Presidents

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DESIGNED BY: ERIC KOENIG


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table of contents

abraham lincoln The Gettysburg Address — 1863

franklin d. roosevelt

For a Declaration of War — 1941

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gerald r. ford A War That is Finished — 1975

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ronald reagan Tear Down This Wall — 1987

george h.w bush

Announcing War Against Iraq — 1991

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NOVEMBER 19, 1863

abraham lincoln

the gettysburg address

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INTRODUCTION The Battle of Gettysburg occurred over three hot summer days, July 1 to July 3, 1863, around the small market town of Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. It began as a skirmish but by its end involved 160,000 Americans and effectively decided the fate of the Union. On November 19, 1863, President Lincoln went to the battlefield to dedicate it as a National Cemetery. The main orator, Edward Everett of Massachusetts, delivered a two-hour formal address. The president then had his turn. He spoke in his high, penetrating voice, and in a little over two minutes delivered this speech, surprising everyone by its brevity and leaving many quite unimpressed at first. Over time, however, this speech with its ending—government of the People, by the People, for the People—has come to symbolize the definition of democracy itself.

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“Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain— that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom—and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.”

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether President Abraham Lincoln — November 19, 1863 that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come two dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. 6

But in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate—we cannot consecrate—we cannot hallow—this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us—that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion—that we here CONCEIVED IN LIBERTY


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DECEMBER 8, 1941

franklin d. roosevelt for a declaration of war

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INTRODUCTION At 7:53 a.m. on Sunday, December 7, 1941, the first assault wave of Japanese fighter planes attacked the U.S. Naval base at Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, taking the Americans completely by surprise. The first wave targeted airfields and battleships. The second wave targeted other ships and shipyard facilities. The air raid lasted until 9:45 a.m. Eight battleships were damaged, with five sunk. Three light cruisers, three destroyers and three smaller vessels were lost along with 188 aircraft. The Japanese lost 27 planes and five midget submarines which attempted to penetrate the inner harbor and launch torpedoes. Three prime targets; the U.S. Pacific Fleet aircraft carriers, Lexington, Enterprise and Saratoga, were not in the harbor and thus escaped damage. The casualty list at Pearl Harbor included 2,335 servicemen and 68 civilians killed, and 1,178 wounded. Over a thousand crewmen aboard the USS Arizona battleship were killed after a 1,760 pound aerial bomb penetrated the forward magazine causing catastrophic explosions.

News of the “sneak attack” was broadcast to the American public via radio bulletins, with many popular Sunday afternoon entertainment programs being interrupted. The news sent a shockwave across the nation, resulting in a tremendous influx of young volunteers into the U.S. Armed Forces. The attack also united the nation behind President Franklin D. Roosevelt and effectively ended the American isolationist movement. On Monday, December 8th, President Roosevelt appeared before Congress and made this speech asking for a declaration of war against Japan, calling the previous day “...a date which will live in infamy...”

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NAKAJIMA B5N2 TYPE 97 ATTACK BOMBER SHOT DOWN AT HOSPITAL POINT, PEARL HARBOR


“Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, members of the Senate and the House of Representatives: Yesterday, December 7th, 1941—a date which will live in infamy—the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.

time the Japanese Government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.

The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian Islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces. I regret to tell you that very many American lives have The United States was at peace with that nation, and, at the been lost. In addition, American ships have been reported solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its gov- torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and ernment and its Emperor looking toward the maintenance Honolulu. of peace in the Pacific. Yesterday the Japanese Government also launched an attack against Malaya. Last night Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong. Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had Last night Japanese forces attacked Guam. commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu, Last night Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands. the Japanese Ambassador to the United States and his colleague delivered to our Secretary of State a formal reply to Last night the Japanese attacked Wake Island. a recent American message. And, while this reply stated And this morning the Japanese attacked Midway Island. that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic Japan has therefore undertaken a surprise offensive negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of extending throughout the Pacific area. The facts of armed attack. yesterday and today speak for themselves. The people of It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. During the intervening

the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.

FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT

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As Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense, that always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us. No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people, in their righteous might, will win through to absolute victory. I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us. 12

Hostilities exist. There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory and our interests are in grave danger. With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph. So help us God. I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese Empire.� President Franklin D. Roosevelt — December 8, 1941 CONCEIVED IN LIBERTY


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APRIL 23, 1975

gerald ford

a war that is finished CONCEIVED IN LIBERTY


INTRODUCTION This speech was given by President Ford amid the international turmoil surrounding the end of the Vietnam War in April 1975. On the very day the President gave this speech, 100,000 North Vietnamese soldiers were advancing toward Saigon, South Vietnam’s capital. Meanwhile, leaders from around the world, and the North Vietnamese themselves, waited to see how the United States would react to the pending collapse of South Vietnam, which the U.S. had fought hard to preserve. The answer came from President Ford during this speech in which he declared the conflict “a war that is finished as far as America is concerned,” and urged the young Americans in his audience at Tulane University to look toward the future instead. A week later, Saigon fell and South Vietnam surrendered to the North Vietnamese. Vietnam was thus unified under a Communist regime that remains in power today.

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“Each time that I have been privileged to visit Tulane, I have come away newly impressed with the intense application of the student body to the great issues of our time, and I am pleased tonight to observe that your interest hasn’t changed one bit.

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As we came into the building tonight, I passed a student who looked up from his book and said, “A journey of a thousand miles begins but with a single step.” To indicate my interest in him, I asked, “Are you trying to figure out how to get your goal in life?” He said, “No, I am trying to figure out how to get to the Super Dome in September.” [Laughter] Well, I don’t think there is any doubt in my mind that all of you will get to the Super Dome. Of course, I hope it is to see the Green Wave [Tulane University] have their very best season on the gridiron. I have sort of a feeling that you wouldn’t mind making this another year in which you put the Tigers [Louisiana State University] in your tank. When I had the privilege of speaking here in 1968 at your “Directions ‘68” forum, I had no idea that my own career and our entire Nation would move so soon in another direction. And I say again, I am extremely proud to be invited back.

I am impressed, as I undoubtedly said before—but I would reiterate it tonight—by Tulane’s unique distinction as the only American university to be converted from State sponsorship to private status. And I am also impressed by the Tulane graduates who serve in the United States Congress: Bennett Johnston, Lindy Boggs, Dave Treen. Eddie Hebert, when I asked him the question whether he was or not, and he said he got a special degree: Dropout ‘28. [Laughter] But I think the fact that you have these three outstanding graduates testifies to the academic excellence and the inspiration of this historic university, rooted in the past with its eyes on the future. Just as Tulane has made a great transition from the past to the future, so has New Orleans, the legendary city that has made such a unique contribution to our great America. New Orleans is more, as I see it, than weathered bricks and cast-iron balconies. It is a state of mind, a melting pot that represents the very, very best of America’s evolution, an example of retention of a very special culture in a progressive environment of modern change. On January 8, 1815, a monumental American victory was

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achieved here—the Battle of New Orleans. Louisiana had been a State for less than three years, but outnumbered Americans innovated, outnumbered Americans used the tactics of the frontier to defeat a veteran British force trained in the strategy of the Napoleonic wars.

over. In New Orleans tonight, we can begin a great national reconciliation. The first engagement must be with the problems of today, but just as importantly, the problems of the future. That is why I think it is so appropriate that I find myself tonight at a university which addresses itself to preparing young people for the challenge of tomorrow.

