neuen Stilen und Richtungen in Musik, Choreografie, bildender Kunst und im Theater

7 III 2003

12

Gesellschaftliche Organisation Tajpin

220049 Minsk ul. Volgograckogo 59 Tel. + 375 17 269 13 48

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die auf die Durchführung der Propaganda des gesunden Lebensstils, auf die Entwicklung der körperlichen Kultur, der Theaterkunst und des Theaterhandwerks gerichtet ist

16 I 2004

13

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Gruppe Fokus

Minsk ul. Prospekt Partyzancki 2-4B Tel. + 375 17 298 39 33

Unterstützung der Selbständigkeit von Kindern und Jugendlichen, Entwicklung deren schöpferischen Potentials und Adaptationsfähigkeit in der modernen Gesellschaft, die Entwicklung der körperlichen Kultur, der Theaterkunst und des Theaterhandwerks

12 IV 2002

1

2

Gesellschaftlicher Stadtsverein Kalwaria

13 10 9 8 7 6

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Przyja ñ-Dost³uk (Freundschaft-Dost³uk)

Minsk ul. Soltysa 191/4 Tel. + 375 17 227 01 60

Gesellschaftlicher Verein der Minsk östlichen Kultur und Tradition ul. Gurskogo 30 Chagakure

16 V 2005

Erwecken des Interesses bei den Jugendlichen an dem kulturellen und historischen Erbe der Republik Weißrussland

220053 Minsk ul. Parchomienko 3/1 + 735 17 247 27 81

Verjüngter gesellschaftlicher Verein Centrum Inicjatyw Humanistycznych (Zentrum der humanistischen Initiativen)

6 II 1999

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die auf die Hilfe beim vollen und tiefen Kennenlernen des Reichtums der polnischen Kultur gerichtet ist

Minsk ul. Fofela 7/29 Tel. +375 17 505 13 80

Minsker Gesellschaftlicher Kultur-und Bildungsverein von Poloniczka

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die mit historischen Untersuchungen der Kosaken, verbunden ist, Verbreitung der Kosakenkultur

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Minsk Potomkowie Rosyjskich ul. Skryganova 6/608 Kozaków (Nachkommen der Tel. +375 17 277 94 33 Russischen Kosaken)

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die auf die Hilfe bei der Entwicklung der jüdischen Kultur, Geschichte und der Tradition der jüdischen Bevölkerung gerichtet ist, Verbreitung des jüdischen Kulturerbes

220123 Minsk ul. V.Choruzej 28/3 Tel. +375 17 286 79 61 + 375 17 286 78 74

5

220030 Minsk ul. Ukraiñska 27/7A Tel. + 375 29 402 80 17

Gesellschaftlicher Verein der Liebhaber moderner Kunst KonceptArt

4 2 1

31 VII 1997

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, Unterstützung der Untersuchungen zum Kennenlernen des Reichtums der japanischen und slawischen Kunst; Propagieren japanischer und slawischer Errungenschaften im Bereich der Kunst, Tradition und Sport

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Europäischer Kulturverein Emuna

3

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die auf die Entwicklung der Freundschaft und Zusammenarbeit zwischen der weißrussischen und türkischen Bevölkerung gerichtet ist

7 III 2003

Gesellschaftlicher Jugendver- Minsk ein Tchnienie tañca Zukova 27 (Hauch des Tanzes) Tel. +375 17 271 66 84

Amateurtätigkeit, die auf die Verbreitung und Vertiefung der Kenntnisse moderner Kunst gerichtet ist Promotion und Unterstützung der kulturellen Traditionen im Bereich der choreografischen Kunst Erhalten und Wiederaufbau der historisch- kulturellen und der landschaftlichen Denkmäler in Minsk; Organisieren der kulturellen und historischen Austauschprogramme und Führen der Tätigkeit im Bereich des Denkmalschutzes, Veröffentlichen und Realisieren von humanistischen Initiativen

220050 Minsk ul. Sovecka 15 Tel. +375 17 253 44 12

Verbreiten des Wissens und der Gewohnheiten im Bereich des Handwerks in der Stadt und im Bezirk Minsk

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Mistrz 220007 Minsk domu europejskiego (Meister ul. Vakzalnaja 23 des europäischen Hauses) Tel. +375 17 225 41 51

Gesellschaftlicher Stadtsverein Kalwaria

Nummer Name

Adresse

Tätigkeitsbereich

12 IV 2002 3 VII 2002 19 IV 2002 25 I 2006 23 I 1992 18 VI 2004 16 III 2004 Registrierdatum

ANLAGE I VERZEICHNIS DER GESELLSCHAFTLICHEN VEREINE, DIE IM STADTSAMT MINSK REGISTRIERT WURDEN (STAND FÜR DEN 23. MAI 2007) Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Adresse

205


206

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

14

Tätigkeitsbereich

Registrierdatum Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Adresse

206

Nummer Name

Informativ-analytische Tätigkeit, Analyse der massenhaften 4 I 2001 Information; Vereinigung der Tätigkeiten, die gerichtet sind auf die Unterstützung des kulturellen Fortschritts und der nationalen Wiedergeburt, der Entwicklung der Persönlichkeit

Minsk ul. Zacharova 21/419 Tel. + 375 17 284 81 31

Gesellschaftlicher KulturMinsk und Bildungsverein Admant ul. Fiodorova 11/2 Tel. + 375 17 241 97 29

Verein der Deutschen Sprache und Germanistik

25

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit im Bereich der Promotion der 5 VIII 2005 deutschen Sprache und Kultur , die Erhöhung des Niveaus des Deutschunterrichts, Hilfe bei den interkulturellen Beziehungen, Verstärkung des Friedens, der Freundschaft und des Verständnis unter den Deutschsprechenden und Deutschlernenden

Kulturelle und schöpferische Tätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die 23 V 2007 Erhöhung des geistigen, intellektuellen und schöpferischen Niveaus der Gesellschaft; Anregen des sozialen Interesses an der weißrussischen Kunst und der kulturellen Tätigkeit

14 II 2000

Gesellschaftlicher Kultur-und Minsk Schaffungsverein Lira im. ul. Radialna 11a/1 Rawienskiego (Lira namens Tel. +375 280 69 14 Rawienski)

15

24

2 XI 2006

220030 Minsk ul. Kupa³y 4 Tel. + 375 17 213 60 87

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf das Kennenlernen der Nationalkultur und der geistigen Werte des ukrainischen Volkes, Popularisieren der georgischen Kultur unter den Bürgern der Republik Weißrussland

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Dyjaryusz

Gesellschaftlicher Jugendver- 220026 Miñsk ein Ukrainische Musikgeul. Narodnaja 43/30 sellschaft Krynica Tel. + 375 17 251 75 93

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die Entwicklung der weißrussischen Geistigkeit und der kulturellen Geschichte, Unterstützung beim Kennenlernen der historischen Werte; Entwicklung der weißrussischen geistigen Kultur, Hilfe beim Kulturaustausch, der mit Historiografie verbunden ist.

23

16

Hilfe beim Kennenlernen der georgischen Nation, der Hei26 X 2006 matkultur und der weißrussischen Kultur, Kennenlernen und Verbreiten der georgischen Literatur, Musik, Choreografie und bildenden Kunst

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die Popu- 10 XI 2004 larisierung des Choreografieunterrichts unter den Kindern und Jugendlichen

220023 Miñsk ul. Ponamarenko 41 Tel. + 375 17 215 90 27 + 375 29 707 88 28 + 375 29 315 90 27

Gesellschaftlicher Jugendver- Minsk ein Studio nowoczesnej ul. Prytyckogo 62/312 choreografii (Studium moderner Choreografie)

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Georgischer Kultur- und Bildungsgesellschaft Mamuli

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die Reali- 18 VI 2004 sierung der schöpferischen Begabungen

22

17

4 I 1992

220053 Minsk 2. Braginski per. 61/1 Tel. + 375 17 211 62 64

Hilfe beim Kennenlernen der armenischen Bevölkerung, der Heimat und Weltkultur, Kennenlernen und Verbreiten der armenischen Sprache, Literatur und Musik.

Kinder - und Jugendlichenverein Sotworcy

Minsk ul. Marksa 33/16 Tel. + 375 17 227 55 72

18

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Minsker Armenischer Kulturund Bildungsgesellschaft Anastan

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die Hilfe bei 3 VI 2002 der Erziehung und Bildung der Jugendlichen, auf die Entwicklung des Schaffens, der nationalen Handwerke, die Hilfe beim Erhalten nationaler Traditionen in der christlichen Kultur

21

Gesellschaftliche städtische Minsk Organisation des Intellektuellen ul. Budslavska 21/5 Schaffens Majster (Meister)

2 VI 1999

19

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die Entwicklung der Kinder und Jugendlichen

Hilfe bei der Erziehungstätigkeit, Bildung der Persönlichkeit 7 VIII 2000 auf Grund der kulturellen Tradition und Werte der weißrussischen Bevölkerung, Bildung der hohen moralischen Eigenschaften der Bürger

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Minsk Gesellschaftliches Jugendzen- ul. Olszevskogo 10 trum Warsztat przysz³o ci Tel. + 375 17 201 91 90 (Werkstatt der Zukunft)

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Minsk Promieñ o wiaty (Strahl der ul. Belskogo 15/102 Ausbildung) Tel. + 375 17 220 70 29

20

2 VI 1999

Hilfe bei der Erziehungstätigkeit, Bildung der Persönlichkeit 7 VIII 2000 auf Grund der kulturellen Tradition und Werte der weißrussischen Bevölkerung, Bildung der hohen moralischen Eigenschaften der Bürger

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die Entwicklung der Kinder und Jugendlichen

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Minsk Promieñ o wiaty (Strahl der ul. Belskogo 15/102 Ausbildung) Tel. + 375 17 220 70 29

20

19

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Minsk Gesellschaftliches Jugendzen- ul. Olszevskogo 10 trum Warsztat przysz³o ci Tel. + 375 17 201 91 90 (Werkstatt der Zukunft)

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die Hilfe bei 3 VI 2002 der Erziehung und Bildung der Jugendlichen, auf die Entwicklung des Schaffens, der nationalen Handwerke, die Hilfe beim Erhalten nationaler Traditionen in der christlichen Kultur

4 I 1992

Gesellschaftliche städtische Minsk Organisation des Intellektuellen ul. Budslavska 21/5 Schaffens Majster (Meister)

21

18

Hilfe beim Kennenlernen der armenischen Bevölkerung, der Heimat und Weltkultur, Kennenlernen und Verbreiten der armenischen Sprache, Literatur und Musik.

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die Reali- 18 VI 2004 sierung der schöpferischen Begabungen

Minsk ul. Marksa 33/16 Tel. + 375 17 227 55 72

Kinder - und Jugendlichenverein Sotworcy

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Minsker Armenischer Kulturund Bildungsgesellschaft Anastan

17

22

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die Popu- 10 XI 2004 larisierung des Choreografieunterrichts unter den Kindern und Jugendlichen

Hilfe beim Kennenlernen der georgischen Nation, der Hei26 X 2006 matkultur und der weißrussischen Kultur, Kennenlernen und Verbreiten der georgischen Literatur, Musik, Choreografie und bildenden Kunst

Gesellschaftlicher Jugendver- Minsk ein Studio nowoczesnej ul. Prytyckogo 62/312 choreografii (Studium moderner Choreografie)

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Georgischer Kultur- und Bildungsgesellschaft Mamuli

16

14 II 2000

220023 Miñsk ul. Ponamarenko 41 Tel. + 375 17 215 90 27 + 375 29 707 88 28 + 375 29 315 90 27

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die Entwicklung der weißrussischen Geistigkeit und der kulturellen Geschichte, Unterstützung beim Kennenlernen der historischen Werte; Entwicklung der weißrussischen geistigen Kultur, Hilfe beim Kulturaustausch, der mit Historiografie verbunden ist.

2 XI 2006

220030 Minsk ul. Kupa³y 4 Tel. + 375 17 213 60 87

23

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Dyjaryusz

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf das Kennenlernen der Nationalkultur und der geistigen Werte des ukrainischen Volkes, Popularisieren der georgischen Kultur unter den Bürgern der Republik Weißrussland

15

Gesellschaftlicher Jugendver- 220026 Miñsk ein Ukrainische Musikgeul. Narodnaja 43/30 sellschaft Krynica Tel. + 375 17 251 75 93

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit im Bereich der Promotion der 5 VIII 2005 deutschen Sprache und Kultur , die Erhöhung des Niveaus des Deutschunterrichts, Hilfe bei den interkulturellen Beziehungen, Verstärkung des Friedens, der Freundschaft und des Verständnis unter den Deutschsprechenden und Deutschlernenden

24

Minsk ul. Zacharova 21/419 Tel. + 375 17 284 81 31

Kulturelle und schöpferische Tätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die 23 V 2007 Erhöhung des geistigen, intellektuellen und schöpferischen Niveaus der Gesellschaft; Anregen des sozialen Interesses an der weißrussischen Kunst und der kulturellen Tätigkeit

Verein der Deutschen Sprache und Germanistik

Gesellschaftlicher Kultur-und Minsk Schaffungsverein Lira im. ul. Radialna 11a/1 Rawienskiego (Lira namens Tel. +375 280 69 14 Rawienski)

14

220053 Minsk 2. Braginski per. 61/1 Tel. + 375 17 211 62 64

Registrierdatum

25

Tätigkeitsbereich

Informativ-analytische Tätigkeit, Analyse der massenhaften 4 I 2001 Information; Vereinigung der Tätigkeiten, die gerichtet sind auf die Unterstützung des kulturellen Fortschritts und der nationalen Wiedergeburt, der Entwicklung der Persönlichkeit

Adresse

Gesellschaftlicher KulturMinsk und Bildungsverein Admant ul. Fiodorova 11/2 Tel. + 375 17 241 97 29

Nummer Name


207

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Nummer Name

Adresse

Tätigkeitsbereich

Registrierdatum

26

Gesellschaftlicher Kulturund Bildungsverein Globustan

Minsk ul. Kupaly 25 Tel. + 375 17 29 345 74

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die Untersuchung des aserbaidschanischen Kulturerbes

7 IV 2000

27

Öffentlicher Verein der Dozenten für Italienische Sprache Dante

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die EntMinsk per. Rumiancova 12/403 wicklung der kulturellen Beziehungen der Republik WeißTel. + 375 17 252 83 67 russland mit Italien im Rahmen der internationalen Zusammenarbeit, Organisieren von Kursen, Seminaren

28

Gesellschaftlicher Verein ArtMultMedia

Minsk ul. Kalinovskogo, 12 Tel. + 375 17 231 34 68

29

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf das Gesellschaftlicher Jugendver- Minsk ein Nowe odrodzenie klubo- Starovilenski trakt 41 Erwecken des Interesses der Jugendlichen am Elektromuwe (Neue Klubwiedergeburt) Tel. + 375 29 264 43 30 sikunterricht und Tanzmusikunterricht, Popularisieren der Klubkultur und Showbusinesskultur unter den Jugendlichen

30

Kinder und JugendwohltäMinsk tigkeits-verein Promieñ ul. Czerviakova 46 nadziei (Strahl der Hoffnung) Tel. + 375 17 249 59 55

Hilfe beim Schaffen guter Bedingungen für die intellektuelle, Entwicklung, die moralische und schöpferische Heilung der behinderten Kinder

14 IX 2005

31

Gesellschaftlicher KulturMinsk und Estnische Gemeinschaft ul. Solomenna 23 Jaskó³ka (Schwalbe) Tel. + 375 17 237 16 15

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die Erhaltung und Entwicklung der Tradition und des Daseins der estnischen Bevölkerung

19 XII 2006

32

Minsker Gesellschaftlicher Miñsk Verein der Jüdischen Kultur im. ul. Choruzej 28/ 13 Izi Charika (namens Izi Charik) Tel. + 375 17 267 37 20

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die Untersuchung der jüdischen Kultur

1 VIII 1991

33

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Familientheater Teatr bez subsydiów (Theater ohne Subventionen)

Organisieren der Theateraufführungen für karitative Zwecke 220050 Miñsk für körperbehinderte Kinder, für Waisen, Kinder aus nicht ul. Kalvaryjska 4 Tel. + 375 29 650 26 90 vollen Familien, aus Familien mit mehreren Kindern, aus armen Familien,

34

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Minsker Vereinigung der Russischen Kultur Ru

Minsk ul. Marksa 14 Tel. + 375 17 267 26 54

Kennenlernen und Verbreiten der russischen Kultur und der russischen Sprache; um diese Ziele zu erreichen, organisiert man die Vereinigung der Bürger der russischen Nationalität, Verstärkung der Freundschaft des russischen und weißrussischen Volkes.

5 XI 1992

35

Gesellschaftlicher Jugendver- Minsk ein M³ode or³y (Junge Adler) Szabany 16 Tel. + 375 17 286 98 41 + 375 29 686 98 41

Hilfe bei der Schaffung von Bedingungen für die Kultur- und Bildungsentwicklung sowie für körperliche und schöpferische Entwicklung der Kinder und Jugendlichen, Erhöhung des Erziehungniveaus in der Atmosphäre der Freundschaft, des Friedens, der Gerechtigkeit und der Vernunft

2 XI 2006

36

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Zentrum Ukrainischer Kultur «Sicz»

Selbstidentifizierung des ukrainischen Ethos, Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die auf die Verbreitung der ukrainischen Kultur gerichtet ist.

26 XII 1995

37

Minsk Gesellschaftlicher Verein per. Fabryczny 2A Klub mi³o ników pie ni autorskiej (Klub der Liebhaber Tel. + 375 17 256 70 56 des Autorenlieds)

Hilfe bei der Bildung von Bedingungen für das Schaffen (Autorenlied, Lieder der Autoren-Amteuren), die moralische und kulturelle Entwicklung der Bürger

4 V 2007

38

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Sport-touristischer Klub Edelwiejs

220024 Minsk ul. Stebieniova 20a Tel. + 375 17 288 10 88

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die Verbreitung des gesunden Lebensstils, die Entwicklung des Sports und des Tourismus, den Schutz und die Verbesserung der menschlichen Gesundheit.

13 VII 2005

39

Gesellschaftlicher Verein der deutschen Kultur

Minsk ul. Pertoszuna 32 Tel. +375 17 202 13 59

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die Hilfe bei der Wiedererweckung der Kultur und des Erbes des deutschen Volkes, das auf dem Gebiet der Republik Weißrussland wohnt

4 I 2001

39 38 37 36 35

Minsk ul. Pertoszuna 32 Tel. +375 17 202 13 59

Gesellschaftlicher Verein der deutschen Kultur

220024 Minsk ul. Stebieniova 20a Tel. + 375 17 288 10 88

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Sport-touristischer Klub Edelwiejs

4 I 2001

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die Hilfe bei der Wiedererweckung der Kultur und des Erbes des deutschen Volkes, das auf dem Gebiet der Republik Weißrussland wohnt

13 VII 2005

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die Verbreitung des gesunden Lebensstils, die Entwicklung des Sports und des Tourismus, den Schutz und die Verbesserung der menschlichen Gesundheit. Hilfe bei der Bildung von Bedingungen für das Schaffen (Autorenlied, Lieder der Autoren-Amteuren), die moralische und kulturelle Entwicklung der Bürger

Minsk Gesellschaftlicher Verein per. Fabryczny 2A Klub mi³o ników pie ni autorskiej (Klub der Liebhaber Tel. + 375 17 256 70 56 des Autorenlieds)

26 XII 1995

Selbstidentifizierung des ukrainischen Ethos, Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die auf die Verbreitung der ukrainischen Kultur gerichtet ist.

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Zentrum Ukrainischer Kultur «Sicz»

2 XI 2006

Hilfe bei der Schaffung von Bedingungen für die Kultur- und Bildungsentwicklung sowie für körperliche und schöpferische Entwicklung der Kinder und Jugendlichen, Erhöhung des Erziehungniveaus in der Atmosphäre der Freundschaft, des Friedens, der Gerechtigkeit und der Vernunft

5 XI 1992

Kennenlernen und Verbreiten der russischen Kultur und der russischen Sprache; um diese Ziele zu erreichen, organisiert man die Vereinigung der Bürger der russischen Nationalität, Verstärkung der Freundschaft des russischen und weißrussischen Volkes.

Minsk ul. Narodnaja 43

Gesellschaftlicher Jugendver- Minsk ein M³ode or³y (Junge Adler) Szabany 16 Tel. + 375 17 286 98 41 + 375 29 686 98 41 Minsk ul. Marksa 14 Tel. + 375 17 267 26 54

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Minsker Vereinigung der Russischen Kultur Ru

Organisieren der Theateraufführungen für karitative Zwecke 220050 Miñsk für körperbehinderte Kinder, für Waisen, Kinder aus nicht ul. Kalvaryjska 4 Tel. + 375 29 650 26 90 vollen Familien, aus Familien mit mehreren Kindern, aus armen Familien,

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Familientheater Teatr bez subsydiów (Theater ohne Subventionen)

33

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die Untersuchung der jüdischen Kultur

Minsker Gesellschaftlicher Miñsk Verein der Jüdischen Kultur im. ul. Choruzej 28/ 13 Izi Charika (namens Izi Charik) Tel. + 375 17 267 37 20

32

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die Erhaltung und Entwicklung der Tradition und des Daseins der estnischen Bevölkerung

Gesellschaftlicher KulturMinsk und Estnische Gemeinschaft ul. Solomenna 23 Jaskó³ka (Schwalbe) Tel. + 375 17 237 16 15

31

Hilfe beim Schaffen guter Bedingungen für die intellektuelle, Entwicklung, die moralische und schöpferische Heilung der behinderten Kinder

Kinder und JugendwohltäMinsk tigkeits-verein Promieñ ul. Czerviakova 46 nadziei (Strahl der Hoffnung) Tel. + 375 17 249 59 55

34 30

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Minsk ul. Narodnaja 43

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die Einführung von neuen Technologien in den Bereich der Kultur

207

10 XI 2004

11 XI 2000

30 XI 2006

12 IV 1999

29

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf das Gesellschaftlicher Jugendver- Minsk ein Nowe odrodzenie klubo- Starovilenski trakt 41 Erwecken des Interesses der Jugendlichen am Elektromuwe (Neue Klubwiedergeburt) Tel. + 375 29 264 43 30 sikunterricht und Tanzmusikunterricht, Popularisieren der Klubkultur und Showbusinesskultur unter den Jugendlichen Minsk ul. Kalinovskogo, 12 Tel. + 375 17 231 34 68

Gesellschaftlicher Verein ArtMultMedia

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die EntMinsk per. Rumiancova 12/403 wicklung der kulturellen Beziehungen der Republik WeißTel. + 375 17 252 83 67 russland mit Italien im Rahmen der internationalen Zusammenarbeit, Organisieren von Kursen, Seminaren

Öffentlicher Verein der Dozenten für Italienische Sprache Dante

27

Minsk ul. Kupaly 25 Tel. + 375 17 29 345 74

Gesellschaftlicher Kulturund Bildungsverein Globustan

26

28

Nummer Name

Adresse

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die Einführung von neuen Technologien in den Bereich der Kultur Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die Untersuchung des aserbaidschanischen Kulturerbes Tätigkeitsbereich

4 V 2007 12 IV 1999 1 VIII 1991 19 XII 2006 14 IX 2005 30 XI 2006 11 XI 2000 10 XI 2004 7 IV 2000 Registrierdatum


208

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Registration Date 28 IX 1995

40

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Minsk Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die auf die Entwicklung Nowy klub obcowania (Neu- pr. Rokosovski 166a/20 der intellektuellen Begabungen gerichtet ist. er Klub der Beziehungen) Tel. + 375 17 294 16 23

41

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Minsker Gruppe der Freien Künstler-Maler Paleta (Palette)

220050 Miñsk pr. Skaryny 2-B

42

Gesellschaftlicher Verein der praktischen und schöpferischen Frauen

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf den Miñsk 2 Bagratinovski per. 24 Ausbau und die Entwicklung der praktischen Fähigkeiten (die z.B. mit dem Geschäft verbunden sind ) bei Frauen, als auch das Anziehen der Frauen aus der Stadt Minsk dazu, soziale Probleme der Frauen zu lösen.

43

Sportlicher Judendverein Verband Pokolenia XXI wieku (Verband Generationen des 21.Jahrhunderts)

Minsk ul. Marksa 40 Tel. + 375 17 251 03 10

44

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Autoameryka (Autoamerika)

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die 220047 Minsk ul. Nesterova 82/113a Verbindung und Koordinierung von Bemühungen aller Tel. + 375 29 509 42 00 Bürger, die das in Amerika produzierte Auto besitzen, deren ökonomischen und sozial-kulturellen Schutz

25 I 2006

45

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Opora

Minsk ul. Gamarnika 8/1

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die vielseitige Entwicklung der Kinder.

3 VI 2002

14 II 2000

6 X 2005

3 VI 2002 25 I 2006

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die 220047 Minsk ul. Nesterova 82/113a Verbindung und Koordinierung von Bemühungen aller Tel. + 375 29 509 42 00 Bürger, die das in Amerika produzierte Auto besitzen, deren ökonomischen und sozial-kulturellen Schutz

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Autoameryka (Autoamerika)

44

Minsk ul. Marksa 40 Tel. + 375 17 251 03 10

Sportlicher Judendverein Verband Pokolenia XXI wieku (Verband Generationen des 21.Jahrhunderts)

43

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf den Miñsk 2 Bagratinovski per. 24 Ausbau und die Entwicklung der praktischen Fähigkeiten (die z.B. mit dem Geschäft verbunden sind ) bei Frauen, als auch das Anziehen der Frauen aus der Stadt Minsk dazu, soziale Probleme der Frauen zu lösen.

Gesellschaftlicher Verein der praktischen und schöpferischen Frauen

42

220050 Miñsk pr. Skaryny 2-B

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Minsker Gruppe der Freien Künstler-Maler Paleta (Palette)

41

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Minsk Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die auf die Entwicklung Nowy klub obcowania (Neu- pr. Rokosovski 166a/20 der intellektuellen Begabungen gerichtet ist. er Klub der Beziehungen) Tel. + 375 17 294 16 23

40

Number Name

Address

Field of activity

14 II 2000 10 V 2004 28 IX 1995 Registration Date Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Die Unterstützung des Schaffens von nationalen Malern und Handwerkern.

6 X 2005 208

Bildung der Bedingungen für körperliche, intellektuelle, schöpferische und moralisch-ästhetische Entwicklung der Kinder, Teenagers und Jugendlichen.

Bildung der Bedingungen für körperliche, intellektuelle, schöpferische und moralisch-ästhetische Entwicklung der Kinder, Teenagers und Jugendlichen.

10 V 2004

Kultur und Bildungstätigkeit, die gerichtet ist auf die vielseitige Entwicklung der Kinder.

Die Unterstützung des Schaffens von nationalen Malern und Handwerkern.

Minsk ul. Gamarnika 8/1

Field of activity

Gesellschaftlicher Verein Opora

Address

45

Number Name


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Zur Diskussion gestellt: Umsatzsteuerpflicht für Theater? Vladimir Kreck

T

heater in Deutschland sind seit langem von der Umsatzsteuer befreit. Die der öffentlichen Hand sind es schon seit 1926, private Theater, sofern sie gleiche kulturelle Aufgaben erfüllen, seit 1961. Die Regelung wurde seinerzeit zu ihrem Vorteil getroffen, denn sie sollte die Etats entlasten. Theater, so der Gesetzgeber, seien gemeinnützige Betriebe, deren Umsätze keine Aussagekraft hinsichtlich ihrer Steuerbelastbarkeit besitzen. Sie sind zudem in hohem Maße zuschussbedürftig. Aus damaliger Sicht wäre also für die Theater eine Steuerpflicht nicht zumutbar gewesen. Und die Eintrittspreise zu erhöhen oder die Theater stärker finanziell zu fördern, wurde politisch nicht für sinnvoll erachtet. Die Bestimmungen der Steuerfreiheit, die inzwischen auch für Orchester, Chöre und Kammermusikensembles gelten, sind heute in §4 Nr. 20 UStG niedergelegt. Begünstigt werden hiernach nur typische Theaterangebote wie öffentliche Aufführungen, der Verkauf von Programmheften oder die Aufbewahrung der Garderobe. Der Verkauf von Speisen und Getränken hingegen ist nur unter gewissen Umständen befreit. Erträge aus Vermietung und Verpachtung, aus Werkstattleistungen oder Sponsoring sind gänzlich steuerpflichtig. Insgesamt scheint jedoch die Steuerfreiheit berechtigt zu sein. Sie fördert die Theaterarbeit und sorgt dafür, dass die Aufführungen für die meisten Besucher erschwinglich bleiben. Warum also an dem Steuerprivileg rütteln? Die Antwort darauf ist in der aktuellen Steuerpraxis zu suchen. Sinn und Zweck der Mehrwertsteuer ist ja, dass nur der Endverbraucher durch sie belastet wird. Zwar wird sie von jedem Unternehmer auf den Abgabepreis aufgeschlagen, muss aber dann an den Fiskus abgeführt werden. Der Unternehmer ist dafür berechtigt, die an seinen Lieferanten gezahlte Mehrwertsteuer als Vorsteuerabzug vom Finanzamt zurückfordern. Nun nehmen Theater

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

nicht am Umsatzsteuerverfahren teil. Ihnen wird daher die für Waren und Leistungen gezahlte Steuer nicht vom Fiskus erstattet. Folglich ist ihre Befreiung von der Steuerpflicht nur dann sinnvoll, wenn die entgangene Vorsteuer nicht die Abgaben übersteigt, die bei Steuerpflicht für ihre Erträge zu entrichten wären. Das setzt voraus, dass Theater in der Lage sein müssen, ihre steuerpflichtigen Ausgaben möglichst gering zu halten. Und das Inszenierungsbetrieb fast ausschließlich mit eigenen Personal bestritten wird. In Deutschland war dies lange Zeit der Regelfall. Doch die Lage hat sich seit Beginn des massiven Personalabbaus an öffentlichen Theatern drastisch geändert. Die Devise heißt nun Outsourcing: Bislang intern erbrachte Leistungen, die auch der Markt abdeckt, werden nach Möglichkeit nach außen vergeben zum Beispiel die Besucherservice, geringere Werkstadtleistungen oder Teile der Buchhaltung. Keine Frage, in der Folge konnten die Personalkosten und damit die Last der öffentlichen Träger spürbar gesenkt werden. Zugleich jedoch stieg mit jeder Auftragsvergabe der zu zahlende Mehrwertsteueranteil. Er steigt zudem mit den jährlich wachsenden Preisen für Material und Energie. Hinzu kommt seit Jahresbeginn die Mehrwehstreuerhöhung von 16 auf 19 Prozent. Schon einem kleineren Musiktheater wie dem in Görlitz kann die aktuelle Steuerpraxis zur Last werden. Der Intendant Michael Wieler hat errechnet, dass seinem Haus derzeit 150.000 bis 200.000 Euro pro Jahr verloren gehen. Dies ließe sich seiner Meinung nach nur vermeiden, indem sein Theater am Umsatzsteuerverfahren teilnähme. Görlitz ist kein Einzelfall. Der Prozess der betrieblichen Umstrukturierung traf zahlreiche Bühnen in Deutschland. Sie wurden in privatwirtschaftliche Betriebsformen gedrängt, und der Personalabbau wurde ihnen zur Auflage gemacht. Es wird von ihnen gefordert, dass sie

209

Vladimir Kreck studierte Kultur und Management an der Hochschule Zittau/ Görlitz, der Technischen Universität Dresden und der Universität Federico II Neapel. Er war als Projektleiter u.a. für das Goethe-Institut München, das Filmfest Dresden und das Theater Görlitz tätig. Zur Zeit ist er wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter am Institut für kulturelle Infrastruktur Sachsen (Görlitz) und Projektkoordinator der Evaluation der Kultureinrichtungen des sorbischen Volkes.

heater in Deutschland sind seit langem von der Umsatzsteuer befreit. Die der öffentlichen Hand sind es schon seit 1926, private Theater, sofern sie gleiche kulturelle Aufgaben erfüllen, seit 1961. Die Regelung wurde seinerzeit zu ihrem Vorteil getroffen, denn sie sollte die Etats entlasten. Theater, so der Gesetzgeber, seien gemeinnützige Betriebe, deren Umsätze keine Aussagekraft hinsichtlich ihrer Steuerbelastbarkeit besitzen. Sie sind zudem in hohem Maße zuschussbedürftig. Aus damaliger Sicht wäre also für die Theater eine Steuerpflicht nicht zumutbar gewesen. Und die Eintrittspreise zu erhöhen oder die Theater stärker finanziell zu fördern, wurde politisch nicht für sinnvoll erachtet. Die Bestimmungen der Steuerfreiheit, die inzwischen auch für Orchester, Chöre und Kammermusikensembles gelten, sind heute in §4 Nr. 20 UStG niedergelegt. Begünstigt werden hiernach nur typische Theaterangebote wie öffentliche Aufführungen, der Verkauf von Programmheften oder die Aufbewahrung der Garderobe. Der Verkauf von Speisen und Getränken hingegen ist nur unter gewissen Umständen befreit. Erträge aus Vermietung und Verpachtung, aus Werkstattleistungen oder Sponsoring sind gänzlich steuerpflichtig. Insgesamt scheint jedoch die Steuerfreiheit berechtigt zu sein. Sie fördert die Theaterarbeit und sorgt dafür, dass die Aufführungen für die meisten Besucher erschwinglich bleiben. Warum also an dem Steuerprivileg rütteln? Die Antwort darauf ist in der aktuellen Steuerpraxis zu suchen. Sinn und Zweck der Mehrwertsteuer ist ja, dass nur der Endverbraucher durch sie belastet wird. Zwar wird sie von jedem Unternehmer auf den Abgabepreis aufgeschlagen, muss aber dann an den Fiskus abgeführt werden. Der Unternehmer ist dafür berechtigt, die an seinen Lieferanten gezahlte Mehrwertsteuer als Vorsteuerabzug vom Finanzamt zurückfordern. Nun nehmen Theater

T

209

nicht am Umsatzsteuerverfahren teil. Ihnen wird daher die für Waren und Leistungen gezahlte Steuer nicht vom Fiskus erstattet. Folglich ist ihre Befreiung von der Steuerpflicht nur dann sinnvoll, wenn die entgangene Vorsteuer nicht die Abgaben übersteigt, die bei Steuerpflicht für ihre Erträge zu entrichten wären. Das setzt voraus, dass Theater in der Lage sein müssen, ihre steuerpflichtigen Ausgaben möglichst gering zu halten. Und das Inszenierungsbetrieb fast ausschließlich mit eigenen Personal bestritten wird. In Deutschland war dies lange Zeit der Regelfall. Doch die Lage hat sich seit Beginn des massiven Personalabbaus an öffentlichen Theatern drastisch geändert. Die Devise heißt nun Outsourcing: Bislang intern erbrachte Leistungen, die auch der Markt abdeckt, werden nach Möglichkeit nach außen vergeben zum Beispiel die Besucherservice, geringere Werkstadtleistungen oder Teile der Buchhaltung. Keine Frage, in der Folge konnten die Personalkosten und damit die Last der öffentlichen Träger spürbar gesenkt werden. Zugleich jedoch stieg mit jeder Auftragsvergabe der zu zahlende Mehrwertsteueranteil. Er steigt zudem mit den jährlich wachsenden Preisen für Material und Energie. Hinzu kommt seit Jahresbeginn die Mehrwehstreuerhöhung von 16 auf 19 Prozent. Schon einem kleineren Musiktheater wie dem in Görlitz kann die aktuelle Steuerpraxis zur Last werden. Der Intendant Michael Wieler hat errechnet, dass seinem Haus derzeit 150.000 bis 200.000 Euro pro Jahr verloren gehen. Dies ließe sich seiner Meinung nach nur vermeiden, indem sein Theater am Umsatzsteuerverfahren teilnähme. Görlitz ist kein Einzelfall. Der Prozess der betrieblichen Umstrukturierung traf zahlreiche Bühnen in Deutschland. Sie wurden in privatwirtschaftliche Betriebsformen gedrängt, und der Personalabbau wurde ihnen zur Auflage gemacht. Es wird von ihnen gefordert, dass sie

Vladimir Kreck

Zur Diskussion gestellt: Umsatzsteuerpflicht für Theater?

Vladimir Kreck studierte Kultur und Management an der Hochschule Zittau/ Görlitz, der Technischen Universität Dresden und der Universität Federico II Neapel. Er war als Projektleiter u.a. für das Goethe-Institut München, das Filmfest Dresden und das Theater Görlitz tätig. Zur Zeit ist er wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter am Institut für kulturelle Infrastruktur Sachsen (Görlitz) und Projektkoordinator der Evaluation der Kultureinrichtungen des sorbischen Volkes.


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Teilnahme am Umsatzsteuerverfahren zu bestimmen, wäre nicht mit den EU-Richtlinien zu vereinbaren. Was bleibt, ist demnach eine Grundsatzentscheidung zu Gunsten der Steuerpflicht. In den Niederlanden, in Österreich und in Polen ist sie für die Theater langst zur Realität geworden. Dort unterliegen ihre Umsätze dem verringerten Steuersatz. Denkbar ist, diesem Beispiel zu folgen. Dann wäre die Bühnenkunst in Deutschland mit sieben Prozent zu besteuern, und die Theater erhielten zugleich den Vorteil des Vorsteuerabzugs. Das einzige Argument, das dem entgegenspricht, ist, dass bislang noch nicht alle Theater von dem massiven Stellenabbau betroffen sind. Diese würden nicht von der neuen Regelung profitieren. Die allgemeine Tendenz zum Stellenabbau könnte freilich auch sie bald erreichen. Spätestens dann würde sich der Vorsteuerabzung lohnen. Inzwischen müssen sie die steuerliche Last an den Besucher weitergeben. Bei sieben Prozent Aufschlag sollten es nicht mehr als zwei bis drei Euro Preisanstieg pro Eintrittskarte werden. Für viele Theater würde aber eine Steuerpflicht den Kostendruck lindern. Für manche von ihnen könnte sie den Erhalt von Sparten bedeuten und für einige sogar die Rettung der Existenz. Teilnahme am Umsatzsteuerverfahren zu bestimmen, wäre nicht mit den EU-Richtlinien zu vereinbaren. Was bleibt, ist demnach eine Grundsatzentscheidung zu Gunsten der Steuerpflicht. In den Niederlanden, in Österreich und in Polen ist sie für die Theater langst zur Realität geworden. Dort unterliegen ihre Umsätze dem verringerten Steuersatz. Denkbar ist, diesem Beispiel zu folgen. Dann wäre die Bühnenkunst in Deutschland mit sieben Prozent zu besteuern, und die Theater erhielten zugleich den Vorteil des Vorsteuerabzugs. Das einzige Argument, das dem entgegenspricht, ist, dass bislang noch nicht alle Theater von dem massiven Stellenabbau betroffen sind. Diese würden nicht von der neuen Regelung profitieren. Die allgemeine Tendenz zum Stellenabbau könnte freilich auch sie bald erreichen. Spätestens dann würde sich der Vorsteuerabzung lohnen. Inzwischen müssen sie die steuerliche Last an den Besucher weitergeben. Bei sieben Prozent Aufschlag sollten es nicht mehr als zwei bis drei Euro Preisanstieg pro Eintrittskarte werden. Für viele Theater würde aber eine Steuerpflicht den Kostendruck lindern. Für manche von ihnen könnte sie den Erhalt von Sparten bedeuten und für einige sogar die Rettung der Existenz. Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

wie marktorientierte Wirtschaftsbetriebe agieren. Allerdings wurde versäumt, gesetzliche Rahmenbedingungen dafür zu schaffen. Schätzungsweise bezahlen deshalb betroffene Theater deshalb jährlich Mehrwertsteuer in zweistelliger Millionenhöhe. Eine Rückerstattung ist nicht möglich, ein Verzicht auf das so genannte Steuerprivileg ebenso nicht. Ob ein solcher Effekt seinerzeit in Sinne des Gesetzgebers war, ist zu bezweifeln, wenn man zudem berücksichtigt, wie schlecht es heute finanziell um die deutschen Theater steht, so ist die Steuerfreiheit um so mehr in Frage zu stellen. Von Kostendruck, Stellenabbau und Haustarifverträgen gebeutelt, wird sich bald vielerorts die Strukturfrage stellen. Die entgangene Vorsteuer wird für den Erhalt der Spielstätten fehlen. Daher ist jede finanzielle Entlastung, die Schadensbegrenzung verspricht, willkommen. Warum also nicht eine Korrektur der Umsatzsteuerbefreiung? Seitens der Europäischen Union, die ebenfalls Vorschriften zur Umsatzsteuer erlassen hat, ist mit keinem Widerstand zu rechnen. Sie stellt es den Mitgliedstaaten frei, zu entscheiden, welche kulturellen Angebote von der Steuerpflicht zu entbinden sind. Nur ein Optionsrecht, das Theatern erlaubt, selbst über ihre

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wie marktorientierte Wirtschaftsbetriebe agieren. Allerdings wurde versäumt, gesetzliche Rahmenbedingungen dafür zu schaffen. Schätzungsweise bezahlen deshalb betroffene Theater deshalb jährlich Mehrwertsteuer in zweistelliger Millionenhöhe. Eine Rückerstattung ist nicht möglich, ein Verzicht auf das so genannte Steuerprivileg ebenso nicht. Ob ein solcher Effekt seinerzeit in Sinne des Gesetzgebers war, ist zu bezweifeln, wenn man zudem berücksichtigt, wie schlecht es heute finanziell um die deutschen Theater steht, so ist die Steuerfreiheit um so mehr in Frage zu stellen. Von Kostendruck, Stellenabbau und Haustarifverträgen gebeutelt, wird sich bald vielerorts die Strukturfrage stellen. Die entgangene Vorsteuer wird für den Erhalt der Spielstätten fehlen. Daher ist jede finanzielle Entlastung, die Schadensbegrenzung verspricht, willkommen. Warum also nicht eine Korrektur der Umsatzsteuerbefreiung? Seitens der Europäischen Union, die ebenfalls Vorschriften zur Umsatzsteuer erlassen hat, ist mit keinem Widerstand zu rechnen. Sie stellt es den Mitgliedstaaten frei, zu entscheiden, welche kulturellen Angebote von der Steuerpflicht zu entbinden sind. Nur ein Optionsrecht, das Theatern erlaubt, selbst über ihre


Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Bericht zum Symposium Stadtkultur. Strategien der Kulturpolitik in Mitteleuropa aus Anlass des 10-jährigen Bestehens des Studiengangs Kultur und Management der Hochschule Zittau-Görlitz, 30. September 2. Oktober 2007

tadtkultur. Strategien der Kulturpolitik in Mitteleuropa war das Thema des Symposiums vom 30. September bis 2. Oktober in Haus Klingewalde Görlitz, bei dem sich Wissenschaftler, Kulturmanager und Studenten aus Mittel- und Osteuropa für einen Gedankenaustausch und zu einem Festakt anlässlich des 10-jährigen Bestehens des Studienganges Kultur und Management und der Eröffnung seines Dual-Post Degree Programms trafen. In den Grußworten des Kulturbürgermeisters der Stadt Görlitz, Ulf Großmann, dem Rektor der Hochschule Zittau-Görlitz, Prof. Dr.-Ing. Rainer Hampel, dem Fachbereichsleiter Wirtschaftswissenschaften, Prof. Roland Giese und den zahlreichen internationalen Kooperationspartner des Studienganges wie Dr. Peter Várnagy, (Pécs, Ungarn) und Prof. Dr. Ivars Berzins (Riga, Lettland), die die seit fast zehn Jahren die internationale Partnerschaft begleiten, betonten alle den Erfolg des Studiengangs, seine internationalen Kooperationen, wiesen

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aber auch auf die Schwierigkeiten seiner Etablierung hin. Die einzigartig dichte Kulturlandschaft benötigt nicht nur institutionelle Rahmenbedingungen diese zu sichern, sondern auch fähige Kulturmanager, die diesen weiten Kulturbegriff organisatorisch umsetzten und Kompetenzen im Management haben, so Prof. Matthias Munkwitz, der Studiengangsbeauftragte. Mittlerweile hat sich die international ausgerichtete Ausbildung so müssen Studenten diese Studienganges mindestens ein Semester im Ausland verbringen zum Kulturmanager erfolgreich etabliert, sagte Prof. Matthias Theodor Vogt, der Hauptinitiator des Studienganges Kultur und Management im Jahre 1997. Er verwies auf das hohe Engagement der Studenten, das Kulturleben in Görlitz intensiv zu beleben. Städtische Urbanität ist mehr als ein Ort zum Einkaufen und Arbeiten. Urbanität bedeutet auch, dass man in der Bürgergesellschaft kulturelle Verschiedenheit zulässt. Welche

Manuela Lück

Manuela Lück

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tadtkultur. Strategien der Kulturpolitik in Mitteleuropa war das Thema des Symposiums vom 30. September bis 2. Oktober in Haus Klingewalde Görlitz, bei dem sich Wissenschaftler, Kulturmanager und Studenten aus Mittel- und Osteuropa für einen Gedankenaustausch und zu einem Festakt anlässlich des 10-jährigen Bestehens des Studienganges Kultur und Management und der Eröffnung seines Dual-Post Degree Programms trafen. In den Grußworten des Kulturbürgermeisters der Stadt Görlitz, Ulf Großmann, dem Rektor der Hochschule Zittau-Görlitz, Prof. Dr.-Ing. Rainer Hampel, dem Fachbereichsleiter Wirtschaftswissenschaften, Prof. Roland Giese und den zahlreichen internationalen Kooperationspartner des Studienganges wie Dr. Peter Várnagy, (Pécs, Ungarn) und Prof. Dr. Ivars Berzins (Riga, Lettland), die die seit fast zehn Jahren die internationale Partnerschaft begleiten, betonten alle den Erfolg des Studiengangs, seine internationalen Kooperationen, wiesen

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

aber auch auf die Schwierigkeiten seiner Etablierung hin. Die einzigartig dichte Kulturlandschaft benötigt nicht nur institutionelle Rahmenbedingungen diese zu sichern, sondern auch fähige Kulturmanager, die diesen weiten Kulturbegriff organisatorisch umsetzten und Kompetenzen im Management haben, so Prof. Matthias Munkwitz, der Studiengangsbeauftragte. Mittlerweile hat sich die international ausgerichtete Ausbildung so müssen Studenten diese Studienganges mindestens ein Semester im Ausland verbringen zum Kulturmanager erfolgreich etabliert, sagte Prof. Matthias Theodor Vogt, der Hauptinitiator des Studienganges Kultur und Management im Jahre 1997. Er verwies auf das hohe Engagement der Studenten, das Kulturleben in Görlitz intensiv zu beleben. Städtische Urbanität ist mehr als ein Ort zum Einkaufen und Arbeiten. Urbanität bedeutet auch, dass man in der Bürgergesellschaft kulturelle Verschiedenheit zulässt. Welche

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Manuela Lück studierte Germanistik und Neueste Geschichte an der Humboldt-Universität in Berlin, der Technischen Universität Dresden und der Palacký-Universität Olomouc/Tschechische Republik. Sie arbeitet im Institut für kulturelle Infrastruktur Sachsen, ist auch Gastwissenschaftlerin am GWZO der Universität Leipzig und wissenschaftliche Angestellte an der Hochschule Zittau/ Görlitz.

Bericht zum Symposium Stadtkultur. Strategien der Kulturpolitik in Mitteleuropa aus Anlass des 10-jährigen Bestehens des Studiengangs Kultur und Management der Hochschule Zittau-Görlitz, 30. September 2. Oktober 2007

Manuela Lück studierte Germanistik und Neueste Geschichte an der Humboldt-Universität in Berlin, der Technischen Universität Dresden und der Palacký-Universität Olomouc/Tschechische Republik. Sie arbeitet im Institut für kulturelle Infrastruktur Sachsen, ist auch Gastwissenschaftlerin am GWZO der Universität Leipzig und wissenschaftliche Angestellte an der Hochschule Zittau/ Görlitz.


weit verbreiteten Ansicht, dass sich die Kultur und die mit ihr verbundenen Werte selbst gegenüber diesen Vereinnahmungen verteidigen könne. Er beschrieb die Defizite in der kulturpolitischen Diskussion auch von Praktikern in polnischen Kulturinstitutionen der Theoriebildung, die geringe Anwendbarkeit der bisherigen kulturpolitischen Analysen für Länder mit einer geringen Erfahrung mit demokratischen Strukturen und zivilgesellschaftlichen Formen und die mangelnde Experimentierfreude für kulturelle Experimente. Daher kann eine Kulturpolitik in Polen weder adäquat auf die heutigen Herausforderungen reagieren, auch weil qualifizierte Kulturmanager fehlen, noch ist man sich über Ziele dieser im Klaren. Orzechowski sieht auch Probleme in Bezug auf die Definition von Management im Kulturbereich, die universitäre Ausbildung und Anerkennung der Kulturmanager. Er plädiert dafür, dass Polen dringend einen öffentlichen Diskurs über seine Kulturpolitik, die Rahmenbedingungen seiner zivilgesellschaftliche und private Initiativen, die von untern wachsen sollen, braucht. Prof. Dr. Ivars Berzins (Kulturakademie Riga, Lettland) wies in seinem Beitrag auf die Schwierigkeiten der kulturpolitischen Strategien zwischen Dezentralisierung und Konzentrierung auf große urbane Zentren in Lettland und den zunehmenden Auseinandersetzungen zwischen der sich allmählich etablierenden freien Kulturszene, der staatlichen Kulturpolitik und der Orientierung auf den freien Markt, hin. Una Sedleniece (Kulturministerium Riga, Lettland) hingegen, eine Absolventin des ersten Studienganges 1997, erläuterte das Strategische Prinzip der lettischen Kulturpolitik für die Neugestaltung der Urbanität in Riga. Sie stellte Pläne für Bauten der Nationalbibliothek, eines Veranstaltungszentrums und eines Museums für moderne Kunst vor und verwies auf den Erfolg der Stärkung der lettischen Identität mittels der Kulturpolitik und ihrer Förderung. Prof. Dr. Mihaly Sári (Universität Pécs, Ungarn) erörterte die kulturpolitischen Strategien und Veränderung der Urbanität in Pécs im Zusammenhang mit der bevorstehenden Kulturhauptstadtausrichtung im Jahre 2010. Prof. Dr. Levan Khetaguri (Tiflis, Georgien) beschrieb die zahlreichen kulturpolitischen Engagements für die städtische Kultur in Georgien und wies auf die zahlreichen internationalen Kooperationen hin. Zum Abschluss des Symposiums und als Ausblick auf die sächsische staatliche Kulturförderung legte Ralph Lind-

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

Rahmenbedingungen bieten Strategien der Kulturpolitik, um dies zu ermöglichen? Dies war die übergeordnete Frage für das sich anschließende zweitägige Symposium. Erörtert wurden, neben den Anforderungen an die Ausbildung der zukünftigen Kulturmanager, auch mögliche Strategien einer Kulturpolitik in einer sich zunehmend ökonomisierenden Welt. Prof. Dr. Peter Bendixen (Wien, Österreich), ging in seinem Festvortrag Ökonomie der Entgrenzung dem Gedanken nach, wie die Vorstellung eines grenzenlosen wirtschaftlichen Wachstums in die Ideenwelt der Politik und der Kultur Eingang gefunden hat und sie zunehmend beherrscht. Das Wirtschaftswachstum, das seine Beschränkung im eigenen wirtschaftlichen Handeln fand und nicht in der Mehr-Produktion, die in der Antike als unmoralisch angesehenen wurde, hat diese Grenze der kulturellen Definition schon vor langer Zeit überschritten und führt seither destruktive Elemente auf allen Ebenen der Gesellschaft mit sich. Bendixen stellte in seinem Vortrag fest, dass das heutige Wirtschaftsgeschehen und die ökonomischen Theorien ihren kulturellen und ethischen Bezug und Ursprung vollständig eliminiert haben und zunehmend unabhängig von diesen agieren. Diese Entwicklung ist ausschlaggebend für das Kompetenzproblem vieler Wirtschaftsfachleute, die Verschiebung der Wertigkeit zwischen Gelderwerb (Marktkultur) und kultureller Produktion (Werkskultur) und ihrer polaren Positionierung. Bendixen wies in seinem Festvortrag auf die Folgen dieses Denkens für die Kultur-Politik hin, die in der stetigen Beschleunigung und des Konsums liegen, und plädierte für eine Rückgewinnung des Sinnlichen. Die Rückgewinnung bzw. Bewahrung des eigenständig Ästhetischen und der Identität stand auch im Mittelpunkt des Vortrages von Prof. Dr. Rosemary Statelova (Bulgarische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Sofia), die sich mit der ruralen Musikkultur der Sorben auseinandersetzte, ihr allmähliches Verschwinden und ihre Marginalisierung beschrieb. Das Zeitgenössische Quartett: Kultur-Management Kulturpolitik-Zivilgesellschaft nahm Prof. Dr. Emil Orzechowski (JagiellonenUniversität Krakau, Polen) in den Blick. Er versuchte sich der Frage anzunähern, welche Beziehungen es zwischen der Kultur, dem Kulturmanagement, der Kulturpolitik und der Zivilgesellschaft in Polen gibt. Die größte Herausforderung für die Kultur-Gesellschaft in Polen, in einer globalisierten und technisierten Welt, liegt nach seiner Auffassung in der

Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

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weit verbreiteten Ansicht, dass sich die Kultur und die mit ihr verbundenen Werte selbst gegenüber diesen Vereinnahmungen verteidigen könne. Er beschrieb die Defizite in der kulturpolitischen Diskussion auch von Praktikern in polnischen Kulturinstitutionen der Theoriebildung, die geringe Anwendbarkeit der bisherigen kulturpolitischen Analysen für Länder mit einer geringen Erfahrung mit demokratischen Strukturen und zivilgesellschaftlichen Formen und die mangelnde Experimentierfreude für kulturelle Experimente. Daher kann eine Kulturpolitik in Polen weder adäquat auf die heutigen Herausforderungen reagieren, auch weil qualifizierte Kulturmanager fehlen, noch ist man sich über Ziele dieser im Klaren. Orzechowski sieht auch Probleme in Bezug auf die Definition von Management im Kulturbereich, die universitäre Ausbildung und Anerkennung der Kulturmanager. Er plädiert dafür, dass Polen dringend einen öffentlichen Diskurs über seine Kulturpolitik, die Rahmenbedingungen seiner zivilgesellschaftliche und private Initiativen, die von untern wachsen sollen, braucht. Prof. Dr. Ivars Berzins (Kulturakademie Riga, Lettland) wies in seinem Beitrag auf die Schwierigkeiten der kulturpolitischen Strategien zwischen Dezentralisierung und Konzentrierung auf große urbane Zentren in Lettland und den zunehmenden Auseinandersetzungen zwischen der sich allmählich etablierenden freien Kulturszene, der staatlichen Kulturpolitik und der Orientierung auf den freien Markt, hin. Una Sedleniece (Kulturministerium Riga, Lettland) hingegen, eine Absolventin des ersten Studienganges 1997, erläuterte das Strategische Prinzip der lettischen Kulturpolitik für die Neugestaltung der Urbanität in Riga. Sie stellte Pläne für Bauten der Nationalbibliothek, eines Veranstaltungszentrums und eines Museums für moderne Kunst vor und verwies auf den Erfolg der Stärkung der lettischen Identität mittels der Kulturpolitik und ihrer Förderung. Prof. Dr. Mihaly Sári (Universität Pécs, Ungarn) erörterte die kulturpolitischen Strategien und Veränderung der Urbanität in Pécs im Zusammenhang mit der bevorstehenden Kulturhauptstadtausrichtung im Jahre 2010. Prof. Dr. Levan Khetaguri (Tiflis, Georgien) beschrieb die zahlreichen kulturpolitischen Engagements für die städtische Kultur in Georgien und wies auf die zahlreichen internationalen Kooperationen hin. Zum Abschluss des Symposiums und als Ausblick auf die sächsische staatliche Kulturförderung legte Ralph Lind-

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Rahmenbedingungen bieten Strategien der Kulturpolitik, um dies zu ermöglichen? Dies war die übergeordnete Frage für das sich anschließende zweitägige Symposium. Erörtert wurden, neben den Anforderungen an die Ausbildung der zukünftigen Kulturmanager, auch mögliche Strategien einer Kulturpolitik in einer sich zunehmend ökonomisierenden Welt. Prof. Dr. Peter Bendixen (Wien, Österreich), ging in seinem Festvortrag Ökonomie der Entgrenzung dem Gedanken nach, wie die Vorstellung eines grenzenlosen wirtschaftlichen Wachstums in die Ideenwelt der Politik und der Kultur Eingang gefunden hat und sie zunehmend beherrscht. Das Wirtschaftswachstum, das seine Beschränkung im eigenen wirtschaftlichen Handeln fand und nicht in der Mehr-Produktion, die in der Antike als unmoralisch angesehenen wurde, hat diese Grenze der kulturellen Definition schon vor langer Zeit überschritten und führt seither destruktive Elemente auf allen Ebenen der Gesellschaft mit sich. Bendixen stellte in seinem Vortrag fest, dass das heutige Wirtschaftsgeschehen und die ökonomischen Theorien ihren kulturellen und ethischen Bezug und Ursprung vollständig eliminiert haben und zunehmend unabhängig von diesen agieren. Diese Entwicklung ist ausschlaggebend für das Kompetenzproblem vieler Wirtschaftsfachleute, die Verschiebung der Wertigkeit zwischen Gelderwerb (Marktkultur) und kultureller Produktion (Werkskultur) und ihrer polaren Positionierung. Bendixen wies in seinem Festvortrag auf die Folgen dieses Denkens für die Kultur-Politik hin, die in der stetigen Beschleunigung und des Konsums liegen, und plädierte für eine Rückgewinnung des Sinnlichen. Die Rückgewinnung bzw. Bewahrung des eigenständig Ästhetischen und der Identität stand auch im Mittelpunkt des Vortrages von Prof. Dr. Rosemary Statelova (Bulgarische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Sofia), die sich mit der ruralen Musikkultur der Sorben auseinandersetzte, ihr allmähliches Verschwinden und ihre Marginalisierung beschrieb. Das Zeitgenössische Quartett: Kultur-Management Kulturpolitik-Zivilgesellschaft nahm Prof. Dr. Emil Orzechowski (JagiellonenUniversität Krakau, Polen) in den Blick. Er versuchte sich der Frage anzunähern, welche Beziehungen es zwischen der Kultur, dem Kulturmanagement, der Kulturpolitik und der Zivilgesellschaft in Polen gibt. Die größte Herausforderung für die Kultur-Gesellschaft in Polen, in einer globalisierten und technisierten Welt, liegt nach seiner Auffassung in der


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ner, Stiftungsdirektor der Kulturstiftung des Freistaates Sachsen, Förderstrategien zur Gemeinwohlorientierung der Kulturstiftung des Freistaates Sachsen dar. Die Stiftung orientiert sich in ihrer förderpolitischen Ausrichtung an der Entschleunigung des sozialen Wandels, der Steuerung von kulturellen Prozessen, der Stärkung des bürgerschaftlichen Engagements und des sozialen Kapitals. Die Stiftung

versteht sich, so Lindner, als Vermittler zwischen Bürgergesellschaft und Staat und möchte zu dessen Gemeinwohl beitragen. Das Symposium fand seinen Ausklang in einer Podiumsdiskussion, unter Leitung von Prof. Dr. Ekkehard Binas (Hochschule Zittau-Görlitz), auf der vor allem Aspekte der multikulturellen Identität in der Lausitz und in Europa diskutiert wurden.

ner, Stiftungsdirektor der Kulturstiftung des Freistaates Sachsen, Förderstrategien zur Gemeinwohlorientierung der Kulturstiftung des Freistaates Sachsen dar. Die Stiftung orientiert sich in ihrer förderpolitischen Ausrichtung an der Entschleunigung des sozialen Wandels, der Steuerung von kulturellen Prozessen, der Stärkung des bürgerschaftlichen Engagements und des sozialen Kapitals. Die Stiftung Kulturmanagement 2008, Heft 1 (1)

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versteht sich, so Lindner, als Vermittler zwischen Bürgergesellschaft und Staat und möchte zu dessen Gemeinwohl beitragen. Das Symposium fand seinen Ausklang in einer Podiumsdiskussion, unter Leitung von Prof. Dr. Ekkehard Binas (Hochschule Zittau-Görlitz), auf der vor allem Aspekte der multikulturellen Identität in der Lausitz und in Europa diskutiert wurden.



ZARZ짜DZANIE KULTUR짜

ZARZ짜DZANIE KULTUR짜



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Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

WSTÊP Emil Orzechowski

Allea iacta est ko ci zosta³y rzucone . I dobrze! Pierwsze w Europie Wschodniej (jak kto woli: rodkowo-Wschodniej) czasopismo po wiêcone problemom zarz¹dzania w kulturze staje siê cia³em, czego dowodem niniejszy numer.

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zasopismo takie by³o od dawna potrzebne, ale z wielu powodów ¿adnego z dotychczasowych projektów nie uda³o siê zrealizowaæ. Jest to zreszt¹ charakterystyczne dla sposobu wspó³pracy w sferze kultury. Dawne modele: zachodni oparty na przedsiêbiorczo ci i regu³ach zarz¹dzania oraz wschodni oparty na dyktacie ideologicznie nacechowanej polityki kulturalnej i jej realizacji kontrolowanej przez cenzurê, spotka³y siê dopiero po 1989 roku. Na Wschodzie zaowocowa³o to natychmiast wieloma próbami adaptacji systemu zachodniego do lokalnych realiów. Swoj¹ wiedz¹ chêtnie dzielili siê z nami do wiadczeni mened¿erowie kultury z Wielkiej Brytanii, Holandii, Francji, Niemiec. Przeprowadzono wówczas wiele kursów, szkoleñ, warsztatów i seminariów, na których dziesi¹tki, a mo¿e i setki dotychczasowych kierowników uczy³o siê, co to znaczy byæ mened¿erem, jak socjalistyczne centralne planowanie zast¹piæ przedsiêbiorczo ci¹ limitowan¹ jedynie regu³ami racjonalnego zarz¹dzania. W ramach programów trainers for trainers zachodni Koledzy przekazywali nam nie tylko swoje know-how, ale i sporo materia³ów koniecznych do szkoleñ nowych kadr kultury. Dziêki temu mog³y ukazaæ siê materia³y z seminarium Miêdzynarodowego Centrum Kultury w Krakowie Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ (1995) z wa¿nymi tekstami specjalistów amerykañskich, brytyjskich, niemieckich, holenderskich. Dziêki temu mogli my drukowaæ po polsku podstawowe ksi¹¿ki Giepa Hagoorta, Petera Bendixena, Marka J. Schustera. S¹ to prace in-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

tensywnie wykorzystywane w przekazywaniu wiedzy na temat zarz¹dzania kultur¹.

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tu pojawia siê problem numer jeden. Mimo deklaracji boloñskich, systemy nauczania pañstw zachodnich i rodkowo-wschodniej Europy powa¿nie siê ró¿ni¹. I rzecz nie w meritum, ale w kwestiach organizacyjnych. Elastyczne versus sztywne programy nauczania na poziomie B.A. i M.A. nie sprzyjaj¹ rozwojowi pe³nej miêdzynarodowej wspó³pracy i wymianie studentów, tak¿e wyk³adowców. Tym pilniejsza potrzeba pe³nego dostêpu dla wszystkich do najlepszych opracowañ i materia³ów dydaktycznych. Musz¹ to byæ jednak publikacje, które uwzglêdniaj¹ realia lokalne.

I

tu pojawia siê problem numer dwa. Zachodnie czasopisma specjalistyczne zdaj¹ siê kompletnie ignorowaæ rzeczywisto æ pañstw wschodniej i rodkowej Europy. Nie ma zatem ¿adnej, ale to absolutnie ¿adnej, wymiany opinii, popularyzacji godnych uwagi rozwi¹zañ, wzajemnych inspiracji. Dlatego w³a nie nasze czasopismo jest potrzebne, wydaje siê nawet konieczne.

W

ydaje siê niezbêdne choæby z powodu ogromnego rozwoju akademickich studiów z zakresu zarz¹dzania kultur¹ w krajach rodkowo- i wschodnioeuropejskich. Rozwijanego zreszt¹ w ró¿nych modelach: jako w pe³ni miêdzynarodowe programy (Belgrad, Görlitz), jako studia partnerskie (Ryga-Hamburg), jako oferta przede wszystkim lokalna (Kraków, Tbilisi, Stambu³). Miêdzy innymi owo zró¿nicowanie programowe w zakresie dydaktyki by³o powodem takiego, a nie innego porozumienia, co do sk³adu Redakcji naszego czasopisma. Liczymy na to, ¿e owa ró¿norodno æ bêdzie skutko-

217

zasopismo takie by³o od dawna potrzebne, ale z wielu powodów ¿adnego z dotychczasowych projektów nie uda³o siê zrealizowaæ. Jest to zreszt¹ charakterystyczne dla sposobu wspó³pracy w sferze kultury. Dawne modele: zachodni oparty na przedsiêbiorczo ci i regu³ach zarz¹dzania oraz wschodni oparty na dyktacie ideologicznie nacechowanej polityki kulturalnej i jej realizacji kontrolowanej przez cenzurê, spotka³y siê dopiero po 1989 roku. Na Wschodzie zaowocowa³o to natychmiast wieloma próbami adaptacji systemu zachodniego do lokalnych realiów. Swoj¹ wiedz¹ chêtnie dzielili siê z nami do wiadczeni mened¿erowie kultury z Wielkiej Brytanii, Holandii, Francji, Niemiec. Przeprowadzono wówczas wiele kursów, szkoleñ, warsztatów i seminariów, na których dziesi¹tki, a mo¿e i setki dotychczasowych kierowników uczy³o siê, co to znaczy byæ mened¿erem, jak socjalistyczne centralne planowanie zast¹piæ przedsiêbiorczo ci¹ limitowan¹ jedynie regu³ami racjonalnego zarz¹dzania. W ramach programów trainers for trainers zachodni Koledzy przekazywali nam nie tylko swoje know-how, ale i sporo materia³ów koniecznych do szkoleñ nowych kadr kultury. Dziêki temu mog³y ukazaæ siê materia³y z seminarium Miêdzynarodowego Centrum Kultury w Krakowie Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ (1995) z wa¿nymi tekstami specjalistów amerykañskich, brytyjskich, niemieckich, holenderskich. Dziêki temu mogli my drukowaæ po polsku podstawowe ksi¹¿ki Giepa Hagoorta, Petera Bendixena, Marka J. Schustera. S¹ to prace in-

C

Allea iacta est ko ci zosta³y rzucone . I dobrze! Pierwsze w Europie Wschodniej (jak kto woli: rodkowo-Wschodniej) czasopismo po wiêcone problemom zarz¹dzania w kulturze staje siê cia³em, czego dowodem niniejszy numer.

Emil Orzechowski

WSTÊP

ydaje siê niezbêdne choæby z powodu ogromnego rozwoju akademickich studiów z zakresu zarz¹dzania kultur¹ w krajach rodkowo- i wschodnioeuropejskich. Rozwijanego zreszt¹ w ró¿nych modelach: jako w pe³ni miêdzynarodowe programy (Belgrad, Görlitz), jako studia partnerskie (Ryga-Hamburg), jako oferta przede wszystkim lokalna (Kraków, Tbilisi, Stambu³). Miêdzy innymi owo zró¿nicowanie programowe w zakresie dydaktyki by³o powodem takiego, a nie innego porozumienia, co do sk³adu Redakcji naszego czasopisma. Liczymy na to, ¿e owa ró¿norodno æ bêdzie skutko-

W

tu pojawia siê problem numer dwa. Zachodnie czasopisma specjalistyczne zdaj¹ siê kompletnie ignorowaæ rzeczywisto æ pañstw wschodniej i rodkowej Europy. Nie ma zatem ¿adnej, ale to absolutnie ¿adnej, wymiany opinii, popularyzacji godnych uwagi rozwi¹zañ, wzajemnych inspiracji. Dlatego w³a nie nasze czasopismo jest potrzebne, wydaje siê nawet konieczne.

I

tu pojawia siê problem numer jeden. Mimo deklaracji boloñskich, systemy nauczania pañstw zachodnich i rodkowo-wschodniej Europy powa¿nie siê ró¿ni¹. I rzecz nie w meritum, ale w kwestiach organizacyjnych. Elastyczne versus sztywne programy nauczania na poziomie B.A. i M.A. nie sprzyjaj¹ rozwojowi pe³nej miêdzynarodowej wspó³pracy i wymianie studentów, tak¿e wyk³adowców. Tym pilniejsza potrzeba pe³nego dostêpu dla wszystkich do najlepszych opracowañ i materia³ów dydaktycznych. Musz¹ to byæ jednak publikacje, które uwzglêdniaj¹ realia lokalne.

I

tensywnie wykorzystywane w przekazywaniu wiedzy na temat zarz¹dzania kultur¹.


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Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

W

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

waæ atrakcyjno ci¹ drukowanych w nim tekstów. Za ich druk jest niezbêdny, je li chcemy skutecznie rozwijaæ zespo³y akademickie zajmuj¹ce siê problematyk¹ zarz¹dzania w kulturze i kwestiami pokrewnymi, jak m. in. polityka kulturalna, dyplomacja kulturalna, ekonomika kultury, animacja kultury, etc., etc. Tylko poprzez wymianê my li i ich konfrontacjê w skali miêdzynarodowej bowiem, mo¿na w dzisiejszych realiach rozwijaæ proces kszta³cenia nowych (i nowoczesnych) kadr specjalistów.

nowym przedsiêwziêciu, którym jest trójjêzyczne pismo Culture Management Kulturmanagement Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ Katedra Zarz¹dzania Kultur¹ UJ wspó³pracuje z kilkoma znacz¹cymi partnerami (w drugim numerze pisma przedstawi¹ oni swoje sylwetki). Dzi jednak wypada przynajmniej ich wymieniæ; s¹ to: Akademia Sztuk Piêknych w Belgradzie £otewska Akademia Kultury w Rydze Saksoñski Instytut Infrastruktury Kulturalnej w Görlitz Uniwersytet Yeditepe w Stambule Pañstwowy Uniwersytet Sztuki Teatralnej i Filmowej im. Szoty Rustawelego w Tbilisi

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R

* * *

ycz¹c po¿ytecznej lektury, oczekujemy na reakcje Czytelników.

P

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yzyko wydawania czasopisma podejmuje Kraków i Uniwersytet Jagielloñski; nie dlatego, ¿e z racji wieku ten zaszczyt mu siê nale¿y, ale dlatego, ¿e jest tutaj pewna otwarto æ na tak¹ inicjatywê, gwarancja wzglêdnej stabilno ci, a tak¿e solidne zaplecze, w tym do wiadczenie wydawnicze.

a wszelkie uwagi, komentarze, polemiki, jakie wywo³a tre æ i uk³ad pierwszego numeru nowego czasopisma bêdziemy niezmiernie wdziêczni.

K

Z

ierwszy numer naszego pisma jest mo¿e nieco tematycznie rozproszony chcieli my jednak oddaæ przez to specyfikê stron partnerskich. Kolejne numery bêd¹ stopniowo coraz bardziej skoncentrowane tematycznie, wokó³ niezliczonych problemów zarz¹dzania w sferze kultury: zale¿eæ nam bêdzie zw³aszcza na prezentacji godnych uwagi case studies. Szczególnie te¿ dbaæ bêdziemy o mo¿liwo æ druku tekstu m³odszych Kolegów, którzy przygotowuj¹ prace doktorskie i habilitacyjne.

nicjatorzy niniejszego czasopisma licz¹ na wspó³pracê autorsk¹ z licz¹cymi siê o rodkami naukowymi, specjalizuj¹cymi siê w zarz¹dzaniu kultur¹, jak równie¿ zarz¹dzaj¹cymi kultur¹ (w tym te¿ politykami, zw³aszcza szczebla lokalnego). W krêgu zarówno autorskim, jak i czytelniczym, znajd¹ siê zapewne równie¿ instytucje i osoby wspó³pracuj¹ce podobnie jak i my z sieciami europejskimi, jak m.in. ENCATC, czy CIRCLE.

I

I

nicjatorzy niniejszego czasopisma licz¹ na wspó³pracê autorsk¹ z licz¹cymi siê o rodkami naukowymi, specjalizuj¹cymi siê w zarz¹dzaniu kultur¹, jak równie¿ zarz¹dzaj¹cymi kultur¹ (w tym te¿ politykami, zw³aszcza szczebla lokalnego). W krêgu zarówno autorskim, jak i czytelniczym, znajd¹ siê zapewne równie¿ instytucje i osoby wspó³pracuj¹ce podobnie jak i my z sieciami europejskimi, jak m.in. ENCATC, czy CIRCLE.

ierwszy numer naszego pisma jest mo¿e nieco tematycznie rozproszony chcieli my jednak oddaæ przez to specyfikê stron partnerskich. Kolejne numery bêd¹ stopniowo coraz bardziej skoncentrowane tematycznie, wokó³ niezliczonych problemów zarz¹dzania w sferze kultury: zale¿eæ nam bêdzie zw³aszcza na prezentacji godnych uwagi case studies. Szczególnie te¿ dbaæ bêdziemy o mo¿liwo æ druku tekstu m³odszych Kolegów, którzy przygotowuj¹ prace doktorskie i habilitacyjne.

Z

atedra Zarz¹dzania Kultur¹, wchodz¹ca w sk³ad Zespo³u Katedr Nauk o Kulturze Uniwersytetu Jagielloñskiego (który wkrótce zostanie przekszta³cony w Instytut Kultury UJ), ulokowana jest na wydziale Zarz¹dzania i Komunikacji Spo³ecznej UJ i zatrudnia jedenastu pracowników, co najmniej z doktoratami, w wiêkszo ci z zakresu nauki humanistyczne, specjalno æ zarz¹dzanie. Jest to wa¿na informacja: Wydzia³ Zarz¹dzania i Komunikacji Spo³ecznej ma, jako jedyny w Polsce (i zapewne w tej czê ci Europy), akademickie uprawnienia do nadawania tytu³ów profesorskich, habilitacji i doktoratów w zakresie nauk humanistycznych, specjalno æ: zarz¹dzanie. Otwiera to, tak¿e dla kandydatów z zagranicy, mo¿liwo æ uzyskania pe³nych uprawnieñ akademickich w tym zakresie, a tym samym otwiera przed nimi mo¿liwo ci kreowania w macierzystych uczelniach nowych programów studiów. Katedra prowadzi studia z zakresu zarz¹dzania kultur¹ na poziomach: B.A., M.A., PhD, a tak¿e studia podyplomowe. Dziêki pomocy finansowej Urzêdu Miasta Krakowa, od dziewiêciu lat Katedra publikuje rocznik Zarz¹dzanie w Kulturze oraz seriê wydawnicz¹ Biblioteka zarz¹dzania kultur¹ .

P

a wszelkie uwagi, komentarze, polemiki, jakie wywo³a tre æ i uk³ad pierwszego numeru nowego czasopisma bêdziemy niezmiernie wdziêczni.

K

* * *

ycz¹c po¿ytecznej lektury, oczekujemy na reakcje Czytelników.

yzyko wydawania czasopisma podejmuje Kraków i Uniwersytet Jagielloñski; nie dlatego, ¿e z racji wieku ten zaszczyt mu siê nale¿y, ale dlatego, ¿e jest tutaj pewna otwarto æ na tak¹ inicjatywê, gwarancja wzglêdnej stabilno ci, a tak¿e solidne zaplecze, w tym do wiadczenie wydawnicze.

nowym przedsiêwziêciu, którym jest trójjêzyczne pismo Culture Management Kulturmanagement Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ Katedra Zarz¹dzania Kultur¹ UJ wspó³pracuje z kilkoma znacz¹cymi partnerami (w drugim numerze pisma przedstawi¹ oni swoje sylwetki). Dzi jednak wypada przynajmniej ich wymieniæ; s¹ to: Akademia Sztuk Piêknych w Belgradzie £otewska Akademia Kultury w Rydze Saksoñski Instytut Infrastruktury Kulturalnej w Görlitz Uniwersytet Yeditepe w Stambule Pañstwowy Uniwersytet Sztuki Teatralnej i Filmowej im. Szoty Rustawelego w Tbilisi

¯

R

W

atedra Zarz¹dzania Kultur¹, wchodz¹ca w sk³ad Zespo³u Katedr Nauk o Kulturze Uniwersytetu Jagielloñskiego (który wkrótce zostanie przekszta³cony w Instytut Kultury UJ), ulokowana jest na wydziale Zarz¹dzania i Komunikacji Spo³ecznej UJ i zatrudnia jedenastu pracowników, co najmniej z doktoratami, w wiêkszo ci z zakresu nauki humanistyczne, specjalno æ zarz¹dzanie. Jest to wa¿na informacja: Wydzia³ Zarz¹dzania i Komunikacji Spo³ecznej ma, jako jedyny w Polsce (i zapewne w tej czê ci Europy), akademickie uprawnienia do nadawania tytu³ów profesorskich, habilitacji i doktoratów w zakresie nauk humanistycznych, specjalno æ: zarz¹dzanie. Otwiera to, tak¿e dla kandydatów z zagranicy, mo¿liwo æ uzyskania pe³nych uprawnieñ akademickich w tym zakresie, a tym samym otwiera przed nimi mo¿liwo ci kreowania w macierzystych uczelniach nowych programów studiów. Katedra prowadzi studia z zakresu zarz¹dzania kultur¹ na poziomach: B.A., M.A., PhD, a tak¿e studia podyplomowe. Dziêki pomocy finansowej Urzêdu Miasta Krakowa, od dziewiêciu lat Katedra publikuje rocznik Zarz¹dzanie w Kulturze oraz seriê wydawnicz¹ Biblioteka zarz¹dzania kultur¹ .

waæ atrakcyjno ci¹ drukowanych w nim tekstów. Za ich druk jest niezbêdny, je li chcemy skutecznie rozwijaæ zespo³y akademickie zajmuj¹ce siê problematyk¹ zarz¹dzania w kulturze i kwestiami pokrewnymi, jak m. in. polityka kulturalna, dyplomacja kulturalna, ekonomika kultury, animacja kultury, etc., etc. Tylko poprzez wymianê my li i ich konfrontacjê w skali miêdzynarodowej bowiem, mo¿na w dzisiejszych realiach rozwijaæ proces kszta³cenia nowych (i nowoczesnych) kadr specjalistów.


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Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

O filozoficznych fundamentach teorii zarz¹dzania kultur¹ Peter Bendixen T³umaczenie: Katarzyna Kopeæ

Zarys teoretyczny

Z

arz¹dzanie kultur¹ jest m³od¹ dyscyplin¹ naukow¹, wci¹¿ jeszcze nieposiadaj¹c¹ solidnej podbudowy teoretycznej. W sensie konceptualnym i metodologicznym zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ zawieszone jest pomiêdzy dwoma ukonstytuowanymi dziedzinami naukowymi i badawczymi, które jednak s¹ naukami metodologicznie stosunkowo s³abymi: kulturoznawstwem i naukami ekonomicznymi. Dzi , po ponad 20-letniej karierze akademickiej nowej dyscypliny naukowej, nasuwa siê pytanie, czy nie nadszed³ czas na rzetelne opracowanie naukowych podwalin zarz¹dzania kultur¹, nadaj¹cych tej dyscyplinie zarówno w wymiarze teoretycznym, jak i pragmatycznym nieco pewniejsz¹ postaæ. Artyku³ ten ma byæ prób¹ nie aspiruj¹c do miana ca³o ciowego obrazu oraz nie stanowi¹c systematycznego ujêcia zaprezentowania kilku podstawowych zagadnieñ, które z czasem, po kolejnych dyskusjach, bêd¹ mog³y stanowiæ grunt, na którym zbudowany zostanie teoretyczny fundament tej dyscypliny. Podejmuj¹c to wyzwanie, mo¿na rozpocz¹æ od przedstawienia kilku wyj ciowych tez, maj¹cych swoje ród³o w rozmaitych do wiadczeniach i obserwacjach prowadzonych w ramach dzia³alno ci kulturalnej i artystycznej. Wprawdzie wydarzenia artystyczne wci¹¿ nios¹ z sob¹ tchnienie sacrum i nastrój podnios³o ci, ale tak naprawdê sztuka ju¿ dawno uwik³ana zosta³a w sieæ bezdusznej ekonomii. Mówimy tu nie tylko choæ ten problem wysuwa siê na pierwszy plan o ciêciach bud¿etowych, dusz¹cych w zarodku wiele dzia³añ artystycznych, ale chodzi tak¿e o zwrócenie publicznej uwagi na zagadnienie rosn¹cego znaczenia komercyjnego punktu widzenia, obserwowanego np. w mediach. Zjawiska znajduj¹ce siê

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

w centrum poni¿szych przemy leñ nie dotykaj¹ poziomu praktycznego, ich istotê stanowi bowiem fundamentalna krytyka dominuj¹cego podej cia ekonomicznego i zwi¹zanej z nim, powszechnie stosowanej metodologii. Zagadnieniem najbardziej istotnym, a równocze nie kryj¹cym w sobie najwiêcej niewiadomych, jest pojêcie zdawa³oby siê zupe³nie banalne: pojêcie kultury oraz wi¹¿¹cy siê z nim termin sztuki. Niektórzy czytelnicy byæ mo¿e zareaguj¹ niezrozumieniem, poniewa¿ podejmowanie siê obja nienia tych definicji na pocz¹tku ka¿dej konferencji naukowej, ka¿dej dyskusji akademickiej i ka¿dej publikacji naukowej ze wzglêdu na powierzchowne podej cie, w którym pojawia siê pewnego rodzaju arbitralne o wiadczenie lub odwo³anie siê do znanej formu³y UNESCO powoli staje siê nieefektywnym rytua³em. G³ówna teza, która stanowi centralny motyw niniejszego artyku³u, to zwrócenie uwagi na fakt, i¿ wprawdzie ca³y wiat zajmuje siê kultur¹, lecz mimo to tak naprawdê zdaje siê nie wiedzieæ, jaka jest jej istota. Brak tej wiedzy w najwiêkszym stopniu uwidacznia siê w tej dziedzinie, która zdecydowanie nie mo¿e lub nie chce zajmowaæ siê kultur¹: w naukach ekonomicznych. W³a nie ta dyscyplina dostarcza prawdopodobnie wielu niezwykle istotnych, koniecznych intelektualnych narzêdzi do zarz¹dzania kultur¹, a mianowicie administracyjnego instrumentarium pomocnego w praktycznym wykonywaniu funkcji zarz¹dzania kultur¹. cie¿ka tej argumentacji rozpoczyna siê opisem s³abych metodologicznie stron ekonomiki (ekonomii ogólnej i ekonomiki przedsiêbiorstwa). Nastêpnie pod¹¿a poprzez próbê ustanowienia nowego podej cia do terminu kultura , poniewa¿ bez dog³êbnego rozumienia kultury, a tym samym sztuki, krytyka tradycyj-

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Peter Bendixen wyk³adowca kilku uczelni, m.in. w Lüneburgu, Salzburgu, Warwick, Istambule. Inicjator studiów z zakresu zarz¹dzania w kulturze na Uniwersytecie Ekonomii i Polityki w Hamburgu. Wspó³za³o¿yciel Instytutu Sztuki, Muzyki i Ekonomii Kulturalnej im. Rudolfa Arnheima w tym mie cie. Od 2003 roku dyrektor do spraw badañ i programów doktoranckich w wiedeñskim O rodku Badañ Hohe Warte. Obecnie profesor na Uniwersytecie Yeditepe w Stambule.

arz¹dzanie kultur¹ jest m³od¹ dyscyplin¹ naukow¹, wci¹¿ jeszcze nieposiadaj¹c¹ solidnej podbudowy teoretycznej. W sensie konceptualnym i metodologicznym zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ zawieszone jest pomiêdzy dwoma ukonstytuowanymi dziedzinami naukowymi i badawczymi, które jednak s¹ naukami metodologicznie stosunkowo s³abymi: kulturoznawstwem i naukami ekonomicznymi. Dzi , po ponad 20-letniej karierze akademickiej nowej dyscypliny naukowej, nasuwa siê pytanie, czy nie nadszed³ czas na rzetelne opracowanie naukowych podwalin zarz¹dzania kultur¹, nadaj¹cych tej dyscyplinie zarówno w wymiarze teoretycznym, jak i pragmatycznym nieco pewniejsz¹ postaæ. Artyku³ ten ma byæ prób¹ nie aspiruj¹c do miana ca³o ciowego obrazu oraz nie stanowi¹c systematycznego ujêcia zaprezentowania kilku podstawowych zagadnieñ, które z czasem, po kolejnych dyskusjach, bêd¹ mog³y stanowiæ grunt, na którym zbudowany zostanie teoretyczny fundament tej dyscypliny. Podejmuj¹c to wyzwanie, mo¿na rozpocz¹æ od przedstawienia kilku wyj ciowych tez, maj¹cych swoje ród³o w rozmaitych do wiadczeniach i obserwacjach prowadzonych w ramach dzia³alno ci kulturalnej i artystycznej. Wprawdzie wydarzenia artystyczne wci¹¿ nios¹ z sob¹ tchnienie sacrum i nastrój podnios³o ci, ale tak naprawdê sztuka ju¿ dawno uwik³ana zosta³a w sieæ bezdusznej ekonomii. Mówimy tu nie tylko choæ ten problem wysuwa siê na pierwszy plan o ciêciach bud¿etowych, dusz¹cych w zarodku wiele dzia³añ artystycznych, ale chodzi tak¿e o zwrócenie publicznej uwagi na zagadnienie rosn¹cego znaczenia komercyjnego punktu widzenia, obserwowanego np. w mediach. Zjawiska znajduj¹ce siê

Z

Zarys teoretyczny

w centrum poni¿szych przemy leñ nie dotykaj¹ poziomu praktycznego, ich istotê stanowi bowiem fundamentalna krytyka dominuj¹cego podej cia ekonomicznego i zwi¹zanej z nim, powszechnie stosowanej metodologii. Zagadnieniem najbardziej istotnym, a równocze nie kryj¹cym w sobie najwiêcej niewiadomych, jest pojêcie zdawa³oby siê zupe³nie banalne: pojêcie kultury oraz wi¹¿¹cy siê z nim termin sztuki. Niektórzy czytelnicy byæ mo¿e zareaguj¹ niezrozumieniem, poniewa¿ podejmowanie siê obja nienia tych definicji na pocz¹tku ka¿dej konferencji naukowej, ka¿dej dyskusji akademickiej i ka¿dej publikacji naukowej ze wzglêdu na powierzchowne podej cie, w którym pojawia siê pewnego rodzaju arbitralne o wiadczenie lub odwo³anie siê do znanej formu³y UNESCO powoli staje siê nieefektywnym rytua³em. G³ówna teza, która stanowi centralny motyw niniejszego artyku³u, to zwrócenie uwagi na fakt, i¿ wprawdzie ca³y wiat zajmuje siê kultur¹, lecz mimo to tak naprawdê zdaje siê nie wiedzieæ, jaka jest jej istota. Brak tej wiedzy w najwiêkszym stopniu uwidacznia siê w tej dziedzinie, która zdecydowanie nie mo¿e lub nie chce zajmowaæ siê kultur¹: w naukach ekonomicznych. W³a nie ta dyscyplina dostarcza prawdopodobnie wielu niezwykle istotnych, koniecznych intelektualnych narzêdzi do zarz¹dzania kultur¹, a mianowicie administracyjnego instrumentarium pomocnego w praktycznym wykonywaniu funkcji zarz¹dzania kultur¹. cie¿ka tej argumentacji rozpoczyna siê opisem s³abych metodologicznie stron ekonomiki (ekonomii ogólnej i ekonomiki przedsiêbiorstwa). Nastêpnie pod¹¿a poprzez próbê ustanowienia nowego podej cia do terminu kultura , poniewa¿ bez dog³êbnego rozumienia kultury, a tym samym sztuki, krytyka tradycyj-

T³umaczenie: Katarzyna Kopeæ

Peter Bendixen

O filozoficznych fundamentach teorii zarz¹dzania kultur¹

Peter Bendixen wyk³adowca kilku uczelni, m.in. w Lüneburgu, Salzburgu, Warwick, Istambule. Inicjator studiów z zakresu zarz¹dzania w kulturze na Uniwersytecie Ekonomii i Polityki w Hamburgu. Wspó³za³o¿yciel Instytutu Sztuki, Muzyki i Ekonomii Kulturalnej im. Rudolfa Arnheima w tym mie cie. Od 2003 roku dyrektor do spraw badañ i programów doktoranckich w wiedeñskim O rodku Badañ Hohe Warte. Obecnie profesor na Uniwersytecie Yeditepe w Stambule.


nego podej cia ekonomicznego zostanie pozbawiona celu, jakim jest poszerzanie ekonomicznych horyzontów my lenia. W ostatnim punkcie rozwa¿ania zwracaj¹ siê ku nie³atwej kwestii: w jaki sposób pozycjonowaæ zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ w ramach ogólnej zasady prymatu tre ci nad form¹? To pytanie, równie¿ w praktyce, nasuwa siê zw³aszcza tam, gdzie chodzi o substancjê sztuki i jej znaczenie dla spo³eczeñstwa. Problem wynika z faktu, i¿ zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ nie jest ani form¹, ani tre ci¹, lecz ma charakter instrumentalny. Oznacza to, ¿e jako instrument mo¿e sprawowaæ ró¿ne funkcje i s³u¿yæ ró¿nym celom, tak samo jak siekiera mo¿e byæ u¿yta jako narzêdzie praktyczne, ale te¿ jako narzêdzie zbrodni.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Podej cie ekonomiczne i jego sprzeczno ci

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Bardziej wnikliw¹ analizê tej problematyki podj¹³em w publikacjach: Bendixen P., Ökonomie der Entgrenzung Wege aus der Unwirtlichkeit, Berlin 2007 oraz Fastfood-Ökonomie Die unaufhaltsame Kommerzialisierung der Zeit, Berlin 2008.

skie wywody na temat oikonomii, chc¹c w ten sposób udowodniæ, ¿e ten akademicki przedmiot mo¿e odwo³ywaæ siê do swojej d³ugiej historii. Nic bardziej mylnego. Traktuj¹c filozofiê Arystotelesa w sposób powa¿ny, nale¿a³oby okre liæ tê dziedzinê jako chrematystykê . Szczegó³owe uzasadnienie i krytyczna analiza tych kwestii doprowadzi³yby do wniosków znacznie wykraczaj¹cych poza zakres tego opracowania1. Dopóki produkcja badaj¹c to zjawisko w wymiarze historycznym nie przekroczy³a zamkniêtego krêgu gospodarstwa, a czêsto taka sytuacja wystêpowa³a jeszcze kilka pokoleñ wstecz, przyczyny wytwarzania koniecznych przedmiotów i metody, jakimi pos³ugiwano siê podczas produkcji, zamkniête by³y w wewnêtrznym obiegu. Pojêcie gospodarstwo nie mo¿e tu jednak byæ rozumiane w takim wymiarze, w jakim postrzegamy funkcje produkcyjne niewielkiej wspó³czesnej rodziny. Dom (Arystotelesowskie oikos, familia we w³oskim renesansie m.in. w ksi¹¿ce Leona Battisty Albertiego I libri della familia z roku 1441) nale¿y rozpatrywaæ w kategoriach lokalnych oraz regionalnych wspólnot i zwi¹zków, np. rzymskich latyfundiów i redniowiecznych feudalnych posiad³o ci ziemskich. Nowo¿ytny merkantylizm jest funkcjonuj¹cym jeszcze do dnia dzisiejszego elementem owej starej polityki akumulacji bogactwa i dobrobytu poprzez wewnêtrznie regulowan¹ produkcjê. Ta polityka wprawdzie s³u¿y³a handlowi, ale nie gwarantowa³a mu ¿adnej dominacji w gospodarce. XVIII-wieczni francuscy fizjokraci uznawali handel za nieproduktywn¹ klasê, w odró¿nieniu od rolnictwa wytwarzaj¹cego prawdziwe warto ci z pomoc¹ natury i przez naturê. Sposób my lenia fizjokratów wp³yn¹³ na ugruntowanie sposobu my lenia ziemiañskiego, a nie rynkowego. Wspó³czesna ekonomia, opieraj¹ca siê na solidnych podstawach, bior¹ca swój pocz¹tek od s³ynnej ksi¹¿ki Adama Smitha Bogactwo narodów z roku 1776, ma zatem nieco ponad 232 lata. Termin produkcja przywodzi w pierwszym rzêdzie na my l fizyczne procesy: uprawê roli, wyr¹b i transport drewna do warsztatu stolarskiego, tkanie ubrañ, ubój i przetwarzanie trzody chlewnej na produkty miêsne. Wspó³cze nie termin produkcja kojarzy siê raczej z dymi¹cymi kominami, ta moci¹gami, transportem

1

ie jest mo¿liwe poddanie tak wa¿nej problematyki, jak¹ jest krytyka ekonomii, analizie zawieraj¹cej siê w kilku zdaniach, przy równoczesnym wnikliwym omówieniu s³abych stron metodologicznych podej cia ekonomicznego w ujêciu tradycyjnym oraz krytycznym ich wyja nieniu. Mimo to nale¿y w tym miejscu rozwa¿yæ bezpo rednie przej cie do rdzenia badanego problemu: historyczne korzenie systemu rynkowego nie tkwi¹ w obszarze spo³ecznym tradycyjnie postrzeganym jako istota gospodarki, a mianowicie w produkcji. Historycznego ród³a gospodarki rynkowej nale¿y bowiem doszukiwaæ siê w handlu, a ten z kolei, jak wiadomo, nie ma nic wspólnego z wytwarzaniem dóbr. Istota handlu my lenie poprzez pryzmat kwestii komercyjnych, a przede wszystkim finansowych zachowa³a siê do dzi . To w³a nie poprzez handel, a nie produkcjê, mo¿emy nie tylko nauczyæ siê postrzegaæ gospodarkê rynkow¹ jako nowoczesne osi¹gniêcie cywilizacyjne, ale równie¿ zrozumieæ jej ciemne strony. B³¹d my lowy dotycz¹cy historycznych róde³ gospodarki rynkowej spowodowany zosta³ myln¹ nazw¹ przedmiotu ekonomia. Handel ani w staro¿ytno ci, ani w kolejnych epokach, a¿ po dzieñ dzisiejszy nie wi¹¿e siê w sposób bezpo redni z produkcj¹, a wiêc z tym, co Arystoteles okre la³ mianem oikonomia. Wielu ekonomistów powo³uje siê na Arystotelesow-

ie jest mo¿liwe poddanie tak wa¿nej problematyki, jak¹ jest krytyka ekonomii, analizie zawieraj¹cej siê w kilku zdaniach, przy równoczesnym wnikliwym omówieniu s³abych stron metodologicznych podej cia ekonomicznego w ujêciu tradycyjnym oraz krytycznym ich wyja nieniu. Mimo to nale¿y w tym miejscu rozwa¿yæ bezpo rednie przej cie do rdzenia badanego problemu: historyczne korzenie systemu rynkowego nie tkwi¹ w obszarze spo³ecznym tradycyjnie postrzeganym jako istota gospodarki, a mianowicie w produkcji. Historycznego ród³a gospodarki rynkowej nale¿y bowiem doszukiwaæ siê w handlu, a ten z kolei, jak wiadomo, nie ma nic wspólnego z wytwarzaniem dóbr. Istota handlu my lenie poprzez pryzmat kwestii komercyjnych, a przede wszystkim finansowych zachowa³a siê do dzi . To w³a nie poprzez handel, a nie produkcjê, mo¿emy nie tylko nauczyæ siê postrzegaæ gospodarkê rynkow¹ jako nowoczesne osi¹gniêcie cywilizacyjne, ale równie¿ zrozumieæ jej ciemne strony. B³¹d my lowy dotycz¹cy historycznych róde³ gospodarki rynkowej spowodowany zosta³ myln¹ nazw¹ przedmiotu ekonomia. Handel ani w staro¿ytno ci, ani w kolejnych epokach, a¿ po dzieñ dzisiejszy nie wi¹¿e siê w sposób bezpo redni z produkcj¹, a wiêc z tym, co Arystoteles okre la³ mianem oikonomia. Wielu ekonomistów powo³uje siê na Arystotelesow-

Bardziej wnikliw¹ analizê tej problematyki podj¹³em w publikacjach: Bendixen P., Ökonomie der Entgrenzung Wege aus der Unwirtlichkeit, Berlin 2007 oraz Fastfood-Ökonomie Die unaufhaltsame Kommerzialisierung der Zeit, Berlin 2008.

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Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Podej cie ekonomiczne i jego sprzeczno ci

skie wywody na temat oikonomii, chc¹c w ten sposób udowodniæ, ¿e ten akademicki przedmiot mo¿e odwo³ywaæ siê do swojej d³ugiej historii. Nic bardziej mylnego. Traktuj¹c filozofiê Arystotelesa w sposób powa¿ny, nale¿a³oby okre liæ tê dziedzinê jako chrematystykê . Szczegó³owe uzasadnienie i krytyczna analiza tych kwestii doprowadzi³yby do wniosków znacznie wykraczaj¹cych poza zakres tego opracowania1. Dopóki produkcja badaj¹c to zjawisko w wymiarze historycznym nie przekroczy³a zamkniêtego krêgu gospodarstwa, a czêsto taka sytuacja wystêpowa³a jeszcze kilka pokoleñ wstecz, przyczyny wytwarzania koniecznych przedmiotów i metody, jakimi pos³ugiwano siê podczas produkcji, zamkniête by³y w wewnêtrznym obiegu. Pojêcie gospodarstwo nie mo¿e tu jednak byæ rozumiane w takim wymiarze, w jakim postrzegamy funkcje produkcyjne niewielkiej wspó³czesnej rodziny. Dom (Arystotelesowskie oikos, familia we w³oskim renesansie m.in. w ksi¹¿ce Leona Battisty Albertiego I libri della familia z roku 1441) nale¿y rozpatrywaæ w kategoriach lokalnych oraz regionalnych wspólnot i zwi¹zków, np. rzymskich latyfundiów i redniowiecznych feudalnych posiad³o ci ziemskich. Nowo¿ytny merkantylizm jest funkcjonuj¹cym jeszcze do dnia dzisiejszego elementem owej starej polityki akumulacji bogactwa i dobrobytu poprzez wewnêtrznie regulowan¹ produkcjê. Ta polityka wprawdzie s³u¿y³a handlowi, ale nie gwarantowa³a mu ¿adnej dominacji w gospodarce. XVIII-wieczni francuscy fizjokraci uznawali handel za nieproduktywn¹ klasê, w odró¿nieniu od rolnictwa wytwarzaj¹cego prawdziwe warto ci z pomoc¹ natury i przez naturê. Sposób my lenia fizjokratów wp³yn¹³ na ugruntowanie sposobu my lenia ziemiañskiego, a nie rynkowego. Wspó³czesna ekonomia, opieraj¹ca siê na solidnych podstawach, bior¹ca swój pocz¹tek od s³ynnej ksi¹¿ki Adama Smitha Bogactwo narodów z roku 1776, ma zatem nieco ponad 232 lata. Termin produkcja przywodzi w pierwszym rzêdzie na my l fizyczne procesy: uprawê roli, wyr¹b i transport drewna do warsztatu stolarskiego, tkanie ubrañ, ubój i przetwarzanie trzody chlewnej na produkty miêsne. Wspó³cze nie termin produkcja kojarzy siê raczej z dymi¹cymi kominami, ta moci¹gami, transportem

220

nego podej cia ekonomicznego zostanie pozbawiona celu, jakim jest poszerzanie ekonomicznych horyzontów my lenia. W ostatnim punkcie rozwa¿ania zwracaj¹ siê ku nie³atwej kwestii: w jaki sposób pozycjonowaæ zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ w ramach ogólnej zasady prymatu tre ci nad form¹? To pytanie, równie¿ w praktyce, nasuwa siê zw³aszcza tam, gdzie chodzi o substancjê sztuki i jej znaczenie dla spo³eczeñstwa. Problem wynika z faktu, i¿ zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ nie jest ani form¹, ani tre ci¹, lecz ma charakter instrumentalny. Oznacza to, ¿e jako instrument mo¿e sprawowaæ ró¿ne funkcje i s³u¿yæ ró¿nym celom, tak samo jak siekiera mo¿e byæ u¿yta jako narzêdzie praktyczne, ale te¿ jako narzêdzie zbrodni.


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Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

towarów na zakorkowanych ulicach oraz wysokimi biurowcami. Te materialne procesy znalaz³y wyraz w ramach nowoczesnej teorii gospodarki w znanej klasyfikacji nawi¹zuj¹cej do podzia³u czynników produkcji wed³ug Smitha na ziemiê , pracê i kapita³ 2. Teoria ekonomiczna ma swój pocz¹tek w nakazie, który bior¹c pod uwagê fundamentalny deficyt tych trzech czynników, zaleca jako dzia³anie rozs¹dne (w zakresie szczególnej odmiany ekonomicznej racjonalno ci) nieustanne d¹¿enie do optymalnej (z punktu widzenia oszczêdno ci zasobów) kombinacji tych czynników produkcji, zarówno w sensie makro-, jak i mikroekonomicznym. Za³o¿enie to samo w sobie jest logiczne, ale niejako mija siê z rzeczywisto ci¹, gdy¿ ród³o handlu, posiadaj¹cego wymiar produkcyjny, nie znajduje siê w sferze materialnej, lecz duchowej. W kilku s³owach: ka¿de dzia³anie cz³owieka poprzedzone jest my leniem, ide¹, projektem, wzorcem. Produkcja jest dzia³aniem zamierzonym w my l pewnej refleksji kulturowej mówi¹cej, ¿e cz³owiek nie jest zmuszony do tego, aby s³u¿alczo odczuwaæ satysfakcjê z tego, co oferuje surowa natura. Cz³owiek mo¿e kszta³towaæ swoje warunki ¿ycia. Produkcja jest jedynie narzêdziem; inicjatywa le¿y zawsze w sferze duchowej, w my leniu, a tym samym w sferze kultury. Ta podstawowa korelacja pomiêdzy twórczym my leniem, osadzonym w kulturowej wiadomo ci cz³owieka (i ewolucyjnie wspó³graj¹cym z cechami charakterystycznymi architektury ludzkiego mózgu), a fizycznym dzia³aniem zgodnym z dan¹ wewnêtrzn¹ wizj¹ straci³a ju¿ na znaczeniu w my leniu ekonomicznym (je li w ogóle odgrywa³a w ekonomii znacz¹c¹ rolê). My lenie w kategoriach mo¿liwo ci kszta³towania, a wiêc kreatywno ci w pierwotnym sensie tego s³owa, jest procesem indywidualnym takie pojêcie jak kolektywny rozum jest fikcj¹. Cz³owiek potrzebuje wzorców my lowych wpisanych w repozytorium mózgu w pamiêci w procesie wiadomego prze¿ywania, a wiêc bacznej percepcji zewnêtrznego rodowiska i w³¹czania go do spo³ecznej komunikacji. Wzorce zachowania i dzia³ania, które uwa¿ane s¹ w danej spo³eczno ci za wa¿ne i w³a ciwe, na kolejnych etapach ¿ycia zostaj¹ w sposób coraz bardziej zró¿nicowany odwzoro-

2

wane w indywidualnych umys³ach i w ten sposób skutkuj¹ konkretnymi dzia³aniami. Konkluzj¹ tego rozwa¿ania jest stwierdzenie, i¿ ca³e ludzkie dzia³anie, równie¿ w zakresie produkcji materialnej, bierze pocz¹tek z podstawowego kulturowego ustroju cz³owieka, który funkcjonuje w ramach spo³ecznych do wiadczeñ i zjawisk. S¹ one wprawdzie w wysokim stopniu zmienne, ale nic nie dzieje siê bez tej duchowej podbudowy, która tutaj na pocz¹tku jeszcze nieugruntowana jest pojmowana jako kultura. Innymi s³owy: nie istnieje ¿adna produkcja niezale¿na od kultury, a poniewa¿ tej wa¿nej wiedzy brakuje w ca³ej teorii ekonomicznej, jej rezultaty mog¹ byæ jedynie po³owiczne.

Kulturowe znaczenie produkcji artystycznej

W

wiêkszo ci przypadków konkretne kszta³towanie fizycznej materii s³u¿yæ mo¿e i bêdzie celowi ekonomicznemu. Dobra ekonomiczne s¹ zaprojektowane z my l¹ o ich utylitarno ci by mo¿na by³o z nich korzystaæ co konstytuuje ich materialny sens; z kolei fakt, i¿ musz¹ przybraæ estetyczn¹ (tzn. blisk¹ zmys³om) postaæ, zwi¹zany jest z kultur¹, a mianowicie z pewnymi wzorcami stylu ¿ycia, na bazie których kszta³tuj¹ siê preferencje i awersje ostatecznie decyduj¹ce o sukcesie na rynku. Ludzka potrzeba duchowych i emocjonalnych bod ców (zachêt, inspiracji, wyzwañ, poczucia szczê cia) wydaje siê niezaprzeczalnym elementem kultury. Potrzeba duchowego i emocjonalnego prze¿ywania nie musi byæ nieod³¹cznie zwi¹zana z aktem konsumpcji, jak na przyk³ad w gastronomii. Jest rzecz¹ niekwestionowan¹, ¿e w interesie producenta znajduje siê d¹¿enie do mo¿liwie trwa³ego umocnienia wiêzi prowadz¹cej do fizycznej konsumpcji. Pieni¹dze zarabia siê dziêki materialnym dobrom, a nie abstrakcyjnym wytworom bêd¹cym ród³em pozytywnych doznañ. Wi¹¿e siê z tym przekonanie, ¿e sztuka w takim ujêciu spe³nia inn¹, wrêcz przeciwstawn¹ rolê. Sztuka mo¿e podejmowaæ tematykê skoncentrowan¹ wokó³ danych sytuacji i przedmiotów obecnych w³a nie po to, aby nie æ duchow¹ strawê, dalek¹ od fizycznej konsumpcji. Sztuka nie jest konsumpcyjna, lecz ma

W artykule nie zosta³a szerzej rozwiniêta my l, ¿e kapita³, tak samo jak pieni¹dz, nale¿y do kategorii materialnej. Bardziej szczegó³owo problematyka ta omówiona zosta³a we wspomnianych ju¿ publikacjach.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

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2

W artykule nie zosta³a szerzej rozwiniêta my l, ¿e kapita³, tak samo jak pieni¹dz, nale¿y do kategorii materialnej. Bardziej szczegó³owo problematyka ta omówiona zosta³a we wspomnianych ju¿ publikacjach.

towarów na zakorkowanych ulicach oraz wysokimi biurowcami. Te materialne procesy znalaz³y wyraz w ramach nowoczesnej teorii gospodarki w znanej klasyfikacji nawi¹zuj¹cej do podzia³u czynników produkcji wed³ug Smitha na ziemiê , pracê i kapita³ 2. Teoria ekonomiczna ma swój pocz¹tek w nakazie, który bior¹c pod uwagê fundamentalny deficyt tych trzech czynników, zaleca jako dzia³anie rozs¹dne (w zakresie szczególnej odmiany ekonomicznej racjonalno ci) nieustanne d¹¿enie do optymalnej (z punktu widzenia oszczêdno ci zasobów) kombinacji tych czynników produkcji, zarówno w sensie makro-, jak i mikroekonomicznym. Za³o¿enie to samo w sobie jest logiczne, ale niejako mija siê z rzeczywisto ci¹, gdy¿ ród³o handlu, posiadaj¹cego wymiar produkcyjny, nie znajduje siê w sferze materialnej, lecz duchowej. W kilku s³owach: ka¿de dzia³anie cz³owieka poprzedzone jest my leniem, ide¹, projektem, wzorcem. Produkcja jest dzia³aniem zamierzonym w my l pewnej refleksji kulturowej mówi¹cej, ¿e cz³owiek nie jest zmuszony do tego, aby s³u¿alczo odczuwaæ satysfakcjê z tego, co oferuje surowa natura. Cz³owiek mo¿e kszta³towaæ swoje warunki ¿ycia. Produkcja jest jedynie narzêdziem; inicjatywa le¿y zawsze w sferze duchowej, w my leniu, a tym samym w sferze kultury. Ta podstawowa korelacja pomiêdzy twórczym my leniem, osadzonym w kulturowej wiadomo ci cz³owieka (i ewolucyjnie wspó³graj¹cym z cechami charakterystycznymi architektury ludzkiego mózgu), a fizycznym dzia³aniem zgodnym z dan¹ wewnêtrzn¹ wizj¹ straci³a ju¿ na znaczeniu w my leniu ekonomicznym (je li w ogóle odgrywa³a w ekonomii znacz¹c¹ rolê). My lenie w kategoriach mo¿liwo ci kszta³towania, a wiêc kreatywno ci w pierwotnym sensie tego s³owa, jest procesem indywidualnym takie pojêcie jak kolektywny rozum jest fikcj¹. Cz³owiek potrzebuje wzorców my lowych wpisanych w repozytorium mózgu w pamiêci w procesie wiadomego prze¿ywania, a wiêc bacznej percepcji zewnêtrznego rodowiska i w³¹czania go do spo³ecznej komunikacji. Wzorce zachowania i dzia³ania, które uwa¿ane s¹ w danej spo³eczno ci za wa¿ne i w³a ciwe, na kolejnych etapach ¿ycia zostaj¹ w sposób coraz bardziej zró¿nicowany odwzoro-

wiêkszo ci przypadków konkretne kszta³towanie fizycznej materii s³u¿yæ mo¿e i bêdzie celowi ekonomicznemu. Dobra ekonomiczne s¹ zaprojektowane z my l¹ o ich utylitarno ci by mo¿na by³o z nich korzystaæ co konstytuuje ich materialny sens; z kolei fakt, i¿ musz¹ przybraæ estetyczn¹ (tzn. blisk¹ zmys³om) postaæ, zwi¹zany jest z kultur¹, a mianowicie z pewnymi wzorcami stylu ¿ycia, na bazie których kszta³tuj¹ siê preferencje i awersje ostatecznie decyduj¹ce o sukcesie na rynku. Ludzka potrzeba duchowych i emocjonalnych bod ców (zachêt, inspiracji, wyzwañ, poczucia szczê cia) wydaje siê niezaprzeczalnym elementem kultury. Potrzeba duchowego i emocjonalnego prze¿ywania nie musi byæ nieod³¹cznie zwi¹zana z aktem konsumpcji, jak na przyk³ad w gastronomii. Jest rzecz¹ niekwestionowan¹, ¿e w interesie producenta znajduje siê d¹¿enie do mo¿liwie trwa³ego umocnienia wiêzi prowadz¹cej do fizycznej konsumpcji. Pieni¹dze zarabia siê dziêki materialnym dobrom, a nie abstrakcyjnym wytworom bêd¹cym ród³em pozytywnych doznañ. Wi¹¿e siê z tym przekonanie, ¿e sztuka w takim ujêciu spe³nia inn¹, wrêcz przeciwstawn¹ rolê. Sztuka mo¿e podejmowaæ tematykê skoncentrowan¹ wokó³ danych sytuacji i przedmiotów obecnych w³a nie po to, aby nie æ duchow¹ strawê, dalek¹ od fizycznej konsumpcji. Sztuka nie jest konsumpcyjna, lecz ma

W

Kulturowe znaczenie produkcji artystycznej wane w indywidualnych umys³ach i w ten sposób skutkuj¹ konkretnymi dzia³aniami. Konkluzj¹ tego rozwa¿ania jest stwierdzenie, i¿ ca³e ludzkie dzia³anie, równie¿ w zakresie produkcji materialnej, bierze pocz¹tek z podstawowego kulturowego ustroju cz³owieka, który funkcjonuje w ramach spo³ecznych do wiadczeñ i zjawisk. S¹ one wprawdzie w wysokim stopniu zmienne, ale nic nie dzieje siê bez tej duchowej podbudowy, która tutaj na pocz¹tku jeszcze nieugruntowana jest pojmowana jako kultura. Innymi s³owy: nie istnieje ¿adna produkcja niezale¿na od kultury, a poniewa¿ tej wa¿nej wiedzy brakuje w ca³ej teorii ekonomicznej, jej rezultaty mog¹ byæ jedynie po³owiczne.


charakter warto ci dodanej. Ka¿de nowe (warto ciowe) dzie³o sztuki nie zastêpuje poprzednich, tylko dlatego, i¿ s¹ zu¿yte , lecz dodaje do okre lonego dzie³a kolejny pierwiastek. Zupe³nie inaczej proces ten przebiega w przypadku muzyki biesiadnej: poprzez czêste wykonania staje siê ona duchowo i emocjonalnie wyeksploatowana i jest zastêpowana przez now¹. Dlatego te¿, z komercyjnego punktu widzenia, jest interesuj¹ca. Sugerujê bior¹c pod uwagê wszelkie ograniczenia, jakie wynikaj¹ z braku wyczerpuj¹cych uzasadnieñ tego zagadnienia, które nie mog¹ byæ zaprezentowane w ramach tego artyku³u przyj¹æ, i¿ w opisanym powy¿ej zjawisku mo¿emy doszukaæ siê elementarnej istoty sztuki. Istnieje przekonanie, i¿ sztuka zawsze niesie z sob¹ duchowy i emocjonalny przekaz w szerokim sensie tego s³owa. Przekaz ten nie musi posiadaæ natury narracyjnej, jak na przyk³ad powie æ, sztuka teatralna czy metaforyczny obraz. Przekaz poprzez wyzwolenie u odbiorcy wewnêtrznych wizji, z pominiêciem aspektu zaprezentowania wyrazistej historii, mo¿e mieæ charakter inicjacyjny. To wyja nienie nie s³u¿y stwierdzeniu, i¿ ka¿dy donios³y duchowo i emocjonalnie przekaz jest sztuk¹. Entuzjastyczna informacja, ukazuj¹ca siê na ³amach dziennika, opisuj¹ca szczê liwy fina³ jakiego dramatycznego wydarzenia, np. uprowadzenia dziecka, bez w¹tpienia nie jest dzie³em sztuki. Sztuka pozostaje tym samym niemo¿liwa do ca³kowitego wyja nienia. Zrozumia³e d¹¿enie do klasyfikacji rzeczywistych zjawisk sztuki, religii czy koj¹cego wp³ywu wspania³ego krajobrazu naturalnego do ujêcia ich w s³owa, ma w sobie co z pragnienia w³adzy. Byæ mo¿e g³êbszy sens sztuki wyra¿a siê poprzez to, ¿e wymyka siê ona zwierzchnictwu i poznawczemu charakterowi rozumu, a wiêc mo¿e strzec tajemnic, jak czyni to wci¹¿ jeszcze enigmatyczny u miech Mona Lisy. M¹dro æ byæ mo¿e polega na pozostawieniu sztuce czaru niezg³êbialno ci, nie za na jej systematyzacji i przystêpnym wyja nianiu ostatecznie przyczyniaj¹cym siê do degradacji sztuki.

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a¿dy przedmiot stworzony przez cz³owieka przybiera zamierzony kszta³t i cechuje siê równie¿ atrybutami materialnymi. W równej mierze dotyczy to produktów komercyjnych, jak i obiektów sztuki zarówno budynku biu-

rowego, jak i wystawy dzie³ sztuki. Przedmioty te odnosz¹ siê w swej czystej istocie do natury, jej darów i praw. Kszta³t z kolei jest nawi¹zaniem do kultury wiadcz¹cym o tym, ¿e cz³owiek w pewnym wymiarze jest zdolny do adaptacji naturalnych warunków do swoich potrzeb. W procesie ewolucji, jako istota kultury, cz³owiek stworzy³ fizycznie odczuwalny, materialny wiat kultury (we wszystkich cywilizacjach wspó³czesnych i historycznych), której warto æ nie polega jedynie na codziennej utylitarno ci, lecz równocze nie wiadczy o twórczym potencjale cz³owieka. Z tego wzglêdu zachowanie kulturowego dziedzictwa we wszystkich spo³eczno ciach i kulturach, tak¿e na p³aszczy nie miêdzynarodowej, (np. poprzez UNESCO) ma ogromne znaczenie. Z powy¿szych rozwa¿añ wy³ania siê pierwszy znamienny wymiar pojêcia kultury, które nale¿y zdefiniowaæ. Ka¿dy przedmiot, czy to przynale¿ny sztuce czy komercji, przyjmuje kszta³t odzwierciedlaj¹cy spo³eczne otoczenie. ród³o kszta³tu tkwi w my leniu i duchu (pojmowaniu wiata) twórcy z tego wynika kluczowy element terminu kultura, który w sposób nieroz³¹czny obejmuje oba sposoby istnienia. Kulturowa postaæ przybiera duchowy i wspó³graj¹cy z ni¹ rzeczywisty (fizyczny) wymiar. Wspó³granie obu wymiarów pokazuje, ¿e kultura, kulturowe wyobra¿enia, nie istniej¹ li tylko w umy le, lecz wpisana jest w sferê znaczeniow¹ przedmiotów. Kszta³ty kultury mo¿na do pewnego stopnia czytaæ jak ksi¹¿kê. Definicje kultury, tak powszechne w socjologii, które przypisuj¹ kulturze wy³¹cznie normatywny, a tym samym duchowy czy te¿ intelektualny wymiar, s¹ tak samo niewystarczaj¹ce jak te definicje, które wy³¹cznie i ci le nawi¹zuj¹ do wymiaru przedmiotowego. Kluczowym aspektem, jak zosta³o to zauwa¿one powy¿ej, jest wspó³granie, spoisto æ elementu duchowego i uprzedmiotowienia. Nauki ekonomiczne poprzez pryzmat postrzegania wiata i metodologicznego podej cia bliskie s¹ wariantowi przedmiotowemu, poniewa¿ w produktach (oraz pieni¹dzach, wokó³ których wszystko siê krêci) dostrzegaj¹ jedynie aspekt materialno ci i abstrahuj¹ od wiata duchowego istniej¹cego poza obszarem ich zainteresowania. Wyj¹tkowo æ tej nauki polega za na tym, ¿e nie przyznaje produktom, bêd¹cym rezultatem pracy cz³owieka, kulturowego statusu i sensu w ich formach. Zgodnie z powszechnie uznawanym celem poznawczym ekonomii mo¿na bez przeszkód poniechaæ tych, jak siê s¹dzi, miêkkich komponentów kultu-

K

a¿dy przedmiot stworzony przez cz³owieka przybiera zamierzony kszta³t i cechuje siê równie¿ atrybutami materialnymi. W równej mierze dotyczy to produktów komercyjnych, jak i obiektów sztuki zarówno budynku biu-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Kultura w duchu i uprzedmiotowieniu

rowego, jak i wystawy dzie³ sztuki. Przedmioty te odnosz¹ siê w swej czystej istocie do natury, jej darów i praw. Kszta³t z kolei jest nawi¹zaniem do kultury wiadcz¹cym o tym, ¿e cz³owiek w pewnym wymiarze jest zdolny do adaptacji naturalnych warunków do swoich potrzeb. W procesie ewolucji, jako istota kultury, cz³owiek stworzy³ fizycznie odczuwalny, materialny wiat kultury (we wszystkich cywilizacjach wspó³czesnych i historycznych), której warto æ nie polega jedynie na codziennej utylitarno ci, lecz równocze nie wiadczy o twórczym potencjale cz³owieka. Z tego wzglêdu zachowanie kulturowego dziedzictwa we wszystkich spo³eczno ciach i kulturach, tak¿e na p³aszczy nie miêdzynarodowej, (np. poprzez UNESCO) ma ogromne znaczenie. Z powy¿szych rozwa¿añ wy³ania siê pierwszy znamienny wymiar pojêcia kultury, które nale¿y zdefiniowaæ. Ka¿dy przedmiot, czy to przynale¿ny sztuce czy komercji, przyjmuje kszta³t odzwierciedlaj¹cy spo³eczne otoczenie. ród³o kszta³tu tkwi w my leniu i duchu (pojmowaniu wiata) twórcy z tego wynika kluczowy element terminu kultura, który w sposób nieroz³¹czny obejmuje oba sposoby istnienia. Kulturowa postaæ przybiera duchowy i wspó³graj¹cy z ni¹ rzeczywisty (fizyczny) wymiar. Wspó³granie obu wymiarów pokazuje, ¿e kultura, kulturowe wyobra¿enia, nie istniej¹ li tylko w umy le, lecz wpisana jest w sferê znaczeniow¹ przedmiotów. Kszta³ty kultury mo¿na do pewnego stopnia czytaæ jak ksi¹¿kê. Definicje kultury, tak powszechne w socjologii, które przypisuj¹ kulturze wy³¹cznie normatywny, a tym samym duchowy czy te¿ intelektualny wymiar, s¹ tak samo niewystarczaj¹ce jak te definicje, które wy³¹cznie i ci le nawi¹zuj¹ do wymiaru przedmiotowego. Kluczowym aspektem, jak zosta³o to zauwa¿one powy¿ej, jest wspó³granie, spoisto æ elementu duchowego i uprzedmiotowienia. Nauki ekonomiczne poprzez pryzmat postrzegania wiata i metodologicznego podej cia bliskie s¹ wariantowi przedmiotowemu, poniewa¿ w produktach (oraz pieni¹dzach, wokó³ których wszystko siê krêci) dostrzegaj¹ jedynie aspekt materialno ci i abstrahuj¹ od wiata duchowego istniej¹cego poza obszarem ich zainteresowania. Wyj¹tkowo æ tej nauki polega za na tym, ¿e nie przyznaje produktom, bêd¹cym rezultatem pracy cz³owieka, kulturowego statusu i sensu w ich formach. Zgodnie z powszechnie uznawanym celem poznawczym ekonomii mo¿na bez przeszkód poniechaæ tych, jak siê s¹dzi, miêkkich komponentów kultu-

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charakter warto ci dodanej. Ka¿de nowe (warto ciowe) dzie³o sztuki nie zastêpuje poprzednich, tylko dlatego, i¿ s¹ zu¿yte , lecz dodaje do okre lonego dzie³a kolejny pierwiastek. Zupe³nie inaczej proces ten przebiega w przypadku muzyki biesiadnej: poprzez czêste wykonania staje siê ona duchowo i emocjonalnie wyeksploatowana i jest zastêpowana przez now¹. Dlatego te¿, z komercyjnego punktu widzenia, jest interesuj¹ca. Sugerujê bior¹c pod uwagê wszelkie ograniczenia, jakie wynikaj¹ z braku wyczerpuj¹cych uzasadnieñ tego zagadnienia, które nie mog¹ byæ zaprezentowane w ramach tego artyku³u przyj¹æ, i¿ w opisanym powy¿ej zjawisku mo¿emy doszukaæ siê elementarnej istoty sztuki. Istnieje przekonanie, i¿ sztuka zawsze niesie z sob¹ duchowy i emocjonalny przekaz w szerokim sensie tego s³owa. Przekaz ten nie musi posiadaæ natury narracyjnej, jak na przyk³ad powie æ, sztuka teatralna czy metaforyczny obraz. Przekaz poprzez wyzwolenie u odbiorcy wewnêtrznych wizji, z pominiêciem aspektu zaprezentowania wyrazistej historii, mo¿e mieæ charakter inicjacyjny. To wyja nienie nie s³u¿y stwierdzeniu, i¿ ka¿dy donios³y duchowo i emocjonalnie przekaz jest sztuk¹. Entuzjastyczna informacja, ukazuj¹ca siê na ³amach dziennika, opisuj¹ca szczê liwy fina³ jakiego dramatycznego wydarzenia, np. uprowadzenia dziecka, bez w¹tpienia nie jest dzie³em sztuki. Sztuka pozostaje tym samym niemo¿liwa do ca³kowitego wyja nienia. Zrozumia³e d¹¿enie do klasyfikacji rzeczywistych zjawisk sztuki, religii czy koj¹cego wp³ywu wspania³ego krajobrazu naturalnego do ujêcia ich w s³owa, ma w sobie co z pragnienia w³adzy. Byæ mo¿e g³êbszy sens sztuki wyra¿a siê poprzez to, ¿e wymyka siê ona zwierzchnictwu i poznawczemu charakterowi rozumu, a wiêc mo¿e strzec tajemnic, jak czyni to wci¹¿ jeszcze enigmatyczny u miech Mona Lisy. M¹dro æ byæ mo¿e polega na pozostawieniu sztuce czaru niezg³êbialno ci, nie za na jej systematyzacji i przystêpnym wyja nianiu ostatecznie przyczyniaj¹cym siê do degradacji sztuki.


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

ry. Ten rodzaj metodologii nadaje ekonomii rangê wysoce niekompetentnego repozytorium wiedzy dotycz¹cego kwestii kultury i sztuki3. Z tego wzglêdu jej instrumentarium wymaga starannej weryfikacji pod k¹tem stosowania na praktycznym gruncie zarz¹dzania kultur¹. Ograniczona do sfery materialnej postawa wzglêdem przedmiotów wiata rzeczywistego, preferowana w naukach ekonomicznych, nie by³aby problemem samym w sobie, pod warunkiem ¿e uczyniony zosta³by decyduj¹cy krok ku zrozumieniu zjawisk i procesów w ekonomii, w celu ujêcia ich duchowego kontekstu w s³owa i chocia¿by czê ciowego obja nienia. W ten sposób nauki ekonomiczne metodologicznie sta³yby siê bliskie archeologii. Na podstawie konkretnego przedmiotu, np. znaleziska z wykopalisk, mo¿na wysnuæ przypuszczenie co do kulturowej sfery jego pochodzenia, je li znaleziska dostarczaj¹ pe³nych informacji. W podobny sposób mo¿na podj¹æ próbê odczytania w³asnej tera niejszo ci w poszczególnych elementach lub w ca³o ciowych kulturowych formach wyrazu. Jednak¿e aby wyja niaæ skomercjalizowan¹ tera niejszo æ w kategoriach kultury potrzeba du¿ego do wiadczenia i wiedzy. Znacz¹ca ró¿nica pomiêdzy komercyjnym przedmiotem a dzie³em sztuki tkwi w fakcie, i¿ uwarunkowany kulturowo kszta³t przemys³owo wytworzonego produktu stanowi jedynie instrument generuj¹cy potencja³ handlowy. W przypadku dzie³a sztuki jest odwrotnie: uwarunkowany kulturowo kszta³t, np. rze ba, zawiera przekaz artysty, który nale¿y rozszyfrowaæ, a materialno æ, np. metal lub gips, maj¹ znaczenie drugorzêdne. Z fizycznego punktu widzenia ksi¹¿ka jest spiêt¹ i zszyt¹ stert¹ papieru, który pozbawiony by³by warto ci i sensu, je li nie zawiera³by ¿adnej informacji czy przekazu. To przekaz nadaje kulturow¹ tre æ, a nie papier. Jeszcze wyra niej uwidacznia siê to w przypadku banknotu. Nie jest on wprawdzie ¿adnym dzie³em sztuki, ale istotnym dobrem kultury. Pomiêdzy materi¹ a kszta³tem zachodz¹ oczywi cie skomplikowane zale¿no ci, poniewa¿ kszta³t nie tylko niesie z sob¹

abstrakcyjn¹ informacjê, lecz równocze nie wiadczy o walce artysty z naturalnymi uwarunkowaniami materii4. Dialektyczny zwi¹zek pomiêdzy ide¹ a przedmiotem jest wyra¿any przez my l¹c¹ i czuj¹c¹ jednostkê, która aktywizuje si³y twórcze i mo¿liwo ci kreowania w swoim umy le. Potencja³ intelektualny i wyobra¿enia wywieraj¹ wp³yw na kszta³t czyni¹cy przedmiot zrozumia³ym dla innych. Z tego wzglêdu ka¿dy przedmiot jest równocze nie wehiku³em spo³ecznej komunikacji. W szczególnym wymiarze dotyczy to dzie³ sztuki, których przekazy wieloznaczne i zagadkowe nie daj¹ siê natychmiast i w sposób prosty rozszyfrowaæ, jak to jest w przypadku komercyjnego produktu. Z cech dzie³a sztuki, jak i wielu innych przedmiotów no ników przekazu bezpo rednio wynika spo³eczna rola czy funkcja obiektów sztuki. Ze wzglêdu na rozszerzon¹ komunikacyjn¹ tre æ s¹ one wielofunkcyjnym spo³ecznym medium. Wykreowany przedmiot, którego nie pokazuje siê publiczno ci, w zasadzie nie mo¿e byæ dzie³em sztuki. Pamiêtnik, który nigdy nie trafi³ do r¹k czytelników, nie jest liryk¹ ani poezj¹. Ale pamiêtnik mo¿e, poprzez narracyjny element stylu, oddzia³ywaæ w ró¿norodny sposób w sytuacji, gdy np. staj¹c siê powie ci¹, zostaje odarty ze swojego intymnego charakteru. Moment komunikacji akcentuje kolejny wa¿ny aspekt terminu kultura. Kulturowe wyobra¿enia jednostki, jej duchowe wzorce i emocjonalnie odbierane doznania zmys³owe s¹ zespolone w umy le jako biologiczny organizm. Poniewa¿ jednak te wzorce interpretuj¹ wiat, który strukturalnie i za pomoc¹ zmys³ów odbiera aktywne impulsy zewnêtrzne ze spo³eczeñstwa i przekszta³ca we w³asne wzorce, to wiat zewnêtrzny zajmuje coraz bardziej wyra ne miejsce w indywidualnym postrzeganiu i mo¿e byæ ³atwo stymulowany, np. za po rednictwem dzie³a sztuki. W zewnêtrznej stymulacji odpowiednio oddzia³uj¹cej dopiero wówczas, gdy umys³ zachowa³ system wzorców spo³ecznego i naturalnego wiata zewnêtrznego, zastosowanie znajdu-

3

Mo¿na sobie wyobraziæ, i¿ tak uproszczony sposób my lenia sprawia równie¿ problemy w ramach oceny procesów zachodz¹cych w gospodarce. Powy¿sza dyskusja nie mo¿e byæ jednak¿e w tym miejscu kontynuowana. Temat ten podj¹³em w znajduj¹cej siê w druku ksi¹¿ce Understanding the Economy A Cultural Perspective, dostêpnej prawdopodobnie od czerwca 2008 roku.

4

Rozwa¿ania te odnosz¹ siê tak¿e w ca³ej rozci¹g³o ci do sztuk performatywnych. Udowodnienie powy¿szej tezy zajê³oby wiele miejsca. Wystudiowany taniec baletowy wykonywany na scenie jest widocznym i odczuwalnym przyk³adem na zwi¹zek materii i kszta³tu oraz koñcz¹cej siê powodzeniem walki tañcz¹cych artystów z materialnymi uwarunkowaniami ich w³asnej cielesno ci. Przyk³ad ten stanowi jedynie ilustracjê.

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Rozwa¿ania te odnosz¹ siê tak¿e w ca³ej rozci¹g³o ci do sztuk performatywnych. Udowodnienie powy¿szej tezy zajê³oby wiele miejsca. Wystudiowany taniec baletowy wykonywany na scenie jest widocznym i odczuwalnym przyk³adem na zwi¹zek materii i kszta³tu oraz koñcz¹cej siê powodzeniem walki tañcz¹cych artystów z materialnymi uwarunkowaniami ich w³asnej cielesno ci. Przyk³ad ten stanowi jedynie ilustracjê.

4

Mo¿na sobie wyobraziæ, i¿ tak uproszczony sposób my lenia sprawia równie¿ problemy w ramach oceny procesów zachodz¹cych w gospodarce. Powy¿sza dyskusja nie mo¿e byæ jednak¿e w tym miejscu kontynuowana. Temat ten podj¹³em w znajduj¹cej siê w druku ksi¹¿ce Understanding the Economy A Cultural Perspective, dostêpnej prawdopodobnie od czerwca 2008 roku.

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ry. Ten rodzaj metodologii nadaje ekonomii rangê wysoce niekompetentnego repozytorium wiedzy dotycz¹cego kwestii kultury i sztuki3. Z tego wzglêdu jej instrumentarium wymaga starannej weryfikacji pod k¹tem stosowania na praktycznym gruncie zarz¹dzania kultur¹. Ograniczona do sfery materialnej postawa wzglêdem przedmiotów wiata rzeczywistego, preferowana w naukach ekonomicznych, nie by³aby problemem samym w sobie, pod warunkiem ¿e uczyniony zosta³by decyduj¹cy krok ku zrozumieniu zjawisk i procesów w ekonomii, w celu ujêcia ich duchowego kontekstu w s³owa i chocia¿by czê ciowego obja nienia. W ten sposób nauki ekonomiczne metodologicznie sta³yby siê bliskie archeologii. Na podstawie konkretnego przedmiotu, np. znaleziska z wykopalisk, mo¿na wysnuæ przypuszczenie co do kulturowej sfery jego pochodzenia, je li znaleziska dostarczaj¹ pe³nych informacji. W podobny sposób mo¿na podj¹æ próbê odczytania w³asnej tera niejszo ci w poszczególnych elementach lub w ca³o ciowych kulturowych formach wyrazu. Jednak¿e aby wyja niaæ skomercjalizowan¹ tera niejszo æ w kategoriach kultury potrzeba du¿ego do wiadczenia i wiedzy. Znacz¹ca ró¿nica pomiêdzy komercyjnym przedmiotem a dzie³em sztuki tkwi w fakcie, i¿ uwarunkowany kulturowo kszta³t przemys³owo wytworzonego produktu stanowi jedynie instrument generuj¹cy potencja³ handlowy. W przypadku dzie³a sztuki jest odwrotnie: uwarunkowany kulturowo kszta³t, np. rze ba, zawiera przekaz artysty, który nale¿y rozszyfrowaæ, a materialno æ, np. metal lub gips, maj¹ znaczenie drugorzêdne. Z fizycznego punktu widzenia ksi¹¿ka jest spiêt¹ i zszyt¹ stert¹ papieru, który pozbawiony by³by warto ci i sensu, je li nie zawiera³by ¿adnej informacji czy przekazu. To przekaz nadaje kulturow¹ tre æ, a nie papier. Jeszcze wyra niej uwidacznia siê to w przypadku banknotu. Nie jest on wprawdzie ¿adnym dzie³em sztuki, ale istotnym dobrem kultury. Pomiêdzy materi¹ a kszta³tem zachodz¹ oczywi cie skomplikowane zale¿no ci, poniewa¿ kszta³t nie tylko niesie z sob¹

abstrakcyjn¹ informacjê, lecz równocze nie wiadczy o walce artysty z naturalnymi uwarunkowaniami materii4. Dialektyczny zwi¹zek pomiêdzy ide¹ a przedmiotem jest wyra¿any przez my l¹c¹ i czuj¹c¹ jednostkê, która aktywizuje si³y twórcze i mo¿liwo ci kreowania w swoim umy le. Potencja³ intelektualny i wyobra¿enia wywieraj¹ wp³yw na kszta³t czyni¹cy przedmiot zrozumia³ym dla innych. Z tego wzglêdu ka¿dy przedmiot jest równocze nie wehiku³em spo³ecznej komunikacji. W szczególnym wymiarze dotyczy to dzie³ sztuki, których przekazy wieloznaczne i zagadkowe nie daj¹ siê natychmiast i w sposób prosty rozszyfrowaæ, jak to jest w przypadku komercyjnego produktu. Z cech dzie³a sztuki, jak i wielu innych przedmiotów no ników przekazu bezpo rednio wynika spo³eczna rola czy funkcja obiektów sztuki. Ze wzglêdu na rozszerzon¹ komunikacyjn¹ tre æ s¹ one wielofunkcyjnym spo³ecznym medium. Wykreowany przedmiot, którego nie pokazuje siê publiczno ci, w zasadzie nie mo¿e byæ dzie³em sztuki. Pamiêtnik, który nigdy nie trafi³ do r¹k czytelników, nie jest liryk¹ ani poezj¹. Ale pamiêtnik mo¿e, poprzez narracyjny element stylu, oddzia³ywaæ w ró¿norodny sposób w sytuacji, gdy np. staj¹c siê powie ci¹, zostaje odarty ze swojego intymnego charakteru. Moment komunikacji akcentuje kolejny wa¿ny aspekt terminu kultura. Kulturowe wyobra¿enia jednostki, jej duchowe wzorce i emocjonalnie odbierane doznania zmys³owe s¹ zespolone w umy le jako biologiczny organizm. Poniewa¿ jednak te wzorce interpretuj¹ wiat, który strukturalnie i za pomoc¹ zmys³ów odbiera aktywne impulsy zewnêtrzne ze spo³eczeñstwa i przekszta³ca we w³asne wzorce, to wiat zewnêtrzny zajmuje coraz bardziej wyra ne miejsce w indywidualnym postrzeganiu i mo¿e byæ ³atwo stymulowany, np. za po rednictwem dzie³a sztuki. W zewnêtrznej stymulacji odpowiednio oddzia³uj¹cej dopiero wówczas, gdy umys³ zachowa³ system wzorców spo³ecznego i naturalnego wiata zewnêtrznego, zastosowanie znajdu-


je abstrakcyjna istota kultury jako zjawisko spo³eczne. Fakt ten mo¿na sprawdziæ w stosunkowo prosty sposób w sytuacji niemal jednog³o nej reakcji opinii publicznej na jakie skandaliczne wydarzenie. Wzglêdna zgodno æ reakcji jest dowodem na istnienie ponadindywidualnych form normatywnych dotycz¹cych kulturowych wzorców warto ci. Upraszczaj¹c, mo¿na powiedzieæ, ¿e skoordynowane dzia³ania, jak na piew chóralny, nie by³yby mo¿liwe bez takich form zgodno ci lub spontanicznych porozumieñ zawieranych w poszukiwaniu odpowiedzi na wiele pytañ dotycz¹cych gustu, prze wiadczeñ czy odczuæ spo³ecznych. Nie mo¿na dowie æ istnienia abstrakcyjnej kultury za pomoc¹ narzêdzi empirycznych; nie mo¿na jej postrzegaæ za pomoc¹ zmys³ów, nie mo¿na zwa¿yæ ani zmierzyæ, a mimo to jest rzeczywistym zjawiskiem osi¹gania harmonii, poniewa¿ to ona nadaje kierunek indywidualnej my li i dzia³aniu. Empiry ci, do których zalicza siê by³a brytyjska premier Margaret Thatcher z jej okryt¹ z³¹ s³aw¹ wypowiedzi¹ There is no such thing as society 5, odmawiaj¹ kulturze cechy bytu rzeczywistego. Pomijaj¹c wyniki (czê ciowo te¿ kontrowersyjne) najnowszych badañ naukowych dotycz¹cych pracy mózgu, mo¿emy za³o¿yæ, ¿e ka¿dy umys³ interpretuje wzorce w analogiczny sposób, podobnie jak w przypadku pozostawionych przez osobê poszukiwan¹ odcisków palców, które w rzeczywisto ci wydaj¹ siê byæ jednoznaczne. Jest to fakt niewidocznej, ale efektywnej zgodno ci, w dostateczny sposób dowodz¹cej spo³ecznej istoty kultury.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

O prymacie tre ci nad form¹

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Wiêcej informacji w: Women s Own Magazine , 31.10.1987.

z jasnych przyk³adów transcendentnego prawodawstwa naturalnego, w których nale¿y doszukiwaæ siê pomys³ów konkretnych kszta³tów. Wedle tej filozofii jest rzecz¹ nauki, aby ujawniæ i wyt³umaczyæ prawa natury. Najbardziej konsekwentn¹ filozofiê w tym ujêciu sformu³owa³ Kartezjusz, który istotnie przyczyni³ siê do popularyzacji podwalin metodologii wspó³czesnych nauk przyrodniczych jako systematycznego poszukiwania powszechnych praw natury. Oba kierunki filozoficzne s¹ sobie przeciwstawne, czego konsekwencje widoczne s¹ w obszarze sztuki i w innych podejmowanych w duchu hermeneutyki (ca³kowicie operacjonalizuj¹cych) dzia³aniach cz³owieka. Uogólniaj¹c, mo¿na powiedzieæ, ¿e sztukê, jak i wiêkszo æ znacz¹cych nauk (historiê, archeologiê, literaturoznawstwo i inne) mo¿na pogodziæ z ujêciem arystotelesowskim, a nauki przyrodnicze, jak i ekonomiê, z ujêciem platoñsko-kartezjañskim. Z tego przeciwieñstwa wy³ania siê podstawowa problematyka dotycz¹ca metodologii zarz¹dzania kultur¹, której intelektualny wk³ad z jednej strony powi¹zany jest ze sztukami oraz inn¹ dzia³alno ci¹ kulturaln¹, a która z drugiej strony wsparta jest na fundamencie nauk ekonomicznych. W dyscyplinie zarz¹dzania kultur¹ w pewien sposób krzy¿uj¹ siê obie orientacje metodologiczne. Na tej podstawie wysnuæ mo¿na trzy metodologiczne za³o¿enia dotycz¹ce zarz¹dzania kultur¹, które w tej czy innej formie ukszta³towane zosta³y na drodze praktyki akademickiej (rzadziej zawodowej): orientacja oraz metodologia arystotelesowska, platoñska i adiaforyczna. W my l filozofii arystotelesowskiej istotê dzie³a sztuki lub pracy artysty nale¿y traktowaæ w ramach dzia³alno ci artystycznej jako stopniowe narodziny estetycznego kszta³tu, który jako taki mo¿e byæ wraz ze swoim przekazem w sposób po redni zaprezentowany opinii publicznej. Jak ju¿ zauwa¿ono wcze niej, kszta³t dzie³a sztuki powstaje z jednej strony w wyniku walki artysty z materi¹ i fizycznymi mo¿liwo ciami, a z drugiej strony jest nastêpstwem woli artysty, by nadaæ przedmiotowi znaczenie lub sens. W ten sposób, z uwarunkowañ wewnêtrznych przedmiotu i sensu, wy³ania siê kszta³t sztuki, który mo¿na okre liæ jako mniej lub bardziej udany. W ujêciu arystotelesowskim zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ mo¿e jedynie spe³niaæ funkcjê wspieraj¹c¹. S³u¿ebny charakter zarz¹dzania kultu-

5

opularny i prawdopodobnie bardzo stary postulat o prymacie tre ci nad form¹ prowokowa³ filozoficzne dysputy i do dzi pozostaje przedmiotem kontrowersji. Istotnym bod cem tego sporu by³a g³oszona przez Arystotelesa filozofia entelechii, zaprzeczaj¹ca w tym punkcie filozofii platoñskiej, wed³ug której kszta³t ka¿dego przedmiotu krystalizuje siê na podstawie tkwi¹cych wewn¹trz naturalnych pok³adów; nie jest on zewnêtrznie nadan¹ form¹. W odró¿nieniu od tego filozofia platoñska, odnajduj¹ca siê wyra nie we wspó³czesnych naukach przyrodniczych, nada³a rzeczywistym przedmiotom w przypadku których maj¹ zastosowanie prawa powszechne charakter przypadkowo ci. Materialny wiat sk³ada siê

opularny i prawdopodobnie bardzo stary postulat o prymacie tre ci nad form¹ prowokowa³ filozoficzne dysputy i do dzi pozostaje przedmiotem kontrowersji. Istotnym bod cem tego sporu by³a g³oszona przez Arystotelesa filozofia entelechii, zaprzeczaj¹ca w tym punkcie filozofii platoñskiej, wed³ug której kszta³t ka¿dego przedmiotu krystalizuje siê na podstawie tkwi¹cych wewn¹trz naturalnych pok³adów; nie jest on zewnêtrznie nadan¹ form¹. W odró¿nieniu od tego filozofia platoñska, odnajduj¹ca siê wyra nie we wspó³czesnych naukach przyrodniczych, nada³a rzeczywistym przedmiotom w przypadku których maj¹ zastosowanie prawa powszechne charakter przypadkowo ci. Materialny wiat sk³ada siê

Wiêcej informacji w: Women s Own Magazine , 31.10.1987.

