Subculture ofviolence through the perspective ofthe refugee crisis

Subculture of violence through the perspective of the refugee crisis

“The people in flight from the terror behind; strange things happen to them, some bitterly cruel and some so beautiful that the faith is refired forever.”

― John Steinbeck, The Grapes of Wrath

The word “crisis” goes back to the Ancient Greek history. Its meaning varies through the flow oftime, as it can be used in the context oflaw, in a religious context (Judgement Day in Greek language is phrased as Ημέρα Κρίσης – Day of Crisis), in the medical sciences, with the meaning ofthe more dangerous point ofan illness, and so forth. But ofcourse, it is also used as a historical change benchmark, with a positive or a negative outcome.

Gewalt.

In the 18 th century, modernity brought the word “crisis” to the European political context. Crisis is the opposite ofnormality. What’s normality? When everyvalue and norm ofsocial life works as it supposes to. And suddenly, an emergency comes to establish a crisis to that normality - destabilizingit. Europe is alreadysufferingfrom the economic crisis and now the refugee crisis comes up, without anysolutionforeitherofthem. Is this creatinganewpoint ofview, in which crisis is the newnormality?

Violence. A feared word. Actually, the public fear of violence may be greater than the amount of violent behavior within a community. The dominant, middle-class societymorallydenouncesviolence, partlybecauseofageneral principle which characterizes everyestablished political power and the need to uphold nonviolence as a means of discouraging attacks against that power. That is why the ideaofa“subcultureofviolence”referstoasystemofnorms and values set apart from the dominant nonviolent culture and which expects or requires the use ofviolence in many kinds ofsocial relationships.

Hostility, psychological and physical aggression, anger, and rage are all terms that have been associated with the meaningofviolent responses to stimuli.

In Greece, violence is an outcome of boththeeconomiccrisisandtherefugee crisis from both “sides”, the locals and the refugees as agents ofviolence. There is a subculture of violence in both ofthose social groups, reflected in the interactions between them.

The rise ofpolitical groups on the extreme right ofthe establishmentthatcalls forviolence intheirideologies have actually engaged in collective aggressions as a common phenomenon in Europe. And Greece, as the first arrival center of the flows of refugees cannot be excluded. The “Golden Dawn” is an extreme right fascist group, with an increasing amount ofmembers in the last years. But the problemisthatpeoplewhodonotsupportthatgrouphave also started to adopt such ideologies, forced by the image ofthe refugee asapotentialdangerfortheirjobs, theirreligions, theircultures. Thatleadstoanexcessiveuseofverbal orphysicalviolencetowardsrefugees,orleadstoviolentacts from institutional representatives such as the police, inside oroutside the camps.

Verbalviolence towardsthe MayorofLesvoswasshown bythelocalsoftheMoriavillage, whichistheclosestinthe Moriacamp, so the first to react to the acts ofviolence and violations ofthe refugees towards theirproperties.

But why are refugees committing violent acts in the welcomingcountry?

In orderto understandthe causes behindthat, I willgive a briefexplanation ofthe structure ofthe social life inside theMoriacamp. Thisisthecampfornewlyarrivedrefugees, who have to register in Europe. As the refugees stand on a longwaitinglistfortheirasyluminterviews,theyspendsome time there. And most ofthem stay there for quite a long time. For months even, without knowing what the future will bring, what will happen to them, when their interview willfinallytake place, withtheirrights to move, andto work as wellas theirdreams ofgoingto adifferentcountryinEuropebeingrestricted. Iftheexternalsocialenvironmentisthe areawhere the causative keyto aggression is found, then the ignorance about the future and the chaotic bureaucracy are two ofthe most important causes ofthe establishment ofa subculture ofviolence inside the camps.

The normative systems of subcultures designate that in some types ofsocial interaction, a violent and physically aggressive response is either expected or required by all members in thatvalue system. Letus explore the examples that Moria provides. During the month before Ramadan (the Islamic fasting period), the refugees at place committed riots and excessive acts ofviolence. These were both among different nationalities ofthe refugees and from refugees against the police. The Afghans set the big Ramp Hall on fire, where 150 Pakistan refugees where sheltered, in order to showtheir power over their territoryinside the camp. AnothercasewastheriotoftheAfricannationalities towards the police, accusing them ofsexual gender based violence and racism. An important remarkis that no NGO workerwas targeted at anysituation.

The subcultural ethos ofviolence may be shared by all ages in a sub-society, but this ethos is most prominent in a limited age group, ranging from late adolescence to the

middle age. That is reflected inside the camp, with single men to be the mainagents ofviolence alongwithunaccompaniedmi- nors. Bothofthemfeeltheragethatcomesfromtheboredomof just sittingsomewhere, beingrestricted in movingand perform- ing activities, contrary to those dreams and hopes that young people have. It is not suggested that all persons in a particular ethnic, sex, orage groupshare acommonuse ofpotentialthreats ofviolence. But violence can become a part ofthe life style, the theme forsolvingdifficult problems.

The existence ofviolence in asocial com- munityisbestrepresentedbythechildren ofthat community. Many fights happen every day between “gangs” of children, copying their parents. Different national- ities are usuallythe stimuli.

There are so manymore examples ofviolence inside a camp, so I cannotreferto allofthem, andforsure I amnotaware ofall ofthem. Iwilljustclosewithaquestionableformofviolence, the violence of“protection”. The police has a strong presence inside the camp, withpatrols andfastarrests. Is thataformofviolating refugees’ freedoms ofacting and talking, and ifso, is it more preferable thanthe acts ofviolence amongthemforsillyreasons, such as the food distribution?

Inanycase, to accuse the socialcommunityofarefugee camp for its violent acts, just because it is easy to observe and judge them, is a wrong perspective. Similar things happen in every community. We canobserve examples ofviolence inside families, inside communities, and even violence perpetrated or condoned bystates and institutions.

Moria camp and Moria village are two local regimes coming into conflict everyday. The refugees in Lesvos and the island’s lo- cals are two different societies. The refugees in Greece and the Greekcitizensaretwodifferentsocietiesthatarecomingintocon- flict. And violence, in anyform, is a common wayto express that conflict. A bigger example would be that ofthe image ofEurope opposingtheflowsofthe“others”. That“otherness”iswhatmakes the publicfearofviolence so aroused. Whateveris not“us” is alien anddangerous. Shouldwe considerthe violation ofthe borders of acountrythe firstactofviolence already?!

| John Mamakos