Conflict — Interkultural learning — Change

CONFLICT

— INTERCULTURAL LEARNING — CHANGE

CONFLICT

— INTERCULTURAL LEARNING — CHANGE

edited by Kamila Kamińska

Wrocław 2010

Editor Kamila Kamińska Reviever Elżbieta Czykwin prof.

Cover design Rafał Kapitca DTP Anastazja Dąbrowska

ISBN 978-83-7432-675-9

Oficyna Wydawnicza ATUT – Wrocławskie Wydawnictwo Oświatowe 50-011 Wrocław, Kościuszki 51a, tel. (71) 342 20 56, faks (71) 341 32 04 e-mail: oficyna@atut.ig.pl; http://www.atut.ig.pl

Table of Contents

Kamila Kamińska PhD: Introduction. Conflict as a learning opportunity . . .

7

Part I. Conflict — General aspects Inese Jurgena PhD prof.: The Essence of conflict and possibilities for its pedagogic solution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Kamila Kamińska PhD: The role of conflict in transformative learning theory context—The Northern Ireland case . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Katarzyna Gajek PhD: Cross-cultural learning in contemporary organizations as a key element of its success . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

17 25 37

Part II. Cross-cultural learning Vratislava Černíková Doc. PhD: Multicultural Policy of the Czech Republic.

The Roma context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

55 Mirosława Cylkowska-Nowak, Witold Nowak: Moral panic around ethnic minorities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

65 Ondřej Lochman PhD, Katarzyna Szajda MA: The image of neighbour in Polish–German–Czech borderlines: Pupils’ attitudes towards the Other . . . . .

81 Magdalena Siuta PhD: Cross-cultural education in the area of potential conflict.

Program PLUS at Macquarie University in Sydney and implications for Polish universities (the example of Wrocław University of Technology) . . . . . . . . . . . 101

Part III. Praxis of the conflict theory Renata Bibik PhD: The importance of conflict in teacher burn out syndrome Barbara Jezierska PhD: A rehabilitation institution as an attempt to solve conflict between an individual and the society. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Arkadiusz Urbanek PhD: The experience of conflict in prison . . . . . . . . . . . .

Magdalena Malińska MA: Identity development and cognitive dissonance theory: Youth suffering from obesity in pop culture times . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Stephen Vertigans PhD: The Pre Roots of post 1960s Western Terror groups: Lessons from deep history . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . »5«

113 131 141 155 169

TABLE

OF

CONTENTS

Mariusz Gaj MA: Schools of social behavior in India: The role of education in emancipation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183 Kamila Kamińska PhD: Conclusions. Towards opportunities for change . . . . 193 Notes on Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195

Kamila Kamińska PhD University of Wroclaw Poland

Introduction.

Conflict as a learning opportunity

If everything moves alike it seems as there is no movement at all, like on the ship.

Blaise Pascal The Ship of Fools Hieronimus Bosch

In The Ship of Fools Bosch imagines that the whole of a mankind is voyaging through the seas of eternity on a ship, a small and wobbly one, representative of humanity. It seems to be living our everyday life, without self-reflection, simply like the fools. This is how we live, says Bosch; we eat, drink, flirt, cheat, play silly games, pursue unattainable objectives. Meanwhile, our ship drifts aimlessly and we never reach the harbor.

Bosch’s evaluation of a human condition is not of religious matters. The fools are not the irreligious, since among them are prominent monk and nun, but still, they are all those who live ‘in stupidity.’ Bosch laughs, and it is a sad laugh. Which one of us does not sail in the wretched discomfort of the ship of human folly? Eccentric and secret genius that he was, Bosch not only moved the heart but scandalized it into full awareness. Pascal uses similar metaphor: “men spend their time in following a ball or a hare” (Pascal, 2009). Wasting time in meaningless activities is only one interpretation of that picture. The deeper one is that of thoughtlessness, of constant run for nothing, of living nice but silly life. One who is following a hare or a ball doesn’t have time, nor opportunity to stop and think as s/he is in danger of losing his goal. He cannot appreciate all the beauty and sense of the world, of the other human beings, simply of life. In the other part of his great work, the Thoughts, Pascal is stating an idea that corresponds to the Bosch’s painting (we will never know if it was his purpose but we can still learn from those two magnificent examples of human works of art and philosophy). Polish translation seems better than the English one therefore I shall be using »7«

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it, transferring into English, hoping it is not too bold of me as a humble reader. Pascal says that if everything moves alike, it looks like there is no movement at all. If all people do the same unworthy deeds they have no perspective to judge. They concentrate on their life but even if they make an effort to have a look on the other passengers’ actions, they all have the feeling they are fine, it looks like they do nothing wrong. Pascal states that one needs to stop for a moment, to get a proper perspective, an anchor to make a judgment. To reflect on his life and choices, to open to learning and change.

Watching Bosch’s painting and having that idea in mind I propose to explore that further. It is very hard to stop the ship; constant move is its very nature. The fools traveling on it on the waters of life neither think neither what they do nor where they go. Approaching the port may not be that easy or simply can be too late. Isn’t it eternal perspective with the context of mortality that Bosch has in mind? What can make those fools (aren’t they us?) stop and think for a while? Maybe rocking the boat is an idea?

A collision, a crash? Those are translations of Latin word conflictus (conflict). The work presented explores an idea of conflict that makes an opportunity for learning processes, for reflection, for the change.

We feel a hateful kinship with the fools on the ship; it is not a bad feeling, although it is not nice. Just like conflict experience, far from being pleasant can nevertheless be good and worthy. It opens mind to reflection, to learning, to change. The Ship of Fools is not about other people, it is about us. The feeling of stability and boredom that comes from sailing on the ship with others focused on the same game of running after silly things. Consumption and hedonism are only some examples of dangers that we face in postmodern times where facing very thought of being manipulated by media and advertising of corporations requires not only strength but a simple condition of stopping for a moment of reflection. Living a pleasant life needs avoiding rocks and heavy winds, avoiding collisions avoiding conflicts (for diagnosis of postmodern university and its students’ attitudes, see: Bloom, 1987). Why? Because they may rock the boat, make us wet, fall into deep waters of reflections, into learning, into change. The authors of the book explore conflict as a learning opportunity. As a chance for a change of one’s perspective, one’s attitude. There are different types and sources of conflict that are taken into analysis. What all these papers have in common is a quest of positive means and uses of conflict feelings and situations. Not depending on the subject experiencing neither conflict nor objects involved in it we propose it can be seen in a deep pedagogical sense. Danger of becoming a fool, travelling in a ship together with alike ones was present in 15th century (Bosch’s time), 17th century (Pascal’s time) and 21st century—our contemporary time. We present a set of the papers with an ambitious attempt of seeking wisdom. Not talking about quest for the truth as it is no longer appropriate in postmodernity, but for reflective existence that doesn’t need to be nice nor pleasant but meaningful. Encounter (Buber, 1992) is one of the main conditions, openness to experience, learning and change also viewed as necessary. The theoretical framework of the works presented below includes that positive assumption of conflict.

We believe it is essential especially within pedagogical sciences. The articles were initially presented at the conference held at the University of Wrocław, Poland in 2009. »8«

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The book is divided into three parts.

The first one deals with conflict presenting its general aspects. It is opened by theoretical reflections of professor Inese Jurgena from Latvia. Exploring the essence of conflict in the pedagogical perspective, she sets important theoretical and practical statements.

Purposeful interaction between a teacher and a learner within a process of education— with an idea of a goal of upbringing as promoting individual’s self-development and integration in society, culture and nature conflict experience is seen as essential to those processes. Furthermore Jurgena (2010) is presenting conditions and ways of successful conflict resolutions. Those include individual’s social skills, verbal and non-verbal communication skills etc. Reflections are put in the social framework of citizenship education.

The explorations are then followed by theoretical reflection on conflict based on the Mezirow’s theory of Transformative Learning. Understanding conflict as an educational experience the author (myself) sets conditions necessary for that to appear. One of them might be perceived as very simple: the act of encounter. We need at least two subjects to meet for the collision (conflict) to happen. Condition of those subjects to be different, even contrary is essential. Taking a Buber’s perspective on dialog—meeting of I and You—would be probably perfect (Buber, 1992). Viewing it as the most beneficial situation we should state it doesn’t always need to come to that deep dialogical level. One can use conflict situation even when the Other is not open to change. Conflict leading to the transformation of perspective may happen not only in human-human encounter.

It can also happen between human and a book, a work of art, architecture, nature. Being open to that kind of experience leads to learning. Frantic avoidance of conflict situations present in postmodern times although understandable in historical perspective is seen as a danger of taking a pleasant but meaningless ride on the ship of life (ship of fools?).

The theoretical framework is then put into practice using Northern Ireland example. Conflict avoidance strategies although rational resulted in putting the two societies in separate worlds with walls, fences and other territorial marks (such as pavements, flags and murals).

Avoiding contact with the Other as a way of peacemaking process had also educational aspect, so called integrated schools (with protestant and Catholic students learning together) are only minority as according to statistics 95% of schools have sectarian roots. Most of learning is set in that segregation context, person from one society may never meet and have even a silly chat with another side for the whole life (living in the same estate of flats) as educational system is separate from nursery to university level (with a small exception of above mentioned integrated schools). The question of true results in the process of conflict avoidance practice becoming rhetorical. Over a century of blood sharing experiences speaks for itself. Without shared—even conflicting—experiences there is no possibility of learning, change of perspective, change in life and world of living.

The last theoretically-oriented piece in this section is an article by Katarzyna Gajek.

Using Senge’s learning organizations concept the author explores it further in inter-cultural context. The connection between Mezirow’s and Senge’s theory has been already raised in scientific circles, therefore we should bear that in mind in reading and interpretation processes. (Hamalainen, 2004). Apart from the obvious reference between perspective change (Mezirow, 1978) and concept of ‘metanoia’ (Senge) issues con»9«

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cerned with empowerment have to be mentioned, especially in the context of the main problem explored in the presented book. Accrding to Senge, learning organization is defined by five dimensions that join adaptative learning and generative learning in organization: systems thinking, personal mastery, mental models, building shared vision and team learning. These five can be identified as areas of learning, especially needed in organizations dealing with cultural diversity. Empowerment strengthens the process of organizational learning by releasing individuals and groups from corset of once adapted patterns and giving some hope to achieve change. Arising conflicts can be therefore perceived and used in a positive way. Process of effective intercultural learning in organization is based on five dimensions mentioned above. It has to be stressed that Senge‘s theory has been already transferred into practice in many environments. One of the available sources for practice is that of O’Keofe and Stewart (2004). The area of obvious educational relevance of Gajek’s thesis is therefore very significant.

In the second part of the book further explorations take more practical approach researching conflict in the context of cultural and ethnic diversity. A variety of examples and perspectives is taken. All of them having basic respect for the Other in the context of explorations nevertheless without naïve dream of ‘living happily ever after’ are aimed at looking at different areas of cross-cultural relations, appreciating the existence of conflicts but also chances for building bridges, learning and provoking positive social changes The opening article is the one of Professor Vratislava Cernikova from Czech Republic. History and social context of the country employs the subject of the given thesis.

Existence of Roma People in Czech Republic is a solemn fact; problems arising from it are nothing but reality. Conflicts experienced within society may lead to learning although history and contemporary times had seen not a lot of that. Mostly, it is perceived as an issue that needs to be addressed. Czernikova characterizes multicultural policy of Czech Republic as an interesting example of putting theory into state practice.

Apart from international legislation also criminal law of Czech Republic deals with variety of cross-cultural issues, among those freedom of religion and public defamation of certain nationality, language or race to be mentioned. Probably the most important regulations are those dealing with rights of members of national minorities. Describing those, Czernikova deals with variety of phenomena having impact on the social exclusion of Romanies, insufficient education being one of those. Closing part of the article is committed to the presentation of two contradictory perspectives in multicultural policy: liberal and communitarian, followed by the short description of multicultural policy of the state. The author concludes: “despite the governmental documents, which incorporate rights and freedoms of an individual, the primary recipient of political measures of the government and the liberal state, political practice in the government of the Czech Republic is directed towards Romanies as a Roma community, with prevailing communitarian concept of multicultural policy.” (Cernikova, 2010).

Conflict experiences rising around the coexistence of Roma minorities in European countries are then explored further by Miroslawa Cylkowska-Nowak and Witold Nowak (2010). Comparative approach is taken while dealing with the subject in Slovakia and Great Britain contexts. The selection of the countries for the comparison is not » 10 «

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accidental as Slovakia has a significant Roma minority which faces serious discrimination, while Great Britain is a destination for many Roma asylum seekers and migrants from Central and Eastern Europe. The problem is explored within the theoretical framework of moral panic concept (Goode and Ben-Yehuda, 1994). According to that theory the phenomenon to exist there are five crucial indicators: concern, hostility, consensus, disproportionality and volatility. Emotions generated by moral panic have a great impact on already problematic coexistence of cultures and its connection with conflict seems vital, so is the horizon for the reflections.

Relations with two other Polish border country’s citizens: Germans and Czech constitute the problem area of the study conducted by two international social scientists: Ondrej Lochman and Katarzyna Szajda (the cross border cooperation in the research is of high significance). The article focuses on the image of a neighbour in the area where borders of 3 states come together; the research sphere is the Euroregion NiesseNisa-Nysa. Basis of the thesis is constituted by outcomes of the research done with 15-year old pupils from the Czech Republic, Germany and Poland. The focus of the research was to explore what pupils think about their neighbours behind the state border and explore factors that influence their attitudes. Two implemented techniques give a complementary picture (questionnaire and workshops observations and results).

The frequency of contacts and the sources of knowledge of the Other are thoroughly explored. The outcomes of the research drafted in the paper lead the authors to raise practical recommendations that can support cooperation and less stereotypic thinking in the Euroregion. It should be stressed that both authors are involved with variety of practical project implementing the values and methods of intercultural education withing the structure of UNESCO initiative center and other NGOs. We find similar connection between author’s life-experience and theory in the closing article of the book by Magdalena Siuta. The attitude taken towards conflict is the one all the authors of the book share. Siuta explores areas of potential conflict defined as geographical regions where different groups coexist side by side. The difference between them may relate to one or more dimensions of human experience. It may manifest itself in nationality, ethnicity, religion (denomination), culture, language, political views or sexual beliefs and practices. As a practical exemplification stands Macquarie University in Sydney. It was already shown by Melosik (2007) to the Polish reader as Australia is one of the most diverse modern societies with a lot of issues arising from it that can serve as points of reference for further explorations. Multicultural and crosscultural education is perceived as crucial in dealing with conflicts arising from the encounter of different cultures. The relevance of Buber’s philosophy of encounter and dialogue corresponds with the whole ontological fundament of the book. The choice of institution has a great significance too, where Gajek explains theory of learning organizations Siuta gives practical example of such experience within educational environment, namely, university. Australian Program PLUS taken into explorations is an educational offer which addresses this contemporary demand for cross-cultural skills.

Describing its values and functioning Siuta resents attempt of naïve faith in planting the model to Polish conditions; it is obvious that not all elements and methods of » 11 «

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multicultural education applied among international students at Macquarie University can be adopted in the Polish reality. Higher education institutions such as Wrocław University of Technology differ too much from Australian universities and colleges and they operate in different socio-cultural environments, so it is certainly not advisable to copy uncritically solutions used there. The Polish society is diversified in different ways than the Australian one. Nevertheless, by opening to foreign students and workers, Poland—and Polish universities in particular—will sooner or later become areas of potential conflict, an arena where different/alternative cultural options will clash with each other. We should thoroughly prepare for this inevitable process.

The third part of the book presents the praxis of conflict theory, especially within institutional context. Renata Bibik’s reflections on the significance of conflict for teachers’ job burnout syndrome set a very interesting perspective. The time frame of early and middle adulthood is stressed. Presented basic information on job burnout is followed by description of that specific time in life. Bibik states that: “it may be noticed that in comparison with the stage of early adulthood, individuals in mid-life stage do not eager that much for career development and to accomplish own goals. The foreground is dominated by the need for professional stabilization. The way of performing the role is significantly changing, the employee basing on own competences, developed and rooted in professional position, revising own role what helps to reach beyond convention, creative activity and sharing knowledge and experience with others.” (Bibik, 2010). Specific types of conflict is explored further; that of expectations, reality and role conflict. Theoretical part is then followed by presentation of pilot study conducted by the author. Both lead to stating some important guidelines referring to prevention of job burnout.

Barbara Jezierska deals with variety of issues raising in the context of the rehabilitation processes. She examines the model functioning in such institutions and the reality of such. Their organizational and correctional structure is then characterized as a source of conflicts rising not only from the clear discrepancy between the goals of rehabilitation and possibilities of their achievements. Wider cultural context is explored emphasising lack of harmony between the culture standards existing in the society and alternative examples of the socially impaired persons, between the norms and values acceptable within the society and the ones that are sheared by the peer group causing a wide range of conflicts. Therefore all three types: internal, external and organizational conflicts are addressed in the article. Taking those, often dramatic, issues into consideration Jezierska nevertheless gives a very constructive passage on the ways of overcoming those problems in practice (e.g. surroundings therapy).

The author’s explorations lead further into ‘darker areas’—those of prison environment. The views on prison as a metaphor of educational experience (Foucault, 1998) may be taken as a wider context for Arkadiusz Urbanek’s reflections. Serving sentence of imprisonment is undoubtedly a time of facing different conflicts in a true and practical sense. Urbanek (2010) focuses his attention “on the role played by conflict situations and experiencing conflicts, transferring this issue into the area of penal institutions.

The conditions of depriving individuals of their liberty become here not only the sphere of analysis but also a specific life reality, as the prison surrounding becomes the world of » 12 «

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existence for several years. It is a world ruled by formal and static principles. Life in prison is not influenced by such a dynamic evolution as it takes place behind the penitentiary.”

(Urbanek). One of the main features is that of double identity leading to internal conflicts. The author attempts to analyze three levels of conflict origin taking that explanatory perspective. Practical base for those reflections brings research referring to the level of activation among those deprived of liberty carried out between 2004 and 2006 on the trial population of 230 prisoners, where respondents indicated number of conflict situations that they experience on the daily basis. Conflicts between two worlds are accompanied by the category that author proposes, i.e. catharsis conflicts viewed as an opportunity for learning, rehabilitation processes and change. It seems significant that also in rehabilitation research literature we find references to Mezirov Transformative Learning theory. It works as a source of optimism in Quinton’s reflections: “if information and computer literacy programs are set within transformative learning frame, then the ability to support offenders to fundamentally reorder their assumptions regarding their personal paradigm is possible” (S. Quiton, 2009: 139).

Magdalena Malińska’s paper brings us back to the reality of everyday experience, pop culture and postmodern issues. Here again conflict experience is of intrapersonal nature with cognitive and emotional characteristics. Obesity syndrome is examined as a cause of such within the theoretical framework of Festinger’s cognitive dissonance theory (Festinger, 1957). Body sacralisation in postmodernity is noticed in various manifestations (advertising, media and literature). And in the contrary—there is a consumerism glorification with eating and food (fast and unhealthy) in the centre of it.

According to Erikson every teenager experiences identity conflict, which is crucial for development. Explorations on dynamics of that in the group experiencing obesity are the heart of the mater in this paper. Chances for gaining critical attitude towards the manipulations of advertising and marketing processes can be widen by reflective experience of the perceived and experienced conflicts. Dealing with obesity issues in postmodernity is one of the highest importance nevertheless, having examined them within the above mentioned theoretical framework Malińska raises important questions for further discussions in the scientific forums. Last two chapters of this part deal with a wider geographical context nevertheless very relevant to our contemporary life in Poland, as we know that all world is a village (or rather a city?) today.

Stephen Vertigans presents an extended exploration of the historical roots of terrorism. Destructive conflict outcomes, with terror being the most obvious of all, never come as an accident, ‘out of nothing.’ Stephen Vertigans’ from Scotland explorations give us a broad perspective believing that the past provides important lessons about the nature of societies in which terror groups form and are crucially rooted in history.

The arguments raised in the article also prevent us from sharing the false stereotype that terrorism is a ‘Muslim world invention’ and never appeared in democratic Western societies. General conclusions are based upon three examples: Northern Ireland, Italy and the United States. The author is arguing it is not a coincidence that terrorism occurred in places with histories of political violence. This is not to suggest that the emergence of terrorism is inevitable nor that it is destined to reappear in the future. Crucially » 13 «

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people’s experiences must connect with radical discourse, namely: encounter events and activities that support forms of terrorism. What stands for the main conclusion is that these experiences are more likely to lead to terrorism when there is a legacy of political violence that has been communicated and reinterpreted across generations through narrative, behaviour, memory agents and symbols. The obvious connection of those with conflict phenomenon stands as a silence background.

Lessons from the cultural environment very different to the world of our everyday existence in Western society are driven in the Mariusz Gaj’s explorations on Schedule Tribes in India. Together with drawing our attention to the problems far deeper and more serious then those experienced in consumer focused circles (which can give the reader the chance to experience cognitive conflicts leading to learning it itself ) the article presents positive role of education in those problem areas. The example of schools of social behaviour as a case of ‘good practice’ in very complicated context makes the way to more general conclusions on the emancipation pedagogy. The fact that author drives reflections based upon personal experience (having spent several months working in the project by AIESEC) has a very high significance.

Closing with realistic estimation that Poland will sooner (not later) experience a greater cultural and ethnic diversity the authors anticipate conflicts that may arise in many areas. Hence, pedagogical, learning perspective is therefore an optimistic one: we shall use it as the educational opportunity, the way for transformative learning, the chance for escaping from the Ship of fools in personal perspective and hopefully resenting great crushes in social life.

Bibliography Bloom A. (1987). Closing of the American mind. New York.

Bosch H., The ship of Fools. c. 1490–1500 (220 Kb). Oil on wood, 58 x 33 cm (23 x 13”). Paris.

Buber M. (1992), Ja i ty. Wybór pism filozoficznych. Warszawa.

Festinger L. (1957). A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance. Stanford.

Foucaults M. (1998). Nadzorować i karać. Warszawa.

Hamailainen R.P. (2004). System intelligence: discovering a hidden competence in human action and organizational life. Helsinki, p. 62.

Melosik Z. (2007). Teoria i praktyka edukacji wielokulturowej. Kraków.

Mezirow J. (1978). Perspectives transformation. Toward a Critical Theory of Adult Education. “Studies In Adult Education” 9(2), p. 153–168.

O’Keofe E.M., Stewart M.C. (2004), Tools for conflict resolution: a practical K-12 program based on Peter Senge’s 5th Discipline. Oxford.

Pascal B. (1996), Myśli. Warszawa, p. 61.

Pascal B. (2009), Thoughts. Squashed version edited by Glyn Hughes. London, p. 41, 65.

Pioch N. (2002). Bosch, Hieronymus: The Ship of Fools. http://www.ibiblio.org/wm/paint/auth/ bosch/fools/, [15.03.2010].

Quiton S. (2009). Development of ICT skills in offenders. In: Leaning M. (ed.), Issues in information and media literacy: education, practice and pedagogy. Santa Rosa 2009.

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Part

I

Conflict — General aspects

Inese Jurgena PhD prof.

Riga Teacher Training and Educational Management Academy Latvia

The Essence of conflict and possibilities for its pedagogic solution

Introduction At present, education is required to pass on constantly increasing amount of knowledge and skills. It forms the foundation for the knowledge-based development of civilization. At the same time, education has to find and mark reference points which enable people to orient themselves in the flow of information and ensure the development of individuals and society. These principles of education are based on the interactive connection between the awareness of an individual as a personality and deeper understanding of the world; hence it is a road leading to own self through the surrounding world and knowledge. While developing universal and educated society, there is a constant search for answers how it is possible in the educational process to link knowledge with the preservation of universal human values and the advancement of individual skills.

Within the changing paradigm of education, there have been put forward four basic principles for education in the 21st century: learning to know in order to obtain the means of understanding, learning to be able to cooperate creatively with the surrounding world; learning to live together in order to join and cooperate with other people in all areas of human activity; learning to develop one’s personality (Report of UNESCO International Committee, 1998).

At present, both in Latvia and other countries there is a debate going on regarding the fact that personal experience is the result of spiritual activity, and the source for the development of self-experience lies in the internal conflict between individual’s present experience and new needs; (Ross, 2002: 4); besides, the dynamics of social processes nowadays is naturally connected with radical changes in the organization of educational work in order to help an individual overcome contradictions.

The purpose of the present article is to analyse contradictions between knowledge and skills manifesting themselves as intrapersonal conflicts and to reveal educational possibilities for a constructive resolution of an internal conflict. » 17 «

INESE JURGENA

The Essence of Conflicts Conflicts have a long history in the development of mankind. For many centuries, people have tried to find ways how to resolve conflicts. This can be clearly seen in the works of philosophers, psychologists and sociologists.

In his treatise “Politics,” Aristotle analysed interrelationships between personality and society focusing on individual’s ability to cooperate with other people. According to him, the cause of conflict lies in the existing social conditions, while the inner causes stemming from an individual himself/herself are of lesser importance.

Considering scientific literature, the issue of conflict was analysed for the first time in G. Simmel’s book “Conflict in Modern Society” where conflict was treated as a cultural phenomenon. Later, S. Freud and other representatives of his school analysed conflict as the generator of psychic processes. Many studies devoted to conflict demonstrate that it is a social phenomenon, too.

In regard to psychoanalytical theories, S. Freud, K. Jung, and A. Adler were paying particular attention to conflict, investigating the causes resulting in neuroses and impeding the development of personality. On the other hand, according to K. Horney, internal conflicts of personality are determined by society to a certain extent, while K. Levin sees the essence of conflict in the simultaneous activity of two equal forces directed at opposite directions (Grishina, 2000).

In the present-day transformed environment, in the transition period to a new educational paradigm, understanding of the essence of conflict has undergone several fundamental changes reflected in diverse academic discussions.

It is emphasized that conflict is: ▷ a wide-spread feature of social systems, a natural element of human life, and a form of interaction; ▷ one of the key processes in individual’s life activity stimulating individual life ability and the preservation of personality as a whole; ▷ promoting changes, presenting a positive personal opportunity (the idea of a positive effect), ensuring adaptation and survival of personality. Conflict is a value paving the way for innovations; it is a challenge and stimulus requiring creative personal activity; it maintains and renews mutual relationships and forms a new level of relations as well as gives the opportunity to overcome personality crisis. There is a potential opportunity for the beginning of new, constructive development of personality in the conflict.

Conflict is manageable by reducing its destructiveness and increasing the constructive solution of activity (Hasan, 1996; Yemelianov, 2000; Grishina, 2000; Babosov, 2000).

Thus, conflict is “the way of maintaining a contradiction during the process of its resolution, the content of which is represented by the variable acts of clash, while the contradictions to be resolved refer to the content which is maintained, i.e. the material of conflict” (Hasan, 1996).

It can be stated that the positive role of conflict lies in the fact that it gives individuals an opportunity to resolve contradictions in their life. » 18 «

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The causes of conflicts reveal their deeper sources and determine their dynamics.

They are “various phenomena, events, facts, and situations which arise and manifest themselves prior to the conflict itself, and which give rise to conflict under certain conditions of the social interaction of subjects” (Yemelianov, 2000: 26). If conflict is understood as “the struggle of contradictions, its psychological causes refer to contradictions implying the incompatibility of the goals and motives of activity” (Dmitrijev, 2000: 73). A motive is an inner, subjective cause of person’s activity.

The motives of person’s activity are not always the causes of conflicts since a person changes himself/herself reacting to a particular situation. While psychological factors affect economic and political processes, social consciousness is realised and transformed through person’s feelings, needs, motives, mind, and interests—thus giving rise to different personal views, positions, and behaviour. It is “the diverse individual forms of reflecting social consciousness, which can be fixed at an empirical level and generalized as the position of personality, that show in a particularly distinctive way the contradictions between spiritual and existential spheres of human life” (Dmitrijev, 2000: 74).

In fact, social contradictions reflect the essence of a society and are the driving force for its development. Each contradiction appears in a certain way in the common system of contradictions and requires an adequate resolution. There is no doubt that arising of conflicts is connected with growth and development of contradictions. The maturation and development of conflicts demonstrate the real culmination in the struggle of contradictions, while the resolution of conflict results in the liquidation of the contradictory situation and the appearance of a new contradiction at the same time.

Taking into account classification of conflicts cause, attention has to be paid to two groups of such. First, there are general causes: social-economic, political, social-demographic, social-psychological, and individual-psychological ones. Next, there are specific causes referring to various spheres of individual’s life activity such as violations, insufficiency of resources for one’s activity, etc. (Yemelianov, 2000: 24). Our study is devoted to the causes of those conflicts which are referred to as intrapersonal conflicts in academic literature. The most characteristic features of these conflicts lie in the fact that the conflicts reveal disharmony among individual’s needs, interests, values, goals, ideals, knowledge and skills.

Intrapersonal conflicts are the most complicated ones from the psychological and educational point of view as they refer not only to individual’s inner psychic nature, but also to the manifestation of personality in action.

It is a well-known truth that it is hard to imagine a person free from these conflicts since conflicts and their causes—contradictions—accompany individual’s development. Moreover, many of them—constructive conflicts—are necessary elements for individual’s development.

In pedagogy, conflict is often defined as “the intensification of contradictions difficult to resolve and characterised by acute emotional experiences” (Plotnieks, 1990: 22). It is emphasized that conflict manifests itself in the educational process as teachers’ desire to strengthen their position and students’ protest against some unfair punishment or wrong assessment of their activity (Ribakova, 1991). Thus, this understanding of conflict » 19 «

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ignores the content and ontogenesis of conflict (Hasan, 1996: 15); in fact, these definitions of conflict do not provide any opportunities for the development of personality.

If the approach mentioned above dominates, a conflict is “the clash of opposite goals, interests, positions, opinions or views; it is an emotionally strong intensification of problems difficult to resolve, a serious misunderstanding, an argument where the realization of the interests of one side actually or seemingly excludes the realization of the interests of the other side” (The Dictionary of Pedagogic Terms, 2000: 84). It can be stated that so far there has been no established unambiguous understanding of conflict in pedagogy taking into account possibilities for the development of personality; therefore, teachers have to pay attention to investigating the causes of conflicts and interconnections between conflict and possibilities for the development of personality in order to ensure the effective resolution of conflicts.

Interconnection between Individual’s Knowledge and Skills as a Specific Internal Contradiction and a Cause for Conflict Each conflict has its content. It manifests itself in the key contradiction of the conflict and appears in a definite life situation. According to research (Jurgena, 1986), interconnection between knowledge and skills is a specific personality contradiction and a potential cause for intrapersonal conflict. As regards the interconnection of knowledge and skills, it can be observed that individual’s knowledge can outpace his/her skills; the depth, completeness, and awareness of knowledge do not always manifest themselves as the ability to act adequately to knowledge.

Besides, there are several factors affecting the incongruity of knowledge and skills which determine the interconnection between them: ▷ Social factors—lack of unified requirements at school and in family, different understanding of values; ▷ Pedagogic and psychological factors—mistakes in upbringing: verbalization, inefficient organization of practical activity ignoring child’s needs and interests, incompetent educators, parents’ pedagogic and psychological unpreparedness; ▷ Disregard of the specific features of personality development—lack of balance between emotional and rational elements, child’s low status in a group, poorly developed motivation, low self-assessment, etc.

In order to determine the level of mutual correspondence between knowledge and skills, it is necessary to use the following criteria: the completeness of knowledge, a skill to rely on knowledge and specific examples of activity, a skill to evaluate and analyse one’s activity according to the acquired knowledge. According to studies in psychology (A. Leontiev, S. Rubinstein) and pedagogy (N. Abramova, A. Zhilyona, I. Jurgena), the unity of individual’s knowledge and skills is characterised by several levels. We have developed a model reflecting the levels of knowledge and skills showing the dynamics in the interconnection between different kinds of knowledge and skills. » 20 «

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1. The awareness of knowledge and skills: ▷ Knowledge is personally important and regulates person’s behaviour; ▷ Knowledge is the goal of behaviour; ▷ Knowledge is a goal in separate situations; ▷ Incongruity between knowledge and skills.

2. The ability to use knowledge relying on such: ▷ Ability to always act according to knowledge; ▷ Sufficient ability to act according to knowledge; ▷ Ability to act according to a model; ▷ Lack of ability to act according to knowledge.

3. Individual’s ability to analyse knowledge and skills: ▷ Knowledge is a criterion for evaluating one’s behaviour, for self-analysis; ▷ Occasional ability to analyse and evaluate one’s behaviour based on knowledge; ▷ Behaviour is evaluated and analysed only in particular situations; ▷ Behaviour is evaluated inappropriately preventing the development of unity between knowledge and skills.

4. The unity of individual’s knowledge and skills: a) Knowledge and skills are consistent: ▷ Individual’s knowledge is sufficient; ▷ The skills of intentional activity prevail; ▷ Explicit habit to act corresponding to knowledge; ▷ Behaviour is evaluated and analysed appropriately; b) Knowledge outpaces skills: ▷ Knowledge is sufficient; ▷ A passive attitude to ongoing events prevails; ▷ Negative manifestations of activity can be observed; ▷ Occasional lack of ability to evaluate and analyse one’s activity; c) Individuals skills outpace knowledge: ▷ Knowledge is insufficient; ▷ Ability to behave appropriately can be observed; ▷ A positive ability to evaluate and analyse one’s behaviour prevails; d) Knowledge does not correspond to skills: ▷ Lack of unity between knowledge and skills; ▷ Negative behaviour prevails; ▷ Inappropriate evaluation of ongoing processes.

According to the research, the formation of unity between knowledge and skills is effective provided: ▷ knowledge is subjectively relevant; ▷ there are organized diverse educational activities stimulating individual’s activity; ▷ pedagogic situations are analysed so as to promote the awareness of the personal value of knowledge and to help use them in practical activity. » 21 «

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Based on the idea that child’s own activity is the mean of processing knowledge and the main constructive driving force for resolving contradictions, educator’s task is to prevent the formation of excessive discrepancy between individual’s knowledge and skills.

Educator’s Role in Preventing the Discrepancy between Knowledge and Skills and Constructive Resolution of Conflict There are many situations at school where various educational problems related to upbringing appear, i.e. conflict situations. If the goal of upbringing is to promote individual’s self-development and integration in the society, culture, and nature, conflict resolution in the process of education implies purposeful interaction between the teacher and the learner.

The analysis of the causes of conflicts can become the basis for the awareness of humane mutual relationships balancing the formation of individual’s knowledge and skills.

The transformation of conflict situations into conflicts or their prevention depends to a great extent on the forms of interaction between the teacher and the learner.

The development of knowledge and skills proceeds successfully in the educational process provided: ▷ Communication between a teacher and a learner proceeds as a subject—subject relationship; ▷ The teacher encourages students’ positive self-evaluation and creates opportunities for students to express themselves in communication; ▷ The acquisition of skills concerning teacher’s and learner’s activity takes place in the context of diverse, free, and creative activities.

We believe that with regard to the development of knowledge and skills individual’s self-esteem affects the intensity of the acquisition of knowledge as adequate self-esteem affects the development of personality.

In order to resolve conflicts successfully, it is important to develop individual’s social skills (ability to control one’s actions, the skill of observation, flexibility, the skills of social perception, verbal and non-verbal communication skills, ability to become part of a group, ability to relax, etc.). Therefore, teachers have to use active methodologies and techniques. The curricula also focus on creative learning thus developing learners’ curiosity and thinking with the accepted dimension of social education. (Chehlov, 2008).

Most educators now agree that citizenship education is the teaching and acquisition of the basic concepts of democracy and democratic forms of government, the upbringing of a citizen. Based on this complex approach, citizenship education incorporates three interconnected components: a) knowledge referring to citizenship; b) skills referring to citizenship; c) values referring to citizenship. » 22 «

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Considering the issue of individual’s knowledge and skills, attention has to be focused on developing social competences of personality (knowledge, skills, values) in modern schools thus developing individuals’ conflict resolution skills in the educational process in accordance with the principles of democracy.

Conclusions 1. In the present-day transformed environment, in the transition to a new educational paradigm, understanding of the issue of conflict has acquired several new accents.

The arising of conflicts is linked with the development of contradictions; they are regarded as elements necessary for the development of personality manifesting themselves in various spheres of individual’s life activity.

2. Intrapersonal conflicts reveal disharmony among individual’s needs, interests, goals, ideals, knowledge, and skills.

3. With reference to the interconnection of knowledge and skills, a contradiction can be observed between the depth, completeness, awareness of knowledge and individual’s ability to act corresponding to knowledge. It is a specific personality contradiction and a potential cause for conflict.

4. If the goal of upbringing is to promote individual’s self-development and integration in the society, culture, and nature, the conflict resolution in the process of education implies purposeful interaction between the teacher and the learner.

Bibliography Babusov E.M. (2000). Conflictology. Minsk: Petrasistems.

Chehlov M. (2008). Value orientation as the Basis of the Moral Qualities of Senior Secondary School Students. Riga: KTEE, p. 73–83.

The Dictionary of Pedagogic Terms (2000). Riga: Zvaigzne ABC. Dmitriev A.V. (2000). Conflictology. Minsk: Gardariki.

Report of UNESCOs International Commission (1998). Education for 21st Century. Riga: Varti.

Grishina N.V. (2000). The Psychology of Conflict. St. Petersburg: Piter.

Hasan B.I. (1996). The Psychology of Conflict and Conflict Resolution Competency. Krasnoyarsk: Mental Health Foundation.

Jurgena I. (1986). The Formation of Unity between the Moral Knowledge and Behaviour of Early Adolescents by Means of Literature. PhD thesis. Riga.

Plotnieks I. (1990). Pedagogic Communication. Riga: Latvijas zinību biedrība.

Ribakova M.M. (1991). Conflicts and Interaction in the Process of Education. Minsk: Prosveschenie.

Ross A. (2002). Future Citizens in Europe—introduction. In: Future Citizens in Europe. Proceedings of fourth Conference of the Children’s Identity and Citizenship in Europe. London: CiCe. Yemelianov S.M. (2000). Practical Conflictology. St. Petersburg: Piter.

Kamila Kamińska PhD University of Wroclaw Poland

The role of conflict in transformative learning theory context —The Northern Ireland case

The primary word I-Thou can be spoken only with the whole being. Concentration and fusion into the whole being can never take place through my agency, nor can it ever take place without me. I become through my relation to the Thou: as I become I, I say Thou.

All real living is meeting Martin Buber (2004)

Among many significant features of postmodern times increasing diversity and constant, inescapable presence of conflicts are probably among those most obvious. Twentieth century faced barbarism and destruction far wider than any other epoch (with two major world wars and over 150 smaller). The most recent conflicts are primarily internal, and over 90 % of the casualties are civilians (UNDP, 1994: 47). Fear of the Other as a possible threat of one’s life, values and possessions is rooted deeply in human nature (Eco, 1999). Therefore leaving in contemporary, multicultural city spaces become a very hard experience, for many almost unbearable. Secure spaces of the house become a prison for many, for whom virtual contact with outside world replaced the one in reality. Avoiding encounters with the Others means at the same time conflict avoidance, as the easiest solution for dangers of its appearance is separation.

Pop culture is full of pictures bread on that phenomenon, as an example Surrogates can be recalled, the 2009 science fiction film based on the 2005–2006 comic book series of the same name (directed by Jonathan Mostow, main characters played by Bruce Willis and Radha Mitchell). Finding a way of leaving your life with absolutely no encounters with the Others might be one of human kind most useful inventions, a great triumph of the rationality, resulting in the decrease of crime and greater security.

Cynically, it will also be the very invention that may kill humanity as such, as all real living is meeting. » 25 «

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This paper explores the problem of conflict within a theoretical framework of experiential learning theories, especially the Transformative Learning theory of Jack’s Mezirov, and as empirical example the Northern Ireland case of segregatory urban planning and schooling taken into consideration. Ethical questions are driven from those deliberations, with possible applications in education.

Conflict experience There are many approaches to conflict and ever far more definitions existing. Understanding and defining its nature depends not only on the paradigm taken by the author, but also on dimension taken into consideration (individual versus group, inner versus external, historical versus contemporary, material versus spiritual etc). Broader context of this paper is constituted by the outcomes of efforts of the members and associates of the Institute for Conflicts Analysis and Resolution at George Manson University coming from the range of scientific disciplines and perspectives (Cheldelin, Druckman, Fast, 2003). Theory and research based work, which took more than decade, serves as a base for further conflict explorations. As the authors outline: “one of the central tasks facing conflict theory is to understand the ambivalent nature of conflict, its capacity to generate creative change and high levels of personal and collective integration, as well as its more malign consequences when becomes vicious and violent.” (Cheldelin, Druckman, Fast, 2003: 11). Acknowledging all the dangers that can outcome from conflict situation, the paper shall be my attempt of searching its bright side.

Conflict is term coming from the Latin word: conflictus meaning a clash, collision.

It seems useful to visual that picture, even more in order to try to imagine/experience it with all the senses: noise, flash of light, flames, smell of smoke… most of all: two subjects, either subject and object (distinction based on the power/ control over movement and therefore the cause of clash). It becomes obvious conflict is a powerful experience involving two parties with variety of results and consequences.

Conflict has always been one of the central categories in social sciences, with roots not only in Marx and his followers thinking, as historical variety of approaches towards conflict was taken. Nevertheless, today we can distinguish two main tendencies: emphasizing the negative side of conflicts and celebrating conflict as a vehicle for social change. Although it wasn’t always the case, we can link such approaches to the two, contemporary opposite, political ideologies: first one being associated with conservatives and the second one with radicals (Coser, 2003). It seems hardly surprising— conflicts always constitute a threat to the established systems: those of values, beliefs and social structures. Collision is dangerous to the stability; clashes may put down the constructions having been built by generations, and the walls both in society and human mind that can be only ruined by great hit of power.

For the purposes of the paper conflict is defined as: “a struggle over the values or claims to status, power and scare resources, in which claims of the conflicting parties are not only to gain desired values but also to neutralize, injure or eliminate their » 26 «

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rivals, conflicts may take place between individuals or between collectives. These intergroup or intragroup conflicts are perennial features of social interaction in any society.” (Coser, 2003: 106). Applying this definition means drawing most attention to the notions of power in conflict situations. Although that definition leaves narrow margin for positive understanding of conflict, it is still possible to define its goals from rather negative notion of human nature. Being naïve, closing eyes to problems and pretending life is nice and easy isn’t recommended for those ready to take risk of real living. On the contrary, acknowledging those aims of conflict drives self reflection and helps the learning processes. Perceiving the Other as a threat to ones values is one of the basic human characteristics, but the above definition suggests much more. Doesn’t that imply that such egocentric goals belong to “my dear self ” as one party involved in conflict? It is me, who consciously or not wish to fight the rival. It is me who is hostile, greedy and intolerant. My assumptions of the Other are the very base for the conflict to occur. Desire to destroy (or maybe “just naturalize”) the Other shall be taken as a primarily point for learning as opening owns eyes means opening the door for dialogue, for learning, for change. It is me, who is a threat to someone’s well-being and his/her world of living. Reversing that relation requires a lot of reflection and open mind. It won’t all be possible without the readiness to take risk of meeting with the Other, to take risk of putting myself in the conflict situation, which thinking realistically—has to happen when two parties with different values, beliefs, needs, interests and goals meet.

One of the basic pre-conditions for conflict situation to exist is encounter.

The only way to avoid conflict is to avoid encounter.

Learning experience Looking upon experience as a source of learning has its philosophical roots in Ancient times thought nevertheless within the field of contemporary pedagogy it is advisable to refer to the thinking of John Dewey. Central thesis of Dewey’s theory is that experience arises from the two principles—continuity and interaction. Continuity is that each experience a person has will influence his/her future, for better or for worse.

Interaction refers to the situational influence on one’s experience. In other words, one’s present experience is a function of the interaction between one’s past experiences and the present situation. For Dewey learning cycle involves: 1. Observation of surrounding conditions; 2. Knowledge of what has happened in the similar situation in the past (that doesn’t need to be someone’s personal experience—lessons from history, literature and other’s people life-stories are appreciated); 3. Judgment that puts together what is observed and what is recalled to notice what they signify (Dewey, 1997: 69).

Although progressive in his thinking, Dewey is fully comfortable in concluding the necessity of using one’s past experiences and knowledge to learn. Interpretation » 27 «

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of the experience is made on the basis of the past. New knowledge is being adapted to the already existing system. The anticipated change cannot therefore be of revolutionary nature. Therefore, question whether conflict experience is not too powerful to apply that model arises.

It is really interesting that authors of Informal and Incidental Learning Model (IILM) seem to take similar approach.

Frame experience

Diagnose problem

Interpret context

Draw conclusions

Encountering new experience

Frame experience

Assess consequences

Solution

Draw upon or develop skills

Figure 1. Marick and Watkins Informal and Incidental Lerning Model (Marick & Watkins, 1990)

According to that theory problem solving (and therefore learning) begins when people encounter a new experience. “They frame the new experience (North) based on what they learned from past experience (North-West). They assess similarities or differences and use their interpretation to make sense of new situation. Often, people pass these judgments quickly without further conscious reflection” (Marsick, Sauquet, Yorks, 2006: 488). Past experience and knowledge driven from it are widely use in the learning process. Question of the possibility to learn new things that don’t necessarily match those frames is not present in the model explanations. Authors concentrate more on the importance of reflection using it as a central category in further explorations (see below). Although it seems rather obvious that reflection is needed at every phase of the above referred model of learning processes it isn’t used to its full potential in most cases. The main reason is the mere fact that it slows down the process.

Mersick, Sauquet and Yorks developed that model further into the Model of learning through reflection on experience. Main focus is still on the experience as a source for learning but more attention is paid to the role of reflection. It has to be mentioned that authors make a distinction between simple and critical reflection. In their under» 28 «

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standing the first one can lead to misinterpretation of experience. Prior assumptions and beliefs can lead to a partial, limited or incorrect assessment of situation. To explain that kind of reflection authors give examples of questions that stimulate it: ▷ What did I intend? ▷ What actions, feelings, emotions or results surprised me? ▷ How is this experience alike or different from my past experiences? (Marsick, Sauquet, Yorks, 2006: 494) Critical reflective questions as authors of the model point out do a lot more: they probe the context or the persons assumptions, the way it influences their judgment, moreover—they use comparisons and seek metaphors or pictures that help to understand the experience in a new, deeper way. Examples of such questions are: ▷ How are my own intentions, strategies and actions contributing to outcomes I want to avoid?; ▷ What else is going on in the environment that I might not have considered but that has an impact on the way I understand the situation? “(Marsick, Sauquet, Yorks, 2006: 495).