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Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

O prymacie tre ci nad form¹

z jasnych przyk³adów transcendentnego prawodawstwa naturalnego, w których nale¿y doszukiwaæ siê pomys³ów konkretnych kszta³tów. Wedle tej filozofii jest rzecz¹ nauki, aby ujawniæ i wyt³umaczyæ prawa natury. Najbardziej konsekwentn¹ filozofiê w tym ujêciu sformu³owa³ Kartezjusz, który istotnie przyczyni³ siê do popularyzacji podwalin metodologii wspó³czesnych nauk przyrodniczych jako systematycznego poszukiwania powszechnych praw natury. Oba kierunki filozoficzne s¹ sobie przeciwstawne, czego konsekwencje widoczne s¹ w obszarze sztuki i w innych podejmowanych w duchu hermeneutyki (ca³kowicie operacjonalizuj¹cych) dzia³aniach cz³owieka. Uogólniaj¹c, mo¿na powiedzieæ, ¿e sztukê, jak i wiêkszo æ znacz¹cych nauk (historiê, archeologiê, literaturoznawstwo i inne) mo¿na pogodziæ z ujêciem arystotelesowskim, a nauki przyrodnicze, jak i ekonomiê, z ujêciem platoñsko-kartezjañskim. Z tego przeciwieñstwa wy³ania siê podstawowa problematyka dotycz¹ca metodologii zarz¹dzania kultur¹, której intelektualny wk³ad z jednej strony powi¹zany jest ze sztukami oraz inn¹ dzia³alno ci¹ kulturaln¹, a która z drugiej strony wsparta jest na fundamencie nauk ekonomicznych. W dyscyplinie zarz¹dzania kultur¹ w pewien sposób krzy¿uj¹ siê obie orientacje metodologiczne. Na tej podstawie wysnuæ mo¿na trzy metodologiczne za³o¿enia dotycz¹ce zarz¹dzania kultur¹, które w tej czy innej formie ukszta³towane zosta³y na drodze praktyki akademickiej (rzadziej zawodowej): orientacja oraz metodologia arystotelesowska, platoñska i adiaforyczna. W my l filozofii arystotelesowskiej istotê dzie³a sztuki lub pracy artysty nale¿y traktowaæ w ramach dzia³alno ci artystycznej jako stopniowe narodziny estetycznego kszta³tu, który jako taki mo¿e byæ wraz ze swoim przekazem w sposób po redni zaprezentowany opinii publicznej. Jak ju¿ zauwa¿ono wcze niej, kszta³t dzie³a sztuki powstaje z jednej strony w wyniku walki artysty z materi¹ i fizycznymi mo¿liwo ciami, a z drugiej strony jest nastêpstwem woli artysty, by nadaæ przedmiotowi znaczenie lub sens. W ten sposób, z uwarunkowañ wewnêtrznych przedmiotu i sensu, wy³ania siê kszta³t sztuki, który mo¿na okre liæ jako mniej lub bardziej udany. W ujêciu arystotelesowskim zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ mo¿e jedynie spe³niaæ funkcjê wspieraj¹c¹. S³u¿ebny charakter zarz¹dzania kultu-

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je abstrakcyjna istota kultury jako zjawisko spo³eczne. Fakt ten mo¿na sprawdziæ w stosunkowo prosty sposób w sytuacji niemal jednog³o nej reakcji opinii publicznej na jakie skandaliczne wydarzenie. Wzglêdna zgodno æ reakcji jest dowodem na istnienie ponadindywidualnych form normatywnych dotycz¹cych kulturowych wzorców warto ci. Upraszczaj¹c, mo¿na powiedzieæ, ¿e skoordynowane dzia³ania, jak na piew chóralny, nie by³yby mo¿liwe bez takich form zgodno ci lub spontanicznych porozumieñ zawieranych w poszukiwaniu odpowiedzi na wiele pytañ dotycz¹cych gustu, prze wiadczeñ czy odczuæ spo³ecznych. Nie mo¿na dowie æ istnienia abstrakcyjnej kultury za pomoc¹ narzêdzi empirycznych; nie mo¿na jej postrzegaæ za pomoc¹ zmys³ów, nie mo¿na zwa¿yæ ani zmierzyæ, a mimo to jest rzeczywistym zjawiskiem osi¹gania harmonii, poniewa¿ to ona nadaje kierunek indywidualnej my li i dzia³aniu. Empiry ci, do których zalicza siê by³a brytyjska premier Margaret Thatcher z jej okryt¹ z³¹ s³aw¹ wypowiedzi¹ There is no such thing as society 5, odmawiaj¹ kulturze cechy bytu rzeczywistego. Pomijaj¹c wyniki (czê ciowo te¿ kontrowersyjne) najnowszych badañ naukowych dotycz¹cych pracy mózgu, mo¿emy za³o¿yæ, ¿e ka¿dy umys³ interpretuje wzorce w analogiczny sposób, podobnie jak w przypadku pozostawionych przez osobê poszukiwan¹ odcisków palców, które w rzeczywisto ci wydaj¹ siê byæ jednoznaczne. Jest to fakt niewidocznej, ale efektywnej zgodno ci, w dostateczny sposób dowodz¹cej spo³ecznej istoty kultury.


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

r¹ znajduje siê poza w³a ciwym artystycznym procesem kreacji w obszarach, w których w³¹czenie sztuki do rzeczywisto ci otaczaj¹cego j¹ spo³eczeñstwa staje siê nieodzowne, dotyczy to: zasobów materialnych pieniêdzy, pomieszczen, kontaktów z publiczno ci¹, obowi¹zków administracyjnych. £atwo mo¿na sobie wyobraziæ, ¿e du¿e instytucje kultury, jak opery, teatry czy muzea6, stan¹ siê bez profesjonalnego wsparcia w wymienionych obszarach nie tylko wewnêtrznie chaotyczne (co czasami dotyczy te¿ zarz¹dzania kultur¹), lecz zagubi¹ równie¿ egzystencjalne cie¿ki ³¹cz¹ce je ze wiatem zewnêtrznym, zw³aszcza z publiczno ci¹. Istniej¹ inne ujêcia i koncepcje zarz¹dzania kultur¹, których wk³ad polega na podkre laniu roli zarz¹dzania, a tym samym znaczenia odniesieñ ekonomicznych. Ta tendencja jest czêsto spotykana w programach nauczania w ramach danego kierunku studiów, w których w sensie ilo ciowym i jako ciowym dominuj¹ podstawy zarz¹dzania przedsiêbiorstwem: planowanie strategiczne, marketing, organizacja, logistyka, finanse, zarz¹dzanie publiczne, zarz¹dzanie zasobami ludzkimi i inne przedmioty pokrewne. W znacznej wiêkszo ci zarysowane koncepcje budowane s¹ wedle podstawowej orientacji danego przedmiotu, który nie kieruje siê ani zasad¹ prymatu tre ci nad form¹, ani odwrotnie, zasad¹ kszta³cenia systemowego jako pewnego rodzaju szkieletu, który nale¿y wype³niæ tre ci¹. S¹ one wyznaczone przez postulat profesjonalizmu pewnych instrumentów w ramach dzia³alno ci artystycznej danej organizacji. Z tego wzglêdu ich konkretne zadania s¹ sformu³owane tak neutralnie jak w przypadku siekiery do r¹bania drewna, co do której istnieje niewielkie ryzyko, i¿ mog³aby byæ wykorzystana równie¿ w niecnym celu, jako narzêdzie do zabijania. Pragmatycznym wyró¿nikiem instrumentalnej orientacji jest obojêtno æ wzglêdem tre ci i formy. W tym rozumieniu sprawowanie funkcji zarz¹dzania kultur¹ w praktyce opiera siê na instrumentalnym profesjonalizmie, przede wszystkim wymagaj¹cym substancjonalnej blisko ci wzglêdem sztuki, aby móc jej s³u¿yæ. Do wiadczenia i obserwacje w tym obszarze pokaza³y, i¿ czêsto brakuje potrzebnej wiedzy i ukszta³towanej w procesie edukacji wra¿liwo ci na sztukê lub te¿ aspekty te pojawiaj¹ siê w niewielkim wymiarze w ramach edukacji

6

akademickiej. Zachodzi powa¿ne niebezpieczeñstwo, ¿e profesjonalizacja systemu zarz¹dzania kultur¹ w praktyce stanie siê prokrustowym ³o¿em, które albo doprowadzi do wyeliminowania przynale¿nych sztuce elementów, je li bêd¹ zbyt rozro niête (ograniczenia bud¿etowe mog¹ bardzo ³atwo podci¹æ sztuce skrzyd³a), lub do przesadnego ich rozci¹gniêcia, ¿eby fasada nie wygl¹da³a na opuszczon¹ (ten scenariusz mo¿e zostaæ zrealizowany poprzez podejmowane z my l¹ o zysku ingerencje w program). Przypadkiem szczególnym s¹ instytucje kultury i sztuki dzia³aj¹ce pod dyktando rentowno ci a wiêc tworz¹ce i prezentuj¹ce sztukê, bêd¹c¹ w stanie przyci¹gn¹æ i nasyciæ cenn¹ z komercyjnego punktu widzenia publiczno æ w celu osi¹gniêcia zysku. Jako æ i inne kryteria, które przychodz¹ na my l, gdy rozpatrujemy tworzenie sztuki, nie s¹ tu brane pod uwagê. Produkcja musicalu mo¿e osi¹gn¹æ wysoki jako ciowo poziom; jej produktywno æ tkwi w poruszaniu siê przez lata w obrêbie utartych kanonów. Oczywi cie potrzebne jest tu równie¿ profesjonalne zarz¹dzanie kultur¹, choæ aspekt ten przynale¿y do innego obszaru, a mianowicie osi¹gania zysku. Powy¿szy przyk³ad wyra nie pokazuje, ¿e regu³ê prymatu tre ci nad form¹ mo¿na równie¿ zastosowaæ w warunkach komercyjnych. Tre æ, o któr¹ tu chodzi i dotyczy to w równym stopniu instytucji niekomercyjnych nie polega na zmys³owo odbieranych zjawiskach fizycznych (na scenie b¹d w innych warunkach), lecz na istocie tego zdarzenia. Fizyczna realizacja jest form¹ lub kszta³tem, w którym tre æ lub sens powinny siê zi ciæ. W przypadku instytucji komercyjnej tre ci¹ jest osi¹ganie celów. Jak wyja niono powy¿ej, zosta³o dowiedzione, ¿e w przypadku produkcji komercyjnych realizowanych czy to z pomoc¹ zarz¹dzania kultur¹, czy te¿ bez kulturowy sens przedmiotu (dla u³atwienia, przedstawienie teatralne zosta³o tu okre lone jako przedmiot) zostaje sprowadzony do osi¹gania zysku. Estetyka komercyjnego musicalu nie musi zawieraæ skomplikowanego przekazu, który trzeba d³ugo rozszyfrowywaæ, lecz z ca³¹ swoj¹ sprawno ci¹ musi wyj æ naprzeciw ma³o wyrafinowanemu gustowi audytorium. Tylko w tej formie pod¹¿a ladem z regu³y komercyjnej tre ci . Analogiczn¹ sytuacjê mo¿na zaobserwowaæ na przyk³adzie sztuki niekomercyjnej, kiedy

Muzea nie s¹ miejscami przechowywania kultury wysokiej, lecz organizatorami instalacji artystycznych, prezentuj¹cych eksponaty w³asne lub wypo¿yczone na okre lony czas. Sztuka wystawiennicza tworzy w³asn¹ kategoriê sztuki.

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Muzea nie s¹ miejscami przechowywania kultury wysokiej, lecz organizatorami instalacji artystycznych, prezentuj¹cych eksponaty w³asne lub wypo¿yczone na okre lony czas. Sztuka wystawiennicza tworzy w³asn¹ kategoriê sztuki.

r¹ znajduje siê poza w³a ciwym artystycznym procesem kreacji w obszarach, w których w³¹czenie sztuki do rzeczywisto ci otaczaj¹cego j¹ spo³eczeñstwa staje siê nieodzowne, dotyczy to: zasobów materialnych pieniêdzy, pomieszczen, kontaktów z publiczno ci¹, obowi¹zków administracyjnych. £atwo mo¿na sobie wyobraziæ, ¿e du¿e instytucje kultury, jak opery, teatry czy muzea6, stan¹ siê bez profesjonalnego wsparcia w wymienionych obszarach nie tylko wewnêtrznie chaotyczne (co czasami dotyczy te¿ zarz¹dzania kultur¹), lecz zagubi¹ równie¿ egzystencjalne cie¿ki ³¹cz¹ce je ze wiatem zewnêtrznym, zw³aszcza z publiczno ci¹. Istniej¹ inne ujêcia i koncepcje zarz¹dzania kultur¹, których wk³ad polega na podkre laniu roli zarz¹dzania, a tym samym znaczenia odniesieñ ekonomicznych. Ta tendencja jest czêsto spotykana w programach nauczania w ramach danego kierunku studiów, w których w sensie ilo ciowym i jako ciowym dominuj¹ podstawy zarz¹dzania przedsiêbiorstwem: planowanie strategiczne, marketing, organizacja, logistyka, finanse, zarz¹dzanie publiczne, zarz¹dzanie zasobami ludzkimi i inne przedmioty pokrewne. W znacznej wiêkszo ci zarysowane koncepcje budowane s¹ wedle podstawowej orientacji danego przedmiotu, który nie kieruje siê ani zasad¹ prymatu tre ci nad form¹, ani odwrotnie, zasad¹ kszta³cenia systemowego jako pewnego rodzaju szkieletu, który nale¿y wype³niæ tre ci¹. S¹ one wyznaczone przez postulat profesjonalizmu pewnych instrumentów w ramach dzia³alno ci artystycznej danej organizacji. Z tego wzglêdu ich konkretne zadania s¹ sformu³owane tak neutralnie jak w przypadku siekiery do r¹bania drewna, co do której istnieje niewielkie ryzyko, i¿ mog³aby byæ wykorzystana równie¿ w niecnym celu, jako narzêdzie do zabijania. Pragmatycznym wyró¿nikiem instrumentalnej orientacji jest obojêtno æ wzglêdem tre ci i formy. W tym rozumieniu sprawowanie funkcji zarz¹dzania kultur¹ w praktyce opiera siê na instrumentalnym profesjonalizmie, przede wszystkim wymagaj¹cym substancjonalnej blisko ci wzglêdem sztuki, aby móc jej s³u¿yæ. Do wiadczenia i obserwacje w tym obszarze pokaza³y, i¿ czêsto brakuje potrzebnej wiedzy i ukszta³towanej w procesie edukacji wra¿liwo ci na sztukê lub te¿ aspekty te pojawiaj¹ siê w niewielkim wymiarze w ramach edukacji

akademickiej. Zachodzi powa¿ne niebezpieczeñstwo, ¿e profesjonalizacja systemu zarz¹dzania kultur¹ w praktyce stanie siê prokrustowym ³o¿em, które albo doprowadzi do wyeliminowania przynale¿nych sztuce elementów, je li bêd¹ zbyt rozro niête (ograniczenia bud¿etowe mog¹ bardzo ³atwo podci¹æ sztuce skrzyd³a), lub do przesadnego ich rozci¹gniêcia, ¿eby fasada nie wygl¹da³a na opuszczon¹ (ten scenariusz mo¿e zostaæ zrealizowany poprzez podejmowane z my l¹ o zysku ingerencje w program). Przypadkiem szczególnym s¹ instytucje kultury i sztuki dzia³aj¹ce pod dyktando rentowno ci a wiêc tworz¹ce i prezentuj¹ce sztukê, bêd¹c¹ w stanie przyci¹gn¹æ i nasyciæ cenn¹ z komercyjnego punktu widzenia publiczno æ w celu osi¹gniêcia zysku. Jako æ i inne kryteria, które przychodz¹ na my l, gdy rozpatrujemy tworzenie sztuki, nie s¹ tu brane pod uwagê. Produkcja musicalu mo¿e osi¹gn¹æ wysoki jako ciowo poziom; jej produktywno æ tkwi w poruszaniu siê przez lata w obrêbie utartych kanonów. Oczywi cie potrzebne jest tu równie¿ profesjonalne zarz¹dzanie kultur¹, choæ aspekt ten przynale¿y do innego obszaru, a mianowicie osi¹gania zysku. Powy¿szy przyk³ad wyra nie pokazuje, ¿e regu³ê prymatu tre ci nad form¹ mo¿na równie¿ zastosowaæ w warunkach komercyjnych. Tre æ, o któr¹ tu chodzi i dotyczy to w równym stopniu instytucji niekomercyjnych nie polega na zmys³owo odbieranych zjawiskach fizycznych (na scenie b¹d w innych warunkach), lecz na istocie tego zdarzenia. Fizyczna realizacja jest form¹ lub kszta³tem, w którym tre æ lub sens powinny siê zi ciæ. W przypadku instytucji komercyjnej tre ci¹ jest osi¹ganie celów. Jak wyja niono powy¿ej, zosta³o dowiedzione, ¿e w przypadku produkcji komercyjnych realizowanych czy to z pomoc¹ zarz¹dzania kultur¹, czy te¿ bez kulturowy sens przedmiotu (dla u³atwienia, przedstawienie teatralne zosta³o tu okre lone jako przedmiot) zostaje sprowadzony do osi¹gania zysku. Estetyka komercyjnego musicalu nie musi zawieraæ skomplikowanego przekazu, który trzeba d³ugo rozszyfrowywaæ, lecz z ca³¹ swoj¹ sprawno ci¹ musi wyj æ naprzeciw ma³o wyrafinowanemu gustowi audytorium. Tylko w tej formie pod¹¿a ladem z regu³y komercyjnej tre ci . Analogiczn¹ sytuacjê mo¿na zaobserwowaæ na przyk³adzie sztuki niekomercyjnej, kiedy


w³a nie przekaz tchniêty przez artystê w przedmiot jest tym, co powinno dotrzeæ do publiczno ci. Ten przekaz, a nie materialna realizacja, w któr¹ zosta³ wpisany, jest w tym przypadku tre ci¹. Wynika z tego, ¿e zarz¹dzanie kultur¹, poniewa¿ samo nie jest w³¹czone do procesu produkcji artystycznej, w rzeczywisto ci mo¿e tu odgrywaæ jedynie rolê pomocnicz¹.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Zamiast konkluzji podsumowanie

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powy¿szym artykule zawartych zosta³o jedynie kilka podstawowych przemy leñ, wymagaj¹cych dalszych, przede wszystkim bardziej wnikliwych dyskusji. Ale istniej¹ równie¿ obszary tematyczne, które wci¹¿ wymagaj¹ zg³êbienia i musz¹ zostaæ opracowane w celu ugruntowania teorii zarz¹dzania kultur¹. Nale¿y do nich zw³aszcza obszar sztuk performatywnych wraz z ich wszystkimi odmianami. Muzyka jest czym innym ni¿ sztuka teatralna; autentyczna muzyka wykonywana na sali koncertowej jest czym innym ni¿ ta sama muzyka ods³uchana z no nika CD. Deklamowany wiersz jest czym innym ni¿ wydrukowana powie æ. Film ju¿ fizycznie odró¿nia siê od fotografii poprzez charakterystyczn¹ mo¿liwo æ wytwarzania makrostruktur przez zmieniaj¹ce siê szybko pojedyncze obrazy. Tê listê mo¿na kontynuowaæ.

Kolejnym wa¿nym tematem jest rola polityki kulturalnej jako dialektycznego kontrpartnera dzia³alno ci artystycznej i zwi¹zanego z ni¹ zarz¹dzania kultur¹. Polityka kulturalna nie siêga bezpo rednio do aktu tworzenia sztuki ani tam, gdzie gmina lub land jest w³a cicielem danej instytucji. Mamy jednak do czynienia z ró¿norakimi wp³ywami po rednimi polityki kulturalnej np. przez zasady przyznawania subwencji lub czasem te¿ poprzez formu³owanie warunków obsady stanowisk dyrektorskich w teatrach. Problematyka, przed któr¹ stoi dzi sztuka, czêsto nie ma nic wspólnego ani z artystyczn¹ jako ci¹, ani z brakiem rodków finansowych, lecz z postêpuj¹c¹ gnu no ci¹ publiczno ci, bêd¹c¹ dojmuj¹c¹ negatywn¹ spu cizn¹ systemu o wiaty, którego absolwenci w minimalnym stopniu s¹ spragnieni sztuki, oraz dominacj¹ bod ców komercyjnego szumu w przestrzeni miejskiej i w mediach. W ramach tej problematyki istnieje gros tematów adekwatnych dla profesjonalnego zarz¹dzania kultur¹. Mo¿na nieco dramatycznie powiedzieæ: czasy, w których oczywisto ci¹ by³o pój cie z w³asnej inicjatywy do teatru czy na koncert, odchodz¹ powoli do lamusa. Nadchodz¹ nowe, w których profesjonalne zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ musi udro¿niæ dla sztuki nowe kana³y dostêpu do wiadomej publiczno ci. Prace nad tym zagadnieniem ju¿ podjêto.

W

powy¿szym artykule zawartych zosta³o jedynie kilka podstawowych przemy leñ, wymagaj¹cych dalszych, przede wszystkim bardziej wnikliwych dyskusji. Ale istniej¹ równie¿ obszary tematyczne, które wci¹¿ wymagaj¹ zg³êbienia i musz¹ zostaæ opracowane w celu ugruntowania teorii zarz¹dzania kultur¹. Nale¿y do nich zw³aszcza obszar sztuk performatywnych wraz z ich wszystkimi odmianami. Muzyka jest czym innym ni¿ sztuka teatralna; autentyczna muzyka wykonywana na sali koncertowej jest czym innym ni¿ ta sama muzyka ods³uchana z no nika CD. Deklamowany wiersz jest czym innym ni¿ wydrukowana powie æ. Film ju¿ fizycznie odró¿nia siê od fotografii poprzez charakterystyczn¹ mo¿liwo æ wytwarzania makrostruktur przez zmieniaj¹ce siê szybko pojedyncze obrazy. Tê listê mo¿na kontynuowaæ.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Zamiast konkluzji podsumowanie

Kolejnym wa¿nym tematem jest rola polityki kulturalnej jako dialektycznego kontrpartnera dzia³alno ci artystycznej i zwi¹zanego z ni¹ zarz¹dzania kultur¹. Polityka kulturalna nie siêga bezpo rednio do aktu tworzenia sztuki ani tam, gdzie gmina lub land jest w³a cicielem danej instytucji. Mamy jednak do czynienia z ró¿norakimi wp³ywami po rednimi polityki kulturalnej np. przez zasady przyznawania subwencji lub czasem te¿ poprzez formu³owanie warunków obsady stanowisk dyrektorskich w teatrach. Problematyka, przed któr¹ stoi dzi sztuka, czêsto nie ma nic wspólnego ani z artystyczn¹ jako ci¹, ani z brakiem rodków finansowych, lecz z postêpuj¹c¹ gnu no ci¹ publiczno ci, bêd¹c¹ dojmuj¹c¹ negatywn¹ spu cizn¹ systemu o wiaty, którego absolwenci w minimalnym stopniu s¹ spragnieni sztuki, oraz dominacj¹ bod ców komercyjnego szumu w przestrzeni miejskiej i w mediach. W ramach tej problematyki istnieje gros tematów adekwatnych dla profesjonalnego zarz¹dzania kultur¹. Mo¿na nieco dramatycznie powiedzieæ: czasy, w których oczywisto ci¹ by³o pój cie z w³asnej inicjatywy do teatru czy na koncert, odchodz¹ powoli do lamusa. Nadchodz¹ nowe, w których profesjonalne zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ musi udro¿niæ dla sztuki nowe kana³y dostêpu do wiadomej publiczno ci. Prace nad tym zagadnieniem ju¿ podjêto.

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w³a nie przekaz tchniêty przez artystê w przedmiot jest tym, co powinno dotrzeæ do publiczno ci. Ten przekaz, a nie materialna realizacja, w któr¹ zosta³ wpisany, jest w tym przypadku tre ci¹. Wynika z tego, ¿e zarz¹dzanie kultur¹, poniewa¿ samo nie jest w³¹czone do procesu produkcji artystycznej, w rzeczywisto ci mo¿e tu odgrywaæ jedynie rolê pomocnicz¹.


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Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Kszta³cenie w zakresie zarz¹dzania kultur¹ w szko³ach wy¿szych miêdzy wymogami teorii a potrzebami praktyki Birgit Mandel T³umaczenie: Katarzyna Kopeæ

O

d przesz³o 20 lat niemiecki sektor kultury z niewielkim opó nieniem w stosunku do krajów anglosaskich kszta³ci mened¿erów kultury profesjonalnie zajmuj¹cych siê przygotowaniem odpowiednich ram dla produkcji kulturalnych, zgodnie z zasad¹, i¿ zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ oznacza planow¹ i maksymalnie efektywn¹ pracê nad wykorzystaniem potencja³u kultury oraz budowanie schematów organizacyjnych dla produkcji artystycznych i kulturalnych. Do obszarów, w których aktywni s¹ mened¿erowie kultury, zalicza siê zarówno tradycyjne instytucje kulturalne (np. teatry, muzea), administracjê publiczn¹ odpowiadaj¹c¹ za sprawy kultury, jak i kulturalne instytucje komercyjne (np. o rodki promuj¹ce literaturê czy przemys³ filmowy). Ponadto mened¿erowie kultury czêsto reprezentuj¹ wolne zawody jako zewnêtrzni niezale¿ni koordynatorzy, m.in. w sferze doradztwa kulturalnego. Pierwsze kursy oferuj¹ce wykszta³cenie w ramach zarz¹dzania kultur¹, prowadzone zarówno w formie zajêæ zaocznych, jak i podyplomowych, zainaugurowano pod koniec lat 80. W nastêpstwie ciêæ publicznych wydatków na kulturê pojawi³y siê nowe koncepcje w zakresie zarz¹dzania kultur¹ oraz metody ich wdra¿ania intensywne kursy przygotowywa³y wielu pracowników kulturalno-o wiatowych by³ej NRD do roli mened¿erów kultury. Równie¿ wielu humanistów, którym grozi³o widmo bezrobocia, upatrywa³o w nowej dyscyplinie szansê na pracê w dziedzinie kultury. Niestety o rodki edukacyjne powstawa³y w sposób chaotyczny, bez nale¿ytej kontroli jako ci kszta³cenia.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Ostatecznie liczba o rodków oferuj¹cych kursy o profilu zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ ustabilizowa³a siê na umiarkowanym poziomie. Przewodnik po ofercie edukacyjnej, stworzony przez niemieck¹ sieæ Kulturmanagement , wymienia oko³o 40 kursów tego typu (dane za rok 2004), w tym 20 kierunków w o rodkach uniwersyteckich, zawieraj¹cych elementy zarz¹dzania kultur¹ (por. www.kulturmanagement.net). Ani wielkie nadzieje pok³adane w pionierskiej dyscyplinie, która mia³a przynie æ nieograniczon¹ liczbê miejsc pracy i znaczne rodki finansowe, ani obawy wielu twórców, którzy uto¿samiali zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ z jej komercjalizacj¹, nie urzeczywistni³y siê na tej bazie mo¿liwe by³o jednak wykszta³cenie bardziej realistycznego postrzegania nowej dyscypliny. Konieczno æ profesjonalnego zarz¹dzania kultur¹ w rozumieniu systematycznej analizy procesów zwi¹zanych z tworzeniem koncepcji oraz jej wdra¿aniem uchodzi obecnie w ród praktyków za oczywisto æ, nawet je li przede wszystkim w instytucjach pañstwowych sporadycznie daje siê zaobserwowaæ opór ze strony personelu pracuj¹cego w danym miejscu od dawna. W nadchodz¹cych latach nast¹pi przyspieszenie zmian strukturalnych w sferze kultury w Niemczech. G³ównymi czynnikami warunkuj¹cymi tê sytuacjê bêd¹ po pierwsze dalsze zmniejszenie publicznego wsparcia finansowego, a po drugie wzrost znaczenia nowych form organizacyjnych, mocno skoncentrowanych na prywatnych ród³ach finansowania, stymulowany ich wdra¿aniem nowych strategii organizacyjnych i marketingowych. Profe-

227

Birgit Mandel wyk³adowca nauk o kulturze, komunikacji kulturalnej i zarz¹dzania w kulturze. Pracuje na wydziale Zarz¹dzania Kultur¹ w Instytucie Polityki Kulturalnej Uniwersytetu w Hildesheim. Wspó³pracuje z wieloma instytucjami kulturalnymi w Berlinie, m.in. jako rzecznik prasowy festiwalu Berliner Festspiele, dyrektor ds. komunikacji w teatrze Bar jeder Vernunft , dyrektor ds. marketingu w Wissenschaft im Dialog . Bierze udzia³ w edukacyjnych projektach rz¹dowych zwi¹zanych ze sztuk¹ i kultur¹. Obszar zainteresowañ: public relations w sztuce, badania publiczno ci, rynki pracy w dziedzinie kultury.

d przesz³o 20 lat niemiecki sektor kultury z niewielkim opó nieniem w stosunku do krajów anglosaskich kszta³ci mened¿erów kultury profesjonalnie zajmuj¹cych siê przygotowaniem odpowiednich ram dla produkcji kulturalnych, zgodnie z zasad¹, i¿ zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ oznacza planow¹ i maksymalnie efektywn¹ pracê nad wykorzystaniem potencja³u kultury oraz budowanie schematów organizacyjnych dla produkcji artystycznych i kulturalnych. Do obszarów, w których aktywni s¹ mened¿erowie kultury, zalicza siê zarówno tradycyjne instytucje kulturalne (np. teatry, muzea), administracjê publiczn¹ odpowiadaj¹c¹ za sprawy kultury, jak i kulturalne instytucje komercyjne (np. o rodki promuj¹ce literaturê czy przemys³ filmowy). Ponadto mened¿erowie kultury czêsto reprezentuj¹ wolne zawody jako zewnêtrzni niezale¿ni koordynatorzy, m.in. w sferze doradztwa kulturalnego. Pierwsze kursy oferuj¹ce wykszta³cenie w ramach zarz¹dzania kultur¹, prowadzone zarówno w formie zajêæ zaocznych, jak i podyplomowych, zainaugurowano pod koniec lat 80. W nastêpstwie ciêæ publicznych wydatków na kulturê pojawi³y siê nowe koncepcje w zakresie zarz¹dzania kultur¹ oraz metody ich wdra¿ania intensywne kursy przygotowywa³y wielu pracowników kulturalno-o wiatowych by³ej NRD do roli mened¿erów kultury. Równie¿ wielu humanistów, którym grozi³o widmo bezrobocia, upatrywa³o w nowej dyscyplinie szansê na pracê w dziedzinie kultury. Niestety o rodki edukacyjne powstawa³y w sposób chaotyczny, bez nale¿ytej kontroli jako ci kszta³cenia.

O

Ostatecznie liczba o rodków oferuj¹cych kursy o profilu zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ ustabilizowa³a siê na umiarkowanym poziomie. Przewodnik po ofercie edukacyjnej, stworzony przez niemieck¹ sieæ Kulturmanagement , wymienia oko³o 40 kursów tego typu (dane za rok 2004), w tym 20 kierunków w o rodkach uniwersyteckich, zawieraj¹cych elementy zarz¹dzania kultur¹ (por. www.kulturmanagement.net). Ani wielkie nadzieje pok³adane w pionierskiej dyscyplinie, która mia³a przynie æ nieograniczon¹ liczbê miejsc pracy i znaczne rodki finansowe, ani obawy wielu twórców, którzy uto¿samiali zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ z jej komercjalizacj¹, nie urzeczywistni³y siê na tej bazie mo¿liwe by³o jednak wykszta³cenie bardziej realistycznego postrzegania nowej dyscypliny. Konieczno æ profesjonalnego zarz¹dzania kultur¹ w rozumieniu systematycznej analizy procesów zwi¹zanych z tworzeniem koncepcji oraz jej wdra¿aniem uchodzi obecnie w ród praktyków za oczywisto æ, nawet je li przede wszystkim w instytucjach pañstwowych sporadycznie daje siê zaobserwowaæ opór ze strony personelu pracuj¹cego w danym miejscu od dawna. W nadchodz¹cych latach nast¹pi przyspieszenie zmian strukturalnych w sferze kultury w Niemczech. G³ównymi czynnikami warunkuj¹cymi tê sytuacjê bêd¹ po pierwsze dalsze zmniejszenie publicznego wsparcia finansowego, a po drugie wzrost znaczenia nowych form organizacyjnych, mocno skoncentrowanych na prywatnych ród³ach finansowania, stymulowany ich wdra¿aniem nowych strategii organizacyjnych i marketingowych. Profe-

T³umaczenie: Katarzyna Kopeæ

Birgit Mandel

Kszta³cenie w zakresie zarz¹dzania kultur¹ w szko³ach wy¿szych miêdzy wymogami teorii a potrzebami praktyki

Birgit Mandel wyk³adowca nauk o kulturze, komunikacji kulturalnej i zarz¹dzania w kulturze. Pracuje na wydziale Zarz¹dzania Kultur¹ w Instytucie Polityki Kulturalnej Uniwersytetu w Hildesheim. Wspó³pracuje z wieloma instytucjami kulturalnymi w Berlinie, m.in. jako rzecznik prasowy festiwalu Berliner Festspiele, dyrektor ds. komunikacji w teatrze Bar jeder Vernunft , dyrektor ds. marketingu w Wissenschaft im Dialog . Bierze udzia³ w edukacyjnych projektach rz¹dowych zwi¹zanych ze sztuk¹ i kultur¹. Obszar zainteresowañ: public relations w sztuce, badania publiczno ci, rynki pracy w dziedzinie kultury.


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sjonalne zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ bêdzie w coraz wiêkszym stopniu uchodziæ za decyduj¹cy czynnik przetrwania instytucji kultury. W tradycyjnie funkcjonuj¹cym o rodku naukowym zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ napotyka znacz¹ce problemy formalne. Mimo istnienia wielu kursów zarz¹dzania kultur¹, jak i autorskich kierunków podyplomowych, dziedziny te zwykle dysponuj¹ ograniczonymi rodkami finansowymi na zatrudnienie wyk³adowców. W du¿ej mierze wykorzystuje siê potencja³ twórców i mened¿erów kultury, którzy przekazuj¹ studentom wiedzê praktyczn¹, nie pobieraj¹c wynagrodzenia. Kwesti¹ sporn¹ w ramach kulturoznawstwa i nauk humanistycznych jest postrzeganie zarz¹dzania kultur¹ jako dyscypliny naukowej. Gdzie przynale¿y zarz¹dzanie kultur¹? Czy nie powinno stanowiæ integralnej czê ci nauk ekonomicznych, zamiast wpisywaæ siê w poczet tradycyjnych nauk humanistycznych? Co sprawia, ¿e zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ jest czym wiêcej ni¿ tylko narzêdziem?

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ samodzielna dyscyplina naukowa?

ened¿erowie kultury pracuj¹ w coraz bardziej z³o¿onych realiach rynkowych internacjonalizacja i globalizacja, tak¿e sektora kultury, nios¹ z sob¹ rosn¹c¹ kompleksowo æ oraz wzrost znaczenia relacji z danymi spo³eczno ciami. Pog³êbiaj¹ca siê fragmentacja i indywidualizacja spo³eczeñstwa dziel¹cego siê na mniejsze grupy, do których trudno jest dotrzeæ, wymaga wypracowania umiejêtno ci w zakresie komunikacji i powi¹zañ sieciowych. Kolejnym czynnikiem s¹ demograficzne zmiany w strukturze spo³eczeñstwa wzrasta liczba osób starszych, a m³odsza publiczno æ dzieli siê na niewielkie grupy interesariuszy i przejawia coraz mniejsze zainteresowanie tradycyjn¹ ofert¹ kulturaln¹. Zarysowuj¹cy siê podzia³ spo³eczeñstwa na grupê osób wykszta³conych, lepiej zarabiaj¹-

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Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ jest dziedzin¹ interdyscyplinarn¹, zawieraj¹c¹ elementy nauki o przedsiêbiorstwie, nauki o komunikacji, nauk spo³ecznych, kulturoznawstwa i sztuki. W tym wymiarze zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ musi odnale æ w³asn¹ pozycjê w nauce. Nale¿y równie¿ wykszta³ciæ postrzeganie zarz¹dzania przez pryzmat koncentracji wokó³ charakterystycznych celów kultury, metod jej produkcji, warunków percepcji i sposobów oddzia³ywania. Do opracowania niezale¿nych podstaw teoretycznych nie wystarczy jedynie modyfikacja innych dziedzin nauki, potrzeba pog³êbionej analizy dzia³alno ci kulturalnej. Teoria stanowi kwestiê kluczow¹ przede wszystkim dla istnienia kierunków znajduj¹cych siê w ofercie szkó³ wy¿szych, w tym przypadku znaczenie ma równie¿ zbudowanie naukowych podstaw, które nadadz¹ absolwentom piastuj¹cym kierownicze stanowiska kwalifikacje w obszarze kultury. Zw³aszcza studenci bez do wiadczenia zdobytego w pracy w instytucji kultury wykazuj¹ tendencjê do przeceniania technik zarz¹dzania kultur¹, oczekuj¹c swego rodzaju recepty , któr¹ mo¿na natychmiast zastosowaæ, z regu³y za w niewielkim stopniu interesuj¹ siê oni nadrzêdnymi teoriami. Jednak¿e z powodu z³o¿ono ci rynku kultury i sztuki nie istnieje uniwersalne narzêdzie, którym mo¿na siê w tym przypadku pos³u¿yæ. Gotowe przepisy na zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ bardzo szybko napotykaj¹ ograniczenia. Istnieje coraz mniejsze zapotrzebowanie na zarz¹dców kultury i mechaników kultury , coraz wiêksze za na mened¿erów kultury-wizjonerów .

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Nowe wyzwania rynku kultury

Nowe wyzwania rynku kultury

rogramy kszta³cenia w ramach zarz¹dzania kultur¹ w Niemczech oraz innych krajach europejskich cechuj¹ siê du¿ym podobieñstwem (por. Suteu, Corina: Academic training in cultural management in Europe, Amsterdam 2003). Programy te czerpi¹ w znacznym stopniu z do wiadczeñ Stanów Zjednoczonych i Wielkiej Brytanii. W krajach tych zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ ma d³u¿sze tradycje ze wzglêdu na silniejsze zakorzenienie instytucji kultury w realiach gospodarki wolnorynkowej. Koncepcje kszta³cenia w tym obszarze opieraj¹ siê z regu³y na zmodyfikowanych programach nauki o przedsiêbiorstwie, które zosta³y wzbogacone o dodatkowe tre ci z zakresu kultury i sztuki. Powszechnie przyjêto zasadê, i¿ zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ musi zawieraæ elementy odró¿niaj¹ce ten kierunek od ogólnych kierunków nauki o przedsiêbiorstwie. Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ i sztuk¹ wyró¿nia siê pod wzglêdem strategii marketingowych od pozosta³ych towarów i us³ug, poniewa¿ produkt kultura i sztuka znacznie ró¿ni siê od innych, m.in. brakiem utylitarno ci sztuki, jej nieobliczalno ci¹, unikatowym charakterem, szczególnymi sposobami jej percepcji. Koncepcje zarz¹dzania sztuk¹ zawarte zosta³y w pierwszych publikacjach podejmuj¹cych tê problematykê (por. m.in. Bendixen, Colbert, Klein, Mandel).

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ened¿erowie kultury pracuj¹ w coraz bardziej z³o¿onych realiach rynkowych internacjonalizacja i globalizacja, tak¿e sektora kultury, nios¹ z sob¹ rosn¹c¹ kompleksowo æ oraz wzrost znaczenia relacji z danymi spo³eczno ciami. Pog³êbiaj¹ca siê fragmentacja i indywidualizacja spo³eczeñstwa dziel¹cego siê na mniejsze grupy, do których trudno jest dotrzeæ, wymaga wypracowania umiejêtno ci w zakresie komunikacji i powi¹zañ sieciowych. Kolejnym czynnikiem s¹ demograficzne zmiany w strukturze spo³eczeñstwa wzrasta liczba osób starszych, a m³odsza publiczno æ dzieli siê na niewielkie grupy interesariuszy i przejawia coraz mniejsze zainteresowanie tradycyjn¹ ofert¹ kulturaln¹. Zarysowuj¹cy siê podzia³ spo³eczeñstwa na grupê osób wykszta³conych, lepiej zarabiaj¹-

Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ samodzielna dyscyplina naukowa?

Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ jest dziedzin¹ interdyscyplinarn¹, zawieraj¹c¹ elementy nauki o przedsiêbiorstwie, nauki o komunikacji, nauk spo³ecznych, kulturoznawstwa i sztuki. W tym wymiarze zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ musi odnale æ w³asn¹ pozycjê w nauce. Nale¿y równie¿ wykszta³ciæ postrzeganie zarz¹dzania przez pryzmat koncentracji wokó³ charakterystycznych celów kultury, metod jej produkcji, warunków percepcji i sposobów oddzia³ywania. Do opracowania niezale¿nych podstaw teoretycznych nie wystarczy jedynie modyfikacja innych dziedzin nauki, potrzeba pog³êbionej analizy dzia³alno ci kulturalnej. Teoria stanowi kwestiê kluczow¹ przede wszystkim dla istnienia kierunków znajduj¹cych siê w ofercie szkó³ wy¿szych, w tym przypadku znaczenie ma równie¿ zbudowanie naukowych podstaw, które nadadz¹ absolwentom piastuj¹cym kierownicze stanowiska kwalifikacje w obszarze kultury. Zw³aszcza studenci bez do wiadczenia zdobytego w pracy w instytucji kultury wykazuj¹ tendencjê do przeceniania technik zarz¹dzania kultur¹, oczekuj¹c swego rodzaju recepty , któr¹ mo¿na natychmiast zastosowaæ, z regu³y za w niewielkim stopniu interesuj¹ siê oni nadrzêdnymi teoriami. Jednak¿e z powodu z³o¿ono ci rynku kultury i sztuki nie istnieje uniwersalne narzêdzie, którym mo¿na siê w tym przypadku pos³u¿yæ. Gotowe przepisy na zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ bardzo szybko napotykaj¹ ograniczenia. Istnieje coraz mniejsze zapotrzebowanie na zarz¹dców kultury i mechaników kultury , coraz wiêksze za na mened¿erów kultury-wizjonerów .

rogramy kszta³cenia w ramach zarz¹dzania kultur¹ w Niemczech oraz innych krajach europejskich cechuj¹ siê du¿ym podobieñstwem (por. Suteu, Corina: Academic training in cultural management in Europe, Amsterdam 2003). Programy te czerpi¹ w znacznym stopniu z do wiadczeñ Stanów Zjednoczonych i Wielkiej Brytanii. W krajach tych zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ ma d³u¿sze tradycje ze wzglêdu na silniejsze zakorzenienie instytucji kultury w realiach gospodarki wolnorynkowej. Koncepcje kszta³cenia w tym obszarze opieraj¹ siê z regu³y na zmodyfikowanych programach nauki o przedsiêbiorstwie, które zosta³y wzbogacone o dodatkowe tre ci z zakresu kultury i sztuki. Powszechnie przyjêto zasadê, i¿ zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ musi zawieraæ elementy odró¿niaj¹ce ten kierunek od ogólnych kierunków nauki o przedsiêbiorstwie. Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ i sztuk¹ wyró¿nia siê pod wzglêdem strategii marketingowych od pozosta³ych towarów i us³ug, poniewa¿ produkt kultura i sztuka znacznie ró¿ni siê od innych, m.in. brakiem utylitarno ci sztuki, jej nieobliczalno ci¹, unikatowym charakterem, szczególnymi sposobami jej percepcji. Koncepcje zarz¹dzania sztuk¹ zawarte zosta³y w pierwszych publikacjach podejmuj¹cych tê problematykê (por. m.in. Bendixen, Colbert, Klein, Mandel).

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

sjonalne zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ bêdzie w coraz wiêkszym stopniu uchodziæ za decyduj¹cy czynnik przetrwania instytucji kultury. W tradycyjnie funkcjonuj¹cym o rodku naukowym zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ napotyka znacz¹ce problemy formalne. Mimo istnienia wielu kursów zarz¹dzania kultur¹, jak i autorskich kierunków podyplomowych, dziedziny te zwykle dysponuj¹ ograniczonymi rodkami finansowymi na zatrudnienie wyk³adowców. W du¿ej mierze wykorzystuje siê potencja³ twórców i mened¿erów kultury, którzy przekazuj¹ studentom wiedzê praktyczn¹, nie pobieraj¹c wynagrodzenia. Kwesti¹ sporn¹ w ramach kulturoznawstwa i nauk humanistycznych jest postrzeganie zarz¹dzania kultur¹ jako dyscypliny naukowej. Gdzie przynale¿y zarz¹dzanie kultur¹? Czy nie powinno stanowiæ integralnej czê ci nauk ekonomicznych, zamiast wpisywaæ siê w poczet tradycyjnych nauk humanistycznych? Co sprawia, ¿e zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ jest czym wiêcej ni¿ tylko narzêdziem?


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

wra¿liwo æ artystyczna i wra¿liwo æ na kulturê, wiadomo æ jej jako ci Obecnie, w sytuacji nadmiaru oferty artystycznej i kulturalnej, zdolno æ rozpoznawania jako ci kultury i umiejêtno æ jej wdra¿ania staj¹ siê decyduj¹cymi kwalifikacjami mened¿era

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kompetencje strategiczne Dzia³anie strategiczne oznacza kompleksowe my lenie, formu³owanie jasnych i d³ugofalowych celów z uwzglêdnieniem ró¿nych grup interesariuszy. Dzia³anie strategiczne zak³ada rozpoznanie tych grup i zespolenie aspektów kulturalnych i spo³eczno-politycznych.

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cych, które jednocze nie nale¿¹ do kluczowych u¿ytkowników kultury, oraz grupê osób s³abiej wykszta³conych, które mniej aktywnie uczestnicz¹ w ¿yciu kulturalnym, wymaga stworzenia mo¿liwo ci wiêkszej partycypacji i wykorzystania kultury jako spoiwa spo³ecznego. Ograniczone rodki publiczne przeznaczane na kulturê tworz¹ presjê legitymizacji instytucji kultury wspieranych z bud¿etu pañstwa przed instytucjami rozdzielaj¹cymi rodki publiczne i obywatelami. Ta sytuacja zmusza równocze nie do poszukiwania alternatywnych róde³ finansowania, np. nowych form wspó³pracy pomiêdzy instytucjami kultury a sponsorami ze wiata gospodarki. Rosn¹ca konkurencja, szczególnie w zakresie organizacji czasu wolnego, oraz publiczno æ kulturalna, coraz silniej nastawiona na wydarzenia o spektakularnym charakterze, wymagaj¹ sformu³owania nowych relacji z u¿ytkownikami kultury. Publiczno æ stawia wysokie wymagania w stosunku do jako ci us³ug w obszarze kultury, oczekuje nowych form promocji i budowania wiêzi z klientem. Z drugiej za strony na rynku producentów kultury brak transparentno ci, panuje wzglêdna dowolno æ. W obfitej ofercie kulturalnej trudno jest okre liæ kryteria jako ci. Kolejnym aspektem s¹ zmiany na rynku pracy w obrêbie kultury przy zmniejszaj¹cej siê liczbie umów o pracê na czas nieokre lony nastêpuje zwiêkszenie liczby umów o dzie³o czy zlecenie, zawieranych na czas okre lony na realizacjê ró¿nych projektów we wspó³pracy ze zmieniaj¹cymi siê zespo³ami wspó³pracowników, spada równie¿ liczba miejsc pracy w publicznych instytucjach kultury. Obecnie przedsiêbiorczo æ i innowacyjno æ, a nie wy³¹cznie administrowanie, staj¹ siê umiejêtno ciami wysoce po¿¹danymi. Z punktu widzenia wymienionych wy¿ej wyzwañ dla przysz³ych mened¿erów kultury istotne staj¹ siê nastêpuj¹ce kluczowe kompetencje:

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wizjonerskie umiejêtno ci pracy koncepcyjnej w zakresie kultury Poza umiejêtno ci¹ realizacji projektów, mened¿erowie kultury powinni posiadaæ zdolno æ my lenia jak wizjonerzy, aby opracowywaæ koncepcje nowych projektów kulturalnych z wykorzystaniem obecnych potencja³ów. Nie s¹ artystami, a kreatorami kultury. Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ nie ogranicza siê wobec tego wy³¹cznie do zakresu realizacji, lecz posiada równie¿ potencja³ stymuluj¹cy rozwój kultury.

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kompetencje w zakresie po rednictwa i funkcjonowania sieciowego Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ jest us³ug¹ w sposób kompleksowy po rednicz¹c¹ pomiêdzy twórcami sztuki, jej odbiorcami, publiczno ci¹ medialn¹ i osobami wspieraj¹cymi sztukê politykami i sponsorami. Mened¿erowie kultury staj¹ siê ³¹cznikami, inicjatorami wiêzi powstaj¹cych miêdzy produkcj¹ artystyczn¹ a publiczno ci¹, miêdzy zaanga¿owaniem sektora publicznego, pozarz¹dowego i prywatnego. Mened¿erowie kultury, aby móc spajaæ te odmienne wiaty jêzyka i my lenia, powinni po³¹czyæ my lenie strategiczne z umiejêtno ciami w zakresie komunikacji. Powinni równie¿ przyczyniaæ siê do szerzenia wiedzy o unikatowych warto ciach i korzy ciach, jakie kultura i sztuka nios¹ ca³emu spo³eczeñstwu i ka¿demu z osobna. Z tego wzglêdu sami musz¹ byæ przekonani o istnieniu tych szczególnych warto ci. Ka¿dy mened¿er kultury powinien wykszta³ciæ swój indywidualny system warto ci i przekonañ, aby nie podejmowaæ siê w sposób przypadkowy organizacji wydarzeñ kulturalnych, lecz wypracowaæ swoj¹ pozycjê kulturaln¹ i kulturalnopolityczn¹. Dopiero dziêki temu proces zarz¹dzania zyskuje pewien kierunek i sens, które wytyczaj¹ kryteria dzia³ania, tak¿e z uwzglêdnieniem kwestii finansowych, wystêpuj¹cych w sferze kultury w tak ograniczonym wymiarze. Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ mo¿e staæ siê tchnieniem innowacji w skostnia³e instytucje kultury zw³aszcza, gdy m³ode pokolenie mened¿erów wyznacza nowe drogi integrowania kultury wewn¹trz spo³eczeñstwa.

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kultury. Nie chodzi bowiem o wprowadzanie na rynek coraz bogatszej oferty na drodze pozyskiwania publicznych rodków czy te¿ o zgodne z regu³ami rynku pozycjonowanie oferty kulturalnej. Wiêksze znaczenie zyskuje kwestia zagwarantowania jako ci oferty kulturalnej, zarówno w rozumieniu jako ci artystycznej, jak i jako ci w zakresie edukacji politycznej. Chodzi o wagê projektów kulturalnych.

cych, które jednocze nie nale¿¹ do kluczowych u¿ytkowników kultury, oraz grupê osób s³abiej wykszta³conych, które mniej aktywnie uczestnicz¹ w ¿yciu kulturalnym, wymaga stworzenia mo¿liwo ci wiêkszej partycypacji i wykorzystania kultury jako spoiwa spo³ecznego. Ograniczone rodki publiczne przeznaczane na kulturê tworz¹ presjê legitymizacji instytucji kultury wspieranych z bud¿etu pañstwa przed instytucjami rozdzielaj¹cymi rodki publiczne i obywatelami. Ta sytuacja zmusza równocze nie do poszukiwania alternatywnych róde³ finansowania, np. nowych form wspó³pracy pomiêdzy instytucjami kultury a sponsorami ze wiata gospodarki. Rosn¹ca konkurencja, szczególnie w zakresie organizacji czasu wolnego, oraz publiczno æ kulturalna, coraz silniej nastawiona na wydarzenia o spektakularnym charakterze, wymagaj¹ sformu³owania nowych relacji z u¿ytkownikami kultury. Publiczno æ stawia wysokie wymagania w stosunku do jako ci us³ug w obszarze kultury, oczekuje nowych form promocji i budowania wiêzi z klientem. Z drugiej za strony na rynku producentów kultury brak transparentno ci, panuje wzglêdna dowolno æ. W obfitej ofercie kulturalnej trudno jest okre liæ kryteria jako ci. Kolejnym aspektem s¹ zmiany na rynku pracy w obrêbie kultury przy zmniejszaj¹cej siê liczbie umów o pracê na czas nieokre lony nastêpuje zwiêkszenie liczby umów o dzie³o czy zlecenie, zawieranych na czas okre lony na realizacjê ró¿nych projektów we wspó³pracy ze zmieniaj¹cymi siê zespo³ami wspó³pracowników, spada równie¿ liczba miejsc pracy w publicznych instytucjach kultury. Obecnie przedsiêbiorczo æ i innowacyjno æ, a nie wy³¹cznie administrowanie, staj¹ siê umiejêtno ciami wysoce po¿¹danymi. Z punktu widzenia wymienionych wy¿ej wyzwañ dla przysz³ych mened¿erów kultury istotne staj¹ siê nastêpuj¹ce kluczowe kompetencje: G kompetencje strategiczne Dzia³anie strategiczne oznacza kompleksowe my lenie, formu³owanie jasnych i d³ugofalowych celów z uwzglêdnieniem ró¿nych grup interesariuszy. Dzia³anie strategiczne zak³ada rozpoznanie tych grup i zespolenie aspektów kulturalnych i spo³eczno-politycznych. G wra¿liwo æ artystyczna i wra¿liwo æ na kulturê, wiadomo æ jej jako ci Obecnie, w sytuacji nadmiaru oferty artystycznej i kulturalnej, zdolno æ rozpoznawania jako ci kultury i umiejêtno æ jej wdra¿ania staj¹ siê decyduj¹cymi kwalifikacjami mened¿era

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

kultury. Nie chodzi bowiem o wprowadzanie na rynek coraz bogatszej oferty na drodze pozyskiwania publicznych rodków czy te¿ o zgodne z regu³ami rynku pozycjonowanie oferty kulturalnej. Wiêksze znaczenie zyskuje kwestia zagwarantowania jako ci oferty kulturalnej, zarówno w rozumieniu jako ci artystycznej, jak i jako ci w zakresie edukacji politycznej. Chodzi o wagê projektów kulturalnych. G kompetencje w zakresie po rednictwa i funkcjonowania sieciowego Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ jest us³ug¹ w sposób kompleksowy po rednicz¹c¹ pomiêdzy twórcami sztuki, jej odbiorcami, publiczno ci¹ medialn¹ i osobami wspieraj¹cymi sztukê politykami i sponsorami. Mened¿erowie kultury staj¹ siê ³¹cznikami, inicjatorami wiêzi powstaj¹cych miêdzy produkcj¹ artystyczn¹ a publiczno ci¹, miêdzy zaanga¿owaniem sektora publicznego, pozarz¹dowego i prywatnego. Mened¿erowie kultury, aby móc spajaæ te odmienne wiaty jêzyka i my lenia, powinni po³¹czyæ my lenie strategiczne z umiejêtno ciami w zakresie komunikacji. Powinni równie¿ przyczyniaæ siê do szerzenia wiedzy o unikatowych warto ciach i korzy ciach, jakie kultura i sztuka nios¹ ca³emu spo³eczeñstwu i ka¿demu z osobna. Z tego wzglêdu sami musz¹ byæ przekonani o istnieniu tych szczególnych warto ci. Ka¿dy mened¿er kultury powinien wykszta³ciæ swój indywidualny system warto ci i przekonañ, aby nie podejmowaæ siê w sposób przypadkowy organizacji wydarzeñ kulturalnych, lecz wypracowaæ swoj¹ pozycjê kulturaln¹ i kulturalnopolityczn¹. Dopiero dziêki temu proces zarz¹dzania zyskuje pewien kierunek i sens, które wytyczaj¹ kryteria dzia³ania, tak¿e z uwzglêdnieniem kwestii finansowych, wystêpuj¹cych w sferze kultury w tak ograniczonym wymiarze. Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ mo¿e staæ siê tchnieniem innowacji w skostnia³e instytucje kultury zw³aszcza, gdy m³ode pokolenie mened¿erów wyznacza nowe drogi integrowania kultury wewn¹trz spo³eczeñstwa. G wizjonerskie umiejêtno ci pracy koncepcyjnej w zakresie kultury Poza umiejêtno ci¹ realizacji projektów, mened¿erowie kultury powinni posiadaæ zdolno æ my lenia jak wizjonerzy, aby opracowywaæ koncepcje nowych projektów kulturalnych z wykorzystaniem obecnych potencja³ów. Nie s¹ artystami, a kreatorami kultury. Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ nie ogranicza siê wobec tego wy³¹cznie do zakresu realizacji, lecz posiada równie¿ potencja³ stymuluj¹cy rozwój kultury.

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Konsekwencje dla programu studiów wy¿szych w zakresie zarz¹dzania kultur¹

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jaki sposób mo¿na wykszta³ciæ te umiejêtno ci, wiêzi, jak nauczyæ identyfikowania wspólnych obszarów zainteresowañ i potencja³ów niezbêdnych do tworzenia nowych struktur, pielêgnowania jako ci, inicjowania projektów? Program w ramach zarz¹dzania kultur¹ powinien byæ mniej skoncentrowany na opanowaniu metod operacyjnych, a w wiêkszym stopniu zachêcaæ do podjêcia kwestii merytorycznych w odniesieniu zarówno do przemian spo³eczno-ekonomicznych, jak i do kultury i sztuki. Dyskurs toczony wokó³ zagadnieñ kulturalnych i spo³eczno-politycznych, wieloaspektowe przyk³ady praktyczne oraz cis³y kontakt ze sztuk¹ mog¹ stworzyæ konieczne uwarunkowania merytoryczne.

Podjêcie kwestii kulturalno-politycznych i spo³eczno-ekonomicznych w celu wypracowania w³asnej pozycji oraz wizji jako mened¿er kultury

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Wieloaspektowe przyk³ady ukazuj¹ce mo¿liwo ci kszta³towania zmys³u rzeczywisto ci, umiejêtno ci przywódczych i odwagi w zarz¹dzaniu

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ak dalece studia musz¹ i mog¹ koncentrowaæ siê wokó³ praktyk zawodowych? Je li zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ rozumiane jest jako dyscyplina wizjonerska i innowacyjna, skupienie siê na praktyce zawodowej w obecnie funkcjonuj¹cym kszta³cie nie mo¿e staæ siê jedynym impulsem, chodzi bowiem o my lenie wybiegaj¹ce ponad stan istniej¹cy. Jednak mo¿liwo æ odbycia bezpo redniej praktyki w instytucji kultury wydaje siê kwesti¹ kluczow¹ dla nowej dyscypliny zarz¹dzania kultur¹ z wielu powodów: G praktyka jako przyk³adowy materia³ pogl¹dowy w procesie kszta³cenia Dopiero analiza praktyki zawodowej w obecnie funkcjonuj¹cym kszta³cie mo¿e pozwoliæ na rozpoznanie i nazwanie szczególnych cech organizacji kulturalnej. Poniewa¿ student nie dysponuje jeszcze ugruntowan¹ wiedz¹, istotna staje siê dok³adna analiza i ocena porównawcza przytaczanych przyk³adów. G

G

praktyka jako przedmiot badawczy w procesie formu³owania ram teoretycznych uczenie siê poprzez realizowanie w³asnych projektów praktycznych w ramach studiów lub opracowanie studium przypadku na bazie konkretnych przyk³adów

Wdra¿aj¹c formy kszta³cenia skupiaj¹ce siê na realizacji projektów, mo¿na dokonaæ bilansu ró¿nych tre ci i metod w zakresie interdyscyplinarnej dziedziny zarz¹dzania kultur¹ oraz poznaæ kompleksowe podej cie do tej dziedziny. Przyk³adowo, w trakcie pracy nad koncepcj¹ oraz nad realizacj¹ danego projektu student zdobywa rozmaite umiejêtno ci. Wyra niej ni¿ w innych formach seminaryjnych student rozwija takie zdolno ci, jak w³asna kreatywno æ, kompetencje spo³eczne, umiejêtno ci przywódcze. W ten sposób wykszta³ca tak¿e odwagê do podejmowania wyzwañ. G

fazy przygotowuj¹ce do konkretnej pracy zawodowej odbywaj¹ce siê w formie praktyk.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

fazy przygotowuj¹ce do konkretnej pracy zawodowej odbywaj¹ce siê w formie praktyk. uczenie siê poprzez realizowanie w³asnych projektów praktycznych w ramach studiów lub opracowanie studium przypadku na bazie konkretnych przyk³adów praktyka jako przedmiot badawczy w procesie formu³owania ram teoretycznych

la formu³owania w³asnych celów kluczowe jest skoncentrowanie siê wokó³ kwestii kulturalno-politycznych. W polemice z kulturalno-politycznymi strukturami i celami, w porównawczym zestawieniu systemów finansowania kultury innych krajów czy w badaniu socjologicznym dotycz¹cym rodowisk spo³ecznych mo¿na odnale æ wytyczne dla okre lania w³asnych dzia³añ, uwra¿liwiæ siê na zmiany zachodz¹ce w spo³eczeñstwie i instytucjach kultury oraz rozwin¹æ instynkt w zakresie nowych potrzeb i nisz rynkowych. Szko³y wy¿sze, inaczej ni¿ w przypadku kursów weekendowych, fragmentarycznie przekazuj¹cych swoim s³uchaczom arkana zarz¹dzania kultur¹, dysponuj¹ czasem pozwalaj¹cym na dog³êbne poznanie nadbudowy dzia³alno ci kulturalno-organizacyjnej, tj. kwestii kulturalno-politycznych, kulturalno-socjologicznych, kulturalno-pedagogicznych oraz wiedzy o sztuce. Szko³y wy¿sze s¹ swego rodzaju inkubatorem, gdzie bez presji pragmatyzmu i rutyny dnia codziennego mo¿na rozwijaæ pomys³y, gdzie mo¿na siê uczyæ, jak nadaæ sens celowi (Hermann Glaser).

G

Wdra¿aj¹c formy kszta³cenia skupiaj¹ce siê na realizacji projektów, mo¿na dokonaæ bilansu ró¿nych tre ci i metod w zakresie interdyscyplinarnej dziedziny zarz¹dzania kultur¹ oraz poznaæ kompleksowe podej cie do tej dziedziny. Przyk³adowo, w trakcie pracy nad koncepcj¹ oraz nad realizacj¹ danego projektu student zdobywa rozmaite umiejêtno ci. Wyra niej ni¿ w innych formach seminaryjnych student rozwija takie zdolno ci, jak w³asna kreatywno æ, kompetencje spo³eczne, umiejêtno ci przywódcze. W ten sposób wykszta³ca tak¿e odwagê do podejmowania wyzwañ. G G

praktyka jako przyk³adowy materia³ pogl¹dowy w procesie kszta³cenia Dopiero analiza praktyki zawodowej w obecnie funkcjonuj¹cym kszta³cie mo¿e pozwoliæ na rozpoznanie i nazwanie szczególnych cech organizacji kulturalnej. Poniewa¿ student nie dysponuje jeszcze ugruntowan¹ wiedz¹, istotna staje siê dok³adna analiza i ocena porównawcza przytaczanych przyk³adów.

G

ak dalece studia musz¹ i mog¹ koncentrowaæ siê wokó³ praktyk zawodowych? Je li zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ rozumiane jest jako dyscyplina wizjonerska i innowacyjna, skupienie siê na praktyce zawodowej w obecnie funkcjonuj¹cym kszta³cie nie mo¿e staæ siê jedynym impulsem, chodzi bowiem o my lenie wybiegaj¹ce ponad stan istniej¹cy. Jednak mo¿liwo æ odbycia bezpo redniej praktyki w instytucji kultury wydaje siê kwesti¹ kluczow¹ dla nowej dyscypliny zarz¹dzania kultur¹ z wielu powodów:

J

Wieloaspektowe przyk³ady ukazuj¹ce mo¿liwo ci kszta³towania zmys³u rzeczywisto ci, umiejêtno ci przywódczych i odwagi w zarz¹dzaniu

230

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la formu³owania w³asnych celów kluczowe jest skoncentrowanie siê wokó³ kwestii kulturalno-politycznych. W polemice z kulturalno-politycznymi strukturami i celami, w porównawczym zestawieniu systemów finansowania kultury innych krajów czy w badaniu socjologicznym dotycz¹cym rodowisk spo³ecznych mo¿na odnale æ wytyczne dla okre lania w³asnych dzia³añ, uwra¿liwiæ siê na zmiany zachodz¹ce w spo³eczeñstwie i instytucjach kultury oraz rozwin¹æ instynkt w zakresie nowych potrzeb i nisz rynkowych. Szko³y wy¿sze, inaczej ni¿ w przypadku kursów weekendowych, fragmentarycznie przekazuj¹cych swoim s³uchaczom arkana zarz¹dzania kultur¹, dysponuj¹ czasem pozwalaj¹cym na dog³êbne poznanie nadbudowy dzia³alno ci kulturalno-organizacyjnej, tj. kwestii kulturalno-politycznych, kulturalno-socjologicznych, kulturalno-pedagogicznych oraz wiedzy o sztuce. Szko³y wy¿sze s¹ swego rodzaju inkubatorem, gdzie bez presji pragmatyzmu i rutyny dnia codziennego mo¿na rozwijaæ pomys³y, gdzie mo¿na siê uczyæ, jak nadaæ sens celowi (Hermann Glaser).

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Podjêcie kwestii kulturalno-politycznych i spo³eczno-ekonomicznych w celu wypracowania w³asnej pozycji oraz wizji jako mened¿er kultury jaki sposób mo¿na wykszta³ciæ te umiejêtno ci, wiêzi, jak nauczyæ identyfikowania wspólnych obszarów zainteresowañ i potencja³ów niezbêdnych do tworzenia nowych struktur, pielêgnowania jako ci, inicjowania projektów? Program w ramach zarz¹dzania kultur¹ powinien byæ mniej skoncentrowany na opanowaniu metod operacyjnych, a w wiêkszym stopniu zachêcaæ do podjêcia kwestii merytorycznych w odniesieniu zarówno do przemian spo³eczno-ekonomicznych, jak i do kultury i sztuki. Dyskurs toczony wokó³ zagadnieñ kulturalnych i spo³eczno-politycznych, wieloaspektowe przyk³ady praktyczne oraz cis³y kontakt ze sztuk¹ mog¹ stworzyæ konieczne uwarunkowania merytoryczne.

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Konsekwencje dla programu studiów wy¿szych w zakresie zarz¹dzania kultur¹

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

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Prawdziwa praktyka zawodowa uczy przede wszystkim tego, ¿e wszelkie idealistyczne koncepcje zarz¹dzania pozostaj¹ jedynie teori¹ i ¿e wci¹¿ napotykaj¹ na przeszkody stawiane przez rzeczywisto æ. Podczas praktyki okazuje siê, jak kluczowe s¹ jako kompetencje mened¿erów kultury elastyczno æ i otwarto æ.

Polemika ze sztuk¹ jako mo¿liwo æ wypracowania kryteriów jako ci

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ztuka jest niezbêdna w edukacji mened¿era kultury jako dawca substancji , poniewa¿ sztuka i arty ci stanowi¹ meritum ¿ycia kulturalnego. Dopiero dog³êbna wiedza w zakresie sztuki, w miarê mo¿liwo ci ugruntowana w³asn¹ praktyk¹ artystyczn¹, jest gwarantem prymatu tre ci (Max Fuchs) i przeniesienia punktu ciê¿ko ci na czynnik jako ci w zarz¹dzaniu. Z tego wzglêdu kierunek zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ tak czêsto znajduje siê w ofercie szkó³ wy¿szych o profilu artystycznym.

Dla zarz¹dzania kultur¹, jako nowej dziedziny edukacji i nauki, niezbêdny jest zarówno dyskurs z innymi dyscyplinami naukowymi socjologi¹, polityk¹, kulturoznawstwem, jak i z praktyk¹ kulturaln¹. Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ wymaga te¿ gruntownej wiedzy w zakresie kultury i sztuki, która nie jest li tylko wiedz¹ ksi¹¿kow¹, lecz pozyskan¹ w trakcie indywidualnego uprawiania sztuki. To daje szansê na swoisty wk³ad zarz¹dzania kultur¹ ukierunkowanego na publiczno æ, zorientowanego na jako æ, bliskiego sztuce, wizjonerskiego, wykraczaj¹cego daleko poza techniki z zakresu zarz¹dzania projektami. Dyscyplina zarz¹dzania kultur¹, podobnie jak to bywa w przypadku innych kierunków uniwersyteckich, okre la swoje punkty ciê¿ko ci: konieczna staje siê odpowied na pytanie o cele i misjê kszta³cenia. Jaki typ mened¿erów kultury zamierzamy wykszta³ciæ, do jakiego spo³ecznego celu d¹¿ymy?

ztuka jest niezbêdna w edukacji mened¿era kultury jako dawca substancji , poniewa¿ sztuka i arty ci stanowi¹ meritum ¿ycia kulturalnego. Dopiero dog³êbna wiedza w zakresie sztuki, w miarê mo¿liwo ci ugruntowana w³asn¹ praktyk¹ artystyczn¹, jest gwarantem prymatu tre ci (Max Fuchs) i przeniesienia punktu ciê¿ko ci na czynnik jako ci w zarz¹dzaniu. Z tego wzglêdu kierunek zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ tak czêsto znajduje siê w ofercie szkó³ wy¿szych o profilu artystycznym.

S

Polemika ze sztuk¹ jako mo¿liwo æ wypracowania kryteriów jako ci Prawdziwa praktyka zawodowa uczy przede wszystkim tego, ¿e wszelkie idealistyczne koncepcje zarz¹dzania pozostaj¹ jedynie teori¹ i ¿e wci¹¿ napotykaj¹ na przeszkody stawiane przez rzeczywisto æ. Podczas praktyki okazuje siê, jak kluczowe s¹ jako kompetencje mened¿erów kultury elastyczno æ i otwarto æ. Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

231

Dla zarz¹dzania kultur¹, jako nowej dziedziny edukacji i nauki, niezbêdny jest zarówno dyskurs z innymi dyscyplinami naukowymi socjologi¹, polityk¹, kulturoznawstwem, jak i z praktyk¹ kulturaln¹. Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ wymaga te¿ gruntownej wiedzy w zakresie kultury i sztuki, która nie jest li tylko wiedz¹ ksi¹¿kow¹, lecz pozyskan¹ w trakcie indywidualnego uprawiania sztuki. To daje szansê na swoisty wk³ad zarz¹dzania kultur¹ ukierunkowanego na publiczno æ, zorientowanego na jako æ, bliskiego sztuce, wizjonerskiego, wykraczaj¹cego daleko poza techniki z zakresu zarz¹dzania projektami. Dyscyplina zarz¹dzania kultur¹, podobnie jak to bywa w przypadku innych kierunków uniwersyteckich, okre la swoje punkty ciê¿ko ci: konieczna staje siê odpowied na pytanie o cele i misjê kszta³cenia. Jaki typ mened¿erów kultury zamierzamy wykszta³ciæ, do jakiego spo³ecznego celu d¹¿ymy?


232

Katherine Nölling

Dobro kultury czy kultura jako dobro rozwa¿ania w ujêciu ekonomicznym

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

T³umaczenie: Katarzyna Kopeæ

ior¹c pod uwagê jedynie powszechn¹ w niemieckich krêgach zwi¹zanych z kultur¹ opiniê, mo¿na by odnie æ wra¿enie, ¿e dra-

W

B

zakresie nauk ekonomicznych od dawna próbuje siê stosowaæ teoretyczn¹ wiedzê i analityczne instrumentarium równie¿ w obszarach, które nie zaliczaj¹ siê bezpo rednio do dziedziny ekonomii [Bendixen, 2001, s. 11]. Ta tendencja nie jest jednak zwi¹zana wy³¹cznie z ekspansywnymi d¹¿eniami tej nauki [Engelhardt, 1987]. Wp³yw na tak¹ sytuacjê ma bowiem fakt, i¿ w sposób istotny i zapewne nieodwracalny zmianie uleg³y uwarunkowania spo³eczno-gospodarcze w obszarach finansowanych w g³ównej mierze ze rodków publicznych.

232

Kultura jako produkt w ujêciu ekonomicznym

Tendencje w publicznym finansowaniu kultury w Niemczech i na £otwie

o wy¿ej wymienionych obszarów zalicza siê równie¿ kultura. Wydatki pañstwa przeznaczane na kulturê publiczn¹ , tzn. muzea, teatry, opery, biblioteki, ochronê zabytków, promocjê kultury za granic¹ oraz wy¿sze szko³y o profilu artystycznym, w Niemczech uleg³y w ostatnim okresie obni¿eniu. W roku 2003 bud¿et federalny, landy i gminy wyda³y prawie 8,2 mld euro na kulturê. Publiczne wydatki na tê sferê wynios³y jak w poprzednich latach 0,4% produktu krajowego brutto (dane Federalnego Urzêdu Statystycznego Sprawozdanie z finansowania kultury w roku 2003). Najbardziej aktualne szczegó³owe dane obejmuj¹ rok 2002, kiedy wydatki publiczne na kulturê wynios³y ³¹cznie 107 mln euro mniej ni¿ w roku poprzednim. Innymi s³owy, wydatki spad³y ³¹cznie o 1,3%. W sektorze kultury mo¿na wyró¿niæ zdecydowanych zwyciêzców i przegranych nast¹pi³ wzrost wydatków z bud¿etu federalnego na

D

D

finansowanie teatru i muzyki o 4,7% (144 mln euro), spadkowi o prawie 10% (134 mln euro) uleg³y natomiast wydatki na muzea, zbiory i wystawy oraz o 4% (60 mln euro) na biblioteki. Wyra nie zwiêkszono wydatki z bud¿etu federalnego na ochronê zabytków o prawie jedn¹ trzeci¹, tj. o 133 mln euro natomiast wy¿sze szko³y artystyczne otrzyma³y prawie 3% mniej (13 mln euro). Reasumuj¹c, mo¿na uznaæ, ¿e zaprezentowany powy¿ej spadek ogó³u wydatków bud¿etu Niemiec na kulturê jest stosunkowo umiarkowany, jakkolwiek rozwa¿aj¹c sytuacjê w perspektywie d³ugoterminowej, pocz¹wszy od 1995 roku wydaje siê, ¿e apogeum bud¿etowego finansowania kultury mamy ju¿ za sob¹ i trudno oczekiwaæ wzrostu wydatków w przysz³o ci. Na £otwie wydatki bud¿etu pañstwa (General government consolidated budget, 2005 ) na obszar Wypoczynek, sport, kultura i sprawy wyznaniowe kszta³tuj¹ siê zupe³nie inaczej. W latach 2000 2004 nast¹pi³ wzrost wydatków z 60 mln ³atów ³otewskich (ok. 103 mln euro) do ponad 95 mln ³atów (ok. 136 mln euro), tzn. ³¹cznie o prawie 60% (zgodnie z danymi £otewskiego Urzêdu Statystycznego). By dok³adnie okre liæ, ile z tej kwoty przypad³o na kulturê, nale¿a³oby przeprowadziæ szczegó³owe badania przy tej skali progresji mo¿na jednak¿e za³o¿yæ, i¿ ta dziedzina równie¿ zosta³a objêta wzrostem.

Tendencje w publicznym finansowaniu kultury w Niemczech i na £otwie

finansowanie teatru i muzyki o 4,7% (144 mln euro), spadkowi o prawie 10% (134 mln euro) uleg³y natomiast wydatki na muzea, zbiory i wystawy oraz o 4% (60 mln euro) na biblioteki. Wyra nie zwiêkszono wydatki z bud¿etu federalnego na ochronê zabytków o prawie jedn¹ trzeci¹, tj. o 133 mln euro natomiast wy¿sze szko³y artystyczne otrzyma³y prawie 3% mniej (13 mln euro). Reasumuj¹c, mo¿na uznaæ, ¿e zaprezentowany powy¿ej spadek ogó³u wydatków bud¿etu Niemiec na kulturê jest stosunkowo umiarkowany, jakkolwiek rozwa¿aj¹c sytuacjê w perspektywie d³ugoterminowej, pocz¹wszy od 1995 roku wydaje siê, ¿e apogeum bud¿etowego finansowania kultury mamy ju¿ za sob¹ i trudno oczekiwaæ wzrostu wydatków w przysz³o ci. Na £otwie wydatki bud¿etu pañstwa (General government consolidated budget, 2005 ) na obszar Wypoczynek, sport, kultura i sprawy wyznaniowe kszta³tuj¹ siê zupe³nie inaczej. W latach 2000 2004 nast¹pi³ wzrost wydatków z 60 mln ³atów ³otewskich (ok. 103 mln euro) do ponad 95 mln ³atów (ok. 136 mln euro), tzn. ³¹cznie o prawie 60% (zgodnie z danymi £otewskiego Urzêdu Statystycznego). By dok³adnie okre liæ, ile z tej kwoty przypad³o na kulturê, nale¿a³oby przeprowadziæ szczegó³owe badania przy tej skali progresji mo¿na jednak¿e za³o¿yæ, i¿ ta dziedzina równie¿ zosta³a objêta wzrostem.

Kultura jako produkt w ujêciu ekonomicznym

Katherine Nölling absolwentka ekonomii ogólnej, polityki i historii spo³eczno-gospodarczej Uniwersytetu w Hamburgu. W latach 1990 93 pracownik naukowy Katedry Polityki Gospodarczej Uniwersytetu Bundeswehry w Hamburgu, gdzie napisa³a doktorat na temat kryzysu amerykañskich instytucji bankowych. W latach 2003 05 wyk³ada³a ekonomiê ogóln¹ na Uniwersytecie w Hamburgu oraz finanse publiczne w Wy¿szej Szkole Studiów Niestacjonarnych w Hamburgu (Fern-Hochschule Hamburg). Od 2005 roku jest wyk³adowc¹ ekonomii w £otewskiej Akademii Kultury w Rydze.

zakresie nauk ekonomicznych od dawna próbuje siê stosowaæ teoretyczn¹ wiedzê i analityczne instrumentarium równie¿ w obszarach, które nie zaliczaj¹ siê bezpo rednio do dziedziny ekonomii [Bendixen, 2001, s. 11]. Ta tendencja nie jest jednak zwi¹zana wy³¹cznie z ekspansywnymi d¹¿eniami tej nauki [Engelhardt, 1987]. Wp³yw na tak¹ sytuacjê ma bowiem fakt, i¿ w sposób istotny i zapewne nieodwracalny zmianie uleg³y uwarunkowania spo³eczno-gospodarcze w obszarach finansowanych w g³ównej mierze ze rodków publicznych.

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W

ior¹c pod uwagê jedynie powszechn¹ w niemieckich krêgach zwi¹zanych z kultur¹ opiniê, mo¿na by odnie æ wra¿enie, ¿e dra-

T³umaczenie: Katarzyna Kopeæ

o wy¿ej wymienionych obszarów zalicza siê równie¿ kultura. Wydatki pañstwa przeznaczane na kulturê publiczn¹ , tzn. muzea, teatry, opery, biblioteki, ochronê zabytków, promocjê kultury za granic¹ oraz wy¿sze szko³y o profilu artystycznym, w Niemczech uleg³y w ostatnim okresie obni¿eniu. W roku 2003 bud¿et federalny, landy i gminy wyda³y prawie 8,2 mld euro na kulturê. Publiczne wydatki na tê sferê wynios³y jak w poprzednich latach 0,4% produktu krajowego brutto (dane Federalnego Urzêdu Statystycznego Sprawozdanie z finansowania kultury w roku 2003). Najbardziej aktualne szczegó³owe dane obejmuj¹ rok 2002, kiedy wydatki publiczne na kulturê wynios³y ³¹cznie 107 mln euro mniej ni¿ w roku poprzednim. Innymi s³owy, wydatki spad³y ³¹cznie o 1,3%. W sektorze kultury mo¿na wyró¿niæ zdecydowanych zwyciêzców i przegranych nast¹pi³ wzrost wydatków z bud¿etu federalnego na

Katherine Nölling

Katherine Nölling absolwentka ekonomii ogólnej, polityki i historii spo³eczno-gospodarczej Uniwersytetu w Hamburgu. W latach 1990 93 pracownik naukowy Katedry Polityki Gospodarczej Uniwersytetu Bundeswehry w Hamburgu, gdzie napisa³a doktorat na temat kryzysu amerykañskich instytucji bankowych. W latach 2003 05 wyk³ada³a ekonomiê ogóln¹ na Uniwersytecie w Hamburgu oraz finanse publiczne w Wy¿szej Szkole Studiów Niestacjonarnych w Hamburgu (Fern-Hochschule Hamburg). Od 2005 roku jest wyk³adowc¹ ekonomii w £otewskiej Akademii Kultury w Rydze.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Dobro kultury czy kultura jako dobro rozwa¿ania w ujêciu ekonomicznym


233

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Tabela 1. WYDATKI PUBLICZNE NA KULTURÊ I SZTUKÊ W MLN EURO W NIEMCZECH WED³UG RODZAJÓW DZIA³ALNO CI teatr/muzyka

1995 2752

1999 2875

2000 2966

2001 3080

2002 3224

biblioteki

1058

1270

1306

1372

1312

muzea, zbiory, wystawy ochrona i konserwacja zabytków

1130 315

1218 313

1284 318

1376 404

1242 537

promocja kultury za granic¹

352

329

314

315

320

wy¿sze szko³y artystyczne inna ochrona zabytków kultury

369 1018

396 1056

418 1110

436 899

423 736

koszty administracyjne zwi¹zane z kultur¹ Wydatki na kulturê ³¹cznie dla porównania: dziedziny zwi¹zane z sektorem kultury

464

479

492

519

499

7468

7937

8206

8400

8293

1438

1466

1463

1646

1533

2003

8196*

(o rodki kszta³cenia doros³ych, edukacja ustawiczna, zwi¹zki wyznaniowe, radio, telewizja) * Dane szacunkowe. ród³o: Federalny Urz¹d Statystyczny (7 IV 2005)

stycznie obciêto rodki finansowe przyznawane instytucjom kultury. Jednak¿e pomiêdzy obiektywnymi danymi a subiektywnymi odczuciami zachodzi, moim zdaniem, wyra na sprzeczno æ. Ta sprzeczno æ wed³ug mojego rozumienia jest skutkiem coraz czê ciej pojawiaj¹cego siê wymogu sk³adania przez osoby zarz¹dzaj¹ce instytucjami kultury sprawozdañ finansowych dotycz¹cych dzia³alno ci podleg³ych im placówek. Pytanie, które dzi ju¿ mo¿emy zadaæ wprost czyli: Czy to siê op³aca? by³o przez d³ugi czas w odniesieniu do kultury niespotykane, aby nie powiedzieæ niestosowne przynajmniej z punktu widzenia twórców kultury. Stopniowo jednak zaczyna dominowaæ opinia, ¿e równie¿ kultura i sztuka musz¹ w sposób przejrzysty rozliczaæ siê ze rodków otrzymywanych z bud¿etu pañstwa oraz ¿e rozdzia³ oraz wysoko æ przyznawanych rodków nie s¹ oczywiste i mog¹ podlegaæ zmianom. Jedynie osoby zaanga¿owane w tworzenie kultury arty ci i organizatorzy s¹ przekonani, ¿e finansowanie kultury odbywa siê poza rynkiem [Knüsel, 2003, s. 3]. W czysto ekonomicznym ujêciu kultura jest jedynie towarem, jak wszystkie inne dobra jest wytwarzana i konsumowana, podlegaj¹c prawom poda¿y i popytu. Uwarunkowania dotycz¹ce produkcji oraz w³¹czenia do oferty rynkowej produktu kultura nie odbiegaj¹ w ujêciu ekonomii od tych odnosz¹cych siê przyk³adowo do obuwia lub pieczywa. Podobnie kszta³tuje siê sytuacja z punktu widzenia popytu. Konsumpcja produktu, jakim jest kultura , przysparza jednostce korzy ci. Te korzy ci odpowiadaj¹ cenie, w jakiej oferowany jest dany towar, lub s¹ nawet wiêksze je li za s¹ mniejsze, popyt wygasa. Rozwa¿ania prezentuj¹ce sposoby postrzegania tych

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

korzy ci przez klientów np. czy korzy æ z czystej konsumpcji dóbr kultury polega na tym, ¿eby byæ obecnym i widzianym we foyer opery pozostaj¹ nieistotne z punktu widzenia analizy ekonomicznej. Konsument i wy³¹cznie on jest wiadom korzy ci dla siebie. W teorii zachowañ konsumentów punktem wyj cia jest za³o¿enie, ¿e nabywca nie tylko potrafi wyraziæ swoje preferencje, lecz równie¿ ma jasno zarysowan¹ ich strukturê, co u³atwia mu podjêcie decyzji, na co przeznaczy swoje pieni¹dze. Konsument jest wiêc w stanie wybraæ optymaln¹ dla siebie strukturê konsumpcji. Znajduje siê on w sytuacji równowagi nie ¿yczy sobie dokonywaæ dalszych modyfikacji w rodzaju i/lub ilo ci konsumowanych towarów i us³ug, gdy¿ rozdzieli³ ju¿ wydatki wed³ug przez siebie dobranego klucza na poszczególne towary w ten sposób, ¿e okre lone kombinacje poszczególnych towarów gwarantuj¹ mu pewien poziom korzy ci. Poniewa¿ konsument dysponuje okre lonymi dochodami i ograniczony jest cenami, na które nie ma wp³ywu, nie mo¿e zakupiæ dowolnej ilo ci towarów. Musi wiêc dokonaæ wyboru. Powy¿sze za³o¿enia s¹ kluczowe dla ekonomicznego postrzegania konsumenta jako suwerennego podmiotu lub te¿, innymi s³owy, dla koncepcji niezale¿no ci konsumenta. W tym liberalnym ujêciu ka¿dy konsument ma nie tylko jasno zarysowan¹ strukturê korzy ci, ale jest tak¿e podmiotem, który potrafi jako jedyny najlepiej oceniæ korzy ci. ¯adna inna osoba, a tym bardziej instytucja, nie potrafi tak dobrze oszacowaæ korzy ci, jak czyni to ka¿dy z nas w stosunku do samego siebie. Ta niezale¿no æ konsumenta jest du¿¹ si³¹ i niekwestionowan¹ warto ci¹. Oznacza wolno æ jednostki w zakresie dokonywania wybo-

233

stycznie obciêto rodki finansowe przyznawane instytucjom kultury. Jednak¿e pomiêdzy obiektywnymi danymi a subiektywnymi odczuciami zachodzi, moim zdaniem, wyra na sprzeczno æ. Ta sprzeczno æ wed³ug mojego rozumienia jest skutkiem coraz czê ciej pojawiaj¹cego siê wymogu sk³adania przez osoby zarz¹dzaj¹ce instytucjami kultury sprawozdañ finansowych dotycz¹cych dzia³alno ci podleg³ych im placówek. Pytanie, które dzi ju¿ mo¿emy zadaæ wprost czyli: Czy to siê op³aca? by³o przez d³ugi czas w odniesieniu do kultury niespotykane, aby nie powiedzieæ niestosowne przynajmniej z punktu widzenia twórców kultury. Stopniowo jednak zaczyna dominowaæ opinia, ¿e równie¿ kultura i sztuka musz¹ w sposób przejrzysty rozliczaæ siê ze rodków otrzymywanych z bud¿etu pañstwa oraz ¿e rozdzia³ oraz wysoko æ przyznawanych rodków nie s¹ oczywiste i mog¹ podlegaæ zmianom. Jedynie osoby zaanga¿owane w tworzenie kultury arty ci i organizatorzy s¹ przekonani, ¿e finansowanie kultury odbywa siê poza rynkiem [Knüsel, 2003, s. 3]. W czysto ekonomicznym ujêciu kultura jest jedynie towarem, jak wszystkie inne dobra jest wytwarzana i konsumowana, podlegaj¹c prawom poda¿y i popytu. Uwarunkowania dotycz¹ce produkcji oraz w³¹czenia do oferty rynkowej produktu kultura nie odbiegaj¹ w ujêciu ekonomii od tych odnosz¹cych siê przyk³adowo do obuwia lub pieczywa. Podobnie kszta³tuje siê sytuacja z punktu widzenia popytu. Konsumpcja produktu, jakim jest kultura , przysparza jednostce korzy ci. Te korzy ci odpowiadaj¹ cenie, w jakiej oferowany jest dany towar, lub s¹ nawet wiêksze je li za s¹ mniejsze, popyt wygasa. Rozwa¿ania prezentuj¹ce sposoby postrzegania tych

korzy ci przez klientów np. czy korzy æ z czystej konsumpcji dóbr kultury polega na tym, ¿eby byæ obecnym i widzianym we foyer opery pozostaj¹ nieistotne z punktu widzenia analizy ekonomicznej. Konsument i wy³¹cznie on jest wiadom korzy ci dla siebie. W teorii zachowañ konsumentów punktem wyj cia jest za³o¿enie, ¿e nabywca nie tylko potrafi wyraziæ swoje preferencje, lecz równie¿ ma jasno zarysowan¹ ich strukturê, co u³atwia mu podjêcie decyzji, na co przeznaczy swoje pieni¹dze. Konsument jest wiêc w stanie wybraæ optymaln¹ dla siebie strukturê konsumpcji. Znajduje siê on w sytuacji równowagi nie ¿yczy sobie dokonywaæ dalszych modyfikacji w rodzaju i/lub ilo ci konsumowanych towarów i us³ug, gdy¿ rozdzieli³ ju¿ wydatki wed³ug przez siebie dobranego klucza na poszczególne towary w ten sposób, ¿e okre lone kombinacje poszczególnych towarów gwarantuj¹ mu pewien poziom korzy ci. Poniewa¿ konsument dysponuje okre lonymi dochodami i ograniczony jest cenami, na które nie ma wp³ywu, nie mo¿e zakupiæ dowolnej ilo ci towarów. Musi wiêc dokonaæ wyboru. Powy¿sze za³o¿enia s¹ kluczowe dla ekonomicznego postrzegania konsumenta jako suwerennego podmiotu lub te¿, innymi s³owy, dla koncepcji niezale¿no ci konsumenta. W tym liberalnym ujêciu ka¿dy konsument ma nie tylko jasno zarysowan¹ strukturê korzy ci, ale jest tak¿e podmiotem, który potrafi jako jedyny najlepiej oceniæ korzy ci. ¯adna inna osoba, a tym bardziej instytucja, nie potrafi tak dobrze oszacowaæ korzy ci, jak czyni to ka¿dy z nas w stosunku do samego siebie. Ta niezale¿no æ konsumenta jest du¿¹ si³¹ i niekwestionowan¹ warto ci¹. Oznacza wolno æ jednostki w zakresie dokonywania wybo-

* Dane szacunkowe. ród³o: Federalny Urz¹d Statystyczny (7 IV 2005)

zwi¹zki wyznaniowe, radio, telewizja)

1438

1466

1463

1646

1533

(o rodki kszta³cenia doros³ych, edukacja ustawiczna, Wydatki na kulturê ³¹cznie dla porównania: dziedziny zwi¹zane z sektorem kultury

7468 464

koszty administracyjne zwi¹zane z kultur¹

369 1018

wy¿sze szko³y artystyczne inna ochrona zabytków kultury

352

promocja kultury za granic¹

1130 315

muzea, zbiory, wystawy ochrona i konserwacja zabytków

1058

biblioteki

1995 2752

teatr/muzyka

7937 479 396 1056 329 1218 313 1270 1999 2875

8206 492 418 1110 314 1284 318 1306 2000 2966

8400 519 436 899 315 1376 404 1372 2001 3080

8293

8196*

499 423 736 320 1242 537 1312 2002 3224

2003

Tabela 1. WYDATKI PUBLICZNE NA KULTURÊ I SZTUKÊ W MLN EURO W NIEMCZECH WED³UG RODZAJÓW DZIA³ALNO CI


234

N

Czy rynek dóbr kultury rz¹dzi siê innymi prawami? rów i zapewnia mo¿liwo æ wybrania wy³¹cznie takiej opcji, która w czasie podejmowania decyzji wydaje siê najw³a ciwsza z punktu widzenia danej jednostki. Mechanizm rynkowy dobrze sprawdza siê w zakresie oferowania dóbr prywatnych. Opiera siê na wymianie, która mo¿e funkcjonowaæ jedynie w korelacji z przeniesieniem wy³¹cznego prawa w³asno ci. W konsekwencji z wymiany wyeliminowane zostaj¹ osoby niebêd¹ce w stanie zap³aciæ za dane dobro. Konsumenci musz¹ wyraziæ zapotrzebowanie na towar, który pragn¹ nabyæ, ukazuj¹c producentom swoje preferencje w ten sposób dochodzi do kszta³towania ceny!

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

nienie interwencjonizmu pañstwa w mechanizm rynkowy. Uzasadnieniem jest twierdzenie, i¿ rynek zawodzi w zakresie oferowania dóbr publicznych. Jak objawia siê ta niedoskona³o æ mechanizmów rynkowych? Dobra publiczne ze wzglêdu na techniczne w³a ciwo ci nie s¹ oferowane za po rednictwem rynku czyli przez prywatne przedsiêbiorstwa poniewa¿ wyró¿niaj¹ je dwie cechy: brak zasady wy³¹czno ci konsumpcji oraz brak rywalizacji w konsumpcji. Zasada wy³¹czno ci nie ma zastosowania, kiedy konsumenci bez uiszczenia nale¿no ci mog¹ korzystaæ z danego dobra lub gdy wy³¹czenie kogokolwiek z mo¿liwo ci korzystania z dobra jest z punktu widzenia producenta owego dobra ekonomicznie nieop³acalne. Klasycznymi przyk³adami tej sytuacji jest o wietlenie ulic lub funkcjonowanie latarni morskich. Strategia zachowania konsumentów powoduje, ¿e poniewa¿ ka¿dy mo¿e korzystaæ z dóbr publicznych dopiero wówczas, gdy znajd¹ siê one w ofercie zachodzi pokusa, by poczekaæ i sprawdziæ, czy inni konsumenci sfinansuj¹ ofertê, zanim wyrazimy swoj¹ gotowo æ do wniesienia op³aty i tym samym zaprezentujemy swoje preferencje. Je li strategia zachowania konsumentów wyra¿aj¹ca siê w braku wspó³pracy dominuje, nie dojdzie do wykszta³towania siê oferty prywatnej. Rynek nie dzia³a nastêpuje za³amanie siê funkcjonowania mechanizmu rynkowego. Racjonalne zachowanie jednostki prowadzi wiêc do kolektywnej irracjonalno ci. Czynniki poda¿y i popytu s¹ wprawdzie obecne, ale rynek nie potrafi ich skoordynowaæ.

234

Czy kultura nale¿y do dóbr publicznych?

eoria dóbr publicznych stanowi naukowy fundament funkcji alokacyjnej pañstwa, tj. udzia³u pañstwa w procesie zarz¹dzania rodkami, stanowi¹c tym samym istotne uzasad-

echanizm rynkowy jest w³a ciwy dla oferowania dóbr prywatnych. Opiera siê na wymianie, której nieod³¹cznym elementem jest przeniesienie wy³¹cznego prawa w³asno ci. Je li konsument nie jest gotowy do uiszczenia nale¿no ci, zostaje wy³¹czony z tego procesu. Pañstwo musi kszta³towaæ poda¿ specyficznie publicznych dóbr, gdy¿ jest w stanie ze wzglêdu na swoje kompetencje zwierzchnie zagwarantowaæ finansowanie oferty tych dóbr poprzez pobieranie obligatoryjnych op³at. Jakie cechy charakterystyczne wykazuje rynek dóbr zaliczanych do obszaru kultury? Czy w³a ciwo ci typowe dla sfery dóbr publicznych znajduj¹ w tym przypadku zastosowanie? Odpowied brzmi: nie!

M

T

M

a rynku dóbr kultury niezale¿no æ konsumenta nie jest zachowana, gdy¿ nie jest on konfrontowany z cenami rynkowymi. W procesie kszta³towania cen na dobra kultury nie dochodzi do odzwierciedlenia kosztów, które generowane s¹ w procesie ich wytwarzania. Co wiêcej, mo¿e doj æ do sytuacji, kiedy produkt kultura znajduje siê w ofercie, ale zapotrzebowanie na niego nie kszta³tuje siê na uzasadniaj¹cym funkcjonowanie tej oferty poziomie. W efekcie nie nastêpuje korelacja miêdzy popytem a ilo ci¹ i jako ci¹ oferowanych dóbr kultury. Funkcjonuj¹cy obecnie rynek dóbr kultury nie rz¹dzi siê tymi prawami, co rynek obuwniczy czy piekarniczy, lecz wyró¿niaj¹ go swoiste w³a ciwo ci. Poda¿ i popyt opieraj¹ siê w wielu obszarach regulacjom gospodarki rynkowej. Pañstwo ingeruje, gdy¿ rynek w procesie tworzenia dóbr kultury nie wytwarza rezultatów, które spo³eczeñstwo uwa¿a za wystarczaj¹ce czy po¿¹dane. Dobro kultura , je li rozumiemy je jako ofertê teatrów, oper, muzeów czy bibliotek, jest przynajmniej w krajach europejskich w przewa¿aj¹cej mierze oferowane przez pañstwo, a w mniejszym stopniu przez gospodarkê prywatn¹. Dla ingerencji pañstwa w prawa rynku teoria ekonomii podaje ró¿ne uzasadnienia.

Gwarantowanie publicznych dóbr jako zadanie pañstwa

Czy kultura nale¿y do dóbr publicznych?

Gwarantowanie publicznych dóbr jako zadanie pañstwa

a rynku dóbr kultury niezale¿no æ konsumenta nie jest zachowana, gdy¿ nie jest on konfrontowany z cenami rynkowymi. W procesie kszta³towania cen na dobra kultury nie dochodzi do odzwierciedlenia kosztów, które generowane s¹ w procesie ich wytwarzania. Co wiêcej, mo¿e doj æ do sytuacji, kiedy produkt kultura znajduje siê w ofercie, ale zapotrzebowanie na niego nie kszta³tuje siê na uzasadniaj¹cym funkcjonowanie tej oferty poziomie. W efekcie nie nastêpuje korelacja miêdzy popytem a ilo ci¹ i jako ci¹ oferowanych dóbr kultury. Funkcjonuj¹cy obecnie rynek dóbr kultury nie rz¹dzi siê tymi prawami, co rynek obuwniczy czy piekarniczy, lecz wyró¿niaj¹ go swoiste w³a ciwo ci. Poda¿ i popyt opieraj¹ siê w wielu obszarach regulacjom gospodarki rynkowej. Pañstwo ingeruje, gdy¿ rynek w procesie tworzenia dóbr kultury nie wytwarza rezultatów, które spo³eczeñstwo uwa¿a za wystarczaj¹ce czy po¿¹dane. Dobro kultura , je li rozumiemy je jako ofertê teatrów, oper, muzeów czy bibliotek, jest przynajmniej w krajach europejskich w przewa¿aj¹cej mierze oferowane przez pañstwo, a w mniejszym stopniu przez gospodarkê prywatn¹. Dla ingerencji pañstwa w prawa rynku teoria ekonomii podaje ró¿ne uzasadnienia.

T

N

echanizm rynkowy jest w³a ciwy dla oferowania dóbr prywatnych. Opiera siê na wymianie, której nieod³¹cznym elementem jest przeniesienie wy³¹cznego prawa w³asno ci. Je li konsument nie jest gotowy do uiszczenia nale¿no ci, zostaje wy³¹czony z tego procesu. Pañstwo musi kszta³towaæ poda¿ specyficznie publicznych dóbr, gdy¿ jest w stanie ze wzglêdu na swoje kompetencje zwierzchnie zagwarantowaæ finansowanie oferty tych dóbr poprzez pobieranie obligatoryjnych op³at. Jakie cechy charakterystyczne wykazuje rynek dóbr zaliczanych do obszaru kultury? Czy w³a ciwo ci typowe dla sfery dóbr publicznych znajduj¹ w tym przypadku zastosowanie? Odpowied brzmi: nie!

Czy rynek dóbr kultury rz¹dzi siê innymi prawami?

nienie interwencjonizmu pañstwa w mechanizm rynkowy. Uzasadnieniem jest twierdzenie, i¿ rynek zawodzi w zakresie oferowania dóbr publicznych. Jak objawia siê ta niedoskona³o æ mechanizmów rynkowych? Dobra publiczne ze wzglêdu na techniczne w³a ciwo ci nie s¹ oferowane za po rednictwem rynku czyli przez prywatne przedsiêbiorstwa poniewa¿ wyró¿niaj¹ je dwie cechy: brak zasady wy³¹czno ci konsumpcji oraz brak rywalizacji w konsumpcji. Zasada wy³¹czno ci nie ma zastosowania, kiedy konsumenci bez uiszczenia nale¿no ci mog¹ korzystaæ z danego dobra lub gdy wy³¹czenie kogokolwiek z mo¿liwo ci korzystania z dobra jest z punktu widzenia producenta owego dobra ekonomicznie nieop³acalne. Klasycznymi przyk³adami tej sytuacji jest o wietlenie ulic lub funkcjonowanie latarni morskich. Strategia zachowania konsumentów powoduje, ¿e poniewa¿ ka¿dy mo¿e korzystaæ z dóbr publicznych dopiero wówczas, gdy znajd¹ siê one w ofercie zachodzi pokusa, by poczekaæ i sprawdziæ, czy inni konsumenci sfinansuj¹ ofertê, zanim wyrazimy swoj¹ gotowo æ do wniesienia op³aty i tym samym zaprezentujemy swoje preferencje. Je li strategia zachowania konsumentów wyra¿aj¹ca siê w braku wspó³pracy dominuje, nie dojdzie do wykszta³towania siê oferty prywatnej. Rynek nie dzia³a nastêpuje za³amanie siê funkcjonowania mechanizmu rynkowego. Racjonalne zachowanie jednostki prowadzi wiêc do kolektywnej irracjonalno ci. Czynniki poda¿y i popytu s¹ wprawdzie obecne, ale rynek nie potrafi ich skoordynowaæ.

eoria dóbr publicznych stanowi naukowy fundament funkcji alokacyjnej pañstwa, tj. udzia³u pañstwa w procesie zarz¹dzania rodkami, stanowi¹c tym samym istotne uzasad-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

rów i zapewnia mo¿liwo æ wybrania wy³¹cznie takiej opcji, która w czasie podejmowania decyzji wydaje siê najw³a ciwsza z punktu widzenia danej jednostki. Mechanizm rynkowy dobrze sprawdza siê w zakresie oferowania dóbr prywatnych. Opiera siê na wymianie, która mo¿e funkcjonowaæ jedynie w korelacji z przeniesieniem wy³¹cznego prawa w³asno ci. W konsekwencji z wymiany wyeliminowane zostaj¹ osoby niebêd¹ce w stanie zap³aciæ za dane dobro. Konsumenci musz¹ wyraziæ zapotrzebowanie na towar, który pragn¹ nabyæ, ukazuj¹c producentom swoje preferencje w ten sposób dochodzi do kszta³towania ceny!


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Kultury nie mo¿emy w³¹czyæ w poczet dóbr publicznych, gdy¿ nie wystêpuje w tym przypadku zjawisko separacji konsumentów od konsumowanego dobra. Dowody na wzajemny wp³yw tych dwóch czynników znajdujemy co wieczór przy kasach teatrów, oper, muzeów czy w bibliotekach. £¹cznikiem jest cena konsument, je li tylko pragnie konsumowaæ okre lone dobro, p³ac¹c za nie, daje wyraz swoim preferencjom. Fa³szywa jest tak¿e teza, i¿ w przypadku kultury wystêpuje brak konkurencji podczas konsumpcji. Ka¿dy, kto odwiedzi³ wziêt¹ wystawê, wie, ¿e konsumpcja w tej sytuacji polegaj¹ca na ogl¹daniu obrazu mo¿e zostaæ zak³ócona przez innych konsumentów. W przypadku kultury mo¿emy mówiæ o wystêpowaniu szczególnego zjawiska mimo i¿ nie mamy do czynienia z nieprawid³owo ciami w funkcjonowaniu mechanizmów rynkowych (typowych dla dóbr publicznych), obserwujemy ingerencjê pañstwa. Proces wytwarzania produktu kultura jest w znaczniej mierze wspierany finansowo z bud¿etu pañstwa.

Kultura jako dobro merytoryczne

A

by uzasadniæ ingerencjê pañstwa w sytuacji, kiedy nie mamy do czynienia z nieprawid³owo ciami w funkcjonowaniu rynku, amerykañski ekonomista Richard Musgrave ju¿ w roku 1959 wprowadzi³ koncepcjê tzw. dóbr merytorycznych [Musgrave, 1959]. Wed³ug tej teorii dostarczanie dóbr publicznych nie jest jedynym zadaniem pañstwa. W okre lonych przypadkach, kiedy rynek wprawdzie dzia³a, ale z punktu widzenia pañstwa b¹d spo³eczeñstwa przynosi niepo¿¹dane rezultaty, pañstwo musi ingerowaæ w indywidualny wybór konsumenta. Powody, dla których rynek przynosi niepo¿¹dane efekty, odnajdujemy w zniekszta³conych preferencjach konsumentów, w niepe³nych b¹d nieprawdziwych informacjach docieraj¹cych do obywateli [Brümmerhoff, 2001, s.113]. Konieczno æ ingerencji w niezale¿no æ konsumentów oraz korekty indywidualnych preferencji sk³aniaj¹ pañstwo do stworzenia publicznej oferty, poniewa¿ ograniczenie siê jedynie do prywatnej regulacji mog³oby doprowadziæ do sytuacji dostarczenia okre lonych dóbr w niewystarczaj¹cym wymiarze. Merytoryczne lub warto ciowe dla spo³eczeñstwa dobra s¹ dobrami rynkowymi, na które ze wzglêdu na zniekszta³cone preferencje istnieje zbyt ma³e zapotrzebowanie ze strony nabywców. Pañstwo ocenia okre lone do-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

bra wy¿ej, ni¿ znajduje to odzwierciedlenie w popycie u konsumentów. Wprowadzenie powszechnego obowi¹zku szkolnego w XVIII wieku 28 pa dziernika 1717 roku Fryderyk Wilhelm I wprowadzi³ w Prusach powszechny obowi¹zek szkolny jest przyk³adem ingerencji pañstwa zgodnie z teori¹ dóbr merytorycznych. Pañstwo uzna³o, ¿e zarówno dla ka¿dego dziecka, jak i dla ca³ego spo³eczeñstwa korzystne bêdzie, je li dzieci bêd¹ dobrze wykszta³cone, zmuszaj¹c rodziców do pos³ania ich do szko³y. Analogiczna sytuacja wystêpuje w przypadku opieki emerytalnej pañstwo postrzega tê kwestiê w perspektywie dalszej ni¿ jednostka i zobowi¹zuje ka¿dego do ubezpieczenia. Ta w³a nie argumentacja uzasadniaj¹ca ingerencjê pañstwa jest stosowana dla uzasadnienia ponoszenia przez pañstwo wydatków na kulturê. Z tego punktu widzenia zadanie pañstwa polega na trosce o bardziej ró¿norodn¹ ofertê. Dobra niemerytoryczne s¹ przez konsumentów przeszacowane. Pañstwo zgodnie z t¹ teori¹ powinno ograniczyæ ich poda¿ rynkow¹. Przyk³adami takich dóbr s¹ alkohol, hazard lub narkotyki pañstwo wiêc sztucznie zawy¿a ceny na owe dobra, ogranicza dostêpno æ lub wrêcz ich zakazuje. Dobro kultura zalicza siê w duchu tej argumentacji w sposób jednoznaczny do dóbr merytorycznych. Najwyra niej tak przedstawia to oficjalna wyk³adnia obywatele nie s¹ w stanie prawid³owo oceniæ korzy ci wynikaj¹cych z kultury. Popyt ze strony konsumentów je li proces ustalania cen zosta³by pozostawiony w gestii rynku kszta³towa³by siê na niskim poziomie, w ka¿dym razie na ni¿szym ni¿ patrz¹c z punktu widzenia pañstwa jest to dla konsumentów wskazane. A wiêc pañstwo sztucznie stwarza ulgi na dane dobro i próbuje w ten sposób troszczyæ siê o to, by z dóbr kultury korzysta³a wiêksza liczba obywateli, ni¿ czyni³aby to bez ingerencji pañstwa. Pañstwowy mandat na kszta³towanie oferty kulturalnej dominuje i wiêkszo æ z nas zgadza siê na takie wykorzystywanie rodków publicznych. Czy rodki przeznaczane na subwencjonowanie przedsiêwziêæ kulturalnych, aby maksymalnie wielu ludziom umo¿liwiæ dostêp do kultury, s¹ w³a ciwie kierowane? Wedle moich szacunków, z pañstwowej pomocy korzystaj¹ obecnie te krêgi spo³eczeñstwa, które tego wsparcia nie potrzebuj¹. Kupon kulturalny prawdopodobnie najlepiej spisuje siê jako polityczne uzasadnienie pañstwowej ingerencji w rynek kultury. Powstaje pytanie, jak d³ugo bêdzie trwaæ przyzwolenie na taki stan rzeczy? Z ekonomicz-

235

by uzasadniæ ingerencjê pañstwa w sytuacji, kiedy nie mamy do czynienia z nieprawid³owo ciami w funkcjonowaniu rynku, amerykañski ekonomista Richard Musgrave ju¿ w roku 1959 wprowadzi³ koncepcjê tzw. dóbr merytorycznych [Musgrave, 1959]. Wed³ug tej teorii dostarczanie dóbr publicznych nie jest jedynym zadaniem pañstwa. W okre lonych przypadkach, kiedy rynek wprawdzie dzia³a, ale z punktu widzenia pañstwa b¹d spo³eczeñstwa przynosi niepo¿¹dane rezultaty, pañstwo musi ingerowaæ w indywidualny wybór konsumenta. Powody, dla których rynek przynosi niepo¿¹dane efekty, odnajdujemy w zniekszta³conych preferencjach konsumentów, w niepe³nych b¹d nieprawdziwych informacjach docieraj¹cych do obywateli [Brümmerhoff, 2001, s.113]. Konieczno æ ingerencji w niezale¿no æ konsumentów oraz korekty indywidualnych preferencji sk³aniaj¹ pañstwo do stworzenia publicznej oferty, poniewa¿ ograniczenie siê jedynie do prywatnej regulacji mog³oby doprowadziæ do sytuacji dostarczenia okre lonych dóbr w niewystarczaj¹cym wymiarze. Merytoryczne lub warto ciowe dla spo³eczeñstwa dobra s¹ dobrami rynkowymi, na które ze wzglêdu na zniekszta³cone preferencje istnieje zbyt ma³e zapotrzebowanie ze strony nabywców. Pañstwo ocenia okre lone do-

A

Kultura jako dobro merytoryczne Kultury nie mo¿emy w³¹czyæ w poczet dóbr publicznych, gdy¿ nie wystêpuje w tym przypadku zjawisko separacji konsumentów od konsumowanego dobra. Dowody na wzajemny wp³yw tych dwóch czynników znajdujemy co wieczór przy kasach teatrów, oper, muzeów czy w bibliotekach. £¹cznikiem jest cena konsument, je li tylko pragnie konsumowaæ okre lone dobro, p³ac¹c za nie, daje wyraz swoim preferencjom. Fa³szywa jest tak¿e teza, i¿ w przypadku kultury wystêpuje brak konkurencji podczas konsumpcji. Ka¿dy, kto odwiedzi³ wziêt¹ wystawê, wie, ¿e konsumpcja w tej sytuacji polegaj¹ca na ogl¹daniu obrazu mo¿e zostaæ zak³ócona przez innych konsumentów. W przypadku kultury mo¿emy mówiæ o wystêpowaniu szczególnego zjawiska mimo i¿ nie mamy do czynienia z nieprawid³owo ciami w funkcjonowaniu mechanizmów rynkowych (typowych dla dóbr publicznych), obserwujemy ingerencjê pañstwa. Proces wytwarzania produktu kultura jest w znaczniej mierze wspierany finansowo z bud¿etu pañstwa.

235

bra wy¿ej, ni¿ znajduje to odzwierciedlenie w popycie u konsumentów. Wprowadzenie powszechnego obowi¹zku szkolnego w XVIII wieku 28 pa dziernika 1717 roku Fryderyk Wilhelm I wprowadzi³ w Prusach powszechny obowi¹zek szkolny jest przyk³adem ingerencji pañstwa zgodnie z teori¹ dóbr merytorycznych. Pañstwo uzna³o, ¿e zarówno dla ka¿dego dziecka, jak i dla ca³ego spo³eczeñstwa korzystne bêdzie, je li dzieci bêd¹ dobrze wykszta³cone, zmuszaj¹c rodziców do pos³ania ich do szko³y. Analogiczna sytuacja wystêpuje w przypadku opieki emerytalnej pañstwo postrzega tê kwestiê w perspektywie dalszej ni¿ jednostka i zobowi¹zuje ka¿dego do ubezpieczenia. Ta w³a nie argumentacja uzasadniaj¹ca ingerencjê pañstwa jest stosowana dla uzasadnienia ponoszenia przez pañstwo wydatków na kulturê. Z tego punktu widzenia zadanie pañstwa polega na trosce o bardziej ró¿norodn¹ ofertê. Dobra niemerytoryczne s¹ przez konsumentów przeszacowane. Pañstwo zgodnie z t¹ teori¹ powinno ograniczyæ ich poda¿ rynkow¹. Przyk³adami takich dóbr s¹ alkohol, hazard lub narkotyki pañstwo wiêc sztucznie zawy¿a ceny na owe dobra, ogranicza dostêpno æ lub wrêcz ich zakazuje. Dobro kultura zalicza siê w duchu tej argumentacji w sposób jednoznaczny do dóbr merytorycznych. Najwyra niej tak przedstawia to oficjalna wyk³adnia obywatele nie s¹ w stanie prawid³owo oceniæ korzy ci wynikaj¹cych z kultury. Popyt ze strony konsumentów je li proces ustalania cen zosta³by pozostawiony w gestii rynku kszta³towa³by siê na niskim poziomie, w ka¿dym razie na ni¿szym ni¿ patrz¹c z punktu widzenia pañstwa jest to dla konsumentów wskazane. A wiêc pañstwo sztucznie stwarza ulgi na dane dobro i próbuje w ten sposób troszczyæ siê o to, by z dóbr kultury korzysta³a wiêksza liczba obywateli, ni¿ czyni³aby to bez ingerencji pañstwa. Pañstwowy mandat na kszta³towanie oferty kulturalnej dominuje i wiêkszo æ z nas zgadza siê na takie wykorzystywanie rodków publicznych. Czy rodki przeznaczane na subwencjonowanie przedsiêwziêæ kulturalnych, aby maksymalnie wielu ludziom umo¿liwiæ dostêp do kultury, s¹ w³a ciwie kierowane? Wedle moich szacunków, z pañstwowej pomocy korzystaj¹ obecnie te krêgi spo³eczeñstwa, które tego wsparcia nie potrzebuj¹. Kupon kulturalny prawdopodobnie najlepiej spisuje siê jako polityczne uzasadnienie pañstwowej ingerencji w rynek kultury. Powstaje pytanie, jak d³ugo bêdzie trwaæ przyzwolenie na taki stan rzeczy? Z ekonomicz-


236

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

zierung [w:] KulturManagement , tom 3. Die neuen Mühen und Chancen der KulturfinanHeinrichs W., Nichts wird mehr so sein wie gestern!

Literatura

Przymus ten obejmie równie¿ wydatki na kulturê. Je li przed kilkoma laty zadawali my pytanie: Jakie przedsiêwziêcia kulturalne sfinansujemy obecnie, a jakie dopiero w przysz³o ci? , w tej chwili stajemy przed dylematem czy w ogóle mo¿emy sobie pozwoliæ na bud¿etowe finansowanie kultury, a je li tak, to w jaki sposób j¹ finansowaæ, ewentualnie wspó³finansowaæ, czerpi¹c równocze nie rodki spoza bud¿etu pañstwa? [Heinrichs, s. 2 3]. Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ w przysz³o ci zmuszone bêdzie do poszukiwania nowych rozwi¹zañ. Celem winno byæ zmniejszenie zale¿no ci od pañstwowych subwencji i jednocze nie zwiêkszenie wp³ywu na zakres, kierunek i cele oferty w zakresie dóbr kultury. To z pewno ci¹ stanie siê wyzwaniem, któremu bêd¹ musieli sprostaæ pocz¹tkuj¹cy mened¿erowie kultury. Ich obowi¹zki w coraz wiêkszym zakresie zwi¹zane bêd¹ z kwestiami finansowania. Proporcje pomiêdzy publicznym a prywatnym finansowaniem kultury ulegn¹ zmianie i ostatecznie nieodzowne stan¹ siê zupe³nie nowe kompetencje. Warto, ¿eby instytucje, które kszta³c¹ przysz³ych mened¿erów kultury, wysz³y naprzeciw tym wyzwaniom równie¿ w ³otewskiej Akademii Kultury w Rydze!

inansowanie oferty kulturalnej przez pañstwo jest dzi i pozostanie w kolejnych latach oraz dekadach istotnym zagadnieniem w zakresie zarz¹dzania kultur¹. Niedostatek rodków bud¿etowych, zwi¹zany z podjêtymi na mocy umów zobowi¹zaniami dotycz¹cymi dopuszczalnej wysoko ci deficytu bud¿etowego, spowoduje, ¿e wszystkie dobrowolne zadania i wydatki pañstwa bêd¹ musia³y zostaæ podporz¹dkowane przymusowi oszczêdzania.

F

Finansowanie kultury najwiêkszym wyzwaniem dla zarz¹dzania kultur¹ nego punktu widzenia rodki, jakimi dysponujemy, s¹ zawsze ograniczone ka¿de euro, które wydawane jest na teatr, muzeum czy bibliotekê, nie mo¿e byæ ju¿ przeznaczone na miejsce dla dziecka w przedszkolu, ³ó¿ko w szpitalu czy pensjê policjanta. Potrzeby w zakresie bud¿etowego finansowania kultury wspó³zawodnicz¹ z innymi potrzebami, na które przeznaczane s¹ rodki z kasy pañstwa. Musz¹ wiêc byæ przedstawione powa¿ne argumenty przemawiaj¹ce za przeznaczeniem rodków na cele kulturalne kosztem innych potrzeb.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

i sztuki; Kraków 2001.

236

Bendixen P., Wprowadzenie do ekonomiki kultury

Jork 1959.

sów, Hamburg 1987.

für KulturAustausch 2003, nr 4.

Engelhardt G., Skrypt do wyk³adu z podstaw finan-

für KulturAustausch 2003, nr 4. Musgrave R., The Theory of Public Finance, Nowy

Knüsel P., Der Teufel der Evaluation [w:] Zeitschrift

Wiedeñ 2001.

Brümmerhoff D., Finanzwissenschaft, Monachium/

Brümmerhoff D., Finanzwissenschaft, Monachium/

zierung [w:] KulturManagement , tom 3. Knüsel P., Der Teufel der Evaluation [w:] Zeitschrift

Jork 1959.

i sztuki; Kraków 2001.

Musgrave R., The Theory of Public Finance, Nowy

Die neuen Mühen und Chancen der KulturfinanBendixen P., Wprowadzenie do ekonomiki kultury

Wiedeñ 2001.

Heinrichs W., Nichts wird mehr so sein wie gestern!

F

sów, Hamburg 1987.

Literatura

Finansowanie kultury najwiêkszym wyzwaniem dla zarz¹dzania kultur¹

Engelhardt G., Skrypt do wyk³adu z podstaw finan-

inansowanie oferty kulturalnej przez pañstwo jest dzi i pozostanie w kolejnych latach oraz dekadach istotnym zagadnieniem w zakresie zarz¹dzania kultur¹. Niedostatek rodków bud¿etowych, zwi¹zany z podjêtymi na mocy umów zobowi¹zaniami dotycz¹cymi dopuszczalnej wysoko ci deficytu bud¿etowego, spowoduje, ¿e wszystkie dobrowolne zadania i wydatki pañstwa bêd¹ musia³y zostaæ podporz¹dkowane przymusowi oszczêdzania.

Przymus ten obejmie równie¿ wydatki na kulturê. Je li przed kilkoma laty zadawali my pytanie: Jakie przedsiêwziêcia kulturalne sfinansujemy obecnie, a jakie dopiero w przysz³o ci? , w tej chwili stajemy przed dylematem czy w ogóle mo¿emy sobie pozwoliæ na bud¿etowe finansowanie kultury, a je li tak, to w jaki sposób j¹ finansowaæ, ewentualnie wspó³finansowaæ, czerpi¹c równocze nie rodki spoza bud¿etu pañstwa? [Heinrichs, s. 2 3]. Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ w przysz³o ci zmuszone bêdzie do poszukiwania nowych rozwi¹zañ. Celem winno byæ zmniejszenie zale¿no ci od pañstwowych subwencji i jednocze nie zwiêkszenie wp³ywu na zakres, kierunek i cele oferty w zakresie dóbr kultury. To z pewno ci¹ stanie siê wyzwaniem, któremu bêd¹ musieli sprostaæ pocz¹tkuj¹cy mened¿erowie kultury. Ich obowi¹zki w coraz wiêkszym zakresie zwi¹zane bêd¹ z kwestiami finansowania. Proporcje pomiêdzy publicznym a prywatnym finansowaniem kultury ulegn¹ zmianie i ostatecznie nieodzowne stan¹ siê zupe³nie nowe kompetencje. Warto, ¿eby instytucje, które kszta³c¹ przysz³ych mened¿erów kultury, wysz³y naprzeciw tym wyzwaniom równie¿ w ³otewskiej Akademii Kultury w Rydze!

nego punktu widzenia rodki, jakimi dysponujemy, s¹ zawsze ograniczone ka¿de euro, które wydawane jest na teatr, muzeum czy bibliotekê, nie mo¿e byæ ju¿ przeznaczone na miejsce dla dziecka w przedszkolu, ³ó¿ko w szpitalu czy pensjê policjanta. Potrzeby w zakresie bud¿etowego finansowania kultury wspó³zawodnicz¹ z innymi potrzebami, na które przeznaczane s¹ rodki z kasy pañstwa. Musz¹ wiêc byæ przedstawione powa¿ne argumenty przemawiaj¹ce za przeznaczeniem rodków na cele kulturalne kosztem innych potrzeb.


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Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Wizerunek i reputacja. Podstawy komunikacji przedsiêbiorstwa Eugen Buß T³umaczenie: Katarzyna Kopeæ W porozumieniu ze spo³eczeñstwem nic nie mo¿e siê nie powie æ, bez niego nic nie mo¿e zakoñczyæ siê pomy lnie. Abraham Lincoln

Wizerunek jako spo³eczna podstawa zarz¹dzania

N

owoczesny konsument i obywatel jest niew¹tpliwie figur¹ enigmatyczn¹. Przedsiêbiorstwa, organizacje i partie maj¹ ogromne problemy z jego poznaniem. Przeprowadzaj¹ badania rynkowe i sonda¿e opinii, opracowuj¹ strategie grup docelowych, oceniaj¹ przyzwyczajenia konsumenckie, przewiduj¹ zmiany stylu ¿ycia i otaczaj¹cych warunków, analizuj¹ zachowanie konsumenta, nie próbuj¹c jednak wej æ w jego skórê . Z zaskoczeniem wiêc konstatuj¹, ¿e trwa³a dotychczas wiê kruszy siê, zaufanie spada, a renoma i reputacja, jakimi cieszyli siê u spo³eczeñstwa, ulegaj¹ erozji. Transformacja systemu warto ci w Europie rodkowej zmusza do zmiany my lenia na temat tradycyjnych norm komunikacji. Sk³ania zw³aszcza do odpowiedzi na nowe pytania: Jak zmieniaj¹ siê oczekiwania spo³eczne w zakresie warto ci? Jak te zmieniaj¹ce siê wymagania oddzia³uj¹ na strategie przedsiêbiorstw? Czy stymuluj¹ one zmiany w zakresie form komunikacji? Jakie za³o¿enia musz¹ byæ spe³nione, by wizerunek i reputacja sta³y siê czynnikami podnosz¹cymi warto æ w zakresie zarz¹dzania? Zajmuj¹c siê kwesti¹ wizerunku, nale¿y wyja niæ, do jakich zjawisk siê odwo³ujemy. W przypadku wizerunku chodzi o podstawow¹ zasadê pozycjonowania na rynku i kreowania

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

warto ci w gospodarce. Wizerunek jest podstawowym wska nikiem branym pod uwagê dla orientacji na rynku, ród³em uznania b¹d negacji podmiotu, ród³em lojalno ci lub niewierno ci, kodem przynale¿no ci lub odrzucenia. Wizerunek s³u¿y jako mierzalne kryterium w zakresie ewaluacji organizacji i instytucji [Buß, 2000, s. 41n.]. Tezy dla zrozumienia definicji Wizerunek jest efektem spo³ecznego procesu interpretacji. Jest projekcj¹ wyobra¿eñ, które bezpo rednio wi¹¿¹ siê z przedsiêbiorstwem, nawi¹zuj¹ do historii jego utworzenia, s¹ wzglêdnie trwa³e i nios¹ z sob¹ konsekwencje dla przysz³o ci. S¹ to wyobra¿enia, które: G po rednio determinuj¹ zachowanie i dzia³anie (element ten oddzia³uje na obie strony relacji: w sensie obrazu w³asnego, który stanowi zobowi¹zanie dla przedsiêbiorstwa, jak te¿ w sensie obrazu obcego, na podstawie którego klienci oraz opinia publiczna podejmuj¹ decyzje akceptacji); G pozycjonuj¹ firmê w stosunku do konkurencji i/lub s¹ ród³em renomy. Wizerunek jest zawsze zale¿ny od otoczenia; w tym rozumieniu wizerunek jest sposobem na wyizolowanie i odró¿nienie. Bycie czym innym jest jednym z jego kluczowych elementów; G za pomoc¹ ilustracji skonwertowanych do postaci symboli redukuj¹ ca³¹ paletê cech i w³a ciwo ci do kilku uproszczonych, obra-

237

Eugen Buß absolwent socjologii i ekonomii ogólnej w Kilonii, Berlinie i Bazylei, doktorat w dziedzinie socjologii obroni³ w roku 1971, habilitacjê w 1981. W latach 1971 79 pracowa³ w miêdzynarodowym koncernie elektrotechnicznym, zajmowa³ siê równie¿ doradztwem dla przedsiêbiorstw. Do roku 1987 wyk³ada³ w Siegen, Kolonii i Gießen. Od 1987 jest profesorem socjologii i empirycznych badañ socjologicznych na Uniwersytecie Hohenheim w Stuttgarcie. Jego zainteresowania badawcze koncentruj¹ siê wokó³ badañ elit, to¿samo ci kulturowych, przywództwa, komunikacji w ramach przedsiêbiorstw, wizerunku marki i procesów zrównowa¿onego rozwoju.

owoczesny konsument i obywatel jest niew¹tpliwie figur¹ enigmatyczn¹. Przedsiêbiorstwa, organizacje i partie maj¹ ogromne problemy z jego poznaniem. Przeprowadzaj¹ badania rynkowe i sonda¿e opinii, opracowuj¹ strategie grup docelowych, oceniaj¹ przyzwyczajenia konsumenckie, przewiduj¹ zmiany stylu ¿ycia i otaczaj¹cych warunków, analizuj¹ zachowanie konsumenta, nie próbuj¹c jednak wej æ w jego skórê . Z zaskoczeniem wiêc konstatuj¹, ¿e trwa³a dotychczas wiê kruszy siê, zaufanie spada, a renoma i reputacja, jakimi cieszyli siê u spo³eczeñstwa, ulegaj¹ erozji. Transformacja systemu warto ci w Europie rodkowej zmusza do zmiany my lenia na temat tradycyjnych norm komunikacji. Sk³ania zw³aszcza do odpowiedzi na nowe pytania: Jak zmieniaj¹ siê oczekiwania spo³eczne w zakresie warto ci? Jak te zmieniaj¹ce siê wymagania oddzia³uj¹ na strategie przedsiêbiorstw? Czy stymuluj¹ one zmiany w zakresie form komunikacji? Jakie za³o¿enia musz¹ byæ spe³nione, by wizerunek i reputacja sta³y siê czynnikami podnosz¹cymi warto æ w zakresie zarz¹dzania? Zajmuj¹c siê kwesti¹ wizerunku, nale¿y wyja niæ, do jakich zjawisk siê odwo³ujemy. W przypadku wizerunku chodzi o podstawow¹ zasadê pozycjonowania na rynku i kreowania

N

Wizerunek jako spo³eczna podstawa zarz¹dzania

Tezy dla zrozumienia definicji Wizerunek jest efektem spo³ecznego procesu interpretacji. Jest projekcj¹ wyobra¿eñ, które bezpo rednio wi¹¿¹ siê z przedsiêbiorstwem, nawi¹zuj¹ do historii jego utworzenia, s¹ wzglêdnie trwa³e i nios¹ z sob¹ konsekwencje dla przysz³o ci. S¹ to wyobra¿enia, które: G po rednio determinuj¹ zachowanie i dzia³anie (element ten oddzia³uje na obie strony relacji: w sensie obrazu w³asnego, który stanowi zobowi¹zanie dla przedsiêbiorstwa, jak te¿ w sensie obrazu obcego, na podstawie którego klienci oraz opinia publiczna podejmuj¹ decyzje akceptacji); G pozycjonuj¹ firmê w stosunku do konkurencji i/lub s¹ ród³em renomy. Wizerunek jest zawsze zale¿ny od otoczenia; w tym rozumieniu wizerunek jest sposobem na wyizolowanie i odró¿nienie. Bycie czym innym jest jednym z jego kluczowych elementów; G za pomoc¹ ilustracji skonwertowanych do postaci symboli redukuj¹ ca³¹ paletê cech i w³a ciwo ci do kilku uproszczonych, obrawarto ci w gospodarce. Wizerunek jest podstawowym wska nikiem branym pod uwagê dla orientacji na rynku, ród³em uznania b¹d negacji podmiotu, ród³em lojalno ci lub niewierno ci, kodem przynale¿no ci lub odrzucenia. Wizerunek s³u¿y jako mierzalne kryterium w zakresie ewaluacji organizacji i instytucji [Buß, 2000, s. 41n.].

W porozumieniu ze spo³eczeñstwem nic nie mo¿e siê nie powie æ, bez niego nic nie mo¿e zakoñczyæ siê pomy lnie. Abraham Lincoln

T³umaczenie: Katarzyna Kopeæ

Eugen Buß

Wizerunek i reputacja. Podstawy komunikacji przedsiêbiorstwa

Eugen Buß absolwent socjologii i ekonomii ogólnej w Kilonii, Berlinie i Bazylei, doktorat w dziedzinie socjologii obroni³ w roku 1971, habilitacjê w 1981. W latach 1971 79 pracowa³ w miêdzynarodowym koncernie elektrotechnicznym, zajmowa³ siê równie¿ doradztwem dla przedsiêbiorstw. Do roku 1987 wyk³ada³ w Siegen, Kolonii i Gießen. Od 1987 jest profesorem socjologii i empirycznych badañ socjologicznych na Uniwersytecie Hohenheim w Stuttgarcie. Jego zainteresowania badawcze koncentruj¹ siê wokó³ badañ elit, to¿samo ci kulturowych, przywództwa, komunikacji w ramach przedsiêbiorstw, wizerunku marki i procesów zrównowa¿onego rozwoju.