We as a nation had suffered humiliation and a measure of defeat in the War of 1812. Our National Capital in Washington had been captured and burned. So, the illustrious I ask that we stop re-fighting the battles and the recrimivictory in the Battle of New Orleans was a powerful re- nations of the past. I ask that we look now at what is right with America, at our possibilities and our potentialities storative to our national pride. for change and growth and achievement and sharing. I Yet, the victory at New Orleans actually took place two ask that we accept the responsibilities of leadership as a weeks after the signing of the armistice in Europe. Thou- good neighbor to all peoples and the enemy of none. I sands died although a peace had been negotiated. The ask that we strive to become, in the finest American tradicombatants had not gotten the word. Yet, the epic struggle tion,something more tomorrow than we are today. nevertheless restored America’s pride. Instead of my addressing the image of America, I prefer Today, America can regain the sense of pride that existed to consider the reality of America. It is true that we have before Vietnam. But it cannot be achieved by re-fighting launched our Bicentennial celebration without having a war that is finished as far as America is concerned. As I achieved human perfection, but we have attained a very see it, the time has come to look forward to an agenda for remarkable self-governed society that possesses the flexithe future, to unify, to bind up the Nation’s wounds, and to bility and the dynamism to grow and undertake an entirely new agenda, an agenda for America’s third century. restore its health and its optimistic self-confidence. In New Orleans, a great battle was fought after a war was So, I ask you to join me in helping to write that agenda. I

GERALD R. FORD

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am as determined as a President can be to seek national re- American power that transcends all of the deterrent powdiscovery of the belief in ourselves that characterized the ers for peace of our Armed Forces. I am speaking here of most creative periods in our Nation’s history. The greatest our belief in ourselves and our belief in our Nation. challenge of creativity, as I see it, lies ahead. Abraham Lincoln asked, in his own words, and I quote, We, of course, are saddened indeed by the events in Indo- “What constitutes the bulwark of our own liberty and inchina. But these events, tragic as they are, portend neither dependence?” And he answered, “It is not our frowning the end of the world nor of America’s leadership in the battlements or bristling seacoasts, our Army or our Navy. Our defense is in the spirit which prized liberty as the herworld. itage of all men, in all lands everywhere.” Let me put it this way, if I might. Some tend to feel that if we do not succeed in everything everywhere, then we It is in this spirit that we must now move beyond the dishave succeeded in nothing anywhere. I reject categorically cords of the past decade. It is in this spirit that I ask you to such polarized thinking. We can and we should help others join me in writing an agenda for the future. to help themselves. But the fate of responsible men and women everywhere, in the final decision, rests in their own I welcome your invitation particularly tonight, because I know it is at Tulane and other centers of thought throughhands, not in ours. out our great country that much consideration is being America’s future depends upon Americans—especially given to the kind of future Americans want and, just as imyour generation, which is now equipping itself to assume portantly, will work for. Each of you are preparing yourthe challenges of the future, to help write the agenda for selves for the future, and I am deeply interested in your preparations and your opinions and your goals. However, America. tonight, with your indulgence, let me share with you my Earlier today, in this great community, I spoke about the own views. need to maintain our defenses. Tonight, I would like to talk about another kind of strength, the true source of CONCEIVED IN LIBERTY


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PRESIDENT FORD SPEAKING TO HIS AUDIENCE AT TULANE UNIVERSITY

GERALD R. FORD


I envision a creative program that goes as far as our courage and our capacities can take us, both at home and abroad. My goal is for a cooperative world at peace, using its resources to build, not to destroy.

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ulate productivity, but use technology to redeem, not to destroy our environment.