It is not my intention to undermine the model referred to above; especially having its relevance to the conflict resolution (it constitutes one chapter of The Handbook of conflict resolution). Reflection, especially critical one, is by no means one of the main human competences that helps us to prevent manipulation and self deception. Nevertheless it still doesn’t seem to use the learning potential that can be found in the conflict situation, probably because it is comfortable with the use of frames built on past experiences and knowledge to interpret new experience.

The critical reflection of that kind is on the contrary—central to the Transformative Learning Theory of Jack Mezirow. The greatest difference of this theory to those described above could be the use of the word “frame.” In the above theories we use the past to frame today and future, in Mezirow’s theory the goal of learning process is reframing, therefore—emancipation. It is not the purpose of the paper to explain the theory ones again, as it has a wide bibliography in English, with some good quality works referring it to the Polish reader (Malewski, 1998; Pleskot-Makulska, 2009).

Short description of the theoretical model will be further developed and used to address conflict situation as a learning opportunity. It has to be stressed that it is not any learning that we are referring to now—although Mezirow takes into consideration also other then transformative types of learning: instrumental and communicative (Malewski, 1998: 109–110). That type of learning is a powerful practice that can change people’s or groups’ assumptions with fear of the Other being one of most significant. Using experience to emancipate adults from their limitations in dealing with the present and indirectly the future, only in terms of the past was one of the goals of Mezirow’s theory therefore labelled: “transformative learning.” The author begins his explorations with an assumption that everyone has constructions of reality which are dependent on reinforcement from various sources in socio-cultural world. Those involve the schemes: specific beliefs, attitudes and emotional reactions constitute wider structures–perspectives. Transformative learning starts with when an individual experi» 29 «

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ences something that is not in the harmony with own perspective: “when a meaning perspective can no longer deal with anomalies in the next situation transformation can occur” (Mezirow, 1977). Conflict situation seems perfect stimulator for such learning.

Mezirow proposed a circular model further developed into ten stages sequence. At the closing section of the paragraph I propose an adaptation of the Mezriow’s learning cycle, nevertheless it seems useful to list those ten stages after Jarvis: 1. a disorientating dilemma; 2. self examination; 3. critical assessment and a sense of alienation; 4. relating discontent to the experience of the other; 5. exploring options for new ways of acting; 6. building confidence in new ways of behaving; 7. planning course of action; 8. acquiring knowledge in order to implement plans; 9. experimenting with new roles; 10. reintegration into society (Jarvis, 2006: 131–132).

Although idea of “disorientating dilemmas” in Mezirow’s theory refers to life crisis and major life changes it seems interesting to adapt conflict situation into this context.

What can be more disorientating then a clash of values, beliefs or attitudes Encounter with the Other who is perceived as a threat to one’s values and his own lifeworld could put down many of the walls that imprison us in our minds (as Mezirow calls those meaning perspectives). The collision usually results in some destruction, if that can result in opening our eyes to the truths that before were not available within our frames of reference that would create a new, positive outcome of conflict. The figure 2 is a simple adaptation of Mezriow’s cycle, with experience that starts learning process being referred to as “conflict.”

Conflict experience

Re-integration into society with new percpective

Alienation from prescribed social roles

Reframing—restructing one’s conception of reality and one’s place in it Figure 2. Learning cycle adapted from Mezirow’s theory (own study based on Jarvis, 2006: 132)

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Adapting Mezirow’s model into conflict situation brings number of possible new interpretations. The main is the fact, that experiencing conflict can do a lot more then only alienate us from prescribed social roles, it can put in question our beliefs and values. It doesn’t need to result in relativism nor nihilism; it can simply open our eyes to the reality of those, to better self consciousness and therefore make way for taking other values and beliefs into account. That again doesn’t always have to result in resigning from those dear to us before (and in) the encounter, rather in growing in tolerance and reframing our meaning schemes to the extent that will help the individual to reintegrate to the society with a new perspective. Sometimes our meaning schemes are so resistant to changes that any new value is turned down by this mechanism.

Sometimes the only way to learn is to break down those walls, that as well may need a clash, a great deal of power—a conflict. Emancipatory character of such learning leads us to the heritage of critical thought in pedagogy, with author of “Pedagogy of the oppressed” being the top figure.

Jarvis points out that there are a lot of similarities between Freire and Mezirow, especially in the fact that they: “both focus on the social construction of reality and regard learning as a method by which this may be changed” (Jarvis, 2006: 133). Talking about “changing the world” is a very pedagogical subject that stresses the responsibility of teachers. Topic ever more important in the times of conflict omnipresence and the fear of the Other that can be easily used for manipulation by various politics, lawyers and priests. (Malewski, 1998: 115). Perspective change is the deepest type of learning, but even small changes to our meaning schemes that are possible as an educational outcomes of the conflict situation are hopeful, as it opens the way for: “becoming critically aware of how and why our assumptions have come to constrain the way we perceive, understand, and feel about our world; changing these structures of habitual expectation to make possible a more inclusive, discriminating, and integrating perspective; and, finally, making choices or otherwise acting upon these new understandings” (Mezirow, 1991: 167).

The psychological approach of this theory to the emancipation is probably less interesting for pedagogical applications than that of Paulo Freire when defining it as releasing adults from false consciousness in which they have been imprisoned. Nevertheless, it provides a better understanding to the way those learning processes can lead to transformation.

The vision of conflict as a possible source for that seems not only positive but realistic, bearing no naïve beliefs that it is “nice and easy” process. Encounter—being a necessary condition for conflict—bears the same significance in learning. Interactions can be really difficult; they may often look like threats. Nevertheless, even that kind of encounters— as June Dutton’s research has shown—may be perceived as potential opportunities for learning. Even when this “situation framing” begins largely as an illusion, the illusion can create a self-fulfilling positive cycle (Dutton, 1992). With an “opportunity frame” situation seems more controllable, less threatening, facilitates asking more questions, searching more vigorously for alternatives and therefore allows to have a chance of finding consensus or even some truth on ourselves, the Other and our lifeworld.

Few closing lines are dedicated to the society that didn’t give its members too many opportunities for encounters, therefore they couldn’t learn much about each other. Nu» 31 «

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merous victims of Northern Ireland conflict constitute rather down-hearting outcomes of those avoidance practices that feed the fear of the Other with still new shares of blood.

Northern Ireland case Conflict in Northern Ireland has an enormous price of human lives. Statistics taking the whole history of the Protestant-Catholic co-existence on that piece of land have no chance to prove their authenticity, as it is too difficult to judge now if, for instance, victims of great famine at the end of 19th century with 1 million dead and another million emigrated Irish people were the victims of the conflict. Such deep historical overview is also not needed for the purpose of the paper. Below is a table showing 212 victims of the conflict since ceasefire, meaning—during the peace process. In 2010 unfortunately there has already been one victim, on the Republican site. The Real IRA claimed responsibility for the murder and said he “was a senior member of our organisation who was executed because he became involved with a criminal gang with links to the drug trade” (Jackson & Moriarty, 2010).

Table 1. Analysis of conflict related deaths in Northern Ireland since ceasefires in 1994–2010 Age Under 18 18–25 26–59

Affiliation 22 UVF Former 52 UVF 165 UDA

60+

UDA Adair action Former 87 UDA 9 RHC

Total

248 LVF

26–35 36–59

78

Sex

Affiliation Totals 13 Total Loyalist Total Repub3 lican Total State14 affiliated

10

3

248

13 INLA feud

6

212 Revenge for Billy Wright

2 7

3

Former IRA

Total

32

Total

4

25 INLA

26 Loyalist feud

4

IRA

Female

21

Total Civilian 121 IRA on dissidents

3

223

52 Drugs-related killing

2

Loyalist

Male

Category

9

Former INLA

5

RIRA

4

Perpetrator Cases Resulting in ProsecuTotals tion Total Loyalist 102 Total prosecutions Total Repub94 Successful prosecutions lican Total State4 Unsuccessful prosecutions affiliated Total murder/manslaughter Total Other 16 prosecutions Successful m/ms prosecuTotal 216 tions Unsuccessful m/ms prosecutions

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Republican

Religion Catholic

113 Army

Protestant 89

An Garda Síochána

Unknown 18 RUC Total

220

Former RUC Former UDR

Number of People Prosecuted Total number of people prosecuted No. of people successfully prosecuted No. of people unsuccessfully prosecuted Total number prosecuted for murder/ms No. successfully prosecuted for m/ms No. unsuccessfully prosecuted for m/ms

1 4 1 6 1 1

Civilian

121

Total

212

72 60 12 41 30 11

Source: British Irish rights watch, http://www.birw.org/Deaths%20since%20ceasefire/Analysis.html [14.04.2010]

The table works as an illustration, which won’t be deeply interpreted, it simply shows clearly that the conflict is still present, people are being killed on both sides and the numbers are not decreasing. It is widely misunderstood that Northern Ireland is the last bastion of religious wars in contemporary Europe. It is not. People in Belfast don’t fight over the supremacy of Pope nor the status of Virgin Mary. Contemporary fighters on both sites would hardly ever call themselves as “true Christian believers” (almost ten years of research, work and friendship on both sides of conflict gave me some good taste of those problems). Therefore I rather use terms: Republican and Nationalist for Catholics identity and Loyalist, Unionist for Protestant. Nevertheless, the aim of the paper is not to explain the complicity of the conflict nor history of the region.

Therefore only few basic statements are needed. The group planted from 1606 (and onwards) were Scottish settlers (mostly members of protestant church). Plantations were planned and carried out in a number of areas of the Northern region of Ireland, including Derry. The settlement and confiscating the land from native owners (Irish Catholics) resulted in the fact that in 1641 only 59% of the land in Ireland was held

by Catholics (Melaugh, 2010). Those two ethnic groups were put in the same area by the political order, started their life together with acts of violence, begin with stealing peoples most dear values—houses and land. Protestants were the Others who not only had different beliefs and life style (the easy way to picture that difference is by recalling any of Monte Python dramas on Catholic versus Protestant). They were the Others who were a real threat to life and possessions. The further history wasn’t easier whatsoever, with the events of Bloody Sunday that—with the important role of media—change the world view on the nature of problems in Northern Ireland.

One of the most significant characteristics of Northern Ireland is well established avoidance practices resulting in separation in many areas. The wall in Belfast, al» 33 «

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though present, with all its wires and other threatening elements is not the only way of territory marking practices: murals, painted curbs, flags and other emblems showing clearly who this part of land (part of estate, a street, a corner) belongs too.

Taxis have separate routes depending on the identity of the driver (which is hardly surprising as taxi drivers and postmen are the majority of civilian victims), separate stores (Dunnes store for example, being Irish company, has predominantly Catholic clients), separate bars, sport centres, libraries… everything to avoid contact, to avoid encounter, to avoid conflict. And the most important separation—the one taking place in schooling. The idea of funding schools that had separatory character, especially for members of some groups although sounding racist, if not fascist, was raised and popularized by the very opposite political wing-multiculturalists. In the opinion of thinkers such as W. Kymlicki those schools were to serve the good of minority groups (Szahaj, 2004). This idea had a lot of practical application in America, with the first Africentric School that had been established on 29th of January 2008 as an example. Historically, they always raised a lot of controversy and resistance. It seems interesting that such attitude towards schooling is a normal practice in Northern Ireland and constitute 95% of the entire schooling system, with republican schools being run by Catholic church (so called “maintained schools”) and the state ones having mostly loyalist character (so called “controlled schools’). The 5 % left are so called “integrated schools,” as the Department of Education in Northern Ireland explains: “an integrated school is a school which contains a reasonable number of pupils from both the Protestant and the Catholic communities. There are at present 61 grantaided integrated schools in Northern Ireland (with a total enrolment of over 18,000 pupils—over 5 percent of total pupils), made up of 38 grant-maintained integrated schools and 23 controlled integrated schools.” (Integrated schools, 2010). Separation in schooling system starts at the nursery level and continues up to the University, where the members of the communities finally meet. That “final encounter” is really a sarcastic phrase as all the available statistics show that areas of so called “Troubles” and the paramilitary recruitment are those of highest unemployment and the lowest level of education. In reality it means that members of those communities hardly ever go to the University therefore hardly ever meet their neighbours from the other community. It is possible for the Loyalist who literally watches the Republican from his window all lifelong never to have a single encounter with him, not a single hand shaking, little chat nor a pint of beer. The visible outcome of that lack of contact is the fact that although both communities speak the same language (English) it is very easy to recognize the identity of the speakers by their accent and the way vowels are pronounced. Whenever people don’t talk—they cannot build the common accent. We should bear in mind that it is not the case of one or two generations, but over three hundred years of painful coexistence.

In response to the violence and social tension of the time, with the desire to build a better future for their children, a group of parents came together in 1974 to form All Children Together (ACT). The group believed that separate education, within a segregated society, contributed to ignorance, mistrust, and hatred of the Other. Thus, » 34 «

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ACT was lobbying for nearly a decade for establishment of a school where children from both communities can meet and learn together (Pickett, 2008). On the contrary to the multiculturalists’ ideas, many citizens in Northern Ireland don’t believe that avoiding contact in school context can bear any good fruit. Only by encounter with the Other, even difficult, conflicting one, the dialogue and learning has a chance of coming to existence. “The core aim of integrated schools is to provide the child with a caring self-fulfilling educational experience which will enable him/her to become a fulfilled and caring adult” (Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education, 2005). Idealistic as it may sound, it still looks more realistic then multicultural approach to anyone who takes idea of separation in education into consideration. Although it hasn’t been “scientifically proved” as Dunn (Dunn, 1989) points out, implicit to my elaborations is the presumption of the relation between the school separation and the permanence of the “Troubles” in Northern Ireland.

Conclusions Conflict situation is always a challenging one. It is never easy nor pleasant. It involves emotions of high temperature, often brings harmful and long-term consequences. We are hardly ever prepared for it to happen so it usually comes as a surprise and therefore ruins our peace of mind and comfort of keeping control over our lives. Conflict is by no means nice experience.

But—who said life has to be nice?

Conflict avoidance means avoidance of encounter. Only separation from the Other can guarantee that we don’t experience clashes of opinions, beliefs, attitudes. How did we come to the state where basic need of most people in the Western culture can be summarized in the words: “just live me alone! Let me have my toaster, my TV and peace of my living room!” (crazy speaker from controversial propagandist movie “Zeitgeist”). Fear of the Other is one of human primary characteristics, in that sense also intolerance has biological roots manifesting itself in territorial instincts, shallow emotions of hatred of people different from us by skin colour, language, even food preferences. Fear of the Other is natural in little children based on the need of protecting their possessions and territory (Eco, 2002). One of the main goals of pedagogy is to teach children not only to control their body functions (using the potty) but most of all to control emotions and show respect towards other people. Viewing conflict as a learning opportunity gives space for optimism to overcome the fear of the Other. Maybe clashes and collisions are not the worst things that could happen to human kind?

Among many features of postmodernity intolerance resulting from the great fear of the Other is one of most frightening, because it leads to separation. Avoiding conflicts means avoiding people. Having perfect peace of mind means loneliness.

Encounters often bring conflicts nevertheless without them there is no real living (Buber, 2004). » 35 «

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Bibliography Buber M. (2004). I and Thou. London, p. 17.

Cheldelin S., Druckman D., Fast L. (eds.) (2003). Conflict—from analysis to intervention. London– New York.

Dunn S. (1989). Integrated schools in Northern Ireland. “Oxfrod Review of Education” 15(2), p. 121.

Dutton J.E. (1992). The Making of Organizational Opportunities: An Interpretive Pathway to Organizational Change. “Research in Organizational Behaviour” 15, p. 195–226.

Eco U. (2002). Five Moral pieces. Orlando, p. 90–91.

Freire P. (2009). Pedagogy of the oppressed. New York.

Hamailainen R.P. (2004). System intelligence: discovering a hidden competence in human action and organizational life. Helsinki.

Jackson G., Moriarty G. (2010). Priest says family of Derry victim ‘in anguish’. “Irish Times” 27 February.

Jarvis P. (2004). Adult education and life-long learning: theory and practice. Oxon.

Leaning M. (ed.) (2009). Issues in information and media literacy: Education, Practice and Pedagogy.

Santa Rosa.

Malewski M. (1998). Teorie andragogiczne: metodologia teoretyczności dyscypliny naukowej. Wrocław.

Marsick V.J., Saquet A., Yorks L. (2006). Learning through reflection. In: Deutsch M., Coleman P.T., Marcus E.C. (eds.), The handbook of conflict resolution: theory and practice. San Francisco.

Mezirow J. (1977). Perspectives transformation. “Studies in adult education” 9, p. 153–166.

Mezirow J. (1991). „Transformative dimensions and adult learning. San Francisco, p. 167.

Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education (2005), p. 15.

Pleskot-Makulska K. (2007). Teoria uczenia się transformatywnego autorstwa Jack`a Mezirowa. “Rocznik Andragogiczny”, p. 81–97.

Szahaj A. (2004). E plurabis unum? Dylematy wielokulturowości i politycznej poprawności. Kraków, p. 33.

UNDP (1994). Human development report. Oxford 1994.

Pickett L. (2008). Integrated schools in Northern Ireland: education for peace and reconciliation. Report.

“Childhood Education” 15 August, p. 11–18.

Internet sources British Irish rights watch (2010). http://www.birw.org/Deaths%20since%20ceasefire/Analysis.html, [14.04.2010].

Integrated schools (2010). http://www.deni.gov.uk/index/85-schools/10-types_of_school-nischools_ pg/16-schools-integratedschools_pg.htm, [24.04.2010].

Melaugh M. (2010). A Chronology of Key Events in Irish History 1170 to 1967. http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/ othelem/chron/ch67.htm, [24.04.2010].

Katarzyna Gajek PhD University of Physical Education in Wrocław Poland

Cross-cultural learning in contemporary organizations as a key element of its success

“This is insane” in these words some Polish managers and theoreticians of management say when facing intercultural communication in organization. Cultural diversity is a relevant factor of social reality and there can be nothing done to change it. Plurality is seen today as a natural element of human existence in the world but this is indeed a new tendency both in social sciences theory and social practice—in the field of education, economic and cultural. According to P.P. Grzybowski views about cultural diversity have changed deeply in period at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries (Grzybowski, 2007).

The source of cultural diversity concept dates back in 1960s and 1970s in USA. Cultural diversity in education was understood as attempts to assimilate many different cultural groups with one law, same organizational rules and same educational programmes.

Unfortunately it very quickly turned out that this way of managing multiculturalism led to loss of one’s identity what made an individual a part of greater group at the same time sustaining mechanisms, which made social promotion of minorities impossible. In result, multicultural education became single-cultural education (Grzybowski, 2007).

At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries the perspective shifted form multicultural to intercultural one. Interactions between cultures were based on mastering the other cultures in order to enrich cultures, individuals and mutual understanding. The notion existence of different cultures next to each other was replaced by the notion coexistence, which meant to negotiate, cooperate and understand each other.

Present-day theory and practise of Polish management often remain faithful to first concept of cultural diversity that is perceived as a grave problem to be solved. To manage with diversity in organization means tending to create organizational culture based on universal axiology, interactions and structure (assimilation). Furthermore, due to H. Grzymała-Moszczyńska, Polish managers (in similar way as foreign ones) are persuaded that international business environment is ruled by the same universal mechanisms and so their professional competence is sufficient to successfully enter » 37 «

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to the foreign markets. This picture of international business is manifested in certain attitudes which are characterised by total lack of knowledge about other cultures and their possible impact on business matters as well as lack of awareness and will to participate in intercultural trainings (Grzymała-Moszczyńska, 2009). It shows that issue of intercultural learning in organization is worth to be recognized again as well as it seems to be important to give some arguments for relevance intercultural learning in process of development of individuals, teams and organization as a whole.

Firstly, this paper presents multicultural organization and the question of learning process seen through systems paradigm is raised. There are distinguished and described all relevant elements of organizational system and factors that are not its part but greatly influence behaviour of the system. The factor of cultural diversity that may occur in element of incomes, operator, environment and in organizational goals was also identified.

The second part concerns problem of intercultural learning of organization. There are many references to learning organization concept due to P. Senge and through its prism and systems paradigm a model of learning in organization, which is given dynamism by diversity is drawn. The author indicates subject (actors) and objects (fields) of organizational multicultural learning as well as dimensions of the process.

Third area of exploration is intercultural learning effect—intercultural competence understood as disposal of holding control over social environment in prism of forming own goals and possessing proper cognitive and emotional resources in situation of cultural differentiation (Gajek, 2009b). There are described competences of three actors of organization—its members, units and organization itself.

1. Systems paradigm in multicultural organization perception Great need of organization systems understanding is prerequisite by theorists as well as by practitioners of management. However this postulate often cannot become reality because it hardly exists in minds of people who are actors of organization. There are many reasons for this situation.

First factor is the people and peculiarity of their minds. Cognitive and social psychology indicate great number of mechanisms that make individual and group area of perception narrow what makes judgements, opinions and attitudes versus phenomena of reality seem to be dramatically subjective. Meanwhile systems thinking require wide perspective and detecting multidimensional relations among elements of system and not only simple cause-effect sequences. Predictability of activity consequences, knowledge about weak points of the system, ability to manage the processes of organization in face of non-obviousness of the effects through its delay in occur—these are skills, which are not taught in the course of studies. P. Senge shows clearly that systemic perspective in managing organization is not easy and after all is not obvious because actors of organization frequently do not realise the systemic laws and their own role in this system (so the real impact of their decisions on other elements of system as well as » 38 «

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different systems) (Senge, 2006). Secondly, organization as a formation, left aside of social reality through creation of internal structures and borders, is usually perceived (intentionally or not) as closed, determined system in which environmental influences are on minimal level. In this way instead of homeostasis characteristic for open, social systems where change is a force that make development, stagnation occurs. All activeness of organization is perceived rather as single act sequence than processes. Thirdly, multidimensional systemic analysis and number of factors influence final success, and development of organization may be too expanding to be perceived by managers. It leads to an irresistible temptation causing mentioned tendency to close the system.

In spite of many troubles in fixing systemic level of thinking about organization this is undeniably the only way to achieve organizational growth and survival. Single member of organization as well as whole organization can only develop in process of constant learning. Organizational learning is one of the most important outcomes, which is identified in the general model of organization activity (figure 1) based on structural schema (Morawski, 1992). There are several elements distinguished in structural model like: incomes (resources), operator (transforms resources in outcomes through accepted goals), outcomes and feedback. In social systems also category of environment is essential as well as goals, fixing the direction of activity.

T1 GOALS Survival Development

INCOMES RELEVANT RESOURCES

ENVIRONMENT Internal External

OPERATOR Strategic process Tactics Process Operational Process

▷ element of competitive advance ▷ model of management ▷ structure of organisation ▷ image/prestige ▷ external relations ▷ logistic and material base ▷ organisational culture ▷ human resources

Figure 1. The systemic model of organization. Source: own study.

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OUTCOMES EFFECTS ▷ economical effects ▷ marketing position on market ▷ organisational learning

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In the above presented model, organizational learning was distinguished together with economical effects, which are main goal of every organization and desired marketing position in market. Values of effects depend greatly on transforming processes running through the operator of the system, availability of resources and its rank.

P. Senge claims that gaining positively evaluated effects of activity does not guarantee survival of organization in long time perspective (Senge, 2006). What is necessary to its persistence and development is learning understood as act of accumulating knowledge as well as process of constant self-improving. Self-improving process bases on cultivating intellectual effort and increasing internal motivation to act, and it is not only necessity of gaining and storing knowledge. The background of learning is rather attitude “I want” than “I have to.” The ideas of constant learning and selfimprovement derive from humanistic understanding of organization (Korporowicz, 2009). Knowledge sharing, cooperation in its gaining, leaving once set patterns of thinking and understanding reality, searching for new senses and values, setting goals and mission facing team work—these all factors allow to perceive organization as a culture community.

Organization defined as culture community may be treated as relevant resource of such. The element of competitive advantage is its culture that is based on dynamics of roles of its members and structure, independence of decision making, creativeness and also self-commitment of organizational actors who perceive organization as their organization—not as an external phenomenon, which does not affect their identity.

According to systemic model of organization a factor of cultural diversity may occur in case of the element of incomes, operator, environment and also in organizational goals. Therefore, one of the resources identified in organization may be its culture, which could be analysed through several dimensions described in the literature: ▷ Universalism vs. particularism (What is more important: rules or relationships?); ▷ Individualism vs. collectivism (communitarianism) (Do we function in a group or as individuals?); ▷ Neutral vs. emotional (Do we display our emotions?); ▷ Specific vs. diffuse (Is responsibility specifically assigned or diffusely accepted?); ▷ Achievement vs. ascription (Do we have to prove ourselves to receive status or is it ascribed to us?); ▷ Sequential vs. synchronic (Do we do things one at a time or several things at once?); ▷ Internal vs. external control (Do we control our environment or are we controlled by it?) (Trompenaars, Hampden-Turner, 2002).

In the standpoint of many researches there are also some other considerable dimensions—immediacy (nonverbal involvement or expressiveness), gender (rigidity of gender roles), power distance (degree to which power, prestige or wealth are unequally distributed in a culture), high and low context (degree to which reading the meaning of message depends on direct message or the context) or uncertainty avoidance (level » 40 «

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of tolerance of ambiguity and deviancy) (Andersen, Hecht, Hoobler, Samallwood, 2002). Not only specific culture of organization could be a great resource, but also its image and prestige. For example its stakeholders perceive Polish organizations that legitimize themselves as being connected with Swedish culture as more reliable and trustful (Gajek, 2009a).

A way of management, in which sensitivity is manifested, making attempts to making use of it in process of self-improving and development of organization is also very important resource towards dynamic and turbulent environment. Success or failure of organization depends more often on answering the question: how do we perceive cultural diversity and how we react towards differentiation?

It is important to say that orientation on cultural diversity do not always bring about benefits only. Firstly, organization could accept cultural diversity but could not or do not know how to control multicultural interactions. Secondly, it is possible that there might occur a temptation to take under consideration all of possible needs, expectations and points of view and apply dialogue and negotiation as universal tool in problem solving process, which leads straight to hastily abandoning worked-out solutions or having a serious trouble with fixing the imponderables (Gajek, 2009a).

Cultural diversity affects also processes in strategic, tactic and operational dimension that happen in second element of system called operator. Human capital management, contacts with clients, introducing product on market and adjusting it to market expectations, public relations, mission and strategy of organization—all of these processes contain an element of potential conflict connected with different rationality of organizational actors. The important factor that affects the whole system is an environment. In social systems, non-determined, the environment influences homeostasis of system to large extend. The internal and external environment shape resources and transformation processes as well as goals. Cultural differences may influence success of organization in dimension of structure, functioning and product adjustment.

Coming back to the issue of Peter Senge’s idea in situation of social and market cultural differentiation, organizational learning concept is remarkably important for intercultural management. Indeed, if it is assumed that environment changes dynamically and organization must operate in situation of “blinking senses” (Melosik, Szkudlarek, 1999) it leads to recognition of the necessity to permanently learn what makes intercultural communication easier and brings better systemic effects. Secondly, effective intercultural communication and treating cultural differentiation as chances and not limitations bring organization to creative searching of synergy and to increasing problem solving efficiency (Gajek, 2009a). Thirdly, this concept makes better psychological conditions for members of organization by taking under consideration the fact that people perform many social roles in private and professional sphere of living. It is called “the alliance” between organization and its participants (Łasiński, 2007). Certain balance between privacy and work is based on belief that development of organization links with personal development of employees. This way organization turns to its external but also internal environment detecting cultural diversity inside of its own structures. » 41 «

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2. Model of intercultural learning in organization There are three subjects (actors) of organizational learning—members of organization (managers and employees), units (department, branch, division, section, team) and organization as a whole. The important matter is to notice that each of them is a part of efficient working learning system, what is shown below (figure 2): Individual member of organisation

Groups and teams

Organisation Figure 2. The actors of organizational learning process.

Source: own study.

In other words, each element of the system is co-related with other. There are some problems occurring in organization that can be solved by individuals themselves, and other that demand collective thinking and team coordination of activity. There are also certain kinds of problems that require planning on the level of whole organization.

Moreover, experiences and knowledge accumulated in process of learning by people, groups and organization may diffuse and be shared. Also attitudes towards change and otherness are co-related. Internal beliefs of people or groups could block multicultural strategy of organization or make its realisation easier.

On the other side the objects of learning constitute some areas towards which there may occur cognitive processes.

Optics of system paradigm indicates six of such fields: 1. Goals ▷ Organization can learn to form specific goals of its functioning allows in certain degree interests of different groups while that degree is fixed by keeping balance between indispensable procedures and shape of processes taking under consideration culture differentiation in areas where it is possible to achieve synergy; ▷ Goals could be formed in cooperation of many groups of interest what helps individual members of organization, its units and organization itself be a part of bigger organism and feel as important, active and responsible subject of it. » 42 «

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2. Resources (incomes) ▷ Organizational learning may be oriented at resource identification by increasing knowledge about available possibilities and ways of making use of them; ▷ Organizational learning may also be oriented at gaining new resources by undertaking active policy of managing cultural differences.

3. Processes ▷ Architecture of strategic, tactic and operational processes may be considered in relation to culturally differentiated environments (Gajek, 2007) in which organization is submerged so organizational multicultural learning may consist the elements of fixing organization due to specific conditions of cultural, social and economical environment.

4. Feedback ▷ As essential element of the system that makes it work, feedback should play a general role in organizational learning matter. The most important problem in this area is to identify feedbacks existing in system that would lead to distinguishing of their two types: self-reinforcing and balancing (Senge, 2006); ▷ Multicultural factor may affect both of them: it could be a reason of increase but also a decrease (self-reinforcing loop) and could stabilise work of system by orientation on goals (balancing loop). ▷ Due to P. Senge the important dimensions of organizational learning are reduction of feedback delay and taking under consideration latent nature of operating balancing feedback (it refers frequently to hidden, non-spoken goals) (2006). Many examples of management practise show that factor of multicultural differences manifests through core values that are not visible at the first sight.

5. Environment ▷ Importance of the environment in social system as organization leads to undertaking two learning activities in field of cultural diversity: identification of multicultural influence and feedback diagnosis; ▷ Identification should concern relevant elements derived from cultural differences that influence organizational activity in different fields—communication, model of leadership, motivation systems, client expectations versus product (which can differ versus the same product depending on culture) etc.; ▷ Diagnosis should tend to discover possibilities or limitations that environment gives to organization in the form of self-reinforcing and balancing feedbacks.

6. Effects (outcomes) ▷ Through active and creative goals, resources and process performing as well as gaining control with environment and feedbacks organization may look for synergy what manifests in better effects.

According to P. Senge learning organization is defined by five dimensions that join adaptive learning and generative learning in organization: systems thinking, personal mastery, mental models, building shared vision and team learning. These five can be identified as areas of learning. » 43 «

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As P. Senge says these five elements are “concerned with a shift of mind from seeing parts to seeing the whole, from seeing people as helpless reactors to seeing them as active participants in shaping their reality, from reacting to the present to creating the future” (Senge, 2006). The cornerstone of organizational learning is to perceive organizational reality as system with all its elements and all feedbacks (even prolonged in time) what P. Senge describes as systems thinking. It is also focused on noticing the connection between development of the entire organization and development of people in organization. Consequently, systems thinking demand to aim at personal mastery by members of organization, as defined through prism of permanent development, involvement and self-improvement. The important factors that make personal learning effective are formed and possible to accomplish goals, seeing environment rather as element of an advantage than threat, focusing on desired outcomes and joining intuition and rationality. P. Senge refers to it also as to lifelong discipline so personal mastery is a process of perpetual learning that never ends.

People with high level of personal mastery know the boundaries of their knowledge and perceive the process itself as the most important, superior to the outcomes.

Definitely, the most relevant treat that characterise an individual must be activeness, creativity, independence and curiosity leading to pursuit the development. In that way P. Senge’s idea of learning is very close to psychological and pedagogic cognitive (J. Bruner, F. Piaget, H. Simon, T. Tomaszewski) and humanistic (C. Rogers, A. Maslow, V. Frankl) concept of learning. It derives from specific postmodernist way of understanding humanity and its role in society.

Postmodernism changes the relations between passive object and active subject of social environment. Due to H. Desmet and J.-P. Pourtois post-modern discourse gave the “birth to I,” the moment of transformation of the individual in actor that enters social interactions and change them (Pourtois, Desmet, 1997). Human is perceived as a creature able to pass its own limits through achieving awareness of own learning process and its needs, as well as identification of own strengths and weaknesses being able to overcome potential problems (Podgórny, 2009). And so adaptive rationality transforms into emancipation rationality what is highly important in discussion on cultural diversity in contemporary organizations and in concept of organizational learning. H.A. Giroux understands rationality as “set of assumptions and social practices that are engaged in process of perceiving the social environment by a person or a group of people (…). Knowledge, beliefs, expectations and attitudes belonged to certain rationality determine our experience but they are adequately determined by our experience” (Hejnicka-Bezwińska, 1995). Rationality in other words is a pattern that helps us to understand and to evaluate phenomena. That leads to another element of P. Senge’s concept—necessity to control over mental models, which are set of assumptions concerning reality rarely with reference to facts. Difference set on mental models becomes most often the cause of conflicts but on the other hand diversity may be a source of innovation. The discipline of mental models—as P. Senge claims—starts with using inward mirror to identify own patterns that create picture of reality.

If we assume that cultural diversity is something more than ethnics, race, nation and religion a multidimensional space of human interactions affect organization from » 44 «

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inside and outside will appear. By recognizing map of perception, people of organization and organization itself helps to understand that they are only one of many other possible ways of thinking and truth may lay somewhere in between. Managing “open” mental models and encouraging people to self-development organization can pass through it to build shared vision, which is focused on supreme, long-term goals. The point is that vision in organization is often a personal idea of managers unknown or incomprehensible for the rest organizational members. That makes group identity impossible to appear. To cooperate and to do it in the right way people must share the same vision of success and feel to be an important part of the plan. The visions are not only essential phrases but people’s emotional attitude towards such as well.

Communication plays relevant role in building shared vision through dialogue, discussions, and negotiations. There is also another aspect of this problem—shared vision leads to the occurrence of sense of community and building up group identity. Consequently, definition of organization must be changed and transition from perceiving organization as machine to organization as organism is needed. Such approach favours multicultural perspective passing from repressive culture of organization subordinating its members (people are passive objects of action) to open organizational culture that changes, through learning, along with the people (people are active subjects of action).

Taking under consideration that identity shapes in interaction there reorientation form one-way communication to dialogue and discussion must take place, being a path to more advanced learning—team learning according to P. Senge.

The first criterion that must be fulfilled is rejecting mental models, second—to express the will to meet other rationalities. Both of them are effects of high motivation and self-consciousness, which could be encouraged by policy of organization. P. Senge says: “The discipline of team learning starts with dialogue, the capacity of members of a team to suspend assumptions and enter into a genuine thinking together” (Senge, 1990) but it demands support from organizational culture that complies with such ideas of open communication and empowerment. Concept of open communication concerns two skills—identification and solving communication conflicts and maintaining relation with the others perceived as subjects of communication. The idea of empowerment sprightly leads to sharing competence and responsibility for work with the employees. J.M. Kouzes and B. Posner indicate five relevant aspects of these concept strategies of activity: ▷ Strengthen responsibility through sharing decision and control power; ▷ Detachment of everyday duty from strict standards, rules and procedures; ▷ Supporting development of individual competence giving in turn a real possibility to benefit independence once given; ▷ Involving members of organization with appointing critical tasks of organization by taking activity in fields of one’s responsibility; ▷ Supporting members of organization through identifying their competence and possibilities and legitimizing their activity—by this, supporting is understood as building strong net of relations and being feedback-oriented (Harris, Moran, Moran, 2004). » 45 «

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Empowerment strengthens the process of organizational learning by releasing individuals and groups from corset of once adapted patterns and giving some hope to achieve synergy as well as innovation.

Process of effective intercultural learning in organization is based on five dimensions mentioned above. Model of intercultural learning includes several levels (figure 3).

Diversity factor

Homeostasis

Adopting certain solutions

Destabilisation

No reaction Organisational learning Looking for tools of solving problems Figure 3. The process of organizational learning. Source: own study.

The element that causes destabilization of system in homeostasis is difference defined in field of values, knowledge or behaviour. Organization may react in two general ways: ▷ Overlook the multicultural phenomena; ▷ Notice a problem and begin to look for a solution.

In the first case those responsible for functioning and development of organization can adapt several attitudes towards cultural diversity. They may think cultural diversity is something that doesn’t occur in their organization. They can also be persuaded that it is only a kind of excuse for work effectiveness decrease or perceiving diversity factor as overestimated in organizational culture building. Facing cultural diversity very tempting vision of organizational monoculture may also take place (Gajek, 2009a).

Some relevant arguments can be presented for such solution, among such—greater stability and coherence of culture as well as limitation of potential conflicts that appear as a result of diversity to mention few of them. Unfortunately in spite of simplicity of » 46 «

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this solution practise shows it is completely improper way of thinking. Multicultural managing implied even to a small degree is more profitable for organization in longterm activity. Cultural diversity is based on non-evident rationalities and values that are hidden and hard to be identified and diagnosed, notwithstanding being still a core of human reality perception. Therefore according to G. Aniszewska any managing model cannot dismiss cultural differentiation and so they are needed to be taken into consideration and adapted to managing practise as specific environmental demands (Aniszewska, 2004).

Meeting and defining borders of cultural differentiated environments lead to searching tools to fix interactions and make communication channels permeable. Actors of learning process—individuals, teams and organization itself—through discovering a difference factor in the system (goals, incomes, operator, outcomes, feedbacks and environment) and identifying it as a cause of destabilization undertake certain activities supported by knowledge and experience designed to go back to the state of homeostasis. For example enterprise that suffer from several misguided business decisions made in international market environment would look for tools of solving situation through reaching different forms of intentionally learning—beginning from traditional learning (acquiring knowledge through books, articles, intercultural trainings), learning from experience and finishing with P. Senge’s systems thinking. However, sometimes it is difficult or impossible to find the right solutions in situation of system destabilization— organization is a weakly determined system and there are many variables that make analyse complicated. Sometimes tools of resolving conflict are not sufficient or there are no revealed instruments—organization persists in state of disharmony.

3. Effect of intercultural organizational learning— intercultural competence C.H. Dodd distinguishes two categories of intercultural competences that refer to the individuals—communication and cognitive competences. The first area consists of such specific competences as level of ethnocentrism, tolerance of ambiguity (a skill of thinking and acting in situation of information and cognitive gap so as to accept different interpretations of social phenomena), cognitive complexity (using wide categories with evaluating the other people or cultures), self evaluation and self-confidence, innovativeness, trust for people or motivation to learn the difference.

Among elements of the second category—communication competence—there are styles of communication focussed on self (the skill of decentration that is the ability to move away from one system of classification to another one), communicational openness, comfort of communication (sense of self-confidence and feel secure being in role of communicator), controlling of communication behaviours, rhetoric or managing the conversation and emotional intelligence (Dodd, 1998). Referring to the emotional intelligence it is necessary to say that this feature is very important in creating favourable atmosphere of learning with certain conditions, which make people open » 47 «

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towards thinking about new things and ideas, reflecting upon possible consequences, sharing doubts and troubles and raising challenging questions. Due to T. Boydell a useful way of learning is to learn by experience while the borders are fixed by organization (Boydell, 2007).

Additionally, a second type of intelligence should be mentioned, described in the literature as cultural intelligence (Earley, Mosakowski, 2007). This competence is defined as the ability to read unfamiliar cultural codes, understand them and adopt them into own communication practise. There are several types depending on CQ (Cultural Quotient): provincial (culturally efficient only in one cultural group), analytic (researches the other cultures in methodical way), natural (intuition is a tool of discovering the others cultures), ambassador (discovers the other cultures with distance but also with respect remaining a foreigner), imitator (imitates rites of culture but does not understand them well), and chameleon (very high CQ—adopts culture totally).

Recapitulating on one side the individual must be prepared in respect of communication skills as well as psychological including motivation, will and openness to the others what allows in consequence to discover and to learn new perspectives.

According to the typology outlined above we can also describe competences of two other subjects of organization—groups/ teams and organization itself.

There are two important communication team competences that should be developed in multicultural groups—implementing open communication and working out some communication codes that help in mutual understanding. That is linked with certain cognitive skills like building group bonds through recognizing and understanding group roles, building mutual trust, cultivate openness and finally—creating group identity based on difference. All of the skills detected in communication competence area lead to genuine synergy and consequently to processes of innovation. The main pillars of open communication are openness, positive attitude (cognitive, emotional and behavioural dimension) of interaction, and a skill of listening, posing questions and forming arguments.

Organization could be understood as “living” organism, not significantly determined and very sensitive to environment influence as every social system. Due to such definition it could be characterised by important competences that are manifested by its behaviour. Firstly, in sphere of communication competences we can distinguish the open communication and the multidirectional communication. Both competences mean to promote and to control through feedbacks certain desired factors in organizational practise. The mentioned elements are dialogue and negotiation skills, which should be discoverable in individual practice as well as in group processes in multicultural organization. Due to P. Senge dialogue could be defined using Greek meaning of the word—as a free flowing (Senge, 1990: 10). Hence, dialogue is the capacity to meet and to understand the difference between suspending assumptions and recognizing the patterns of interactions to limit them, what is found useful in beginning the process of learning (Smith, 2001). Negotiations are perceived as lack of dominant and intimidating leadership (leader is a moderator) and granting everyone the possibility to participate actively in group process by free expression of thoughts. » 48 «

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To implement the open communication it is needed for organization to notice its process character. Communication is a social process that is a base for every other performance. On the one hand, it should not be forgotten that open communication takes place through constant activity, however on the other hand it is necessary to draw attention to feedbacks. Moreover, the open communication is linked with the multidirectional communication, which is connected with the communicational structure of organization—the flow of information should go vertically from “bottom” to “top” and from “top” to “bottom” of a structure (very often in organizations there is only one way of information flow, from “top” to “bottom”). Nevertheless, horizontally paths of information should be not only linear, but also crossed among different units of organization.

The cognitive competences of organization connected with recognizing social environment and arranging a proper space for social processes include: ▷ Managing competences in area of multicultural organization—that is to assume that cultural diversity really influences the activity of organization and people who are part of it; an intentional way of management is accomplished through defining a strategy towards cultural diversity (cultural domination, coexistence, cooperation); ▷ Creating solutions that make communication of organizational members and units easier as well as eliminating any blockages in communication channels linking organization and members or units—any activity, which help people and groups in mutual understanding: trainings, meetings, arranged discussions, integration events etc.; ▷ Identification of intercultural competences of organizational actors and making it possible to use of them—building multicultural teams, promoting open communication by engaging managers as leaders of cultural change etc.; ▷ Accumulating knowledge and group memory of multicultural organization.

Intercultural competences are the effect of cultural change but they also are a cause of this change. Undertaking attempts to understand others who “suddenly appear“ in our world, give rise to a question about the identity. This question implies new quality to life of individual and groups. Reflection about Others makes us more attentive for ourselves. It provides the organization with knowledge about its philosophy, relevant values and norms that are the core of culture influencing the organizational interactions with its environments. Effectiveness of intercultural communication—the root of every other social process—depends on level of competences of every three organizational actors—individuals, groups/ teams as well as organization as a whole.

Conclusion This is insane’ are still the words that some Polish managers and theoreticians of management use facing intercultural communication in organization, but hopefully the percentage of them shall quickly start to decrease. Today the organization is perceived » 49 «

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as a part of broader social system. Cultural diversity is an important element of human reality. It redefines and reorganizes the space of human experience and poses in centre of individual and group identity the process of permanent learning as a way to survive. Among sources of conflicts, which derived form diversity, the language is the most obvious and the easiest element to learn. The most difficult but also the most important is something that precedes the usage of language—ways that people think and how the world is reflected in their minds.

Bibliography Andersen P.A., Hecht M.L., Hoobler G.D., Samallwood M. (2002). Nonverbal communication across culture. Thousand Oaks, p. 89–101.

Aniszewska G. (2004). Współczesne organizacje – w stronę różnorodności czy homogeniczności ?. “Master of Business Administartion” 4, p. 40–44.

Dodd C.H. (1998). Dynamics of Intercultural Communication. Boston, p. 172–184.

Grzybowski P.P (2007). Wychowanie ku międzykulturowości – o poszukiwaniu człowieka w innych i obcych. In: Dudzikowa M., Czerepaniak-Walczak M. (eds.), Wychowanie. Pojęcia, procesy, konteksty. Gdańsk, p. 107, 114.

Gajek K. (2009a). Dynamika procesów wielokulturowych w organizacji. Studium przypadku. “Problemy Zarządzania” 7, no 3(25), p. 158–171.

Gajek K. (2009b). Kompetencje międzykulturowe absolwenta szkoły wyższej – identyfikacja i diagnoza.

In: Szerląg A. (ed.), Kompetencje absolwentów szkół wyższych na miarę czasów: wybrane ujęcia.

Wrocław, p. 152, 162, 169.

Gajek K. (2007). Środowiska zróżnicowane kulturowo. In: Encyklopedia Pedagogiczna. Warszawa, p. 435–437.

Grzymała-Moszczyńska H. (2009). Treningi kulturowe w biznesie. “Problemy Zarządzania” 7, no 3(25), p. 104–114.

Harris P.R., Moran R.T., Moran S.V. (2004). Managing Cultural Differences. Global Leadership Strategies for Twenty-First Century. Burlington, p. 226–227.

Hejnicka-Bezwińska T. (1995). W poszukiwaniu racjonalności polskiej pedagogiki współczesnej. In: Hejnicka-Bezwińska T. (ed.), Racjonalność pedagogiki. Materiały z konferencji naukowej. Bydgoszcz, p. 21–22.

Korporowicz L. (2009). Zarządzanie a komunikacja międzykulturowa – ku nowym horyzontom interakcji społecznych. “Problemy Zarządzania” 7, no 3(25), p. 10–12. Łasiński G. (2007). Współczesne tendencje w procesie wewnętrznej integracji przedsiębiorstwa. In: Potocki A. (ed.), Mechanizmy i obszary przeobrażeń w organizacjach. Warszawa, p. 437.

Morawski J.M. (2000). Dominanty ujęć systemowych. In: Morawski J.M. (ed.), Wybrane problemy metodologii badań na potrzeby sportu. Warszawa.

Podgórny M. (2009). Kompetencje edukacyjne z perspektywy zarządzania wiedzą. In: Szerląg A. (ed.), Kompetencje absolwentów szkół wyższych na miarę czasów. Wybrane ujęcia. Wrocław, p. 122.

Pourtois J.-P., Desmet H. (1997). L’education postmoderne. Paris, p. 34.

Senge P. (1990). The Fifth Discipline: The art and practice of the learning organization. New York, p. 10.

Senge P. (2006). Piąta dyscyplina. Teoria i praktyka organizacji uczących się. Warszawa, p. 10, 69, 97–106.