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ne z rzeczywisto ci¹. Decyduj¹ce znaczenie ma fakt, i¿ projekcje wyobra¿eñ zwi¹zanych z wizerunkiem w wiêkszym stopniu stanowi¹ fundament dla orientacji i podejmowania decyzji ni¿ rzeczywista efektywno æ firmy. Spo³eczeñstwo zbiera z regu³y tylko fragmenty informacji. Z tych kamyczków konstruuje strukturê mozaikow¹, która stanowi uproszczony, naznaczony przez w³asn¹ perspektywê obraz organizacji, ostatecznie decyduj¹cy o akceptacji lub jej braku.

osn¹ce znaczenie wizerunku i reputacji na nowoczesnych rynkach ma swoje ród³o w ewolucji szeregu uwarunkowañ instytucjonalnych: 1) Warunki konkurencji uleg³y zaostrzeniu na wielu obszarach rynku. Produkty i us³ugi staj¹ siê w coraz wiêkszym stopniu wzajemnie zamienne, równocze nie wzrasta nasza wiedza o ich szczegó³owych cechach. To równie¿ powoduje wyra ny wzrost ryzyka odrzucenia oferty. Je li nie jeste my w stanie zaoferowaæ decyduj¹cego atutu wyró¿niaj¹cego produkt wzglêdem produktów konkurencyjnych, je li techniczne parametry s¹ w coraz wiêkszym stopniu porównywalne, je li serwis i oferty us³ug staj¹ siê analogiczne zmianie ulega w³a ciwy obszar walki konkurencyjnej. Dla przyk³adu w przypadku porównywalnego poziomu cen i standardów bezpieczeñstwa o wyborze linii lotniczych rozstrzyga renoma. Kiedy walka o klientów, dostawców, wspó³pracowników, akcjonariuszy i media zaostrza siê, istnieje tylko jedno skuteczne rozwi¹zanie to nie produkt sam w sobie decyduje o przewadze, lecz wy³¹cznie wizerunek. Rosn¹ca presja konkurencji prowadzi do przeniesienia wspó³zawodnictwa z zakresu produktu poprzez obszar rozwi¹zywania problemów a¿ do sfery to¿samo ci i reputacji. Ju¿ nie walczy siê o skuteczniejsze rozwi¹zania problemów, lecz o zwrócenie uwagi, to¿samo æ i reputacjê, umo¿liwiaj¹ce wyraziste wyró¿nienie na rynku. 2) Na globalizuj¹cych siê rynkach transakcje gospodarcze staj¹ siê w coraz wiêkszym zakresie relacjami anonimowymi kupuj¹c akcje, nie stajemy naprzeciw danej organizacji, równie nik³a wiê zawi¹zuje siê w przypadku zakupu samochodu lub pasty do zêbów. Wspó³czesne interakcje gospodarcze s¹ w przewa¿aj¹cej mierze interakcjami bez twarzy [Giddens, 1995]. S¹ typowymi relacjami miêdzy obcymi podmiotami. Obco æ jednak¿e

Znaczenie wizerunku w spo³eczeñstwach nowoczesnych

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Znaczenie wizerunku w spo³eczeñstwach nowoczesnych

osn¹ce znaczenie wizerunku i reputacji na nowoczesnych rynkach ma swoje ród³o w ewolucji szeregu uwarunkowañ instytucjonalnych: 1) Warunki konkurencji uleg³y zaostrzeniu na wielu obszarach rynku. Produkty i us³ugi staj¹ siê w coraz wiêkszym stopniu wzajemnie zamienne, równocze nie wzrasta nasza wiedza o ich szczegó³owych cechach. To równie¿ powoduje wyra ny wzrost ryzyka odrzucenia oferty. Je li nie jeste my w stanie zaoferowaæ decyduj¹cego atutu wyró¿niaj¹cego produkt wzglêdem produktów konkurencyjnych, je li techniczne parametry s¹ w coraz wiêkszym stopniu porównywalne, je li serwis i oferty us³ug staj¹ siê analogiczne zmianie ulega w³a ciwy obszar walki konkurencyjnej. Dla przyk³adu w przypadku porównywalnego poziomu cen i standardów bezpieczeñstwa o wyborze linii lotniczych rozstrzyga renoma. Kiedy walka o klientów, dostawców, wspó³pracowników, akcjonariuszy i media zaostrza siê, istnieje tylko jedno skuteczne rozwi¹zanie to nie produkt sam w sobie decyduje o przewadze, lecz wy³¹cznie wizerunek. Rosn¹ca presja konkurencji prowadzi do przeniesienia wspó³zawodnictwa z zakresu produktu poprzez obszar rozwi¹zywania problemów a¿ do sfery to¿samo ci i reputacji. Ju¿ nie walczy siê o skuteczniejsze rozwi¹zania problemów, lecz o zwrócenie uwagi, to¿samo æ i reputacjê, umo¿liwiaj¹ce wyraziste wyró¿nienie na rynku. 2) Na globalizuj¹cych siê rynkach transakcje gospodarcze staj¹ siê w coraz wiêkszym zakresie relacjami anonimowymi kupuj¹c akcje, nie stajemy naprzeciw danej organizacji, równie nik³a wiê zawi¹zuje siê w przypadku zakupu samochodu lub pasty do zêbów. Wspó³czesne interakcje gospodarcze s¹ w przewa¿aj¹cej mierze interakcjami bez twarzy [Giddens, 1995]. S¹ typowymi relacjami miêdzy obcymi podmiotami. Obco æ jednak¿e

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ne z rzeczywisto ci¹. Decyduj¹ce znaczenie ma fakt, i¿ projekcje wyobra¿eñ zwi¹zanych z wizerunkiem w wiêkszym stopniu stanowi¹ fundament dla orientacji i podejmowania decyzji ni¿ rzeczywista efektywno æ firmy. Spo³eczeñstwo zbiera z regu³y tylko fragmenty informacji. Z tych kamyczków konstruuje strukturê mozaikow¹, która stanowi uproszczony, naznaczony przez w³asn¹ perspektywê obraz organizacji, ostatecznie decyduj¹cy o akceptacji lub jej braku.

zowych czy charakterystycznych elementów. Wizerunek jest zawsze skonstruowany w mniej skomplikowany sposób ni¿ obiekt, który reprezentuje; G przedstawiaj¹ warto æ spo³eczn¹ i niematerialn¹, wyra¿aj¹c¹ siê w tym, ¿e wizerunek jest zasadniczo wyrazem wysokiego lub niskiego stopnia akceptacji i oszacowania warto ci. Reasumuj¹c, wizerunek oznacza historycznie uzasadnione, oceniaj¹ce, wzglêdnie trwa³e i charakterystyczne wyobra¿enia, które zawarte s¹ w symbolicznych, buduj¹cych to¿samo æ obrazach i zobowi¹zuj¹ lub mobilizuj¹ do pewnego dzia³ania. Mo¿emy to wyraziæ za pomoc¹ nastêpuj¹cej metafory: wizerunek jest twarz¹ organizacji. Poprzez wizerunek relacje pozbawione twarzy mog¹ zostaæ przekszta³cone w zale¿ne od postrzegania twarzy powi¹zania. Zarz¹dzanie wizerunkiem opiera siê na zdolno ci prowadzenia dzia³añ przedsiêbiorstwa w sposób obrazowy. Charakterystyczna dla kszta³towania wizerunku jest perspektywa postrzegania. Odbiorca interpretuje wiat w sposób selektywny, generalizuje otrzymywane informacje, redukuje do wiadczenia do zakresu, w którym jest w stanie siê orientowaæ i na tej podstawie mo¿e podejmowaæ decyzje o akceptacji b¹d odrzuceniu. Wizerunek wymyka siê racjonalnej kalkulacji. Nie jest on wyrazem uzasadnionego stanowiska, nie daje siê te¿ sprowadziæ do jasno sprecyzowanych, obiektywnych i namacalnych motywów, lecz jest kierowany przez subiektywne procesy upraszczaj¹cego przetwarzania doznañ [Luhmann, 1973, s. 83]. Wizerunek powstaje ze strzêpów wybiórczych opinii. Nie fakty, ale wyobra¿enia kreuj¹ obraz wytwarzany przez opiniê publiczn¹ na temat danej organizacji. Ju¿ w roku 1956 Boulding [Boulding, 1956] pisa³, ¿e subiektywne wyobra¿enia na temat przedsiêbiorstwa maj¹ wiêksze znaczenie w determinowaniu zachowañ spo³eczeñstwa ni¿ obiektywne przes³anki. Wizerunek, wed³ug niego, kieruje zachowaniem zachodzi tu proces orientacji na podstawie wizerunku, zamiast orientacji na podstawie faktów. Nie produkt decyduje o akceptacji lub odrzuceniu, ale obraz. Nie samo przedsiêbiorstwo, nie jego osi¹gniêcia czy sukcesy kieruj¹ wyborami konsumentów, lecz wyobra¿enia o nich. W nich tkwi rzeczywisty potencja³ kreowania warto ci. Dla pojêcia wizerunku ma to nastêpuj¹ce konsekwencje obrazy, interpretacje i skojarzenia warunkuj¹ nasz os¹d o danej organizacji i jest bez znaczenia, czy owe obrazy s¹ zgod-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

zowych czy charakterystycznych elementów. Wizerunek jest zawsze skonstruowany w mniej skomplikowany sposób ni¿ obiekt, który reprezentuje; G przedstawiaj¹ warto æ spo³eczn¹ i niematerialn¹, wyra¿aj¹c¹ siê w tym, ¿e wizerunek jest zasadniczo wyrazem wysokiego lub niskiego stopnia akceptacji i oszacowania warto ci. Reasumuj¹c, wizerunek oznacza historycznie uzasadnione, oceniaj¹ce, wzglêdnie trwa³e i charakterystyczne wyobra¿enia, które zawarte s¹ w symbolicznych, buduj¹cych to¿samo æ obrazach i zobowi¹zuj¹ lub mobilizuj¹ do pewnego dzia³ania. Mo¿emy to wyraziæ za pomoc¹ nastêpuj¹cej metafory: wizerunek jest twarz¹ organizacji. Poprzez wizerunek relacje pozbawione twarzy mog¹ zostaæ przekszta³cone w zale¿ne od postrzegania twarzy powi¹zania. Zarz¹dzanie wizerunkiem opiera siê na zdolno ci prowadzenia dzia³añ przedsiêbiorstwa w sposób obrazowy. Charakterystyczna dla kszta³towania wizerunku jest perspektywa postrzegania. Odbiorca interpretuje wiat w sposób selektywny, generalizuje otrzymywane informacje, redukuje do wiadczenia do zakresu, w którym jest w stanie siê orientowaæ i na tej podstawie mo¿e podejmowaæ decyzje o akceptacji b¹d odrzuceniu. Wizerunek wymyka siê racjonalnej kalkulacji. Nie jest on wyrazem uzasadnionego stanowiska, nie daje siê te¿ sprowadziæ do jasno sprecyzowanych, obiektywnych i namacalnych motywów, lecz jest kierowany przez subiektywne procesy upraszczaj¹cego przetwarzania doznañ [Luhmann, 1973, s. 83]. Wizerunek powstaje ze strzêpów wybiórczych opinii. Nie fakty, ale wyobra¿enia kreuj¹ obraz wytwarzany przez opiniê publiczn¹ na temat danej organizacji. Ju¿ w roku 1956 Boulding [Boulding, 1956] pisa³, ¿e subiektywne wyobra¿enia na temat przedsiêbiorstwa maj¹ wiêksze znaczenie w determinowaniu zachowañ spo³eczeñstwa ni¿ obiektywne przes³anki. Wizerunek, wed³ug niego, kieruje zachowaniem zachodzi tu proces orientacji na podstawie wizerunku, zamiast orientacji na podstawie faktów. Nie produkt decyduje o akceptacji lub odrzuceniu, ale obraz. Nie samo przedsiêbiorstwo, nie jego osi¹gniêcia czy sukcesy kieruj¹ wyborami konsumentów, lecz wyobra¿enia o nich. W nich tkwi rzeczywisty potencja³ kreowania warto ci. Dla pojêcia wizerunku ma to nastêpuj¹ce konsekwencje obrazy, interpretacje i skojarzenia warunkuj¹ nasz os¹d o danej organizacji i jest bez znaczenia, czy owe obrazy s¹ zgod-


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nie zapewnia fundamentu dla wykszta³cenia estymy w ród konsumentów. Jak mo¿na obdarzyæ zaufaniem producenta, którego siê nigdy nie spotka³o, jak mo¿na nadaæ ludzki rys odhumanizowanym, anonimowym interakcjom, jak abstrakcyjna organizacja mo¿e przybraæ twarz ? Wizerunek staje siê pomocny w budowaniu na wspó³czesnych, masowych rynkach relacji opartych na zaufaniu i w ten sposób przyczynia siê do aprobaty marki, a (w najlepszym przypadku) nawet do akceptacji ceny podkre laj¹cej przynale¿no æ do segmentu premium. Wzglêdnie ³atwo mo¿na obdarzyæ zaufaniem znanego osobi cie rze nika, o którym wiemy, ¿e jego produkty pochodz¹ z lokalnej hodowli zwierz¹t co jednak w przypadku dzia³aj¹cego na europejsk¹ skalê koncernu przetwórstwa miêsnego? Poprzez wykreowanie wizerunku przedsiêbiorstwa zyskuj¹ twarz dziêki to¿samo ci bezosobowe, anonimowe relacje rynkowe mog¹ zostaæ przekszta³cone w relacje osobiste . Z tego powodu zarz¹dzanie wizerunkiem mo¿na okre liæ jako rodzaj strukturalnego mechanizmu pozycjonowania wystêpuj¹cego na globalnych rynkach. 3) W ci¹gu jednego pokolenia oferta informacyjna mediów rozszerzy³a siê ok. 40-krotnie. Dostêpno æ rodków komunikacji masowej oraz czas korzystania z mediów stale rosn¹, o ok. 10% rocznie. Dziêki nowym ofertom multimedialnym konsekwencje lawiny informacyjnej staj¹ siê szczególnie widoczne. Wobec strumienia informacji wspó³czesny cz³owiek reaguje nie wiadomym, prawie ca³kowitym pomijaniem odbieranych tre ci. Staje siê niezdolny do oddzielenia informacji wa¿nej od niewa¿nej. Nie jest równie¿ w stanie wyselekcjonowaæ kluczowych informacji. W zwi¹zku z milow¹ zmian¹ na gospodarkê stymulowan¹ informacjami (information-driven-economy) nie dostarczenie informacji jest problemem strategicznym, ale zwrócenie na ni¹ uwagi. Presja czasu i obfito æ informacji wywo³uj¹ reakcje obronne. Wci¹¿ nowe przedsiêbiorstwa i organizacje konkuruj¹ o wystêpuj¹ce w niedoborze dobro przyci¹gniêcia uwagi . Dlatego zadaniem nowoczesnej polityki komunikacyjnej jest stworzenie rodzaju portalu uwagi i ukszta³towania za jego po rednictwem publicznej wspólnoty uwagi . Im wy¿sza jest reputacja danego przedsiêbiorstwa, tym ³atwiej przezwyciê¿yæ próg przyci¹gniêcia uwagi opinii publicznej i klientów. Przedsiêbiorstwa takie jak Google, Intel czy General Electric s¹ spektakularnymi dowodami na to, ¿e prognoza na temat przysz³ej warto ci danego przedsiêbiorstwa absolutnie nie zale¿y od konkretnych wska ników ekonomicznych. Ogromna ró¿nica

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Rys. 1. PIRAMIDA KONKURENCYJNO CI

pomiêdzy warto ci¹ nominaln¹ a gie³dow¹ jest wyrazem d¹¿enia do tego, aby uchwyciæ warto ci maj¹ce uzyskaæ znaczenie w przysz³o ci na rynku publicznej uwagi. 4) W obszarze informacji i warto ci panuje klasyczna konkurencja zmierzaj¹ca do wypierania przeciwników. Generalne cele pozycjonowania i zapowiedzi sukcesów przedsiêbiorstw s¹ nie tylko wzglêdnie abstrakcyjne, ale w wiêkszo ci te¿ wymienne. Brakuje przekonywuj¹cego potencja³u rozró¿niania, dziêki któremu nie nast¹pi pomy³ka. Wiele obrazów przedsiêbiorstw pozostaje prostymi produktami typu me-too, nienios¹cymi konkretnego przekazu. Jedynie poprzez procesy wizerunkowe mo¿na otworzyæ drogê niezbêdnemu potencja³owi rozró¿niania i równocze nie skutecznie umieszczaæ przekazy ukazuj¹ce dan¹ firmê jako niestandardow¹ w portalu uwagi . 5) Wyobra¿enie opinii publicznej na temat idealnego lub spe³niaj¹cego oczekiwania przedsiêbiorstwa znacznie zmieni³o siê w ostatnich latach, k³ad¹c nacisk na znaczenie warto ci. Dla publicznej percepcji przedsiêbiorstw kluczowy staje siê element przyswojenia przez nie spo³ecznych i moralnych wska ników warto ci. W konsekwencji wiat warto ci obj¹³ sfery, w których wcze niej nie wystêpowa³. Sposób, w jaki opinia publiczna chce postrzegaæ przedsiêbiorstwa, jest niczym innym, jak zintensyfikowanym wdra¿aniem gestów lojalno ci w sferê komunikacji spo³ecznej. Je li przedsiêbiorstwo chce wykorzystaæ swój potencja³ generowania warto ci, wymaga to pewne-

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nie zapewnia fundamentu dla wykszta³cenia estymy w ród konsumentów. Jak mo¿na obdarzyæ zaufaniem producenta, którego siê nigdy nie spotka³o, jak mo¿na nadaæ ludzki rys odhumanizowanym, anonimowym interakcjom, jak abstrakcyjna organizacja mo¿e przybraæ twarz ? Wizerunek staje siê pomocny w budowaniu na wspó³czesnych, masowych rynkach relacji opartych na zaufaniu i w ten sposób przyczynia siê do aprobaty marki, a (w najlepszym przypadku) nawet do akceptacji ceny podkre laj¹cej przynale¿no æ do segmentu premium. Wzglêdnie ³atwo mo¿na obdarzyæ zaufaniem znanego osobi cie rze nika, o którym wiemy, ¿e jego produkty pochodz¹ z lokalnej hodowli zwierz¹t co jednak w przypadku dzia³aj¹cego na europejsk¹ skalê koncernu przetwórstwa miêsnego? Poprzez wykreowanie wizerunku przedsiêbiorstwa zyskuj¹ twarz dziêki to¿samo ci bezosobowe, anonimowe relacje rynkowe mog¹ zostaæ przekszta³cone w relacje osobiste . Z tego powodu zarz¹dzanie wizerunkiem mo¿na okre liæ jako rodzaj strukturalnego mechanizmu pozycjonowania wystêpuj¹cego na globalnych rynkach. 3) W ci¹gu jednego pokolenia oferta informacyjna mediów rozszerzy³a siê ok. 40-krotnie. Dostêpno æ rodków komunikacji masowej oraz czas korzystania z mediów stale rosn¹, o ok. 10% rocznie. Dziêki nowym ofertom multimedialnym konsekwencje lawiny informacyjnej staj¹ siê szczególnie widoczne. Wobec strumienia informacji wspó³czesny cz³owiek reaguje nie wiadomym, prawie ca³kowitym pomijaniem odbieranych tre ci. Staje siê niezdolny do oddzielenia informacji wa¿nej od niewa¿nej. Nie jest równie¿ w stanie wyselekcjonowaæ kluczowych informacji. W zwi¹zku z milow¹ zmian¹ na gospodarkê stymulowan¹ informacjami (information-driven-economy) nie dostarczenie informacji jest problemem strategicznym, ale zwrócenie na ni¹ uwagi. Presja czasu i obfito æ informacji wywo³uj¹ reakcje obronne. Wci¹¿ nowe przedsiêbiorstwa i organizacje konkuruj¹ o wystêpuj¹ce w niedoborze dobro przyci¹gniêcia uwagi . Dlatego zadaniem nowoczesnej polityki komunikacyjnej jest stworzenie rodzaju portalu uwagi i ukszta³towania za jego po rednictwem publicznej wspólnoty uwagi . Im wy¿sza jest reputacja danego przedsiêbiorstwa, tym ³atwiej przezwyciê¿yæ próg przyci¹gniêcia uwagi opinii publicznej i klientów. Przedsiêbiorstwa takie jak Google, Intel czy General Electric s¹ spektakularnymi dowodami na to, ¿e prognoza na temat przysz³ej warto ci danego przedsiêbiorstwa absolutnie nie zale¿y od konkretnych wska ników ekonomicznych. Ogromna ró¿nica

pomiêdzy warto ci¹ nominaln¹ a gie³dow¹ jest wyrazem d¹¿enia do tego, aby uchwyciæ warto ci maj¹ce uzyskaæ znaczenie w przysz³o ci na rynku publicznej uwagi. 4) W obszarze informacji i warto ci panuje klasyczna konkurencja zmierzaj¹ca do wypierania przeciwników. Generalne cele pozycjonowania i zapowiedzi sukcesów przedsiêbiorstw s¹ nie tylko wzglêdnie abstrakcyjne, ale w wiêkszo ci te¿ wymienne. Brakuje przekonywuj¹cego potencja³u rozró¿niania, dziêki któremu nie nast¹pi pomy³ka. Wiele obrazów przedsiêbiorstw pozostaje prostymi produktami typu me-too, nienios¹cymi konkretnego przekazu. Jedynie poprzez procesy wizerunkowe mo¿na otworzyæ drogê niezbêdnemu potencja³owi rozró¿niania i równocze nie skutecznie umieszczaæ przekazy ukazuj¹ce dan¹ firmê jako niestandardow¹ w portalu uwagi . 5) Wyobra¿enie opinii publicznej na temat idealnego lub spe³niaj¹cego oczekiwania przedsiêbiorstwa znacznie zmieni³o siê w ostatnich latach, k³ad¹c nacisk na znaczenie warto ci. Dla publicznej percepcji przedsiêbiorstw kluczowy staje siê element przyswojenia przez nie spo³ecznych i moralnych wska ników warto ci. W konsekwencji wiat warto ci obj¹³ sfery, w których wcze niej nie wystêpowa³. Sposób, w jaki opinia publiczna chce postrzegaæ przedsiêbiorstwa, jest niczym innym, jak zintensyfikowanym wdra¿aniem gestów lojalno ci w sferê komunikacji spo³ecznej. Je li przedsiêbiorstwo chce wykorzystaæ swój potencja³ generowania warto ci, wymaga to pewneRys. 1. PIRAMIDA KONKURENCYJNO CI


go rodzaju tektonicznego przesuniêcia pozycji komunikacji wizerunkowej. Strategiczny skok kwantowy w ramach nowoczesnego zarz¹dzania wizerunkiem polega przede wszystkim na zrozumieniu g³êbiej le¿¹cych strumieni spo³ecznego odczuwania warto ci, aby pozycjonowanie przedsiêbiorstw lub kodowanie marek skuteczniej odnosiæ do nowego profilu mentalno ci spo³eczeñstwa i klientów. Na styku firmy i spo³eczeñstwa znajduje siê klucz do zrozumienia tego, co ukryte modelowego, nowoczesnego zarz¹dzania wizerunkiem i róde³ kszta³towania warto ci przez wizerunek [Buß, 2000, s. 103n.]. Wra¿liwo æ obserwacji sfer gospodarki i polityki przez spo³eczeñstwo znacz¹co wzros³a. Równocze nie wyra nie obni¿y³a siê granica tolerancji wobec naruszania warto ci. Nowe trendy w zakresie warto ci stanowi¹ dzi ryzyko dla przedsiêbiorców. Komunikacja wielu przedsiêbiorstw ze spo³eczeñstwem ju¿ prawie zanik³a, zosta³a sprowadzona do poziomu monologu. Warto ci kluczowe jak bezpieczeñstwo, zdrowie, ekologia, miejsca pracy, utrata wiêzi miêdzyludzkich z powodu wymogów mobilno ci pracowników, zdolno æ do ³¹czenia ¿ycia prywatnego i zawodowego etc., czyli jedyne tematy, które s¹ ci le zwi¹zane z rol¹ przedsiêbiorstw w nowoczesnym spo³eczeñstwie s¹ przez nie czêsto ignorowane [Buß, 1999, s. 158n.]. Dlatego, z punktu widzenia przedsiêbiorców, powstaje wra¿enie, i¿ s¹ oni konfrontowani z szeregiem nowych wymogów: jak powinni postêpowaæ wobec zmienionych oczekiwañ ze strony spo³eczeñstwa oraz wspó³pracowników w zakresie warto ci, w jaki sposób przerwaæ czêsto praktykowane komunikacyjne zadufanie , jak przezwyciê¿yæ tradycyjne granice wyznaczaj¹ce sfery warto ci obydwu stron relacji i tym samym przekroczyæ próg zrozumienia wobec roszczeñ spo³eczeñstwa? Odpowiedzi¹ jest zarz¹dzanie wizerunkiem i reputacj¹. Praca nad wizerunkiem oznacza walkê o publiczne uznanie i generowanie potencja³u wytworzenia wiêzi ze wspó³pracownikami, klientami i opini¹ publiczn¹. Wyró¿niaj¹ca siê wra¿liwo æ na warto ci prezentowane przez opiniê publiczn¹ wymaga, aby przedsiêbiorstwa w wiêkszym stopniu ni¿ dotychczas wziê³y pod uwagê kodeks warto ci spo³eczeñstwa.

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Znaczenie kapita³u wizerunku

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niczne, lecz przede wszystkim jako organizacje. Ich zadaniem jest, obok dostarczania us³ug i produktów, wytwarzanie akceptacji i uznania. Dopiero te dwa czynniki ³¹cznie (produkty i akceptacja) mog¹ staæ siê podstaw¹ ekonomicznego sukcesu organizacji. Kiedy u wiadamiamy sobie, jak na warto æ przedsiêbiorstwa i jego rentowno æ wp³ywaj¹ w d³ugofalowej perspektywie przyk³adowo: a) koszty utraconych korzy ci (utraconych z powodu zaniedbañ w zakresie reputacji), b) koszty transakcyjne (np. wydatki na komunikacjê spo³eczn¹ w sytuacji kryzysowej), c) koszty interakcji (wydatki na odbudowê naruszonych wiêzi z klientem i zaufania), staje siê jasne, ¿e wizerunek mo¿e byæ równie wa¿ny dla warto ci rynkowej przedsiêbiorstwa jak wska niki ekonomiczne. W zale¿no ci od przeprowadzonych badañ, miêdzy 15 a 50% warto ci rynkowej przedsiêbiorstwa zale¿y od uznania w oczach opinii publicznej. Interesuj¹cy jest fakt, ¿e warto æ wizerunku uwidacznia siê zazwyczaj w sytuacjach kryzysowych w momencie poniesienia straty. Utrata wizerunku jest utrat¹ twarzy , zaufania, reputacji, popytu, a w sytuacji skrajnej zagro¿eniem dla egzystencji. Dlatego jedno jest pewne wizerunek marki czy te¿ przedsiêbiorstwa w wiêkszym stopniu okre la warto æ firmy i perspektywy rozwoju ni¿ ka¿da inna pozycja w bilansie aktywów. Kapita³ wizerunku jest nie mniej wa¿ny ni¿ kapita³ zak³adowy. Nie warto æ bilansu, lecz warto æ uznania jest spraw¹ decyduj¹c¹. Je li, przyk³adowo, wszystkie fabryki i biura BMW strawi³by po¿ar i nie zosta³oby nic prócz marki tego b³yszcz¹cego znaku firmowego wtedy szef BMW móg³by jeszcze w trakcie gaszenia po¿aru zastawiæ prawa do u¿ywania marki jako zabezpieczenie 30 mld euro kredytu. Warto æ wizerunku marki BMW warto æ publicznego kapita³u uznania wynosi znacznie wiêcej. Publiczna akceptacja nie jest wiêc czym chwilowym, lecz wp³ywa w okre lony sposób na kreowanie warto ci przedsiêbiorstwa. Wizerunek w sensie publicznej akceptacji jest dobrem ekonomicznym. Jest rodzajem waluty, za któr¹ mo¿emy nabyæ lojalno æ klienta, partnerów i opinii publicznej. Dobra reputacja stanowi jeszcze wiêksz¹ warto æ pozwala zaci¹gaæ kredyty u dostawców, umo¿liwia oferowanie produktów w wy¿szych cenach, zwiêksza wiarygodno æ. Wizerunek u³atwia dostêp do rynków zbytu, rynków dostawców oraz rynków kapita³owych. Dobra reputacja jest wreszcie nieoceniona na drodze do zdobycia akceptacji klientów równie¿ poza

rzedsiêbiorstwa s¹ w nowoczesnych spo³eczeñstwach us³ugowych postrzegane nie tylko jako systemy czysto ekonomiczne czy tech-

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P

rzedsiêbiorstwa s¹ w nowoczesnych spo³eczeñstwach us³ugowych postrzegane nie tylko jako systemy czysto ekonomiczne czy tech-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Znaczenie kapita³u wizerunku

niczne, lecz przede wszystkim jako organizacje. Ich zadaniem jest, obok dostarczania us³ug i produktów, wytwarzanie akceptacji i uznania. Dopiero te dwa czynniki ³¹cznie (produkty i akceptacja) mog¹ staæ siê podstaw¹ ekonomicznego sukcesu organizacji. Kiedy u wiadamiamy sobie, jak na warto æ przedsiêbiorstwa i jego rentowno æ wp³ywaj¹ w d³ugofalowej perspektywie przyk³adowo: a) koszty utraconych korzy ci (utraconych z powodu zaniedbañ w zakresie reputacji), b) koszty transakcyjne (np. wydatki na komunikacjê spo³eczn¹ w sytuacji kryzysowej), c) koszty interakcji (wydatki na odbudowê naruszonych wiêzi z klientem i zaufania), staje siê jasne, ¿e wizerunek mo¿e byæ równie wa¿ny dla warto ci rynkowej przedsiêbiorstwa jak wska niki ekonomiczne. W zale¿no ci od przeprowadzonych badañ, miêdzy 15 a 50% warto ci rynkowej przedsiêbiorstwa zale¿y od uznania w oczach opinii publicznej. Interesuj¹cy jest fakt, ¿e warto æ wizerunku uwidacznia siê zazwyczaj w sytuacjach kryzysowych w momencie poniesienia straty. Utrata wizerunku jest utrat¹ twarzy , zaufania, reputacji, popytu, a w sytuacji skrajnej zagro¿eniem dla egzystencji. Dlatego jedno jest pewne wizerunek marki czy te¿ przedsiêbiorstwa w wiêkszym stopniu okre la warto æ firmy i perspektywy rozwoju ni¿ ka¿da inna pozycja w bilansie aktywów. Kapita³ wizerunku jest nie mniej wa¿ny ni¿ kapita³ zak³adowy. Nie warto æ bilansu, lecz warto æ uznania jest spraw¹ decyduj¹c¹. Je li, przyk³adowo, wszystkie fabryki i biura BMW strawi³by po¿ar i nie zosta³oby nic prócz marki tego b³yszcz¹cego znaku firmowego wtedy szef BMW móg³by jeszcze w trakcie gaszenia po¿aru zastawiæ prawa do u¿ywania marki jako zabezpieczenie 30 mld euro kredytu. Warto æ wizerunku marki BMW warto æ publicznego kapita³u uznania wynosi znacznie wiêcej. Publiczna akceptacja nie jest wiêc czym chwilowym, lecz wp³ywa w okre lony sposób na kreowanie warto ci przedsiêbiorstwa. Wizerunek w sensie publicznej akceptacji jest dobrem ekonomicznym. Jest rodzajem waluty, za któr¹ mo¿emy nabyæ lojalno æ klienta, partnerów i opinii publicznej. Dobra reputacja stanowi jeszcze wiêksz¹ warto æ pozwala zaci¹gaæ kredyty u dostawców, umo¿liwia oferowanie produktów w wy¿szych cenach, zwiêksza wiarygodno æ. Wizerunek u³atwia dostêp do rynków zbytu, rynków dostawców oraz rynków kapita³owych. Dobra reputacja jest wreszcie nieoceniona na drodze do zdobycia akceptacji klientów równie¿ poza

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go rodzaju tektonicznego przesuniêcia pozycji komunikacji wizerunkowej. Strategiczny skok kwantowy w ramach nowoczesnego zarz¹dzania wizerunkiem polega przede wszystkim na zrozumieniu g³êbiej le¿¹cych strumieni spo³ecznego odczuwania warto ci, aby pozycjonowanie przedsiêbiorstw lub kodowanie marek skuteczniej odnosiæ do nowego profilu mentalno ci spo³eczeñstwa i klientów. Na styku firmy i spo³eczeñstwa znajduje siê klucz do zrozumienia tego, co ukryte modelowego, nowoczesnego zarz¹dzania wizerunkiem i róde³ kszta³towania warto ci przez wizerunek [Buß, 2000, s. 103n.]. Wra¿liwo æ obserwacji sfer gospodarki i polityki przez spo³eczeñstwo znacz¹co wzros³a. Równocze nie wyra nie obni¿y³a siê granica tolerancji wobec naruszania warto ci. Nowe trendy w zakresie warto ci stanowi¹ dzi ryzyko dla przedsiêbiorców. Komunikacja wielu przedsiêbiorstw ze spo³eczeñstwem ju¿ prawie zanik³a, zosta³a sprowadzona do poziomu monologu. Warto ci kluczowe jak bezpieczeñstwo, zdrowie, ekologia, miejsca pracy, utrata wiêzi miêdzyludzkich z powodu wymogów mobilno ci pracowników, zdolno æ do ³¹czenia ¿ycia prywatnego i zawodowego etc., czyli jedyne tematy, które s¹ ci le zwi¹zane z rol¹ przedsiêbiorstw w nowoczesnym spo³eczeñstwie s¹ przez nie czêsto ignorowane [Buß, 1999, s. 158n.]. Dlatego, z punktu widzenia przedsiêbiorców, powstaje wra¿enie, i¿ s¹ oni konfrontowani z szeregiem nowych wymogów: jak powinni postêpowaæ wobec zmienionych oczekiwañ ze strony spo³eczeñstwa oraz wspó³pracowników w zakresie warto ci, w jaki sposób przerwaæ czêsto praktykowane komunikacyjne zadufanie , jak przezwyciê¿yæ tradycyjne granice wyznaczaj¹ce sfery warto ci obydwu stron relacji i tym samym przekroczyæ próg zrozumienia wobec roszczeñ spo³eczeñstwa? Odpowiedzi¹ jest zarz¹dzanie wizerunkiem i reputacj¹. Praca nad wizerunkiem oznacza walkê o publiczne uznanie i generowanie potencja³u wytworzenia wiêzi ze wspó³pracownikami, klientami i opini¹ publiczn¹. Wyró¿niaj¹ca siê wra¿liwo æ na warto ci prezentowane przez opiniê publiczn¹ wymaga, aby przedsiêbiorstwa w wiêkszym stopniu ni¿ dotychczas wziê³y pod uwagê kodeks warto ci spo³eczeñstwa.


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rynkiem rodzimym, pozyskania w³a ciwych partnerów do wspó³pracy oraz w momencie realizowania przejêæ (równie¿ za granic¹) czy te¿ w celu pozyskania instytucjonalnych inwestorów (zob. rys. 2). Wizerunek mo¿na rozumieæ jako szczególn¹ formê potencja³u przedsiêbiorstwa. Korzy æ z wizerunku odnosi zarówno przedsiêbiorstwo, jak i konsument. Wizerunek minimalizuje bezpo rednie koszty sprzeda¿y, takie jak indywidualne doradztwo specjalistyczne, analizy kosztów i korzy ci, monitorowanie ofert konkurencji, a przede wszystkim ustêpstwa cenowe. Wizerunek otwiera nowe obszary dzia³ania i chroni przed nieprzewidzianymi czynnikami zewnêtrznymi. Z kolei klient zostaje zwolniony z konieczno ci czasoch³onnego porównywania produktów, jak równie¿ z rozstrzygania dylematu, kogo obdarzyæ zaufaniem, wreszcie z konieczno ci kontrolowania jako ci produktu. Tê formê wyrêczania wspó³czesny cz³owiek gotów jest nagradzaæ. Z wizerunkiem wywo³uj¹cym lojalno æ konsumenta zwi¹zane s¹ na zasadzie sprzê¿enia zwrotnego czynniki, które stanowi¹ barierê wstêpu na rynek dla konkurentów. Innymi s³owy im mniej firma oferuje dóbr wizerunkowych , tym wy¿sze s¹ koszty operacyjne, które zmuszona jest ponie æ, by osi¹gn¹æ analogiczny sukces. Obok bezpo rednich czynników kreowania warto ci wizerunek mo¿e te¿ w sposób po redni tworzyæ warto ci w zakresie zarz¹dzania, oferuj¹c mo¿liwo ci dotycz¹ce pozycjonowania i orientacji na rynku (zob. rys. 2). Najnowsze tendencje rozwoju gospodarczego i spo³ecznego nios¹ z sob¹ wa¿n¹ konsekwencjê wobec mnogo ci marek, wzrastaj¹cej z³o¿ono ci informacji, wymienialno ci produktów, rosn¹cego braku zaufania wzglêdem ekspertów i deklarowanych przez producentów parametrów, wyra nie nasila siê poszukiwanie podstawowych schematów, które u³atwiaj¹ orientacjê na rynku. Wybory spo³eczeñstwa charakteryzuje dzi zasadnicza niepewno æ poniewa¿ granica miêdzy tym, co prawdziwe i fa³szywe, miêdzy tym, czemu siê ufa a nieznanym, granica, która wcze niej wydawa³a siê wyra na, zatar³a siê. Wspó³czesny cz³owiek czuje siê w tej sytuacji niepewnie. Stoi pod samonapêdzaj¹c¹ siê presj¹ legitymizacji podejmowanych decyzji czy naby³ w³a ciwy produkt, czy podj¹³ w³a ciw¹ decyzjê, czy uwzglêdni³ wszystkie alternatywy? Czy wzi¹³ pod uwagê wszelkie dostêpne informacje przy ocenie firmy? Czy obraz marki pasuje do jego stylu ¿ycia, do jego statusu? Niepewno æ wspó³czesnego cz³owieka ma zasad-

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Rys. 2. KREOWANIE WARTO CI PRZEZ WIZERUNEK Bezpo rednie czynniki kreowania warto ci przez wizerunek

Wizerunek: G zwiêksza barierê przyst¹pienia do rynku dla nowych konkurentów, G uwalnia od presji, by pod¹¿aæ za ka¿dym krótkotrwa³ym trendem, G zwiêksza wiarygodno æ kredytow¹ i p³ynno æ finansow¹, G umo¿liwia wiêksz¹ elastyczno æ w kszta³towaniu stosunku ceny do warto ci, G poszerza ekonomiczne mo¿liwo ci dzia³ania przedsiêbiorstwa, G obni¿a koszty marketingowe i koszty sprzeda¿y, G obni¿a koszty zakupów i koszty sta³e, G obni¿a koszty pozyskania klienta i utrzymania jego lojalno ci, G zwiêksza w³asne zasoby ludzkie, G zwiêksza mo¿liwo ci wspó³pracy. Po rednie czynniki kreowania warto ci przez wizerunek

Wizerunek: G wprowadza element rangi do anonimowego rynku towarów i informacji, G sygnalizuje ró¿nice w reputacji miêdzy przedsiêbiorstwami/organizacjami, G tworzy wyraziste rozgraniczenie wzglêdem konkurencji, G przyspiesza procesy decyzyjne konsumentów, G eliminuje inne dostêpne opcje, G zwalnia u¿ytkownika z kosztownego procesu porównywania i analizy produktów, G tworzy wiêzi zaufania w stosunku do opinii publicznej, partnerów i klientów, G jest no nikiem lojalno ci, G u³atwia procesy porozumienia i akceptacji w oczach opinii publicznej, G wprowadza do oferty aspekt to¿samo ci i rozpoznawalnej osobowo ci , G oferuje opinii publicznej pomoc w selekcjonowaniu lub filtrowaniu informacji, G zapobiega wieloznaczno ci, G redukuje skomplikowan¹ paletê cech i w³a ciwo ci do prostej logiki obrazu, G redukuje niepewno æ w sytuacji dokonywania wyboru i co wydaje siê najwa¿niejsze G stwarza sens.

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rynkiem rodzimym, pozyskania w³a ciwych partnerów do wspó³pracy oraz w momencie realizowania przejêæ (równie¿ za granic¹) czy te¿ w celu pozyskania instytucjonalnych inwestorów (zob. rys. 2). Wizerunek mo¿na rozumieæ jako szczególn¹ formê potencja³u przedsiêbiorstwa. Korzy æ z wizerunku odnosi zarówno przedsiêbiorstwo, jak i konsument. Wizerunek minimalizuje bezpo rednie koszty sprzeda¿y, takie jak indywidualne doradztwo specjalistyczne, analizy kosztów i korzy ci, monitorowanie ofert konkurencji, a przede wszystkim ustêpstwa cenowe. Wizerunek otwiera nowe obszary dzia³ania i chroni przed nieprzewidzianymi czynnikami zewnêtrznymi. Z kolei klient zostaje zwolniony z konieczno ci czasoch³onnego porównywania produktów, jak równie¿ z rozstrzygania dylematu, kogo obdarzyæ zaufaniem, wreszcie z konieczno ci kontrolowania jako ci produktu. Tê formê wyrêczania wspó³czesny cz³owiek gotów jest nagradzaæ. Z wizerunkiem wywo³uj¹cym lojalno æ konsumenta zwi¹zane s¹ na zasadzie sprzê¿enia zwrotnego czynniki, które stanowi¹ barierê wstêpu na rynek dla konkurentów. Innymi s³owy im mniej firma oferuje dóbr wizerunkowych , tym wy¿sze s¹ koszty operacyjne, które zmuszona jest ponie æ, by osi¹gn¹æ analogiczny sukces. Obok bezpo rednich czynników kreowania warto ci wizerunek mo¿e te¿ w sposób po redni tworzyæ warto ci w zakresie zarz¹dzania, oferuj¹c mo¿liwo ci dotycz¹ce pozycjonowania i orientacji na rynku (zob. rys. 2). Najnowsze tendencje rozwoju gospodarczego i spo³ecznego nios¹ z sob¹ wa¿n¹ konsekwencjê wobec mnogo ci marek, wzrastaj¹cej z³o¿ono ci informacji, wymienialno ci produktów, rosn¹cego braku zaufania wzglêdem ekspertów i deklarowanych przez producentów parametrów, wyra nie nasila siê poszukiwanie podstawowych schematów, które u³atwiaj¹ orientacjê na rynku. Wybory spo³eczeñstwa charakteryzuje dzi zasadnicza niepewno æ poniewa¿ granica miêdzy tym, co prawdziwe i fa³szywe, miêdzy tym, czemu siê ufa a nieznanym, granica, która wcze niej wydawa³a siê wyra na, zatar³a siê. Wspó³czesny cz³owiek czuje siê w tej sytuacji niepewnie. Stoi pod samonapêdzaj¹c¹ siê presj¹ legitymizacji podejmowanych decyzji czy naby³ w³a ciwy produkt, czy podj¹³ w³a ciw¹ decyzjê, czy uwzglêdni³ wszystkie alternatywy? Czy wzi¹³ pod uwagê wszelkie dostêpne informacje przy ocenie firmy? Czy obraz marki pasuje do jego stylu ¿ycia, do jego statusu? Niepewno æ wspó³czesnego cz³owieka ma zasad-

Wizerunek: G wprowadza element rangi do anonimowego rynku towarów i informacji, G sygnalizuje ró¿nice w reputacji miêdzy przedsiêbiorstwami/organizacjami, G tworzy wyraziste rozgraniczenie wzglêdem konkurencji, G przyspiesza procesy decyzyjne konsumentów, G eliminuje inne dostêpne opcje, G zwalnia u¿ytkownika z kosztownego procesu porównywania i analizy produktów, G tworzy wiêzi zaufania w stosunku do opinii publicznej, partnerów i klientów, G jest no nikiem lojalno ci, G u³atwia procesy porozumienia i akceptacji w oczach opinii publicznej, G wprowadza do oferty aspekt to¿samo ci i rozpoznawalnej osobowo ci , G oferuje opinii publicznej pomoc w selekcjonowaniu lub filtrowaniu informacji, G zapobiega wieloznaczno ci, G redukuje skomplikowan¹ paletê cech i w³a ciwo ci do prostej logiki obrazu, G redukuje niepewno æ w sytuacji dokonywania wyboru i co wydaje siê najwa¿niejsze stwarza sens. G

Po rednie czynniki kreowania warto ci przez wizerunek

Wizerunek: G zwiêksza barierê przyst¹pienia do rynku dla nowych konkurentów, G uwalnia od presji, by pod¹¿aæ za ka¿dym krótkotrwa³ym trendem, G zwiêksza wiarygodno æ kredytow¹ i p³ynno æ finansow¹, G umo¿liwia wiêksz¹ elastyczno æ w kszta³towaniu stosunku ceny do warto ci, G poszerza ekonomiczne mo¿liwo ci dzia³ania przedsiêbiorstwa, G obni¿a koszty marketingowe i koszty sprzeda¿y, G obni¿a koszty zakupów i koszty sta³e, G obni¿a koszty pozyskania klienta i utrzymania jego lojalno ci, zwiêksza w³asne zasoby ludzkie, zwiêksza mo¿liwo ci wspó³pracy. G G

Bezpo rednie czynniki kreowania warto ci przez wizerunek Rys. 2. KREOWANIE WARTO CI PRZEZ WIZERUNEK


nie interesuj¹cy jest fakt, ¿e decyzja podjêta przez klienta na podstawie przes³anek wizerunkowych przynosi na ogó³ wiêcej satysfakcji ni¿ wybór dokonany na podstawie szczegó³owych informacji.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Przyk³ad: im wiêkszy deficyt obiektywnych kryteriów oceny, tym wiêksze znaczenie wizerunku, staj¹cego siê w tym momencie rozstrzygaj¹cym czynnikiem warunkuj¹cym decyzjê o zakupie. Wed³ug badañ przeprowadzonych przez magazyn Journal of Marketing Research gdzie poszczególne kryteria podejmowania decyzji zakupowych zosta³y sklasyfikowane w skali od 0 (ma³o istotne) do 100 (bardzo wa¿ne) wizerunek marki z liczb¹ 94 punktów wyra nie dominuje nad wszystkimi pozosta³ymi kryteriami. Obiektywne parametry, jak testy porównawcze lub analizy ekspertów, odgrywaj¹ jedynie podrzêdn¹ rolê. Ten wynik w ¿adnym wypadku nie mo¿e byæ okre lony jako irracjonalny, poniewa¿ ludzie ³atwiej podejmuj¹ decyzje, je li mog¹ polegaæ na przekazach wizerunkowych. Przekazy takie oferuj¹ bezpieczeñstwo orientacji w sytuacjach posiadania niekompletnej wiedzy, staj¹c siê wiedz¹ zastêpcz¹ pozwalaj¹c¹ zachowaæ zdolno æ do orientacji na rynku [Schulz, 1991, s. 37]. Tym samym wizerunek stanowi istotny element przyspieszaj¹cy procesy decyzyjne, poniewa¿ zdejmuje z konsumenta ciê¿ar przeprowadzania skomplikowanego procesu wyboru. Rynek jest postrzegany w sposób uproszczony. Je li konsument mo¿e odwo³aæ siê do rezerwuaru jednoznacznych przekazów wizerunkowych, ³atwiej jest mobilizowany do dzia³ania.

Podsumowanie: w warunkach dynamicznie zmieniaj¹cych siê procesów komunikacyjnych na nowoczesnych rynkach wzrasta znaczenie wizerunku jako stabilizuj¹cej metaforyki nawigacji. Zapewnia on bezpieczeñstwo dzia³ania, orientowania siê oraz podejmowania decyzji. Spo³eczeñstwo nie kontroluje ju¿ szczegó³owych parametrów oferowanych produktów i us³ug, mo¿e ograniczyæ siê jedynie do kontroli czynników buduj¹cych zaufanie oraz w perspektywie d³ugoterminowej faktów. Ogromne znaczenie ekonomiczne wizerunku przedsiêbiorstwa czy organizacji wykreowanego w perspektywie historycznej polega na tym, i¿ spo³eczeñstwo rzadziej sprawdza produkty danej firmy jako takie, lecz skupia siê jedynie na weryfikacji, czy uprawnione jest dalsze darzenie zaufaniem owej firmy czy te¿ nie. Innymi s³owy stabilne relacje s¹ szczególnym wyrazem reputacji, która w mniejszym stopniu

Podsumowanie: w warunkach dynamicznie zmieniaj¹cych siê procesów komunikacyjnych na nowoczesnych rynkach wzrasta znaczenie wizerunku jako stabilizuj¹cej metaforyki nawigacji. Zapewnia on bezpieczeñstwo dzia³ania, orientowania siê oraz podejmowania decyzji. Spo³eczeñstwo nie kontroluje ju¿ szczegó³owych parametrów oferowanych produktów i us³ug, mo¿e ograniczyæ siê jedynie do kontroli czynników buduj¹cych zaufanie oraz w perspektywie d³ugoterminowej faktów. Ogromne znaczenie ekonomiczne wizerunku przedsiêbiorstwa czy organizacji wykreowanego w perspektywie historycznej polega na tym, i¿ spo³eczeñstwo rzadziej sprawdza produkty danej firmy jako takie, lecz skupia siê jedynie na weryfikacji, czy uprawnione jest dalsze darzenie zaufaniem owej firmy czy te¿ nie. Innymi s³owy stabilne relacje s¹ szczególnym wyrazem reputacji, która w mniejszym stopniu

Przyk³ad: im wiêkszy deficyt obiektywnych kryteriów oceny, tym wiêksze znaczenie wizerunku, staj¹cego siê w tym momencie rozstrzygaj¹cym czynnikiem warunkuj¹cym decyzjê o zakupie. Wed³ug badañ przeprowadzonych przez magazyn Journal of Marketing Research gdzie poszczególne kryteria podejmowania decyzji zakupowych zosta³y sklasyfikowane w skali od 0 (ma³o istotne) do 100 (bardzo wa¿ne) wizerunek marki z liczb¹ 94 punktów wyra nie dominuje nad wszystkimi pozosta³ymi kryteriami. Obiektywne parametry, jak testy porównawcze lub analizy ekspertów, odgrywaj¹ jedynie podrzêdn¹ rolê. Ten wynik w ¿adnym wypadku nie mo¿e byæ okre lony jako irracjonalny, poniewa¿ ludzie ³atwiej podejmuj¹ decyzje, je li mog¹ polegaæ na przekazach wizerunkowych. Przekazy takie oferuj¹ bezpieczeñstwo orientacji w sytuacjach posiadania niekompletnej wiedzy, staj¹c siê wiedz¹ zastêpcz¹ pozwalaj¹c¹ zachowaæ zdolno æ do orientacji na rynku [Schulz, 1991, s. 37]. Tym samym wizerunek stanowi istotny element przyspieszaj¹cy procesy decyzyjne, poniewa¿ zdejmuje z konsumenta ciê¿ar przeprowadzania skomplikowanego procesu wyboru. Rynek jest postrzegany w sposób uproszczony. Je li konsument mo¿e odwo³aæ siê do rezerwuaru jednoznacznych przekazów wizerunkowych, ³atwiej jest mobilizowany do dzia³ania.

nicze nastêpstwa. Ró¿norodno æ ofert sprawia, ¿e konsument zawsze musi siê dystansowaæ od znanych orientacji i wcze niej podjêtych decyzji. Stabilne zwi¹zanie z us³ug¹ i produktem uwalniaj¹ nas od tego typu dylematów. Konsekwencja: wraz z nasileniem siê dylematów interpretacyjnych w nowoczesnym ¿yciu ro nie zapotrzebowanie na nieomylny drogowskaz . Spo³eczeñstwo poszukuje enklaw spokoju w szumie obrazów i informacji. Tak¹ oazê spokoju tworzy wizerunek, rozumiany jako stworzenie opartej na zaufaniu wiêzi z organizacj¹, która jest gwarantem bezpieczeñstwa w podejmowaniu decyzji. Konsument w ogóle nie musi zaprz¹taæ swojej uwagi ró¿norodno ci¹ ofert, a informacje ledzi niesystematycznie i nieregularnie. Wiê zbudowana na zaufaniu, maj¹ca swe ród³o w wizerunku, zastêpuje d³ugotrwa³¹ konfrontacjê z licznymi docieraj¹cymi do konsumenta informacjami i produktami konkurencji. Nie szuka siê wiêc informacji rzeczowych, lecz pewnych sygna³ów wskazuj¹cych, czy zaufanie jest uzasadnione czy te¿ nie. Te elementy sygna³y, zaufanie, kontynuacja i rzetelno æ stanowi¹ symboliczny fundament. Przekazy wizerunkowe przynosz¹ nie tylko oczekiwan¹ przez ka¿dego korzy æ; wokó³ nich powstawa³y przez lata wiaty doznañ . Te wiaty doznañ mog¹ tak d³ugo, jak gwarantuj¹ wiarygodn¹ relacjê z producentem i jego produktami pog³êbiaæ zwi¹zek z przedsiêbiorstwem w sposób bardziej efektywny ni¿ jest to w stanie spowodowaæ porównywanie szczegó³ów produktu i niuansów oferty. W tym tkwi rzeczywista potêga oddzia³ywania przekazów wizerunkowych. Stanowi¹ one metaforê nawigacji w strumieniu informacyjnym. Tworz¹ bogaty kapita³ zasobów znaczeniowych, za pomoc¹ których mo¿na rozstrzygn¹æ skomplikowane sytuacje decyzyjne. Zarz¹dzanie wizerunkiem jest strukturaln¹ odpowiedzi¹ na percepcyjne problemy opinii publicznej wynikaj¹ce z nadmiaru informacji. Po rednie czynniki kreowania warto ci przez wizerunek to uproszczenie procesów decyzyjnych i jednoznaczno æ przy podejmowaniu decyzji. Inwestycje zwi¹zane z wizerunkiem przedsiêbiorstwa s¹ w tym zakresie inwestycjami maj¹cymi na celu wyeliminowanie innych dostêpnych opcji. Jednoznaczny wizerunek podkre la odmienno æ przedsiêbiorstwa, stymuluje potencja³ rozró¿niania, pozycjonuje firmê na rynku oraz w oczach opinii publicznej. Umo¿liwia zespolenie z opini¹ publiczn¹ w formie zrozumienia bez s³ów . Wizerunek w szczególny sposób wytwarza mocne wiêzi ³¹cz¹ce firmê z klientem szczegól-

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nie interesuj¹cy jest fakt, ¿e decyzja podjêta przez klienta na podstawie przes³anek wizerunkowych przynosi na ogó³ wiêcej satysfakcji ni¿ wybór dokonany na podstawie szczegó³owych informacji.

242

nicze nastêpstwa. Ró¿norodno æ ofert sprawia, ¿e konsument zawsze musi siê dystansowaæ od znanych orientacji i wcze niej podjêtych decyzji. Stabilne zwi¹zanie z us³ug¹ i produktem uwalniaj¹ nas od tego typu dylematów. Konsekwencja: wraz z nasileniem siê dylematów interpretacyjnych w nowoczesnym ¿yciu ro nie zapotrzebowanie na nieomylny drogowskaz . Spo³eczeñstwo poszukuje enklaw spokoju w szumie obrazów i informacji. Tak¹ oazê spokoju tworzy wizerunek, rozumiany jako stworzenie opartej na zaufaniu wiêzi z organizacj¹, która jest gwarantem bezpieczeñstwa w podejmowaniu decyzji. Konsument w ogóle nie musi zaprz¹taæ swojej uwagi ró¿norodno ci¹ ofert, a informacje ledzi niesystematycznie i nieregularnie. Wiê zbudowana na zaufaniu, maj¹ca swe ród³o w wizerunku, zastêpuje d³ugotrwa³¹ konfrontacjê z licznymi docieraj¹cymi do konsumenta informacjami i produktami konkurencji. Nie szuka siê wiêc informacji rzeczowych, lecz pewnych sygna³ów wskazuj¹cych, czy zaufanie jest uzasadnione czy te¿ nie. Te elementy sygna³y, zaufanie, kontynuacja i rzetelno æ stanowi¹ symboliczny fundament. Przekazy wizerunkowe przynosz¹ nie tylko oczekiwan¹ przez ka¿dego korzy æ; wokó³ nich powstawa³y przez lata wiaty doznañ . Te wiaty doznañ mog¹ tak d³ugo, jak gwarantuj¹ wiarygodn¹ relacjê z producentem i jego produktami pog³êbiaæ zwi¹zek z przedsiêbiorstwem w sposób bardziej efektywny ni¿ jest to w stanie spowodowaæ porównywanie szczegó³ów produktu i niuansów oferty. W tym tkwi rzeczywista potêga oddzia³ywania przekazów wizerunkowych. Stanowi¹ one metaforê nawigacji w strumieniu informacyjnym. Tworz¹ bogaty kapita³ zasobów znaczeniowych, za pomoc¹ których mo¿na rozstrzygn¹æ skomplikowane sytuacje decyzyjne. Zarz¹dzanie wizerunkiem jest strukturaln¹ odpowiedzi¹ na percepcyjne problemy opinii publicznej wynikaj¹ce z nadmiaru informacji. Po rednie czynniki kreowania warto ci przez wizerunek to uproszczenie procesów decyzyjnych i jednoznaczno æ przy podejmowaniu decyzji. Inwestycje zwi¹zane z wizerunkiem przedsiêbiorstwa s¹ w tym zakresie inwestycjami maj¹cymi na celu wyeliminowanie innych dostêpnych opcji. Jednoznaczny wizerunek podkre la odmienno æ przedsiêbiorstwa, stymuluje potencja³ rozró¿niania, pozycjonuje firmê na rynku oraz w oczach opinii publicznej. Umo¿liwia zespolenie z opini¹ publiczn¹ w formie zrozumienia bez s³ów . Wizerunek w szczególny sposób wytwarza mocne wiêzi ³¹cz¹ce firmê z klientem szczegól-


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charakteryzowana jest przez rzeczywiste zalety oferty, w wiêkszym za stopniu przez zaufanie do oferty wypracowane przez wizerunek organizacji.

P³aszczyzny warto ci wizerunku i reputacji

Z

arz¹dzanie wizerunkiem jest w stanie wyra nie zwiêkszyæ warto æ przedsiêbiorstwa [zob. Bergler, 1998]: 1) Wizerunek jako warto æ przedsiêbiorstwa Gros badañ empirycznych dowodzi, ¿e pomiêdzy renom¹ danej firmy a jej ekonomicznymi osi¹gniêciami zachodz¹ pozytywne korelacje. Reputacja coraz silniej przejmuje rolê efektywnego kapita³u. W sensie warto ci przedsiêbiorstwa przekazy wizerunkowe ugruntowuj¹ atuty w walce konkurencyjnej. Przyk³adów takich atutów jest wiele. Lista marek wiatowych jest d³uga Coca-Cola, Marlboro, McDonald s, Sony, Levi s, Adidas etc. To ju¿ nie tylko oznaczenia produktu nazwa firmy s³u¿y jako ikona-synonim warunkuj¹cy posiadanie statusu skutecznego konkurenta. Pierwsze studium po wiêcone zagadnieniom ekonomicznej warto ci wizerunku firmy przeprowadzono ju¿ ponad 25 lat temu. W po³owie lat 70. badanie wykonane na zlecenie amerykañskiego magazynu Time zaprezentowa³o wp³yw komunikacji przedsiêbiorstwa na kursy akcji. Kluczow¹ konkluzj¹ stanowi¹c¹ efekt tego badania by³o stwierdzenie, ¿e zawsze ok. 40% warto ci akcji zdeterminowane jest przez czynniki komunikacyjne (np. atmosfera przedsiêbiorstwa, komunikacja przedsiêbiorstwa, wizerunek). Wed³ug nowszego badania Uniwersytetu Harvarda decyzje o zakupie wywo³ane s¹ nawet w 75% czynnikami wizerunkowymi, podczas gdy wp³yw innych czynników nie przekracza 62% [zob. Lohrmann, 1995, s. 59; Klage, 1995, s. 67n.]. Kolejne badania z lat 1986 i 1988 wykaza³y, ¿e przedsiêbiorstwa ciesz¹ce siê bardzo dobr¹ reputacj¹ posiadaj¹ zdecydowan¹ przewagê zarówno w wynikach sprzeda¿y swoich towarów i us³ug, jak i przy porównaniu poziomu cen nad konkurentami charakteryzuj¹cymi siê gorszym wizerunkiem [Klage, 1995, s. 68]. W roku 1989 Schmidt porówna³ wizerunek firmy i osi¹gniête sukcesy na podstawie 50 przedsiêbiorstw. Wynik tego badania potwierdzi³ korelacjê pomiêdzy wizerunkiem a sukcesem firmy [Rüßmann, 1989, s. 121n.]. 2) Wizerunek jako warto æ polityczna Sukces tworzy reputacjê i dziêki niej mo¿-

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na pozyskaæ uwagê opinii publicznej. Firmy dziêki swojej reputacji s¹ w stanie szybciej wytworzyæ dla swoich celów publiczny autorytet lub ³atwiej zdobyæ rozg³os. Zas³u¿ona s³awa przyczynia siê do wytworzenia szacunku analogicznego do tego, jakim ciesz¹ siê publiczne autorytety. Na tym polega wa¿na funkcja polityczna wizerunku. Reputacja firmy warunkuje atrakcyjno æ jej oferty, nie tylko na rynku, ale te¿ na politycznym i spo³ecznym forum dyskusji publicznej. 3) Wizerunek jako warto æ pozwalaj¹ca na nawi¹zanie kontaktu Wizerunek wype³nia lukê informacyjn¹ pomiêdzy spo³eczeñstwem a organizacj¹. Nawi¹zanie kontaktu z audytorium staje siê dziêki niemu znacznie ³atwiejsze. Wizerunkowi jako warto ci pozwalaj¹cej na nawi¹zanie kontaktu przypisuje siê tak¿e rodzaj szacunku skupiaj¹cego uwagê ; on decyduje, czy przekaz w ogóle zyska rozg³os. 4) Wizerunek jako warto æ kreuj¹ca zapotrzebowanie Badania nad czynnikami wp³ywaj¹cymi na indywidualne decyzje zawodowe w odniesieniu do okre lonego pracodawcy wykazuj¹ w sposób dobrze udokumentowany znaczne oddzia³ywanie atrakcyjnego wizerunku na kreowanie preferencji. 5) Wizerunek jako warto æ motywacyjna Na motywowanie wspó³pracowników w obrêbie danej organizacji do efektywno ci i wydajnej pracy pozytywnie wp³ywa fakt identyfikacji z dumnym wizerunkiem organizacji. 6) Wizerunek jako warto æ komunikacyjna Wizerunki atrakcyjnych organizacji maj¹ per se wysok¹ warto æ oddzia³ywania na opiniê publiczn¹. Oznacza to, ¿e interesy i dzia³ania tych organizacji z istotnie wy¿szym prawdopodobieñstwem s¹ obserwowane przez media i rodki warunkuj¹ce dalszy obieg informacji. 7) Wizerunek jako warto æ warunkuj¹ca bezpieczeñstwo Reputacja stwarza solidn¹ podstawê d³ugofalowej egzystencji przedsiêbiorstwa poprzez ograniczenie ryzyka rynkowego i zapewnienie trwa³ej pozycji na rynku. Wizerunek umo¿liwia przedsiêbiorstwu rozwijanie d³ugofalowych i stabilnych relacji z w³asn¹ grup¹ sta³ych klientów. Dobra opinia buduje pozycjê rynkow¹, która jest wzglêdnie odporna na krótkotrwa³e dzia³ania podejmowane przez konkurencjê. Im reputacja organizacji jest wy¿sza i w szerszym zakresie oparta na zaufaniu spo³ecznym, w tym wiêkszym stopniu zminimalizowaæ mo¿na konieczno æ nieustannej i wyj¹tkowo kosztownej reakcji na krótkotrwa³e

243

arz¹dzanie wizerunkiem jest w stanie wyra nie zwiêkszyæ warto æ przedsiêbiorstwa [zob. Bergler, 1998]: 1) Wizerunek jako warto æ przedsiêbiorstwa Gros badañ empirycznych dowodzi, ¿e pomiêdzy renom¹ danej firmy a jej ekonomicznymi osi¹gniêciami zachodz¹ pozytywne korelacje. Reputacja coraz silniej przejmuje rolê efektywnego kapita³u. W sensie warto ci przedsiêbiorstwa przekazy wizerunkowe ugruntowuj¹ atuty w walce konkurencyjnej. Przyk³adów takich atutów jest wiele. Lista marek wiatowych jest d³uga Coca-Cola, Marlboro, McDonald s, Sony, Levi s, Adidas etc. To ju¿ nie tylko oznaczenia produktu nazwa firmy s³u¿y jako ikona-synonim warunkuj¹cy posiadanie statusu skutecznego konkurenta. Pierwsze studium po wiêcone zagadnieniom ekonomicznej warto ci wizerunku firmy przeprowadzono ju¿ ponad 25 lat temu. W po³owie lat 70. badanie wykonane na zlecenie amerykañskiego magazynu Time zaprezentowa³o wp³yw komunikacji przedsiêbiorstwa na kursy akcji. Kluczow¹ konkluzj¹ stanowi¹c¹ efekt tego badania by³o stwierdzenie, ¿e zawsze ok. 40% warto ci akcji zdeterminowane jest przez czynniki komunikacyjne (np. atmosfera przedsiêbiorstwa, komunikacja przedsiêbiorstwa, wizerunek). Wed³ug nowszego badania Uniwersytetu Harvarda decyzje o zakupie wywo³ane s¹ nawet w 75% czynnikami wizerunkowymi, podczas gdy wp³yw innych czynników nie przekracza 62% [zob. Lohrmann, 1995, s. 59; Klage, 1995, s. 67n.]. Kolejne badania z lat 1986 i 1988 wykaza³y, ¿e przedsiêbiorstwa ciesz¹ce siê bardzo dobr¹ reputacj¹ posiadaj¹ zdecydowan¹ przewagê zarówno w wynikach sprzeda¿y swoich towarów i us³ug, jak i przy porównaniu poziomu cen nad konkurentami charakteryzuj¹cymi siê gorszym wizerunkiem [Klage, 1995, s. 68]. W roku 1989 Schmidt porówna³ wizerunek firmy i osi¹gniête sukcesy na podstawie 50 przedsiêbiorstw. Wynik tego badania potwierdzi³ korelacjê pomiêdzy wizerunkiem a sukcesem firmy [Rüßmann, 1989, s. 121n.]. 2) Wizerunek jako warto æ polityczna Sukces tworzy reputacjê i dziêki niej mo¿-

Z

P³aszczyzny warto ci wizerunku i reputacji charakteryzowana jest przez rzeczywiste zalety oferty, w wiêkszym za stopniu przez zaufanie do oferty wypracowane przez wizerunek organizacji.

243

na pozyskaæ uwagê opinii publicznej. Firmy dziêki swojej reputacji s¹ w stanie szybciej wytworzyæ dla swoich celów publiczny autorytet lub ³atwiej zdobyæ rozg³os. Zas³u¿ona s³awa przyczynia siê do wytworzenia szacunku analogicznego do tego, jakim ciesz¹ siê publiczne autorytety. Na tym polega wa¿na funkcja polityczna wizerunku. Reputacja firmy warunkuje atrakcyjno æ jej oferty, nie tylko na rynku, ale te¿ na politycznym i spo³ecznym forum dyskusji publicznej. 3) Wizerunek jako warto æ pozwalaj¹ca na nawi¹zanie kontaktu Wizerunek wype³nia lukê informacyjn¹ pomiêdzy spo³eczeñstwem a organizacj¹. Nawi¹zanie kontaktu z audytorium staje siê dziêki niemu znacznie ³atwiejsze. Wizerunkowi jako warto ci pozwalaj¹cej na nawi¹zanie kontaktu przypisuje siê tak¿e rodzaj szacunku skupiaj¹cego uwagê ; on decyduje, czy przekaz w ogóle zyska rozg³os. 4) Wizerunek jako warto æ kreuj¹ca zapotrzebowanie Badania nad czynnikami wp³ywaj¹cymi na indywidualne decyzje zawodowe w odniesieniu do okre lonego pracodawcy wykazuj¹ w sposób dobrze udokumentowany znaczne oddzia³ywanie atrakcyjnego wizerunku na kreowanie preferencji. 5) Wizerunek jako warto æ motywacyjna Na motywowanie wspó³pracowników w obrêbie danej organizacji do efektywno ci i wydajnej pracy pozytywnie wp³ywa fakt identyfikacji z dumnym wizerunkiem organizacji. 6) Wizerunek jako warto æ komunikacyjna Wizerunki atrakcyjnych organizacji maj¹ per se wysok¹ warto æ oddzia³ywania na opiniê publiczn¹. Oznacza to, ¿e interesy i dzia³ania tych organizacji z istotnie wy¿szym prawdopodobieñstwem s¹ obserwowane przez media i rodki warunkuj¹ce dalszy obieg informacji. 7) Wizerunek jako warto æ warunkuj¹ca bezpieczeñstwo Reputacja stwarza solidn¹ podstawê d³ugofalowej egzystencji przedsiêbiorstwa poprzez ograniczenie ryzyka rynkowego i zapewnienie trwa³ej pozycji na rynku. Wizerunek umo¿liwia przedsiêbiorstwu rozwijanie d³ugofalowych i stabilnych relacji z w³asn¹ grup¹ sta³ych klientów. Dobra opinia buduje pozycjê rynkow¹, która jest wzglêdnie odporna na krótkotrwa³e dzia³ania podejmowane przez konkurencjê. Im reputacja organizacji jest wy¿sza i w szerszym zakresie oparta na zaufaniu spo³ecznym, w tym wiêkszym stopniu zminimalizowaæ mo¿na konieczno æ nieustannej i wyj¹tkowo kosztownej reakcji na krótkotrwa³e


244

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

trendy rynkowe i dora ne dzia³ania konkurencji. W konsekwencji wizerunek stanowi o mo¿liwo ci wypracowania uregulowanych relacji miêdzy firm¹ a klientami, które w najlepszym przypadku przez swoj¹ ekskluzywno æ zdaj¹ siê tworzyæ rodzaj specyficznej dla danej firmy klienteli. 8) Wizerunek jako warto æ klasyfikuj¹ca Ka¿dy wizerunek mo¿na postrzegaæ jako osobny mikrokosmos. Ustanawia on zewnêtrzne granice, ró¿nicuje, klasyfikuje, rozgranicza, definiuje preferencje w przypadku wyboru pomiêdzy alternatywnymi dzia³aniami i porz¹dkuje z³o¿ono æ rynków i informacji. Wizerunek funkcjonuje jako rodzaj kulturowego kodu rozpoznawczego. Opinia publiczna, ale równie¿ klienci, inwestorzy, media etc., czuj¹ siê bardziej komfortowo, maj¹c wiadomo æ, i¿ wizerunek firmy stanowi¹cy kod rozpoznawczy oferuje im jed-

noznaczn¹ orientacjê. Równie¿ z punktu widzenia firmy zagadnienie kulturowego i techniczno-produktowego samopostrzegania ma daleko id¹ce konsekwencje. S³u¿y ono po pierwsze percepcji w³asnej pozycji na rynku oraz w oczach opinii publicznej. Po drugie, mikrokosmos uwarunkowañ wizerunkowych tworzy nowe pole dzia³ania. Wizerunek nie narusza elastyczno ci firmy, lecz j¹ warunkuje. Im lepszy wizerunek organizacji, tym rozleglejsze pola dzia³ania przedsiêbiorstwa. Podsumowanie: procesy wizerunkowe tworz¹ wysokorozwiniêty system wzajemnie powi¹zanych perspektyw, które oddzia³uj¹ za po rednictwem licznych czynników, stanowi¹c ród³o kszta³towania warto ci. Zak³adaj¹c, i¿ wizerunek stanowi czynnik kszta³towania warto ci w dziedzinie zarz¹dzania, nale¿y odwo³aæ

Rys. 3. CZYNNIKI KREOWANIA WARTO CI PRZEZ WIZERUNEK

Rys. 3. CZYNNIKI KREOWANIA WARTO CI PRZEZ WIZERUNEK

Podsumowanie: procesy wizerunkowe tworz¹ wysokorozwiniêty system wzajemnie powi¹zanych perspektyw, które oddzia³uj¹ za po rednictwem licznych czynników, stanowi¹c ród³o kszta³towania warto ci. Zak³adaj¹c, i¿ wizerunek stanowi czynnik kszta³towania warto ci w dziedzinie zarz¹dzania, nale¿y odwo³aæ noznaczn¹ orientacjê. Równie¿ z punktu widzenia firmy zagadnienie kulturowego i techniczno-produktowego samopostrzegania ma daleko id¹ce konsekwencje. S³u¿y ono po pierwsze percepcji w³asnej pozycji na rynku oraz w oczach opinii publicznej. Po drugie, mikrokosmos uwarunkowañ wizerunkowych tworzy nowe pole dzia³ania. Wizerunek nie narusza elastyczno ci firmy, lecz j¹ warunkuje. Im lepszy wizerunek organizacji, tym rozleglejsze pola dzia³ania przedsiêbiorstwa. Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

trendy rynkowe i dora ne dzia³ania konkurencji. W konsekwencji wizerunek stanowi o mo¿liwo ci wypracowania uregulowanych relacji miêdzy firm¹ a klientami, które w najlepszym przypadku przez swoj¹ ekskluzywno æ zdaj¹ siê tworzyæ rodzaj specyficznej dla danej firmy klienteli. 8) Wizerunek jako warto æ klasyfikuj¹ca Ka¿dy wizerunek mo¿na postrzegaæ jako osobny mikrokosmos. Ustanawia on zewnêtrzne granice, ró¿nicuje, klasyfikuje, rozgranicza, definiuje preferencje w przypadku wyboru pomiêdzy alternatywnymi dzia³aniami i porz¹dkuje z³o¿ono æ rynków i informacji. Wizerunek funkcjonuje jako rodzaj kulturowego kodu rozpoznawczego. Opinia publiczna, ale równie¿ klienci, inwestorzy, media etc., czuj¹ siê bardziej komfortowo, maj¹c wiadomo æ, i¿ wizerunek firmy stanowi¹cy kod rozpoznawczy oferuje im jed-

244


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

siê do wielopoziomowego modelu oddzia³ywania (zob. rys. 3). Dostrzegalne, konkretne cechy wizerunku oddzia³uj¹ na oczekiwane efekty wizerunkowe (image values). Te z kolei wywieraj¹ wp³yw na potencja³ wizerunku organizacji, w szczególno ci na jego zdolno æ kreowania warto ci. W przedstawionej strukturze oddzia³ywania punktem wyj cia jest fakt, i¿ zarówno przedsiêbiorstwo, jak i konsumenci oraz opinia publiczna wspólnie realizuj¹ cele wytyczane zgodne z w³asnymi priorytetami. Korzystny wizerunek tworzy skuteczny ³¹cznik miêdzy w³asnymi interesami przedsiêbiorstwa a oczekiwaniami spo³eczeñstwa. Im bardziej sugestywnie oddzia³uje w oczach spo³eczeñstwa wizerunek i im skuteczniej postrzegane s¹ korzy ci w zakresie orientacji, tym silniejszy jest wizerunek i jego potencja³ kreowania warto ci.

Funkcje wizerunku jako czynnika kszta³tuj¹cego warto æ przedsiêbiorstwa

K

a¿de przedsiêbiorstwo musi zdaæ sobie sprawê z g³ównych funkcji wizerunku, aby wykorzystaæ drzemi¹ce w nim mo¿liwo ci kszta³towania warto ci: 1) Wizerunek obliguje Wizerunek bezpo rednio wp³ywa na publiczne oceny warto ci w odniesieniu do danej organizacji. Wizerunek warunkuje dzia³anie w dwojakim sensie: kto posiada wizerunek, musi dzia³aæ zgodnie z nim; kto uznaje wizerunek, orientuje siê za jego pomoc¹. Wizerunek jest normatywnym systemem o charakterze podjêtego zobowi¹zania; dyktuje regu³y dzia³ania i regu³y powstrzymywania siê od okre lonych dzia³añ, wizerunek zobowi¹zuje. Przyczyna jest prosta wizerunek jest dla opinii publicznej podstaw¹ weryfikacji pozwalaj¹cej opowiedzieæ siê za lub przeciwko danej organizacji. Jest no nikiem bezpo rednich norm, na których wspiera siê opinia publiczna w dialogu z przedsiêbiorstwem. Kiedy niemiecki oddzia³ koncernu Shell rozpocz¹³ kampaniê wizerunkow¹ pod has³em Chcemy siê zmieniæ , sformu³owa³ równocze nie normy, które opinia publiczna mog³a konfrontowaæ z rzeczywistymi dzia³aniami wokó³ platformy wiertniczej Brent Spar. Przekazy wizerunkowe obliguj¹. Obliguj¹ nieodwo³alnie. Nie mog¹ byæ w razie potrzeby nawet je li owa potrzeba jest uzasadniona prawnie, ekonomicznie lub technicznie traktowane w sposób dowolny. Przekazy wizerunkowe nios¹ z sob¹ ogrom-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

ny balast odpowiedzialno ci i zobowi¹zañ, który musi byæ brany pod uwagê we wszystkich aspektach procesu zarz¹dzania. Dobra reputacja wymaga wobec tego od wszystkich cz³onków organizacji poszanowania dla okre lonych regu³ i zobowi¹zuje ich, by swoimi dzia³aniami wpisywali siê w okre lone regu³y prezentacji organizacji, które odpowiadaj¹ kreowanemu wizerunkowi. Wizerunek opiera siê wiêc na podwójnym zobowi¹zaniu wzglêdem opinii publicznej przedsiêbiorstwo nie tylko zobligowane jest do dostarczania produktów o okre lonej jako ci, lecz warto ci i kultura, które okre laj¹ przedsiêbiorstwo, zobowi¹zuj¹ je do okre lonego rodzaju publicznego zachowania . W tym przypadku wizerunek jest wyrazem podjêtego przez organizacjê trwa³ego zobowi¹zania, aby budowaæ i utrzymywaæ tê odnosz¹c¹ siê do wspomnianych dwóch sfer wiarygodno æ. Kiedy, dla przyk³adu, przewodnicz¹cy zarz¹du niemieckiego koncernu w zwi¹zku z publiczn¹ debat¹ na temat mo¿liwego przeniesienia zak³adów produkcyjnych za granicê stwierdza, ¿e jego firma pozostanie wierna korzeniom , wówczas wypowied ta jest postrzegana jako zobowi¹zanie do przestrzegania okre lonych norm. Przedsiêbiorstwa zobowi¹zane poprzez uznawanie warto ci wychodz¹ dziêki nim ze swojej anonimowo ci na forum spo³eczeñstwa i tym samym wype³niaj¹ zobowi¹zania. Wizerunek wymaga wysokiego stopnia zaanga¿owania wymaga przestrzegania dok³adnie okre lonych norm, regu³, standardów, które stanowi¹ bezpo rednie zobowi¹zanie dla procesu zarz¹dzania oraz dla wszystkich pracowników. W przestrzeganiu tych standardów le¿¹ jednak niebagatelne mo¿liwo ci zbudowania reputacji, które stanowi¹c bod ce kreowania warto ci w ostatecznym rozrachunku owocuj¹, znajduj¹c wyraz w wynikach ekonomicznych. 2) Wizerunek integruje Wizerunek ma dzia³anie integruj¹ce nie tylko wewn¹trz organizacji, lecz równie¿ dla publicznego adresata wyznacza klarowne ramy zobowi¹zañ i zasady pozycjonowania. Pogl¹dy i styl ¿ycia cz³owieka s¹ w sposób symboliczny charakteryzowane poprzez wizerunek marki. Ka¿dy przez dan¹ markê reprezentuje nie tylko samego siebie, ale równie¿ okre lone rodowisko, grupê, status, do których czuje siê przynale¿ny. Wizerunek marki awansuje do spo³ecznego znaku rozpoznawczego w zakresie poczucia przynale¿no ci. Staje siê niemal¿e swego rodzaju spo³ecznym oznaczaniem terenu warunkuj¹cym autoper-

245

a¿de przedsiêbiorstwo musi zdaæ sobie sprawê z g³ównych funkcji wizerunku, aby wykorzystaæ drzemi¹ce w nim mo¿liwo ci kszta³towania warto ci: 1) Wizerunek obliguje Wizerunek bezpo rednio wp³ywa na publiczne oceny warto ci w odniesieniu do danej organizacji. Wizerunek warunkuje dzia³anie w dwojakim sensie: kto posiada wizerunek, musi dzia³aæ zgodnie z nim; kto uznaje wizerunek, orientuje siê za jego pomoc¹. Wizerunek jest normatywnym systemem o charakterze podjêtego zobowi¹zania; dyktuje regu³y dzia³ania i regu³y powstrzymywania siê od okre lonych dzia³añ, wizerunek zobowi¹zuje. Przyczyna jest prosta wizerunek jest dla opinii publicznej podstaw¹ weryfikacji pozwalaj¹cej opowiedzieæ siê za lub przeciwko danej organizacji. Jest no nikiem bezpo rednich norm, na których wspiera siê opinia publiczna w dialogu z przedsiêbiorstwem. Kiedy niemiecki oddzia³ koncernu Shell rozpocz¹³ kampaniê wizerunkow¹ pod has³em Chcemy siê zmieniæ , sformu³owa³ równocze nie normy, które opinia publiczna mog³a konfrontowaæ z rzeczywistymi dzia³aniami wokó³ platformy wiertniczej Brent Spar. Przekazy wizerunkowe obliguj¹. Obliguj¹ nieodwo³alnie. Nie mog¹ byæ w razie potrzeby nawet je li owa potrzeba jest uzasadniona prawnie, ekonomicznie lub technicznie traktowane w sposób dowolny. Przekazy wizerunkowe nios¹ z sob¹ ogrom-

K

Funkcje wizerunku jako czynnika kszta³tuj¹cego warto æ przedsiêbiorstwa siê do wielopoziomowego modelu oddzia³ywania (zob. rys. 3). Dostrzegalne, konkretne cechy wizerunku oddzia³uj¹ na oczekiwane efekty wizerunkowe (image values). Te z kolei wywieraj¹ wp³yw na potencja³ wizerunku organizacji, w szczególno ci na jego zdolno æ kreowania warto ci. W przedstawionej strukturze oddzia³ywania punktem wyj cia jest fakt, i¿ zarówno przedsiêbiorstwo, jak i konsumenci oraz opinia publiczna wspólnie realizuj¹ cele wytyczane zgodne z w³asnymi priorytetami. Korzystny wizerunek tworzy skuteczny ³¹cznik miêdzy w³asnymi interesami przedsiêbiorstwa a oczekiwaniami spo³eczeñstwa. Im bardziej sugestywnie oddzia³uje w oczach spo³eczeñstwa wizerunek i im skuteczniej postrzegane s¹ korzy ci w zakresie orientacji, tym silniejszy jest wizerunek i jego potencja³ kreowania warto ci.

245

ny balast odpowiedzialno ci i zobowi¹zañ, który musi byæ brany pod uwagê we wszystkich aspektach procesu zarz¹dzania. Dobra reputacja wymaga wobec tego od wszystkich cz³onków organizacji poszanowania dla okre lonych regu³ i zobowi¹zuje ich, by swoimi dzia³aniami wpisywali siê w okre lone regu³y prezentacji organizacji, które odpowiadaj¹ kreowanemu wizerunkowi. Wizerunek opiera siê wiêc na podwójnym zobowi¹zaniu wzglêdem opinii publicznej przedsiêbiorstwo nie tylko zobligowane jest do dostarczania produktów o okre lonej jako ci, lecz warto ci i kultura, które okre laj¹ przedsiêbiorstwo, zobowi¹zuj¹ je do okre lonego rodzaju publicznego zachowania . W tym przypadku wizerunek jest wyrazem podjêtego przez organizacjê trwa³ego zobowi¹zania, aby budowaæ i utrzymywaæ tê odnosz¹c¹ siê do wspomnianych dwóch sfer wiarygodno æ. Kiedy, dla przyk³adu, przewodnicz¹cy zarz¹du niemieckiego koncernu w zwi¹zku z publiczn¹ debat¹ na temat mo¿liwego przeniesienia zak³adów produkcyjnych za granicê stwierdza, ¿e jego firma pozostanie wierna korzeniom , wówczas wypowied ta jest postrzegana jako zobowi¹zanie do przestrzegania okre lonych norm. Przedsiêbiorstwa zobowi¹zane poprzez uznawanie warto ci wychodz¹ dziêki nim ze swojej anonimowo ci na forum spo³eczeñstwa i tym samym wype³niaj¹ zobowi¹zania. Wizerunek wymaga wysokiego stopnia zaanga¿owania wymaga przestrzegania dok³adnie okre lonych norm, regu³, standardów, które stanowi¹ bezpo rednie zobowi¹zanie dla procesu zarz¹dzania oraz dla wszystkich pracowników. W przestrzeganiu tych standardów le¿¹ jednak niebagatelne mo¿liwo ci zbudowania reputacji, które stanowi¹c bod ce kreowania warto ci w ostatecznym rozrachunku owocuj¹, znajduj¹c wyraz w wynikach ekonomicznych. 2) Wizerunek integruje Wizerunek ma dzia³anie integruj¹ce nie tylko wewn¹trz organizacji, lecz równie¿ dla publicznego adresata wyznacza klarowne ramy zobowi¹zañ i zasady pozycjonowania. Pogl¹dy i styl ¿ycia cz³owieka s¹ w sposób symboliczny charakteryzowane poprzez wizerunek marki. Ka¿dy przez dan¹ markê reprezentuje nie tylko samego siebie, ale równie¿ okre lone rodowisko, grupê, status, do których czuje siê przynale¿ny. Wizerunek marki awansuje do spo³ecznego znaku rozpoznawczego w zakresie poczucia przynale¿no ci. Staje siê niemal¿e swego rodzaju spo³ecznym oznaczaniem terenu warunkuj¹cym autoper-


gniêcia okre lonego (wysokiego) statusu, poniewa¿ marka wyra nie wskazuje na jego pozycjê spo³eczn¹. Poprzez markê spo³eczna pozycja jednostki staje siê w symboliczny sposób wywy¿szona . Marki s¹ filarami, na których wspieraj¹ siê: hierarchiczny porz¹dek, ró¿nice w statusie, podzia³ na górê i dó³ . Funkcja wyznaczania statusu przez dan¹ markê stanowi symboliczny czynnik pozycjonowania, który ci le koresponduje z procesami budowania reputacji firmy. 4) Wizerunek mobilizuje Je li w odniesieniu do organizacji brak jest reakcji zainteresowania, oznacza to, ¿e nie ma ona w³asnego wizerunku. Organizacja lub marka musi byæ w stanie sama z siebie wywo³ywaæ reakcje. Wizerunek albo przyci¹ga uwagê, stymuluje akceptacjê i stwarza poczucie przynale¿no ci, albo odstrêcza, wywo³uje odrzucenie i generuje dystans. Mo¿liwo ci wizerunku firmy w zakresie oddzia³ywania i mobilizowania s¹ warto ci¹ sui generis. 5) Wizerunek asymiluje Podstawowe do wiadczenia osobiste mo¿na zawrzeæ w kulturowo-historycznej symbolice marki. Chocia¿ brzmi to zdumiewaj¹co, marka jest w stanie pomóc jednostce w upewnieniu siê co do swojej osobowo ci i j¹ emocjonalnie wzbogaciæ (np. Ikea). Kulturowa warto æ marki le¿y w historycznie uwarunkowanym j¹drze prze¿yæ i do wiadczeñ cz³owieka lub ca³ych generacji. W j¹drze wizerunku marki krystalizuj¹ siê tzw. do wiadczenia etapowe danego pokolenia, które odk³adajê siê tam jak osad. One same posiadaj¹ zdolno æ kreowania warto ci. Szczególnie globalne marki funkcjonuj¹ jako rodzaj zasady kultury. Krêgi kulturowe s¹ wprawdzie jako twory historyczne jedyne w swoim rodzaju, jednak¿e na p³aszczy nie obrazów istniej¹ pewne cechy wspólne. Marki awansuj¹ do rangi ponadkulturowych symboli, je li pozwalaj¹ nowoczesnemu cz³owiekowi na autentyczne zbli¿enie siê do innej kultury. Tak przebiegaj¹ce procesy akulturacji w s³abiej rozwiniêtych spo³eczeñstwach okre lono terminem cywilizacji Coca-Coli . Mniejsze znaczenie ma tu mo¿liwo æ regionalnego wykorzystania symbolu wizerunku, przede wszystkim chodzi bowiem o kulturowy obraz otwartego spo³eczeñstwa, le¿¹cy u podstaw okre lonego symbolu marki. W tym sensie globalne symbole wizerunku d¹¿¹ do przezwyciê¿ania kulturowego prowincjonalizmu spo³eczeñstwa lub przynajmniej do sprowokowania polemiki z nim. Wizerunek firmy funkcjonuje tu jako ro-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

cepcjê okre lonych grup. Obrazy marek czy firm funkcjonuj¹ jako kody przynale¿no ci. Uzewnêtrzniaj¹ cechy wspólne i podkre laj¹ ró¿nice, u³atwiaj¹c poszczególnym jednostkom zdefiniowanie swojego miejsca w spo³ecznej przestrzeni. Dlatego w ka¿dej znanej marce kumuluj¹ siê spo³eczne warto ci i normy. Idea³y warto ci: duch pionierski , dusza hazardzisty , wolno æ , indywidualizm , które uosabia marka Levi s, wi¹¿¹ jej klientów zobowi¹zaniami do sprostania pewnym wzorcom zachowania (np. niekonwencjonalno æ, nonkonformizm etc.). Poprzez symbole wizerunku powstaje spo³eczny organizm, w najlepszym przypadku rodzaj wspólnoty marki sk³adaj¹cej siê z osób podobnie my l¹cych i podzielaj¹cych okre lone warto ci. Obrazy marek dzia³aj¹ wtedy jako rodzaj wspólnego kodu kulturowego, który jest bliski okre lonemu stylowi zachowania i manifestowania swojej osobowo ci. Poprzez wizerunek marki symbolicznie i w sposób nienarzucaj¹cy siê bezpo rednio spo³eczeñstwu prezentowany jest model postrzegania samego siebie przez ka¿dego konsumenta. Wizerunek uwidacznia fragment w³asnej to¿samo ci, wspólnego podej cia do ¿ycia lub te¿ wspólnego pojmowania warto ci. Szczególnie w ród m³odych ludzi zaobserwowaæ mo¿na tendencjê, i¿ nabieraj¹ oni pewno ci co do w³asnego otoczenia dopiero wówczas, gdy zobrazuj¹ je sobie w formie symboli przynale¿nych do marek. W ten sposób specyficzny wizerunek marki tworzy rodzaj symbolicznego samouzupe³nienia. Kto , kto nosi ubrania okre lonej marki, sygnalizuje, ¿e chce byæ brany na powa¿nie, ¿e chce przynale¿eæ do okre lonej grupy. Symbole zwi¹zane z markami tworz¹ metaforykê nawigacji odnosz¹c¹ siê do konkretnych marek. W sile identyfikacji marki i w zdolno ci jej konsumenta do definiowania przynale¿no ci tkwi¹ g³êbiej le¿¹ce mo¿liwo ci kreowania warto ci wizerunku. 3) Wizerunek nadaje status Jednostka definiowana poprzez wizerunek marki i firmy zawsze wyra¿a tak¿e czê æ swojego samopojmowania, poprzez fakt, i¿ przejmuje czê æ swojej to¿samo ci od kolektywnej osobowo ci marki czy firmy. Pojedynczej osobie ³atwiej jest dziêki temu manifestowaæ swój status. Wizerunki marek sta³y siê wa¿n¹ czê ci¹ rytua³u autoprezentacji cz³owieka. Tworz¹ symboliczne kulisy, u których podstaw le¿y albo potrzeba zrekompensowania braku poczucia w³asnej warto ci, albo chêæ wyodrêbnienia czy wyró¿nienia. Dla wielu osób dostêpno æ danej marki stanowi te¿ wiadectwo pewno ci osi¹-

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gniêcia okre lonego (wysokiego) statusu, poniewa¿ marka wyra nie wskazuje na jego pozycjê spo³eczn¹. Poprzez markê spo³eczna pozycja jednostki staje siê w symboliczny sposób wywy¿szona . Marki s¹ filarami, na których wspieraj¹ siê: hierarchiczny porz¹dek, ró¿nice w statusie, podzia³ na górê i dó³ . Funkcja wyznaczania statusu przez dan¹ markê stanowi symboliczny czynnik pozycjonowania, który ci le koresponduje z procesami budowania reputacji firmy. 4) Wizerunek mobilizuje Je li w odniesieniu do organizacji brak jest reakcji zainteresowania, oznacza to, ¿e nie ma ona w³asnego wizerunku. Organizacja lub marka musi byæ w stanie sama z siebie wywo³ywaæ reakcje. Wizerunek albo przyci¹ga uwagê, stymuluje akceptacjê i stwarza poczucie przynale¿no ci, albo odstrêcza, wywo³uje odrzucenie i generuje dystans. Mo¿liwo ci wizerunku firmy w zakresie oddzia³ywania i mobilizowania s¹ warto ci¹ sui generis. 5) Wizerunek asymiluje Podstawowe do wiadczenia osobiste mo¿na zawrzeæ w kulturowo-historycznej symbolice marki. Chocia¿ brzmi to zdumiewaj¹co, marka jest w stanie pomóc jednostce w upewnieniu siê co do swojej osobowo ci i j¹ emocjonalnie wzbogaciæ (np. Ikea). Kulturowa warto æ marki le¿y w historycznie uwarunkowanym j¹drze prze¿yæ i do wiadczeñ cz³owieka lub ca³ych generacji. W j¹drze wizerunku marki krystalizuj¹ siê tzw. do wiadczenia etapowe danego pokolenia, które odk³adajê siê tam jak osad. One same posiadaj¹ zdolno æ kreowania warto ci. Szczególnie globalne marki funkcjonuj¹ jako rodzaj zasady kultury. Krêgi kulturowe s¹ wprawdzie jako twory historyczne jedyne w swoim rodzaju, jednak¿e na p³aszczy nie obrazów istniej¹ pewne cechy wspólne. Marki awansuj¹ do rangi ponadkulturowych symboli, je li pozwalaj¹ nowoczesnemu cz³owiekowi na autentyczne zbli¿enie siê do innej kultury. Tak przebiegaj¹ce procesy akulturacji w s³abiej rozwiniêtych spo³eczeñstwach okre lono terminem cywilizacji Coca-Coli . Mniejsze znaczenie ma tu mo¿liwo æ regionalnego wykorzystania symbolu wizerunku, przede wszystkim chodzi bowiem o kulturowy obraz otwartego spo³eczeñstwa, le¿¹cy u podstaw okre lonego symbolu marki. W tym sensie globalne symbole wizerunku d¹¿¹ do przezwyciê¿ania kulturowego prowincjonalizmu spo³eczeñstwa lub przynajmniej do sprowokowania polemiki z nim. Wizerunek firmy funkcjonuje tu jako ro-

246

cepcjê okre lonych grup. Obrazy marek czy firm funkcjonuj¹ jako kody przynale¿no ci. Uzewnêtrzniaj¹ cechy wspólne i podkre laj¹ ró¿nice, u³atwiaj¹c poszczególnym jednostkom zdefiniowanie swojego miejsca w spo³ecznej przestrzeni. Dlatego w ka¿dej znanej marce kumuluj¹ siê spo³eczne warto ci i normy. Idea³y warto ci: duch pionierski , dusza hazardzisty , wolno æ , indywidualizm , które uosabia marka Levi s, wi¹¿¹ jej klientów zobowi¹zaniami do sprostania pewnym wzorcom zachowania (np. niekonwencjonalno æ, nonkonformizm etc.). Poprzez symbole wizerunku powstaje spo³eczny organizm, w najlepszym przypadku rodzaj wspólnoty marki sk³adaj¹cej siê z osób podobnie my l¹cych i podzielaj¹cych okre lone warto ci. Obrazy marek dzia³aj¹ wtedy jako rodzaj wspólnego kodu kulturowego, który jest bliski okre lonemu stylowi zachowania i manifestowania swojej osobowo ci. Poprzez wizerunek marki symbolicznie i w sposób nienarzucaj¹cy siê bezpo rednio spo³eczeñstwu prezentowany jest model postrzegania samego siebie przez ka¿dego konsumenta. Wizerunek uwidacznia fragment w³asnej to¿samo ci, wspólnego podej cia do ¿ycia lub te¿ wspólnego pojmowania warto ci. Szczególnie w ród m³odych ludzi zaobserwowaæ mo¿na tendencjê, i¿ nabieraj¹ oni pewno ci co do w³asnego otoczenia dopiero wówczas, gdy zobrazuj¹ je sobie w formie symboli przynale¿nych do marek. W ten sposób specyficzny wizerunek marki tworzy rodzaj symbolicznego samouzupe³nienia. Kto , kto nosi ubrania okre lonej marki, sygnalizuje, ¿e chce byæ brany na powa¿nie, ¿e chce przynale¿eæ do okre lonej grupy. Symbole zwi¹zane z markami tworz¹ metaforykê nawigacji odnosz¹c¹ siê do konkretnych marek. W sile identyfikacji marki i w zdolno ci jej konsumenta do definiowania przynale¿no ci tkwi¹ g³êbiej le¿¹ce mo¿liwo ci kreowania warto ci wizerunku. 3) Wizerunek nadaje status Jednostka definiowana poprzez wizerunek marki i firmy zawsze wyra¿a tak¿e czê æ swojego samopojmowania, poprzez fakt, i¿ przejmuje czê æ swojej to¿samo ci od kolektywnej osobowo ci marki czy firmy. Pojedynczej osobie ³atwiej jest dziêki temu manifestowaæ swój status. Wizerunki marek sta³y siê wa¿n¹ czê ci¹ rytua³u autoprezentacji cz³owieka. Tworz¹ symboliczne kulisy, u których podstaw le¿y albo potrzeba zrekompensowania braku poczucia w³asnej warto ci, albo chêæ wyodrêbnienia czy wyró¿nienia. Dla wielu osób dostêpno æ danej marki stanowi te¿ wiadectwo pewno ci osi¹-


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Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

dzaj kulturowego kodu rozpoznawczego i ugruntowuje tym samym ponadczasowy potencja³ kreowania warto ci. Podsumowanie: chc¹c sprostaæ konkurencji i zwiêkszyæ warto æ firmy, nale¿y umocniæ swoj¹ reputacjê i strategicznie wykorzystaæ potencja³ kreowania warto ci wizerunku. Zarówno obecnie, jak i wcze niej funkcjonowa³a regu³a nakazuj¹ca przedstawianie warto ci przedsiêbiorstw na podstawie mierzalnych wska ników, takich jak koszty produkcji, udzia³y w rynku, obrót, dochód przed opodatkowaniem lub odwo³uj¹c siê do przyjêtego w USA wska nika cena/zysk (price-earnings-ratio). Aby wypracowaæ skuteczn¹ strategiê przedsiêbiorstwa w sytuacji nasilaj¹cej siê konkurencji, konieczny jest jednak katalog dzia³añ, który obok ekonomicznych warto ci bilansowych uwzglêdni równie¿ warto æ marki (corporate brand). Dlatego te¿ nale¿y zmieniæ my lenie o perspektywie czasowej. Przysz³y sukces jest w du¿ym stopniu zale¿ny od publicznego pozycjonowania firmy. Zarz¹dzanie wizerunkiem i reputacj¹, w³a ciwie zastosowane, mo¿e staæ

siê dla kreowania warto ci równie wa¿ne jak ekonomiczne wska niki sukcesu. Z tego faktu wynikaj¹ nastêpuj¹ce konsekwencje: a) strategia przedsiêbiorstwa musi uwzglêdniæ wcielenie elementu komunikacji jako czynnika kreowania warto ci, b) nale¿y rozwa¿yæ, jak w³¹czyæ reputacjê jako wielko æ zamierzon¹ do procesu planowania inwestycji i w zwi¹zku z tym jakie dzia³ania rozwin¹æ w zakresie bilansowania reputacji, c) niezbêdne jest wreszcie wykorzystanie wszelkich publicznych mo¿liwo ci prezentacji jako trampoliny dla mo¿liwo ci budowania reputacji. Akceptuj¹c wizerunek jako szansê i ryzyko kreowania warto ci, nale¿y wkomponowaæ zarz¹dzanie wizerunkiem do ogólnego planowania strategii. Poprzez skorelowanie strategicznych zadañ firmy, takich jak: public relations, komunikacja miêdzy wspó³pracownikami, marketing, zarz¹dzanie mark¹, reklama, dystrybucja etc., wizerunek i reputacja winny byæ zastosowane jako czê æ obszernego procesu kreowania warto ci.

Literatura

Giddens A., Konsequenzen der Moderne, Frankfurt

nisationen, Frankfurt am Main 2000. Ansehen von Unternehmen, Parteien und Orgapital erhöhen. Erfolgsregeln für das öffentliche Buß E., Image Management. Wie Sie Ihr Image-KaFrankfurt am Main 1999. nehmer, Politiker und Öffentlichkeitsarbeiter, standsaufnahme und Konsequenzen für UnterBuß E., Das emotionale Profil der Deutschen. Be-

am Main 1995. Bergler R., Unternehmenskultur als Führungsaufgabe (manuskrypt nieopublikowany), 1998. Boulding K. E., The Image, Michigan 1956.

Boulding K. E., The Image, Michigan 1956. gabe (manuskrypt nieopublikowany), 1998. Bergler R., Unternehmenskultur als Führungsauf-

tions, Frankfurt am Main New York 1991. Schulz B., Strategische Planung von Public Rela Manager Magazin , Hamburg 1989, nr 4. Rüßmann K. H., Strahlkraft durch Kompetenz [w:] duktion sozialer Komplexität, Stuttgart 1973. Luhmann N., Vertrauen. Ein Mechanismus der Rew Hohenheim, Stuttgart 1995. opublikowana praca dyplomowa), Uniwersytet Lohrmann S., Image und Unternehmenserfolg (nie Markenartikel , Düsseldorf 1995, zeszyt 1. Klage J., Vom Image zum Unternehmenserfolg [w:] am Main 1995.

Literatura

Giddens A., Konsequenzen der Moderne, Frankfurt

Buß E., Das emotionale Profil der Deutschen. Bestandsaufnahme und Konsequenzen für Unternehmer, Politiker und Öffentlichkeitsarbeiter, Frankfurt am Main 1999. Buß E., Image Management. Wie Sie Ihr Image-Kapital erhöhen. Erfolgsregeln für das öffentliche Ansehen von Unternehmen, Parteien und Organisationen, Frankfurt am Main 2000.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Klage J., Vom Image zum Unternehmenserfolg [w:] Markenartikel , Düsseldorf 1995, zeszyt 1. Lohrmann S., Image und Unternehmenserfolg (nieopublikowana praca dyplomowa), Uniwersytet w Hohenheim, Stuttgart 1995. Luhmann N., Vertrauen. Ein Mechanismus der Reduktion sozialer Komplexität, Stuttgart 1973. Rüßmann K. H., Strahlkraft durch Kompetenz [w:] Manager Magazin , Hamburg 1989, nr 4. Schulz B., Strategische Planung von Public Relations, Frankfurt am Main New York 1991.

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dzaj kulturowego kodu rozpoznawczego i ugruntowuje tym samym ponadczasowy potencja³ kreowania warto ci. Podsumowanie: chc¹c sprostaæ konkurencji i zwiêkszyæ warto æ firmy, nale¿y umocniæ swoj¹ reputacjê i strategicznie wykorzystaæ potencja³ kreowania warto ci wizerunku. Zarówno obecnie, jak i wcze niej funkcjonowa³a regu³a nakazuj¹ca przedstawianie warto ci przedsiêbiorstw na podstawie mierzalnych wska ników, takich jak koszty produkcji, udzia³y w rynku, obrót, dochód przed opodatkowaniem lub odwo³uj¹c siê do przyjêtego w USA wska nika cena/zysk (price-earnings-ratio). Aby wypracowaæ skuteczn¹ strategiê przedsiêbiorstwa w sytuacji nasilaj¹cej siê konkurencji, konieczny jest jednak katalog dzia³añ, który obok ekonomicznych warto ci bilansowych uwzglêdni równie¿ warto æ marki (corporate brand). Dlatego te¿ nale¿y zmieniæ my lenie o perspektywie czasowej. Przysz³y sukces jest w du¿ym stopniu zale¿ny od publicznego pozycjonowania firmy. Zarz¹dzanie wizerunkiem i reputacj¹, w³a ciwie zastosowane, mo¿e staæ

siê dla kreowania warto ci równie wa¿ne jak ekonomiczne wska niki sukcesu. Z tego faktu wynikaj¹ nastêpuj¹ce konsekwencje: a) strategia przedsiêbiorstwa musi uwzglêdniæ wcielenie elementu komunikacji jako czynnika kreowania warto ci, b) nale¿y rozwa¿yæ, jak w³¹czyæ reputacjê jako wielko æ zamierzon¹ do procesu planowania inwestycji i w zwi¹zku z tym jakie dzia³ania rozwin¹æ w zakresie bilansowania reputacji, c) niezbêdne jest wreszcie wykorzystanie wszelkich publicznych mo¿liwo ci prezentacji jako trampoliny dla mo¿liwo ci budowania reputacji. Akceptuj¹c wizerunek jako szansê i ryzyko kreowania warto ci, nale¿y wkomponowaæ zarz¹dzanie wizerunkiem do ogólnego planowania strategii. Poprzez skorelowanie strategicznych zadañ firmy, takich jak: public relations, komunikacja miêdzy wspó³pracownikami, marketing, zarz¹dzanie mark¹, reklama, dystrybucja etc., wizerunek i reputacja winny byæ zastosowane jako czê æ obszernego procesu kreowania warto ci.


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T³umaczenie:Marta Herudziñska, Pawe³ Szlachta

Sanjin Dragojeviæ

Definicje polityki kulturalnej

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O

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mawiaj¹c definicje polityki kulturalnej, przedstawimy trzy typy definiowania, z których ¿aden nie jest doskona³y, ale te¿ ¿aden nie mo¿e byæ uznany za b³êdny. Intencj¹ zestawienia tych typów definicji jest wskazanie na trudno ci zwi¹zane z ka¿d¹ prób¹ zdefiniowania, a wiêc ograniczania tak z³o¿onego i rozleg³ego obszaru, jakim jest polityka kulturalna, oraz na wietlenie trudno ci konceptualnych i pragmatycznych, z którymi ka¿dy z typów definicji musi siê mierzyæ.

Jest oczywiste, ¿e potrzeby kulturalne powinny byæ podstawowym pojêciem i determinantem w demokratycznie tworzonej polityce kulturalnej. Potrzeby kulturalne s¹ czêsto blisko powi¹zane z pragnieniami kulturalnymi i obydwa te terminy maj¹ szerokie spo³eczne znaczenie i zakres. Symptomatyczne jest, ¿e niektóre niedawno poczynione próby oceniania polityki kulturalnej wychodz¹ z ca³kiem innego poziomu. Uwaga skupiona jest na relacji pomiêdzy zadeklarowanymi celami polityki kulturalnej i ich implementacj¹. Sposobów na pokazanie zgodno ci celów z ich realizacj¹ szuka siê g³ównie w sferze finansowania i konsumpcji, bêd¹cych podstawowymi wska nikami zachowañ kulturalnych. Zauwa¿ono s³abo ci takiego podej cia, ale pozostaj¹ one raczej ignorowane z powodów formalnych, polegaj¹cych na tym, ¿e prawie niemo¿liwe jest stworzenie metodologicznego przyrz¹du do pomiaru potrzeb kulturalnych, w szczególno ci za odczytuj¹cego pragnienia kulturalne. Z tego powodu potrzeby te i pragnienia powinny byæ pozostawione w sferze prywatnej [zob. Gouiedo, 1993].

Definicja zbyt szeroka

nny typ definicji polityki kulturalnej równie¿ skupia siê na jej instytucjonalnym, admini-

J

1

Definicja technokratyczna

lityk¹ i ¿yciem kulturalnym. Jednak¿e prawie ka¿da polityka kulturalna pozostawia pytanie o potrzeby kulturalne otwarte, aby ustrzec siê podwójnego niebezpieczeñstwa: G zbyt sztywnego okre lania gustów, preferencji i zachowañ zwi¹zanych z aktywno ci¹ kulturaln¹, i jednocze nie G zbyt precyzyjnego okre lenia celów kulturalnych, które czêsto mog¹ byæ niemo¿liwe do osi¹gniêcia, a dodatkowo mog¹ zmniejszaæ elastyczno æ polityki kulturalnej i jej dynamikê. Tak wiêc wiêkszo æ polityk kulturalnych omija to pytanie, skupiaj¹c siê g³ównie na kwestiach zwi¹zanych z poda¿¹, zapotrzebowaniem i konsumpcj¹ kultury1 . Kiedy mówimy o optymalnym u¿ywaniu dostêpnych rodków i potencja³u, pojawiaj¹ siê inne pytania: czy chodzi jedynie o w¹sko zdefiniowane rodki i potencja³, czy te¿ mo¿e o ogólne zasoby i rodki spo³eczne; co uwa¿aæ za ich optymalne wykorzystanie; kto definiuje to optimum; co ze rodkami, które nie s¹ dostêpne, ale s¹ jednocze nie niezbêdne (np. niewystarczaj¹ce finansowanie, niedobór specjalistów, niewystarczaj¹ca komunikacyjno-informacyjna infrastruktura potrzebna dla rozwoju miêdzynarodowej wspó³pracy kulturalnej itp.)? W takim typie definicji polityki kulturalnej wszystkie powy¿sze pytania pozostaj¹ otwarte i niejasne.

Sanjin Dragojeviæ wyk³adowca socjologii kultury i socjologii komunikacji masowej, polityki medialnej i kulturalnej na Wydziale Nauk Politycznych Uniwersytetu w Zagrzebiu. Konsultant wielu organizacji zwi¹zanych z polityk¹ kulturaln¹ i zarz¹dzaniem w kulturze (m.in. UNESCO, Council of Europe, European Cultural Foundation). Cz³onek zarz¹du Culturelink Network oraz CIRCLE. Prowadzi miêdzynarodowe kursy m.in. w Wiedniu, Amsterdamie, Krems, Belgradzie, Dubrowniku.

ako przyk³ad mo¿e s³u¿yæ nastêpuj¹ca formu³a takiej definicji Polityka kulturalna jest sum¹ wiadomych i zamierzonych metod i aktywno ci (lub te¿ ich brakiem), maj¹cych na celu zaspokajanie pewnych potrzeb kulturalnych poprzez optymalne wykorzystanie wszystkich rodków dostêpnych na dan¹ chwilê spo³eczeñstwu [zob. Unesco. Round Table Meeting on Cultural Policies, 1967, s. 76; Koncs, 1986]. Definicja ta jest zbyt szeroka z kilku powodów. Je li spytamy, czy mo¿e siê ona odnosiæ równie¿ do innych rodzajów polityk, ekonomii, technologii, informacji oprócz kultury odpowied bêdzie twierdz¹ca. Poza tym definicja ta nie opiera siê na dwóch niew¹tpliwie mocnych, ale trudnych do okre lenia fundamentach. Jednym z zasadniczych zadañ ka¿dej polityki kulturalnej jest okre lanie tego, co powinno siê uznaæ za potrzeby kulturalne, jaki ma byæ ich zakres i jako æ, a nastêpnie zestawienie ich z po-

Definicja technokratyczna

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nny typ definicji polityki kulturalnej równie¿ skupia siê na jej instytucjonalnym, admini-

Definicja zbyt szeroka

lityk¹ i ¿yciem kulturalnym. Jednak¿e prawie ka¿da polityka kulturalna pozostawia pytanie o potrzeby kulturalne otwarte, aby ustrzec siê podwójnego niebezpieczeñstwa: G zbyt sztywnego okre lania gustów, preferencji i zachowañ zwi¹zanych z aktywno ci¹ kulturaln¹, i jednocze nie G zbyt precyzyjnego okre lenia celów kulturalnych, które czêsto mog¹ byæ niemo¿liwe do osi¹gniêcia, a dodatkowo mog¹ zmniejszaæ elastyczno æ polityki kulturalnej i jej dynamikê. Tak wiêc wiêkszo æ polityk kulturalnych omija to pytanie, skupiaj¹c siê g³ównie na kwestiach zwi¹zanych z poda¿¹, zapotrzebowaniem i konsumpcj¹ kultury1 . Kiedy mówimy o optymalnym u¿ywaniu dostêpnych rodków i potencja³u, pojawiaj¹ siê inne pytania: czy chodzi jedynie o w¹sko zdefiniowane rodki i potencja³, czy te¿ mo¿e o ogólne zasoby i rodki spo³eczne; co uwa¿aæ za ich optymalne wykorzystanie; kto definiuje to optimum; co ze rodkami, które nie s¹ dostêpne, ale s¹ jednocze nie niezbêdne (np. niewystarczaj¹ce finansowanie, niedobór specjalistów, niewystarczaj¹ca komunikacyjno-informacyjna infrastruktura potrzebna dla rozwoju miêdzynarodowej wspó³pracy kulturalnej itp.)? W takim typie definicji polityki kulturalnej wszystkie powy¿sze pytania pozostaj¹ otwarte i niejasne.

I

mawiaj¹c definicje polityki kulturalnej, przedstawimy trzy typy definiowania, z których ¿aden nie jest doskona³y, ale te¿ ¿aden nie mo¿e byæ uznany za b³êdny. Intencj¹ zestawienia tych typów definicji jest wskazanie na trudno ci zwi¹zane z ka¿d¹ prób¹ zdefiniowania, a wiêc ograniczania tak z³o¿onego i rozleg³ego obszaru, jakim jest polityka kulturalna, oraz na wietlenie trudno ci konceptualnych i pragmatycznych, z którymi ka¿dy z typów definicji musi siê mierzyæ.

ako przyk³ad mo¿e s³u¿yæ nastêpuj¹ca formu³a takiej definicji Polityka kulturalna jest sum¹ wiadomych i zamierzonych metod i aktywno ci (lub te¿ ich brakiem), maj¹cych na celu zaspokajanie pewnych potrzeb kulturalnych poprzez optymalne wykorzystanie wszystkich rodków dostêpnych na dan¹ chwilê spo³eczeñstwu [zob. Unesco. Round Table Meeting on Cultural Policies, 1967, s. 76; Koncs, 1986]. Definicja ta jest zbyt szeroka z kilku powodów. Je li spytamy, czy mo¿e siê ona odnosiæ równie¿ do innych rodzajów polityk, ekonomii, technologii, informacji oprócz kultury odpowied bêdzie twierdz¹ca. Poza tym definicja ta nie opiera siê na dwóch niew¹tpliwie mocnych, ale trudnych do okre lenia fundamentach. Jednym z zasadniczych zadañ ka¿dej polityki kulturalnej jest okre lanie tego, co powinno siê uznaæ za potrzeby kulturalne, jaki ma byæ ich zakres i jako æ, a nastêpnie zestawienie ich z po-

O

1

T³umaczenie:Marta Herudziñska, Pawe³ Szlachta

Jest oczywiste, ¿e potrzeby kulturalne powinny byæ podstawowym pojêciem i determinantem w demokratycznie tworzonej polityce kulturalnej. Potrzeby kulturalne s¹ czêsto blisko powi¹zane z pragnieniami kulturalnymi i obydwa te terminy maj¹ szerokie spo³eczne znaczenie i zakres. Symptomatyczne jest, ¿e niektóre niedawno poczynione próby oceniania polityki kulturalnej wychodz¹ z ca³kiem innego poziomu. Uwaga skupiona jest na relacji pomiêdzy zadeklarowanymi celami polityki kulturalnej i ich implementacj¹. Sposobów na pokazanie zgodno ci celów z ich realizacj¹ szuka siê g³ównie w sferze finansowania i konsumpcji, bêd¹cych podstawowymi wska nikami zachowañ kulturalnych. Zauwa¿ono s³abo ci takiego podej cia, ale pozostaj¹ one raczej ignorowane z powodów formalnych, polegaj¹cych na tym, ¿e prawie niemo¿liwe jest stworzenie metodologicznego przyrz¹du do pomiaru potrzeb kulturalnych, w szczególno ci za odczytuj¹cego pragnienia kulturalne. Z tego powodu potrzeby te i pragnienia powinny byæ pozostawione w sferze prywatnej [zob. Gouiedo, 1993].

Sanjin Dragojeviæ

Sanjin Dragojeviæ wyk³adowca socjologii kultury i socjologii komunikacji masowej, polityki medialnej i kulturalnej na Wydziale Nauk Politycznych Uniwersytetu w Zagrzebiu. Konsultant wielu organizacji zwi¹zanych z polityk¹ kulturaln¹ i zarz¹dzaniem w kulturze (m.in. UNESCO, Council of Europe, European Cultural Foundation). Cz³onek zarz¹du Culturelink Network oraz CIRCLE. Prowadzi miêdzynarodowe kursy m.in. w Wiedniu, Amsterdamie, Krems, Belgradzie, Dubrowniku.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Definicje polityki kulturalnej


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Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

stracyjnym i operacyjnym wymiarze i poziomie. Zgodnie z takim spojrzeniem, polityka kulturalna odgrywa przede wszystkim organizacyjn¹ i techniczn¹ rolê w ¿yciu kulturalnym spo³eczeñstwa, podczas gdy konceptualizacja i okre lanie celów, priorytetów kulturalnych, oraz ogólnej strategii kulturalnej pozostaj¹ poza jej obszarem. Takie podej cie (które w ¿adnym wypadku nie mo¿e byæ uznane za nieistotne i niew³a ciwe w kwestii szacowania miejsca i roli spo³ecznej polityki kulturalnej) przypisuje polityce kulturalnej rolê wykonawcz¹, któr¹ mo¿e odgrywaæ skutecznie b¹d nie, z wiêksz¹ lub mniejsz¹ elastyczno ci¹ oraz dynamik¹ wewnêtrzn¹, uwzglêdniaj¹c b¹d nie uwzglêdniaj¹c aspiracji i preferencji kulturalnych. Nie skupia siê ono na celach, ale na aspektach proceduralnych i operacyjnych i obserwuje je na innym poziomie: w obrêbie spo³ecznych i politycznych mechanizmów podejmowania decyzji lub w wewnêtrznej dynamice kulturalnej konkretnej spo³eczno ci. Jednym z przyk³adów definicji tego typu mo¿e byæ: Polityka kulturalna to aktywno æ, maj¹ca na celu okre lanie podmiotów i przedmiotów kulturalnych w obrêbie procesu ich instytucjonalizacji [zob. Car, 1991, s. 74n.]. Pomimo ¿e nie zosta³o to wypowiedziane dos³ownie, jasne jest, ¿e ca³a uwaga w tej definicji skupiona jest na podstawowych sposobach i instrumentach polityki kulturalnej, a mianowicie na planowaniu, regulowaniu, oraz finansowaniu. Równocze nie nie trudno stwierdziæ, ¿e podzia³ pomiêdzy podmiotem i przedmiotem polityki kulturalnej jest zbyt sztywny (w obrêbie procesu instytucjonalizacji), i konsekwentnie: G dekonstruuje fundamentaln¹ dynamikê pomiêdzy przedmiotem i podmiotem polityki kulturalnej, zwi¹zan¹ z ich ci¹g³¹ zmienno ci¹ i wymienno ci¹, G spawia ¿e ¿ycie i rozwój kulturalny postrzegane s¹ g³ównie na poziomie usystematyzowanej i ci le okre lonej produkcji i infrastruktury kulturalnej2.

2

Definicja operacyjna

C

o wyró¿nia definicjê operacyjn¹ polityki kulturalnej? Po pierwsze, stosunkowo precyzyjne okre lenie obszarów, które siê na ni¹ sk³adaj¹, okre lenie zakresu i typu dzia³añ, które j¹ charakteryzuj¹, i poziomów, na których dzia³ania te s¹ realizowane. Te wyró¿niki s¹ bardzo dobrze podkre lone w nastêpuj¹cej definicji polityki kulturalnej: Polityka kulturalna jest zaplanowanym i zorganizowanym dzia³aniem stosunkowo homogenicznej spo³eczno ci, maj¹cym na celu: G chronienie istniej¹cych obiektów i warto ci kulturalnych, G rozwijanie i wspieranie twórczych inicjatyw kulturalnych, G rozwijanie ¿ycia kulturalnego grup, dla których potrzeb jest tworzona . W naszym dalszym rozwa¿aniu skupiaæ bêdziemy siê g³ównie na rozumieniu naszej polityki kulturalnej w wietle powy¿szej definicji, jednak¿e powinni my ca³y czas pamiêtaæ równie¿ o przes³ankach, wynikaj¹cych z definicji przytoczonych wcze niej. Pierwsza z nich (ta zbyt szeroka) wychodzi od czego znacz¹cego, czego nie ma w przypadku trzeciej (operacyjnej), a mianowicie od specyficznego, dalekowzrocznego rozumienia kultury i aktywno ci kulturalnej, które bez w¹tpienia okre la konkretn¹ politykê kulturaln¹. Co wiêcej, osadzenie polityki kulturalnej w konkretnej ca³o ci kultury powinno byæ decyduj¹cym kryterium oceny konkretnej polityki kulturalnej. Lekcja p³yn¹ca z drugiego typu definicji (technokratycznej) to nacisk na zgodno æ polityki kulturalnej z innymi politykami rozwojowymi i stosunkowo otwarcie okre lone limity zasiêgu i oddzia³ywania polityki kulturalnej. Polityka kulturalna to mo¿liwo æ wyboru, i to wyboru na ró¿nych poziomach. Nie jest to tylko wybór obszaru, ale te¿ mo¿liwych do podjêcia kroków, dzia³añ, wybór podmiotów. Tego wy-

Nale¿y zauwa¿yæ, ¿e definicja, która nadal pojawia siê w najwa¿niejszych, strategicznych dokumentach, odnosz¹cych siê do chorwackiej polityki kulturalnej, znacznie zawê¿a jej zakres. Po pierwsze, odno nie do podmiotów zwi¹zanych przede wszystkim z politycznymi i administracyjnymi w³adzami, a po drugie odno nie do instrumentów legislacyjnych i administracyjnych. Dlatego te¿, ta definicja mo¿e byæ zaliczana czê ciowo do kategorii definicji technokratycznych. W dalszej czê ci naszej analizy bêdziemy starali siê pokazaæ, ¿e polityka kulturalna jest obszarem znacznie szerszym i du¿o bardziej z³o¿onym procesem podejmowania decyzji i koncyliacji, odnosz¹cej siê do spraw wa¿nych dla kultury i rozwoju kulturalnego. Definicja podmiotowa sformu³owana jest w nastêpuj¹cy sposób: Polityka kulturalna to zbiór legislacyjnych i administracyjnych mechanizmów, które steruj¹ i ukierunkowuj¹ wykorzystanie ró¿norodnych rodków finansowych, fizycznych, politycznych, artystycznych, naukowych, edukacyjnych i spo³ecznych w celu zwiêkszenia kapita³u kulturalnego kraju i kszta³towania krajobrazu kulturalnego [Katunariæ, 2003, s. 45].

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2

Nale¿y zauwa¿yæ, ¿e definicja, która nadal pojawia siê w najwa¿niejszych, strategicznych dokumentach, odnosz¹cych siê do chorwackiej polityki kulturalnej, znacznie zawê¿a jej zakres. Po pierwsze, odno nie do podmiotów zwi¹zanych przede wszystkim z politycznymi i administracyjnymi w³adzami, a po drugie odno nie do instrumentów legislacyjnych i administracyjnych. Dlatego te¿, ta definicja mo¿e byæ zaliczana czê ciowo do kategorii definicji technokratycznych. W dalszej czê ci naszej analizy bêdziemy starali siê pokazaæ, ¿e polityka kulturalna jest obszarem znacznie szerszym i du¿o bardziej z³o¿onym procesem podejmowania decyzji i koncyliacji, odnosz¹cej siê do spraw wa¿nych dla kultury i rozwoju kulturalnego. Definicja podmiotowa sformu³owana jest w nastêpuj¹cy sposób: Polityka kulturalna to zbiór legislacyjnych i administracyjnych mechanizmów, które steruj¹ i ukierunkowuj¹ wykorzystanie ró¿norodnych rodków finansowych, fizycznych, politycznych, artystycznych, naukowych, edukacyjnych i spo³ecznych w celu zwiêkszenia kapita³u kulturalnego kraju i kszta³towania krajobrazu kulturalnego [Katunariæ, 2003, s. 45].

stracyjnym i operacyjnym wymiarze i poziomie. Zgodnie z takim spojrzeniem, polityka kulturalna odgrywa przede wszystkim organizacyjn¹ i techniczn¹ rolê w ¿yciu kulturalnym spo³eczeñstwa, podczas gdy konceptualizacja i okre lanie celów, priorytetów kulturalnych, oraz ogólnej strategii kulturalnej pozostaj¹ poza jej obszarem. Takie podej cie (które w ¿adnym wypadku nie mo¿e byæ uznane za nieistotne i niew³a ciwe w kwestii szacowania miejsca i roli spo³ecznej polityki kulturalnej) przypisuje polityce kulturalnej rolê wykonawcz¹, któr¹ mo¿e odgrywaæ skutecznie b¹d nie, z wiêksz¹ lub mniejsz¹ elastyczno ci¹ oraz dynamik¹ wewnêtrzn¹, uwzglêdniaj¹c b¹d nie uwzglêdniaj¹c aspiracji i preferencji kulturalnych. Nie skupia siê ono na celach, ale na aspektach proceduralnych i operacyjnych i obserwuje je na innym poziomie: w obrêbie spo³ecznych i politycznych mechanizmów podejmowania decyzji lub w wewnêtrznej dynamice kulturalnej konkretnej spo³eczno ci. Jednym z przyk³adów definicji tego typu mo¿e byæ: Polityka kulturalna to aktywno æ, maj¹ca na celu okre lanie podmiotów i przedmiotów kulturalnych w obrêbie procesu ich instytucjonalizacji [zob. Car, 1991, s. 74n.]. Pomimo ¿e nie zosta³o to wypowiedziane dos³ownie, jasne jest, ¿e ca³a uwaga w tej definicji skupiona jest na podstawowych sposobach i instrumentach polityki kulturalnej, a mianowicie na planowaniu, regulowaniu, oraz finansowaniu. Równocze nie nie trudno stwierdziæ, ¿e podzia³ pomiêdzy podmiotem i przedmiotem polityki kulturalnej jest zbyt sztywny (w obrêbie procesu instytucjonalizacji), i konsekwentnie: G dekonstruuje fundamentaln¹ dynamikê pomiêdzy przedmiotem i podmiotem polityki kulturalnej, zwi¹zan¹ z ich ci¹g³¹ zmienno ci¹ i wymienno ci¹, G spawia ¿e ¿ycie i rozwój kulturalny postrzegane s¹ g³ównie na poziomie usystematyzowanej i ci le okre lonej produkcji i infrastruktury kulturalnej2.

W naszym dalszym rozwa¿aniu skupiaæ bêdziemy siê g³ównie na rozumieniu naszej polityki kulturalnej w wietle powy¿szej definicji, jednak¿e powinni my ca³y czas pamiêtaæ równie¿ o przes³ankach, wynikaj¹cych z definicji przytoczonych wcze niej. Pierwsza z nich (ta zbyt szeroka) wychodzi od czego znacz¹cego, czego nie ma w przypadku trzeciej (operacyjnej), a mianowicie od specyficznego, dalekowzrocznego rozumienia kultury i aktywno ci kulturalnej, które bez w¹tpienia okre la konkretn¹ politykê kulturaln¹. Co wiêcej, osadzenie polityki kulturalnej w konkretnej ca³o ci kultury powinno byæ decyduj¹cym kryterium oceny konkretnej polityki kulturalnej. Lekcja p³yn¹ca z drugiego typu definicji (technokratycznej) to nacisk na zgodno æ polityki kulturalnej z innymi politykami rozwojowymi i stosunkowo otwarcie okre lone limity zasiêgu i oddzia³ywania polityki kulturalnej. Polityka kulturalna to mo¿liwo æ wyboru, i to wyboru na ró¿nych poziomach. Nie jest to tylko wybór obszaru, ale te¿ mo¿liwych do podjêcia kroków, dzia³añ, wybór podmiotów. Tego wyo wyró¿nia definicjê operacyjn¹ polityki kulturalnej? Po pierwsze, stosunkowo precyzyjne okre lenie obszarów, które siê na ni¹ sk³adaj¹, okre lenie zakresu i typu dzia³añ, które j¹ charakteryzuj¹, i poziomów, na których dzia³ania te s¹ realizowane. Te wyró¿niki s¹ bardzo dobrze podkre lone w nastêpuj¹cej definicji polityki kulturalnej: Polityka kulturalna jest zaplanowanym i zorganizowanym dzia³aniem stosunkowo homogenicznej spo³eczno ci, maj¹cym na celu: G chronienie istniej¹cych obiektów i warto ci kulturalnych, G rozwijanie i wspieranie twórczych inicjatyw kulturalnych, rozwijanie ¿ycia kulturalnego grup, dla których potrzeb jest tworzona . G

C

Definicja operacyjna


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Polityka kulturalna t³o i powody, dla których jest istotna boru nie dokonuje siê jednak¿e w izolacji. Jest on zawsze powi¹zany z priorytetami spo³ecznymi, ogóln¹ polityk¹ rozwoju i z dynamik¹. Ten w³a nie aspekt jest obecny, choæ niedos³ownie wypowiedziany, w drugim typie definicji. Daje to okazjê do pokazania mo¿liwo ci oddzia³ywania, ale te¿ ograniczeñ ka¿dej polityki kulturalnej jako takiej. Pomimo ¿e sk³aniamy siê w stronê podej cia trzeciego, trzeba pamiêtaæ, ¿e istnieje wiele innych definicji, spo ród których czê æ nale¿y uznaæ za szczególnie znacz¹ce3.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

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blemy rozwojowe, z którymi stykaj¹ siê wspó³czesne spo³eczeñstwa, w przesz³o ci by³y trudne do wyobra¿enia. ¯ycie spo³eczne rozpad³o siê na niezliczon¹ liczbê nak³adaj¹cych siê i przeplataj¹cych czê ci. Z jednej strony istnieje jaki kompleks bardziej lub mniej uformowanych obszarów ¿ycia spo³ecznego (choæ ci¹gle pojawia siê wiele nowych), a z drugiej istnieje ci¹gle potrzeba ich rozpoznawania, definiowania, koordynowania, nadawania im kontekstu i zarz¹dzania nimi. Dzia³ania kulturalne, ich klasyfikacja, ilo æ, istota, znaczenie, przynale¿ne im formy i sposoby tworzenia, koordynacja i zarz¹dzanie znajduj¹ (lub powinny znajdowaæ) odzwierciedlenie, a przynajmniej jakie mo¿liwe odbicie w obrêbie ró¿nych polityk kulturalnych. Polityki te z jednej strony musz¹ byæ kompatybilne z narodow¹ polityk¹ kulturaln¹, a z drugiej musz¹ byæ organicznie powi¹zane z innymi politykami rozwojowymi.

Taki pogl¹d niesie z sob¹ co najmniej dwa nierozwi¹zywalne aporia. Podzia³ sektorowy zak³ada drastyczny rozdzia³, który ma szczególnie powa¿ne konsekwencje w rozgraniczaniu na aktywno ci produkcyjne i nieprodukcyjne i przynale¿ne im sektory. W ramach takiego podzia³u, co prawda, potrzeba istnienia sektorów nieprodukcyjnych nie jest kwestionowana, ale postrzega siê je jako istniej¹ce kosztem innych. Najczê ciej oznacza to, ¿e szczególnie aktywno ci kulturalne reprezentuj¹ najbardziej charakterystyczne przyk³ady aktywno ci nieprodukcyjnych i, konsekwentnie, s¹ klasyfikowane w obrêbie nie tylko sektora nieprodukcyjnego, ale nawet sektora konsumuj¹cego. Takie podej cie sprawia, ¿e kultura nie jest rozumiana

rwa³o æ kulturalna czyli trwanie w kulturze i jakim uk³adzie kulturalnym jest bez w¹tpienia powi¹zana z wdra¿anymi mechanizmami i regu³ami, dotycz¹cymi kulturowego przetrwania, zmiany i rozwoju. Zgodnie z tym polityka kulturalna jest tak stara jak rasa ludzka. Im wiêkszy jest wp³yw jakiego konkretnego okresu historycznego, tym bardziej wyrazisty i oczywisty, z perspektywy retrospekcji historycznej, staje siê szkic polityki kulturalnej (czêsto bardzo ogólny) tego okresu4 . Jednak¿e polityka kulturalna w jej wspó³czesnym rozumieniu powinna byæ rozwa¿ana jako zjawisko zupe³nie nowe. Jest oczywiste, ¿e wszystkie nowe i niedawno powsta³e warunki zmuszaj¹ spo³eczno ci na ca³ym wiecie do tego, aby mierzyæ siê z tym zagadnieniem oraz aby rozwa¿aæ politykê kulturaln¹ jako jedno ze sta³ych zadañ. Spo ród wielu powodów prowadz¹cych do okre lenia i powstania polityki kulturalnej wymieniê tylko najwa¿niejsze.

5

2) Podzia³ sektorowy Opisany powy¿ej trend rozwija siê jako konsekwencja czego , co mo¿emy nazwaæ sektorowym podzia³em aktywno ci spo³ecznych. To w³a nie nastêpna przyczyna powstawania wspó³czesnej polityki kulturalnej. W ca³ej wcze niej wspominanej wieloznaczno ci i nieproduktywno ci takiego podej cia, kultura jest umieszczana w obrêbie ogólnego podzia³u sektorowego. Dlatego przyjmuje ona naturê wewn¹trzsektorow¹, która jest najczê ciej drastycznie sprzeczna z esencj¹ kultury jako jedynej prawdziwej kwintesencji i uciele nienia sumy spo³eczeñstwa. Niemniej jednak, jako ¿e proces systematyzacji i dekonstrukcji ogólnego nazewnictwa sektorów spo³ecznych ci¹gle jest dominuj¹cym wzorcem ogólnego planowania i zarz¹dzania, zjawisko to obejmuje równie¿ szerokie i rozwiniête polityki kulturalne jako najlepiej ukszta³towane sposoby zarz¹dzania, administrowania i finansowania dzia³añ, które uwa¿ane s¹ za zwi¹zane z kultur¹. Jest to prawie nieuniknione5.

W obrêbie europejskiej historii najbardziej oczywistymi przyk³adami, które mo¿emy warunkowo i ostro¿nie nazwaæ politykami kulturalnymi, s¹ polityka kulturalna Peryklesa w staro¿ytnej Grecji oraz patronat artystyczny Medyceuszy w epoce dojrza³ego renesansu.

1) Zarz¹dzanie i planowanie tendencja wzrostowa Jednego z wyja nieñ nale¿y siê dopatrywaæ w ogólnym wzro cie znaczenia zarz¹dzania i planowania w ¿yciu spo³ecznym. Z³o¿one pro-

4

3

Jedna z takich znacz¹cych definicji polityki kulturalnej mówi: Polityka kulturalna oznacza ca³o æ dzia³añ kulturalnych zaplanowanych na podstawie globalnej wizji rozwoju spo³ecznego i kulturalnego, szczególnej sytuacji i potrzeb kulturalnych oraz bie¿¹cych standardów kulturalnych [zob. Martwiæ, 1990, s. 186].

Jedna z takich znacz¹cych definicji polityki kulturalnej mówi: Polityka kulturalna oznacza ca³o æ dzia³añ kulturalnych zaplanowanych na podstawie globalnej wizji rozwoju spo³ecznego i kulturalnego, szczególnej sytuacji i potrzeb kulturalnych oraz bie¿¹cych standardów kulturalnych [zob. Martwiæ, 1990, s. 186].

3

4

1) Zarz¹dzanie i planowanie tendencja wzrostowa Jednego z wyja nieñ nale¿y siê dopatrywaæ w ogólnym wzro cie znaczenia zarz¹dzania i planowania w ¿yciu spo³ecznym. Z³o¿one pro-

2) Podzia³ sektorowy Opisany powy¿ej trend rozwija siê jako konsekwencja czego , co mo¿emy nazwaæ sektorowym podzia³em aktywno ci spo³ecznych. To w³a nie nastêpna przyczyna powstawania wspó³czesnej polityki kulturalnej. W ca³ej wcze niej wspominanej wieloznaczno ci i nieproduktywno ci takiego podej cia, kultura jest umieszczana w obrêbie ogólnego podzia³u sektorowego. Dlatego przyjmuje ona naturê wewn¹trzsektorow¹, która jest najczê ciej drastycznie sprzeczna z esencj¹ kultury jako jedynej prawdziwej kwintesencji i uciele nienia sumy spo³eczeñstwa. Niemniej jednak, jako ¿e proces systematyzacji i dekonstrukcji ogólnego nazewnictwa sektorów spo³ecznych ci¹gle jest dominuj¹cym wzorcem ogólnego planowania i zarz¹dzania, zjawisko to obejmuje równie¿ szerokie i rozwiniête polityki kulturalne jako najlepiej ukszta³towane sposoby zarz¹dzania, administrowania i finansowania dzia³añ, które uwa¿ane s¹ za zwi¹zane z kultur¹. Jest to prawie nieuniknione5.

W obrêbie europejskiej historii najbardziej oczywistymi przyk³adami, które mo¿emy warunkowo i ostro¿nie nazwaæ politykami kulturalnymi, s¹ polityka kulturalna Peryklesa w staro¿ytnej Grecji oraz patronat artystyczny Medyceuszy w epoce dojrza³ego renesansu.

rwa³o æ kulturalna czyli trwanie w kulturze i jakim uk³adzie kulturalnym jest bez w¹tpienia powi¹zana z wdra¿anymi mechanizmami i regu³ami, dotycz¹cymi kulturowego przetrwania, zmiany i rozwoju. Zgodnie z tym polityka kulturalna jest tak stara jak rasa ludzka. Im wiêkszy jest wp³yw jakiego konkretnego okresu historycznego, tym bardziej wyrazisty i oczywisty, z perspektywy retrospekcji historycznej, staje siê szkic polityki kulturalnej (czêsto bardzo ogólny) tego okresu4 . Jednak¿e polityka kulturalna w jej wspó³czesnym rozumieniu powinna byæ rozwa¿ana jako zjawisko zupe³nie nowe. Jest oczywiste, ¿e wszystkie nowe i niedawno powsta³e warunki zmuszaj¹ spo³eczno ci na ca³ym wiecie do tego, aby mierzyæ siê z tym zagadnieniem oraz aby rozwa¿aæ politykê kulturaln¹ jako jedno ze sta³ych zadañ. Spo ród wielu powodów prowadz¹cych do okre lenia i powstania polityki kulturalnej wymieniê tylko najwa¿niejsze.

5

T

Taki pogl¹d niesie z sob¹ co najmniej dwa nierozwi¹zywalne aporia. Podzia³ sektorowy zak³ada drastyczny rozdzia³, który ma szczególnie powa¿ne konsekwencje w rozgraniczaniu na aktywno ci produkcyjne i nieprodukcyjne i przynale¿ne im sektory. W ramach takiego podzia³u, co prawda, potrzeba istnienia sektorów nieprodukcyjnych nie jest kwestionowana, ale postrzega siê je jako istniej¹ce kosztem innych. Najczê ciej oznacza to, ¿e szczególnie aktywno ci kulturalne reprezentuj¹ najbardziej charakterystyczne przyk³ady aktywno ci nieprodukcyjnych i, konsekwentnie, s¹ klasyfikowane w obrêbie nie tylko sektora nieprodukcyjnego, ale nawet sektora konsumuj¹cego. Takie podej cie sprawia, ¿e kultura nie jest rozumiana

Polityka kulturalna t³o i powody, dla których jest istotna

blemy rozwojowe, z którymi stykaj¹ siê wspó³czesne spo³eczeñstwa, w przesz³o ci by³y trudne do wyobra¿enia. ¯ycie spo³eczne rozpad³o siê na niezliczon¹ liczbê nak³adaj¹cych siê i przeplataj¹cych czê ci. Z jednej strony istnieje jaki kompleks bardziej lub mniej uformowanych obszarów ¿ycia spo³ecznego (choæ ci¹gle pojawia siê wiele nowych), a z drugiej istnieje ci¹gle potrzeba ich rozpoznawania, definiowania, koordynowania, nadawania im kontekstu i zarz¹dzania nimi. Dzia³ania kulturalne, ich klasyfikacja, ilo æ, istota, znaczenie, przynale¿ne im formy i sposoby tworzenia, koordynacja i zarz¹dzanie znajduj¹ (lub powinny znajdowaæ) odzwierciedlenie, a przynajmniej jakie mo¿liwe odbicie w obrêbie ró¿nych polityk kulturalnych. Polityki te z jednej strony musz¹ byæ kompatybilne z narodow¹ polityk¹ kulturaln¹, a z drugiej musz¹ byæ organicznie powi¹zane z innymi politykami rozwojowymi.

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boru nie dokonuje siê jednak¿e w izolacji. Jest on zawsze powi¹zany z priorytetami spo³ecznymi, ogóln¹ polityk¹ rozwoju i z dynamik¹. Ten w³a nie aspekt jest obecny, choæ niedos³ownie wypowiedziany, w drugim typie definicji. Daje to okazjê do pokazania mo¿liwo ci oddzia³ywania, ale te¿ ograniczeñ ka¿dej polityki kulturalnej jako takiej. Pomimo ¿e sk³aniamy siê w stronê podej cia trzeciego, trzeba pamiêtaæ, ¿e istnieje wiele innych definicji, spo ród których czê æ nale¿y uznaæ za szczególnie znacz¹ce3.


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

3) Rozwój systemu komunikacji Trzeciego powodu rozwoju i wzrostu znaczenia polityki kulturalnej mo¿na doszukiwaæ siê we wzmacnianiu i konsolidacji globalnego systemu komunikacji kulturowej, ekonomicznej i politycznej. Jego rozwój zmusi³ wszystkie kraje do ci¹g³ego okre lania swej pozycji w krajobrazie komunikacyjnym: niektóre w celu promowania zajmowanej pozycji, niektóre w celu zdobywania nowej, inne dla utrzymania pozycji dotychczas zajmowanej. Wszystko to sprawia, ¿e pojawia siê potrzeba budowania stosunkowo spójnych strategii rozwoju kulturowego, najczê ciej i najbardziej naturalnie w ramach polityk kulturalnych6. 4) Rozwój wspó³pracy miêdzynarodowej Czwartej przyczyny nale¿y szukaæ w zwiêkszaniu siê wp³ywu, si³y oddzia³ywania i znaczenia miêdzynarodowych instytucji kulturalnych oraz w miêdzynarodowej wspó³pracy kulturalnej. W obszarze tym najszerzej znane s¹ miêdzyrz¹dowe i ponadnarodowe instytucje kulturalne. Bez w¹tpliwo ci ich najwa¿niejszymi i najbardziej znacz¹cymi cz³onkami s¹ pañstwa, które w instytucjach takich reprezentowane s¹ na ró¿ne sposoby. Sam ten fakt implikuje istnienie czego , co mo¿emy nazwaæ narodowymi priorytetami i kulturow¹ specyfik¹, wyra¿an¹ poprzez politykê kulturaln¹, która zawsze

stanowi zarówno punkt wyj cia, jak i punkt docelowy. Ze wzglêdu na te powi¹zania czêsto podkre la siê potrzebê godzenia i uzgadniania dzia³añ i programów inicjowanych przez miêdzynarodowe organizacje kulturalne z narodowymi politykami kulturalnymi. 5) Integracja i zachowanie to¿samo ci Pi¹t¹ przyczyn¹ zwiêkszania siê znaczenia polityki kulturalnej, a w szczególno ci narodowej polityki kulturalnej, jest przekonanie, ¿e polityka ta mo¿e chroniæ przed potencjaln¹ kulturaln¹ dekonstrukcj¹, zagra¿aj¹c¹ prawie wszystkim kulturom. Istniej¹ dwa g³ówne, powi¹zane ze sob¹ trendy, powoduj¹ce takie zagro¿enie. Pierwszy z nich wystêpuje na poziomie globalnego rynku kulturalnego, wymuszaj¹cego na poszczególnych kulturach twórczo æ zgodn¹ z globalnymi standardami i wzorcami, co czêsto wi¹¿e siê z po wiêcaniem, redukowaniem, a w skrajnych przypadkach porzucaniem tego, co unikatowe7 . Druga tendencja jest o tyle gro na, ¿e przewa¿nie nie jest oczywista i natychmiast zauwa¿alna, tymczasem ma naturê systematyczn¹, a jej konsekwencje mog¹ byæ d³ugotrwa³e i g³êbokie. W skrócie: zakres i poziom ponadnarodowych regulacji witalnych elementów i aspektów funkcjonowania spo³eczno ci narodowych

jako mog¹ca wnosiæ wk³ad w rozwój spo³eczny. Kultura ³¹czy sumê to¿samo ci, aktywno ci i potencja³u danej spo³eczno ci. Drugie aporia zawsze pojawia siê w jakiejkolwiek próbie stworzenia systemu klasyfikacji, maj¹cego na celu okre lenie, co powinno siê uwa¿aæ, i co siê uwa¿a, za aktywno æ kulturaln¹. Ostatnie trendy pokazuj¹ na pozór paradoksalnie, ¿e aktywno ci, które wydaj¹ siê wysoce niezale¿ne od podstawy kulturalnej i matrycy, od której pochodz¹, s¹ po prostu niewyja nialne jako fenomen spo³eczny bez kulturowej i czasowej kontekstualizacji. Wiele niefortunnych do wiadczeñ z niedalekiej przesz³o ci doprowadzi³o do rozwiniêcia podej cia, które nie by³o w stanie doprowadziæ do praktycznego rozwik³ania wspomnianych zagadnieñ. Podej cie to mo¿na wyraziæ w nastêpuj¹cy sposób: kultura jest wszystkim, a w szczególno ci jest ona czê ci¹ tego wszystkiego [zob. Cliche, Mitchell, Wiegand, 2002]. 6

Wielu ekspertów, którzy próbowali wyja niæ japoñski cud ekonomiczny, wyra¿a niemal identyczny pogl¹d: jednym z najwa¿niejszych powodów tak silnego i szybkiego wzrostu ekonomicznego jest posiadanie przez Japoniê unikatowego systemu planowania d³ugoterminowego, podzielonego na kilka wzajemnie powi¹zanych polityk, które podlegaj¹ corocznemu przegl¹dowi oraz korekcie. Z przeprowadzonych ostatnio analiz kulturologicznych wynika, ¿e wykszta³cono tam wysoko rozwiniêt¹ sztukê planowania, trudn¹ do odnalezienia gdziekolwiek indziej na wiecie, oraz zdolno æ do dzia³ania zgodnie z szeroko zaakceptowanymi planami. Wyja nienia tego fenomenu nale¿y szukaæ raczej w totalno ci japoñskiego systemu kulturalnego, a nie w niektórych zewnêtrznych, czêsto wyolbrzymianych czynnikach (takich jak wyspowy charakter kraju, brak surowców, sztywny system edukacji itp.). Je li chodzi o szczegó³y, zob.: Kato, 1981; Moore, 1990.