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Internet sources Boydell T. (2007). Organizacje uczące się mają do wyboru jeden z trzech modeli uczenia się. http:// ceo.cxo.pl/artykuly/55549/Esej.Organizacje.uczace.sie.maja.do.wyboru.jeden.z.trzech.modeli. uczenia.sie.html, [17.02.2010].

Earley P.C., Mosakowski E. (2007). Inteligencja kulturowa. “Harvard Business Review Polska” 58, December, http://www.hbrp.pl, [17.02.2010].

Melosik Z., Szkudlarek T. (2007). Kultura, tożsamość, edukacja – migotanie znaczeń. http://www. pedgds.strony.univ.gda.pl/melosik.szkudlarek.pdf, [10.02.2010].

Smith M.K. (2001). Peter senge and the learning organization. www. http://www.infed.org/thinkers/ senge.htm, [15.02.2010].

Part

II

Cross-cultural learning

Vratislava Černíková Doc. PhD Czech Republic

Multicultural Policy of the Czech Republic.

The Roma context

The Czech Republic is a legal state founded on so called principle of citizenship.

It means that the statehood is not held by a nation (a group of individuals defined by their language, culture or traditions), but the people—a group, whose members are connected by the fact that they are the citizens of one state, despite their differences in culture, language or traditions. The Czech Republic, as a constitutional state, is based on the principle of sovereignty of people, political pluralism, free competition of political parties, representation based on election results, principle of division of powers and welfare state. Constitutionally based canons of protection of minorities and their legitimate interests are connected with the principles. Apart from individual ministries, there are three advisory boards involved in the minority policy: ▷ Government Council for Human Rights; ▷ Government Council for National Minorities; ▷ Inter-ministerial Commission for Roma Community Affairs.

The executive powers of the state are carried out by government agencies. These agencies function and manage the Czech multicultural society by relying on and being bound by the body of written laws. It is often advocated that not only the date of system transformation (1989) but also year 1997 when Czech government was ambarased by the numer of Roma asylum seekers in Canada (Ringold, Washington, 2005) were important in the policy change towards Roma. Others, like Sobotka state that quolified debates about suitable policy towards Roma were started by leading Czech intelectuals discussions on the pages of the Czech daily newspapers in Autumn 1996 (Sobotka, 2009: 96).

1. The legislation relating to the issues of minorities in the Czech Republic and the European Union can be found in: a) International declarations, treaties and European legislation ▷ Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities (UN, 1992), ▷ International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (UN, 1966). This covenant came to force in the Czech Republic as the order no. 120/1976 Sb. It is » 55 «

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directly binding based on Article 10 of the Czech constitution and therefore stands above the national laws. This document represents binding codification of civil and political rights and liberties and control mechanisms securing their observance, ▷ United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (UN, 1965). This declaration is binding in the Czech Republic and has priority over national law. It has been ratified by the parliament and promulgated as an international treaty according to article 10 of the constitution of the Czech Republic, ▷ Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (Rome, 1950), promulgated under no. 209/1992 Sb. guarantees fundamental human rights among others the right of minorities to use their language in official matters and the right to an interpreter. This European convention was adopted in 1992 and promulgated under the no. 209/2009 Sb, ▷ Framework Convention for the protection of National Minorities. Framework Convention for the protection of National Minorities is considered to be a key document in the area of national minority rights guaranty. This convention was signed by the Czech Republic in 1995 and came to force in 1998.

The framework convention among others specifies that “protection of national minorities and rights and freedoms of members of these minorities form integral part of international protection of human rights, and as such fall within the framework of international cooperation“, and further that “every member of a national minority has the right to freely choose if he/she wants or does not want to be considered a member of such a minority, and no disadvantage shall arise from this decision. “ The states that adopted the framework convention commit themselves among others: ▷ to promote the conditions necessary to maintain and develop their culture, and to preserve the essential elements of their identity, language, religion, traditions; ▷ to take governmental measures to protect persons who may be subject to threats or acts of discrimination, hostility or violence as a result of their ethnic, cultural, linguistic or religious identity; ▷ ensure respect for the right of every person belonging to a national minority to freedom of peaceful assembly, freedom of association, freedom of expression, and freedom of religion; ▷ to recognize the right to use minority language, in private and in public and in official matters; ▷ ensure adequate opportunities for being taught the minority language or for receiving instruction in this language.

European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages This charter was signed by the member states of the Council of Europe in 1992.

It has not been ratified by the Czech Republic and therefore does not take direct effect in the national law. » 56 «

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b) Czech legislation The constitution of the Czech Republic currently in force (Art. 10) stipulates that promulgated international agreements, the ratification of which has been approved by the Parliament and which are binding for the Czech Republic, shall constitute a part of the legal order, are directly binding and have priority over national laws, and shall not be contrary to a law. The types of international agreements that require the approval of both Chambers of Parliament is defined in art. 49 of the constitution.

Charter of fundamental rights and freedoms The Charter of fundamental rights and freedoms is based on general ideas of democratic legal state and was passed on January 9th 1991 as a federal act. The Charter of fundamental rights and freedoms (2/1993 Sb.) was promulgated without any changes after the foundation of independent Czech Republic and adopted to the constitutional order of the Czech Republic (art. 3 and art. 112 (1) of the Constitution of the Czech Republic—1/1993 Sb.). The Charter of fundamental rights and freedoms has the status of constitutional act.

The enjoyment of Fundamental rights and freedoms is guaranteed by the Charter to everyone without regard to gender, race, colour of skin, language, faith and religion, political or other conviction, national or social origin, membership in a national or ethnic minority, property, birth, or other status (Art. 3 Sec. 1). It is also generally stated that nobody may be caused detriment to their rights merely for asserting their fundamental rights and basic freedoms (Art. 3 Para. 3). This provision forbids discrimination concerning fundamental rights and freedoms based on nationality, race, ethnicity and other reasons. The charter further stipulates that everybody has the right to choose freely own nationality and it is prohibited to influence this choice in any way, just as is any form of pressure aimed at suppressing a person’s national identity (Art. 3 Sec. 2).

According to chapter three of the Charter, “Rights of national and ethnic minorities“ belong to fundamental rights and freedoms. It is explicitly specified that “a person’s affiliation with any national or ethnic minority group may not be to his/her detriment. “ It is further stated that “citizens who constitute a national or ethnic minority are guaranteed all-round development, in particular, the right to develop, together with other members of the minority, their own culture, the right to disseminate and receive information in their native language, and the right to associate in national associations“ (art. 25 sec. 1). These rights belong to citizens of the Czech Republic, not to foreigners. Czech Republic tries to ensure the right for self-realization and development of its own ethnic, national and cultural identity mainly by granting policies for minorities.

Pursuant to art. 25 sec. 2 citizens belonging to national and ethnic minority groups are also guaranteed the right to education in their own language, the right to use their own language when dealing with officials, and the right to participate in the resolution of affairs that concern national and ethnic minorities. » 57 «

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Criminal Law of the Czech Republic Criminal law of the Czech Republic explicitly protects rights connected with nationality or race. The Criminal Code (no. 140/1961VSb.) defines a criminal act also as: ▷ the use of violence against a group or an individual or threat to kill, harm or cause of serious damage for their nationality or race (sec. 196), ▷ public defamation of certain nationality, language or race (sec. 198), ▷ public instigation to hatred of certain nationality or race or instigation to restrict rights and freedoms of the members (sec. 198), ▷ support and advertisement of movements directed towards suppressing rights and freedoms of people (sec. 260, 261 and 261a), ▷ restricting the freedom of religion (sec. 236).

Act no. 273/2001 Sb. on Rights of members of national minorities This act regulates the particulars of the enjoyment of rights guaranteed by the Charter of fundamental rights and freedoms. National minority is defined here as a community of citizens of the Czech Republic living on the territory of the Czech Republic, which usually differ from other citizens on the basis of their common ethnic background, language, culture and traditions, they form a numerical minority of all inhabitants and at the same time declare a will to be considered as a national minority, with the purpose of mutual effort to preserve and develop distinctiveness, language and culture and also with the purpose of expression and protection of historically developed interests of their community.

A member of a national minority is a citizen of the Czech Republic who declares to be a member of other than Czech community and wishes to be recognized as a member of national minority together with others, who declare themselves to be members of the same nationality.

National minority is, therefore, seen subjectively—a member of a minority group is a person that refers himself as a member. At the same time, only a citizen of the Czech Republic can be recognized as a member of national minority.

The act specifies the enforcement of the following rights: ▷ Right of association of members of national minorities, ▷ Right of participation on solving matters concerning national minorities, ▷ Right to use first and last name in the language of the national minority, ▷ Right to multilingual names and signs, ▷ Right to use the language of the national minority when dealing with officials and in courts, ▷ Right to use the language of the national minority in election matters, ▷ Right to education in the language of the national minority.

The rights in all the above mentioned cases are guaranteed also for members of the national majority, but it is not necessary to regulate them due to the position of the majority in the society.

The reason for specific regulation of so called minority rights is the fact that cultural, religious or physical differences are often connected with a disadvan» 58 «

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tage or discrimination. Multicultural civic societies should be able to ensure equal opportunities in all social spheres for its members despite their differences.

The police can also contribute to this approach. Several national minorities (Bulgarian, Croatian, Hungarian, German, Polish, Roma, Ruthenian, Russian, Greek, Slovakian and Ukrainian) live permanently in the Czech Republic and have their members in the Government Council for National Minorities. The largest minority (according to the estimates of professionals) is the Romani national minority.

2. Phenomena having impact on the social exclusion of Roma a) Unemployment The unemployment rate among Roma population is dramatically higher than among non-Roma population. People from the Roma minority perform unskilled jobs and earn less money. The inferior position of Roma at the job market has many interrelated reasons, for instance: ▷ insufficient motivation to work caused by the structure of wide Roma families (where somebody always helps or lends money), ▷ insufficient education, ▷ low mobility, ▷ preference of illicit work (without a proper contract, where a salary is not taxed or used to pay due debts), ▷ indebtedness, ▷ discrimination, ▷ high marginal taxes. b) Insufficient education Roma are less educated compared to the non-Roma population. This has a limiting effect for their success at the job market, because demand for unskilled work dramatically decreased after 1989. Education is an investment in a future and preparation for future in the form of education or pension savings is usually not considered a value in the Roma lifestyle. Many Roma children are studying in special schools, even though currently more and more have been attending regular elementary schools. These schools use the concept of community schools or set up preparatory classes for Roma children and adapt free time activities according to the interests of the Roma community. Schools that focus more on Roma children attract more students of Roma origin, which often means that non-Roma children will be taken out of such schools by their parents. This contributes to creation of “communities“ which substantially differ from the majority (or do not come together with the majority), but strengthen and raise the differences where differences are not socially acceptable (for example theft as a normal phenomenon in truancy). Segregation caused by this mechanism may be as harmful as placing Roma children in special schools. Community and special schools tend to use similar teaching methods characterized by accommodating approach towards Roma, segregation and low demands in the educational process. This leads to lack of competitiveness of the graduates on the job market. » 59 «

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c)

d)

e)

f)

Segregation in the educational system is largely caused by voluntary decision of Roma parents, because they lack the necessary information and education to be able to evaluate the quality of education of their children. They are usually satisfied by the fact that the school is close to their home and their child does not fail because of bad grades.

Education is necessary for success at the job market, but education level of Roma grows too slowly. Natural motivation of the Roma towards education must be complemented by state incentives. These incentives shall be directed also at schools which prevent segregation.

Low mobility Low mobility of the workforce is a general problem in the Czech Republic. The housing market is strongly regulated and finding an apartment in a region with job vacancies is difficult. Unemployed people are, therefore, confined to regions with poor economic situation, which disproportionately affects Roma, because they have traditionally lived in these regions. Discrimination of Roma on the housing market is widespread. Many landlords are unwilling to rent apartments to Roma after many experiences with rent defaulters, complicated administration with recovery of debts and eviction for not paying the rent.

Municipal authorities play the most important role in housing policies concerning Roma. Local officials have many reasons for evicting Roma and dealing with Roma tenants is often administratively demanding and time consuming.

Roma families are usually extend, which may cause faster wear of the apartment equipment with violation of house regulation also fairly common. Furthermore, moving Roma out of a town or city may be popular among the local voters.

Illicit work Many officially unemployed Roma actually have illicit jobs, what is often tolerated by local authorities. It is perceived as better situation than indifference and apathy. Working without a proper contract, however, cause many problems, among others injuries connected with poor work safety, lack of pension plans; moreover illicit contracts are not enforceable by action, unpaid wages, etc. Working without a proper contract is practically unpunishable as the state cannot control it. Shadow economy becomes less attractive only when marginal rates decrease.

Indebtedness Many Roma families are deeply in debt. Debts can be barriers for integration of Roma to a legal job market, because incomes from illicit jobs cannot be taxed or seized—unlike the income from legal jobs. Integration of poor Roma families at the job market is impossible as long as their debts exceed their ability to repay them. Furthermore, there is a lack of knowledge of the kind of loan that is being signed and trends in the consumerist society, which instigate people to buy without money or on special credit.

Discrimination Roma are considerably discriminated at the job and other markets. Even though the state tries to fight this discrimination, it is very limited in its endeavours, » 60 «

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because discrimination cannot be usually proven. Roma also often have poor legal conscience and ability to recognize the general (general principles) written in a legal document. To fight discrimination, it is necessary to understand the motives behind it. Xenophobia may be the reason, however, in context of the Czech Republic “individual-rational“ motives of discrimination prevail. Other employers refuse to employ Roma, because they are unable to recognize the qualities of an individual worker and statistically speaking affiliation with this minority is a negative signal. According to a widespread opinion, Roma have generally worse working attitudes compared to the majority.

Only combination of better work and economic environment combined with specific pro-Roma measures focused on education and housing policies can help Roma in integration at the job market and other economic aspects of their lives. g) Difference of Roma culture It can be roughly said that Roma culture retained its tribal structure and philosophy. It has not followed the emergence of the community and the foundation of cities and regulations of city life including the search for livelihood in capitalist production system. It cannot be considered a backward culture, but has to be seen as a different culture. Many archetypes of traditional Roma society are in direct contradiction with demands of today and the European civilization. This leads to retardation and conservation of poverty and unsuccessful integration. There is for example no existence of community as only familial bonds exist. Intensive familial solidarity (of the extend Roma family) can help—for example the redistribution of social security benefits, but is binding at the same time, obliged by tradition and refraining from leaving it. This is also the issue of traditional concept of rising children, where upbringing is extremely tolerant, free, without demands. This causes adverse, even retarding development of Roma children in comparison with non-Roma children, for example when starting school. h) Multicultural policy of the Czech Republic Modern democratic societies need to answer the question how to find optimal form of social organization in situations where particular interests of different cultural communities mingle or clash. The Czech Republic has been forced to deal with the issues of integration of immigrants or members of ethnic minorities for relatively short time in comparison with western European countries.

A discussion between the representatives of two different theories of coexistence of different cultures, liberal multiculturalism and so called pluralistic communitarism is under way since the 1980s in western democratic societies. ▷ Liberal concept of multiculturalism is based on the notion of an individual as a basic category. This is the basis for applying the policies of liberal-democratic state. It focuses on civil freedoms and equality, which means that everyone shall have the same access to satisfaction of all their needs and at the same time everyone shall respect rules of the society. State institutions » 61 «

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shall consider all citizens of the society as equal and shall not take into consideration their affiliation to any concrete “cultural community“ and adapt their policies according to specific needs or traits of different people. The highest value for supporters of the liberal multicultural policy is a maximum extent of justice asserted by an equal distribution of rights for everyone irrespective of any difference. ▷ Communitarian (pluralistic) concept on the other hand prefers such a setup of a society, which preserves traditional models of individual cultures and the members of these cultures use these models and values. The state policy of “communitarian type“ takes into account specific values of individual cultures. The society is based on mutual respect of cultural identities, which are realized within the given political system. Unlike the liberal concept, which promotes universal approach to individuals, this concept stresses the need to acknowledge the differences between cultures.

The matter of issue between these two concepts is a question, whether preference in exercising public policies shall be given to equal rights and justice in relation to an individual or common well-being, which takes different form in different cultures. When public institution adopts different strategies according to a concrete culture, equal treatment of all citizens cannot be achieved.

This may lead to tensions between more or less favoured communities. Exercising policies of equal rights for all citizens precede favouring of some form of life, which is held by different cultural communities and individuals. Different concepts of well-being may even be conflicting.

It is, therefore, obvious that the state policy in relation to all citizens shall be protecting certain basic rights and needs, instead of making provisions for different cultural identities.

State policies towards minorities or different cultural communities shall develop the legal framework, which promotes equal coexistence of different cultural forms, not to guarantee group rights in the sense of “communities.“ ▷ Outline of the development of multicultural policy in the Czech Republic After 1989, minority policy of the state policies changed substantially.

The policy towards Roma before 1989 can be characterized as “wiping off differences“ and forced assimilation by the majority. After 1989, a way of multicultural policy in a sense of “recognition „of particular cultural units, which are labelled as “national or ethnic groups, has been found. “ Accent is put on a group identity, which is seen as relatively stable and a set of provisions is developed for a convenient reintegration of the given group to the majority society.

There has been a revitalization of “ethnic identity, “acknowledgement of minorities based on a support of the development of their cultures, languages and support of establishment of elites. ▷ The government concepts include on one hand focus on individual rights and equal protection of the laws for all citizens in the light of human rights » 62 «

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guaranteed by the constitution of the Czech Republic, the Charter of fundamental rights and freedoms, and international treaties on human rights, and on the other hand proclaim the need to support “Roma national minorities“ or „“Roma communities“ and their individual culture, language and traditions. ▷ The Inter-ministerial Commission for Roma Community Affairs proposed a concept of Roma integration (reworked several times). This concept was divided into specific tasks and delegated to individual ministries. It can be seen from the practical realization of the state policies that the communitarian (pluralistic) model is being used in reintegration of Roma (for example compensatory procedures in education and employment addressed to Roma). ▷ The concept proposed in 2004 uses the term “Roma communities” and “non-Roma community,” which suggest (or reflects) the diversity of Roma communities. ▷ The fact that the government aims at socially marginalized Roma with a stress on social issues (not at the Roma community as a whole) can be seen as certain diversion from the pluralistic concept.

We can say and summarize that despite the governmental documents, which incorporate rights and freedoms of an individual, the primary recipient of political measures of the government and the liberal state, the political practice in the government of the Czech Republic is directed towards Roma as a “Roma community, with prevailing communitarian concept of multicultural policy.“ There are many issues still remaining a challange in the state policy towards minority groups in Czech Republic, among those—Roma people. Twenty years after the transformation implementation of many rights given to the minorities in variety of documents and laws outlined on the pages above needs contnuous involvement not only that of politicians but maybe even more—teachers and educators. It is not a suprice that priority starting point (as perceived by researchers like Ringold) is reducing bariers that keep children from staring school and later—helping them not to drop out. (Ringold, 2000: 40).

Bibliography Budilova L., Hirt T. (2005). Policista v multikulturním prostředí (informační manuální Policie ČR).

Praha, p. 100.

Hirt T., Jakoubek M. (eds.) (2006). “Romové” v osidlech sociálního vyloučení. Plzeň, p. 414.

Jakoubek M., Budilova L. (eds.) (2008). Romové a cikáni—neznámí i známí. Interdisciplinární pohled. Voznice.

Rechel B. (ed.) (2009). Minority rights in Central and Eastern Europe. New York.

Ringold D. (2000). Roma and the transition in Central and Eastern Europe: trends and challenges.

Washington.

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VRATISLAVA ČERNÍKOVÁ Ringold D., Orenstein M.A., Wilkens E. (2005). Roma in expanding Europe: breaking the poverty cycle. Washington.

Sobotka E. (2009). Czech Republic. Exeptionality and conditionality at work. In: Rechel B. (ed.), Minority rights in Central and Eastern Europe. New York, p. 96–97.

Mirosława Cylkowska-Nowak

Witold Nowak

University of Medical Sciences in Poznan Poland

Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan Poland

Moral panic around ethnic minorities

An ethnic minority is a term difficult to define due to its multidimensional structure and wide range of meanings. For the purpose of this article the assumed definition is the one which is recognized by T. Paleczny as the most frequently and commonly applied. Thus, ethnic minority is a community united in a belief in common origin, which has neither the status of a civil and a political society, currently or historically, nor its own state (regardless of the presence or the absence of political aspirations). An ethnic minority features a high level of cultural autonomy, however, it functions ‘within a civil society or a nation-state controlled by a community with distinctions of the majority group’ (Paleczny, 1999).

This study focuses on the specific mechanism which may occur in relations between dominant and minority communities: moral panic. The aforementioned phenomenon is discussed taking Romani people as an example, the largest ethnic minority in Europe which reaching 10 to 12 million people (Nowicka, 2007). It needs to be acknowledged that there is no agreement among researchers as to the use of the term recommended by the UN and some representatives of this nationality: Roma. Some authors (for instance, Adam Bartosz or Marcin Szewczyk) question the universal character of its use towards all groups of Gypsies due to the lack of historical adequacy and the fact that some communities fail to identify themselves with this term. Due to the difficulties in reaching a consensus among researchers with regard to the use of the term and stylistic considerations, the terms: Gypsies and Roma will be used in this paper interchangeably. The aim of this paper is to investigate whether Romani minorities in Slovakia and in the United Kingdom display features of a deviant group, to compare their situations in these two European countries and to examine whether the phenomenon of moral panic has its source there. The countries to be investigated have not been selected accidentally. Slovakia is inhabited by a large Gypsy minority which experiences severe discrimination. The United Kingdom, on the other hand, is a target state for many Roma migrating from Central and Eastern Europe due to the poverty or persecution.

Understanding of the current situation of Gypsies requires reference to the history of this nation which has an obvious impact on its current position. » 65 «

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Roma are a European ethnic group. They probably have their origins in medieval India. Linguistic and genetic research suggests that they emigrated from India not sooner than in the 11th century. In India Gypsies belonged to the lowest caste. This fact turned out to be significant for the development of their national and ethnic consciousness (Vaceska, 1999).

The arrival of Gypsies in Europe is dated in 14th century. They spread gradually through most of the European countries reaching as far as North and South America in 19th and 20th centuries. Their appearance has initially aroused curiosity. Then, this curiosity transformed into hostility and xenophobia leading to enslaving Gypsies for five centuries in Wallachia and Moldavia. In other European countries they experienced ethnic cleansing, kidnapping of children and forced work. In 18th century, at the time of the reign of Maria Theresa in the Habsburg Monarchy, Gypsies were forced to settle down, to register with local authorities, and they were deprived of the right to have horses and wagons. They were also prohibited to marry persons belonging to the same ethnic group. This policy was continued and developed by Joseph II who penalized for wearing traditional Gypsy clothes and the use of the Romani language (Krzyżowski, 2007).

Persecution experienced by Roma was particularly intense in 20th century. In Nazi Germany, under Nuremberg Laws of 1935, Gypsies’ citizenship was revoked and they were deprived of legal protection and property rights. This led to the escalation of violence, mass imprisonments in concentration camps and mass murders in death camps.

The extermination level may be illustrated by the fact that the estimated number of the ‘forgotten holocaust’ victims amounted to 30–50% of the then Gypsy population (Dobrzyńska, 2007).

Gypsies in Slovakia Slovakia seems to be the country of the greatest ethnic diversity among Central European countries. It is estimated that approximately 14% of its residents are national minorities. According to official Slovakian data Roma amount to 1.7% of population.

However, unofficial sources state that they amount to as much as 9% which means that they are second among the largest minorities in Slovakia following the Hungarian one (European Commission, 2003).

The difference between the official data and the estimated values may be explained

by Gypsies’ reluctance to declare their nationality in the census and posing as Slovakians or Hungarians. The relative percentage of Roma in the Slovakian society is the highest worldwide. What kind of an ethnic minority is it? How is it perceived and treated by the rest of the society? Can the position of Gypsies be considered in terms of moral panic?

As Becker claims, “social groups create deviance by making the rules which infraction constitutes deviance, and by applying those rules to particular people and labelling them as outsiders. (…) The deviant is one to whom that label has successfully » 66 «

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been applied” (Becker, 1973: 9). Are Slovakian Gypsies deviants according to this definition?

A public opinion survey conducted in April 2008 in Slovakia with a sample of 1080 adult residents revealed that 78% of respondents defined Roma as inherently inclined to crime and 85% believed that problems of the Romani minority result from nonworking. 40% of Slovakians under investigation believed that places of amusement and recreation should be unavailable to Gypsies, while 18% believed that Romani children should be separated from the other children in educational institutions. Only 18% of respondents declared positive attitudes towards Gypsies in comparison to 71% with negative attitudes (Centrum Badania Opinii Społecznej, 2008). The aforementioned results clearly indicate that Roma are labelled as outsiders in the Slovakian society.

Therefore, it is worth posing a question which is important to the analysis: which rules imposed by the majority do they breach?

The answer to this question turns out to be difficult to find. On the one hand there are certain obvious rules which are breached by Slovakian Gypsies which result in labelling them as deviants. The image of Roma in this country and in Bratislava is unquestionably affected by the phenomenon of the organized Romani groups occupied with begging and stealing Western and Central Europe citizens’ passports. The business of document thefts is further connected with criminal organizations occupied with the delivery of prostitutes to the Western European prostitution market (Dragomir, 2000).

It is, however, only one of the rules currently breached by members of the Gypsy minority in the Slovakian society. The data concerning crime among Roma published in early 1990s revealed that their share in the total crime rate in Slovakia amounted to 28%. The Gypsies’ share in burglaries (40%) and so-called common thefts (36%) was particularly high. Significant Gypsies’ share has also been noticed within the scope of offences against morality and related to sexual violence (40%) in particular. The share of Roma in statistics concerning brutal, serious crimes has amounted to 23% (Kristof, undated) in the Republic of Slovakia.

On the other hand it may be concluded that the violation of rules of the basic public order is, in this case, related to the historical background and results from labelling Roma as outsiders in the past. The encyclopaedia by Jan Otto published at the turn of 19th and 20th centuries describes Cikáni (Gypsies) as follows: “When they were recognized as liars, thieves, and villains, they were persecuted in Spain at first, then also in other countries. In the 16th century they relieved, here and there the attempts to change them into a settled nation and uplift them have been made, but these attempts have failed” (Kristof, undated).

It is the symptom of the past peasants’ hostility towards nomads which allegedly were to represent theft, deceit and trespassing on fields and forests. A unique and distinctive lifestyle has led to brutal persecution by the settled community.

In the pre-industrial period the majority of Gypsies earned their living by working seasonally in agriculture and as travelling craftsmen and dealers. Due to industrialization of European countries in 19th and 20th centuries they found themselves in a difficult position, their services became unnecessary bringing about loss of their social » 67 «

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value. It resulted in the adaptation to the conditions of material poverty leading to the segregation of Romany populations and to their progressive criminalisation. Gypsies, who always distanced themselves from surrounding communities, have been subject to segregation and criminalisation because of Europeans’ prejudice against their different skin colour and distinctive cultural heritage (Kristof, undated). Thus, Gypsies have been traditionally stigmatized as deviants because of their different race and culture and then social and economic factors led to further stigmatization.

Is the ‘Romani problem’ in Slovakia moral panic?

In the process of the moral panic emergence the behaviour of some society members is considered by the others as exceptionally problematic. Evil made by them or believed to be made by them is perceived as a threat to the well-being, basic values and interests of the society to the extent that serious measures must be taken to control the behaviour, to punish perpetrators and to remedy damages (Cohen, 1972: 9; Goode, Ben-Yehuda, 1994: 31). Therefore, in the process of the moral panic moral deviants could be identified and become, at least theoretically, subject to social control (Ungar, 2001: 287). According to Goode and Ben-Yehuda there are five key indicators of moral panic: concern, hostility, consensus, disproportionality and volatility.

The analysis of the Slovakian Roma position in terms of this theory would be useful to determine whether they are subject to the phenomenon of moral panic (Goode, Ben-Yehuda, 1994).

The increased level of public concern about a given group’s behaviour and consequences of this behaviour for the rest of the society is the first among the key criteria defining moral panic. Goode and Ben-Yehuda (1994) claim that this concern may manifest itself in public opinion surveys, official comments at the centre of the mass media attention, suggested legislative solutions and others. The aforementioned public opinion survey presents a negative attitude towards Roma and the perception of the ‘Romani problem’ by other Slovakian citizens. On the other hand, some Slovakian politicians and intellectuals are seriously concerned about the position of the Gypsy minority. Some Slovakian members of the European Parliament assessed the segregation of Roma within the schooling and housing policy as the ‘time bomb’ and appealed to the government to remedy this situation (Amnesty International, 2008).

Some intellectuals warn that the situation in Slovakia may soon become similar to the events in the Balkans in 1990s because of the very fast growth of the Romani population.

Slovakian policy towards the Gypsy minority changed in the years 1999–2004 during the application process to the European Union. This condition may be considered as an indicator of the serious public concern expressed by civil servants. As one employee of Slovakian advisory bodies claimed, “It is a move from paternalistic attitude of the state to integrationist attitude reflecting the need for inclusion of Roma in policy making” (Sobotka, 2003). Slovakian government created an institutional framework » 68 «

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for the defence of minority rights. Suitable offices have been brought into existence.

In June 2001 Slovakia adopted the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages. Due to this the State became one of the parties creating and applying all of the most important minority rights protection measures (Mamon, 2003).

Slovakian government significantly intensified search for the solution of the ‘Romani problem’ after the access to the European Union. Slovakia officially joined the European program Decade of Roma Inclusion 2005–2015. Actions aimed at solving the problems of the Gypsy community began to be implemented (Open Society Institute, 2007). This program focuses on four main areas: education, employment, health and housing policy and three related aspects: poverty, discrimination and gender equality.

Moreover, non-governmental organizations started focusing more on the Roma’s situation in Slovakia. They report that in spite of a significant change in the governmental policy over 80% of Roma are separated from other communities and the strength of the segregation is correlated with the intensification of poverty. According to the International Report by Amnesty International from 2008 many Roma are trapped in a vicious circle of marginalization and poverty, most of them being uneducated. This situation does not improve, since many Romani children attend special schools, while they are socially depraved rather than intellectually disabled.

Children in special schools are taught according to a restricted curriculum which gives little opportunities for the return to mainstream education institutions or admission to secondary education. Other children attend Romani mainstream schools scattered throughout the country.

In November 2007 the European Commission called on Slovakia to make serious efforts for the struggle against segregation and removing educational discrimination experienced by Gypsy children. As stated in the report by Amnesty International (2008), future professional career of young Roma is dashed by the government failure to ensure them adequate education. Also the social condition of this group is not good: approximately 80% of them depend on the state welfare system and in some places the unemployment level reaches 100% (European Commission, 2003).

Amnesty International also reports that many Gypsies experience very poor living conditions without access to water, sanitary installations, sewer systems, gas and power distribution systems. In many cases Romani settlements are physically separated from main cities or towns. The public transport is not developed in these areas and in case it is present many Romani families cannot afford to use it. Additionally, as described above, the Gypsies’ percentage in crime statistics is very high, almost three times higher than their percentage in the entire population (28% of committed crimes with less than 10% in the society).

Thus it may be concluded that public opinion features an increased level of concern about the Romani minority behaviour and consequences of this behaviour for the rest of the Slovakian society. On the other hand some non-governmental organizations, international institutions, politicians and intellectuals are not concerned about the behaviour of Gypsies but about discrimination and segregation of this minority in Slovakia and the ineffective policy of the government in solving these problems. Thus, » 69 «

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there is no full consensus in the Slovakian society about the responsibility for the growing concern; however, this phenomenon is not inconsistent with the assumed criteria of analysis. The problem of consensus shall here be discussed.

The next criterion suggested by Goode and Ben-Yehuda (1994) is the increased hostility towards the group subject to moral panic. Within this context the group under investigation must be perceived as responsible for posing a threat to the society. Thus, a distinction arises between ‘us,’ good and decent ones, and ‘them,’ deviants, outsiders and criminals. Such a division is evident in the aforementioned public opinion survey: 78% of respondents believed that Roma are inherently inclined to crime. Hostility manifests itself in racially motivated police attacks and also forced evictions.

Gypsies in Slovakia, as other ethnic minorities, are in danger of racially motivated attacks. These attacks are particularly frequent from neo-Nazi skinhead groups. According to researchers from the European Roma Rights Centre, the situation of Gypsies has worsened. Between 1998 and 2003 more and more frequent acts of aggression from skinheads and, surprisingly, also from the police, were reported. The official police statistics contain data about 200 racially motivated attacks in Slovakia in 2006. A nongovernmental organization, People Against Racism, claims that many attacks have not been reported (Romano Vodi, 2007). It may mean that in spite of the changes in the government policy, it turns out ineffective.

Forced evictions constitute serious problem affecting Romani communities. In January 2007 non-governmental organizations, Milan Šimečki Foundation, Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions and European Roma Rights Centre, published a report describing a wave of forced evictions experienced by Gypsies in Slovakia (Amnesty International, 2008). The mechanism of forced displacements applied against Roma proves the inconsistency of the public administration policy. On the one hand, the authorities yield to pressures of non-governmental organizations and the European Union, while conducting actions contradictory to their basic assumptions. It may also indicate the discrepancy between the policy implemented by the central government and actions implemented at the local administration level.

The situation of Slovakian Gypsies therefore meets the hostility criterion. This ethnic minority experiences hostility both in the form of passive attitudes of a significant portion of the society and brutal actions of some groups or even institutions.

The third criterion suggested by Goode and Ben-Yehuda (1994) is the occurrence, during the moral panic phenomenon, of a significant or common understanding or consensus, that the threat is real, serious and caused by the wrongdoing group members and their behaviour. Among the main Slovakian social actors there is no doubt that the threat to the society is real and serious. However, while the government and the public opinion are certain about the responsibility for the situation (which may be exemplified by means of the Slovakians’ belief about inherent Roma’s inclination to crime), non-governmental organizations and international institutions suggest that the current situation results from many years of erroneous and discriminatory policy.

Furthermore, the degree of public concern over the behaviour itself, the problem it poses, or conditions it creates is far greater than is true for comparable, even more dam» 70 «

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aging, actions (Goode, Ben-Yehuda, 1994). This criterion of moral panic is called disproportionality. In case of Slovakian Gypsies it is difficult to refer to the society response as disproportionate. Since the relative percentage of Roma in the society is the highest worldwide and the majority of them are socially excluded, and they frequently earn income from illegal sources—prostitution, underground economy (also drug dealing) and property crimes (Kristof, undated)—the concern about their behaviour is justified.

On the other hand it is difficult to assess whether these data are reliable, but they may be treated as true due to the fact that they originate from various sources.

Ultimately, moral panic is inherently volatile, it appears and declines quite suddenly, although it may lie dormant or latent for long periods of time and may reappear from time to time (Goode, Ben-Yehuda, 1994).

Is the situation related to the ‘Romani problem’ in Slovakia volatile? It has appeared quite suddenly and with enormous power in the early 1990s. It had existed earlier, but it was not publicly presented by communist authorities. The reappearance of the ‘Romani problem’ was related to the accession of the Republic of Slovakia to the European Union. Pressure had been put on the Slovakian government to take measures to solve problems of the Gypsy minority and to stop discrimination practice and policy. Both moments were difficult for the Slovakian society, the transformation of the political system and access to an international organization. Nationalism and hostility against minorities, including Roma, grew suddenly, but it seems that their level has been stable for the next 20 years (Gabcova, 2006).

The ‘Romani problem’ in Slovakia does not meet all the criteria of moral panic suggested by Goode and Ben-Yehuda. Despite the fact that concern, hostility, consensus and elements of volatility are clearly present, it is certainly difficult to prove the presence of disproportionality.

Gypsies in the United Kingdom One of the reasons for which the investigation of Roma’s situation in Slovakia and in the United Kingdom seems to be justified is the fact that a significant number of Slovakian Roma emigrated to the United Kingdom. They escaped from persecution and unfavourable living conditions. They arrived in the United Kingdom and sought asylum before 2004. These migrations have also taken place later, when they did not have to meet additional formal requirements after the admission of Slovakia to the European Union. Unfortunately, literature concerning Roma in Great Britain is very limited. Their situation is described in connection with the so-called ‘Travellers.’

Therefore first it seems necessary to present the British definitions of Gypsies and Travellers. It is not easy. In the Race Relations Act (1976), Race Relations (Amendment) Act (2000) and legal cases Gypsies and Irish Travellers are identified as minority groups (Richardson, Bloxom, Greenflieds, 2007).

The Deputy Prime Minister Office has developed the definition which takes into account ‘settled’ Travelers and in the Circular 1/2006 published the following defini» 71 «

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tion for the purposes of planning: “gypsies and travellers” means Persons of nomadic habit of life whatever their race or origin, including such persons who on grounds only of their own or their family’s or dependants’ educational or health needs or old age have ceased to travel temporarily or permanently, but excluding members of an organised group of travelling show people or circus people travelling together as such (Richardson, Bloxom, Greenflieds, 2007).

Even if the name Travellers is frequently attributed to Roma a majority of them are not real ‘Travellers’ including those in the United Kingdom. Settled Gypsy communities are spread throughout Great Britain. A good example of such spread may be London Kensington and Battersea (RADOC, 1984).

According to the European Council the approximate number of the Gypsy and Traveller population is 300,000 and 200,000 of them lead settled life (Crawley, quotation following: Richardson, Bloxom, Greenflieds, 2007). However, it must be emphasized that precise statistics concerning the Gypsy and Traveller population in Great Britain and Europe do not exist.

Are Roma identified with deviants in Great Britain?

Gypsies in Great Britain are stigmatized as outsiders and deviants, first of all because of two aspects: as people of nomadic lifestyle and those seeking asylum or migrants from Eastern European countries such as Slovakia, the Czech Republic or Romania. The situation of Roma of nomadic lifestyle shall be discussed in the first place.

The position of nomadic Roma in Great Britain in 1960s, 1970s and 1980s was difficult. Attitudes of a part of the British society towards the Gypsy minority may be characterized using two quotations from 1968. The first one was expressed by a speaker in a political program broadcast from Birmingham: “There are some of these Gypsies you can do nothing with, and you must exterminate the impossible; we are dealing with people whom members of this Council would not look upon as human beings in the normal sense” (Kerswell, quotation following: Hancock, 1987). In turn, as reported by Essex Post of November 24th, 1969, Sundon Park Tenants’ Association Report contained a statement that: “There is no solution to the Gypsy problem short of mass murder” (quotation following: Hancock, 1987). Whereas in 1985 municipal authorities of Bradford intended to introduce a court order to prevent Gypsies from exceeding city borders which was firmly commented by press as ‘apartheid policy’ (Leeds, quotation following: Hancock, 1987).

At present, even though a shift is visible towards the approach for the integration of Black people and ethnic minorities, Gypsies and Travellers still encounter discrimination and persecution in the United Kingdom. The Commission for Racial Equality introduced a preliminary Gypsy and Traveller Strategy in October 2003. Trevor Phillips, the chairman of The Commission for Racial Equality claimed: “For this group, Great Britain is still like the American Deep South for black people in the 1950’s. » 72 «

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Extreme levels of public hostility exist in relation to Gypsies and Travellers—fuelled in part by irresponsible media reporting of the kind that would be met with outrage if it was targeted at any other ethnic group” (Crawley, quotation following: Richardson, Bloxom, Greenflieds, 2007) Inequality regarding access to education, health care and labour market are serious problems of the Gypsy minority. The situation started improving since 1983. According to the report by Save the Children Fund infant mortality among Gypsies was at this time fifteen times higher than the national average (Hancock, 1987). Moreover, various reports developed in the area of health care still indicate high infant mortality, short expected life span and difficulties in the access to health care among Gypsies and Travellers. The probability to develop a chronic disease is also significantly higher than for the rest of the British population. There is great health inequality between the population under investigation and the general population of the United Kingdom (Parry et al., quotation following: Richardson, Bloxom, Greenflieds, 2007). According to the Department for Communities and Local Government Gypsy and Traveller pupils feature the lowest educational achievement level among all ethnic groups (quotation following: Richardson, Bloxom, Greenflieds, 2007: 16).

The situation of Gypsies and Travellers in Great Britain is improving, but this process is assessed as too slow and non-uniform. An analysis conducted by Scottish Holyrood’s Equal Opportunities Committee in a report of 2005 concerning the progress of various actions implemented from 2001 suggested 37 further recommendations covering accommodation, health, education, public services and the court system (BBC, 2005).

Roma migrating from new member states of the European Union are still perceived as a threat to the British society. In 2004—before the enlargement of the European Union—some British mass media had reported that several tens of thousands, hundreds of thousands or even 1.6 million east European Roma are planning “to invade” Great Britain and to spend a life in welfare on the back of the British taxpayer’s money (Waringo, 2004).

The picture of the Romani minority in London may be to a significant extent shaped by beggars from the downtown. At the beginning of 21st century police reported that many of them are immigrants from Central Europe of Gypsy origin. Beggars in the London Underground were well-organized; some of them used children to arouse pity among passengers. There were cases of giving drugs and intoxicants to children in order to make them calm and looking sick (BBC, 2000). Municipal officers have taken vigorous measures to solve this problem.

It turns out that the Roma are stigmatized in the British society for various reasons. Those among them who have inhabited Great Britain for generations and live the traditional nomadic way of living are labelled as deviants because of their distinctive lifestyle. It seems that British citizens created a rule that a settled way of living is a standard and a breach of this standard results in stigmatization as a deviant, whereas immigrants from Central and East Europe of Gypsy origin (even if this migration is only potential) are stigmatized for social and economic reasons. Both groups are perceived as a threat to the British society. » 73 «

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Of course, not the entire Romani population in the United Kingdom is socially marginalized or discriminated. The situation of settled Roma who have inhabited Great Britain for generations is better in comparison to nomadic groups and recent immigrants. According to Thomas Acton, Gypsies working in Great Britain mainly manufacture metal products which may be linked to their heritage of mobile metal craftwork. Old metal workshops have currently been transformed. They perform services connected with vehicle and machine mechanics (Rowe, 1998). In the past, Roma also worked as agriculture and seasonal workers. However, industrialization in 1960s resulted in settling of many of them and in the change in their lifestyle.

Does moral panic about Gypsies exist in Great Britain?

The analysis of the situation of Roma in Great Britain in terms of the aforementioned aspects (concern, hostility, consensus, disproportionality and volatility) will help to answer the question whether moral panic phenomenon occurs.

According to Czykwin moral panic is closely connected with the contents presented in mass media (Czykwin, 2007: 384–385). The concern caused by Gypsies’ behaviour is most visible in press, especially, but not exclusively, in tabloids. In January 2004, the day before the accession of Slovakia to the European Union editors of British publishing houses sent their reporters to candidate states in order to investigate the possibility of ‘Romani invasion’ after 1st of May. Journalists brought heart-rending stories about desperate Roma allegedly anxiously waiting to move to Great Britain following enlargement. “Britain, here we are!” was the headline of a cover story in a right-leaning tabloid The Daily Express. It displayed a picture of an untidy looking young man with a child on his back, obviously just on his way to Great Britain (Waringo, 2004).

This way of informing society, through arousing fear, was not restricted to tabloids. On January 15th, 2004 a valued magazine, The Economist, published an article describing the potential impact of hypothetical mass immigration of citizens of new member states after the enlargement of the European Union on May 1st, 2004. One of the issues discussed in this text is the problem of immigrants from Central and Eastern Europe looking for welfare allowances. The Economist clearly claimed that Central Europe’s Roma minorities … are a particular case for concern (Waringo, 2004).

Several years earlier, in 2000, The Sun organized a campaign Great Britain says enough aimed at removing Gypsy beggars from the country. On Monday, 19th of March, the tabloid announced ‘victory’ of 52 876 readers supporting the action. According to the author of the article the opinion poll showed that begging refugees was, in respondents’ opinion, the third, following health and education, of the most serious public issues in Great Britain (Fonseca, 2000). Titles of some other articles about this ethnic group may be referred to in order to indicate other examples of the concern about Roma immigration in British mass media: “Migrants send our crime rate soaring” in Sunday Express (Fagge, 2008), “Romanian who raped a woman so he could » 74 «

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‘live in luxury’ in a British jail gets his wish” in Daily Mail (Romanian who raped…

2009) or “How the views of 3 100 middle England residents on gipsy camps were rejected… because they were deemed ‘racist’” in Mail Online (Bracchi, 2009).

Responses of the government have also been noticeable. At the beginning of 21st century Great Britain re-imposed visa restrictions on countries with large Gypsy populations (such as Romania) or negotiated internal immigration inspections in exchange for the waiver of visas. In summer 2001, British government introduced the so-called ‘pre-clearance’ at the Prague airport during which ‘Roma-look-alikes’ were separated and prevented from boarding aircrafts to the United Kingdom (Waringo, 2004).

On the other hand one of the essential internal problems of the British government is providing areas for nomadic communities. Many traditional camps were blocked by local communities; many new ones are established illegally. Of course, this results in conflicts and escalates the Romani problem. Central and local governments claim that the situation will be improved. On the other hand, however, they provoke protests as, for instance, in London in 2007. Fifteen Gypsy families have been evicted and moved to other places of residence in order to release areas intended for the Olympic park (BBC, 2007).

Events and phenomena discussed above, i.e. alerting press articles, campaign organized by press and both international and domestic actions of the British government indicate concern caused by the Gypsies’ conduct.

The next criterion of moral panic suggested by Goode and Ben-Yehuda (1994) is the increased hostility level towards the group which is the source for moral panic.

Hostility manifesting itself in mass media communications has been described above and it seems that its intensity has been volatile in time. It also happens that Roma experience hostility from populist politicians searching for electors’ support. As The Observer reported: “in an outspoken attack on Gypsies today, Michael Howard will insist they are ‘getting away’ with wrongdoing, as the Conservatives move to exploit rural anger over illegal encampments” (Hinsliff, 2005).

Residents of Great Britain also manifest hostility against Roma, described by The Observer, a left-liberal weekly, as outbreaks of hostility towards asylum seekers dispersed across the country (Hinsliff, 2004). Additionally, conflicts between the locals and Travellers in Conttenham led to the establishment in Central England of a citizen movement organizing protests along with threats to picket the house of the Deputy Prime Minister John Prescott, and even along with warnings about lynching (Hinsliff, 2004).

Consensus postulated by Goode and Ben-Yehuda as the condition for the existence of moral panic in society occurs in some strata of the British society. At least two ways of the perception of Gypsies in Great Britain may be distinguished. The first one relies on prejudice and racism clearly indicating that the threat is real, serious and caused

by Roma. Tabloids and, as may be concluded, their target group (mostly citizens from the working class) may be associated with these beliefs, just as rural residents and politicians fighting for their votes. On the other hand some mass media, governmental institutions (not all of them, cf.: restrictions in the asylum granting policy described above) » 75 «

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and non-governmental organizations present the Romani minority as segregated and encountering prejudices and racism. Such opinions seem to be shared by press, including The Observer and The Guardian and their readers—mostly the British middle class.

This assumption is based on the strong division of the British society and is general in nature. According to Goode and Ben-Yehuda’s theory the consensus criterion is met even if moral panic does not affect a significant majority of a given society and it only manifests itself in a specific group or a social category (Goode, Ben-Yehuda, 1994); thus in case of Gypsies in Great Britain this condition may be considered as fulfilled.

The next criterion of the presence of moral panic is disproportionality, a situation in which objective molehills have been made into subjective mountains (Goode, BenYehuda, 1994). Disproportionality in the perception of the Gypsy population in Great Britain may be illustrated with many examples. In 2004, before the enlargement of the European Union, British tabloids wrote about as many as 1.6 million East European Roma planning to ‘invade’ Great Britain (Waringo, 2004). In 2008, a Romanian secretary of state presented statistics indicating that Romanian citizens (where the Roma population is one of the largest in Europe) amount to 1% of all foreigners in Great Britain (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Romania, 2008).

A response of the British society towards Gypsies and Travellers also seems disproportionate as they amount to less than 0.5% of the population in this country (Crawley, quotation following: Richardson, Bloxom, Greenflieds, 2007). Another example may be the attitude of some tabloids towards immigrants. The article “Migrants send our crime rate soaring” (Fagge, 2008), referred to above, was prepared basing on opinions of one police officer which were not supported by any reliable data; one statistic is provided, however being taken out of context. In contrast, research ordered by the Association of Chief Police Officers revealed that in spite of alerting press articles, criminalizing new immigrants, crime rates in Polish, Romanian and Bulgarian groups do not differ from the general rates for the entire population in the country. Moreover, in some years following the admission of new member states the annual crime rate dropped to 9% in England and Wales (Dodd, 2008).

Finally, as mentioned above, moral panic is inherently volatile: it appears and disappears quite unexpectedly. This nature of social phenomena related to Roma is visible in case of Great Britain, where the concern about the Romani minority during the recent decade appeared at points which were difficult for the society. First outbreaks of hostility against persons seeking asylum and organized actions against city beggars of Roma origin occurred in 2000. At the same time the American dot com crisis started affecting economies worldwide including the British one. The second wave of press articles hostile to potential immigrants, also including those of Roma origin, started before the enlargement of the European Union in 2004, at the point when potential effects for the British society were uncertain. It was also a period, when Gypsies experienced severe racism similar to this which affected Black people in 1960s (Asthana, 2004).

In the last year the topic of Roma seems to appear in the British press more and more frequently which may be linked to the consequences of the economic crisis affecting economies of all European countries. » 76 «

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The analysis of the situation of Roma in Great Britain in terms of Goode and Ben-Yehuda’s criteria indicates that it meets to a large extent all conditions for the occurrence of moral panic. Thus, it may be concluded that at times it arises around the Romani minority in Great Britain in some social strata. If tendencies observed thus far remain stable this phenomenon may intensify in the near future.

Analogies and differences between situations of Roma in Slovakia and in Great Britain Situations of Roma in Slovakia and in Great Britain are quite difficult to be compared. The first problem arising is the definition of this minority. Gypsies in Slovakia are easy to identify and they are widely described in literature, while in Great Britain they are associated with nomadic groups or with the phenomenon of immigration from Central and Eastern European countries. The British definition of Gypsies is based on the nomadic lifestyle and not on ethnic factors which differ from the situation in Slovakia. Moreover, the numerous group of Roma in Great Britain continues nomadic traditions which are very rare among Slovakian Gypsies. The latter ones live rather a settled life. Yet, the British definition also assumes that Roma who for various reasons abandoned nomadism are still identified as Gypsies and Travellers because of their nomadic heritage.

The Romani minorities in countries under comparison are perceived as deviant but it results from various reasons and affects them in various ways. According to literature on the subject the main Roma group stigmatized in Great Britain is the nomadic one.

Locations for their camps are blocked, they do not receive approvals for establishing new camps, sometimes they are refused the service in restaurants or the access to drinking water. Although discrimination of settled Roma is not reported, Roma seeking asylum are frequently treated as a threat to the British society. Roma in Slovakia are stigmatized even if they live a settled lifestyle. The primary reasons for treating them as deviants are prejudices and social issues which commonly occur in Romani communities.

Governments of both states make efforts to improve the situation of Romani minorities but their aims differ. Slovakian authorities state that they take measures to prevent persecution and discrimination. At the same time Romani families are evicted, moved to ghettos and they experience violence not only from skinheads but also from police forces. The British government focuses on providing Gypsies with services still not available to them, such as health care, education and accommodation (in particular establishing new camps). These activities turn out ineffective, slow and non-uniform.

The analysis of the situation in both states reveals that moral panic occurs in Great Britain, where Goode and Ben-Yehuda’s criteria are met. Slovakia cannot be assessed that clearly as the response of the society to Romani minority does not feature disproportionality. » 77 «

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Krzyżowski Ł. (2007). Romowie jako społeczność transnarodowa w perspektywie teoretycznej. In: Borek P. (ed.), Romowie w Polsce i Europie. Historia, prawo, kultura. Kraków, p. 182.

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Richardson J., Bloxom J., Greenflieds M. (2007). East Kent Gypsy and Traveller Accommodation Assessment Report. 2007–2012. Leicester, p. 2, 15–16. http://www.doverdc.co.uk/pdf/EastKentGTAAreport17July07.pdf, [15.08.2009].

Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2008). MFA’s point of view concerning the London authorities’ decision on the prolongation of the labour force restrictions for Romania and Bulgaria. http:// www.mae.ro/index.php?unde=doc&id=12934&idlnk=2&cat=4&lang=en, [15.08.2009].

Romanian who raped a woman so he could ‚live in luxury’ in a British jail gets his wish (2009). “Daily Mail” 03 April. http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1167122/Romanian-raped-womanlive-luxury-British-jail-gets-wish.html, [15.08.2009].

Romano V. (2007). Unknown perpetrators rob, injure Romany man in Bratislava. http://www.romea. cz/english/index.php?id=detail&detail=2007_146, [15.08.2009].

Rowe M. (1998). Britain gets first professor in Romany studies. “The Independent” 06 June. http:// www.independent.co.uk/news/britain-gets-first-professor-in-romany-studies-1163374.html, [15.08.2009].

Sobotka E. (2003). Cultural Influences on Roma Policy Making: Czech and Slovak Policy Advisory Bodies, p. 7. http://www.policy.hu/sobotka/cultural.doc, [15.08.2009].

The Romani Archives and Documentation Center [RADOC] (1984). Review of a book: Okely J., The Traveller Gypsies. Cambridge, p. 61–64. http://www.radoc.net/radoc.php?doc=art_h_review%20Okely&lang=en&articles=true, [15.08.2009].

Ungar S. (2001). Moral panic versus the risk society: the implications of the changing sites of social anxiety. “British Journal of Sociology” 52, no. 2.

Vaceska M. (1999). Romanies In the Slovakia on the Eve of the Millennium—A Social or an Ethnic Problem?. “SEER South-East Europe Review for Labour and Social Affairs”, p. 47–48. http:// www.ceeol.com, [15.08.2009].

Waringo K. (2004). Who is Afraid of Migrating Roma? “EUMAP Online Journal”. http://www. eumap.org/journal/features/2004/migration/pt2/whoafraid, [15.08.2009].

Ondřej Lochman PhD

Katarzyna Szajda MA

Charles University Prague

University of Wroclaw Wroclaw

The image of neighbour in Polish–German–Czech borderlines: Pupils’ attitudes towards the Other

In the paper we focus on the image of a neighbour in the area where borders of 3 states come together. By image we understand a frame in which pupils think about their state neighbours. The paper introduces the situation in the Euroregion Niesse-Nisa-Nysa.

Further it elaborates on the outcome of a research done with 15 years pupils from the Czech Republic, Germany and Poland. The focus of the research was to explore what pupils think about their neighbours behind the state border and explore factors that influence the attitudes.

Euroregion A Euroregion is a form of cross border co-operation structures, without a new type of government at cross border level. It refers to transnational cooperation between two or more territories located in different European countries. Legal basis for establishing Euroregions can be found in conventions adopted by European Union and Council of Europe, with the most significant Madrid convention from 1980. Euroregions are arrangements for co-operation between units of local or regional governments across the border in order to promote common interests and enhance the living standards of the border populations.1 The Association of European Border Regions (AEBR) sets the following criteria for the identification of Euroregions2: 1 Council of Europe: Euroregions’ definition [online] [cit. 10.11.2009]. http://www.coe.int/t/dgap/ localdemocracy/Areas_of_Work/Transfrontier_Cooperation/Euroregions/What_is_en.asp.

2 “European Charter of Border and Cross—Border Regions”, The Association of European Border Regions, developed in 1981, revised in 1995 [online] [cit. 10.11.2009]. http://www.aebr.net/.

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▷ an association of local and regional authorities on either side of the national border, ▷ a cross border association with a permanent secretariat and a technical and administrative team with its own resources; ▷ in the private sector, based on non-profit-making associations or foundations on either side of the border in accordance with the respective national law in force; ▷ in the public sector, based on inter-state agreements, dealing, for instance, with the participation of territorial authorities.

Euroregion Nisa—basic facts The founding conference of Euroregion Nisa was held on May 23–25 1991 in Zittau, under the auspices of three presidents: Vaclav Havel, Richard von Weizacker and Lech Wałęsa. The decision to establish the “Triangle of Three Lands” (Euroregion Nysa original name) became a milestone for the future of the region. Intentions, forms and scope of future cooperation were defined in memorandum adopted by the conference. The Euroregion was officially established in December 1991 during the 1st meeting of the Euroregion’s council. It was the first cross-border structure for Central–East Europe.3 In a legal sense it is a voluntary community of communes from the region. It is not a legal entity. All its authorities work in accordance with the legal standards of their countries.

Table 1. The three associations creating Euroregion Nisa Country

Association

Polish

Stowarzyszenie Gmin Polskich Euroregionu Nysa (Association of Polish Communes of Euroregion Nisa)

Euroregion Nisa regionalní komunalní sdruzen měst a obcí severních Czech Republic Čech (Regional community association of cities and villages from North Bohemia of Euroregion Nisa) German

Kommunalgemainschaft Euroregion Neisse e.V. (Association of communes of Euroregion Nisa)

The main goals of the region, defined in the Agreement on a framework of cooperation for the Euroregion Nisa, are the following: ▷ elimination of the negative impact of the state border, ▷ improvement of the living standards of the Euroregion’s residents, 3 Polish experience in cross border cooperation. Seminar organised under the stability pact for South— Eastern Europe. Post seminar materials. Warszawa: Fundacja Rozwoju Demokracji Lokalnej [Foundation of Development of Local Democracy], 2002. ISBN-83–88750–98–4. p. 110.

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▷ improvement of the natural and cultural living conditions, ▷ development of the economic potential in the area of the Euroregion, supporting all actions at the national level which empower the participant countries to EU integration.4 The Neisse-Nisa-Nysa Euroregion comprises the three border areas located in central Europe at the interface between the borders: Polish (Western Sudetes area and Żarski District), Czech (western areas of the Sudetenland region of Usti nad Labe: counties Krasna Lipa, Ceska Lipa, Liberec, Jablonec nad Nisou and Semily) and Germany (from the Lusatian Mountains and north Pogórze Łużyckie includes Lower Lusatia, Löbau districts—Zittau, Bautzen, Kamenz, Oberlausitz—Niedersschlessien). The capitals of the Euroregion are Jelenia Góra, Liberec and Zittau.

In 2004 Euroregion Nisa had 1 674 480 inhabitants, including 583 441 in Poland, 649 380 in Germany and 441 659 in the Czech Republic. The area of the Euroregion, after the recent change to its administrative reform in Poland, includes 10.6 thousand. km2, of which Poland covers 4 thousand km2 (37.7%), Germany 3.1 thousand. km2, and the Czech Republic 3.5 thousand km2.

Euroregion Neisse-Nisa-Nysa w 2008 r.

Stan w dniu 1 VIII

PO

lubuskie

LS

bolesławicki

dolnośląskie

zgorzelecki

Freistaat Sachsen

DE

UT

SC

HL

AN

D

KA

Bautzen

Görlitz złotoryjski

lubański

jaworski

lwówecki

Děčín

Jelenia Góra jeleniogórski

Liberec

Jablonec nad Nisou

kamiennogórski

Liberecký kraj Obszar Euroregionu miasta, gminy i powiaty – członkowie Euroregionu miasta i gminy nie będące członkami Euroregionu, położone w powiatach należących do Euroregionu

Česká Lípa Mladá Boleslav

Středočeský kraj

Semily

ČESKA REPUBLIKA

Figure 1. Map of Euroregion NEISSE-NISA-NYSA5

4 Ramowe porozumienie Euroregionu Neisse-Nisa-Nysa [Agreement on framework of cooperation for Euroregion Neisse-Nisa-Nysa] [online] [cit. 10.11.2009]. http://www.euroregion-nysa.pl/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=29&Itemid=53.

5 Euroregion Neisse-Nisa-Nysa [online] [cit. 10.04.2009]. http://www.euroregion-nysa.pl/index. php?option=com_content&task=view&id=39&Itemid=74.

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Influence of history of the Euroregion Nisa on its socio-cultural situation Euroregion Nisa is today divided among 3 states (The Czech Republic, Germany and Poland). However in the history borders were not set as currently. This area would not be a border point up to 1635, as the land of Lusatia (today east Germany, part of Free State of Saxony) and the land of Silesia (today mainly Polish, divided into 2 Silesian regions) were under the Czech Kingdom and later under the Habsburg Empire. Lusatia became part of Saxony in 1635, and later in the begging of 19th century, part of Prussia, whereas Silesia became part of Prussia after 1743 and was later (up to 1945) under the German administration. This means that the first strong border that divided the Euroregion into today’s case of 3 different administrations/states was established in 1945. This happened even though there were political attempts of the Lusatian leaders to attach Lusatia after the World War II to Czechoslovakia. But the decision to set up the border was already made at the Yalta meeting.

Second World War had also strong effect on the local regional identity. Today’s Polish Silesia face was changed in 1945 by resettlement of original German speaking inhabitants mainly to central Germany. Nowadays Polish population of lower Silesia is therefore new to this geographical area. Czech part of the Euroregion suffered from similar tragedies in terms of total resettlement, but not to such as extend. Population before the Second World War in this part was a combination of Czech and German speaking inhabitants. After the treaty of Munich in 1938, the Czech population was resettled to the central Bohemia. The war ended, and in 1945 all the German inhabitants began resettlement from the Czechoslovakia to Germany. Some of the original population of Czechs came back, but many of German areas we left abandoned. Today’s German part of the Euroregion Nisa suffered taking into consideration all 3 areas less harm in terms of resettlement, however many of the resettled Germans from Bohemia and Silesia moved here and of course the minority of Lusatian Serbs remained.

(Kurcz, 1999).

These facts brought this geographical area to communities of people that did not identify strongly with the local region, were not used to the local environment and industries. Most of them missed the intergeneration transfer that preserves local traditions; moreover national political situation was not yet focused on close cooperation (Kymlicka, 2003).

Challenges and potential of Euroregion NISA On the base of reports and publications developed by The Association of European Border Regions and Euroregion Nisa, structures following strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats can be identified as follows: » 84 «

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Table 2. SWOT of cross border cooperation in Euroregion Nisa6 Strenghts

Opportunities

▷ small distance, which allows direct meet- ▷ EU funding for cross border cooperation ▷ development of tourism ing of neighbours ▷ potential of diversity ▷ possibility to find allies in solving common problems, facing common challenges ▷ no ethnic and cultural problems Weaknesses

Threats

▷ high unemployment rate ▷ big cities (Prague, Wroclaw, Dresden) at▷ outward migration of the younger populatracting young people from Euroregion tion ▷ English—less demanding mean of com▷ relatively poor transport infrastructure munication than language of neighbour ▷ lack of economic infrastructure ▷ low knowledge of language of the neighbour, apart from German language there is small number of institutions providing language classes of Czech and Polish for neighbours ▷ diversity

Small geographical distance is the highest benefit of Euroregions in general. This can lead to common support taking into consideration services as fire brigade or common water/gas infrastructure. On the other hand border areas are usually at the national peripheries and therefore youth leaves these places for more opportunities in larger cities and people that stay fight with high rate of unemployment and their low qualifications, as well in terms of ability to speak foreign language (Kurcz, 2001; Nikitorowicz, 2009).

Research in schools in Euroregion Nisa Considering history and today’s challenges of the Euroregion Nisa we conducted a research that aimed to investigate attitudes of pupils towards their neighbours from Euroregion NISA and to investigate factors influencing such attitudes. The main areas of research were as the following: attitudes toward neighbours, experience with neighbours, knowledge about neighbours (self assessment), sources of knowledge about neighbours.

6 LACE—Phare CBC, Draft Assesment Report, Czech Polish Cross Border Cooperation, p. 9, The Association of European Border Regions, 2000, [online] [cit. 10.11.2009]. http://www.aebr.net/; VADE MECU—Cross border and inter regional cooperation on external borders of the European Union, The Association of European Border Regions, 1997 [online] [cit. 10.11.2009].

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Target group of the research were pupils in the age of 15 from Euroregion Nisa.

Those were pupils of second level of basic school (základna škola) in Czech Republic, pupils of fifth year of high school (Mittleschule) and pupils of second year of junior high school (Gimnazjum) in Poland. This diversity was connected with major differences in organisation of educational systems in all three countries. 6 schools from Euroregion Nisa were invited to the research: 2 from Liberec, 2 from Jelenia Góra and 2 from Zittau. In total, 228 pupils took par in the research (74 from Liberec, 75 from Zittau and 79 from Jelenia Góra). The gender balance was exact: 50 % boys and 50 % girls. Research took part in May and June 2008.

Combination of the two methodologies was used: questionnaire and diagnostic workshop for the same group of pupils. Pupils were first asked to fill in prepared questionnaire, which was translated into their native language. Secondly they took part in the diagnostic workshop, where they were asked to create posters with visualisation of their peer from neighbouring countries. 228 questionnaires were collected, 100% of them were eligible to be used in analysis of the research. Additionally 42 posters were created as a result of 10 workshops run with pupils from the three countries. Each workshop had as well its educational dimension. After creating posters pupils were asked questions within the short debriefing session which aimed at collecting more information about sources of attitudes and explanation of symbols from the posters and to make pupils reflect on their attitudes and their identity (Rubacha, 2008).

Pupils’ attitudes Questionnaire gave a complex overview of what pupils know and feel towards Europe and their neighbours. Within this analyse we shall focus on the questions from the questionnaire which were directly connected to attitudes, also on the results of diagnostic workshops (Vyrost, Slametnik, 2008). Those were the following questions: “What do you think of your neighbours?” and “What do you think that your neighbours from Euroregion Nisa think of Poles / Czechs, Germans?”. Responses to these two questions are summed up in Table 3, Table 4 and Table 5 and visualized on Figure 2 and Figure 3.

100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0%

88% 66% 50% 40%

54% 44% 26%30%

10%

about Germans

about Poles

Czech Republic

50% 40%

36% 24% 10%

about Czechs

9%

about Poles

about Czechs

Germany

Figure 2. Attitudes towards neighbours from Euroregion Nisa

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10%

4% 8%

about Germans

Poland

positive negative neutral

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Czech pupils’ attitudes Half of the respondents from Czech Republic have negative attitudes toward Germans, in case of 40% attitude is positive, while only 10% stay neutral. This situation changes while analyzing attitudes towards Poles. 44% of Czech respondents display positive attitude, 26% negative and nearly each third respondent—30% have neutral attitudes.

Most often used key words were: friendly, nice, but also conservative, illiterate, mean and thieves.

Half of Czech respondents display negative attitudes towards Germans, while towards Poles attitudes are rather positive, though diverse (26% negative, 30% neutral).

Table 3. Adjectives most used by German respondents CZECH respondents think of POLES

GERMANS

POSITIVE 8 friendly 3 nice 2 easy-going 2 game/helpful 2 interesting 2 welcoming

POSITIVE 5 tidy, really hygienic minded 4 easy going 4 friendly 2 good-hearted 2 helpful 2 sporty guys

NEGATIVE 2 conservative, religious 2 illiterate 2 mean 2 thieves

NEGATIVE 6 bigheaded 5 loud 3 ugly 3 a bit arrogant 3 fat, drink beer a lot 2 stubborn

NEUTRAL 7 I don’t know them 7 strange

NEUTRAL 5 strange 2 don’t know

Note: 20 respondents didn’t answer.

Note: 18 respondents didn’t answer.

There were strong individual answers and 2 remarks about Second World War

All 8 posters about Polish character created by Czech respondents are of positive nature. Main key words and symbols used in posters are the following: friends, family, hard work. There are as well some negative adjectives being used such as: overbearing, without common sense. One poster is showing as well agricultural nature of Poles.

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Out of 8 posters visualizing German character 3 are negative, 1 is positive and 4 are neutral. Positive one underlines attributes of typical teenager such as make up, fashion, mobile phone, mp3 etc. Negative characters are: bigheaded, self oriented and focused on money. Neutral characters are a mixture of positive and negative attributes. They seem friendly, but they are bigheaded and selfish, they care about friends and family but care mainly about their own interests. Pupils were asked to draw their peer from the neighbouring country (pupils from Czech Republic were asked to draw Polish character and to draw German character). Their task was to describe or draw using symbols: what does s/he think, what does s/he do, what is important for him/her, what motivates him/her, what surrounds him/her).

Figure 3. Example of poster with Polish character drawn by Czech pupils

When comparing outcomes of questionnaires and diagnostic workshop attitudes described by pupils are confirmed, rather positive towards Poles and negative towards Germans.

While analyzing answers to the second question from the questionnaire used in the research: “What do you think your neighbours think of you?” very clear connection with the above described attitudes can be identified.

On Figure 4 it is noticeable that in opinion of Czech respondents they are seen by most of their neighbours from Germany in negative way (46%), while 37% persent positive attitude and 17% stay neutral. This division reflects Czechs’ attitudes towards Germans, the main difference is that the percentage of neutral attitudes is higher in case Czechs assume what their neighbours from Germany think about them. » 88 «

THE 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0%

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75% 64% 46% 37% 17%

48% 27% 25%

53% 42%

46%

50%

5%

5%

Germans think

Poles think

Czech Republic

Czechs think

Poles think

20% 16% 20% 4%

Czechs think

Germany

Germans think

positive negative neutral

Poland

Figure 4. The way in which neighbours from Euroregion Nisa think that others see them

In opinion of nearly half of Czech respondents Poles see them in positive way (48%), and percentage of Polish people thinking about Czechs in negative and neutral way is quite the same (27% and 25 %). This division also directly reflects attitude of Czechs towards Poles. Main difference is that more Czech respondents think Poles have positive attitudes towards them (48%) than the percentage of Czech respondents having positive attitudes towards Poles (44%).

German pupils’ attitudes German respondents declared: in 66% positive approach towards Czechs, 24% negative attitudes and only 10% neutral. Towards Poles 54% declared positive attitudes, 26% negative and only 9% neutral attitudes.

German respondents’ attitudes are quite balanced. More than 50% of pupils have positive attitudes towards neighbours, around 10% stay neutral and number of negative attitudes is by 11% higher towards Poles than towards Czechs.

Table 4. Adjectives most frequently used by German respondents GERMAN respondents think of CZECHS POSITIVE 22 nice 13 friendly 6 helpful 3 funny 3 open 2 hospitable 2 interesting

POLISH POSITIVE 26 nice 19 friendly 7 helpful 3 funny 3 open 2 hospitable 2 interesting 2 sporty

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ONDŘEJ LOCHMAN, KATARZYNA SZAJDA GERMAN respondents think of CZECHS

POLISH

NEGATIVE 9 thieves 5 poor 4 scrap-iron takers 2 cheap 2 intrusive 2 unfriendly

NEGATIVE 6 thieves 5 poor 2 cheap 2 unfriendly 2 untidy

Note: 8 respondents didn’t answer.

Note: 14 respondents didn’t answer.

5 posters of Polish character created by German were all of positive nature. They showed typical teenager, listening to the music, attending concerts, being friendly, helpful and family oriented. Many adjective used to describe Polish character are close to neutral and they directly reflect humanistic values. They are universal and do not show any clear attitude. 4 posters with Czech character were as well of positive nature.

Adjective used were same as for the Polish character, only difference was additional focus on nature and environment.

Posters drawn by German pupils were close to neutral. In both cases it showed that attitudes reflected the adjectives used, descriptions and drawings were slightly positive.

In general, there is very little difference between attitude towards Poles and towards Czechs. In both cases pupils underlined that they have difficulties to describe their Polish and Czech peers, because they do not know them.

All posters of German pupils showed slightly positive and neutral attitudes, without any deeper judgments or knowledge. They generally confirmed results of questionnaires apart from the fact that that the attitudes towards Czechs are slightly more positive in questionnaires.

Figure 3 pictures that 53% of German respondents think Czechs see them in a positive way, 42 in negative way and 5% neutral. Opinions of German respondents about the ways Poles see them is even more self critical, 46% thins that Figure 5. Example of poster with Polish character Poles see them positive, for 50% its neg- drawn by Czech pupils » 90 «

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ative and for 5% neutral. In comparison with Figure 2 respondents from Germany declare that percentage of Poles’ and Czechs’ negative attitudes is nearly twice as higher as the percentage of Germans’ negative attitudes towards Poles and Czechs.

Attitudes of Polish pupils 88% of respondents from Poland have positive attitudes towards their neighbours from the Czech Republic, only 4% having negative and 8% neutral attitudes. The number of respondents declaring positive attitude towards Germans is 50%, 40% are negative and 10% neutral. It is visible that Polish respondents display definitely more positive attitudes towards Czechs than Czechs towards Poles. Czech respondents’ attitudes towards Poles are far more diverse and number of responses representing neutral attitudes is higher.

Table 5. Adjectives most used by Polish respondents POLISH respondents think of CZECHS POSITIVE 23 funny 18 nice 12 friendly 11 hospitable 9 cheerful 9 open 9 sympathetic 8 helpful 6 polite 5 hard-working 4 calm 3 cool 3 warm-hearted Note: 11 respondents didn’t answer.

There were no negative and neutral adjectives mentioned more than 1 time.

GERMANS POSITIVE 6 hard-working 6 rich 6 smart 5 organised 5 precise 4 self-confident 3 good mannered 3 rule-based 3 soldiery 2 brave 2 cultural 2 easy-going NEGATIVE 6 loud 5 selfish 4 rough 3 self-oriented 2 arrogant 2 cheeky 2 money savers/skimpy 2 pedantic 2 reserved 2 stiff 2 stupid

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GERMANS NEUTRAL 7 phlegmatic/serious Note: 7 respondents didn’t answer.

Polish pupils created 17 posters visualizing their neighbours: 9 of German and 8 of Czech character. Posters with German character were all of negative nature. They can be divided into the three main categories: WW II, Bavarian stereotype, misbehaving youngster. On 4 out of 8 posters pupils were drawing swastika and Adolf Hitler, crossed out German flag, or mentioning that “Germans come to see Jelenia Gora which Poles took away from them”. Other symbols that appeared were those of domination, wealthy, self-orientation, being arrogant as well as drugs and gay symbols.

Out of 8 posters visualizing Czech Character, 7 were of a positive nature and one was neutral. Main positive associations were connected with Czech cartoons (the little mole, Rumcajs). Czechs were shown as good Slavonic neighbours taking care of the natural environment and being good at sports. The most frequent positive phrases were: nice, hard-working, open, funny, spontaneous, straight–forward.

Figure 6. Example of poster with German character drawn by Polish pupils

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When comparing the outcomes of the questionnaire and posters it is seen that on the posters the negative symbols and connotations towards Germans were even stronger than in the questionnaire. Attitudes towards Czechs, as in the questionnaire, are highly positive.

Percentage of Polish respondents declaring that in their opinions Czechs see them in positive way (64%, Figure 3) is nearly as high as percentage of Polish respondents having positive attitudes towards Czechs (88%). 20% of Polish respondents think that Czechs see them in negative way, which is 5 times higher percentage than the negative attitude towards Czechs declared by Polish pupils (Figure 2). 16% of Polish respondents think that Czechs’ attitudes towards Poles are neutral.

Significant difference can be found in the percentage of Polish respondents who declare that in their opinion Germans think negative about Poles as it reaches 75%.

For only 20% it’s positive attitude and for 4% it’s neutral.

Summary, wider context of the research Polish pupils showed high level of sympathy towards Czechs both in the questionnaire and during the diagnosis workshop. 88% of descriptors given to Czechs were positive and 7 out of 8 posters were of a positive character. In the same time all 9 out of 9 posters about Germans were negative. The disproportionate perceptions of Polish pupils towards Czech and Germans can be seen in their answers, summarised as follows.

Polish pupils see Czechs as funny, nice, friendly, hospitable, cheerful, open, sympathetic, helpful, polite and hard-working. They see them highly positive and as good neighbours and they like their cartoons. Polish pupils see Germans as hard-working, rich, smart, organised, precise and self-confident, but also loud, selfish, rough and self-oriented, being phlegmatic and serious. Perception of the WW II and/or through a stereotype of a rich Bavarian is palpably present, moreover German peers are visualised as spoiled misbehaving youngsters.

German pupils’ attitudes towards their neighbours are more positive towards Czechs than Polish. However this difference is not as significant as Polish attitudes towards Czechs and Germans. The difference between the German pupils’ attitudes towards Czechs and Poles is 12% when comparing positive as well as negative descriptors. German pupils’ answers can be summarised as follows: German pupils see Czechs as nice, friendly, helpful, funny and open, but also thieves, poor and scrap collectors. German pupils see Poles as nice, friendly, helpful, funny and open, but also thieves and poor ones. Pupils gave often the same descriptions for both nationalities. During the workshop the key phrase “I don’t really know them” was often repeated.

The results of the questionnaire as well as the results of the diagnosis workshops showed more negative Czech pupils’ attitudes towards Germans and slightly positive or neutral attitudes towards Poles. The Czech pupils’ answers can be summarised as follows: Czech pupils see Poles as friendly and nice, but also conservative, illiterate, mean and thieves. In the end they don’t know them and find Poles strange. Czech » 93 «

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pupils see Germans as tidy, easy going, friendly, but also bigheaded, loud, ugly, fat and beer drinkers.

The above analyzed responses of Polish, German and Czech pupils from Euroregion Nisa show attitudes towards neighbours, however the questionnaire was also investigating factors influencing such attitudes. Pupils were asked how often they visit neighbouring courtiers and reasons for such visits. They were asked about their knowledge about their neighbours’ music, history, literature, sport and other socio– and cultural aspects. Moreover, they were asked about their will to share a room with neighbours and about their attendance in cultural or educational events in Euroregion Nisa.

The level of knowledge about neighbours is in all three countries low and pupils declare to know “not very much”, which was in between 1 and 2 on the scale from 1 to 4. The highest knowledge is generally about geography and pupils also declare that during geography classes they learn about neighbouring states the most. Very low Czech pupils’ knowledge about Poles is also worth emphasising. The source of information about neighbours is mainly the Internet and television. School lessons are in the penultimate place and personal experience, having key meaning in fighting stereotypes, is in last place.

Polish pupils declared to have more personal verbal contact with people and peers from neighbouring states. They have more contact with Germans than with Czechs.

Answers show that the poorest contact occurs between Czechs and Polish pupils, corresponding to answers connected with knowledge about neighbours, where Czech pupils declared very low knowledge about Poles. German pupils are those who travel the most within the Euroregion. Main reasons for travelling are to go to petrol stations, shops and restaurants, which does not initiate deeper verbal contacts. Czech pupils, being the most active travellers within Europe, declared the lowest mobility within the Euroregion Nisa. 30% have never been travelling within the Euroregion across the border.

At least 2/3 of all pupils in all three states have also never taken part in a cultural or educational event across the border within the Euroregion.

Less than half of Polish respondents want to share a flat with a person of the same nationality. In Germany this percentage is much higher: 71% and it is highest in Czech Republic: 83%. Pupils’ answers also show that the main factor which had influence on their decision was language. Czech pupils declared the lowest responsibility for the future of their region and more than one-third of Czech pupils declared not to be interested in participating in building up the region, whereas Polish pupils feel the opposite. The number of importance is also that 57% of Czech and German pupils feel they do not have possibilities to participate in building up the region, which is higher than in the case of Europe. This has a direct influence on interest young people have in getting to know neighbours from Euroregion.

Based on these outcomes we drafted the following recommendations that will support cooperation and less stereotypic thinking in the Euroregion. ▷ Raise the sense of belonging to the Euroregion Nisa by introducing the history of the region as one, and through this approach refer to common traditions, cultural habits, and common natural environment. » 94 «

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▷ Set long-lasting cooperation with schools from the Euroregion Nisa and cooperate regularly in projects that are focused on discovery of the Euroregion and people living there (especially between Czech and Polish schools). ▷ Focus on teaching about Germany in the Czech Republic and Poland from the perspective of today’s world and the importance of Germany (Saxony) as a neighbour for dialogue.

Bibliography Kurcz Z. (1999). Polish–German crossborder area versus Rother crossborder areas of Poland. Wrocław, p. 61.

Kurcz Z., Tutaj J. (2001). Socio-economical problems within crossborder areas, University of Management and Enterpreneurship. Wałbrzych, p. 35.

Polish experience in cross border cooperation (2002). Seminar organised under the stability pact for South-Eastern Europe. Post seminar materials. Fundacja Rozwoju Demokracji Lokalnej [Foundation of Development of Local Democracy]. Warszawa.

Internet sources Council of Europe: Euroregions’ definition. http://www.coe.int/t/dgap/localdemocracy/Areas_of_ Work/Transfrontier_Cooperation/Euroregions/What_is_en.asp, [10.11.2009].

European Charter of Border and Cross—Border Regions, The Association of European Border Regions, developed in 1981, revised in 1995. http://www.aebr.net/, [10.11.2009].

Euroregion Neisse-Nisa-Nysa. http://www.euroregion-nysa.pl/index.php?option=com_content&ta sk=view&id=39&Itemid=74, [10.04.2009].

LACE—Phare CBC, Draft Assesment Report, Czech Polish Cross Border Cooperation, The Association of European Border Regions, 2000. http://www.aebr.net/, [10.11.2009].

Ramowe porozumienie Euroregionu Neisse-Nisa-Nysa [Agreement on framework of cooperation for Euroregion Neisse-Nisa-Nysa]. http://www.euroregion-nysa.pl/index.php?option=com_con tent&task=view&id=29&Itemid=53, [10.11.2009].

VADE MECU—Cross border and inter regional cooperation on external borders of the European Union, The Association of European Border Regions, 1997. http://www.aebr.net/, [10.11.2009].

ONDŘEJ LOCHMAN, KATARZYNA SZAJDA

Appendix: questionnaire used in the research Dear student, the questionnaire in front of you is a part of a research about Polish-German-Czech relations, mainly focused on the Euroregion NISA (czech, german, polish border area).

With filling this form in you will help us to find out what is more important to teach at schools about Europe and your neighbours.

All the information will be strictly used just for the scientific reasons.

Please take 15–20 minutes to fill in the questionnaire. We hope that with the help of this filled questionnaire we will make an interesting educational program for you and your peers Thank you for filling in the form.

A. What is your gender? a) Male b) Female B. What is your age? ……………………

1. What are the sources of information about your Euroregion NISA neighbours (Czechs and Germans) for you? (Please make an order of which source is for you most useful: 1 least useful to 6 most useful) … Television … Internet … Printed media … Radio … School lessons … Personal experience 2. Do you feel responsible for the future of your region? a) Very much b) Quite a lot c) Not very much d) Very little 3. Do you think that you participate in building up your region? a) Yes, as much as I can b) Quite a lot c) Not very much, because I don’t have possibilities d) Not very much, because I am not really interested e) I am not interested » 96 «

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4. How often do you travel across the border within the Euroregion NISA? a) I have never travelled in the area cross the border in the Euroregion b) Once a year c) Several times a year d) More then once a month Why you travelled there? (Answer if your choice was 2,3,or 4) 5. Have you visited some of the cultural or educational events across the border in the Euroregion NISA? a) Yes, I have visited and actively taken part b) Yes, I have visited c) No, I haven’t visited such an event 6. Do you have friends that you visit cross the border in the Euroregion NISA? A) In the Czech Republic a) Yes b) No B) In Germany a) Yes b) No 7. I feel that I know about German: (Please cross the appropriate box) Very much

Quite a lot

Not very much

Very little

Quite a lot

Not very much

Very little

Culture History Lifestyle Geography Music Literature Sports

8. I feel that I know about Czech: (Please cross the appropriate box) Very much Culture History Lifestyle Geography Music Literature Sports

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9. What do you think of your neighbours?

(Please write minimum 3 adjectives for each neighbour) a) Czechs are

b) Germans are

10. What do you think that your neighbours from Euroregion NISA think of Poles?

(Please write minimum 3 adjectives for each neighbour) a) Czechs think Poles are

b) Germans think Poles are

11. What do you think about Poles?

12. Whom would you like to live with in one flat when you could choose? a) Czech Why?………………………………………… b) German ………………………………………… c) Polish ………………………………………… d) Doesn’t matter …………………………………………

13. What would attract you to visit your neighbours within the Euroregion NYSA?

14. Please draw a symbol that means neighbourhood to you:

15. Is it important for you to know more about your neighbours from the Euroregion NYSA? a) very important b) quite important c) not so important d) very little important » 98 «

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16. In which subject at school do you learn the most about your Euroregion NISA neighbours? a) Social studies b) History c) German language d) Foreign languages e) Geography f ) Other: …………………….

17. What would you like to learn about your Euroregion NISA neighbours in school?

18. Would you like to participate in a school and youth exchanges within the Euroregion NISA? a) I am very interested to participate in such exchanges b) I am quite interested to participate in such exchanges c) I am not really interested to participate in such exchanges d) I am not interested at all to participate in such exchanges Any other comments?

Thank you NR: PL-P-WRC-S-

Magdalena Siuta PhD Wrocław University of Technology Poland

Cross-cultural education in the area of potential conflict Program PLUS at Macquarie University in Sydney and implications for Polish universities (the example of Wrocław University of Technology)

As people who live at the beginning of the 21st century, we constantly have to face situations of potential conflict. This truth seems self-evident, yet it is often stated as a discovery. If we take a careful look at the map of the world, which is being shaped, changed, and transformed, quickly becoming outdated again while mankind watches in dismay and confusion, we see that the world is full of areas (understood in a specific, physical, and tangible way) where conflict have existed, exists now or will exist in the future.

Conflict (derived from a Latin word which refers to colliding, clashing or struggling with one another) is an inevitable element in the development of all kinds of social and personal relationships (Ting-Toomey, 1994). Since it is essential for any relationship to develop properly, it should be looked upon in positive terms. However, it is not so in all cultures. One should therefore very carefully approach the idea of struggling with one another as a building block of social relationships depending on the cultural context in which one examines a given problem. Certainly in the North Atlantic culture— marked by freedom, individualism, and democracy—the clashing of different options and the creation of areas of potential and real conflict is a prerequisite for normal functioning of societies, communities, groups and individuals.

What I understand by areas of potential conflict is geographical regions where different groups coexist next to each other. The difference between them may relate to one or more dimensions of human experience. It may manifest itself in nationality, ethnicity, religion (denomination), culture, language, political views or sexual beliefs and practices, to mention only a few important markers of collective and individual identity (Pająk, 2004). It appears that those areas of difference and divergence, and consequent » 101 «

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areas of potential conflict, are driven both by migration processes—which in our times occur on a massive, unprecedented scale, including both forced and voluntary migration—and by globalization processes, which Bauman describes as the compression of time and space (Bauman, 2000). I think that areas of potential conflict constitute an inevitable element of modern civilization. At the same time, they stimulate social life in a given area. Consequently, it is not possible to evaluate them unambiguously as negative phenomena. As long as they remain areas of conflict which is “only” potential, their presence is in a sense indispensable. Two positions can be distinguished in the literature on the subject, with two corresponding perspectives on the phenomenon of conflict. According to the first perspective, conflict is always exclusively negative and reflects the group’s malfunctioning. The second perspective, called the interactive approach, emphasizes the necessity of conflict as an element which enables the group to function properly and effectively (Robbins, 1998).

We can distinguish four basic social responses to the existence of areas of potential conflict. First, one can do nothing about it, take no steps and leave things as they are.

Second, one can take political or social measures to favour one of the sides, which may ultimately lead to a situation where conflict is no longer merely potential, but becomes real. Actions taken within this type of response may take a somewhat different course (though their effect will be the same) when, instead of openly favouring one side, the other one is being harassed and discriminated against. An interesting example of such actions taken by another social group with support from state institutions (the police force) involves incidents against Romanies inhabiting Slovak villages and towns. Aggressive behavior against Romanies intensified when Slovakia was about to join the European Union. Third, one can try to prevent the conflict from becoming real through political or social actions aimed at alleviating the situation. And finally fourth, one more possible response to the existence of potential conflict is cross-cultural education. Multicultural and cross-cultural education plays a significant role in our constantly changing world in which cultures overlap and mix, although unfortunately it is still underestimated. Cross-cultural skills are becoming essential tools which enable one to effectively and affirmatively work together with the Other (the capital letter is intentional, by capitalizing the word I would like to point to the uniqueness and depth of an encounter with another person, with another Self; this is also a reference to Buber’s philosophy of dialog and encounter (Buber, 1991). Such skills are also required on the job market, which major characteristic is diversification. Although much of what we learn takes place “by osmosis”—staying in other people’s company and by unintentional adoption of their behaviors, attitudes and beliefs, much more effective way of learning is through intentional and deliberate participation in more or less formal educational situations. Australian Program PLUS is an educational offer which addresses this contemporary demand for cross-cultural skills.

PLUS originated as part of a master’s program having been offered since 1991 at Macquarie University, one of the largest and most dynamic higher education institutions in Sydney. Currently, after several reorganizations related to structural transformations of the university, it is offered by the Department of International Communication » 102 «

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(formerly Center of International Communication), which is part of the Department of Media, Music and Cultural Studies in the Faculty of Art. One of the basic goals of this program is to enable students to acquire cross-cultural skills. David Livermore defines those as: „the ability to facilitate mental, emotional and behavioral learning for students coming from a culture different than the coach’s culture” (quoted in: Chitty, 2003).

In the first semester of 2003, the details were worked out and the program was introduced as part of the university’s educational offer. It has been continuously available since. It is a prerequisite for further study at the MUDIC (Macquarie University Department of International Communication). All first-semester students (regardless of whether they start at the beginning or in the middle of the academic year, as both options are available at Macquarie University) are required to participate in PLUS. In this way they acquire skills which are useful during later stages of their education.

Students meet on a weekly basis to learn and practice skills in three basic areas: communication (Intercultural Communication Skills), time management (Time Management Skills), and psychological competencies (Working with people that have different personalities) (Chitty, 2003).

PLUS is based on a social skills model which emphasizes that: „learning how to live in a new culture should be viewed as analogous to learning how to live in one’s own culture” (Chitty, 2003). Every person encountering a new, unfamiliar culture has to go again through a process of socialization in which not only family and school, but also the immediate environment (colleagues, acquaintances, and friends) trains them in essential, acceptable procedures and patterns of behaviour. This process is timeconsuming and by definition exposes one to stress and frustration. A theory of culture shock proposed by an anthropologist Karl Oberg (Oberg, 1960) explains several stages experienced by an individual when meeting a different culture. These are: honeymoon, culture shock, revival/excitement and adaptation/adjustment. The second one is marked by strongly negative emotions what can lead to frustration.

In order to encourage students to participate actively and regularly, so that they can fully benefit from PLUS, three additional incentives were applied in addition to selfsatisfaction. Once a week students can have lunch together and the meal is provided by the organizers. To receive the MUDIC Certificate of Achievement in PLUS recognized by potential employers, a student has to take part in at least 10 PLUS sessions. One academic semester at Macquarie takes 13 weeks, like in other Australian universities. Every student who has participated in at least 10 sessions can win one of four money prizes worth 500 A$ each (about 1400 PLN; the amount is sufficient to cover a monthly apartment rent in a very good location not far away from the campus) awarded to the best students in individual language groups (to which students are assigned when they enroll at the university). Unfortunately, this third bonus has been suspended due to the economic crisis.

The program offered to students can be divided into two basic forms. These are: 1) groups of three friends and 2) language support groups. Moreover, the curriculum emphasizes the problem of plagiarism, which reflects the way in which the culture where it originated values property, including intellectual property. » 103 «

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A group of three friends is idea borrowed from Confucianism. As Confucius used to say: „when I walk with two companions both would be my teachers. I would choose the good traits and follow them, and would try to correct in myself the faults I see in them” (Confucius, 2002). Students do not choose their support groups themselves, but they are assigned to them, as the goal is to prevent a dangerous situation in which students stick in their own preferred company and create what might be referred to as cliques, not necessarily cultural, but primarily language-based (e.g. English, Chinese, French, Spanish). As can be inferred from this description, quite often multiculturalism can be understood as “multilinguality.” Students who use the same language (other than English) in their everyday contacts find it easier to ignore cultural differences and cling to one another despite those differences, as long as they can freely communicate, that is, express their thoughts, beliefs, feelings, and desires. It is important to place together people of very different ethnic backgrounds in a support group. The organizers must make sure that at least for the duration of the activities students have the ability to come in closer contact with people coming from different cultures. Groups of three friends provide those young people with an opportunity to get to know others in a situation similar to their own. One should bear in mind here that some students come from cultural backgrounds in which initiating a new contact may be frowned upon; moreover, students are often shy and unsure of themselves in their new environment so far away from home.

The support group system allows them to study together and also spend time outside of the classroom, have the experience of being part of a group, a collective body, which is so important at this stage. For this reason, conversations in support groups should take a significant portion of the first PLUS session. Each participant receives a card to fill in with information about his or her companions such as: first name, surname, nickname, e-mail address, phone number, hobby, favourite food and mother tongue greeting. Psychology clearly points to the importance of the first contact and its influence on the way we perceive other people. Accordingly, support group creators should strive to create the right atmosphere in which the information is collected. Apart from that, the Australian system of studying differs significantly from the Polish system in terms of student group membership. For all practical purposes, in Poland one still begins and ends university studies in the company of the same people. (This comment applies also to those study options where one chooses courses and enrolls for them. Variation in student groups at Wrocław University of Technology is on the whole minimal.) Students take courses in a relatively fixed group and participate in classroom activities on a regular basis with the same people, formally and informally belonging to the same group. Australian universities as a rule expect students to enroll for particular courses individually (in a new credit point system introduced to Polish higher education through the Bologna process every student also is required to collect a number of points awarded for both obligatory and optional courses).