7

Zjawisko, którego jeste my wiadkami, powi¹zane zewnêtrznie z nowymi debatami na temat transformacji GATT, jest dog³êbn¹ i pouczaj¹c¹ lekcj¹. Mimo ¿e obszar kultury traktowany jest ci¹gle jako efemeryczny i raczej nieistotny, jednak szybko okaza³o siê, ¿e na przyk³ad problematyczny obszar produkcji filmowej i audiowizualnej krajów europejskich, a szczególno ci Francji, i konkurencyjnej produkcji amerykañskiej jest w stanie generowaæ zagro¿enie dla ca³ego procesu negocjacji. Z jednej strony widaæ, ¿e po wiêcenie celów kulturalnych, aby osi¹gn¹æ kompromis w kwestii harmonizacji przeciwstawnych, najczê ciej ekonomicznych interesów, jest ostateczno ci¹. Z drugiej jednak, takie po wiêcenie stanowiæ mo¿e najlepszy sposób osi¹gniêcia trwa³ej, strukturalnej i systematycznej wspó³zale¿no ci, co jest prawdopodobnie nieodwracalne. Mechanizmy produkcji kulturalnej, gdy patrzy siê na nie z ekonomicznej perspektywy, wydaj¹ siê banalne a¿ do czasu, gdy podaje siê w w¹tpliwo æ kwestie spo³ecznej samo wiadomo ci kulturalnej.Wówczas ca³a debata zmienia charakter i cele kulturalne staj¹ siê najwa¿niejszymi i najbardziej cennymi, a ich porzucenia powinno siê unikaæ za wszelk¹ cenê [zob. d Angelo, Vespertini, 1998, s. 37; Smiers, 2003].

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

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Zjawisko, którego jeste my wiadkami, powi¹zane zewnêtrznie z nowymi debatami na temat transformacji GATT, jest dog³êbn¹ i pouczaj¹c¹ lekcj¹. Mimo ¿e obszar kultury traktowany jest ci¹gle jako efemeryczny i raczej nieistotny, jednak szybko okaza³o siê, ¿e na przyk³ad problematyczny obszar produkcji filmowej i audiowizualnej krajów europejskich, a szczególno ci Francji, i konkurencyjnej produkcji amerykañskiej jest w stanie generowaæ zagro¿enie dla ca³ego procesu negocjacji. Z jednej strony widaæ, ¿e po wiêcenie celów kulturalnych, aby osi¹gn¹æ kompromis w kwestii harmonizacji przeciwstawnych, najczê ciej ekonomicznych interesów, jest ostateczno ci¹. Z drugiej jednak, takie po wiêcenie stanowiæ mo¿e najlepszy sposób osi¹gniêcia trwa³ej, strukturalnej i systematycznej wspó³zale¿no ci, co jest prawdopodobnie nieodwracalne. Mechanizmy produkcji kulturalnej, gdy patrzy siê na nie z ekonomicznej perspektywy, wydaj¹ siê banalne a¿ do czasu, gdy podaje siê w w¹tpliwo æ kwestie spo³ecznej samo wiadomo ci kulturalnej.Wówczas ca³a debata zmienia charakter i cele kulturalne staj¹ siê najwa¿niejszymi i najbardziej cennymi, a ich porzucenia powinno siê unikaæ za wszelk¹ cenê [zob. d Angelo, Vespertini, 1998, s. 37; Smiers, 2003].

7

Wielu ekspertów, którzy próbowali wyja niæ japoñski cud ekonomiczny, wyra¿a niemal identyczny pogl¹d: jednym z najwa¿niejszych powodów tak silnego i szybkiego wzrostu ekonomicznego jest posiadanie przez Japoniê unikatowego systemu planowania d³ugoterminowego, podzielonego na kilka wzajemnie powi¹zanych polityk, które podlegaj¹ corocznemu przegl¹dowi oraz korekcie. Z przeprowadzonych ostatnio analiz kulturologicznych wynika, ¿e wykszta³cono tam wysoko rozwiniêt¹ sztukê planowania, trudn¹ do odnalezienia gdziekolwiek indziej na wiecie, oraz zdolno æ do dzia³ania zgodnie z szeroko zaakceptowanymi planami. Wyja nienia tego fenomenu nale¿y szukaæ raczej w totalno ci japoñskiego systemu kulturalnego, a nie w niektórych zewnêtrznych, czêsto wyolbrzymianych czynnikach (takich jak wyspowy charakter kraju, brak surowców, sztywny system edukacji itp.). Je li chodzi o szczegó³y, zob.: Kato, 1981; Moore, 1990.

6

jako mog¹ca wnosiæ wk³ad w rozwój spo³eczny. Kultura ³¹czy sumê to¿samo ci, aktywno ci i potencja³u danej spo³eczno ci. Drugie aporia zawsze pojawia siê w jakiejkolwiek próbie stworzenia systemu klasyfikacji, maj¹cego na celu okre lenie, co powinno siê uwa¿aæ, i co siê uwa¿a, za aktywno æ kulturaln¹. Ostatnie trendy pokazuj¹ na pozór paradoksalnie, ¿e aktywno ci, które wydaj¹ siê wysoce niezale¿ne od podstawy kulturalnej i matrycy, od której pochodz¹, s¹ po prostu niewyja nialne jako fenomen spo³eczny bez kulturowej i czasowej kontekstualizacji. Wiele niefortunnych do wiadczeñ z niedalekiej przesz³o ci doprowadzi³o do rozwiniêcia podej cia, które nie by³o w stanie doprowadziæ do praktycznego rozwik³ania wspomnianych zagadnieñ. Podej cie to mo¿na wyraziæ w nastêpuj¹cy sposób: kultura jest wszystkim, a w szczególno ci jest ona czê ci¹ tego wszystkiego [zob. Cliche, Mitchell, Wiegand, 2002].

4) Rozwój wspó³pracy miêdzynarodowej Czwartej przyczyny nale¿y szukaæ w zwiêkszaniu siê wp³ywu, si³y oddzia³ywania i znaczenia miêdzynarodowych instytucji kulturalnych oraz w miêdzynarodowej wspó³pracy kulturalnej. W obszarze tym najszerzej znane s¹ miêdzyrz¹dowe i ponadnarodowe instytucje kulturalne. Bez w¹tpliwo ci ich najwa¿niejszymi i najbardziej znacz¹cymi cz³onkami s¹ pañstwa, które w instytucjach takich reprezentowane s¹ na ró¿ne sposoby. Sam ten fakt implikuje istnienie czego , co mo¿emy nazwaæ narodowymi priorytetami i kulturow¹ specyfik¹, wyra¿an¹ poprzez politykê kulturaln¹, która zawsze 3) Rozwój systemu komunikacji Trzeciego powodu rozwoju i wzrostu znaczenia polityki kulturalnej mo¿na doszukiwaæ siê we wzmacnianiu i konsolidacji globalnego systemu komunikacji kulturowej, ekonomicznej i politycznej. Jego rozwój zmusi³ wszystkie kraje do ci¹g³ego okre lania swej pozycji w krajobrazie komunikacyjnym: niektóre w celu promowania zajmowanej pozycji, niektóre w celu zdobywania nowej, inne dla utrzymania pozycji dotychczas zajmowanej. Wszystko to sprawia, ¿e pojawia siê potrzeba budowania stosunkowo spójnych strategii rozwoju kulturowego, najczê ciej i najbardziej naturalnie w ramach polityk kulturalnych6.

5) Integracja i zachowanie to¿samo ci Pi¹t¹ przyczyn¹ zwiêkszania siê znaczenia polityki kulturalnej, a w szczególno ci narodowej polityki kulturalnej, jest przekonanie, ¿e polityka ta mo¿e chroniæ przed potencjaln¹ kulturaln¹ dekonstrukcj¹, zagra¿aj¹c¹ prawie wszystkim kulturom. Istniej¹ dwa g³ówne, powi¹zane ze sob¹ trendy, powoduj¹ce takie zagro¿enie. Pierwszy z nich wystêpuje na poziomie globalnego rynku kulturalnego, wymuszaj¹cego na poszczególnych kulturach twórczo æ zgodn¹ z globalnymi standardami i wzorcami, co czêsto wi¹¿e siê z po wiêcaniem, redukowaniem, a w skrajnych przypadkach porzucaniem tego, co unikatowe7 . Druga tendencja jest o tyle gro na, ¿e przewa¿nie nie jest oczywista i natychmiast zauwa¿alna, tymczasem ma naturê systematyczn¹, a jej konsekwencje mog¹ byæ d³ugotrwa³e i g³êbokie. W skrócie: zakres i poziom ponadnarodowych regulacji witalnych elementów i aspektów funkcjonowania spo³eczno ci narodowych stanowi zarówno punkt wyj cia, jak i punkt docelowy. Ze wzglêdu na te powi¹zania czêsto podkre la siê potrzebê godzenia i uzgadniania dzia³añ i programów inicjowanych przez miêdzynarodowe organizacje kulturalne z narodowymi politykami kulturalnymi.


i ponadnarodowych wzrasta w tempie b³yskawicznym. Pomimo ró¿nych trudno ci, nie ma w¹tpliwo ci, ¿e procesy integracyjne postêpuj¹. Z ich rozwojem zwi¹zany jest jednak stan permanentnego kryzysu; mimo ¿e dotyka on przede wszystkim sfery wspó³pracy ekonomicznej (jedno ci polityczna i militarna nie s¹ ju¿ pierwszoplanowe), to infekuje równie¿ wszystkie inne obszary ¿ycia spo³ecznego, szczególnie obszar kultury. Systematyczny i wielowymiarowy wp³yw niektórych ekonomicznych decyzji pozostaje najczê ciej niekwestionowany, ale próbuje siê neutralizowaæ jego potencjalne negatywne skutki poprzez odpowiednie przeciwdzia³ania. Polityka kulturalna, próbuj¹ca zdefiniowaæ priorytety i metody funkcjonowania w sposób na tyle jasny, aby nie by³ on kwestionowany albo aby móg³ byæ kwestionowany najwy¿ej w skrajnych przypadkach, wydaje siê byæ iluzj¹, ale zarazem ostatnim i jedynym bastionem obrony wewnêtrznej specyfiki kulturowej mechanizmów poszczególnych kultur przed niewidoczn¹ i cich¹ dekonstrukcj¹.

7. Wzrost gospodarczego znaczenia aktywno ci kulturalnych W koñcu, jednym z najwa¿niejszych czynników zwiêkszaj¹cych istotno æ polityki kulturalnej jest szybki wzrost rozwojowego i gospodarczego wp³ywu i znaczenia aktywno ci kulturalnych8. Wyci¹gaj¹c wnioski z wymienionych powy¿ej siedmiu przyczyn wzrostu znaczenia polityki kulturalnej, które obserwujemy od lat 60. XX wieku, mo¿emy powiedzieæ, ¿e od tamtego czasu wykrystalizowa³y siê dwie osie obserwacji: G pierwsza, która przede wszystkim skupia siê na trendach globalnych, G druga, która na pytania dotycz¹ce tych ogólnych wskazówek i definicji daje odpowiedzi na poziomie narodowym. Arbitralno æ w próbach mierzenia powy¿szych zagadnieñ jest bardzo du¿a, dlatego zaprezentowane zestawienie przedstawia raczej zbiór warto ci ni¿ system zdefiniowanych i jasno ustalonych parametrów. Niezaprzeczalne jest równie¿ to, ¿e ze wzglêdu na odmienno æ podmiotów i ich interesów, parametry te w odniesieniu do ró¿nych spo³eczeñstw musz¹ byæ szacowane na ró¿nych, czêsto przeciwstawnych poziomach. Mimo to mo¿liwo æ generalnego miêdzynarodowego dialogu zale¿y przede wszystkim od (najczê ciej niespójnej i w¹tpliwej) oceny wype³niania wy¿ej wspomnianych parametrów. Niezaprzeczalne jest, ¿e niemo¿no æ prowadzenia takiego generalnego dialogu spo³ecznego w ramach dialogu globalnego wstrzymuje rozwój konkretnej spo³eczno ci i prowadziæ mo¿e do jej zapa ci. Osi¹ganie wcze niej wymienionych parametrów zazwyczaj ma dwa poziomy: protokolarno-regulacyjny i rzeczywisto-operacyjny. Nawet najbardziej powierzchowne spojrzenie na wymieniane parametry sygnalizuje nam, ¿e implikuj¹ one nasilenie siê zjawisk zwi¹zanych z kultur¹. Jako ¿e polityka kulturalna zawiera obydwa poziomy, staje siê ona nieuniknionym i wa¿nym elementem ogólnego oceniania i wype³niania wspomnianych wcze niej parametrów.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

6. Hipostaza parametrów rozwojowych Szóst¹ przyczyn¹ zwiêkszania siê znaczenia polityki kulturalnej jest nowy cywilizacyjny trend, który mo¿emy nazwaæ hipostaz¹ parametrów rozwoju spo³ecznego. Mo¿na powiedzieæ, ¿e zjawisko to, z d³ugiej perspektywy cywilizacyjnej, jest raczej nowe i w³a ciwego rozpêdu nabra³o dopiero po roku 1989, po wszystkich zmianach, które rozpoczê³y w tym wa¿nym dla ca³ej Europy i wiata roku. Po raz pierwszy na ogólnym, ponadnarodowym poziomie rozwija siê co , co mo¿na nazwaæ uniwersalno ci¹ parametrów rozwojowych. Pomimo ¿e nie istniej¹ kryteria pomiaru skuteczno ci tych parametrów, jednak wiêkszo æ ekspertów s¹dzi, ¿e te parametry odnosz¹ siê do: G demokratycznego systemu politycznego i rz¹dów prawa, G poszanowania praw cz³owieka, G poszanowania i preferowania prywatnej w³asno ci, poszanowania zasad wielokulturowo ci, wielowyznaniowo ci i praw mniejszo ci etnicznych.

252

G

Ten wzrost ekonomicznego znaczenia aktywno ci kulturalnych, którego pocz¹tki mogli my obserwowaæ w latach 60. XX wieku, jest bardzo dostrzegalny w latach 80., kiedy na przyk³ad w 1989 roku w sektorze kulturalnym w Unii Europejskiej zatrudnionych by³o ponad 4 miliony osób i w przypadku poszczególnych krajów stanowi³o to od 3 do 6% PKB (zob. Domenach, Paris 1990). Aby przybli¿yæ, o jakich wielko ciach w porównaniu do innych sektorów mówimy, mo¿na przytoczyæ przyk³ad, ¿e przemys³ energii elektrycznej i przemys³ samochodowy w tym samym roku stanowi³y ³¹cznie 3% PKB wg wypowiedzi Johna Myerscougha Gospodarcze znaczenie sektora kulturalnego w Wielkiej Brytanii , zaprezentowanej na spotkaniu Round Table w sprawie Employment in the Field of Art and Regional Development , Dublin 1989 [zob. Culturelink, 1989). Dzisiaj ten trend jest najbardziej dostrzegalny w przypadku Finlandii, gdzie 7% PKB pochodzi z obszaru kultury i przemys³u twórczego.

Ten wzrost ekonomicznego znaczenia aktywno ci kulturalnych, którego pocz¹tki mogli my obserwowaæ w latach 60. XX wieku, jest bardzo dostrzegalny w latach 80., kiedy na przyk³ad w 1989 roku w sektorze kulturalnym w Unii Europejskiej zatrudnionych by³o ponad 4 miliony osób i w przypadku poszczególnych krajów stanowi³o to od 3 do 6% PKB (zob. Domenach, Paris 1990). Aby przybli¿yæ, o jakich wielko ciach w porównaniu do innych sektorów mówimy, mo¿na przytoczyæ przyk³ad, ¿e przemys³ energii elektrycznej i przemys³ samochodowy w tym samym roku stanowi³y ³¹cznie 3% PKB wg wypowiedzi Johna Myerscougha Gospodarcze znaczenie sektora kulturalnego w Wielkiej Brytanii , zaprezentowanej na spotkaniu Round Table w sprawie Employment in the Field of Art and Regional Development , Dublin 1989 [zob. Culturelink, 1989). Dzisiaj ten trend jest najbardziej dostrzegalny w przypadku Finlandii, gdzie 7% PKB pochodzi z obszaru kultury i przemys³u twórczego.

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7. Wzrost gospodarczego znaczenia aktywno ci kulturalnych W koñcu, jednym z najwa¿niejszych czynników zwiêkszaj¹cych istotno æ polityki kulturalnej jest szybki wzrost rozwojowego i gospodarczego wp³ywu i znaczenia aktywno ci kulturalnych8. Wyci¹gaj¹c wnioski z wymienionych powy¿ej siedmiu przyczyn wzrostu znaczenia polityki kulturalnej, które obserwujemy od lat 60. XX wieku, mo¿emy powiedzieæ, ¿e od tamtego czasu wykrystalizowa³y siê dwie osie obserwacji: G pierwsza, która przede wszystkim skupia siê na trendach globalnych, G druga, która na pytania dotycz¹ce tych ogólnych wskazówek i definicji daje odpowiedzi na poziomie narodowym.

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Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

6. Hipostaza parametrów rozwojowych Szóst¹ przyczyn¹ zwiêkszania siê znaczenia polityki kulturalnej jest nowy cywilizacyjny trend, który mo¿emy nazwaæ hipostaz¹ parametrów rozwoju spo³ecznego. Mo¿na powiedzieæ, ¿e zjawisko to, z d³ugiej perspektywy cywilizacyjnej, jest raczej nowe i w³a ciwego rozpêdu nabra³o dopiero po roku 1989, po wszystkich zmianach, które rozpoczê³y w tym wa¿nym dla ca³ej Europy i wiata roku. Po raz pierwszy na ogólnym, ponadnarodowym poziomie rozwija siê co , co mo¿na nazwaæ uniwersalno ci¹ parametrów rozwojowych. Pomimo ¿e nie istniej¹ kryteria pomiaru skuteczno ci tych parametrów, jednak wiêkszo æ ekspertów s¹dzi, ¿e te parametry odnosz¹ siê do: G demokratycznego systemu politycznego i rz¹dów prawa, G poszanowania praw cz³owieka, G poszanowania i preferowania prywatnej w³asno ci, G poszanowania zasad wielokulturowo ci, wielowyznaniowo ci i praw mniejszo ci etnicznych.

Arbitralno æ w próbach mierzenia powy¿szych zagadnieñ jest bardzo du¿a, dlatego zaprezentowane zestawienie przedstawia raczej zbiór warto ci ni¿ system zdefiniowanych i jasno ustalonych parametrów. Niezaprzeczalne jest równie¿ to, ¿e ze wzglêdu na odmienno æ podmiotów i ich interesów, parametry te w odniesieniu do ró¿nych spo³eczeñstw musz¹ byæ szacowane na ró¿nych, czêsto przeciwstawnych poziomach. Mimo to mo¿liwo æ generalnego miêdzynarodowego dialogu zale¿y przede wszystkim od (najczê ciej niespójnej i w¹tpliwej) oceny wype³niania wy¿ej wspomnianych parametrów. Niezaprzeczalne jest, ¿e niemo¿no æ prowadzenia takiego generalnego dialogu spo³ecznego w ramach dialogu globalnego wstrzymuje rozwój konkretnej spo³eczno ci i prowadziæ mo¿e do jej zapa ci. Osi¹ganie wcze niej wymienionych parametrów zazwyczaj ma dwa poziomy: protokolarno-regulacyjny i rzeczywisto-operacyjny. Nawet najbardziej powierzchowne spojrzenie na wymieniane parametry sygnalizuje nam, ¿e implikuj¹ one nasilenie siê zjawisk zwi¹zanych z kultur¹. Jako ¿e polityka kulturalna zawiera obydwa poziomy, staje siê ona nieuniknionym i wa¿nym elementem ogólnego oceniania i wype³niania wspomnianych wcze niej parametrów.

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i ponadnarodowych wzrasta w tempie b³yskawicznym. Pomimo ró¿nych trudno ci, nie ma w¹tpliwo ci, ¿e procesy integracyjne postêpuj¹. Z ich rozwojem zwi¹zany jest jednak stan permanentnego kryzysu; mimo ¿e dotyka on przede wszystkim sfery wspó³pracy ekonomicznej (jedno ci polityczna i militarna nie s¹ ju¿ pierwszoplanowe), to infekuje równie¿ wszystkie inne obszary ¿ycia spo³ecznego, szczególnie obszar kultury. Systematyczny i wielowymiarowy wp³yw niektórych ekonomicznych decyzji pozostaje najczê ciej niekwestionowany, ale próbuje siê neutralizowaæ jego potencjalne negatywne skutki poprzez odpowiednie przeciwdzia³ania. Polityka kulturalna, próbuj¹ca zdefiniowaæ priorytety i metody funkcjonowania w sposób na tyle jasny, aby nie by³ on kwestionowany albo aby móg³ byæ kwestionowany najwy¿ej w skrajnych przypadkach, wydaje siê byæ iluzj¹, ale zarazem ostatnim i jedynym bastionem obrony wewnêtrznej specyfiki kulturowej mechanizmów poszczególnych kultur przed niewidoczn¹ i cich¹ dekonstrukcj¹.


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Tak wiêc w dalszej czê ci analizy powinni my uwzglêdniaæ wspomniane dwa wymiary, postrzegaj¹c je jako narodowe i ponadnarodowe poziomy dominuj¹cych zmian w polityce kulturalnej.

Zarz¹dzanie, planowanie i polityka kulturalna

Z

wcze niej wspominanych przyczyn jak równie¿, z powodu nieod³¹cznych charakterystyk zwi¹zanych z kulturowym przetrwaniem, opracowanie relatywnie spójnego systemu zarz¹dzania, planowania i polityki w obszarze kultury staje siê warunkiem wstêpnym dla transmisji warto ci i form kulturalnych. Zazwyczaj istniej¹ dwa rodzaje powodów, le¿¹cych u podstaw planowania kulturalnego: pierwszy wynika z samego ¿ycia kulturalnego, a drugi z potrzeby splecenia spo³eczno-ekonomicznych determinantów ca³o ciowego rozwoju spo³ecznego. Jednak¿e uwaga kulturoznawców, w³adz kulturalnych i mened¿erów kultury od lat 80. XX wieku nie skupia siê ju¿ tak bardzo na planowaniu (która to tendencja dominowa³a w okresie wcze niejszym), jak na zarz¹dzaniu kultur¹. Ta zmiana w podej ciu zrodzi³a siê jako konsekwencja zmiany zapatrywania na funkcje kultury: pierwotnie postrzegane jako formy konsumpcji, obecnie coraz czê ciej ujmowane s¹ równie¿ w wymiarze produkcyjnym. Planowanie kulturalne jest sk³adow¹ i równoprawn¹ czê ci¹ planowania rozwoju krajowego (i nie chodzi tylko o wydatki), a w wielu krajach zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ zyska³o status równoprawny innym formom systemu organizacyjnego i zarz¹dzania9. Poniewa¿ coraz trudniejsze staje siê odseparowanie sektora kulturalnego od sektorów technicznych i gospodarczych, powstaje nowy typ interakcji i relacji spo³ecznej, a podstawowe kategorie

spo³eczne s¹ na nowo formu³owane i postrzegane w nowy sposób. Podczas gdy tradycyjne planowanie w kulturze odnosi³o siê g³ównie do kultury widowiskowej, obecnie anga¿uje siê je w ca³kiem nowe obszary kulturalne, maj¹ce czêsto silne i znacz¹ce zapo¿yczenia z obszaru gospodarki i polityki. Planowanie takie nie przynale¿y ju¿ jedynie kulturze w wê¿szym sensie . Tak wiêc, wszystkie klasyczne kategorie i funkcje analizy kulturalnej staj¹ pod znakiem zapytania i powinny byæ sformu³owane w nowy sposób, a mianowicie sposób odnosz¹cy siê albo do analitycznych par: indywidualne kolektywne, konsumpcja produkcja, innowacja reprodukowanie, albo do pary: ekspresywno æ instrumentalno æ10 . G³êbokie zmiany zachodz¹ równie¿ w kwestii formy w³asno ci dominuj¹cej w obszarze produkcji i dystrybucji kulturalnej, jak te¿ oddzia³ywania i zakresu administracji kulturalnej w ¿yciu kulturalnym i rozwoju kultury. Mamy do czynienia z mieszank¹ w³asno ci publicznej, czê ciowo publicznej, prywatnej, jak te¿ ze zmianami w dominuj¹cych modelach wspó³pracy i rywalizacji w obszarze aktywno ci kulturalnych, czemu towarzyszy dodatkowo wzrost roli i znaczenia sponsoringu i patronatu kulturalnego. Wszystko to sprawia, ¿e proces planowania i zarz¹dzania kultur¹ staje siê skomplikowany do niewyobra¿alnego wcze niej stopnia.

Dwa typy polityki kulturalnej wyra na (jawna) i ukryta (po rednia)

P

omimo ¿e polityki kulturalne mog¹ byæ analizowane i klasyfikowane na podstawie wielu kryteriów na przyk³ad, w oparciu o obszar, zakres, poziom operacyjny, na którym s¹ realizowane, lub o model profesjonalno-organizacyjny11 klasyfikacj¹, która wydaje siê nie

9

Najistotniejszymi teoretycznymi opracowaniami kwestii zwi¹zanych z tymi zmianami s¹ przede wszystkim prace Pierre a Burdieu oraz Jamesa Colemana. Podczas gdy pierwszy autor próbuje badaæ i analizowaæ produkcyjny potencja³ i warto æ kultury w ramach pojêcia kapita³u kulturalnego, drugi robi to samo w ramach kapita³u spo³ecznego. Najwa¿niejsze jest, ¿e obydwaj zgadzaj¹ siê co do tego, ¿e najwiêkszy kapita³ produkcyjny jest zawarty w matrycy kulturowej, która wyró¿nia poszczególne spo³eczno ci i fundamentalnie definiuje ich wydajno æ rozwojow¹ [zob. Burdieu, 1979; Coleman, 1990, s. 300 321].

10

Przede wszystkim odnosi siê to do mediów i przemys³u kulturalnego.

11

Gdy podzielimy i zaklasyfikujemy polityki kulturalne w oparciu o obszar, wtedy mówimy praktycznie o sektorowych politykach kulturalnych, to jest o polityce kulturalnej w dziedzinie literatury, teatru, tañca, radia, filmu, wydawnictwa muzyki itp. Gdy zaklasyfikujemy je w oparciu o ich zakres, mo¿emy wtedy mówiæ o ponadnarodowych, narodowych, regionalnych i lokalnych politykach kulturalnych. Klasyfikacja ta jest bardzo podobna, czasem nawet identyczna z klasyfikacj¹ polityk kulturalnych w oparciu o poziom operacyjny. Podstawowa ró¿nica le¿y w tym, ¿e klucz geograficzno-terytorialny jest bardziej precyzyjny w tym drugim przypadku, i tak bêdziemy mieli do czynienia z polityk¹ kulturaln¹ pañstwa, regionu, miasta, dzielnicy, wioski, wyspy itp. Je li przyjmiemy model profesjonalno-organizacyjny jako podstawowy parametr klasyfikacji (co czyni siê do æ czêsto i jest to jedna z wa¿niejszych klasyfikacji), polityka kulturalna mo¿e byæ zaklasyfikowana jako scentralizowana b¹d zdecentralizowana.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

253

11

Gdy podzielimy i zaklasyfikujemy polityki kulturalne w oparciu o obszar, wtedy mówimy praktycznie o sektorowych politykach kulturalnych, to jest o polityce kulturalnej w dziedzinie literatury, teatru, tañca, radia, filmu, wydawnictwa muzyki itp. Gdy zaklasyfikujemy je w oparciu o ich zakres, mo¿emy wtedy mówiæ o ponadnarodowych, narodowych, regionalnych i lokalnych politykach kulturalnych. Klasyfikacja ta jest bardzo podobna, czasem nawet identyczna z klasyfikacj¹ polityk kulturalnych w oparciu o poziom operacyjny. Podstawowa ró¿nica le¿y w tym, ¿e klucz geograficzno-terytorialny jest bardziej precyzyjny w tym drugim przypadku, i tak bêdziemy mieli do czynienia z polityk¹ kulturaln¹ pañstwa, regionu, miasta, dzielnicy, wioski, wyspy itp. Je li przyjmiemy model profesjonalno-organizacyjny jako podstawowy parametr klasyfikacji (co czyni siê do æ czêsto i jest to jedna z wa¿niejszych klasyfikacji), polityka kulturalna mo¿e byæ zaklasyfikowana jako scentralizowana b¹d zdecentralizowana. Przede wszystkim odnosi siê to do mediów i przemys³u kulturalnego.

10

Najistotniejszymi teoretycznymi opracowaniami kwestii zwi¹zanych z tymi zmianami s¹ przede wszystkim prace Pierre a Burdieu oraz Jamesa Colemana. Podczas gdy pierwszy autor próbuje badaæ i analizowaæ produkcyjny potencja³ i warto æ kultury w ramach pojêcia kapita³u kulturalnego, drugi robi to samo w ramach kapita³u spo³ecznego. Najwa¿niejsze jest, ¿e obydwaj zgadzaj¹ siê co do tego, ¿e najwiêkszy kapita³ produkcyjny jest zawarty w matrycy kulturowej, która wyró¿nia poszczególne spo³eczno ci i fundamentalnie definiuje ich wydajno æ rozwojow¹ [zob. Burdieu, 1979; Coleman, 1990, s. 300 321].

9

wcze niej wspominanych przyczyn jak równie¿, z powodu nieod³¹cznych charakterystyk zwi¹zanych z kulturowym przetrwaniem, opracowanie relatywnie spójnego systemu zarz¹dzania, planowania i polityki w obszarze kultury staje siê warunkiem wstêpnym dla transmisji warto ci i form kulturalnych. Zazwyczaj istniej¹ dwa rodzaje powodów, le¿¹cych u podstaw planowania kulturalnego: pierwszy wynika z samego ¿ycia kulturalnego, a drugi z potrzeby splecenia spo³eczno-ekonomicznych determinantów ca³o ciowego rozwoju spo³ecznego. Jednak¿e uwaga kulturoznawców, w³adz kulturalnych i mened¿erów kultury od lat 80. XX wieku nie skupia siê ju¿ tak bardzo na planowaniu (która to tendencja dominowa³a w okresie wcze niejszym), jak na zarz¹dzaniu kultur¹. Ta zmiana w podej ciu zrodzi³a siê jako konsekwencja zmiany zapatrywania na funkcje kultury: pierwotnie postrzegane jako formy konsumpcji, obecnie coraz czê ciej ujmowane s¹ równie¿ w wymiarze produkcyjnym. Planowanie kulturalne jest sk³adow¹ i równoprawn¹ czê ci¹ planowania rozwoju krajowego (i nie chodzi tylko o wydatki), a w wielu krajach zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ zyska³o status równoprawny innym formom systemu organizacyjnego i zarz¹dzania9. Poniewa¿ coraz trudniejsze staje siê odseparowanie sektora kulturalnego od sektorów technicznych i gospodarczych, powstaje nowy typ interakcji i relacji spo³ecznej, a podstawowe kategorie

Z

Zarz¹dzanie, planowanie i polityka kulturalna Tak wiêc w dalszej czê ci analizy powinni my uwzglêdniaæ wspomniane dwa wymiary, postrzegaj¹c je jako narodowe i ponadnarodowe poziomy dominuj¹cych zmian w polityce kulturalnej.

omimo ¿e polityki kulturalne mog¹ byæ analizowane i klasyfikowane na podstawie wielu kryteriów na przyk³ad, w oparciu o obszar, zakres, poziom operacyjny, na którym s¹ realizowane, lub o model profesjonalno-organizacyjny11 klasyfikacj¹, która wydaje siê nie

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Dwa typy polityki kulturalnej wyra na (jawna) i ukryta (po rednia) spo³eczne s¹ na nowo formu³owane i postrzegane w nowy sposób. Podczas gdy tradycyjne planowanie w kulturze odnosi³o siê g³ównie do kultury widowiskowej, obecnie anga¿uje siê je w ca³kiem nowe obszary kulturalne, maj¹ce czêsto silne i znacz¹ce zapo¿yczenia z obszaru gospodarki i polityki. Planowanie takie nie przynale¿y ju¿ jedynie kulturze w wê¿szym sensie . Tak wiêc, wszystkie klasyczne kategorie i funkcje analizy kulturalnej staj¹ pod znakiem zapytania i powinny byæ sformu³owane w nowy sposób, a mianowicie sposób odnosz¹cy siê albo do analitycznych par: indywidualne kolektywne, konsumpcja produkcja, innowacja reprodukowanie, albo do pary: ekspresywno æ instrumentalno æ10 . G³êbokie zmiany zachodz¹ równie¿ w kwestii formy w³asno ci dominuj¹cej w obszarze produkcji i dystrybucji kulturalnej, jak te¿ oddzia³ywania i zakresu administracji kulturalnej w ¿yciu kulturalnym i rozwoju kultury. Mamy do czynienia z mieszank¹ w³asno ci publicznej, czê ciowo publicznej, prywatnej, jak te¿ ze zmianami w dominuj¹cych modelach wspó³pracy i rywalizacji w obszarze aktywno ci kulturalnych, czemu towarzyszy dodatkowo wzrost roli i znaczenia sponsoringu i patronatu kulturalnego. Wszystko to sprawia, ¿e proces planowania i zarz¹dzania kultur¹ staje siê skomplikowany do niewyobra¿alnego wcze niej stopnia.


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Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

tylko pierwotn¹, ale te¿ najbardziej dog³êbn¹, jest podzia³ na wyra n¹ (jawn¹) i ukryt¹ (po redni¹) politykê kulturaln¹. Kiedy mamy do czynienia z jawn¹ i wyra n¹ polityk¹ kulturaln¹, to przewa¿nie ma ona drugie dno w postaci wa¿nych i nieprzypadkowych pobudek dzia³ania. Podobnie jest zreszt¹ w przypadku polityki ukrytej. Argument ten zrozumiemy lepiej, gdy rozwa¿ymy fakt, który jest czêsto przeoczany; gdy mówimy o polityce kulturalnej intuicyjnie zak³adamy, ¿e: G jest narodowa, G jest (albo przynajmniej powinna byæ) wyra na i jawna. Nie jest to oczywi cie przypadkowe. Powody ku temu le¿¹ w samej istocie aktywno ci kulturalnych oraz w specyfice obecnego spo³ecznego planowania.

Zgodnie z jej ukryt¹ polityk¹ kulturaln¹ stanowisko Unii Europejskiej bêdzie przedstawia³o siê nastêpuj¹co: Wspólnota pragnie pomóc, a nie wywieraæ wp³yw na aktywno æ kulturaln¹. Komisja Europejska nie ma zamiaru badaæ tre ci aktywno ci artystycznej czy dublowaæ pracy wykonywanej przez inne instytucje odpowiedzialne za kulturê. Jej dzia³ania w zakresie kultury koncentruj¹ siê g³ównie na poprawianiu warunków spo³ecznych i gospodarczych, w jakich aktywno ci kulturalne maj¹ miejsce, poniewa¿, jak wierzy Komisja, takie dzia³ania pomog¹ nie tylko w rozwoju obszaru kultury, ale te¿ w ogólnym rozwoju Wspólnoty (zob. Commission of the European Communities. Stronger Community Action in the Cultural Sector , Bulletin of the European Communities , Supplement 6, Luxembourg 1982, s. 6). Generalne podej cie Unii Europejskiej nie zmieni³o siê do dnia dzisiejszego.

Wyra na (jawna) polityka kulturalna

13

W celu wyra nego wyja nienia powodów tworzenia tego rodzaju polityki kulturalnej powinni my wspomnieæ jeszcze nastêpuj¹ce kwestie: G je li polityka jest wyra na, to znaczy zawarta i wyra¿ona w konkretnych dokumentach i ustawodawstwie, ze ci le okre lonym celem regulowania dzia³alno ci kulturalnych jest ³atwa do obserwowania i problematyzowania12, G wyra na (jawna) polityka kulturalna bardzo czêsto gruntownie, obszernie i czasami d³ugoterminowo determinuje ¿ycie i dynamikê kulturow¹, jak równie¿ rozwój infrastruktury kulturalnej konkretnej spo³eczno ci, G z analitycznego punktu widzenia poziom narodowy polityki kulturalnej jest najbardziej adekwatny dla porównywania i oceniania modeli kulturalnych, konsumpcji kulturalnej, wydatków, standardów i zaanga¿owania w ¿ycie kulturalne, G w przypadku krajów europejskich szczególnie wyra na narodowa polityka kulturalna jest g³êboko zakorzeniona w d³ugiej tradycji i historii organizowania i regulowania obszaru kultury.

W przeciwieñstwie do polityki jawnej (wyra nej), polityka ukryta jest niejako wyci¹gana z sumy dzia³añ i sposobów dzia³ania (finansowych, ustawodawczych, politycznych, medialnych itp.) podejmowanych przez spo³eczno æ czy grupê w celu ca³o ciowego uregulowania swych aktywno ci.

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12

Ukryta (po rednia) polityka kulturalna

drugiej strony jednak bardzo wiele wa¿nych przyk³adów pokazuje, ¿e równie¿ ukryta polityka kulturalna ma swoj¹ rolê i zwolenników, i to zarówno na poziomie narodowym, jak i ponadnarodowym. Sprawia to, ¿e wspominana wcze niej oczywisto æ polityki wyra nej staje pod znakiem zapytania. Najbardziej znacz¹cymi przyk³adami ukrytej polityki kulturalnej s¹ dzia³ania podejmowane w Stanach Zjednoczonych oraz Unii Europejskiej13 . Warto zaznaczyæ, ¿e w pierwszym przypadku mamy do czynienia z krajem o najwiêkszym w skali wiata wp³ywie w zakresie kultury, a w drugim z najwiêksz¹ na wiecie uni¹ i grup¹ interesu. Je li mieliby my wstêpnie okre liæ, co ³¹czy USA i UE w uporczywym naleganiu na sto-

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drugiej strony jednak bardzo wiele wa¿nych przyk³adów pokazuje, ¿e równie¿ ukryta polityka kulturalna ma swoj¹ rolê i zwolenników, i to zarówno na poziomie narodowym, jak i ponadnarodowym. Sprawia to, ¿e wspominana wcze niej oczywisto æ polityki wyra nej staje pod znakiem zapytania. Najbardziej znacz¹cymi przyk³adami ukrytej polityki kulturalnej s¹ dzia³ania podejmowane w Stanach Zjednoczonych oraz Unii Europejskiej13 . Warto zaznaczyæ, ¿e w pierwszym przypadku mamy do czynienia z krajem o najwiêkszym w skali wiata wp³ywie w zakresie kultury, a w drugim z najwiêksz¹ na wiecie uni¹ i grup¹ interesu. Je li mieliby my wstêpnie okre liæ, co ³¹czy USA i UE w uporczywym naleganiu na sto-

Ukryta (po rednia) polityka kulturalna

roblemem dzia³alno ci kulturalnych jest czêsto brak zorganizowania stosunków i relacji pomiêdzy nimi. Jako ¿e w przewa¿aj¹cej czê ci nie maj¹ one rygorystycznie okre lonego celu zewnêtrznego, który by³by pochodny i drugorzêdny (i taki powinien pozostaæ), potrzebuj¹ one wsparcia: finansowego, informacyjnego, organizacyjnego, infrastrukturalnego, gdy¿ nie s¹ w tym wzglêdzie samowystarczalne. St¹d w obszarze kultury pojawiaj¹ siê zapo¿yczenia z innych dziedzin, jak planowanie i tworzenie polityk. Jest to wyraz ogólnej zdolno ci spo³eczeñstwa do ekonomizowania swoich rodków i zasobów. Poniewa¿ pañstwa narodowe ci¹gle pozostaj¹ podstawowymi podmiotami ekonomicznymi i politycznymi, jednocze nie kultura stanowi fundamentalny wyraz ich wiadomo ci spo³ecznej i duchowej, co prowadzi do tworzenia wyra nych narodowych polityk kulturalnych, bêd¹cych najistotniejszym i widocznym wyra¿eniem ogólnych strategii kulturalnych i politycznych.

roblemem dzia³alno ci kulturalnych jest czêsto brak zorganizowania stosunków i relacji pomiêdzy nimi. Jako ¿e w przewa¿aj¹cej czê ci nie maj¹ one rygorystycznie okre lonego celu zewnêtrznego, który by³by pochodny i drugorzêdny (i taki powinien pozostaæ), potrzebuj¹ one wsparcia: finansowego, informacyjnego, organizacyjnego, infrastrukturalnego, gdy¿ nie s¹ w tym wzglêdzie samowystarczalne. St¹d w obszarze kultury pojawiaj¹ siê zapo¿yczenia z innych dziedzin, jak planowanie i tworzenie polityk. Jest to wyraz ogólnej zdolno ci spo³eczeñstwa do ekonomizowania swoich rodków i zasobów. Poniewa¿ pañstwa narodowe ci¹gle pozostaj¹ podstawowymi podmiotami ekonomicznymi i politycznymi, jednocze nie kultura stanowi fundamentalny wyraz ich wiadomo ci spo³ecznej i duchowej, co prowadzi do tworzenia wyra nych narodowych polityk kulturalnych, bêd¹cych najistotniejszym i widocznym wyra¿eniem ogólnych strategii kulturalnych i politycznych.

12 W przeciwieñstwie do polityki jawnej (wyra nej), polityka ukryta jest niejako wyci¹gana z sumy dzia³añ i sposobów dzia³ania (finansowych, ustawodawczych, politycznych, medialnych itp.) podejmowanych przez spo³eczno æ czy grupê w celu ca³o ciowego uregulowania swych aktywno ci.

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Zgodnie z jej ukryt¹ polityk¹ kulturaln¹ stanowisko Unii Europejskiej bêdzie przedstawia³o siê nastêpuj¹co: Wspólnota pragnie pomóc, a nie wywieraæ wp³yw na aktywno æ kulturaln¹. Komisja Europejska nie ma zamiaru badaæ tre ci aktywno ci artystycznej czy dublowaæ pracy wykonywanej przez inne instytucje odpowiedzialne za kulturê. Jej dzia³ania w zakresie kultury koncentruj¹ siê g³ównie na poprawianiu warunków spo³ecznych i gospodarczych, w jakich aktywno ci kulturalne maj¹ miejsce, poniewa¿, jak wierzy Komisja, takie dzia³ania pomog¹ nie tylko w rozwoju obszaru kultury, ale te¿ w ogólnym rozwoju Wspólnoty (zob. Commission of the European Communities. Stronger Community Action in the Cultural Sector , Bulletin of the European Communities , Supplement 6, Luxembourg 1982, s. 6). Generalne podej cie Unii Europejskiej nie zmieni³o siê do dnia dzisiejszego.

Wyra na (jawna) polityka kulturalna

W celu wyra nego wyja nienia powodów tworzenia tego rodzaju polityki kulturalnej powinni my wspomnieæ jeszcze nastêpuj¹ce kwestie: G je li polityka jest wyra na, to znaczy zawarta i wyra¿ona w konkretnych dokumentach i ustawodawstwie, ze ci le okre lonym celem regulowania dzia³alno ci kulturalnych jest ³atwa do obserwowania i problematyzowania12, G wyra na (jawna) polityka kulturalna bardzo czêsto gruntownie, obszernie i czasami d³ugoterminowo determinuje ¿ycie i dynamikê kulturow¹, jak równie¿ rozwój infrastruktury kulturalnej konkretnej spo³eczno ci, G z analitycznego punktu widzenia poziom narodowy polityki kulturalnej jest najbardziej adekwatny dla porównywania i oceniania modeli kulturalnych, konsumpcji kulturalnej, wydatków, standardów i zaanga¿owania w ¿ycie kulturalne, G w przypadku krajów europejskich szczególnie wyra na narodowa polityka kulturalna jest g³êboko zakorzeniona w d³ugiej tradycji i historii organizowania i regulowania obszaru kultury.

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Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

tylko pierwotn¹, ale te¿ najbardziej dog³êbn¹, jest podzia³ na wyra n¹ (jawn¹) i ukryt¹ (po redni¹) politykê kulturaln¹. Kiedy mamy do czynienia z jawn¹ i wyra n¹ polityk¹ kulturaln¹, to przewa¿nie ma ona drugie dno w postaci wa¿nych i nieprzypadkowych pobudek dzia³ania. Podobnie jest zreszt¹ w przypadku polityki ukrytej. Argument ten zrozumiemy lepiej, gdy rozwa¿ymy fakt, który jest czêsto przeoczany; gdy mówimy o polityce kulturalnej intuicyjnie zak³adamy, ¿e: G jest narodowa, G jest (albo przynajmniej powinna byæ) wyra na i jawna. Nie jest to oczywi cie przypadkowe. Powody ku temu le¿¹ w samej istocie aktywno ci kulturalnych oraz w specyfice obecnego spo³ecznego planowania.


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Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

sowanie w³a nie ukrytej polityki kulturalnej, powinni my elementów podobieñstwa szukaæ w dwóch p³aszczyznach. Po pierwsze zarówno USA, jak i EU s¹ zwolennikami rynkowego zorientowania i ekonomicznego zakorzenienia dzia³alno ci kulturalnych w ogólnym systemie dzia³alno ci spo³ecznych; po drugie istnieje wiadomo æ wystêpowania poziomu ponadnarodowego aktywno ci kulturalnych, która to wiadomo æ rozwija siê zarówno w USA, jak te¿ pod egid¹ UE14 . Zaskoczeniem mo¿e byæ fakt, ¿e równie¿ model polityki kulturalnej uprawianej przez organizacje miêdzynarodowe takie jak UNESCO bliski jest wzorcowi w³a nie polityki ukrytej. Instytucje te staraj¹ siê definiowaæ swe w³asne aktywno ci (jak te¿ ich ramy) w nieco twardszy i bardziej precyzyjny sposób, jednocze nie pozostawiaj¹c kwestie instytucjonalnych implementacji otwarte. Tak wiêc zarówno chroni¹ g³oszon¹ przez siebie uniwersalno æ dzia³añ i pogl¹dów, jak te¿ zasadê równo ci ró¿nych inicjatyw i propozycji. Takie podej cie zawiera jednak elementy czêsto zarzucanej tym organizacjom nieefektywno ci, a mianowicie: postêp wstrzymywany jest zarówno przez proces podejmowania decyzji oraz rozwijania metodologii, jak i przez zbyt rozbudowane protoko³y (co wi¹¿e siê z marnotrawstwem), dotycz¹ce inicjatyw i dzia³añ, które maj¹ byæ inaugurowane i promowane. Jako ¿e podstawowym celem prowadzonego w niniejszym opracowaniu wywodu jest rzucenie wiat³a na problematyczny obszar polityki kulturalnej, z ró¿nymi jej aspektami i formami (przede wszystkim w odniesieniu do kwestii zarz¹dzania w kulturze), oraz zanalizowanie zwi¹zków tej polityki z budowaniem informacyjnych systemów kulturalnych, ró¿nica pomiêdzy wyra n¹ a ukryt¹ polityk¹ kulturaln¹ nie bêdzie mia³a pierwszorzêdnego znaczenia. Jednak¿e

konieczne by³o dokonanie takiej typologicznej demarkacji z co najmniej dwóch powodów. To, czy preferowany jest model polityki kulturalnej o charakterze wyra nym czy te¿ ukrytym, odzwierciedla istotê pogl¹dów na kwestie dzia³alno ci kulturalnych i na kulturê w ca³o ci. Tak wiêc w pierwszym wypadku bêdzie to pogl¹d, wedle którego aktywno ci kulturalne s¹ oddzieln¹, daj¹c¹ siê wyró¿niæ form¹ ¿ycia spo³ecznego, która powinna byæ regulowana w specyficzny sposób, natomiast w drugim wypadku pogl¹d, i¿ aktywno ci kulturalne s¹ zrozumia³e wy³¹cznie jako czê æ szerszej aktywno ci spo³ecznej oraz ¿e ka¿da forma bardziej bezpo redniej interwencji i regulacji jest dla kultury niekorzystna (poniewa¿ powoduje, ¿e staje siê ona zale¿na, a nie wolna). Je li polityka kulturalna jest z samej swej natury bardziej predestynowana do modelu ukrytego ni¿ jawnego, to zazwyczaj ma to daleko id¹ce konsekwencje dla rozwijania informacyjnych systemów kulturalnych. Poniewa¿ jest to miêkka polityka kulturalna, próbuje ona integrowaæ aktywno ci kulturalne poprzez tworzenie ci lejszej relacji pomiêdzy finansow¹ i informacyjn¹ polityk¹ kulturaln¹. Wierzy siê, ¿e te dwa, tak ci le zintegrowane i powi¹zane rodzaje polityk kulturalnych (razem z kilkoma innymi politykami rozwojowymi) s¹ w stanie zast¹piæ wyra n¹ politykê kulturaln¹. U podstaw tego podej cia le¿y pogl¹d, ¿e praktyka taka mo¿e jednocze nie ustrzec przed dekonstrukcj¹ aktywno ci kulturalnych, jak te¿ pozwoliæ unikn¹æ nadmiernej regulacji15 .

Uwagi koñcowe

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roces boloñski wprowadza nowe kryteria i standardy, które w nieunikniony sposób wp³yn¹ na kszta³t edukacji w obszarze polityki

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Nale¿y jednak dodaæ, ¿e prowadzenie przez UE ukrytej polityki kulturalnej jest bardziej wyrazem kompromisu ni¿ wyra nej woli. Z jednej strony UE ci¹gle poddawana jest presji problemów kulturalnych (szczególnie w obliczu niepowodzeñ zwi¹zanych z nienad¹¿aniem w obszarze audiowizualnym), które przerastaj¹ mo¿liwo ci poszczególnych krajów cz³onkowskich, a z drugiej UE musi ci¹gle braæ pod uwagê wiele ró¿norodnych (najczê ciej sprzecznych) interesów, wynikaj¹cych z poszczególnych narodowych polityk kulturalnych. Sytuacja dodatkowo komplikuje siê z powodu istnienia bardzo cis³ych regulacji sektorów, takich jak us³ugi (w szczególno ci finansowe, informacyjne i turystyczne), które s¹ czego nie trzeba nawet podkre laæ bardzo ci le zwi¹zane z tradycj¹ i ¿yciem kulturalnym poszczególnych pañstw cz³onkowskich.

15

Oczywi cie, ten obszar problemowy powinien byæ powi¹zany z systemem politycznym i orientacj¹ spo³eczn¹. Rozwijaj¹c to zagadnienie, dochodzimy do rozró¿nienia, gdzie w przypadku pañstw scentralizowanych oraz pañstw dobrobytu preferowany jest typ jawnej polityki kulturalnej (który znowu wi¹¿e siê z tzw. ludzkim modelem polityki kulturalnej), a w przypadku pañstw liberalnych typ ukryty (tzw. komercyjny model polityki kulturalnej). Co jest dla nas istotne w danej chwili, to to, ¿e ani jeden, ani drugi typ nie neguje potrzeby tworzenia systemów informacyjnych. Istniej¹ analitycy, którzy przyznaj¹ pierwszeñstwo polityce ukrytej, argumentuj¹c to tym, ¿e w krajach, które w³a nie tak¹ politykê prowadz¹, dynamika i witalno æ kulturalna jest wy¿sza ni¿ w krajach prowadz¹cych politykê jawn¹. W wietle takich argumentów mo¿na i powinno siê wdro¿yæ szczególne rodzaje zarz¹dzania w kulturze, a wiêc specyficzne zarz¹dzanie kultur¹. Stanowi to warunek wstêpny dla efektywnego zarz¹dzania kultur¹ [zob. Mitchell, Fisher, 1992].

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

255

Oczywi cie, ten obszar problemowy powinien byæ powi¹zany z systemem politycznym i orientacj¹ spo³eczn¹. Rozwijaj¹c to zagadnienie, dochodzimy do rozró¿nienia, gdzie w przypadku pañstw scentralizowanych oraz pañstw dobrobytu preferowany jest typ jawnej polityki kulturalnej (który znowu wi¹¿e siê z tzw. ludzkim modelem polityki kulturalnej), a w przypadku pañstw liberalnych typ ukryty (tzw. komercyjny model polityki kulturalnej). Co jest dla nas istotne w danej chwili, to to, ¿e ani jeden, ani drugi typ nie neguje potrzeby tworzenia systemów informacyjnych. Istniej¹ analitycy, którzy przyznaj¹ pierwszeñstwo polityce ukrytej, argumentuj¹c to tym, ¿e w krajach, które w³a nie tak¹ politykê prowadz¹, dynamika i witalno æ kulturalna jest wy¿sza ni¿ w krajach prowadz¹cych politykê jawn¹. W wietle takich argumentów mo¿na i powinno siê wdro¿yæ szczególne rodzaje zarz¹dzania w kulturze, a wiêc specyficzne zarz¹dzanie kultur¹. Stanowi to warunek wstêpny dla efektywnego zarz¹dzania kultur¹ [zob. Mitchell, Fisher, 1992].

15

Nale¿y jednak dodaæ, ¿e prowadzenie przez UE ukrytej polityki kulturalnej jest bardziej wyrazem kompromisu ni¿ wyra nej woli. Z jednej strony UE ci¹gle poddawana jest presji problemów kulturalnych (szczególnie w obliczu niepowodzeñ zwi¹zanych z nienad¹¿aniem w obszarze audiowizualnym), które przerastaj¹ mo¿liwo ci poszczególnych krajów cz³onkowskich, a z drugiej UE musi ci¹gle braæ pod uwagê wiele ró¿norodnych (najczê ciej sprzecznych) interesów, wynikaj¹cych z poszczególnych narodowych polityk kulturalnych. Sytuacja dodatkowo komplikuje siê z powodu istnienia bardzo cis³ych regulacji sektorów, takich jak us³ugi (w szczególno ci finansowe, informacyjne i turystyczne), które s¹ czego nie trzeba nawet podkre laæ bardzo ci le zwi¹zane z tradycj¹ i ¿yciem kulturalnym poszczególnych pañstw cz³onkowskich.

14

sowanie w³a nie ukrytej polityki kulturalnej, powinni my elementów podobieñstwa szukaæ w dwóch p³aszczyznach. Po pierwsze zarówno USA, jak i EU s¹ zwolennikami rynkowego zorientowania i ekonomicznego zakorzenienia dzia³alno ci kulturalnych w ogólnym systemie dzia³alno ci spo³ecznych; po drugie istnieje wiadomo æ wystêpowania poziomu ponadnarodowego aktywno ci kulturalnych, która to wiadomo æ rozwija siê zarówno w USA, jak te¿ pod egid¹ UE14 . Zaskoczeniem mo¿e byæ fakt, ¿e równie¿ model polityki kulturalnej uprawianej przez organizacje miêdzynarodowe takie jak UNESCO bliski jest wzorcowi w³a nie polityki ukrytej. Instytucje te staraj¹ siê definiowaæ swe w³asne aktywno ci (jak te¿ ich ramy) w nieco twardszy i bardziej precyzyjny sposób, jednocze nie pozostawiaj¹c kwestie instytucjonalnych implementacji otwarte. Tak wiêc zarówno chroni¹ g³oszon¹ przez siebie uniwersalno æ dzia³añ i pogl¹dów, jak te¿ zasadê równo ci ró¿nych inicjatyw i propozycji. Takie podej cie zawiera jednak elementy czêsto zarzucanej tym organizacjom nieefektywno ci, a mianowicie: postêp wstrzymywany jest zarówno przez proces podejmowania decyzji oraz rozwijania metodologii, jak i przez zbyt rozbudowane protoko³y (co wi¹¿e siê z marnotrawstwem), dotycz¹ce inicjatyw i dzia³añ, które maj¹ byæ inaugurowane i promowane. Jako ¿e podstawowym celem prowadzonego w niniejszym opracowaniu wywodu jest rzucenie wiat³a na problematyczny obszar polityki kulturalnej, z ró¿nymi jej aspektami i formami (przede wszystkim w odniesieniu do kwestii zarz¹dzania w kulturze), oraz zanalizowanie zwi¹zków tej polityki z budowaniem informacyjnych systemów kulturalnych, ró¿nica pomiêdzy wyra n¹ a ukryt¹ polityk¹ kulturaln¹ nie bêdzie mia³a pierwszorzêdnego znaczenia. Jednak¿e

roces boloñski wprowadza nowe kryteria i standardy, które w nieunikniony sposób wp³yn¹ na kszta³t edukacji w obszarze polityki

P

Uwagi koñcowe konieczne by³o dokonanie takiej typologicznej demarkacji z co najmniej dwóch powodów. To, czy preferowany jest model polityki kulturalnej o charakterze wyra nym czy te¿ ukrytym, odzwierciedla istotê pogl¹dów na kwestie dzia³alno ci kulturalnych i na kulturê w ca³o ci. Tak wiêc w pierwszym wypadku bêdzie to pogl¹d, wedle którego aktywno ci kulturalne s¹ oddzieln¹, daj¹c¹ siê wyró¿niæ form¹ ¿ycia spo³ecznego, która powinna byæ regulowana w specyficzny sposób, natomiast w drugim wypadku pogl¹d, i¿ aktywno ci kulturalne s¹ zrozumia³e wy³¹cznie jako czê æ szerszej aktywno ci spo³ecznej oraz ¿e ka¿da forma bardziej bezpo redniej interwencji i regulacji jest dla kultury niekorzystna (poniewa¿ powoduje, ¿e staje siê ona zale¿na, a nie wolna). Je li polityka kulturalna jest z samej swej natury bardziej predestynowana do modelu ukrytego ni¿ jawnego, to zazwyczaj ma to daleko id¹ce konsekwencje dla rozwijania informacyjnych systemów kulturalnych. Poniewa¿ jest to miêkka polityka kulturalna, próbuje ona integrowaæ aktywno ci kulturalne poprzez tworzenie ci lejszej relacji pomiêdzy finansow¹ i informacyjn¹ polityk¹ kulturaln¹. Wierzy siê, ¿e te dwa, tak ci le zintegrowane i powi¹zane rodzaje polityk kulturalnych (razem z kilkoma innymi politykami rozwojowymi) s¹ w stanie zast¹piæ wyra n¹ politykê kulturaln¹. U podstaw tego podej cia le¿y pogl¹d, ¿e praktyka taka mo¿e jednocze nie ustrzec przed dekonstrukcj¹ aktywno ci kulturalnych, jak te¿ pozwoliæ unikn¹æ nadmiernej regulacji15 .


256

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syfikacji tego procesu, pojawia siê pilna potrzeba stworzenia mechanizmu w³a ciwego wyboru tre ci oraz metod nauczania. Te tendencje w d³u¿szej perspektywie doprowadz¹ do harmonizacji europejskich programów nauczania w dziedzinie polityki kulturalnej, chocia¿ wiele ró¿nic pozostanie. Pozostan¹ równie¿ pytania natury formalnej jak d³ugo powinna trwaæ edukacja na takich kierunkach, na jakim szczeblu edukacji, dla jakich studentów jest taka oferta przeznaczona, jakie formaty nauczania, metody i rodki wykorzystywaæ itp.; aktualne pozostan¹ równie¿ pytania zwi¹zane z tre ciami nauczania: jakich teoretycznych i metodologicznych modeli u¿ywaæ, które dziedziny powinny byæ uwa¿ane za najwa¿niejsze i priorytetowe, jak stworzyæ i wdro¿yæ podej cie interdyscyplinarne i transdyscyplinarne, jak ³¹czyæ w nauczaniu aspekty miêdzynarodowe, zw³aszcza europejskie, narodowe, regionalne i lokalne, ze szczególnym naciskiem na politykê kulturaln¹ miast. Nie wolno równie¿ zapomnieæ o w³¹czeniu nowych i innowacyjnych praktyk, niezale¿nie czy mówimy o przemy le twórczym, czy o nowych platformach wspó³pracy, niezale¿nych mikroinicjatywach kulturalnych itp., jako ¿e te aspekty równie¿ maj¹ znaczenie dla rozwoju kompetencji przysz³ych specjalistów.

kulturalnej, nie tylko na poziomie narodowym, ale równie¿ miêdzynarodowym. Nacisk k³adziony na proceduraln¹ klarowno æ procesu edukacji, na precyzyjne omawianie u¿ywanych metod i rodków, na koncentrowanie siê na praktycznych aspektach procesu gromadzenia wiedzy, a szczególno ci na mobilno æ studentów i miêdzynarodowych ekspertów w ramach ogólnej transformacji europejskiego systemu szkolnictwa wy¿szego, stawia wszystkich ekspertów i wyk³adowców zajmuj¹cych siê polityk¹ kulturaln¹ w ca³kiem nowej sytuacji, otwieraj¹c przed nimi nowe dylematy i pytania. Ró¿ne europejskie modele podej cia do tego zagadnienia, jak te¿ programy nauczania z nim zwi¹zane, obecnie niepodlegaj¹ce wzajemnej teoretycznej, akademickiej i praktycznej koordynacji (niezale¿nie, czy to w Zagrzebiu, Belgradzie, Sofii, Krakowie, Wiedniu czy Tallinie), w przysz³o ci stworz¹ wspóln¹ europejsk¹ ofertê akademick¹, z której setki, a nawet tysi¹ce studentów bêdzie mog³o wybieraæ w zale¿no ci od swoich preferencji. W ofercie tej znajd¹ siê dobre jako ciowo programy ogólne, w szczególno ci kierunki kszta³c¹ce w dziedzinie polityki kulturalnej. Ponadto ze wzglêdu na to, ¿e w edukacji obserwuje siê tendencjê do skracania czasu nauczania oraz inten-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

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Diversity in the Age of Globalization, London 2003.

Coleman J.S., Foundations of Social Theory, Cam-

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Bonn 2002.

ECE/UNESCO Work Session on Cultural Statistics.

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Zagreb 1990. Mitchell R., Fisher R., Professional Managers for Arts

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syfikacji tego procesu, pojawia siê pilna potrzeba stworzenia mechanizmu w³a ciwego wyboru tre ci oraz metod nauczania. Te tendencje w d³u¿szej perspektywie doprowadz¹ do harmonizacji europejskich programów nauczania w dziedzinie polityki kulturalnej, chocia¿ wiele ró¿nic pozostanie. Pozostan¹ równie¿ pytania natury formalnej jak d³ugo powinna trwaæ edukacja na takich kierunkach, na jakim szczeblu edukacji, dla jakich studentów jest taka oferta przeznaczona, jakie formaty nauczania, metody i rodki wykorzystywaæ itp.; aktualne pozostan¹ równie¿ pytania zwi¹zane z tre ciami nauczania: jakich teoretycznych i metodologicznych modeli u¿ywaæ, które dziedziny powinny byæ uwa¿ane za najwa¿niejsze i priorytetowe, jak stworzyæ i wdro¿yæ podej cie interdyscyplinarne i transdyscyplinarne, jak ³¹czyæ w nauczaniu aspekty miêdzynarodowe, zw³aszcza europejskie, narodowe, regionalne i lokalne, ze szczególnym naciskiem na politykê kulturaln¹ miast. Nie wolno równie¿ zapomnieæ o w³¹czeniu nowych i innowacyjnych praktyk, niezale¿nie czy mówimy o przemy le twórczym, czy o nowych platformach wspó³pracy, niezale¿nych mikroinicjatywach kulturalnych itp., jako ¿e te aspekty równie¿ maj¹ znaczenie dla rozwoju kompetencji przysz³ych specjalistów.

Kato S., Form, Style, Tradition. Reflections on Japa-

kulturalnej, nie tylko na poziomie narodowym, ale równie¿ miêdzynarodowym. Nacisk k³adziony na proceduraln¹ klarowno æ procesu edukacji, na precyzyjne omawianie u¿ywanych metod i rodków, na koncentrowanie siê na praktycznych aspektach procesu gromadzenia wiedzy, a szczególno ci na mobilno æ studentów i miêdzynarodowych ekspertów w ramach ogólnej transformacji europejskiego systemu szkolnictwa wy¿szego, stawia wszystkich ekspertów i wyk³adowców zajmuj¹cych siê polityk¹ kulturaln¹ w ca³kiem nowej sytuacji, otwieraj¹c przed nimi nowe dylematy i pytania. Ró¿ne europejskie modele podej cia do tego zagadnienia, jak te¿ programy nauczania z nim zwi¹zane, obecnie niepodlegaj¹ce wzajemnej teoretycznej, akademickiej i praktycznej koordynacji (niezale¿nie, czy to w Zagrzebiu, Belgradzie, Sofii, Krakowie, Wiedniu czy Tallinie), w przysz³o ci stworz¹ wspóln¹ europejsk¹ ofertê akademick¹, z której setki, a nawet tysi¹ce studentów bêdzie mog³o wybieraæ w zale¿no ci od swoich preferencji. W ofercie tej znajd¹ siê dobre jako ciowo programy ogólne, w szczególno ci kierunki kszta³c¹ce w dziedzinie polityki kulturalnej. Ponadto ze wzglêdu na to, ¿e w edukacji obserwuje siê tendencjê do skracania czasu nauczania oraz inten-


257

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Modele polityki kulturalnej a rodzaje uczestnictwa w niej pañstwa: propozycje klasyfikacji Nataliya Medvedchuk

W

ostatnich czasach wzros³o zainteresowanie naukowców okre leniem miejsca kultury w polityce i politycznych systemach poszczególnych krajów. Z tego powodu zaczêto u¿ywaæ terminu polityka kulturalna , który ma okre liæ ca³y kompleks pryncypiów operacyjnych, administracyjnych oraz finansowych typów dzia³alno ci i procedur zapewniaj¹cych podstawy czynno ci pañstwa w strefie kultury. Jednak zapewnienie skuteczno ci polityki kulturalnej mo¿na osi¹gaæ poprzez zastosowanie ró¿nych metod, których wybór zale¿y zarówno od formy ustroju pañstwa, jak równie¿ od poziomu jego ekonomicznego i spo³ecznego rozwoju. Dlatego, bior¹c pod uwag¹ przede wszystkim stopieñ zaanga¿owania instytucji pañstwowych w rozwój i organizacjê kultury, badacze uwa¿aj¹ za konieczne wyodrêbnienie kilku modeli polityki kulturalnej. Tworzeniem tych modeli zajmuj¹ siê naukowcy ró¿nych specjalizacji: politolodzy, kulturoznawcy oraz filozofowie (przede wszystkim ze Stanów Zjednoczonych oraz krajów Zachodniej i Wschodniej Europy). Ró¿ni¹ ich jednak kryteria wykorzystywane przy tworzeniu typologii i klasyfikacji. Dlatego dotychczas nie próbowano porównywaæ i zestawiaæ ró¿nych wariantów podzia³u modeli polityki kulturalnej. Jedynymi badaczami, którzy starali siê uporz¹dkowaæ te informacje, rozpatruj¹c je pod k¹tem poszukiwania najefektywniejszego modelu rozwoju rosyjskiej i polskiej kultury, byli Lew Wostriakow, Dorota Ilczuk i Maria Che³miñska. W kilku artyku³ach jeden z nich powsta³ we wspó³pracy z Borysem Perilem L. Wostriakow szczegó³owo opisa³ modele polityki kultu-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

ralnej, sformu³owane przez Milenê Dragiæeviæ e iæ, Abrahama Moles a, Andreasa Wisanda i innych [Wostriakow, 2004, s. 79 108; Wostriakow, Peril, 2004, s. 240 253]. D. Ilczuk w swej monografii rozpatruje z kolei politykê kulturaln¹ w systemie spo³eczeñstwa obywatelskiego, wykorzystuj¹c klasyfikacje pañstwa opiekuñczego wed³ug Stanis³awy Golinowskiej i Anthony ego Giddensa [Ilczuk, 2002]. M. Che³miñska przeprowadzi³a syntezê spojrzenia ró¿nych naukowców i zaproponowa³a w³asn¹ koncepcjê modeli polityki kulturalnej, która jest obecnie czêsto wykorzystywana w pracach polskich badaczy zajmuj¹cych siê t¹ problematyk¹ [Che³miñska, 1993; Grad, Kaczmarek, 1996]. Prace wymienionych powy¿ej badaczy pozwalaj¹ uj¹æ w szerszej perspektywie kwestiê przegl¹du wariantów klasyfikacji modeli polityki kulturalnej. Poza tym daj¹ one mo¿liwo æ porównywania tych klasyfikacji oraz grupowania ich wed³ug wska ników pokazuj¹cych podobieñstwa pogl¹dów ró¿nych naukowców na problem formowania i rozwoju polityki pañstwa w dziedzinie kultury. Zgodnie z wcze niejszymi stwierdzeniami zawartymi w tym tek cie, we wspó³czesnej nauce istnieje wiele typologii modeli polityki kulturalnej. Przyczyn¹ takiego stanu rzeczy s¹ ró¿ne sposoby wyja niania jej celów, mechanizmów realizacji oraz wyników. Chocia¿by A. Moles, kieruj¹c siê charakterystykami socjostatycznymi i socjodynamicznymi, wydzieli³ ró¿ne grupy polityki kulturalnej pañstwa. Ten socjostatyczny model opisuje sta³e cele polityki kulturalnej i jej instytucje. A. Moles wyró¿ni³ trzy rodzaje takiej polityki:

257

Nataliya Medvedchuk wyk³adowca Katedry Nauk Ogólnokszta³c¹cych i Humanistycznych Wo³yñskiej Szko³y Wy¿szej Ekonomii i Zarz¹dzania w £ucku na Ukrainie, doktorantka Wydzia³u Politologii Uniwersytetu Marii CurieSk³odowskiej w Lublinie. Jako mened¿er projektów wspó³pracuje z kilkoma ukraiñskimi organizacjami pozarz¹dowymi. Koordynowa³a m.in. projekty inicjowane przez Miêdzynarodow¹ Organizacjê do Spraw Migracji (IOM), Komisjê Europejsk¹ oraz holendersk¹ kompaniê ECORYS Research and Consulting.

ostatnich czasach wzros³o zainteresowanie naukowców okre leniem miejsca kultury w polityce i politycznych systemach poszczególnych krajów. Z tego powodu zaczêto u¿ywaæ terminu polityka kulturalna , który ma okre liæ ca³y kompleks pryncypiów operacyjnych, administracyjnych oraz finansowych typów dzia³alno ci i procedur zapewniaj¹cych podstawy czynno ci pañstwa w strefie kultury. Jednak zapewnienie skuteczno ci polityki kulturalnej mo¿na osi¹gaæ poprzez zastosowanie ró¿nych metod, których wybór zale¿y zarówno od formy ustroju pañstwa, jak równie¿ od poziomu jego ekonomicznego i spo³ecznego rozwoju. Dlatego, bior¹c pod uwag¹ przede wszystkim stopieñ zaanga¿owania instytucji pañstwowych w rozwój i organizacjê kultury, badacze uwa¿aj¹ za konieczne wyodrêbnienie kilku modeli polityki kulturalnej. Tworzeniem tych modeli zajmuj¹ siê naukowcy ró¿nych specjalizacji: politolodzy, kulturoznawcy oraz filozofowie (przede wszystkim ze Stanów Zjednoczonych oraz krajów Zachodniej i Wschodniej Europy). Ró¿ni¹ ich jednak kryteria wykorzystywane przy tworzeniu typologii i klasyfikacji. Dlatego dotychczas nie próbowano porównywaæ i zestawiaæ ró¿nych wariantów podzia³u modeli polityki kulturalnej. Jedynymi badaczami, którzy starali siê uporz¹dkowaæ te informacje, rozpatruj¹c je pod k¹tem poszukiwania najefektywniejszego modelu rozwoju rosyjskiej i polskiej kultury, byli Lew Wostriakow, Dorota Ilczuk i Maria Che³miñska. W kilku artyku³ach jeden z nich powsta³ we wspó³pracy z Borysem Perilem L. Wostriakow szczegó³owo opisa³ modele polityki kultu-

W

ralnej, sformu³owane przez Milenê Dragiæeviæ e iæ, Abrahama Moles a, Andreasa Wisanda i innych [Wostriakow, 2004, s. 79 108; Wostriakow, Peril, 2004, s. 240 253]. D. Ilczuk w swej monografii rozpatruje z kolei politykê kulturaln¹ w systemie spo³eczeñstwa obywatelskiego, wykorzystuj¹c klasyfikacje pañstwa opiekuñczego wed³ug Stanis³awy Golinowskiej i Anthony ego Giddensa [Ilczuk, 2002]. M. Che³miñska przeprowadzi³a syntezê spojrzenia ró¿nych naukowców i zaproponowa³a w³asn¹ koncepcjê modeli polityki kulturalnej, która jest obecnie czêsto wykorzystywana w pracach polskich badaczy zajmuj¹cych siê t¹ problematyk¹ [Che³miñska, 1993; Grad, Kaczmarek, 1996]. Prace wymienionych powy¿ej badaczy pozwalaj¹ uj¹æ w szerszej perspektywie kwestiê przegl¹du wariantów klasyfikacji modeli polityki kulturalnej. Poza tym daj¹ one mo¿liwo æ porównywania tych klasyfikacji oraz grupowania ich wed³ug wska ników pokazuj¹cych podobieñstwa pogl¹dów ró¿nych naukowców na problem formowania i rozwoju polityki pañstwa w dziedzinie kultury. Zgodnie z wcze niejszymi stwierdzeniami zawartymi w tym tek cie, we wspó³czesnej nauce istnieje wiele typologii modeli polityki kulturalnej. Przyczyn¹ takiego stanu rzeczy s¹ ró¿ne sposoby wyja niania jej celów, mechanizmów realizacji oraz wyników. Chocia¿by A. Moles, kieruj¹c siê charakterystykami socjostatycznymi i socjodynamicznymi, wydzieli³ ró¿ne grupy polityki kulturalnej pañstwa. Ten socjostatyczny model opisuje sta³e cele polityki kulturalnej i jej instytucje. A. Moles wyró¿ni³ trzy rodzaje takiej polityki:

Nataliya Medvedchuk

Modele polityki kulturalnej a rodzaje uczestnictwa w niej pañstwa: propozycje klasyfikacji

Nataliya Medvedchuk wyk³adowca Katedry Nauk Ogólnokszta³c¹cych i Humanistycznych Wo³yñskiej Szko³y Wy¿szej Ekonomii i Zarz¹dzania w £ucku na Ukrainie, doktorantka Wydzia³u Politologii Uniwersytetu Marii CurieSk³odowskiej w Lublinie. Jako mened¿er projektów wspó³pracuje z kilkoma ukraiñskimi organizacjami pozarz¹dowymi. Koordynowa³a m.in. projekty inicjowane przez Miêdzynarodow¹ Organizacjê do Spraw Migracji (IOM), Komisjê Europejsk¹ oraz holendersk¹ kompaniê ECORYS Research and Consulting.


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kiej polityki jest niew¹tpliwie ochrona finansowa kultury przez pañstwo. Taki model by³ typowy dla krajów socjalistycznych. Teraz pañstwowy model biurokratyczny jest z punktu widzenia M. Dragiæeviæ- e iæ charakterystyczny dla polityki kulturalnej Francji i Szwecji; G model narodowo-wyzwoleñczej polityki kulturalnej charakterystyczny dla by³ych kolonii, ale obecny tak¿e w dzisiejszych krajach Europy rodkowo-Wschodniej. Za jej g³ówn¹ cechê uwa¿a siê ochronê i odnowienie, czyli umacnianie oryginalnych tradycji kulturalnych, zduszonych w czasach kolonialnych lub socjalistycznych. Niestety, niekiedy doprowadza to do takich wypaczeñ, jak zamkniêcie/izolacja kultury lub nawet szowinizm. Czêsto zjawiska te ³¹cz¹ siê z odrzuceniem dzie³ sztuki stworzonych wcze niej, negocjacj¹ kultury mniejszo ci etnicznych, sztuki alternatywnej i eksperymentalnej; G model polityki kulturalnej okresu przej ciowego odznacza siê tym, ¿e jest w pe³ni zorientowany na demokracjê. Model ten czêsto realizowany jest przez struktury pañstwowe, które nie s¹ w stanie porzuciæ metod centralno-biurokratycznych w zarz¹dzaniu kultur¹. To prowadzi do pojawienia siê sprzecznych procesów, które najczê ciej przenosz¹ kulturê w stronê organizacji i rodowisk nacjonalistycznych [Dragiæeviæ e iæ, 2000, s. 26 31]. Jeszcze inne, modelowe ujêcie polityki kulturalnej zaproponowa³ kierownik Badawczego Instytutu Polityki Kulturalnej w Bonn, A. Wisand. Wyodrêbni³ on dwa g³ówne modele rozwoju polityki kulturalnej. Pierwszy z nich bazuje na tradycyjnej idei pomocy spo³ecznej dla sztuki i kultury, drugi na u¿ywaniu narzêdzi ekonomicznych. Wed³ug Wisanda, dla polityki kulturalnej pomocy spo³ecznej najwa¿niejsze jest: G zainteresowanie w³adzy zogniskowane w tradycyjnych instytucjach kulturalnych muzeach, teatrach, bibliotekach i centrach kulturalnych które otrzymuj¹ dofinansowanie od pañstwa i sponsorów. Arty ci i twórcy czêsto graj¹ w nich rolê misjonarzy, szerz¹cych prawdê , a kulturê eksperymentaln¹ uwa¿a siê za ma³o wa¿n¹; G za g³ówny cel uznaje siê istnienie w kulturze i sztuce instytucji i osobowo ci, utrzymywanych dziêki kierunkom powszechnie uznanym; poniewa¿ podstawowym ród³em finansowania jest bud¿et pañstwa, musz¹ istnieæ

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G

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kiej polityki jest niew¹tpliwie ochrona finansowa kultury przez pañstwo. Taki model by³ typowy dla krajów socjalistycznych. Teraz pañstwowy model biurokratyczny jest z punktu widzenia M. Dragiæeviæ- e iæ charakterystyczny dla polityki kulturalnej Francji i Szwecji; G model narodowo-wyzwoleñczej polityki kulturalnej charakterystyczny dla by³ych kolonii, ale obecny tak¿e w dzisiejszych krajach Europy rodkowo-Wschodniej. Za jej g³ówn¹ cechê uwa¿a siê ochronê i odnowienie, czyli umacnianie oryginalnych tradycji kulturalnych, zduszonych w czasach kolonialnych lub socjalistycznych. Niestety, niekiedy doprowadza to do takich wypaczeñ, jak zamkniêcie/izolacja kultury lub nawet szowinizm. Czêsto zjawiska te ³¹cz¹ siê z odrzuceniem dzie³ sztuki stworzonych wcze niej, negocjacj¹ kultury mniejszo ci etnicznych, sztuki alternatywnej i eksperymentalnej; G model polityki kulturalnej okresu przej ciowego odznacza siê tym, ¿e jest w pe³ni zorientowany na demokracjê. Model ten czêsto realizowany jest przez struktury pañstwowe, które nie s¹ w stanie porzuciæ metod centralno-biurokratycznych w zarz¹dzaniu kultur¹. To prowadzi do pojawienia siê sprzecznych procesów, które najczê ciej przenosz¹ kulturê w stronê organizacji i rodowisk nacjonalistycznych [Dragiæeviæ e iæ, 2000, s. 26 31]. Jeszcze inne, modelowe ujêcie polityki kulturalnej zaproponowa³ kierownik Badawczego Instytutu Polityki Kulturalnej w Bonn, A. Wisand. Wyodrêbni³ on dwa g³ówne modele rozwoju polityki kulturalnej. Pierwszy z nich bazuje na tradycyjnej idei pomocy spo³ecznej dla sztuki i kultury, drugi na u¿ywaniu narzêdzi ekonomicznych. Wed³ug Wisanda, dla polityki kulturalnej pomocy spo³ecznej najwa¿niejsze jest: G zainteresowanie w³adzy zogniskowane w tradycyjnych instytucjach kulturalnych muzeach, teatrach, bibliotekach i centrach kulturalnych które otrzymuj¹ dofinansowanie od pañstwa i sponsorów. Arty ci i twórcy czêsto graj¹ w nich rolê misjonarzy, szerz¹cych prawdê , a kulturê eksperymentaln¹ uwa¿a siê za ma³o wa¿n¹; G za g³ówny cel uznaje siê istnienie w kulturze i sztuce instytucji i osobowo ci, utrzymywanych dziêki kierunkom powszechnie uznanym; G poniewa¿ podstawowym ród³em finansowania jest bud¿et pañstwa, musz¹ istnieæ

G populistyczna, inaczej demagogiczna, której celem jest ca³kowite zaspokojenie potrzeb kulturalnych jak najwiêkszej liczby ludzi G paternalistyczna, inaczej dogmatyczna, wed³ug której prawa i g³ówne kana³y rozpowszechnienia warto ci kulturalnych posiada rada administracyjna . Ona ma szczegó³owy system okre lania warto ci wszystkich istniej¹cych od dawna i nowo powsta³ych produktów kultury. Polityka w sferze kultury, rozwijaj¹c siê wed³ug tego standardu, mo¿e s³u¿yæ celom dowolnej partii politycznej, zwi¹zku wyznaniowego lub pañstwa w ca³o ci; G eklektyczna, skierowana na formowanie u ka¿dego cz³owieka kultury indywidualnej, która jest niezniekszta³conym odbiciem, dobrym streszczeniem ogólnej humanitarnej i humanistycznej kultury. W takim przypadku spo³eczeñstwo musi czuwaæ nad tym, ¿eby ka¿dy z elementów kultury odpowiada³ warto ciom kultury i rozpowszechnia³ siê proporcjonalnie, odpowiednio do czêsto ci oraz wagi tego elementu w kulturze powszechnej, wyznawanej przez spo³eczeñstwo tu i teraz. Socjodynamiczna polityka w strefie kultury jest przeciwieñstwem socjostatycznej, poniewa¿ reaguje na ci¹g³e i nieprzerwane zmiany spo³eczne oraz odzwierciedla zmiany tre ci kultury w ka¿dej epoce. Socjodynamiczna polityka, wed³ug A. Mole a, ma dwa kierunki: progresywny i konserwatywny . W pierwszym przypadku instytucja kszta³tuj¹ca tak¹ politykê zmierza do przyspieszenia, a w drugim odwrotnie, do zwolnienia ewolucji kultury [Moles, 1973, s. 342 346]. Kolejn¹ klasyfikacjê proponuje M. Dragiæeviæ- e iæ. Wybranymi przez ni¹ kryteriami wyró¿niania modeli polityki kulturalnej s¹: charakter ustroju politycznego pañstwa, oraz miejsce pañstwa i innych dzia³aczy w realizacji polityki kulturalnej. Wprowadzaj¹c te dwa podstawowe kryteria, autorka wyró¿nia cztery modele, w bardzo istotny sposób ró¿ni¹ce siê miêdzy sob¹: G model liberalnej polityki kulturalnej, którego podstawow¹ cech¹ jest powszechno æ, dostêpno æ i bogactwo rynku towarów i us³ug kulturalnych. Jest on realizowany i widoczny zw³aszcza w kulturach opartych na zasadach liberalizmu; G pañstwowy model biurokratyczny, czyli o wiatowa polityka kulturalna, w ramach której pañstwo dominuje, sprawuj¹c kontrolê nad kultur¹ za pomoc¹ finansów, instytucji i przepisów (ustawodawczych, politycznych, ideologicznych). Pozytywn¹ cecha ta-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

populistyczna, inaczej demagogiczna, której celem jest ca³kowite zaspokojenie potrzeb kulturalnych jak najwiêkszej liczby ludzi G paternalistyczna, inaczej dogmatyczna, wed³ug której prawa i g³ówne kana³y rozpowszechnienia warto ci kulturalnych posiada rada administracyjna . Ona ma szczegó³owy system okre lania warto ci wszystkich istniej¹cych od dawna i nowo powsta³ych produktów kultury. Polityka w sferze kultury, rozwijaj¹c siê wed³ug tego standardu, mo¿e s³u¿yæ celom dowolnej partii politycznej, zwi¹zku wyznaniowego lub pañstwa w ca³o ci; G eklektyczna, skierowana na formowanie u ka¿dego cz³owieka kultury indywidualnej, która jest niezniekszta³conym odbiciem, dobrym streszczeniem ogólnej humanitarnej i humanistycznej kultury. W takim przypadku spo³eczeñstwo musi czuwaæ nad tym, ¿eby ka¿dy z elementów kultury odpowiada³ warto ciom kultury i rozpowszechnia³ siê proporcjonalnie, odpowiednio do czêsto ci oraz wagi tego elementu w kulturze powszechnej, wyznawanej przez spo³eczeñstwo tu i teraz. Socjodynamiczna polityka w strefie kultury jest przeciwieñstwem socjostatycznej, poniewa¿ reaguje na ci¹g³e i nieprzerwane zmiany spo³eczne oraz odzwierciedla zmiany tre ci kultury w ka¿dej epoce. Socjodynamiczna polityka, wed³ug A. Mole a, ma dwa kierunki: progresywny i konserwatywny . W pierwszym przypadku instytucja kszta³tuj¹ca tak¹ politykê zmierza do przyspieszenia, a w drugim odwrotnie, do zwolnienia ewolucji kultury [Moles, 1973, s. 342 346]. Kolejn¹ klasyfikacjê proponuje M. Dragiæeviæ- e iæ. Wybranymi przez ni¹ kryteriami wyró¿niania modeli polityki kulturalnej s¹: charakter ustroju politycznego pañstwa, oraz miejsce pañstwa i innych dzia³aczy w realizacji polityki kulturalnej. Wprowadzaj¹c te dwa podstawowe kryteria, autorka wyró¿nia cztery modele, w bardzo istotny sposób ró¿ni¹ce siê miêdzy sob¹: G model liberalnej polityki kulturalnej, którego podstawow¹ cech¹ jest powszechno æ, dostêpno æ i bogactwo rynku towarów i us³ug kulturalnych. Jest on realizowany i widoczny zw³aszcza w kulturach opartych na zasadach liberalizmu; G pañstwowy model biurokratyczny, czyli o wiatowa polityka kulturalna, w ramach której pañstwo dominuje, sprawuj¹c kontrolê nad kultur¹ za pomoc¹ finansów, instytucji i przepisów (ustawodawczych, politycznych, ideologicznych). Pozytywn¹ cecha taG


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

instrumenty nadzoru pañstwowego, takie jak planowanie i sk³adanie ró¿nych programów, ofert, wniosków i rozliczeñ; G polityka zasadniczo prowadzona jest na poziomie ogólnonarodowym; G miêdzynarodowe zwi¹zki kulturalne powstaj¹ wyj¹tkowo w ramach stosunków dyplomatycznych; G w celu kontroli rozwoju procesów kulturalnych w³adza powo³uje ró¿ne rady artystyczne. Opisany model polityki kulturalnej mo¿e jednak rodziæ nastêpuj¹ce problemy: G warunki do wprowadzania innowacji s¹ bardzo ograniczone i niekorzystne. Nowe wzory dzia³alno ci artystycznej i kulturalnej, szczególnie prezentowane przez artystów m³odej generacji, czêsto s¹ odrzucane; G osoby odpowiedzialne za opracowanie polityki kulturalnej oraz wprowadzenie jej w ¿ycie maj¹ niewystarczaj¹c¹ wiedzê o rozwoju kultury i innowacjach kulturalnych. Z tego powodu daj¹ one pierwszeñstwo w przyznawaniu rodków tradycyjnym formom kultury i sztuki; G instrumenty elastycznego planowania tworz¹ siê i kszta³tuj¹ bardzo trudno; G dominuje administracyjny sposób podejmowania decyzji, w którym obserwowany jest zbyt du¿y wp³yw urzêdników, a zbyt ma³a rola artystów i twórców kultury. Rynkowo zorientowany model polityki kulturalnej zdaniem Wisanda ma nastêpuj¹ce cechy: G kultura, podobnie jak wszystkie inne sektory ¿ycia spo³ecznego, regulowana jest przez rynek; G polityka zorientowana jest przede wszystkim na zapewnienie rozwoju ekonomicznego; G tradycyjne bariery miêdzy kultur¹ elitarn¹ i masow¹ staj¹ siê nieistotne; G g³ównym ogniwem polityki kulturalnej w tym modelu jest mened¿er kultury (³¹cz¹cy ideê mieszanej ekonomii kulturalnej i sponsoringu komercyjnego); G szczególn¹ uwagê zwraca siê na rozwój kultury na poziomie lokalnym, chocia¿ w rzeczywisto ci wzmacnia siê kulturê miêdzynarodow¹ (w szczególno ci w Europie); G powa¿n¹ rolê w formowaniu polityki odgrywa elita kulturalna, zw³aszcza artystyczna. Jej rozwój zapewniaj¹ eksperci ekonomiczni mened¿erowie i biznesmeni. Je li chodzi o ograniczenia rynkowo zorientowanego modelu polityki kulturalnej, to s¹ one nastêpuj¹ce: G dzia³alno æ artystyczna i kulturalna, która potrzebuje sta³ego finansowania, ale nie

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

mo¿e udowodniæ swojej op³acalno ci ekonomicznej (nawet po rednio), zdaje siê pozbawiona perspektyw; G dominuje kryterium rentowno ci; swoboda artystów mo¿e byæ wiêc ograniczana, poniewa¿ nie³atwo samodzielnie znale æ im sponsorów, a zw³aszcza partnerów z podobnymi zainteresowaniami; G miêdzynarodowa aktywno æ kulturalna skierowana jest g³ównie do ograniczonej liczby krajów (jak w przypadku Unii Europiejskiej), przy czym taka aktywno æ dotyczy najczê ciej przemys³u rozrywkowego, kontrolowanego przez miêdzynarodowe korporacje, w wiêkszo ci amerykañskie; G zainteresowania audytorium i spo³eczno ci czêsto s¹ oceniane nieprawid³owo, co mo¿e doprowadziæ do rozchwiania rynku zarówno w wymiarze ekonomicznym, jak i w zakresie jako ci dzie³ sztuki; G organy eksperckie nierzadko pe³ni¹ wy³¹cznie podstawowe obowi¹zki, a w³adza mened¿erów, którzy nie wykazuj¹ ¿adnego zainteresowania warto ci¹ artystyczn¹ sprzedaj¹cych siê wytworów kultury, mo¿e okazaæ siê zbyt du¿a. Oprócz tego Wisand prognozuje zmianê roli pañstwa w modelu polityki kulturalnej typu rynkowego. Jego zdaniem w przysz³o ci wzmocni siê proces internacjonalizacji kultury, poniewa¿ rynek bêdzie stopniowo zastêpowa³ pañstwo w jej finansowaniu. Z tego powodu przypuszcza badacz z czasem pañstwo musi staæ siê ród³em innowacji i zapewniaæ kulturze elastyczne finansowanie z ró¿nych funduszy, a spo³eczno ci us³ugi kulturalne, zorientowane na konkretnego klienta [Wostriakow, dok. elektron.; Wostriakow, 2004, s. 91 93]. Polska badaczka D. Ilczuk zastanawia siê nad wspó³zale¿no ci¹ procesów rozwoju spo³eczeñstwa obywatelskiego i jego polityki kulturalnej. Polityka kulturalna, jej zdaniem, jest wyznacznikiem spo³eczeñstwa obywatelskiego i poza nim istnieæ nie mo¿e, Ilczuk mo¿na wiêc uznaæ za jednego spo ród tych naukowców, którzy faktycznie uto¿samiaj¹ modele polityki kulturalnej i modele polityki spo³ecznej w jej szerokim znaczeniu [Ilczuk, 2002, s. 23]. Reprezentantk¹ tego punktu widzenia jest równie¿ S. Golinowska, która, opieraj¹c siê na typologizacji Gosty Espinga-Andersena i Richarda Titmussa, wydziela za pomoc¹ kryterium ideologicznego trzy modele pañstwa opiekuñczego: liberalny, konserwatywno-korporacyjny i socjaldemokratyczny. Pañstwo opiekuñcze modelu liberalnego ogranicza swoj¹ aktywno æ do przeciwdzia³a-

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instrumenty nadzoru pañstwowego, takie jak planowanie i sk³adanie ró¿nych programów, ofert, wniosków i rozliczeñ; G polityka zasadniczo prowadzona jest na poziomie ogólnonarodowym; G miêdzynarodowe zwi¹zki kulturalne powstaj¹ wyj¹tkowo w ramach stosunków dyplomatycznych; G w celu kontroli rozwoju procesów kulturalnych w³adza powo³uje ró¿ne rady artystyczne. Opisany model polityki kulturalnej mo¿e jednak rodziæ nastêpuj¹ce problemy: G warunki do wprowadzania innowacji s¹ bardzo ograniczone i niekorzystne. Nowe wzory dzia³alno ci artystycznej i kulturalnej, szczególnie prezentowane przez artystów m³odej generacji, czêsto s¹ odrzucane; G osoby odpowiedzialne za opracowanie polityki kulturalnej oraz wprowadzenie jej w ¿ycie maj¹ niewystarczaj¹c¹ wiedzê o rozwoju kultury i innowacjach kulturalnych. Z tego powodu daj¹ one pierwszeñstwo w przyznawaniu rodków tradycyjnym formom kultury i sztuki; G instrumenty elastycznego planowania tworz¹ siê i kszta³tuj¹ bardzo trudno; G dominuje administracyjny sposób podejmowania decyzji, w którym obserwowany jest zbyt du¿y wp³yw urzêdników, a zbyt ma³a rola artystów i twórców kultury. Rynkowo zorientowany model polityki kulturalnej zdaniem Wisanda ma nastêpuj¹ce cechy: G kultura, podobnie jak wszystkie inne sektory ¿ycia spo³ecznego, regulowana jest przez rynek; G polityka zorientowana jest przede wszystkim na zapewnienie rozwoju ekonomicznego; G tradycyjne bariery miêdzy kultur¹ elitarn¹ i masow¹ staj¹ siê nieistotne; G g³ównym ogniwem polityki kulturalnej w tym modelu jest mened¿er kultury (³¹cz¹cy ideê mieszanej ekonomii kulturalnej i sponsoringu komercyjnego); G szczególn¹ uwagê zwraca siê na rozwój kultury na poziomie lokalnym, chocia¿ w rzeczywisto ci wzmacnia siê kulturê miêdzynarodow¹ (w szczególno ci w Europie); G powa¿n¹ rolê w formowaniu polityki odgrywa elita kulturalna, zw³aszcza artystyczna. Jej rozwój zapewniaj¹ eksperci ekonomiczni mened¿erowie i biznesmeni. Je li chodzi o ograniczenia rynkowo zorientowanego modelu polityki kulturalnej, to s¹ one nastêpuj¹ce: dzia³alno æ artystyczna i kulturalna, która potrzebuje sta³ego finansowania, ale nie G

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mo¿e udowodniæ swojej op³acalno ci ekonomicznej (nawet po rednio), zdaje siê pozbawiona perspektyw; G dominuje kryterium rentowno ci; swoboda artystów mo¿e byæ wiêc ograniczana, poniewa¿ nie³atwo samodzielnie znale æ im sponsorów, a zw³aszcza partnerów z podobnymi zainteresowaniami; G miêdzynarodowa aktywno æ kulturalna skierowana jest g³ównie do ograniczonej liczby krajów (jak w przypadku Unii Europiejskiej), przy czym taka aktywno æ dotyczy najczê ciej przemys³u rozrywkowego, kontrolowanego przez miêdzynarodowe korporacje, w wiêkszo ci amerykañskie; G zainteresowania audytorium i spo³eczno ci czêsto s¹ oceniane nieprawid³owo, co mo¿e doprowadziæ do rozchwiania rynku zarówno w wymiarze ekonomicznym, jak i w zakresie jako ci dzie³ sztuki; G organy eksperckie nierzadko pe³ni¹ wy³¹cznie podstawowe obowi¹zki, a w³adza mened¿erów, którzy nie wykazuj¹ ¿adnego zainteresowania warto ci¹ artystyczn¹ sprzedaj¹cych siê wytworów kultury, mo¿e okazaæ siê zbyt du¿a. Oprócz tego Wisand prognozuje zmianê roli pañstwa w modelu polityki kulturalnej typu rynkowego. Jego zdaniem w przysz³o ci wzmocni siê proces internacjonalizacji kultury, poniewa¿ rynek bêdzie stopniowo zastêpowa³ pañstwo w jej finansowaniu. Z tego powodu przypuszcza badacz z czasem pañstwo musi staæ siê ród³em innowacji i zapewniaæ kulturze elastyczne finansowanie z ró¿nych funduszy, a spo³eczno ci us³ugi kulturalne, zorientowane na konkretnego klienta [Wostriakow, dok. elektron.; Wostriakow, 2004, s. 91 93]. Polska badaczka D. Ilczuk zastanawia siê nad wspó³zale¿no ci¹ procesów rozwoju spo³eczeñstwa obywatelskiego i jego polityki kulturalnej. Polityka kulturalna, jej zdaniem, jest wyznacznikiem spo³eczeñstwa obywatelskiego i poza nim istnieæ nie mo¿e, Ilczuk mo¿na wiêc uznaæ za jednego spo ród tych naukowców, którzy faktycznie uto¿samiaj¹ modele polityki kulturalnej i modele polityki spo³ecznej w jej szerokim znaczeniu [Ilczuk, 2002, s. 23]. Reprezentantk¹ tego punktu widzenia jest równie¿ S. Golinowska, która, opieraj¹c siê na typologizacji Gosty Espinga-Andersena i Richarda Titmussa, wydziela za pomoc¹ kryterium ideologicznego trzy modele pañstwa opiekuñczego: liberalny, konserwatywno-korporacyjny i socjaldemokratyczny. Pañstwo opiekuñcze modelu liberalnego ogranicza swoj¹ aktywno æ do przeciwdzia³a-


czuk, nale¿y podkre liæ, ¿e oprócz kryterium ideologicznego korzystaj¹ oni równie¿ z kryterium geograficznego. Przypisanie kryterium geograficznemu przez tych naukowców drugorzêdnej roli niesie z sob¹ ró¿ne skutki negatywne. A. Giddens na przyk³ad nie bierze pod uwagê modelu konserwatywno-korporacyjnego, który funkcjonuje w Niemczech i jest oparty na spo³ecznej ekonomii rynkowej. Poza tym w obu przytoczonych wy¿ej typologiach na pierwszy plan wysuwa siê ujêcie neoliberalne i socjaldemokratyczne. Neolibera³owie uwa¿aj¹ za optymaln¹ tak¹ formê rozwoju spo³eczeñstwa, w której rola pañstwa jest minimalna, socjaldemokraci za tak¹, w której stopieñ ingerencji pañstwa we wszystkie sfery ¿ycia spo³ecznego powinien byæ jak najwiêkszy. Dla kultury wed³ug D. Ilczuk zarówno pierwsza, jak i druga forma s¹ niedopuszczalne. Je li chodzi o neoliberalizm, to ciê¿ko mówiæ o jakichkolwiek zaburzeniach spo³ecznych w rodowisku dzia³aczy kultury. Od razu widaæ komercjalizacjê sektora kultury, zast¹pienie sztuki i twórczo ci przez przemys³, konsumpcjonizm, ograniczenie dostêpu ludno ci do dóbr kultury. Szczególnie utrudniony jest rozwój elitarnych form kultury, które wymagaj¹ od odbiorcy estetycznego smaku i do æ wysokiego poziomu znajomo ci sztuki. Model socjaldemokratyczny okaza³ siê z kolei nazbyt uci¹¿liwy dla bud¿etu, poniewa¿ wymaga sta³ego zwiêkszania nak³adów na administracjê [Ilczuk, 2002, s. 24]. Poza tym nadmierne ingerowanie organów administracyjnych w kulturê ogranicza inicjatywê artystów, przyzwyczaja ich do biernego wykonywania zamówieñ pañstwowych i podejmowania jedynie dzia³añ poleconych przez pañstwo w sposób bezpo redni albo po redni (schlebianie gustom i zaspokajanie kulturalnych potrzeb osób przeciêtnych). Id¹c tym tropem, badacze stwierdzaj¹, ¿e na obecnym etapie rozwoju spo³eczeñstwa nale¿y odci¹æ siê od istniej¹cych modeli polityki spo³ecznej i kulturalnej. Na ich podstawie trzeba poprzez syntezê dotychczasowych koncepcji sformowaæ nowy model, który akumulowa³by w sobie wszystkie dobre cechy neoliberalnego i socjaldemokratycznego systemu zarz¹dzania. Umownie mo¿na by go nazwaæ modelem trzeciej drogi. Prawdopodobnie najtrafniej zdefiniowa³a go S. Golinowska, pisz¹c, ¿e odpowiedzialno æ pañstwa za utrzymanie powszechnego ubezpieczenia spo³ecznego musi ³¹czyæ siê ze wzrostem odpowiedzialno ci indywidualnej i zwróceniem szczególnej uwagi na podejmowane decyzje w zale¿no ci od sytuacji (indywiduali-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

nia zubo¿eniu spo³ecznemu najbiedniejszych warstw spo³eczeñstwa. Przy czym pomoc ta, chocia¿ minimalnych rozmiarów i wyra nie adresowana, wymaga sprawdzenia dochodów jej odbiorców i kontroli wydatków. Filozofia tego modelu zakorzeniona jest w ustawodawstwie angielskim, które ukierunkowane by³o na obronê ubogiej ludno ci królestwa brytyjskiego. Model konserwatywno-korporacyjny dzia³a w oparciu o za³o¿enie, ¿e polityka spo³eczna, a wiêc tak¿e kulturalna, jest nieod³¹cznym elementem ekonomicznego i politycznego ustroju pañstwa. Tego rodzaju polityka spo³eczna polega na formowaniu umotywowanych, równoprawnych stosunków miêdzy cz³onkami spo³eczeñstwa, pokonuj¹c ró¿ne rozruchy i nastroje destrukcyjne. Jej instrumentami s¹ organy samorz¹dowe, Ko ció³, stowarzyszenia pozarz¹dowe, organizowane w nale¿yty sposób stowarzyszenia intelektualne itd. Za odzwierciedlenie takiego modelu spo³ecznej i kulturalnej polityki Golinowska uwa¿a politykê krajów Europy kontynentalnej, szczególnie Niemiec. W modelu socjaldemokratycznym pañstwo stara siê zrealizowaæ bardzo ambitne cele spo³eczne. Pragnie na przyk³ad zrównaæ nie tylko szanse, ale i poziom dobrobytu swoich mieszkañców za pomoc¹ szerokiej dystrybucji dochodów. Ten model wykorzystywany jest w krajach skandynawskich, najskuteczniej w Szwecji [Golinowska, 2000, s. 11 12; Ilczuk, 2002, s. 23 24; Golinowska (red.), 1991, s. 5 6]. A. Giddens podaje w³asn¹ klasyfikacjê europejskich pañstw opiekuñczych, dziel¹c je na cztery grupy: G system (model) brytyjski, skupiony na pomocy socjalnej i s³u¿bie zdrowia. Ma on tendencjê do uzale¿nienia rozmiaru opieki spo³ecznej od poziomu dochodów osób, które jej potrzebuj¹; G model skandynawski (nordycki) wykorzystywany jest w pañstwach, które hojnie finansuj¹ us³ugi spo³eczne, ³¹cznie z ochron¹ zdrowia, a co jest mo¿liwe dziêki wysokim podatkom; G system centralnoeuropejski, gdzie jest do æ s³abo rozwiniêta opieka spo³eczna, jednak wprowadza siê ró¿norodne ulgi. Fundusze z ich zwrotu za po rednictwem systemu ubezpieczeñ spo³ecznych trafiaj¹ do ludno ci pracuj¹cej; G system po³udniowoeuropejski, bardzo podobny do centralnoeuropejskiego, ale obejmuj¹cy mniejsz¹ liczbê ludzi; mo¿e gwarantowaæ ni¿szy poziom i rozmiary pomocy spo³ecznej [Giddens, 1999, s. 14]. Analizuj¹c klasyfikacje polityki spo³ecznej wed³ug S. Golinowskiej, A. Giddensa oraz D. Il-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

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czuk, nale¿y podkre liæ, ¿e oprócz kryterium ideologicznego korzystaj¹ oni równie¿ z kryterium geograficznego. Przypisanie kryterium geograficznemu przez tych naukowców drugorzêdnej roli niesie z sob¹ ró¿ne skutki negatywne. A. Giddens na przyk³ad nie bierze pod uwagê modelu konserwatywno-korporacyjnego, który funkcjonuje w Niemczech i jest oparty na spo³ecznej ekonomii rynkowej. Poza tym w obu przytoczonych wy¿ej typologiach na pierwszy plan wysuwa siê ujêcie neoliberalne i socjaldemokratyczne. Neolibera³owie uwa¿aj¹ za optymaln¹ tak¹ formê rozwoju spo³eczeñstwa, w której rola pañstwa jest minimalna, socjaldemokraci za tak¹, w której stopieñ ingerencji pañstwa we wszystkie sfery ¿ycia spo³ecznego powinien byæ jak najwiêkszy. Dla kultury wed³ug D. Ilczuk zarówno pierwsza, jak i druga forma s¹ niedopuszczalne. Je li chodzi o neoliberalizm, to ciê¿ko mówiæ o jakichkolwiek zaburzeniach spo³ecznych w rodowisku dzia³aczy kultury. Od razu widaæ komercjalizacjê sektora kultury, zast¹pienie sztuki i twórczo ci przez przemys³, konsumpcjonizm, ograniczenie dostêpu ludno ci do dóbr kultury. Szczególnie utrudniony jest rozwój elitarnych form kultury, które wymagaj¹ od odbiorcy estetycznego smaku i do æ wysokiego poziomu znajomo ci sztuki. Model socjaldemokratyczny okaza³ siê z kolei nazbyt uci¹¿liwy dla bud¿etu, poniewa¿ wymaga sta³ego zwiêkszania nak³adów na administracjê [Ilczuk, 2002, s. 24]. Poza tym nadmierne ingerowanie organów administracyjnych w kulturê ogranicza inicjatywê artystów, przyzwyczaja ich do biernego wykonywania zamówieñ pañstwowych i podejmowania jedynie dzia³añ poleconych przez pañstwo w sposób bezpo redni albo po redni (schlebianie gustom i zaspokajanie kulturalnych potrzeb osób przeciêtnych). Id¹c tym tropem, badacze stwierdzaj¹, ¿e na obecnym etapie rozwoju spo³eczeñstwa nale¿y odci¹æ siê od istniej¹cych modeli polityki spo³ecznej i kulturalnej. Na ich podstawie trzeba poprzez syntezê dotychczasowych koncepcji sformowaæ nowy model, który akumulowa³by w sobie wszystkie dobre cechy neoliberalnego i socjaldemokratycznego systemu zarz¹dzania. Umownie mo¿na by go nazwaæ modelem trzeciej drogi. Prawdopodobnie najtrafniej zdefiniowa³a go S. Golinowska, pisz¹c, ¿e odpowiedzialno æ pañstwa za utrzymanie powszechnego ubezpieczenia spo³ecznego musi ³¹czyæ siê ze wzrostem odpowiedzialno ci indywidualnej i zwróceniem szczególnej uwagi na podejmowane decyzje w zale¿no ci od sytuacji (indywiduali-

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nia zubo¿eniu spo³ecznemu najbiedniejszych warstw spo³eczeñstwa. Przy czym pomoc ta, chocia¿ minimalnych rozmiarów i wyra nie adresowana, wymaga sprawdzenia dochodów jej odbiorców i kontroli wydatków. Filozofia tego modelu zakorzeniona jest w ustawodawstwie angielskim, które ukierunkowane by³o na obronê ubogiej ludno ci królestwa brytyjskiego. Model konserwatywno-korporacyjny dzia³a w oparciu o za³o¿enie, ¿e polityka spo³eczna, a wiêc tak¿e kulturalna, jest nieod³¹cznym elementem ekonomicznego i politycznego ustroju pañstwa. Tego rodzaju polityka spo³eczna polega na formowaniu umotywowanych, równoprawnych stosunków miêdzy cz³onkami spo³eczeñstwa, pokonuj¹c ró¿ne rozruchy i nastroje destrukcyjne. Jej instrumentami s¹ organy samorz¹dowe, Ko ció³, stowarzyszenia pozarz¹dowe, organizowane w nale¿yty sposób stowarzyszenia intelektualne itd. Za odzwierciedlenie takiego modelu spo³ecznej i kulturalnej polityki Golinowska uwa¿a politykê krajów Europy kontynentalnej, szczególnie Niemiec. W modelu socjaldemokratycznym pañstwo stara siê zrealizowaæ bardzo ambitne cele spo³eczne. Pragnie na przyk³ad zrównaæ nie tylko szanse, ale i poziom dobrobytu swoich mieszkañców za pomoc¹ szerokiej dystrybucji dochodów. Ten model wykorzystywany jest w krajach skandynawskich, najskuteczniej w Szwecji [Golinowska, 2000, s. 11 12; Ilczuk, 2002, s. 23 24; Golinowska (red.), 1991, s. 5 6]. A. Giddens podaje w³asn¹ klasyfikacjê europejskich pañstw opiekuñczych, dziel¹c je na cztery grupy: G system (model) brytyjski, skupiony na pomocy socjalnej i s³u¿bie zdrowia. Ma on tendencjê do uzale¿nienia rozmiaru opieki spo³ecznej od poziomu dochodów osób, które jej potrzebuj¹; G model skandynawski (nordycki) wykorzystywany jest w pañstwach, które hojnie finansuj¹ us³ugi spo³eczne, ³¹cznie z ochron¹ zdrowia, a co jest mo¿liwe dziêki wysokim podatkom; G system centralnoeuropejski, gdzie jest do æ s³abo rozwiniêta opieka spo³eczna, jednak wprowadza siê ró¿norodne ulgi. Fundusze z ich zwrotu za po rednictwem systemu ubezpieczeñ spo³ecznych trafiaj¹ do ludno ci pracuj¹cej; G system po³udniowoeuropejski, bardzo podobny do centralnoeuropejskiego, ale obejmuj¹cy mniejsz¹ liczbê ludzi; mo¿e gwarantowaæ ni¿szy poziom i rozmiary pomocy spo³ecznej [Giddens, 1999, s. 14]. Analizuj¹c klasyfikacje polityki spo³ecznej wed³ug S. Golinowskiej, A. Giddensa oraz D. Il-


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

zacja) [Golinowska, 2000, s. 18]. A. Giddens dodaje, ¿e rêkojmi¹ efektywno ci modelu trzeciej drogi jest odrodzenie kultury i aktywno ci obywatelskiej, to znaczy wskrzeszenie spo³eczeñstwa obywatelskiego. Za spo³eczeñstwo obywatelskie za uwa¿a siê takie, które dzia³a na nastêpuj¹cych zasadach: G rz¹d i spo³eczno æ s¹ partnerami, G odrodzenie jedno ci spo³ecznej prowadzone jest w drodze popierania inicjatyw lokalnych, G obserwuje siê wzrost roli trzeciego sektora (A. Giddens mówi tu o organizacjach pozarz¹dowych), G wystêpuje ochrona lokalnej sfery publicznej [Giddens, 1999, s. 16]. Taki jest sens modelu trzeciej drogi wspó³istnienie pañstwa i aktywnych grup spo³ecznych. Granice ich wspó³pracy mog¹ siê zmieniaæ w zale¿no ci od konkretnych sytuacji i potrzeb. Jednak przekazanie przez rz¹d czê ci swoich pe³nomocnictw samorz¹dom albo organizacjom pozarz¹dowym nie powinno prowadziæ do ca³kowitego wy³¹czenia rz¹du z którejkolwiek formy polityki socjalnej, np. z polityki kulturalnej [Ilczuk, 2002, s. 26 27]. Na bardzo podobnej pozycji umieszcza swe pogl¹dy brytyjski naukowiec R. Fisher. Zastanawia siê nad stopniem i rol¹ wspó³uczestniczenia pañstwa w rozwoju kultury ró¿nych krajów europejskich. Wed³ug tego kryterium wydziela on trzy modele polityki kulturalnej: G model ministerialny czysty i doskona³y , funkcjonuj¹cy we Francji, która posiada zcentralizowane i silne ministerstwo kultury. Je li ministerstwo jest dobrze zorganizowane, aktywne, blisko wspó³pracuj¹ce z premierem, wtedy kultura ma bardzo wysok¹ pozycjê w pañstwie. Jednak nawet w takich warunkach, je¿eli minister pozostaje tylko typowym urzêdnikiem, w ¿adnej mierze nie interesuje siê wymiarem artystycznym dzie³, widoki na rozwój kultury s¹ do æ marne; G model wyci¹gnêtej rêki , w którego ramach jakby na odleg³o æ wyci¹gniêtej rêki funkcjonuje wzglêdnie niezale¿na od rz¹du rada do spraw kultury, czyli grupa doradców. Tak by³o kiedy w Wielkiej Brytanii i tak jest obecnie w Irlandii. Pozytywn¹ cech¹ tego modelu jest to, ¿e rz¹d nie wtr¹ca siê w podejmowanie decyzji zwi¹zanych z kultur¹, zostawiaj¹c to jako prerogatywê grona artystów. Wad¹ tego modelu jest, praktycznie rzecz bior¹c, odizolowanie kultury od systemu zarz¹dzania pañstwowego. Rz¹d, przekazuj¹c funkcje kierownicze innym orga-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

nom, coraz mniej interesuje siê kultur¹ jako sfer¹ ¿ycia spo³ecznego. Stale wiêc obni¿a siê jej znaczenie w ród priorytetów politycznych; G model mieszany, który funkcjonuje w Wielkiej Brytanii i krajach Europy kontynentalnej z wyj¹tkiem Niemiec, Austrii oraz co ju¿ wyja niono wy¿ej Francji. Ten model realizuje siê poprzez rozdzielenie uprawnieñ miêdzy ministerstwo kultury i doradczy komitet kultury albo radê do spraw kultury. W³a nie model mieszany okaza³ siê najbardziej efektywny. Z jednej strony gwarantuje on dostateczn¹ kontrolê rz¹du nad procesami kulturalnymi i daje kulturze mo¿liwo æ odgrywania znacz¹cej roli w ¿yciu spo³eczno-politycznym z drugiej za decyzje merytoryczne dotycz¹ce sztuki i twórczo ci s¹ podejmowane nie przez urzêdników, a przez ekspertów z tej albo innej dziedziny sztuki [Le niak (red.), 1995, s. 99 100]. Wa¿ne i teoretycznie, i praktycznie, jest zadawane przez naukowców z krajów postsowieckich pytanie o uczestnictwo pañstwa w procesach rozwoju kultury. Wostriakow podkre la zatem, ¿e pañstwo pomaga stworzyæ mechanizmy realizacji polityki kulturalnej. Wed³ug tego kryterium, posi³kuj¹c siê opracowaniami swoich wspó³pracowników, wydziela on trzy typy udzia³u pañstwa w polityce kulturalnej, to znaczy trzy modele polityki kulturalnej pañstwa. S¹ to: G polityka charyzmatyczna, której sens polega na wsparciu przez pañstwo w pierwszej kolejno ci organizacji i osób, których dzie³a maj¹ znaczenie ogólnonarodowe i s¹ znane poza granicami danego kraju; G polityka przystêpno ci, której g³ówny wysi³ek skoncentrowany jest na zapewnieniu równego dostêpu ró¿nych kategorii ludno ci do artefaktów, uwa¿anych (z takiego czy innego powodu) za arcydzie³a kultury i sztuki; G polityka samowyra¿enia kulturalnego, w której ramach za warto ciowy uznaje siê ka¿dy sposób samoidentyfikacji kulturalnej (przez wspólnotê lokaln¹ czy zawodow¹, diasporê, grupê spo³eczn¹ albo jak¹kolwiek inn¹ mniejszo æ). W tym wypadku klasyczna hierarchia kulturalna znika, a dominuj¹ce miejsce kategorii estetycznych zajmuj¹ warto ci komunikacji kulturalnej i samowyra¿ania [Wostriakow, 2004, s. 96]. Uznaj¹c celowo æ racjonalnego anga¿owania siê pañstwa w sprawy kultury, naukowcy staraj¹ siê analizowaæ skuteczno æ instrumentów regulowania przez pañstwo tej ga³êzi ¿ycia spo³ecznego. Do tych instrumentów zaliczaj¹:

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zacja) [Golinowska, 2000, s. 18]. A. Giddens dodaje, ¿e rêkojmi¹ efektywno ci modelu trzeciej drogi jest odrodzenie kultury i aktywno ci obywatelskiej, to znaczy wskrzeszenie spo³eczeñstwa obywatelskiego. Za spo³eczeñstwo obywatelskie za uwa¿a siê takie, które dzia³a na nastêpuj¹cych zasadach: G rz¹d i spo³eczno æ s¹ partnerami, G odrodzenie jedno ci spo³ecznej prowadzone jest w drodze popierania inicjatyw lokalnych, G obserwuje siê wzrost roli trzeciego sektora (A. Giddens mówi tu o organizacjach pozarz¹dowych), G wystêpuje ochrona lokalnej sfery publicznej [Giddens, 1999, s. 16]. Taki jest sens modelu trzeciej drogi wspó³istnienie pañstwa i aktywnych grup spo³ecznych. Granice ich wspó³pracy mog¹ siê zmieniaæ w zale¿no ci od konkretnych sytuacji i potrzeb. Jednak przekazanie przez rz¹d czê ci swoich pe³nomocnictw samorz¹dom albo organizacjom pozarz¹dowym nie powinno prowadziæ do ca³kowitego wy³¹czenia rz¹du z którejkolwiek formy polityki socjalnej, np. z polityki kulturalnej [Ilczuk, 2002, s. 26 27]. Na bardzo podobnej pozycji umieszcza swe pogl¹dy brytyjski naukowiec R. Fisher. Zastanawia siê nad stopniem i rol¹ wspó³uczestniczenia pañstwa w rozwoju kultury ró¿nych krajów europejskich. Wed³ug tego kryterium wydziela on trzy modele polityki kulturalnej: G model ministerialny czysty i doskona³y , funkcjonuj¹cy we Francji, która posiada zcentralizowane i silne ministerstwo kultury. Je li ministerstwo jest dobrze zorganizowane, aktywne, blisko wspó³pracuj¹ce z premierem, wtedy kultura ma bardzo wysok¹ pozycjê w pañstwie. Jednak nawet w takich warunkach, je¿eli minister pozostaje tylko typowym urzêdnikiem, w ¿adnej mierze nie interesuje siê wymiarem artystycznym dzie³, widoki na rozwój kultury s¹ do æ marne; G model wyci¹gnêtej rêki , w którego ramach jakby na odleg³o æ wyci¹gniêtej rêki funkcjonuje wzglêdnie niezale¿na od rz¹du rada do spraw kultury, czyli grupa doradców. Tak by³o kiedy w Wielkiej Brytanii i tak jest obecnie w Irlandii. Pozytywn¹ cech¹ tego modelu jest to, ¿e rz¹d nie wtr¹ca siê w podejmowanie decyzji zwi¹zanych z kultur¹, zostawiaj¹c to jako prerogatywê grona artystów. Wad¹ tego modelu jest, praktycznie rzecz bior¹c, odizolowanie kultury od systemu zarz¹dzania pañstwowego. Rz¹d, przekazuj¹c funkcje kierownicze innym orga-

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nom, coraz mniej interesuje siê kultur¹ jako sfer¹ ¿ycia spo³ecznego. Stale wiêc obni¿a siê jej znaczenie w ród priorytetów politycznych; G model mieszany, który funkcjonuje w Wielkiej Brytanii i krajach Europy kontynentalnej z wyj¹tkiem Niemiec, Austrii oraz co ju¿ wyja niono wy¿ej Francji. Ten model realizuje siê poprzez rozdzielenie uprawnieñ miêdzy ministerstwo kultury i doradczy komitet kultury albo radê do spraw kultury. W³a nie model mieszany okaza³ siê najbardziej efektywny. Z jednej strony gwarantuje on dostateczn¹ kontrolê rz¹du nad procesami kulturalnymi i daje kulturze mo¿liwo æ odgrywania znacz¹cej roli w ¿yciu spo³eczno-politycznym z drugiej za decyzje merytoryczne dotycz¹ce sztuki i twórczo ci s¹ podejmowane nie przez urzêdników, a przez ekspertów z tej albo innej dziedziny sztuki [Le niak (red.), 1995, s. 99 100]. Wa¿ne i teoretycznie, i praktycznie, jest zadawane przez naukowców z krajów postsowieckich pytanie o uczestnictwo pañstwa w procesach rozwoju kultury. Wostriakow podkre la zatem, ¿e pañstwo pomaga stworzyæ mechanizmy realizacji polityki kulturalnej. Wed³ug tego kryterium, posi³kuj¹c siê opracowaniami swoich wspó³pracowników, wydziela on trzy typy udzia³u pañstwa w polityce kulturalnej, to znaczy trzy modele polityki kulturalnej pañstwa. S¹ to: G polityka charyzmatyczna, której sens polega na wsparciu przez pañstwo w pierwszej kolejno ci organizacji i osób, których dzie³a maj¹ znaczenie ogólnonarodowe i s¹ znane poza granicami danego kraju; G polityka przystêpno ci, której g³ówny wysi³ek skoncentrowany jest na zapewnieniu równego dostêpu ró¿nych kategorii ludno ci do artefaktów, uwa¿anych (z takiego czy innego powodu) za arcydzie³a kultury i sztuki; G polityka samowyra¿enia kulturalnego, w której ramach za warto ciowy uznaje siê ka¿dy sposób samoidentyfikacji kulturalnej (przez wspólnotê lokaln¹ czy zawodow¹, diasporê, grupê spo³eczn¹ albo jak¹kolwiek inn¹ mniejszo æ). W tym wypadku klasyczna hierarchia kulturalna znika, a dominuj¹ce miejsce kategorii estetycznych zajmuj¹ warto ci komunikacji kulturalnej i samowyra¿ania [Wostriakow, 2004, s. 96]. Uznaj¹c celowo æ racjonalnego anga¿owania siê pañstwa w sprawy kultury, naukowcy staraj¹ siê analizowaæ skuteczno æ instrumentów regulowania przez pañstwo tej ga³êzi ¿ycia spo³ecznego. Do tych instrumentów zaliczaj¹:


G metody prawne, obejmuj¹ce ca³¹ bazê ustawodawcz¹ dzia³alno ci kulturalnej; G metody organizacyjne, które u¿ywane przez pañstwo mog¹ wp³ywaæ na samorz¹dy, rekomenduj¹c lub nakazuj¹c stworzenie odpowiednich struktur organizacyjnych dla zarz¹dzania kultur¹; G metody finansowe, które w ka¿dych warunkach okazuj¹ siê decyduj¹ce. Optymalne w obecnej sytuacji jest finansowanie kultury z ró¿nych róde³: pañstwowego i lokalnych bud¿etów, ró¿norodnych funduszy spo³ecznych, poprzez dotacje prywatne i dzia³alno æ gospodarcz¹ samych instytucji kultury i sztuki; G metody eksperckie, których popularno æ znacznie wzros³a w ostatnich latach. Szczególnie czêsto wykorzystywane s¹ orzeczenia ekspertów i system dok³adnych sprawozdañ z dzia³alno ci municypalitatów (rad miejskich), regionów i pojedynczych instytucji kultury. Jest to efekt, miêdzy innymi, rozszerzenia praktyk fundraisingu (pisanie projektów) w kulturze, w tym na poziomie miêdzynarodowym; G profesjonalizacja, która jest teraz skierowana na stworzenie warstwy wykwalifikowanych, specjalnie przygotowanych mened¿erów kultury [Wostriakow, dok. elektron.]. Skuteczno æ tych instrumentów zale¿y i trudno siê nie zgodziæ z R. Fisherem, od kilku czynników. Za najwa¿niejszy nale¿y uznaæ wolê polityczn¹. Rzeczywi cie, uznanie przez w³adzê potrzeby rozwoju kultury jest konieczne, bez wzglêdu na stopieñ skomplikowania i zakres pe³nomocnictw struktur administracyjnych. Nastêpnym czynnikiem wp³ywaj¹cym na efektywno æ polityki kulturalnej jest szybkie opracowywanie procedur podejmowania decyzji w dziedzinie kultury. Ich sprawne dzia³anie minimalizuje przeci¹ganie procesów biurokratycznych i zmniejsza ryzyko kierowania spraw z pro b¹ o podjêcie decyzji do osób niekompetentnych. W tym kontek cie logiczne jest, ¿e trzecim czynnikiem s¹ wyra nie okre lone kryteria podejmowania decyzji. W tym wypadku wybór dotyczy jako ci i dostêpno ci rodków materialnych, niezbêdnych dla prowadzenia imprezy kulturalnej albo ca³ej ich serii [Le niak (red.), 1995, s. 101]. Potwierdzaj¹ one zatem sformu³owan¹ wcze niej tezê, ¿e najwa¿niejsz¹ metod¹ pañstwowego zarz¹dzania kultur¹ jest metoda finansowa. Wszystkie inne koncepcje, które charakteryzuj¹ pozycjê pañstwa wobec polityki kulturalnej, tak albo inaczej wi¹¿¹ siê z monetaryzmem w kierowaniu kultur¹. Te koncepcje Wostriakow opisuje w nastêpuj¹cy sposób:

G stopieñ ingerencji pañstwa w politykê kulturaln¹ nie zale¿y bezpo rednio od wielko ci wyp³at z bud¿etu na finansowanie kultury; G w sytuacji, kiedy pañstwo rezygnuje z obowi¹zków pe³nego finansowania strefy kultury, rezerwuje sobie jednak rolê inspiratora w sprawie zdobywania rodków, stwarzaj¹c do tego nale¿yte warunki; G ukierunkowanie na regionalizacjê ale regionalizacja polityki kulturalnej nie oznacza, ¿e pañstwo ca³kowicie odstêpuje od patronowania kulturze i przekazuje wszystkie pe³nomocnictwa administracji lokalnej, pozostaj¹c tylko najwy¿szym arbitrem. Ciekawe, ¿e pracownicy i zarz¹dcy zatrudnieni obecnie w sferze kultury uwa¿aj¹ tak¹ strategiê za najlepsz¹ spo ród wszystkich; G ekonomicznie rozwiniête pañstwo wykorzystuje ró¿ne modele finansowania kultury, ale stara siê przy tym od³¹czyæ od procedury rozdzielania przyznanych funduszy. W tym celu tworzy specjalne struktury organizacyjne i anga¿uje ekspertów; G z czasem wzrasta zainteresowanie pañstwa ochron¹ rozwoju kultury drog¹ rozszerzenia grupy dofinansowywanych instytucji polityki kulturalnej [Wostriakow, 2004, s. 104]. Oczywi cie, w ró¿nych krajach istniej¹ istotne ró¿nice w sposobie finansowania kultury i metodach organizacji systemu zarz¹dzania pañstwa t¹ dziedzin¹ ¿ycia spo³ecznego. W tym artykule podkre lano ju¿, ¿e analiza takich ró¿nic sta³a siê podstaw¹ sformu³owania kolejnej klasyfikacji modeli polityki kulturalnej. Umownie mo¿na by j¹ nazwaæ krajoznawcz¹ albo geograficzn¹ . Reprezentantami zwolenników tej klasyfikacji s¹: ukraiñski uczony O. Gricenko i polska badaczka M. Che³miñska. Gricenko pisze, ¿e takie ujêcie daje mo¿liwo æ odej cia od tworzenia konstrukcji hipotetycznych, których mo¿e byæ mnóstwo, i skupienia siê na realnie istniej¹cych odmienno ciach w polityce kulturalnej ró¿nych pañstw. Uwa¿a on, ¿e w niewielkim uproszczeniu, politykê kulturaln¹ wiêkszo ci krajów wiata mo¿na zaliczyæ do jednego z czterech modeli: amerykañskiego, brytyjskiego, francuskiego oraz wschodnioeuropejskiego. Ró¿ni¹ siê one miêdzy sob¹ kilkoma wska nikami: G obiektem i celami polityki kulturalnej, G zasadami i mechanizmami jej realizacji, G faktycznymi skutkami realizacji okre lonego typu polityki kulturalnej i ogóln¹ ocen¹ jej efektywno ci [Gricenko, 1994, s. 13]. Zatem obiektem modelu amerykañskiego, wed³ug Gricenki, jest raczej nie kultura, lecz przemys³ rozrywkowy, zdolny zarabiaæ sam na

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

stopieñ ingerencji pañstwa w politykê kulturaln¹ nie zale¿y bezpo rednio od wielko ci wyp³at z bud¿etu na finansowanie kultury; G w sytuacji, kiedy pañstwo rezygnuje z obowi¹zków pe³nego finansowania strefy kultury, rezerwuje sobie jednak rolê inspiratora w sprawie zdobywania rodków, stwarzaj¹c do tego nale¿yte warunki; G ukierunkowanie na regionalizacjê ale regionalizacja polityki kulturalnej nie oznacza, ¿e pañstwo ca³kowicie odstêpuje od patronowania kulturze i przekazuje wszystkie pe³nomocnictwa administracji lokalnej, pozostaj¹c tylko najwy¿szym arbitrem. Ciekawe, ¿e pracownicy i zarz¹dcy zatrudnieni obecnie w sferze kultury uwa¿aj¹ tak¹ strategiê za najlepsz¹ spo ród wszystkich; G ekonomicznie rozwiniête pañstwo wykorzystuje ró¿ne modele finansowania kultury, ale stara siê przy tym od³¹czyæ od procedury rozdzielania przyznanych funduszy. W tym celu tworzy specjalne struktury organizacyjne i anga¿uje ekspertów; G z czasem wzrasta zainteresowanie pañstwa ochron¹ rozwoju kultury drog¹ rozszerzenia grupy dofinansowywanych instytucji polityki kulturalnej [Wostriakow, 2004, s. 104]. Oczywi cie, w ró¿nych krajach istniej¹ istotne ró¿nice w sposobie finansowania kultury i metodach organizacji systemu zarz¹dzania pañstwa t¹ dziedzin¹ ¿ycia spo³ecznego. W tym artykule podkre lano ju¿, ¿e analiza takich ró¿nic sta³a siê podstaw¹ sformu³owania kolejnej klasyfikacji modeli polityki kulturalnej. Umownie mo¿na by j¹ nazwaæ krajoznawcz¹ albo geograficzn¹ . Reprezentantami zwolenników tej klasyfikacji s¹: ukraiñski uczony O. Gricenko i polska badaczka M. Che³miñska. Gricenko pisze, ¿e takie ujêcie daje mo¿liwo æ odej cia od tworzenia konstrukcji hipotetycznych, których mo¿e byæ mnóstwo, i skupienia siê na realnie istniej¹cych odmienno ciach w polityce kulturalnej ró¿nych pañstw. Uwa¿a on, ¿e w niewielkim uproszczeniu, politykê kulturaln¹ wiêkszo ci krajów wiata mo¿na zaliczyæ do jednego z czterech modeli: amerykañskiego, brytyjskiego, francuskiego oraz wschodnioeuropejskiego. Ró¿ni¹ siê one miêdzy sob¹ kilkoma wska nikami: G obiektem i celami polityki kulturalnej, G zasadami i mechanizmami jej realizacji, G faktycznymi skutkami realizacji okre lonego typu polityki kulturalnej i ogóln¹ ocen¹ jej efektywno ci [Gricenko, 1994, s. 13]. Zatem obiektem modelu amerykañskiego, wed³ug Gricenki, jest raczej nie kultura, lecz przemys³ rozrywkowy, zdolny zarabiaæ sam na G

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metody prawne, obejmuj¹ce ca³¹ bazê ustawodawcz¹ dzia³alno ci kulturalnej; G metody organizacyjne, które u¿ywane przez pañstwo mog¹ wp³ywaæ na samorz¹dy, rekomenduj¹c lub nakazuj¹c stworzenie odpowiednich struktur organizacyjnych dla zarz¹dzania kultur¹; G metody finansowe, które w ka¿dych warunkach okazuj¹ siê decyduj¹ce. Optymalne w obecnej sytuacji jest finansowanie kultury z ró¿nych róde³: pañstwowego i lokalnych bud¿etów, ró¿norodnych funduszy spo³ecznych, poprzez dotacje prywatne i dzia³alno æ gospodarcz¹ samych instytucji kultury i sztuki; G metody eksperckie, których popularno æ znacznie wzros³a w ostatnich latach. Szczególnie czêsto wykorzystywane s¹ orzeczenia ekspertów i system dok³adnych sprawozdañ z dzia³alno ci municypalitatów (rad miejskich), regionów i pojedynczych instytucji kultury. Jest to efekt, miêdzy innymi, rozszerzenia praktyk fundraisingu (pisanie projektów) w kulturze, w tym na poziomie miêdzynarodowym; G profesjonalizacja, która jest teraz skierowana na stworzenie warstwy wykwalifikowanych, specjalnie przygotowanych mened¿erów kultury [Wostriakow, dok. elektron.]. Skuteczno æ tych instrumentów zale¿y i trudno siê nie zgodziæ z R. Fisherem, od kilku czynników. Za najwa¿niejszy nale¿y uznaæ wolê polityczn¹. Rzeczywi cie, uznanie przez w³adzê potrzeby rozwoju kultury jest konieczne, bez wzglêdu na stopieñ skomplikowania i zakres pe³nomocnictw struktur administracyjnych. Nastêpnym czynnikiem wp³ywaj¹cym na efektywno æ polityki kulturalnej jest szybkie opracowywanie procedur podejmowania decyzji w dziedzinie kultury. Ich sprawne dzia³anie minimalizuje przeci¹ganie procesów biurokratycznych i zmniejsza ryzyko kierowania spraw z pro b¹ o podjêcie decyzji do osób niekompetentnych. W tym kontek cie logiczne jest, ¿e trzecim czynnikiem s¹ wyra nie okre lone kryteria podejmowania decyzji. W tym wypadku wybór dotyczy jako ci i dostêpno ci rodków materialnych, niezbêdnych dla prowadzenia imprezy kulturalnej albo ca³ej ich serii [Le niak (red.), 1995, s. 101]. Potwierdzaj¹ one zatem sformu³owan¹ wcze niej tezê, ¿e najwa¿niejsz¹ metod¹ pañstwowego zarz¹dzania kultur¹ jest metoda finansowa. Wszystkie inne koncepcje, które charakteryzuj¹ pozycjê pañstwa wobec polityki kulturalnej, tak albo inaczej wi¹¿¹ siê z monetaryzmem w kierowaniu kultur¹. Te koncepcje Wostriakow opisuje w nastêpuj¹cy sposób: G

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

siebie. Celami bêd¹ za : po pierwsze, wsparcie (ale nie utrzymywanie) przemys³u rozrywkowego, niezale¿nie od jego ukierunkowania i stylu; po drugie, zapewnienie nie tylko dostêpu szerokiemu gronu odbiorców (zw³aszcza m³odzie¿y) do zabytków kulturalnych, ale i odpowiednich warunków dla istnienia kultur ró¿nych grup etnicznych. Zasadami amerykañskiej polityki kulturalnej s¹: pomoc i stymulowanie rozwoju kultury; maksymalna ró¿norodno æ róde³ tej pomocy, g³ównie dziêki inicjatywom prywatnych osób i instytucji; wsparcie nie dla instytucji, ale dla konkretnych projektów; maksymalna op³acalno æ ka¿dej imprezy kulturalno-artystycznej. Dzisiejsza sytuacja w kulturze amerykañskiej jest efektem dwóch czynników. Najwa¿niejszym z nich jest tradycyjne ukierunkowanie artystów na w³asne si³y i, mniejsze, na pomoc osób prywatnych. Drugorzêdnym aktywna polityka pañstwowa w tej sferze w ci¹gu ostatnich 30 40 lat, zw³aszcza od lat 70. XX wieku. Na ogó³, reasumuje swoj¹ opiniê O. Gricenko, model amerykañski polityki kulturalnej zapewnia nadzwyczajn¹ ró¿norodno æ, sta³e odnowienie i wysok¹ ¿ywotno æ kultury [tam¿e, s. 13 18]. Wiêkszo æ cech, celów i zasad amerykañskiej polityki kulturalnej dotyczy tak¿e modelu brytyjskiego. Mo¿na to wyt³umaczyæ pokrewieñstwem genetycznym obu spo³eczeñstw. Podstawowa ró¿nica miêdzy nimi polega na znacz¹cym udziale finansowym pañstwa brytyjskiego w sprawach socjalnych, a tak¿e na tym, ¿e w ostatnich dziesiêcioleciach Wielka Brytania ekonomicznie by³a s³absza ni¿li USA. Istota metody brytyjskiej sprowadza siê do stwierdzenia, ¿e pañstwo finansuje, ale nie kieruje rozwojem kultury (por. model wyci¹gnêtej rêki R. Fishera) [Le niak (red.), 1995, s. 99]. Wa¿na w tym kontek cie jest zatem dzia³alno æ w kraju sieci rad artystycznych, a tak¿e po rednia pomoc kulturze w formie zamówieñ od pañstwa lub samorz¹dów na okre lone prace: odnawianie budynków, wznoszenie pomników itp. W ród g³ównych skutków zastosowania brytyjskiego modelu polityki kulturalnej, który Gricenko nazywa po rednim miêdzy amerykañskim i francuskim, wymieniæ nale¿y znaczn¹ samodzielno æ i ekonomiczn¹ odporno æ instytucji kulturalno-artystycznych [Gricenko, 1994, s. 19 21]. Model francuski uwa¿ano za wzór tego, jak w warunkach rynkowego spo³eczeñstwa stworzyæ mocny zcentralizowany system pañstwowego patronatu nad kultur¹. Przy tym traktowanie kultury jako przedmiotu takiego patronatu by³o bardzo liberalne: oprócz ga³êzi tra-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

dycyjnych zaliczano do niej tak¿e wzornictwo, modê, a nawet kuchniê narodow¹ specyficzne typy dzia³alno ci, w których równie¿ przejawia siê mentalno æ etniczna. Celem polityki kulturalnej w ramach tego modelu jest wsparcie, przechowywanie i rozwój kultury narodowej we wszystkich jej formach, jako gwarancji dobrego rozwoju narodu, jego pozytywnego image u w wiecie. Sposobami osi¹gniêcia tak szczytnego celu s¹: kierownicza rola pañstwa (w postaci ministerstwa kultury) w popieraniu projektów kulturalnych; uwarunkowana szerokim rozumieniem kultury i imprez kulturalnych ró¿norodno æ kryteriów udzielania pomocy; mimo zcentralizowania i pañstwowo ci sfery kultury we Francji, z nielicznymi wyj¹tkami, pañstwo nie rz¹dzi instytucjami kultury i nie utrzymuje ich, a tylko wspiera imprezy oraz projekty kulturalnie. Skutki realizacji modelu francuskiego s¹ niejednoznaczne. Z jednej strony, dziêki aktywnemu poparciu przez pañstwo kultura francuska ¿yje, rozwija siê, ma w³asne oblicze. Jednak nadmierna centralizacja kierownictwa spowodowa³a biurokratyzacjê i, jako jej nastêpstwo, nie do æ efektywne wykorzystanie rodków przekazanych przez pañstwo na kulturê. Kolejn¹ cech¹ tego modelu sta³a siê swoista instytucjonalizacja narodowych zjawisk kulturalno-artystycznych, przekszta³cenie ich w swoiste ozdobniki machiny pañstwowej, nakrêtki i ruby sprawy ogólnofrancuskiej [tam¿e, s. 23]. Osobliwym paradoksem jest zjawisko instytucjonalizacji awangardy, nurtu pierwotnie skierowanego przeciwko jakiejkolwiek stagnacji, pó³oficjalno ci. To wszystko pozwala niektórym badaczom kultury francuskiej mówiæ o jej wykrwawieniu i nieuniknionym upadku z powodu zbytniego uzale¿nienia od pañstwa [tam¿e, s. 21 23]. Próbuj¹c scharakteryzowaæ model wschodnioeuropejski (postkomunistyczny) polityki kulturalnej, O. Gricenko ostrzega przed kategorycznym traktowaniem jego wniosków. Zaznacza, ¿e przypuszczenie o istnieniu jakiego wspólnego dla krajów postkomunistycznych modelu polityki kulturalnej jest do æ umowne i mo¿e wzbudziæ ró¿ne (tak¿e neguj¹ce jego istnienie) opinie. Wynika to z faktu, ¿e znaczenie i zasady rozwoju kultury i jej miejsca w procesach politycznych bardzo ró¿ni¹ siê w Polsce, na Bia³orusi, Wêgrzech, Ukrainie i w innych krajach Europy ródkowo-Wschodniej. Mimo to maj¹ one pewne cechy wspólne. Oprócz O. Gricenki zauwa¿y³ to równie¿ A. Giddens, wyodrêbniaj¹c opisany wy¿ej wspólny system (model) centralnoeuropejski pañstwa

263

siebie. Celami bêd¹ za : po pierwsze, wsparcie (ale nie utrzymywanie) przemys³u rozrywkowego, niezale¿nie od jego ukierunkowania i stylu; po drugie, zapewnienie nie tylko dostêpu szerokiemu gronu odbiorców (zw³aszcza m³odzie¿y) do zabytków kulturalnych, ale i odpowiednich warunków dla istnienia kultur ró¿nych grup etnicznych. Zasadami amerykañskiej polityki kulturalnej s¹: pomoc i stymulowanie rozwoju kultury; maksymalna ró¿norodno æ róde³ tej pomocy, g³ównie dziêki inicjatywom prywatnych osób i instytucji; wsparcie nie dla instytucji, ale dla konkretnych projektów; maksymalna op³acalno æ ka¿dej imprezy kulturalno-artystycznej. Dzisiejsza sytuacja w kulturze amerykañskiej jest efektem dwóch czynników. Najwa¿niejszym z nich jest tradycyjne ukierunkowanie artystów na w³asne si³y i, mniejsze, na pomoc osób prywatnych. Drugorzêdnym aktywna polityka pañstwowa w tej sferze w ci¹gu ostatnich 30 40 lat, zw³aszcza od lat 70. XX wieku. Na ogó³, reasumuje swoj¹ opiniê O. Gricenko, model amerykañski polityki kulturalnej zapewnia nadzwyczajn¹ ró¿norodno æ, sta³e odnowienie i wysok¹ ¿ywotno æ kultury [tam¿e, s. 13 18]. Wiêkszo æ cech, celów i zasad amerykañskiej polityki kulturalnej dotyczy tak¿e modelu brytyjskiego. Mo¿na to wyt³umaczyæ pokrewieñstwem genetycznym obu spo³eczeñstw. Podstawowa ró¿nica miêdzy nimi polega na znacz¹cym udziale finansowym pañstwa brytyjskiego w sprawach socjalnych, a tak¿e na tym, ¿e w ostatnich dziesiêcioleciach Wielka Brytania ekonomicznie by³a s³absza ni¿li USA. Istota metody brytyjskiej sprowadza siê do stwierdzenia, ¿e pañstwo finansuje, ale nie kieruje rozwojem kultury (por. model wyci¹gnêtej rêki R. Fishera) [Le niak (red.), 1995, s. 99]. Wa¿na w tym kontek cie jest zatem dzia³alno æ w kraju sieci rad artystycznych, a tak¿e po rednia pomoc kulturze w formie zamówieñ od pañstwa lub samorz¹dów na okre lone prace: odnawianie budynków, wznoszenie pomników itp. W ród g³ównych skutków zastosowania brytyjskiego modelu polityki kulturalnej, który Gricenko nazywa po rednim miêdzy amerykañskim i francuskim, wymieniæ nale¿y znaczn¹ samodzielno æ i ekonomiczn¹ odporno æ instytucji kulturalno-artystycznych [Gricenko, 1994, s. 19 21]. Model francuski uwa¿ano za wzór tego, jak w warunkach rynkowego spo³eczeñstwa stworzyæ mocny zcentralizowany system pañstwowego patronatu nad kultur¹. Przy tym traktowanie kultury jako przedmiotu takiego patronatu by³o bardzo liberalne: oprócz ga³êzi tra-

263

dycyjnych zaliczano do niej tak¿e wzornictwo, modê, a nawet kuchniê narodow¹ specyficzne typy dzia³alno ci, w których równie¿ przejawia siê mentalno æ etniczna. Celem polityki kulturalnej w ramach tego modelu jest wsparcie, przechowywanie i rozwój kultury narodowej we wszystkich jej formach, jako gwarancji dobrego rozwoju narodu, jego pozytywnego image u w wiecie. Sposobami osi¹gniêcia tak szczytnego celu s¹: kierownicza rola pañstwa (w postaci ministerstwa kultury) w popieraniu projektów kulturalnych; uwarunkowana szerokim rozumieniem kultury i imprez kulturalnych ró¿norodno æ kryteriów udzielania pomocy; mimo zcentralizowania i pañstwowo ci sfery kultury we Francji, z nielicznymi wyj¹tkami, pañstwo nie rz¹dzi instytucjami kultury i nie utrzymuje ich, a tylko wspiera imprezy oraz projekty kulturalnie. Skutki realizacji modelu francuskiego s¹ niejednoznaczne. Z jednej strony, dziêki aktywnemu poparciu przez pañstwo kultura francuska ¿yje, rozwija siê, ma w³asne oblicze. Jednak nadmierna centralizacja kierownictwa spowodowa³a biurokratyzacjê i, jako jej nastêpstwo, nie do æ efektywne wykorzystanie rodków przekazanych przez pañstwo na kulturê. Kolejn¹ cech¹ tego modelu sta³a siê swoista instytucjonalizacja narodowych zjawisk kulturalno-artystycznych, przekszta³cenie ich w swoiste ozdobniki machiny pañstwowej, nakrêtki i ruby sprawy ogólnofrancuskiej [tam¿e, s. 23]. Osobliwym paradoksem jest zjawisko instytucjonalizacji awangardy, nurtu pierwotnie skierowanego przeciwko jakiejkolwiek stagnacji, pó³oficjalno ci. To wszystko pozwala niektórym badaczom kultury francuskiej mówiæ o jej wykrwawieniu i nieuniknionym upadku z powodu zbytniego uzale¿nienia od pañstwa [tam¿e, s. 21 23]. Próbuj¹c scharakteryzowaæ model wschodnioeuropejski (postkomunistyczny) polityki kulturalnej, O. Gricenko ostrzega przed kategorycznym traktowaniem jego wniosków. Zaznacza, ¿e przypuszczenie o istnieniu jakiego wspólnego dla krajów postkomunistycznych modelu polityki kulturalnej jest do æ umowne i mo¿e wzbudziæ ró¿ne (tak¿e neguj¹ce jego istnienie) opinie. Wynika to z faktu, ¿e znaczenie i zasady rozwoju kultury i jej miejsca w procesach politycznych bardzo ró¿ni¹ siê w Polsce, na Bia³orusi, Wêgrzech, Ukrainie i w innych krajach Europy ródkowo-Wschodniej. Mimo to maj¹ one pewne cechy wspólne. Oprócz O. Gricenki zauwa¿y³ to równie¿ A. Giddens, wyodrêbniaj¹c opisany wy¿ej wspólny system (model) centralnoeuropejski pañstwa


nej wed³ug mniej lub bardziej precyzyjnie ustalonych zasad, e) model stymuluj¹cy finansowa pomoc przyznawana jest w sposób bardzo precyzyjny, wed³ug ustalonych wcze niej kryteriów, stanowi¹c tym samym bodziec do dzia³ania [Grad, Kaczmarek, 1996, s. 178 179]. W ostatnich latach, zw³aszcza na Forum Rady Europy, coraz czê ciej artyku³owano potrzebê decentralizacji polityki kulturalnej. Z tego powodu Rada Europy za g³ówne funkcje polityki kulturalnej uzna³a: po pierwsze, demokratyzacjê kultury; po drugie, rozwijanie demokracji kulturalnej, przy czym za demokratyzacjê przyjmuje siê dzia³ania zmierzaj¹ce do przybli¿enia ca³emu spo³eczeñstwu profesjonalnej kultury artystycznej. Liczy siê oczywi cie tak jako æ, jak i dostêpno æ oferty artystycznej. A tak rozumiana demokratyzacja, co mo¿e byæ uznane za paradoks, realizowana jest w du¿ej mierze centralnie [tam¿e, s. 179]. Trudno zatem nie zgodziæ siê z twierdzeniem L. Wostriakowa i B. Perila, ¿e model zachowania pañstwa wobec kultury nie mo¿e byæ po¿yczony ani skopiowany, o ile nie jest on efektywny. Optymalnym rozwi¹zaniem dla ka¿dego kraju, który próbuje wykorzystywaæ ju¿ jaki sprawdzony w praktyce w innym pañstwie model, jest zaadaptowanie go do w³asnych warunków, z uwzglêdnieniem swoisto ci w³asnej polityki wewnêtrznej i zewnêtrznej. Tak¹ drog¹ staraj¹ siê i æ, rozwijaj¹c swoj¹ kulturê, Australia, Japonia i Republika Korei [Wostriakow, Peril, 2004, s. 247 249]. Nale¿y przy tym pamiêtaæ, ¿e nie ma modelu polityki kulturalnej, który by³by zawsze jednakowo skuteczny, dlatego dzia³ania pañstwa w obszarze kultury, musz¹ byæ regularnie monitorowane, oceniane i na nowo weryfikowane. W przedstawionych klasyfikacjach modeli polityki kulturalnej wszyscy badacze staraj¹ siê sformu³owaæ w³asne typologie, wykorzystuj¹c cztery, piêæ g³ównych wska ników rozwoju kultury okre lonego pañstwa lub regionu. Tymi wska nikami s¹: instytucje i cele polityki kulturalnej, zasady i mechanizmy, a tak¿e skutki jej realizacji. Do zasad i mechanizmów realizacji polityki kulturalnej, z perspektywy oceny omówionych modeli, mo¿na umownie zaliczyæ charakter ustroju politycznego pañstwa i stopieñ jego ingerencji w procesy zarz¹dzania kultur¹. Bior¹c pod uwagê ten punkt widzenia, wszystkie opisane wy¿ej klasyfikacje modeli polityki kulturalnej warto podzieliæ na trzy du¿e grupy.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

opiekuñczego [tam¿e, s. 23 24; Giddens, 1999, s. 24]. Jak podkre la Gricenko, model wschodnioeuropejski jest faktycznie modelem nie tyle uzasadniaj¹cym teoretycznie istnienie polityki kulturalnej, ile pokazuj¹cym rzeczywisto æ kulturaln¹ okresu przej ciowego. Z tym wi¹¿e siê okre lona infrastruktura, odziedziczona po poprzednich czasach, i niekorzystne, wynikaj¹ce z kryzysu ekonomicznego tego okresu warunki, w których musi rozwijaæ siê kultura. W takich okoliczno ciach podejmowanie decyzji w sferze kultury jest czêsto wymuszone i zbyt szybkie (nieprzemy lane). Wyja nia to podobieñstwo rzeczywisto ci kulturalnej w krajach postkomunistycznych, które jakby nie uwzglêdnia ró¿nic w narodowo-pañstwowych koncepcjach polityki kulturalnej [Gricenko, 1994, s. 96]. M. Che³miñska w ramach krajoznawczej grupy klasyfikacji wyró¿nia trzy kryteria typologii systemów polityki kulturalnej, podsumowanych przez Jana Grada i Urszulê Kaczmarek: 1) Kryterium stopnia centralizacji systemu jako podstawê zakwalifikowania pañstwa do jednego z modeli, sformowanych wg tego kryterium, przyjêto stopieñ koncentracji instrumentów prowadzenia polityki kulturalnej na szczeblu pañstwa oraz skalê interwencji w dzia³alno æ samorz¹dów lokalnych. W ten sposób wyró¿niono trzy modele: a) model silnej centralizacji Francja, Dania, Grecja, Portugalia, b) model wzglêdnej równowagi miêdzy centralizacj¹ i decentralizacj¹ Szwecja, Hiszpania, Belgia, W³ochy, c) model silnej decentralizacji Szwajcaria, Niemcy, Wielka Brytania. 2) Kryterium preferowanych funkcji polityki kulturalnej: a) model wspierania rozwoju profesjonalnej twórczo ci artystycznej typu presti¿owego, b) model demokratyzacji kultury, c) model ochrony rynku kulturalnego, interwencjonizmu pañstwowego. 3) Kryterium stosowanych form interwencji: a) model reglamentacyjny podporz¹dkowanie polityki kulturalnej normom legislacyjnym lub innym, ustalonym w inny sposób, b) model woluntarystyczny podejmowanie decyzji przez w³adze wy¿szego szczebla oraz bezpo rednio æ interwencji, c) model perswazyjno-propaguj¹cy dominuj¹ wysi³ki zmierzaj¹ce do popularyzacji celów i zasad polityki kulturalnej oraz jej osi¹gniêæ, d) model dotuj¹cy rozdzielanie rodków miêdzy ró¿ne podmioty dzia³alno ci kultural-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

264

nej wed³ug mniej lub bardziej precyzyjnie ustalonych zasad, e) model stymuluj¹cy finansowa pomoc przyznawana jest w sposób bardzo precyzyjny, wed³ug ustalonych wcze niej kryteriów, stanowi¹c tym samym bodziec do dzia³ania [Grad, Kaczmarek, 1996, s. 178 179]. W ostatnich latach, zw³aszcza na Forum Rady Europy, coraz czê ciej artyku³owano potrzebê decentralizacji polityki kulturalnej. Z tego powodu Rada Europy za g³ówne funkcje polityki kulturalnej uzna³a: po pierwsze, demokratyzacjê kultury; po drugie, rozwijanie demokracji kulturalnej, przy czym za demokratyzacjê przyjmuje siê dzia³ania zmierzaj¹ce do przybli¿enia ca³emu spo³eczeñstwu profesjonalnej kultury artystycznej. Liczy siê oczywi cie tak jako æ, jak i dostêpno æ oferty artystycznej. A tak rozumiana demokratyzacja, co mo¿e byæ uznane za paradoks, realizowana jest w du¿ej mierze centralnie [tam¿e, s. 179]. Trudno zatem nie zgodziæ siê z twierdzeniem L. Wostriakowa i B. Perila, ¿e model zachowania pañstwa wobec kultury nie mo¿e byæ po¿yczony ani skopiowany, o ile nie jest on efektywny. Optymalnym rozwi¹zaniem dla ka¿dego kraju, który próbuje wykorzystywaæ ju¿ jaki sprawdzony w praktyce w innym pañstwie model, jest zaadaptowanie go do w³asnych warunków, z uwzglêdnieniem swoisto ci w³asnej polityki wewnêtrznej i zewnêtrznej. Tak¹ drog¹ staraj¹ siê i æ, rozwijaj¹c swoj¹ kulturê, Australia, Japonia i Republika Korei [Wostriakow, Peril, 2004, s. 247 249]. Nale¿y przy tym pamiêtaæ, ¿e nie ma modelu polityki kulturalnej, który by³by zawsze jednakowo skuteczny, dlatego dzia³ania pañstwa w obszarze kultury, musz¹ byæ regularnie monitorowane, oceniane i na nowo weryfikowane. W przedstawionych klasyfikacjach modeli polityki kulturalnej wszyscy badacze staraj¹ siê sformu³owaæ w³asne typologie, wykorzystuj¹c cztery, piêæ g³ównych wska ników rozwoju kultury okre lonego pañstwa lub regionu. Tymi wska nikami s¹: instytucje i cele polityki kulturalnej, zasady i mechanizmy, a tak¿e skutki jej realizacji. Do zasad i mechanizmów realizacji polityki kulturalnej, z perspektywy oceny omówionych modeli, mo¿na umownie zaliczyæ charakter ustroju politycznego pañstwa i stopieñ jego ingerencji w procesy zarz¹dzania kultur¹. Bior¹c pod uwagê ten punkt widzenia, wszystkie opisane wy¿ej klasyfikacje modeli polityki kulturalnej warto podzieliæ na trzy du¿e grupy.

264

opiekuñczego [tam¿e, s. 23 24; Giddens, 1999, s. 24]. Jak podkre la Gricenko, model wschodnioeuropejski jest faktycznie modelem nie tyle uzasadniaj¹cym teoretycznie istnienie polityki kulturalnej, ile pokazuj¹cym rzeczywisto æ kulturaln¹ okresu przej ciowego. Z tym wi¹¿e siê okre lona infrastruktura, odziedziczona po poprzednich czasach, i niekorzystne, wynikaj¹ce z kryzysu ekonomicznego tego okresu warunki, w których musi rozwijaæ siê kultura. W takich okoliczno ciach podejmowanie decyzji w sferze kultury jest czêsto wymuszone i zbyt szybkie (nieprzemy lane). Wyja nia to podobieñstwo rzeczywisto ci kulturalnej w krajach postkomunistycznych, które jakby nie uwzglêdnia ró¿nic w narodowo-pañstwowych koncepcjach polityki kulturalnej [Gricenko, 1994, s. 96]. M. Che³miñska w ramach krajoznawczej grupy klasyfikacji wyró¿nia trzy kryteria typologii systemów polityki kulturalnej, podsumowanych przez Jana Grada i Urszulê Kaczmarek: 1) Kryterium stopnia centralizacji systemu jako podstawê zakwalifikowania pañstwa do jednego z modeli, sformowanych wg tego kryterium, przyjêto stopieñ koncentracji instrumentów prowadzenia polityki kulturalnej na szczeblu pañstwa oraz skalê interwencji w dzia³alno æ samorz¹dów lokalnych. W ten sposób wyró¿niono trzy modele: a) model silnej centralizacji Francja, Dania, Grecja, Portugalia, b) model wzglêdnej równowagi miêdzy centralizacj¹ i decentralizacj¹ Szwecja, Hiszpania, Belgia, W³ochy, c) model silnej decentralizacji Szwajcaria, Niemcy, Wielka Brytania. 2) Kryterium preferowanych funkcji polityki kulturalnej: a) model wspierania rozwoju profesjonalnej twórczo ci artystycznej typu presti¿owego, b) model demokratyzacji kultury, c) model ochrony rynku kulturalnego, interwencjonizmu pañstwowego. 3) Kryterium stosowanych form interwencji: a) model reglamentacyjny podporz¹dkowanie polityki kulturalnej normom legislacyjnym lub innym, ustalonym w inny sposób, b) model woluntarystyczny podejmowanie decyzji przez w³adze wy¿szego szczebla oraz bezpo rednio æ interwencji, c) model perswazyjno-propaguj¹cy dominuj¹ wysi³ki zmierzaj¹ce do popularyzacji celów i zasad polityki kulturalnej oraz jej osi¹gniêæ, d) model dotuj¹cy rozdzielanie rodków miêdzy ró¿ne podmioty dzia³alno ci kultural-


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Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Pierwsz¹ z nich mo¿na nazwaæ ideologiczn¹, poniewa¿ schematy, które zosta³y opisane w tej pracy, przewiduj¹ bezpo redni¹ wspó³zale¿no æ pomiêdzy procesami rozwoju demokratycznego spo³eczeñstwa obywatelskiego i polityk¹ kulturaln¹. S¹ to zw³aszcza klasyfikacje wypracowane przez G. Espinga-Andersena, R. Titmussa, Ì. Dragiæeviæ- e iæ, D. Ilczuk, S. Golinowsk¹ oraz A. Giddensa. Kryterium zaliczenia do drugiej, ekonomicznej grupy jest skupienie uwagi autorów klasyfikacji modeli polityki kulturalnej na poziomie zabezpieczenia kultury w rodki materialne i fi-

nansowe. Takie ujêcie reprezentuj¹ A. Moles, A. Wisand, R. Fisher, L. Wostriakow, B. Peril. Trzecia, krajoznawcza lub geograficzna grupa zalicza siê do teorii sformu³owanej przez O. Gricenkê i M. Che³miñsk¹. Za g³ówn¹ podstawê wydzielenia modeli polityki kulturalnej uwa¿a ona, jak wynika z nazwy, specyfikê zarz¹dzania kultur¹ w ró¿nych krajach wiata. W ca³o ci, co by³o ju¿ podkre lane, wdro¿enie ka¿dego modelu polityki kulturalnej musi byæ procesem, traktowanym przez w³adzê jako integralna czê æ wewnêtrznego i zewnêtrznego rozwoju polityki pañstwa.

Literatura Che³miñska M., Warunki rozwoju kultury na szczeblu lokalnym. Europejskie modele rozwi¹zañ systemowych a sytuacja w Polsce, Warszawa 1993. Dragiæeviæ- e iæ M., Kultura: mened¿ment, animacja, marketing, Nowosybirsk 2000. Giddens A., Trzecia droga. Odnowa socjaldemokracji, Warszawa 1999. Golinowska S., Polityka spo³eczna: koncepcje instytucje koszty, Warszawa 2000. Golinowska S. (red.), W poszukiwaniu nowych róde³ i form finansowania kultury. Studia z krajów o gospodarce rynkowej, Warszawa 1991. Grad J., Kaczmarek U., Organizacja i upowszechnianie kultury w Polsce. Zmiany modelu. Skrypt dla studentów kulturoznawstwa, Poznañ 1996. Gricenko O., Kulturna politika: koncepcii i doseid: nawczalnij posibnik, Kijew 1994.

Ilczuk D., Polityka kulturalna w spo³eczeñstwie obywatelskim, Kraków 2002. Le niak T. (red.), Europejskie modele zarz¹dzania kultur¹ (appendix) [w:] Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹: wybrane materia³y seminarium dla mened¿erów kultury, Kraków, marzec kwiecieñ 1993, Kraków 1995. Moles A., Sociodinamika kultury, Moskwa 1973. Wostriakow E., Kulturnaja politika: koncepcii, poniatija, modieli (dok. elektron.), http://www.cpolicy.ru/analytics/80.html. Wostriakow E., Kulturnaja politika: osnownyje koncepcii i modieli, Eko³ogija kultury 2004/1 (32). Wostriakow E., Peril B. W., Kulturnaja politika kak naucznaja disciplina i ob³ast prakticzeskoj diejatielnosti, Licznost. Kultura. Obszczestwo 2004, Wyp. 3 (23).

nawczalnij posibnik, Kijew 1994. Gricenko O., Kulturna politika: koncepcii i doseid: studentów kulturoznawstwa, Poznañ 1996. nie kultury w Polsce. Zmiany modelu. Skrypt dla Grad J., Kaczmarek U., Organizacja i upowszechniao gospodarce rynkowej, Warszawa 1991. de³ i form finansowania kultury. Studia z krajów Golinowska S. (red.), W poszukiwaniu nowych róstytucje koszty, Warszawa 2000. Golinowska S., Polityka spo³eczna: koncepcje incji, Warszawa 1999. Giddens A., Trzecia droga. Odnowa socjaldemokracja, marketing, Nowosybirsk 2000. Dragiæeviæ- e iæ M., Kultura: mened¿ment, animatemowych a sytuacja w Polsce, Warszawa 1993. blu lokalnym. Europejskie modele rozwi¹zañ sysChe³miñska M., Warunki rozwoju kultury na szcze-

2004, Wyp. 3 (23). jatielnosti, Licznost. Kultura. Obszczestwo naucznaja disciplina i ob³ast prakticzeskoj dieWostriakow E., Peril B. W., Kulturnaja politika kak cepcii i modieli, Eko³ogija kultury 2004/1 (32). Wostriakow E., Kulturnaja politika: osnownyje koncy.ru/analytics/80.html. tija, modieli (dok. elektron.), http://www.cpoliWostriakow E., Kulturnaja politika: koncepcii, poniaMoles A., Sociodinamika kultury, Moskwa 1973. 1995. kultury, Kraków, marzec kwiecieñ 1993, Kraków brane materia³y seminarium dla mened¿erów kultur¹ (appendix) [w:] Zarz¹dzanie kultur¹: wyLe niak T. (red.), Europejskie modele zarz¹dzania watelskim, Kraków 2002. Ilczuk D., Polityka kulturalna w spo³eczeñstwie oby-

Literatura Pierwsz¹ z nich mo¿na nazwaæ ideologiczn¹, poniewa¿ schematy, które zosta³y opisane w tej pracy, przewiduj¹ bezpo redni¹ wspó³zale¿no æ pomiêdzy procesami rozwoju demokratycznego spo³eczeñstwa obywatelskiego i polityk¹ kulturaln¹. S¹ to zw³aszcza klasyfikacje wypracowane przez G. Espinga-Andersena, R. Titmussa, Ì. Dragiæeviæ- e iæ, D. Ilczuk, S. Golinowsk¹ oraz A. Giddensa. Kryterium zaliczenia do drugiej, ekonomicznej grupy jest skupienie uwagi autorów klasyfikacji modeli polityki kulturalnej na poziomie zabezpieczenia kultury w rodki materialne i fiZarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

265

nansowe. Takie ujêcie reprezentuj¹ A. Moles, A. Wisand, R. Fisher, L. Wostriakow, B. Peril. Trzecia, krajoznawcza lub geograficzna grupa zalicza siê do teorii sformu³owanej przez O. Gricenkê i M. Che³miñsk¹. Za g³ówn¹ podstawê wydzielenia modeli polityki kulturalnej uwa¿a ona, jak wynika z nazwy, specyfikê zarz¹dzania kultur¹ w ró¿nych krajach wiata. W ca³o ci, co by³o ju¿ podkre lane, wdro¿enie ka¿dego modelu polityki kulturalnej musi byæ procesem, traktowanym przez w³adzê jako integralna czê æ wewnêtrznego i zewnêtrznego rozwoju polityki pañstwa.


T³umaczenie: Katarzyna Kopeæ

Ivars Berzin ,

Transformacja instytucjonalna oraz decentralizacja jako nowe ujêcie i ustrukturyzowanie relacji na p³aszczyznach decyzyjnych

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

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lucja charakteru istniej¹cych instytucji, przemiana instytucjonalna z punktu widzenia percepcji spo³ecznej: zmiana powszechnie dostrzegalna zmiana ukryta, G oddzia³ywanie przemiany instytucjonalnej: g³êbokie przekszta³cenie warunków ¿yciowych zmiany o charakterze powierzchownym ( w³a ciwie nic siê nie zmieni³o ) [Göhler, 1997, s. 23]. Proces transformacji instytucjonalnej musi stawiæ czo³a licznym wyzwaniom. Z jednej strony, po upadku sowieckiego modelu przekszta³ceniu ulegaj¹ polityczne, gospodarcze, spo³eczne i kulturowe mechanizmy zarz¹dzania. Z drugiej za strony kraje wschodnioeuropejskie poddawane s¹ ogólno wiatowej presji integracji procesowi globalizacji. Skuteczna transformacja krajów Europy Wschodniej, jak równie¿ ich perspektywy rozwojowe s¹ z regu³y ujmowane jako modernizacja w celu nadrobienia zaleg³o ci modernizacja interpretowana jako postêp w d¹¿eniu do idea³u rozwoju spo³ecznego, rozumianego jako obecny kszta³t najbardziej rozwiniêtych zachodnich pañstw przemys³owych. Zadaniem transformacji instytucjonalnej, która charakteryzuje dynamikê rozwoju spo³ecznego, jest wypracowanie merytorycznie racjonalnych, najlepszych rozwi¹zañ problemów. Jednak wed³ug Beymego ¿adna wcze niejsza zmiana systemu nie zosta³a obci¹¿ona tak olbrzymim trudem ukszta³towania instytucji [Beyme, 1994, s. 49]. Dlatego te¿ architektura G

lucja charakteru istniej¹cych instytucji, G przemiana instytucjonalna z punktu widzenia percepcji spo³ecznej: zmiana powszechnie dostrzegalna zmiana ukryta, G oddzia³ywanie przemiany instytucjonalnej: g³êbokie przekszta³cenie warunków ¿yciowych zmiany o charakterze powierzchownym ( w³a ciwie nic siê nie zmieni³o ) [Göhler, 1997, s. 23]. Proces transformacji instytucjonalnej musi stawiæ czo³a licznym wyzwaniom. Z jednej strony, po upadku sowieckiego modelu przekszta³ceniu ulegaj¹ polityczne, gospodarcze, spo³eczne i kulturowe mechanizmy zarz¹dzania. Z drugiej za strony kraje wschodnioeuropejskie poddawane s¹ ogólno wiatowej presji integracji procesowi globalizacji. Skuteczna transformacja krajów Europy Wschodniej, jak równie¿ ich perspektywy rozwojowe s¹ z regu³y ujmowane jako modernizacja w celu nadrobienia zaleg³o ci modernizacja interpretowana jako postêp w d¹¿eniu do idea³u rozwoju spo³ecznego, rozumianego jako obecny kszta³t najbardziej rozwiniêtych zachodnich pañstw przemys³owych. Zadaniem transformacji instytucjonalnej, która charakteryzuje dynamikê rozwoju spo³ecznego, jest wypracowanie merytorycznie racjonalnych, najlepszych rozwi¹zañ problemów. Jednak wed³ug Beymego ¿adna wcze niejsza zmiana systemu nie zosta³a obci¹¿ona tak olbrzymim trudem ukszta³towania instytucji [Beyme, 1994, s. 49]. Dlatego te¿ architektura

ostatnim okresie obserwujemy znaczny wzrost zainteresowania tematyk¹ instytucji, ze szczególnym uwzglêdnieniem zagadnieñ zwi¹zanych z transformacj¹ instytucjonaln¹. Dokonuj¹c analizy transformacji pod k¹tem przemian instytucjonalnych, warto okre liæ ramowe pojêcia, które umo¿liwi¹ nam efektywn¹ analizê. Wed³ug Northa [North, 1992, s. 3] instytucje s¹ w ogólnym ujêciu stworzonymi przez cz³owieka ograniczeniami ludzkich interakcji; przemiana instytucjonalna okre la drogê rozwoju spo³eczeñstw i dlatego jest kluczem do zrozumienia procesów historycznych. Stanowi¹c uniwersaln¹ metodê podejmowania decyzji [Lepsius, 1990, s. 56], instytucje w znacznym stopniu przyczyniaj¹ siê do ca³kowitego objêcia w³adzy nad stosunkami spo³ecznymi. Instytucje s¹ tym samym normami, które odnosz¹ siê przede wszystkim do podzia³u i wykonywania w³adzy, do definicji kompetencji, dostêpu do zasobów, jak te¿ i spo³ecznych stosunków zwierzchnictwa i zale¿no ci [Mayntz, Scharpf, 1995, s. 40]. Transformacja instytucjonalna sta³a siê od prze³omu w Europie Wschodniej powszechnym zjawiskiem, które jest jednym z wa¿niejszych czynników na drodze ku zrozumieniu spo³eczeñstwa i polityki w ich dynamice. Wed³ug Göhlera zjawisko przemiany instytucjonalnej jest w sposób metodyczny przedstawiane pod k¹tem trzech aspektów w nastêpuj¹cych parach przeciwieñstw: G przemiana instytucjonalna jako proces: rozpad i ponowne powo³ywanie instytucji ewo-

ostatnim okresie obserwujemy znaczny wzrost zainteresowania tematyk¹ instytucji, ze szczególnym uwzglêdnieniem zagadnieñ zwi¹zanych z transformacj¹ instytucjonaln¹. Dokonuj¹c analizy transformacji pod k¹tem przemian instytucjonalnych, warto okre liæ ramowe pojêcia, które umo¿liwi¹ nam efektywn¹ analizê. Wed³ug Northa [North, 1992, s. 3] instytucje s¹ w ogólnym ujêciu stworzonymi przez cz³owieka ograniczeniami ludzkich interakcji; przemiana instytucjonalna okre la drogê rozwoju spo³eczeñstw i dlatego jest kluczem do zrozumienia procesów historycznych. Stanowi¹c uniwersaln¹ metodê podejmowania decyzji [Lepsius, 1990, s. 56], instytucje w znacznym stopniu przyczyniaj¹ siê do ca³kowitego objêcia w³adzy nad stosunkami spo³ecznymi. Instytucje s¹ tym samym normami, które odnosz¹ siê przede wszystkim do podzia³u i wykonywania w³adzy, do definicji kompetencji, dostêpu do zasobów, jak te¿ i spo³ecznych stosunków zwierzchnictwa i zale¿no ci [Mayntz, Scharpf, 1995, s. 40]. Transformacja instytucjonalna sta³a siê od prze³omu w Europie Wschodniej powszechnym zjawiskiem, które jest jednym z wa¿niejszych czynników na drodze ku zrozumieniu spo³eczeñstwa i polityki w ich dynamice. Wed³ug Göhlera zjawisko przemiany instytucjonalnej jest w sposób metodyczny przedstawiane pod k¹tem trzech aspektów w nastêpuj¹cych parach przeciwieñstw: przemiana instytucjonalna jako proces: rozpad i ponowne powo³ywanie instytucji ewo-

Ivars Berzin , ukoñczy³ £otewsk¹ Akademiê Muzyczn¹, stopieñ doktora uzyska³ w Pañstwowym Konserwatorium w Sankt Petersburgu. Absolwent zarz¹dzania kultur¹ Wy¿szej Szko³y Muzyczno-Teatralnej w Hamburgu. W roku 2005 obroni³ doktorat na Uniwersytecie w Münster na temat prywatyzacji w sferze kultury na przyk³adzie £otwy. Od roku 2006 jako profesor wyk³ada zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ w £otewskiej Akademii Kultury. Muzyk, dyrygent Chóru £otewskiego Radia (1978 86), laureat licznych miêdzynarodowych konkursów chórów w Hiszpanii, Finlandii, £otwie, ekspert ministerstwa kultury w kwestiach edukacji kulturalnej i ekonomiki kultury.

W

G

T³umaczenie: Katarzyna Kopeæ

Ivars Berzin , ukoñczy³ £otewsk¹ Akademiê Muzyczn¹, stopieñ doktora uzyska³ w Pañstwowym Konserwatorium w Sankt Petersburgu. Absolwent zarz¹dzania kultur¹ Wy¿szej Szko³y Muzyczno-Teatralnej w Hamburgu. W roku 2005 obroni³ doktorat na Uniwersytecie w Münster na temat prywatyzacji w sferze kultury na przyk³adzie £otwy. Od roku 2006 jako profesor wyk³ada zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ w £otewskiej Akademii Kultury. Muzyk, dyrygent Chóru £otewskiego Radia (1978 86), laureat licznych miêdzynarodowych konkursów chórów w Hiszpanii, Finlandii, £otwie, ekspert ministerstwa kultury w kwestiach edukacji kulturalnej i ekonomiki kultury.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Ivars Berzin ,

266

Transformacja instytucjonalna oraz decentralizacja jako nowe ujêcie i ustrukturyzowanie relacji na p³aszczyznach decyzyjnych


267

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

instytucjonalna nowo powsta³ych demokracji jest jednym z najwa¿niejszych czynników skutecznej konsolidacji m³odych demokracji. Sednem analizy dotycz¹cej transformacji instytucjonalnej s¹ d³ugofalowe zmiany spo³eczeñstw i ich struktur instytucjonalnych, sytuacje prze³omu strukturalnego, jak upadek komunistycznych systemów rz¹dzenia w Europie rodkowej. Transformacja administracji w krajach postkomunistycznych Europy Wschodniej jest powszechnie opisywana jako proces reorientacji, której punktem wyj cia jest system ludowo-demokratycznego centralizmu biurokratycznego, a punktem koñcowym praworz¹dna administracja publiczna o charakterze kontynentalno-europejskim. Administracja postkomunistyczna determinowana jest z jednej strony poprzez odwrót od pañstwowego systemu zarz¹dzania, czyli tzw. realnego socjalizmu, z drugiej za poprzez wykszta³cenie siê administracyjnych zasad organizacyjnych, wzorowanych na obowi¹zuj¹cych w liberalno-demokratycznych pañstwach Europy Zachodniej. Oznacza to, ¿e cele oraz kierunek rozwoju administracyjnego s¹ w wysokim stopniu przewidywalne [Goetz, 1995, s. 538]. Równie¿ przed nauk¹ administracji stoi wyzwanie podjêcia analiz nad rozleg³ymi procesami transformacyjnymi. Klasyczna administracja europejska opiera siê na separacji polityki i administracji, d¹¿¹c do neutralizacji pierwiastka politycznego. Urzêdnik powinien wykonywaæ swój zawód nie w kategoriach politycznych, ale zarz¹dzaæ , przede wszystkim bezpartyjnie [Weber, 1980, s. 563]. Administracja w realnym socjalizmie by³a obecna wszêdzie, ale zawsze dzia³a³a zgodnie z wol¹ partii [König, 1999, s. 16]. Taki porz¹dek rzeczy zainfekowa³ politykê oraz administracjê i wyniós³ element polityki do rangi podstawowego uwarunkowania. Przed polityk¹ administracyjn¹ i nauk¹ administracji stoi wiele wyzwañ. Na pierwszy plan wysuwaj¹ siê tu koncepcje transformacji, modernizacji i reformy (Goetz, 1994) oraz transformacji, rozwoju i modernizacji (König, 1999). Chodzi tu przede wszystkim o relacje pomiêdzy administracj¹ a polityk¹ oraz pomiêdzy administracj¹ a spo³eczeñstwem obywatelskim. Dla relacji polityka administracja kluczowy jest stopieñ funkcjonalnego i organizacyjnego rozdzia³u, jak równie¿ wzglêdna autonomia administracji. Proces autonomizacji ad-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

ministracji wzglêdem polityki wci¹¿ jeszcze znajduje siê w fazie wstêpnej. Za wa¿n¹ cechê administracji zachodniej uznaje siê cis³e kierowanie siê przepisami prawnymi przedk³adanymi nad interesy partyjno-polityczne oraz prawno-organizacyjny rozdzia³ miêdzy instytucjami administracji publicznej a aparatem partyjnym. W d³ugofalowej perspektywie rozwoju istotna jest wystêpuj¹ca obecnie organizacyjna s³abo æ instytucji spo³eczeñstwa obywatelskiego. Brak skutecznych i profesjonalnych organizacji spo³ecznych oznacza, ¿e alternatyw¹ staje siê pañstwo b¹d rynek, podczas gdy trzeciemu sektorowi przypisywane jest jedynie znaczenie podrzêdne. W przypadku braku uznanych instytucji spo³ecznych pole dzia³ania dla inicjatyw obywatelskich jest niewielkie. Wieloaspektowa polityka administracyjna mo¿e daæ wsparcie i decyduj¹cy impuls do tworzenia instytucji spo³eczeñstwa obywatelskiego, a tym samym przyczyniæ siê do konsolidacji instytucjonalnego fundamentu demokracji. Wraz z rozszerzaniem funkcji w zakresie us³ug, planowania i realizacji zadañ publicznych ich udzia³ w zadaniach administracji staje siê w porównaniu z zadaniami porz¹dku prawnego coraz wiêkszy. Tradycyjne struktury administracji, stworzone zgodnie z za³o¿eniami idealnego typu biurokracji wed³ug Webera do wype³niania zadañ w zakresie realizacji porz¹dku prawnego, w dalszym ci¹gu dobrze siê z nich wywi¹zuj¹. Coraz rzadziej s¹ one jednak w stanie dostarczaæ obywatelom us³ugi w korzystnych cenach, podczas gdy spo³eczeñstwo zosta³o do takiego stanu rzeczy przyzwyczajone przez dobrze zarz¹dzane i rentowne przedsiêbiorstwa prywatne. Istotnymi elementami s¹ przy tym stworzenie wiêkszych mo¿liwo ci decyzyjnych, przeniesienie kompetencji decyzyjnych w dó³ oraz po³¹czenie kwestii finansowania oraz odpowiedzialno ci za wykonanie zadania.

Typologie decentralizacji

O

dwrót od demokratycznego centralizmu zbudowanego wed³ug marksistowsko-leninowskiej doktryny spowodowa³, i¿ aktualne sta³o siê zagadnienie nie tylko horyzontalnego, ale te¿ wertykalnego podzia³u w³adzy. Tym samym zadanie decentralizacji administracji nabra³o szczególnego znaczenia. Termin decentralizacja znajduje zastosowanie w ró¿nych dyscyplinach nauki, jak politologia (decentralizacja systemów rz¹dzenia), mikroekonomia

267

instytucjonalna nowo powsta³ych demokracji jest jednym z najwa¿niejszych czynników skutecznej konsolidacji m³odych demokracji. Sednem analizy dotycz¹cej transformacji instytucjonalnej s¹ d³ugofalowe zmiany spo³eczeñstw i ich struktur instytucjonalnych, sytuacje prze³omu strukturalnego, jak upadek komunistycznych systemów rz¹dzenia w Europie rodkowej. Transformacja administracji w krajach postkomunistycznych Europy Wschodniej jest powszechnie opisywana jako proces reorientacji, której punktem wyj cia jest system ludowo-demokratycznego centralizmu biurokratycznego, a punktem koñcowym praworz¹dna administracja publiczna o charakterze kontynentalno-europejskim. Administracja postkomunistyczna determinowana jest z jednej strony poprzez odwrót od pañstwowego systemu zarz¹dzania, czyli tzw. realnego socjalizmu, z drugiej za poprzez wykszta³cenie siê administracyjnych zasad organizacyjnych, wzorowanych na obowi¹zuj¹cych w liberalno-demokratycznych pañstwach Europy Zachodniej. Oznacza to, ¿e cele oraz kierunek rozwoju administracyjnego s¹ w wysokim stopniu przewidywalne [Goetz, 1995, s. 538]. Równie¿ przed nauk¹ administracji stoi wyzwanie podjêcia analiz nad rozleg³ymi procesami transformacyjnymi. Klasyczna administracja europejska opiera siê na separacji polityki i administracji, d¹¿¹c do neutralizacji pierwiastka politycznego. Urzêdnik powinien wykonywaæ swój zawód nie w kategoriach politycznych, ale zarz¹dzaæ , przede wszystkim bezpartyjnie [Weber, 1980, s. 563]. Administracja w realnym socjalizmie by³a obecna wszêdzie, ale zawsze dzia³a³a zgodnie z wol¹ partii [König, 1999, s. 16]. Taki porz¹dek rzeczy zainfekowa³ politykê oraz administracjê i wyniós³ element polityki do rangi podstawowego uwarunkowania. Przed polityk¹ administracyjn¹ i nauk¹ administracji stoi wiele wyzwañ. Na pierwszy plan wysuwaj¹ siê tu koncepcje transformacji, modernizacji i reformy (Goetz, 1994) oraz transformacji, rozwoju i modernizacji (König, 1999). Chodzi tu przede wszystkim o relacje pomiêdzy administracj¹ a polityk¹ oraz pomiêdzy administracj¹ a spo³eczeñstwem obywatelskim. Dla relacji polityka administracja kluczowy jest stopieñ funkcjonalnego i organizacyjnego rozdzia³u, jak równie¿ wzglêdna autonomia administracji. Proces autonomizacji ad-

dwrót od demokratycznego centralizmu zbudowanego wed³ug marksistowsko-leninowskiej doktryny spowodowa³, i¿ aktualne sta³o siê zagadnienie nie tylko horyzontalnego, ale te¿ wertykalnego podzia³u w³adzy. Tym samym zadanie decentralizacji administracji nabra³o szczególnego znaczenia. Termin decentralizacja znajduje zastosowanie w ró¿nych dyscyplinach nauki, jak politologia (decentralizacja systemów rz¹dzenia), mikroekonomia

O

Typologie decentralizacji ministracji wzglêdem polityki wci¹¿ jeszcze znajduje siê w fazie wstêpnej. Za wa¿n¹ cechê administracji zachodniej uznaje siê cis³e kierowanie siê przepisami prawnymi przedk³adanymi nad interesy partyjno-polityczne oraz prawno-organizacyjny rozdzia³ miêdzy instytucjami administracji publicznej a aparatem partyjnym. W d³ugofalowej perspektywie rozwoju istotna jest wystêpuj¹ca obecnie organizacyjna s³abo æ instytucji spo³eczeñstwa obywatelskiego. Brak skutecznych i profesjonalnych organizacji spo³ecznych oznacza, ¿e alternatyw¹ staje siê pañstwo b¹d rynek, podczas gdy trzeciemu sektorowi przypisywane jest jedynie znaczenie podrzêdne. W przypadku braku uznanych instytucji spo³ecznych pole dzia³ania dla inicjatyw obywatelskich jest niewielkie. Wieloaspektowa polityka administracyjna mo¿e daæ wsparcie i decyduj¹cy impuls do tworzenia instytucji spo³eczeñstwa obywatelskiego, a tym samym przyczyniæ siê do konsolidacji instytucjonalnego fundamentu demokracji. Wraz z rozszerzaniem funkcji w zakresie us³ug, planowania i realizacji zadañ publicznych ich udzia³ w zadaniach administracji staje siê w porównaniu z zadaniami porz¹dku prawnego coraz wiêkszy. Tradycyjne struktury administracji, stworzone zgodnie z za³o¿eniami idealnego typu biurokracji wed³ug Webera do wype³niania zadañ w zakresie realizacji porz¹dku prawnego, w dalszym ci¹gu dobrze siê z nich wywi¹zuj¹. Coraz rzadziej s¹ one jednak w stanie dostarczaæ obywatelom us³ugi w korzystnych cenach, podczas gdy spo³eczeñstwo zosta³o do takiego stanu rzeczy przyzwyczajone przez dobrze zarz¹dzane i rentowne przedsiêbiorstwa prywatne. Istotnymi elementami s¹ przy tym stworzenie wiêkszych mo¿liwo ci decyzyjnych, przeniesienie kompetencji decyzyjnych w dó³ oraz po³¹czenie kwestii finansowania oraz odpowiedzialno ci za wykonanie zadania.


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Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

niesienie kompetencji decyzyjnych na obywateli lub wybranych przez nich przedstawicieli. Decentralizacja administracyjna charakteryzuje siê tym, ¿e delegowana jest wy³¹cznie realizacja ustanowionych zadañ. Oznacza ona tak¿e hierarchiczne i funkcyjne rozdzielenie kompetencji decyzyjnych pomiêdzy centralnymi a niecentralnymi jednostkami w³adz, postêpuj¹c¹ wspó³pracê pomiêdzy poszczególnymi obszarami administracji centralnej, w³adzami regionalnymi, jak równie¿ organizacjami pozarz¹dowymi, aby osi¹gn¹æ wyznaczone cele dziêki poszerzonemu zakresowi wzajemnej wspó³pracy. Kolejnym elementem jest decentralizacja ekonomiczna: wzrost ekonomicznej efektywno ci, tzn. osi¹gniêcie celów poprzez zmniejszenie kosztów. Ten rodzaj decentralizacji mo¿emy sprowadziæ do dwóch kategorii: G decentralizacja rynkowa okre la proces wprowadzenia uwarunkowañ, które umo¿liwiaj¹ produkcjê oraz dystrybucjê dóbr i us³ug wedle regu³ rynku jak np. liberalizacja ekonomiczna i prywatyzacja, G decentralizacja finansów publicznych oznacza federalizm fiskalny lub pañstwowe strumienie finansowe, które uzupe³niaj¹ obszary politycznej i administracyjnej decentralizacji. Nale¿y dokonaæ rozró¿nienia pomiêdzy decentralizacj¹ horyzontaln¹ a wertykaln¹. Decentralizacja horyzontalna jest równowag¹ pomiêdzy instytucjami funkcjonuj¹cymi na równych szczeblach. W przypadku decentralizacji wertykalnej chodzi o przeniesienie w³adzy politycznej na ró¿ne p³aszczyzny sprawowania w³adzy oraz administracji. Jako typy podstawowe mo¿na wyró¿niæ cztery formy wedle kryterium stopnia przeniesionej w³adzy i wachlarza funkcji, opisane poni¿ej.

rzeniesienie funkcji wewn¹trz centralnej hierarchii w³adzy na jednostki lokalne. W wyniku dekoncentracji rutynowe zadania przeniesione zostaj¹ na ni¿sze szczeble w³adzy centralnej. Skuteczna kontrola pozostaje w rêkach centrum, które wyznacza wytyczne wed³ug zasad hierarchii. Mo¿na tu wyró¿niæ nastêpuj¹ce stopnie intensywno ci: G zwyk³e przeniesienie zadañ bez przeniesienia autonomii w zakresie podejmowania decyzji, G transfer ograniczonej autonomii na urzêdy lokalne w zakresie decydowania o zadaniach rutynowych,

Dekoncentracja

P

P

Dekoncentracja

rzeniesienie funkcji wewn¹trz centralnej hierarchii w³adzy na jednostki lokalne. W wyniku dekoncentracji rutynowe zadania przeniesione zostaj¹ na ni¿sze szczeble w³adzy centralnej. Skuteczna kontrola pozostaje w rêkach centrum, które wyznacza wytyczne wed³ug zasad hierarchii. Mo¿na tu wyró¿niæ nastêpuj¹ce stopnie intensywno ci: G zwyk³e przeniesienie zadañ bez przeniesienia autonomii w zakresie podejmowania decyzji, G transfer ograniczonej autonomii na urzêdy lokalne w zakresie decydowania o zadaniach rutynowych,

268

niesienie kompetencji decyzyjnych na obywateli lub wybranych przez nich przedstawicieli. Decentralizacja administracyjna charakteryzuje siê tym, ¿e delegowana jest wy³¹cznie realizacja ustanowionych zadañ. Oznacza ona tak¿e hierarchiczne i funkcyjne rozdzielenie kompetencji decyzyjnych pomiêdzy centralnymi a niecentralnymi jednostkami w³adz, postêpuj¹c¹ wspó³pracê pomiêdzy poszczególnymi obszarami administracji centralnej, w³adzami regionalnymi, jak równie¿ organizacjami pozarz¹dowymi, aby osi¹gn¹æ wyznaczone cele dziêki poszerzonemu zakresowi wzajemnej wspó³pracy. Kolejnym elementem jest decentralizacja ekonomiczna: wzrost ekonomicznej efektywno ci, tzn. osi¹gniêcie celów poprzez zmniejszenie kosztów. Ten rodzaj decentralizacji mo¿emy sprowadziæ do dwóch kategorii: G decentralizacja rynkowa okre la proces wprowadzenia uwarunkowañ, które umo¿liwiaj¹ produkcjê oraz dystrybucjê dóbr i us³ug wedle regu³ rynku jak np. liberalizacja ekonomiczna i prywatyzacja, G decentralizacja finansów publicznych oznacza federalizm fiskalny lub pañstwowe strumienie finansowe, które uzupe³niaj¹ obszary politycznej i administracyjnej decentralizacji. Nale¿y dokonaæ rozró¿nienia pomiêdzy decentralizacj¹ horyzontaln¹ a wertykaln¹. Decentralizacja horyzontalna jest równowag¹ pomiêdzy instytucjami funkcjonuj¹cymi na równych szczeblach. W przypadku decentralizacji wertykalnej chodzi o przeniesienie w³adzy politycznej na ró¿ne p³aszczyzny sprawowania w³adzy oraz administracji. Jako typy podstawowe mo¿na wyró¿niæ cztery formy wedle kryterium stopnia przeniesionej w³adzy i wachlarza funkcji, opisane poni¿ej.

(decentralizacja w ramach przedsiêbiorstwa), socjologia (decentralizacja struktur), makroekonomia (decentralizacja finansów publicznych), nauka administracji (decentralizacja struktur administracyjnych). Celami decentralizacji s¹: uproszczenie procesu zarz¹dzania, polityczno-instytucjonalny podzia³ w³adzy, urzêdowa ci¹g³o æ, wprowadzenie demokracji, ekonomiczna efektywno æ. Stopieñ centralizacji danego systemu politycznego wiadczy o strukturze organizacji systemu, przy czym centralizacja oznacza organizacyjny rdzeñ, a decentralizacja podzia³. Stopieñ centralizacji struktury organizacyjnej informuje o procesach decyzyjnych, a przez to o stosunkach w³adzy. Decentralizacja mo¿e zostaæ zdefiniowana w sposób ogólny jako przeniesienie urzêdowej i politycznej zwierzchno ci w zakresie planowania, podejmowania decyzji i zarz¹dzania administracyjnego ze szczebla centralnego na lokalne jednostki administracyjne, pó³autonomiczne i ponadpañstwowe organizacje, administracjê gminn¹ lub organizacje pozarz¹dowe. Decentralizacja jest postrzegana w tym rozumieniu jako rodek do osi¹gniêcia celu [Rondinelli, 1981, s. 133 145]. Rondinelli przytoczy³ wiele argumentów przemawiaj¹cych za decentralizacj¹, w ród których najwa¿niejsze to: wzrost efektywno ci planowania rozwoju, wiêksze dopasowanie pañstwowych programów do lokalnych potrzeb, obni¿enie kosztów wytwarzania dóbr publicznych, zwiêkszenie atrakcyjno ci administracji lokalnej, wspieranie ponadregionalnej równo ci, u³atwiona wspó³praca administracyjna oraz zwiêkszony zakres odpowiedzialno æ samorz¹dów. Decentralizacja jest opisem struktur, który mo¿e byæ zastosowany chocia¿ nie tylko w stosunku do struktur pañstwowych i mo¿e oznaczaæ schemat trybów administracyjnych. Jako komponenty strategii decentralizacji wymieniæ mo¿na obszary: polityczny, administracyjny i finansowy. S¹ one z sob¹ powi¹zane i realizacja strategii decentralizacji mo¿liwa jest przy zachowaniu spójno ci miêdzy poszczególnymi obszarami. Rozdzia³ zadañ polityki i administracji pozwala wyró¿niæ, wed³ug Mayntz, polityczn¹ i administracyjn¹ decentralizacjê [Mayntz, 1985, s. 42]. Z politycznego punktu widzenia oznacza to przeniesienie urzêdowych kompetencji decyzyjnych na inne elementy systemu, wspieranie politycznej stabilno ci, rosn¹ce wspomaganie narodowych programów rozwojowych, zwiêkszenie znaczenia regionalnych i lokalnych interesów w skali ca³ego systemu politycznego. Polityczna decentralizacja zwykle stanowi prze-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

(decentralizacja w ramach przedsiêbiorstwa), socjologia (decentralizacja struktur), makroekonomia (decentralizacja finansów publicznych), nauka administracji (decentralizacja struktur administracyjnych). Celami decentralizacji s¹: uproszczenie procesu zarz¹dzania, polityczno-instytucjonalny podzia³ w³adzy, urzêdowa ci¹g³o æ, wprowadzenie demokracji, ekonomiczna efektywno æ. Stopieñ centralizacji danego systemu politycznego wiadczy o strukturze organizacji systemu, przy czym centralizacja oznacza organizacyjny rdzeñ, a decentralizacja podzia³. Stopieñ centralizacji struktury organizacyjnej informuje o procesach decyzyjnych, a przez to o stosunkach w³adzy. Decentralizacja mo¿e zostaæ zdefiniowana w sposób ogólny jako przeniesienie urzêdowej i politycznej zwierzchno ci w zakresie planowania, podejmowania decyzji i zarz¹dzania administracyjnego ze szczebla centralnego na lokalne jednostki administracyjne, pó³autonomiczne i ponadpañstwowe organizacje, administracjê gminn¹ lub organizacje pozarz¹dowe. Decentralizacja jest postrzegana w tym rozumieniu jako rodek do osi¹gniêcia celu [Rondinelli, 1981, s. 133 145]. Rondinelli przytoczy³ wiele argumentów przemawiaj¹cych za decentralizacj¹, w ród których najwa¿niejsze to: wzrost efektywno ci planowania rozwoju, wiêksze dopasowanie pañstwowych programów do lokalnych potrzeb, obni¿enie kosztów wytwarzania dóbr publicznych, zwiêkszenie atrakcyjno ci administracji lokalnej, wspieranie ponadregionalnej równo ci, u³atwiona wspó³praca administracyjna oraz zwiêkszony zakres odpowiedzialno æ samorz¹dów. Decentralizacja jest opisem struktur, który mo¿e byæ zastosowany chocia¿ nie tylko w stosunku do struktur pañstwowych i mo¿e oznaczaæ schemat trybów administracyjnych. Jako komponenty strategii decentralizacji wymieniæ mo¿na obszary: polityczny, administracyjny i finansowy. S¹ one z sob¹ powi¹zane i realizacja strategii decentralizacji mo¿liwa jest przy zachowaniu spójno ci miêdzy poszczególnymi obszarami. Rozdzia³ zadañ polityki i administracji pozwala wyró¿niæ, wed³ug Mayntz, polityczn¹ i administracyjn¹ decentralizacjê [Mayntz, 1985, s. 42]. Z politycznego punktu widzenia oznacza to przeniesienie urzêdowych kompetencji decyzyjnych na inne elementy systemu, wspieranie politycznej stabilno ci, rosn¹ce wspomaganie narodowych programów rozwojowych, zwiêkszenie znaczenia regionalnych i lokalnych interesów w skali ca³ego systemu politycznego. Polityczna decentralizacja zwykle stanowi prze-


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

rzeniesienie zadañ z sektora publicznego na prywatny [Rondinelli, 1981, s. 13]. W wielu przypadkach elementy powy¿szych p³aszczyzn s¹ ³¹czone (policy mix). Nale¿y podkre liæ, ¿e dekoncentracja zadañ wystêpuje na szerok¹ skalê, jednak w mniejszym stopniu towarzyszy jej dekoncentracja zasobów. Decen-

P

Transfer zadañ na organizacje pozarz¹dowe rzeniesienie zadañ i kompetencji decyzyjnych na organy ni¿szego szczebla ze wzglêdn¹ autonomi¹. W przypadku dewolucji ca³e obszary decyzyjne przypisane s¹ lokalnym w³adzom, które bez konsultacji z w³adzami centralnymi mog¹ pracowaæ nad projektami, finansowaæ je i realizowaæ. Dewolucja jest rodzajem decentralizacji politycznej.

P

Dewolucja rzeniesienie funkcji na organizacje regionalne lub bran¿owe, funkcjonuj¹ce poza w³a ciw¹ biurokracj¹ rz¹dow¹, dla wype³niania ci le zarysowanych obszarów zadañ. Mo¿na tu mówiæ o usamodzielnionych jednostkach administracji . Tym samym przeniesienie zadañ pañstwa na prywatne instytucje zawiera siê w tej definicji. Tej formie decentralizacji towarzyszy fala prywatyzacji. W szerokim rozumieniu mo¿na mówiæ o dostarczaniu publicznych dóbr przez prywatnych dostawców pod pañstwowym nadzorem.

P

Delegacja dopasowanie centralnych dyrektyw do lokalnych warunków przy czym kadry pozostaj¹ zatrudnione w ramach ministerstwa szczebla centralnego lub te¿ s¹ mianowane przez rz¹d centralny i przed nim odpowiedzialne. Dekoncentracja mo¿e prowadziæ do zwiêkszenia zakresu zadañ administracji lokalnej. Nie stanowi ona jednak rodka prowadz¹cego do wzmocnienia jej autonomii. Dekoncentracja jest administracyjn¹ decentralizacj¹. Jako bodziec dla dekoncentracji wskazuje siê podzia³ pracy i potrzebê uwzglêdnienia lokalnych uwarunkowañ w procesie podejmowania szczegó³owych decyzji. Dekoncentracja uwa¿ana jest za najmniej intensywn¹, lecz najczê ciej wystêpuj¹c¹ formê decentralizacji.

G

269

ecentralizacja nie jest celem samym w sobie, lecz narzêdziem realizacji okre lonej strategii. Jest podstaw¹ dzia³ania sprawnej i prorozwojowej administracji publicznej w demokratycznym pañstwie prawa [Illner, 2000, s. 23 38]. Decentralizacja czêsto jest czê ci¹ rozleg³ego programu reform w procesie demokratyzacji [Weidner, 2000, s. 54]. Jednym z wa¿nych czynników jest polityczna wola realizacji procesu reform ze strony politycznych decydentów. Sukces decentralizacji zale¿y w szczególno ci od adekwatnej do potrzeb dostêpno ci rodków finansowych, jak równie¿ od dysponowania personelem odpowiednim do realizacji postawionych zadañ. Projekty decentralizacyjne maj¹ zawsze wymiar polityczny i s¹ szczególnie wra¿liwym obszarem wspó³pracy. Oczekiwania, które powi¹zane s¹ z podjêciem decyzji o realizacji polityki decentralizacyjnej, s¹ zazwyczaj wysokie i obejmuj¹ szerokie spektrum: przestrzeganie praw cz³owieka, oczekiwane ekonomiczne impulsy dla gospodarki i pañstwa, spo³eczno-kulturowe efekty to¿samo ciowe, jak te¿ utworzenie efektywnej oraz przyjaznej obywatelom administracji. Decentralizacja jest równie¿ rozumiana jako rozdzia³ kompetencji decyzyjnych wewn¹trz systemu na autonomiczne i pó³autonomiczne subsystemy. U jej postaw le¿y tzw. zasada subsydiarno ci zak³adaj¹ca, ¿e wype³nianie zadañ pañstwowych zostaje przypisane mo¿liwie nisko usytuowanemu subsystemowi oraz ¿e nadrzêdne subsystemy lub administracja centralna przejmuj¹ zadania jedynie wtedy, kiedy ni¿sze subsystemy nie s¹ w stanie wykonaæ tych zadañ samodzielnie [Illy, Schimitzek, 1986, s. 11]. Jest oczywiste, ¿e ta wyk³adnia decentralizacji stosowana jest w krajach, które wykazuj¹ tradycjê rozwoju od do³u lub które powsta³y jako rezultat woli niezale¿nych organizmów utworzenia pañstwa centralnego (np. Niemcy, USA). W autorytarnych systemach politycznych rz¹dz¹cy nie akceptuj¹ podzia³u w³adzy. Tu w najlepszym przypadku mo¿na zaobserwowaæ

D

Decentralizacja jako narzêdzie realizacji strategii oraz zasada subsydiarno ci tralizacja i dekoncentracja s¹ w³a ciwymi rodkami polityki administracyjnej w celu mobilizowania kulturalnych, ekonomicznych i politycznych zasobów na p³aszczy nie regionalnej i lokalnej, tak¿e dla potrzeb ogólnonarodowego dobrobytu [König, 1999, s. 64].

G dopasowanie centralnych dyrektyw do lokalnych warunków przy czym kadry pozostaj¹ zatrudnione w ramach ministerstwa szczebla centralnego lub te¿ s¹ mianowane przez rz¹d centralny i przed nim odpowiedzialne. Dekoncentracja mo¿e prowadziæ do zwiêkszenia zakresu zadañ administracji lokalnej. Nie stanowi ona jednak rodka prowadz¹cego do wzmocnienia jej autonomii. Dekoncentracja jest administracyjn¹ decentralizacj¹. Jako bodziec dla dekoncentracji wskazuje siê podzia³ pracy i potrzebê uwzglêdnienia lokalnych uwarunkowañ w procesie podejmowania szczegó³owych decyzji. Dekoncentracja uwa¿ana jest za najmniej intensywn¹, lecz najczê ciej wystêpuj¹c¹ formê decentralizacji.

Delegacja

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rzeniesienie funkcji na organizacje regionalne lub bran¿owe, funkcjonuj¹ce poza w³a ciw¹ biurokracj¹ rz¹dow¹, dla wype³niania ci le zarysowanych obszarów zadañ. Mo¿na tu mówiæ o usamodzielnionych jednostkach administracji . Tym samym przeniesienie zadañ pañstwa na prywatne instytucje zawiera siê w tej definicji. Tej formie decentralizacji towarzyszy fala prywatyzacji. W szerokim rozumieniu mo¿na mówiæ o dostarczaniu publicznych dóbr przez prywatnych dostawców pod pañstwowym nadzorem.

Dewolucja

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rzeniesienie zadañ i kompetencji decyzyjnych na organy ni¿szego szczebla ze wzglêdn¹ autonomi¹. W przypadku dewolucji ca³e obszary decyzyjne przypisane s¹ lokalnym w³adzom, które bez konsultacji z w³adzami centralnymi mog¹ pracowaæ nad projektami, finansowaæ je i realizowaæ. Dewolucja jest rodzajem decentralizacji politycznej.

Transfer zadañ na organizacje pozarz¹dowe

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rzeniesienie zadañ z sektora publicznego na prywatny [Rondinelli, 1981, s. 13]. W wielu przypadkach elementy powy¿szych p³aszczyzn s¹ ³¹czone (policy mix). Nale¿y podkre liæ, ¿e dekoncentracja zadañ wystêpuje na szerok¹ skalê, jednak w mniejszym stopniu towarzyszy jej dekoncentracja zasobów. Decen-

tralizacja i dekoncentracja s¹ w³a ciwymi rodkami polityki administracyjnej w celu mobilizowania kulturalnych, ekonomicznych i politycznych zasobów na p³aszczy nie regionalnej i lokalnej, tak¿e dla potrzeb ogólnonarodowego dobrobytu [König, 1999, s. 64].

Decentralizacja jako narzêdzie realizacji strategii oraz zasada subsydiarno ci

D

ecentralizacja nie jest celem samym w sobie, lecz narzêdziem realizacji okre lonej strategii. Jest podstaw¹ dzia³ania sprawnej i prorozwojowej administracji publicznej w demokratycznym pañstwie prawa [Illner, 2000, s. 23 38]. Decentralizacja czêsto jest czê ci¹ rozleg³ego programu reform w procesie demokratyzacji [Weidner, 2000, s. 54]. Jednym z wa¿nych czynników jest polityczna wola realizacji procesu reform ze strony politycznych decydentów. Sukces decentralizacji zale¿y w szczególno ci od adekwatnej do potrzeb dostêpno ci rodków finansowych, jak równie¿ od dysponowania personelem odpowiednim do realizacji postawionych zadañ. Projekty decentralizacyjne maj¹ zawsze wymiar polityczny i s¹ szczególnie wra¿liwym obszarem wspó³pracy. Oczekiwania, które powi¹zane s¹ z podjêciem decyzji o realizacji polityki decentralizacyjnej, s¹ zazwyczaj wysokie i obejmuj¹ szerokie spektrum: przestrzeganie praw cz³owieka, oczekiwane ekonomiczne impulsy dla gospodarki i pañstwa, spo³eczno-kulturowe efekty to¿samo ciowe, jak te¿ utworzenie efektywnej oraz przyjaznej obywatelom administracji. Decentralizacja jest równie¿ rozumiana jako rozdzia³ kompetencji decyzyjnych wewn¹trz systemu na autonomiczne i pó³autonomiczne subsystemy. U jej postaw le¿y tzw. zasada subsydiarno ci zak³adaj¹ca, ¿e wype³nianie zadañ pañstwowych zostaje przypisane mo¿liwie nisko usytuowanemu subsystemowi oraz ¿e nadrzêdne subsystemy lub administracja centralna przejmuj¹ zadania jedynie wtedy, kiedy ni¿sze subsystemy nie s¹ w stanie wykonaæ tych zadañ samodzielnie [Illy, Schimitzek, 1986, s. 11]. Jest oczywiste, ¿e ta wyk³adnia decentralizacji stosowana jest w krajach, które wykazuj¹ tradycjê rozwoju od do³u lub które powsta³y jako rezultat woli niezale¿nych organizmów utworzenia pañstwa centralnego (np. Niemcy, USA). W autorytarnych systemach politycznych rz¹dz¹cy nie akceptuj¹ podzia³u w³adzy. Tu w najlepszym przypadku mo¿na zaobserwowaæ

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Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

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Tendencje decentralizacyjne w obszarze kultury pewien stopieñ dekoncentracji, tzn. rozdzia³ kompetencji na ró¿ne organa administracyjne i urzêdy.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Sprowadzaj¹c powy¿sze aspekty do p³aszczyzny celów politycznych, pierwszy i drugi punkt dotyczy demokratyzacji kultury, punkt trzeci za organizacji demokratycznej i efektywnej administracji (management) obszaru kultury. Czwarty punkt dotyczy zwiêkszenia skuteczno ci i optymalizacji lokowania zasobów finansowych. Narodowe i miêdzynarodowe interesy, dominuj¹ce ideologie oraz potencja³ poszczególnych sektorów wywieraj¹ wp³yw na strategie. Decentralizacja bez w¹tpienia sta³a siê norm¹ w polityce kulturalnej. W tym przypadku mamy do czynienia przede wszystkim z decentralizacj¹ wertykaln¹, polegaj¹c¹ na zbli¿eniu do spo³eczeñstwa organów w³adzy, kompetencji decyzyjnych oraz zasobów. Kawashima [Kawashima, 1997] proponuje, aby polityczne strategie decentralizacji w obszarze kultury by³y inicjowane oddolnie (jako inicjatywy lokalne) lub odgórnie (inicjatorem jest administracja centralna lub jej przedstawicielstwa). Strategie mog¹, ale nie musz¹, byæ wspierane przez paraleln¹ polityczn¹ i finansow¹ decentralizacjê. Je li wzi¹æ pod uwagê ogólne tendencje politycznej decentralizacji kultury w Europie, obraz sytuacji rysuje siê jako zadowalaj¹cy. Idea regionalnej autonomii w kwestiach kulturalnopolitycznych sprawdza siê w praktyce. Regionalna polityka kulturalna jest nowym obszarem polityki kulturalnej [Klein, 2003, s. 134]. Ta my l zyska³a wiêksze znaczenie w skali europejskiej ni¿ w obrêbie poszczególnych kra-

270

entralizacja czy decentralizacja? Na p³aszczy nie struktur dzia³ania, które zachowuj¹ po redni, lecz trwa³y wp³yw na instytucje kultury, podzia³ odnosz¹cy siê do struktur pañstwa niesie z sob¹ znacz¹ce konsekwencje dla obszaru kultury. Obok demokratyzacji terminy decentralizacja i regionalizacja s¹ od lat 80. s³owami kluczami polityki kulturalnej. Decentralizacjê mo¿na nawet uznaæ za reetnizacjê polityki kulturalnej [Rasky, 1997, s. 80]. Decentralizacja kultury zajmuje siê nastêpuj¹cymi zagadnieniami: G wszystkim uczestnikom spo³eczeñstwa stwarza równe mo¿liwo ci dostêpu do oferty kulturalnej, G obywatele w³¹czeni zostaj¹ do polityczno-kulturalnych procesów decyzyjnych, G mo¿liwe staj¹ siê transparentna komunikacja oraz efektywny podzia³ w³adzy i odpowiedzialno ci pomiêdzy ró¿nymi p³aszczyznami rz¹dzenia, G pañstwo, rynek oraz trzeci sektor dokonuj¹ optymalizacji procesu rozdzia³u finansowych i kulturalnych warto ci [Heiskanen, 2001, s. 7n.].

Ustawodawcze wzmocnienie kulturalnych i politycznych kompetencji decyzyjnych w ramach organizacji oraz na szczeblach regionalnych i lokalnych. Przyk³ady: Zgoda na autonomiê kulturaln¹ i posiadanie zwi¹zanej z tym infrastruktury na szczeblu regionalnym oraz w ramach organizacji.

Tabela 1. CZTERY STRATEGIE DECENTRALIZACJI STRUKTURALNEJ (WG KAWASHIMA, 1997, S. 355N.)

Struktury regionalne lub lokalne jako inicjator decentralizacji kultury

Dobrowolne regionalne i lokalne dzia³ania i inicjatywy finansowe. Przyk³ady: Lokalne, w tym charytatywne, finansowanie organizacji kultury: teatrów, orkiestr, muzeów etc., powo³ywanie domów kultury i innych lokalnych inicjatyw.

Decentralizacja kultury, która jest wspierana przez równoleg³¹ polityczn¹ i finansow¹ decentralizacjê

Przeniesienie rzeczywistych politycznych kompetencji decyzyjnych oraz finansowych zasobów w obszarze kultury na szczeble regionalne i lokalne. Przyk³ady: Przeniesienie w³asno ci pañstwowych instytucji kultury na samorz¹dy lokalne.

Decentralizacja kultury, która nie jest wspierana przez równoleg³¹ polityczn¹ i finansow¹ decentralizacjê

Struktury centralne jako inicjator decentralizacji kultury

Decentralizacja centralnej administracji pañstwowej. Wykszta³cenie us³ug kulturalnych i organizacji, które s¹ finansowane z bud¿etu publicznego. Przyk³ady: Wykorzystywanie regionalnych przedstawicielstw jako przed³u¿onego ramienia administracji pañstwowej, finansowanie wydarzeñ artystycznych, wystaw etc., wspieranie i finansowanie regionalnej i lokalnej infrastruktury kulturalnej oraz projektów.

Przeniesienie rzeczywistych politycznych kompetencji decyzyjnych oraz finansowych zasobów w obszarze kultury na szczeble regionalne i lokalne. Przyk³ady: Przeniesienie w³asno ci pañstwowych instytucji kultury na samorz¹dy lokalne.

Decentralizacja kultury, która jest wspierana przez równoleg³¹ polityczn¹ i finansow¹ decentralizacjê

Struktury centralne jako inicjator decentralizacji kultury

Decentralizacja kultury, która nie jest wspierana przez równoleg³¹ polityczn¹ i finansow¹ decentralizacjê

Decentralizacja centralnej administracji pañstwowej. Wykszta³cenie us³ug kulturalnych i organizacji, które s¹ finansowane z bud¿etu publicznego. Przyk³ady: Wykorzystywanie regionalnych przedstawicielstw jako przed³u¿onego ramienia administracji pañstwowej, finansowanie wydarzeñ artystycznych, wystaw etc., wspieranie i finansowanie regionalnej i lokalnej infrastruktury kulturalnej oraz projektów.

Tabela 1. CZTERY STRATEGIE DECENTRALIZACJI STRUKTURALNEJ (WG KAWASHIMA, 1997, S. 355N.)

Struktury regionalne lub lokalne jako inicjator decentralizacji kultury

entralizacja czy decentralizacja? Na p³aszczy nie struktur dzia³ania, które zachowuj¹ po redni, lecz trwa³y wp³yw na instytucje kultury, podzia³ odnosz¹cy siê do struktur pañstwa niesie z sob¹ znacz¹ce konsekwencje dla obszaru kultury. Obok demokratyzacji terminy decentralizacja i regionalizacja s¹ od lat 80. s³owami kluczami polityki kulturalnej. Decentralizacjê mo¿na nawet uznaæ za reetnizacjê polityki kulturalnej [Rasky, 1997, s. 80]. Decentralizacja kultury zajmuje siê nastêpuj¹cymi zagadnieniami: G wszystkim uczestnikom spo³eczeñstwa stwarza równe mo¿liwo ci dostêpu do oferty kulturalnej, G obywatele w³¹czeni zostaj¹ do polityczno-kulturalnych procesów decyzyjnych, G mo¿liwe staj¹ siê transparentna komunikacja oraz efektywny podzia³ w³adzy i odpowiedzialno ci pomiêdzy ró¿nymi p³aszczyznami rz¹dzenia, G pañstwo, rynek oraz trzeci sektor dokonuj¹ optymalizacji procesu rozdzia³u finansowych i kulturalnych warto ci [Heiskanen, 2001, s. 7n.].

Ustawodawcze wzmocnienie kulturalnych i politycznych kompetencji decyzyjnych w ramach organizacji oraz na szczeblach regionalnych i lokalnych. Przyk³ady: Zgoda na autonomiê kulturaln¹ i posiadanie zwi¹zanej z tym infrastruktury na szczeblu regionalnym oraz w ramach organizacji.

C

Dobrowolne regionalne i lokalne dzia³ania i inicjatywy finansowe. Przyk³ady: Lokalne, w tym charytatywne, finansowanie organizacji kultury: teatrów, orkiestr, muzeów etc., powo³ywanie domów kultury i innych lokalnych inicjatyw.

Tendencje decentralizacyjne w obszarze kultury

Sprowadzaj¹c powy¿sze aspekty do p³aszczyzny celów politycznych, pierwszy i drugi punkt dotyczy demokratyzacji kultury, punkt trzeci za organizacji demokratycznej i efektywnej administracji (management) obszaru kultury. Czwarty punkt dotyczy zwiêkszenia skuteczno ci i optymalizacji lokowania zasobów finansowych. Narodowe i miêdzynarodowe interesy, dominuj¹ce ideologie oraz potencja³ poszczególnych sektorów wywieraj¹ wp³yw na strategie. Decentralizacja bez w¹tpienia sta³a siê norm¹ w polityce kulturalnej. W tym przypadku mamy do czynienia przede wszystkim z decentralizacj¹ wertykaln¹, polegaj¹c¹ na zbli¿eniu do spo³eczeñstwa organów w³adzy, kompetencji decyzyjnych oraz zasobów. Kawashima [Kawashima, 1997] proponuje, aby polityczne strategie decentralizacji w obszarze kultury by³y inicjowane oddolnie (jako inicjatywy lokalne) lub odgórnie (inicjatorem jest administracja centralna lub jej przedstawicielstwa). Strategie mog¹, ale nie musz¹, byæ wspierane przez paraleln¹ polityczn¹ i finansow¹ decentralizacjê. Je li wzi¹æ pod uwagê ogólne tendencje politycznej decentralizacji kultury w Europie, obraz sytuacji rysuje siê jako zadowalaj¹cy. Idea regionalnej autonomii w kwestiach kulturalnopolitycznych sprawdza siê w praktyce. Regionalna polityka kulturalna jest nowym obszarem polityki kulturalnej [Klein, 2003, s. 134]. Ta my l zyska³a wiêksze znaczenie w skali europejskiej ni¿ w obrêbie poszczególnych kra-

270

pewien stopieñ dekoncentracji, tzn. rozdzia³ kompetencji na ró¿ne organa administracyjne i urzêdy.


271

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

jów. Region postrzegany jest dzi nie tylko jako obszar gospodarczy czy termin polityczny, ale przede wszystkim jako obszar kulturowy. Tylko pod warunkiem wspierania i rozwijania dzia³añ na poziomie lokalnym mo¿na osi¹gn¹æ cel, jakim jest demokracja kulturalna. Centrum mo¿e koordynowaæ, ale nie mo¿e narzucaæ konkretnych rozwi¹zañ. Obecnie dominuje pogl¹d, i¿ nale¿y przede wszystkim dostarczaæ kulturê obywatelom, a nie doprowadzaæ obywateli do kultury. Kultura i sztuka nale¿¹ do wszystkich i musz¹ byæ realizowane w miejscach, gdzie obywatele mog¹ ich bezpo rednio do wiadczaæ i korzystaæ z ich obecno ci [Quinn, 1998, s. 82n.]. Decentralizacja jest nie tylko ró¿nicowaniem struktur wewnêtrznych i podzia³em kompetencji, lecz równie¿ przestrzenn¹ dywersyfikacj¹ oferty kulturalnej. Mo¿na tu zaobserwowaæ rozmaite formy: chodzi o dostarczanie obywatelom ofert kulturalnych lub o to, aby u³atwiæ anga¿owanie siê w dzia³ania kulturalne.

Proces decentralizacji z punktu widzenia koncepcji Decentralizacja w sektorze kultury na £otwie

N

a £otwie nowa demokracja postawi³a sobie za zadanie decentralizacjê w sektorze kultury ju¿ we wczesnym stadium procesu transformacji. Realizowano zadania w kontek cie trzech zagadnieñ: G tworzenie ustawodawstwa oraz podzia³ kompetencji pomiêdzy ró¿nymi szczeblami administracji i ich instytucjonalizacja, G problemy w³asno ci i prawnego statusu instytucji kultury, G rola zwi¹zków artystów w kontek cie ich autonomii, jak te¿ funkcji spo³ecznych i ekonomicznych, w celu wp³ywania na procesy kulturalno-polityczne. W danych ERICarts na lata 2003 2004 £otwa okre lana jest jako pañstwo o strukturze scentralizowanej (za: Cultural Policies in Europe: a Compendium of basic Facts and Trends

[dok. elektron.], www.culturalpolicies.net, odczyt: 13 I 2005). Jakie skutki bêdzie mia³o zastosowanie rozwi¹zañ decentralizacyjnych w przypadku £otwy, kraju o populacji zaledwie oko³o 2,3 mln mieszkañców? W sytuacji zmieniaj¹cej siê i ewoluuj¹cej relacji pomiêdzy pañstwem (na szczeblu narodowym i lokalnym) a spo³eczeñstwem (sektor niezale¿ny) niezmiernie wa¿nym jest, aby urzêdowy system tak czêsto, jak jest to mo¿liwe, konfrontowany by³ z poszczególnymi jednostkami i ma³ymi grupami interesów. Demokracje bêd¹ bowiem s¹dzone wedle ich postêpowania wobec mniejszo ci. Przeniesienie kompetencji decyzyjnych i zakresu w³adzy na szczebel administracji lokalnej nie spowoduje automatycznie wzmocnienia spo³eczeñstwa obywatelskiego. Wiêksze znaczenie ma stopieñ zaanga¿owania i poziom politycznej dojrza³o ci w ród obywateli. Cele polityczno-kulturalne na szczeblu lokalnym by³y dotychczas bardzo mocno ukierunkowane na tradycyjn¹ infrastrukturê biblioteki, muzea, domy kultury. Rozpowszechniony jest tak¿e pogl¹d, ¿e sfer¹ odpowiedzialno ci pañstwa jest sztuka profesjonalna, jej tworzenie i dystrybucja, z kolei w³adze lokalne s¹ odpowiedzialne za tradycyjn¹ sztukê amatorsk¹. Oczywi cie w przysz³o ci administracja lokalna przejmie odpowiedzialno æ za infrastrukturê. Z drugiej strony ministerstwo kultury odpowiedzialne bêdzie za zapewnienie dostêpu do kultury w skali ca³ego kraju. Spu cizn¹ po sytuacji wyj ciowej na £otwie jest fakt, i¿ polityka kulturalna i przedsiêwziêcia w zakresie kultury realizowane przez pañstwo zawsze s¹ inicjowane przez w³adzê centraln¹, a ni¿sze szczeble jedynie odpowiadaj¹ za ich realizacjê. Decentralizacja nie powiod³a siê nie tylko w aspekcie zasady centralistycznej, ale równie¿ w innym wymiarze wystarczy porównaæ skuteczno æ poszczególnych jednostek samorz¹du terytorialnego w realizacji zadañ (po Rydze, gdzie mieszka jedna trzecia ludno ci £otwy, czyli ok. 750 000 mieszkañców, drugim du¿ym miastem jest Daugavpils, maj¹cy zaledwie ok. 110 000 mieszkañców).

Tabela 2. PAÑSTWOWA STRUKTURYZACJA Kraj

System scentralizowany / zdecentralizowany

£otwa

Struktura scentralizowana

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Centralne ministerstwo z kompetencjami w zakresie kultury

Instytucje dzia³aj¹ce na zasadzie tzw. przed³u¿onego ramienia (Arms Length)

Narodowe fundusze lub fundacje kulturalne

Zespo³y miêdzyrz¹dowe

271

Zespo³y miêdzyresortowe

Struktura scentralizowana

£otwa

System scentralizowany / zdecentralizowany

Kraj

Centralne ministerstwo z kompetencjami w zakresie kultury

Instytucje dzia³aj¹ce na zasadzie tzw. przed³u¿onego ramienia (Arms Length)

Narodowe fundusze lub fundacje kulturalne

– Zespo³y miêdzyrz¹dowe

Tabela 2. PAÑSTWOWA STRUKTURYZACJA

a £otwie nowa demokracja postawi³a sobie za zadanie decentralizacjê w sektorze kultury ju¿ we wczesnym stadium procesu transformacji. Realizowano zadania w kontek cie trzech zagadnieñ: G tworzenie ustawodawstwa oraz podzia³ kompetencji pomiêdzy ró¿nymi szczeblami administracji i ich instytucjonalizacja, G problemy w³asno ci i prawnego statusu instytucji kultury, G rola zwi¹zków artystów w kontek cie ich autonomii, jak te¿ funkcji spo³ecznych i ekonomicznych, w celu wp³ywania na procesy kulturalno-polityczne. W danych ERICarts na lata 2003 2004 £otwa okre lana jest jako pañstwo o strukturze scentralizowanej (za: Cultural Policies in Europe: a Compendium of basic Facts and Trends

N

Proces decentralizacji z punktu widzenia koncepcji Decentralizacja w sektorze kultury na £otwie jów. Region postrzegany jest dzi nie tylko jako obszar gospodarczy czy termin polityczny, ale przede wszystkim jako obszar kulturowy. Tylko pod warunkiem wspierania i rozwijania dzia³añ na poziomie lokalnym mo¿na osi¹gn¹æ cel, jakim jest demokracja kulturalna. Centrum mo¿e koordynowaæ, ale nie mo¿e narzucaæ konkretnych rozwi¹zañ. Obecnie dominuje pogl¹d, i¿ nale¿y przede wszystkim dostarczaæ kulturê obywatelom, a nie doprowadzaæ obywateli do kultury. Kultura i sztuka nale¿¹ do wszystkich i musz¹ byæ realizowane w miejscach, gdzie obywatele mog¹ ich bezpo rednio do wiadczaæ i korzystaæ z ich obecno ci [Quinn, 1998, s. 82n.]. Decentralizacja jest nie tylko ró¿nicowaniem struktur wewnêtrznych i podzia³em kompetencji, lecz równie¿ przestrzenn¹ dywersyfikacj¹ oferty kulturalnej. Mo¿na tu zaobserwowaæ rozmaite formy: chodzi o dostarczanie obywatelom ofert kulturalnych lub o to, aby u³atwiæ anga¿owanie siê w dzia³ania kulturalne.

[dok. elektron.], www.culturalpolicies.net, odczyt: 13 I 2005). Jakie skutki bêdzie mia³o zastosowanie rozwi¹zañ decentralizacyjnych w przypadku £otwy, kraju o populacji zaledwie oko³o 2,3 mln mieszkañców? W sytuacji zmieniaj¹cej siê i ewoluuj¹cej relacji pomiêdzy pañstwem (na szczeblu narodowym i lokalnym) a spo³eczeñstwem (sektor niezale¿ny) niezmiernie wa¿nym jest, aby urzêdowy system tak czêsto, jak jest to mo¿liwe, konfrontowany by³ z poszczególnymi jednostkami i ma³ymi grupami interesów. Demokracje bêd¹ bowiem s¹dzone wedle ich postêpowania wobec mniejszo ci. Przeniesienie kompetencji decyzyjnych i zakresu w³adzy na szczebel administracji lokalnej nie spowoduje automatycznie wzmocnienia spo³eczeñstwa obywatelskiego. Wiêksze znaczenie ma stopieñ zaanga¿owania i poziom politycznej dojrza³o ci w ród obywateli. Cele polityczno-kulturalne na szczeblu lokalnym by³y dotychczas bardzo mocno ukierunkowane na tradycyjn¹ infrastrukturê biblioteki, muzea, domy kultury. Rozpowszechniony jest tak¿e pogl¹d, ¿e sfer¹ odpowiedzialno ci pañstwa jest sztuka profesjonalna, jej tworzenie i dystrybucja, z kolei w³adze lokalne s¹ odpowiedzialne za tradycyjn¹ sztukê amatorsk¹. Oczywi cie w przysz³o ci administracja lokalna przejmie odpowiedzialno æ za infrastrukturê. Z drugiej strony ministerstwo kultury odpowiedzialne bêdzie za zapewnienie dostêpu do kultury w skali ca³ego kraju. Spu cizn¹ po sytuacji wyj ciowej na £otwie jest fakt, i¿ polityka kulturalna i przedsiêwziêcia w zakresie kultury realizowane przez pañstwo zawsze s¹ inicjowane przez w³adzê centraln¹, a ni¿sze szczeble jedynie odpowiadaj¹ za ich realizacjê. Decentralizacja nie powiod³a siê nie tylko w aspekcie zasady centralistycznej, ale równie¿ w innym wymiarze wystarczy porównaæ skuteczno æ poszczególnych jednostek samorz¹du terytorialnego w realizacji zadañ (po Rydze, gdzie mieszka jedna trzecia ludno ci £otwy, czyli ok. 750 000 mieszkañców, drugim du¿ym miastem jest Daugavpils, maj¹cy zaledwie ok. 110 000 mieszkañców).

– Zespo³y miêdzyresortowe


proces nie mo¿e zachodziæ bez przeszkód, poniewa¿ w ka¿dej sferze kultury istniej¹ obiektywne i subiektywne czynniki, które próbuj¹ ten proces zahamowaæ. Obiektywnymi czynnikami s¹ specyfika ka¿dego obszaru i istniej¹ce struktury, które s¹ w stanie przej¹æ funkcje pañstwa. Do czynników subiektywnych zalicza siê gotowo æ podmiotów do zmian w poszczególnych obszarach. Jako ogóln¹ zasadê mo¿emy przyj¹æ, i¿ po przeprowadzeniu reform zachowana zostanie mo¿liwo æ kreowania polityki kulturalnej. Oznacza to maksymalne zorientowanie na zwolnienie pañstwowych instytucji od wype³niania dodatkowych funkcji; mo¿liwo æ urzeczywistnienia zasad subsydiarno ci (tam¿e, s. 8). W kolejnej czê ci zbadano obecn¹ sytuacjê w zakresie strukturyzacji obszaru kultury, wyliczaj¹c te funkcje, które powinny zostaæ delegowane: G wspieranie dostêpu do dziedzictwa kulturowego, G wypracowanie polityki regionalnej w obszarze muzeów i urzeczywistnienie regionalnych programów, G wypracowanie i realizacja polityki regionalnej w zakresie bibliotek, G zapewnienie funkcjonowania profesjonalnych teatrów regionalnych, G wypracowanie i urzeczywistnienie strategii w zakresie edukacji kulturalnej. Nastêpnie wyliczono tak¿e funkcje, które powinny zostaæ zdecentralizowane przez centralnie umocowane ministerstwo kultury: G wypracowanie regionalnej polityki kulturalnej, G dalszy rozwój i dostêp do sztuki profesjonalnej, G utworzenie i utrzymanie profesjonalnych o rodków muzycznych, G podejmowanie regionalnych dzia³añ w zakresie kultury, G wypracowanie rejestru obiektów historyczno-kulturalnych o wyj¹tkowym znaczeniu regionalnym i dzia³añ zmierzaj¹cych do ich zachowania.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Realizowana w taki sposób decentralizacja i delegacja mo¿e mieæ zarówno pozytywne, jak i negatywne konsekwencje. O pozytywnych skutkach mo¿emy mówiæ wówczas, gdy dzia³ania bêd¹ realizowane w bezpo redniej blisko ci jednostek, których one dotycz¹, a tym samym odci¹¿¹ pañstwo. Negatywne skutki zachodz¹, je li w nastêpstwie reform jakakolwiek funkcja przestanie byæ realizowana. Taka sytuacja jest szkod¹ dla kultury, spo³eczeñstwa i ca³ego pañstwa.

Realizowana w taki sposób decentralizacja i delegacja mo¿e mieæ zarówno pozytywne, jak i negatywne konsekwencje. O pozytywnych skutkach mo¿emy mówiæ wówczas, gdy dzia³ania bêd¹ realizowane w bezpo redniej blisko ci jednostek, których one dotycz¹, a tym samym odci¹¿¹ pañstwo. Negatywne skutki zachodz¹, je li w nastêpstwie reform jakakolwiek funkcja przestanie byæ realizowana. Taka sytuacja jest szkod¹ dla kultury, spo³eczeñstwa i ca³ego pañstwa.

Nie mo¿na uto¿samiaæ £otwy z jej podzia³em administracyjnym ze struktur¹ federaln¹. Kraj ten jest w znacznym stopniu rz¹dzony centralnie, czego pochodn¹ jest silna pozycja stolicy Rygi. Tu znajduj¹ siê najwa¿niejsze instytucje kultury, w tym wiele powsta³ych w XIX i na pocz¹tku XX wieku, np. £otewska Opera Narodowa, Narodowy Teatr Dramatyczny, Narodowa Orkiestra Symfoniczna. £otwa by³a do po³owy XX wieku krajem w wiêkszo ci rolniczym. Co wiêcej, ten stan utrzymuje siê czê ciowo do dnia dzisiejszego. Te rolnicze tereny wymagaj¹ nie tylko szczególnych zabiegów w przypadku funkcjonowania zdecentralizowanego systemu dostarczania oferty kulturalnej, lecz nios¹ te¿ postulaty równoprawnego wspierania ich tradycyjnej kultury. Dlatego te¿ mecenat nad sztuk¹ ludow¹ (m.in. muzyk¹, tañcem) ma w przypadku £otwy bardzo du¿e znacznie. Instytut Gospodarki przy £otewskiej Akademii Nauk wypracowa³ na zlecenie Ministerstwa Kultury w roku 1999 koncepcjê Decentralizacji w sektorze kultury [Âbele, 1999]. Po sporz¹dzeniu tego dokumentu przeprowadzono jeszcze dwa programy badawcze w 2000 roku: Decentralizacja w sektorze kultury. Analiza procesów spo³ecznych oraz Pozycja poszczególnych grup spo³ecznych wobec wprowadzenia ró¿nych mechanizmów decentralizacji na £otwie [Kultûras ..., 2000]. To, jak dotychczas, niestety jedyne obszerne prace, zajmuj¹ce siê tymi wa¿nymi zagadnieniami na £otwie. Dlatego te¿ koncepcja Decentralizacji w sektorze kultury jest czym wiêcej ni¿ tylko prac¹ badawcz¹, opisuj¹c¹ w sposób wnikliwy sytuacjê na £otwie. Powy¿sza praca, po krótkim zdefiniowaniu pojêæ takich jak centralizacja, decentralizacja i kultura, ju¿ we wprowadzeniu wyznacza cele decentralizacji w obszarze kultury na £otwie: G demonta¿ struktur centralistycznych za pomoc¹ procesu polityczno-kulturalnego, G uwolnienie aparatu administracyjnego od konieczno ci realizacji funkcji niestanowi¹cych osi ich funkcjonowania, G rozwój lokalnych inicjatyw, w³¹czenie nowych zasobów finansowych oraz zasobów ludzkich (tam¿e, s. 4) W dalszej czê ci zwrócono uwagê na po³o¿enie £otwy, dziedzictwo centralistyczne, zadania ministerstwa kultury, jak te¿ na ocenê sytuacji w zakresie wystêpuj¹cych obecnie rozbie¿no ci pomiêdzy deklarowanymi zasadami a rzeczywisto ci¹. W czê ci po wiêconej cechom charakterystycznym w przypadku decentralizacji w kulturze rozwiniêta zosta³a interesuj¹ca teza

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

272

proces nie mo¿e zachodziæ bez przeszkód, poniewa¿ w ka¿dej sferze kultury istniej¹ obiektywne i subiektywne czynniki, które próbuj¹ ten proces zahamowaæ. Obiektywnymi czynnikami s¹ specyfika ka¿dego obszaru i istniej¹ce struktury, które s¹ w stanie przej¹æ funkcje pañstwa. Do czynników subiektywnych zalicza siê gotowo æ podmiotów do zmian w poszczególnych obszarach. Jako ogóln¹ zasadê mo¿emy przyj¹æ, i¿ po przeprowadzeniu reform zachowana zostanie mo¿liwo æ kreowania polityki kulturalnej. Oznacza to maksymalne zorientowanie na zwolnienie pañstwowych instytucji od wype³niania dodatkowych funkcji; mo¿liwo æ urzeczywistnienia zasad subsydiarno ci (tam¿e, s. 8). W kolejnej czê ci zbadano obecn¹ sytuacjê w zakresie strukturyzacji obszaru kultury, wyliczaj¹c te funkcje, które powinny zostaæ delegowane: G wspieranie dostêpu do dziedzictwa kulturowego, G wypracowanie polityki regionalnej w obszarze muzeów i urzeczywistnienie regionalnych programów, G wypracowanie i realizacja polityki regionalnej w zakresie bibliotek, G zapewnienie funkcjonowania profesjonalnych teatrów regionalnych, G wypracowanie i urzeczywistnienie strategii w zakresie edukacji kulturalnej. Nastêpnie wyliczono tak¿e funkcje, które powinny zostaæ zdecentralizowane przez centralnie umocowane ministerstwo kultury: G wypracowanie regionalnej polityki kulturalnej, G dalszy rozwój i dostêp do sztuki profesjonalnej, G utworzenie i utrzymanie profesjonalnych o rodków muzycznych, G podejmowanie regionalnych dzia³añ w zakresie kultury, G wypracowanie rejestru obiektów historyczno-kulturalnych o wyj¹tkowym znaczeniu regionalnym i dzia³añ zmierzaj¹cych do ich zachowania.

272

Nie mo¿na uto¿samiaæ £otwy z jej podzia³em administracyjnym ze struktur¹ federaln¹. Kraj ten jest w znacznym stopniu rz¹dzony centralnie, czego pochodn¹ jest silna pozycja stolicy Rygi. Tu znajduj¹ siê najwa¿niejsze instytucje kultury, w tym wiele powsta³ych w XIX i na pocz¹tku XX wieku, np. £otewska Opera Narodowa, Narodowy Teatr Dramatyczny, Narodowa Orkiestra Symfoniczna. £otwa by³a do po³owy XX wieku krajem w wiêkszo ci rolniczym. Co wiêcej, ten stan utrzymuje siê czê ciowo do dnia dzisiejszego. Te rolnicze tereny wymagaj¹ nie tylko szczególnych zabiegów w przypadku funkcjonowania zdecentralizowanego systemu dostarczania oferty kulturalnej, lecz nios¹ te¿ postulaty równoprawnego wspierania ich tradycyjnej kultury. Dlatego te¿ mecenat nad sztuk¹ ludow¹ (m.in. muzyk¹, tañcem) ma w przypadku £otwy bardzo du¿e znacznie. Instytut Gospodarki przy £otewskiej Akademii Nauk wypracowa³ na zlecenie Ministerstwa Kultury w roku 1999 koncepcjê Decentralizacji w sektorze kultury [Âbele, 1999]. Po sporz¹dzeniu tego dokumentu przeprowadzono jeszcze dwa programy badawcze w 2000 roku: Decentralizacja w sektorze kultury. Analiza procesów spo³ecznych oraz Pozycja poszczególnych grup spo³ecznych wobec wprowadzenia ró¿nych mechanizmów decentralizacji na £otwie [Kultûras ..., 2000]. To, jak dotychczas, niestety jedyne obszerne prace, zajmuj¹ce siê tymi wa¿nymi zagadnieniami na £otwie. Dlatego te¿ koncepcja Decentralizacji w sektorze kultury jest czym wiêcej ni¿ tylko prac¹ badawcz¹, opisuj¹c¹ w sposób wnikliwy sytuacjê na £otwie. Powy¿sza praca, po krótkim zdefiniowaniu pojêæ takich jak centralizacja, decentralizacja i kultura, ju¿ we wprowadzeniu wyznacza cele decentralizacji w obszarze kultury na £otwie: G demonta¿ struktur centralistycznych za pomoc¹ procesu polityczno-kulturalnego, G uwolnienie aparatu administracyjnego od konieczno ci realizacji funkcji niestanowi¹cych osi ich funkcjonowania, G rozwój lokalnych inicjatyw, w³¹czenie nowych zasobów finansowych oraz zasobów ludzkich (tam¿e, s. 4) W dalszej czê ci zwrócono uwagê na po³o¿enie £otwy, dziedzictwo centralistyczne, zadania ministerstwa kultury, jak te¿ na ocenê sytuacji w zakresie wystêpuj¹cych obecnie rozbie¿no ci pomiêdzy deklarowanymi zasadami a rzeczywisto ci¹. W czê ci po wiêconej cechom charakterystycznym w przypadku decentralizacji w kulturze rozwiniêta zosta³a interesuj¹ca teza


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Kolejnym elementem, który poddany zosta³ procedurze badawczej, by³ stan systemu finansowania. Konkluzj¹ by³o stwierdzenie, ¿e do chwili obecnej najwa¿niejszym ród³em finansowania pozostaje bud¿et pañstwa. Podkre lono tak¿e znaczenie faktu, i¿ w przypadku przeniesienia funkcji równocze nie powinno nast¹piæ przeniesienie rodków finansowych. Krótko poruszony zosta³ temat konieczno ci przygotowania ustawowych ram oraz wcze niejszego wyja nienia wszystkich prawnych kwestii i podjêcia koniecznych decyzji w tym zakresie przed rozpoczêciem procesu reform. W drugiej czê ci koncepcji przedstawione zosta³y szczegó³owe strategie na przyk³adzie trzech obszarów kultury: teatru, muzeów oraz edukacji kulturalnej. W dalszym ci¹gu wiele zadañ nie zosta³o jeszcze zrealizowanych, ale pañstwo wypracowa³o przynajmniej strategiê, wytyczne i da³o do dyspozycji instrumenty. Jednak w przysz³o ci najwa¿niejsze zadanie bêdzie polega³o na rozszerzeniu obszarów koncentracji ¿ycia kulturalnego (w sensie kultury afirmatywnej) obecnie takim obszarem jest jedynie Ryga poprzez wzmocnienie regionalnych jednostek administracyjnych i decentralizacjê kompetencji decyzyjnych na ca³y obszar pañstwa. Problemy i ewentualne rozwi¹zania ilustruje tabela 3.

Wysi³ki, by w wiêkszym stopniu uwzglêdniæ potrzeby prowincji , napotykaj¹ jeszcze jedn¹ trudno æ podstawowe wytyczne, programy etc. s¹ kreowane przez centralne instancje, czyli w zasadzie stanowi¹ scentralizowan¹ decentralizacjê . Trudna sytuacja ekonomiczna oraz po³o¿enie szczególnego nacisku na kwestie efektywno ci, narzucane przez ministerstwo finansów, nieuchronnie prowadz¹ do powstawania napiêæ. Sta³o siê oczywiste, ¿e proces harmonizacji i decentralizacji na £otwie, gdzie nie mamy do czynienia z zakorzenionymi tradycjami spo³eczeñstwa obywatelskiego, a ludno æ podzielona jest kulturowo i jêzykowo, napotyka trudno ci, nie bêd¹c w stanie rozwijaæ siê bez przeszkód, w sposób nieskrêpowany. * * * Oceniaj¹c proces decentralizacji w sektorze kultury na £otwie, z ³atwo ci¹ dostrze¿emy, ¿e rozwój jest widoczny na papierze prezentowane s¹ wytyczne, w pewnym zakresie mamy nawet do czynienia z zapocz¹tkowaniem procesu oraz realizacj¹ dzia³añ rozwojowych ale w rzeczywisto ci jest on hamowany przez niejasno ci, odrzucenie, a nawet przeciwdzia³anie. Przewodnicz¹cy £otewskiej Fundacji Kultury, Pçteris Bankovskis, powiedzia³: Mode-

Tabela 3. PROBLEMY I ROZWI¥ZANIA W PROCESIE DECENTRALIZACJI Problemy G Nie istnieje regionalna polityka kulturalna w zakresie rozwoju narodowego i regionalnego G Rozdrobniony podzia³ administracyjny i opó niony proces reform ·

G G

G

G

Nierównowaga miêdzy stolic¹ (Ryg¹] a pozosta³ym obszarem pañstwa: Ryga zapewniony dostêp do profesjonalnej kultury i sztuki, koncentracja potencja³u intelektualnego, szerokie mo¿liwo ci edukacyjne, konkurencyjne wynagrodzenia, lepsza infrastruktura i dostêp do informacji Reszta pañstwa przede wszystkim tradycyjna sztuka (ludowa) ·

Ma³y rynek, ma³e audytorium, niewielka publiczno æ prowadz¹ do wzrostu ceny produktu ·

Rozwi¹zania G Ocena dotychczasowych dokumentów dotycz¹cych polityki kulturalnej oraz projektów legislacyjnych G Wypracowanie wytycznych w zakresie regionalnej polityki kulturalnej G Zakoñczenie regionalnych reform (nie nale¿y do kompetencji ministerstwa kultury) G G

G G G G

G G

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Wypracowanie programów rozwoju regionalnego Wykorzystanie mo¿liwo ci stwarzanych przez finansowanie za po rednictwem funduszy strukturalnych UE Wspieranie dostêpno ci ró¿nych programów edukacyjnych w regionach Wspieranie inicjatyw regionalnych Przeniesienie kompetencji decyzyjnych na szczebel lokalny Jasne zdefiniowanie pañstwowej i lokalnej odpowiedzialno ci w obszarze tradycyjnej sztuki (ludowej) W ma³ym pañstwie istnieje mo¿liwo æ szybszego podjêcia zmian systemowych i reform Rozszerzenie rynku wraz z wej ciem do UE

273

G G G G G

Ma³y rynek, ma³e audytorium, niewielka publiczno æ prowadz¹ do wzrostu ceny produktu · Nierównowaga miêdzy stolic¹ (Ryg¹] a pozosta³ym obszarem pañstwa: Ryga zapewniony dostêp do profesjonalnej kultury i sztuki, koncentracja potencja³u intelektualnego, szerokie mo¿liwo ci edukacyjne, konkurencyjne wynagrodzenia, lepsza infrastruktura i dostêp do informacji Reszta pañstwa przede wszystkim tradycyjna sztuka (ludowa) ·

G G G G G G G

W ma³ym pañstwie istnieje mo¿liwo æ szybszego podjêcia zmian systemowych i reform Rozszerzenie rynku wraz z wej ciem do UE Wypracowanie programów rozwoju regionalnego Wykorzystanie mo¿liwo ci stwarzanych przez finansowanie za po rednictwem funduszy strukturalnych UE Wspieranie dostêpno ci ró¿nych programów edukacyjnych w regionach Wspieranie inicjatyw regionalnych Przeniesienie kompetencji decyzyjnych na szczebel lokalny Jasne zdefiniowanie pañstwowej i lokalnej odpowiedzialno ci w obszarze tradycyjnej sztuki (ludowej)

Rozwi¹zania G Ocena dotychczasowych dokumentów dotycz¹cych polityki kulturalnej oraz projektów legislacyjnych G Wypracowanie wytycznych w zakresie regionalnej polityki kulturalnej Zakoñczenie regionalnych reform (nie nale¿y do kompetencji ministerstwa kultury) G

Problemy G Nie istnieje regionalna polityka kulturalna w zakresie rozwoju narodowego i regionalnego Rozdrobniony podzia³ administracyjny i opó niony proces reform · G

Tabela 3. PROBLEMY I ROZWI¥ZANIA W PROCESIE DECENTRALIZACJI

Kolejnym elementem, który poddany zosta³ procedurze badawczej, by³ stan systemu finansowania. Konkluzj¹ by³o stwierdzenie, ¿e do chwili obecnej najwa¿niejszym ród³em finansowania pozostaje bud¿et pañstwa. Podkre lono tak¿e znaczenie faktu, i¿ w przypadku przeniesienia funkcji równocze nie powinno nast¹piæ przeniesienie rodków finansowych. Krótko poruszony zosta³ temat konieczno ci przygotowania ustawowych ram oraz wcze niejszego wyja nienia wszystkich prawnych kwestii i podjêcia koniecznych decyzji w tym zakresie przed rozpoczêciem procesu reform. W drugiej czê ci koncepcji przedstawione zosta³y szczegó³owe strategie na przyk³adzie trzech obszarów kultury: teatru, muzeów oraz edukacji kulturalnej. W dalszym ci¹gu wiele zadañ nie zosta³o jeszcze zrealizowanych, ale pañstwo wypracowa³o przynajmniej strategiê, wytyczne i da³o do dyspozycji instrumenty. Jednak w przysz³o ci najwa¿niejsze zadanie bêdzie polega³o na rozszerzeniu obszarów koncentracji ¿ycia kulturalnego (w sensie kultury afirmatywnej) obecnie takim obszarem jest jedynie Ryga poprzez wzmocnienie regionalnych jednostek administracyjnych i decentralizacjê kompetencji decyzyjnych na ca³y obszar pañstwa. Problemy i ewentualne rozwi¹zania ilustruje tabela 3.

Oceniaj¹c proces decentralizacji w sektorze kultury na £otwie, z ³atwo ci¹ dostrze¿emy, ¿e rozwój jest widoczny na papierze prezentowane s¹ wytyczne, w pewnym zakresie mamy nawet do czynienia z zapocz¹tkowaniem procesu oraz realizacj¹ dzia³añ rozwojowych ale w rzeczywisto ci jest on hamowany przez niejasno ci, odrzucenie, a nawet przeciwdzia³anie. Przewodnicz¹cy £otewskiej Fundacji Kultury, Pçteris Bankovskis, powiedzia³: Mode* * * Wysi³ki, by w wiêkszym stopniu uwzglêdniæ potrzeby prowincji , napotykaj¹ jeszcze jedn¹ trudno æ podstawowe wytyczne, programy etc. s¹ kreowane przez centralne instancje, czyli w zasadzie stanowi¹ scentralizowan¹ decentralizacjê . Trudna sytuacja ekonomiczna oraz po³o¿enie szczególnego nacisku na kwestie efektywno ci, narzucane przez ministerstwo finansów, nieuchronnie prowadz¹ do powstawania napiêæ. Sta³o siê oczywiste, ¿e proces harmonizacji i decentralizacji na £otwie, gdzie nie mamy do czynienia z zakorzenionymi tradycjami spo³eczeñstwa obywatelskiego, a ludno æ podzielona jest kulturowo i jêzykowo, napotyka trudno ci, nie bêd¹c w stanie rozwijaæ siê bez przeszkód, w sposób nieskrêpowany.


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Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

le, które zaproponowa³o pañstwo, maj¹ oczywi cie du¿e znaczenie. Musimy je omówiæ, przedyskutowaæ wszelkie w¹tpliwo ci, stworzyæ na nowo i znów zmieniæ, ewentualnie zharmonizowaæ z innymi wytycznymi. Je li jednak ka¿dy obywatel nie jest w stanie i nie

chce byæ odpowiedzialny za siebie i swoje otoczenie, wszystkie powy¿ej wymienione dzia³ania okazuj¹ siê bez znaczenia. Ta zdolno æ i chêæ do przejmowania odpowiedzialno ci to klucz i kwintesenca decentralizacji [tam¿e, s. 27].

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1990. Mayntz R., Soziologie der öffentlichen Verwaltung,

mation, Entwicklung, Modernisierung, Verwal-

Main 1994. Goetz K. H., Ein neuer Verwaltungstyp in Mittel- und

[w:] Interessen, Ideen und Institutionen, Opladen

tungsorganisation, Staatsaufgaben und Öffentli-

Beyme K., Systemwechsel in Osteuropa, Frankfut am

bildung: Kriterien institutioneller Differenzierung

cher Dienst , vol 41, Baden-Baden 1999.

Ryga 1999.

bildung: Kriterien institutioneller Differenzierung Lepsius R., Modernisierungspolitik als InstitutionenRyga 2000. Kultûras decentralizâcija. Sociâlo procesu analîze,

chce byæ odpowiedzialny za siebie i swoje otoczenie, wszystkie powy¿ej wymienione dzia³ania okazuj¹ siê bez znaczenia. Ta zdolno æ i chêæ do przejmowania odpowiedzialno ci to klucz i kwintesenca decentralizacji [tam¿e, s. 27].

le, które zaproponowa³o pañstwo, maj¹ oczywi cie du¿e znaczenie. Musimy je omówiæ, przedyskutowaæ wszelkie w¹tpliwo ci, stworzyæ na nowo i znów zmieniæ, ewentualnie zharmonizowaæ z innymi wytycznymi. Je li jednak ka¿dy obywatel nie jest w stanie i nie

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275

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1) 2

Festiwale jako inwestycja w przysz³o æ spo³eczeñstwa serbskiego Jelena Jankoviæ T³umaczenie: Marta Herudziñska, Pawe³ Szlachta Le sort d un art dépend d abord de la richesse du milieu qui le nourrit. Emmanuel Wallon

Polityka kulturalna i spo³eczna

R

zecz¹ bardzo charakterystyczn¹ dla pocz¹tku obecnego tysi¹clecia jest to, ¿e w ca³ej Europie kultura sta³a siê wa¿nym sk³adnikiem ¿ycia spo³ecznego [Lacombe, 2004, s. 35]. Uczestniczenie w wydarzeniach kulturalnych nie jest ju¿ jedynie przywilejem elit, ale sta³o siê dostêpne dla szerszego grona odbiorców, szczególnie dziêki rozwojowi systemów edukacji, turystyce oraz mediom. Pojêcie polityki kulturalnej1 , lub raczej publicznego interwencjonizmu w obszarze kultury, jest obecnie rozumiane jako konieczno æ zapewnienia równego dostêpu do sztuki i kultury wszystkim grupom spo³ecznym, w tym równie¿ tym o gorszym statusie materialnym. Konsekwentnie, demokratyzacja instytucji kulturalnych, w szczególno ci w obszarze sztuk widowiskowych, musi staæ siê pierwszym i najwa¿niejszym elementem w definiowaniu narodowej polityki kulturalnej. Mówi¹c o demokratyzacji w dziedzinie muzyki klasycznej w Serbii, warto wspomnieæ, ¿e

w odbiorze spo³ecznym ten rodzaj sztuki jest ci¹gle ³¹czony prawie wy³¹cznie z elitarnym modelem kultury2 i jako taki jest konsumowany przez stosunkowo ma³¹ liczbê ludzi. Jednak¿e samo pojêcie elity jest w Serbii raczej problematyczne, co sprawia, ¿e ca³a sytuacja staje siê jeszcze bardziej skomplikowana. Mianowicie we wszystkich krajach bêd¹cych obiektami transformacji systemowej mieli my do czynienia ze zubo¿eniem oraz powstaniem stratyfikacji spo³ecznej po³¹czonej z rozwojem nowych elit finansowych. Zubo¿a³e grupy spo³eczne (emeryci, bezrobotni, ludzie o bardzo niskich dochodach, nauczyciele...) wycofa³y siê ze sceny publicznej, nie s¹ ju¿ ani widoczne, ani aktywne w ¿yciu spo³ecznym, a to dlatego, ¿e albo walcz¹ o byt, albo wstydz¹ siê swojej degradacji spo³ecznej i bezsilno ci. Z drugiej strony, nowobogaccy¨ zyskuj¹ wp³yw spo³eczny poprzez przejmowanie mediów i wykorzystywanie ich do promowania swojego stylu ¿ycia i warto ci, jak równie¿ do obnoszenia siê z w³asn¹ potêg¹ ekonomiczn¹

1

Po ród wielu definicji pojêcia polityki kulturalnej nastêpuj¹ce wydaje mi siê szczególnie u¿yteczne: polityka kulturalna oznacza szacowanie i determinowanie dokonywane przez w³adze publiczne (federalne, republiki, regionalne i lokalne) w celu interweniowania w demokratyczny sposób w pewnych obszarach aktywno ci, aby osi¹gn¹æ za³o¿one cele strategiczne. Taki publiczny interwencjonizm mo¿e przyjmowaæ ró¿ne formy, bezpo rednie i po rednie, ustawodawcze i finansowe, a pola interwencji obejmowaæ mog¹ edukacjê i szkolenie, sztukê (wszelkie rodzaje procesów twórczych), ochronê dziedzictwa kulturowego, przemys³ kulturalny, marketing i dystrybucjê, kszta³towanie odbiorców, instytucje kulturalne, artystów niezale¿nych, sieci u¿ytkowników, budynki i sprzêt. Podmioty rz¹dowe powinny raczej zdefiniowaæ swój interwencjonizm poprzez jasno nakre lone cele ni¿ przez ³¹czenie go z konkretnymi organizacjami czy rodzajami dzia³alno ci (Report of the Expert Team of the Council of Europe on cultural policy in Serbia, 2003; cytat za: Ramiæ, 2005, s. 22).

2

Istniej¹ trzy dominuj¹ce modele kultury: elitarny, masowy i tradycyjny [Dragiæeviæ- e iæ, Dragojeviæ, 2004, s. 53].

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

275

Jelena Jankoviæ absolwentka muzykologii Wydzia³u Muzyki Uniwersytetu w Belgradzie. W ramach wspólnego projektu uniwersytetów Ba³kañskiego i Lumiere Lyon 2 ukonczy³a podyplomowe studia z zakresu zarz¹dzania w kulturze i polityki kulturalnej. Od 2002 roku pracuje jako wydawca i producent w Belgradzkiej Agencji Koncertowej Jugokoncert. Regularnie bierze udzia³ w miêdzynarodowych konferencjach i sympozjach (m.in. w Grecji, Belgii, Hiszpanii, Serbii, Bu³garii). Prowadzi³a badania dotycz¹ce muzyki wspó³czesnej, zarz¹dzania instytucjami kulturalnymi i festiwalami muzyki klasycznej.

1

Istniej¹ trzy dominuj¹ce modele kultury: elitarny, masowy i tradycyjny [Dragiæeviæ- e iæ, Dragojeviæ, 2004, s. 53]. Po ród wielu definicji pojêcia polityki kulturalnej nastêpuj¹ce wydaje mi siê szczególnie u¿yteczne: polityka kulturalna oznacza szacowanie i determinowanie dokonywane przez w³adze publiczne (federalne, republiki, regionalne i lokalne) w celu interweniowania w demokratyczny sposób w pewnych obszarach aktywno ci, aby osi¹gn¹æ za³o¿one cele strategiczne. Taki publiczny interwencjonizm mo¿e przyjmowaæ ró¿ne formy, bezpo rednie i po rednie, ustawodawcze i finansowe, a pola interwencji obejmowaæ mog¹ edukacjê i szkolenie, sztukê (wszelkie rodzaje procesów twórczych), ochronê dziedzictwa kulturowego, przemys³ kulturalny, marketing i dystrybucjê, kszta³towanie odbiorców, instytucje kulturalne, artystów niezale¿nych, sieci u¿ytkowników, budynki i sprzêt. Podmioty rz¹dowe powinny raczej zdefiniowaæ swój interwencjonizm poprzez jasno nakre lone cele ni¿ przez ³¹czenie go z konkretnymi organizacjami czy rodzajami dzia³alno ci (Report of the Expert Team of the Council of Europe on cultural policy in Serbia, 2003; cytat za: Ramiæ, 2005, s. 22).

zecz¹ bardzo charakterystyczn¹ dla pocz¹tku obecnego tysi¹clecia jest to, ¿e w ca³ej Europie kultura sta³a siê wa¿nym sk³adnikiem ¿ycia spo³ecznego [Lacombe, 2004, s. 35]. Uczestniczenie w wydarzeniach kulturalnych nie jest ju¿ jedynie przywilejem elit, ale sta³o siê dostêpne dla szerszego grona odbiorców, szczególnie dziêki rozwojowi systemów edukacji, turystyce oraz mediom. Pojêcie polityki kulturalnej1 , lub raczej publicznego interwencjonizmu w obszarze kultury, jest obecnie rozumiane jako konieczno æ zapewnienia równego dostêpu do sztuki i kultury wszystkim grupom spo³ecznym, w tym równie¿ tym o gorszym statusie materialnym. Konsekwentnie, demokratyzacja instytucji kulturalnych, w szczególno ci w obszarze sztuk widowiskowych, musi staæ siê pierwszym i najwa¿niejszym elementem w definiowaniu narodowej polityki kulturalnej. Mówi¹c o demokratyzacji w dziedzinie muzyki klasycznej w Serbii, warto wspomnieæ, ¿e

R

Polityka kulturalna i spo³eczna

w odbiorze spo³ecznym ten rodzaj sztuki jest ci¹gle ³¹czony prawie wy³¹cznie z elitarnym modelem kultury2 i jako taki jest konsumowany przez stosunkowo ma³¹ liczbê ludzi. Jednak¿e samo pojêcie elity jest w Serbii raczej problematyczne, co sprawia, ¿e ca³a sytuacja staje siê jeszcze bardziej skomplikowana. Mianowicie we wszystkich krajach bêd¹cych obiektami transformacji systemowej mieli my do czynienia ze zubo¿eniem oraz powstaniem stratyfikacji spo³ecznej po³¹czonej z rozwojem nowych elit finansowych. Zubo¿a³e grupy spo³eczne (emeryci, bezrobotni, ludzie o bardzo niskich dochodach, nauczyciele...) wycofa³y siê ze sceny publicznej, nie s¹ ju¿ ani widoczne, ani aktywne w ¿yciu spo³ecznym, a to dlatego, ¿e albo walcz¹ o byt, albo wstydz¹ siê swojej degradacji spo³ecznej i bezsilno ci. Z drugiej strony, nowobogaccy¨ zyskuj¹ wp³yw spo³eczny poprzez przejmowanie mediów i wykorzystywanie ich do promowania swojego stylu ¿ycia i warto ci, jak równie¿ do obnoszenia siê z w³asn¹ potêg¹ ekonomiczn¹ Le sort d un art dépend d abord de la richesse du milieu qui le nourrit. Emmanuel Wallon

T³umaczenie: Marta Herudziñska, Pawe³ Szlachta

Jelena Jankoviæ

Festiwale jako inwestycja w przysz³o æ spo³eczeñstwa serbskiego

Jelena Jankoviæ absolwentka muzykologii Wydzia³u Muzyki Uniwersytetu w Belgradzie. W ramach wspólnego projektu uniwersytetów Ba³kañskiego i Lumiere Lyon 2 ukonczy³a podyplomowe studia z zakresu zarz¹dzania w kulturze i polityki kulturalnej. Od 2002 roku pracuje jako wydawca i producent w Belgradzkiej Agencji Koncertowej Jugokoncert. Regularnie bierze udzia³ w miêdzynarodowych konferencjach i sympozjach (m.in. w Grecji, Belgii, Hiszpanii, Serbii, Bu³garii). Prowadzi³a badania dotycz¹ce muzyki wspó³czesnej, zarz¹dzania instytucjami kulturalnymi i festiwalami muzyki klasycznej.


276

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

276

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

bli¿aj¹ce muzykê klasyczn¹ ludziom i vice versa, ale jedynie kszta³c¹ przysz³ych muzyków zawodowych, którzy nastêpnie pozostaj¹ zamkniêci w swej w¹skiej specjalno ci. Jedynym logicznym rozwi¹zaniem tego problemu wydaje siê zacie nienie wspó³pracy pomiêdzy organizacjami artystycznymi, instytucjami festiwali a szkolnictwem muzycznym innymi s³owy, w instytucjonalnym public relations. Mened¿erowie organizacji artystycznych, dzia³aj¹cych w obszarze muzyki klasycznej, powinni nawi¹zaæ kontakt z nauczycielami, pracuj¹cymi zarówno w szkolnictwie ogólnym, jak równie¿ i specjalistycznie muzycznym, i razem winni stworzyæ specjalne projekty, które zaanga¿owa³yby du¿¹ liczbê dzieci i m³odzie¿y w programy zwi¹zane z muzyk¹ (chóry, taniec, produkcje ma³ej sceny ). Taka forma mediacji mo¿e równie¿ wp³yn¹æ na rodziców i dzieci bior¹ce udzia³ w projekcie, konsekwentnie redukuj¹c przepa æ zauwa¿aln¹ w spo³eczeñstwie. Innym sposobem osi¹gania mediacji miêdzykulturowej w obszarze festiwali muzyki klasycznej (w tym miejscu mam na my li mediacjê pomiêdzy ró¿nymi modelami spo³ecznymi) jest w³¹czenie w ramy festiwali ró¿nych programów offowych, które by³yby realizowane w innych miejscach ni¿ typowe lokalizacje koncertowe (mo¿na u¿yæ np. galerii, scenerii plenerowych). W roku 2002 Bemus owi (Belgrade Music Festival) towarzyszy³ bardzo dobrze odebrany program Muzyka na Ekranie w Belgradzkim Centrum Kulturalnym, z filmami dotycz¹cymi muzyki klasycznej oraz produkcjami muzycznymi z dziedziny filmu. W ramach tego festiwalu zaprezentowano równie¿ w Muzeum Pedagogicznym wystawê zatytu³owan¹ Hipertekstualne rozszerzenia muzyki , ale niestety z powodu s³abej promocji inicjatywa ta nie wzbudzi³a wiêkszego zainteresowania w ród publiczno ci. Warsztaty równie¿ stanowi¹ znakomit¹ formê mediacji kulturalnej. Organizatorzy niektórych festiwali w Serbii dostrzegli, ¿e jest to dobra okazja, aby w³¹czyæ do swoich programów ró¿ne grupy spo³eczne. W tym miejscu za znakomity przyk³ad znów mo¿e s³u¿yæ Bemus:

Autorzy ci identyfikuj¹ kilka form miêdzykulturowej i socjokultorowej mediacji: 1) mediacja zwrócona w kierunku szerokich grup populacji, 2) mediacja ukierunkowana na ustanowienie dialogu i wymiany kulturalnej, 3) mediacja ukierunkowana na prze³amywanie uprzedzeñ etnicznych i ideologicznych , 4) mediacja pomiêdzy ró¿nymi modelami spo³ecznymi, 5) terapeutyczne formy mediacji, 6) mediacja ukierunkowana na grupy ze specjalnymi zapotrzebowaniami, 7) mediacja ukierunkowana na grupy o mniejszo ciowej i specyficznej to¿samo ci, 8) mediacja ukierunkowana na grupy marginalizowane i izolowane przestrzennie.

[zob. Dragiæeviæ- e iæ, Dragojeviæ, 2004, s. 46]. Jednocze nie ta nowa elita spo³eczna nie jest jednak elit¹ intelektualn¹ i dlatego wykazuje bardzo ma³e zainteresowanie sztuk¹ wysok¹. Dragiæeviæ- e iæ i Dragojeviæ s³usznie zauwa¿aj¹, ¿e w spo³eczeñstwach przej ciowych wzrasta dystans spo³eczny, i sugeruj¹, ¿e odpowiednio obmy lana i zaplanowana mediacja miêdzykulturowa3 mo¿e zredukowaæ ten dystans poprzez dostarczanie spo³eczeñstwu programów i imprez artystycznych, które mog³yby ³¹czyæ ró¿ne grupy i integrowaæ spo³eczno ci. Jednocze nie takie dzia³ania powinny podnie æ poziom wiadomo ci krytycznej i umo¿liwiæ lekcewa¿onym grupom spo³ecznym wyra¿anie swych opinii oraz stanie siê bardziej widocznymi i zaanga¿owanymi w procesy komunikacji spo³ecznej. G³ównymi narzêdziami mediacji miêdzykulturowej s¹ ich zdaniem: G rodki informacyjne i medialne, G opracowywanie projektów, G bezpo rednia wymiana do wiadczeñ (seminaria, warsztaty, debaty), G interwencje artystyczne, G wykorzystywanie lokalizacji miejskich i przedmie æ, G organizacja imprez i festiwali [tam¿e]. Maj¹c powy¿sze na uwadze, czy mo¿na powiedzieæ, ¿e festiwale muzyki klasycznej mog¹ stanowiæ dobry przyk³ad mediacji miêdzykulturowej? Twierdzê, ¿e faktycznie mog¹ one s³u¿yæ za narzêdzie mediacji pomiêdzy ró¿nymi grupami spo³ecznymi i mog¹ siê przyczyniaæ do integrowania spo³eczno ci, ze wzglêdu na fakt, i¿ du¿o ³atwiej o ich promocjê w mediach ni¿ to jest w przypadku ca³ych sezonów koncertowych. Nie wolno nam jednak zapominaæ, ¿e muzyka klasyczna zajmuje w Serbii miejsce bardzo specyficzne. S¹dzê, ¿e przyczyny problemu zakorzenione s¹ w skostnia³ym systemie edukacji w szko³ach muzycznych pierwszego i drugiego stopnia, nak³adaj¹cym siê na istniej¹cy problem zró¿nicowania socjokulturowego. Szko³y kszta³c¹ce w zakresie muzyki klasycznej s¹ niezmiernie wyspecjalizowane nie s³u¿¹ jako narzêdzia mediacji kulturalnej, przy-

3

bli¿aj¹ce muzykê klasyczn¹ ludziom i vice versa, ale jedynie kszta³c¹ przysz³ych muzyków zawodowych, którzy nastêpnie pozostaj¹ zamkniêci w swej w¹skiej specjalno ci. Jedynym logicznym rozwi¹zaniem tego problemu wydaje siê zacie nienie wspó³pracy pomiêdzy organizacjami artystycznymi, instytucjami festiwali a szkolnictwem muzycznym innymi s³owy, w instytucjonalnym public relations. Mened¿erowie organizacji artystycznych, dzia³aj¹cych w obszarze muzyki klasycznej, powinni nawi¹zaæ kontakt z nauczycielami, pracuj¹cymi zarówno w szkolnictwie ogólnym, jak równie¿ i specjalistycznie muzycznym, i razem winni stworzyæ specjalne projekty, które zaanga¿owa³yby du¿¹ liczbê dzieci i m³odzie¿y w programy zwi¹zane z muzyk¹ (chóry, taniec, produkcje ma³ej sceny ). Taka forma mediacji mo¿e równie¿ wp³yn¹æ na rodziców i dzieci bior¹ce udzia³ w projekcie, konsekwentnie redukuj¹c przepa æ zauwa¿aln¹ w spo³eczeñstwie. Innym sposobem osi¹gania mediacji miêdzykulturowej w obszarze festiwali muzyki klasycznej (w tym miejscu mam na my li mediacjê pomiêdzy ró¿nymi modelami spo³ecznymi) jest w³¹czenie w ramy festiwali ró¿nych programów offowych, które by³yby realizowane w innych miejscach ni¿ typowe lokalizacje koncertowe (mo¿na u¿yæ np. galerii, scenerii plenerowych). W roku 2002 Bemus owi (Belgrade Music Festival) towarzyszy³ bardzo dobrze odebrany program Muzyka na Ekranie w Belgradzkim Centrum Kulturalnym, z filmami dotycz¹cymi muzyki klasycznej oraz produkcjami muzycznymi z dziedziny filmu. W ramach tego festiwalu zaprezentowano równie¿ w Muzeum Pedagogicznym wystawê zatytu³owan¹ Hipertekstualne rozszerzenia muzyki , ale niestety z powodu s³abej promocji inicjatywa ta nie wzbudzi³a wiêkszego zainteresowania w ród publiczno ci. Warsztaty równie¿ stanowi¹ znakomit¹ formê mediacji kulturalnej. Organizatorzy niektórych festiwali w Serbii dostrzegli, ¿e jest to dobra okazja, aby w³¹czyæ do swoich programów ró¿ne grupy spo³eczne. W tym miejscu za znakomity przyk³ad znów mo¿e s³u¿yæ Bemus:

3 Autorzy ci identyfikuj¹ kilka form miêdzykulturowej i socjokultorowej mediacji: 1) mediacja zwrócona w kierunku szerokich grup populacji, 2) mediacja ukierunkowana na ustanowienie dialogu i wymiany kulturalnej, 3) mediacja ukierunkowana na prze³amywanie uprzedzeñ etnicznych i ideologicznych , 4) mediacja pomiêdzy ró¿nymi modelami spo³ecznymi, 5) terapeutyczne formy mediacji, 6) mediacja ukierunkowana na grupy ze specjalnymi zapotrzebowaniami, 7) mediacja ukierunkowana na grupy o mniejszo ciowej i specyficznej to¿samo ci, 8) mediacja ukierunkowana na grupy marginalizowane i izolowane przestrzennie.

[zob. Dragiæeviæ- e iæ, Dragojeviæ, 2004, s. 46]. Jednocze nie ta nowa elita spo³eczna nie jest jednak elit¹ intelektualn¹ i dlatego wykazuje bardzo ma³e zainteresowanie sztuk¹ wysok¹. Dragiæeviæ- e iæ i Dragojeviæ s³usznie zauwa¿aj¹, ¿e w spo³eczeñstwach przej ciowych wzrasta dystans spo³eczny, i sugeruj¹, ¿e odpowiednio obmy lana i zaplanowana mediacja miêdzykulturowa3 mo¿e zredukowaæ ten dystans poprzez dostarczanie spo³eczeñstwu programów i imprez artystycznych, które mog³yby ³¹czyæ ró¿ne grupy i integrowaæ spo³eczno ci. Jednocze nie takie dzia³ania powinny podnie æ poziom wiadomo ci krytycznej i umo¿liwiæ lekcewa¿onym grupom spo³ecznym wyra¿anie swych opinii oraz stanie siê bardziej widocznymi i zaanga¿owanymi w procesy komunikacji spo³ecznej. G³ównymi narzêdziami mediacji miêdzykulturowej s¹ ich zdaniem: G rodki informacyjne i medialne, G opracowywanie projektów, G bezpo rednia wymiana do wiadczeñ (seminaria, warsztaty, debaty), G interwencje artystyczne, G wykorzystywanie lokalizacji miejskich i przedmie æ, G organizacja imprez i festiwali [tam¿e]. Maj¹c powy¿sze na uwadze, czy mo¿na powiedzieæ, ¿e festiwale muzyki klasycznej mog¹ stanowiæ dobry przyk³ad mediacji miêdzykulturowej? Twierdzê, ¿e faktycznie mog¹ one s³u¿yæ za narzêdzie mediacji pomiêdzy ró¿nymi grupami spo³ecznymi i mog¹ siê przyczyniaæ do integrowania spo³eczno ci, ze wzglêdu na fakt, i¿ du¿o ³atwiej o ich promocjê w mediach ni¿ to jest w przypadku ca³ych sezonów koncertowych. Nie wolno nam jednak zapominaæ, ¿e muzyka klasyczna zajmuje w Serbii miejsce bardzo specyficzne. S¹dzê, ¿e przyczyny problemu zakorzenione s¹ w skostnia³ym systemie edukacji w szko³ach muzycznych pierwszego i drugiego stopnia, nak³adaj¹cym siê na istniej¹cy problem zró¿nicowania socjokulturowego. Szko³y kszta³c¹ce w zakresie muzyki klasycznej s¹ niezmiernie wyspecjalizowane nie s³u¿¹ jako narzêdzia mediacji kulturalnej, przy-


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

poczynaj¹c od roku 2003, Ivana Stefanoviæ, dyrektor artystyczna tego festiwalu, zdecydowa³a siê uruchomiæ ró¿norodne warsztaty dla dzieci i m³odzie¿y. W latach 2003 i 2004 zosta³y zorganizowane warsztaty dla dzieci ze szkó³ podstawowych. Przygotowano je we wspó³pracy z Susret (organizacj¹ pozarz¹dow¹ z Belgradu) i umiejscowiono w Pawilonie Sztuki Cvijeta Zuzoric, piêknie usytuowanym w fortecy Kalemegdan. W 2005 roku cz³onkowie Compagnie Georges Momboye z Pary¿a zorganizowali warsztaty taneczne dla dzieci z zespo³em Downa, a w roku obecnym odby³y siê dwa warsztaty, jeden z nich dla dzieci o specjalnych potrzebach, zorganizowany we wspó³pracy z Teatrem Mudra z Belgradu. Istnieje wiele przyk³adów tego, w jaki sposób festiwale muzyki klasycznej mog¹ i przyczyniaj¹ siê do podniesienia wiadomo ci spo³ecznej w odniesieniu do ró¿nych niedostrzeganych i pomijanych grup oraz to¿samo ci (mniejszo ci, ludzie o ró¿nym stopniu uzdolnieñ, grupy naznaczone spo³ecznie itp.). Problemem jest to, ¿e ludzie z zewn¹trz, ci niebêd¹cy publiczno ci¹ festiwali, wydaj¹ siê nie dostrzegaæ, jak istotny segment socjokulturalnej aktywno ci stanowi¹. Dzieje siê tak dlatego, ¿e festiwale nie s¹ wystarczaj¹co dobrze promowane w mediach. W istocie, podstawowym problemem festiwali muzyki klasycznej w Serbii jest ich bardzo ma³a zauwa¿alno æ, spowodowana ograniczonymi kampaniami marketingowymi. Bez w¹tpienia powinni to wzi¹æ pod uwagê mened¿erowie, pragn¹cy zapewniæ tym festiwalom lepsz¹ przysz³o æ.