It is possible that in any given semester a student participates in different courses with completely different people. Leaving aside the benefits of this system, I only want to draw attention to the danger of isolationism which may affect those less extroverted students who are shy or simply not accustomed to initiating contacts with others. Groups of three friends are the excellent measure which may serve to mitigate that risk. » 104 «

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Language support groups constitute another solution used in PLUS. All participants are divided into language groups reflecting their fluency in English. It has been observed that although all students at Macquarie University meet formal language requirements, their levels of English vary significantly. There are four language groups in MUDIC and students are assigned to those groups based on test results reflecting written and spoken proficiency in English. The test is prepared by the National Center for English Language Teaching and Research staff (the center is located on the campus and offers also predegree courses before students formally begin their studies so that they can improve communication skills and familiarize themselves with expected language standards at the university). Groups are color-coded: Green, Red, Blue, and Yellow. Yellow groups students for whom English is their mother tongue. Blue means students with the highest level of proficiency and fluency in English as a foreign language. Green includes those on the lowest level. Students in-between these two levels constitute the Red group.

In most Australian universities students are required to submit a certain number of home assignments in order to receive a credit for a given course. All PLUS participants are offered language consultation services to assist them with written assignments. Students in the Blue group can have one 30-minute consultation session with a PLUS tutor per one assignment. They should present the first and the final draft of their project to the tutor. Students in the Red group are entitled to two 30-minute sessions per one project. They should also show a corrected draft of their project to the tutor two weeks before the assignment deadline. Students assigned to the Green group (the least advanced in terms of their language proficiency) are entitled to three 30-minute sessions per one project. This system is extremely effective and highly valued by students; however, its applicability is limited due to relatively high costs. Academic staff employed by the university receives significant remuneration for any work beyond the obligatory teaching load. It appears that in the Polish reality this solution would be very difficult to implement for financial reasons.

University teachers who work with students coming from other cultures often stress the problem of plagiarism. Australia belongs to a cultural sphere where property is a cherished value. In addition, it is an example of an individualist culture which promotes self-reliance when accomplishing both physical and intellectual tasks (Trompenaars, Hampden-Turner, 2002). For this reason, PLUS includes intensive classroom activities with special emphasis on appropriate citing methods and communicating one’s ideas clearly and polemically. The problem of distinguishing appropriately one’s own ideas from ideas cited or paraphrased emerges in particular when dealing with students coming from Eastern cultures.

Poland is located in a geographical region where areas of potential conflict do not occur with such intensity as in other parts of the world. Poland is in many ways monocultural, but it is not monoethnic, monolingual, monoreligious or monotraditional. It appears that in some parts of Poland multiethnicity and religious pluralism are particularly significant. Wrocław is definitely an excellent example of such diversity in terms of the city’s rich cultural heritage. As a result of post-war actions » 105 «

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and decisions (decisions which were made without Poland’s participation), Wrocław became a symbol, a microcosm integrating elements of the East and the West (Davies, Moorhouse, 2002). It became a meeting place—as expressed in an official slogan now promoting the capital city of Lower Silesia—which welcomed under its hospitable roof refugees from many different areas. As a diverse melting pot of cultures and religions, in the course of its history the city has learned how to cultivate peaceful coexistence of different groups that choose the path of cooperation and multicultural education instead of conflict. The historical center of Wrocław, Ostrów Tumski (the Cathedral Island), together with its surrounding neighborhood, Stare Miasto (the Old Town), is referred to as „the District of Four Temples,” because in this area a Roman Catholic church, an Eastern Orthodox church, a Protestant church and a Jewish synagogue are situated in close proximity.

It is also worth noting that Polish universities benefit now greatly from the recently launched Bologna process and rapidly growing student exchange programs. Students who come from EU member states can freely choose studies at universities in other countries belonging to the European community. Students realize how highly potential employers value experiences abroad, so they often choose to participate in exchange programs, especially the most popular Erasmus Mundus and Leonardo. However, also students coming from non-EU countries are increasingly drawn to Poland as the country of their education. Polish universities and colleges are extremely attractive to foreigners. The quality/price ratio presents itself favorably in comparison with higher education institutions (not necessarily those world-famous) in the USA, UK or Japan. This is why we see more and more students from India, China, Africa and South America who want to earn their degrees in Poland. Another traditional group of international students are descendants of Polish exiles to the East, to countries of the former Soviet Union. Often they decide to study at Polish universities motivated by their grandparents’ or parents’ sentiments. Foreigners studying in Poland in increasing numbers include both those who pay for their education and scholarships students.

The latter can receive funds covering the cost of living or they may be simply exempted from tuition fees. As for scholarships themselves, they can be sponsored either by the government of the Republic of Poland or by the sending country.

Foreigners coming to Poland to earn higher education degrees can be divided into two basic categories. The categories are different enough to warrant dedicated treatment and diversified methods of cross-cultural education.

The first group consists of students who come to Poland from Europe. Regardless of whether they intend to study for one semester—this is typically the duration of basic exchange programs such as Erasmus—or longer than that, they come from the same cultural sphere. The only one exception are students from the Muslim Albania. All other European countries belong to the same Western (Judeo-Christian) civilization (Huntington, 1997), although in some of them the percentage of the Muslim population is growing steadily. Students from Europe have access to infrastructure (e.g. selfservice supermarket chains with standardized products) which is similar to the one they are accustomed to in their home countries, and—last but not least—they are » 106 «

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used to the climate. Cross-cultural education offered to such students should address the need of making new contacts with Poles (and representatives of other cultures studying at the same university), while also preventing them from restricting themselves to their own language and/or culture groups (so-called student cliques). I believe the most appropriate method of working with students in this category is “groups of three friends.” Students should be assigned to such groups by the administration rather than allowed to choose them on their own, so that they cannot create monocultural communities. Obviously the exact number of participants in a group of this type is actually an open matter. For example in the summer semester of 2003, I had a chance to get to know the authors of PLUS at Macquarie University and a number of students who were beginning their cross-cultural curriculum. At that time groups of three friends actually consisted of seven people, because there were so many applicants.

The second category consists of students who come to Poland from outside Europe.

Regardless of the language of instruction, such students need special workshops to prepare them for the inevitable culture shock. The training should be organized while they are still in their home country and deal with the university agent. In addition, it is advisable to organize another orientation workshop after the student arrives in Poland in order to familiarize him or her with the most important cultural differences pertaining to the student-teacher relationship and to present the details of studying in Poland.

This group of non-European students includes both those who want to study in Polish and those who will study in foreign languages. Only three academic centers in Poland offer Polish language courses for foreigners. This preparatory course takes one year and in principle should enable students to enroll for any program offered by their chosen university or college. These centers are in Kraków, Łódź and Wrocław. The Wrocław center is linked with the University of Technology. Of course, it doesn’t mean the other universities (as Wrocław University for example) have no classes in Polish for foreigners.

English is the preferred language and consequently universities most often offer courses in English. Entire programs (on bachelor, master or PhD level) in other languages are extremely rare; however, individual courses are quite often available in German, French and Spanish. Ideally, two forms of cross-cultural education should be prepared for non-European students. Those studying in Polish may need language consultation services. Despite the fact that each foreigner must undergo intensive preparatory language training for one year before being admitted to a university program in Polish, it often turns out that the command of Polish among such students varies significantly, which causes serious problems in the course of studies. Language consultation services available to all international students for whom Polish is a foreign language appear to be a relevant solution worth adopting by Polish universities. When it comes to international students who choose English as the language of instruction in Poland, they also need Polish lessons. While students in the former group require individual consultations, students studying in English or German can benefit more from group lessons focusing on basic communication patterns to facilitate everyday life in a new country. » 107 «

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Regardless of the duration, mode, language of studies or the student’s original cultural background, one Australian solution appears to be suitable for immediate implementation at Polish universities. This is especially true in view of the fact that its adoption does not require excessive funding in comparison with other solutions proposed in this article. What I mean is professional assistance for international students.

At this time, there is no dedicated unit at Wrocław University of Technology with professional assistants/counselors who could address all needs and problems encountered by foreign students who live and study in Wrocław. The International Office, which is the first university unit a student contacts even before he or she comes to Poland, does not have sufficient capabilities and competencies. Many times its staff serves as „counselors and comforters”, but it is not the unit’s statutory responsibility. Limited personnel means that at the present moment students cannot be provided with fully professional assistance. For the most part, help for international students at Wroclaw University of Technology is based on volunteer efforts by other foreign students and Poles willing to help, as well as administration staff members (in the International Office and the Enrollment Office) who display enormous understanding and good will in carrying out tasks which are not part of their duties. A solution might be a separate organizational unit, even a small one, employing professional assistants: a language consultant, a lawyer, but first and foremost a counselor and a psychologist. They could help students overcome problems and they would offer specialized assistance for those going through this natural process of culture shock.

Australia is an example of a society in which the policy of multiculturalism has been successfully implemented by decision-makers. An important contribution to the documents implementing the policy of multiculturalism was made by a professor of Polish origin, Jerry Zubrzycki. “What we believe Australia should be working towards is not an oneness but a unity, not a similarity, but a composite, not a melting pot but a voluntary bond of dissimilar people sharing a common political and institutional structure—this is cultural pluralism.” (Zubrzycki, Martin quoted after: Jupp, 2002: 20).

A multicultural society, extremely diverse in terms of all identity markers, developed a new model of functioning in which different groups find their place in the common Australian identity. This type of identity is referred to as dual or hyphenated. “In a pluralistic society adopting multiculturalism as an official policy, separate or dual ethnic identity is not incompatible with a commitment to permanent residence and a feeling of loyalty to the new country.” (Gamage, Mahon, 1993: 126). Although the country is home to 64% Christians (including 25% Catholics and 19% Anglicans), 31% selfdeclared atheists, 2% Muslims and 4% Buddhists and Hindus, religiously motivated conflicts are practically non-existent. Immigrants from Italy and Ireland (the largest Catholic immigrant groups) assimilated with Protestant descendants of English settlers who arrived in Australia in 1788. Importantly, the Irish spoke the same language, which helped them enormously in preventing social exclusion. Immigrants from other countries who settled in Australia (first generation immigrants) together with those who were born in Australia, but whose parents came to this country as adults (second generation immigrants), make up almost 40% of the entire population. About 30% of » 108 «

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Australians do not speak English at home on an everyday basis (Johnstone, Mandryk, 2001 and http://pl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Australia as of 28.12.2009). Yet this country is somehow different from other multicultural countries in other parts of the world such as the USA, Canada, the UK or Argentina. The famous declaration of multiculturalism implemented since the beginning of 1970s has resulted in a new society where dual/hyphenated identity is a characteristic indicator of new times. This government declaration marked Australia’s transition “from being ‘the most British’ country in the world to ‘the most multicultural’ one” (Jupp, 2002). Consistently applied multicultural education has certainly played an important role in the process of integrating two or more identities in individuals without disturbing a sense of internal balance with themselves, with their immediate cultural environment and with the larger society. In contrast to the American version of multicultural society developed on the other side of the Pacific, the so-called melting pot identity, no single vision of identity has been imposed. For many years the American policy, exceptionally tolerant in official statements, in reality promoted a truly American identity according to which “truly American” citizens were referred to as WASPs—the abbreviation reflected a set of several identity markers: White Anglo-Saxon Protestants (Melosik, 2007). Multicultural education in Australia, as the PLUS program described above shows, promotes cultural competencies, enabling students to get to know other/different people without making one pass judgments on cultural patterns displayed by other people in binary terms.

Certainly, not all elements and methods of multicultural education applied among international students at Macquarie University can be adopted in the Polish reality.

Higher education institutions such as Wrocław University of Technology differ too much from Australian universities and colleges and they operate in different sociocultural environments, so it is certainly not advisable to copy uncritically solutions used there. The Polish society is diversified in different ways than the Australian one. Nevertheless by opening to foreign students and workers, Poland—and Polish universities in particular—will sooner or later become areas of potential conflict, an arena where different/alternative cultural options will clash with each other. We should thoroughly prepare for this inevitable process. Critical adoption of some Australian solutions may be a prudent step in this direction.

Bibliography Bauman Z. (2000). Globalizacja. Warszawa.

Buber M. (1991). O Ja i Ty. In: Baran B. (ed.), Filozofia dialogu. Kraków.

Chitty N. (2003). Skill acquisition in intercultural communication: a practical approach at Macquarie University Center for International Communication. non-published conference paper: InterCultural Studies ’03: A forum on Social Change & Cultural Diversity—“Crossing Boundaries”.

Newcastle, p. 6–7.

Confucius (2002). Three friends. In: Kwong K.S., William H. (eds.), The Cat and the Tao. London, p. 72.

Davies N., Moorhouse R. (2002). Mikrokosmos. Portret miasta środkowoeuropejskiego. Wrocław. Breslau. Vratislavia. Kraków.

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MAGDALENA SIUTA Gamage S. (ed.) (1993). A Question of Power and Survival Studies on Assimiltion, Pluralism and Multiculturalism in Australia. UNE (University of New England) Symposium Group on Assilmilation, Pluralism and Multiculturalism. Armdiale.

Huntington S. (1997). Zderzenie cywilizacji i nowy kształt ładu światowego. Warszawa. http://pl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Australia, [28.12.2009].

Johnstone P., Mandryk J. (2001). Operation World: 21st Century Edition. Carlisle.

Jupp J. (2002). From white Australia to Woomera. The story of Australian Immigration. Cambridge, p. 2.

Melosik Z. (2007). Teoria i praktyka edukacji wielokulturowej. Kraków.

Oberg K. (1960). Culture shock: adjustment to new cultural environments. “Practical Anthropology” 7.

Pająk E. (2004). Amerykański program „World Wise Schools” czyli edukacja międzykulturowa a wolontariat w USA i na świecie. V Ogólnopolski Zjazd Pedagogiczny, „Przetrwanie i rozwój – niezbywalne powinności wychowania”, pre-conference papers. Wrocław, 23–25 September 2004.

Robbins S.P. (1998). Organizational Behaviour, Concepts, Controversies, Applications. New Jersey.

Ting-Toomey S. (1994). Managing Conflict in Intimate Intercultural Relationship. In: Dudley D., Cahn E. (eds.), Conflict in personal relationship. Hove.

Trompenaars A., Hampden-Turner Ch. (2002). Siedem wymiarów kultury. Znaczenie różnic kulturowych w działalności gospodarczej. Kraków.

Witkowski S.A., Łużniak M. (2003). Diversity management jako pomoc w przezwyciężaniu Szoku Kulturowego wśród polskich pracowników prywatyzowanych przedsiębiorstw. In: Derbis I. (ed.), Niepokoje i nadzieje współczesnego człowieka. Człowiek w sytuacji przełomu. Częstochowa.

Part

III

Praxis of the conflict theory

Renata Bibik PhD University of Wroclaw Poland

The importance of conflict in teacher burn out syndrome

Introduction The definition of conflict in humanistic science appears in various meaning contexts, as we may speak of interpersonal, intergroup and inner, mental conflicts of motivation, values or roles. In a social context the conflict would mean ‘conflict of interests, opinions and individual or group attitudes coexisting or cooperating in fixed time and place’ (Balawajder, 1992). Conflict in such understanding includes two important elements, constituting the condition of its existence: the element separating parties in conflict (contradictory being the subject of conflict) and the element joining these persons—cooperation or coexistence. At inner-mental level conflicts assume contradiction between aspirations, tasks and values of an individual (Tomaszewski, 1977), hence inconsistency in such case is free from social context with the individual as its main sphere. There might be also many sources of conflicts indicated such as subjective, resulting from quality of the character, attitudes, conduct, opinions, goals and life dreams, expectations and predictions, and on the other hand objective sources resulting from contradiction between individual needs of an employee or a group and the general social interest or rules recognized by given organization (Sikora, 1998).

Contemporary outlook on the issue of the conflict essence and its consequences evolved from traditional approach, exposing its negative effects recommending avoidance, to the assumption of its inevitability, even necessity of occurrence for successful group operating (Robbins, 1998). Inevitability of conflict and its positive consequences if solved constructively appear in the developmental theory of conflict by Erikson (Oleszkowicz, 1988). It implies that human development takes place by overcoming crisis specific for given life stages. The crisis-origin mechanism is the conflict between individual’s drive and new requirements appearing from the surrounding environment.

Going through crisis and solving it positively results in new quality in individual’s ap» 113 «

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proach towards own self, others and the world (Sękowska, 2000). E. Erikson’s conception emphasizes the importance of appropriate developmental solutions and fulfilling needs specific for each stage enabling appropriate functioning at further stages.

Lack of constructive conflict solution, in consequence preventing from coping with occurring contradictions within the area of professional activity among teachers, may lead to their job burnout. In my paper I am going to tackle the issue of conflicts experienced by teachers both at inner-mental and interpersonal level, indicating their significance for the development of job burnout syndrome, depending on the adulthood stage. For this purpose I am going to present typical issues related to the definition of job burnout, the stage of early and middle adulthood and professional growth that shall constitute introduction to the line of arguments undertaken in the further part of the paper. Current studies on the topic of job burnout, present broadly the etiology of it in the context of e.g. individual, organizational, interpersonal and social theories (Szmagalski, 2004). They consider the influence of various conflicts, however do not analyse them in relation to developmental stages. The framework of this paper does not allow a deepen analysis of all possible conflicts occurring at teacher’s profession, hence I shall concentrate on those, that are specific for the stage of early and middle adulthood and are the consequences of the specificity of given developmental stage.

Job burnout—basic terms The definition of job burnout was coined for the first time in scientific literature by Freudenberger in 1974, raising extensive growth of interest drawn to this issue. Since then, researches on job burnout have been conducted within framework of many fields of science and became subject of analysis in the aspect of various theoretical perspectives such as existentialism (Pines, Aronson, 1988), social comparison theory (Buunk, Schaufeli, 1993), activity theory (Burisch, 1993), general theory of stress (Maslach, 2000), effectiveness theory (Cherniss, 1993), organizational theory (Schaufeli, Enzmann, 1998). Theoretical diversity of job burnout phenomenon bore fruit in multitude and diversity of the definition, therefore that is the reason why defining it became of one the very first controversies risen between scholars (Pines, 2000). There was even opinion expressed that „job burnout is a phenomenon far more easily to observe and describe than to define” (Edelwich, Brodsky, 1980). According to J. Wojciechowska (1990) job burnout definitions are divided into dynamic and structural. The first, presented by e.g. Cherniss (1980a, 1980b), stress theory-related, consider it as the result of severe stress and impossibility of exepreicing sense of competence and own effectiveness by professionals, hence the impossibility of coping with the situation. The second, structural definitions presented for instance by Paine (1982), gather the symptoms of job burnout composing a disease entity. The approach joining two above-mentioned is presented by C. Maslach (1982), that defines job burnout as a syndrome of emotional exhaustion, depersonalization and low sense of own achievement that may occur in case of those working with people in various ways. E m o t i o n a l e x h a u s t i o n is » 114 «

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a feeling that one is excessively emotionally burdened and lacks of emotional resources.

This dimension of exhaustion is considered to be the basic, individual element of the syndrome (Maslach, Schaufeli, Leiter, 2001). D e p e r s o n a l i z a t i o n refers to impersonal approach towards others that one works with. Lo w s e n s e o f p e r s o n a l a c h i e v e m e n t s is connected with decrease of sense of own competence and success at work. Many researchers agree that this is the most common and widely used definition in literature (Schaufeli, 1990). In his theory, Maslach highlights the origin and dynamics of the job burnout syndrome composing its abundant and organized clinical picture (Wojciechowska, 1990; Maslach, Jackson, 1981). In compliance with C. Maslach definition cited (1982), job burnout is a typical phenomenon in the context of professions basing on interpersonal relations, undoubtedly including the teacher profession (See also: Farber, 1991; Sęk, 1996; Krawulska-Ptaszyńska, 1992; BędzińskaWosik, 2003). Hence it is a type of profession where close interpersonal contact related to the process of engagement and emotional exchange plays the main role. A profession, where the performer constitutes a specific work tool, being the measure of its efficiency (Olech, 1999).

The specificity of early and middle adulthood Generally adulthood might be described as the ability to undertake responsibly social roles related to setting up own family, giving birth and raising children, undertaking and developing professional activities and independent managing of own life (Gurba, 2000). Hence, adulthood means the ability to become aware of own needs, responsibility for the way of fulfilling them and the readiness to be self dependent while taking care of oneself (Smykowski, 2004). The adulthood life stage is most often divided into three stages of different quality: early—between the age of 20/25 to 35, middle— between 30/35–60/65 years old, and advanced—starting around the age of 60/65.

Due to the professional context of the adulthood stages I omit in my analysis the last stage of advanced adulthood. The stage of early adulthood is undoubtedly time of full physical fitness, intellectual ability, life independence, creative expansion, crucial decision making, finding own place in society and starting up the professional career.

On the other side, it is also the time of accumulating many assignments, duties and ambitions that are usually hard to combine; hence it is usually the most dramatic time, both of successes and a lot of stress. The time between age of 17 and 33 becomes in world of adults according to Levinas a ‘novitiate phase,’ with its main task of forming by the youth accurate life structure, specifying the main goal they strive for. Identity stability, awareness deepening, reflectiveness and independence from external pressure context constitute crucial sphere of changes at stage of early adulthood (Ziółkowska, 2005). It is also the time of débuts in various roles—husband, wife, employee and parent. It’s a time to build own „social niche” and ‘adult’ life structure. Hence, it is on one side time of strong positive emotions—the pride of satisfaction, potential and energy to act, but on the other side it is a time of tensions resulting from overlapping » 115 «

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roles and conflicts specific for that period, i.e. work-child, marriage-child, personal growth-acting in favour of others, immediate actions fulfilling needs-actions oriented at future results, me-group), insecurity and unfamiliarity with new tasks and roles (Brzezińska, 2002). The stage of early adulthood relates to sixth out of eight developmental stages described by Erikson (Sękowska, 2000), when the individual faces crisis of intimacy understood as the ability to strike up close relation with other person and taking responsibility for him/her. The contradiction to intimacy is isolation expressed as the inability of striking up close, intimate relation with others what in consequence leads to avoidance of other people and sense of solitude.

The middle stage of adulthood placed between 30/35 ad 60/65 of age is considered as the time of highest productivity and largest contribute to social life (Oleś, 2000), highest life abilities and achievements (Pietrasiński, 1990), time of stabilization and life structure crystallization with particular sensibility and readiness to learn (Brzezińska, 2002). Havighurst (Brzezińska, 2002) emphasizes significant spheres of changes including: change of the perspective of perceiving events, crucial self-awareness growth, investing energy in people, institutions, large societies and political activity. Levinson highlights that the peak of demands from work, family, society and own independence, but also self-sufficiency and full usage of own resources to perform the roles constructively falls on the time of middle adulthood, especially between age 33–40.

The increase of individualization level by integrating conflict contradictions is—apart from completing and starting up new stage of life—the main task of the transitional period to the middle age placed by Levinson between age of 40–45. The contradictory tendencies compose the poles: young/old, destructive/creative, masculine/feminine, attached/separate. Combining and solving the conflicts between the youth and approaching old age, own destructive and creative power, feminine and masculine aspects of individual identity, adapting to the world or satisfying own needs and isolating shall all lead to the increase of self-awareness and sense of own place in life (Miś, 2000). According to Erikson (Sękowska, 2000) the main conflict in midlife is the conflict between generativity and stagnation. Generativity understood as productivity, procreation, creativity—i.e. the ability to bring new ideas to life—but also self-creation connected with further growth of psychosocial identity (Appelt, 2005).

Generativity also means helping the new generation in development what becomes the basic expectation from the social surrounding towards adults in the middle adulthood. The expectation is rooted in adult’s competences—responsibility, maturity, gathered resources of life experience (Appelt, 2004) and becomes possible by reaching certain stabilization in professional and family life (Kielar-Turska, 2000). Although the need to take care of others is predominant, generativity also implies new ideas, creativity, tendering own growth, what seems to be particularly important taking into consideration the fact, that this is a period of exceptional sensitivity and readiness to learn (Brzezińska, 2002). As Appelt notices (2004), one of the most striking difficulties of this stage of adulthood is finding the balance between tasks for ‘own self ’ and tasks for ‘others’ as Lewicki depicts it (1969)—as between the personal and social function of behaviour, is one on the biggest challenges of this life stage. » 116 «

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The chance for full growth lies in achieving dynamic balance between sharing with others and taking care of own self, as only investment in own self and taking care of own development enables the possibility to share. The contradiction to generativity is s t a g n a t i o n typical for boredom, sense of emptiness, and unsatisfying interpersonal relations. This feeling may appear in relationship as impoverishing mutual contacts and sense of hopelessness or reluctance to introduce changes into own life and incapability of reaching beyond own limits.

Professional growth during early and middle adulthood Professional growth both during early and middle adulthood is tightly connected to developmental specificity of each stage. A young man on the threshold of adulthood, making first professional steps, starts in own development a ‘novitiate phase’ (Miś, 2000), also called the pre-conventional stadium (Kwaśnica, 1994), exploration (Gurba, 2000), the stage of entering into a role (Appelt, 2002), with main goal of shaping own knowledge and abilities to adjust to the binding rules, in order to gain important acceptance from the surrounding. Managing new abilities by a young adult enables the sense of competence in new tasks, hence such important role played by the feedback on the quality of the job performed (Ziółkowska, 2005). Such information recognize or question the rightness of undertaken action strategies, constituting significant source of reinforcement that may contribute to creation of positive self-image of active subject, better self introspection, positive auto-presentation and readiness to get involved in further actions. Début in given profession to some extend compels the young adults to adjust to binding rules and requirements at work place.

They are able to fulfill own role as on one hand (what is obvious), too little knowledge of the role does not allow free realization, but on the other—it is a way of reassuring acceptance from those from the surrounding important for a young man.

After the ‘novitiate phase’ that may take even few years (Brzezińska, 2002), the stage of role adaptation (Appelt 2002) occurs, called conventional stadium (Kwaśnica, 1994).

Thanks to adequate usage and broadening of knowledge and skills new employee accomplishes own tasks more efficiently and effectively, also introducing innovations, but only within the framework of convention applied (Appelt, 2002). The attitude towards work is dominated by p r o f e s s i o n a l c a re e r a p p r o a c h , resulting from the developmental need of distinguishing oneself and being defined by the role performed (Gurba, 2000). Work undertaken by young men becomes the ground for defining own place in society, raising hope for it to reflect their ambitions, abilities of becoming the source of satisfaction and fulfillment (Wojciechowska, 2005).

Hence it may be noticed that a young man is mainly determined to carry out professional path, being interested in professional promotion, widening and deepening of own knowledge, hence in this aspect creating possibilities of professional growth and deepening such knowledge becomes significant and crucial. The quality of role » 117 «

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performed is firstly subordinated to social expectations and its unfamiliarity obliged employee to adaptation with crucial getting familiar with conditions, expectations and professional requirements. If the employee is tempted by innovation while carrying out tasks, it happens only within the framework of convention. During middle adulthood the employee creatively transgress the role regulations, what was not experienced at earlier developmental stage. The phase of creative adaptation is specific for this developmental stage, where creative and individual usage of knowledge and skills is possible. The role regulation may be altered, with the reference point of own competence, autonomy, creativity and critical attitude towards reality (Appelt, 2005).

During the next phase of self realization called post-conventional stadium (Kwaśnica, 1994) innovations are of radical character, reaching beyond convention. This stage of professional growth reminds ‘professional self-steerability’ described by Kohn and Schooler (Pietrasiński, 1990), referring to using own intellect while working, making own judgment of situation and action consequences, drawing conclusions, expressing initiative, but on the other hand referring to the sense of responsibility and being in control of the reality and own fate. Such changes in behavioural pattern are possible due to developmental achievements of this stage: accepting own self as someone autonomously managing own life, own definition of roles performed and independence from the surrounding (Appelt, 2002). It is particularly important as in self-realization phase the employee ceases to subordinate social expectations while undertaking own roles and ways of accomplishing them. Their accomplishment arises from personal goals and visions of own development (Appelt, 2005). Pr o f e s s i o n a l s t a b i l i z a t i o n dominates over career regarding work approach, with sense of confidence regarding the post held (Gurba, 2000).

The mid-life period is often identified with higher professional achievements as the researches confirm that satisfaction at work at the beginning is rather lower, steadily increasing reaching its peak right at the middle of adulthood (Bee, 2004). Apart from the fact that professional satisfaction reaches highest level at this time, the quality of work remains high despite steady slowing of physical and mental processes (Appelt, 2005). It is typical that a human at stage of middle adulthood derives most of personal benefits from own professional position but also shares own experience with others to large extend (Gurba, 2000). The essential tasks of middle adulthood related to professional activity are: sustaining status quo as for the economic standards, broadening own qualifications in order to master them, coping with increasing professional responsibility related to promotion, preparing the successors and finally—preparations for the retirement (Appelt, 2005).

In summary (see: Table 1) it may be noticed that in comparison with the stage of early adulthood, individuals in mid-life stage do not eager that much for career development and to accomplish own goals. The foreground is dominated by the need for professional stabilization. The way of performing the role is significantly changing, the employee basing on own competences, developed and rooted in professional position, revising own role what helps to reach beyond convention, creative activity and sharing knowledge and experience with others. » 118 «

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Table 1. Professional growth during early and middle adulthood Knowledge development

Early adulthood

Middle adulthood

Knowledge and skills

Being shaped and broadened

Used creatively and individualized

Work approach

Professional career

Professional stability

Quality of performed role

Subordinated to social expecta- Subordinated to own goals tions and vision of development

The way of performing a role

Entering into the role, adaptation, innovation within the convention framework

Creative adaptation, role revision with reference to sense of competence, transgressing convention

Source: own interpretation based on Appelt (2002), Gurba (2005)

Conflict: expectations and reality Sęk (2000), using multidimensional perspective of job burnout by C. Maslach and the cognitive-transactional theory of stress by Lazarus, defines job burnout as the result of stress unmodified by own prevention activity. Generalized conviction on low prevention effectiveness becomes also a specific sense of not being in control of contradictions in the system of own expectations and surrounding demands. Similar approach can be noticed in the one presented by researchers such as Freudenberger, Richelson (1980), Schaufel, Buunk (1992) who claim that job burnout starts from tensions resulting from conflicts between the employee’s expectations and the reality. Few models explaining job burnout are based on the conflict between needs and the achievements. Edelwich and Brodsky (1980) consider it as state occurring after confronting idealism and tough reality that evokes sense of helplessness, disappointment and apathy. In the context of adults’ development idealistic, unrealistic beliefs and exaggerated expectations seem to be typical for young adults that despite the ability of relative reality perception, still share the ideal vision of own self as employees, the charges and work conditions. Exaggerated expectations refer to organization on one hand, and on the other to the idea that as those who help and teach others, they are capable of changing for better the lives of their subordinates (Cherniss, 1993). After a short time it becomes clear for such a person that his/her expectations are grounded in illusions, what results in job burnout in consequence. Hence the additional factor of the time during which occurs the confrontation between expectations and reality would prove that such a conflict is typical for teachers starting their work. Nevertheless, if the conflict of expectations-reality did not only refer to overrated, unrealistic and difficult to be accomplished tasks, but was rooted in key needs resulting from the developmental stages, it might turn out that the conflict of developmental needs-reality may be present both in early and middle adulthood, being of various character. » 119 «

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Taking into consideration the above-described characterization of early and middle adulthood and the specificity of professional growth, there may be typical developmental factors recalled for each stage of adulthood with certain needs resulting from it (See: Table 2). The developmental factors specific for early adulthood are: novitiate in professional growth—uncertainty of the role, shaping professional competences, adjusting to the binding rules and requirements, career-orientation, development and accomplishing own goals, intensified professional career, consolidating and stabilising identity, dependence from others’ opinions, multitude and conflict of roles. The developmental factors specific for the middle adulthood are: creative adaptation in professional development—the need to transgress the role creatively, orientation at sustaining professional position, providing sense of security—stabilization and certainty, autonomy, independence from others, engagement in favour of others. Considering presented factors, the key needs of adulthood emerge, specified for each stage, that if not satisfied may lead to job burnout. For the stage of early adulthood those are: formulating in a clear way: tasks, task stages, goals, assessment criteria, acceptance, approval, recognition, support, feedback, building up professional competences, own development, professional improvement, achievements, positive assessment of own achievements, orientation and role adaptation, combining contradictory duties and tasks. For the time of middle adulthood the needs are as following: creative and individualized use of knowledge and skills, broadening hobbies, security, stabilization, independence, sharing experience and supporting others.

The conflict between these needs and reality and in result the inability to satisfy them may become the risk factor favouring job burnout.

Table 2. Developmental factors and key needs in early and middle adulthood Developmental factors in early adulthood

Needs in early adulthood

Novitiate in professional growth: insecurity of role, shaping professional competences, adjusting to binding rules and requirements

Clear formulation of tasks and their stages, goals, assessment criteria, recognition, acceptance, approval, support, feedback, building up professional competences

Orientation at career, development and pursuing own goals, intensified professional activity

Learning, own development, professional improvement, achievements

Consolidation and stabilization of identity —dependence from others' opinion

Positive assessment of own achievements

Role multitude and conflicts

Orientation and adaptation in roles Combining contradictory duties and tasks

Developmental factors in middle adulthood

Needs in middle adulthood

Creative and individualized usage of knowlCreative adaptation in professional growth— edge and skills the need for creative transgression of the role Hobbies broadening

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Developmental factors in middle adulthood

Needs in middle adulthood

Orientation at sustaining professional position, providing sense of security—stabilization and job security

Security, stabilization

Autonomy, independence from others

Autonomy

Involvement in favour of others

Sharing experience and supporting others

Source: own interpretation.

Because developmental conditions of job burnout have not constituted a subject of research in literature, I shall present a part of my own research of pilot study carried out in 2009 on the sample of 60 primary, gymnasium and post-gymnasium school teachers. The researched were divided into two equal groups considering age criterion: up till 35 of age and over 35 years old, i.e. the group of teachers at early and middle adulthood. Searching for the risk factor of job burnout referring to needs typical for early and middle adulthood (See: Table 2) own research tool was used, called Questionnaire for researching risk factors and professional satisfaction—determining difference between the sense of importance of certain needs for the researched individual and the sense of their fulfilment. Then, correlation coefficient with separate dimensions of job burnout was calculated (MBI Malsach). The questionnaire was subject to psychometric evaluation considering its reliability for the entire questionnaire and separate sub-scales (4 sub-scales for early and 4 for middle adulthood) on sample of 56 teachers interviewed. From the interviewed group 5 incomplete questionnaires were excluded, finally 51 questionnaires were analysed (the questionnaires return rate of 91,1 %). The questionnaire was given an Alf Cronbach coefficient 0,905 (90 items). The final form of questionnaire was a test form of 77 questions (90 statements) that were considered by the interviewed on a 5 point scale, with 1 expressing „I definitely disagree” and 5: „I definitely agree”. The result of pilot study indicate that among developmental factors typical for early adulthood, the unfulfilled need for building up competence is a significantly coefficient with emotional exhaustion during early adulthood (r=0,19), whereas on the other side the unfulfilled need for creative adaptation is significantly coefficient with depersonalization (r=0,22), among developmental factors for middle adulthood. Taking it into consideration it seems at school crucial to create such working conditions that would enable teachers at early adulthood to build up their competences, i.e. to learn, implementing professional role and in consequence receiving feedback and support. It is even far more important that emotional exhaustion correlating with unfulfilled need of competence is the core of the job burnout syndrome (Sęk, 1996), whereas its sequential structure begins with emotional exhaustion, in consequence leading to lowering the sense of personal accomplishments (Sęk, 2000).

For teachers in middle adulthood the stage of creative adaptation in professional growth implies the need for creative and individualized use of knowledge and skills. » 121 «

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It appears to be crucial as it is enabled by developmental achievements as: sense of own competence, independence, creativity, critical attitude towards reality. Depriving the employee of being able to make own decisions and choosing the way of accomplishing tasks are according to Maslach and Leiter (1997) crucial organizational factors causing job burnout. In consequence involvement in work preformed decreases too.

When one is not in control of crucial aspects of own work, it makes localising and getting used to problems they identify with impossible. So the problem is not whether they are capable or willing to take actions, but whether the organization (work place) will accept creative problem solving, beyond centralized control structures. Lack of participation in decision making causes raising number of impersonal vacant, with own rules, not regarding opinions of own employees. As a result of such policy of an organization, the motivation, positive attitude and effectiveness of carried out tasks decreases among the employees (Cedoline, 1982), as ‘without possibility of making proper decisions, people waste time doing things that do not influence the quality of work performed’ (Maslach, Leiter, 1997). Facilitating independent decision making of teachers and making place for the need of autonomy and creativity of teachers at stage of middle adulthood will definitely bear fruit of creative solutions profitable both for school and employees themselves. From the perspective of those who receive the service, i.e. pupils, fulfilling this need is also significant as not satisfying it is crucially linked with depersonalization.

Conflict of roles Another feature of organization contributing to job burnout is conflict and ambiguity of roles that in numerous studies have been linked with low job satisfaction, sense of disappointment and low trust put in an organization (Schaufeli, Buunk, 1992).

Although the role conflict and its ambiguity may happen independently, both refer to insecurity related to tasks carried out at work. The most frequent conflict of role occurs; ▷ between employee’s values and the values of superior or the organization; ▷ between the requirements of the working place and personal life of an employee; ▷ between employee’s skills and expectations from the organization.

The role conflict as defined by W. Świętochowski (1995), happens when fulfilling one role disables effective fulfilment of another, constituting a part of the same profession, or as N. Ogińska-Bulik (2006) indicates the employee receives simultaneously two or more role indications that are contradictory or exclude each other. In teachers’ professional life the example is conflict between the educational and didactic function, as it is hard to accomplish usually overloaded curriculum, remembering at the same time about individual interests, abilities and predisposition of pupils (Świętochowski, 1995). Role conflict may lead to employee’s discouragement, avoiding more difficult tasks or even depression. » 122 «

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The role conflict seems to constitute more bothersome stress factor for younger than older teachers. Difficulty for a young employee is the urge to combine contradictory tasks and duties (Brzezińska, 2000; Pietrasiński, 1990), whereas unfamiliarity with the role places young man in reconstructive action and dependence from others’ opinion. Taking first professional steps and gaining competences is tightly linked with clearly determined duties, feedback on the quality of work performed and support from others—both superior and work colleagues. Due to these reasons organizational factors causing insecurity of work and lack of support may appear to a debuting employee as extremely burdening.

In the context of the job burnout issue tackled by me, amongst teachers it’s worth to emphasize that it is highly feminized profession, hence it is required to determine the specificity of women’s professional career that in contrary to men’s career is very often related to the necessity of combining professional career with fulfilling family roles of a mother and a wife. K.H. Mueller (Pietrasiński, 1990) described 6 types of possible biographies taking into consideration various combinations of domestic and professional duties: 1. Working as a housewife only; 2. Working at home proceeded by short period of professional activity before getting married; 3. Professional career only, with no household running; 4. Two-way career permanently combining professional activity with domestic one; 5. Interrupted career with intervals for bringing up children; 6. Unstable career of taking up a job outside the house depending on economic needs and health condition.

The most common pattern among working female teachers is the one of two-way and interrupted career, what might be connected with the necessity to combine duties, role conflicts and additional burdens, probably most severe during early adulthood (small children, role début). Conflict between roles and the conflicts within a role is according to J. Wojciechowska (2005), more likely to occur in case of simultaneous role performance, new duties (entering adulthood at the same time), what may lead to overload, lack of satisfaction and resignation. The risk lies probably in low quality of roles performed and difficulties of preserving at own goals in contrary to sequentially entering adulthood, with one predominant role and risk connected with delay or resigning from taking up other roles (e.g. a spouse, a parent, employee—the career pattern no. 1,2,3).

Interpersonal conflicts at school Interpersonal conflicts that a teacher might participate in the theatre of school life may occur in the filed: teacher-teacher, teacher-superior, teacher-pupil and teacher-parent.

It may be assumed that interpersonal relations at school due to novitiate of professional growth may be more burdening for younger than older teachers. The results of previously quoted own research using Questionnaire for examining stress factors in teaching » 123 «

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profession confirm this assumption. The most frequently described in the literature and mentioned by teachers variables were grouped in 7 groups of stress factors: relations with pupils, parents, teachers, superiors, social determinants and job specificity.

Originally, the questionnaire consisted of 38 questions, the reliability statistics were calculated basing on 48 questionnaires filled in by teachers, two of which excluded in final analysis due to incomplete data (questionnaires return rate of 95,8%). For 38 questions was reached reliability coefficient of 0,909. After eliminating 4 positions (questions 2, 3, 5, 15) the reliability coefficient of 0,924 was reached. The results of research revealed that the most burdening stress factors for teachers at early adulthood, in comparison with those in middle adulthood are: ▷ relations with pupils’ parents (p<0,013) ▷ relations with teachers (p< 0,00) ▷ relations with superiors (p<0,006) Although the results of pilot study do not allow generalization, they are in accordance with projected developmental tendencies indicating that in early adulthood in the hierarchy needs the most important are relations with others (Brzezińska, Stolarska, Zielińska, 2002). The criterion of selectivity of objective perceptions of a given situation (parents’, teachers’ and superiors’ behaviour) causing stress (primary assessment) is also constituted by the importance of needs from given employee’s perspective (Dudek, Waszkowska, Hanke, 1990), hence this is why mainly relations with other people appeared to be the most burdening for young teachers. The researches also indicate that conflict relations with work colleagues or superiors are significantly related to the burnout (Browner, 1987). Experiencing lack of support from the superior is especially difficult as social support at work place is negatively correlated with the burnout (See also: Schaufeli, 1990; Sullivan, Bhagat, 1992; Cordes, Dougherty, 1993; Leiter, Harvie, 1996).

With reference to conflict between a teacher and a pupil I would like to stress that Polish researches in this regard differ from foreign studies as Polish teachers assessed stress caused by pupils’ conduct as relatively lower (Sęk, 1994). The most burdening factors for Polish teachers are those connected with macro-social situation such as low social and economical status of a teacher, lack of prestige, overloaded curricula, tensions, competitions between teacher’s teams, difficult financial situation of schools.

Nevertheless, as H. Sęk presents (2000), day-to-day, long-hours work at school becomes a constant confrontation with pupils’ and parents’ demands, resistance and misbehaviours as acts of aggression, lack of will to learn and didactic obstacles. The estimates determining pupil aggression ruthlessly show that at primary school the most commonly expressed ways of physical aggression among pupils are: assaults, fights (69%), bullying (41,5%), depriving of belongings by force (32,3%), damaging others’ belongings (30,2%), destroying school equipment (27,4%). Verbal aggression is expressed by threatening to beat up (85,9%), hostile opinions (88,9%), threatening and cursing (74,6%) (Danielewska, 2002).

Aggressive pupils’ behaviour and omnipresent violence at school may also result among teachers in aggression, sense of helplessness, applying restrictive punishment » 124 «

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and in consequence sense of guilt. According to pupils’ opinion (Struzik, Bieżanowska, 1992), 39,2% of teachers manage the class using orders, compulsion and penal sanctions, with only 22,4% of them expressing understanding, kindness and friendliness towards their pupils. Only 10% of pupils (Konarzewski 1994) haven’t experienced compulsion. The most frequent violence patterns used by pupils are: ‘pulling ears’, ‘hitting, kicking’, ‘kneeling down’ and ‘throwing a bunch of keys at pupils’ (Danielewska, 2002). K. Stróżyński (2001) in his article of explicit title ‘burnout at own request’ express rather controversial opinion that ‘the burnout is a fair punishment for teachers that consider their pupils and inferiors as those who need to be enlightened, learnt and raised at appropriate (own?) level. It is a professional disaster at own request.’

In the context of job burnout, teachers’ aggressive conduct regardless of being reaction to pupils’ aggression or rather provoking it, may be included into intensified symptoms of depersonalization aiming at defensive distancing.

Although the relation between age and the job burnout syndrome is not obvious as analysing the research results significant difference in this regard are noticed among researchers, the outcome of many studies indicate (Igodan, 1984; Schaufeli, 1990; Cordes, Dougherty, 1993; Vachon, 1995) that younger employees score higher considering total burnout and depersonalization in comparison with older ones. Such results are in conformity with research of H. Sęk (2000) that distinguished four groups of teachers of various configuration of the burnout element syndrome. The fourth, most burnout group, consists of teachers of shortest work experience that treat experiencing high stress level as a major threat and protect themselves against it by avoiding difficulties and depersonalizing pupils. Taking into consideration that this dimension of job burnout is defined as defensive distancing oneself, it may be concluded that this way of coping with unpleasant tension caused by professional situation is predominant amongst employees. Hence, young teachers can more often shorten the time for close contact with students, express unwillingness to participate in extra-curricular classes, using depersonalising techniques such as labelling, ridiculing and value depreciation (Sęk, 1996). The risk of using such defensive mechanisms lies in temporarily lowering tension but in consequence it evokes the loss of sense of competence, feeling of dissatisfaction and sense of guilt or harm on the other side.

Other issue worth attention is another type of conflict referring to relations between adult partners of education: teachers and pupils’ parents. Unfortunately the cooperation between them may also constitute a serious source of burden and conflicts despite the fact that although not being a school priority with own legal regulation (The legislatives regulating family and school cooperation are such: The Constitution of The Republic of Poland dated April 2, 1997, The Act on Educational system dated September 7, 1991, The Ordinance of The Ministry of National Education and Sport dated May 21, 2001 on the framework statue of public nursery schools and public schools), it is a school Achilles’ heel. Despite the fact the biding act on educational system facilitates more intense engagement from parents in the issue of raising their children and the opportunity to influence the way children are educated, most of the teachers and parents share rather negative experience of such cooperation. Mutual » 125 «

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relations are saturated with stereotypes inclining to withdrawal from the contact rather than openness and readiness to take up a dialogue. Analysing the research results it seems that the responsibility for unsatisfying cooperation between parents and teachers is placed mainly on the latter (See also: Waloszek, 1999; Żłobicki, 2000; Nowosad, 2001). Teachers do not perceive parents as their allies and don not see any point in strengthening parents’ position while accomplishing the idea of socialising education, treating cooperation with parents by majority of them as professional duty they would like to resign from. Predominant role of teachers in the interpersonal relations with parents places them in stereotyped role of attacking school representative (Rogala, 1989; Śliwierski, 1996). A teacher in parents’ eyes is someone mistrustful, over self-confident, showing disrespect and disregard towards others. A parent experiencing subjective sense of threat takes on defensive attitude, consciously withdrawing from active participation in a school life in a result. More and more seldom contacts with school put a parent into a stereotypical framework of ‘blaming the school’ and taking on ‘taking too much for granted’ attitude. This is the way teachers perceive majority of parents, thinking of them as reluctantly cooperating, rarely appearing at meeting, being passive, making excuses of lacking time. It may be heard from disappointed and embittered teachers that parents very often criticize school on no grounds, they question teacher’s authority, building up destructive coalition against the school. The list of teachers’ charges against parents also includes blaming teachers for educational difficulties, not recognizing feedback on their children and lack of engagement in school and class life. Parents, on the other hand, in return indicate that they feel patronized and often humiliated while contacting teacher, hence they avoid doing it as for them as such situations are rather unpleasant. The following charges on the list of teachers’ ‘grand sins’ have been reported by disappointed and discouraged parents: limiting teachers’ work to accomplishment of didactic goals only, topic vacuousness of meeting with parents, oversimplifying cooperation limited to fulfil pedagogical orders or financial benefits and lack of tact during gathering information on family situation or entire lack of interest. Such a list could become a starting point in the open discourse between teachers and parents on condition that it would proceed as constructive criticism and both of the parties would express high motivation towards first of all listening to very often uncomfortable facts and second of all, to change the conduct. This list as a letter of charges in atmosphere of grudges becomes nothing but another factor disabling understanding, widening the gap and mutual aversion (Bibik, 2009).