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rzygl¹daj¹c siê postsocjalistycznej transformacji ustrojowej w Serbii, ³atwo dostrzec, ¿e nie przebiega³a ona tak samo jak w innych krajach by³ego bloku wschodniego czy te¿ nawet w pozosta³ych krajach by³ej Jugos³awii. Vesna Ðukiæ-Dojèinoviæ wymienia trzy fazy transformacji typowe dla wiêkszo ci krajów postsocjalistycznych: G refleksja nad w³asnym dziedzictwem narodowym (którego elementy podczas trwania re¿imu socjalistycznego pozostawa³y zapie-

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czêtowane g³êboko w bunkrach muzeów, w archiwach i bibliotekach) oraz rozpoczêcie procesu ponownej afirmacji swej w³asnej narodowej to¿samo ci; G faza integracji z Europ¹, charakteryzuj¹ca siê dwoma podstawowymi procesami: decentralizacj¹ i prywatyzacj¹; G faza koñcowa, w której instytucje pañstwowe ulegaj¹ demokratyzacji i powstaje odpowiednio zbalansowana polityka kulturalna, zwi¹zana zarówno z warto ciami narodowymi, jak te¿ z warto ciami posiadanymi przez elity. Polityka ta jest równie¿ nakierowana na kszta³towanie kreatywno ci i rozwój sztuki wspó³czesnej [Ðukiæ-Dojèinoviæ, 2000, s. 373n.]. Oczywiste jest, ¿e w pewnym momencie proces transformacji postsocjalistycznej w Serbii zacz¹³ odstawaæ od tempa w³a ciwego innym krajom dawnego bloku. Powodem tego by³ fakt, ¿e Serbii odmówiono mo¿liwo ci przej cia do fazy drugiej, a wiêc do integracji z Europ¹, czego wyrazem by³y miêdzy innymi sankcje ekonomiczne na³o¿one na kraj. Co wiêcej, oprócz tego, ¿e sytuacja ekonomiczna Serbii zosta³a pogorszona przez czynniki zewnêtrzne, dodatkowo Ministerstwo Kultury na³o¿y³o co w rodzaju embarga wewnêtrznego [tam¿e, s. 373], wysy³aj¹c czytelne sygna³y, mówi¹ce o tym, ¿e serbska kultura powinna odwróciæ siê od wiata i zamkn¹æ w obrêbie swej w³asnej tradycji. Nieod³¹cznym problemem tego pomys³u samoizolacji by³o to, ¿e w rzeczywisto ci to¿samo ci narodowej nie mo¿na odnale æ ani potwierdziæ w izolacji. Przeciwnie, kultura narodowa rozwija siê i wyra¿a poprzez kontakty z innymi kulturami (warto równie¿ pamiêtaæ o spostrze¿eniu Welscha, ¿e wszystkie obecne kultury s¹ hybrydami powsta³ymi ze stopu ró¿nych kulturalnych dróg). W tym jak s¹dzê mo¿na upatrywaæ podstawy problemu, który wp³ywa na politykê kulturaln¹ Serbii (a byæ mo¿e powinno siê powiedzieæ: na brak takowej). Ten kraj nie zidentyfikowa³ jeszcze swej to¿samo ci kulturowej i nie wyznaczy³ warto ci i priorytetów kulturalnych4 ; z tego powodu nie posiada równie¿ ¿adnej klarownej, krótkoterminowej b¹d d³ugoterminowej strategii rozwoju kulturalnego. Oczywiste wiêc jest, ¿e w takich warunkach produkcja artystyczna i promocja cierpi z powodu dezorientacji, a festiwale muzyki klasycznej nie s¹ wyj¹tkiem. Kto powinien de-

Wiêkszo æ krajów europejskich opar³a swoj¹ politykê kulturaln¹ na czterech kluczowych pryncypiach: 1) ochronie to¿samo ci kulturowej, 2) wspieraniu kulturowej ró¿norodno ci, 3) wspieraniu rozwoju kreatywno ci oraz 4) stymulowaniu uczestnictwa w ¿yciu kulturalnym [In from the Margins, Council of Europe, 1996]. W raporcie serbskiego Ministerstwa Kultury, rok po transformacji (w 2001), zdefiniowano nastêpuj¹ce priorytety polityki kulturalnej: 1) deetatyzacja, 2) demokratyzacja, 3) decentralizacja, 4) pluralizm kulturowy, 5) alternatywne ród³a finansowania, 6) harmonizacja ustawodawstwa z pra-

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Wiêkszo æ krajów europejskich opar³a swoj¹ politykê kulturaln¹ na czterech kluczowych pryncypiach: 1) ochronie to¿samo ci kulturowej, 2) wspieraniu kulturowej ró¿norodno ci, 3) wspieraniu rozwoju kreatywno ci oraz 4) stymulowaniu uczestnictwa w ¿yciu kulturalnym [In from the Margins, Council of Europe, 1996]. W raporcie serbskiego Ministerstwa Kultury, rok po transformacji (w 2001), zdefiniowano nastêpuj¹ce priorytety polityki kulturalnej: 1) deetatyzacja, 2) demokratyzacja, 3) decentralizacja, 4) pluralizm kulturowy, 5) alternatywne ród³a finansowania, 6) harmonizacja ustawodawstwa z pra-

rzygl¹daj¹c siê postsocjalistycznej transformacji ustrojowej w Serbii, ³atwo dostrzec, ¿e nie przebiega³a ona tak samo jak w innych krajach by³ego bloku wschodniego czy te¿ nawet w pozosta³ych krajach by³ej Jugos³awii. Vesna Ðukiæ-Dojèinoviæ wymienia trzy fazy transformacji typowe dla wiêkszo ci krajów postsocjalistycznych: G refleksja nad w³asnym dziedzictwem narodowym (którego elementy podczas trwania re¿imu socjalistycznego pozostawa³y zapie-

P

Wp³yw transformacji ustrojowej na politykê kulturaln¹ poczynaj¹c od roku 2003, Ivana Stefanoviæ, dyrektor artystyczna tego festiwalu, zdecydowa³a siê uruchomiæ ró¿norodne warsztaty dla dzieci i m³odzie¿y. W latach 2003 i 2004 zosta³y zorganizowane warsztaty dla dzieci ze szkó³ podstawowych. Przygotowano je we wspó³pracy z Susret (organizacj¹ pozarz¹dow¹ z Belgradu) i umiejscowiono w Pawilonie Sztuki Cvijeta Zuzoric, piêknie usytuowanym w fortecy Kalemegdan. W 2005 roku cz³onkowie Compagnie Georges Momboye z Pary¿a zorganizowali warsztaty taneczne dla dzieci z zespo³em Downa, a w roku obecnym odby³y siê dwa warsztaty, jeden z nich dla dzieci o specjalnych potrzebach, zorganizowany we wspó³pracy z Teatrem Mudra z Belgradu. Istnieje wiele przyk³adów tego, w jaki sposób festiwale muzyki klasycznej mog¹ i przyczyniaj¹ siê do podniesienia wiadomo ci spo³ecznej w odniesieniu do ró¿nych niedostrzeganych i pomijanych grup oraz to¿samo ci (mniejszo ci, ludzie o ró¿nym stopniu uzdolnieñ, grupy naznaczone spo³ecznie itp.). Problemem jest to, ¿e ludzie z zewn¹trz, ci niebêd¹cy publiczno ci¹ festiwali, wydaj¹ siê nie dostrzegaæ, jak istotny segment socjokulturalnej aktywno ci stanowi¹. Dzieje siê tak dlatego, ¿e festiwale nie s¹ wystarczaj¹co dobrze promowane w mediach. W istocie, podstawowym problemem festiwali muzyki klasycznej w Serbii jest ich bardzo ma³a zauwa¿alno æ, spowodowana ograniczonymi kampaniami marketingowymi. Bez w¹tpienia powinni to wzi¹æ pod uwagê mened¿erowie, pragn¹cy zapewniæ tym festiwalom lepsz¹ przysz³o æ.

czêtowane g³êboko w bunkrach muzeów, w archiwach i bibliotekach) oraz rozpoczêcie procesu ponownej afirmacji swej w³asnej narodowej to¿samo ci; G faza integracji z Europ¹, charakteryzuj¹ca siê dwoma podstawowymi procesami: decentralizacj¹ i prywatyzacj¹; G faza koñcowa, w której instytucje pañstwowe ulegaj¹ demokratyzacji i powstaje odpowiednio zbalansowana polityka kulturalna, zwi¹zana zarówno z warto ciami narodowymi, jak te¿ z warto ciami posiadanymi przez elity. Polityka ta jest równie¿ nakierowana na kszta³towanie kreatywno ci i rozwój sztuki wspó³czesnej [Ðukiæ-Dojèinoviæ, 2000, s. 373n.]. Oczywiste jest, ¿e w pewnym momencie proces transformacji postsocjalistycznej w Serbii zacz¹³ odstawaæ od tempa w³a ciwego innym krajom dawnego bloku. Powodem tego by³ fakt, ¿e Serbii odmówiono mo¿liwo ci przej cia do fazy drugiej, a wiêc do integracji z Europ¹, czego wyrazem by³y miêdzy innymi sankcje ekonomiczne na³o¿one na kraj. Co wiêcej, oprócz tego, ¿e sytuacja ekonomiczna Serbii zosta³a pogorszona przez czynniki zewnêtrzne, dodatkowo Ministerstwo Kultury na³o¿y³o co w rodzaju embarga wewnêtrznego [tam¿e, s. 373], wysy³aj¹c czytelne sygna³y, mówi¹ce o tym, ¿e serbska kultura powinna odwróciæ siê od wiata i zamkn¹æ w obrêbie swej w³asnej tradycji. Nieod³¹cznym problemem tego pomys³u samoizolacji by³o to, ¿e w rzeczywisto ci to¿samo ci narodowej nie mo¿na odnale æ ani potwierdziæ w izolacji. Przeciwnie, kultura narodowa rozwija siê i wyra¿a poprzez kontakty z innymi kulturami (warto równie¿ pamiêtaæ o spostrze¿eniu Welscha, ¿e wszystkie obecne kultury s¹ hybrydami powsta³ymi ze stopu ró¿nych kulturalnych dróg). W tym jak s¹dzê mo¿na upatrywaæ podstawy problemu, który wp³ywa na politykê kulturaln¹ Serbii (a byæ mo¿e powinno siê powiedzieæ: na brak takowej). Ten kraj nie zidentyfikowa³ jeszcze swej to¿samo ci kulturowej i nie wyznaczy³ warto ci i priorytetów kulturalnych4 ; z tego powodu nie posiada równie¿ ¿adnej klarownej, krótkoterminowej b¹d d³ugoterminowej strategii rozwoju kulturalnego. Oczywiste wiêc jest, ¿e w takich warunkach produkcja artystyczna i promocja cierpi z powodu dezorientacji, a festiwale muzyki klasycznej nie s¹ wyj¹tkiem. Kto powinien de-


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

macjê a g³ówn¹ tendencj¹ tej transformacji bêdzie przechodzenie w stronê modelu pracy opartej na projektach5 i to nie dlatego, ¿e taki jest trend, ale dlatego, ¿e taka zmiana dyktowana jest prawami rynku [tam¿e, s. 30]. W czasach obecnych w Europie powszechnie mówi siê o dychotomii instytucji i projektów [Lacombe, 2004, s. 74]. W praktyce, w wielu krajach europejskich pañstwo ci¹gle subwencjonuje du¿e instytucje kulturalne, takie jak, opery, teatry narodowe, orkiestry symfoniczne czy radiowe, i tu Serbia nie jest wyj¹tkiem. Jest to wynikiem wielu czynników, a takiego stanu rzeczy na pewno nie t³umaczy stwierdzenie, ¿e instytucje kulturalne s¹ bezw³adne i dzia³aj¹ w oparciu o utarte schematy czy te¿, ¿e mened¿erowie nie posiadaj¹ odpowiednich zdolno ci aby przeobraziæ swoje teatry, agencje koncertowe, instytucje festiwali czy opery w nowocze nie dzia³aj¹ce, pracuj¹ce w oparciu o projekty elastyczne organizacje. Wydaje mi siê, ¿e istniej¹ wrodzone przyczyny wynikaj¹ce z samej definicji sztuk widowiskowych, które nigdy nie pozwol¹ na osi¹gniêcie znacz¹cego sukcesu na wolnym rynku. W przypadku muzyki klasycznej, bêd¹cej jedn¹ z najbardziej hermetycznych rodzajów sztuk, jest to szczególnie prawdziwe. W tym miejscu przytoczê kilka spostrze¿eñ Ichaka Adizesa (Adizes, 2002), który stara siê wyja niæ dlaczego tak trudno jest organizacjom artystycznym rywalizowaæ na rynku. Aby przyci¹gn¹æ zainteresowanie publiczno ci, sztuka wysoka zmuszona jest do coraz ostrzejszej rywalizacji z komercyjnymi przedsiêbiorstwami, zalewaj¹cymi spo³eczeñstwo s³ab¹ jako ciowo rozrywk¹ masow¹. Je li sztuka wysoka mia³aby siê ca³kowicie dostosowaæ do spo³eczeñstwa zorientowanego wy³¹cznie komercyjnie i rynkowo, straci³aby mo¿liwo æ spe³niania swej podstawowej funkcji, czyli przeciwdzia³ania rozprzestrzenianiu siê popularnego i czêsto z³ego gustu, wnikliwego spogl¹dania na osi¹gniêcia spo³eczne i dzielenia siê z publiczno ci¹ spostrze¿eniami dotycz¹cymi rzeczywisto ci oraz rozwa¿aniami na temat perspektyw [tam¿e, s. 64]. To, czy uda siê ustrzec sztukê przed komercjalizacj¹, czy te¿

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cydowaæ o polityce programowej festiwali? Ministerstwo Kultury, w³adze miast czy te¿ sami arty ci? Kto powinien decydowaæ, na czym powinien siê skupiaæ program artystyczny: czy powinien on byæ zorientowany na promocjê warto ci i osi¹gniêæ narodowych czy europejskich? W rzeczywisto ci festiwale powinny odzwierciedlaæ narodow¹ politykê kulturaln¹ ale co zrobiæ, gdy w tym konkretnym przypadku taka polityka kulturalna nie istnieje? Nie powinno siê jednak za ten stan rzeczy winiæ wy³¹cznie Ministerstwo Kultury. Nowo wybrane w³adze miast (po demokratycznych zmianach w 2000 roku) w wiêkszo ci przypadków nie dysponuj¹ wystarczaj¹c¹ wiedz¹ do tworzenia polityki kulturalnej miast, definiowania celów strategicznych oraz przygotowywania planów dzia³ania, s³u¿¹cych realizacji takich celów. Nawet obecnie polityka kulturalna jest rozumiana g³ównie jako zwyk³a dystrybucja pieniêdzy bud¿etowych na potrzeby kultury, co oczywi cie nie jest wystarczaj¹ce, tym bardziej, ¿e dystrybucja ta dokonywana jest rutynowo i bez kreatywno ci [Ðukiæ-Dojèinoviæ, 2000, s. 375]. Ta sama autorka podkre la, ¿e w³adze lokalne, a zw³aszcza w³adze miejskie powinny wzi¹æ na siebie obowi¹zki tworzenia polityki kulturalnej, koresponduj¹cej dodatkowo ze strategicznymi celami miasta. W ramach takiej obywatelskiej polityki lokalne organizacje kulturalne powinny rozwin¹æ ducha przedsiêbiorczo ci i potencja³ dla rozwoju, a miejski sektor biznesowy powinien wykorzystaæ kulturalny potencja³ lokalnego rodowiska [tam¿e, s. 376]. G³ównym wyzwaniem transformacji w obszarze kultury jest stworzenie nowego kontekstu spo³eczno-politycznego. Nale¿y maksymalnie wspieraæ rozwój prywatnej inicjatywy biznesowej, tworz¹c tym samym grunt dla rozwoju nowoczesnej biznesowej elity. Najwa¿niejszym celem jest stworzenie klasy dobrze prosperuj¹cych prywatnych przedsiêbiorców, którzy bêd¹ utrzymywaæ siê ze swojej dzia³alno ci a w przysz³o ci stan¹ siê spo³ecznymi filarami demokracji [Ramiæ, 2005, s. 23]. Wed³ug tego samego autora, wszystkie instytucje kultury bêd¹ musia³y przej æ transfor-

Opéra de Lyon jest interesuj¹cym przyk³adem tego, ¿e mo¿liwe jest stworzenie modelu mieszanego , czego pomiêdzy klasycznym modelem instytucji i modelem projektowym. Poczynaj¹c od roku 2003, produkcje operowe s¹ tam pomy lane jako prawdziwe projekty , podczas gdy produkcje baletowe ci¹gle odzwierciedlaj¹ model instytucjonalny.

wem UE, 7) wspó³praca regionalna i miêdzynarodowa. W rzeczywisto ci priorytety te nie przek³ada³y siê na realne dzia³ania podejmowane przez Ministerstwo Kultury i by³y raczej wyrazem reformistycznego ducha ministra kultury. Mo¿na równie¿ wysnuæ wniosek, ¿e rz¹d nie posiada³ klarownie zdefiniowanego programu w obszarze kultury, jak równie¿ taki, i¿ kultura nie znalaz³a siê w ród priorytetów w pierwszym roku transformacji [Macura, 2006, s. 24; zob. równie¿: ÐukiæDojèinoviæ, 2003, s. 48 n.].

5

Opéra de Lyon jest interesuj¹cym przyk³adem tego, ¿e mo¿liwe jest stworzenie modelu mieszanego , czego pomiêdzy klasycznym modelem instytucji i modelem projektowym. Poczynaj¹c od roku 2003, produkcje operowe s¹ tam pomy lane jako prawdziwe projekty , podczas gdy produkcje baletowe ci¹gle odzwierciedlaj¹ model instytucjonalny.

wem UE, 7) wspó³praca regionalna i miêdzynarodowa. W rzeczywisto ci priorytety te nie przek³ada³y siê na realne dzia³ania podejmowane przez Ministerstwo Kultury i by³y raczej wyrazem reformistycznego ducha ministra kultury. Mo¿na równie¿ wysnuæ wniosek, ¿e rz¹d nie posiada³ klarownie zdefiniowanego programu w obszarze kultury, jak równie¿ taki, i¿ kultura nie znalaz³a siê w ród priorytetów w pierwszym roku transformacji [Macura, 2006, s. 24; zob. równie¿: ÐukiæDojèinoviæ, 2003, s. 48 n.].

5

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

macjê a g³ówn¹ tendencj¹ tej transformacji bêdzie przechodzenie w stronê modelu pracy opartej na projektach5 i to nie dlatego, ¿e taki jest trend, ale dlatego, ¿e taka zmiana dyktowana jest prawami rynku [tam¿e, s. 30]. W czasach obecnych w Europie powszechnie mówi siê o dychotomii instytucji i projektów [Lacombe, 2004, s. 74]. W praktyce, w wielu krajach europejskich pañstwo ci¹gle subwencjonuje du¿e instytucje kulturalne, takie jak, opery, teatry narodowe, orkiestry symfoniczne czy radiowe, i tu Serbia nie jest wyj¹tkiem. Jest to wynikiem wielu czynników, a takiego stanu rzeczy na pewno nie t³umaczy stwierdzenie, ¿e instytucje kulturalne s¹ bezw³adne i dzia³aj¹ w oparciu o utarte schematy czy te¿, ¿e mened¿erowie nie posiadaj¹ odpowiednich zdolno ci aby przeobraziæ swoje teatry, agencje koncertowe, instytucje festiwali czy opery w nowocze nie dzia³aj¹ce, pracuj¹ce w oparciu o projekty elastyczne organizacje. Wydaje mi siê, ¿e istniej¹ wrodzone przyczyny wynikaj¹ce z samej definicji sztuk widowiskowych, które nigdy nie pozwol¹ na osi¹gniêcie znacz¹cego sukcesu na wolnym rynku. W przypadku muzyki klasycznej, bêd¹cej jedn¹ z najbardziej hermetycznych rodzajów sztuk, jest to szczególnie prawdziwe. W tym miejscu przytoczê kilka spostrze¿eñ Ichaka Adizesa (Adizes, 2002), który stara siê wyja niæ dlaczego tak trudno jest organizacjom artystycznym rywalizowaæ na rynku. Aby przyci¹gn¹æ zainteresowanie publiczno ci, sztuka wysoka zmuszona jest do coraz ostrzejszej rywalizacji z komercyjnymi przedsiêbiorstwami, zalewaj¹cymi spo³eczeñstwo s³ab¹ jako ciowo rozrywk¹ masow¹. Je li sztuka wysoka mia³aby siê ca³kowicie dostosowaæ do spo³eczeñstwa zorientowanego wy³¹cznie komercyjnie i rynkowo, straci³aby mo¿liwo æ spe³niania swej podstawowej funkcji, czyli przeciwdzia³ania rozprzestrzenianiu siê popularnego i czêsto z³ego gustu, wnikliwego spogl¹dania na osi¹gniêcia spo³eczne i dzielenia siê z publiczno ci¹ spostrze¿eniami dotycz¹cymi rzeczywisto ci oraz rozwa¿aniami na temat perspektyw [tam¿e, s. 64]. To, czy uda siê ustrzec sztukê przed komercjalizacj¹, czy te¿

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cydowaæ o polityce programowej festiwali? Ministerstwo Kultury, w³adze miast czy te¿ sami arty ci? Kto powinien decydowaæ, na czym powinien siê skupiaæ program artystyczny: czy powinien on byæ zorientowany na promocjê warto ci i osi¹gniêæ narodowych czy europejskich? W rzeczywisto ci festiwale powinny odzwierciedlaæ narodow¹ politykê kulturaln¹ ale co zrobiæ, gdy w tym konkretnym przypadku taka polityka kulturalna nie istnieje? Nie powinno siê jednak za ten stan rzeczy winiæ wy³¹cznie Ministerstwo Kultury. Nowo wybrane w³adze miast (po demokratycznych zmianach w 2000 roku) w wiêkszo ci przypadków nie dysponuj¹ wystarczaj¹c¹ wiedz¹ do tworzenia polityki kulturalnej miast, definiowania celów strategicznych oraz przygotowywania planów dzia³ania, s³u¿¹cych realizacji takich celów. Nawet obecnie polityka kulturalna jest rozumiana g³ównie jako zwyk³a dystrybucja pieniêdzy bud¿etowych na potrzeby kultury, co oczywi cie nie jest wystarczaj¹ce, tym bardziej, ¿e dystrybucja ta dokonywana jest rutynowo i bez kreatywno ci [Ðukiæ-Dojèinoviæ, 2000, s. 375]. Ta sama autorka podkre la, ¿e w³adze lokalne, a zw³aszcza w³adze miejskie powinny wzi¹æ na siebie obowi¹zki tworzenia polityki kulturalnej, koresponduj¹cej dodatkowo ze strategicznymi celami miasta. W ramach takiej obywatelskiej polityki lokalne organizacje kulturalne powinny rozwin¹æ ducha przedsiêbiorczo ci i potencja³ dla rozwoju, a miejski sektor biznesowy powinien wykorzystaæ kulturalny potencja³ lokalnego rodowiska [tam¿e, s. 376]. G³ównym wyzwaniem transformacji w obszarze kultury jest stworzenie nowego kontekstu spo³eczno-politycznego. Nale¿y maksymalnie wspieraæ rozwój prywatnej inicjatywy biznesowej, tworz¹c tym samym grunt dla rozwoju nowoczesnej biznesowej elity. Najwa¿niejszym celem jest stworzenie klasy dobrze prosperuj¹cych prywatnych przedsiêbiorców, którzy bêd¹ utrzymywaæ siê ze swojej dzia³alno ci a w przysz³o ci stan¹ siê spo³ecznymi filarami demokracji [Ramiæ, 2005, s. 23]. Wed³ug tego samego autora, wszystkie instytucje kultury bêd¹ musia³y przej æ transfor-


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

nie, bêdzie zale¿eæ od tego, jaki rodzaj pomocy otrzymaj¹ organizacje artystyczne, ale równie¿ od tego, w jakim stopniu bêd¹ w stanie tê pomoc wykorzystaæ. Adi es zwraca uwagê na fakt, ¿e wp³yw na sztukê maj¹ wszystkie zaburzenia polityczne, ekonomiczne, polityka podatkowa, wsparcie rz¹dowe, edukacja oraz rozwój spo³eczeñstwa. W obliczu transformacji postsocjalistycznej, z jak¹ mamy obecnie do czynienia, uwa¿a siê, ¿e racja istnienia ka¿dej instytucji, niezale¿nie od jej charakteru, musi wyra¿aæ siê w jej komercyjnych wynikach finansowych. Wydaje siê jednak, ¿e w przypadku sztuki du¿o trudniej jest okre liæ rynkow¹ warto æ ni¿ w stosunku do innych produktów. Na dzieñ dzisiejszy ceny zwi¹zane ze sztuk¹ kszta³towane s¹ jedynie przez nieliczne segmenty spo³eczne, gdy¿ tylko one uczestnicz¹ w konsumpcji dobra publicznego, jakim jest sztuka [tam¿e, s. 66], i dlatego wspominana wcze niej demokratyzacja ¿ycia kulturalnego musi staæ siê priorytetem na przysz³o æ. Rynkowe trudno ci, z jakimi borykaj¹ siê organizacje artystyczne, mo¿na ³atwiej dostrzec, porównuj¹c je z formami sztuki komercyjnej (np. porównanie festiwali muzyki klasycznej z serbskim turbo-folk ). Punktem wyj cia dla komercyjnej produkcji muzycznej jest odkrycie, czego chce publiczno æ, poznanie ogólnego (niskiego) gustu, a nastêpnie wyprodukowanie tworu artystycznego , odpowiadaj¹cego tym preferencjom. Sztuka komercyjna wykorzystuje istniej¹cy poziom potrzeb, podczas gdy sztuka wysoka stara siê te potrzeby wzbogacaæ, rozszerzaæ, dodaj¹c nowe poziomy do ju¿ istniej¹cych. Adi es analizuje g³ówne czynniki sprawiaj¹ce, ¿e organizacjom artystycznym trudno jest dzia³aæ na wolnym rynku. Czynniki te mo¿na podzieliæ na dwie kategorie: teleologiczne i technologiczne [tam¿e, s. 23]. Ró¿nice w celach i zamierzeniach sztuki wysokiej i komercyjnej s¹ okre lane mianem ró¿nic teleologicznych. Organizacja artystyczna nienastawiona na zysk jest zorientowana w najwiêkszym stopniu na produkt, podczas gdy organizacja artystyczna nastawiona na zysk przede wszystkim na rynek. Pierwsza z nich d¹¿y do umo¿liwienia artystom tworzenia

w oparciu o ich w³asn¹ wiadomo æ artystyczn¹ oraz prezentowania twórczo ci spo³eczeñstwu. Jej celem jest stworzenie warunków umo¿liwiaj¹cych artystom dotarcie do jak najszerszego grona odbiorców, a nie kreowanie artystów, odpowiadaj¹cych jedynie na szerokie zapotrzebowanie spo³eczne. Profesjonalne standardy artystyczne narzucaj¹ innowacyjno æ, a podejmowana w oparciu o ni¹ dzia³alno æ organizacji artystycznych powinna odzwierciedlaæ warto ci spo³eczne i artystyczne. Instytucja artystyczna, która stara siê wype³niæ swoj¹ misjê i promowaæ innowacyjno æ niezale¿nie od pryncypiów ekonomicznych, musi w³o¿yæ wiele wysi³ku, by zidentyfikowaæ, dotrzeæ i utrzymaæ przy sobie odbiorców. Badania dotycz¹ce festiwali muzyki klasycznej przedstawione w niniejszym opracowaniu pokaza³y, ¿e organizatorzy niektórych imprez naprawdê staraj¹ siê wprowadzaæ do swoich programów innowacyjno æ, dbaj¹c zarówno o swych starych odbiorców, jak i przyci¹gaj¹c nowych (Bemus, Èelo Fest, Guitar Art Fest). Aby rozszerzyæ swój rynek bez jednoczesnego psucia produktu, organizacja artystyczna musi zainwestowaæ czas i pieni¹dze w dzia³alno æ marketingow¹ ukierunkowan¹ na potencjalnych odbiorców oraz w edukacyjne public relations, co ma w d³u¿szej perspektywie umo¿liwiæ pozyskanie nowych odbiorców. Podstawowy problem wynika z faktu, ¿e instytucje artystyczne maj¹ raczej tendencjê do podejmowania ryzyka w nowych sferach ni¿ do dzia³ania opartego na do wiadczeniach wcze niejszych sukcesów6 . Wszystkie te czynniki pokazuj¹, ¿e cele i pryncypia organizacji artystycznych nie koresponduj¹ z prawid³ami konkurencyjnego rynku. W tym wzglêdzie organizacje artystyczne s¹ podobne do organizacji badawczych i instytucji edukacyjnych. Ró¿nice, które wynikaj¹ ze sposobów produkcji, to ró¿nice technologiczne. Ten typ ró¿nic pomiêdzy sztuk¹ wysok¹ i komercyjn¹ jest konsekwencj¹ charakterystyki struktury wydatków przynale¿nych poszczególnym obszarom b¹d produktom7 . Po³¹czenie czynników teleologicznych i technologicznych stawia organizacjê artystyczn¹ w trudnej pozycji i sprawia, ¿e aby przetrwaæ, musi ona polegaæ ca³kowicie na sukcesie osi¹-

6

W przeciwieñstwie do organizacji artystycznych, organizacje biznesowe nie zmieniaj¹ trendu, je li okazuje siê on sukcesem. Ca³a teoria dotycz¹ca minimalizowania ryzyka i maksymalizowania zysku opiera siê na wykorzystywaniu istniej¹cych trendów i w przypadku, gdy zidentyfikowane s¹ podstawy sukcesu, organizacja biznesowa bêdzie kontynuowaæ aktywno æ na tym polu a¿ do ca³kowitego wykorzystania istniej¹cych mo¿liwo ci.

7

Adi es identyfikuje nastêpuj¹ce czynniki technologiczne, które sprawiaj¹, ¿e sytuacja organizacji artystycznej na rynku jest niekorzystna:

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

279

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Adi es identyfikuje nastêpuj¹ce czynniki technologiczne, które sprawiaj¹, ¿e sytuacja organizacji artystycznej na rynku jest niekorzystna:

7

W przeciwieñstwie do organizacji artystycznych, organizacje biznesowe nie zmieniaj¹ trendu, je li okazuje siê on sukcesem. Ca³a teoria dotycz¹ca minimalizowania ryzyka i maksymalizowania zysku opiera siê na wykorzystywaniu istniej¹cych trendów i w przypadku, gdy zidentyfikowane s¹ podstawy sukcesu, organizacja biznesowa bêdzie kontynuowaæ aktywno æ na tym polu a¿ do ca³kowitego wykorzystania istniej¹cych mo¿liwo ci.

6

nie, bêdzie zale¿eæ od tego, jaki rodzaj pomocy otrzymaj¹ organizacje artystyczne, ale równie¿ od tego, w jakim stopniu bêd¹ w stanie tê pomoc wykorzystaæ. Adi es zwraca uwagê na fakt, ¿e wp³yw na sztukê maj¹ wszystkie zaburzenia polityczne, ekonomiczne, polityka podatkowa, wsparcie rz¹dowe, edukacja oraz rozwój spo³eczeñstwa. W obliczu transformacji postsocjalistycznej, z jak¹ mamy obecnie do czynienia, uwa¿a siê, ¿e racja istnienia ka¿dej instytucji, niezale¿nie od jej charakteru, musi wyra¿aæ siê w jej komercyjnych wynikach finansowych. Wydaje siê jednak, ¿e w przypadku sztuki du¿o trudniej jest okre liæ rynkow¹ warto æ ni¿ w stosunku do innych produktów. Na dzieñ dzisiejszy ceny zwi¹zane ze sztuk¹ kszta³towane s¹ jedynie przez nieliczne segmenty spo³eczne, gdy¿ tylko one uczestnicz¹ w konsumpcji dobra publicznego, jakim jest sztuka [tam¿e, s. 66], i dlatego wspominana wcze niej demokratyzacja ¿ycia kulturalnego musi staæ siê priorytetem na przysz³o æ. Rynkowe trudno ci, z jakimi borykaj¹ siê organizacje artystyczne, mo¿na ³atwiej dostrzec, porównuj¹c je z formami sztuki komercyjnej (np. porównanie festiwali muzyki klasycznej z serbskim turbo-folk ). Punktem wyj cia dla komercyjnej produkcji muzycznej jest odkrycie, czego chce publiczno æ, poznanie ogólnego (niskiego) gustu, a nastêpnie wyprodukowanie tworu artystycznego , odpowiadaj¹cego tym preferencjom. Sztuka komercyjna wykorzystuje istniej¹cy poziom potrzeb, podczas gdy sztuka wysoka stara siê te potrzeby wzbogacaæ, rozszerzaæ, dodaj¹c nowe poziomy do ju¿ istniej¹cych. Adi es analizuje g³ówne czynniki sprawiaj¹ce, ¿e organizacjom artystycznym trudno jest dzia³aæ na wolnym rynku. Czynniki te mo¿na podzieliæ na dwie kategorie: teleologiczne i technologiczne [tam¿e, s. 23]. Ró¿nice w celach i zamierzeniach sztuki wysokiej i komercyjnej s¹ okre lane mianem ró¿nic teleologicznych. Organizacja artystyczna nienastawiona na zysk jest zorientowana w najwiêkszym stopniu na produkt, podczas gdy organizacja artystyczna nastawiona na zysk przede wszystkim na rynek. Pierwsza z nich d¹¿y do umo¿liwienia artystom tworzenia

w oparciu o ich w³asn¹ wiadomo æ artystyczn¹ oraz prezentowania twórczo ci spo³eczeñstwu. Jej celem jest stworzenie warunków umo¿liwiaj¹cych artystom dotarcie do jak najszerszego grona odbiorców, a nie kreowanie artystów, odpowiadaj¹cych jedynie na szerokie zapotrzebowanie spo³eczne. Profesjonalne standardy artystyczne narzucaj¹ innowacyjno æ, a podejmowana w oparciu o ni¹ dzia³alno æ organizacji artystycznych powinna odzwierciedlaæ warto ci spo³eczne i artystyczne. Instytucja artystyczna, która stara siê wype³niæ swoj¹ misjê i promowaæ innowacyjno æ niezale¿nie od pryncypiów ekonomicznych, musi w³o¿yæ wiele wysi³ku, by zidentyfikowaæ, dotrzeæ i utrzymaæ przy sobie odbiorców. Badania dotycz¹ce festiwali muzyki klasycznej przedstawione w niniejszym opracowaniu pokaza³y, ¿e organizatorzy niektórych imprez naprawdê staraj¹ siê wprowadzaæ do swoich programów innowacyjno æ, dbaj¹c zarówno o swych starych odbiorców, jak i przyci¹gaj¹c nowych (Bemus, Èelo Fest, Guitar Art Fest). Aby rozszerzyæ swój rynek bez jednoczesnego psucia produktu, organizacja artystyczna musi zainwestowaæ czas i pieni¹dze w dzia³alno æ marketingow¹ ukierunkowan¹ na potencjalnych odbiorców oraz w edukacyjne public relations, co ma w d³u¿szej perspektywie umo¿liwiæ pozyskanie nowych odbiorców. Podstawowy problem wynika z faktu, ¿e instytucje artystyczne maj¹ raczej tendencjê do podejmowania ryzyka w nowych sferach ni¿ do dzia³ania opartego na do wiadczeniach wcze niejszych sukcesów6 . Wszystkie te czynniki pokazuj¹, ¿e cele i pryncypia organizacji artystycznych nie koresponduj¹ z prawid³ami konkurencyjnego rynku. W tym wzglêdzie organizacje artystyczne s¹ podobne do organizacji badawczych i instytucji edukacyjnych. Ró¿nice, które wynikaj¹ ze sposobów produkcji, to ró¿nice technologiczne. Ten typ ró¿nic pomiêdzy sztuk¹ wysok¹ i komercyjn¹ jest konsekwencj¹ charakterystyki struktury wydatków przynale¿nych poszczególnym obszarom b¹d produktom7 . Po³¹czenie czynników teleologicznych i technologicznych stawia organizacjê artystyczn¹ w trudnej pozycji i sprawia, ¿e aby przetrwaæ, musi ona polegaæ ca³kowicie na sukcesie osi¹-


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1) Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

po wiêcania kreatywno ci artystycznej i celów spo³ecznych. Oprócz wymienionych wy¿ej k³opotów wynikaj¹cych z transformacji organizacji kulturalnych w Serbii, wa¿nym problemem wielu z nich jest brak przywództwa, jasnych idei, ducha przedsiêbiorczo ci. Istnieje jeszcze jeden problem, szczególnie zauwa¿alny w Serbii, a mianowicie fakt, ¿e ¿ycie kulturalne jest tu ci¹gle silnie scentralizowane wiêkszo æ wydarzeñ artystycznych organizowanych jest w Belgradzie, oprócz którego istnieje praktycznie tylko jedno centrum kulturalne (znacznie mniejsze od stolicy) Nowy Sad. Pozosta³e wiêksze miasta serbskie takie jak Nis czy Kragujevac mimo ¿e s¹ centrami uniwersyteckimi, praktycznie nie istniej¹ na kulturalnej mapie Serbii (co dopiero powiedzieæ o mniejszych miastach!). Nie dziwi wiêc, ¿e mamy do czynienia z ogromn¹ fal¹ migracji artystów i ludzi zwi¹zanych z kultur¹ do Belgradu i Nowego Sadu. Ma³o kto zdobywa siê na przeprowadzkê do mniejszych centrów regionalnych, aby tam inwestowaæ czas i pieni¹dze w celu o¿ywienia lokalnych scen artystycznych i kulturalnych. W rzeczywisto ci poza Belgradem i Nowym Sadem nie ma ofert pracy dla ludzi zwi¹zanych z kultur¹ i jest to kolejny powód, dla którego eksperci w tej dziedzinie nie maj¹ innego wyj-

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ganym na rynku. Organizacja bêdzie zmuszona dostosowaæ orientacjê artystyczn¹, aby lepiej odpowiadaæ na zapotrzebowanie rynku, ale i wówczas problemy zwi¹zane z technologicznym aspektem produkcji artystycznej pozostaj¹. Dlatego te¿ zgadzam siê z opini¹ Adi esa, ¿e organizacje artystyczne powinny byæ czê ciowo wycofane z rozgrywki rynkowej i powinny byæ chronione w podobny sposób, jak to siê dzieje z instytucjami edukacyjnymi. Wspomina on o czê ciowej pomocy, poniewa¿ s¹dzi, ¿e nie nale¿y ca³kowicie chroniæ sztuki przed reakcj¹ publiczno ci [tam¿e, s. 32], ale trzeba wdro¿yæ tak¹ politykê spo³eczn¹ w odniesieniu do sztuki, która zapewni³aby permanentn¹ pomoc, wspomagaj¹c¹ innowacyjno æ bez jednoczesnego odseparowywania artystów od spo³eczeñstwa. Przyk³adowo, mo¿na by wprowadziæ praktykê subwencjonowania biletów w formie sumy dop³acanej organizacji artystycznej, która to suma by³aby wyliczana na podstawie liczby sprzedanych biletów, co powinno zmotywowaæ organizacjê do do³o¿enia maksimum wysi³ku, aby przyci¹gn¹æ jak najszersz¹ publiczno æ [tam¿e, s. 33]. Taki system umo¿liwi³by organizacji artystycznej prognozowanie dochodów i planowanie produkcji w oparciu o te przewidywania, w sposób umo¿liwiaj¹cy rozszerzanie grona potencjalnych odbiorców, bez

a) Przypad³o æ Baumola ród³em tego problemu jest fakt, ¿e produkcja artystyczna opiera siê w najwiêkszej mierze na ludzkiej pracy. G³ównym elementem produkcji artystycznej jest jednostka ludzka, która nie mo¿e zostaæ zast¹piona maszyn¹ w sytuacji, gdy koszt pracy sukcesywnie ro nie, rosn¹ równie¿ koszty produkcji. b) Ograniczona publiczno æ liczba odbiorców ograniczona jest nie tylko przez selektywne zorientowanie niektórych instytucji artystycznych, ale równie¿ w przypadku sztuk widowiskowych przez fakt, ¿e ich dzia³alno æ polega na przygotowaniu wydarzenia odbywaj¹cego siê na ¿ywo , tworzonego w czasie rzeczywistym. Rozmiar obiektu, w którym wydarzenie artystyczne ma miejsce, jest zazwyczaj ograniczony; w takim przypadku na zwiêkszone zapotrzebowanie trudno jest odpowiedzieæ bez zwiêkszania kosztów, zwi¹zanych z ewentualn¹ zmian¹ lokalizacji lub zaproponowaniem dodatkowych terminów. c) Nieprzewidywalno æ g³ównym elementem produkcji artystycznej jest jednostka ludzka, dlatego charakter takiej produkcji jest bardziej nieprzewidywalny ni¿ w przypadku organizacji biznesowych, gdzie produkcja opiera siê na maszynach i technologiach. Produkcja artystyczna w dziedzinie sztuk widowiskowych obejmuje piêæ podstawowych czynników: 1) twórca, 2) interpretator/t³umacz, 3) wykonawca, 4) publiczno æ, 5) fizyczna lokalizacja. Zmiany w którymkolwiek z tych czynników wp³ywaj¹ na efekt koñcowy. Z powodu tej nieprzewidywalno ci bardzo trudno jest organizacji artystycznej szacowaæ ryzyko, które podejmuje. d) Zaanga¿owanie w koncept ma³o która organizacja biznesowa zdecydowa³aby siê na wypuszczenie na rynek produktu bez wcze niejszego dok³adnego opracowania konceptualnego. Zazwyczaj produkuje siê prototyp i dopiero gdy oka¿e siê, ¿e odnosi on sukces, wdra¿a siê go do masowej produkcji. W przypadku sztuki jednak najwa¿niejsze decyzje marketingowe musz¹ byæ podjête na samym pocz¹tku procesu tworzenia produktu (koncertu, spektaklu, wystêpu). Wiêkszo æ pieniêdzy z bud¿etu wydawana jest na d³ugo przed zaprezentowaniem prototypu (premiera, próba generalna). e) Harmonizowanie oferty i zapotrzebowania na polu biznesu komercyjnego czêsto mo¿liwe jest tworzenie zapasów czy sk³adowanie produktu w celu zmniejszenia ryzyka. Jednak¿e w przypadku sztuk widowiskowych jest to ju¿ niemo¿liwe, gdy¿ produkt ten ma charakter wystêpu na ¿ywo i tworzony jest w czasie rzeczywistym. Za ka¿dym razem, gdy mamy do czynienia z wystêpem, produkt jest jednocze nie tworzony i konsumowany; produkt taki nie mo¿e le¿eæ na pó³ce i czekaæ na lepsze czasy, aby go sprzedaæ. f) Ograniczona produkcja wiele organizacji biznesowych jest w stanie u¿yæ narzêdzia produkcji masowej jako sposobu ograniczania ryzyka. Wykorzystanie produkcji masowej jest mo¿liwe w przypadku czê ci przemys³u kulturalnego (wydawanie ksi¹¿ek, p³yt z muzyk¹ itp.), ale jest kompletnie niemo¿liwe w przypadku sztuk widowiskowych i wizualnych.

a) Przypad³o æ Baumola ród³em tego problemu jest fakt, ¿e produkcja artystyczna opiera siê w najwiêkszej mierze na ludzkiej pracy. G³ównym elementem produkcji artystycznej jest jednostka ludzka, która nie mo¿e zostaæ zast¹piona maszyn¹ w sytuacji, gdy koszt pracy sukcesywnie ro nie, rosn¹ równie¿ koszty produkcji. b) Ograniczona publiczno æ liczba odbiorców ograniczona jest nie tylko przez selektywne zorientowanie niektórych instytucji artystycznych, ale równie¿ w przypadku sztuk widowiskowych przez fakt, ¿e ich dzia³alno æ polega na przygotowaniu wydarzenia odbywaj¹cego siê na ¿ywo , tworzonego w czasie rzeczywistym. Rozmiar obiektu, w którym wydarzenie artystyczne ma miejsce, jest zazwyczaj ograniczony; w takim przypadku na zwiêkszone zapotrzebowanie trudno jest odpowiedzieæ bez zwiêkszania kosztów, zwi¹zanych z ewentualn¹ zmian¹ lokalizacji lub zaproponowaniem dodatkowych terminów. c) Nieprzewidywalno æ g³ównym elementem produkcji artystycznej jest jednostka ludzka, dlatego charakter takiej produkcji jest bardziej nieprzewidywalny ni¿ w przypadku organizacji biznesowych, gdzie produkcja opiera siê na maszynach i technologiach. Produkcja artystyczna w dziedzinie sztuk widowiskowych obejmuje piêæ podstawowych czynników: 1) twórca, 2) interpretator/t³umacz, 3) wykonawca, 4) publiczno æ, 5) fizyczna lokalizacja. Zmiany w którymkolwiek z tych czynników wp³ywaj¹ na efekt koñcowy. Z powodu tej nieprzewidywalno ci bardzo trudno jest organizacji artystycznej szacowaæ ryzyko, które podejmuje. d) Zaanga¿owanie w koncept ma³o która organizacja biznesowa zdecydowa³aby siê na wypuszczenie na rynek produktu bez wcze niejszego dok³adnego opracowania konceptualnego. Zazwyczaj produkuje siê prototyp i dopiero gdy oka¿e siê, ¿e odnosi on sukces, wdra¿a siê go do masowej produkcji. W przypadku sztuki jednak najwa¿niejsze decyzje marketingowe musz¹ byæ podjête na samym pocz¹tku procesu tworzenia produktu (koncertu, spektaklu, wystêpu). Wiêkszo æ pieniêdzy z bud¿etu wydawana jest na d³ugo przed zaprezentowaniem prototypu (premiera, próba generalna). e) Harmonizowanie oferty i zapotrzebowania na polu biznesu komercyjnego czêsto mo¿liwe jest tworzenie zapasów czy sk³adowanie produktu w celu zmniejszenia ryzyka. Jednak¿e w przypadku sztuk widowiskowych jest to ju¿ niemo¿liwe, gdy¿ produkt ten ma charakter wystêpu na ¿ywo i tworzony jest w czasie rzeczywistym. Za ka¿dym razem, gdy mamy do czynienia z wystêpem, produkt jest jednocze nie tworzony i konsumowany; produkt taki nie mo¿e le¿eæ na pó³ce i czekaæ na lepsze czasy, aby go sprzedaæ. f) Ograniczona produkcja wiele organizacji biznesowych jest w stanie u¿yæ narzêdzia produkcji masowej jako sposobu ograniczania ryzyka. Wykorzystanie produkcji masowej jest mo¿liwe w przypadku czê ci przemys³u kulturalnego (wydawanie ksi¹¿ek, p³yt z muzyk¹ itp.), ale jest kompletnie niemo¿liwe w przypadku sztuk widowiskowych i wizualnych.

po wiêcania kreatywno ci artystycznej i celów spo³ecznych. Oprócz wymienionych wy¿ej k³opotów wynikaj¹cych z transformacji organizacji kulturalnych w Serbii, wa¿nym problemem wielu z nich jest brak przywództwa, jasnych idei, ducha przedsiêbiorczo ci. Istnieje jeszcze jeden problem, szczególnie zauwa¿alny w Serbii, a mianowicie fakt, ¿e ¿ycie kulturalne jest tu ci¹gle silnie scentralizowane wiêkszo æ wydarzeñ artystycznych organizowanych jest w Belgradzie, oprócz którego istnieje praktycznie tylko jedno centrum kulturalne (znacznie mniejsze od stolicy) Nowy Sad. Pozosta³e wiêksze miasta serbskie takie jak Nis czy Kragujevac mimo ¿e s¹ centrami uniwersyteckimi, praktycznie nie istniej¹ na kulturalnej mapie Serbii (co dopiero powiedzieæ o mniejszych miastach!). Nie dziwi wiêc, ¿e mamy do czynienia z ogromn¹ fal¹ migracji artystów i ludzi zwi¹zanych z kultur¹ do Belgradu i Nowego Sadu. Ma³o kto zdobywa siê na przeprowadzkê do mniejszych centrów regionalnych, aby tam inwestowaæ czas i pieni¹dze w celu o¿ywienia lokalnych scen artystycznych i kulturalnych. W rzeczywisto ci poza Belgradem i Nowym Sadem nie ma ofert pracy dla ludzi zwi¹zanych z kultur¹ i jest to kolejny powód, dla którego eksperci w tej dziedzinie nie maj¹ innego wyj-

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ganym na rynku. Organizacja bêdzie zmuszona dostosowaæ orientacjê artystyczn¹, aby lepiej odpowiadaæ na zapotrzebowanie rynku, ale i wówczas problemy zwi¹zane z technologicznym aspektem produkcji artystycznej pozostaj¹. Dlatego te¿ zgadzam siê z opini¹ Adi esa, ¿e organizacje artystyczne powinny byæ czê ciowo wycofane z rozgrywki rynkowej i powinny byæ chronione w podobny sposób, jak to siê dzieje z instytucjami edukacyjnymi. Wspomina on o czê ciowej pomocy, poniewa¿ s¹dzi, ¿e nie nale¿y ca³kowicie chroniæ sztuki przed reakcj¹ publiczno ci [tam¿e, s. 32], ale trzeba wdro¿yæ tak¹ politykê spo³eczn¹ w odniesieniu do sztuki, która zapewni³aby permanentn¹ pomoc, wspomagaj¹c¹ innowacyjno æ bez jednoczesnego odseparowywania artystów od spo³eczeñstwa. Przyk³adowo, mo¿na by wprowadziæ praktykê subwencjonowania biletów w formie sumy dop³acanej organizacji artystycznej, która to suma by³aby wyliczana na podstawie liczby sprzedanych biletów, co powinno zmotywowaæ organizacjê do do³o¿enia maksimum wysi³ku, aby przyci¹gn¹æ jak najszersz¹ publiczno æ [tam¿e, s. 33]. Taki system umo¿liwi³by organizacji artystycznej prognozowanie dochodów i planowanie produkcji w oparciu o te przewidywania, w sposób umo¿liwiaj¹cy rozszerzanie grona potencjalnych odbiorców, bez


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

cia, jak pozostaæ w³a nie w tych dwóch miastach. £atwo wiêc doj æ do wniosku, ¿e decentralizacja kultury musi staæ siê najwy¿szym priorytetem w dyskusji na temat planowania przysz³o ciowej polityki kulturalnej Serbii. Wystarczy przywo³aæ pozytywny przyk³ad z przesz³o ci, jakim by³ Festiwal Marmuru i D wiêku ambitne wydarzenie artystyczne rozwijaj¹ce siê na prowincji jako rezultat zdecentralizowanego modelu polityki kulturalnej8. Zbytnim uproszczeniem by³aby jednak próba wybrania jakiego jednego konkretnego modelu i zastosowania go w dzisiejszej sytuacji Serbii, bez uwzglêdnienia tradycji i bie¿¹cych uwarunkowañ. O wiele korzystniej, wed³ug Roberta Lacombe a, jest nakre liæ problemy zwi¹zane z dychotomiami, konceptami i ideami, które zazwyczaj przyjmuje siê za oczywiste, na przyk³ad pojêcia i zale¿no ci zwi¹zane z ci¹giem: tworzenie produkcja rozprzestrzenianie, wybór pomiêdzy logik¹ instytucjonaln¹ albo nastawion¹ na projekty, politykê kulturaln¹ czy artystyczn¹, decentralizacjê czy dekoncentracjê, zatrudnianie sta³e czy czasowe i temu podobne. Faktycznie trzeba postawiæ dwa podstawowe pytania. Po pierwsze, pytanie o zakres rozprzestrzeniania sztuki, wi¹¿¹ce siê bezpo rednio z zagadnieniami takimi, jak dostêp do dzie³ sztuki, demokratyzacja kultury, ale równie¿ kwestia skuteczno ci w obszarze kultury i adekwatno æ kulturalnej s³u¿by publicznej . Po drugie, nale¿y zaj¹æ siê kwesti¹ artystycznej doskona³o ci [Lacombe, 2004, s. 33] i zestawiæ j¹ z innymi do wiadczeniami, za³o¿eniami, wynikami.

Rola festiwali muzyki klasycznej w dzisiejszej Serbii wspó³praca na poziomie lokalnym i miêdzynarodowym

B

ernard Faivre-d Arcier identyfikuje co najmniej cztery wystarczaj¹ce powody, dla których festiwale powinny byæ organizowane w ka¿dym mie cie: 1. Festiwale daj¹ dobr¹ okazjê do demokratyzacji kultury, gdy¿ u³atwiaj¹ dostêp do sztuki obywatelom, którzy z ró¿nych powodów nie uczêszczaj¹ do teatrów lub na koncerty

8

(powodami mog¹ byæ: brak informacji, koszt biletów, poczucie, ¿e do tych miejsc nie przynale¿¹ i temu podobne); szczególnie odnosi siê to do imprez plenerowych, w których nastêpuje po³¹czenie sztuki z ³adn¹ pogod¹, wakacjami, relaksem... W Belgradzie Belef (Beogradski Letnji Festival) stanowi bardzo dobry przyk³ad takiej w³a nie letniej imprezy. 2. Festiwale mog¹ wzmacniaæ poczucie lokalnej to¿samo ci spo³eczno ci, s¹siedztwa, jakiego rodowiska zawodowego. 3. Festiwale daj¹ mo¿liwo æ zdobycia konkretnych zysków ekonomicznych, a wszelakie dzia³aj¹ce w mie cie jednostki us³ugowe zyskuj¹ okazjê do znacz¹cego zarobku (hotele, restauracje, parkingi, biura turystyczne). W przypadku Serbii odnosi siê to w najwiêkszej mierze do plenerowych festiwali muzyki popularnej czy tradycyjnej, takich jak EXIT w Nowym Sadzie czy odbywaj¹cy siê w niewielkiej miejscowo ci Guèa Trumpet Festival. Imprezy te nie podlegaj¹ takim infrastrukturalnym ograniczeniom, jak w przypadku festiwali muzyki klasycznej. 4. Festiwale przyczyniaj¹ siê do tworzenia pozytywnego wizerunku miasta/spo³eczno ci, zwiêkszaj¹ ich widoczno æ i rozpoznawalno æ (B. Faivre-d Arcier, Comment donner une avenir aux festivals). Ten sam autor wspomina jeszcze jeden wa¿ny powód, dla którego festiwale w dzisiejszych czasach s¹ bardzo potrzebne. Powód ten, o którym ³atwo zapomnieæ, mo¿e byæ nawet istotniejszy ni¿ wszystkie inne. Chodzi mianowicie o wk³ad i warto æ, jak¹ festiwale wnosz¹ do obszaru kultury i sztuki. W przypadku Serbii ten w³a nie ostatni powód mo¿e stanowiæ najmocniejszy argument w obronie instytucji festiwali, szczególnie w sytuacji, gdy muzyka klasyczna w naszym kraju ani nie generuje zysku, ani specjalnie nie wi¹¿e siê z politycznym presti¿em. Tak wiêc festiwale powinny s³u¿yæ jako wsparcie dla lokalnych produkcji artystycznych i to w³a nie powinno byæ postrzegane jako jeden z ich podstawowych celów. Rozwijaj¹ca siê w Serbii polityka kulturalna bêdzie musia³a zdefiniowaæ zadania dla producentów festiwali, w ród których znajdzie siê promowanie kra-

W Europie istniej¹ trzy podstawowe formy publicznej interwencji w obszarze kultury: 1) Model federalny lub ekstremalnie zdecentralizowany kompetencje s¹ przekazane spo³eczno ciom lokalnym lub jednostkom wchodz¹cym w sk³ad federacji (Belgia, Hiszpania, Austria, Niemcy). 2) W niektórych krajach kompetencje dotycz¹ce spraw zwi¹zanych z kultur¹ s¹ delegowane na quasi-autonomiczne rady (Wielka Brytania, Irlandia, Dania, Szwecja, Holandia). 3) Scentralizowany model kulturalny, ze znacz¹c¹ rol¹ ministerstwa kultury (Luksemburg, Portugalia, Grecja, W³ochy, wiêkszo æ krajów Europu Po³udniowo-Wschodniej oraz postsocjalistycznych (Lacombe, 2004, s. 40 41).

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

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8

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W Europie istniej¹ trzy podstawowe formy publicznej interwencji w obszarze kultury: 1) Model federalny lub ekstremalnie zdecentralizowany kompetencje s¹ przekazane spo³eczno ciom lokalnym lub jednostkom wchodz¹cym w sk³ad federacji (Belgia, Hiszpania, Austria, Niemcy). 2) W niektórych krajach kompetencje dotycz¹ce spraw zwi¹zanych z kultur¹ s¹ delegowane na quasi-autonomiczne rady (Wielka Brytania, Irlandia, Dania, Szwecja, Holandia). 3) Scentralizowany model kulturalny, ze znacz¹c¹ rol¹ ministerstwa kultury (Luksemburg, Portugalia, Grecja, W³ochy, wiêkszo æ krajów Europu Po³udniowo-Wschodniej oraz postsocjalistycznych (Lacombe, 2004, s. 40 41).

ernard Faivre-d Arcier identyfikuje co najmniej cztery wystarczaj¹ce powody, dla których festiwale powinny byæ organizowane w ka¿dym mie cie: 1. Festiwale daj¹ dobr¹ okazjê do demokratyzacji kultury, gdy¿ u³atwiaj¹ dostêp do sztuki obywatelom, którzy z ró¿nych powodów nie uczêszczaj¹ do teatrów lub na koncerty

B

Rola festiwali muzyki klasycznej w dzisiejszej Serbii wspó³praca na poziomie lokalnym i miêdzynarodowym cia, jak pozostaæ w³a nie w tych dwóch miastach. £atwo wiêc doj æ do wniosku, ¿e decentralizacja kultury musi staæ siê najwy¿szym priorytetem w dyskusji na temat planowania przysz³o ciowej polityki kulturalnej Serbii. Wystarczy przywo³aæ pozytywny przyk³ad z przesz³o ci, jakim by³ Festiwal Marmuru i D wiêku ambitne wydarzenie artystyczne rozwijaj¹ce siê na prowincji jako rezultat zdecentralizowanego modelu polityki kulturalnej8. Zbytnim uproszczeniem by³aby jednak próba wybrania jakiego jednego konkretnego modelu i zastosowania go w dzisiejszej sytuacji Serbii, bez uwzglêdnienia tradycji i bie¿¹cych uwarunkowañ. O wiele korzystniej, wed³ug Roberta Lacombe a, jest nakre liæ problemy zwi¹zane z dychotomiami, konceptami i ideami, które zazwyczaj przyjmuje siê za oczywiste, na przyk³ad pojêcia i zale¿no ci zwi¹zane z ci¹giem: tworzenie produkcja rozprzestrzenianie, wybór pomiêdzy logik¹ instytucjonaln¹ albo nastawion¹ na projekty, politykê kulturaln¹ czy artystyczn¹, decentralizacjê czy dekoncentracjê, zatrudnianie sta³e czy czasowe i temu podobne. Faktycznie trzeba postawiæ dwa podstawowe pytania. Po pierwsze, pytanie o zakres rozprzestrzeniania sztuki, wi¹¿¹ce siê bezpo rednio z zagadnieniami takimi, jak dostêp do dzie³ sztuki, demokratyzacja kultury, ale równie¿ kwestia skuteczno ci w obszarze kultury i adekwatno æ kulturalnej s³u¿by publicznej . Po drugie, nale¿y zaj¹æ siê kwesti¹ artystycznej doskona³o ci [Lacombe, 2004, s. 33] i zestawiæ j¹ z innymi do wiadczeniami, za³o¿eniami, wynikami.

(powodami mog¹ byæ: brak informacji, koszt biletów, poczucie, ¿e do tych miejsc nie przynale¿¹ i temu podobne); szczególnie odnosi siê to do imprez plenerowych, w których nastêpuje po³¹czenie sztuki z ³adn¹ pogod¹, wakacjami, relaksem... W Belgradzie Belef (Beogradski Letnji Festival) stanowi bardzo dobry przyk³ad takiej w³a nie letniej imprezy. 2. Festiwale mog¹ wzmacniaæ poczucie lokalnej to¿samo ci spo³eczno ci, s¹siedztwa, jakiego rodowiska zawodowego. 3. Festiwale daj¹ mo¿liwo æ zdobycia konkretnych zysków ekonomicznych, a wszelakie dzia³aj¹ce w mie cie jednostki us³ugowe zyskuj¹ okazjê do znacz¹cego zarobku (hotele, restauracje, parkingi, biura turystyczne). W przypadku Serbii odnosi siê to w najwiêkszej mierze do plenerowych festiwali muzyki popularnej czy tradycyjnej, takich jak EXIT w Nowym Sadzie czy odbywaj¹cy siê w niewielkiej miejscowo ci Guèa Trumpet Festival. Imprezy te nie podlegaj¹ takim infrastrukturalnym ograniczeniom, jak w przypadku festiwali muzyki klasycznej. 4. Festiwale przyczyniaj¹ siê do tworzenia pozytywnego wizerunku miasta/spo³eczno ci, zwiêkszaj¹ ich widoczno æ i rozpoznawalno æ (B. Faivre-d Arcier, Comment donner une avenir aux festivals). Ten sam autor wspomina jeszcze jeden wa¿ny powód, dla którego festiwale w dzisiejszych czasach s¹ bardzo potrzebne. Powód ten, o którym ³atwo zapomnieæ, mo¿e byæ nawet istotniejszy ni¿ wszystkie inne. Chodzi mianowicie o wk³ad i warto æ, jak¹ festiwale wnosz¹ do obszaru kultury i sztuki. W przypadku Serbii ten w³a nie ostatni powód mo¿e stanowiæ najmocniejszy argument w obronie instytucji festiwali, szczególnie w sytuacji, gdy muzyka klasyczna w naszym kraju ani nie generuje zysku, ani specjalnie nie wi¹¿e siê z politycznym presti¿em. Tak wiêc festiwale powinny s³u¿yæ jako wsparcie dla lokalnych produkcji artystycznych i to w³a nie powinno byæ postrzegane jako jeden z ich podstawowych celów. Rozwijaj¹ca siê w Serbii polityka kulturalna bêdzie musia³a zdefiniowaæ zadania dla producentów festiwali, w ród których znajdzie siê promowanie kra-


stiwalu Bemus 2005, która rzuci³a zupe³nie nowe wiat³o i nada³a nowe znaczenie przestrzeni w Muzeum 25 Maja 9 , wzbudzaj¹c ogromne zainteresowanie ró¿norodnej publiczno ci (wystarczy powiedzieæ, ¿e liczba odwiedzaj¹cych stale ros³a, poczynaj¹c od pierwszego, a na ostatnim przedstawieniu koñcz¹c). Niektórzy autorzy wspominaj¹ o zjawisku festiwalizacji sztuki , co oznacza, ¿e sztuki widowiskowe w obecnych czasach ulegaj¹ wp³ywowi globalnego transferu dóbr, w tym dzie³ sztuki. W konsekwencji organizacje artystyczne proponuj¹ programy coraz bardziej wielokulturowe (Lacombe, 2004, s. 77; osobi cie nazwa³abym je transkulturowymi). Umiêdzynarodowienie produkcji kulturalnej i jej rozpowszechniania jest rezultatem postêpów na polu technologii telekomunikacyjnych, rozwoju turystyki i utworzenia siê rynku wiatowego. W tym wzglêdzie festiwale mog¹ byæ postrzegane jako uprzywilejowane obserwatoria tendencji, wystêpuj¹cych w wiecie sztuk widowiskowych [tam¿e, s. 78]. Miêdzynarodowy wymiar festiwali jest najczê ciej rezultatem potrzeb i aspiracji poszczególnych przedsiêbiorców kultury, którzy pó niej otrzymuj¹ pomoc i wsparcie w³adz. Kiedy administratorzy kultury, motywowani powodami artystycznymi, decyduj¹ siê na rozwijanie tego miêdzynarodowego wymiaru festiwali, w³adze publiczne oferuj¹ pomoc, w celu wsparcia w³asnej agendy politycznej i w³asnych interesów. U¿ywaj¹ festiwali do zwiêkszenia presti¿u, generowania wiêkszego wp³ywu z sektora turystycznego oraz budowania wp³ywu politycznego poprzez kulturowe ambasadorowanie . Cz³onkostwo w miêdzynarodowej sieci jest du¿¹ szans¹ dla festiwali, gdy¿ umo¿liwia ich mened¿erom nawi¹zywanie kontaktów z potencjalnymi partnerami, u³atwia wymianê informacji o trendach oraz zwiêksza zauwa¿alno æ festiwalu i buduje jego image. Festiwal Bemus od 2002 roku przynale¿y do European Festivals Association (EFA-AEF), sieci grupuj¹cej najbardziej presti¿owe festiwale sztuk widowiskowych (w Salzburgu, Avinionie, Bayreuth, Edynburgu), a Bitef najwa¿niejszy festiwal teatralny w Serbii jest szeroko rozpoznawalny na festiwalowej mapie Europy, przynale¿¹c do sieci IETM. Niestety inne serbskie festiwale nie maj¹ podobnej mo¿liwo ci miêdzynarodowej promocji i wspó³pracy. Istnieje potrzeba stworzenia w Serbii zrzeszenia festiwali, organizacji pa-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

jowej produkcji artystycznej w przeciwnym przypadku czê ciej bêdziemy mieli do czynienia z tak paradoksalnymi sytuacjami, jak repertuar Filharmonii Belgradzkiej, który w sezonie 2006/2007 nie zawiera³ ani jednego utworu skomponowanego przez kompozytora serbskiego. Innymi s³owy, jak d³ugo nie bêdzie spójnej i przejrzystej polityki reguluj¹cej te kwestie, tak d³ugo to, czy organizacje artystyczne promuj¹ lokalne produkcje i inicjatywy, bêdzie zale¿eæ jedynie od ich dobrej woli. W ca³ym wiecie promocja lokalnej to¿samo ci i ró¿norodno ci kulturowej stanowi istotny efekt uboczny globalizacji. £¹czenie wymiaru lokalnego i miêdzynarodowego w odniesieniu do dystrybucji sztuki mo¿e przyjmowaæ wiele form, ale najwa¿niejszym czynnikiem jest uczestnictwo spo³eczno ci lokalnej, nie za promocja to¿samo ci kulturowej. Festiwale mog¹ stanowiæ idealn¹ odpowied na to wyzwanie, szczególnie gdy uda siê za ich pomoc¹ zaanga¿owaæ pewne kategorie spo³eczne, takie jak m³odzie¿, grupy o gorszym statusie (mniejszo ci, ludzie o ró¿nym poziomie uzdolnieñ i temu podobne). Cz³onkowie spo³eczno ci powinni byæ nak³aniani do przyjêcia bardziej zaanga¿owanej postawy w stosunku do kwestii festiwali. Powinno siê im daæ mo¿liwo æ zrozumienia, ¿e nie s¹ one jedynie miejscem rozrywki i konsumpcji, ale ¿e oferuj¹ bardzo wiele mo¿liwo ci. W tym miejscu mam na my li g³ównie w³a cicieli ma³ych i rednich przedsiêbiorstw prywatnych, którzy poprzez afiliowanie siê z artystycznymi organizacjami i wydarzeniami zyskuj¹ szansê promocji w³asnych interesów. Obywatele miast i ludzie, którzy te miasta odwiedzaj¹ w czasie trwania festiwali, szukaj¹ czego wiêcej ni¿ tylko samych wystêpów artystycznych: chc¹ do wiadczyæ poczucia wspólnotowo ci w kreatywnym i inspiruj¹cym rodowisku. Dziêki mo¿liwo ci ³¹czenia wymiarów artystycznego i spo³ecznego festiwale maj¹ szansê staæ siê rodkiem do rewitalizacji miast, przekonstruowania przestrzeni miejskich oraz do kulturalnego o¿ywienia i regeneracji. Najlepszym sposobem, aby wzbogaciæ festiwale o aurê ekskluzywno ci, aby wypromowaæ je jako co wykraczaj¹cego daleko poza standardow¹ ofertê kulturaln¹, jest stworzenie mo¿liwo ci, aby by³y one realizowane w ma³o konwencjonalnym otoczeniu. Doskona³ym przyk³adem takiej w³a nie produkcji jest realizacja opery Glucka Orfeusz i Eurydyka na fe-

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Muzeum 25 Maja, znane jako muzeum historii by³ej Jugos³awii ; jednym z budynków muzeum jest memoria³ po wiêcony wieloletniemu przywódcy narodowemu, Josipowi Broz-Ticie.

Muzeum 25 Maja, znane jako muzeum historii by³ej Jugos³awii ; jednym z budynków muzeum jest memoria³ po wiêcony wieloletniemu przywódcy narodowemu, Josipowi Broz-Ticie.

9

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1) 9

stiwalu Bemus 2005, która rzuci³a zupe³nie nowe wiat³o i nada³a nowe znaczenie przestrzeni w Muzeum 25 Maja 9 , wzbudzaj¹c ogromne zainteresowanie ró¿norodnej publiczno ci (wystarczy powiedzieæ, ¿e liczba odwiedzaj¹cych stale ros³a, poczynaj¹c od pierwszego, a na ostatnim przedstawieniu koñcz¹c). Niektórzy autorzy wspominaj¹ o zjawisku festiwalizacji sztuki , co oznacza, ¿e sztuki widowiskowe w obecnych czasach ulegaj¹ wp³ywowi globalnego transferu dóbr, w tym dzie³ sztuki. W konsekwencji organizacje artystyczne proponuj¹ programy coraz bardziej wielokulturowe (Lacombe, 2004, s. 77; osobi cie nazwa³abym je transkulturowymi). Umiêdzynarodowienie produkcji kulturalnej i jej rozpowszechniania jest rezultatem postêpów na polu technologii telekomunikacyjnych, rozwoju turystyki i utworzenia siê rynku wiatowego. W tym wzglêdzie festiwale mog¹ byæ postrzegane jako uprzywilejowane obserwatoria tendencji, wystêpuj¹cych w wiecie sztuk widowiskowych [tam¿e, s. 78]. Miêdzynarodowy wymiar festiwali jest najczê ciej rezultatem potrzeb i aspiracji poszczególnych przedsiêbiorców kultury, którzy pó niej otrzymuj¹ pomoc i wsparcie w³adz. Kiedy administratorzy kultury, motywowani powodami artystycznymi, decyduj¹ siê na rozwijanie tego miêdzynarodowego wymiaru festiwali, w³adze publiczne oferuj¹ pomoc, w celu wsparcia w³asnej agendy politycznej i w³asnych interesów. U¿ywaj¹ festiwali do zwiêkszenia presti¿u, generowania wiêkszego wp³ywu z sektora turystycznego oraz budowania wp³ywu politycznego poprzez kulturowe ambasadorowanie . Cz³onkostwo w miêdzynarodowej sieci jest du¿¹ szans¹ dla festiwali, gdy¿ umo¿liwia ich mened¿erom nawi¹zywanie kontaktów z potencjalnymi partnerami, u³atwia wymianê informacji o trendach oraz zwiêksza zauwa¿alno æ festiwalu i buduje jego image. Festiwal Bemus od 2002 roku przynale¿y do European Festivals Association (EFA-AEF), sieci grupuj¹cej najbardziej presti¿owe festiwale sztuk widowiskowych (w Salzburgu, Avinionie, Bayreuth, Edynburgu), a Bitef najwa¿niejszy festiwal teatralny w Serbii jest szeroko rozpoznawalny na festiwalowej mapie Europy, przynale¿¹c do sieci IETM. Niestety inne serbskie festiwale nie maj¹ podobnej mo¿liwo ci miêdzynarodowej promocji i wspó³pracy. Istnieje potrzeba stworzenia w Serbii zrzeszenia festiwali, organizacji pa-

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jowej produkcji artystycznej w przeciwnym przypadku czê ciej bêdziemy mieli do czynienia z tak paradoksalnymi sytuacjami, jak repertuar Filharmonii Belgradzkiej, który w sezonie 2006/2007 nie zawiera³ ani jednego utworu skomponowanego przez kompozytora serbskiego. Innymi s³owy, jak d³ugo nie bêdzie spójnej i przejrzystej polityki reguluj¹cej te kwestie, tak d³ugo to, czy organizacje artystyczne promuj¹ lokalne produkcje i inicjatywy, bêdzie zale¿eæ jedynie od ich dobrej woli. W ca³ym wiecie promocja lokalnej to¿samo ci i ró¿norodno ci kulturowej stanowi istotny efekt uboczny globalizacji. £¹czenie wymiaru lokalnego i miêdzynarodowego w odniesieniu do dystrybucji sztuki mo¿e przyjmowaæ wiele form, ale najwa¿niejszym czynnikiem jest uczestnictwo spo³eczno ci lokalnej, nie za promocja to¿samo ci kulturowej. Festiwale mog¹ stanowiæ idealn¹ odpowied na to wyzwanie, szczególnie gdy uda siê za ich pomoc¹ zaanga¿owaæ pewne kategorie spo³eczne, takie jak m³odzie¿, grupy o gorszym statusie (mniejszo ci, ludzie o ró¿nym poziomie uzdolnieñ i temu podobne). Cz³onkowie spo³eczno ci powinni byæ nak³aniani do przyjêcia bardziej zaanga¿owanej postawy w stosunku do kwestii festiwali. Powinno siê im daæ mo¿liwo æ zrozumienia, ¿e nie s¹ one jedynie miejscem rozrywki i konsumpcji, ale ¿e oferuj¹ bardzo wiele mo¿liwo ci. W tym miejscu mam na my li g³ównie w³a cicieli ma³ych i rednich przedsiêbiorstw prywatnych, którzy poprzez afiliowanie siê z artystycznymi organizacjami i wydarzeniami zyskuj¹ szansê promocji w³asnych interesów. Obywatele miast i ludzie, którzy te miasta odwiedzaj¹ w czasie trwania festiwali, szukaj¹ czego wiêcej ni¿ tylko samych wystêpów artystycznych: chc¹ do wiadczyæ poczucia wspólnotowo ci w kreatywnym i inspiruj¹cym rodowisku. Dziêki mo¿liwo ci ³¹czenia wymiarów artystycznego i spo³ecznego festiwale maj¹ szansê staæ siê rodkiem do rewitalizacji miast, przekonstruowania przestrzeni miejskich oraz do kulturalnego o¿ywienia i regeneracji. Najlepszym sposobem, aby wzbogaciæ festiwale o aurê ekskluzywno ci, aby wypromowaæ je jako co wykraczaj¹cego daleko poza standardow¹ ofertê kulturaln¹, jest stworzenie mo¿liwo ci, aby by³y one realizowane w ma³o konwencjonalnym otoczeniu. Doskona³ym przyk³adem takiej w³a nie produkcji jest realizacja opery Glucka Orfeusz i Eurydyka na fe-


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Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

rasola , która zaanga¿owa³aby siê w ich promocjê. Jest du¿a szansa, ¿e taka organizacja wkrótce powstanie (proces tworzenia zosta³ ju¿ zapocz¹tkowany). Dragan Klaiæ zauwa¿a, ¿e festiwale w obecnych czasach dzia³aj¹ coraz czê ciej jako wspó³producenci, a nie jedynie jako miejsca, gdzie ju¿ stworzone wcze niej dzie³a sztuki s¹ prezentowane. Produkcje festiwalowe i koprodukcje mog¹ przyczyniaæ siê do rozwoju wspó³pracy miêdzynarodowej, poniewa¿ s¹ w stanie doprowadzaæ do spotkania artystów (lub organizacji artystycznych) z ró¿nych rodowisk. Dla festiwali nowe produkcje stanowi¹ okazjê do afirmacji ich warto ci i celów poprzez tworzenie nowego artystycznego kapita³u (Festivals: Challenges of Growth, s. 32). Koprodukcje miêdzynarodowe s¹ korzystne i wa¿ne równie¿ dlatego, ¿e zak³adaj¹ pewn¹ formê miêdzynarodowego wspó³finansowania i dzielenia kosztów oraz ponoszonego ryzyka. W przypadku Bemus na przestrzeni ostatnich dwóch lat zdo³ano zrealizowaæ kilka bardzo ambitnych projektów, a szczególne miejsce w ród nich zajmuje opera Zora D. serbskiego kompozytora Isidora ebeljana. Opera ta by³a koprodukcj¹ Holenderskiej Opery z Amsterdamu, wiedeñskiej Kammeroper oraz Bemus. W 2007 roku by³a zaprezentowana na muzycznym biennale w Zagrzebiu w Chorwacji. Innym interesuj¹cym przyk³adem koprodukcji Bemus jest Chamber Music Marathon, zrealizowany wspólnie z The Guildhall School of Music and Drama z Londynu. Na poziomie lokalnym przedstawiciele festiwali mog¹ szukaæ organizacji partnerskich z ró¿nych (artystycznych i nieartystycznych) obszarów. Partnerstwo takie mo¿e oferowaæ korzy ci wzajemne. Festiwale Bitef i Bemus s¹ tego bardzo dobrymi przyk³adami, jako ¿e rokrocznie wspó³produkuj¹ nie mniej ni¿ trzy du¿e przedsiêwziêcia z pogranicza teatru i muzyki: Ostatni Pejza¿ Jozsefa Nagy ego, Taniec ¯ycia Maurice a Béjarta i The im-permanence Meredith Monk. Kolejn¹ wspóln¹ inicjatyw¹ Bitef i Bemus w tym roku, która dodatkowo przyci¹gnê³a do udzia³u kilka innych organizacji kulturalnych i edukacyjnych (NGO ArtLink z Belgradu, Uniwersytet Sztuki w Belgradzie, Sava Center), jest Miêdzynarodowa Konferencja dla M³odych Mened¿erów w Dziedzinie Sztuk Widowiskowych New Art Net , bêd¹ca programem towarzysz¹cym, prezentowanym w czasie trwania tych festiwali. Takie kooperacje s¹ istotne o tyle, ¿e tworz¹ warto æ dodatkow¹ w postrzeganiu artystów, publiczno ci, ale równie¿ udzia³owców (zw³aszcza publicznych i prywatnych finansistów). Uzasadnione jest wiêc

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

przypuszczenie, ¿e w ten sposób maj¹ one wiêkszy wp³yw na lokaln¹ i miêdzynarodow¹ spo³eczno æ (oby) ni¿ festiwale i organizacje artystyczne dzia³aj¹ce niezale¿nie. Mówi¹c o lokalnej wspó³pracy, nale¿y zauwa¿yæ, ¿e partnerstwo z mediami stanowi ogromne wyzwanie dla organizatorów festiwali. Najlepiej, aby partnerstwo to by³o ci¹g³e i trwa³o ca³y rok, przyjmuj¹c charakter instytucjonalnego public relations, a nie by³o jedynie krótkotrwa³¹ form¹ wspó³pracy podczas samego festiwalu. Media winny byæ uwa¿ane za partnerów kluczowych, gdy¿ to one prezentuj¹ publiczno ci warto ci i program festiwalu. Zwa¿ywszy na fakt, ¿e w wiêkszo ci przypadków serbskie festiwale s¹ produkowane przez instytucje kultury oraz profesjonalne stowarzyszenia, anga¿uj¹ce siê równie¿ w wiele innych aktywno ci na przestrzeni roku, instytucje te staj¹ przed wa¿nym wyzwaniem: okre leniem miejsca, jakie organizowane przez nie festiwale powinny zajmowaæ w ogólnej strategii promocyjnej. To¿samo æ organizacji artystycznej lub wydarzenia jest budowana poprzez konsekwentne dzia³ania promocyjne i to one w³a nie mog¹ przygotowaæ pole pod festiwal du¿o skuteczniej, ni¿ jakakolwiek, najbardziej nawet ambitna, jednorazowa kampania tu¿ przed maj¹cym nast¹piæ wydarzeniem. Na koniec chcê stwierdziæ, ¿e z optymizmem patrzê na przysz³o æ festiwali muzyki klasycznej w Serbii. Nadszed³ czas, aby pracowaæ aktywnie nad rozbudow¹ mo¿liwo ci instytucji, anga¿uj¹cych siê w organizowanie festiwali (na szczê cie obecnie dysponujemy literatur¹, kursami i innymi programami edukacyjnymi w zakresie zarz¹dzania kultur¹), w celu lepszego zaadaptowania siê do okoliczno ci zwi¹zanych z przej ciowym okresem transformacji. Poza tym potrafimy ju¿ dostrzec ogromny potencja³ dla rozwoju wspólnot lokalnych oraz lokalnej i miêdzynarodowej wspó³pracy. Nie wolno nam równie¿ zapominaæ, ¿e ludzie (arty ci, producenci, publiczno æ) s¹ podstawow¹ si³¹ festiwali, a esencj¹ warto ci powstaj¹cych przy okazji wydarzeñ artystycznych, jest pobudzanie wiadomo ci spo³ecznej oraz podnoszenie jako ci ¿ycia. Dzisiaj obywatele Serbii koniecznie potrzebuj¹ obu tych elementów.

post scriptum

Najmniejsza organizacja funkcjonuje dobrze, je li my li o zaspokojeniu potrzeb publiczno ci na ca³ym wiecie, o u¿ywaniu technologii, o czerpaniu z ka¿dego segmentu populacji, a to wszystko po to, by wype³niæ sw¹ misjê. Ichak Adi es 283

rasola , która zaanga¿owa³aby siê w ich promocjê. Jest du¿a szansa, ¿e taka organizacja wkrótce powstanie (proces tworzenia zosta³ ju¿ zapocz¹tkowany). Dragan Klaiæ zauwa¿a, ¿e festiwale w obecnych czasach dzia³aj¹ coraz czê ciej jako wspó³producenci, a nie jedynie jako miejsca, gdzie ju¿ stworzone wcze niej dzie³a sztuki s¹ prezentowane. Produkcje festiwalowe i koprodukcje mog¹ przyczyniaæ siê do rozwoju wspó³pracy miêdzynarodowej, poniewa¿ s¹ w stanie doprowadzaæ do spotkania artystów (lub organizacji artystycznych) z ró¿nych rodowisk. Dla festiwali nowe produkcje stanowi¹ okazjê do afirmacji ich warto ci i celów poprzez tworzenie nowego artystycznego kapita³u (Festivals: Challenges of Growth, s. 32). Koprodukcje miêdzynarodowe s¹ korzystne i wa¿ne równie¿ dlatego, ¿e zak³adaj¹ pewn¹ formê miêdzynarodowego wspó³finansowania i dzielenia kosztów oraz ponoszonego ryzyka. W przypadku Bemus na przestrzeni ostatnich dwóch lat zdo³ano zrealizowaæ kilka bardzo ambitnych projektów, a szczególne miejsce w ród nich zajmuje opera Zora D. serbskiego kompozytora Isidora ebeljana. Opera ta by³a koprodukcj¹ Holenderskiej Opery z Amsterdamu, wiedeñskiej Kammeroper oraz Bemus. W 2007 roku by³a zaprezentowana na muzycznym biennale w Zagrzebiu w Chorwacji. Innym interesuj¹cym przyk³adem koprodukcji Bemus jest Chamber Music Marathon, zrealizowany wspólnie z The Guildhall School of Music and Drama z Londynu. Na poziomie lokalnym przedstawiciele festiwali mog¹ szukaæ organizacji partnerskich z ró¿nych (artystycznych i nieartystycznych) obszarów. Partnerstwo takie mo¿e oferowaæ korzy ci wzajemne. Festiwale Bitef i Bemus s¹ tego bardzo dobrymi przyk³adami, jako ¿e rokrocznie wspó³produkuj¹ nie mniej ni¿ trzy du¿e przedsiêwziêcia z pogranicza teatru i muzyki: Ostatni Pejza¿ Jozsefa Nagy ego, Taniec ¯ycia Maurice a Béjarta i The im-permanence Meredith Monk. Kolejn¹ wspóln¹ inicjatyw¹ Bitef i Bemus w tym roku, która dodatkowo przyci¹gnê³a do udzia³u kilka innych organizacji kulturalnych i edukacyjnych (NGO ArtLink z Belgradu, Uniwersytet Sztuki w Belgradzie, Sava Center), jest Miêdzynarodowa Konferencja dla M³odych Mened¿erów w Dziedzinie Sztuk Widowiskowych New Art Net , bêd¹ca programem towarzysz¹cym, prezentowanym w czasie trwania tych festiwali. Takie kooperacje s¹ istotne o tyle, ¿e tworz¹ warto æ dodatkow¹ w postrzeganiu artystów, publiczno ci, ale równie¿ udzia³owców (zw³aszcza publicznych i prywatnych finansistów). Uzasadnione jest wiêc

Najmniejsza organizacja funkcjonuje dobrze, je li my li o zaspokojeniu potrzeb publiczno ci na ca³ym wiecie, o u¿ywaniu technologii, o czerpaniu z ka¿dego segmentu populacji, a to wszystko po to, by wype³niæ sw¹ misjê. Ichak Adi es

post scriptum

przypuszczenie, ¿e w ten sposób maj¹ one wiêkszy wp³yw na lokaln¹ i miêdzynarodow¹ spo³eczno æ (oby) ni¿ festiwale i organizacje artystyczne dzia³aj¹ce niezale¿nie. Mówi¹c o lokalnej wspó³pracy, nale¿y zauwa¿yæ, ¿e partnerstwo z mediami stanowi ogromne wyzwanie dla organizatorów festiwali. Najlepiej, aby partnerstwo to by³o ci¹g³e i trwa³o ca³y rok, przyjmuj¹c charakter instytucjonalnego public relations, a nie by³o jedynie krótkotrwa³¹ form¹ wspó³pracy podczas samego festiwalu. Media winny byæ uwa¿ane za partnerów kluczowych, gdy¿ to one prezentuj¹ publiczno ci warto ci i program festiwalu. Zwa¿ywszy na fakt, ¿e w wiêkszo ci przypadków serbskie festiwale s¹ produkowane przez instytucje kultury oraz profesjonalne stowarzyszenia, anga¿uj¹ce siê równie¿ w wiele innych aktywno ci na przestrzeni roku, instytucje te staj¹ przed wa¿nym wyzwaniem: okre leniem miejsca, jakie organizowane przez nie festiwale powinny zajmowaæ w ogólnej strategii promocyjnej. To¿samo æ organizacji artystycznej lub wydarzenia jest budowana poprzez konsekwentne dzia³ania promocyjne i to one w³a nie mog¹ przygotowaæ pole pod festiwal du¿o skuteczniej, ni¿ jakakolwiek, najbardziej nawet ambitna, jednorazowa kampania tu¿ przed maj¹cym nast¹piæ wydarzeniem. Na koniec chcê stwierdziæ, ¿e z optymizmem patrzê na przysz³o æ festiwali muzyki klasycznej w Serbii. Nadszed³ czas, aby pracowaæ aktywnie nad rozbudow¹ mo¿liwo ci instytucji, anga¿uj¹cych siê w organizowanie festiwali (na szczê cie obecnie dysponujemy literatur¹, kursami i innymi programami edukacyjnymi w zakresie zarz¹dzania kultur¹), w celu lepszego zaadaptowania siê do okoliczno ci zwi¹zanych z przej ciowym okresem transformacji. Poza tym potrafimy ju¿ dostrzec ogromny potencja³ dla rozwoju wspólnot lokalnych oraz lokalnej i miêdzynarodowej wspó³pracy. Nie wolno nam równie¿ zapominaæ, ¿e ludzie (arty ci, producenci, publiczno æ) s¹ podstawow¹ si³¹ festiwali, a esencj¹ warto ci powstaj¹cych przy okazji wydarzeñ artystycznych, jest pobudzanie wiadomo ci spo³ecznej oraz podnoszenie jako ci ¿ycia. Dzisiaj obywatele Serbii koniecznie potrzebuj¹ obu tych elementów.


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litike u Srbiji, Beograd 2000. Ðukiæ-Dojèinoviæ V., Za regionalizaciju kulturne pokonfuzije i dileme, Beograd 2003. Ðukiæ-Dojèinoviæ V., Tranzicione kulturne politike mediation on the Balkans, Sarajevo 2004. Dragiæeviæ- e iæ M., Dragojeviæ S., Intercultural

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Régional Nord Pas de Calais.

Macura N., Kulturna politika u oblasti muzike, Be-

rzalna studija: Kulturna politika i kulturna razno-

Forum for the Arts and Heritage). Lille: Conseil

Stojkoviæ B., Stanovèiæ V., Radojkoviæ M., Transve-

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vrsnost Srbija, Beograd 2005.

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in Europe, Brussels 1992.

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Adi es I., Menad ment u kulturi, Novi Sad 2002.

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285

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Reformowanie serbskich muzeów poprzez projekty zwi¹zane ze sztuk¹ Marijana Cvetkoviæ T³umaczenie: Marta Herudziñska, Pawe³ Szlachta

Wprowadzenie i kontekst

S

erbia, kraj, który na przestrzeni ostatnich lat przechodzi³ bardzo trudny i czêsto dramatyczny proces przemian politycznych, ekonomicznych, kulturalnych i moralnych, staje dzisiaj naprzeciw zarówno negatywnych konsekwencji wydarzeñ ostatnich lat, jak równie¿ szans i perspektyw na lepsze jutro. Jednym z najwa¿niejszych filarów, na których mo¿na budowaæ przysz³o æ, realizuj¹c te perspektywy i wykorzystuj¹c szanse, jest kultura. Obserwuj¹c procesy zmian zachodz¹ce w serbskiej kulturze i instytucjach kulturalnych, pragnê³am odnale æ oznaki podobnych zmian równie¿ w serbskich muzeach. Wiêkszo æ innych instytucji kulturalnych non-profit, takich jak teatry, centra kulturalne czy galerie, wykaza³a wolê sprostania zapotrzebowaniom nowych czasów, chêæ pój cia z nurtem, budowania partnerstwa i nowego wizerunku na XXI wiek. Pomimo ¿e sukcesy przychodz¹ powoli czasem nawet zbyt wolno i z ogromnym wysi³kiem, mo¿na dostrzec zdecydowanie w d¹¿eniu do osi¹gania za³o¿onych celów. Serbskie muzea natomiast wygl¹daj¹, jakby zrezygnowa³y z walki i siê podda³y. Z nielicznymi wyj¹tkami, pozostaj¹ w g³êbokiej instytucjonalnej depresji, opuszczone, zapomniane przez publiczno æ, artystów, badaczy i w³adze. Przyczyny takiego stanu rzeczy mog¹ byæ ró¿ne, ale osobi cie uwa¿am, ¿e wiêkszo æ z nich wi¹¿e siê z g³êbok¹ profesjonaln¹ zapa ci¹ i apati¹, które s¹ udzia³em pracowników muzeów w naszym kraju. Brak zainteresowania ze strony w³adz, izolowanie siê rodowiska muzealnego, spokój, w jakim muzealnicy trwali

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

przez lata wszystko to spowodowa³o, ¿e muzea w Serbii i ich pracownicy stali siê bezw³adni, skoncentrowani na samych sobie, samowystarczalni, niczym izolowane, samotne wyspy na ¿ywotnym, dynamicznym i kreatywnym krajobrazie sceny kulturalnej Serbii. Jako mechanizm obronny, muzealnicy starali siê wykreowaæ wokó³ siebie aurê i wizerunek nietykalnych, nieschodz¹cych na ziemiê arystokratów, zamkniêtych w swym w³asnym, dziwnym wiecie cudów . Przyczyn¹ i poniek¹d usprawiedliwieniem dla ogólnie z³ej sytuacji sta³o siê gwa³towne pogorszenie warunków ekonomicznych, politycznych, spo³ecznych i kulturalnych, widoczne pocz¹wszy od lat 90. XX wieku.

Cel analizy

N

iniejsze studium ma na celu zbadanie i zaproponowanie przyk³adów programów i reformuj¹cych dla ró¿nych muzeów w Serbii oraz strategii, które pomog³yby wykreowaæ wizerunek muzeów jako otwartych, dynamicznych, kreatywnych instytucji, bêd¹cych w stanie rywalizowaæ z innymi nowoczesnymi instytucjami kulturalnymi w Serbii. Proponowane strategie wi¹¿¹ siê i wynikaj¹ ze specyficznego charakteru sztuki wspó³czesnej z ca³ym jej bogactwem form, technik, pomys³ów, do wiadczeñ rynkowych, z jej specjalnym uprzywilejowanym statusem, którym cieszy siê szczególnie w erze wizerunku , w której ¿yjemy. Analiza poni¿sza jest prób¹ zidentyfikowania niektórych strategii, które ju¿ wesz³y gdzieniegdzie do praktyk muzealnych lub maj¹ szansê tam zaistnieæ, a pochodz¹cych z przebogatego wia-

285

Marijana Cvetkoviæ absolwentka Szko³y Historii i Teorii Obrazów w Centrum Sztuki Wspó³czesnej oraz historii sztuki na Wydziale Nauk Humanistycznych Uniwersytetu w Belgradzie. W 2006 roku prac¹ Reforma muzeów serbskich poprzez projekty zwi¹zane ze sztuk¹ wspó³czesn¹ ukoñczy³a studia w ramach wspólnego projektu Uniwersytetu Sztuki w Belgradzie, Uniwersytetu Lyon 2 i Uniwersytetu PierreMendes w Grenoble. Sta¿ystka Narodowego Muzeum Sztuki Wspó³czesnej oraz Centrum Georges a Pompidou w Pary¿u. Uczestniczy³a w lokalnych i miêdzynarodowych projektach kulturalnych i edukacyjnych.

erbia, kraj, który na przestrzeni ostatnich lat przechodzi³ bardzo trudny i czêsto dramatyczny proces przemian politycznych, ekonomicznych, kulturalnych i moralnych, staje dzisiaj naprzeciw zarówno negatywnych konsekwencji wydarzeñ ostatnich lat, jak równie¿ szans i perspektyw na lepsze jutro. Jednym z najwa¿niejszych filarów, na których mo¿na budowaæ przysz³o æ, realizuj¹c te perspektywy i wykorzystuj¹c szanse, jest kultura. Obserwuj¹c procesy zmian zachodz¹ce w serbskiej kulturze i instytucjach kulturalnych, pragnê³am odnale æ oznaki podobnych zmian równie¿ w serbskich muzeach. Wiêkszo æ innych instytucji kulturalnych non-profit, takich jak teatry, centra kulturalne czy galerie, wykaza³a wolê sprostania zapotrzebowaniom nowych czasów, chêæ pój cia z nurtem, budowania partnerstwa i nowego wizerunku na XXI wiek. Pomimo ¿e sukcesy przychodz¹ powoli czasem nawet zbyt wolno i z ogromnym wysi³kiem, mo¿na dostrzec zdecydowanie w d¹¿eniu do osi¹gania za³o¿onych celów. Serbskie muzea natomiast wygl¹daj¹, jakby zrezygnowa³y z walki i siê podda³y. Z nielicznymi wyj¹tkami, pozostaj¹ w g³êbokiej instytucjonalnej depresji, opuszczone, zapomniane przez publiczno æ, artystów, badaczy i w³adze. Przyczyny takiego stanu rzeczy mog¹ byæ ró¿ne, ale osobi cie uwa¿am, ¿e wiêkszo æ z nich wi¹¿e siê z g³êbok¹ profesjonaln¹ zapa ci¹ i apati¹, które s¹ udzia³em pracowników muzeów w naszym kraju. Brak zainteresowania ze strony w³adz, izolowanie siê rodowiska muzealnego, spokój, w jakim muzealnicy trwali

S

Wprowadzenie i kontekst

iniejsze studium ma na celu zbadanie i zaproponowanie przyk³adów programów i reformuj¹cych dla ró¿nych muzeów w Serbii oraz strategii, które pomog³yby wykreowaæ wizerunek muzeów jako otwartych, dynamicznych, kreatywnych instytucji, bêd¹cych w stanie rywalizowaæ z innymi nowoczesnymi instytucjami kulturalnymi w Serbii. Proponowane strategie wi¹¿¹ siê i wynikaj¹ ze specyficznego charakteru sztuki wspó³czesnej z ca³ym jej bogactwem form, technik, pomys³ów, do wiadczeñ rynkowych, z jej specjalnym uprzywilejowanym statusem, którym cieszy siê szczególnie w erze wizerunku , w której ¿yjemy. Analiza poni¿sza jest prób¹ zidentyfikowania niektórych strategii, które ju¿ wesz³y gdzieniegdzie do praktyk muzealnych lub maj¹ szansê tam zaistnieæ, a pochodz¹cych z przebogatego wia-

N

Cel analizy przez lata wszystko to spowodowa³o, ¿e muzea w Serbii i ich pracownicy stali siê bezw³adni, skoncentrowani na samych sobie, samowystarczalni, niczym izolowane, samotne wyspy na ¿ywotnym, dynamicznym i kreatywnym krajobrazie sceny kulturalnej Serbii. Jako mechanizm obronny, muzealnicy starali siê wykreowaæ wokó³ siebie aurê i wizerunek nietykalnych, nieschodz¹cych na ziemiê arystokratów, zamkniêtych w swym w³asnym, dziwnym wiecie cudów . Przyczyn¹ i poniek¹d usprawiedliwieniem dla ogólnie z³ej sytuacji sta³o siê gwa³towne pogorszenie warunków ekonomicznych, politycznych, spo³ecznych i kulturalnych, widoczne pocz¹wszy od lat 90. XX wieku.

T³umaczenie: Marta Herudziñska, Pawe³ Szlachta

Marijana Cvetkoviæ

Reformowanie serbskich muzeów poprzez projekty zwi¹zane ze sztuk¹

Marijana Cvetkoviæ absolwentka Szko³y Historii i Teorii Obrazów w Centrum Sztuki Wspó³czesnej oraz historii sztuki na Wydziale Nauk Humanistycznych Uniwersytetu w Belgradzie. W 2006 roku prac¹ Reforma muzeów serbskich poprzez projekty zwi¹zane ze sztuk¹ wspó³czesn¹ ukoñczy³a studia w ramach wspólnego projektu Uniwersytetu Sztuki w Belgradzie, Uniwersytetu Lyon 2 i Uniwersytetu PierreMendes w Grenoble. Sta¿ystka Narodowego Muzeum Sztuki Wspó³czesnej oraz Centrum Georges a Pompidou w Pary¿u. Uczestniczy³a w lokalnych i miêdzynarodowych projektach kulturalnych i edukacyjnych.


286

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- e iæ i Sanjina Dragojeviæa, aplikowanych w stosunku do z³o¿onych i sk³onnych do zaburzeñ rodowisk spo³ecznych i politycznych [Dragiæeviæ-Se iæ, Dragojeviæ, 2005]. Ich teoria dostarcza odpowiednich narzêdzi do definiowania kontekstu i stworzenia w³a ciwej strategii rozwoju organizacyjnego. Model reformy zaproponowany w pracy oparty jest na logice projektów (która wed³ug Dragiæeviæ- e iæ i Dragojeviæa jest po¿¹danym modelem instytucjonalnego zachowania), ale w formie testowania mo¿liwo ci instytucjonalnych w fazie przej ciowej od modelu instytucjonalnego do logiki opartej ca³kowicie na projektach. Model ³¹czy elementy kilku strategii rozwojowych strategii powi¹zañ, strategii programu dywersyfikacji, strategii osi¹gania jako ci [tam¿e, s. 89n.] w celu regulowania jako ci programu, rozbudowywania publiczno ci, budowania mo¿liwo ci, public relations oraz finansowania.

286

G³ówne pytania badawcze

Dr TomisIav Sola w ksi¹¿ce Eseji o muzejima i njihovoj teoriji: prema kibernetiækom muzeju (Eseje na temat muzeów i teorie: W stronê muzeum cybernetycznego, Zagreb 2003) pisze o ekomuzeum , tj. nowym otwartym czy te¿ totalnym muzeum na miarê nowych czasów. Identyfikuje tendencje, które prowadz¹ do powstania ekomuzeum (konceptualizacja muzeum, kryzys tradycyjnej teorii muzeum, zlanie siê kultury i komercji, turystyka kulturalna, indywidualizacja muzeów, zredefiniowanie statusu non profit, podej cie multidyscyplinarne, uczestnictwo, sk³onno ci nacjonalistyczne itp.). W ród nich dostrzega równie¿ para-artsytyczny jêzyk komunikacji .

G

³ówne pytania w tym obszarze to: Jakie mo¿liwo ci i strategie przynale¿ne sztuce wspó³czesnej mog¹ byæ u¿yte jako narzêdzia potrzebne do zmiany oblicza serbskich muzeów? Czy u¿ycie strategii przynale¿nych sztuce wspó³czesnej pomog³oby w bardziej skuteczny i kreatywny sposób zmieniæ pozycjê muzeów w narodowym oraz szerszym kontek cie kulturalnym? Jak i do jakiego stopnia strategie zaczerpniête ze sztuki wspó³czesnej mog¹ pomóc w przyci¹gniêciu odwiedzaj¹cych do serbskich muzeów? Po pierwsze, nale¿y wyja niæ, co rozumie siê pod pojêciem strategie sztuki wspó³czesnej . Rozumieæ przez to bêdê wszystkie techniki reprezentacji, formy organizacji, wizualn¹ i symboliczn¹ instrumentalno æ oraz relacje obiektów z otaczaj¹c¹ je przestrzeni¹, które powsta³y w wyniku rozwoju kultury wizualnej, zosta³y zinstytucjonalizowane poprzez rynek i rozszerzy³y siê na inne obszary, takie jak architektura, wzornictwo, lub ich korzenie tkwi³y w dwudziestowiecznych teoriach. Porównuj¹c rozwój wielu, g³ównie europejskich muzeów i podobnych instytucji (archiwa, ogrody botaniczne),

³ówne pytania w tym obszarze to: Jakie mo¿liwo ci i strategie przynale¿ne sztuce wspó³czesnej mog¹ byæ u¿yte jako narzêdzia potrzebne do zmiany oblicza serbskich muzeów? Czy u¿ycie strategii przynale¿nych sztuce wspó³czesnej pomog³oby w bardziej skuteczny i kreatywny sposób zmieniæ pozycjê muzeów w narodowym oraz szerszym kontek cie kulturalnym? Jak i do jakiego stopnia strategie zaczerpniête ze sztuki wspó³czesnej mog¹ pomóc w przyci¹gniêciu odwiedzaj¹cych do serbskich muzeów? Po pierwsze, nale¿y wyja niæ, co rozumie siê pod pojêciem strategie sztuki wspó³czesnej . Rozumieæ przez to bêdê wszystkie techniki reprezentacji, formy organizacji, wizualn¹ i symboliczn¹ instrumentalno æ oraz relacje obiektów z otaczaj¹c¹ je przestrzeni¹, które powsta³y w wyniku rozwoju kultury wizualnej, zosta³y zinstytucjonalizowane poprzez rynek i rozszerzy³y siê na inne obszary, takie jak architektura, wzornictwo, lub ich korzenie tkwi³y w dwudziestowiecznych teoriach. Porównuj¹c rozwój wielu, g³ównie europejskich muzeów i podobnych instytucji (archiwa, ogrody botaniczne),

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ta sztuki wspó³czesnej. Opieraj¹c siê zarówno na wybranych przyk³adach znanych miêdzynarodowych muzeów, takich jak Musée du Louvre, Musée d Orsay czy MAC w Wiedniu, miêdzynarodowych projektów jak Gemine Muse, jak te¿ na krajowych przyk³adach Muzeum Narodowego w Belgradzie, Muzeum Sztuki Afrykañskiej w Belgradzie i kilku innych, niniejsza praca podkre la pozytywne rezultaty, wynikaj¹ce z zaaplikowania w niektórych muzeach nowoczesnych form wizualnego wyrazu artystycznego. Taki nowy, wizualny sposób my lenia oraz jego filozoficzny, estetyczny, konceptualny, narracyjny, medialny i technologiczny potencja³ mog¹ s³u¿yæ jako przybornik z narzêdziami potrzebnymi do zbudowania nowego wizerunku serbskich muzeów oraz nowego para-artystycznego jêzyka komunikacji 1 , który pozwoli³by muzeom staæ siê innymi ni¿ s¹ teraz. Identyfikacja ró¿nych charakterystyk i strategii zwi¹zanych ze sztuk¹ wspó³czesn¹ oraz ich analiza w kontek cie dzia³alno ci muzealnej powinny prowadziæ do naszkicowania mo¿liwych narzêdzi i modeli, mog¹cych pomóc w zmianie wizerunku, polityki, podej cia i instytucjonalnej dyskusji na temat muzeów w Serbii. Analiza ta powinna dowie æ, ¿e aplikacja strategii i jêzyka przynale¿nego sztuce wspó³czesnej do kontekstu muzealnego mo¿e bez wielkiego wysi³ku poprawiæ funkcjonowanie muzealnictwa w Serbii i przeobraziæ muzea z ospa³ych i zapomnianych miejsc w ¿ywotne i postêpowe generatory wiedzy i idei. Sugerowane modele powinny skierowaæ uwagê muzealników na potencja³ poszczególnych placówek, jak równie¿ mo¿liwo ci ich regeneracji i rozwoju. Strategia zaproponowana w niniejszej pracy wi¹¿e siê z obszarem zarz¹dzania muzeami i pozyskiwaniem nowych krêgów publiczno ci, co jest kwesti¹ kluczow¹ we wspó³czesnym muzealnictwie (jest to równie¿ szczególnie istotne w przypadku Serbii ze wzglêdu na to, ¿e przez wiele lat kwestie te by³y ca³kowicie pomijane i niedostrzegane). Celem pracy jest zaproponowanie modelu, który zawiera³by opart¹ na projektach strategiê instytucjonalnej zmiany. Podstawy teoretyczne dla takiego rozwi¹zania mo¿na odnale æ w teoriach rozwoju organizacyjnego i zarz¹dzania strategicznego zaproponowanych przez Milenê Dragiæeviæ-

G³ówne pytania badawcze

Dr TomisIav Sola w ksi¹¿ce Eseji o muzejima i njihovoj teoriji: prema kibernetiækom muzeju (Eseje na temat muzeów i teorie: W stronê muzeum cybernetycznego, Zagreb 2003) pisze o ekomuzeum , tj. nowym otwartym czy te¿ totalnym muzeum na miarê nowych czasów. Identyfikuje tendencje, które prowadz¹ do powstania ekomuzeum (konceptualizacja muzeum, kryzys tradycyjnej teorii muzeum, zlanie siê kultury i komercji, turystyka kulturalna, indywidualizacja muzeów, zredefiniowanie statusu non profit, podej cie multidyscyplinarne, uczestnictwo, sk³onno ci nacjonalistyczne itp.). W ród nich dostrzega równie¿ para-artsytyczny jêzyk komunikacji .

1

- e iæ i Sanjina Dragojeviæa, aplikowanych w stosunku do z³o¿onych i sk³onnych do zaburzeñ rodowisk spo³ecznych i politycznych [Dragiæeviæ-Se iæ, Dragojeviæ, 2005]. Ich teoria dostarcza odpowiednich narzêdzi do definiowania kontekstu i stworzenia w³a ciwej strategii rozwoju organizacyjnego. Model reformy zaproponowany w pracy oparty jest na logice projektów (która wed³ug Dragiæeviæ- e iæ i Dragojeviæa jest po¿¹danym modelem instytucjonalnego zachowania), ale w formie testowania mo¿liwo ci instytucjonalnych w fazie przej ciowej od modelu instytucjonalnego do logiki opartej ca³kowicie na projektach. Model ³¹czy elementy kilku strategii rozwojowych strategii powi¹zañ, strategii programu dywersyfikacji, strategii osi¹gania jako ci [tam¿e, s. 89n.] w celu regulowania jako ci programu, rozbudowywania publiczno ci, budowania mo¿liwo ci, public relations oraz finansowania.

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Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

ta sztuki wspó³czesnej. Opieraj¹c siê zarówno na wybranych przyk³adach znanych miêdzynarodowych muzeów, takich jak Musée du Louvre, Musée d Orsay czy MAC w Wiedniu, miêdzynarodowych projektów jak Gemine Muse, jak te¿ na krajowych przyk³adach Muzeum Narodowego w Belgradzie, Muzeum Sztuki Afrykañskiej w Belgradzie i kilku innych, niniejsza praca podkre la pozytywne rezultaty, wynikaj¹ce z zaaplikowania w niektórych muzeach nowoczesnych form wizualnego wyrazu artystycznego. Taki nowy, wizualny sposób my lenia oraz jego filozoficzny, estetyczny, konceptualny, narracyjny, medialny i technologiczny potencja³ mog¹ s³u¿yæ jako przybornik z narzêdziami potrzebnymi do zbudowania nowego wizerunku serbskich muzeów oraz nowego para-artystycznego jêzyka komunikacji 1 , który pozwoli³by muzeom staæ siê innymi ni¿ s¹ teraz. Identyfikacja ró¿nych charakterystyk i strategii zwi¹zanych ze sztuk¹ wspó³czesn¹ oraz ich analiza w kontek cie dzia³alno ci muzealnej powinny prowadziæ do naszkicowania mo¿liwych narzêdzi i modeli, mog¹cych pomóc w zmianie wizerunku, polityki, podej cia i instytucjonalnej dyskusji na temat muzeów w Serbii. Analiza ta powinna dowie æ, ¿e aplikacja strategii i jêzyka przynale¿nego sztuce wspó³czesnej do kontekstu muzealnego mo¿e bez wielkiego wysi³ku poprawiæ funkcjonowanie muzealnictwa w Serbii i przeobraziæ muzea z ospa³ych i zapomnianych miejsc w ¿ywotne i postêpowe generatory wiedzy i idei. Sugerowane modele powinny skierowaæ uwagê muzealników na potencja³ poszczególnych placówek, jak równie¿ mo¿liwo ci ich regeneracji i rozwoju. Strategia zaproponowana w niniejszej pracy wi¹¿e siê z obszarem zarz¹dzania muzeami i pozyskiwaniem nowych krêgów publiczno ci, co jest kwesti¹ kluczow¹ we wspó³czesnym muzealnictwie (jest to równie¿ szczególnie istotne w przypadku Serbii ze wzglêdu na to, ¿e przez wiele lat kwestie te by³y ca³kowicie pomijane i niedostrzegane). Celem pracy jest zaproponowanie modelu, który zawiera³by opart¹ na projektach strategiê instytucjonalnej zmiany. Podstawy teoretyczne dla takiego rozwi¹zania mo¿na odnale æ w teoriach rozwoju organizacyjnego i zarz¹dzania strategicznego zaproponowanych przez Milenê Dragiæeviæ-


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dostrzeg³am, ¿e wiele z tych podmiotów zaadaptowa³o zasady, przynale¿¹ce do wiata sztuki wspó³czesnej. Oczywi cie, ten rodzaj zmiany w koncepcjach wystawienniczych, politykach, nowym charakterze partnerstwa, zwiêkszonym poziomie narracyjno ci dotar³ do muzeów najprawdopodobniej pod wp³ywem rozszerzaj¹cego siê rynku sztuki, dominacji kultury wizualnej i paradygmatu postmodernistycznego, który sugeruje tworzenie niewyobra¿alnych i niemo¿liwych po³¹czeñ. Te elementy przynios³y muzeom now¹, g³ównie wizualn¹ i figuratywn¹ energiê, która umo¿liwi³a im pozostanie w samym centrum wspó³czesnej twórczo ci, a nawet wprowadzenie nowych innowacyjnych, interdyscyplinarnych projektów. Jednocze nie wprowadzenie sztuk wizualnych do takich placówek, jak muzea historii naturalnej, archeologiczne, historyczne, biograficzne czy te¿ po wiêcone historii sztuki, otwiera nowe mo¿liwo ci odbioru kolekcji muzealnych i tworzy inn¹ narracjê, dla wspó³czesnych odbiorców bardziej zrozumia³¹ i komunikatywn¹.

MUZEA I TWORZENIE SZTUKI WSPÓ£CZESNEJ Rola muzeów we wspó³czesnej kulturze zmiana podej cia

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a samym pocz¹tku tego artyku³u, pragnê zwróciæ uwagê na niektóre pomys³y zwi¹zane z muzeami, powsta³e na pocz¹tku XX wieku, ale ci¹gle jeszcze czekaj¹ce na dok³adniejsze zbadanie. Mo¿na je m.in. odnale æ w pracach Aleksandra Dornera, dyrektora Muzeum Hanowerskiego w latach 20. XX wieku, który zdefiniowa³ muzeum jako samoprzekszta³caj¹c¹ siê instytucjê, jako Kraftwerk. Dorner wyst¹pi³ równie¿ z ide¹ tworzenia wspó³czesnych dynamicznych wystaw muzealnych w ruchu ( galerie atmosferyczne ). Antycypowa³ tendencje i potrzeby, które w naszych czasach s¹ wa¿ne, jak nigdy dotychczas: Muzeum pozostaj¹ce w permanentnej transformacji w obrêbie dynamicznych parametrów; Muzeum oscyluj¹ce pomiêdzy obiektem a procesem; Muzeum wielu to¿samo ci; Muzeum w ruchu; Muzeum jako jednostka pionierska, podejmuj¹ca ryzyko: dzia³aæ a nie czekaæ; Muzeum, jako miejsce krzy¿owania siê sztuki i ¿ycia; Muzeum jako laboratorium;

Muzeum oparte na dynamicznej koncepcji historii sztuki; Muzeum elastyczne, które oznacza zarówno elastyczn¹ ekspozycjê, jak i elastyczny budynek; mosty pomiêdzy artyst¹, muzeum i innymi dyscyplinami [Obrost, 2003, s. 9n.]. Nie powinni my zapominaæ o jeszcze jednej osobowo ci, postrzegaj¹cej muzea w sposób dalekowzroczny, a mianowicie o Kazimierzu Malewiczu, który stoj¹c na czele GINHUK (Pañstwowego Instytutu Kultury Artystycznej w Sankt Petersburgu) opracowywa³ podstawy dla pó niejszych innowacyjnych badañ w sferze sztuk piêknych i muzeów. D¹¿y³ do wypracowania koncepcji muzeum z klasyczn¹ sta³¹ kolekcj¹ oraz aktywnym programem, w którym braliby udzia³ arty ci z ca³ego wiata2 . Ten pomys³, oparty na bliskim zwi¹zku miêdzy klasycznym muzeum a sztuk¹ dzisiejsz¹ , nie jest czym nowym, ale niestety jest bardzo rzadko postrzegany jako szansa poprawienia aktywno ci muzeum i wizerunku placówki, jako element wp³ywaj¹cy na szerokie pole tworzenia sztuki, edukacji i polityki kulturalnej. Kompleksowe i przyspieszone procesy spo³ecznego i, co za tym idzie, instytucjonalnego rozwoju w zglobalizowanym wiecie, w którym dominuje gospodarka neoliberalna, wielokulturowa otwarto æ i postmodernistyczna decentralizacja, wymuszaj¹ zmiany wszystkich poszczególnych elementów sk³adowych ca³ego systemu; muzea, które funkcjonuj¹ na polu warto ci sta³ych , musz¹ tak¿e poddaæ siê samoocenie. Zbiory, które stanowi¹ rdzeñ ka¿dego muzeum, wspó³istniej¹ z publikacjami i programami edukacyjnymi jako g³ówne warto ci muzeum. Dowodem na to mo¿e byæ zmiana z kontroli sprawowanej przez muzealników na kontrolê sprawowan¹ przez publiczno æ (g³ównie w Stanach Zjednoczonych, Wielkiej Brytanii, Australii itd.), z programów wystawienniczych na programy edukacyjne. W ostatnich latach muzea przeobrazi³y siê z instytucji o charakterze w przewa¿aj¹cej mierze opiekuñczych na instytucje coraz bardziej skupione na przyci¹gniêcie uwagi publiczno ci. Obecnie nacisk k³adziony jest na interakcje i zwi¹zki miêdzy muzeum a publiczno ci¹ 3 . Starsze modele modernistyczne, dotycz¹ce komunikacji opartej na przekazie autorytatywnych tematycznych faktów masie pasywnych odbiorców, s¹ obecnie zastêpowane przez nowe podej cia, które uznaj¹ aktywn¹ publiczno æ , konstruktywi-

2

Pierwsze muzeum sztuki wspó³czesnej powsta³o w Zwi¹zku Sowieckim jako Muzeum Kultury Artystycznej 5 grudnia 1918 roku w Sankt Petersburgu.

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Stransky mówi o orientacji programowej zamiast orientacji kognitywnej [Stransky, 1983, s. 126 132].

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

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Stransky mówi o orientacji programowej zamiast orientacji kognitywnej [Stransky, 1983, s. 126 132].

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Pierwsze muzeum sztuki wspó³czesnej powsta³o w Zwi¹zku Sowieckim jako Muzeum Kultury Artystycznej 5 grudnia 1918 roku w Sankt Petersburgu.

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a samym pocz¹tku tego artyku³u, pragnê zwróciæ uwagê na niektóre pomys³y zwi¹zane z muzeami, powsta³e na pocz¹tku XX wieku, ale ci¹gle jeszcze czekaj¹ce na dok³adniejsze zbadanie. Mo¿na je m.in. odnale æ w pracach Aleksandra Dornera, dyrektora Muzeum Hanowerskiego w latach 20. XX wieku, który zdefiniowa³ muzeum jako samoprzekszta³caj¹c¹ siê instytucjê, jako Kraftwerk. Dorner wyst¹pi³ równie¿ z ide¹ tworzenia wspó³czesnych dynamicznych wystaw muzealnych w ruchu ( galerie atmosferyczne ). Antycypowa³ tendencje i potrzeby, które w naszych czasach s¹ wa¿ne, jak nigdy dotychczas: Muzeum pozostaj¹ce w permanentnej transformacji w obrêbie dynamicznych parametrów; Muzeum oscyluj¹ce pomiêdzy obiektem a procesem; Muzeum wielu to¿samo ci; Muzeum w ruchu; Muzeum jako jednostka pionierska, podejmuj¹ca ryzyko: dzia³aæ a nie czekaæ; Muzeum, jako miejsce krzy¿owania siê sztuki i ¿ycia; Muzeum jako laboratorium;

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Rola muzeów we wspó³czesnej kulturze zmiana podej cia MUZEA I TWORZENIE SZTUKI WSPÓ£CZESNEJ dostrzeg³am, ¿e wiele z tych podmiotów zaadaptowa³o zasady, przynale¿¹ce do wiata sztuki wspó³czesnej. Oczywi cie, ten rodzaj zmiany w koncepcjach wystawienniczych, politykach, nowym charakterze partnerstwa, zwiêkszonym poziomie narracyjno ci dotar³ do muzeów najprawdopodobniej pod wp³ywem rozszerzaj¹cego siê rynku sztuki, dominacji kultury wizualnej i paradygmatu postmodernistycznego, który sugeruje tworzenie niewyobra¿alnych i niemo¿liwych po³¹czeñ. Te elementy przynios³y muzeom now¹, g³ównie wizualn¹ i figuratywn¹ energiê, która umo¿liwi³a im pozostanie w samym centrum wspó³czesnej twórczo ci, a nawet wprowadzenie nowych innowacyjnych, interdyscyplinarnych projektów. Jednocze nie wprowadzenie sztuk wizualnych do takich placówek, jak muzea historii naturalnej, archeologiczne, historyczne, biograficzne czy te¿ po wiêcone historii sztuki, otwiera nowe mo¿liwo ci odbioru kolekcji muzealnych i tworzy inn¹ narracjê, dla wspó³czesnych odbiorców bardziej zrozumia³¹ i komunikatywn¹.

Muzeum oparte na dynamicznej koncepcji historii sztuki; Muzeum elastyczne, które oznacza zarówno elastyczn¹ ekspozycjê, jak i elastyczny budynek; mosty pomiêdzy artyst¹, muzeum i innymi dyscyplinami [Obrost, 2003, s. 9n.]. Nie powinni my zapominaæ o jeszcze jednej osobowo ci, postrzegaj¹cej muzea w sposób dalekowzroczny, a mianowicie o Kazimierzu Malewiczu, który stoj¹c na czele GINHUK (Pañstwowego Instytutu Kultury Artystycznej w Sankt Petersburgu) opracowywa³ podstawy dla pó niejszych innowacyjnych badañ w sferze sztuk piêknych i muzeów. D¹¿y³ do wypracowania koncepcji muzeum z klasyczn¹ sta³¹ kolekcj¹ oraz aktywnym programem, w którym braliby udzia³ arty ci z ca³ego wiata2 . Ten pomys³, oparty na bliskim zwi¹zku miêdzy klasycznym muzeum a sztuk¹ dzisiejsz¹ , nie jest czym nowym, ale niestety jest bardzo rzadko postrzegany jako szansa poprawienia aktywno ci muzeum i wizerunku placówki, jako element wp³ywaj¹cy na szerokie pole tworzenia sztuki, edukacji i polityki kulturalnej. Kompleksowe i przyspieszone procesy spo³ecznego i, co za tym idzie, instytucjonalnego rozwoju w zglobalizowanym wiecie, w którym dominuje gospodarka neoliberalna, wielokulturowa otwarto æ i postmodernistyczna decentralizacja, wymuszaj¹ zmiany wszystkich poszczególnych elementów sk³adowych ca³ego systemu; muzea, które funkcjonuj¹ na polu warto ci sta³ych , musz¹ tak¿e poddaæ siê samoocenie. Zbiory, które stanowi¹ rdzeñ ka¿dego muzeum, wspó³istniej¹ z publikacjami i programami edukacyjnymi jako g³ówne warto ci muzeum. Dowodem na to mo¿e byæ zmiana z kontroli sprawowanej przez muzealników na kontrolê sprawowan¹ przez publiczno æ (g³ównie w Stanach Zjednoczonych, Wielkiej Brytanii, Australii itd.), z programów wystawienniczych na programy edukacyjne. W ostatnich latach muzea przeobrazi³y siê z instytucji o charakterze w przewa¿aj¹cej mierze opiekuñczych na instytucje coraz bardziej skupione na przyci¹gniêcie uwagi publiczno ci. Obecnie nacisk k³adziony jest na interakcje i zwi¹zki miêdzy muzeum a publiczno ci¹ 3 . Starsze modele modernistyczne, dotycz¹ce komunikacji opartej na przekazie autorytatywnych tematycznych faktów masie pasywnych odbiorców, s¹ obecnie zastêpowane przez nowe podej cia, które uznaj¹ aktywn¹ publiczno æ , konstruktywi-


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Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Autor ten okre la muzeum XX wieku jako schizo-muzeum , którego konsekwencj¹ jest schizo-muzeologia [tam¿e], podobnie jak charakter sztuki tego wieku. Mówi¹c o tej sztuce, André Malraux rozpoczyna swoje refleksje nie od abstrakcyjnych definicji sztuki, ale od zestawienia obiektów , które wspó³czesny mu wiat zachodni uznaje za sztukê, czyli tych, które s¹ wystawiane w wiatowych muzeach. One, razem z wieloma innymi obiektami nieruchomymi (takimi jak witra¿e, freski), sk³adaj¹ siê na to, co Malraux okre la jako musée imaginaire ogromn¹ kolekcjê sztuki istniej¹c¹ w naszych umys³ach , daleko wiêksza ni¿ zbiory jakiejkolwiek indywidualnej instytucji, niezale¿nie jak du¿ej i dobrze wyposa¿onej. Muzeum jest dla Malraux samo wiadomo ci¹ sztuki, miejscem idealnym.

istoria zwi¹zków muzeów ze sztuk¹ ¿yw¹ jest bardzo d³uga, a ich geneza czasowo znacznie wyprzedza powstanie samych muzeów sztuki wspó³czesnej czy nowoczesnej. Jednak¿e tematem niniejszej pracy jest relacja pomiêdzy muzeami ró¿nych typów a sztuk¹ wspó³czesn¹ jedynie w ostatnich dwóch dziesiêcioleciach. Szybki rozwój sztuki wspó³czesnej mia³ zdecydowany wp³yw na obszar muzealnictwa ogólnie, a w szczególno ci na obszar zarz¹dzania muzealnictwem. Analiza przypadków wiêkszo ci muzeów, które odnios³y sukces, mo¿e wskazywaæ na to, jakie zmiany zwi¹zane z wizerunkiem, public relations, programami, wystawami, polityk¹ kadrow¹ dokona³y siê pod po rednim b¹d bezpo rednim wp³ywem sztuki wspó³czesnej. Jak wspomniano wcze niej, wszystkie te zmiany ukierunkowane by³y na nowych odbiorców Niniejsza praca analizuje przyk³ady takie, jak Grand Palais i Musée du Louvre, Musée d Orsay, Nuit Blanche w Pary¿u, British Museum w Londynie, Sigmund Freud Museum i MAC w Wiedniu oraz w³oski projekt Gemine Muse. Wybrane muzea i projekty s¹ dobrymi przyk³adami zastosowania praktyk, które praca niniejsza postuluje: wprowadzenia projektów zwi¹zanych ze sztuk¹ wspó³czesn¹ do muzeów. Kryteriami doboru akurat takich przyk³adów by³o to, ¿e s¹ one licz¹cymi siê i szanowanymi muzeami i instytucjami, z d³ug¹ histori¹, i ponadto jasno postawi³y sobie za cel rozwijanie polityki maj¹cej wprowadziæ sztukê nowoczesn¹ do systemu muzealnictwa.

Sztuka wspó³czesna w historii muzeów udane spotkanie

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Sztuka wspó³czesna w historii muzeów udane spotkanie

istoria zwi¹zków muzeów ze sztuk¹ ¿yw¹ jest bardzo d³uga, a ich geneza czasowo znacznie wyprzedza powstanie samych muzeów sztuki wspó³czesnej czy nowoczesnej. Jednak¿e tematem niniejszej pracy jest relacja pomiêdzy muzeami ró¿nych typów a sztuk¹ wspó³czesn¹ jedynie w ostatnich dwóch dziesiêcioleciach. Szybki rozwój sztuki wspó³czesnej mia³ zdecydowany wp³yw na obszar muzealnictwa ogólnie, a w szczególno ci na obszar zarz¹dzania muzealnictwem. Analiza przypadków wiêkszo ci muzeów, które odnios³y sukces, mo¿e wskazywaæ na to, jakie zmiany zwi¹zane z wizerunkiem, public relations, programami, wystawami, polityk¹ kadrow¹ dokona³y siê pod po rednim b¹d bezpo rednim wp³ywem sztuki wspó³czesnej. Jak wspomniano wcze niej, wszystkie te zmiany ukierunkowane by³y na nowych odbiorców Niniejsza praca analizuje przyk³ady takie, jak Grand Palais i Musée du Louvre, Musée d Orsay, Nuit Blanche w Pary¿u, British Museum w Londynie, Sigmund Freud Museum i MAC w Wiedniu oraz w³oski projekt Gemine Muse. Wybrane muzea i projekty s¹ dobrymi przyk³adami zastosowania praktyk, które praca niniejsza postuluje: wprowadzenia projektów zwi¹zanych ze sztuk¹ wspó³czesn¹ do muzeów. Kryteriami doboru akurat takich przyk³adów by³o to, ¿e s¹ one licz¹cymi siê i szanowanymi muzeami i instytucjami, z d³ug¹ histori¹, i ponadto jasno postawi³y sobie za cel rozwijanie polityki maj¹cej wprowadziæ sztukê nowoczesn¹ do systemu muzealnictwa.

288

Autor ten okre la muzeum XX wieku jako schizo-muzeum , którego konsekwencj¹ jest schizo-muzeologia [tam¿e], podobnie jak charakter sztuki tego wieku. Mówi¹c o tej sztuce, André Malraux rozpoczyna swoje refleksje nie od abstrakcyjnych definicji sztuki, ale od zestawienia obiektów , które wspó³czesny mu wiat zachodni uznaje za sztukê, czyli tych, które s¹ wystawiane w wiatowych muzeach. One, razem z wieloma innymi obiektami nieruchomymi (takimi jak witra¿e, freski), sk³adaj¹ siê na to, co Malraux okre la jako musée imaginaire ogromn¹ kolekcjê sztuki istniej¹c¹ w naszych umys³ach , daleko wiêksza ni¿ zbiory jakiejkolwiek indywidualnej instytucji, niezale¿nie jak du¿ej i dobrze wyposa¿onej. Muzeum jest dla Malraux samo wiadomo ci¹ sztuki, miejscem idealnym.

styczne i interpretystyczne teorie uczenia oraz z³o¿ono æ polityki kulturalnej. Ta zmiana przedmiotu zainteresowania (ze zbiorów na odbiorców) w naturalny sposób wp³ynê³a na pozycjê zbiorów wewn¹trz muzealnego systemu. Pracownicy muzeów zrozumieli, ¿e konieczna bêdzie zmiana narracji ekspozycji muzealnych i pokazów po to, by muzea mog³y spe³niaæ swoj¹ now¹ funkcjê. Nowa narracja (w ramach ekspozycji, polityki instytucjonalnej i polityki dotycz¹cej publiczno ci) stworzy mo¿liwo ci rekonceptualizacji muzeów sztuki (i innych), które s¹ zakorzenione w modernistycznej kulturze koñca XIX wieku. Nowa narracja opiera siê na komunikacji i interakcji, jako najbardziej rozpowszechnionych narzêdziach wiedzy globalnej. Doprowadzi³o to w konsekwencji do konieczno ci zast¹pienia starych definicji muzeum innymi podej ciami w zakresie definiowania tego, jaka bêdzie g³ówna rola muzeów w kulturze wspó³czesnej. Jedna z definicji, której autorem jest Jorze Glusberg, rozró¿nia tzw. muzea gor¹ce i zimne . Muzea zimne to muzea oparte na komunikacji, podczas gdy muzea gor¹ce skupiaj¹ siê na informacji. Pierwsze umo¿liwiaj¹ aktywne uczenie siê oraz rozwój kreatywno ci, natomiast drugie jedynie przekazuj¹ wcze niej opracowan¹ i zdeterminowan¹ informacjê, neutralizuj¹c tym samym udzia³ publiczno ci w procesie uczenia siê [Glusberg, 1983, s. 69]. Pod koniec lat 80. XX wieku muzea stanê³y w obliczu nowej ery. W tamtym okresie wiat zachodni zaczyna³ do wiadczaæ o¿ywienia w dziedzinie projektów instytucji kulturalnych, pomimo ciêæ bud¿etowych i dominacji postaw neoliberalnych, prowadz¹cych do tego, ¿e wszystkie instytucje kulturalne stawa³y wobec coraz wiêkszych trudno ci, g³ównie finansowych. Peter Noever uwa¿a, ¿e niezaprzeczalna funkcja muzeów (sztuki i kultury) potrzebna dla tworzenia to¿samo ci publicznej i samookre lenia jest powa¿nie zagro¿ona w konsekwencji b³êdnego pojêcia demokratyzacji i wszechogarniaj¹cej ekonomizacji spo³eczeñstwa [Noever, 2001, s. 108n.]. Na potrzeby analizy warto wspomnieæ niektóre wcze niejsze teoretyczne wskazówki i sugestie, dotycz¹ce instytucji muzealnych i sztuki jako aktu twórczego. Przyk³adowo, Jean Claire zauwa¿y³, ¿e muzea maj¹ tendencjê do pokazywania siê , poniewa¿ wszystkie procedury zwi¹zane z dzia³alno ci¹ muzealn¹ kolekcjonowanie zbiorów i same zbiory, tworzenie taksonomii, sporz¹dzanie zapisów, wybór, wstawianie do gablot stopniowo sta³y siê kategoriami estetycznymi [Claire, 1998, s. 39].

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

styczne i interpretystyczne teorie uczenia oraz z³o¿ono æ polityki kulturalnej. Ta zmiana przedmiotu zainteresowania (ze zbiorów na odbiorców) w naturalny sposób wp³ynê³a na pozycjê zbiorów wewn¹trz muzealnego systemu. Pracownicy muzeów zrozumieli, ¿e konieczna bêdzie zmiana narracji ekspozycji muzealnych i pokazów po to, by muzea mog³y spe³niaæ swoj¹ now¹ funkcjê. Nowa narracja (w ramach ekspozycji, polityki instytucjonalnej i polityki dotycz¹cej publiczno ci) stworzy mo¿liwo ci rekonceptualizacji muzeów sztuki (i innych), które s¹ zakorzenione w modernistycznej kulturze koñca XIX wieku. Nowa narracja opiera siê na komunikacji i interakcji, jako najbardziej rozpowszechnionych narzêdziach wiedzy globalnej. Doprowadzi³o to w konsekwencji do konieczno ci zast¹pienia starych definicji muzeum innymi podej ciami w zakresie definiowania tego, jaka bêdzie g³ówna rola muzeów w kulturze wspó³czesnej. Jedna z definicji, której autorem jest Jorze Glusberg, rozró¿nia tzw. muzea gor¹ce i zimne . Muzea zimne to muzea oparte na komunikacji, podczas gdy muzea gor¹ce skupiaj¹ siê na informacji. Pierwsze umo¿liwiaj¹ aktywne uczenie siê oraz rozwój kreatywno ci, natomiast drugie jedynie przekazuj¹ wcze niej opracowan¹ i zdeterminowan¹ informacjê, neutralizuj¹c tym samym udzia³ publiczno ci w procesie uczenia siê [Glusberg, 1983, s. 69]. Pod koniec lat 80. XX wieku muzea stanê³y w obliczu nowej ery. W tamtym okresie wiat zachodni zaczyna³ do wiadczaæ o¿ywienia w dziedzinie projektów instytucji kulturalnych, pomimo ciêæ bud¿etowych i dominacji postaw neoliberalnych, prowadz¹cych do tego, ¿e wszystkie instytucje kulturalne stawa³y wobec coraz wiêkszych trudno ci, g³ównie finansowych. Peter Noever uwa¿a, ¿e niezaprzeczalna funkcja muzeów (sztuki i kultury) potrzebna dla tworzenia to¿samo ci publicznej i samookre lenia jest powa¿nie zagro¿ona w konsekwencji b³êdnego pojêcia demokratyzacji i wszechogarniaj¹cej ekonomizacji spo³eczeñstwa [Noever, 2001, s. 108n.]. Na potrzeby analizy warto wspomnieæ niektóre wcze niejsze teoretyczne wskazówki i sugestie, dotycz¹ce instytucji muzealnych i sztuki jako aktu twórczego. Przyk³adowo, Jean Claire zauwa¿y³, ¿e muzea maj¹ tendencjê do pokazywania siê , poniewa¿ wszystkie procedury zwi¹zane z dzia³alno ci¹ muzealn¹ kolekcjonowanie zbiorów i same zbiory, tworzenie taksonomii, sporz¹dzanie zapisów, wybór, wstawianie do gablot stopniowo sta³y siê kategoriami estetycznymi [Claire, 1998, s. 39].


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Praktyka i programy g³ównych wiatowych muzeów dowodz¹, ¿e takie otwarcie siê na nowe trendy w sztuce, kulturze wizualnej nawet w innych formach twórczo ci artystycznej (nowej muzyce, eksperymentach teatralnych, architekturze, wzornictwie, nowych mediach) wzbogaca spo³eczn¹ funkcjê muzeum, intensyfikuje jego zawarto æ , rozwija jego edukacyjny charakter i plasuje muzeum w samym rodku wspó³czesnej kultury.

Miejsce strategii zwi¹zanych ze sztuk¹ wspó³czesn¹ w reformie muzeów

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uzea sztuki wspó³czesnej nale¿¹ do grona najm³odszych muzeów i w konsekwencji powinny byæ muzeami o najwiêkszym poziomie elastyczno ci w zakresie polityk, stosunków wewnêtrznych i zewnêtrznych, o najbardziej dynamicznym przep³ywie kadry, idei oraz najwiêkszym poziomie wdra¿ania innowacji technologicznych. Pomimo ¿e generalnie nie mo¿na uznaæ tego typu muzeów za g³ównych liderów w dziedzinie praktyk muzealnych, to jednak bardzo czêsto s¹ one pierwszymi, które wprowadzaj¹ jakie innowacje i eksperymenty (w kwestii ekspozycji, nowych technologii, marketingu, programów edukacyjnych, polityki kadrowej itp.). Muzea sztuki wspó³czesnej wyros³y z krytyki Foucaulta, dotycz¹cej instytucji jako muzeów wp³ywu , co jest dostrzegalne w genezie wiêkszo ci europejskich i wiatowych muzeów. Na poziomie narracyjnym, jak równie¿ na poziomie metajêzykowym, nowoczesna i wspó³czesna sztuka nale¿¹ do najbardziej komunikatywnych kana³ów przekazu w wiecie dzisiejszej kultury. Sztuka wspó³czesna jest uwolniona od norm tradycyjnej sztuki i dysponuje mo¿liwo ciami technik wszelkich rodzajów, w tym archaicznych i nieprzynale¿¹cych do wiata zachodniego. Jednocze nie jest wolna od konieczno ci wykorzystywania uprzywilejowanych tematów, materia³ów, rodków przekazu i form, które tradycyjnie definiowa³y dzie³o sztuki. Taka wolno æ, szczególnie w czasach postmodernistycznej hybrydyzacji, braku hierarchii, decentralizacji i postêpu technologicznego, sprawia, ¿e sztuka wspó³czesna staje siê ród³em nowych konceptualnych, instytucjonalnych, politycznych i badawczych schematów, które mog¹ byæ wykorzystane przez dzisiejsze muzea. Jedn¹ z kluczowych form prezentacji sztuki wspó³czesnej s¹ wystawy czasowe. Jest to forma ró¿ni¹ca siê od sta³ej kolekcji prze¿ytej,

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

ale ci¹gle bardzo czêstej konfiguracji wystawienniczej w oryginalnej koncepcji muzeum (Kunstkammer). Wystawa czasowa, jako ma³a forma prezentacji muzealnej, staje siê ostatnimi czasy coraz popularniejsz¹ form¹ w ró¿nych innych typach muzeów (muzeach sztuki niewspó³czesnej). Mieke Bal mówi o alegorii, w której muzealnictwo albo ogólnie ekspozycja muzealna, w swym wymiarze fizycznym i technicznym, stanowi dyskusjê, natomiast pojedyncza wystawa stanowi zdanie wypowiedziane w tej dyskusji. Zdanie to nie sk³ada siê ze s³ów, pojedynczych obrazów, ram i konstrukcji danej wystawy, ale z produktywnego napiêcia, powstaj¹cego pomiêdzy obrazami, legendami (s³owami) i fizycznymi umiejscowieniami (w jakim rzêdzie, jak wysoko, jak jasno, w jakich kombinacjach). Przyjêcie takiej perspektywy powinno nieuchronnie pozbawiæ muzeum jego naiwno ci i daæ mu mo¿liwo æ wyja niania i edukowania [Bal, 2005, s. 23]. Koncepcja postprodukcji stworzona przez Bourriauda, bêd¹ca w latach 90. XX wieku dominuj¹cym paradygmatem, traktuje wystawê jako integraln¹ czê æ dzie³a sztuki: L exposition n est plus l aboutissement d unprocessus, son happy end (Parreno), mais un lieu de production...Tout en récusant les formes académiques de l exposition, les artistes des années quatre-vingt-dix envisagent le lieu de monstration comme un espace de cohabitation, une scéne ouverte á mi-chemin entre le décor, le plateau de tournage et la salle de documentation [Bourriaud, 2003, s. 67]. Muzeum mo¿e byæ postrzegane jako miejsce akcentowania tych warunków, jako podstawowa forma paradygmatu postprodukcji w sztuce wspó³czesnej. Do bogactwa zbiorów, warto ci wystawianych obiektów i ich znaczenia kulturalnego mo¿na podchodziæ ró¿norodnie. W tym w³a nie le¿y bogactwo: mog¹ one byæ interpretowane na wiele ró¿nych sposobów i, w zale¿no ci od tego, mog¹ nie æ ró¿ne przekazy, rozpoznawalne lub ca³kowicie nieznane, oraz prezentowaæ ekstrawaganckie fakty i historie. Wystawy sztuki wspó³czesnej maj¹ do dyspozycji szeroki wachlarz narzêdzi, mog¹cych s³u¿yæ do nadawania nowego kontekstu wystawianym obiektom. Sposoby podej cia do wystawiania sztuki wspó³czesnej mo¿na obserwowaæ zarówno na poziomie formalnym, jak te¿ na poziomie zawarto ci tj. interwencje artystyczne, wystawy, instalacje, wydarzenia artystyczne, produkcje... Nastêpuj¹ce przyk³ady mog¹ byæ traktowane jako jedne z mo¿liwych sposobów s³u¿¹cych do reformowania muzeów na drodze strategii opartych na projektach, funkcjonuj¹cych

289

uzea sztuki wspó³czesnej nale¿¹ do grona najm³odszych muzeów i w konsekwencji powinny byæ muzeami o najwiêkszym poziomie elastyczno ci w zakresie polityk, stosunków wewnêtrznych i zewnêtrznych, o najbardziej dynamicznym przep³ywie kadry, idei oraz najwiêkszym poziomie wdra¿ania innowacji technologicznych. Pomimo ¿e generalnie nie mo¿na uznaæ tego typu muzeów za g³ównych liderów w dziedzinie praktyk muzealnych, to jednak bardzo czêsto s¹ one pierwszymi, które wprowadzaj¹ jakie innowacje i eksperymenty (w kwestii ekspozycji, nowych technologii, marketingu, programów edukacyjnych, polityki kadrowej itp.). Muzea sztuki wspó³czesnej wyros³y z krytyki Foucaulta, dotycz¹cej instytucji jako muzeów wp³ywu , co jest dostrzegalne w genezie wiêkszo ci europejskich i wiatowych muzeów. Na poziomie narracyjnym, jak równie¿ na poziomie metajêzykowym, nowoczesna i wspó³czesna sztuka nale¿¹ do najbardziej komunikatywnych kana³ów przekazu w wiecie dzisiejszej kultury. Sztuka wspó³czesna jest uwolniona od norm tradycyjnej sztuki i dysponuje mo¿liwo ciami technik wszelkich rodzajów, w tym archaicznych i nieprzynale¿¹cych do wiata zachodniego. Jednocze nie jest wolna od konieczno ci wykorzystywania uprzywilejowanych tematów, materia³ów, rodków przekazu i form, które tradycyjnie definiowa³y dzie³o sztuki. Taka wolno æ, szczególnie w czasach postmodernistycznej hybrydyzacji, braku hierarchii, decentralizacji i postêpu technologicznego, sprawia, ¿e sztuka wspó³czesna staje siê ród³em nowych konceptualnych, instytucjonalnych, politycznych i badawczych schematów, które mog¹ byæ wykorzystane przez dzisiejsze muzea. Jedn¹ z kluczowych form prezentacji sztuki wspó³czesnej s¹ wystawy czasowe. Jest to forma ró¿ni¹ca siê od sta³ej kolekcji prze¿ytej,

M

Miejsce strategii zwi¹zanych ze sztuk¹ wspó³czesn¹ w reformie muzeów Praktyka i programy g³ównych wiatowych muzeów dowodz¹, ¿e takie otwarcie siê na nowe trendy w sztuce, kulturze wizualnej nawet w innych formach twórczo ci artystycznej (nowej muzyce, eksperymentach teatralnych, architekturze, wzornictwie, nowych mediach) wzbogaca spo³eczn¹ funkcjê muzeum, intensyfikuje jego zawarto æ , rozwija jego edukacyjny charakter i plasuje muzeum w samym rodku wspó³czesnej kultury.