Summary Important, practical guidelines referring to prevention of job burnout arise from the presented analysis taking into consideration teachers at stage of early and middle adulthood.

Basing on various pictures of conflicts leading to job burnout and its age-related conditions, it can be definitely emphasized that any prevention actions shall take this specificity into consideration. For teachers during early adulthood particularly important are: » 126 «

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▷ broadening social and interpersonal competences, training of cooperation with parents, assertiveness and conflict solution trainings that would resolutely improve relations with teachers, superiors and pupils’ parents; ▷ providing support and preventing from feeling of solitude; ▷ addressing feedbacks on the quality of tasks performed that on one hand create possibilities to improve incorrect actions, providing chance for task to be recognized as proper and effective on the other side; ▷ rules of cooperation formulated in a clear way, determining duties, introducing basic requirements, assessment criteria and documents of schools providing framework of necessary and possible actions. Due to such conditions there would be possibility to prevent job insecurity.

For teachers in the period of middle adulthood what matters most is providing conditions facilitating fulfilling following needs crucial for the middle adulthood: sense of security, creative adaptation, independence. The need for security refers to confidence and stabilization of a job, tasks and duties. Creative adaptation in professional development, i.e. the need for creative transgression of a role is linked with creative and individualized usage of knowledge and skills, reaching beyond convention and the need for acting in favour of others. It implies that a superior shall first of all make sure that a teacher during middle adulthood: ▷ would have opportunity to shape the character of a job performed, ▷ would not be appointed with monotonous or degrading tasks, ▷ would have conditions for expressing initiative, implementing own ideas, sharing knowledge and support others.

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RENATA BIBIK Waloszek D. (1999). Edukacyjne porozumienie nauczycieli i rodziców – wzajemność “brania” i “dawania”. In: Górnikowskiej-Zwolak E., Radziewicz-Winnickiego A. (eds.), Pedagogika społeczna w Polsce – między strategią a zaangażowaniem. Katowice, p. 67–74.

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Ziółkowska B. (2005). Okres wczesnej dorosłości. Jak rozpoznać potencjał młodych dorosłych. In: Brzezińska A. (ed.), Psychologiczne portrety człowieka. Praktyczna psychologia rozwojowa. Gdańsk, p. 423–469. Żłobicki W. (2000). Rodzice i nauczyciele w edukacji wczesnoszkolnej. Kraków.

Barbara Jezierska PhD University of Wrocław Poland

A rehabilitation institution as an attempt to solve conflict between an individual and the society

Model functioning of a rehabilitation institution A fundamental task of a rehabilitation institution is the renewed, corrected rehabilitation of the socially impaired persons. It is conducted under the influence of the intentional actions of teachers with the use of the methods and measures of influence in a given environment that are especially selected for these intentions. Both the persons subject to rehabilitation as well as the rehabilitating persons remain in mutual relations described by theoreticians as the interpersonal ones (Kurczewski, 1976).

In other words, the teachers and their mutual relations in a given physical and social environment create the upbringing reality. It is described or characterised by the rehabilitation systems exposing its total character with the use of all its elements with the relations that take place between them. The course of rehabilitation actions usually comprise four directions of activities: liquidation of reasons causing personality disturbances of the rehabilitated persons, removal of the negative changes in personality, stabilisation of the correctional results achieved, and inspiration of a rehabilitated person to self-upbringing (Czapów, Jedlewski, 1971).

Hence, in the process of rehabilitation it is important to achieve the goal that is the optimal socialising of a socially impaired individual. It constitutes a system of activities running in three plans: structural, functional and procedural, and it covers the structure of the actions taken by the system, functions and goals of an individual, combined actions and optimal procedures, methods and techniques of the system’s actions.

An effectiveness of the system of actions of a rehabilitation institution is marked by the characteristics of its members and its structures. They are defined as communication, integration and cooperation, i.e. striving to reach the common goal and process of agreeing on the various activities. A high integration and efficient coop» 131 «

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eration allow the achievement of the planned and socially desirable results (Czapów, 1974). In the conditions of upbringing and correction institutions, integration and cooperation occur with the use of the upbringing relation and formal and nonformal social organisation (Będkowska-Heine, 1998). Thanks to this the execution of tasks that respond to the social expectations approved by the participants in the institutions becomes possible, being a result of the common work of the team of people that are equipped with the material resources conditioning the execution of this work (Czapów, 1974).

The functions of the correctional system are the consequence of the existence of its components, i.e. the elements of a more or less effective structure. The system of communication and information working within the structure of institution creates interactions between its participants and it depends on their proper arrangement or location. This arrangement should permit an efficient, organisational communication assuring a positive cooperation of actions and organising the cooperation in such way that each member of the system receives and is able to send all the information, since their flow determines the mutual execution of tasks. Hence, the meaning of information constituting a content of the organisational structure of institution is twofold.

First, communicating what is to be done and what can be the consequences of not doing so directs the actions of the members of the institutional system and, secondly, by arousing emotions it invites to action. (Czapów, 1978; Zimniewicz, 2003).

The functionality of the system is not only a result of communication dependencies. Outside the processes of stimulation, it also consists in the achievement of certain tasks constituting a reaction to stimulation. The structure of institution is determined by a division of work which results are the organisational roles played by the members of the system. In this aspect of the structure of the institution what discerned is its horizontal division within which the partial actions are executed, and the vertical division within which, in cooperation to achieve a common goal, the individual phases on the uniform process of the task achievement are executed (Czapów, 1978).

A cooperative structure of institution includes the managerial and executive actions.

They comprise the actions preparing to the finalising actions, described as designing, deciding and controlling. The designing happens in the structure of the action taking, functions and goals, and their optimal application. It means a determination of the goals that are possible to achieve in the given conditions, making diagnosis, creating the executive teams and functions, assignment of partial goals and development of coordination of groups and persons. The results of the designing are transferred in the form of decisions regarding the principles of their execution and controlling, test the conformity of the tasks with the project in question and criteria of its execution, and it also corrects the possible variations in the plan of actions. (Pytka, 2005). An assessment of functionality depends on the assessment how a given task is achieved.

It comprises the level of conformity between the actual and planned execution, and the way of execution that does not make the achievement of the other tasks difficult (Czapów, 1974). » 132 «

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Actual functioning of rehabilitation institutions The purpose of rehabilitation actions of rehabilitation institutions is to prepare their pupils to function independently in the outside world in accordance with the standards in force there. They are conducted in a regular and precisely determined way, indicating the rigid frames of functioning of individuals whose activities are conducted within a limited living space in the course of a direct communication. It usually complies with unchangeable and enforced regulations, with participation of the same, and limited in number, members who ritually and in a precisely planned way conduct the same or similar actions subject to a strict control and having a compulsory or enforced character (Goffman, 1975).

The specificity of the workings of rehabilitation institutions that aim at the enforced change of mechanisms of self-regulation of individuals create negative dimensions of resignation and attack strategy. The first one promotes passivity, takes the form of helplessness and leads to self-depreciation. The second one creates the manipulating, exploitation stances that are directly aggressive. Both kinds of strategy constitute a reaction to the excessive external control and have the function of a mechanism that unloads tensions, but do not constitute a basis for shaping an autonomous, pro-social identity (Ostrowska, 1998). All the forms of a passive strategy cause a seeming adaptation that is effective in disciplining only in the conditions of isolation. But the forms of the active strategy constitute a basis for adaptation of the stance that is radically opposite in regard to the requirements of the surrounding environment, and focusing within the sub-cultures that disregard the common standards limiting the possibility of any impact on individuals.

An application of adaptation tactics to the conditions of rehabilitation institutions, boiling down to withdrawal and assimilation, an attack and rebellion all cause similar results: a loss of or inability to create autonomy and subjectivity. In their result we witness only a seeming adaptation of an instrumental character, serving to unload negative tensions. But they are not of progressive character, so they do not constitute a basis for shaping the mechanisms of internal control. Hence, the strategies of actions that are adopted and justified in a rehabilitation institution cease to have their functions in the outside world (Wysocka, 2008).

Conflict in the organisational and correctional structure of rehabilitation institution A clear discrepancy between the determined goals of rehabilitation and possibilities of their achievement in the process of corrective actions results from the use by the socially impaired individuals adaptation techniques to the specific environment of rehabilitation institutions. A contradiction of goals of the rehabilitating persons who represent the interests of the conformist society, and the persons subjected to rehabilitation and aiming at reduction of tensions related to their treatment that is unacÂť 133 ÂŤ

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ceptable to them (Urban, 2000), contributes to the creation of conflicts within the upbringing or correction relation. A lack of harmony between the culture standards in force in the society, and alternative examples of the socially impaired persons, between the norms and values acceptable within the society and the ones that are dear for the pupils in the rehabilitation institutions, a low frequency and intensity of contacts between the functional and dysfunctional social groups make the process of conformising the socially impaired persons impossible; the functioning of the constructive and destructive groups in mutual isolation, this all disintegrates the upbringing process in place in a rehabilitation institution within the scope of culture, norms, communication and functions (Turowski, 2001).

A conflict that is created this way constitutes a result of the social differentiation where the individual groups of a different character of a positive or negative social adaptation have different definitions of the everyday life situations, have distinct interpretations of social dependencies, mutual ignorance regarding social values of other groups or false understanding of these values (Siemaszko, 1993).

An upbringing or correction reality in a rehabilitation institution comprising tutors and socially impaired persons constitutes an area of direct contacts of social groups representing different values and obeying different norms of behaviour (Czapów, 1978).

An overlapping of the various, often opposite standards of assessment, various norms and values leads among pupils to the creation of chaos and axionormative disorganisation. The existing divisions create the possibility to create internal and external conflict in them. An internal conflict takes place when an individual adopts the norms of behaviour coming from the various sources, with values remaining in contradictory to each other. In the situation of a normative chaos the ensuing loss results in weakening of the impact of each of the competing normative systems. The current normative system is subject to a gradual erosion, and the new cultural requirements are not internalised yet (Merton, 2002). An external conflict is a result of a collision or overlapping of the different or conflicting normative systems. It results either in a determination of a visible border between the groups with colliding norms of behaviour and a lack of penetration of the values in force in each of them, imposition of the rules in force in one of the groups on other groups or impossibility to enforce one’s own principles of the behaviour by one of the groups remaining in the axionormative conflict.

The internal and external conflicts may lead to the creation of an organisational conflict within the structure of a rehabilitation institution. It is the situation in which the tutors and pupils, as two mutually dependant parties, notice that their values, goals, interests, tasks or behaviours are mutually opposite and adopt their behaviour to these convictions, reciprocating reactions and exchanging emotions also in the form of aggression (Piotrowski, 2002).

A noticeable effect of the occurrence of a permanent organisational conflict in rehabilitation institutions is the occurrence of a “second life”, i.e. a criminal subculture.

It constitutes the alternative for the general system of norms and values. It creates the opposite directions of activities of its members, heightens the discrepancy of the achieved individual and institutional goals, as if proclaiming the senselessness of the » 134 «

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earlier ones. This basic conflict functions as a sabotage activity, internally devaluating the precisely prepared frames of the functioning of rehabilitation institutions.

The next conflict in the rehabilitation institutions is the internal, theoretical contradiction manifesting itself in discrepancies between the goals of rehabilitation and means of their execution. This logical absurdity (Goffman, 1975) is contained in the preparation of pupils in the conditions of isolation to a proper functioning outside the institution, and in a naive belief in a proper functioning of an ex-deviant person resulting from an internal conviction that it is justified.

The functioning of a rehabilitation institution as a conflict system is a result of the collision of the rationally limited actions of their participants. In the pursuing of the assurance of a positive cooperation the tutors establish regulations concerning the shape of the institutional structure, course of the organisational processes and system of the formal and informal principles in force. They often take undesirable character since they limit the freedom of action of all the participants in rehabilitation institution and are the result of the existing arrangement of powers. A codification of the structural and procedural solutions proposed by tutors’ also creates a specific sphere of uncertainty and differentiating participants socially. The regulations formalise the structure of an institution and the correction and upbringing processes taking place in it, limiting the access to information. This way they influence the possibility of the prediction of pupils’ behaviours and making tutors’ actions unpredictable to them. It also makes the control and wielding of power in a rehabilitation institution possible for the tutors (Crozier, Friedberg, 1982).

The logics of the functioning (imposed on pupils) of the whole organisation of institution by hierarchism and strong coordination of their behaviours does not bring, in consequence, a desired effect. It is caused by the fact they are guided in their actions by a calculative way of perception of their interests and use the egoist strategies of actions. This way appears a vicious circle of supervision and control (Crozier, 1967) because an excess of impersonal regulations and centralisation is used by pupils to improve their position in the fight for an open, and more often, discretionary power in a rehabilitation institution.

Conflict management in rehabilitation actions A rehabilitation institution is the system of coordination of the actions of tutors and pupils that differ in their preferences, information accessible for them, interests, knowledge and social competencies. The best results are achieved when coordination is achieved via a direct contact between tutors and pupils in the initial phases of designing and execution of rehabilitation tasks; then it covers all the factors of the upbringing process and is of continuous character.

The essence of rehabilitation actions in the situation of varying expectations concerning the rehabilitation tasks in the institution is a transformation of the potential conflict into cooperation. It requires determining common criteria of actions assess» 135 «

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ment on the minimum level, acceptable by the both parties. It is a condition for the conclusion of an agreement regarding achievement of the many mutually contradictory goals and interests in a sequence (not parallel) and stage by stage pattern.

The adequacy of rehabilitation system actions through conflicts in rehabilitation institutions justifies the accessibility of a wide and diversified subject of actions such as conflicts and their authors being pupils. It provides the tutors with a wide perspective of manipulation.

First of all, these will be the actions aiming at liquidation of conflicts between pupils by a proper organisation of the living space in the institution. Furthermore, attention shall be drawn to positive atmosphere and adherence to regulations that should constitute a basis for the feeling of own and organisers’ safety of the correctional or upbringing process. A liquidation of the manifestations of the “second life” presented in a subculture language, hierarchy and practices maintaining its niche functioning.

A limitation of the influence of the criminal subculture is also a step towards extinguishing of the conflict between the pupils and external environment. A resignation from the alternative values and deviative practices permits the creation of the socially approved attitudes which existence is necessary for the proper functioning outside a rehabilitation institution. Hence, the role of a tutor is to show activities alternative for the subculture. In practice it might be interesting sports, development of interests, trips with elements of survival or other animation of the leisure.

The contemporary theories of social control (Siemaszko, 1993) emphasise these elements of the human life that prevent an engagement in deviative behaviours. They are: attachment, engagement, conviction and interest. The attachment is a component of bonds between individuals and the society in which the value of the social belonging becomes a catalyst of the socially approved behaviours and restraint from the behaviours that are not tolerated. The attachment is related to the fear of exclusion by a group to which one belongs. Thus, a punishment in the intrapersonal plane is the feeling of rejection related to the psychological discomfort and feeling of loneliness.

Hence, a manipulation of the sociometric position of a pupil in the group is one of the methods that can be used by tutors to evoke a constructive conflict or alleviate a destructive one. One of the best known applications is introduction in the group of a positive leader or degradation of the leaders of the “second life” by weakening their authority.

An engagement and conviction concerns directly the stances of pupils, especially their conviction that their proper behaviour pays off. It is known, though, that the most difficult to change are certain extreme stances. The strongly anchored deviative components such as knowledge, feelings, emotional relationship based on trust and feeling of safety or a behavioural component of any stance that is the behaviour itself; have to be subject to very persistent, frequent or early tutors’ actions (Siemaszko, 1993).

A proper arrangement of pupil’s leisure and breaking the routine of everyday life deprives him/her of the possibility to introduce their own ideas concerning boredom, that because of the biological and social conditions usually turn to be a deviative activity. » 136 «

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The presented forms of rehabilitation actions in a rehabilitation institution very often constitute the means of manipulation of pupils’ behaviour, and steering of conflicts that are present there at the same time. The most popular forms used in practice are the programmes called „older brother, older sister” or programmes where a pupil independently chooses his/her tutor, a guide in the world of an institution, a talker and teacher of the life that awaits this pupil outside the institution, a friend that supports in difficult moments when the sense of progress and positive changes is lost, being also a kind of an oracle that predicts the consequences of a certain behaviour and warns against them.

Thus, the conflict management is based on the use of many sociometric techniques aiming at the achievement of the planned goals. If they are within the reach and competencies of tutors, the use of deeper socio- or psychotherapeutic methods belongs to specialists who support the rehabilitation actions. The art therapy, dog therapy, music therapy or dance therapy is one of the few means accompanying the upbringing.

They allow us to see the interpersonal reasons of conflicts with one’s own, society or law leading to alleviation of contradictions, reaching the state of psychological homeostasis that constitutes an optimal position facilitating further shaping of positive examples and convictions.

Proposal of an innovative approach to rehabilitation of the criminal youth called the surroundings therapy appears to be equally interesting. The idea of this therapy with the use of a social environment is concentration of impulses to a proper behaviour by putting a pupil in the situation of the total pressure from the positive influence or actions (Pospiszyl, 2000). This method requiring arduous and systematic work permits the socially impaired individuals to copy in the situations that are totally unknown for them. A friendly environment, initiating an emotional crisis, i.e. all the situations that are intentionally arranged by tutors, lead to the process of cleaning pupil’s psyche, permitting a positive change of his/her stance regarding other people or themselves.

Influence with the use of the surrounding environment enables a look into one’s own interior and noticing disturbances in behaviour that so far constituted a basic repertoire of reactions activated in everyday life. This method allows us to reduce the level of aggression since it is used with positive effects working with psychopathic youths.

The conflict management method perfectly fits the Erickson’s paradigm (Erikson, 2000) that is based on overcoming internal crisis, conflicts between the spheres of personality or relations within the plane: me-the world, being natural results of the rituals of transfer to the next life stages. A positive solution of conflicts is possible only thanks to the bringing out from an individual his/her internal powers whose dormancy caused the passing difficulties and conflicts with other people. The task of therapeutics, just as a goal of a reasonable tutor managing a group of pupils, is to bring out and coordinate the resources of an individual to achieve certain goals that bring mutual benefits.

The conflict management is not an ideal or reliable method. A boggy ground for the analyses of functionality of a model, especially in the case of manipulation aiming at a conscious provoking of conflicts, constitutes its ethical assessment. Organisation of the space for a development of conflicts might serve to achieve the individual goals » 137 «

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that are different from the goals of the institution. These kinds of abuses may lead to harm done to pupils. As an example the creation of positive leader to stay in touch and receive confidential information from the peers may initiate aggressive stances or attitudes towards the envoy of the tutor who will be degraded to the position of a group scapegoat. From this moment, all the manifestations of violence will not only be probable, but, in the opinion of the group, obligatory.

The best form of the solution of conflicts in a constructive way is integration, permitting the process of putting together in a harmonious entirety of conflicting aspirations of each party participating in it. Thanks to this, a victory of one of them does not mean a defeat of the other party (Piotrowski, 2002). A substitution of integration with domination, i.e. the use of compulsion by the stronger party, or compromise—i.e. an agreement reached thanks to the mutual concessions of the parties to a given conflict— is not very effective. Systematic advantage-taking, especially of the position of power in a rehabilitation institution, leads to the situation where the conflict becomes hidden or latent. The pupils permit such a situation to last and even are glad that it exists, when in the reality they are characterised by a deep aversion and a hidden, growing resistance. A conflict might appear then in the most improper moment for the rehabilitation institution and tutors, powerful enough to make its rational and constructive solution impossible (Szecówka, 2007). However, a compromise means a resignation from a part of the expectations of one party in favour of the requirements of the other side of the conflict causing the feeling of a bigger or smaller disappointment or dissatisfaction from the agreement that was reached, both on the side of tutors as well as pupils.

Mutual, competitive expectations of tutors and pupils in regard to the established goals of a rehabilitation institution can never be satisfied at the same time. In the situation of the differing interests, when both parties to a conflict see the possibility of a solution improving their positions as compared to the initial situation, noticing dependency between the final result and character of the agreement, the integrating solution of the existing contradictions is based on the three fundamental elements: mutual dependency of the parties involved, perception of the conflict and possibility of opportunistic behaviour.

The mutual dependency means a limitation of the freedom of behaviour of one of the parties by the behaviour of the other one because of the feasibility of the tasks to be executed, their social and emotional costs or the planned time perspective for their completion. The parties also see that agreement on certain activities may be beneficial or outright necessary from the point of view of their own interest. They also notice a conflict, discrepancy or collision of the intended directions of activities and preferences. This leads to the types of behaviour of an opportunistic character because each party does not fully disclose its motives and goals acting in their own interest. Each party to the conflict tries to have an impact on the decisions of the other party, attempting to transform the situation in the way that is beneficial to it (Rządca, 1990).

The process of agreeing on activities in the conflict situation requires certain actions aiming at the achievement of goals in the way that is beneficial from the point of view of the upbringing or rehabilitation goals of a rehabilitation institution. The tutors, » 138 «

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presenting the interests of the rehabilitation institution related to the execution of the goals of rehabilitation, should underline the role and justify the importance of pupils’ participation in the process of their achievement, and to make the pupils the allies in the organisational and rehabilitation activities.

This should be done in stages, depending on the progress in social and moral development of pupils. In the first stage of a voluntary participation based on the communicative integration, a pupil (ad hoc and changeably) participates in all the planned classes chosen voluntarily by him/her, until the moment of taking a decision and submission of his/her readiness for participation in a concrete programme group.

The second stage of the permanent membership based on the normative integration, is characterised by acceptation of the similar binding values in a given task group, and pupil’s improvement in a given field, and this is related to the taking by him/her of ever higher position in the group’s structure. The third stage of the formal membership on the basis of the functional integration assumes an efficient cooperation of a pupil in the process of education and upbringing, having appropriate functions in the group (Górski, 1985: 176).

In a created model situation there is a proper climate for a dialogue between the tutor and pupils, preventing the perception of the structure of a rehabilitation institution as a dichotomist one. The pupils start trusting their tutor and articulate their problems. The tutor becomes an active participant of the group life, and not just an observer who only deals and punish in the critical situations. Hence, he/she has wider opportunity of getting to know the pupils and getting closer to them, controlling and resolving any conflict situations.

Bibliography Będkowska-Heine V. (1998). Społeczna percepcja instytucji resocjalizacyjnych przez ich wychowawców i wychowanków. In: Semków J., Wawrzak-Chodaczek M. (eds.), Od szkoły pamięci do szkoły rozwoju. Wrocław, p. 179–192.

Crozier M. (1967). Biurokracja. Anatomia zjawiska. Warszawa, p. 288–289.

Crozier M., Friedberg E. (1982). Człowiek i system. Ograniczenia działania zespołowego. Warszawa, p. 82.

Czapów C. (1974). Elementy funkcjonalności instytucji. In: Podgórecki A. (ed.), Socjotechnika, funkcjonalność i dysfunkcjonalność instytucji. Warszawa, p. 11–38.

Czapów C. (1978). Wychowanie resocjalizujące. Warszawa, p. 45, 86, 90–91.

Czapów C., Jedlewski S. (1971). Pedagogika resocjalizacyjna. Warszawa, p. 27–40.

Deutsch M. (1973). The resolution of conflict. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Erikson E.H. (2000). Dzieciństwo i społeczeństwo. Poznań, p. 123–185.

Goffman E. (1975). Charakterystyka instytucji totalnych. In: Derczyński W., Jasińska-Kania A., Szacki J. (eds.), Elementy teorii socjologicznych: materiały do dziejów współczesnej socjologii zachodniej, wybór.

Warszawa, p. 150–176.

Kurczewski J. (1976). Patologia interakcji międzyludzkich. In: Podgórecki A. (ed.), Zagadnienia patologii społecznej. Warszawa, p. 281–316.

Merton R. (2002). Teoria socjologiczna i struktura społeczna. Warszawa, p. 265–271.

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Piotrowski W. (2002). Organizacje i zarządzanie—kierunki, koncepcje, punkty widzenia. In: Koźmiński A., Piotrowski W. (eds.), Zarządzanie. Teoria i praktyka. Warszawa, p. 615–765.

Pospiszyl K. (2000). Psychopatia. Warszawa, p. 117–119.

Pytka L. (2005). Pedagogika resocjalizacyjna. Warszawa, p. 195.

Rubin J.Z., Pruitt D.G. (1990). Social conflict: Escalation, stalemate and settlement. 2nd ed., New York: McGraw Hill.

Rządca R.A. (1990). Przedmowa. In: Fiszera R., Ury W.L., Dochodząc do TAK, Negocjowanie bez poddawania się. Warszawa.

Siemaszko A. (1993). Granice tolerancji. Warszawa, p. 83–88, 101, 235–246.

Szecówka A. (2007). Reakcje pracowników na bunty wychowanków w zakładach poprawczych. In: Urban B. (ed.), Adekwatność polskiego systemu penitencjarnego i resocjalizacyjnego do współczesnych rozmiarów i rodzajów przestępczości. Mysłowice, p. 178–194.

Turowski J. (2001). Socjologia. Małe struktury społeczne. Lublin, p. 130–132.

Urban B. (2000). Zaburzenia w zachowaniu i przestępczość młodzieży. Kraków, p. 207.

Ury W.L., Brett J.M., Goldberg S.B. (1988). Getting disputes resolved. San Francisco, CA: JosseyBass.

Wysocka E. (2008). Diagnoza w resocjalizacji. Warszawa, p. 290–291.

Zimniewicz K. (2003). Współczesne koncepcje i metody zarządzania. Warszawa, p. 106–117.

Arkadiusz Urbanek PhD University of Wroclaw Poland

The experience of conflict in prison

Conflict occurring at three levels The human playing given social roles is involved in more or less complex relations with other individuals and social groups. Undertaking the role of a family member, pupil or a student and the participation in professional life is not restricted to a certain scenario of behavioral patterns. Such roles also imply the occurrence of various needs, aspirations and aims. In such perspective it is worth to ponder whether such individual can avoid conflict situations? Shall he or she learn to do so? The definition offered by J. Hocker and W. Wilmot describes conflict as „a fight between at least two groups mutually dependent, that perceive their aims as contradictory, the resources as insufficient and they notice other groups’ influence on their goal aiming” (Adams, Galanes, 2008). The analysis of this term suggests two components of a conflict: existence and relation between at least two parties and noticing contradiction between own goals and lack of their accomplishment at the same time. In such perspective a conflict may disorganize the structure of social groups and might be harmful. However, it is important to integrate this description with a third component characterizing a conflict, which is the action undertaken by parties. Since they perceive it as impossible to satisfy own needs, they take up steps in order to change this situation. The conflict becomes the driving force behind constructive activities. The readiness of both parties is the feature of group evolution. As our needs and priorities are changing, it appears to be obvious that our expectations towards others related to such goals shall be also subject to change. In this regard conflict may be defined taking under consideration three levels at which it takes place: the structure level linking the conflict parties, psychological level tackling issues of individual needs that are satisfied by involvement in the conflict and the action level referring to the human capability of constructive conflict overcoming.

Conflicts may be perceived as a fight and disorganization of a situation, but on the other hand they might constitute a constructive element of actions, necessary evolu» 141 «

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tion of social life. They are connected with the process of satisfying one’s needs and aims resulting from relations with other people, hence it is possible to assume that they can not be avoided. It is also rather inappropriate to assume that we can learn how to avoid them, taking into consideration that at the same time we would learn to resign from our aspirations, as it’s necessary to search for new ways of reaching them. Nevertheless, it’s far more crucial to learn the ways of coping with and managing the conflict. Social groups, especially in contemporary communication reality shall not become isolated from the influence and contact with others. The thinking patterns and life style is influenced by widespread trends, as well as intra- and intergroup impact. Learning the dialogue and ways of coping with conflict situation is a developmental feature due to fact that a person “having stable sense of self-esteem and grows in the dialogue, shall cease to be alienated” (Jagiełłowicz, 2002). A conflict situation is the result of expressing contradictory points of view or experiencing incoherent feelings. To make conflict occur, it is not always necessary to verbalize it.

It is a part of gestures, limiting or ceasing contact with other parties. However, the interpersonal communication, both verbal and non-verbal becomes the crucial sphere of its existence and solution (Adams, Galanes, 2008). Communicating is more than a conversation between individuals striving for conflict solution. Within the course of communication this process constitutes the partners of the relation; hence it is the substance and subject of the relation. It specifies the person, also evoking some change within such an individual (Kalecińska-Adamczyk, 2005). In the broadest sense communication is the transmission of information (Moerk, 1977), (…) we can even include intrapersonal communication—when you plan “in your head” what yuo will say in a job interview. (Irwing, 1998: 21). The diferent types of communication we have mentioned have at least threeelements in common: a sender, a message, and a receiver.

(Irwing, 1998: 22). Besides describing elements of communication, we can describe levels. W. Weaver (1964) has described three levels of communication: the technical level—how precisely symbols can be exchenged; the semantic level—how precisely the symbols used reflect the intended meaning; and the effectiveness level—how presisely the response in the receiver reflects the intent of the sender (Irwing, 1998: 24). Such perspective of the communication role in a conflict situation significantly emphasizes its creative aspect. Within this paper I focus my attention on the role played by conflict situations and experiencing conflicts, transferring this issue into the area of penal institutions. The conditions of depriving individuals of their liberty become here not only the sphere of analysis but also a specific life reality, as the prison surrounding becomes the world of existence for several years. It is a world ruled by formal and static principles. The life in prison is not influenced by such a dynamic evolution as it takes place behind the penitentiary. I would like to analyse the three levels of conflict origin from such perspective, considering the specific ways of experiencing the conflict by those imprisoned. Each of these perspectives is tightly related to the individual consequences of depriving liberty. Within the range of research on the effects of imprisonment the literature includes a lot of crucial information regarding this issue. For instance, an interesting point was presented by A. Bałandynowicz (2006) » 142 «

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who indicated the behavioral stereotypes generated by imprisonment situation such as mistrust, raising objection to administration or involvement in informal prisoners’ group. By the means of restrictions and permanent supervision the isolation limits the possibilities of mental development. The lack of movement freedom and taking individual decisions limits the internal liberty understood as mental experiences. In his study, A. Lewicki (1969) tackles the issue of limiting the personality and the social surrounding of the imprisoned.

Conflicts in a prisoner’s day-to-day existence The time spent imprisoned makes up conditions and situations in which conflict-causing factors occur on a daily basis. Making attempts to express the general category of such kinds of conflict situations might be a common ground found in the shape of the imprisonment conditions (see: Useem, Piehl, 2008: 5–11). In Polish penitentiary the quality of infrastructure conditions necessary to serve the prison sentence is extremely low. The level of overpopulation in prisons has been increasing according to statistical data annually presented by the Department of Corrections Central Office. Rapid rise in general number of those imprisoned has been reported since the beginning of 1990’s with parallel decrease of actual possibilities of prison facilities. Since 1997 and implementing three amendments to the penal acts and eliminating the work centres, the number of penitentiaries has been relatively stable with 86 institutions within the entire structure of penal institutions in Poland. It is insufficient base for the rapid growth of the imprisoned population that between 1998 and 2008 increased from 42 000 to more than 75 500, raising more than 60% in such consequence. (www. sw.gow.pl).

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Figure 1. The dynamics of growth in number of those deprived of liberty between 2001–2008 (collectively men and women).

Excessively frequent practice of liberty deprivation as a punishment has been risen as the problematic issue of contemporary systems of punishment implementation » 143 «

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by the Minister of Internal Affairs of Great Britain in 1981. W. Whitelaw was of the opinion that lowering the number of prisoners’ population can take place only within the course of limiting the number of adjudicated imprisonment sentences and shortening their duration. In such case it was essential to extend other ways of liberty deprivation and supervision (see. Murphy, Dison, 1990). B. Stańdo-Kawecka claims this is the discourse perfectly matching the idea in favour of local communities, having been widespread in England since 1972. A. Bałandynowicz citing the documents form academic conference „Current problems of penal policy” dated 1992, indicates (Bałandynowicz, 2006) that Poland is one of the foremost countries with highest repressive level towards the offenders. Due to frequent adjudications of liberty deprivation, there are also imprisoned individuals transgressing the legal regulations sporadically, carrying out their ordinary social duties at the same time. The alternative demand towards frequent implementation of isolation punishment is according to A. Bałandynowicz a shift in the punishment policy. Unfavourable situation of excessive imprisonment is reflected in the frequency of conflict situation occurrence between those imprisoned. Such phenomenon was emphasized bysome scholars, who claimed that chronic tension between prisoners is a crucial, negative determinant of their involvement in activation programmes (Bulicz, Karoń, 2002). The authors stressed the relation between prisoners’ readiness to use the offer of rehabilitation and the level of stress, fear and the sense of well-being experienced (Bulicz, Karoń, 2002). Stress can be broadly defined as the psychological and ahysiological changes with occur as people respond to change (…) it is generally seen to have two major components: stressors and stress responses. Stresors are internal or external stimulus events with require some sort response. Internal stresors include thoughts and feelings; axstremal stressors include such things as noise, cols, ane interactions with other people. (Blase, 1989: 724). Stress has been defined in various ways, (…) most definitions fall into three categories: a) stimulus definitions, b) response definitions, and c) stimulus-response interactions (or relational) definitions. (O’Halloran, 1989: 38) Stimulus-response interactions (or relational) definitions—R.S. Lazarus and S. Folkman suggested that it is more apropriate to view psychological stress as a relationship betweenn the person and the environment. Asccording to M.T. Matteson (1987), the stimulus-response interaction definition also offers the most realistic view od the dynamic nature stress (O’Halloran, 1989: 39).

Taking into consideration the conflict categories resulting from imprisonment existence, the inconveniences of cramped conditions must be highlighted. The „living space” in prisons is minimized; in consequence the distance between individuals does not provide the sense of communication comfort. The distance varies depending on the type of relation; it is shorter in relation with close friends and relatives, whereas in formal relations it is much further. Due to overpopulation in prisons, the imprisoned undoubtedly experience the lack of private space in the cell. They cannot freely change their situation and are often forced to stick in such conditions for few years of serving the sentence. It has significant influence on the sense of threat from more violent and stronger co-prisoners (Bulicz, Karoń, 2002). Taking into consideration the distance » 144 «

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between those imprisoned, aggressive and depraved individuals are often forced to experience the inconvenience of mutual proximity. Their situation is not only unfavourable to them, but it may also be the origin of conflicts.

Conflict situations that were evolving into mass and individual protests are nothing new nor seldom these days in the circumstances of liberty deprivation. The prison system functioning at the times of Polish People’s Republic was enjoying relative peace. However it is a mental shortcut to claim that there an order existed in Polish correctional institutions. It is only a sham picture, properly sustained at the level of information blockage and censorship that were addressed to the public. The latter supposed to be convinced that the department of corrections is in control of the situation and there are no disturbing cases of conflicts occurring in penitentiary. In reality, prison rebellions were taking place in the course of time, such as the mass protests in 1955–56, 1971 (104 rebellions and 58 group hunger strikes), 1972 (132 rebellions and 135 hunger strikes), 1981 (116 rebellions) and 1984 (78 rebellions). The events taking place in Polish prisons were integrated with the time of changes at Polish political scene and the turbulence on the authority’s level. They were frequently connected with political turning points, what in consequence made the Polish correctional institutions face outbreaks of conflict occurrences. Such type of information was censored also due to the threat of spreading the rebellion wave, as such information would stimulate prisoners in other penal institutions to join these protests. Despite the number of changes that took place within the scope of executing the sentence of liberty deprivation, also contemporary various tensions and conflicts occur among imprisoned.

During my research referring to the level of activation among those deprived of liberty (research carried out between 2004 and 2006 on a trial population of 230 prisoners), the respondents indicated number of conflict situations that they experience on a daily basis. One of the categories generating the sense of tension is the fear of inmates’ aggressive behaviour. In clinical settings violence can precipitate into depression and lead to lower self-esteem (Convill, 2010: 32). The manner of speaking, words and phrases, even gestures may lead to aggressive behaviour in the cell. One of the ways of coping with the stress and aggression in prisons could be programmes activating the imprisoned, particularly on sport filed. International models of stress suggest two courses of action for stress management:methods designed to reduce or eliminate exstremal stressors and those designed to deal with internal feelings and symptoms of stress (…) recommendations related to diet, physical exercise, and relaxation. (Blase, 1989: 732). Research tackling this issue confirms that such training reduces mental tensions.

Sport implies numerous values favourable for the process of rehabilitation (Rejzner, 2002; Machel, 2003; Poklek, 2003). In the opinions of respondents researched by me, the participation in activation programmes is limited. The conclusions drawn from the research indicated several causes of it. They, for instance, include the lack of will, limited infrastructure of territory and facilities or health disorders. The fear of getting involved in conflict situation with inmates was also expressed, being the result of the rivalry. Such problem was signalized mainly by hardened criminals (73% respondents) and adults serving sentence for the first time (61% of researched). In their opinion, » 145 «

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sport activities in small groups were the main factor triggering conflicts. Almost a trite case was the weight training. The imprisoned claimed that only “exclusive”, fixed groups participate in it together. In attempt to join the training, there were afraid of conflict with inmates. It is worth to mention that such prisoners’ opinions weren’t expressing the case of generating conflicts resulting from sport activation, but they pointed insufficient organization of such activity (unpublished PhD thesis referring to the physical activity of the imprisoned in various conditions of serving the sentence).

Conflict situations occurring during serving the liberty deprivation sentence are not always externalized. In connection with the existence in penal institution many internal conflicts occur being generated by the solitude experienced. A difficult moment for the imprisoned is the troublesome mental state of being quantitatively and qualitatively departed from the elements of beyond-prison reality. It’s a situation when the individual gets used to two identities. Such person becomes a part of the imprisoned community (what emphasizes the features of penal institution as a total one) and at the same time tries to sustain the relation with hitherto existing reality beyond the prison. The double identity is reflected in internal conflicts experienced by the prisoner. There are various conditions occurring according to B. Pastwa such as dejection, depression, selfdepreciation, lacking faith in own abilities, boredom and impatience being the result of unsatisfying social relations (Machel, 2004). The analyzed category of experiences is of another context than conflicts resulting from interpersonal relations with inmates.

Those are the situations falling outside definitions quoted so far. From the perspective of changes taking place in social and mental functioning of the imprisoned, the conflicts of the two identities are crucial. Their discomfort demands undertaking actions in order to eliminate unfavourable conditions. The process of prisonation occurs as a negative and secondary effect. It is a pattern of adjusting to the prison circumstances, for the purpose of lowering the tension and feeling of solitude. The result of prisonation is having learnt the behaviours and attitudes generating them, enabling non-conflict and optimally profitable existence in prison. (Kosewski, 1985). A. Rejzner in the study „Physical culture in Polish penal institution” from 1995, with reference to J. Sikora reflections from 1970’s, claims that prisonation is the process of training by imprisoned in order to achieve positive reinforcement by illegal means. Unfortunately the adjustment to the prison circumstances impedes further re-adaption of the imprisoned.

The analyzed category of conflicts related to imprisonment existence is in my opinion the broadest perspective. It includes conflict situations occurring within the interactions among imprisoned and the conflicts with the correction department officers. Taking into consideration the legal regulations of working patterns with the imprisoned it may be concluded that defusing conflict situations constitutes the main sphere of educational influence. In 2003 the Minister of Justice issued the directive on the pattern of managing the penitentiary wards in penal institutions (Journal of Laws, dated August 29, 2003, becoming effective on September 1, 2003). Analysing the aims of such influence, tasks related to shaping relations in prison surrounding must be firstly emphasized, as well as getting familiar with such circumstances and preventing demoralization (§ 5, 6, 7 of the Directive). Tasks assigned by the Minister of Justice » 146 «

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to the correctional institution tutors refer rather to some kind of technology of conduct towards the imprisoned, with its integral part of effective managing everyday conflict situations experienced by the prisoners.

Conflicts between the two worlds We experience conflicts on a daily basis that occur on our ways to pursue goals. They motivate us to act with other people in order to solve them (see: Becker, 1964). From that perspective we may speak of positive aspects of conflicts. The following part of the reflections shall draw attention to this dimension of conflict interpretation. The difference between the recalled conflict definition and the meaning it acquires in the circumstances of penitentiary isolation is worth mentioning. The imprisoned experience conflicts occurring at the crossroads of the two worlds: inside the prison walls and the world they leave behind for several years sometimes. New reality makes the prisoners experience conflicts more painfully due to objectively restricted possibilities to participate in such situations and solution. The period of excluding the individual from the family structure has been the subject of pedagogical research repeatedly. As it is reported in C. Lewicki research, in the case of depriving liberty of the father, the entire burden of family upbringing is taken over by the mother or grandparents (Lewicki, 2002). The time of imprisonment constitutes the situation of excluding the imprisoned from the obligations resulting from the father role, and additionally it intensifies the negative effects of liberty deprivation.

The sham passiveness towards problems that take place beyond the prison and are of prisoners concerns at large extend are particularly striking (see: Camhi, 1989). The institutional reality causes the understanding of conflict according to theory of communication inadequate. The example might be the situations connected with family matters of the imprisoned. In 2007 I conducted research on hardened criminals serving the sentence in closed and half-open penal institutions. The issues also considered the quality of participation in family life. The research embraced a group of 40 individuals aged under 40. The tools diagnosing family upbringing styles of the imprisoned and styles attributed to the prisoners themselves were used (Ryś, 2006). For the purpose of reflections the key issue is sustaining relations with families and prisoners’ participation in family matters. The information gained indicated predominant ways of communication as phone conversations, writing letters, rarely family visits. The frequency of contacts was relatively high; only 6 out of 40 persons did not sustain relations with family. It’s worth to mention that the contact with the closest family was a positive experience to all of the prisoners. Among the respondents there were 20 imprisoned that sustained contact with the partner and children. After serving the sentence they wanted to return to them. This was a group significantly positively assessing the fact of staying in contact; however they assessed their emotional condition negatively, as it was worsening after the meetings. Some of the prisoners were limiting visits with children as they did not want to be seen by them in a penal institution as such visits intensified unpleasant experience of longing. » 147 «

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Experiencing a conflict situation implies one of mental features of liberty deprivation afflictions. It results from sham possibility of solving conflicts that occur in a dynamic reality beyond the prison. The prisoner experience more and more intense discord in the external world and own stagnation in a static environment of penal institution. It is worth emphasizing that isolation does not keep prisoners from conflicts understood as situation where own business, aims and goals emerge. The institutional reality merely eliminates their active participation in conflict. It cuts off from this what appears to be most valuable in conflict—motivation and actions to change the existing situation.

As examples of difficult situations regarding family contacts the participants of the abovementioned research indicated general impotence towards events concerning them. They spoke of divorce taking place during serving the sentence and informal split-ups with current common-law wives. Their powerlessness towards events taking place regarded also the everyday life. During the research the prisoners gave examples of information from phone calls such as their sick children that they cannot help or children longing for the father, but still cannot change it.

The tackled issue of conflicts is different considering the position of a prisoner than the group of conflicts resulting from everyday prison life. The conflicts at the junction of two realities are of internal character and are fueled by the awareness of objectively unchangeable situation of an individual (Machel, 2006). Distinguishing such category of conflict situation is particularly important considering the actions of penal institution tutors. Understanding the conditions prisoners experience and anticipating their reaction towards own impotence in case of conflicts occurrence go far beyond recognizing the imprisoned situation. Often it is a systematic action aiming at anticipating also auto-aggressive reactions to the situation, being a part of prevention from acts of self-mutilation.

The community activity of social workers is a part of such system designed to resolve and ease conflicts and tensions within the families of imprisoned. Not only supporting those leaving prisons, but also operating within their families is in the scope of the social work. Agreement on assistance towards those leaving prisons and their families is the example of establishing such approach. It was concluded on June 13, 2002 by the authorities of Minister of Social Welfare and The Department of Corrections Central Office, becoming effective on October 1, 2002. The support provided to families of those deprived of liberty is not limited to material support. The important issue is the family counseling as tutorial and educational functions towards children are taken over by one of the parent or grandparents. It is the activity aiming at integrating the family and cushioning difficult situations. Noticing the issue of prisoners’ family matters on the grounds of state social policy expresses the significance of the problem spheres considered above.

Catharsis conflicts In the history of dealing with offenders the directions and ways of protecting the society against them have been changed several times. The isolative function of the » 148 «

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prison was accomplished in many ways, and they manner of defining the criminal and the crime was approaching the penal practice towards punitivity or permissiveness (Stańdo-Kawecka, 2000). The evolution of the practice and assumptions regarding dealing with criminals was frequently recalling the questions of secondary effects of deprivation of liberty and the effectiveness of such sentence (see: Morris, Tonry, 1990).

Public opinion, particularly fueled by spectacular crimes, demanded for sharpening the way to deal with offenders (see: Bottoms, 1995). At the time of reorganizing the punishment of sentence serving „basically from 1995 the majority of public opinion (…) demanded for severe punishment of criminals and intensified, nagging treatment in the prisons” (Bulenda, Musidłowski, 1997). Another way of interpreting society expectations was assumed by H. Machel, who claimed that “they do not refer as much to the issue of humanitarism in dealing with criminals but more to the rationality and effectiveness of exercising the punishment” (Machel, 2004).

The issue of effectiveness of deprivation of liberty is undertaken within the scope of penitentiary education, however it is worth to ponder if in such a perspective conflicts experienced by the prisoners might also occur? In practice of dealing with offenders, searching for ways of influence that would result in other effects than isolating the criminal from the society is emerging as one of the approaches. The examples of such could be the idea of mediation between the offender and the victim, or the idea of compensatory justice.