289

ale ci¹gle bardzo czêstej konfiguracji wystawienniczej w oryginalnej koncepcji muzeum (Kunstkammer). Wystawa czasowa, jako ma³a forma prezentacji muzealnej, staje siê ostatnimi czasy coraz popularniejsz¹ form¹ w ró¿nych innych typach muzeów (muzeach sztuki niewspó³czesnej). Mieke Bal mówi o alegorii, w której muzealnictwo albo ogólnie ekspozycja muzealna, w swym wymiarze fizycznym i technicznym, stanowi dyskusjê, natomiast pojedyncza wystawa stanowi zdanie wypowiedziane w tej dyskusji. Zdanie to nie sk³ada siê ze s³ów, pojedynczych obrazów, ram i konstrukcji danej wystawy, ale z produktywnego napiêcia, powstaj¹cego pomiêdzy obrazami, legendami (s³owami) i fizycznymi umiejscowieniami (w jakim rzêdzie, jak wysoko, jak jasno, w jakich kombinacjach). Przyjêcie takiej perspektywy powinno nieuchronnie pozbawiæ muzeum jego naiwno ci i daæ mu mo¿liwo æ wyja niania i edukowania [Bal, 2005, s. 23]. Koncepcja postprodukcji stworzona przez Bourriauda, bêd¹ca w latach 90. XX wieku dominuj¹cym paradygmatem, traktuje wystawê jako integraln¹ czê æ dzie³a sztuki: L exposition n est plus l aboutissement d unprocessus, son happy end (Parreno), mais un lieu de production...Tout en récusant les formes académiques de l exposition, les artistes des années quatre-vingt-dix envisagent le lieu de monstration comme un espace de cohabitation, une scéne ouverte á mi-chemin entre le décor, le plateau de tournage et la salle de documentation [Bourriaud, 2003, s. 67]. Muzeum mo¿e byæ postrzegane jako miejsce akcentowania tych warunków, jako podstawowa forma paradygmatu postprodukcji w sztuce wspó³czesnej. Do bogactwa zbiorów, warto ci wystawianych obiektów i ich znaczenia kulturalnego mo¿na podchodziæ ró¿norodnie. W tym w³a nie le¿y bogactwo: mog¹ one byæ interpretowane na wiele ró¿nych sposobów i, w zale¿no ci od tego, mog¹ nie æ ró¿ne przekazy, rozpoznawalne lub ca³kowicie nieznane, oraz prezentowaæ ekstrawaganckie fakty i historie. Wystawy sztuki wspó³czesnej maj¹ do dyspozycji szeroki wachlarz narzêdzi, mog¹cych s³u¿yæ do nadawania nowego kontekstu wystawianym obiektom. Sposoby podej cia do wystawiania sztuki wspó³czesnej mo¿na obserwowaæ zarówno na poziomie formalnym, jak te¿ na poziomie zawarto ci tj. interwencje artystyczne, wystawy, instalacje, wydarzenia artystyczne, produkcje... Nastêpuj¹ce przyk³ady mog¹ byæ traktowane jako jedne z mo¿liwych sposobów s³u¿¹cych do reformowania muzeów na drodze strategii opartych na projektach, funkcjonuj¹cych


290

zarówno jako strategie indywidualne pojedyncze wysi³ki podejmowane w nieprzyjaznym rodowisku muzealnym, jak równie¿ jako element w bardziej kompleksowym strategicznym planowaniu reformy muzeum. Przyk³ady te s¹ wybrane na podstawie pozytywnej analizy przypadków zarówno z miêdzynarodowego, jak i serbskiego muzealnictwa.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Instalacje podstawowe zasady

rchitektura i aran¿acja wspó³czesnych muzeów zaliczaj¹ siê do kluczowych elementów decyduj¹cych o publicznym wizerunku tych placówek. Wiele muzeów w Europie, które zosta³y za³o¿one dawno temu, otrzyma³o na swe siedziby historyczne budynki, a takie dopasowanie historycznych artefaktów (dzie³ sztuki, dokumentów, przedmiotów zwi¹zanych z histori¹ rozwoju nauki, rzeczy osobistych znanych osób, wiadectw wydarzeñ historycznych) do historycznego miejsca uwa¿ano za logiczne i dialektyczne. Nastêpnie w latach 80. XX wieku wp³yw na budownictwo muzealne mia³o rozprzestrzenienie siê monumentalnej architektury postmodernistycznej. Nowe konstrukcje aplikowane by³y g³ównie do budowanych muzeów sztuki wspó³czesnej, ale równie¿ w przypadku ju¿ istniej¹cych; do starszych muzeów dobudowywano w tym stylu nowe skrzyd³a czy czê ci (np. Pyramide du Louvre). Ta tendencja wp³ynê³a na kszta³t sta³ych oraz zmiennych ekspozycji muzealnych i otworzy³a je na nowe zapotrzebowania publiczno ci (sklepy, centra do nauczania, mediateki, kafejki). Dziewiêtnastowieczne muzea, zimne i nieprzyjazne budynki z ciemnymi salami, odleg³ymi gablotami oraz pó³kami, cichymi i jednokierunkowymi korytarzami, zosta³y zast¹pione budynkami ze szklanymi cianami, du¿¹ ilo ci¹ wiat³a s³onecznego i nowymi technologiami, oferuj¹cymi mo¿liwo æ dowolnego poruszania siê zwiedzaj¹cych (odrzucono koncepcjê ruchu opartego na ci le okre lonym kierunku zwiedzania), bezpo redni¹ komunikacjê z przestrzeni¹ zewnêtrzn¹, skutkuj¹c¹ wyprowadzaniem muzeum na zewn¹trz. Projekt architektoniczny przestrzeni, w których eksponowane s¹ muzealia, silnie wp³y-

dok³adnie to samo: koncentruj¹ siê na autonomiczno ci i indywidualno ci wystawianych dzie³ sztuki [Marshall, 2005, s. 171]. Wierzê, ¿e takie nowe podej cie mo¿e spowodowaæ, i¿ ekspozycje i przestrzenie muzealne otworzy³yby siê na bardziej eksperymentalne i sugestywne formy przekazu, ¿e tradycyjne sposoby ekspozycji zosta³yby zast¹pione przez formy nowe. Nowoczesna praktyka wystawiennicza w muzeach powinna mieæ charakter zintegrowany, a w jej obrêbie formy i praktyki zwi¹zane ze sztuk¹ wspó³czesn¹ by³yby tym najbardziej innowacyjnym elementem, który pomóg³by w wychodzeniu poza tradycyjne i przestarza³e schematy.

A

E

290

Architektura i aran¿acja przestrzeni

Architektura i aran¿acja przestrzeni

kspozycja muzealna jest podstawowym kana³em przekazu w obrêbie przestrzeni muzeum. Porz¹dkuje obiekty w sposób chronologiczny, tematyczny, gatunkowy czy zwi¹zany z relacjami miêdzy nimi, przekazuj¹c odbiorcom informacjê, przekaz, uczucia. Przez swój charakter i zdolno æ do przekazywania tego wszystkiego, ekspozycja muzealna mo¿e stanowiæ odzwierciedlenie instytucjonalnej, politycznej czy estetycznej pozycji samego muzeum, jego kadry zarz¹dzaj¹cej, pracowników, fundatorów itp. Odzwierciedla równie¿ politykê muzeum w stosunku do obecnych, jak i nowych, potencjalnych odbiorców, ukazuj¹c poziom rozwoju instytucjonalnego i dojrza³o æ muzeum. Przyk³ady wiêkszo ci serbskich muzeów, których kolekcje i ekspozycje powsta³y 20 czy 30 lat temu, s¹ wyra nym przyk³adem braku strategii nastawionej na pozyskiwanie odbiorców. Ekspozycja zbiorów musi uwzglêdniaæ surowe warunki techniczne i zasady zwi¹zane z bezpieczeñstwem, odnosz¹ce siê g³ównie do wystawiania muzealiów wra¿liwych (takich jak stare ksi¹¿ki, ma³e obiekty wykonane z delikatnych materia³ów, okazy przyrodnicze...) lub obiektów traktowanych jako bezcenne artefakty (jak Mona Lisa Leonarda da Vinci, która udostêpniana jest ogl¹daj¹cym z zachowaniem najbardziej restrykcyjnych wymogów bezpieczeñstwa; dotyczy to równie¿ bi¿uterii, kamieni szlachetnych itp.). Niemniej jednak mimo tych wszystkich restrykcji i ograniczeñ, mo¿liwe jest stworzenie inspiruj¹cej, informacyjnej i wizualnie atrakcyjnej ekspozycji w ka¿dym muzeum. Gdy przyjrzymy siê wiêkszo ci ró¿nych muzeów w Europie, Stanach Zjednoczonych czy Australii, dostrze¿emy zwiêkszaj¹c¹ siê tendencjê do tworzenia ekspozycji w taki sposób, aby zwróciæ uwagê na konkretne przedmioty z kolekcji, na jak¹ wyró¿niaj¹c¹ siê grupê obiektów, mog¹cych spowodowaæ, ¿e muzeum bêdzie postrzegane jako wyj¹tkowe, unikatowe, lub te¿ zwróciæ uwagê na konkretny przekaz wysy³any odbiorcom. Galerie sztuki robi¹

A

E

rchitektura i aran¿acja wspó³czesnych muzeów zaliczaj¹ siê do kluczowych elementów decyduj¹cych o publicznym wizerunku tych placówek. Wiele muzeów w Europie, które zosta³y za³o¿one dawno temu, otrzyma³o na swe siedziby historyczne budynki, a takie dopasowanie historycznych artefaktów (dzie³ sztuki, dokumentów, przedmiotów zwi¹zanych z histori¹ rozwoju nauki, rzeczy osobistych znanych osób, wiadectw wydarzeñ historycznych) do historycznego miejsca uwa¿ano za logiczne i dialektyczne. Nastêpnie w latach 80. XX wieku wp³yw na budownictwo muzealne mia³o rozprzestrzenienie siê monumentalnej architektury postmodernistycznej. Nowe konstrukcje aplikowane by³y g³ównie do budowanych muzeów sztuki wspó³czesnej, ale równie¿ w przypadku ju¿ istniej¹cych; do starszych muzeów dobudowywano w tym stylu nowe skrzyd³a czy czê ci (np. Pyramide du Louvre). Ta tendencja wp³ynê³a na kszta³t sta³ych oraz zmiennych ekspozycji muzealnych i otworzy³a je na nowe zapotrzebowania publiczno ci (sklepy, centra do nauczania, mediateki, kafejki). Dziewiêtnastowieczne muzea, zimne i nieprzyjazne budynki z ciemnymi salami, odleg³ymi gablotami oraz pó³kami, cichymi i jednokierunkowymi korytarzami, zosta³y zast¹pione budynkami ze szklanymi cianami, du¿¹ ilo ci¹ wiat³a s³onecznego i nowymi technologiami, oferuj¹cymi mo¿liwo æ dowolnego poruszania siê zwiedzaj¹cych (odrzucono koncepcjê ruchu opartego na ci le okre lonym kierunku zwiedzania), bezpo redni¹ komunikacjê z przestrzeni¹ zewnêtrzn¹, skutkuj¹c¹ wyprowadzaniem muzeum na zewn¹trz. Projekt architektoniczny przestrzeni, w których eksponowane s¹ muzealia, silnie wp³y-

Instalacje podstawowe zasady

dok³adnie to samo: koncentruj¹ siê na autonomiczno ci i indywidualno ci wystawianych dzie³ sztuki [Marshall, 2005, s. 171]. Wierzê, ¿e takie nowe podej cie mo¿e spowodowaæ, i¿ ekspozycje i przestrzenie muzealne otworzy³yby siê na bardziej eksperymentalne i sugestywne formy przekazu, ¿e tradycyjne sposoby ekspozycji zosta³yby zast¹pione przez formy nowe. Nowoczesna praktyka wystawiennicza w muzeach powinna mieæ charakter zintegrowany, a w jej obrêbie formy i praktyki zwi¹zane ze sztuk¹ wspó³czesn¹ by³yby tym najbardziej innowacyjnym elementem, który pomóg³by w wychodzeniu poza tradycyjne i przestarza³e schematy.

kspozycja muzealna jest podstawowym kana³em przekazu w obrêbie przestrzeni muzeum. Porz¹dkuje obiekty w sposób chronologiczny, tematyczny, gatunkowy czy zwi¹zany z relacjami miêdzy nimi, przekazuj¹c odbiorcom informacjê, przekaz, uczucia. Przez swój charakter i zdolno æ do przekazywania tego wszystkiego, ekspozycja muzealna mo¿e stanowiæ odzwierciedlenie instytucjonalnej, politycznej czy estetycznej pozycji samego muzeum, jego kadry zarz¹dzaj¹cej, pracowników, fundatorów itp. Odzwierciedla równie¿ politykê muzeum w stosunku do obecnych, jak i nowych, potencjalnych odbiorców, ukazuj¹c poziom rozwoju instytucjonalnego i dojrza³o æ muzeum. Przyk³ady wiêkszo ci serbskich muzeów, których kolekcje i ekspozycje powsta³y 20 czy 30 lat temu, s¹ wyra nym przyk³adem braku strategii nastawionej na pozyskiwanie odbiorców. Ekspozycja zbiorów musi uwzglêdniaæ surowe warunki techniczne i zasady zwi¹zane z bezpieczeñstwem, odnosz¹ce siê g³ównie do wystawiania muzealiów wra¿liwych (takich jak stare ksi¹¿ki, ma³e obiekty wykonane z delikatnych materia³ów, okazy przyrodnicze...) lub obiektów traktowanych jako bezcenne artefakty (jak Mona Lisa Leonarda da Vinci, która udostêpniana jest ogl¹daj¹cym z zachowaniem najbardziej restrykcyjnych wymogów bezpieczeñstwa; dotyczy to równie¿ bi¿uterii, kamieni szlachetnych itp.). Niemniej jednak mimo tych wszystkich restrykcji i ograniczeñ, mo¿liwe jest stworzenie inspiruj¹cej, informacyjnej i wizualnie atrakcyjnej ekspozycji w ka¿dym muzeum. Gdy przyjrzymy siê wiêkszo ci ró¿nych muzeów w Europie, Stanach Zjednoczonych czy Australii, dostrze¿emy zwiêkszaj¹c¹ siê tendencjê do tworzenia ekspozycji w taki sposób, aby zwróciæ uwagê na konkretne przedmioty z kolekcji, na jak¹ wyró¿niaj¹c¹ siê grupê obiektów, mog¹cych spowodowaæ, ¿e muzeum bêdzie postrzegane jako wyj¹tkowe, unikatowe, lub te¿ zwróciæ uwagê na konkretny przekaz wysy³any odbiorcom. Galerie sztuki robi¹

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

zarówno jako strategie indywidualne pojedyncze wysi³ki podejmowane w nieprzyjaznym rodowisku muzealnym, jak równie¿ jako element w bardziej kompleksowym strategicznym planowaniu reformy muzeum. Przyk³ady te s¹ wybrane na podstawie pozytywnej analizy przypadków zarówno z miêdzynarodowego, jak i serbskiego muzealnictwa.


291

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

wa na ich odbiór, niezale¿nie czy s¹ to dzie³a sztuki, dokumenty historyczne, obiekty etnograficzne, okazy przyrodnicze czy produkty industrialne itd. Estetyka miejsca nie mo¿e pozostawaæ odseparowana od wystawianych eksponatów, systemu o wietlenia, ci¹gów komunikacyjnych, wej æ i wszystkich towarzysz¹cych przestrzeni oraz us³ug. Daje to poczucie nowoczesnego spojrzenia na ró¿norodno æ sztuki i muzealiów. Postmodernistyczne po³¹czenie obiektów historycznych ze wspó³czesn¹ lokalizacj¹ sprawia, ¿e ka¿da kolekcja (która nie przynale¿y do otaczaj¹cego kompleksu czy wnêtrza) staje siê bli¿sza wspó³czesnemu odwiedzaj¹cemu, odbiorcy i u¿ytkownikowi . Dyskutowano wiele razy nad spo³eczn¹ i ekonomiczn¹ rol¹ nowych muzeów, które mia³y b¹d bêd¹ mieæ warto ciowy wk³ad w rozwój lokalny i marketing terytorialny (Bilbao, Kanazawara, Metz). Wspó³czesna architektura, jako czê æ sk³adowa wspó³czesnej kultury wizualnej, dysponuje olbrzymimi mo¿liwo ciami na polu rozwoju muzealnictwa i znacz¹co wp³ywa na wizerunek muzeów, i to zarówno w przypadku starych, jak i nowych budynków.

Konceptualizacja ekspozycji

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onceptualizacja ekspozycji zbiorów muzealnych ma siê przyczyniæ do tego, aby muzeum, kolekcja, obiekty, segmenty tematyczne by³y bardziej komunikatywne, osadzone w kontek cie czy te¿ tematycznie poszerzone. Wprowadzanie nowych prac z ró¿nymi komentarzami, odczytywanie czy interpretacja obiektów muzealnych mo¿e zwiêkszyæ perspektywê dla zrozumienia i odbioru ich przekazu. Równocze nie muzeum mo¿e byæ pokazane jako teren tego, co dziwne, odbiegaj¹ce od normy, niewyja nione (Kunstkammer czy Wunderkammer), co mo¿e polepszyæ wizerunek danej placówki w ród potencjalnych nowych odbiorców nastawionych bardziej na stronê wizualn¹ czy nawet widowiskow¹ sztuki wspó³czesnej. Planuj¹c ekspozycje muzealne, kuratorzy nie powinni od¿egnywaæ siê od teorii sztuki wspó³czesnej, które mog¹ okazaæ siê bardzo pomocne przy tworzeniu nowych relacji i po³¹czeñ pomiêdzy wyra nie odleg³ymi i niepasuj¹cymi do siebie dzie³ami sztuki i obiektami. Podej cie, które burzy tradycyjny chronologiczny czy prosty tematyczny porz¹dek, mo¿e zwiêkszyæ istotno æ zbiorów i obiektów, odkrywaj¹c ukryte warstwy i tworz¹c nowe relacje. Eksponowanie sta³ej kolekcji muzealnej mo¿e byæ traktowane jako sztuka sama w sobie, która wznieca intelektu-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

aln¹ ciekawo æ, uczestniczy w szerszych debatach spo³ecznych i kulturalnych i staje siê zaproszeniem do gier edukacyjnych.

Suplement dla obiektów, których nie ma

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wielu muzeach, których celem jest prezentowanie, edukowanie, podnoszenie pewnych tematów, na wietlanie wydarzeñ, historii osobistych itp., brakuje kilku, czasami kluczowych obiektów czy artefaktów. Jednym z najlepszych sposobów wype³nienia tej luki, pustej przestrzeni w polu dyskursu, jest tworzenie nowej sztuki, wspieraj¹cej i podkre laj¹cej mo¿liwo ci komunikacyjne kolekcji, jej elementów edukacyjnych i/lub muzealnej spójno ci i komplementarno ci. W ten sposób sztuka mo¿e pomóc zbudowaæ obraz, który na innej drodze by³by prawie niemo¿liwy do stworzenia. Christopher R. Marshall podaje przyk³ad Muzeum w Sydney [tam¿e, s. 173], które zajmuje siê materialn¹ histori¹ miasta, jego przedkolonialnymi i kolonialnymi korzeniami. Oczywi cie rekonstrukcja historii nie jest ³atwa, zw³aszcza gdy w kolekcji brakuje dokumentów i obiektów zwi¹zanych z epok¹, któr¹ ma przedstawiaæ. Równocze nie bardzo trudno jest sprawiæ, aby takie wystawy by³y dla odbiorcy atrakcyjne, zrozumia³e, komunikatywne i przemawiaj¹ce wizualnie. U¿ycie nowych technologii mo¿e pomóc, ale nie mo¿e zast¹piæ prawdziwych obiektów. Muzeum w Sydney zaprosi³o dwoje artystów, maj¹cych wykonaæ pracê ci le zwi¹zan¹ z historyczn¹ i etnograficzn¹ czê ci¹ zbiorów muzeum: by³a to instalacja d wiêkowa wykonana przez muzyka oraz artystê d wiêkowca. Sta³a ekspozycja sta³a siê bardzo popularna i zaczê³a byæ postrzegana jako g³ówne narzêdzie edukacyjne w zakresie uczenia o historii miasta i kraju. Muzeum od razu sta³o siê interesuj¹cym partnerem dla sieci instytucji zajmuj¹cych siê sztuk¹ wspó³czesn¹, jak równie¿ poszczególnych artystów i autorów projektów artystycznych. Zastosowanie tej innowacji w ekspozycji sprawi³o, ¿e placówka w krótkim czasie zbli¿y³a siê do uzyskania statusu interesuj¹cej, inspiruj¹cej i edukacyjnej instytucji, co powinno byæ ambicj¹ ka¿dego muzeum.

Przygotowanie sceny dla narracji

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zata graficzna wykorzystywana w rodowisku muzealnym powinna pomagaæ w wyra¿aniu szerszej perspektywy instytucjonalnej,

291

onceptualizacja ekspozycji zbiorów muzealnych ma siê przyczyniæ do tego, aby muzeum, kolekcja, obiekty, segmenty tematyczne by³y bardziej komunikatywne, osadzone w kontek cie czy te¿ tematycznie poszerzone. Wprowadzanie nowych prac z ró¿nymi komentarzami, odczytywanie czy interpretacja obiektów muzealnych mo¿e zwiêkszyæ perspektywê dla zrozumienia i odbioru ich przekazu. Równocze nie muzeum mo¿e byæ pokazane jako teren tego, co dziwne, odbiegaj¹ce od normy, niewyja nione (Kunstkammer czy Wunderkammer), co mo¿e polepszyæ wizerunek danej placówki w ród potencjalnych nowych odbiorców nastawionych bardziej na stronê wizualn¹ czy nawet widowiskow¹ sztuki wspó³czesnej. Planuj¹c ekspozycje muzealne, kuratorzy nie powinni od¿egnywaæ siê od teorii sztuki wspó³czesnej, które mog¹ okazaæ siê bardzo pomocne przy tworzeniu nowych relacji i po³¹czeñ pomiêdzy wyra nie odleg³ymi i niepasuj¹cymi do siebie dzie³ami sztuki i obiektami. Podej cie, które burzy tradycyjny chronologiczny czy prosty tematyczny porz¹dek, mo¿e zwiêkszyæ istotno æ zbiorów i obiektów, odkrywaj¹c ukryte warstwy i tworz¹c nowe relacje. Eksponowanie sta³ej kolekcji muzealnej mo¿e byæ traktowane jako sztuka sama w sobie, która wznieca intelektu-

K

Konceptualizacja ekspozycji wa na ich odbiór, niezale¿nie czy s¹ to dzie³a sztuki, dokumenty historyczne, obiekty etnograficzne, okazy przyrodnicze czy produkty industrialne itd. Estetyka miejsca nie mo¿e pozostawaæ odseparowana od wystawianych eksponatów, systemu o wietlenia, ci¹gów komunikacyjnych, wej æ i wszystkich towarzysz¹cych przestrzeni oraz us³ug. Daje to poczucie nowoczesnego spojrzenia na ró¿norodno æ sztuki i muzealiów. Postmodernistyczne po³¹czenie obiektów historycznych ze wspó³czesn¹ lokalizacj¹ sprawia, ¿e ka¿da kolekcja (która nie przynale¿y do otaczaj¹cego kompleksu czy wnêtrza) staje siê bli¿sza wspó³czesnemu odwiedzaj¹cemu, odbiorcy i u¿ytkownikowi . Dyskutowano wiele razy nad spo³eczn¹ i ekonomiczn¹ rol¹ nowych muzeów, które mia³y b¹d bêd¹ mieæ warto ciowy wk³ad w rozwój lokalny i marketing terytorialny (Bilbao, Kanazawara, Metz). Wspó³czesna architektura, jako czê æ sk³adowa wspó³czesnej kultury wizualnej, dysponuje olbrzymimi mo¿liwo ciami na polu rozwoju muzealnictwa i znacz¹co wp³ywa na wizerunek muzeów, i to zarówno w przypadku starych, jak i nowych budynków.

zata graficzna wykorzystywana w rodowisku muzealnym powinna pomagaæ w wyra¿aniu szerszej perspektywy instytucjonalnej,

S

Przygotowanie sceny dla narracji wielu muzeach, których celem jest prezentowanie, edukowanie, podnoszenie pewnych tematów, na wietlanie wydarzeñ, historii osobistych itp., brakuje kilku, czasami kluczowych obiektów czy artefaktów. Jednym z najlepszych sposobów wype³nienia tej luki, pustej przestrzeni w polu dyskursu, jest tworzenie nowej sztuki, wspieraj¹cej i podkre laj¹cej mo¿liwo ci komunikacyjne kolekcji, jej elementów edukacyjnych i/lub muzealnej spójno ci i komplementarno ci. W ten sposób sztuka mo¿e pomóc zbudowaæ obraz, który na innej drodze by³by prawie niemo¿liwy do stworzenia. Christopher R. Marshall podaje przyk³ad Muzeum w Sydney [tam¿e, s. 173], które zajmuje siê materialn¹ histori¹ miasta, jego przedkolonialnymi i kolonialnymi korzeniami. Oczywi cie rekonstrukcja historii nie jest ³atwa, zw³aszcza gdy w kolekcji brakuje dokumentów i obiektów zwi¹zanych z epok¹, któr¹ ma przedstawiaæ. Równocze nie bardzo trudno jest sprawiæ, aby takie wystawy by³y dla odbiorcy atrakcyjne, zrozumia³e, komunikatywne i przemawiaj¹ce wizualnie. U¿ycie nowych technologii mo¿e pomóc, ale nie mo¿e zast¹piæ prawdziwych obiektów. Muzeum w Sydney zaprosi³o dwoje artystów, maj¹cych wykonaæ pracê ci le zwi¹zan¹ z historyczn¹ i etnograficzn¹ czê ci¹ zbiorów muzeum: by³a to instalacja d wiêkowa wykonana przez muzyka oraz artystê d wiêkowca. Sta³a ekspozycja sta³a siê bardzo popularna i zaczê³a byæ postrzegana jako g³ówne narzêdzie edukacyjne w zakresie uczenia o historii miasta i kraju. Muzeum od razu sta³o siê interesuj¹cym partnerem dla sieci instytucji zajmuj¹cych siê sztuk¹ wspó³czesn¹, jak równie¿ poszczególnych artystów i autorów projektów artystycznych. Zastosowanie tej innowacji w ekspozycji sprawi³o, ¿e placówka w krótkim czasie zbli¿y³a siê do uzyskania statusu interesuj¹cej, inspiruj¹cej i edukacyjnej instytucji, co powinno byæ ambicj¹ ka¿dego muzeum.

W

Suplement dla obiektów, których nie ma aln¹ ciekawo æ, uczestniczy w szerszych debatach spo³ecznych i kulturalnych i staje siê zaproszeniem do gier edukacyjnych.


292

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Ukryte przestrzenie muzeum materia³ dla nowej sztuki sprawia, ¿e skraca siê dystans miêdzy instytucjonalnym ch³odem muzeum a publiczno ci¹, a w rezultacie muzeum staje siê miejscem, gdzie mo¿na czuæ siê dobrze.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

podobnie jak ma to miejsce w przypadku funkcji spe³nianej przez rze bê usytuowan¹ w miejscu publicznym. Taka praca mog³aby braæ na swoje barki g³ówn¹ odpowiedzialno æ, planowany wizerunek instytucji pod wzglêdem g³êbszych warto ci kulturalnych i ideologicznych, na których stra¿y pragnie staæ dane muzeum. Nowe sposoby narracji umo¿liwiaj¹ rekonceptualizacjê muzeów sztuki, zakorzenionych w kulturze modernistycznej koñca XIX wieku. Wspó³czesna szata graficzna, która immanentnie odzwierciedla polityczne, spo³eczne i teoretyczne dyskursy swoich czasów, mo¿e staæ siê wzorcem dla ustalenia na nowo miejsca muzeów. Niniejsza strategia czy te¿ mo¿liwo æ jest bardzo wa¿na w dyskusjach dotycz¹cych przysz³o ci niektórych muzeów. Nie nale¿y uznawaæ za niew³a ciwe pytania, czy muzeum powinno zmieniæ swoj¹ rolê, swoje badawcze lub edukacyjne mo¿liwo ci i procedury poprzez wprowadzanie pewnych dziwnych i obcych elementów. Pytanie to nale¿y s³usznie uwa¿aæ za narzêdzie pomocnicze wykorzystywane w celu ustalenia nowego miejsca muzeum w ramach kontekstu instytucjonalnego, public relations i zasiêgu publicznego.

292

Humor

W ksi¹¿ce przestawiono jedynie podstawowe i najbardziej standardowe fakty, dotycz¹ce 111 muzeów i galerii. W ród nich znalaz³y siê tak¿e kosowskie muzea, których zbiory zosta³y wywiezione z Kosowa.

ielu artystów podkre la³o tajemniczo æ magazynów muzealnych, pokazuj¹c elementy dekoracji, przypominaj¹ce zaplecze muzeum. Magazyny powinny staæ siê centrami badañ i refleksji. Udostêpnienie ich do tymczasowego u¿ytku mog³oby w jeszcze inny sposób umo¿liwiæ muzeom otwarcie siê na wiat zewnêtrzny. Co mo¿na znale æ w rodku? Prace, których nie wystawiano od lat, przedmioty, które s¹ niemal¿e zapomniane w oficjalnych historiach i recenzjach, zdjêcia osób, które sta³y siê legendami (temat jako warto æ, nie samo dzie³o), fotografie lub rzeczy zwi¹zane z jakimi historycznymi, zapomnianymi, kontrowersyjnymi wydarzeniami, które pobudzi³y wyobra niê wspó³czesnych artystów i twórców... Magazyn muzealny mo¿e inspirowaæ wszelkiego rodzaju twórców artystów wizualnych, wschodz¹cych i uznanych, projektantów, grafików i artystów industrialnych, dyrektorów teatralnych, scenarzystów, projektantów kostiumów i mody, historyków sztuki, teoretyków sztuki, historyków, wszelkiego rodzaju artystów, dziennikarzy, studentów, dzieci i wielu, wielu innych.

becnie w Serbii istnieje oko³o 100 muzeów [Benderiæ, 2000]4, g³ównie publicznych, wspieranych przez serbski rz¹d, prowincjê Wojwodina, miasta lub w³adze miejskie (tj. za³o¿ycieli), podczas gdy muzeów prywatnych jest niewiele. W latach 90. XX wieku wszystkie przesz³y przez trudny okres ogólnego spo³ecznego ubo¿enia i stagnacji, jak równie¿ przez dramatyczne i frustruj¹ce procesy spo³ecznych i politycznych zmian. Na wszystkich poziomach struktury, instytucje publiczne zosta³y podporz¹dkowane czêsto gwa³townym przeobra¿eniom, które wymaga³y natychmiastowych

H

O

SERBSKIE MUZEA ZAWIESZONA HISTORIA

Serbskie muzea stan sztuki

Serbskie muzea stan sztuki

SERBSKIE MUZEA ZAWIESZONA HISTORIA

O

4

ielu artystów podkre la³o tajemniczo æ magazynów muzealnych, pokazuj¹c elementy dekoracji, przypominaj¹ce zaplecze muzeum. Magazyny powinny staæ siê centrami badañ i refleksji. Udostêpnienie ich do tymczasowego u¿ytku mog³oby w jeszcze inny sposób umo¿liwiæ muzeom otwarcie siê na wiat zewnêtrzny. Co mo¿na znale æ w rodku? Prace, których nie wystawiano od lat, przedmioty, które s¹ niemal¿e zapomniane w oficjalnych historiach i recenzjach, zdjêcia osób, które sta³y siê legendami (temat jako warto æ, nie samo dzie³o), fotografie lub rzeczy zwi¹zane z jakimi historycznymi, zapomnianymi, kontrowersyjnymi wydarzeniami, które pobudzi³y wyobra niê wspó³czesnych artystów i twórców... Magazyn muzealny mo¿e inspirowaæ wszelkiego rodzaju twórców artystów wizualnych, wschodz¹cych i uznanych, projektantów, grafików i artystów industrialnych, dyrektorów teatralnych, scenarzystów, projektantów kostiumów i mody, historyków sztuki, teoretyków sztuki, historyków, wszelkiego rodzaju artystów, dziennikarzy, studentów, dzieci i wielu, wielu innych.

becnie w Serbii istnieje oko³o 100 muzeów [Benderiæ, 2000]4, g³ównie publicznych, wspieranych przez serbski rz¹d, prowincjê Wojwodina, miasta lub w³adze miejskie (tj. za³o¿ycieli), podczas gdy muzeów prywatnych jest niewiele. W latach 90. XX wieku wszystkie przesz³y przez trudny okres ogólnego spo³ecznego ubo¿enia i stagnacji, jak równie¿ przez dramatyczne i frustruj¹ce procesy spo³ecznych i politycznych zmian. Na wszystkich poziomach struktury, instytucje publiczne zosta³y podporz¹dkowane czêsto gwa³townym przeobra¿eniom, które wymaga³y natychmiastowych

umor jako forma komunikacji miêdzy lud mi, wyra¿aj¹ca uczucia szczê cia i przyjemno ci, mo¿e staæ siê skutecznym narzêdziem wykorzystywanym przez muzeum. Staro¿ytni Grecy wykorzystywali humor w medycynie jako lek dla cia³a i duszy, natomiast sztuka wspó³czesna czêsto wykorzystuje go do podobnych celów, czy to ironicznych, satyrycznych czy po prostu dla zabawy. Nie oznacza to, ¿e wcze niejsze epoki nie by³y obeznane z humorem i jego ró¿nymi wizualnymi formami oraz funkcjami, znaczy to jedynie tyle, ¿e dopiero sztuka XX wieku oraz kultura popularna wynios³y humor do poziomu sztuki wysokiej (absurd, karykatura, komizm). Wykorzystywany w niektórych regularnych elementach zwi¹zanych z prac¹ muzeum, takich jak panele tekstowe, znaki wskazuj¹ce kierunek, znaki pomocnicze (umieszczane w toaletach, kawiarniach lub restauracjach, szatniach, sklepach, przy wej ciu/wyj ciu), humor staje siê warto ci¹ dodan¹ do pozornie zwyczajnych elementów wyposa¿enia muzeum. Takie otoczenie

W

umor jako forma komunikacji miêdzy lud mi, wyra¿aj¹ca uczucia szczê cia i przyjemno ci, mo¿e staæ siê skutecznym narzêdziem wykorzystywanym przez muzeum. Staro¿ytni Grecy wykorzystywali humor w medycynie jako lek dla cia³a i duszy, natomiast sztuka wspó³czesna czêsto wykorzystuje go do podobnych celów, czy to ironicznych, satyrycznych czy po prostu dla zabawy. Nie oznacza to, ¿e wcze niejsze epoki nie by³y obeznane z humorem i jego ró¿nymi wizualnymi formami oraz funkcjami, znaczy to jedynie tyle, ¿e dopiero sztuka XX wieku oraz kultura popularna wynios³y humor do poziomu sztuki wysokiej (absurd, karykatura, komizm). Wykorzystywany w niektórych regularnych elementach zwi¹zanych z prac¹ muzeum, takich jak panele tekstowe, znaki wskazuj¹ce kierunek, znaki pomocnicze (umieszczane w toaletach, kawiarniach lub restauracjach, szatniach, sklepach, przy wej ciu/wyj ciu), humor staje siê warto ci¹ dodan¹ do pozornie zwyczajnych elementów wyposa¿enia muzeum. Takie otoczenie

H

Ukryte przestrzenie muzeum materia³ dla nowej sztuki

W ksi¹¿ce przestawiono jedynie podstawowe i najbardziej standardowe fakty, dotycz¹ce 111 muzeów i galerii. W ród nich znalaz³y siê tak¿e kosowskie muzea, których zbiory zosta³y wywiezione z Kosowa.

Humor

sprawia, ¿e skraca siê dystans miêdzy instytucjonalnym ch³odem muzeum a publiczno ci¹, a w rezultacie muzeum staje siê miejscem, gdzie mo¿na czuæ siê dobrze.

4

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

podobnie jak ma to miejsce w przypadku funkcji spe³nianej przez rze bê usytuowan¹ w miejscu publicznym. Taka praca mog³aby braæ na swoje barki g³ówn¹ odpowiedzialno æ, planowany wizerunek instytucji pod wzglêdem g³êbszych warto ci kulturalnych i ideologicznych, na których stra¿y pragnie staæ dane muzeum. Nowe sposoby narracji umo¿liwiaj¹ rekonceptualizacjê muzeów sztuki, zakorzenionych w kulturze modernistycznej koñca XIX wieku. Wspó³czesna szata graficzna, która immanentnie odzwierciedla polityczne, spo³eczne i teoretyczne dyskursy swoich czasów, mo¿e staæ siê wzorcem dla ustalenia na nowo miejsca muzeów. Niniejsza strategia czy te¿ mo¿liwo æ jest bardzo wa¿na w dyskusjach dotycz¹cych przysz³o ci niektórych muzeów. Nie nale¿y uznawaæ za niew³a ciwe pytania, czy muzeum powinno zmieniæ swoj¹ rolê, swoje badawcze lub edukacyjne mo¿liwo ci i procedury poprzez wprowadzanie pewnych dziwnych i obcych elementów. Pytanie to nale¿y s³usznie uwa¿aæ za narzêdzie pomocnicze wykorzystywane w celu ustalenia nowego miejsca muzeum w ramach kontekstu instytucjonalnego, public relations i zasiêgu publicznego.


293

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

zmian, dostosowania strategii oraz nieustannej ochrony zawodowych warto ci etycznych; w nastêpstwie zmian politycznych, które zasz³y w latach 90., system prawny, polityka kulturalna, polityka dotycz¹ca wspó³pracy, pracowników, jak równie¿ cele instytucji kulturalnych (tak¿e muzeów) zmienia³y siê radykalnie. W takiej sytuacji muzea oraz ich pracownicy stanêli w obliczu wielu niebezpieczeñstw; pocz¹wszy od niekompetentnych dyrektorów i innych wa¿nych pracowników, przez brak rodków finansowych na pilne remonty, brak niezbêdnych systemów ochrony zbiorów (systemu alarmowego i obserwacyjnego, systemu kontroli wilgotno ci, suchych i bezpiecznych magazynów itp.), za³amanie wspó³pracy z wszystkimi partnerami zewnêtrznymi (w tym miêdzynarodowymi), ograniczenie rozwoju zawodowego personelu muzealnego, malwersacje dotycz¹ce zbiorów i przestrzeni muzealnej, skoñczywszy na fizycznym zagro¿eniu podczas bombardowañ prowadzonych przez si³y NATO w roku 1999. Serbskie muzea otrzyma³y drug¹ szansê po 2000 roku, kiedy spo³eczeñstwo serbskie wesz³o w nowy etap zmian. Otwarcie kraju na spo³eczno æ miêdzynarodow¹ zosta³o zapocz¹tkowane w obszarze sztuki i kultury. Reforma instytucjonalna sta³a siê mo¿liwa nie tylko dziêki miêdzynarodowym organizacjom i instytucjom, ale tak¿e dziêki lokalnym ekspertom i specjalistom. Je li jednak chodzi o muzea, wydaje siê, ¿e pozosta³y one na uboczu dzia³añ Ministerstwa Kultury i innych instytucji. Jedynie garstka muzeów w Serbii zainicjowa³a wewnêtrzne reformy na poziomie zarz¹dzania, marketingu, systemu finansowania i polityki, dotycz¹cej publiczno ci. Jednak¿e, pomimo kilku pozytywnych przyk³adów, ich starania nie by³y w pe³ni wspierane przez w³adze z powodu braku narodowej polityki kulturalnej i jakiejkolwiek sta³ej polityki na polu ochrony dziedzictwa kulturowego i muzeów. Jednocze nie mo¿na zauwa¿yæ znaczn¹ pasywno æ, rezygnacjê du¿ej grupy pracowników muzealnych oraz twórców polityki kulturalnej z prób rozwi¹zywania powa¿nych problemów w tym obszarze, problemów, w których przypadku konieczne s¹ systematyczne i d³ugoterminowe rozwi¹zania. Innymi s³owy, je li przyjmiemy, ¿e muzeum jest wynalazkiem o wiecenia, który znalaz³ siê w samym sednie spo³ecznego, etycznego i politycznego kszta³towania siê bur¿uazji nowoczesnych pañstw narodowych, jednym z najpotê¿niejszych gatunków wspó³czesnej fikcji i kszta³towania historii [Preziosi, 2004, s. 486], wydaje siê dziwne, ¿e w postso-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

cjalistycznej Serbii w procesie kszta³towania nowej to¿samo ci narodowej (w czasach Miloszewicza i po zmianie re¿imu w 2000 roku) muzeom nie przypisano ¿adnej wa¿nej roli. Wiêkszo æ muzeów przetrwa³a trudne czasy w stanie hibernacji, podczas gdy ich pracownicy czekali na lepsze czasy. Okaza³o siê jednak, ¿e d³ugie lata w takich warunkach zrodzi³y powa¿ne konsekwencje, wyra nie widoczne w procesie definiowania wizji i misji ka¿dej poszczególnej instytucji muzealnej. Przestarza³e postrzeganie funkcji muzeum jest wyra nie widoczne w definicji dzia³alno ci muzealnej podanej w ksi¹¿ce Muzea Serbii, wydanej w 2000 roku przez Instytut Rozwoju Kulturalnego: ¿adna z wymienionych tam instytucji muzealnych w swojej podstawowej dzia³alno ci nie wychodzi poza granice kolekcjonowania, badañ, ochrony i prezentacji dóbr kulturalnych, niektóre publikuj¹, niektóre organizuj¹ wyk³ady, i na tym koñczy siê ich dzia³alno æ. Ani edukacja, czyli jeden z g³ównych wymogów dzisiejszych muzeów, ani interdyscyplinarne badania naukowe, rozrywka (przemys³ twórczy) czy praca spo³eczna nie s¹ w tej publikacji wymieniane. Pracownicy muzealni i eksperci postrzegaj¹ brak funduszy jako g³ówny powód tego, ¿e muzea pozostaj¹ w z³ej kondycji, odwiedza je ma³o go ci, nie pojawiaj¹ siê nowe projekty ani programy edukacyjne, zarz¹dzanie ci¹gle odbywa siê w sposób staro wiecki, nie stosuje siê najnowszych osi¹gniêæ sztuki konserwatorskiej i wystawienniczej. Bazon Brock stwierdza, ¿e bankructwa muzeów s¹ nie tyle konsekwencj¹ gospodarki, ile tego, co kadra muzealnicza robi w kwestii wewnêtrznej to¿samo ci placówki [Brock, 2001, s. 24]. Ponadto taki stan rzeczy wynika równie¿ z podej cia do pozamuzealnego wiata zewnêtrznego, które to podej cie osadzone jest na za³o¿eniu mitu o wszechw³adnej nauce, nadrzêdno ci rasy ludzkiej w stosunku do ca³o ci przyrody, zdeterminowaniu wiedzy [Sola, 2003, s. 44]. Za³o¿enie to jest nieprawdziwe. Czêsto mówi siê w oficjalnych i nieoficjalnych opiniach, ¿e dominuj¹ca w ród serbskich muzealników jest postawa nieanga¿owania siê .

Sztuka wspó³czesna w serbskich muzeach: kilka przyk³adów

P

rzypadków bezpo redniego po³¹czenia sztuki wspó³czesnej i takich serbskich muzeów, których podstawow¹ funkcj¹ muzealn¹ nie jest prezentowanie sztuki ¿ywej, jest niewiele. W rzeczywisto ci by³y tylko dwa znacz¹-

293

zmian, dostosowania strategii oraz nieustannej ochrony zawodowych warto ci etycznych; w nastêpstwie zmian politycznych, które zasz³y w latach 90., system prawny, polityka kulturalna, polityka dotycz¹ca wspó³pracy, pracowników, jak równie¿ cele instytucji kulturalnych (tak¿e muzeów) zmienia³y siê radykalnie. W takiej sytuacji muzea oraz ich pracownicy stanêli w obliczu wielu niebezpieczeñstw; pocz¹wszy od niekompetentnych dyrektorów i innych wa¿nych pracowników, przez brak rodków finansowych na pilne remonty, brak niezbêdnych systemów ochrony zbiorów (systemu alarmowego i obserwacyjnego, systemu kontroli wilgotno ci, suchych i bezpiecznych magazynów itp.), za³amanie wspó³pracy z wszystkimi partnerami zewnêtrznymi (w tym miêdzynarodowymi), ograniczenie rozwoju zawodowego personelu muzealnego, malwersacje dotycz¹ce zbiorów i przestrzeni muzealnej, skoñczywszy na fizycznym zagro¿eniu podczas bombardowañ prowadzonych przez si³y NATO w roku 1999. Serbskie muzea otrzyma³y drug¹ szansê po 2000 roku, kiedy spo³eczeñstwo serbskie wesz³o w nowy etap zmian. Otwarcie kraju na spo³eczno æ miêdzynarodow¹ zosta³o zapocz¹tkowane w obszarze sztuki i kultury. Reforma instytucjonalna sta³a siê mo¿liwa nie tylko dziêki miêdzynarodowym organizacjom i instytucjom, ale tak¿e dziêki lokalnym ekspertom i specjalistom. Je li jednak chodzi o muzea, wydaje siê, ¿e pozosta³y one na uboczu dzia³añ Ministerstwa Kultury i innych instytucji. Jedynie garstka muzeów w Serbii zainicjowa³a wewnêtrzne reformy na poziomie zarz¹dzania, marketingu, systemu finansowania i polityki, dotycz¹cej publiczno ci. Jednak¿e, pomimo kilku pozytywnych przyk³adów, ich starania nie by³y w pe³ni wspierane przez w³adze z powodu braku narodowej polityki kulturalnej i jakiejkolwiek sta³ej polityki na polu ochrony dziedzictwa kulturowego i muzeów. Jednocze nie mo¿na zauwa¿yæ znaczn¹ pasywno æ, rezygnacjê du¿ej grupy pracowników muzealnych oraz twórców polityki kulturalnej z prób rozwi¹zywania powa¿nych problemów w tym obszarze, problemów, w których przypadku konieczne s¹ systematyczne i d³ugoterminowe rozwi¹zania. Innymi s³owy, je li przyjmiemy, ¿e muzeum jest wynalazkiem o wiecenia, który znalaz³ siê w samym sednie spo³ecznego, etycznego i politycznego kszta³towania siê bur¿uazji nowoczesnych pañstw narodowych, jednym z najpotê¿niejszych gatunków wspó³czesnej fikcji i kszta³towania historii [Preziosi, 2004, s. 486], wydaje siê dziwne, ¿e w postso-

rzypadków bezpo redniego po³¹czenia sztuki wspó³czesnej i takich serbskich muzeów, których podstawow¹ funkcj¹ muzealn¹ nie jest prezentowanie sztuki ¿ywej, jest niewiele. W rzeczywisto ci by³y tylko dwa znacz¹-

P

Sztuka wspó³czesna w serbskich muzeach: kilka przyk³adów cjalistycznej Serbii w procesie kszta³towania nowej to¿samo ci narodowej (w czasach Miloszewicza i po zmianie re¿imu w 2000 roku) muzeom nie przypisano ¿adnej wa¿nej roli. Wiêkszo æ muzeów przetrwa³a trudne czasy w stanie hibernacji, podczas gdy ich pracownicy czekali na lepsze czasy. Okaza³o siê jednak, ¿e d³ugie lata w takich warunkach zrodzi³y powa¿ne konsekwencje, wyra nie widoczne w procesie definiowania wizji i misji ka¿dej poszczególnej instytucji muzealnej. Przestarza³e postrzeganie funkcji muzeum jest wyra nie widoczne w definicji dzia³alno ci muzealnej podanej w ksi¹¿ce Muzea Serbii, wydanej w 2000 roku przez Instytut Rozwoju Kulturalnego: ¿adna z wymienionych tam instytucji muzealnych w swojej podstawowej dzia³alno ci nie wychodzi poza granice kolekcjonowania, badañ, ochrony i prezentacji dóbr kulturalnych, niektóre publikuj¹, niektóre organizuj¹ wyk³ady, i na tym koñczy siê ich dzia³alno æ. Ani edukacja, czyli jeden z g³ównych wymogów dzisiejszych muzeów, ani interdyscyplinarne badania naukowe, rozrywka (przemys³ twórczy) czy praca spo³eczna nie s¹ w tej publikacji wymieniane. Pracownicy muzealni i eksperci postrzegaj¹ brak funduszy jako g³ówny powód tego, ¿e muzea pozostaj¹ w z³ej kondycji, odwiedza je ma³o go ci, nie pojawiaj¹ siê nowe projekty ani programy edukacyjne, zarz¹dzanie ci¹gle odbywa siê w sposób staro wiecki, nie stosuje siê najnowszych osi¹gniêæ sztuki konserwatorskiej i wystawienniczej. Bazon Brock stwierdza, ¿e bankructwa muzeów s¹ nie tyle konsekwencj¹ gospodarki, ile tego, co kadra muzealnicza robi w kwestii wewnêtrznej to¿samo ci placówki [Brock, 2001, s. 24]. Ponadto taki stan rzeczy wynika równie¿ z podej cia do pozamuzealnego wiata zewnêtrznego, które to podej cie osadzone jest na za³o¿eniu mitu o wszechw³adnej nauce, nadrzêdno ci rasy ludzkiej w stosunku do ca³o ci przyrody, zdeterminowaniu wiedzy [Sola, 2003, s. 44]. Za³o¿enie to jest nieprawdziwe. Czêsto mówi siê w oficjalnych i nieoficjalnych opiniach, ¿e dominuj¹ca w ród serbskich muzealników jest postawa nieanga¿owania siê .


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

ce przypadki wystaw zainicjowanych i zrealizowanych przez muzealnych kuratorów. Ich charakter i sukces, osi¹gniêty zarówno w ród publiczno ci, jak i rodowiska profesjonalnego, zainspirowa³ mnie do podjêcia rozwa¿añ nad potencja³em wystaw sztuki wspó³czesnej jako elementu mog¹cego przyczyniæ siê do zreformowania serbskich muzeów. Dwie wspomniane placówki to Muzeum Narodowe i Muzeum Sztuki Afrykañskiej tylko one zdecydowa³y siê na eksperymentowanie zarówno z doborem artystów, jak i kuratorów, wyros³ych ze sztuki wspó³czesnej i wizualnej. Osi¹gniête przez te muzea wyniki s¹ na tyle pozytywne, aby mog³y stanowiæ przyk³ad do na ladowania przez inne placówki. Wystawa Do wiadczenia wspomnieñ, bêd¹ca efektem rocznej pracy dwóch kuratorów Muzeum Narodowego, by³a inspiruj¹cym procesem kreacji, otwieraj¹cym podwoje tej instytucji dla wszystkich, którzy ze wzglêdu na charakter swojej pracy zawodowej pozostawali poza gronem odwiedzaj¹cych muzea. Wystawy w Muzeum Sztuki Afrykañskiej doprowadzi³y do zmiany miejsca tego muzeum na kulturalnej mapie Belgradu, otwieraj¹c nowe mo¿liwo ci dla inicjatyw i w³a ciwego instytucjonalnego rozwoju i zmiany. Wszystkie te cechy tworz¹ zestaw strategii rozwoju instytucjonalnego (strategii programowania, strategii jako ciowych, strategii ³¹czenia, strategii anga¿owania publiczno ci), które mog¹ byæ szczegó³owo opracowywane w celu stworzenia efektywnej strategii reformy muzealnej.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

JAK OTWORZYÆ SERBSKIE MUZEA?

294

Rozwi¹zania zwi¹zane z zarz¹dzaniem

W raporcie koñcowym z tego sympozjum znalaz³a siê rekomendacja Ministra Kultury, dotycz¹ca stworzenia centrum dla miêdzymuzealnej komunikacji, maj¹cej byæ silniejszym po³¹czeniem pomiêdzy ministerstwem a muzeami, jak te¿ pomiêdzy samymi muzeami. Ma ona mieæ na celu u³atwienie tworzenia bazy danych i, dziêki temu, u³atwienie przep³ywu informacji, dotycz¹cych wszystkich wa¿nych zagadnieñ, odnosz¹cych siê do obszaru muzealnictwa (www.ncd.matf.bg.ac.yu/yuicoin). Dotychczas takiego centrum jeszcze nie utworzono.

A

6

waæ priorytety polityki kulturalnej i okre liæ, jak¹ rolê maj¹ w niej odgrywaæ muzea, ustaliæ kana³y interaktywnej wspó³pracy z w³adzami, stworzyæ strategiczne plany rozwoju muzeów, zidentyfikowaæ obecnych i potencjalnych odbiorców, stworzyæ kampaniê marketingow¹, wprowadziæ innowacyjno æ do praktyk muzealnych, stosowaæ alternatywne ród³a finansowania. Te oraz inne zadania5 powinny byæ realizowane na czterech poziomach: G poszczególnych placówek, G sieci serbskich muzeów (czego w rodzaju zrzeszenia muzeów6, które reprezentowa³oby spo³eczno æ muzeów wobec Ministerstwa Kultury, w³adz regionalnych i lokalnych, miêdzynarodowych muzeów i organizacji) oraz jugos³owiañskiej komisji ICOM, G instytucji zajmuj¹cych siê kszta³ceniem muzealników (historia sztuki i archeologia na Wydziale Humanistycznym w Belgradzie, Wydzia³ Sztuk Stosowanych, Wydzia³ Sztuk Dramatycznych, Grupa do spraw Zarz¹dzania w Kulturze i Polityce Kulturalnej na Uniwersytecie Sztuki w Belgradzie, Centrum Konserwatorskie Diana ), G Ministerstwa Kultury Serbii i w³adz ró¿nych stopni. Na poziomach tych szczególn¹ uwagê powinno siê zwróciæ na strategiczne aktywno ci ca³ego sektora w pierwszej fazie reform. Bêdzie to: G wspó³praca pomiêdzy centrami edukacji i pracownikami muzeów, G edukacja kuratorów, mened¿erów, konserwatorów, ekspertów od marketingu i PR, projektantów, architektów, ochotników, praktykantów szeroki zasiêg mo¿e stanowiæ o sile i odpowiedzialno ci za reformê muzealnictwa, G nowe typy programów spotkania, wyk³ady, prezentacje, partnerstwo interdyscyplinarne z innymi dziedzinami sztuki i nauki: tworzenie wydarzeñ a nie tylko wystaw, G tworzenie centrów badawczych i edukacyjnych dla ró¿nych grup docelowych poczynaj¹c od przedszkolaków, na ludziach starszych koñcz¹c; dla pedagogów, ludzi zajmuj¹cych siê turystyk¹ i biznesmenów,

Muzeum Narodowe w Krusevacu i jugos³owiañska komisja ICOM zorganizowa³y w pa dzierniku 2000 roku sympozjum muzealników zatytu³owane Dok¹d dalej? Wnioski z sympozjum jasno okre laj¹ podstawowe zadania, jakie powinny byæ wykonane (wiêcej na: www.ncd.matf.bg.ac.vu/yuicom).

nalizy i krytyki obszaru serbskiego muzealnictwa nie mo¿na rozpocz¹æ inaczej, jak od domagania siê podjêcia podstawowych kroków, co wynika z faktu, ¿e spora liczba zasadniczych systemowych kwestii pozostaje nierozwi¹zana. Nale¿a³oby przede wszystkim: uregulowaæ prawnie obszar muzealnictwa, zdefinio-

5

5

nalizy i krytyki obszaru serbskiego muzealnictwa nie mo¿na rozpocz¹æ inaczej, jak od domagania siê podjêcia podstawowych kroków, co wynika z faktu, ¿e spora liczba zasadniczych systemowych kwestii pozostaje nierozwi¹zana. Nale¿a³oby przede wszystkim: uregulowaæ prawnie obszar muzealnictwa, zdefinio-

Muzeum Narodowe w Krusevacu i jugos³owiañska komisja ICOM zorganizowa³y w pa dzierniku 2000 roku sympozjum muzealników zatytu³owane Dok¹d dalej? Wnioski z sympozjum jasno okre laj¹ podstawowe zadania, jakie powinny byæ wykonane (wiêcej na: www.ncd.matf.bg.ac.vu/yuicom).

A

6

Rozwi¹zania zwi¹zane z zarz¹dzaniem

W raporcie koñcowym z tego sympozjum znalaz³a siê rekomendacja Ministra Kultury, dotycz¹ca stworzenia centrum dla miêdzymuzealnej komunikacji, maj¹cej byæ silniejszym po³¹czeniem pomiêdzy ministerstwem a muzeami, jak te¿ pomiêdzy samymi muzeami. Ma ona mieæ na celu u³atwienie tworzenia bazy danych i, dziêki temu, u³atwienie przep³ywu informacji, dotycz¹cych wszystkich wa¿nych zagadnieñ, odnosz¹cych siê do obszaru muzealnictwa (www.ncd.matf.bg.ac.yu/yuicoin). Dotychczas takiego centrum jeszcze nie utworzono.

JAK OTWORZYÆ SERBSKIE MUZEA?

waæ priorytety polityki kulturalnej i okre liæ, jak¹ rolê maj¹ w niej odgrywaæ muzea, ustaliæ kana³y interaktywnej wspó³pracy z w³adzami, stworzyæ strategiczne plany rozwoju muzeów, zidentyfikowaæ obecnych i potencjalnych odbiorców, stworzyæ kampaniê marketingow¹, wprowadziæ innowacyjno æ do praktyk muzealnych, stosowaæ alternatywne ród³a finansowania. Te oraz inne zadania5 powinny byæ realizowane na czterech poziomach: G poszczególnych placówek, G sieci serbskich muzeów (czego w rodzaju zrzeszenia muzeów6, które reprezentowa³oby spo³eczno æ muzeów wobec Ministerstwa Kultury, w³adz regionalnych i lokalnych, miêdzynarodowych muzeów i organizacji) oraz jugos³owiañskiej komisji ICOM, G instytucji zajmuj¹cych siê kszta³ceniem muzealników (historia sztuki i archeologia na Wydziale Humanistycznym w Belgradzie, Wydzia³ Sztuk Stosowanych, Wydzia³ Sztuk Dramatycznych, Grupa do spraw Zarz¹dzania w Kulturze i Polityce Kulturalnej na Uniwersytecie Sztuki w Belgradzie, Centrum Konserwatorskie Diana ), G Ministerstwa Kultury Serbii i w³adz ró¿nych stopni. Na poziomach tych szczególn¹ uwagê powinno siê zwróciæ na strategiczne aktywno ci ca³ego sektora w pierwszej fazie reform. Bêdzie to: G wspó³praca pomiêdzy centrami edukacji i pracownikami muzeów, G edukacja kuratorów, mened¿erów, konserwatorów, ekspertów od marketingu i PR, projektantów, architektów, ochotników, praktykantów szeroki zasiêg mo¿e stanowiæ o sile i odpowiedzialno ci za reformê muzealnictwa, G nowe typy programów spotkania, wyk³ady, prezentacje, partnerstwo interdyscyplinarne z innymi dziedzinami sztuki i nauki: tworzenie wydarzeñ a nie tylko wystaw, G tworzenie centrów badawczych i edukacyjnych dla ró¿nych grup docelowych poczynaj¹c od przedszkolaków, na ludziach starszych koñcz¹c; dla pedagogów, ludzi zajmuj¹cych siê turystyk¹ i biznesmenów,

294

ce przypadki wystaw zainicjowanych i zrealizowanych przez muzealnych kuratorów. Ich charakter i sukces, osi¹gniêty zarówno w ród publiczno ci, jak i rodowiska profesjonalnego, zainspirowa³ mnie do podjêcia rozwa¿añ nad potencja³em wystaw sztuki wspó³czesnej jako elementu mog¹cego przyczyniæ siê do zreformowania serbskich muzeów. Dwie wspomniane placówki to Muzeum Narodowe i Muzeum Sztuki Afrykañskiej tylko one zdecydowa³y siê na eksperymentowanie zarówno z doborem artystów, jak i kuratorów, wyros³ych ze sztuki wspó³czesnej i wizualnej. Osi¹gniête przez te muzea wyniki s¹ na tyle pozytywne, aby mog³y stanowiæ przyk³ad do na ladowania przez inne placówki. Wystawa Do wiadczenia wspomnieñ, bêd¹ca efektem rocznej pracy dwóch kuratorów Muzeum Narodowego, by³a inspiruj¹cym procesem kreacji, otwieraj¹cym podwoje tej instytucji dla wszystkich, którzy ze wzglêdu na charakter swojej pracy zawodowej pozostawali poza gronem odwiedzaj¹cych muzea. Wystawy w Muzeum Sztuki Afrykañskiej doprowadzi³y do zmiany miejsca tego muzeum na kulturalnej mapie Belgradu, otwieraj¹c nowe mo¿liwo ci dla inicjatyw i w³a ciwego instytucjonalnego rozwoju i zmiany. Wszystkie te cechy tworz¹ zestaw strategii rozwoju instytucjonalnego (strategii programowania, strategii jako ciowych, strategii ³¹czenia, strategii anga¿owania publiczno ci), które mog¹ byæ szczegó³owo opracowywane w celu stworzenia efektywnej strategii reformy muzealnej.


295

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Tabela 1. ANALIZA SWOT SWOT

MUZEA

PROJEKTY SZTUKI WSPÓ£CZESNEJ

Mocne strony

stabilno æ instytucjonalna

otwarto æ i mobilno æ; brak hierarchiczno ci

potwierdzone warto ci

elastyczne relacje zespo³owe

ochrona publiczna

regu³y dostosowywane do potrzeb danego projektu

bogactwo zbiorów

niezale¿no æ od polityki publicznej

wyj¹tkowa pozycja w rodowisku miejskim

nowoczesny design

artystyczne i kulturalne znaczenie budynku muzealnego

umiejêtno ci i do wiadczenia zwi¹zane z zarz¹dzaniem projektami

wiedza fachowa, do wiadczenia muzealne, badanie jako ci

umiejêtno ci i do wiadczenia zwi¹zane z gromadzeniem funduszy

brak zawodowych mened¿erów i koordynatorów projektów brak funduszy na odnawianie i wyposa¿anie nowych budynków koszty utrzymywania zbiorów brak mobilno ci zatrudnionych pracowników powolno æ zmian systemowych Zagro¿enia

ograniczenia prawne

nieuregulowany obszar praw autorskich wci¹¿ niejasna sytuacja twórczo ci wspó³czesnej s³abo rozwiniêty lokalny rynek sztuki niewyja niony status artysty niezale¿nego (freelance) w Serbii lu ne powi¹zania z instytucj¹

rozwój turystyki kulturalnej

narzêdzia do komunikacji poparcie dla eksperymentów interdyscyplinarnych zainteresowanie nowymi technologiami nawi¹zywanie miêdzynarodowych kontaktów i uznanie znajomo ci rynków sztuki/ zasad sponsoringu zespo³y na potrzeby poszczególnych projektów

Szanse S³abe strony

hierarchia

mo¿liwo æ ró¿norodnych form partnerstwa

wspó³praca z sektorem organizacji pozarz¹dowych

ró¿norodno æ róde³ finansowania twórczo ci wspó³czesnej

program dla wolontariuszy i sta¿ystów

mobilno æ personelu

wspó³praca ze szko³ami, lokalnymi firmami, lokalnymi w³adzami

mo¿liwo ci szybkich zmian

publiczne i inne projekty edukacyjne potencjalny udzia³ w projektach miêdzynarodowych

elastyczno æ formalna

przejêta w spadku administracja i nieprofesjonalni pracownicy

dyrektor wybierany przez za³o¿ycieli (w³adze publiczne)

dzia³alno æ oparta na projektach/ tymczasowa dzia³alno æ zmiany w trendach sztuki

regu³y i ograniczenia proceduralne

zmienna stabilno æ

zale¿no æ od woli politycznej/polityki publicznej

poszukiwanie przestrzeni na ekspozycjê

przestarza³a/konserwatywna to¿samo æ wizualna

nietrwa³e ród³a finansowania

brak budynków (lub odpowiednich budynków) brak miêdzynarodowych kontaktów, stosunków, projektów s³abo rozwiniête systemy informatyczne

brak pracowników zajmuj¹cych siê marketingiem, PR, gromadzeniem funduszy

niechêæ do interdyscyplinarno ci brak pracowników zajmuj¹cych siê marketingiem, PR, gromadzeniem funduszy

niechêæ do interdyscyplinarno ci s³abo rozwiniête systemy informatyczne brak miêdzynarodowych kontaktów, stosunków, projektów brak budynków (lub odpowiednich budynków) przejêta w spadku administracja i nieprofesjonalni pracownicy

S³abe strony

nietrwa³e ród³a finansowania

przestarza³a/konserwatywna to¿samo æ wizualna

poszukiwanie przestrzeni na ekspozycjê

zale¿no æ od woli politycznej/polityki publicznej

zmienna stabilno æ

regu³y i ograniczenia proceduralne

zmiany w trendach sztuki

dyrektor wybierany przez za³o¿ycieli (w³adze publiczne) hierarchia

Szanse

potencjalny udzia³ w projektach miêdzynarodowych

elastyczno æ formalna

publiczne i inne projekty edukacyjne

mo¿liwo ci szybkich zmian

wspó³praca ze szko³ami, lokalnymi firmami, lokalnymi w³adzami

mobilno æ personelu

program dla wolontariuszy i sta¿ystów

ró¿norodno æ róde³ finansowania twórczo ci wspó³czesnej

wspó³praca z sektorem organizacji pozarz¹dowych

mo¿liwo æ ró¿norodnych form partnerstwa

dzia³alno æ oparta na projektach/ tymczasowa dzia³alno æ zespo³y na potrzeby poszczególnych projektów znajomo ci rynków sztuki/ zasad sponsoringu nawi¹zywanie miêdzynarodowych kontaktów i uznanie zainteresowanie nowymi technologiami poparcie dla eksperymentów interdyscyplinarnych narzêdzia do komunikacji

rozwój turystyki kulturalnej Zagro¿enia

ograniczenia prawne

lu ne powi¹zania z instytucj¹

powolno æ zmian systemowych

niewyja niony status artysty niezale¿nego (freelance) w Serbii

brak mobilno ci zatrudnionych pracowników koszty utrzymywania zbiorów brak funduszy na odnawianie i wyposa¿anie nowych budynków brak zawodowych mened¿erów i koordynatorów projektów

s³abo rozwiniêty lokalny rynek sztuki wci¹¿ niejasna sytuacja twórczo ci wspó³czesnej nieuregulowany obszar praw autorskich

umiejêtno ci i do wiadczenia zwi¹zane z gromadzeniem funduszy

wiedza fachowa, do wiadczenia muzealne, badanie jako ci

umiejêtno ci i do wiadczenia zwi¹zane z zarz¹dzaniem projektami

artystyczne i kulturalne znaczenie budynku muzealnego

nowoczesny design

wyj¹tkowa pozycja w rodowisku miejskim

niezale¿no æ od polityki publicznej

bogactwo zbiorów

regu³y dostosowywane do potrzeb danego projektu

ochrona publiczna

elastyczne relacje zespo³owe

potwierdzone warto ci stabilno æ instytucjonalna

Mocne strony

MUZEA

SWOT

Tabela 1. ANALIZA SWOT Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

295

otwarto æ i mobilno æ; brak hierarchiczno ci PROJEKTY SZTUKI WSPÓ£CZESNEJ


G G G

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

G

296

Je li rozwa¿amy dzia³alno æ podejmowan¹ przez muzea jako czê æ strategii rozwojowej, jako miejsce syntezy, je li zgodzimy siê, ¿e zadania muzeów nie s¹ czysto naukowe, ale ¿e maj¹ siê one wi¹zaæ z dostarczaniem korzy ci spo³ecznych popartych badaniem naukowym, wtedy staje siê jasne, ¿e dzisiaj w Serbii powi-

G

Jednocze nie nale¿y zaj¹æ siê kilkoma sferami zmian , które nie wymagaj¹ zbyt du¿ych inwestycji, jedynie innego, bardziej odpowiedzialnego podej cia do misji muzeum: wewnêtrznej kampanii, obejmuj¹cej nastêpuj¹ce elementy: G motywowanie pracowników muzealnych do pracy zespo³owej w celu wypracowania reprezentatywnego i atrakcyjnego muzeum, które stanie siê miejscem ró¿nym od wszystkim innych miejsc zwi¹zanych z kultur¹, edukacj¹ i rozrywk¹, G ustalenie kryteriów kontroli jako ci we wszystkich segmentach muzeum, G komunikatywna sta³a kolekcja opatrzona zrozumia³ymi, bogatymi w informacje oraz przejrzystymi tekstami, G ulotki na temat wszystkich wystaw, zarówno w jêzyku serbskim, jak i w jêzykach obcych, G dostosowanie godzin pracy do poszczególnych okresów roku i kalendarza kulturalnego w mie cie i regionie, G inne przejawy i wa¿ne wydarzenia, które mog¹ zwiêkszyæ zauwa¿alno æ programów muzeum, G wej cie do muzeum przystosowane dla potrzeb ludzi niepe³nosprawnych, wózków, starszych ludzi, G programy dla dzieci, klubów studenckich animacja ró¿nych grup docelowych, G rozwój programu dla wolontariuszy, G wspó³praca z lokalnymi i innymi centrami w zakresie sta³ej oferty edukacyjnej, G wspó³praca z jednostkami z innych obszarów sztuki, wystêpy teatralne i taneczne w muzeum, koncerty muzyczne w szczególnych wnêtrzach muzealnych itp.

odpowiednie kierownictwo bêd¹ce jednym z podstawowych warunków wstêpnych do osi¹gniêcia udanego rozwoju organizacyjnego i transformacji. Jest to kwestia kluczowa podobnie, jak we wszystkich innych instytucjach wymagaj¹cych radykalnych zmian, budowanie mo¿liwo ci, co odnosi siê do zdolno ci organizacji do przeprowadzania zmian zgodnych z misj¹ i wizj¹, celami i priorytetami [Dragiæeviæ e iæ, Dragojeviæ, 2005, s. 50], partnerstwo na przysz³o æ lokalne, regionalne, na poziomie krajowym i miêdzynarodowym, nowe technologie i digitalizacja, strategie marketingowe, public relations, nowy totalny design (to¿samo æ wizualna), ramy prawne, turystyka kulturalna.

G

G

G

G

G

Powy¿sze strategie koncentruj¹ siê tak¿e na skutecznym zast¹pieniu niekwestionowanych praw instytucji publicznej odpowiedzialno ci¹. To podej cie jest typowe dla wiêkszo ci instytucji administracyjnych w spo³eczeñstwach postsocjalistycznych; przekonanie o tym, ¿e pañstwo bêdzie w dalszym ci¹gu wpieraæ ich bezowocn¹ egzystencjê niezale¿nie od efektów i wydajno ci; gospodarka rynkowa jest ignorowana i uwa¿ana za równoleg³¹ rzeczywisto æ, niemaj¹c¹ wp³ywu na publiczne , innymi s³owy wieczne i niezmienne instytucje. Logika projektów wydaje siê dobr¹ metodologi¹ przej ciow¹ i przynios³a pozytywne rezultaty w przypadku muzeów francuskich [Joly, 2005, s. 88]. Projekt kulturalny to narzêdzie polityki kulturalnej s³u¿¹cej do planowania i programowania, które zaowocowa³o wiêksz¹ efektywno ci¹ i dynamik¹ instytucji kulturalnych (najpierw centrów kulturalnych, a potem muzeów). Powinien on dopasowaæ siê do nowej logiki projektów wprowadzanej powoli w serbskich instytucjach kulturalnych. Praca nad projektem kulturalnym daje muzeum sens, jako ¿e jest oparta na wizji muzeum jako instrumentu polityki kulturalnej, a nawet spo³ecznej [tam¿e, s. 90]. Zaproponowany model wprowadzania projektów sztuki wspó³czesnej jako narzêdzia rozwoju organizacyjnego muzeum w zgodzie ze zmianami spo³eczno-kulturalnymi zwi¹zanymi z postsocjalistycznym okresem przej ciowym móg³by byæ odpowiednim rodkiem dla wielu serbskich muzeów. Za takim w³a nie rozwi¹zaniem przemawiaj¹ do wiadczenia pañstw europejskich i kilka lokalnych przypadków. Analiza SWOT (S mocne strony, W s³abe strony, O szanse, T zagro¿enia) takiego po³¹czenia pokazuje wielkie mo¿liwo ci osi¹gniêcia pozytywnych rezultatów. Analizuj¹c mocne i s³abe strony serbskich muzeów oraz ogólnego konceptu projektu w sztuce wspó³czesnej, zauwa¿amy, ¿e mog¹ byæ one kompatybilne na wielu p³aszczyznach. S³abo ci i zagro¿enia jednego z nich mog¹ byæ zneutralizowane lub zmniejszone przez drugie. To po³¹czenie mo¿e wzmocniæ strukturê muzeum w zakresie promocji, zasiêgu publiczno ci oraz ogólnego wzmocnienia organizacyjnego.

G

Je li rozwa¿amy dzia³alno æ podejmowan¹ przez muzea jako czê æ strategii rozwojowej, jako miejsce syntezy, je li zgodzimy siê, ¿e zadania muzeów nie s¹ czysto naukowe, ale ¿e maj¹ siê one wi¹zaæ z dostarczaniem korzy ci spo³ecznych popartych badaniem naukowym, wtedy staje siê jasne, ¿e dzisiaj w Serbii powi-

G

Powy¿sze strategie koncentruj¹ siê tak¿e na skutecznym zast¹pieniu niekwestionowanych praw instytucji publicznej odpowiedzialno ci¹. To podej cie jest typowe dla wiêkszo ci instytucji administracyjnych w spo³eczeñstwach postsocjalistycznych; przekonanie o tym, ¿e pañstwo bêdzie w dalszym ci¹gu wpieraæ ich bezowocn¹ egzystencjê niezale¿nie od efektów i wydajno ci; gospodarka rynkowa jest ignorowana i uwa¿ana za równoleg³¹ rzeczywisto æ, niemaj¹c¹ wp³ywu na publiczne , innymi s³owy wieczne i niezmienne instytucje. Logika projektów wydaje siê dobr¹ metodologi¹ przej ciow¹ i przynios³a pozytywne rezultaty w przypadku muzeów francuskich [Joly, 2005, s. 88]. Projekt kulturalny to narzêdzie polityki kulturalnej s³u¿¹cej do planowania i programowania, które zaowocowa³o wiêksz¹ efektywno ci¹ i dynamik¹ instytucji kulturalnych (najpierw centrów kulturalnych, a potem muzeów). Powinien on dopasowaæ siê do nowej logiki projektów wprowadzanej powoli w serbskich instytucjach kulturalnych. Praca nad projektem kulturalnym daje muzeum sens, jako ¿e jest oparta na wizji muzeum jako instrumentu polityki kulturalnej, a nawet spo³ecznej [tam¿e, s. 90]. Zaproponowany model wprowadzania projektów sztuki wspó³czesnej jako narzêdzia rozwoju organizacyjnego muzeum w zgodzie ze zmianami spo³eczno-kulturalnymi zwi¹zanymi z postsocjalistycznym okresem przej ciowym móg³by byæ odpowiednim rodkiem dla wielu serbskich muzeów. Za takim w³a nie rozwi¹zaniem przemawiaj¹ do wiadczenia pañstw europejskich i kilka lokalnych przypadków. Analiza SWOT (S mocne strony, W s³abe strony, O szanse, T zagro¿enia) takiego po³¹czenia pokazuje wielkie mo¿liwo ci osi¹gniêcia pozytywnych rezultatów. Analizuj¹c mocne i s³abe strony serbskich muzeów oraz ogólnego konceptu projektu w sztuce wspó³czesnej, zauwa¿amy, ¿e mog¹ byæ one kompatybilne na wielu p³aszczyznach. S³abo ci i zagro¿enia jednego z nich mog¹ byæ zneutralizowane lub zmniejszone przez drugie. To po³¹czenie mo¿e wzmocniæ strukturê muzeum w zakresie promocji, zasiêgu publiczno ci oraz ogólnego wzmocnienia organizacyjnego.

Jednocze nie nale¿y zaj¹æ siê kilkoma sferami zmian , które nie wymagaj¹ zbyt du¿ych inwestycji, jedynie innego, bardziej odpowiedzialnego podej cia do misji muzeum: wewnêtrznej kampanii, obejmuj¹cej nastêpuj¹ce elementy: G motywowanie pracowników muzealnych do pracy zespo³owej w celu wypracowania reprezentatywnego i atrakcyjnego muzeum, które stanie siê miejscem ró¿nym od wszystkim innych miejsc zwi¹zanych z kultur¹, edukacj¹ i rozrywk¹, G ustalenie kryteriów kontroli jako ci we wszystkich segmentach muzeum, G komunikatywna sta³a kolekcja opatrzona zrozumia³ymi, bogatymi w informacje oraz przejrzystymi tekstami, G ulotki na temat wszystkich wystaw, zarówno w jêzyku serbskim, jak i w jêzykach obcych, G dostosowanie godzin pracy do poszczególnych okresów roku i kalendarza kulturalnego w mie cie i regionie, G inne przejawy i wa¿ne wydarzenia, które mog¹ zwiêkszyæ zauwa¿alno æ programów muzeum, G wej cie do muzeum przystosowane dla potrzeb ludzi niepe³nosprawnych, wózków, starszych ludzi, G programy dla dzieci, klubów studenckich animacja ró¿nych grup docelowych, G rozwój programu dla wolontariuszy, G wspó³praca z lokalnymi i innymi centrami w zakresie sta³ej oferty edukacyjnej, G wspó³praca z jednostkami z innych obszarów sztuki, wystêpy teatralne i taneczne w muzeum, koncerty muzyczne w szczególnych wnêtrzach muzealnych itp.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1) G

odpowiednie kierownictwo bêd¹ce jednym z podstawowych warunków wstêpnych do osi¹gniêcia udanego rozwoju organizacyjnego i transformacji. Jest to kwestia kluczowa podobnie, jak we wszystkich innych instytucjach wymagaj¹cych radykalnych zmian, budowanie mo¿liwo ci, co odnosi siê do zdolno ci organizacji do przeprowadzania zmian zgodnych z misj¹ i wizj¹, celami i priorytetami [Dragiæeviæ e iæ, Dragojeviæ, 2005, s. 50], partnerstwo na przysz³o æ lokalne, regionalne, na poziomie krajowym i miêdzynarodowym, nowe technologie i digitalizacja, strategie marketingowe, public relations, nowy totalny design (to¿samo æ wizualna), ramy prawne, turystyka kulturalna.

296

G


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

nien powstaæ po³¹czony front, maj¹cy na celu g³o ne powiedzenie, ¿e to ostatnia chwila na zmianê i zreformowanie muzeów w Serbii. W innym wypadku muzea bêd¹ nadal podupadaæ, a muzealne profesje (jeszcze jeden s³aby punkt w systemie muzealnictwa) bêd¹ traciæ znaczenie, a¿ w koñcu zanikn¹. Ministerstwo Kultury powinno, stymulowane przez i we wspó³pracy z muzealnikami i lokalnymi w³adzami, stworzyæ d³ugoterminowy plan rozwi¹zania podstawowych problemów serbskich muzeów. Posiadanie narodowej strategii mo¿erównie¿ dopomóc w pozyskiwaniu zagranicznych ekspertyz, stypendiów, donacji i w tworzeniu strategicznego partnerstwa.

WNIOSKI

O

bserwacja krajobrazu muzealnego w Europie mo¿e dostarczyæ wzorców innowacyjnych praktyk i metodologii zaczerpniêtych ze wiata sztuki wspó³czesnej. Pomimo ¿e praktyki te nie by³y dotychczas przedmiotem czêstych badañ, to jednak s¹ one tak g³êboko zakorzenione w praktyce muzealnej, ¿e mo¿na nieomal przeoczyæ ich pionierski charakter. Przyk³adami muzeów, odnosz¹cych w tej materii najwiêksze sukcesy, s¹ o dziwo placówki z najwy¿szej pó³ki, narodowe instytucje, które sta³y siê symbolami narodowej kultury i historii kultury. Muzea takie jak Louvre, British Museum, Musée d Orsay czy MAK w Wiedniu sta³y siê wzorcami dobrze zorganizowanego, popartego badaniami i teori¹ muzealnictwa, z wysokim poziomem programów edukacyjnych i d³ugoterminowymi strategiami. S¹ one wyró¿niaj¹cymi siê skarbami wiatowego dziedzictwa i wokó³ takiego wizerunku buduj¹ sw¹ to¿samo æ jako znane na skalê wiatow¹ atrakcje turystyczne. Nie wykorzystuj¹ one jednak swego olbrzymiego potencja³u jedynie do gromadzenia artefaktów i budowania kolekcji. Instytucje te i pracuj¹cy w nich eksperci staraj¹ siê ten potencja³ inwestowaæ w przysz³o æ i na przysz³o æ. Otwarto æ i zorientowanie na to, co dzieje siê w kulturze dzisiaj, wzbogaci³o te muzea o wiele nowych cech mog¹cych przys³u¿yæ siê lepszemu ich funkcjonowaniu. Wej cie i obecno æ sztuki wspó³czesnej w muzeach, w których gromadzenie takiej sztuki nie jest podstawowym celem, jest logiczn¹ konsekwencj¹ ogólnych trendów w kulturze, integruj¹cych wszystkich graczy w obrêbie dzia³alno ci kulturalnej pragn¹cych przetrwaæ jako znacz¹ce jednostki. Forma obecno ci wprowadzanie wspó³czesnych dzie³ sztuki, technik,

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

jêzyków i teorii dyskursu mo¿e byæ uznane za formê projektu. Zmiany zaczêto wprowadzaæ po zidentyfikowaniu problemu, a problemem tym by³o: jak od wie¿yæ ekspozycje, przestrzenie i narracje muzealne. Strategia zmiany wykorzystywa³a narzêdzia (strategie) zaczerpniête ze sztuki wspó³czesnej i mog¹ce stanowiæ rozwi¹zanie problemu i osi¹gniêcie celu, jakim by³o stworzenie ekscytuj¹cej wystawy sztuki historycznej w ¿ywym kontek cie (refleksyjnym i fizycznym). Potencja³ zwi¹zany z mo¿liwo ciami sztuki wspó³czesnej co do zmiany rodowiska muzealnego móg³by byæ równie¿ wykorzystany w kompleksowym reformowaniu serbskich muzeów. Kilka przyk³adów pozytywnego wp³ywu projektów zwi¹zanych ze sztuk¹ wspó³czesn¹ w muzeach stanowi³o podstawê dla analizowania mo¿liwych rezultatów w kontek cie rozwoju instytucjonalnego i zarz¹dzania strategicznego. W kontek cie przechodz¹cego transformacjê spo³eczeñstwa i w obliczu konsekwencji d³ugotrwa³ego ubo¿enia serbskich muzeów, instytucje te staj¹ przed nagl¹c¹ konieczno ci¹ rozpoczêcia reform organizacyjnych i pod¹¿ania za europejskimi trendami i standardami. Ta konieczna zmiana, polegaj¹ca na przechodzeniu od logiki instytucjonalnej do logiki opartej na projektach, bêdzie postêpowa³a stopniowo i zgodnie z zasadami i strategiami proponowanymi w teoriach zarz¹dzania strategicznego. Projekty zwi¹zane ze sztuk¹ wspó³czesn¹ mog¹ stanowiæ jeden z modeli takiego przechodzenia i s³u¿yæ jako instrument, który pomo¿e unaoczniæ wa¿ne podstawy w zakresie zarz¹dzania i marketingu muzeów w Serbii, jak równie¿ nowe muzeologiczne i muzeograficzne tendencje. Takie projekty wprowadzaj¹ nowe sposoby kontaktu z kolekcjami i obiektami muzealnymi, z instytucj¹ muzeum, z pracownikami, oraz nowe sposoby komunikacji z publiczno ci¹. Sztuka wspó³czesna w tych przypadkach mo¿e odgrywaæ rolê mediatora, co jest bardzo wa¿n¹ zmian¹ w praktykach muzealnych. Kulturowo i instytucjonalnie otoczone czci¹ przekonanie, ¿e przedmiot musi mówiæ sam za siebie, ¿e nie potrzebuje po rednika, by³o regu³¹, a w przypadku serbskich muzeów nadal ni¹ jest. Praktyka taka to tak¿e sposób na otaczanie wiedzy tajemnic¹. A przecie¿ muzeum powinno byæ jedn¹ z wiod¹cych instytucji w demokratyzacji wiedzy. Wreszcie analiza SWOT, dotycz¹ca po³¹czenia muzeów i projektów odnosz¹cych siê do sztuki wspó³czesnej, wykaza³a wysoki poziom kompatybilno ci tych sfer. Takie instytucjonal-

297

bserwacja krajobrazu muzealnego w Europie mo¿e dostarczyæ wzorców innowacyjnych praktyk i metodologii zaczerpniêtych ze wiata sztuki wspó³czesnej. Pomimo ¿e praktyki te nie by³y dotychczas przedmiotem czêstych badañ, to jednak s¹ one tak g³êboko zakorzenione w praktyce muzealnej, ¿e mo¿na nieomal przeoczyæ ich pionierski charakter. Przyk³adami muzeów, odnosz¹cych w tej materii najwiêksze sukcesy, s¹ o dziwo placówki z najwy¿szej pó³ki, narodowe instytucje, które sta³y siê symbolami narodowej kultury i historii kultury. Muzea takie jak Louvre, British Museum, Musée d Orsay czy MAK w Wiedniu sta³y siê wzorcami dobrze zorganizowanego, popartego badaniami i teori¹ muzealnictwa, z wysokim poziomem programów edukacyjnych i d³ugoterminowymi strategiami. S¹ one wyró¿niaj¹cymi siê skarbami wiatowego dziedzictwa i wokó³ takiego wizerunku buduj¹ sw¹ to¿samo æ jako znane na skalê wiatow¹ atrakcje turystyczne. Nie wykorzystuj¹ one jednak swego olbrzymiego potencja³u jedynie do gromadzenia artefaktów i budowania kolekcji. Instytucje te i pracuj¹cy w nich eksperci staraj¹ siê ten potencja³ inwestowaæ w przysz³o æ i na przysz³o æ. Otwarto æ i zorientowanie na to, co dzieje siê w kulturze dzisiaj, wzbogaci³o te muzea o wiele nowych cech mog¹cych przys³u¿yæ siê lepszemu ich funkcjonowaniu. Wej cie i obecno æ sztuki wspó³czesnej w muzeach, w których gromadzenie takiej sztuki nie jest podstawowym celem, jest logiczn¹ konsekwencj¹ ogólnych trendów w kulturze, integruj¹cych wszystkich graczy w obrêbie dzia³alno ci kulturalnej pragn¹cych przetrwaæ jako znacz¹ce jednostki. Forma obecno ci wprowadzanie wspó³czesnych dzie³ sztuki, technik,

O

WNIOSKI nien powstaæ po³¹czony front, maj¹cy na celu g³o ne powiedzenie, ¿e to ostatnia chwila na zmianê i zreformowanie muzeów w Serbii. W innym wypadku muzea bêd¹ nadal podupadaæ, a muzealne profesje (jeszcze jeden s³aby punkt w systemie muzealnictwa) bêd¹ traciæ znaczenie, a¿ w koñcu zanikn¹. Ministerstwo Kultury powinno, stymulowane przez i we wspó³pracy z muzealnikami i lokalnymi w³adzami, stworzyæ d³ugoterminowy plan rozwi¹zania podstawowych problemów serbskich muzeów. Posiadanie narodowej strategii mo¿erównie¿ dopomóc w pozyskiwaniu zagranicznych ekspertyz, stypendiów, donacji i w tworzeniu strategicznego partnerstwa.

297

jêzyków i teorii dyskursu mo¿e byæ uznane za formê projektu. Zmiany zaczêto wprowadzaæ po zidentyfikowaniu problemu, a problemem tym by³o: jak od wie¿yæ ekspozycje, przestrzenie i narracje muzealne. Strategia zmiany wykorzystywa³a narzêdzia (strategie) zaczerpniête ze sztuki wspó³czesnej i mog¹ce stanowiæ rozwi¹zanie problemu i osi¹gniêcie celu, jakim by³o stworzenie ekscytuj¹cej wystawy sztuki historycznej w ¿ywym kontek cie (refleksyjnym i fizycznym). Potencja³ zwi¹zany z mo¿liwo ciami sztuki wspó³czesnej co do zmiany rodowiska muzealnego móg³by byæ równie¿ wykorzystany w kompleksowym reformowaniu serbskich muzeów. Kilka przyk³adów pozytywnego wp³ywu projektów zwi¹zanych ze sztuk¹ wspó³czesn¹ w muzeach stanowi³o podstawê dla analizowania mo¿liwych rezultatów w kontek cie rozwoju instytucjonalnego i zarz¹dzania strategicznego. W kontek cie przechodz¹cego transformacjê spo³eczeñstwa i w obliczu konsekwencji d³ugotrwa³ego ubo¿enia serbskich muzeów, instytucje te staj¹ przed nagl¹c¹ konieczno ci¹ rozpoczêcia reform organizacyjnych i pod¹¿ania za europejskimi trendami i standardami. Ta konieczna zmiana, polegaj¹ca na przechodzeniu od logiki instytucjonalnej do logiki opartej na projektach, bêdzie postêpowa³a stopniowo i zgodnie z zasadami i strategiami proponowanymi w teoriach zarz¹dzania strategicznego. Projekty zwi¹zane ze sztuk¹ wspó³czesn¹ mog¹ stanowiæ jeden z modeli takiego przechodzenia i s³u¿yæ jako instrument, który pomo¿e unaoczniæ wa¿ne podstawy w zakresie zarz¹dzania i marketingu muzeów w Serbii, jak równie¿ nowe muzeologiczne i muzeograficzne tendencje. Takie projekty wprowadzaj¹ nowe sposoby kontaktu z kolekcjami i obiektami muzealnymi, z instytucj¹ muzeum, z pracownikami, oraz nowe sposoby komunikacji z publiczno ci¹. Sztuka wspó³czesna w tych przypadkach mo¿e odgrywaæ rolê mediatora, co jest bardzo wa¿n¹ zmian¹ w praktykach muzealnych. Kulturowo i instytucjonalnie otoczone czci¹ przekonanie, ¿e przedmiot musi mówiæ sam za siebie, ¿e nie potrzebuje po rednika, by³o regu³¹, a w przypadku serbskich muzeów nadal ni¹ jest. Praktyka taka to tak¿e sposób na otaczanie wiedzy tajemnic¹. A przecie¿ muzeum powinno byæ jedn¹ z wiod¹cych instytucji w demokratyzacji wiedzy. Wreszcie analiza SWOT, dotycz¹ca po³¹czenia muzeów i projektów odnosz¹cych siê do sztuki wspó³czesnej, wykaza³a wysoki poziom kompatybilno ci tych sfer. Takie instytucjonal-


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bernetickom muzeju, Zagrzeb 2003. Sola T., Eseji o muzejima i njihovoj leoriji, Prema kili, Novi Sad 2004.

nagement, Amsterdam 2005.

[red.], Kritièki termini istirije umetnosti, priredi-

ment in turbulent times. Adaptable Quality Ma-

Preziosi D., Zbirke i muzeji [w:] Nelson R. S., if R.

Dragiæeviæ- e iæ M., Dragojeviæ S., Arts manage-

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rzyæ warunki dla kompletnej reformy organizacyjnej serbskich muzeów. Obecnie muzea trac¹ swoj¹ normatywn¹ funkcjê: nie reprezentuj¹ norm spo³ecznych czy te¿ dominuj¹cych gustów. Jak nigdy dot¹d, stanowi¹ obszar dla nowych eksperymentów, innowacyjnych postaw w obrêbie kultury i sztuki, nawet dla innowacyjnych strategii marketingowych i obszaru zarz¹dzania. Mo¿na zasugerowaæ stwierdzenie, ¿e muzea w ostatniej dekadzie XX wieku sta³y siê swoistym wyzwaniem, prowokacj¹ dla kulturalnego, spo³ecznego i politycznego rodowiska, oczekuj¹c¹ reakcji, pozytywnych i negatywnych odpowiedzi, które w konsekwencji wzbogaci³yby nowe praktyki w polityce kulturalnej, estetyce, muzeologii, produkcji artystycznej, gospodarce itp. Mo¿emy powiedzieæ dok³adnie to samo o sztuce wspó³czesnej. Dlatego te¿ kreatywne po³¹czenie muzeów z ¿yw¹ sztuk¹ powinno byæ akceptowane i wspierane jako strategiczna innowacja.

ne relacje mog³yby sprawiæ, ze muzeum sta³oby siê miejscem dla ci¹g³ego i otwartego dialogu na temat wielu zagadnieñ, odbywaj¹cego siê we wzajemnym poszanowaniu i po wiêceniu dla misji muzeum. Najwa¿niejsze zagadnienie dotyczy rozbudowywania publiczno ci i jej zasiêgu, czyli spe³niania spo³ecznej funkcji muzeów edukacji i inspirowania wiedzy. Oczywi cie, zasadnicz¹ wagê dla jakichkolwiek zmian w pejza¿u muzeów w Serbii mia³aby zmiana polityki kulturalnej, w tym polityki dotycz¹cej muzeów. Wci¹¿ nie istnieje ¿aden strategiczny dokument, reguluj¹cy system muzealny oraz definiuj¹cy priorytety i wyznaczaj¹cy cele strategiczne. Inicjatywa w tym wzglêdzie nale¿y do dyrektorów muzeów, ale pozbawieni s¹ oni wszelkich skutecznych instrumentów do wprowadzania systematycznych zmian. Jedynie zintegrowany model polityki kulturalnej, oparty na badaniach naukowych, z jasno okre lonymi celami i zadaniami w zakresie dzia³alno ci muzeum, mo¿e stwo-

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derne de la Ville de Paris, cytowane za: Sans. J.,

derne de la Ville de Paris, cytowane za: Sans. J.,

Claire J., Herostrat ili Muzej pod znakom pitanja,

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seum, Wiedeñ 2001.

2001. Obrost H.-U., Migrators Curator, Musée d art mo-

of lime [w:] Noever P. [red.], The Discursive Mu-

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seum, Wiedeñ 2001.

art institution in the 21st century?, Paris 2003.

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London and New York 2005. Noever P. [red.], Museums without Futures, Wiedeñ

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thodology of museology and professional training. Stransky Z., Basic paper [w:] Softka V. [red.], Me-

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rzyæ warunki dla kompletnej reformy organizacyjnej serbskich muzeów. Obecnie muzea trac¹ swoj¹ normatywn¹ funkcjê: nie reprezentuj¹ norm spo³ecznych czy te¿ dominuj¹cych gustów. Jak nigdy dot¹d, stanowi¹ obszar dla nowych eksperymentów, innowacyjnych postaw w obrêbie kultury i sztuki, nawet dla innowacyjnych strategii marketingowych i obszaru zarz¹dzania. Mo¿na zasugerowaæ stwierdzenie, ¿e muzea w ostatniej dekadzie XX wieku sta³y siê swoistym wyzwaniem, prowokacj¹ dla kulturalnego, spo³ecznego i politycznego rodowiska, oczekuj¹c¹ reakcji, pozytywnych i negatywnych odpowiedzi, które w konsekwencji wzbogaci³yby nowe praktyki w polityce kulturalnej, estetyce, muzeologii, produkcji artystycznej, gospodarce itp. Mo¿emy powiedzieæ dok³adnie to samo o sztuce wspó³czesnej. Dlatego te¿ kreatywne po³¹czenie muzeów z ¿yw¹ sztuk¹ powinno byæ akceptowane i wspierane jako strategiczna innowacja.

C. [red.], Muzej i publika, Belgrad 2005.

ne relacje mog³yby sprawiæ, ze muzeum sta³oby siê miejscem dla ci¹g³ego i otwartego dialogu na temat wielu zagadnieñ, odbywaj¹cego siê we wzajemnym poszanowaniu i po wiêceniu dla misji muzeum. Najwa¿niejsze zagadnienie dotyczy rozbudowywania publiczno ci i jej zasiêgu, czyli spe³niania spo³ecznej funkcji muzeów edukacji i inspirowania wiedzy. Oczywi cie, zasadnicz¹ wagê dla jakichkolwiek zmian w pejza¿u muzeów w Serbii mia³aby zmiana polityki kulturalnej, w tym polityki dotycz¹cej muzeów. Wci¹¿ nie istnieje ¿aden strategiczny dokument, reguluj¹cy system muzealny oraz definiuj¹cy priorytety i wyznaczaj¹cy cele strategiczne. Inicjatywa w tym wzglêdzie nale¿y do dyrektorów muzeów, ale pozbawieni s¹ oni wszelkich skutecznych instrumentów do wprowadzania systematycznych zmian. Jedynie zintegrowany model polityki kulturalnej, oparty na badaniach naukowych, z jasno okre lonymi celami i zadaniami w zakresie dzia³alno ci muzeum, mo¿e stwo-

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Dziedzictwo Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego szanse i problemy Oksana Boytsova

O

bwód Kaliningradzki to na swój sposób region unikatowy: niewielki kawa³ek Federacji Rosyjskiej po³o¿ony nad Morzem Ba³tyckim, w otoczeniu pañstw europejskich i niemaj¹cy wspólnych granic z terenem tak zwanej kontynentalnej Rosji. Dzisiejsza rosyjska enklawa w swojej historii prze¿y³a kilka zmian kulturowych prusk¹, niemieck¹ i na koniec rosyjsk¹. Ka¿dy z tych etapów historycznych zostawi³ swój lad na tym terenie. Wygl¹d architektoniczny miast i wsi, dobra kultury stanowi¹ zbiór eklektyczny, tworz¹c niepowtarzalny koloryt Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego. Historyczny wygl¹d Koenigsbergu stolicy Prus Wschodnich i ca³ego regionu zosta³ powa¿nie naruszony w wyniku II wojny wiatowej. Na tym terenie brakuje w dodatku bezpo redniego historycznego nastêpstwa w zwi¹zku z zupe³n¹ wymian¹ ludno ci po wojnie. Przesiedleñcy z Rosji, Ukrainy, Bia³orusi i innych krajów by³ego Zwi¹zku Radzieckiego, którzy zaludnili ten region, wprowadzili tu swoje tradycje, gdy tymczasem to wszystko, co pozosta³o z poprzednich lat, traktowane by³o jak obce. To, co ocala³o, by³o wiadomie niszczone przez przesiedlonych tu po wojnie. Co prawda z trudem, ale jednak tê nienawi æ do obcej kultury, zrodzon¹ w wyniku okrutnej wojny, mo¿na zrozumieæ. Obecnie na tym terenie ¿yje ju¿ kilka pokoleñ, które urodzi³y siê na tej ziemi i uwa¿aj¹ j¹ za swoj¹ ojczyznê. Dlatego dziedzictwo wszystkich okresów historii pojmuj¹ oni jak swoje w³asne, u wiadamiaj¹c sobie jego warto æ i znaczenie jako warto ci kulturowych. Dla odtworzenia nastêpstwa historycznego regionu bardzo wa¿ne jest zarówno uchronienie tego dziedzictwa, które jeszcze pozosta³o w Obwodzie Kaliningradzkim, jak i rekonstrukcja tego,

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

co znajdowa³o siê tu w przesz³o ci, a co uleg³o zniszczeniu. Wa¿ne jest przy tym, ¿e powoli, ale jednak zmienia siê mentalno æ ludno ci; z wiêkszym trudem przychodzi pojmowanie dziedzictwa jako nie tylko kulturowej i ogólnonarodowej warto ci, ale wa¿nego kierunku rozwoju, maj¹cego wymierne znaczenie praktyczne. Sytuacja jest trudna, bo wiêkszo æ dziedzictwa Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego zosta³a zniszczona. I tak na przyk³ad w architekturze co jest przyk³adem najbardziej wymiernym zachowa³o siê do dnia dzisiejszego jedynie oko³o 5% pomników kultury i budynków historycznych. Co gorsza, zosta³y one zupe³nie zniszczone lub z biegiem czasu straci³y swoje cechy charakterystyczne. Wiele dóbr historycznych i kulturalnych wywieziono poza granice regionu. Niemniej jednak obecnie na terenie obwodu znajduje siê prawie 40 zabytków maj¹cych status federalny. Oprócz tego znajduj¹ siê tu tak¿e zabytki archeologiczne oraz posiadaj¹ce status regionalny. Stan zachowanych zabytków jest niezwykle istotny dla organizacji, których dzia³alno æ w ten czy inny sposób zwi¹zana jest z ochron¹ i rozwojem dziedzictwa kulturowego w Obwodzie Kaliningradzkim. Bardzo wa¿ne jest nasycenie tych obiektów zawarto ci¹ kulturow¹, tak by te pomniki historii odpowiada³y swojemu prawdziwemu przes³aniu. I tu pojawia siê problem finansowy. Uzyskanie rodków na odremontowanie lub ca³kowit¹ rekonstrukcjê zabytków jest bardzo trudne. W takich warunkach ciekawe i innowacyjne formy dzia³alno ci kulturalnej w obiekcie zabytkowym mog³yby zwróciæ na niego wiêksz¹ uwagê, a przez to zapewniæ nap³yw rodków materialnych i niematerialnych. W tym miejscu ciekawe bêdzie porównanie podej cia do korzystania z obiektów zabytko-

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Oksana Boytsova absolwentka historii Rosyjskiego Pañstwowego Uniwersytetu im. Immanuela Kanta w Kaliningradzie (obecnie doktorantka na tym samym wydziale). Zatrudniona jako koordynator projektów w pozarz¹dowej agencji wpierania inicjatyw kulturalnych Tranzit w Kaliningradzie. Obszar zainteresowañ naukowych: zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ i polityka kulturalna, udzia³ organizacji pozarz¹dowych w kszta³towaniu i realizacji polityki kulturalnej, kultura jako czynnik rozwoju regionów, zarz¹dzanie dziedzictwem kulturowym.

bwód Kaliningradzki to na swój sposób region unikatowy: niewielki kawa³ek Federacji Rosyjskiej po³o¿ony nad Morzem Ba³tyckim, w otoczeniu pañstw europejskich i niemaj¹cy wspólnych granic z terenem tak zwanej kontynentalnej Rosji. Dzisiejsza rosyjska enklawa w swojej historii prze¿y³a kilka zmian kulturowych prusk¹, niemieck¹ i na koniec rosyjsk¹. Ka¿dy z tych etapów historycznych zostawi³ swój lad na tym terenie. Wygl¹d architektoniczny miast i wsi, dobra kultury stanowi¹ zbiór eklektyczny, tworz¹c niepowtarzalny koloryt Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego. Historyczny wygl¹d Koenigsbergu stolicy Prus Wschodnich i ca³ego regionu zosta³ powa¿nie naruszony w wyniku II wojny wiatowej. Na tym terenie brakuje w dodatku bezpo redniego historycznego nastêpstwa w zwi¹zku z zupe³n¹ wymian¹ ludno ci po wojnie. Przesiedleñcy z Rosji, Ukrainy, Bia³orusi i innych krajów by³ego Zwi¹zku Radzieckiego, którzy zaludnili ten region, wprowadzili tu swoje tradycje, gdy tymczasem to wszystko, co pozosta³o z poprzednich lat, traktowane by³o jak obce. To, co ocala³o, by³o wiadomie niszczone przez przesiedlonych tu po wojnie. Co prawda z trudem, ale jednak tê nienawi æ do obcej kultury, zrodzon¹ w wyniku okrutnej wojny, mo¿na zrozumieæ. Obecnie na tym terenie ¿yje ju¿ kilka pokoleñ, które urodzi³y siê na tej ziemi i uwa¿aj¹ j¹ za swoj¹ ojczyznê. Dlatego dziedzictwo wszystkich okresów historii pojmuj¹ oni jak swoje w³asne, u wiadamiaj¹c sobie jego warto æ i znaczenie jako warto ci kulturowych. Dla odtworzenia nastêpstwa historycznego regionu bardzo wa¿ne jest zarówno uchronienie tego dziedzictwa, które jeszcze pozosta³o w Obwodzie Kaliningradzkim, jak i rekonstrukcja tego,

O

co znajdowa³o siê tu w przesz³o ci, a co uleg³o zniszczeniu. Wa¿ne jest przy tym, ¿e powoli, ale jednak zmienia siê mentalno æ ludno ci; z wiêkszym trudem przychodzi pojmowanie dziedzictwa jako nie tylko kulturowej i ogólnonarodowej warto ci, ale wa¿nego kierunku rozwoju, maj¹cego wymierne znaczenie praktyczne. Sytuacja jest trudna, bo wiêkszo æ dziedzictwa Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego zosta³a zniszczona. I tak na przyk³ad w architekturze co jest przyk³adem najbardziej wymiernym zachowa³o siê do dnia dzisiejszego jedynie oko³o 5% pomników kultury i budynków historycznych. Co gorsza, zosta³y one zupe³nie zniszczone lub z biegiem czasu straci³y swoje cechy charakterystyczne. Wiele dóbr historycznych i kulturalnych wywieziono poza granice regionu. Niemniej jednak obecnie na terenie obwodu znajduje siê prawie 40 zabytków maj¹cych status federalny. Oprócz tego znajduj¹ siê tu tak¿e zabytki archeologiczne oraz posiadaj¹ce status regionalny. Stan zachowanych zabytków jest niezwykle istotny dla organizacji, których dzia³alno æ w ten czy inny sposób zwi¹zana jest z ochron¹ i rozwojem dziedzictwa kulturowego w Obwodzie Kaliningradzkim. Bardzo wa¿ne jest nasycenie tych obiektów zawarto ci¹ kulturow¹, tak by te pomniki historii odpowiada³y swojemu prawdziwemu przes³aniu. I tu pojawia siê problem finansowy. Uzyskanie rodków na odremontowanie lub ca³kowit¹ rekonstrukcjê zabytków jest bardzo trudne. W takich warunkach ciekawe i innowacyjne formy dzia³alno ci kulturalnej w obiekcie zabytkowym mog³yby zwróciæ na niego wiêksz¹ uwagê, a przez to zapewniæ nap³yw rodków materialnych i niematerialnych. W tym miejscu ciekawe bêdzie porównanie podej cia do korzystania z obiektów zabytko-

Oksana Boytsova

Dziedzictwo Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego szanse i problemy

Oksana Boytsova absolwentka historii Rosyjskiego Pañstwowego Uniwersytetu im. Immanuela Kanta w Kaliningradzie (obecnie doktorantka na tym samym wydziale). Zatrudniona jako koordynator projektów w pozarz¹dowej agencji wpierania inicjatyw kulturalnych Tranzit w Kaliningradzie. Obszar zainteresowañ naukowych: zarz¹dzanie kultur¹ i polityka kulturalna, udzia³ organizacji pozarz¹dowych w kszta³towaniu i realizacji polityki kulturalnej, kultura jako czynnik rozwoju regionów, zarz¹dzanie dziedzictwem kulturowym.


300

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

mek bowiem, znajduj¹c siê w ma³ym mie cie, ma du¿e znaczenie dla jego rozwoju oraz spo³eczno ci lokalnej. Poza tym jest on swoist¹ wizytówk¹ miasta, istotn¹ dla kultury, turystyki i promocji. Oprócz odbudowy zabytków architektonicznych, dla ochrony dziedzictwa Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego potrzebna jest równie¿ rekonstrukcja historycznych tradycji i rzemios³, które istnia³y na tym terenie w przesz³o ci staropruskich, rycerskich, niemieckich, a ponadto rzemios³ tradycyjnych i sposobów gospodarowania ró¿nych regionów rosyjskich, z których przybyli przesiedleñcy, tak¿e przedstawiciele innych narodowo ci, mieszkaj¹cy obecnie w Obwodzie Kaliningradzkim (Ukraiñcy, Bia³orusini, Litwini, Ormianie itd.). Wszystkie te kultury tworz¹ wa¿n¹ czê æ dziedzictwa i maj¹ dzisiaj ogromne znaczenie. Czê ciowo przejawia siê to w obecnym trendzie powrotu do historii.

stotny problem ochrony dziedzictwa na terenie Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego polega na tym, ¿e zabytki potrzebuj¹ natychmiastowej konserwacji i rekonstrukcji, w przeciwnym wypadku grozi ich ostateczna zag³ada. Na terenie Federacji Rosyjskiej znajduje siê jednak wiele lepiej zachowanych pomników kultury i historii, które równie¿ wymagaj¹ znacznych nak³adów finansowych na konserwacjê i opiekê. Zabytki te w skali ca³ego pañstwa i dziedzictwa wiatowego przedstawiaj¹ znacznie wiêksz¹ warto æ. Tymczasem dziedzictwo Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego postrzegane jest jako mniej perspektywiczne dla rozwoju kultury i turystyki, za wyj¹tkiem dóbr kultury, które s¹ tradycyjnymi symbolami Kaliningradu tak w Rosji, jak i poza jej granicami (bursztyn, unikatowy przyrodniczo park narodowy Kurszskaja Kosa). Kolejnym problemem jest fakt, i¿ odnowienie zabytkowych nieruchomo ci wymaga ogromnych inwestycji, tymczasem konkretna, szczegó³owa koncepcja rozwoju i zagospodarowania dziedzictwa kulturowego nie zosta³a do dzi opracowana. Bardzo utrudnia to mo¿liwo ci pozyskania z bud¿etu centralnego rodków na prace restauracyjne. Oprócz rodków finansowych potrzebna jest wiêc zmiana metod ochrony dóbr kultury, wprowadzenie kompleksowego podej cia: od ochrony jednostkowych zabytków do stworzenia stref i terenów chronionych. Do wiadczenia wiatowe pokazuj¹, ¿e najbardziej skutecz-

Dziedzictwo kulturowe i jego ochrona w Obwodzie Kaliningradzkim

I

I

Dziedzictwo kulturowe i jego ochrona w Obwodzie Kaliningradzkim

stotny problem ochrony dziedzictwa na terenie Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego polega na tym, ¿e zabytki potrzebuj¹ natychmiastowej konserwacji i rekonstrukcji, w przeciwnym wypadku grozi ich ostateczna zag³ada. Na terenie Federacji Rosyjskiej znajduje siê jednak wiele lepiej zachowanych pomników kultury i historii, które równie¿ wymagaj¹ znacznych nak³adów finansowych na konserwacjê i opiekê. Zabytki te w skali ca³ego pañstwa i dziedzictwa wiatowego przedstawiaj¹ znacznie wiêksz¹ warto æ. Tymczasem dziedzictwo Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego postrzegane jest jako mniej perspektywiczne dla rozwoju kultury i turystyki, za wyj¹tkiem dóbr kultury, które s¹ tradycyjnymi symbolami Kaliningradu tak w Rosji, jak i poza jej granicami (bursztyn, unikatowy przyrodniczo park narodowy Kurszskaja Kosa). Kolejnym problemem jest fakt, i¿ odnowienie zabytkowych nieruchomo ci wymaga ogromnych inwestycji, tymczasem konkretna, szczegó³owa koncepcja rozwoju i zagospodarowania dziedzictwa kulturowego nie zosta³a do dzi opracowana. Bardzo utrudnia to mo¿liwo ci pozyskania z bud¿etu centralnego rodków na prace restauracyjne. Oprócz rodków finansowych potrzebna jest wiêc zmiana metod ochrony dóbr kultury, wprowadzenie kompleksowego podej cia: od ochrony jednostkowych zabytków do stworzenia stref i terenów chronionych. Do wiadczenia wiatowe pokazuj¹, ¿e najbardziej skutecz-

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mek bowiem, znajduj¹c siê w ma³ym mie cie, ma du¿e znaczenie dla jego rozwoju oraz spo³eczno ci lokalnej. Poza tym jest on swoist¹ wizytówk¹ miasta, istotn¹ dla kultury, turystyki i promocji. Oprócz odbudowy zabytków architektonicznych, dla ochrony dziedzictwa Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego potrzebna jest równie¿ rekonstrukcja historycznych tradycji i rzemios³, które istnia³y na tym terenie w przesz³o ci staropruskich, rycerskich, niemieckich, a ponadto rzemios³ tradycyjnych i sposobów gospodarowania ró¿nych regionów rosyjskich, z których przybyli przesiedleñcy, tak¿e przedstawiciele innych narodowo ci, mieszkaj¹cy obecnie w Obwodzie Kaliningradzkim (Ukraiñcy, Bia³orusini, Litwini, Ormianie itd.). Wszystkie te kultury tworz¹ wa¿n¹ czê æ dziedzictwa i maj¹ dzisiaj ogromne znaczenie. Czê ciowo przejawia siê to w obecnym trendzie powrotu do historii.

wych i prowadzonej w nich dzia³alno ci pomiêdzy Polsk¹ (na przyk³ad Krakowem) a Obwodem Kaliningradzkim. W Krakowie istotny jest zewnêtrzny kszta³t pomnika historii wype³nianego formami i dzia³alno ci¹ kulturow¹, które nie mog¹ wyrz¹dzaæ szkód architektonicznej formie zewnêtrznej, ale powinny s³u¿yæ rozwojowi i promocji tego zabytku. Sam obiekt mo¿e staæ siê elementem promocji prowadzonej w nim dzia³alno ci, która niekoniecznie musi mieæ charakter kulturalny (mo¿e to byæ na przyk³ad biznes restauracyjny). W jakim stopniu jest to realizowane w sposób harmonijny, czy powoduje to konflikt pomiêdzy form¹ a tre ci¹ czy te¿ nie to ju¿ inna kwestia. Istotne jest zachowanie zabytku w nale¿ytym stanie oraz jego ochrona. Na terenie Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego, bior¹c pod uwagê stopieñ zachowania dziedzictwa, najwa¿niejszy jest proces, w którym zawiera siê w³asne ¿ycie zabytku, bo jego wygl¹d zewnêtrzny zosta³ stracony. Z tego wynika du¿e znaczenie tre ci i formy kulturalnej prowadzonej w nim dzia³alno ci. Przyk³adami mog¹ byæ centra historii i kultury, festiwale, wystawy, miêdzynarodowe projekty kulturalne itd. Jednak¿e w tym zakresie problemem dla Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego s¹ bardzo tradycyjne formy organizacji dzia³alno ci kulturalnej. Nadal brakuje w ród nich form wyj¹tkowych, innowacyjnych, które mog³yby nie tylko zaistnieæ w obrêbie regionu, ale te¿ uzyskaæ rozg³os w skali ca³ej Federacji Rosyjskiej i poza jej granicami. Organizacje pozarz¹dowe które zajmuj¹ siê ochron¹ i rozwojem dziedzictwa, maj¹ wiêksze ni¿ administracja publiczna sukcesy w tym zakresie, przede wszystkim z powodu wiêkszej mobilno ci, dynamiczno ci i kreatywno ci. W przypadku tradycyjnych instytucji pañstwowych przewa¿a rutyna. Popularn¹ form¹ dzia³alno ci kulturalnej na terenie zabytków historycznych jest muzeum (krajoznawcze lub historyczne) jest to przestrzeñ przeznaczona do organizacji wystaw. Wyra nie wyró¿nia siê na tym tle dzia³alno æ organizacji pozarz¹dowej, Fundacji Dom Zamek , która od 10 lat funkcjonuje jako centrum historii oraz kultury na terenie XIV-wiecznego zamku, zabytku posiadaj¹cego status federalny. W ród projektów tej fundacji jest wiele niezwyk³ych, nowatorskich realizacji, które zosta³y przygotowane wspólne z innymi instytucjami kultury, biznesu i osobami prywatnymi. Przyk³adem jest festiwal sztuki redniowiecznej, walki rycerzy, obecno æ sztuki wspó³czesnej na terenie starodawnego zabytku. Projekty te maj¹ przy tym zawsze istotny wymiar spo³eczny. Za-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

wych i prowadzonej w nich dzia³alno ci pomiêdzy Polsk¹ (na przyk³ad Krakowem) a Obwodem Kaliningradzkim. W Krakowie istotny jest zewnêtrzny kszta³t pomnika historii wype³nianego formami i dzia³alno ci¹ kulturow¹, które nie mog¹ wyrz¹dzaæ szkód architektonicznej formie zewnêtrznej, ale powinny s³u¿yæ rozwojowi i promocji tego zabytku. Sam obiekt mo¿e staæ siê elementem promocji prowadzonej w nim dzia³alno ci, która niekoniecznie musi mieæ charakter kulturalny (mo¿e to byæ na przyk³ad biznes restauracyjny). W jakim stopniu jest to realizowane w sposób harmonijny, czy powoduje to konflikt pomiêdzy form¹ a tre ci¹ czy te¿ nie to ju¿ inna kwestia. Istotne jest zachowanie zabytku w nale¿ytym stanie oraz jego ochrona. Na terenie Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego, bior¹c pod uwagê stopieñ zachowania dziedzictwa, najwa¿niejszy jest proces, w którym zawiera siê w³asne ¿ycie zabytku, bo jego wygl¹d zewnêtrzny zosta³ stracony. Z tego wynika du¿e znaczenie tre ci i formy kulturalnej prowadzonej w nim dzia³alno ci. Przyk³adami mog¹ byæ centra historii i kultury, festiwale, wystawy, miêdzynarodowe projekty kulturalne itd. Jednak¿e w tym zakresie problemem dla Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego s¹ bardzo tradycyjne formy organizacji dzia³alno ci kulturalnej. Nadal brakuje w ród nich form wyj¹tkowych, innowacyjnych, które mog³yby nie tylko zaistnieæ w obrêbie regionu, ale te¿ uzyskaæ rozg³os w skali ca³ej Federacji Rosyjskiej i poza jej granicami. Organizacje pozarz¹dowe które zajmuj¹ siê ochron¹ i rozwojem dziedzictwa, maj¹ wiêksze ni¿ administracja publiczna sukcesy w tym zakresie, przede wszystkim z powodu wiêkszej mobilno ci, dynamiczno ci i kreatywno ci. W przypadku tradycyjnych instytucji pañstwowych przewa¿a rutyna. Popularn¹ form¹ dzia³alno ci kulturalnej na terenie zabytków historycznych jest muzeum (krajoznawcze lub historyczne) jest to przestrzeñ przeznaczona do organizacji wystaw. Wyra nie wyró¿nia siê na tym tle dzia³alno æ organizacji pozarz¹dowej, Fundacji Dom Zamek , która od 10 lat funkcjonuje jako centrum historii oraz kultury na terenie XIV-wiecznego zamku, zabytku posiadaj¹cego status federalny. W ród projektów tej fundacji jest wiele niezwyk³ych, nowatorskich realizacji, które zosta³y przygotowane wspólne z innymi instytucjami kultury, biznesu i osobami prywatnymi. Przyk³adem jest festiwal sztuki redniowiecznej, walki rycerzy, obecno æ sztuki wspó³czesnej na terenie starodawnego zabytku. Projekty te maj¹ przy tym zawsze istotny wymiar spo³eczny. Za-


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

ne dla ochrony zabytków jest w³¹czanie ich do planów rozwoju miast oraz zagospodarowania przestrzennego. Dla Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego, ze wzglêdu na stopieñ zniszczenia dziedzictwa, wa¿ne jest stworzenie ca³ych stref odnowy i ochrony zabytków. Obecnie na terenie regionu wytyczono ju¿ takie strefy, ale s¹ one zwi¹zane wy³¹cznie z najbardziej znanymi pomnikami historycznymi i przyrodniczymi; s¹ to tylko jednostkowe obiekty, wiêc podej cie takie nie daje mo¿liwo ci rekonstrukcji i ochrony ca³ego kulturowego i krajobrazowego wygl¹du terenu i rodowiska historycznego.

Znaczenie dziedzictwa

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la Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego, posiadaj¹ cego ograniczony potencja³ przemys³owy i agrarny, orientacja na bogactwo kulturowe mog³aby staæ siê rzeczywist¹ mo¿liwo ci¹ rozwoju ekonomicznego i socjalnego. Takie podej cie odpowiada Konwencji UNESCO w sprawie ochrony wiatowego dziedzictwa kulturowego i naturalnego, rekomenduj¹cej pañstwom uczestnikom prowadzenie wspólnej polityki, maj¹cej na celu przypisanie do dziedzictwa kulturowego i przyrodniczego okre lonych funkcji w ¿yciu spo³eczeñstwa oraz w³¹czenie go do programów ogólnego planowania [UNESCO, Konwencja..., 1972, art. 5]. Wykorzystany potencja³ dóbr kultury, zabytków historycznych Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego, móg³by mieæ wp³yw na rozwój rekreacji, kompleksu naukowego i o wiatowego, odtworzenie tradycji i wzmocnienie gin¹cych zawodów oraz form gospodarowania, a w koñcu aktywizacjê ca³ej sfery ekonomicznej, socjalnej oraz kulturalnej regionu. Oprócz tego, dziedzictwo daje szansê na utworzenie unikalnego wizerunku terenu, wyeksponowanie jego odrêbno ci w ród innych regionów Federacji Rosyjskiej oraz s¹siednich pañstw. Jednocze nie jest ono szczególn¹ czê ci¹ potencja³u, posiadaj¹cego wymiern¹ warto æ. Na tym polega ekonomiczne znaczenie dziedzictwa. Jego rola jest nieoceniona równie¿ dla rozwoju kultury i o wiaty to w³a nie sk³ada siê na socjalne znaczenie dziedzictwa. Mog³oby ono równie¿ przyczyniaæ siê do integracji Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego z otaczaj¹cymi go krajami s¹siedzkimi. Takie procesy mo¿na obserwowaæ na przyk³ad w Polsce, gdzie dziedzictwo kulturowe rozpatrywane jest jako warto æ narodowa, ale jednocze nie uniwersalna, ogólnoludzka i ogólnoeuropejska. Takie podej cie w³¹cza Polskê do europejskiego i wiato-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

wego obszaru warto ci, kultury i turystyki. Szczególny charakter dziedzictwa Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego, tak historycznego, jak i przyrodniczego, jest podobny do zasobów s¹siednich krajów. Móg³by on w stopniu bardziej intensywnym wp³ywaæ na rozwój wspó³pracy miêdzynarodowej w zakresie kultury, wspieraæ stworzenie jednolitej koncepcji turystycznej (transgranicznych tras turystycznych, projektów kulturalnych itd.). Tradycyjnie dziedzictwo odgrywa wa¿n¹ rolê w rozwoju turystyki. Pomimo ¿e region kaliningradzki posiada potê¿ny potencja³ w tym zakresie i turystyka rozwiniêta na wysokim poziomie mog³aby staæ siê wa¿n¹ ga³êzi¹ gospodarki lokalnej, na drodze do osi¹gniêcia tego celu stoi kilka przeszkód. Obecnie obiekty przynale¿ne do kulturowego dziedzictwa s¹ w pewnym stopniu wci¹gniête do obszaru wewnêtrznego rynku turystyki, który niestety ma ci le ograniczone mo¿liwo ci i skalê. Obecnie g³ównym typem turystyki funkcjonuj¹cym w Obwodzie Kaliningradzkim jest turystyka wyjazdowa. Jest to zrozumia³e spowodowane wysokim poziomem serwisu i ogólnie wy¿sz¹ atrakcyjno ci¹ turystyczn¹ regionów zagranicznych. Jednocze nie obserwuje siê stopniowy wzrost turystyki wewnêtrznej, tak na ca³ym terenie Rosji, jak i na obszarze Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego. Mo¿emy zauwa¿yæ szczególne zainteresowanie histori¹ kraju i jego dziedzictwem w ród samych mieszkañców oraz przedstawicieli innych regionów Rosji, jak równie¿ turystów zza granicy. Warto by³oby wykorzystaæ tê tendencjê. Je¿eli w przemy lany sposób skorzystaæ z dziedzictwa kulturowego i przyrodniczego oraz ich potencja³u, w po³¹czeniu z korzystn¹ pozycj¹ geograficzn¹ da³oby to szansê przekszta³cenia obwodu w terytorium wieloprofilowe za wzglêdu na potencja³ turystyki. Z kolei docelowe wydzielenie czê ci dochodów z turystyki pomog³oby uzyskaæ znaczne rodki na rzecz utrzymania i ochrony dóbr kultury. Niestety obszar dziedzictwa kulturowego i naturalnego nie stanowi obecnie nie tylko priorytetowego, ale nawet wa¿nego, samodzielnego dzia³u turystyki tak wewnêtrznej, jak i zewnêtrznej. Przeszkadza temu wiele nierozwi¹zanych do chwili obecnej kwestii dotycz¹cych braku infrastruktury, re¿imu wizowego i celnego, braku kompleksowej, przemy lanej i wspartej finansow¹ baz¹ polityki pañstwa w zakresie kultury i turystyki regionu. A bez inwestycji w odnowê, rekonstrukcjê, tworzenie odpowiedniej infrastruktury, bez wsparcia roz-

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la Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego, posiadaj¹ cego ograniczony potencja³ przemys³owy i agrarny, orientacja na bogactwo kulturowe mog³aby staæ siê rzeczywist¹ mo¿liwo ci¹ rozwoju ekonomicznego i socjalnego. Takie podej cie odpowiada Konwencji UNESCO w sprawie ochrony wiatowego dziedzictwa kulturowego i naturalnego, rekomenduj¹cej pañstwom uczestnikom prowadzenie wspólnej polityki, maj¹cej na celu przypisanie do dziedzictwa kulturowego i przyrodniczego okre lonych funkcji w ¿yciu spo³eczeñstwa oraz w³¹czenie go do programów ogólnego planowania [UNESCO, Konwencja..., 1972, art. 5]. Wykorzystany potencja³ dóbr kultury, zabytków historycznych Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego, móg³by mieæ wp³yw na rozwój rekreacji, kompleksu naukowego i o wiatowego, odtworzenie tradycji i wzmocnienie gin¹cych zawodów oraz form gospodarowania, a w koñcu aktywizacjê ca³ej sfery ekonomicznej, socjalnej oraz kulturalnej regionu. Oprócz tego, dziedzictwo daje szansê na utworzenie unikalnego wizerunku terenu, wyeksponowanie jego odrêbno ci w ród innych regionów Federacji Rosyjskiej oraz s¹siednich pañstw. Jednocze nie jest ono szczególn¹ czê ci¹ potencja³u, posiadaj¹cego wymiern¹ warto æ. Na tym polega ekonomiczne znaczenie dziedzictwa. Jego rola jest nieoceniona równie¿ dla rozwoju kultury i o wiaty to w³a nie sk³ada siê na socjalne znaczenie dziedzictwa. Mog³oby ono równie¿ przyczyniaæ siê do integracji Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego z otaczaj¹cymi go krajami s¹siedzkimi. Takie procesy mo¿na obserwowaæ na przyk³ad w Polsce, gdzie dziedzictwo kulturowe rozpatrywane jest jako warto æ narodowa, ale jednocze nie uniwersalna, ogólnoludzka i ogólnoeuropejska. Takie podej cie w³¹cza Polskê do europejskiego i wiato-

D

Znaczenie dziedzictwa ne dla ochrony zabytków jest w³¹czanie ich do planów rozwoju miast oraz zagospodarowania przestrzennego. Dla Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego, ze wzglêdu na stopieñ zniszczenia dziedzictwa, wa¿ne jest stworzenie ca³ych stref odnowy i ochrony zabytków. Obecnie na terenie regionu wytyczono ju¿ takie strefy, ale s¹ one zwi¹zane wy³¹cznie z najbardziej znanymi pomnikami historycznymi i przyrodniczymi; s¹ to tylko jednostkowe obiekty, wiêc podej cie takie nie daje mo¿liwo ci rekonstrukcji i ochrony ca³ego kulturowego i krajobrazowego wygl¹du terenu i rodowiska historycznego.

301

wego obszaru warto ci, kultury i turystyki. Szczególny charakter dziedzictwa Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego, tak historycznego, jak i przyrodniczego, jest podobny do zasobów s¹siednich krajów. Móg³by on w stopniu bardziej intensywnym wp³ywaæ na rozwój wspó³pracy miêdzynarodowej w zakresie kultury, wspieraæ stworzenie jednolitej koncepcji turystycznej (transgranicznych tras turystycznych, projektów kulturalnych itd.). Tradycyjnie dziedzictwo odgrywa wa¿n¹ rolê w rozwoju turystyki. Pomimo ¿e region kaliningradzki posiada potê¿ny potencja³ w tym zakresie i turystyka rozwiniêta na wysokim poziomie mog³aby staæ siê wa¿n¹ ga³êzi¹ gospodarki lokalnej, na drodze do osi¹gniêcia tego celu stoi kilka przeszkód. Obecnie obiekty przynale¿ne do kulturowego dziedzictwa s¹ w pewnym stopniu wci¹gniête do obszaru wewnêtrznego rynku turystyki, który niestety ma ci le ograniczone mo¿liwo ci i skalê. Obecnie g³ównym typem turystyki funkcjonuj¹cym w Obwodzie Kaliningradzkim jest turystyka wyjazdowa. Jest to zrozumia³e spowodowane wysokim poziomem serwisu i ogólnie wy¿sz¹ atrakcyjno ci¹ turystyczn¹ regionów zagranicznych. Jednocze nie obserwuje siê stopniowy wzrost turystyki wewnêtrznej, tak na ca³ym terenie Rosji, jak i na obszarze Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego. Mo¿emy zauwa¿yæ szczególne zainteresowanie histori¹ kraju i jego dziedzictwem w ród samych mieszkañców oraz przedstawicieli innych regionów Rosji, jak równie¿ turystów zza granicy. Warto by³oby wykorzystaæ tê tendencjê. Je¿eli w przemy lany sposób skorzystaæ z dziedzictwa kulturowego i przyrodniczego oraz ich potencja³u, w po³¹czeniu z korzystn¹ pozycj¹ geograficzn¹ da³oby to szansê przekszta³cenia obwodu w terytorium wieloprofilowe za wzglêdu na potencja³ turystyki. Z kolei docelowe wydzielenie czê ci dochodów z turystyki pomog³oby uzyskaæ znaczne rodki na rzecz utrzymania i ochrony dóbr kultury. Niestety obszar dziedzictwa kulturowego i naturalnego nie stanowi obecnie nie tylko priorytetowego, ale nawet wa¿nego, samodzielnego dzia³u turystyki tak wewnêtrznej, jak i zewnêtrznej. Przeszkadza temu wiele nierozwi¹zanych do chwili obecnej kwestii dotycz¹cych braku infrastruktury, re¿imu wizowego i celnego, braku kompleksowej, przemy lanej i wspartej finansow¹ baz¹ polityki pañstwa w zakresie kultury i turystyki regionu. A bez inwestycji w odnowê, rekonstrukcjê, tworzenie odpowiedniej infrastruktury, bez wsparcia roz-


ne i lokalne. Jednocze nie wed³ug okre lonej warto ci zabytku istnieje podzia³ na nastêpuj¹ce kategorie: wpisane na listê wiatowego dziedzictwa, obiekty znaczenia narodowego oraz zabytki uznane za obiekty dziedzictwa. Okre lona w taki sposób warto æ obiektu wp³ywa na formê zarz¹dzania nim (obiekty z Listy wiatowego Dziedzictwa Kulturowego UNESCO oraz o znaczeniu narodowym podlegaj¹ w³adzy centralnej; zabytki o mniejszej warto ci samorz¹dowi regionalnemu lub lokalnemu). Funkcje ochrony pe³ni struktura pañstwowa odpowiedniego poziomu. Ze wzglêdu na wielko æ obszaru Federacji Rosyjskiej podobne rozwi¹zanie jest uzasadnione, jednak¿e w ród specjalistów z zakresu dziedzictwa istnieje opinia, ¿e takie rozdzielenie o czym wiadczy praktyka zastosowania ustawy z 15 XII 1978 nie wype³nia naukowo uzasadnionych kryteriów. Pañstwowy system ochrony nie powinien opieraæ siê bowiem na kategorii zabytku. W warunkach wspó³czesnych taka kategoryzacja tworzy niepotrzebne bariery przy realizacji programu pañstwowej ochrony zabytków i poci¹ga za sob¹ problem rozgraniczenia w³a ciwo ci. Zrezygnowanie z takiego podzia³u pozwoli³oby poprawiæ system ochrony oraz uzyskaæ jego zgodno æ z przepisami prawnymi. W obecnym systemie ochrony zabytków nadal brakuje podej cia kompleksowego bardziej rozpowszechniona jest praktyka ochrony i odbudowania pojedynczych zabytków. Jednak akty prawne, takie jak kodeks ziemski, zawieraj¹ pojêcie historycznego i kulturowego terytorium , które otacza zabytek. Podlega ono ochronie razem z takim pomnikiem. wiadectwem podej cia kompleksowego jest równie¿ obecno æ w ustawodawstwie definicji rodowiska historycznego, krajobrazowego i urbanistycznego. W skali regionu kaliningradzkiego pañstwow¹ ochronê zabytków znaczenia regionalnego oraz lokalnego reguluje ustawa Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego O ochronie obiektów dziedzictwa kulturowego (pomnikach historii i kultury) w Obwodzie Kaliningradzkim z 2003 roku. Zachowanie dziedzictwa jest traktowane jako jeden z najwa¿niejszych celów we wszystkich dokumentach dotycz¹cych dzia³alno ci i polityki kulturalnej na terenie Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego oraz jako zadanie praktycznie zawarte w programie i planach rozwoju kultury regionu do 2010 roku. Federalny program rozwoju Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego do 2010 roku zawiera specjalnie rozdzia³y Kultura i Ochrona dziedzictwa kulturowego [Popow, 2006, s. 34].

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

woju obiektów z przeznaczeniem ich na dzia³alno æ kulturaln¹, dziedzictwo Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego nie bêdzie atrakcyjne z punktu widzenia turystyki wjazdowej. Sytuacja jest tym bardziej skomplikowana, ¿e konieczne jest konkurowanie z najbli¿szymi s¹siadami: Polsk¹ oraz Litw¹, gdzie znajdziemy podobne dziedzictwo, ale warunki i mechanizmy korzystania z niego, jak równie¿ infrastruktura, s¹ o wiele lepsze i odpowiadaj¹ wszystkim wymaganiom przemys³u turystycznego. Obecnie Obwód Kaliningradzki nie jest w stanie konkurowaæ z ofert¹ s¹siadów. Tak wiêc istniej¹cy potencja³ nie jest wykorzystany w odpowiedni sposób. Ochrona dziedzictwa na terenie Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego regulowana jest przez prawo federalne i regionalne. Podstawow¹ rolê w okre laniu oraz rozwoju systemu ochrony dziedzictwa odgrywa jednak pañstwo. Narzêdziami, których do tego u¿ywa, s¹: G ograniczenia zwi¹zane z wykorzystaniem zabytków, G polityka inwestycyjna, G realizacja na terenie pañstwa szczególnych programów zwi¹zanych z ochron¹, wykorzystaniem i promocj¹ dziedzictwa. System prawny w odniesieniu do ochrony zabytków sk³ada siê z kilku aktów. Najwa¿niejszym jest Konstytucja Federacji Rosyjskiej, zobowi¹zuj¹ca ka¿dego obywatela do troski i ochrony dziedzictwa historycznego i kulturalnego, podkre laj¹ca jego narodowe i ogólnoludzkie znaczenie. Na tym polega podobieñstwo do polskiego systemu prawnego, które równie¿ obowi¹zek ochrony dóbr kultury nak³ada nie tylko na pañstwo, ale i obywateli. Bli¿ej kwestie te reguluje dodatkowo rz¹d aktów prawnych poziomu federalnego. Zasadnicze znaczenie ma ustawa O obiektach dziedzictwa kulturowego (pomnikach historii i kultury) narodów Federacji Rosyjskiej z 2002 roku. Oddzielne normy, po wiêcone uregulowaniu stosunków prawnych w zakresie ochrony dziedzictwa, zawarte s¹ w kodeksie budowlanym, kodeksie ziemskim, kodeksie podatkowym Federacji Rosyjskiej, ustawach federalnych (O dzia³alno ci architektonicznej w Federacji Rosyjskiej, O prywatyzacji pañstwowej i w³asno ci samorz¹dowej, O licencjonowaniu okre lonych rodzajów dzia³alno ci) oraz aktach prawnych dotycz¹cych bud¿etu. Federalna ustawa na rzecz ochrony obiektów dziedzictwa kulturowego, jak równie¿ wcze niej obowi¹zuj¹cy akt prawny z roku 1978, przewiduj¹ podzia³ obiektów dziedzictwa na zabytki maj¹ce znaczenie federalne, regional-

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ne i lokalne. Jednocze nie wed³ug okre lonej warto ci zabytku istnieje podzia³ na nastêpuj¹ce kategorie: wpisane na listê wiatowego dziedzictwa, obiekty znaczenia narodowego oraz zabytki uznane za obiekty dziedzictwa. Okre lona w taki sposób warto æ obiektu wp³ywa na formê zarz¹dzania nim (obiekty z Listy wiatowego Dziedzictwa Kulturowego UNESCO oraz o znaczeniu narodowym podlegaj¹ w³adzy centralnej; zabytki o mniejszej warto ci samorz¹dowi regionalnemu lub lokalnemu). Funkcje ochrony pe³ni struktura pañstwowa odpowiedniego poziomu. Ze wzglêdu na wielko æ obszaru Federacji Rosyjskiej podobne rozwi¹zanie jest uzasadnione, jednak¿e w ród specjalistów z zakresu dziedzictwa istnieje opinia, ¿e takie rozdzielenie o czym wiadczy praktyka zastosowania ustawy z 15 XII 1978 nie wype³nia naukowo uzasadnionych kryteriów. Pañstwowy system ochrony nie powinien opieraæ siê bowiem na kategorii zabytku. W warunkach wspó³czesnych taka kategoryzacja tworzy niepotrzebne bariery przy realizacji programu pañstwowej ochrony zabytków i poci¹ga za sob¹ problem rozgraniczenia w³a ciwo ci. Zrezygnowanie z takiego podzia³u pozwoli³oby poprawiæ system ochrony oraz uzyskaæ jego zgodno æ z przepisami prawnymi. W obecnym systemie ochrony zabytków nadal brakuje podej cia kompleksowego bardziej rozpowszechniona jest praktyka ochrony i odbudowania pojedynczych zabytków. Jednak akty prawne, takie jak kodeks ziemski, zawieraj¹ pojêcie historycznego i kulturowego terytorium , które otacza zabytek. Podlega ono ochronie razem z takim pomnikiem. wiadectwem podej cia kompleksowego jest równie¿ obecno æ w ustawodawstwie definicji rodowiska historycznego, krajobrazowego i urbanistycznego. W skali regionu kaliningradzkiego pañstwow¹ ochronê zabytków znaczenia regionalnego oraz lokalnego reguluje ustawa Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego O ochronie obiektów dziedzictwa kulturowego (pomnikach historii i kultury) w Obwodzie Kaliningradzkim z 2003 roku. Zachowanie dziedzictwa jest traktowane jako jeden z najwa¿niejszych celów we wszystkich dokumentach dotycz¹cych dzia³alno ci i polityki kulturalnej na terenie Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego oraz jako zadanie praktycznie zawarte w programie i planach rozwoju kultury regionu do 2010 roku. Federalny program rozwoju Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego do 2010 roku zawiera specjalnie rozdzia³y Kultura i Ochrona dziedzictwa kulturowego [Popow, 2006, s. 34].

302

woju obiektów z przeznaczeniem ich na dzia³alno æ kulturaln¹, dziedzictwo Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego nie bêdzie atrakcyjne z punktu widzenia turystyki wjazdowej. Sytuacja jest tym bardziej skomplikowana, ¿e konieczne jest konkurowanie z najbli¿szymi s¹siadami: Polsk¹ oraz Litw¹, gdzie znajdziemy podobne dziedzictwo, ale warunki i mechanizmy korzystania z niego, jak równie¿ infrastruktura, s¹ o wiele lepsze i odpowiadaj¹ wszystkim wymaganiom przemys³u turystycznego. Obecnie Obwód Kaliningradzki nie jest w stanie konkurowaæ z ofert¹ s¹siadów. Tak wiêc istniej¹cy potencja³ nie jest wykorzystany w odpowiedni sposób. Ochrona dziedzictwa na terenie Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego regulowana jest przez prawo federalne i regionalne. Podstawow¹ rolê w okre laniu oraz rozwoju systemu ochrony dziedzictwa odgrywa jednak pañstwo. Narzêdziami, których do tego u¿ywa, s¹: G ograniczenia zwi¹zane z wykorzystaniem zabytków, G polityka inwestycyjna, G realizacja na terenie pañstwa szczególnych programów zwi¹zanych z ochron¹, wykorzystaniem i promocj¹ dziedzictwa. System prawny w odniesieniu do ochrony zabytków sk³ada siê z kilku aktów. Najwa¿niejszym jest Konstytucja Federacji Rosyjskiej, zobowi¹zuj¹ca ka¿dego obywatela do troski i ochrony dziedzictwa historycznego i kulturalnego, podkre laj¹ca jego narodowe i ogólnoludzkie znaczenie. Na tym polega podobieñstwo do polskiego systemu prawnego, które równie¿ obowi¹zek ochrony dóbr kultury nak³ada nie tylko na pañstwo, ale i obywateli. Bli¿ej kwestie te reguluje dodatkowo rz¹d aktów prawnych poziomu federalnego. Zasadnicze znaczenie ma ustawa O obiektach dziedzictwa kulturowego (pomnikach historii i kultury) narodów Federacji Rosyjskiej z 2002 roku. Oddzielne normy, po wiêcone uregulowaniu stosunków prawnych w zakresie ochrony dziedzictwa, zawarte s¹ w kodeksie budowlanym, kodeksie ziemskim, kodeksie podatkowym Federacji Rosyjskiej, ustawach federalnych (O dzia³alno ci architektonicznej w Federacji Rosyjskiej, O prywatyzacji pañstwowej i w³asno ci samorz¹dowej, O licencjonowaniu okre lonych rodzajów dzia³alno ci) oraz aktach prawnych dotycz¹cych bud¿etu. Federalna ustawa na rzecz ochrony obiektów dziedzictwa kulturowego, jak równie¿ wcze niej obowi¹zuj¹cy akt prawny z roku 1978, przewiduj¹ podzia³ obiektów dziedzictwa na zabytki maj¹ce znaczenie federalne, regional-


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

W ostatnim czasie dziedzictwo staje siê wa¿nym czynnikiem rozwoju, widocznym zjawiskiem w ekonomicznym, socjalnym oraz kulturalnym ¿yciu spo³eczeñstwa. Przez wiele lat nie by³o o nim wzmianek ani w statystycznych, ani w analitycznych dokumentach. Obecnie wspominaj¹ o nim zarówno rodki masowego przekazu, jak i oficjalne dokumenty, plany rozwoju ekonomicznego i kulturalnego. Jednak rzeczywi cie skuteczna dzia³alno æ na rzecz ochrony dziedzictwa wymaga doskonalenia tak na poziomie federalnym, jak i lokalnym, potrzebuje systemu zarz¹dzania i realizacji przepisów prawnych wed³ug umów miêdzynarodowych i ustawodawstwa rosyjskiego. Kluczowymi problemami, które nale¿y rozwi¹zaæ, s¹ sprawy w³asno ciowe oraz takie zagadnienia jak sponsoring i mecenat w zakresie kultury.