Recommendation No. R(99)19 of The Committee of Ministers of Council of Europe dated September 15, 1999 on mediation in penal matters defines mediation as flexible, complex and constructive substitute of traditional patterns of penal procedures. The Ministers of Council of Europe particularly promote mediation due to its active nature requiring active participation of both victim and the criminal. The mediation procedures towards prisoners are the implementation of the principle of co-responsibility for executing the sentence, as it’s stressed by the Principles of European Prison Law and Policy.

Mediations are of educative function, evoking sense of responsibility for the crimes committed. In the aspect of rehabilitation theory the Ministers of Council of Europe stated that voluntary and active process of taking responsibility for the committed crime is a chance for re-integration and offenders’ rehabilitation. Polish criminal law refers to the meaning of punishment as to issue of sense of guilt for the committed crime. It is also important factor in prisoners’ rehabilitation, as without recognizing the guilt the prisoners don’t express the will of neither compensation nor rehabilitation. During serving the sentence they become passive object of penitentiary tutors’ actions. It is the idea reflected in the Principle 58 and 59 of Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners (New York, 1984). Establishing standards for the practice of dealing with prisoners it was clearly stated that the final goal and justification behind depriving of liberty is the society protection against delinquency. It may be carried out only by making use of the time spent in prison on preparing the prisoner to return to society so he could have the will and abilities to live according to law. For this purpose, the penal institution should use all kinds of support and therapeutic, moral and spiritual needs to suit it individually to prisoner’s needs. In the case of readiness to change oneself both as for attitudes, per» 149 «

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sonality and perceiving others, internal distance is required. It’s a distance related to selfimage and conflict experienced between self-creation and the real style of functioning.

Unfortunately evoking and experiencing such type of conflicts is not easy and in many cases the imprisoned protect themselves from this experience using number of defence mechanisms. The offenders are comfortable in such role even learning to derive pleasure from antagonistic activity towards the community they are part of.

The idea of compensatory justice is a very similar pattern of reaction towards the crime in general assumptions. Recalling W. Osiatyński interviewed by J. Consedin, the advocate for the change of justice system in New Zealand, several essential goals for the sake of such idea may be named. The reaction to crime refers not only to police or prosecutor’s office but the social community is also involved. The mutual case examination takes place during a meeting with the victim and offender and participation of all from the community affected by the crime. The aim is first of all to determine the certain type of law transgression and then taking genuine responsibility for the offences by the offender. In consequence of common discussion of the parties, the victim is apologized and the ways of compensation for the losses is determined (Osiatyński, 2003). Nevertheless, research carried out by M. Gordon revealed seldom sense of guilt as the researched prisoners perceived the crime rather in categories of own harm. They thought that misfortunate course of actions, provocative victim’s conduct or even the necessity to protect themselves caused the attack and in consequence the crime. Although the research conclusions revealed critical attitude towards committed crimes, majority of respondents presented justificatory attitude, particularly among the youth (45% of researched) (Gordon, 2001). Numerous tutorial deficiencies and tendency to naïve and primitive justification of crimes committed are the features characterizing such prisoners. Feeling guilty for the committed crimes is rather faint, and deprivation of liberty interpreted as sufficient compensation for the harm done (Machel, 2003).

The solutions offered to reach reconciliation and compensation, just as the victimoffender mediation isn’t the perfect alternative. It requires meeting numerous conditions like the will of the parties to participate in conciliatory meetings and can’t be applied in each case. Still, it’s worth to pay attention to the issue of the conflict in which the offender is involved. The procedures requiring contact with the offender and undoing the wrong is a difficult situation of conflict. It’s not a situation conflict resembling those analyzed above, but is of internal character. Confronting the victim of the crime is arduous; hence it’s worth to draw attention to the role of such internal conflict in contemporary, traditional way of dealing with prisoners.

Part of my research in the years 2004–2006 on activity of imprisoned was the analysis of situation when they reflect on own conduct. The questions regarding their thoughts were addressed to the imprisoned hardened criminals, also those serving the sentence for the first time and juvenile delinquents. The results achieved, indicating the frequency of such actions were inconsiderable in all specified groups. The lowest frequency indicators of self-reflection occurred among adults with the level of 20%27%. Such mental activity was conducted more frequently among juveniles—at the level of 38%. The characteristic feature of reflections content was minimising or even » 150 «

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eliminating any sort of reflections over the victim or own actions and harm they did to others. Among juvenile prisoners the reflections on future trips abroad dominated, along with the will to cut off from the prison past. They did not mention reflections where their victims would become personalized. In such way they avoided additional internal conflicts that could be generated by the sense of the harm done.

The analysed category of conflicts is an arduous situation neutralised by defensive techniques. In the literature on criminology issues the technique of neutralization, i.e. withdrawing from responsibility for the crime committed towards the external events, is tackled (Siemaszko, 1993). The way to avoid such internal conflicts is also a specific process of coding such crimes. Such code functions in the prisoners’ argot but also within the police officers and penal institutions. The crime is not called as a certain offence with given victim and the harm done, but it becomes one of the penal code articles. The imprisoned speaking of crime this way tackles it within the range of violated penal code article and it does not require direct crime description.

The conflict categories tackled, called in subtitle as “catharsis conflicts”, is in my opinion of significant importance for the rehabilitation process. Referring to the analysis of principles and aims of mediation between the offender and the victim and to the idea of compensatory justice I assumed that the internal conflict of the prisoner as the wrongdoer of someone’s harm has such purifying effect. The harm compensation, first of all genuinely taking responsibility for the harm done, requires experiencing internal conflict. It is worth pondering: is the beginning of changing conduct and attitudes possible without feeling guilty, victim’s personification and real understanding consequences of won actions? It must be also questioned if the way of dealing with offenders with the heart issue of social retribution facilitates the situation of experiencing feeling guilty-related conflict? The aim of deprivation of liberty, according to the Article 67 of The Executive Penal Code is evoking the will to take up actions aiming at changing prisoner’s harmful social attitudes. The aims of such change are grounded and elaborated in the theory of rehabilitation pedagogy. Still, the basis for undertaking such actions by the prisoners is their internal readiness. Factors of such are the genuine responsibility for the crime committed and feeling guilty for the harm done. They reach beyond the interview with the sentenced upon entering the prison, as the latter mainly analyses offender’s attitude towards the sentence received. Considering the readiness of imprisoned to rehabilitation, the internal conflict must be remembered since it results from the situation of committed crime. Particular attention must be drawn to understanding own participation in harm done. Starting the process of change is not favoured by the situation where the prisoner perceives himself as the victim of administration of justice so his self-perception changes from the offender to the victim.

Styles of managing conflicts among criminals Experiencing conflict situation is related to the analysis of managing styles of such events due to the fact that activity strategies towards tensions experienced are often studied » 151 «

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in perspective of criminal offences stimulators. A profound research was conducted

by A. Szymanowska concentrated on experiencing problematic situations by the offenders. The aim of the study was to present “…what actions are undertaken by individuals in difficult situation to solve the problem and ease the unpleasant tension” (Szymanowska, 2003). Using the tools of K. Ostrowska a group of imprisoned was sounded out determining the kind of strategies they use coping with conflict situations. The styles analysed were the relatively fixed mechanisms, often used by respondents because “…the human ceaselessly gets involved in various situations that may cause and often do cause mental or physical threat for the values serving the accomplishment or anticipation of goals, hence there must be some mechanism that will support choosing the right method and means. The activity strategy may be perceived as directive mechanism in relation to other regulative and motivate mechanisms” (Ostrowska, 1990).

Carrying out certain strategies may take place on the level of emotions, beliefs and actions. K. Ostrowska determines three strategies expressed in a conflict situation i.e. attack, resignation and ruthlessness. The attack strategy is a set of actions, emotions and judgments aiming at certain goals, understood as important and essential. By using such style the individual overcomes difficulties on the way to reach certain goal and it is not always aggressive conduct. Undertaking attack strategy the subject is independent in decision making, taking responsibility for the choices made, and perceiving positive sides of difficult situation. Such person is ready to sacrifice for the sake of accomplishing own aspirations, trusting own self. Those using the resignation strategy behave differently. According to K. Ostrowska it is a state of suspending emotional, cognitive and motoric processes. The subject ceases to act in given situation anticipating better circumstances, does not take up the risk nor effort and limits own independence for the sake of being directed in difficult situation. The third strategy of ruthlessness played a significant role. It emerges with other strategies specifying them. It appears when the subject making own choices neither expresses empathy nor considers moral standards.

Such person does not cooperate with others overcoming conflict situation, but exploits them for own benefit, with own material profits as predominant factor (Szymanowska, 2003: 163). The research carried out on group of 358 imprisoned revealed that the most optional situation as for activity strategies in conflict situation was expressed by the imprisoned adults, serving the sentence for the first time.

Table 2. Comparing the frequency of choosing given strategies (Szymanowska, 2003) Scale High score in attack scale and ruthlessness High score in resignation scale and ruthlessness

Juvenile (N=163)

Adults imprisoned for Hardened criminals the first time (N=115) N=80

12,3%

7,8%

11,3%

21,5%

14,8%

23,8%

Managing the conflict situation requires training a certain strategy. Such competences are particularly important in a situation of experiencing conflict occurring » 152 «

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in the period of imprisonment so they way of releasing tensions caused by a conflict wouldn’t be deconstructive. The diversity of conflict situations and the variety of levels of experiencing conflicts make the learning of managing strategies a specific direction of penitentiary influence.

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Identity development and cognitive dissonance theory: Youth suffering from obesity in pop culture times

Post modern culture is characterised by instability, insecurity, flexibility, rapid change, consumerism, self turnover—identity formation (Scambler, Ohlsson, Griva, 2004) and the pop culture times are the era of body sacralisation. Nowadays a human body has a great importance and is widely exposed in mass media: television, magazines, Internet. The body is a synonym of desire and the closer to health and beauty standard is, the bigger value it has. Popular culture texts shape common beliefs about the body standards. The meaning of human body is not neutral; it is rather based on accepted in a particular place and time knowledge about the body sense (Melosik, 1996). Children and adolescents internalize the body cult to own hierarchy of values and build their identities using this system as a base. There is a conflict between pop cultural standards and a wider access to food. It has internal characteristics within youngsters: on the one hand the information is that slim body is a symbol of success, health and property; and on the other hand media encourage buying various colourful (unhealthy) products.

On the basis of one’s appearance and physical condition such individual can exist or be isolated from the society. Eating and food are fundamental aspects of humanity and human relationships with families, peers and self. Eating can be pleasurable or problematic (for example: binge eating disorder) and lead to overweight and obesity.

Nowadays it is reported that obesity has been developing in much earlier periods of life than it used and it is observed as worldwide obesity epidemic. What is interesting, the second eating disorders to obesity are both anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa.

Existence of these two groups of disorders is an effect of conflicted messages (having an ideal body and being a postmodern hedonic consumer at the same time). The relationship between obesity and identity is multiplex and relates to biological, social and physical elements causing internal conflicts.

The identity is a complex, multi-layered entity of many components including awareness of past, present and future, physical, cognitive, emotional, relational and » 155 «

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socio-cultural aspects (Garner, 2004). Identity relates to a host of criteria that are called in to play in interaction when assessing oneslef and others. Identity is also understood through visible aspects of the person and all the various points of reference that this might entail, such as skin colour, height, weight or attractiveness. The term “identity” consists of two essential types: social identity (one regarding others and the assessment of others) and personal identity (one regarding self and the assessment of self ). Personal identity concerns the self; a private cognitive entity of concealed knowing and being that can reflexively appraise itself as seen by others.

The impact of physical bodily changes altered the image that individuals had of themselves (Kelly, Millward, 2004). A sense of self cannot exist without a continuous experience of a conscious “I”—a center of existence (Erikson, 1985). Adolescence is a period of increasing role transitions, which lead to personality change. The role of child within the family differentiates, and different set of expectations takes place.

Erikson (1985) saw the period of adolescence as forming a special stage, which he described as a psychosocial moratorium: a period of sexual and cognitive maturation and also a time of free explorations. Variety of role demands and expectations can produce within this period an identity crisis. Marcia (Hayens, 1994) defined different types of identity status within adolescence period, which could result as the person works through adolescence. These statuses are: identity diffusion (an individual has not yet made any commitment to a future identity), identity foreclosure (an individual has not experienced a crisis, but has nonetheless become committed to own goals and beliefs), moratorium (an individual is in a state of crisis, actively searching for an identity within a range of alternatives) and identity achievement (the final outcome of the successful resolution of identity crisis; an individual has resolved the crisis). In Erik Erikson’s theory, the individual’s psychological development is assumed to occur through the resolution of psychological conflicts, which form the foundation for later development. Puberty and adolescence period is a time of identity and role confusion conflict. An individual tries to develop a consistent sense of personal identity faced with the changes in social role and expectations. Erikson (1985) saw adolescence as one in a series of developmental stages, which span the individual’s whole life. Healthy resolution of psychological conflict at this stage results in a strong sense of own identity, while too great stress on the individual results in identity diffusion. This means that the individual would become confused about who they were. In Erikson’s view, there are four elements to identity diffusion: ▷ the problem of intimacy: the adolescent needs to be able to establish intimate relationships with other people without losing her or his own identity; ▷ the problem of time perspective: it is important that the adolescent can see oneself within a realistic time context what is essential to undertake the long-term projects and efforts; ▷ industry: using one’s energies productively and effectively; ▷ the problem of negative identity: very often adolescents choose an identity which is based on rejection of the values of others, rather than on a positive choice of their own. » 156 «

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According to Erikson (1985) the basic patterns of identity must emerge firstly from the selective affirmation and repudiation of an individual’s childhood identifications and then from the way in which the social process of the times identifies young individuals. Adolescents learn to make their own personal choices on the basis of their own inclinations, talents and abilities. Erikson believes that puberty and adolescence is one of the most important and most difficult times in a whole life.

A Classic Theory of Cognitive Dissonance Leon Festinger came from an intellectual tradition fostered by Kurt Lewin and basing former Fritz Heider’s idea of cognitive balance went on to introduce and develop the theory of “cognitive dissonance” in 1950’s (Festinger, 1957: 3).He defines cognition as any knowledge, opinion or belief about the environment, oneself or about one’s behaviour. If a cognition (for example: an attitude) that people hold is in direct conflict with another one, and if the two are related in some way, then an individual will experience tension. Dissonance and consonance are two terms referring to relations which exist between pairs of elements, and the elements refer to what has been called cognition—the things that person knows about own surroundings (Festinger, 1957). Some of these elements represent knowledge about oneself, other elements of knowledge concern the external world. Elements of cognition correspond for the most part with what the person actually does or feels, but sometimes the cognitive elements do not correspond with reality. There are 3 possible relations existing between pairs of elements: irrelevant relation (two elements may simply have nothing to do with one another), and two types of relevant relations—dissonance (two elements are dissonant if, for one reason or another, they do not fit together) and consonance (one element of cognition follows from another). Cognitive dissonance theory assumes that people want to avoid unpleasant feelings of discomfort by maintaining consistency among their cognitions. Usually there is a consistency between what a person knows (or believes) and what he or she does, because people continuing behaviour consistent with their ideas about it and in general people strive for consistency in their cognitions. Behaviour that is inconsistent with one’s attitude is called counter—attitudinal behaviour, and it produces dissonance only if a person perceives that his or her actions were freely chosen rather than coerced. Freely chosen behaviours that produce foreseeable negative consequences or those threatening people’s sense of self-worth are especially likely to arouse dissonance.

Festinger (1957) claims that dissonance could arise: ▷ from logical inconsistency, the obverse of one follows from the other on logical grounds in the person’s own thinking processes; ▷ because of cultural mores; the dissonance exists simply because the culture defines what is consonant and what is not. The same two cognitions might be dissonant or consonant in different cultures; ▷ because one specific opinion is sometimes included, by definition, in a more general opinion (specific cognition is part of the concept) ▷ because of past experience. » 157 «

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Two cognitive elements may be dissonant for a person living in one culture and not for a person living in another, or for a person with one set of experiences and not for a person with another. Dissonance also arises when person find themselves doing things that do not match other opinions he or she hold.

Festinger found out that people experience inconsistencies and that they are not always successful in rationalizing inconsistencies to themselves.

Main Festinger’s (1957) hypotheses are: ▷ the existence of dissonance, being psychologically uncomfortable, will motivate the person to try to reduce the dissonance and achieve consonance; ▷ when dissonance is present, in addition to trying to reduce it, the person will actively avoid situations and information which would likely increase the dissonance.

According to Festinger, a person’s attitudes or beliefs could be consonant (in line with one another), dissonant (at odds with one another) or unrelated to one another.

If a person has a set of dissonant beliefs, the result is an unpleasant state of arousal and because of this unpleasant psychological feeling, the person is motivated to change all or some of their beliefs (so that they become consistent again). The dissonance might exist because of what the person has learned or come to expect, because of what is considered appropriate or usual, or for any of a number of other reasons.

If two elements are dissonant with one another, the magnitude of the dissonance will be a function of the importance of the elements (Festinger, 1957). The more these elements are important to person, the greater the magnitude of a dissonance will be.

Cognitive dissonance is “directly concerned with how people change their attitudes, when they find their cognitions are unbalanced” (Hayens, 1994). People deal with the tension in two ways: either they change one of the cognitions, or they add an extra one to ‘explain’ the apparent discrepancy. People often conclude that the original prediction (cognition) was wrong and they add a new idea, but in result it can produce more cognitive dissonance, raising awkward personal conflicts about why the person had believed the prediction in the first place.

Festinger saw cognitive dissonance as an extremely influential factor in inducing attitude change and Zimbardo (2000) defines cognitive dissonance as a ‘highly motivating state in which people have conflicting cognitions.’ According to above definition, a cognitive dissonance is above all a motivating state. When one’s cognition and actions are in conflict (dissonance), the person often reduces the conflict by changing their own thinking to fit his/her behaviour. Cognitive dissonance theory explains many things that people do to justify their behaviour, for example: rationalizing or finding information which support their decisions.

The presence of dissonance gives rise to pressures to reduce or eliminate the dissonance. The strength of the pressures to reduce the dissonance is a function of the magnitude of the dissonance. In other words, the presence of dissonance leads to action to reduce it. The dissonance usually exists between two elements and can be eliminated by changing one of those elements. The important thing is how these changes may be brought about. » 158 «

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Leon Festinger (1957) differentiates most common strategies that people use to reduce the dissonance: ▷ Changing a behavioural cognitive element: the dissonance can be eliminated by changing the behavioural cognitive element in such a way that it is consonant with the environmental element. This method of reducing or eliminating dissonance is very frequent, because people’s behaviour and feelings are frequently modified in accordance with new information. ▷ Changing an environmental cognitive element: it is also possible to change an environmental cognitive element by changing the situation to which that element corresponds. This strategy occurs relatively rare because an individual have to have a sufficient degree of control. ▷ Adding new cognitive elements: to eliminate a dissonance, some cognitive element must be changed, but it is not always possible. In the presence of dissonance, a person might be expected to actively seek new information that would reduce the total dissonance and, at the same time, to avoid new information that might increase the existing dissonance.

All those strategies result in changes in one’s attitudes. But to make those changes successful the following criteria must be met (Albery, 2008): firstly, the need for the person to feel physiological arousal as a result of dissonant beliefs and secondly, the need for the person to feel personal responsibility for the behaviour.

Behavioural cognitive elements have different level of resistance to changes. The first source of resistance to change is the responsiveness of specific element to reality. There are some circumstances that make it difficult for person to change own behaviour. Firstly, the change may be painful or involve loss. Secondly, the present behaviour may be otherwise satisfying. Next, making the change may simply not be possible, some behaviour, especially emotional reactions, may not be under the person’s control. Also environmental cognitive elements demonstrate different level of resistance to change (Festinger, 1957). Cognitive dissonance may be also a consequence of a decision. The magnitude of the post-decision dissonance has been hypothesised to be caused by factors such as the importance of the decision, the relative attractiveness of the unchosen alternative to the chosen one and the degree of overlap of cognitive elements corresponding to the alternatives (Festinger, 1957: 31). Cognitive dissonance theory has had over fifty-year run and during that time it has been a dynamic and innovative theory that generated both excitement and anger, leading to controversy, new data and eventually to a synthesis (Cooper, 2007: x). The phenomenon of the theory, once thought controversial, has become widely accepted and has been an active field of studies for many decades. Dissonance is no longer Festinger’s inconsistency model and currently it is not restricted to comparing cognitions with one another. Cognitive dissonance today includes considerations of responsibility for actions, the consequences of people’s behaviour, and self-identity. Modern theories of social cognition, motivated reasoning, and the self all play a role in understanding what cognitive dissonance is all about (Cooper, 2007: 182).

Contemporary researchers have taken different positions concerning cognitive dissonance theory. Many of them believe that no changes in the theory are needed and » 159 «

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that dissonance is still a function of inconsistent cognitions, others think that it is a subcategory of self-affirmation and still others are convinced that it is a theory about self-expectations (Cooper, 2007: 182). However, the theory faces some critics and causes controversies it is an important and influential concept in a field of Social Psychology. Therefore, the classic Festinger’stheory of cognitive dissonance can be used as a theoretical base for further explorations of conflicts experienced by adolescents with obesity condition. What is the character of internal conflicts in adolescents with obesity conditions? What are the consequences of such conflicts? How can youngsters cope with these conflicts? And from where can they receive a support? And last but not least, what can they learn from the experience of cognitive dissonance and how can they use the knowledge to create a stable self-concept and a healthy body?

Obesity-a source of conflict experience An individual is inseparable with own body and its condition. The body is central to everything people do. People experience “embodiment” every day—the body constitutes one’s daily life, social relations and identity. Physical condition has a significant social consequences and the social reality affects human physique as well. According to Nettleton (2006) there are four main groups of processes affecting sociological and common imagination about health, the body and physical condition. These processes are: cultural, biological, structural and political. An individual can treat own body (1) as object or (2) as process.

Obesity has become a global health problem and is no longer limited to developed countries but is also present in countries of the Third World and is usually now associated with poverty—even in developing countries (James et. al., 2001: 228). According to World Health Organization (WHO, 2010), overweight and obesity are defined as abnormal or excessive fat accumulation that presents a risk to health. Being overweight or obese are major risk factors for a number of chronic illnesses, including diabetes, cardiovascular diseases and cancer. Once considered a problem only in high income countries, overweight and obesity are now dramatically on the rise in low- and middleincome countries, particularly in urban settings. WHO’s latest projections indicate that globally in 2005 approximately 1.6 billion adults (+15) were overweight and at least 400 million adults and 20 million children under the age of 5 were obese (currently there are more people suffering from over—nutrition than malnutrition consequences). Jana Parizkova and Andrew Hills (Parizkova, Hills, 2001) define obesity as “multifactor syndrome that consists of physiological, biochemical, metabolic, anatomical, psychological and social alterations”. Obesity is a condition of excess body fat and is currently defined using body mass index (BMI). BMI is calculated as weight (kg) / height squared (m²) and is independent of gender. BMI is internationally accepted as a means of identifying overweight and obesity but is not perfect; some persons with high BMI may have a normal amount of body fat. BMI is used for the evaluation of children’s growth and development but the lack of precision in this case is unavoidable because of the different stages of growth observed at a given age. Recently, to assess child’s overweight » 160 «

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and obesity WHO recommends using International Obesity Task Force (IOFT) instead of BMI (WHO, 2010). The management of childhood obesity has become a central issue in many countries. The effects of childhood obesity on morbidity and mortality suggest that prevention and intervention at early stage of development is essential. The prevalence of obesity among children has never before reached such epidemic proportions as nowadays; 26–31 % of American children and about 14–22 % of European children are overweight (Jaffa, McDermott, 2007). Other studies showed that in 2003, 21% of British adolescents and 12 % of Polish adolescents (14–17 years-old) were obese (Brytek-Matera, 2008). In Europe in general during last 20 years, the number of obese people has trebled (WHO, 2010). Pediatric obesity increases the risk of adult obesity and health complications. The first years of life can be divided into tree periods: infancy, childhood and adolescence (Burnett, Kumar, 2004: 233). Growth and body mass during these periods are determined by genetics, intra-uterine, environmental and endocrine influences. There are 4 stages of adolescence (Brytek-Matera, 2008): ▷ pre-adolescence (11–13 years-old) ▷ early adolescence (13–17 years-old) ▷ middle adolescence (17–19 years-old) ▷ late adolescence (19–22 years-old).

Adolescence is the period of growth and development that links childhood and adulthood and this period is critical for the development of obesity. The mechanism for obesity development in children is the same as that for adults and refers to an excess accumulation of body fat as a result of an imbalance between energy intake and energy expenditure (British Nutrition Foundation, 1999).

The aetiology of disturbed balance in overweight and obese people is multifactorial (biological, social, individual, and cultural). Eating behaviour are sensitive to stress and environmental demands, particularly in children and adolescents. Most common causes are (Braet, 2007): ▷ societal behaviour habits ▷ sedentary activities ▷ energy-dense food ▷ genetic factors (the risk of obesity increases with the number of leptin genes) ▷ dietary behaviour with alternated binge-eating symptoms ▷ parents / family (eating habits; food is often used by parents to reinforce desired or undesired behaviour—parents rewarding their children the sweets what increase the attractiveness of sweets in general; parents of obese children often find it difficult to set clear limits; parenting skills. Many authors strongly highlight the role of family in proper eating behaviour development. There are many situations associated with ‘eating’ in family life, which could explain the susceptibility of obese children to external food factors (eating in the car, in front of the television, when feeling alone). ▷ tolerance of hunger and dealing with frustrations and self-regulation skills (in some cases, the lack of control over food may be situated within a general lack of self-regulation skills). » 161 «

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Symptoms of obesity seriously affect a daily life. Day-to-day, extra kilos cause problems. The immediate and short term symptoms of obesity are: breathlessness, sweating a lot, difficulty sleeping, inability to cope with sudden physical activity or back and joint pains (NHS, 2010). Obesity also cause psychological problems, such as: having low self-esteem and poor self-image, having low confidence levels, feeling isolated in society, having reduced mobility leading to a poor quality of life and harassment by others or their feelings of guilt and shame (NHS, 2010).

The age of the child / adolescent is important in considering whether treatment is indicated and it usually focuses on (Braet, 2007): ▷ involving parents and family ▷ reduction of caloric intake ▷ increased physical activity ▷ therapy (enhancing the self-image and helping to accept that their weight is a problem).

Obese children are rated by their peers as lazy, dirty, ugly and liars (Parizkova, Hills, 2001). In countries where the favoured body size and shape is a slim ‘perfect body,’ the obese youngster is often ridiculed and made to feel like a social outcast. It has implications for the physical and emotional well-being of obese children as well as having potential long-term consequences on adult health. Obesity has an impact on appearance changes and body functioning and these changes have an impact on self identity; it is a bidirectional dependence (Fig. 1).

A body condition

Identity

(e.g. obesity)

Figure 1. The body—identity bidirectional dependence (Source: own study)

In spite of numerous health programmes and campaigns, the number of obese children and adolescents still rises producing individual and social problems. Why all the strategies being used so far are so unsuccessful? What kind of educational instruments could be used in dealing with the problem?

Identity and modern media Media and communications are a central element of modern life. With the media containing so many images of women and men, and messages about beauty canons, it is unlikely that these ideas would have no impact on personal sense of identity. Media » 162 «

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has a direct and straightforward effect on its audiences and people try to copy or borrow their identities from the media. In modern societies people consume many hours of television each week, look at magazines and other publications, surf the Internet, pass billboards, go to the movies and are generally unable to avoid popular culture and advertising (Gauntlett, 2008).

In modern societies—by which we mean not ‘societies today’ but ‘societies where modernity is well developed’—self-identity becomes an inescapable issue. In late modernity the self is not something people are born with, the self is reflexively made.

People choose a lifestyle even if they would not call it one. Self-identity becomes a reflexive project—endeavour that people continuously work and reflect on. People create, maintain and revise a set of biographical narratives—the story of who they are. Self-identity, then, is a person’s own reflexive understanding of their biography.

A stable self-identity is based on an account of a person’s life, actions and influences which makes sense to them. The range of lifestyles offered by media may be limited, but at the same time it is usually broader than those people would expect to just ‘bump into’ in everyday life. Modern media offer possibilities and celebrate diversity, but also offer narrow interpretations of certain roles or lifestyles (Gauntlett, 2008).

The mass media show celebrities and movie heroes suggesting life styles, forms of selfpresentation and ways to find happiness. To interpret the choices people have made, individuals construct a narrative of the self and these narratives will be influenced by perspectives which people adopted from the media. Several studies confirm that age is an important factor in understanding media influence. The Gebner’s cultivation theory (Brytek-Matera, 2008) assumes that the more television a person watch, the stronger the belief that life presented there is real. The theory’s main assumptions are that television differs from other mass media (with its range, strength and international character); television shapes a social ways of thinking (because of massive number of audience, the broadcasting contents became a common knowledge) and an influence of television is limited (the older a person is, the weaker television influence).

Media exposure could strongly invoke or enhance body dissatisfaction. Self-worth assessment is equal to self-attractiveness. What is more, mass media promote a belief that people can and should control the shape of their own bodies. Different times determine different ideas for health and beauty. Society creates and updates norms and imagines about human body. In pop culture times the body is something that people have to create—not simply to accept. Slimness and good looking became an obsession and obligation. People have to continuously monitor their own body (selfobjectification theory). A valid imagination of the body is “the perfect body”: healthy, fit, strong and slim (Barry, Yuill, 2002). Physical appearance is much more than just biology; it is an expression of an individual’s identity and determines who the person is in society. The shape and condition of the body may suggest a moral character of individuals. There is a common belief that obese body represents undisciplined and lazy self, whereas slim body shows control and discipline. Obese people are often considered as being completely responsible for their condition. On the one hand an experience of being obese is very personal one, but on the other hand is a public phenomenon. » 163 «

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Personal deviances from social and personal visions and expectations about own body leads to biographical disruption, alienation, loss of self identity and stigmatization.

Obesity in the context of stigma is a particularly important issue. Stigma is ‘a social construction that involves at least two fundamental components: the recognition of difference based on some distinguishing characteristic and a consequent devaluation of the person’ (Dovidio et. al., 2000: 3).The central feature of social stigma is devaluation and dehumanization by others. Stigmatisation is usually related to stereotyping and the stigmatized person is almost always the target of prejudice (Biernat, Dovidio, 2000: 107). Stigmatized person also elicit emotional reactions such as pity, anger, anxiety or disgust (Crocker, Quinn, 2000: 153). Consequences of social stigma for the self-esteem are significant. Obese youngsters often have fewer friends what can lead to social isolation and depression at further stages. Furthermore, obese people seem to receive less higher education, earn less money and are less likely to get married (Jaffa, McDermott, 2007: 183). Obesity and overweight result in negative body image.

The body image is the picture of one’s body which he forms in his mind. The body image is a very important component of self and it develops on inter-psychical and interpersonal experiences. It is the most representative part of self. There are different components constructing the body image (Brytek-Matera, 2008: 44): ▷ knowledge about own current look ▷ knowledge about ideal look ▷ knowledge about healthy look ▷ emotions.

Youngsters living in pop culture times experience a cognitive dissonance every day looking in the mirror: the real image of their body differ from all the images they know from television and magazines.

Pedagogical challenges and opportunities The implantation of the Western way of life (lack of physical activity along with intake of energy-dense food) results in increased obesity rates. The lifestyle of most people in industrially developed countries is influenced by mass media. The mass media (particularly television) can paradoxically play both positive and negative roles in obesity management during the growth period (Parizkova, Hills, 2001). Nowadays many children and adolescents spend more time in front of the television and with computer games than in any other daily activity and it is confirmed that obesity is directly related to the number of hours spent watching television. For many children, the world as displayed on television represents a greater reality than their “real world”, television stars and celebrities are rarely obese and they generally represent a balanced and fit body. Television adores ultra—slim “beautiful people” who represent an extremely small proportion of population and creates a false imagining of body shape norms. Moreover, the inactive behaviour of television viewing is combined with attractive advertisements of food and drink that are not recommended for the optimal development of the health and » 164 «

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balanced growth of children. Television reflects a cultural contradiction by promoting food consumption as well as leanness. An understanding of the public perception of obesity is also assisted by art and literature; obese people are currently a common subject for writers, poets and painters (Haslam, Haslam, 2009). Even toys producers outline valid attractiveness standards (e.g. comparison a GI Joe doll or Barbie doll from 60’s and 90’s shows differences in body parts sizes) (Brytek-Matera, 2008).

Because of obesity condition, youngsters face a number of cognitive dissonances.

Firstly, there is a dissonance between the knowledge they have and the personal choices their make every day. They know what is healthy and good for their health and body but they buy a junk food, sweets and fizzy drinks. Secondly, there is a dissonance between the knowledge and information they receive from mass media and models they have in their surroundings (parents, peers, significant others). Giving schoolchildren lessons and information in what foodstuffs are healthy and unhealthy, seems to be completely useless if they going home to consume numbers of high-fat meals, crisps and sweets. Next, there is a dissonance between the knowledge about healthy lifestyle they have and their possibilities to implement their intentions and plans because of costs (in majority people can not afford good quality food) and because of accessibility to healthy food (several studies show that it is difficult to buy a fruit, salad or fresh juice in school canteens, staff canteens in workplaces or even hospital shops). All the above cognitive dissonances finally make young people feel guilty, angry for themselves and full of internal conflicts.

There is also a common dissonance occurring among young people: on the one hand newspapers, magazines and television airwaves are full of material telling people how to eat healthy, how switching to a better diet and what the horrible consequences of getting fatter are, and on the other hand people simply see a large number obese others every day. What is the standard? Is it an image shown in mass media or is it a reality on modern cities’ streets?

Personal responsibility for own lifestyle and body shape / size is often highlighted by mass media. Governments of developed countries invest large amounts for public actions aimed to improve health and slim down Western societies, but ultimate responsibility relays on each individual …. What can be an alternative? In Scotland, in 2008, a quarter of adults and 15% of children were extremely obese, while more than a half of all adults and nearly a third of all children were overweight (Jones, 2010). The Scottish Government (public health and education sectors) spends billions of pound every year to promote healthy lifestyle models, but all the actions seem to be useless and unsuccessful—Scottish society is fatter every year. The people’s behaviour is the primary problem—not what is on offer in shops and fast food restaurants, but changing behaviour is the hardest thing for governments to do. That makes a social case for new government action—if more information does not work, then that leaves compulsion as a final solution. The government is going to be directed at the food industry, shops that sell food and restaurants, rather than individuals! The plans presumes for example: controlling the size of portions of food that people buy and reducing sweets and fizzy drinks sell in corner shops that are near schools (Jones, 2010). Mentioned radical » 165 «

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Scottish case shows new directions in managing with obesity epidemic. It shows also that people can no longer be trusted to be responsible about making their independent decisions (about something as basic as foodstuffs). It raises new crisis and cognitive dissonances for a young individual: they are told and advised to be responsible, independent and reasonable, but they are also showed that even well educated people in developed countries can not control their daily personal life. How a youngster can create own self-identity when is preconceived as irresponsible in choice making? The other question is if similar legislative practices will become a standard in other countries? In Poland? Is it a future of post modern world?

As mentioned before, a body condition and identity are too factors in bidirectional dependence. An individual’s body condition (for example: obesity) may cause a cognitive dissonance and internal conflict. The experience of facing and managing the conflict impacts self-concept creation. Several identity crises may cause cognitive dissonance and again the individual has to face and cope with it using different strategies what affect changes in body shape (positive or negative). The whole internal process takes place in particular time and place and is affected by external factors, such as: environment, specific norms, mass media influence, models, socio-economic status or nurture and education (Fig. 2).

Socio-economic status Environment

A body condition

Models (parents, friends, significant others)

Mass Media

Cognitive Dissonance (Internal Conflict)

Identity /Self-Concept

Nature and education Norms and values (specific for a particular time and place)

Figure 2. The experience of cognitive dissonance in body and identity forming. (Source: own study)

Summing up, Erikson believed that people go through a certain number of stages to reach their full development and self-concept. Each of Erikson’s stages of psychoso» 166 «

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cial and cognitive development is marked by a conflict; a successful resolution of the conflict is conductive to personal development and stable identity. Basing on Leon Festinger’s idea of cognitive dissonance an individual experiences logical inconsistency during his development. Cognitive dissonance occurs when one person’s idea or belief implies the opposite to another. The dissonance might be experienced as guilt, anger, frustration or embarrassment and the most powerful cause of this dissonance is and idea of conflict and further motivational function leading to attitude changes and more conscious self-identity creation. In contemporary popular culture times children and adolescents face a great difficulty in creating their own identity. A sense of individual self is dislodging by need of being an object of other people’s perception. In recent past, childhood obesity has become a disease of major public health and education significance. Obese people are, on the basis of their body, stigmatized as being unattractive, stupid, lazy or unfriendly (Czykwin, 2007). Moreover, obese people are often considered as being fully responsible for their appearance and as a consequence, obese children and adolescents usually have fewer friends which in turn can interfere with the development of their social skills. The common discrimination against people of all ages that are fat affects psychological well—being of obese youngsters and examples of psychosocial consequences of obesity are the most prevalent. The body in general is an important subject of upbringing and education but nowadays parents, teachers and tutors are facing new educational challenges. Mass media send people adverse messages, on the one hand the message is: “improve your body!” (using diets, exercises, plastic surgeries etc.) and on the other hand the message is: “love yourself and use life”.

Youngsters are full of inner, personal conflicts and continuously experience cognitive dissonances. Contemporary mass media are the main source of common knowledge, beliefs and life-style models. Because of number and variety of information, media create cognitive dissonances; presented article was an attempt of discussing learning potential arising from it.

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Heatherton T.F. et al. (2008). Społeczna psychologia piętna. Warszawa.

Hill J.O., Catenacci V.A., Wyatt H.R. (2006). Obesity: Etiology. In: Shills M.E., Shike M., Ross A.C., Caballero B., Cousins R.J. (eds.), Modern Nutrition in Health and Disease. Philadelphia–London, p. 1013–1028.

Jaffa T., McDermont B. (eds.) (2007). Eating Disorders in Children and Adolescents. Cambridge, p. 182–183.

James P.T. (2001). The Worldwide Obesity Epidemic. “Obesity Research” 9, supl. 4, p. 228–233.

Jones P. (2010). Time for a large helping of personal responsibility. “The Scotsman” 24 February, p. 33.

Kelleher D., Leavey G. (eds.) (2004). Identity and Health. London.

Kelly M.P., Mellward L.M. (2004). Identity and Illness. In: Klleher D., Leavey G. (eds.), Identity and Health. London, p. 1–18.

Melosik Z. (1996). Tożsamość, ciało i władza. Poznań–Toruń, p. 63.

National Health Service (2010). Symptoms of Obesity. http://www.nhs.uk/Conditions/Obesity/Pages/Obesitysymptoms.aspx, [13.02.2010].

Nettleton S. (2006). The sociology of health and illness. 2nd ed. Cambridge, p. 107.

Parizkova J., Hills A. (2001). Childhood Obesity. Prevention and Treatment. New York, p. 5, 10.

Scambler G., Ohlsson S., Griva K. (2004). Sport, health and identity: social and cultural change in disorganised capitalism. In: Kelleher D., Leavey G. (eds.), Identity and Health. London, p. 99– 122.

World Health Organization (2010). Obesity. http://www.who.int/topics/obesity/en, [13.02.2010].

Zimbardo P.G. (ed.) (2000). Psychology. 3rd ed. London, p. 474.

Stephen Vertigans PhD Robert Gordon University Aberdeen, UK

The Pre Roots of post 1960s Western Terror groups: Lessons from deep history

Introduction The impact of the past upon terror groups has largely been neglected within studies of terrorism.1 In this paper I argue that this has meant that opportunities to learn about the longer term processes that contribute to the emergence of terror groups have been missed. Consequently levels of understanding that could provide the basis for better informed approaches to counterâ&#x20AC;&#x201C;terrorism are underdeveloped; a weakness that is compounded within government attempts to defeat terror groups. To help address this, there are two aims for this chapter: First, to explore how history is utilised by post 1960s Western groups in order to try achieve support and legitimacy; Second, to examine periods prior to the emergence of terror groups and in particular preceding activities, policies and processes and the extent to which they provide a subsequent legacy for political violence.

To being with I should explain that I not intending to identify the absolute beginning of terrorism within societies. Such a pursuit would be fruitless. Just like other forms of behaviour, routes into terrorism are lost in the depths of unrecorded history.

Nevertheless it is possible to identify examples that fit within a broader history of the related movement. Within this broader past identifiable connections can be drawn between ideas, methods or aims. Crucially this is not to argue that there is a continuous trajectory of political violence within societies or a continuum between anarchists from the nineteenth century and militant Islamists in the twenty first century. Alongside similarities there are important differences. Nor am I arguing that there is an inevitability that terrorism will recur in the same locations. Instead I am suggesting that aspects 1 For the purposes of this chapter terrorism is defined as the targeted and intentional use of violence for political purposes. I appreciate that this definition will not be universally accepted but it is important to establish the form of behaviour that I am discussing (Vertigans, 2008).

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of violence have been retained or transformed within particular social and individual habitus. Therefore, although monopolies of violence have been established within most of the nation-states encountering terrorism, these are not all enveloping. Generally people internalise feelings of guilt and repulsion over the use of violence and internalise restraints which limit the likelihood they will become violent. Terrorists have internalised different norms and values. For those involved in terror groups, individual and social restraints do not inherently prevent the expression of political violence. The roots of these forms of violence associated with terrorism and accompanying discursive consciousness are examined in the remainder of this chapter with examples drawn from a range of case studies including Ireland, Italy and the United States.

The past as another country When considering the terror threat within the West there is a tendency to assume that this is unique to the contemporary era. For instance, the emergence of ‘red’ terror groups during the later 1960s and early 1970s were categorised as ‘new’ forms of terrorism. That these groups and subsequent formations such as those associated with alQa’ida and the American Far Right learnt important lessons from their predecessors is usually not recognised.2 Tactics, strategies, methods and concepts often have a longevity that far outlives groups. Thus concepts like the “vanguard”, “propaganda by deed” and “strategy of provocation” can be traced to nineteenth century anarchism. Today they can be located within the rhetoric and strategic approaches ranging from al-Qa’ida to American Far Right groups. Such groups all consider themselves to be the vanguard, visionaries who can identify the problems and solutions that are seemingly beyond the comprehension of the bulk of their respective populations. By adopting terrorism, the vanguard seeks to ‘wake up’ their respective populations to government atrocities and injustices. Once aroused the people will support the vanguard and help both to confront systemic problems and to implement the radical alternative discourse.

The United States is a very good example of the short term approach to terrorism.

In the aftermath of the September 2001 terror attacks many people were surprised to discover that the country had regularly faced terrorism from ‘enemies within.’3 The 1995 Oklahoma bombing was still remembered and the Weather Underground and SLA were recalled by older generations. However early forebears of terrorism like Karl Heinzen and Johann Most were rarely considered. Heinzen was ‘the first to provide a full-fledged doctrine of modern terrorism’ Laqueur (1977) and his influence transcends American boundaries. His approach was formed in reaction to the failures of the 1848 European revolutions. These failures stemmed, Heinzen believed, from a lack 2 Important exceptions include texts discussing the historical evolution of terrorism such as Burleigh (2008), Law (2009), Laqueur (1977) and Sinclair (2003).

3 Hewitt (2003) elaborates on the extent of the threat. Since 1954 and before September 2001 attacks there had been over 3,000 terrorist incidents and over 700 related fatalities within the United States and Costa Rica.

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of resolution and ruthlessness and needed to be addressed. A doctrine of terrorism was developed to help towards this end. Heinzen’s anticipation of weapons of mass destruction and the potential of bombs, rockets and poisons in creating large scale devastation suggest that he was a visionary. Despite this Heinzen’s role in the trajectory of terrorism has been understated. Instead his influence has been more covert, interwoven within the tactics of subsequent terrorists such as Johann Most who was one of the first strategists to appreciate media potential and also advocated indiscriminate attacks. Most’s impact has received greater recognition and his most famous book The Anarchist Cookbook was adopted by the New Left in the 1960s and has influenced other texts (Laqueur, 2001).

Although an examination of terror groups and time periods quickly identifies links across and within periods, terror groups are largely classified as belonging to ‘waves.’

At one level this is understandable. There are similarities between groups that usually are discursive such as religious, ‘red,’ fascist and nationalist. However the classifications quickly become all exclusive with groups holding different beliefs excluded from analysis. Academic and opinion leaders specialise within categories and as a consequence, do not learn from the mistakes and successes of other ‘types’ of terror groups. For example, today the concept of sacrifice is widely categorised as an Islamic phenomenon.

There are numerous examples of non Muslim members who give up their lives for their discourse and/or group. Such sacrifices have been integral in the mobilisation of other generations and, of course, the reluctance to give up the struggle and gain a sense that martyrs have died in vain. Yet because they have not been positioned with the same classification as militant Islamists, the cross cutting occurrence of sacrifice and the significance of such commonalities are overlooked. If the parameters were extended beyond the contemporary and religious then secular groups such as the IRA, Russian anarchists and Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) could become incorporated.

Irish republicanism is a particularly good example both of the role of sacrifice and the longevity of subsequent martyrdom. Amongst the numerous Irish martyrs, probably the most renowned are those who were killed either during the Easter Rising or subsequently executed by the British. Leaders such as Pearse, Plunkett and MacDonagh declared presciently that their actions would be ‘a cleansing and a sanctifying thing.’4 Hunger strikes were also to become an integral component of the republican struggle.

Associated images remain hugely symbolic. Contemporary reflections are heavily influenced by the 1981 hunger strikers. Pragmatically the impact of the 1981 campaign can also be witnessed in the emergence of what became the ballot box and armalite approach that was to become instrumental in the peace process. To understand why the 1981 campaign was introduced and initially was so widely supported reference has again to be made to history because this was by no means the first occasion when hunger strikes were introduced as a tactic. For instance Thomas Ashe died following force feeding while on hunger strike in the aftermath of the Easter Rising. His death aroused tremendous emotions and over 40,000 mourners were reported attending the 4 Cited in Fitzpatrick (1992: 198).

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funeral. Over in Britain, this did not go unnoticed with the Daily Express declaring that the death and funeral had ‘made 100,000 Sinn Feiners out of 100,000 constitutional nationalists.’5 When locating al-Qa’ida related suicide attacks within a history of terrorism from which they draw and adapt, their actions become less extreme and unusual. I hasten to add that this is to not say that al-Qa’ida and the IRA are the same.

Important differences are evident including most starkly the number of casualties caused by al-Qa’ida associated attacks which are far in excess of bomb attacks by Irish republicans. Nevertheless, Duyvesteyn (2004) raises a number of pertinent questions regarding changes in terrorist behaviour, Is the growth in deaths a consequence of terrorists consciously choosing to kill more people, of technological progress or increased effectiveness. Is it not inherent in the logic of terrorism that the attacks need to be larger and more extreme in order to achieve the same effect?

When the means becomes available, the terrorist expressions will inevitably become more extreme.

As the earlier discussion about the American roots of modern terror showed, the intention for mass casualties or willingness to kill innocent civilians is not new. For instance Karl Heinzen (2004) declared in 1849 that, The path to Humanity will pass through the zenith of Barbarity. Our enemies have made this principle a law of politics and we shall either have to observe this “law,” follow this “constitutional path,” or be buried, and our freedom with us.

The past is not necessarily another country nor is another country necessarily a different classification. Yet they are according to the overwhelming majorities of studies of terrorism and the past is lost from analysing the present.

Losing the past For most commentators terrorism has no history, or at least they would have us believe that the “terrorist problem” had no significance until the 1960s, when the full impact of modern technology was felt, endowing most individuals as individuals or as members of small groups, with capacities they never had before (Rapoport, 1989).

If longer term processes through which terrorism emerges are identified, they tend to be restricted to underdeveloped discussions about the preceding mainstream movements from which most groups emerge. The deep history of the societies is ignored.

In some respects this is understandable. Studies rarely consider the roots of violence or wonder why terrorism is adopted in societies where unauthorised violence appears to have disappeared from public spaces. Despite the reluctance to acknowledge the past of political violence, there is an appreciation that the origins of other forms of social 5 Cited in Kee (1995: 178).

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behaviour precede us. Elias illuminates upon the relationship when declaring, ‘The living communicate with each other in a language that is to a large extent moulded by the dead’ (1996). And just like other forms of communication, terrorism aims to communicate terror and discourse. Hence, a study of the deep roots of particular societies can help to identify potential factors, activities and relations that remain embedded within the contemporary habitus and enhance the likelihood of terrorism.

Old Ideas: As good as new When examining the past it is important to clarify that the legacy of political violence is not free floating, freely available to anyone with an interest in history. Forms of behaviour are embedded within habitus, interwoven with individual and social dispositions. And just like forms of behaviour, ideas that are also interwoven within political discourses often pre-exist the groups. Within studies of terrorism there is a tendency to demarcate groups rather crudely. Some terror discourses are considered unique and very much products of their time. Alternatively religious discourse in particular tends to be viewed as a historical throwback with ideas and forms of behaviour that are ill suited for the modern era. Populist evaluation of groups associated with al-Qa’ida is a case in point. Neither perception is strictly correct. During the 1970s red groups in the West may have appeared innovative and the reporting tended to support this.

Nevertheless discursively a mix of influences contributed to a distinctive ideology.

To varying degrees Left Wing group’s raided history for inspiration and Marx, Lenin and Mao were all to feature. And very often it was possible to locate Heinzen, Bakunin and Kropotkin amongst others. At the other side of the political spectrum, and discussed further below, the American Far Right is heavily influenced by the ‘Founding Fathers,’ the establishment of the constitution, the perceived origins of the nation-state and the roles of their ideological forebears.

Nationalist groups have also utilised historical connections to attract support and justify sedition. For example lineages with the past are noticeable across the sectarian divide. Narrative of Irish republicanism incorporates a rich cast of characters including Tone Wolfe, Robert Emmett and the 1916 martyrs. By comparison and within periodic downward spirals of relations and emotions, in the 1850s the religious beliefs of Irish ‘British’ Protestants shifted. Evangelicalism that drew upon the past surged and contributed to sectarian divides across Ulster being further solidified (Foster, 1992).

The past in the present For terror groups the past can be integral to processes of mobilisation. Examples from the past are drawn upon that are interwoven with collective memories. Unbroken sequences of injustice, brutality, dashed hopes and political failures are emphasised. In so doing terror groups sketch continuums in which the past is integral to the present. Following » 173 «

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on from these connections, terror groups seek to evidence that the long term nature of the systemic problems indicates that the only solution is to overcome the common aggressors and/or repressors across this period. Thus colonialists and governments must be confronted if the future is not to resemble the past. Terror groups portray themselves as the solution. Historical lineages are in some ways easier for nationalist groups to utilise.

Shared localities, relationships and collective memories can mean that emotive historical stories can continue to resonate with recent events and encounters. Irish republicans provide numerous examples with frequent recourse to history. Instances include the plantations, nineteenth century famine, 1916 Easter Rising, behaviour of ‘Black and Tans’ and Auxiliaries and rioting following partition, alongside Bloody Sunday and subsequent acts by the British government and army. All the events are viewed both as indicative of British brutality and long standing injustice and imposed governance.

In addition to the longevity of history, terror groups have also formed in part as a reaction to fears that the past will explicitly return. Groups such as the Italian Red Brigades, West German Red Army Faction and Japanese Red Army made explicit reference to the past and argued that the fascists had remained influential within post war governments. Actions by governments were considered against this backdrop with Left Wing radicals anticipating the return of more overt forms of fascism. In West Germany, Elias (1996) considered that, After a phase of almost boundless over-elevation of the national ideal, the rising generations saw themselves burdened not only with the stigma of defeat, but over and above this—and more difficult to overcome—with the stigma of a nation which had a tendency towards barbaric acts of violence.

For Elias (1996), the younger generation of the middle class’ in West Germany were most adversely affected. To try overcome the disparities they seized ‘on political ideals which stand in opposition to the great catchwords of this polluting past.’ With hindsight it is easy to wonder how these nation states could be viewed as descending back in fascism. At the time however links with the past did remain. Structures and personnel from the previous regimes had retained some influence and these were seen to be representative of the governments’ true identity. Former Red Army Faction member Astrid Proll (MacDonald, 1991) exemplified concerns when stating, ‘They [the Nazis] were everywhere—every second person was a Nazi and they held powerful jobs in business and in the judiciary; the Nazis just continued their careers.’ Because fascism was strongly associated with older generations who were thereby considered at least complicit with the atrocities committed in the name of the Third Reich, a deep generational divide emerged. For some members of the younger generation this meant that only they could protect the nation against the explicit return of authoritarianism and repression. By comparison, older generations tended to dismiss the radicals fears.

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Returning to the Golden Age Following on from the preceding sections, it could be argued that history is always a negative source for mobilisation. However the past can also provide images, symbols and narratives of success, idealised forms of behaviour. For some groups these Golden Ages become the template for alternative social and political frameworks. Demands to re-introduce previous forms of governance have tended to be associated with religious groups. Certainly examples can be drawn from religions where followers have considered the application of violence to be an appropriate method through which to reintroduce values and behaviour from previous eras. Today Islamic groups have gained the greatest notoriety and are too easily, and incorrectly, dismissed as traditionalists or reactionaries (Vertigans, 2009). Furthermore, and as I explained above, the concentration and isolation of Muslim radicals risks neglecting the ways in which other religions continue to be embedded within processes of radicalisation that can result in terrorism. Contrary to the image of the United States as a modern progressive melting pot of a nation-state, acts of terrorism have regularly been committed by interwoven networks of racialists, militias and Christianity. Moreover despite regular fluctuations in support, American Right Wing discourse has been a prominent feature of extremist politics, often disseminating ideas and actions of political violence. Those responsible refer to the roles of religion, the founding fathers of America and militias. Individual freedoms and the right to bear arms are integral to these perceptions (Dees, 1996; Dobratz, Shanks-Meile, 2000; Flynn, Gerhardt, 1989; Vertigans, 2008). The most infamous example to date was the Oklahoma bombing in 1995 undertaken by Timothy McVeigh, a white American former soldier. The attack killed 168 people including childen and caused widespread anger and revulsion. As a consequence support for the broad racist coalition was seriously eroded. However related groups did not completely disappear.

Today, Far Right groups have experienced resurgence as they connect into fears over jobs, immigration, crime, global institutions and national government. The election of Obama has clearly been an integral factor in mobilising this radicalism. However the ‘Obama effect’ can be overstated and neglects the gradual growth of disillusionment and resentment held by many white Americans. The US Marshall’s Service Chief Inspector, Geoff Shank, exemplifies the longer term perspective when arguing in 2005 that ‘Not a lot of attention is being paid to this, because everyone is concerned about the guy in a turban. But there are still plenty of angry, Midwestern white guys out there.6 In other words racial problems remain embedded within American society, particularly amongst the southern states where the legacy of slavery and the civil war continues to play a prominent role in collective identification and political allegiance.

For Johnson and Frombgen (2009) the historical legacy of white assimilationism and what they term ‘creole nationalism’ stems from white settlers, the crystallization of racial supremacy and relationship between the award of citizenship and race. Cultur6 Shank is cited in Croft (2006).

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ally America was gradually transformed from an Anglo-Saxon country to a white one between the Civil War and World War II. The defence of the past is also noticeable within less explicit religious groups. In Northern Ireland loyalist groups have formed to protect their status and to prevent a united island just as previous generations were mobilised, ultimately unsuccessfully to maintain that the island remained under British governance. Following migration of (Protestant7) Scots, English and Welsh settlers have drawn upon multiple examples that are considered to emphasise their superiority, republican atrocities and potential British betrayal. Images of victorious Unionists are held alongside portrayals of atrocities committed against Protestants such as the murder of approximately 100 Protestant children and adults in 1641 by Catholics who were angry at the new settlements (Kee, 1995). Jarman (1997) has described the visual imagery as portraying an endless cycle of conflict, fear of betrayal and sacrifice.

Events such as the 1690 Battle of the Boyne, defiance of Home Rule between 1912–14, the Ulster Covenant and episodes of sacrifice like the thousands killed in defence of Britain during the First World War have all been utilised to justify terror actions and the defence of ‘Britishness.’ For instance the twentieth century rallying call of ‘No Surrender’ has been traced the 1689 siege of London/Derry. The surrounded Protestants are believed to have issued the now famous slogan to the forces of James II. Ultimately the siege was broken and James defeated. Events such as these are prevalent within Unionist culture and contribute to inflamed emotions during the ‘marching season’ when Orange Lodges parade streets carrying a variety of banners depicting various scenes from the past. In so doing, memories are refreshed and renewed through commemoration and celebration irrespective of their historical accuracy which has become largely irrelevant.

Finally, the Golden Age for some is the era of fear for others. Thus the Third Reich is both the source of inspiration for modern German Nazis and the threat that the Red Army Faction acted against.

Violent Past Alongside the transference of past glories, grievances and ideas within collective memories, history is also an important source for residues of political violence within social habitus and the adaptation of terror methods. At an obvious level, types of methods are heavily dependent upon the advent of technology and the availability of opportunities 7 This is not to argue that religion is irrelevant. Identification according to Catholic or Protestant denomination remains prominent. For instance loyalists are of the Protestant denomination. Yet it would be misleading to assume that the conflict in Northern Ireland was religious in nature. Religion is not the cause of the ‘Troubles.’ Nevertheless religion became a form of division, immersed within national, largely secular ideologies. Coulter (1999: 58) comments that ‘it has exercised a palpable influence. Religious beliefs and practice within the six counties [Northern Ireland] have served to promote those secular identities and disputes that form the basis of the “Northern Ireland problem.”’

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to either innovate or learn from others. Groups have thus learnt about tactics such as thrown dynamite, assassinations, hijackings, kidnapping, car bombs and latterly suicide bombs from the original innovators. This knowledge transference does not necessarily occur within organised training programmes, although there are numerous examples where this has happened. For instance, ideological and pragmatic links have existed between groups such as various anarchist organisations, ‘red’ urban groups and militant Islamists. Nevertheless these direct relations are not inevitable, nor are groups reluctant to adopt methods that are associated with discursively incompatible terrorists. Instead groups often learn from afar. Today technological advancements in particular the widespread availability of the Internet has reduced the distance across geographical regions and time periods. Thus The Anarchist Cookbook is now widely available as a reference source. There are also many examples of more surprising cross fertilisation. For instance, Yitzak Shamir from the Israeli group Lehi, and subsequent Prime Minister, had tremendous respect for the Irish republican leader Michael Collins and even selected the codename “Michael” in his honour (Clutterbuck, 2004; Sedgwick, 2007).

Political violence can also be drawn from the well of local history. Within the past in some locations violence has contributed to political struggles with successful outcomes.

When aiming to mobilise support, terror groups may find the task easier if they are able to refer to preceding examples that help both to justify the adaptation of violence and the likelihood of success. There is some support to suggest that the extent to which violence can be drawn from collective memories influences the nature and duration of the terror struggles. Northern Ireland is again an illustrative case study. Both loyalists and republicans have been able to emphasise continuity between themselves and their predecessors. Throughout republican history groups have referenced the past and the preceding periods of armed rebellion. A historical framework of activism has been established that has enabled republicans to unite historical figures and groups such as Theobald Wolfe Tone8 (1763–98), the nineteenth century Fenians, Padraig Pearse and the 1916 Easter Rising martyrs with the post 1969 republican movement. Foster (1992) argues that by the mid nineteenth century, The emphasis on past battles, and rebellions, and the high value put on ‘dying for Ireland,’ helped inculcate a verbal cult of physical violence; threatening to the Irish Protestant establishment as well as the British government and inseparably part of Irish nationalism from this time on.

Continuities across time periods are not restricted to republicans. Since the seventeenth century Protestant ‘Brits’ have had concerns about weak central government and, as the dominant minority, the lack of protection they were provided with against the excluded majority. From this early stage ‘bands’ were formed for mutual protection and security arrangements were provided as a form of ‘self defence.’ During the twen8 Tone was part of the United Irishmen. Following on from the preceding footnote, and contrary to popular perception about sectarianism in Ireland, he was a Protestant and was part of a cross denomination movement wanting independence from Britain.

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tieth century ‘Troubles’ such ‘bands of protection’ became increasingly visible (Miller, 1978). Furthermore the historical precedents have also, to some extent, restricted the longevity of loyalist terror behaviour. With the exception of criminalized activities and some particular incidents, loyalism has often been reactive to republican activism or the perceived threat (Bruce, 1992; Crawford, 1999). Certainly this is an image that the loyalists wanted to portray. Consequently when the IRA entered the peace process and formally ended the use of violence, there was little credible scope for loyalists to continue with their own armed political struggle.

In contrast to the perceived successful application of political aggression, the failure of violence to achieve political aims can lead to a reassessment of the suitability of tactics such as terrorism. For example, the failures of the Irish Fenians in 1867 led to a re-examination of the approach to secessionism and which resulted in parliamentary agitation becoming the preferred tactic (Fitzpatrick, 1992). Ironically the armed campaign was re-energised following the excessive and indiscriminate use of violence by the British following the 1916 Easter Rising. Such campaigns of violence by governments is often instrumental in mobilising support for the rebels; an observation that terror groups are obviously familiar with when they seek to provoke armed forces to retaliate.

Finally I want to examine possible historical reasons for different levels of support for terror groups that are largely similar and in particular the ‘red’ urban terror groups from Italy, West Germany and Japan. By comparison with the other two countries, ‘red’ terrorism in Italy was much more extensive in terms of members and attacks.

There are a number of reasons for this including the different competitive dynamics in Italy which resulted in spirals of hatred and fear between Far Left and Right that did not exist in Germany or Japan. Moreover there are important historical differences.

Italy had a much stronger association with socialist and anarchist ideologies that can be traced to the Carbonari of the 1820s and Young Italy successes in 1860. In turn discursive influences included the nineteenth and early twentieth century revolutionaries of German and Russian origin and inspirational figures such as Garibaldi and Mazzini (Drake, 1984; Sedgwick, 2007; Weinburg, Eubank, 1987).9 Bach Jensen (2004) details examples from the struggle for national unification, revenge attacks and tyrannicide.

The twentieth century began with the assassination of King Umberto I and violent clashes between socio-communists and fascists in the immediate aftermath of the First World War (Pisano, 1979). And violence to some extent gained greater legitimacy through the involvement of the Left-Wing in armed resistance against the Nazis during the Second World War (Pisano, 1987; Vertigans, 2008; Weinburg, Eubank, 1987).

Within the post 1969 spirals of violence, the resistance was a form of historical referent.

For the extreme Right it commenced the period of prohibition, victimisation and discrimination. By comparison for the Left, it symbolised the possibility of uprising and 9 In this regard there are obvious parallels that can be drawn with the cross fertilisation between Muslim ideologues and movements such as the Arabian Wahhibism and Indian sub continent Deobandis. These movements largely share uncompromising and puritanical approaches.

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revolution against national and international forces. Because the resistance was within relatively recent memory, oral histories and autobiographical accounts were directly available from participants who provided a sense of continuity between the past and present (Moss, 1997).

Conclusion Within societies in the West there have been numerous episodes of terrorism during the twentieth century, often long after democracy has been introduced and violence seemingly removed from public spaces. There is much to be learnt from these periodic expressions of political violence. Based upon the examples drawn upon in this chapter, namely (Northern) Ireland, Italy and the United States, I am arguing that is not a coincidence that terrorism occurred in places with histories of political violence. This is not to suggest that the emergence of terrorism is inevitable nor that it is destined to reappear in the future. Crucially peoplesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; experiences must connect with radical discourse by which I mean they must encounter events and activities that support forms of terrorism. What I am arguing is that these experiences are more likely to lead to terrorism when there is a legacy of political violence that has been communicated and reinterpreted across generations through narrative, behaviour, memory agents and symbols. In the three localities discussed throughout this chapter, uncertainty, fear, unpredictability and danger have remained embedded within collective memories.

Emotions such as these hinder the extent to which individual and social pacification occurs. When these levels of restraint interact with histories in which political violence has been justified by outcomes and preceding and subsequent events and experiences there is a greater likelihood that terror groups will form.

Consequently I suggest that the past provides important lessons about the nature of societies in which terror groups form and crucially their roots in deep history. Therefore if counter terrorism is to be successful, the long term processes through which terrorism emerges have to be taken into consideration. Historical memories have to fade or be shown to no longer apply to contemporary settings or provide viable norms and behavioural frameworks for the future. Superficial short term approaches are unlikely to overcome these deeply embedded processes and residues of political violence within individual and social dispositions. Traumatic periods have to blur within common memories, fragile restraints have to become robust and violent sediments have to disappear. This can only happen during periods of stability and security. And just as violence becomes embedded over generations, deep rooted pacification will not happen immediately. Pacification certainly will not happen when people feel resentment, anger and fear over both the present and future.

Considerably more research is required into these tentative findings. Nevertheless I believe that there is sufficient evidence to declare that we can learn from the history of political violence to help prevent and address terrorism. Equally an examination of the interplay between past and present can help inform the likelihood of terrorism emergÂť 179 ÂŤ

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ing. In this regard there is an irony that while the United States leads the international ‘war on terror,’ a national threat within is growing in prominence. American local history, insensitivity about the use of weapons, challenges to self declared superiority and normalisation of aggression is intersecting with populations that are feeling dislocated and fearful. Based upon the lessons from deep history there are strong grounds to conclude that a resurgence in Far Right terrorism in America looks increasingly likely.

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Kee R. (1995). Ireland: A history. London.

Laqueur W. (1977). Terrorism. Boston, p. 26.

Laqueur W. (2001). The New Terrorism: Fanaticism and the arms of mass destruction. London.

Law R. (2009). Terrorism: A History. Cambridge.

MacDonald E. (1991). Shoot the Women First. London, p. 211.

Miller D. (1978). Queen’s Rebels. Ulster Loyalism in Historical Perspective. Dublin.

Moss D. (1997). Politics, Violence, Writing: The Rituals of “Armed Struggle” in Italy. In: Apter D. (ed.), The Legitimization of Violence. London.

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Pisano V. (1979). A Survey of Terrorism of the Left in Italy: 1970–78. “An international journal”, Special issue: Terrorism. New York.

Pisano V. (1987). The Dynamics of Subversion and Violence in Contemporary Italy. Stanford.

Rapoport D. (1989). Introduction. In: Rapoport D., Alexander Y. (eds.), The Morality of Terrorism: Religious and Secular Justifications. New York, p. xii.

Sedgwick M. (2007). Inspiration and the Origins of Global Waves of Terrorism. “Studies in Conflict and Terrorism” 30(2), p. 97–112.

Sinclair A. (2003). An Anatomy of Terror: A History of Terrorism. London.

Vertigans S. (2008). Terrorism and Societies. Aldershot.

Vertigans S. (2009). Militant Islam: A Sociology of Characteristics, Causes and Consequences. Cambridge.

Weinberg L., Eubank W.L. (1987). The Rise and Fall of Italian Terrorism. Boulder–London.

Mariusz Gaj MA University of Wroclaw Poland

Schools of social behavior in India: The role of education in emancipation

In the paper I focus on the image of tribal people living in rural India, which I know from my personal experience working for several months for local, educational-orientated NGO. The main points of this article are educational exclusions and their impact on social and economical situation of tribal people in less developed countries such as India. This subject highlights the need for critical pedagogy and a role of NGO’s in introducing country into long-term development. For me personally, and for few of my European and Asian friends, co-involved in project supported by one of NGO working with tribal people, it was a significant lesson on multicultural education as it will be emphasized in the end of this paper.

According to United Nations data1 there are 370 million indigenous people living all over the world, mostly in less developed countries such as India, Bolivia, Venezuela and Bangladesh. Although indigenous peoples make up only 5 per cent of the global population, they constitute around 1/3 of the world’s 900 million extremely poor rural societies. In both developed and developing countries, poor nutrition, limited access to care, lack of resources crucial to maintaining health and well-being and contamination of natural resources are all factors contributing to the terrible state of the indigenous’ health worldwide.

But not only health and economic problems are the issues in this case. Many of such people are facing problems due to the urbanization and their culture threatened with extinction. Nowadays, they do not enjoy the same freedoms and rights as most of the people in liberal democracy do. In general, they are facing problems which in Europe are not present any more on a daily basis. Hence, what seems to be relevant in this case, apart from ethnical perspective? Due to the fact that contemporary western countries deal with the mechanism of cultural trauma or social exclusions of some minority groups such as Romany in Poland, Slovakia or Czech Republic (see: Jasińska1 http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=33484&Cr=indigenous&Cr1=.

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Kania, Łodziński, 2009) migrant workers, or gipsy people face the same problems. First of all, in order to overcome this problem it is predominantly political issue, but there is a niche for pedagogy too. The answer was provided by Paulo Freire and other names connected to the intellectual school of critical pedagogy. This paradigm has its roots in the critical theory of the Frankfurt School, which influence is evident in the educational works of Paulo Frieire, the most renowned critical educator.

For Freire, liberatory education focuses on the development of critical consciousness, which enables learners to recognize connections between their individual problems and experiences and the social contexts in which they are embedded. Coming to consciousness is the necessary first step of praxis configured as an ongoing, reflective approach to taking action. Praxis involves engaging in a cycle of theory, application, evaluation, reflection, and then back to theory. Social transformation is the product of praxis at the collective level.2

This educational battle is not only to make the pupils think more critical about their social status, but also this work can have crucial impact on national economy. Literacy is the key tool to make the work more efficient. The word literacy means “the ability to read and write” (Queens English, 2002), therefore literacy is a phenomenon by which one can enhance own communication, professional and social skills. The impact of literacy on economic development is positive and can be easily determined by comparing the standard of living, per capita income, GDP, industrialization and development of infrastructure within a country. Literacy enhances the working capabilities of people by providing them with skills development. That’s why education can bring profits into changing social picture of the country as well as to its economy. That’s why work of non-government organizations in the Third World in the education field is much more important and has positive impact in other areas of social and economical life.

Adivasi—Tribal People of India According to the 2001 Census, tribal population in India reaches 84 326 240 in consequence it makes up 8.2% of Indian population, consisting of 461 groups. This population has grown by 24.5% in last 10 years. Moreover, about 95% of Adivasis live in rural areas, less than 10% are itinerant hunter-gatherers but more than half depend upon forestry for their livelihood. It particularly refers to Gujarat, where I lived and worked with tribal people, there are—according to the same data—50 671 017 people in total, 7 481of them tribal, which means 14.8 %—constituting over national rate.

Four castes (varnas) exist in India with the Bramins (teachers, scholars and priests), the Kshatriyas (kings and warriors), the Vaishyas (agriculturists and traders) and Shudras (service providers and artisans). Apart from this four there are Dalits (untouchable), also those outside the varna system, which have the lowest social status and Scheduled Tribes (indigenous people).

2 http://mingo.info-science.uiowa.edu/~stevens/critped/definitions.htm

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Adivasis are some of the earliest inhabitants of the sub-continent and once inhabited much greater areas than at present. However, little of their history is known, according to the fact that they were illiterate. Many were pushed into the hills areas, proximate to forest after the invasions of the Indo-Aryan tribes 3,000 years ago, where they stay up till now. This land has extremely poor infrastructure, many of the villages up till now do not have electricity with dirt roads only, rivers without bridges; without any kind of public transport. Indigenous people were not integrated into Hindu caste society; they stood outside it but nevertheless there were many points of contact.

The animistic culture of Scheduled Tribes in India drew Christian missionaries of British origin to work among these communities, providing them with health care and education, and starting a process of conversion that began in the early 19th century.

Today, in many areas of the country one finds the animistic beliefs of Scheduled Tribes co-existing in the same space with churches, baptism and the Bible. This situation is quite similar to those with we have in Poland straight after the baptism of Poland in 966. Also Hinduism contains many of the tribal believes and vice versa. On the top of this, something also I could experience, a lot of Tribal people celebrate several Hindu religious festivals, but still retain some of the traditional believes and celebrations connected to the life of forest, seasons and so on.

What is also important, most of them still speak in their own dialect which is very different from Hindi, or any other “state” languages (for example Gujarati). A little more than 51 % of tribal population of India communicates in a tribal dialect of its own, and declares it as a mother tongue This is by far the most important single indicator of the continuing the tribal identity (Raza, Ahmad, 1991).

Table 1 Indicators Below Poverty Line Literacy Rate Under Nutrition

Total population

Adivasi Population (ST)

38.9 % 65.38 % 47%

63.23% 47.1% 55.9%

Source: Tenth Five Year plan, Planning Commission of India (2002–2007)

Cultural trauma and identity As it was shown the tribal people groups have traditionally lived in less developed areas—and that’s general rule around the world. Those villages have extremely poor communication system, being in closer proximity to forests and natural resources than the rest of the population. Traditional Scheduled Tribe communities value their close relationship to nature and make optimal use of the natural resource-base for their daily sustenance.

For many ages it helped them to enjoy cultural and economical autonomy from local kings and then the British colonizers. “During the obscure period, it appears » 185 «

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that Dangs (tribal people form south–east Gujarat), was covered by small principalities presided over four Rajas and ten Naiks. It was feudal system. After acquisition of Khandesh in 1818 British came into contact with Dangi Rajas. The obscure period come to an end when British got forest leased from Dangi Chiefs in 1842. (…)

The Dangs did not surrender to the British without resistance. So the British military officials struck terror. (Ravani, 2007). In fact after 1842 history provided a tragic chronicle of uncompensated exploration of common resources, of arrogant administration by the colonial state, of loss of livelihood, culture trauma and great suffering for the tribal people.

In today’s India they seem to pay the highest price for national development and get very little profits. Their lands being snatched away; their access to forests obstructed and villages displaced to make way for developmental and industrial projects. Another problem is that due to the fact of inviting national resources on the land their traditionally live on, they are very often a victim of displacement. With the policies of liberalization and free market, hunger stalks the tribal areas with the collapse of the public distribution system. The tribal people have been pauperized and uprooted from their habitats. Most of them are now comprised of the landless rural poor and the most exploited cheap labor in mines, plantations, brick kilns and construction work3.

The general situation seems to be a one big trap. On the one hand some want to kick the Adivasis out and take their forest land, because they are very committed to protecting the forest. But at the same time they are not committed to implementing the land ceiling act and take some land from the rich people and give it as resettlement land to the Adivasis. (India Together, 2005)

Illiteracy and education According to those very basic challenges of every-day life, access to education remained a secondary issue in many tribal way of thinking. But one more problem which those people need to face is a poor educational system itself around India. Though education was not a critical demand among Scheduled Tribes, government policy focused on education as the main avenue by which government tries to push them to become integrated into ‘mainstream’ society. A centrally-sponsored government scheme of ashram schools exclusively for ST children from elementary to higher secondary levels was initiated in the 1970s and continues to the present “Our government schools have not responded effectively enough to demands of education. (…) By the end of the 1990s, the poor had to begun to do what the middle class done three decades ago—search for alternatives to government schools—and cheap private schools surged across the country. (…) What hope I have for India’s education lies with the entrepreneurs. The teachers turn up on time, and make effort to teach their students” (Rajagopal, 2001).

3 To read more: Declaration adopted at the All India Tribal Convention, held in Ranchi on November 18–19, 2002 (http://pd.cpim.org/2002/dec01/12012002_tribal_dec.htm).

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70 60 50 40

Tribal People (ST) Population (total)

30 20 10 0 1961

1971

1981

1991

2001

Figure 1. Scheduled tribes literacy rate Source: Official Census of India 1961, 1971, 1981, 1991, 2001.

The concept of ‘ashram schools’—residential schools for ST children—came into vogue in order to overcome structural barriers such as difficult terrain, inaccessible locations and spatially dispersed habitations, and thereby to improve educational access for Scheduled Tribe communities. Ashram schools include vocational training in their curricula in order to provide ST youth with skills and training for jobs in the industrial sector. The poor quality of education in ashram schools, however, has undermined confidence in education as a vehicle for social mobility. The curriculum bears no relation to the economic and social life of Scheduled Tribe communities and instead attempts to wean young people away from it, alienating them in the process. Considering the poor quality of teaching and infrastructure, and the distance of these schools from the community and habitats of the Scheduled Tribes, it is hardly surprising that many families prefer not to send their children to ashram schools and the drop out rate is high among those who do (Sedwal, Kamat, 2008).

Shramik Vikas Sansthan—interns point of view SVS is a voluntary organization working for the enlistment of the rural and urban poverty. Its objective is to develop the rural and urban poor people of Gujarat and to promote the educational, cultural, economic, social and health activities among such classes and help them become economically heard. The founder—former finance minister of Gujarat State—Sanat Mehta said about the reasons to spread literacy effort along tribal villages: “After completing 65 years of public life and 80 years of live in 2005, I’m devoting more time to the welfare tribals. I was attempting to look at the process achieved in literacy between 1991 and 2001 censuses. For this, I caught hold of village-wise figures of two talukas of Vadodara district namely Naswadi and Kawant.” (Mehta, 2006). According to this census literacy rate in the two districts is even lower than in many countries in poorest Sahara region in Africa. Another paradox » 187 «

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is that according to the same census total number of schools and collage buildings in India reached 1 500 000 in comparison to the number of temples and mosques and other place of worship as high as 24 000 000.

We decided to post one young educated person in every village as a development catalyst, to spread literacy, initially for next two years. This person will help villagers, particularly women. In overcoming the obstacle of illiteracy, we need to eradicate the issuance of bogus certificates of literacy in the village, and guide villagers in handling money, weights of grains, so that they are not cheated in the market place. This person will draw a honorarium of 500 Rupees per month (whit means only 7 Euro).

(Mehta, 2006). This clearly pictures how little amount of money can bring a huge effort to develop such regions in the world. To compare with—in European Union to each cow reach approximately 45 Euro a month (Bauman, 2005).

This project was also supported by AIESEC Local Committee in Baroda. From the beginning it has been supported by Basha research and publication center along with a number of above mentioned NGOs. At the time I stayed in India about 10 interns from all over the world had participated in Shramik Vikas Shantsa daily duties mainly in Kawant region.

Below are impressions of the volunteers involved in the project. Particularly striking is the variety of nationalities involved in this project.

We visited the so-called poorest family in the village. The family lives on selling ornaments.

The symbol of prosperity is the condition of cows. In this poor family the cows were very thin and

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with dry breasts. Mr. Sana Bhai told us that the main problem of the plantation and the farming is the shortage of water. So the water needed to be pumped deep underground. Thus, we saw countless pump machines all over the mountain and the village.

Keting, China The villagers in Vankanez had a quarrel with the forest department in 2004. The government occupied land to plant trees for environmental protection. But the farmers need the land for farming. Right now the farmers are supported by different NGOs to get their land back. Just a stone thrown away the villagers of Pataia showed us proudly pictures from the meeting with the head of the forest department. Here the farmers maintain a forest area voluntarily. This experience tought us that it is hard to figure out any main problems the tribal people face in that region. Each village has very particular difficulties.

Simon, Germany To my surprise they are just doing the routine job but nothing concerning improvement. We wanted to help but felt very helplessness because we don’t really know the exact situation in the villages. So we decided to know more about the villagers and get involved with village activities. But still, it turned out to be very difficult for us to do so. The second village had some land issues with the forest department, they once got into a conflict with forest department and some woman was thrown by stones. The government had applications for the occupied land by making villagers fill in some forms, but most of them are illiterate so the application turns out to be useless. Luckily there are some NGOs nearby which solved the problem for the villagers and got back some land.

The third village was voluntarily preserving some forests, I didn’t find the possible way of explaining this, because in China, people are using everything around to make profits to make life better, they don’t have sense of environment protecting, even if they had, they will do the same because of the poor situations they got into. But here our Indian friend explained to us that the villagers are told by their religions to do so. In Hindu, it’s highly recommended to preserve the origin of nature and feeling content all the time. So Indian people are very easily satisfied, and that’s what I’ve learned in India. On the way back from the village, Jane and I had a small discussion about the situations in rural China and rural India, we surprisingly find that the situations are almost the same but the rural mentalities were very different. In China, villagers are living a life of staying away from government, but In India people are fighting for what they deserved. That’s the difference caused by the democratic form between two countries, however cultural influence is another reason.

Daniel, Hong-Kong Strange even in Gujarat people hardly know about Adivasi, nevertheless they live all over the east end of the state. Afterwards we joined the second family for farming. In this climate it is much harder to work than in Europe. We were already extremely tired after only the walk to the field.

Mariusz, Poland In Europe there is no such strong difference between people in villages and cities in way of living.

In here indigenous people are extremely hospitable. In India it is not even about invitation, you will get at least glass of water, sometimes something to eat. People in here also seem to experience some kind of inner happiness. Maybe it is all about the limited needs they have? It is great experience for me to meet people like that.

Łucja, Poland

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As wee can see for them this project was one big cross-cultural education lessons.

Main things the interns point out are different social structure, politics (human rights), culture habits. The determinants of such situation might be as follows: ▷ cultural differences, ▷ political situations of Adivasi, ▷ religious believes, ▷ isolation of Tribal people.

In contrary to most modern sociologist, such as Z. Bauman or communicationscientists as Marshall McLuhan, we seem not to live in a global village. We (interns) couldn’t understand many of the tribal problems. I remember one conversation when the tribal man asked me where I was from, so I answered that I’m from Poland. He didn’t know where it is. So I said that I’m from Europe. He still didn’t know. So my friend said that I was from very far away. The man asked whether he meant Mumbai.

Mumbai seem to be the border line, pointing out the end of their world.

In fact every identity at the beginning of live is very local. But in this part of the word it stays local because of poor communication system. In the village there was only one TV set (at school), but I’ve seen many without any access to news. Of course it works in both ways, and many of Indians don’t know about Adiviasi. In this case education becomes much more important as school is the only place they can get any information about the external world. Moreover, the main issue for NGO operating within this area is to raise awareness about tribal people problems. Another one is undoubtedly cross culture exchange, as we have been part of it. Definitely, the cross culture education is not an easy one—both sides are “Other” for each other. But after all it is great lessons for everybody.

Bibliography Balagoplan S. (2003). Dalit and Adivasi Children in Schools. “IDS Bulletin” 34(1).

Bauman Z. (2005). Europa, niedokończona przygoda. Kraków, p. 53.

Baviscar A. (2002). Indian Indigenous. In: Cadena M. de la, Stasrn O. (eds.), Indigenous experience today. Oxford.

Jasińska-Kania A., Łodziński S. (2009). Obszary i formy wykluczenia etnicznego w Polsce, Warszawa, p. 39–77.

Hardiman D. (2006). Histories for the Subordinated. New Dheli.

Kunnie J.E. (2006). Indigenous Peoples’ Wisdom and Power. London.

Mehta S. (2006). An effort to spread Literacy in 42 remote villages. Vadodara, p. 4, 8.

Mehta S. (2003). Shramik Vikas Sansthan. Consolidates its activities in 21st Century. Vadodara.

Parajuli P. (2006). Indigenous communities and ecological citizenship in India. In: Kunnie J., Goduka N. (eds.), Indigenous Peoples’ Wisdom and Power. London.

Rai P. (2005). Political Economy of Hunger in Adivasi Areas. New Delhi.

Ravani A.P. (2007). Loss of livehood, cultural trauma and suffering for forest people of Dangs. Vadodara, p. 6.

Raza M., Ahmad A. (1991). An atlas of tribal India. Dheli, p. 227.

Shinoda T. (2002). The other Gujarat. Mumbai.

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Sedwal M., Kamat S. (2008). Education and Social Equity: With a Special Focus on Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in Elementary Education. “Research Monograph” 19, p. 4 B. Wallace B., Ericsson G.I. (2006). Diversity in gifted education: international perspectives on global issues. Oxon.

Internet sources Adivasi Resource Centre. Bridging Civil Society and Legislative Gap. www.ncasindia.org/public/ Whatnew/arc/arc_brief.pdf.

Bunsha D. (2004). Saffronisation, Adivasis and the politics of south Gujarat. “The Hindu” 16 April. http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/2004/04/16/stories/2004041602271200.htm.

Census of India (2002). http://censusindia.gov.in/errorStatus.htm?aspxerrorpath=/default.aspx.

India Together (2005). www. indiatogether.org.

UN report paints grim picture of conditions of world’s indigenous peoples (2010). UN News Centre. http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=33484&Cr=indigenous&Cr1=.

Kamila Kamińska PhD University of Wroclaw Poland

Conclusions.

Towards opportunities for change

Problem area constituted by the trio: conflict—intercultural learning—change has all of the attributes of its objects: diversity, dynamics, uncertainity… hope. Seeking the opportunities for change makes the book par excelance—pedagogical. Authors— facing complexity of their research field fulfilled their task of explorations and reflection with great involvement and the best of their scientific skills. Using variety of perspectives and interdisciplinary approaches discussions that took place at the conference with the same subject at the University of Wrocław in 2009 found their final in the presented set of articles. Nevertheless there are no simple conclusions whenever it comes to conflict theory and practice.

It is well known phenomena that pedagogy and other social and educational sciences are often expected to give short answers to wide problems. In the contemporary times whenever the philosophy of fast food extended its impact far beyond Mac Donald’s restaurants humankind is tempted to take science, communication and life as quick and easy as possible. Instrumental rationality made too many educators reliant on guidebooks and manuals giving step by step instructions and answering all the “know how” questions. Talking about the (positive) value of difficulty, complexity and unexpectivity that are characteristics of multicultural societies is not popular.

Nevertheless authors take that risk.

Conflict is deeply rooted in power discourses. The encounter of two different (often contradictory) objects leading to clash and collision constitutes narratives of domination that can be achieved as its outcome. But, again, simple black and white descriptions of power in the times after the “end of history” (Fukuyama, 1992) are no longer available. There are no matanarratives that clash in the postmodern world (Bauman, 2000), Huntington’s vision of clash of civilization led us no further in our understanding of the world, only in the blood share… Seeking deeper explanations is a tough task, nevertheless we believe the book can contribute to those discussions (already present just silenced). » 193 «

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Nobel price winner—Toni Morrisons on the last page of her recently published novel—“a Mercy” puts powerful words in the mouth of powerless black mother: “In the dust where my heart will remain each night and every day until you understand what I know and long to tell you: to be given dominion over another is a hard thing; to wrest dominion over another is a wrong thing; to give dominion of yourself to another is a wicked thing” (Morrison, 2009: 165).

Presenting conflict as a learning opportunity can be controversial, nevertheless— taking Toni Morrisons words as an ethical guideline we would like to encourage further discussion.

Bibliography Bauman Z. (2000). Liquid Modernity. Cambridge. bell hooks (1994). Teaching to Transgress: Education as the Practice of Freedom. New York.

Fukuyama F. (1992). The End of History and the Last Man. New York.

Huntington S. (1997). The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. New York.

Kwaśnica R. (2007). Dwie racjonalności. Od filozofii sensu, ku pedagogice ogólnej. Wrocław.

Morrison T. (2008). a Mercy. New York–Toronto.

Satterthwaite J., Martin W., Roberts L. (eds.) (2006). Discourse, Resistance and Identity Formation: Bk. 5 (Discourse Power Resistance). Trentham.

Notes on Contributors

Renata Bibik (PhD) She is a senior lecturer at the Department of Education (WNHiP) psychologist, pedagogue. Her research interests are focused on the area of professional development of teachers, it’s conditions and threats; teachers and parents cooperation and its impact on the results of school achievements; theoretical and praxeological fundamentals of social work. email: renata_bibik@poczta.fm

Mirosława Cylkowska-Nowak (PhD) She is a head of the Department of Education at the University of Medical Sciences in Poznań, Poland. She is an author of Social Functions of Education in Japan and the United States (study in comparative pedagogy) (2000) and editor of the books: Education: Social Construction of idea and reality (2000); Youth, education and society: essays from theory and practice (2003); Social Selection Function of Higher Education in Western European Countries (2004); Health Education: possibilities, problems and limitations (2008); Selected Areas of Care: the historical and contemporary contexts (2009). Her research interests focus on sociology of education, comparative pedagogy and health pedagogy. email: mcylkowska-nowak@wp.pl

Vratislava Černíková (CSc. Doc. PhD) Born in 1949. She has had a long-time history of working in the field of pedagogy.

She graduated from the Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague in pedagogy and psychology (1968–1973).

She has been concerned with lecturing criminology at the Police Academy of the Czech Republic in Prague where she is a guarantor of the subjects of criminology, social protection and penology. She participates in teaching criminology at the Department of Criminal Law at the Faculty of Law of the University of West Bohemia in Pilsen. She is the author and co-author of a number of teaching materials and specialist publications—“Social Protection” (1996, 1998, 2008), Basics of Penology for Police Officers (2002), Addictive Substances and Today (2006), Basics of Criminology and Penal Policy. She cooperates with the Institute of Pedagogy of the University of Wroclaw. email: v.cernikova@polac.cz » 195 «

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Ondřej Lochman (PhD) Since 2002 he has been working with issues of youth participation in public life and active citizenship. He works either within the LOS NGO that he co-established in 2003, or as a freelance trainer for various organisations, including Eurodesk, the Czech National Agency of the Youth in Action Programme, as well as different NGO’s and institutions in Europe. He has finished his PhD in 2009 in educational science with a focus on the European dimension in education and the attitudes of youth in the Czech– German–Polish border area. email: ondrejlochman@gmail.com

Mariusz Gaj (MA) Graduated Philosophy (BA), PR & Journalism (MA) and European Politics (MA). He is primarily interested in social studies of migration and minorities in global environment. His PhD project is about Polish minority in Scotland. He has done research projects in India (2009), Scotland (2010), and Poland (2010). email: mariusz.gaj83@gmail.com

Katarzyna Gajek (PhD) Senior lecturer in Institute of Communication and Management at Sport at Physical University of Wroclaw. PhD in Education gained in 2007, communicologist and social competences trainer. One-year studies in Political Sciences Institute in Aix-enProvence (France) in domain of communication. Professional interests are focused around interpersonal communication, mechanisms of social influence, and intercultural competence and communication. email: K@HYAB.PL

Barbara Jezierska (PhD) She is a senior lecturer at the Department of Education (WNHiP), Institute of Pedagogy of Wrocław University. Primarily, she deals with the issues of a broadly understood social pathology and conditions of functionality of rehabilitation institutions both in her didactic as well as scientific activities. email: basia_jezierska@wp.pl

Inese Jurgena (Dr. paed., asoc. Prof.)

Born in 1949, graduated from University of Latvia in 1973. She is a Head of Department of General Pedagogy in Riga Teacher Training and Educational Management Academy. Research interests: ▷ Teenagers upbringing problems, conflicts and their solutions in pedagogical process; ▷ Teachers professional development; » 196 «

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▷ Citizenship Education; ▷ Education for sustainable development; The author of a monograph General Pedagogy (2010) and more than 60 publications.

Member of International projects “Children Identity and Citizenship in Europe” and “Consumer Citizenship.” e-mail: inese.jurgena@rpiva.lv

Kamila Kamińska (PhD) Senior lecturer at the Department of Education (WNHiP), University of Wroclaw since 2005. Her PhD thesis was on the State and family discourse in the context of child welfare, with comparative research in Poland and Northern Ireland. Her main interests are intercultural education, social justice issues and the pedagogy of place especially in urban spaces. She is the Eastern European coordinator for Discourse Power Resistance. Mom for Emilia and Julianna. email: k.kaminska2010@gmail.com

Magdalena Malińska (MA) Born 1985, graduated from University of Wrocław (2008) with MA Degree in Pedagogy and from Robert Gordon University (2010) with BA Degree in Applied Social Sciences. Her research interests include psychological and sociological aspects of health and illness, the body and identity in relation to culture, globalization and various social processes, as well as philosophical and theoretical concerns in these fields. email: magdalena.malinska@gmail.com

Witold Nowak (MA, MSE) He has a MA in Sociology and MSE in Management and Marketing. He is a PhD student at the Institute of Sociology, Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań, Poland.

As an Erasmus scholarship holder, he had also studied at Erasmus University Rotterdam, Netherlands in 2009. He published articles in his main research fields, namely sociology of deviance and sociology of organization. email: witoldnowak@wp.pl

Magdalena Siuta (PhD) She is an andragogue. She studied at Wrocław University. In 2008 she defended the thesis The experience of friendship in the context of lifelong learning theory. Since autumn 2008 she has worked at Wrocław University of Technology at Humanities Centre.

The main areas of her research interest are: lifelong learning, cross-cultural education, close human relations. She loves trekking in the Polish mountains and jazz. email: magdalena.siuta@onet.pl » 197 «

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Katarzyna Szajda (MA) A trainer of intercultural competences and didactics of intercultural learning and active participation. Recently her main focus is on both local and international trainings for teachers and educators. She is an initiator and coordinator of the UNESCO Initiatives Centre. She cooperates with the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Environment, the European Commission and UNESCO itself in the role of trainer and facilitator.

Last year she has started PhD studies with the main topic of research: intercultural learning and attitudes of pupils towards their neighbors from abroad. email: kasia.unesco@gmail.com

Arkadiusz Urbanek (PhD) He is a senior lecturer at the Department of Education (WNHiP), University of Wroclaw. His research interests concentrate around penitentiary and social work problems. Graduate from postgraduate studies in the area of working with families and management of social services institutions. Author of the following book publications: Experience of stress in the relation with the victim based on the off enders opinions (2010), Fulfillment of tasks of social worker in praxis (2010) and several articles in the same field.

He is actively involved in Wroclawâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Society of Care for Prisoners. email: urbanek.arkadiusz@vp.pl