W³asno æ

I

stniej¹ce ustawodawstwo rosyjskie teoretycznie przewiduje prywatyzacjê obiektów dziedzictwa narodowego, jednak¿e musi zostaæ spe³nionych kilka warunków: G prowadzenie dzia³alno ci kulturalnej powinno byæ podstawowym rodzajem dzia³alno ci na terenie zabytku, G nale¿y zachowaæ profilowane us³ugi, oraz G zabezpieczenie istniej¹c¹ liczbê miejsc pracy i zagwarantowaæ pracownikom wiadczenia socjalne. Dobra kultury o znaczeniu szczególnym nie mog¹ zostaæ przekazane na w³asno æ prywatn¹. Znajduje siê w ród nich: dziedzictwo kulturowe narodów Federacji Rosyjskiej, w tym dobra kultury, które s¹ przechowywane przez muzea pañstwowe lub lokalne, archiwa, biblioteki, galerie sztuki, w³¹czaj¹c w to budynki i pomieszczenia, w których siê one znajduj¹. Rozwój w³asno ci prywatnej obiektów i budowa rynku dziedzictwa jest bardzo wa¿nym warunkiem ekonomiki rynkowej. Jest sposobem na przekazanie przez pañstwo obowi¹zku ochrony zabytków, rozwój partnerstwa pomiêdzy pañstwem a spo³eczeñstwem w tym zakresie, przyci¹gniêcie nowych rodków na odnowienie zabytków, znalezienie dla zabytków troskliwych w³a cicieli. I chocia¿ istniej¹ ju¿ przyk³ady przekazania zabytków na w³asno æ prywatn¹, s¹ to tylko pojedyncze przypadki na terenie ca³ej Rosji. Zabytki historii s¹ jednym z ostatnich filarów ogromnej sfery w³asno ci pañstwowej, jeszcze niew³¹czonej do procesu prywatyzacji. Kwestia w³asno ci, przede

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

wszystkim dotycz¹ca zabytków architektonicznych, nadal nie jest rozwi¹zana, co istotnie utrudnia rozwój systemu ochrony. Problem polega na nieobecno ci kryterium okre lenia warto ci zabytków tej albo innej kategorii: federalnego, regionalnego lub lokalnego. Nie jest tak¿e oczywista kwestia zarz¹du zabytkiem jaki szczebel w³adzy powinien sprawowaæ funkcje ochrony. Jak ju¿ wspomniano, na terenie Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego znajduje siê oko³o 40 zabytków o znaczeniu federalnym. Precyzyjn¹ liczbê zabytków o charakterze regionalnym lub lokalnym trudno okre liæ. Jednocze nie mo¿liwo ci prywatyzacji zabytków, dzier¿awy d³ugoterminowej lub nieodp³atnego korzystania s¹ obecnie bardzo du¿e. Opracowanie skutecznego systemu, który da³by gwarancje wype³niania obowi¹zku ochrony i utrzymania zabytku w odpowiednim stanie przez nowych w³a cicieli, mog³oby przyci¹gn¹æ nowe rodki na bardziej skuteczn¹ ochronê dziedzictwa. ¯eby wyja niæ t¹ kwestiê i oddelegowaæ upowa¿nienie do ochrony i korzystania z obiektów dziedzictwa, potrzebne jest pilne wprowadzenie inwentaryzacji zabytków na podstawie okre lonych kryteriów. Niezbêdne jest równie¿ wypracowanie mechanizmów umo¿liwiaj¹cych korzystanie przez w³a cicieli zabytków ze rodków finansowych bud¿etu pañstwa przeznaczonych na ochronê dóbr kultury, szczególnie w sytuacji, kiedy dzia³alno æ w tym obiekcie nie przynosi dochodów, które by pozwoli³y na utrzymanie zabytku w odpowiednim stanie. Obecnie trwaj¹ prace maj¹ce na celu przygotowanie projektu ustawy z wprowadzonymi zmianami i uzupe³nieniami poprzedniej ustawy nr 73-F3 O obiektach dziedzictwa kulturowego narodów Federacji Rosyjskiej z 25 czerwca 2002 roku. G³ównym problemem s¹ tu ró¿ne podej cia do praw i pe³nomocnictw regionów w sprawie ochrony dziedzictwa o znaczeniu federalnym, w tym przekazania rodków finansowych i wprowadzenia pañstwowego rejestru obiektów dziedzictwa kulturowego (pomników historii i kultury). Wed³ug Ministerstwa Finansów na podstawie istniej¹cego obecnie ustawodawstwa nie jest mo¿liwe okre lenie kategorii zabytku bez rozwik³ania problemu w³asno ci obiektu. Ten ostatni problem nadal nie ma rozwi¹zania. Nowy projekt federalnej ustawy potwierdza jednak mo¿liwo æ przekazania funkcji finansowania i prowadzenia ochrony obiektów zabytkowych samorz¹dom lokalnym [Wizja polityki..., 2006, s. 15 16]. Regulamin (Podstawowe Prawo Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego) zaleca ustalenie specjalne-

303

stniej¹ce ustawodawstwo rosyjskie teoretycznie przewiduje prywatyzacjê obiektów dziedzictwa narodowego, jednak¿e musi zostaæ spe³nionych kilka warunków: G prowadzenie dzia³alno ci kulturalnej powinno byæ podstawowym rodzajem dzia³alno ci na terenie zabytku, G nale¿y zachowaæ profilowane us³ugi, oraz G zabezpieczenie istniej¹c¹ liczbê miejsc pracy i zagwarantowaæ pracownikom wiadczenia socjalne. Dobra kultury o znaczeniu szczególnym nie mog¹ zostaæ przekazane na w³asno æ prywatn¹. Znajduje siê w ród nich: dziedzictwo kulturowe narodów Federacji Rosyjskiej, w tym dobra kultury, które s¹ przechowywane przez muzea pañstwowe lub lokalne, archiwa, biblioteki, galerie sztuki, w³¹czaj¹c w to budynki i pomieszczenia, w których siê one znajduj¹. Rozwój w³asno ci prywatnej obiektów i budowa rynku dziedzictwa jest bardzo wa¿nym warunkiem ekonomiki rynkowej. Jest sposobem na przekazanie przez pañstwo obowi¹zku ochrony zabytków, rozwój partnerstwa pomiêdzy pañstwem a spo³eczeñstwem w tym zakresie, przyci¹gniêcie nowych rodków na odnowienie zabytków, znalezienie dla zabytków troskliwych w³a cicieli. I chocia¿ istniej¹ ju¿ przyk³ady przekazania zabytków na w³asno æ prywatn¹, s¹ to tylko pojedyncze przypadki na terenie ca³ej Rosji. Zabytki historii s¹ jednym z ostatnich filarów ogromnej sfery w³asno ci pañstwowej, jeszcze niew³¹czonej do procesu prywatyzacji. Kwestia w³asno ci, przede

I

W³asno æ W ostatnim czasie dziedzictwo staje siê wa¿nym czynnikiem rozwoju, widocznym zjawiskiem w ekonomicznym, socjalnym oraz kulturalnym ¿yciu spo³eczeñstwa. Przez wiele lat nie by³o o nim wzmianek ani w statystycznych, ani w analitycznych dokumentach. Obecnie wspominaj¹ o nim zarówno rodki masowego przekazu, jak i oficjalne dokumenty, plany rozwoju ekonomicznego i kulturalnego. Jednak rzeczywi cie skuteczna dzia³alno æ na rzecz ochrony dziedzictwa wymaga doskonalenia tak na poziomie federalnym, jak i lokalnym, potrzebuje systemu zarz¹dzania i realizacji przepisów prawnych wed³ug umów miêdzynarodowych i ustawodawstwa rosyjskiego. Kluczowymi problemami, które nale¿y rozwi¹zaæ, s¹ sprawy w³asno ciowe oraz takie zagadnienia jak sponsoring i mecenat w zakresie kultury.

303

wszystkim dotycz¹ca zabytków architektonicznych, nadal nie jest rozwi¹zana, co istotnie utrudnia rozwój systemu ochrony. Problem polega na nieobecno ci kryterium okre lenia warto ci zabytków tej albo innej kategorii: federalnego, regionalnego lub lokalnego. Nie jest tak¿e oczywista kwestia zarz¹du zabytkiem jaki szczebel w³adzy powinien sprawowaæ funkcje ochrony. Jak ju¿ wspomniano, na terenie Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego znajduje siê oko³o 40 zabytków o znaczeniu federalnym. Precyzyjn¹ liczbê zabytków o charakterze regionalnym lub lokalnym trudno okre liæ. Jednocze nie mo¿liwo ci prywatyzacji zabytków, dzier¿awy d³ugoterminowej lub nieodp³atnego korzystania s¹ obecnie bardzo du¿e. Opracowanie skutecznego systemu, który da³by gwarancje wype³niania obowi¹zku ochrony i utrzymania zabytku w odpowiednim stanie przez nowych w³a cicieli, mog³oby przyci¹gn¹æ nowe rodki na bardziej skuteczn¹ ochronê dziedzictwa. ¯eby wyja niæ t¹ kwestiê i oddelegowaæ upowa¿nienie do ochrony i korzystania z obiektów dziedzictwa, potrzebne jest pilne wprowadzenie inwentaryzacji zabytków na podstawie okre lonych kryteriów. Niezbêdne jest równie¿ wypracowanie mechanizmów umo¿liwiaj¹cych korzystanie przez w³a cicieli zabytków ze rodków finansowych bud¿etu pañstwa przeznaczonych na ochronê dóbr kultury, szczególnie w sytuacji, kiedy dzia³alno æ w tym obiekcie nie przynosi dochodów, które by pozwoli³y na utrzymanie zabytku w odpowiednim stanie. Obecnie trwaj¹ prace maj¹ce na celu przygotowanie projektu ustawy z wprowadzonymi zmianami i uzupe³nieniami poprzedniej ustawy nr 73-F3 O obiektach dziedzictwa kulturowego narodów Federacji Rosyjskiej z 25 czerwca 2002 roku. G³ównym problemem s¹ tu ró¿ne podej cia do praw i pe³nomocnictw regionów w sprawie ochrony dziedzictwa o znaczeniu federalnym, w tym przekazania rodków finansowych i wprowadzenia pañstwowego rejestru obiektów dziedzictwa kulturowego (pomników historii i kultury). Wed³ug Ministerstwa Finansów na podstawie istniej¹cego obecnie ustawodawstwa nie jest mo¿liwe okre lenie kategorii zabytku bez rozwik³ania problemu w³asno ci obiektu. Ten ostatni problem nadal nie ma rozwi¹zania. Nowy projekt federalnej ustawy potwierdza jednak mo¿liwo æ przekazania funkcji finansowania i prowadzenia ochrony obiektów zabytkowych samorz¹dom lokalnym [Wizja polityki..., 2006, s. 15 16]. Regulamin (Podstawowe Prawo Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego) zaleca ustalenie specjalne-


Literatura S³abym ogniwem w praktyce ochrony dziedzictwa na terenie Rosji i Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego jest brak korzystania z partnerstwa pañstwa ze spo³eczeñstwem i sektorem prywatnym. Bezpo rednie przyci¹gniêcie jednostek prywatnych lub prawnych oraz organizacji pozarz¹dowych mog³oby podnie æ efektywno æ ochrony zabytków, które pozosta³y jeszcze niezagospodarowane, oraz odbudowê utraconych, daæ efekt samorozwoju, mieæ wp³yw na zrozumienie personalnej i wspólnej odpowiedzialno ci oraz szacunku do dziedzictwa. Do rozwoju takiego partnerstwa potrzebne jest opracowanie elastycznych mechanizmów wspierania inicjatyw prywatnych, sponsoringu osób prywatnych i biznesu. Na skutek braku odpowiednich warunków dla mecenatu i sponsoringu, z jednocze nie wspomigo statusu dla zabytków regionu i odniesienia ich do pañstwowego rejestru. Wed³ug regulaminu takie zabytki s¹ wycofane z obrotu cywilnego, czyli nie mog¹ byæ przekazane na w³asno æ prywatn¹ [Gercyk, 2006, s. 20]. Podsumowuj¹c, mo¿na wyliczyæ aktualne zadania w zakresie ochrony dziedzictwa na terenie Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego: G inwentaryzacja istniej¹cych na terenie regionu zabytków i dóbr kultury, okre lenie ich stanu oraz za³o¿enie ogólnego rejestru, G zaprojektowanie i stworzenie stref ochrony zabytków, G prowadzenie prac badawczo-naukowych, prowadzenie prac restauratorskich [Polityka kulturalna..., 2006, s. 18]. G

materia³y do koncepcji, Kaliningrad 2006. Polityka kulturalna w Obwodzie Kaliningradzkim

nanym ju¿ wadliwym ustawodawstwem, dziedzictwo traci wa¿ne rodki dla rekonstrukcji i rozwoju. Oprócz zmian w ustawodawstwie dotycz¹cym ochrony dziedzictwa potrzebne jest kompleksowe i dalekowzroczne podej cie. Wa¿ne jest stworzenie strategii ochrony dziedzictwa na terenie Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego, która wyznaczy³aby podstawowe priorytety i kierunki dzia³alno ci w zakresie ochrony dóbr kultury, problemy ochrony, restauracji i korzystania z pomników kultury, jak równie¿ opracowania i uzasadnienia systemu dzia³alno ci praktycznej w tym zakresie oraz ochrony ró¿nych rodzajów dóbr kultury. Oprócz tego powinna ona zawieraæ badania z zakresu potencja³u dziedzictwa historycznego i kulturowego na terenie obwodu oraz mechanizmy prawne i praktyczne realizacji tej strategii. Podobna strategia powinna okre liæ perspektywy ekonomicznego, socjalnego i kulturalnego rozwoju terenu, uwzglêdniaj¹c korzystanie z potencja³u dziedzictwa. Dlatego strategia ochrony dziedzictwa musi byæ stworzona w zgodno ci z programem i strategi¹ rozwoju kultury regionu oraz programem rozwoju turystyki i rekreacji. Oprócz tego ma ona byæ w³¹czona do ogólnej strategii rozwoju Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego. Tylko takie kompleksowe podej cie mo¿e pozwoliæ w sposób skuteczny i poprawny rozwi¹zaæ zadanie rekonstrukcji i rozwoju dziedzictwa w Obwodzie Kaliningradzkim. Co wiêcej, taka strategia mog³aby siê staæ przyk³adem wspó³dzia³ania i ³¹czenia rozwoju dziedzin kultury i ekonomiki.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Gercyk I., Ustawodawstwo Obwodu Kaliningradzkie-

304

kim, Kaliningrad 2006.

blicznych [w:] Wizja polityki kulturalnej w Obwo-

dziedzictwa kulturalnego i naturalnego, Pary¿ 1972.

dzie Kaliningradzkim, Kaliningrad 2006. Wizja polityki kulturalnej w Obwodzie Kaliningradz-

Popow A., Struktura sektoru. Sieæ organizacji pu-

UNESCO, Konwencja w sprawie ochrony wiatowego

go reguluj¹ce stosunki w zakresie kultury [w:]

blicznych [w:] Wizja polityki kulturalnej w Obwo-

gradzkim, Kaliningrad 2006.

dzie Kaliningradzkim, Kaliningrad 2006.

Wizja polityki kulturalnej w Obwodzie Kalinin-

Wizja polityki kulturalnej w Obwodzie Kalinin-

Popow A., Struktura sektoru. Sieæ organizacji pu-

Wizja polityki kulturalnej w Obwodzie Kaliningradz-

materia³y do koncepcji, Kaliningrad 2006.

go reguluj¹ce stosunki w zakresie kultury [w:]

gradzkim, Kaliningrad 2006.

Polityka kulturalna w Obwodzie Kaliningradzkim

kim, Kaliningrad 2006.

Gercyk I., Ustawodawstwo Obwodu Kaliningradzkie-

dziedzictwa kulturalnego i naturalnego, Pary¿ 1972.

Literatura

UNESCO, Konwencja w sprawie ochrony wiatowego

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

S³abym ogniwem w praktyce ochrony dziedzictwa na terenie Rosji i Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego jest brak korzystania z partnerstwa pañstwa ze spo³eczeñstwem i sektorem prywatnym. Bezpo rednie przyci¹gniêcie jednostek prywatnych lub prawnych oraz organizacji pozarz¹dowych mog³oby podnie æ efektywno æ ochrony zabytków, które pozosta³y jeszcze niezagospodarowane, oraz odbudowê utraconych, daæ efekt samorozwoju, mieæ wp³yw na zrozumienie personalnej i wspólnej odpowiedzialno ci oraz szacunku do dziedzictwa. Do rozwoju takiego partnerstwa potrzebne jest opracowanie elastycznych mechanizmów wspierania inicjatyw prywatnych, sponsoringu osób prywatnych i biznesu. Na skutek braku odpowiednich warunków dla mecenatu i sponsoringu, z jednocze nie wspomi-

nanym ju¿ wadliwym ustawodawstwem, dziedzictwo traci wa¿ne rodki dla rekonstrukcji i rozwoju. Oprócz zmian w ustawodawstwie dotycz¹cym ochrony dziedzictwa potrzebne jest kompleksowe i dalekowzroczne podej cie. Wa¿ne jest stworzenie strategii ochrony dziedzictwa na terenie Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego, która wyznaczy³aby podstawowe priorytety i kierunki dzia³alno ci w zakresie ochrony dóbr kultury, problemy ochrony, restauracji i korzystania z pomników kultury, jak równie¿ opracowania i uzasadnienia systemu dzia³alno ci praktycznej w tym zakresie oraz ochrony ró¿nych rodzajów dóbr kultury. Oprócz tego powinna ona zawieraæ badania z zakresu potencja³u dziedzictwa historycznego i kulturowego na terenie obwodu oraz mechanizmy prawne i praktyczne realizacji tej strategii. Podobna strategia powinna okre liæ perspektywy ekonomicznego, socjalnego i kulturalnego rozwoju terenu, uwzglêdniaj¹c korzystanie z potencja³u dziedzictwa. Dlatego strategia ochrony dziedzictwa musi byæ stworzona w zgodno ci z programem i strategi¹ rozwoju kultury regionu oraz programem rozwoju turystyki i rekreacji. Oprócz tego ma ona byæ w³¹czona do ogólnej strategii rozwoju Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego. Tylko takie kompleksowe podej cie mo¿e pozwoliæ w sposób skuteczny i poprawny rozwi¹zaæ zadanie rekonstrukcji i rozwoju dziedzictwa w Obwodzie Kaliningradzkim. Co wiêcej, taka strategia mog³aby siê staæ przyk³adem wspó³dzia³ania i ³¹czenia rozwoju dziedzin kultury i ekonomiki.

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go statusu dla zabytków regionu i odniesienia ich do pañstwowego rejestru. Wed³ug regulaminu takie zabytki s¹ wycofane z obrotu cywilnego, czyli nie mog¹ byæ przekazane na w³asno æ prywatn¹ [Gercyk, 2006, s. 20]. Podsumowuj¹c, mo¿na wyliczyæ aktualne zadania w zakresie ochrony dziedzictwa na terenie Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego: G inwentaryzacja istniej¹cych na terenie regionu zabytków i dóbr kultury, okre lenie ich stanu oraz za³o¿enie ogólnego rejestru, G zaprojektowanie i stworzenie stref ochrony zabytków, G prowadzenie prac badawczo-naukowych, G prowadzenie prac restauratorskich [Polityka kulturalna..., 2006, s. 18].


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Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Podstawowe problemy rozwoju trzeciego sektora w sferze kultury w Republice Bia³orusi Larysa Osmo³owska

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szystkie istniej¹ce w Republice Bia³orusi osoby prawne mo¿na zgodnie z obowi¹zuj¹cym ustawodawstwem podzieliæ na dwie g³ówne grupy: organizacje komercyjne i niekomercyjne. Podstawowe kryterium stanowi kategoria zysku; widoczny jest tak¿e podzia³ na sfery zainteresowañ. Sektor organizacji niekomercyjnych zajmuje siê g³ównie sfer¹ spo³eczn¹, kulturaln¹ i innymi spo³ecznie wa¿nymi celami. Organizacje tego sektora mog¹ podejmowaæ dzia³alno æ gospodarcz¹ tylko wtedy, gdy jest ona niezbêdna dla wype³nienia celów statutowych danej instytucji. Taka dzia³alno æ jest mo¿liwa wy³¹cznie za po rednictwem organizacji komercyjnych lub z ich udzia³em. Uzyskany dochód, po uiszczeniu wszelkich podatków i innych op³at obowi¹zkowych, zgodnie z obowi¹zuj¹cym ustawodawstwem powinien byæ przeznaczony na dzia³alno æ statutow¹ danego podmiotu. Organizacje niekomercyjne dzia³aj¹ce na Bia³orusi mo¿na podzieliæ na dwie grupy: pañstwowe i niepañstwowe, przy czym znacz¹c¹ czê æ organizacji niekomercyjnych dzia³aj¹cych w sferze kultury stanowi¹ te pierwsze. Fenomen, znany jako trzeci sektor (niekomercyjne organizacje niepañstwowe), narodzi³ siê jako efekt poszukiwañ alternatywnego sposobu realizacji wa¿nych dla pañstwa zadañ socjalnych. Oferowane przez nie dobra s³u¿¹ tak fundamentalnym sprawom, jak powiêkszenie spo³ecznego potencja³u kulturalnego, intelektualnego czy moralnego. W tym kontek cie niekomercyjne organizacje niepañstwowe na Bia³orusi s¹ wa¿nym, innowacyjnym mechanizmem formowania sfery pro-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

dukcji dóbr spo³ecznie znacz¹cych. Z ekonomicznego punktu widzenia sektor ten jest interesuj¹cy, poniewa¿ jego bezpo redni wk³ad polega na kreowaniu dodatkowych miejsc pracy. Jednocze nie w odró¿nieniu od przedsiêbiorstw komercyjnych zapewnia on spo³eczno-psychologiczne wsparcie swoich cz³onków, czêsto anga¿uj¹c w dzia³alno æ spo³ecznie wra¿liw¹ czê æ obywateli. Poprawiaj¹c spo³eczny klimat, trzeci sektor wnosi w³asny wk³ad w zabezpieczenie stabilno ci spo³ecznej i ekonomicznej, która jest z kolei niezbêdnym czynnikiem rozwoju ekonomicznego [Lidorakina, dok. elektron.]. Trzeci sektor operuje w takich sferach, które nie mog¹ zainteresowaæ komercyjnych organizacji. Drugim powodem atrakcyjno ci trzeciego sektora jest to, ¿e niekomercyjny sektor niepañstwowy mo¿e tworzyæ konkurencjê dla niekomercyjnego sektora pañstwowego, powiêkszaj¹c tym samym ofertê szeroko rozumianych us³ug spo³ecznych. Do wiadczenia wiatowe pokaza³y, ¿e organizacje pañstwowe, jako dostawcy us³ug tego typu, nie prezentuj¹ wysokiej efektywno ci, dlatego zmniejsza siê skala ich dzia³ania. Na przyk³ad, w Niemczech ponad 35% wszystkich przedszkoli to przedsiêwziêcia niepañstwowe, ponad 60% domów dla inwalidów jest zarz¹dzanych przez prywatnych w³a cicieli, podobnie jak oko³o 50% domów starców i 40% szpitali [http:/www. demokratia.ru]. Pañstwo od roli dostawcy us³ug spo³ecznych, stopniowo przechodzi do kategorii ich zleceniodawcy wybieraj¹c najbardziej efektywne sposoby wydatkowania rodków publicznych.

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Larysa Osmo³owska pracownik naukowy i doktorantka Instytutu Ekonomiki Narodowej Akademii Nauk Bia³orusi. Przygotowuje rozprawê doktorsk¹ Udoskonalenie mechanizmu finansowania sfery kultury na Bia³orusi. Chc¹c rozszerzyæ horyzonty przygotowywanej dysertacji, w Instytucie Spraw Publicznych Uniwersytetu Jagielloñskiego prowadzi³a badania dotycz¹ce finansowania sfery kultury i metod oceny efektywno ci jej funkcjonowania w Polsce.

szystkie istniej¹ce w Republice Bia³orusi osoby prawne mo¿na zgodnie z obowi¹zuj¹cym ustawodawstwem podzieliæ na dwie g³ówne grupy: organizacje komercyjne i niekomercyjne. Podstawowe kryterium stanowi kategoria zysku; widoczny jest tak¿e podzia³ na sfery zainteresowañ. Sektor organizacji niekomercyjnych zajmuje siê g³ównie sfer¹ spo³eczn¹, kulturaln¹ i innymi spo³ecznie wa¿nymi celami. Organizacje tego sektora mog¹ podejmowaæ dzia³alno æ gospodarcz¹ tylko wtedy, gdy jest ona niezbêdna dla wype³nienia celów statutowych danej instytucji. Taka dzia³alno æ jest mo¿liwa wy³¹cznie za po rednictwem organizacji komercyjnych lub z ich udzia³em. Uzyskany dochód, po uiszczeniu wszelkich podatków i innych op³at obowi¹zkowych, zgodnie z obowi¹zuj¹cym ustawodawstwem powinien byæ przeznaczony na dzia³alno æ statutow¹ danego podmiotu. Organizacje niekomercyjne dzia³aj¹ce na Bia³orusi mo¿na podzieliæ na dwie grupy: pañstwowe i niepañstwowe, przy czym znacz¹c¹ czê æ organizacji niekomercyjnych dzia³aj¹cych w sferze kultury stanowi¹ te pierwsze. Fenomen, znany jako trzeci sektor (niekomercyjne organizacje niepañstwowe), narodzi³ siê jako efekt poszukiwañ alternatywnego sposobu realizacji wa¿nych dla pañstwa zadañ socjalnych. Oferowane przez nie dobra s³u¿¹ tak fundamentalnym sprawom, jak powiêkszenie spo³ecznego potencja³u kulturalnego, intelektualnego czy moralnego. W tym kontek cie niekomercyjne organizacje niepañstwowe na Bia³orusi s¹ wa¿nym, innowacyjnym mechanizmem formowania sfery pro-

W

dukcji dóbr spo³ecznie znacz¹cych. Z ekonomicznego punktu widzenia sektor ten jest interesuj¹cy, poniewa¿ jego bezpo redni wk³ad polega na kreowaniu dodatkowych miejsc pracy. Jednocze nie w odró¿nieniu od przedsiêbiorstw komercyjnych zapewnia on spo³eczno-psychologiczne wsparcie swoich cz³onków, czêsto anga¿uj¹c w dzia³alno æ spo³ecznie wra¿liw¹ czê æ obywateli. Poprawiaj¹c spo³eczny klimat, trzeci sektor wnosi w³asny wk³ad w zabezpieczenie stabilno ci spo³ecznej i ekonomicznej, która jest z kolei niezbêdnym czynnikiem rozwoju ekonomicznego [Lidorakina, dok. elektron.]. Trzeci sektor operuje w takich sferach, które nie mog¹ zainteresowaæ komercyjnych organizacji. Drugim powodem atrakcyjno ci trzeciego sektora jest to, ¿e niekomercyjny sektor niepañstwowy mo¿e tworzyæ konkurencjê dla niekomercyjnego sektora pañstwowego, powiêkszaj¹c tym samym ofertê szeroko rozumianych us³ug spo³ecznych. Do wiadczenia wiatowe pokaza³y, ¿e organizacje pañstwowe, jako dostawcy us³ug tego typu, nie prezentuj¹ wysokiej efektywno ci, dlatego zmniejsza siê skala ich dzia³ania. Na przyk³ad, w Niemczech ponad 35% wszystkich przedszkoli to przedsiêwziêcia niepañstwowe, ponad 60% domów dla inwalidów jest zarz¹dzanych przez prywatnych w³a cicieli, podobnie jak oko³o 50% domów starców i 40% szpitali [http:/www. demokratia.ru]. Pañstwo od roli dostawcy us³ug spo³ecznych, stopniowo przechodzi do kategorii ich zleceniodawcy wybieraj¹c najbardziej efektywne sposoby wydatkowania rodków publicznych.

Larysa Osmo³owska

Podstawowe problemy rozwoju trzeciego sektora w sferze kultury w Republice Bia³orusi

Larysa Osmo³owska pracownik naukowy i doktorantka Instytutu Ekonomiki Narodowej Akademii Nauk Bia³orusi. Przygotowuje rozprawê doktorsk¹ Udoskonalenie mechanizmu finansowania sfery kultury na Bia³orusi. Chc¹c rozszerzyæ horyzonty przygotowywanej dysertacji, w Instytucie Spraw Publicznych Uniwersytetu Jagielloñskiego prowadzi³a badania dotycz¹ce finansowania sfery kultury i metod oceny efektywno ci jej funkcjonowania w Polsce.


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Prawne podstawy niekomercyjnych organizacji niepañstwowych w Republice Bia³orusi

aktów Republiki Bia³orusi w dniu 12 wrze nia 2005 roku, nr 8/13102).

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

G³ównym problemem niepañstwowych organizacji niekomercyjnych na Bia³orusi jest trudno æ w pozyskiwaniu alternatywnych róde³ finansowania ( rodków sponsorskich), zarówno na rynku wewnêtrznym, jak i zagranicznym. W marcu 2001 roku ukaza³ siê Dekret Prezydenta Republiki Bia³orusi Nr 8 O pewnych kwestiach dotycz¹cych okre lenia porz¹dku uzyskania i wykorzystania zagranicznej pomocy nieodp³atnej (sponsorowanej). Potem zapis ten zosta³ zmieniony Dekretem Nr 24 O otrzymaniu i wykorzystaniu pomocy nieodp³atnej z dnia 28 listopada 2003 roku, dla uzupe³nienia którego, przyjêto du¿¹ liczbê wykonawczych aktów prawnych. Wszystko to doprowadzi³o do formalizacji i ograniczeñ w otrzymaniu i wykorzystaniu zagranicznej pomocy nieodp³atnej. Zagraniczn¹ pomoc¹ nieodp³atn¹ (darowizn¹) zgodnie z ostatnim dekretem s¹ pieniê¿ne rodki, równie¿ w walucie obcej, towary (mienie), przekazane nieodp³atnie przez obce pañstwa, organizacje lub obywateli, organizacje miêdzynarodowe, jak równie¿ osoby bez obywatelstwa i osoby anonimowe [...] organizacjom i osobom fizycznym w Republice Bia³orusi . Zagraniczna pomoc nieodp³atna musi byæ rejestrowana przez odbiorcê w Departamencie Dzia³alno ci Humanitarnej Biura Prezydenta Republiki Bia³orusi. Dokumentem potwierdzaj¹cym rejestracjê darowizny jest stosowne za wiadczenie, wydawane przez ten departament. Zagraniczna pomoc nieodp³atna (darowizna) mo¿e byæ wykorzystana na nastêpuj¹ce cele: G likwidacja skutków sytuacji nadzwyczajnych o charakterze naturalnym lub technologicznym, G prowadzenie badañ naukowych, publikacja opracowañ naukowych, jak równie¿ realizacja programów naukowo-badawczych, G wspieranie ochrony i odbudowê dziedzictwa kulturowego, tworzenie warto ci historyczno-kulturalnych, rozwój rezerwatów przyrodniczych, G wiadczenie pomocy medycznej, G wiadczenie pomocy spo³ecznej dla niezamo¿nych oraz obywateli spo³ecznie niezabezpieczonych, G inne cele, okre lone przez Biuro Prezydenta Republiki Bia³orusi, po uzgodnieniu z Prezydentem Republiki Bia³orusi.

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W sytuacji, gdy zagraniczna pomoc nieodp³atna przeznaczona jest na powy¿sze cele, jest ona zwalniana z op³at celnych, podatku VAT,

W sytuacji, gdy zagraniczna pomoc nieodp³atna przeznaczona jest na powy¿sze cele, jest ona zwalniana z op³at celnych, podatku VAT,

iekomercyjne organizacje w Republice Bia³oruskiej mog¹ istnieæ w organizacyjno-prawnej formie spó³ki konsumpcyjnej jako stowarzyszenia spo³eczne i religijne, fundacje pañstwowe, urzêdy, a tak¿e jako stowarzyszenia lub zwi¹zki osób prawnych. Dzia³alno æ niekomercyjnych organizacji na Bia³orusi reguluj¹ nastêpuj¹ce akty prawnonormatywne: G Konstytucja Republiki Bia³orusi, G Kodeks Cywilny Republiki Bia³orusi: Artyku³ 116. Spó³dzielnia niekomercyjna, Artyku³ 117. Organizacje (stowarzyszenia) spo³eczne i religijne, Artyku³ 117-1. Spó³ki pañstwowo-spo³eczne, Artyku³ 118. Fundacje, Artyku³ 119. Zmiana statutu i likwidacja funduszu, Artyku³ 120. Urzêdy, Artyku³ 121. Porozumienie osób prawnych (stowarzyszenia i spó³ki), G Ustawa Republiki Bia³orusi z dnia 4 pa dziernika 1994 roku, nr 3254-XII O spo³ecznych zjednoczeniach (Wykazy Naczelnej Rady Republiki Bia³orusi, 1994, nr 29, artyku³ 503), G Ustawa Republiki Bia³orusi z dnia 19 lipca 2006 roku, nr 150-3 O narodowych organizacjach pañstwowo-spo³ecznych (zarejestrowana w Narodowym rejestrze prawnych aktów Republiki Bia³orusi w dniu 20 lipca 2006, nr 2/1247), G Dekret Prezydenta Republiki Bia³orusi z dnia 26 stycznia 1999 roku, nr 2 O pewnych zasadach dotycz¹cych uporz¹dkowania dzia³alno ci partii politycznych, sojuszów zawodowych i innych zjednoczeñ spo³ecznych (zarejestrowany w Narodowym rejestrze prawnych aktów Republiki Bia³orusi w dniu 28 stycznia 1999 roku, nr 1/65), G Decyzja Ministerstwa Sprawiedliwo ci Republiki Bia³orusi nr 48 z dnia 30 sierpnia 2005 roku O zatwierdzeniu normatywnych aktów prawnych dotycz¹cych oprawy i rozpatrzenia dokumentów, zwi¹zanych z pañstwow¹ rejestracj¹ partii politycznych, sojuszów profesjonalnych, innych zjednoczeñ spo³ecznych, ich sojuszów (stowarzyszeñ), jak równie¿ pañstwowej rejestracji i usuniêcia z dziennika pañstwowej rejestracji, pozostawieniu w ewidencji i usuniêcie z ewidencji ich organizacyjnych struktur (zarejestrowana w Narodowym rejestrze prawnych

G³ównym problemem niepañstwowych organizacji niekomercyjnych na Bia³orusi jest trudno æ w pozyskiwaniu alternatywnych róde³ finansowania ( rodków sponsorskich), zarówno na rynku wewnêtrznym, jak i zagranicznym. W marcu 2001 roku ukaza³ siê Dekret Prezydenta Republiki Bia³orusi Nr 8 O pewnych kwestiach dotycz¹cych okre lenia porz¹dku uzyskania i wykorzystania zagranicznej pomocy nieodp³atnej (sponsorowanej). Potem zapis ten zosta³ zmieniony Dekretem Nr 24 O otrzymaniu i wykorzystaniu pomocy nieodp³atnej z dnia 28 listopada 2003 roku, dla uzupe³nienia którego, przyjêto du¿¹ liczbê wykonawczych aktów prawnych. Wszystko to doprowadzi³o do formalizacji i ograniczeñ w otrzymaniu i wykorzystaniu zagranicznej pomocy nieodp³atnej. Zagraniczn¹ pomoc¹ nieodp³atn¹ (darowizn¹) zgodnie z ostatnim dekretem s¹ pieniê¿ne rodki, równie¿ w walucie obcej, towary (mienie), przekazane nieodp³atnie przez obce pañstwa, organizacje lub obywateli, organizacje miêdzynarodowe, jak równie¿ osoby bez obywatelstwa i osoby anonimowe [...] organizacjom i osobom fizycznym w Republice Bia³orusi . Zagraniczna pomoc nieodp³atna musi byæ rejestrowana przez odbiorcê w Departamencie Dzia³alno ci Humanitarnej Biura Prezydenta Republiki Bia³orusi. Dokumentem potwierdzaj¹cym rejestracjê darowizny jest stosowne za wiadczenie, wydawane przez ten departament. Zagraniczna pomoc nieodp³atna (darowizna) mo¿e byæ wykorzystana na nastêpuj¹ce cele: G likwidacja skutków sytuacji nadzwyczajnych o charakterze naturalnym lub technologicznym, G prowadzenie badañ naukowych, publikacja opracowañ naukowych, jak równie¿ realizacja programów naukowo-badawczych, G wspieranie ochrony i odbudowê dziedzictwa kulturowego, tworzenie warto ci historyczno-kulturalnych, rozwój rezerwatów przyrodniczych, G wiadczenie pomocy medycznej, G wiadczenie pomocy spo³ecznej dla niezamo¿nych oraz obywateli spo³ecznie niezabezpieczonych, G inne cele, okre lone przez Biuro Prezydenta Republiki Bia³orusi, po uzgodnieniu z Prezydentem Republiki Bia³orusi.

iekomercyjne organizacje w Republice Bia³oruskiej mog¹ istnieæ w organizacyjno-prawnej formie spó³ki konsumpcyjnej jako stowarzyszenia spo³eczne i religijne, fundacje pañstwowe, urzêdy, a tak¿e jako stowarzyszenia lub zwi¹zki osób prawnych. Dzia³alno æ niekomercyjnych organizacji na Bia³orusi reguluj¹ nastêpuj¹ce akty prawnonormatywne: G Konstytucja Republiki Bia³orusi, G Kodeks Cywilny Republiki Bia³orusi: Artyku³ 116. Spó³dzielnia niekomercyjna, Artyku³ 117. Organizacje (stowarzyszenia) spo³eczne i religijne, Artyku³ 117-1. Spó³ki pañstwowo-spo³eczne, Artyku³ 118. Fundacje, Artyku³ 119. Zmiana statutu i likwidacja funduszu, Artyku³ 120. Urzêdy, Artyku³ 121. Porozumienie osób prawnych (stowarzyszenia i spó³ki), G Ustawa Republiki Bia³orusi z dnia 4 pa dziernika 1994 roku, nr 3254-XII O spo³ecznych zjednoczeniach (Wykazy Naczelnej Rady Republiki Bia³orusi, 1994, nr 29, artyku³ 503), G Ustawa Republiki Bia³orusi z dnia 19 lipca 2006 roku, nr 150-3 O narodowych organizacjach pañstwowo-spo³ecznych (zarejestrowana w Narodowym rejestrze prawnych aktów Republiki Bia³orusi w dniu 20 lipca 2006, nr 2/1247), G Dekret Prezydenta Republiki Bia³orusi z dnia 26 stycznia 1999 roku, nr 2 O pewnych zasadach dotycz¹cych uporz¹dkowania dzia³alno ci partii politycznych, sojuszów zawodowych i innych zjednoczeñ spo³ecznych (zarejestrowany w Narodowym rejestrze prawnych aktów Republiki Bia³orusi w dniu 28 stycznia 1999 roku, nr 1/65), G Decyzja Ministerstwa Sprawiedliwo ci Republiki Bia³orusi nr 48 z dnia 30 sierpnia 2005 roku O zatwierdzeniu normatywnych aktów prawnych dotycz¹cych oprawy i rozpatrzenia dokumentów, zwi¹zanych z pañstwow¹ rejestracj¹ partii politycznych, sojuszów profesjonalnych, innych zjednoczeñ spo³ecznych, ich sojuszów (stowarzyszeñ), jak równie¿ pañstwowej rejestracji i usuniêcia z dziennika pañstwowej rejestracji, pozostawieniu w ewidencji i usuniêcie z ewidencji ich organizacyjnych struktur (zarejestrowana w Narodowym rejestrze prawnych

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aktów Republiki Bia³orusi w dniu 12 wrze nia 2005 roku, nr 8/13102).

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Prawne podstawy niekomercyjnych organizacji niepañstwowych w Republice Bia³orusi


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

akcyzy, podatku dochodowego i podatku dochodowego od osób fizycznych. We wszystkich innych sytuacjach zagraniczna pomoc nieodp³atna podlega opodatkowaniu wszystkimi wy¿ej wymienionymi podatkami. W lipcu 2005 roku pañstwo zdecydowa³o, aby obj¹æ swoj¹ kontrol¹ równie¿ wewnêtrzn¹ pomoc nieodp³atn¹ (pomoc sponsorowan¹). Dekret Prezydenta Republiki Bia³orusi z dnia 1 lipca 2005 roku, nr 300 O przedstawieniu i wykorzystaniu nieodp³atnej pomocy (sponsorowanej) okre li³ dwana cie celów, na realizacjê których mo¿na przeznaczyæ pozyskane w ten sposób rodki: G tworzenie i wzmacnianie materialnej bazy technicznej, G nabycie maszyn i urz¹dzeñ rolniczych i (lub) czê ci zamiennych do nich; nabycie ³atwopalnych materia³ów smarnych, nawozów sztucznych, rodków ochrony ro lin oraz innych towarów, prac i us³ug, zwi¹zanych z produkcj¹ rolnicz¹; wspieranie przedsiêwziêæ dotycz¹cych realizacji pañstwowych programów zwi¹zanych z odrodzeniem i rozwojem wsi, G wspieranie inicjatyw olimpijskich i paraolimpijskich, organizacjê zawodów sportowych, dzia³alno æ sportowo-zdrowotn¹, wspieranie sportowców (dru¿yn), budowa i utrzymanie budynków przeznaczonych na prowadzenie dzia³alno ci sportowej, G ochrona i odbudowa dziedzictwa historycznokulturalnego, rozwój sfery bibliotecznej i muzealnej, kinematografii, edukacji artystycznej i kulturalnej, wspieranie twórczo ci narodowej i rzemios³ ludowych, dzia³alno ci rodzimych zespo³ów i wykonawców, G zakup przez s³u¿bê zdrowia rodków leczniczych i sprzêtu medycznego, wiadczenie pomocy medycznej obywatelom Republiki Bia³orusi, wspieranie dzia³alno ci w sferze ochrony zdrowia oraz propagowanie zdrowego trybu ¿ycia, G organizacjê olimpiad, konkursów, festiwali, parad, zawodów i innych przedsiêwziêæ odbywaj¹cych siê za zgod¹ Prezydenta Republiki Bia³orusi, Rady Ministrów Republiki Bia³orusi, zarz¹dów wojewódzkich oraz Rady miejskiej Miñska, G produkcjê podrêczników szkolnych i pomocy dydaktycznych, organizacjê posi³ków dla uczniów i wychowanków instytucji kszta³c¹cych, G wspieranie organizacji zapewniaj¹cych socjaln¹ ochronê ludno ci, pomoc spo³eczn¹ dla osób ubogich i obywateli potrzebuj¹cych pomocy pañstwa, którym problemy zdrowot-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

ne (w tym psychiczne) uniemo¿liwiaj¹ samodzielne dochodzenie swoich praw i interesów prawnych (samotne osoby starsze, inwalidzi, kombatanci, rodziny wielodzietne i osoby z rodzin niepe³nych, dzieci-inwalidzi, dzieci-sieroty, dzieci pozostawione bez opieki rodziców itp.), G wspieranie zarejestrowanych prawnie w Republice Bia³orusi organizacji religijnych, G likwidacja skutków katastrof o charakterze naturalnym lub technologicznym, G prowadzenie badañ naukowych w ramach pañstwowych programów naukowo-badawczych, G wytyczanie i zagospodarowanie terenów objêtych ochron¹ (rezerwatów, parków narodowych, alejek, pomników przyrody). Przekazanie pomocy sponsorowanej na inne cele mo¿liwe jest tylko za zgod¹ Prezydenta Republiki Bia³orusi. Mo¿e siê wydawaæ, ¿e w szczególnie uprzywilejowanej sytuacji s¹ kultura i sport, ale trzeba pamiêtaæ, ¿e wymieniony powy¿ej wykaz nie obj¹³ du¿ej liczby projektów socjalnych, na które wcze niej mo¿na by³o pozyskiwaæ rodki sponsorskie. Poza tym wsparcie finansowe ze róde³ niezale¿nych przy organizacji olimpiad, konkursów, festiwali, przegl¹dów czy zawodów sportowych jest dopuszczalne tylko wówczas, je¿eli dane przedsiêwziêcie organizowane jest za zgod¹ prezydenta, rz¹du lub w³adz miasta Miñska (albo innych miast wojewódzkich). Je¿eli przedstawione wy¿ej przedsiêwziêcia, bêd¹ zorganizowane przez inne podmioty, to udzielenie pomocy sponsorskiej jest mo¿liwe jedynie za zgod¹ Prezydenta Republiki Bia³oruskiej. Udzielenie pomocy nieodp³atnej (sponsorowanej) na przeprowadzenie masowych przedsiêwziêæ kulturalnych jest mo¿liwe, je¿eli dana pomoc obejmuje cele wymienione we wspomnianym dekrecie nr 300. W obowi¹zuj¹cej na Bia³orusi ustawie O kulturze nie wyja nia siê terminu twórczo æ narodowa . Pojawia siê on tylko w ustawie nr 4O o prawach autorskich i prawach o wspó³autorstwie. Zgodnie z ni¹, twórczo æ narodowa to: utwory zawieraj¹ce elementy tradycji artystycznej (bajki ludowe, poezja narodowa, pie ni narodowe, instrumentalna muzyka narodowa, sztuka i tañce ludowe, artystyczne formy narodowych obrzêdów i inne). Je¿eli za masowe przedsiêwziêcia kulturalne nie mog¹ byæ uznane za twórczo æ narodow¹, to nieodp³atn¹ (sponsorowan¹) pomoc na ich przeprowadzenie mo¿na przekazaæ i otrzymaæ wy³¹cznie za zgod¹ Prezydenta Republiki Bia³orusi.

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akcyzy, podatku dochodowego i podatku dochodowego od osób fizycznych. We wszystkich innych sytuacjach zagraniczna pomoc nieodp³atna podlega opodatkowaniu wszystkimi wy¿ej wymienionymi podatkami. W lipcu 2005 roku pañstwo zdecydowa³o, aby obj¹æ swoj¹ kontrol¹ równie¿ wewnêtrzn¹ pomoc nieodp³atn¹ (pomoc sponsorowan¹). Dekret Prezydenta Republiki Bia³orusi z dnia 1 lipca 2005 roku, nr 300 O przedstawieniu i wykorzystaniu nieodp³atnej pomocy (sponsorowanej) okre li³ dwana cie celów, na realizacjê których mo¿na przeznaczyæ pozyskane w ten sposób rodki: G tworzenie i wzmacnianie materialnej bazy technicznej, G nabycie maszyn i urz¹dzeñ rolniczych i (lub) czê ci zamiennych do nich; nabycie ³atwopalnych materia³ów smarnych, nawozów sztucznych, rodków ochrony ro lin oraz innych towarów, prac i us³ug, zwi¹zanych z produkcj¹ rolnicz¹; wspieranie przedsiêwziêæ dotycz¹cych realizacji pañstwowych programów zwi¹zanych z odrodzeniem i rozwojem wsi, G wspieranie inicjatyw olimpijskich i paraolimpijskich, organizacjê zawodów sportowych, dzia³alno æ sportowo-zdrowotn¹, wspieranie sportowców (dru¿yn), budowa i utrzymanie budynków przeznaczonych na prowadzenie dzia³alno ci sportowej, G ochrona i odbudowa dziedzictwa historycznokulturalnego, rozwój sfery bibliotecznej i muzealnej, kinematografii, edukacji artystycznej i kulturalnej, wspieranie twórczo ci narodowej i rzemios³ ludowych, dzia³alno ci rodzimych zespo³ów i wykonawców, G zakup przez s³u¿bê zdrowia rodków leczniczych i sprzêtu medycznego, wiadczenie pomocy medycznej obywatelom Republiki Bia³orusi, wspieranie dzia³alno ci w sferze ochrony zdrowia oraz propagowanie zdrowego trybu ¿ycia, G organizacjê olimpiad, konkursów, festiwali, parad, zawodów i innych przedsiêwziêæ odbywaj¹cych siê za zgod¹ Prezydenta Republiki Bia³orusi, Rady Ministrów Republiki Bia³orusi, zarz¹dów wojewódzkich oraz Rady miejskiej Miñska, G produkcjê podrêczników szkolnych i pomocy dydaktycznych, organizacjê posi³ków dla uczniów i wychowanków instytucji kszta³c¹cych, G wspieranie organizacji zapewniaj¹cych socjaln¹ ochronê ludno ci, pomoc spo³eczn¹ dla osób ubogich i obywateli potrzebuj¹cych pomocy pañstwa, którym problemy zdrowot-

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ne (w tym psychiczne) uniemo¿liwiaj¹ samodzielne dochodzenie swoich praw i interesów prawnych (samotne osoby starsze, inwalidzi, kombatanci, rodziny wielodzietne i osoby z rodzin niepe³nych, dzieci-inwalidzi, dzieci-sieroty, dzieci pozostawione bez opieki rodziców itp.), G wspieranie zarejestrowanych prawnie w Republice Bia³orusi organizacji religijnych, G likwidacja skutków katastrof o charakterze naturalnym lub technologicznym, G prowadzenie badañ naukowych w ramach pañstwowych programów naukowo-badawczych, G wytyczanie i zagospodarowanie terenów objêtych ochron¹ (rezerwatów, parków narodowych, alejek, pomników przyrody). Przekazanie pomocy sponsorowanej na inne cele mo¿liwe jest tylko za zgod¹ Prezydenta Republiki Bia³orusi. Mo¿e siê wydawaæ, ¿e w szczególnie uprzywilejowanej sytuacji s¹ kultura i sport, ale trzeba pamiêtaæ, ¿e wymieniony powy¿ej wykaz nie obj¹³ du¿ej liczby projektów socjalnych, na które wcze niej mo¿na by³o pozyskiwaæ rodki sponsorskie. Poza tym wsparcie finansowe ze róde³ niezale¿nych przy organizacji olimpiad, konkursów, festiwali, przegl¹dów czy zawodów sportowych jest dopuszczalne tylko wówczas, je¿eli dane przedsiêwziêcie organizowane jest za zgod¹ prezydenta, rz¹du lub w³adz miasta Miñska (albo innych miast wojewódzkich). Je¿eli przedstawione wy¿ej przedsiêwziêcia, bêd¹ zorganizowane przez inne podmioty, to udzielenie pomocy sponsorskiej jest mo¿liwe jedynie za zgod¹ Prezydenta Republiki Bia³oruskiej. Udzielenie pomocy nieodp³atnej (sponsorowanej) na przeprowadzenie masowych przedsiêwziêæ kulturalnych jest mo¿liwe, je¿eli dana pomoc obejmuje cele wymienione we wspomnianym dekrecie nr 300. W obowi¹zuj¹cej na Bia³orusi ustawie O kulturze nie wyja nia siê terminu twórczo æ narodowa . Pojawia siê on tylko w ustawie nr 4O o prawach autorskich i prawach o wspó³autorstwie. Zgodnie z ni¹, twórczo æ narodowa to: utwory zawieraj¹ce elementy tradycji artystycznej (bajki ludowe, poezja narodowa, pie ni narodowe, instrumentalna muzyka narodowa, sztuka i tañce ludowe, artystyczne formy narodowych obrzêdów i inne). Je¿eli za masowe przedsiêwziêcia kulturalne nie mog¹ byæ uznane za twórczo æ narodow¹, to nieodp³atn¹ (sponsorowan¹) pomoc na ich przeprowadzenie mo¿na przekazaæ i otrzymaæ wy³¹cznie za zgod¹ Prezydenta Republiki Bia³orusi.


Pobie¿ne porównanie niepañstwowego sektora niekomercyjnego z sektorem pañstwowym, pokazuje wielki potencja³ pierwszego z nich. Jednak przeprowadzenie pe³nej procedury porównawczej okaza³o siê faktycznie niemo¿liwe. W formie przydatnej dla analizy i oceny mo¿na opisaæ jedynie sektor pañstwowy (istniej¹ specjalne formy ksiêgowego oraz statystycznego rozliczenia i ewidencji; oprócz tego dzia³a specjalny organ w danym przypadku zarz¹d kultury miejskiej sprawuj¹cy kontrolê jego dzia³alno ci); natomiast przeprowadzenie podobnej operacji w stosunku do sektora niepañstwowego jest problematyczne, a w zasadzie niemo¿liwe. Jedynym dostêpnym ród³em jest tu dziennik rejestracji publicznych spó³ek s¹du miejskiego. S¹ w nim odnotowane nazwy organizacji, lokalizacja, data rejestracji i profil dzia³alno ci. Dane dotycz¹ce róde³ finansowania s¹ praktycznie niemo¿liwe do uzyskania. W s¹dzie miejskim Miñska zarejestrowano 416 publicznych stowarzyszeñ, z czego 45 (10,8%) to organizacje, których dzia³alno æ obejmuje sfery kulturalno-o wiatow¹ i kulturalno-rozrywkow¹. Cele stworzenia danych organizacji s¹ ró¿norodne i mo¿na je pogrupowaæ w nastêpuj¹cy sposób: G organizacje kulturalno-o wiatowe o charakterze ogólnym (18 organizacji; 40%), G organizacje mniejszo ci narodowych, których podstawowym celem dzia³ania jest zachowanie i rozpowszechnienie kultury i jêzyka danego narodu na terenie Republiki Bia³orusi (14; 31,1%), G organizacje zajmuj¹ce siê promocj¹ sztuki choreograficznej (2; 4,4%), G organizacje zajmuj¹ce siê dziedzictwem kulturowym (2; 4,4%), G organizacje zajmuj¹ce siê nauk¹ jêzyków obcych i ich promocj¹ (2; 4,4%), pozosta³e (7; 15,6%).

Analiza porównawcza sektora pañstwowego i niepañstwowego dotycz¹ca sfery kultury w Miñsku

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

G

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zacje maj¹ce bezpo redni zwi¹zek z wyra nie okre lonymi celami i przedmiotem dzia³alno ci (na przyk³ad teatr dobroczynny, towarzystwo zajmuj¹ce siê wprowadzaniem w sferê kultury nowoczesnych technologii, klub mi³o ników piosenki autorskiej). Trzeba równie¿ zwróciæ uwagê na istnienie organizacji ekskluzywnych, jak na przyk³ad stowarzyszenie Autoameryka , której kulturalno-o wiatowa dzia³alno æ skierowana jest na jednoczenie i koordynacjê wysi³ków cz³onków-posiadaczy samochodów produkcji amerykañskiej oraz obronê ich zainteresowañ. Trzeba tak¿e zaznaczyæ, i¿ w sferze kultury w Miñsku istnieje du¿a liczba organizacji niezarejestrowanych oficjalnie (zespo³ów twórczych). Wol¹ one dzia³aæ poprzez po redników bêd¹cych przedsiêbiorcami indywidualnymi posiadaj¹cymi licencjê na dzia³alno æ koncertow¹ i przekazywaæ im czê æ swojego honorarium (w przybli¿eniu 22%). Podstawowa przyczyna niechêci oficjalnej rejestracji zespo³u, jak i samej dzia³alno ci, zwi¹zana jest z dodatkowymi wydatkami administracyjnymi. Chodzi tu o pañstwow¹ op³atê za rejestracjê (ok. 145 USD), za w trakcie funkcjonowania z du¿¹ ilo ci¹ wymaganych co miesi¹c dokumentów zwi¹zanych z ksiêgowo ci¹, jak równie¿ utrudnion¹ procedur¹ likwidacji w razie zaniechania dzia³alno ci (niektóre organizacje w stadium likwidacji znajduj¹ siê ju¿ ponad 5 lat). Je¿eli porówna siê liczbê pañstwowych i niepañstwowych organizacji zajmuj¹cych siê sfer¹ kultury, to mo¿na mówiæ o przewadze niepañstwowych organizacji niekomercyjnych podleg³ych wydzia³owi kultury urzêdu miasta. W jego zarz¹dzie znajduje siê 78 organizacji odnosz¹cych siê do sfery kultury, w tym 42 biblioteki, 3 muzea, 26 pozaszkolnych placówek o wiatowych (szko³y muzyczne, dzieciêce szko³y sztuk piêknych itd.), 5 teatrów, 1 narodowa szko³a sztuk piêknych i 1 szko³a muzyczna. Mimo ¿e dzia³aj¹ one bez pomocy pañstwa, to i tak stanowi¹ a¿ 36% ogólnej liczby organizacji. Z pewno ci¹ mo¿na powiedzieæ, ¿e obecnie niekomercyjny sektor niepañstwowy nie mo¿e jeszcze stanowiæ konkurencji dla sektora pañstwowego. Podstawow¹ przyczyn¹ niedostatecznego rozwoju tego pierwszego jest: G zbyt du¿a liczba aktów prawnych reguluj¹cych dzia³alno æ organizacji niepañstwowych i ród³a ich finansowania, G niska orientacja w ród ludno ci na wspieranie inicjatyw obywatelskich, G brak bod ców ze strony pañstwa do przyci¹gniêcia funduszy indywidualnych i korporacyjnych,

Interesuj¹ce, i¿ na pierwszym miejscu znalaz³y siê organizacje o bardzo szerokim profilu dzia³alno ci, na przyk³ad takim jak dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa maj¹ca rozwijaæ w ród cz³onków zdolno ci intelektualne lub pomoc w tworzeniu warunków dla kulturalnego, fizycznego i twórczego rozwoju dzieci i m³odzie¿y, duchowe wychowanie w aurze sprawiedliwo ci, intelektu, pokoju i przyja ni . Na ostatnim za , szóstym miejscu, znalaz³y siê organi-

Interesuj¹ce, i¿ na pierwszym miejscu znalaz³y siê organizacje o bardzo szerokim profilu dzia³alno ci, na przyk³ad takim jak dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa maj¹ca rozwijaæ w ród cz³onków zdolno ci intelektualne lub pomoc w tworzeniu warunków dla kulturalnego, fizycznego i twórczego rozwoju dzieci i m³odzie¿y, duchowe wychowanie w aurze sprawiedliwo ci, intelektu, pokoju i przyja ni . Na ostatnim za , szóstym miejscu, znalaz³y siê organi-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Pobie¿ne porównanie niepañstwowego sektora niekomercyjnego z sektorem pañstwowym, pokazuje wielki potencja³ pierwszego z nich. Jednak przeprowadzenie pe³nej procedury porównawczej okaza³o siê faktycznie niemo¿liwe. W formie przydatnej dla analizy i oceny mo¿na opisaæ jedynie sektor pañstwowy (istniej¹ specjalne formy ksiêgowego oraz statystycznego rozliczenia i ewidencji; oprócz tego dzia³a specjalny organ w danym przypadku zarz¹d kultury miejskiej sprawuj¹cy kontrolê jego dzia³alno ci); natomiast przeprowadzenie podobnej operacji w stosunku do sektora niepañstwowego jest problematyczne, a w zasadzie niemo¿liwe. Jedynym dostêpnym ród³em jest tu dziennik rejestracji publicznych spó³ek s¹du miejskiego. S¹ w nim odnotowane nazwy organizacji, lokalizacja, data rejestracji i profil dzia³alno ci. Dane dotycz¹ce róde³ finansowania s¹ praktycznie niemo¿liwe do uzyskania. W s¹dzie miejskim Miñska zarejestrowano 416 publicznych stowarzyszeñ, z czego 45 (10,8%) to organizacje, których dzia³alno æ obejmuje sfery kulturalno-o wiatow¹ i kulturalno-rozrywkow¹. Cele stworzenia danych organizacji s¹ ró¿norodne i mo¿na je pogrupowaæ w nastêpuj¹cy sposób: G organizacje kulturalno-o wiatowe o charakterze ogólnym (18 organizacji; 40%), G organizacje mniejszo ci narodowych, których podstawowym celem dzia³ania jest zachowanie i rozpowszechnienie kultury i jêzyka danego narodu na terenie Republiki Bia³orusi (14; 31,1%), G organizacje zajmuj¹ce siê promocj¹ sztuki choreograficznej (2; 4,4%), G organizacje zajmuj¹ce siê dziedzictwem kulturowym (2; 4,4%), G organizacje zajmuj¹ce siê nauk¹ jêzyków obcych i ich promocj¹ (2; 4,4%), G pozosta³e (7; 15,6%).

zacje maj¹ce bezpo redni zwi¹zek z wyra nie okre lonymi celami i przedmiotem dzia³alno ci (na przyk³ad teatr dobroczynny, towarzystwo zajmuj¹ce siê wprowadzaniem w sferê kultury nowoczesnych technologii, klub mi³o ników piosenki autorskiej). Trzeba równie¿ zwróciæ uwagê na istnienie organizacji ekskluzywnych, jak na przyk³ad stowarzyszenie Autoameryka , której kulturalno-o wiatowa dzia³alno æ skierowana jest na jednoczenie i koordynacjê wysi³ków cz³onków-posiadaczy samochodów produkcji amerykañskiej oraz obronê ich zainteresowañ. Trzeba tak¿e zaznaczyæ, i¿ w sferze kultury w Miñsku istnieje du¿a liczba organizacji niezarejestrowanych oficjalnie (zespo³ów twórczych). Wol¹ one dzia³aæ poprzez po redników bêd¹cych przedsiêbiorcami indywidualnymi posiadaj¹cymi licencjê na dzia³alno æ koncertow¹ i przekazywaæ im czê æ swojego honorarium (w przybli¿eniu 22%). Podstawowa przyczyna niechêci oficjalnej rejestracji zespo³u, jak i samej dzia³alno ci, zwi¹zana jest z dodatkowymi wydatkami administracyjnymi. Chodzi tu o pañstwow¹ op³atê za rejestracjê (ok. 145 USD), za w trakcie funkcjonowania z du¿¹ ilo ci¹ wymaganych co miesi¹c dokumentów zwi¹zanych z ksiêgowo ci¹, jak równie¿ utrudnion¹ procedur¹ likwidacji w razie zaniechania dzia³alno ci (niektóre organizacje w stadium likwidacji znajduj¹ siê ju¿ ponad 5 lat). Je¿eli porówna siê liczbê pañstwowych i niepañstwowych organizacji zajmuj¹cych siê sfer¹ kultury, to mo¿na mówiæ o przewadze niepañstwowych organizacji niekomercyjnych podleg³ych wydzia³owi kultury urzêdu miasta. W jego zarz¹dzie znajduje siê 78 organizacji odnosz¹cych siê do sfery kultury, w tym 42 biblioteki, 3 muzea, 26 pozaszkolnych placówek o wiatowych (szko³y muzyczne, dzieciêce szko³y sztuk piêknych itd.), 5 teatrów, 1 narodowa szko³a sztuk piêknych i 1 szko³a muzyczna. Mimo ¿e dzia³aj¹ one bez pomocy pañstwa, to i tak stanowi¹ a¿ 36% ogólnej liczby organizacji. Z pewno ci¹ mo¿na powiedzieæ, ¿e obecnie niekomercyjny sektor niepañstwowy nie mo¿e jeszcze stanowiæ konkurencji dla sektora pañstwowego. Podstawow¹ przyczyn¹ niedostatecznego rozwoju tego pierwszego jest: G zbyt du¿a liczba aktów prawnych reguluj¹cych dzia³alno æ organizacji niepañstwowych i ród³a ich finansowania, G niska orientacja w ród ludno ci na wspieranie inicjatyw obywatelskich, G brak bod ców ze strony pañstwa do przyci¹gniêcia funduszy indywidualnych i korporacyjnych,

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Analiza porównawcza sektora pañstwowego i niepañstwowego dotycz¹ca sfery kultury w Miñsku


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Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Jak siê wydaje, istniej¹ równie¿ g³êbsze przyczyny, wp³ywaj¹ce na nik³¹ efektywno æ pracy i s³aby rozwój trzeciego sektora w sferze kultury. Trzeba je widzieæ w niskim poziomie rozwoju spo³eczeñstwa, co wi¹¿e siê z polityk¹ pañstwa jednak ich rozpatrywanie nie wchodzi w ramy niniejszego tekstu. Jednocze nie mimo tych zastrze¿eñ wyra nie widaæ, ¿e w ramach samego trzeciego sektora istniej¹

bod ce wp³ywaj¹ce na efektywno æ jego dzia³ania i dalszy rozwój. I to one maj¹ wp³yw na takie, wydawa³oby siê na pierwszy rzut oka, paradoksalne zjawisko, jakim jest wewnêtrzny podzia³ trzeciego sektora na dwie alternatywne grupy. Pierwsz¹ tworz¹ oficjalnie zarejestrowane organizacje, drug¹ organizacje niewidoczne, oficjalnie niezarejestrowane. Mo¿na przypuszczaæ, ¿e potencja³ drugiej grupy daje wiêksze perspektywy na przysz³o æ, m.in. dziêki konkurencyjnemu charakterowi, z punktu widzenia adaptacji do warunków nietypowych. Naszym zdaniem to w³a nie ta czê æ trzeciego sektora mo¿e stworzyæ konkurencjê dla sektora pañstwowego, bior¹c na siebie czê æ funkcji, zwi¹zanych ze wiadczeniem us³ug spo³ecznych w sferze kultury.

Literatura

Pañstwowa polityka w zakresie wsparcia inicjatyw

G

m³ody wiek osób dzia³aj¹cych w tego typu organizacjach, a co za tym idzie brak do wiadczenia, s³abe profesjonalne przygotowanie liderów, nieumiejêtno æ stosowania marketingu socjalnego, planowania strategicznego, tworzenia nowoczesnego, zdolnego do wspólnej pracy zespo³u.

Lidorakina M., Fundusz Instytut ekonomiki miasta , Sektor niekomercyjny: do wiadczenie miêdzyna-

obywatelskich: pozycja organizacji nierz¹dowych (dok. elektron.); http:/www.demokratia.ru.

rodowe (dok. elektron.); htpp:/www.urbaneconomics.ru.

mics.ru. rodowe (dok. elektron.); htpp:/www.urbaneconoSektor niekomercyjny: do wiadczenie miêdzynaLidorakina M., Fundusz Instytut ekonomiki miasta ,

(dok. elektron.); http:/www.demokratia.ru. obywatelskich: pozycja organizacji nierz¹dowych Pañstwowa polityka w zakresie wsparcia inicjatyw

Literatura

bod ce wp³ywaj¹ce na efektywno æ jego dzia³ania i dalszy rozwój. I to one maj¹ wp³yw na takie, wydawa³oby siê na pierwszy rzut oka, paradoksalne zjawisko, jakim jest wewnêtrzny podzia³ trzeciego sektora na dwie alternatywne grupy. Pierwsz¹ tworz¹ oficjalnie zarejestrowane organizacje, drug¹ organizacje niewidoczne, oficjalnie niezarejestrowane. Mo¿na przypuszczaæ, ¿e potencja³ drugiej grupy daje wiêksze perspektywy na przysz³o æ, m.in. dziêki konkurencyjnemu charakterowi, z punktu widzenia adaptacji do warunków nietypowych. Naszym zdaniem to w³a nie ta czê æ trzeciego sektora mo¿e stworzyæ konkurencjê dla sektora pañstwowego, bior¹c na siebie czê æ funkcji, zwi¹zanych ze wiadczeniem us³ug spo³ecznych w sferze kultury.

Jak siê wydaje, istniej¹ równie¿ g³êbsze przyczyny, wp³ywaj¹ce na nik³¹ efektywno æ pracy i s³aby rozwój trzeciego sektora w sferze kultury. Trzeba je widzieæ w niskim poziomie rozwoju spo³eczeñstwa, co wi¹¿e siê z polityk¹ pañstwa jednak ich rozpatrywanie nie wchodzi w ramy niniejszego tekstu. Jednocze nie mimo tych zastrze¿eñ wyra nie widaæ, ¿e w ramach samego trzeciego sektora istniej¹ G

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

309

m³ody wiek osób dzia³aj¹cych w tego typu organizacjach, a co za tym idzie brak do wiadczenia, s³abe profesjonalne przygotowanie liderów, nieumiejêtno æ stosowania marketingu socjalnego, planowania strategicznego, tworzenia nowoczesnego, zdolnego do wspólnej pracy zespo³u.


310

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

WYKAZ STOWARZYSZEÑ SPO£ECZNYCH, ZAREJESTROWANYCH W URZÊDZIE MIASTA MIÑSK (STAN NA DZIEÑ 23 MAJA 2007)

220049 Miñsk ul. Volgograckogo 59 tel. + 375 17 269 13 48

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa nastawiona na przeprowadzanie prac zwi¹zanych z propagowaniem zdrowego trybu ¿ycia: rozwój kultury fizycznej, sztuki teatralnej i rzemios³a aktorskiego

16 I 2004

13

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Grupa Fokus

Miñsk ul. Prospekt Partyzancki 2-4B tel. + 375 17 298 39 33

Wspieranie samodzielno ci dzieci i m³odzie¿y, rozwój ich potencja³u twórczego i zdolno ci adaptacji do ¿ycia w nowoczesnym spo³eczeñstwie, rozwój kultury fizycznej, sztuki teatralnej i rzemios³a aktorskiego

12 IV 2002

Sfera dzia³alno ci

Organizacja Spo³eczna Tajpin

Adres

12

Numer Nazwa

7 III 2003

Szerzenie znajomo ci rzemios³a; w mie cie Miñsk i obwodzie miñskim

Popieranie, popularyzacja i rozwój ju¿ istniej¹cych, jak równie¿ nowych stylów i kierunków w muzyce, choreografii, plastyce i sztuce teatralnej

1

Miñsk ul. Szugajeva 19/1/102 tel. + 375 17 283 69 68

220007 Miñsk ul. Vakzalnaja 23 tel. +375 17 225 41 51

Spo³eczna Organizacja Twórczo ci M³odzie¿owej i Dzieciêcej Eola

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Mistrz Domu Europejskiego

11

18 VI 2004

31 VII 1997

2

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na rozwój przyja ni i wspó³pracy miêdzy ludno ci¹ bia³orusk¹ i tureck¹

220050 Miñsk ul. Sovecka 15 tel. +375 17 253 44 12

Miñsk ul. Soltysa 191/4 tel. + 375 17 227 01 60

Miejskie Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Kalwaria

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Przyja ñ-Dost³uk

Zachowanie i odbudowa historyczno-kulturalnych i krajobrazowych pomników na terenie Miñska; organizacja programów wymiany kulturalnej, historycznej i dzia³alno ci zwi¹zanej z ochron¹ pomników, rozpowszechnianie i realizacja inicjatyw humanistycznych

10

23 I 1992

12 IV 2002

Promocja i wsparcie kulturalnych tradycji w zakresie sztuki choreograficznej

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa, wspieranie badañ nad poznaniem bogactw kultury japoñskiej i s³owiañskiej; propagowanie japoñskich i s³owiañskich osi¹gniêæ w dziedzinie sztuki, tradycji i sportu

3

Miñsk ul. Gurskogo 30

Miñsk ul. Zukova 27 tel. +375 17 271 66 84

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Kultury Wschodniej i Tradycji Chagakure

M³odzie¿owe Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Tchnienie Tañca

9

Dzia³alno æ amatorska, skierowana na rozpowszechnianie i pog³êbianie znajomo ci sztuki nowoczesnej

16 V 2005

4

Dzia³alno æ maj¹ca na celu zaciekawienie m³odzie¿y dziedzictwem kulturalno-historycznym Republiki Bia³orusi

220030 Miñsk ul. Ukraiñska 27/7A tel. + 375 29 402 80 17

Odm³odzone Stowarzyszenie 220053 Miñsk Spo³eczne Centrum Inicjatyw ul. Parchomienko 3/1 + 735 17 247 27 81 Humanistycznych

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Mi³o ników Sztuki Wspó³czesnej KonceptArt

8

5

6 II 1999

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa, skierowana na pomoc w rozwoju kultury ¿ydowskiej, historii i tradycji ludu ¿ydowskiego, rozpowszechnianie ¿ydowskiego dziedzictwa kulturowego

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa, nastawiona na pomoc w pe³nym i g³êbokim poznaniu bogactw kultury polskiej

220123 Miñsk ul. V. Choruzej 28/3 tel. +375 17 286 79 61 + 375 17 286 78 74

Miñsk ul. Fofela 7/29 tel. +375 17 505 13 80

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Europejskie Towarzystwo Kulturalne Emuna

Miñskie Spo³eczne Kulturalno-O wiatowe Stowarzyszenie Polaków Poloniczka

6

7

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa, zwi¹zana z historycznymi badaniami ludu kozackiego; upowszechnianie kultury kozackiej

3 VII 2002

Miñsk ul. Skryganova 6/608 tel. +375 17 277 94 33

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa, zwi¹zana z historycznymi badaniami ludu kozackiego; upowszechnianie kultury kozackiej

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Potomkowie Rosyjskich Kozaków

Miñsk ul. Skryganova 6/608 tel. +375 17 277 94 33

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa, nastawiona na pomoc w pe³nym i g³êbokim poznaniu bogactw kultury polskiej

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Potomkowie Rosyjskich Kozaków

7

6

Miñsk ul. Fofela 7/29 tel. +375 17 505 13 80

19 IV 2002

Miñskie Spo³eczne Kulturalno-O wiatowe Stowarzyszenie Polaków Poloniczka

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa, skierowana na pomoc w rozwoju kultury ¿ydowskiej, historii i tradycji ludu ¿ydowskiego, rozpowszechnianie ¿ydowskiego dziedzictwa kulturowego

Dzia³alno æ maj¹ca na celu zaciekawienie m³odzie¿y dziedzictwem kulturalno-historycznym Republiki Bia³orusi

220123 Miñsk ul. V. Choruzej 28/3 tel. +375 17 286 79 61 + 375 17 286 78 74

8

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Europejskie Towarzystwo Kulturalne Emuna

Odm³odzone Stowarzyszenie 220053 Miñsk Spo³eczne Centrum Inicjatyw ul. Parchomienko 3/1 + 735 17 247 27 81 Humanistycznych

5

12 IV 2002

25 I 2006

Miñsk ul. Gurskogo 30

Dzia³alno æ amatorska, skierowana na rozpowszechnianie i pog³êbianie znajomo ci sztuki nowoczesnej

9

220030 Miñsk ul. Ukraiñska 27/7A tel. + 375 29 402 80 17

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa, wspieranie badañ nad poznaniem bogactw kultury japoñskiej i s³owiañskiej; propagowanie japoñskich i s³owiañskich osi¹gniêæ w dziedzinie sztuki, tradycji i sportu

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Mi³o ników Sztuki Wspó³czesnej KonceptArt

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Kultury Wschodniej i Tradycji Chagakure

4

31 VII 1997

23 I 1992

10

Promocja i wsparcie kulturalnych tradycji w zakresie sztuki choreograficznej

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na rozwój przyja ni i wspó³pracy miêdzy ludno ci¹ bia³orusk¹ i tureck¹

Miñsk ul. Zukova 27 tel. +375 17 271 66 84

Miñsk ul. Soltysa 191/4 tel. + 375 17 227 01 60

M³odzie¿owe Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Tchnienie Tañca

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Przyja ñ-Dost³uk

3

11

18 VI 2004

Popieranie, popularyzacja i rozwój ju¿ istniej¹cych, jak równie¿ nowych stylów i kierunków w muzyce, choreografii, plastyce i sztuce teatralnej

Zachowanie i odbudowa historyczno-kulturalnych i krajobrazowych pomników na terenie Miñska; organizacja programów wymiany kulturalnej, historycznej i dzia³alno ci zwi¹zanej z ochron¹ pomników, rozpowszechnianie i realizacja inicjatyw humanistycznych

Miñsk ul. Szugajeva 19/1/102 tel. + 375 17 283 69 68

220050 Miñsk ul. Sovecka 15 tel. +375 17 253 44 12

Spo³eczna Organizacja Twórczo ci M³odzie¿owej i Dzieciêcej Eola

Miejskie Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Kalwaria

16 I 2004

2

Organizacja Spo³eczna Tajpin

16 III 2004

12

Szerzenie znajomo ci rzemios³a; w mie cie Miñsk i obwodzie miñskim

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa nastawiona na przeprowadzanie prac zwi¹zanych z propagowaniem zdrowego trybu ¿ycia: rozwój kultury fizycznej, sztuki teatralnej i rzemios³a aktorskiego

220007 Miñsk ul. Vakzalnaja 23 tel. +375 17 225 41 51

220049 Miñsk ul. Volgograckogo 59 tel. + 375 17 269 13 48

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Mistrz Domu Europejskiego

12 IV 2002

1

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Grupa Fokus

Data rejestracji

13

Sfera dzia³alno ci

Wspieranie samodzielno ci dzieci i m³odzie¿y, rozwój ich potencja³u twórczego i zdolno ci adaptacji do ¿ycia w nowoczesnym spo³eczeñstwie, rozwój kultury fizycznej, sztuki teatralnej i rzemios³a aktorskiego

Adres

Miñsk ul. Prospekt Partyzancki 2-4B tel. + 375 17 298 39 33

Numer Nazwa

7 III 2003 16 V 2005 6 II 1999 3 VII 2002 19 IV 2002 25 I 2006 16 III 2004 Data rejestracji

WYKAZ STOWARZYSZEÑ SPO£ECZNYCH, ZAREJESTROWANYCH W URZÊDZIE MIASTA MIÑSK (STAN NA DZIEÑ 23 MAJA 2007) 310

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)


311

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Numer Nazwa

Adres

Sfera dzia³alno ci

Data rejestracji

14

Towarzystwo Jêzyka Niemieckiego i Germanistyki

Miñsk ul. Zacharova 21/419 tel. + 375 17 284 81 31

Dzia³alno æ kulturalna i o wiatowa w sferze promocji jêzyka niemieckiego i kultury niemieckiej, podnoszenie poziomu nauczania jêzyka niemieckiego, pomoc w miêdzykulturowym obcowaniu, umacnianie pokoju, przyja ni i wzajemnego porozumienia w ród rozmawiaj¹cych w jêzyku niemieckim i ucz¹cych siê jêzyka niemieckiego

5 VIII 2005

15

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Dyjaryusz

220030 Miñsk ul. Kupa³y 4 tel. + 375 17 213 60 87

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na rozwój duchowo ci bia³oruskiej i kultury historycznej, wsparcie w poznaniu warto ci historycznych; rozwój bia³oruskiej kultury duchowej, pomoc w kulturowej wymianie zwi¹zanej z historiografi¹

14 II 2000

16

M³odzie¿owe Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Studio Nowoczesnej Choreografii

Miñsk ul. Prytyckogo 62/312

Dzia³alno æ spo³eczno-kulturalna, nastawiona na popularyzacjê zajêæ choreograficznych w ród dzieci i m³odzie¿y

10 XI 2004

17

Towarzystwo Dzieciêco-M³odzie¿owe Sotworcy

220053 Miñsk 2. Braginski per. 61/1 tel. + 375 17 211 62 64

Dzia³alno æ naukowo-o wiatowa, skierowana na realizacjê zdolno ci twórczych

18 VI 2004

18

Miejska Organizacja Spo³ecz- Miñsk na cis³ej Twórczo ci Intelek- ul. Budslavska 21/5 tualnej Majster

Dzia³alno æ spo³eczna nastawiona na pomoc w wychowaniu i nauce m³odzie¿y, rozwoju twórczo ci, rzemios³ narodowych, pomoc w zachowaniu narodowych tradycji w kulturze chrze cijañskiej

3 VI 2002

19

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Promieñ o wiaty

Pomoc w dzia³alno ci wychowawczej, tworzenie osobowo ci na podstawie tradycji kulturalnych i warto ci ludu bia³oruskiego, formu³owanie wysokich moralnych cech obywateli

7 VIII 2000

20

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Miñsk M³odzie¿owe Centrum Spoul. Olszevskogo 10 ³eczne Warsztat Przysz³o ci tel. + 375 17 201 91 90

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na rozwój dzieci i m³odzie¿y

2 VI 1999

21

Spo³eczne Stowarzyszenie Miñskie Kulturalno-O wiatowe Towarzystwo Ormiañskie Anastan

Miñsk ul. Marksa 33/16 tel. + 375 17 227 55 72

Pomoc w poznaniu narodu ormiañskiego, kultury ojczystej i wiatowej, poznanie i rozpowszechnianie ormiañskiego jêzyka, literatury i muzyki

4 I 1992

22

Spo³eczne Stowarzyszenie Gruziñskie Towarzystwo Kulturalno-O wiatowe Mamuli

220023 Miñsk ul. Ponamarenko 41 tel. + 375 17 215 90 27 + 375 29 707 88 28 + 375 29 315 90 27

Pomoc w poznaniu narodu gruziñskiego, kultury ojczystej i bia³oruskiej, poznanie i rozpowszechnianie gruziñskiej literatury, muzyki, chorografii i sztuk plastycznych

26 X 2006

23

M³odzie¿owe Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Ukraiñskie Towarzystwo Muzyczne Krynica

220026 Miñsk ul. Narodnaja 43/30 tel. + 375 17 251 75 93

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na poznanie kultury narodowej i warto ci duchowych ludu ukraiñskiego, popularyzacja kultury ukraiñskiej w ród obywateli Republiki Bia³orusi

2 XI 2006

24

Kulturalno-Twórcze Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Lira im. Rawienskiego

Miñsk ul. Radialna 11a/1 tel. +375 280 69 14

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-twórcza, skierowana na wzrost duchowego, intelektualnego i twórczego poziomu spo³eczeñstwa; pobudzenie spo³ecznego zainteresowania sztuk¹ bia³orusk¹ i dzia³alno ci¹ kulturaln¹

23 V 2007

25

Kulturalno-O wiatowe Stowa- Miñsk rzyszenie Spo³eczne Adul. Fiodorova 11/2 mant tel. + 375 17 241 97 29

Dzia³alno æ informatyczno-analityczna, analizowanie informacji masowej; jednoczenie dzia³añ ukierunkowanych na poparcie postêpu kulturalnego i odrodzenia narodowego, rozwój osobowo ci

4 I 2001

25 24 23 22 21 Miñsk ul. Belskogo 15/102 tel. + 375 17 220 70 29

20 19 18 17 16 15 14

Kulturalno-O wiatowe Stowa- Miñsk rzyszenie Spo³eczne Adul. Fiodorova 11/2 mant tel. + 375 17 241 97 29

4 I 2001

Dzia³alno æ informatyczno-analityczna, analizowanie informacji masowej; jednoczenie dzia³añ ukierunkowanych na poparcie postêpu kulturalnego i odrodzenia narodowego, rozwój osobowo ci

23 V 2007

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-twórcza, skierowana na wzrost duchowego, intelektualnego i twórczego poziomu spo³eczeñstwa; pobudzenie spo³ecznego zainteresowania sztuk¹ bia³orusk¹ i dzia³alno ci¹ kulturaln¹

Miñsk ul. Radialna 11a/1 tel. +375 280 69 14

Kulturalno-Twórcze Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Lira im. Rawienskiego

2 XI 2006

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na poznanie kultury narodowej i warto ci duchowych ludu ukraiñskiego, popularyzacja kultury ukraiñskiej w ród obywateli Republiki Bia³orusi

220026 Miñsk ul. Narodnaja 43/30 tel. + 375 17 251 75 93

M³odzie¿owe Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Ukraiñskie Towarzystwo Muzyczne Krynica

Pomoc w poznaniu narodu gruziñskiego, kultury ojczystej i bia³oruskiej, poznanie i rozpowszechnianie gruziñskiej literatury, muzyki, chorografii i sztuk plastycznych

220023 Miñsk ul. Ponamarenko 41 tel. + 375 17 215 90 27 + 375 29 707 88 28 + 375 29 315 90 27

Spo³eczne Stowarzyszenie Gruziñskie Towarzystwo Kulturalno-O wiatowe Mamuli Spo³eczne Stowarzyszenie Miñskie Kulturalno-O wiatowe Towarzystwo Ormiañskie Anastan

Miñsk ul. Marksa 33/16 tel. + 375 17 227 55 72

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Miñsk M³odzie¿owe Centrum Spoul. Olszevskogo 10 ³eczne Warsztat Przysz³o ci tel. + 375 17 201 91 90 Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Promieñ o wiaty

Miñsk ul. Belskogo 15/102 tel. + 375 17 220 70 29

Miejska Organizacja Spo³ecz- Miñsk na cis³ej Twórczo ci Intelek- ul. Budslavska 21/5 tualnej Majster

Pomoc w poznaniu narodu ormiañskiego, kultury ojczystej i wiatowej, poznanie i rozpowszechnianie ormiañskiego jêzyka, literatury i muzyki

26 X 2006 4 I 1992 2 VI 1999

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na rozwój dzieci i m³odzie¿y

7 VIII 2000

Pomoc w dzia³alno ci wychowawczej, tworzenie osobowo ci na podstawie tradycji kulturalnych i warto ci ludu bia³oruskiego, formu³owanie wysokich moralnych cech obywateli Dzia³alno æ spo³eczna nastawiona na pomoc w wychowaniu i nauce m³odzie¿y, rozwoju twórczo ci, rzemios³ narodowych, pomoc w zachowaniu narodowych tradycji w kulturze chrze cijañskiej

3 VI 2002

220053 Miñsk 2. Braginski per. 61/1 tel. + 375 17 211 62 64

Towarzystwo Dzieciêco-M³odzie¿owe Sotworcy

10 XI 2004

Dzia³alno æ spo³eczno-kulturalna, nastawiona na popularyzacjê zajêæ choreograficznych w ród dzieci i m³odzie¿y

Miñsk ul. Prytyckogo 62/312

M³odzie¿owe Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Studio Nowoczesnej Choreografii

14 II 2000

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na rozwój duchowo ci bia³oruskiej i kultury historycznej, wsparcie w poznaniu warto ci historycznych; rozwój bia³oruskiej kultury duchowej, pomoc w kulturowej wymianie zwi¹zanej z historiografi¹

220030 Miñsk ul. Kupa³y 4 tel. + 375 17 213 60 87

5 VIII 2005

Dzia³alno æ kulturalna i o wiatowa w sferze promocji jêzyka niemieckiego i kultury niemieckiej, podnoszenie poziomu nauczania jêzyka niemieckiego, pomoc w miêdzykulturowym obcowaniu, umacnianie pokoju, przyja ni i wzajemnego porozumienia w ród rozmawiaj¹cych w jêzyku niemieckim i ucz¹cych siê jêzyka niemieckiego

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Dyjaryusz Towarzystwo Jêzyka Niemieckiego i Germanistyki

Numer Nazwa Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

311

Miñsk ul. Zacharova 21/419 tel. + 375 17 284 81 31 Adres

Dzia³alno æ naukowo-o wiatowa, skierowana na realizacjê zdolno ci twórczych Sfera dzia³alno ci

18 VI 2004 Data rejestracji


312

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

38

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Klub Sportowo-Turystyczny Edelwiejs

220024 Miñsk ul. Stebieniova 20a tel. + 375 17 288 10 88

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na rozpowszechnianie zdrowego trybu ¿ycia, rozwój sportu i turystyki, ochronê i umacnianie zdrowia ludzkiego

13 VII 2005

39

Towarzystwo Spo³eczne Kultury Niemieckiej

Miñsk ul. Pertoszuna 32 tel. +375 17 202 13 59

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na pomoc w odrodzeniu kultury i dziedzictwa ludu niemieckiego, zamieszka³ego na terenie Republiki Bia³oruskiej

4 I 2001

13 VII 2005 4 V 2007 26 XII 1995 2 XI 2006 5 XI 1992 12 IV 1999 1 VIII 1991 19 XII 2006 7 IV 2000 Data rejestracji

312

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Sfera dzia³alno ci

4 V 2007

Adres

Pomoc w stworzeniu warunków dla twórczo ci pie ni autorskiej (pie ni autorów amatorów), rozwoju moralnego i kulturalnego obywateli

Numer Nazwa

Miñsk per. Fabryczny 2A tel. + 375 17 256 70 56

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na badanie kulturalnego dziedzictwa azerbejd¿añskiego

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Klub Mi³o ników Pie ni Autorskiej

26

37

Kulturalno-O wiatowe Stowa- Miñsk rzyszenie Spo³eczne Globu- ul. Kupaly 25 stan tel. + 375 17 29 345 74

26 XII 1995

10 XI 2004

Samoidentyfikacja etosu ukraiñskiego, dzia³alno æ kulturalno- o wiatowa skierowana na rozpowszechnianie kultury ukraiñskiej

27

Miñsk ul. Narodnaja 43

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na rozwój kulturalnych wiêzi Republiki Bia³oruskiej z W³ochami w ramach wspó³pracy miêdzynarodowej, organizacja kursów, seminariów

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Centrum Kultury Ukraiñskiej Sicz

Miñsk Rumiancova 12/403 tel. + 375 17 252 83 67

36

Stowarzyszenie Publiczne Wyk³adowców Jêzyka W³oskiego Dante

2 XI 2006

11 XI 2000

Pomoc w stworzeniu warunków dla rozwoju o wiatowego, kulturalnego, fizycznego i twórczego dzieci i m³odzie¿y, podnoszenie poziomu wychowania w atmosferze przyja ni, pokoju, sprawiedliwo ci i rozs¹dku

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na wprowadzenie nowoczesnych technologii w sferê kultury

Miñsk Szabany 16 tel. + 375 17 286 98 41 + 375 29 686 98 41

28

M³odzie¿owe Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne M³ode Or³y

Miñsk ul. Kalinovskogo, 12 tel. + 375 17 231 34 68

35

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne ArtMultMedia

5 XI 1992

30 XI 2006

Poznanie i rozpowszechnianie kultury rosyjskiej i jêzyka rosyjskiego; wzmacnianie przyja ni ludu rosyjskiego i bia³oruskiego

29

Miñsk ul. Marksa 14 tel. + 375 17 267 26 54

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na zainteresowanie m³odzie¿y zajêciami z zakresu muzyki elektronicznej i tanecznej, popularyzacja kultury klubowej i show-biznesu w ród m³odzie¿y

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Miñskie Zjednoczenie Kultury Rosyjskiej Ru

Miñsk Starovilenski trakt 41 tel. + 375 29 264 43 30

34

M³odzie¿owe Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Nowe Odrodzenie Klubowe

12 IV 1999

14 IX 2005

Przygotowanie przedstawieñ na cele dobroczynne dla dzieci-inwalidów, dzieci-sierot, dzieci z rodzin niepe³nych, wielodzietnych i ubogich

Pomoc w tworzeniu przychylnych warunków dla rozwoju intelektualnego, moralnego, twórczego dzieci inwalidów

220050 Miñsk ul. Kalvaryjska 4 tel. + 375 29 650 26 90

30

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Teatr Rodzinny Teatr bez subsydiów

Dzieciêco-M³odzie¿owe Towa- Miñsk rzystwo Dobroczynne Proul. Czerviakova 46 mieñ nadziei tel. + 375 17 249 59 55

33

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na zachowanie bytu i rozwój tradycji, ludu estoñskiego

1 VIII 1991

31

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na badanie kultury ¿ydowskiej

Kulturo-O wiatowe Stowarzy- Miñsk szenie Spo³eczne Estoñska ul. Solomenna 23 Wspólnota Jaskó³ka tel. + 375 17 237 16 15

Miñskie Stowarzyszenie Spo- Miñsk ³eczne Kultury ¯ydowskiej im. ul. Choruzej 28/ 13 Izi Charika tel. + 375 17 267 37 20

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na badanie kultury ¿ydowskiej

32

32

19 XII 2006

Miñskie Stowarzyszenie Spo- Miñsk ³eczne Kultury ¯ydowskiej im. ul. Choruzej 28/ 13 Izi Charika tel. + 375 17 267 37 20

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na zachowanie bytu i rozwój tradycji, ludu estoñskiego

33

Kulturo-O wiatowe Stowarzy- Miñsk szenie Spo³eczne Estoñska ul. Solomenna 23 Wspólnota Jaskó³ka tel. + 375 17 237 16 15

Przygotowanie przedstawieñ na cele dobroczynne dla dzieci-inwalidów, dzieci-sierot, dzieci z rodzin niepe³nych, wielodzietnych i ubogich

31

220050 Miñsk ul. Kalvaryjska 4 tel. + 375 29 650 26 90

14 IX 2005

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Teatr Rodzinny Teatr bez subsydiów

Pomoc w tworzeniu przychylnych warunków dla rozwoju intelektualnego, moralnego, twórczego dzieci inwalidów

34

Dzieciêco-M³odzie¿owe Towa- Miñsk rzystwo Dobroczynne Proul. Czerviakova 46 mieñ nadziei tel. + 375 17 249 59 55

Poznanie i rozpowszechnianie kultury rosyjskiej i jêzyka rosyjskiego; wzmacnianie przyja ni ludu rosyjskiego i bia³oruskiego

30

Miñsk ul. Marksa 14 tel. + 375 17 267 26 54

30 XI 2006

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Miñskie Zjednoczenie Kultury Rosyjskiej Ru

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na zainteresowanie m³odzie¿y zajêciami z zakresu muzyki elektronicznej i tanecznej, popularyzacja kultury klubowej i show-biznesu w ród m³odzie¿y

M³odzie¿owe Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne M³ode Or³y

Miñsk Starovilenski trakt 41 tel. + 375 29 264 43 30

35

M³odzie¿owe Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Nowe Odrodzenie Klubowe

Pomoc w stworzeniu warunków dla rozwoju o wiatowego, kulturalnego, fizycznego i twórczego dzieci i m³odzie¿y, podnoszenie poziomu wychowania w atmosferze przyja ni, pokoju, sprawiedliwo ci i rozs¹dku

29

Miñsk Szabany 16 tel. + 375 17 286 98 41 + 375 29 686 98 41

11 XI 2000

36

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na wprowadzenie nowoczesnych technologii w sferê kultury

Samoidentyfikacja etosu ukraiñskiego, dzia³alno æ kulturalno- o wiatowa skierowana na rozpowszechnianie kultury ukraiñskiej

Miñsk ul. Kalinovskogo, 12 tel. + 375 17 231 34 68

Miñsk ul. Narodnaja 43

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne ArtMultMedia

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Centrum Kultury Ukraiñskiej Sicz

28

37

10 XI 2004

Pomoc w stworzeniu warunków dla twórczo ci pie ni autorskiej (pie ni autorów amatorów), rozwoju moralnego i kulturalnego obywateli

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na rozwój kulturalnych wiêzi Republiki Bia³oruskiej z W³ochami w ramach wspó³pracy miêdzynarodowej, organizacja kursów, seminariów

Miñsk per. Fabryczny 2A tel. + 375 17 256 70 56

Miñsk Rumiancova 12/403 tel. + 375 17 252 83 67

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Klub Mi³o ników Pie ni Autorskiej

Stowarzyszenie Publiczne Wyk³adowców Jêzyka W³oskiego Dante

38

27

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na rozpowszechnianie zdrowego trybu ¿ycia, rozwój sportu i turystyki, ochronê i umacnianie zdrowia ludzkiego

7 IV 2000

220024 Miñsk ul. Stebieniova 20a tel. + 375 17 288 10 88

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na badanie kulturalnego dziedzictwa azerbejd¿añskiego

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Klub Sportowo-Turystyczny Edelwiejs

Kulturalno-O wiatowe Stowa- Miñsk rzyszenie Spo³eczne Globu- ul. Kupaly 25 stan tel. + 375 17 29 345 74

4 I 2001

26

39

Data rejestracji

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na pomoc w odrodzeniu kultury i dziedzictwa ludu niemieckiego, zamieszka³ego na terenie Republiki Bia³oruskiej

Sfera dzia³alno ci

Miñsk ul. Pertoszuna 32 tel. +375 17 202 13 59

Adres

Towarzystwo Spo³eczne Kultury Niemieckiej

Numer Nazwa


313

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Numer Nazwa

Adres

Sfera dzia³alno ci

Data rejestracji

40

Towarzystwo Spo³eczne Nowy Klub Obcowania

Miñsk Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na rozwój pr. Rokosovski 166a/20 zdolno ci intelektualnych tel. + 375 17 294 16 23

28 IX 1995

41

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Miñska Grupa Wolnych Artystów Malarzy Paleta

220050 Miñsk pr. Skaryny 2-B

Wsparcie twórczo ci malarzy i rzemie lników narodowych

10 V 2004

42

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Kobiet Praktycznych i Twórczych

Miñsk Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na rozbu2 Bagratinovski per. 24 dowê i rozwój zdolno ci praktycznych (np. zwi¹zanych z biznesem) u kobiet, jak równie¿ przyci¹gniêcie kobiet z miasta Miñsk do rozwi¹zywania spo³ecznych problemów kobiet

14 II 2000

43

M³odzie¿owe Towarzystwo Sportowe Zwi¹zek Pokolenia XXI Wieku

Miñsk ul. Marksa 40 tel. + 375 17 251 03 10

Stworzenie warunków do rozwoju fizycznego, intelektualnego, twórczego i moralno-estetycznego dzieci, nastolatków i m³odzie¿y

6 X 2005

44

Towarzystwo Spo³eczne Autoameryka

220047 Miñsk ul. Nesterova 82/113a tel. + 375 29 509 42 00

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na zjednoczenie i koordynacjê wysi³ków obywateli posiadaj¹cych samochód produkcji amerykañskiej, ich ochronê ekonomiczn¹ i spo³eczno-kulturaln¹

25 I 2006

45

Towarzystwo Spo³eczne Opora

Miñsk ul. Gamarnika 8/1

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na wszechstronny rozwój dzieci

3 VI 2002

3 VI 2002

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na wszechstronny rozwój dzieci

Miñsk ul. Gamarnika 8/1

Towarzystwo Spo³eczne Opora

45

25 I 2006

Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na zjednoczenie i koordynacjê wysi³ków obywateli posiadaj¹cych samochód produkcji amerykañskiej, ich ochronê ekonomiczn¹ i spo³eczno-kulturaln¹

220047 Miñsk ul. Nesterova 82/113a tel. + 375 29 509 42 00

Towarzystwo Spo³eczne Autoameryka

44

Miñsk ul. Marksa 40 tel. + 375 17 251 03 10

M³odzie¿owe Towarzystwo Sportowe Zwi¹zek Pokolenia XXI Wieku

43

Miñsk Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na rozbu2 Bagratinovski per. 24 dowê i rozwój zdolno ci praktycznych (np. zwi¹zanych z biznesem) u kobiet, jak równie¿ przyci¹gniêcie kobiet z miasta Miñsk do rozwi¹zywania spo³ecznych problemów kobiet

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Kobiet Praktycznych i Twórczych

42

220050 Miñsk pr. Skaryny 2-B

Stowarzyszenie Spo³eczne Miñska Grupa Wolnych Artystów Malarzy Paleta

41

Miñsk Dzia³alno æ kulturalno-o wiatowa skierowana na rozwój pr. Rokosovski 166a/20 zdolno ci intelektualnych tel. + 375 17 294 16 23

Towarzystwo Spo³eczne Nowy Klub Obcowania

40

Numer Nazwa Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

313

Adres

Stworzenie warunków do rozwoju fizycznego, intelektualnego, twórczego i moralno-estetycznego dzieci, nastolatków i m³odzie¿y Wsparcie twórczo ci malarzy i rzemie lników narodowych Sfera dzia³alno ci

6 X 2005 14 II 2000 10 V 2004 28 IX 1995 Data rejestracji


314

Czy teatry powinny byæ opodatkowane?

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Vladimir Kreck

314

Odpowiedzi nale¿y doszukiwaæ siê w aktualnie kreowanej generalnej filozofii dotycz¹cej opodatkowania. Zgodnie z ni¹ podatek VAT ma obci¹¿aæ jedynie ostatecznego odbiorcê. Wprawdzie jest on nak³adany przez ka¿dego z przedsiêbiorców na cenê wyj ciow¹, jednak ostatecznie nale¿y odprowadziæ go do fiskusa. Przedsiêbiorca ma prawo do uzyskania od urzêdu skarbowego zwrotu nadp³aconego swoim dostawcom podatku VAT. Teatry jednak nie bior¹ udzia³u w procesie opodatkowania. Dlatego te¿ nie uzyskuj¹ z urzêdu skarbowego zwrotów p³aconych podatków za towary oraz wiadczenia. A wiêc ich zwolnienie z opodatkowania ma sens tylko w takiej sytuacji, je¿eli odprowadzona na podatek zaliczka nie przekracza wiadczeñ pieniê¿nych na rzecz pañstwa, które w wypadku opodatkowania przychodów nale¿a³oby rozliczyæ. Wymaganiem koniecznym do spe³nienia tego warunku, jakie pojawia siê przed teatrami, jest utrzymanie wydatków podlegaj¹cych opodatkowaniu na bardzo niskim poziomie. Jest to mo¿liwe tylko wówczas, kiedy zapotrzebowanie warsztatu inscenizacyjnego pokrywane jest w g³ównej mierze w³asnym personelem. W Niemczech przez d³ugi czasu by³a to praktyka standardowa. Jednak w momencie redukcji etatów w teatrach publicznych sytuacja drastycznie uleg³a zmianie. Dewiz¹ teatrów sta³ siê outsourcing: czynno ci wiadczone wcze niej w ramach wewnêtrznych struktur instytucji, maj¹ce pokrycie dziêki rynkowi, zostaj¹ w miarê mo¿liwo ci oddawane na zewn¹trz (przyk³adem mo¿e byæ utrzymywanie czysto ci budynków, sprzeda¿ biletów i obs³uga klienta, sporadyczne wiadczenia warsztatu czy pozbywanie siê pewnych obszarów ksiêgowo ci). Nie ma

T³umaczenie: Anna Oskulska

Vladimir Kreck absolwent zarz¹dzania kultur¹ w Szkole Wy¿szej Zittau/Görlitz, na Uniwersytecie Technicznym w Dre nie i Uniwersytecie Federico II w Neapolu. Kierowa³ projektami organizowanymi dla Instytutu Goethego w Monachium, Festiwalu Filmowego w Dre nie i Teatru w Görlitz. Obecnie pracownik naukowy przy Saksoñskim Instytucie Infrastruktury Kulturalnej w Görlitz oraz koordynator projektu ewaluuj¹cego jednostki i instytucje kulturalne mniejszo ci serbsko-³u¿yckiej.

eatry w Niemczech s¹ ju¿ od bardzo dawna zwolnione z p³acenia podatku. Publiczne od roku 1926, natomiast teatry prywatne, które spe³niaj¹ takie same kryteria kulturalne od roku 1961. Ówczesne uregulowania by³y przedsiêwziêciem podjêtym na korzy æ tych ostatnich, celem odci¹¿enia etatów. Teatry, wed³ug ustawodawcy, s¹ przedsiêbiorstwami u¿ytku publicznego, których obroty nie stanowi¹ odzwierciedlenia ich zdolno ci podatkowej i w wiêkszo ci przypadków wymagaj¹ dotacji. Dlatego te¿ teatry, z ówczesnego punktu widzenia, nie by³y instytucjami, na które mo¿na by³o na³o¿yæ obowi¹zek p³acenia podatków. Z politycznej perspektywy nie widziano równie¿ sensu w podnoszeniu cen za bilety czy te¿ zwiêkszaniu dotacji. Postanowienia dotycz¹ce zwolnienia od podatków, które w miêdzyczasie objê³y równie¿ orkiestry, chóry i zespo³y muzyki kameralnej, reguluje §4 pkt 20 Ustawy o podatku dochodowym od osób prawnych. Zgodnie z nim korzystne zasady dotycz¹ typowych ofert teatralnych, jak równie¿ publicznych przedstawieñ, sprzeda¿y programów czy op³at za przechowywanie okrycia wierzchniego w szatniach. Obostrzenia wystêpuj¹ natomiast odno nie do sprzeda¿y potraw oraz napojów. Dochody uzyskiwane z tytu³u umów najmu i dzier¿awy, sponsoringu oraz przychody warsztatów podlegaj¹ obowi¹zkowi opodatkowania. Wydaje siê, ¿e zwolnienie z obowi¹zku opodatkowania jest uzasadnione. Praktyka taka przyczynia siê do wspierania sztuki teatralnej i jednocze nie zapewnia przystêpno æ cen wiêkszo ci przedstawieñ dla widzów. Sk¹d wiêc chêæ podjêcia próby weryfikacji przywilejów podatkowych?

T

T

Odpowiedzi nale¿y doszukiwaæ siê w aktualnie kreowanej generalnej filozofii dotycz¹cej opodatkowania. Zgodnie z ni¹ podatek VAT ma obci¹¿aæ jedynie ostatecznego odbiorcê. Wprawdzie jest on nak³adany przez ka¿dego z przedsiêbiorców na cenê wyj ciow¹, jednak ostatecznie nale¿y odprowadziæ go do fiskusa. Przedsiêbiorca ma prawo do uzyskania od urzêdu skarbowego zwrotu nadp³aconego swoim dostawcom podatku VAT. Teatry jednak nie bior¹ udzia³u w procesie opodatkowania. Dlatego te¿ nie uzyskuj¹ z urzêdu skarbowego zwrotów p³aconych podatków za towary oraz wiadczenia. A wiêc ich zwolnienie z opodatkowania ma sens tylko w takiej sytuacji, je¿eli odprowadzona na podatek zaliczka nie przekracza wiadczeñ pieniê¿nych na rzecz pañstwa, które w wypadku opodatkowania przychodów nale¿a³oby rozliczyæ. Wymaganiem koniecznym do spe³nienia tego warunku, jakie pojawia siê przed teatrami, jest utrzymanie wydatków podlegaj¹cych opodatkowaniu na bardzo niskim poziomie. Jest to mo¿liwe tylko wówczas, kiedy zapotrzebowanie warsztatu inscenizacyjnego pokrywane jest w g³ównej mierze w³asnym personelem. W Niemczech przez d³ugi czasu by³a to praktyka standardowa. Jednak w momencie redukcji etatów w teatrach publicznych sytuacja drastycznie uleg³a zmianie. Dewiz¹ teatrów sta³ siê outsourcing: czynno ci wiadczone wcze niej w ramach wewnêtrznych struktur instytucji, maj¹ce pokrycie dziêki rynkowi, zostaj¹ w miarê mo¿liwo ci oddawane na zewn¹trz (przyk³adem mo¿e byæ utrzymywanie czysto ci budynków, sprzeda¿ biletów i obs³uga klienta, sporadyczne wiadczenia warsztatu czy pozbywanie siê pewnych obszarów ksiêgowo ci). Nie ma

T³umaczenie: Anna Oskulska

eatry w Niemczech s¹ ju¿ od bardzo dawna zwolnione z p³acenia podatku. Publiczne od roku 1926, natomiast teatry prywatne, które spe³niaj¹ takie same kryteria kulturalne od roku 1961. Ówczesne uregulowania by³y przedsiêwziêciem podjêtym na korzy æ tych ostatnich, celem odci¹¿enia etatów. Teatry, wed³ug ustawodawcy, s¹ przedsiêbiorstwami u¿ytku publicznego, których obroty nie stanowi¹ odzwierciedlenia ich zdolno ci podatkowej i w wiêkszo ci przypadków wymagaj¹ dotacji. Dlatego te¿ teatry, z ówczesnego punktu widzenia, nie by³y instytucjami, na które mo¿na by³o na³o¿yæ obowi¹zek p³acenia podatków. Z politycznej perspektywy nie widziano równie¿ sensu w podnoszeniu cen za bilety czy te¿ zwiêkszaniu dotacji. Postanowienia dotycz¹ce zwolnienia od podatków, które w miêdzyczasie objê³y równie¿ orkiestry, chóry i zespo³y muzyki kameralnej, reguluje §4 pkt 20 Ustawy o podatku dochodowym od osób prawnych. Zgodnie z nim korzystne zasady dotycz¹ typowych ofert teatralnych, jak równie¿ publicznych przedstawieñ, sprzeda¿y programów czy op³at za przechowywanie okrycia wierzchniego w szatniach. Obostrzenia wystêpuj¹ natomiast odno nie do sprzeda¿y potraw oraz napojów. Dochody uzyskiwane z tytu³u umów najmu i dzier¿awy, sponsoringu oraz przychody warsztatów podlegaj¹ obowi¹zkowi opodatkowania. Wydaje siê, ¿e zwolnienie z obowi¹zku opodatkowania jest uzasadnione. Praktyka taka przyczynia siê do wspierania sztuki teatralnej i jednocze nie zapewnia przystêpno æ cen wiêkszo ci przedstawieñ dla widzów. Sk¹d wiêc chêæ podjêcia próby weryfikacji przywilejów podatkowych?

Vladimir Kreck

Vladimir Kreck absolwent zarz¹dzania kultur¹ w Szkole Wy¿szej Zittau/Görlitz, na Uniwersytecie Technicznym w Dre nie i Uniwersytecie Federico II w Neapolu. Kierowa³ projektami organizowanymi dla Instytutu Goethego w Monachium, Festiwalu Filmowego w Dre nie i Teatru w Görlitz. Obecnie pracownik naukowy przy Saksoñskim Instytucie Infrastruktury Kulturalnej w Görlitz oraz koordynator projektu ewaluuj¹cego jednostki i instytucje kulturalne mniejszo ci serbsko-³u¿yckiej.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Czy teatry powinny byæ opodatkowane?


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

w¹tpliwo ci, i¿ konsekwencj¹ tego jest redukcja kosztów personalnych oraz, co za tym idzie, obci¹¿eñ podmiotów publicznych. Jednak ka¿de zlecenie oznacza jednocze nie generowanie coraz wiêkszej kwoty obowi¹zkowego podatku VAT. Wzrasta on ka¿dego roku wraz z rosn¹cymi cenami za materia³y oraz energiê. Dodatkowo od 1 stycznia 2007 roku kwota podatku VAT wzros³a z 16 do 19%. Taka sytuacja podatkowa jest negatywnie odczuwalna zw³aszcza przez ma³e sceny, jak na przyk³ad teatr muzyczny w Görlitz. Obecny dyrektor teatru Michael Wieler obliczy³, i¿ kierowana przez niego placówka ponosi ka¿dego roku straty wysoko ci 150 000 200 000 euro. Jego zdaniem powy¿szej sytuacji mo¿na unikn¹æ tylko w przypadku, kiedy teatry mog³yby braæ udzia³ w procesie opodatkowania. Görlitz nie jest przypadkiem odosobnionym. Proces restrukturyzacji dotkn¹³ wiele innych scen w Niemczech. Zosta³y one zmuszone do przyjêcia formy dzia³alno ci prywatno-gospodarczej, a redukcja etatów zosta³a odgórnie zas¹dzona. Dlatego te¿ ¿¹daj¹ one, by mog³y funkcjonowaæ na zasadach wolnorynkowych przedsiêbiorstw. Jednak zapomniano o stworzeniu ku temu odpowiednich uwarunkowañ prawnych. Szacuje siê, ¿e teatry, których to dotyczy, p³ac¹ rocznie podatek VAT w wysoko ci kilku milionów euro. Nie jest mo¿liwy ani zwrot tych kosztów, ani rezygnacja z tak zwanego przywileju podatkowego. Istniej¹ powa¿ne w¹tpliwo ci, czy taki by³ pierwotny zamys³ ustawodawcy. Ponadto je¿eli uwzglêdni siê obecn¹, bardzo trudn¹ sytuacjê teatrów, powraca pytanie dotycz¹ce zwolnienia z opodatkowania. Poczynaj¹c od niezbêdnej kontroli kosztów, przez redukcjê etatów i umów dla poszczególnych placówek, z pewno ci¹ pojawi siê wkrótce pytanie o ich strukturê organizacyjn¹. Wiele scen nie bêdzie w stanie zapewniæ kwot niezbêdnych na zap³acenie zaliczek na rzecz naliczonego podatku. Dlatego te¿ ka¿de odci¹¿enie finansowe obie-

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

cuj¹ce ograniczenie szkód jest bardzo cenne. Byæ mo¿e powinna zostaæ dokonana korekta w ustawie o zwolnieniu z opodatkowania? Na pewno nie nale¿y spodziewaæ siê w tej kwestii sprzeciwu ze strony Unii Europejskiej, która równie¿ odst¹pi³a od przepisów opodatkowania. Ka¿demu z krajów cz³onkowskich pozostawia wolno æ decyzji w kwestii, które z ofert kulturalnych powinny zostaæ zwolnione z opodatkowania. Jedynie prawo wyboru pozostawione teatrom odno nie ich w³asnego udzia³u w procesie opodatkowania nie by³oby zgodne z wytycznymi prezentowanymi przez UE. To, co pozostaje, to istotna decyzja przemawiaj¹ca na korzy æ na³o¿enia obowi¹zku opodatkowania. Taki system ju¿ od dawna jest na porz¹dku dziennym w holenderskich, austriackich oraz polskich teatrach. Ich obroty podlegaj¹ tam pomniejszonemu opodatkowaniu. Wydaje siê prawdopodobne pój cie w kierunku takiego modelu. Wówczas sztuka sceniczna w Niemczech zosta³aby opodatkowana 7% podatkiem VAT, a teatry uzyska³yby tym samym prawo do odliczania pobranych zaliczek na ten podatek. Jedynym argumentem, który nie jest zgodny z takim tokiem my lenia, jest fakt, i¿ do tej pory masowa redukcja etatów nie dotknê³a jeszcze wszystkich teatrów. Te, o których mowa, nie skorzysta³yby na wprowadzeniu nowych zasad. Nie jest jednak wykluczone, ¿e wkrótce zostan¹ dotkniête ogóln¹ tendencj¹ redukcji etatów. Wówczas op³aca³by siê im zwrot zaliczek podatku VAT. Dopóki to nie nast¹pi, ich widzowie bêd¹ nadal obci¹¿ani podatkami. Przy 7% narzutu nie powinno to oznaczaæ wiêcej, ni¿ oko³o 2 3 euro przypadaj¹cych na ka¿dy bilet wstêpu. Wprowadzenie obowi¹zku opodatkowania oznacza³oby dla wielu teatrów za³agodzenie k³opotów wynikaj¹cych z ci¹g³ej kontroli kosztów celem ich redukcji. Dla wielu oznacza³oby to mo¿liwo æ utrzymania wszystkich oddzia³ów, a dla niektórych z pewno ci¹ uratowanie egzystencji.

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w¹tpliwo ci, i¿ konsekwencj¹ tego jest redukcja kosztów personalnych oraz, co za tym idzie, obci¹¿eñ podmiotów publicznych. Jednak ka¿de zlecenie oznacza jednocze nie generowanie coraz wiêkszej kwoty obowi¹zkowego podatku VAT. Wzrasta on ka¿dego roku wraz z rosn¹cymi cenami za materia³y oraz energiê. Dodatkowo od 1 stycznia 2007 roku kwota podatku VAT wzros³a z 16 do 19%. Taka sytuacja podatkowa jest negatywnie odczuwalna zw³aszcza przez ma³e sceny, jak na przyk³ad teatr muzyczny w Görlitz. Obecny dyrektor teatru Michael Wieler obliczy³, i¿ kierowana przez niego placówka ponosi ka¿dego roku straty wysoko ci 150 000 200 000 euro. Jego zdaniem powy¿szej sytuacji mo¿na unikn¹æ tylko w przypadku, kiedy teatry mog³yby braæ udzia³ w procesie opodatkowania. Görlitz nie jest przypadkiem odosobnionym. Proces restrukturyzacji dotkn¹³ wiele innych scen w Niemczech. Zosta³y one zmuszone do przyjêcia formy dzia³alno ci prywatno-gospodarczej, a redukcja etatów zosta³a odgórnie zas¹dzona. Dlatego te¿ ¿¹daj¹ one, by mog³y funkcjonowaæ na zasadach wolnorynkowych przedsiêbiorstw. Jednak zapomniano o stworzeniu ku temu odpowiednich uwarunkowañ prawnych. Szacuje siê, ¿e teatry, których to dotyczy, p³ac¹ rocznie podatek VAT w wysoko ci kilku milionów euro. Nie jest mo¿liwy ani zwrot tych kosztów, ani rezygnacja z tak zwanego przywileju podatkowego. Istniej¹ powa¿ne w¹tpliwo ci, czy taki by³ pierwotny zamys³ ustawodawcy. Ponadto je¿eli uwzglêdni siê obecn¹, bardzo trudn¹ sytuacjê teatrów, powraca pytanie dotycz¹ce zwolnienia z opodatkowania. Poczynaj¹c od niezbêdnej kontroli kosztów, przez redukcjê etatów i umów dla poszczególnych placówek, z pewno ci¹ pojawi siê wkrótce pytanie o ich strukturê organizacyjn¹. Wiele scen nie bêdzie w stanie zapewniæ kwot niezbêdnych na zap³acenie zaliczek na rzecz naliczonego podatku. Dlatego te¿ ka¿de odci¹¿enie finansowe obie-

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cuj¹ce ograniczenie szkód jest bardzo cenne. Byæ mo¿e powinna zostaæ dokonana korekta w ustawie o zwolnieniu z opodatkowania? Na pewno nie nale¿y spodziewaæ siê w tej kwestii sprzeciwu ze strony Unii Europejskiej, która równie¿ odst¹pi³a od przepisów opodatkowania. Ka¿demu z krajów cz³onkowskich pozostawia wolno æ decyzji w kwestii, które z ofert kulturalnych powinny zostaæ zwolnione z opodatkowania. Jedynie prawo wyboru pozostawione teatrom odno nie ich w³asnego udzia³u w procesie opodatkowania nie by³oby zgodne z wytycznymi prezentowanymi przez UE. To, co pozostaje, to istotna decyzja przemawiaj¹ca na korzy æ na³o¿enia obowi¹zku opodatkowania. Taki system ju¿ od dawna jest na porz¹dku dziennym w holenderskich, austriackich oraz polskich teatrach. Ich obroty podlegaj¹ tam pomniejszonemu opodatkowaniu. Wydaje siê prawdopodobne pój cie w kierunku takiego modelu. Wówczas sztuka sceniczna w Niemczech zosta³aby opodatkowana 7% podatkiem VAT, a teatry uzyska³yby tym samym prawo do odliczania pobranych zaliczek na ten podatek. Jedynym argumentem, który nie jest zgodny z takim tokiem my lenia, jest fakt, i¿ do tej pory masowa redukcja etatów nie dotknê³a jeszcze wszystkich teatrów. Te, o których mowa, nie skorzysta³yby na wprowadzeniu nowych zasad. Nie jest jednak wykluczone, ¿e wkrótce zostan¹ dotkniête ogóln¹ tendencj¹ redukcji etatów. Wówczas op³aca³by siê im zwrot zaliczek podatku VAT. Dopóki to nie nast¹pi, ich widzowie bêd¹ nadal obci¹¿ani podatkami. Przy 7% narzutu nie powinno to oznaczaæ wiêcej, ni¿ oko³o 2 3 euro przypadaj¹cych na ka¿dy bilet wstêpu. Wprowadzenie obowi¹zku opodatkowania oznacza³oby dla wielu teatrów za³agodzenie k³opotów wynikaj¹cych z ci¹g³ej kontroli kosztów celem ich redukcji. Dla wielu oznacza³oby to mo¿liwo æ utrzymania wszystkich oddzia³ów, a dla niektórych z pewno ci¹ uratowanie egzystencji.


Manuela Lück

Sprawozdanie z sympozjum Kultura miejska. Strategie polityki kulturalnej w Europie rodkowej z okazji 10-lecia kierunku studiów kultura i zarz¹dzanie w Wy¿szej Szkole w ¯ytawie/Görlitz (30 IX 2 X 2007)

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

t³umaczenie: Joanna Urbanowicz

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nia instytucjonalnych warunków ramowych, lecz równie¿ kompetentnych mened¿erów kultury, zdolnych do organizacyjnego zastosowania tego szeroko zakre lonego pojêcia. Inicjator utworzenia kierunku kultura i zarz¹dzanie w roku 1997, prof. dr Matthias Theodor Vogt, podkre li³ sukces w realizacji kszta³cenia miêdzynarodowego, w ramach którego studenci jeden semestr studiuj¹ za granic¹. Dodatkowo zwróci³ uwagê na du¿e zaanga¿owanie studentów w intensywne o¿ywienie ¿ycia kulturalnego w Görlitz. Przestrzeñ miejska to wiêcej ni¿ miejsce do robienia zakupów czy te¿ miejsce pracy. Przestrzeñ ta to mo¿liwo æ dopuszczenia ró¿norodno ci kulturowej w spo³eczeñstwie mieszczañskim. Jakie warunki ramowe oferuje polityka kulturalna, aby umo¿liwiæ wspomnian¹ ró¿norodno æ? To pytanie stanowi³o punkt wyj ciowy oraz temat przewodni dwudniowego sympozjum dotycz¹cego kultury miejskiej. Poza wymaganiami stawianymi kszta³ceniu przysz³ych mened¿erów kultury, tematem dyskusji by³y równie¿ mo¿liwo ci strategii polityki kulturalnej w wiecie coraz bardziej zorientowanym na ekonomiê. Prof. dr Peter Bendixen (Wiedeñ/Austria) w uroczystym wyk³adzie Ekonomia odgraniczenia zastanawia³ siê, sk¹d siê

K

Manuela Lück absolwentka germanistyki i historii wspó³czesnej na Uniwersytecie Humboldta w Berlinie, Uniwersytecie Technicznym w Dre nie oraz Uniwersytecie Palackiego w O³omuñcu (Czechy). Wspó³pracowniczka Saksoñskiego Instytutu Infrastruktury Kulturalnej oraz Humanistycznego Centrum Historii i Kultury Europy rodkowo-Wschodniej Uniwersytetu w Lipsku. Pracownik naukowy i wyk³adowca Wy¿szej Szko³y w Zittau/Görlitz.

ultura miejska. Strategie polityki kulturalnej w Europie rodkowej to temat sympozjum zorganizowanego w Haus Klingewalde w Görlitz w dniach 30 IX 2 X 2007 roku, na którym zebrali siê naukowcy oraz przyszli i obecni mened¿erowie kultury z Europy rodkowej i Wschodniej. Celem nie by³a tylko wymiana my li, lecz równie¿ uczczenie 10-lecia kierunku studiów kultura i zarz¹dzanie , jak równie¿ utworzenia w jego ramach programu podwójnych dyplomów studiów II stopnia. W s³owach powitalnych Burmistrza ds. Kultury Miasta Görlitz, Ulfa Großmanna, prof. dra in¿. Rainera Hampela, Rektora Wy¿szej Szko³y w ¯ytawie/Görlitz, prof. dra Rolanda Giese reprezentuj¹cego Wydzia³ Nauk Ekonomicznych oraz licznych miêdzynarodowych partnerów kierunku kultura i zarz¹dzanie np. dra Petera Várnagy (Pecz/Wêgry) czy te¿ prof. dra Ivarsa Berzin,sa (Ryga/£otwa), koordynuj¹cych ju¿ niemal dziesiêæ lat wspó³pracê miêdzynarodow¹ zosta³ podkre lony sukces ww. kierunku, nawi¹zanie miêdzynarodowych kooperacji, a z drugiej strony trudno ci zwi¹zanych z jego tworzeniem. Prof. Matthias Munkwitz, dyrektor kierunku studiów kultura i zarz¹dzanie, zwróci³ uwagê na fakt, i¿ wyj¹tkowo bogata kultura w jej szerokim pojêciu potrzebuje nie tylko zapewnie-

nia instytucjonalnych warunków ramowych, lecz równie¿ kompetentnych mened¿erów kultury, zdolnych do organizacyjnego zastosowania tego szeroko zakre lonego pojêcia. Inicjator utworzenia kierunku kultura i zarz¹dzanie w roku 1997, prof. dr Matthias Theodor Vogt, podkre li³ sukces w realizacji kszta³cenia miêdzynarodowego, w ramach którego studenci jeden semestr studiuj¹ za granic¹. Dodatkowo zwróci³ uwagê na du¿e zaanga¿owanie studentów w intensywne o¿ywienie ¿ycia kulturalnego w Görlitz. Przestrzeñ miejska to wiêcej ni¿ miejsce do robienia zakupów czy te¿ miejsce pracy. Przestrzeñ ta to mo¿liwo æ dopuszczenia ró¿norodno ci kulturowej w spo³eczeñstwie mieszczañskim. Jakie warunki ramowe oferuje polityka kulturalna, aby umo¿liwiæ wspomnian¹ ró¿norodno æ? To pytanie stanowi³o punkt wyj ciowy oraz temat przewodni dwudniowego sympozjum dotycz¹cego kultury miejskiej. Poza wymaganiami stawianymi kszta³ceniu przysz³ych mened¿erów kultury, tematem dyskusji by³y równie¿ mo¿liwo ci strategii polityki kulturalnej w wiecie coraz bardziej zorientowanym na ekonomiê. Prof. dr Peter Bendixen (Wiedeñ/Austria) w uroczystym wyk³adzie Ekonomia odgraniczenia zastanawia³ siê, sk¹d siê

K

ultura miejska. Strategie polityki kulturalnej w Europie rodkowej to temat sympozjum zorganizowanego w Haus Klingewalde w Görlitz w dniach 30 IX 2 X 2007 roku, na którym zebrali siê naukowcy oraz przyszli i obecni mened¿erowie kultury z Europy rodkowej i Wschodniej. Celem nie by³a tylko wymiana my li, lecz równie¿ uczczenie 10-lecia kierunku studiów kultura i zarz¹dzanie , jak równie¿ utworzenia w jego ramach programu podwójnych dyplomów studiów II stopnia. W s³owach powitalnych Burmistrza ds. Kultury Miasta Görlitz, Ulfa Großmanna, prof. dra in¿. Rainera Hampela, Rektora Wy¿szej Szko³y w ¯ytawie/Görlitz, prof. dra Rolanda Giese reprezentuj¹cego Wydzia³ Nauk Ekonomicznych oraz licznych miêdzynarodowych partnerów kierunku kultura i zarz¹dzanie np. dra Petera Várnagy (Pecz/Wêgry) czy te¿ prof. dra Ivarsa Berzin,sa (Ryga/£otwa), koordynuj¹cych ju¿ niemal dziesiêæ lat wspó³pracê miêdzynarodow¹ zosta³ podkre lony sukces ww. kierunku, nawi¹zanie miêdzynarodowych kooperacji, a z drugiej strony trudno ci zwi¹zanych z jego tworzeniem. Prof. Matthias Munkwitz, dyrektor kierunku studiów kultura i zarz¹dzanie, zwróci³ uwagê na fakt, i¿ wyj¹tkowo bogata kultura w jej szerokim pojêciu potrzebuje nie tylko zapewnie-

t³umaczenie: Joanna Urbanowicz

Manuela Lück absolwentka germanistyki i historii wspó³czesnej na Uniwersytecie Humboldta w Berlinie, Uniwersytecie Technicznym w Dre nie oraz Uniwersytecie Palackiego w O³omuñcu (Czechy). Wspó³pracowniczka Saksoñskiego Instytutu Infrastruktury Kulturalnej oraz Humanistycznego Centrum Historii i Kultury Europy rodkowo-Wschodniej Uniwersytetu w Lipsku. Pracownik naukowy i wyk³adowca Wy¿szej Szko³y w Zittau/Görlitz.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Manuela Lück

316

Sprawozdanie z sympozjum Kultura miejska. Strategie polityki kulturalnej w Europie rodkowej z okazji 10-lecia kierunku studiów kultura i zarz¹dzanie w Wy¿szej Szkole w ¯ytawie/Görlitz (30 IX 2 X 2007)


Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

wziê³o i staje siê coraz bardziej powszechne wyobra¿enie bezgranicznego wzrostu gospodarczego w wiecie idei polityki i kultury. Wzrost, który napotka³ ograniczenie we w³asnym gospodarowaniu, a nie w czasach antycznych uznawanej za niemoraln¹ zwiêkszonej produkcji, ju¿ dawno temu przekroczy³ granicê definicji kulturalnej z wyobra¿eniem wspó³czesnej nieskoñczono ci i niesie ze sob¹ destruktywne elementy dla spo³eczeñstwa na wszystkich szczeblach. Prof. Bendixen w swoim wyk³adzie skonstatowa³, i¿ dzisiejsza gospodarka i jej teorie zupe³nie wyeliminowa³y ich kulturalne i etyczne odniesienie i ród³o oraz dzia³aj¹ coraz czê ciej niezale¿nie od siebie. Ów rozwój sytuacji jest decyduj¹cy dla kwestii kompetencyjno ci ekonomistów, przesuniêcia warto ciowo ci miêdzy zdobywaniem pieni¹dza (kultura rynku) i produkcji kulturalnej (kultura zak³adu) a ich przeciwstawnym po³o¿eniem. Prof. Bendixen zwróci³ uwagê na skutki takiego my lenia dla polityki kulturalnej, uwarunkowanej ci¹g³ym przyspieszaniem i konsumpcj¹. Odzyskanie b¹d te¿ zachowanie w³asnej estetyki i to¿samo ci by³o centralnym punktem wyk³adu prof. dr Rosermary Statelovej (Bu³garska Akademia Nauk, Sofia), która omawia³a wiejsk¹ kulturê muzyki serbo³u¿yckiej oraz jej sukcesywne zanikanie, a tak¿e marginalizacjê. Wspó³czesnym kwartetem: kultur¹ zarz¹dzaniem polityk¹ kulturaln¹ spo³eczeñstwem obywatelskim zaj¹³ siê prof. dr Emil Orzechowski (Uniwersytet Jagielloñski), podejmuj¹cy próbê odpowiedzi na pytanie, jakie zwi¹zki istniej¹ w Polsce miêdzy kultur¹, zarz¹dzaniem kultur¹, polityk¹ kulturaln¹ a spo³eczeñstwem obywatelskim. Najwiêksze wyzwanie dla kultury i spo³eczeñstwa w Polsce, w wiecie globalizacji i techniki, le¿y jego zdaniem w powszechnym przekonaniu, ¿e kultura i zwi¹zane z ni¹ warto ci same mog¹ siê obroniæ przed wy¿ej wymienionymi wp³ywami. Prof. Orzechowski opisa³ deficyty w dyskusji polityczno-kulturalnej, równie¿ ze strony osób dzia³aj¹cych w polskich instytucjach kulturalnych, w tworzeniu teorii, znikom¹ mo¿liwo æ zastosowania dotychczas przeprowadzonych kulturalno-politycznych analiz krajów maj¹cych niewielkie do wiadczenie ze strukturami demokratycznymi oraz formami spo³eczeñstwa cywilnego, jak i brak chêci do poszukiwania poprzez eskperymenty kulturalne. Z tego powodu polityka kulturalna w Polsce nie mo¿e ani dok³adnie zareagowaæ na dzisiejsze wyzwania, czego powodem jest m.in. brak wykwalifikowanych mened¿erów kultury, ani te¿ nie wiadomo dok³adnie, jakie powinny byæ jej cele. Prof.

Zarz¹dzanie Kultur¹ 2008, nr 1 (1)

Orzechowski widzi problemy równie¿ odno nie do definicji zarz¹dzania w dziedzinie kultury oraz jego kszta³cenia uniwersyteckiego. Podkre li³ zatem konieczno æ rych³ego zaistnienia w Polsce dyskursu publicznego na temat polityki kulturalnej, jej warunków ramowych dla inicjatyw ogólnospo³ecznych oraz prywatnych, które powinny rodziæ siê u podstaw . Prof. dr Ivars Berzin,s (Akademia Kultury w Rydze/£otwa) zwróci³ w swoim przemówieniu uwagê na trudno ci w strategii polityki kulturalnej miêdzy decentralizacj¹ a koncentracj¹, na du¿e zurbanizowane centra na £otwie i coraz czêstsze spory miêdzy stopniowo zakorzeniaj¹c¹ siê woln¹ scen¹ kulturaln¹, pañstwow¹ polityk¹ kulturaln¹ oraz zorientowaniem na wolny rynek. Una Sedleniece (£otewskie Ministerstwo Kultury w Rydze), jedna z absolwentek pierwszego rocznika kierunku kultury i zarz¹dzania, rocznika 1997, wyja ni³a Strategiczn¹ zasadê ³otewskiej polityki kulturalnej dotycz¹c¹ reorganizacji przestrzeni miejskiej w Rydze. Przedstawi³a ona plany budynku Biblioteki Narodowej, centrum kongresowego, a tak¿e muzeum sztuki nowoczesnej oraz zwróci³a uwagê na sukces w umocnianiu ³otewskiej to¿samo ci za pomoc¹ polityki kulturalnej i jej finansowania. Prof. dr Mihaly Sári (Uniwersytet w Pczu/Wêgry) opisa³ polityczno-kulturalne strategie oraz zmiany przestrzeni miejskiej w Peczu w zwi¹zku z przygotowaniem do organizacji Europejskiej Stolicy Kultury w roku 2010. Tematem wyst¹pienia prof. dra Levana Khetaguri (Tbilisi/Gruzja) by³y liczne kulturalno-polityczne przedsiêwziêcia w zakresie kultury miejskiej w Gruzji oraz przedstawienie wielu kooperacji miêdzynarodowych. Na zakoñczenie sympozjum, jako spojrzenie w przysz³o æ wspierania finansowego saksoñskiej kultury, Ralph Lindner, dyrektor Fundacji Kultury Landu Saksonii, przedstawi³ strategie jej finansowania ku dobru ogó³u . Fundacja w ramach swojej dzia³alno ci polityczno-finansowej ma na celu stymulowanie przemian socjalnych, kierowanie procesami kulturalnymi, wzmocnienie zaanga¿owania obywatelskiego oraz kapita³u socjalnego. Fundacja uwa¿a siê za po rednika miêdzy spo³eczeñstwem obywatelskim a Saksoni¹ oraz chce przyczyniæ siê do dobra ogó³u. Akcentem koñcowym sympozjum by³a dyskusja panelowa poprowadzona przez prof. dra Eckeharda Binasa (Szko³a Wy¿sza Zittau/ Görlitz), w trakcie której dyskutowano na temat aspektów to¿samo ci multikulturowej w £u¿ycach oraz w Europie.

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wziê³o i staje siê coraz bardziej powszechne wyobra¿enie bezgranicznego wzrostu gospodarczego w wiecie idei polityki i kultury. Wzrost, który napotka³ ograniczenie we w³asnym gospodarowaniu, a nie w czasach antycznych uznawanej za niemoraln¹ zwiêkszonej produkcji, ju¿ dawno temu przekroczy³ granicê definicji kulturalnej z wyobra¿eniem wspó³czesnej nieskoñczono ci i niesie ze sob¹ destruktywne elementy dla spo³eczeñstwa na wszystkich szczeblach. Prof. Bendixen w swoim wyk³adzie skonstatowa³, i¿ dzisiejsza gospodarka i jej teorie zupe³nie wyeliminowa³y ich kulturalne i etyczne odniesienie i ród³o oraz dzia³aj¹ coraz czê ciej niezale¿nie od siebie. Ów rozwój sytuacji jest decyduj¹cy dla kwestii kompetencyjno ci ekonomistów, przesuniêcia warto ciowo ci miêdzy zdobywaniem pieni¹dza (kultura rynku) i produkcji kulturalnej (kultura zak³adu) a ich przeciwstawnym po³o¿eniem. Prof. Bendixen zwróci³ uwagê na skutki takiego my lenia dla polityki kulturalnej, uwarunkowanej ci¹g³ym przyspieszaniem i konsumpcj¹. Odzyskanie b¹d te¿ zachowanie w³asnej estetyki i to¿samo ci by³o centralnym punktem wyk³adu prof. dr Rosermary Statelovej (Bu³garska Akademia Nauk, Sofia), która omawia³a wiejsk¹ kulturê muzyki serbo³u¿yckiej oraz jej sukcesywne zanikanie, a tak¿e marginalizacjê. Wspó³czesnym kwartetem: kultur¹ zarz¹dzaniem polityk¹ kulturaln¹ spo³eczeñstwem obywatelskim zaj¹³ siê prof. dr Emil Orzechowski (Uniwersytet Jagielloñski), podejmuj¹cy próbê odpowiedzi na pytanie, jakie zwi¹zki istniej¹ w Polsce miêdzy kultur¹, zarz¹dzaniem kultur¹, polityk¹ kulturaln¹ a spo³eczeñstwem obywatelskim. Najwiêksze wyzwanie dla kultury i spo³eczeñstwa w Polsce, w wiecie globalizacji i techniki, le¿y jego zdaniem w powszechnym przekonaniu, ¿e kultura i zwi¹zane z ni¹ warto ci same mog¹ siê obroniæ przed wy¿ej wymienionymi wp³ywami. Prof. Orzechowski opisa³ deficyty w dyskusji polityczno-kulturalnej, równie¿ ze strony osób dzia³aj¹cych w polskich instytucjach kulturalnych, w tworzeniu teorii, znikom¹ mo¿liwo æ zastosowania dotychczas przeprowadzonych kulturalno-politycznych analiz krajów maj¹cych niewielkie do wiadczenie ze strukturami demokratycznymi oraz formami spo³eczeñstwa cywilnego, jak i brak chêci do poszukiwania poprzez eskperymenty kulturalne. Z tego powodu polityka kulturalna w Polsce nie mo¿e ani dok³adnie zareagowaæ na dzisiejsze wyzwania, czego powodem jest m.in. brak wykwalifikowanych mened¿erów kultury, ani te¿ nie wiadomo dok³adnie, jakie powinny byæ jej cele. Prof.

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Orzechowski widzi problemy równie¿ odno nie do definicji zarz¹dzania w dziedzinie kultury oraz jego kszta³cenia uniwersyteckiego. Podkre li³ zatem konieczno æ rych³ego zaistnienia w Polsce dyskursu publicznego na temat polityki kulturalnej, jej warunków ramowych dla inicjatyw ogólnospo³ecznych oraz prywatnych, które powinny rodziæ siê u podstaw . Prof. dr Ivars Berzin,s (Akademia Kultury w Rydze/£otwa) zwróci³ w swoim przemówieniu uwagê na trudno ci w strategii polityki kulturalnej miêdzy decentralizacj¹ a koncentracj¹, na du¿e zurbanizowane centra na £otwie i coraz czêstsze spory miêdzy stopniowo zakorzeniaj¹c¹ siê woln¹ scen¹ kulturaln¹, pañstwow¹ polityk¹ kulturaln¹ oraz zorientowaniem na wolny rynek. Una Sedleniece (£otewskie Ministerstwo Kultury w Rydze), jedna z absolwentek pierwszego rocznika kierunku kultury i zarz¹dzania, rocznika 1997, wyja ni³a Strategiczn¹ zasadê ³otewskiej polityki kulturalnej dotycz¹c¹ reorganizacji przestrzeni miejskiej w Rydze. Przedstawi³a ona plany budynku Biblioteki Narodowej, centrum kongresowego, a tak¿e muzeum sztuki nowoczesnej oraz zwróci³a uwagê na sukces w umocnianiu ³otewskiej to¿samo ci za pomoc¹ polityki kulturalnej i jej finansowania. Prof. dr Mihaly Sári (Uniwersytet w Pczu/Wêgry) opisa³ polityczno-kulturalne strategie oraz zmiany przestrzeni miejskiej w Peczu w zwi¹zku z przygotowaniem do organizacji Europejskiej Stolicy Kultury w roku 2010. Tematem wyst¹pienia prof. dra Levana Khetaguri (Tbilisi/Gruzja) by³y liczne kulturalno-polityczne przedsiêwziêcia w zakresie kultury miejskiej w Gruzji oraz przedstawienie wielu kooperacji miêdzynarodowych. Na zakoñczenie sympozjum, jako spojrzenie w przysz³o æ wspierania finansowego saksoñskiej kultury, Ralph Lindner, dyrektor Fundacji Kultury Landu Saksonii, przedstawi³ strategie jej finansowania ku dobru ogó³u . Fundacja w ramach swojej dzia³alno ci polityczno-finansowej ma na celu stymulowanie przemian socjalnych, kierowanie procesami kulturalnymi, wzmocnienie zaanga¿owania obywatelskiego oraz kapita³u socjalnego. Fundacja uwa¿a siê za po rednika miêdzy spo³eczeñstwem obywatelskim a Saksoni¹ oraz chce przyczyniæ siê do dobra ogó³u. Akcentem koñcowym sympozjum by³a dyskusja panelowa poprowadzona przez prof. dra Eckeharda Binasa (Szko³a Wy¿sza Zittau/ Görlitz), w trakcie której dyskutowano na temat aspektów to¿samo ci multikulturowej w £u¿ycach oraz w Europie.



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