I will strive for new cooperation rather than conflict in the peaceful exploration of our oceans and our space. My goal As President, I am determined to offer leadership to over- is to use resources for peaceful progress rather than war come our current economic problems. My goal is for jobs and destruction. for all who want to work and economic opportunity for all Let America symbolize humanity’s struggle to conquer who want to achieve. nature and master technology. The time has now come for I am determined to seek self-sufficiency in energy as an our Government to facilitate the individual’s control over urgent national priority. My goal is to make America inde- his or her future—and of the future of America. pendent of foreign energy sources by 1985. But the future requires more than Americans congratuOf course, I will pursue interdependence with other na- lating themselves on how much we know and how many tions and a reformed international economic system. My products that we can produce. It requires new knowledge goal is for a world in which consuming and producing na- to meet new problems. We must not only be motivated to build a better America, we must know how to do it. tions achieve a working balance. I will address the humanitarian issues of hunger and fam- If we really want a humane America that will, for instance, ine, of health and of healing. My goal is to achieve—or to contribute to the alleviation of the world’s hunger, we assure basic needs and an effective system to achieve this must realize that good intentions do not feed people. Some result. problems, as anyone who served in the Congress knows, are complex. There arc no easy answers. Willpower alone I recognize the need for technology that enriches life while does not grow food. preserving our natural environment. My goal is to stimCONCEIVED IN LIBERTY


We thought, in a well-intentioned past, that we could export our technology lock, stock, and barrel to developing nations. We did it with the best of intentions. But we are now learning that a strain of rice that grows in one place will not grow in another; that factories that produce at 100 percent in one nation produce less than half as much in a society where temperaments and work habits are somewhat different.Yet, the world economy has become interdependent. Not only food technology but money management, natural resources and energy, research and development—all kinds of this group require an organized world society that makes the maximum effective use of the world’s resources.

agenda for our future—your future, our country’s future. I challenge, for example, the medical students in this audience to put on their agenda the achievement of a cure for cancer. I challenge the engineers in this audience to devise new techniques for developing cheap, clean, and plentiful energy, and as a byproduct, to control floods. I challenge the law students in this audience to find ways to speed the administration of equal justice and make good citizens out of convicted criminals. I challenge education, those of you as education majors, to do real teaching for real life. I challenge the arts majors in this audience to compose the great American symphony, to write the great American novel, and to enrich and inspire our daily lives.

I want to tell the world: Let’s grow food together, but let’s also learn more about nutrition, about weather forecasting, America’s leadership is essential. America’s resources are about irrigation, about the many other specialties involved vast. America’s opportunities are unprecedented. in helping people to help themselves. As we strive together to prefect a new agenda, I put high We must learn more about people, about the development on the list of important points the maintenance of alliancof communities, architecture, engineering, education, mo- es and partnerships with other people and other nations. tivation, productivity, public health and medicine, arts These do provide a basis of shared values, even as we and sciences, political, legal, and social organization. All stand up with determination for what we believe. This, of of these specialities and many, many more are required if course, requires a continuing commitment to peace and a young people like you are to help this Nation develop an determination to use our good offices wherever possible GERALD R. FORD

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to promote better relations between nations of this world.

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ancestors did. Let us resolve tonight to rediscover the old virtues of confidence and self-reliance and capability that characterized our forefathers two centuries ago. I pledge, as I know you do, each one of us, to do our part.

The new agenda, that which is developed by you and by us, must place a high priority on the need to stop the spread of nuclear weapons and to work for the mutual reduction in strategic arms and control of other weapons. And I must Let the beacon light of the past shine forth from historic say, parenthetically, the successful negotiations at Vladi- New Orleans and from Tulane University and from every other corner of this land to illuminate a boundless future vostok, in my opinion, are just a beginning. for all Americans and a peace for all mankind. Your generation of Americans is uniquely endowed by history to give new meaning to the pride and spirit of Amer- Thank you very much.” ica. The magnetism of an American society, confident of its own strength, will attract the good will and the esteem President Gerald R. Ford — April 23, 1975 of all people wherever they might be in this globe in which we live. It will enhance our own perception of ourselves and our pride in being an American. We can, we—and I say it with emphasis—write a new agenda for our future. I am glad that Tulane University and other great American educational institutions are reaching out to others in programs to work with developing nations, and I look forward with confidence to your participation in every aspect of America’s future. And I urge Americans of all ages to unite in this Bicentennial year, to take responsibility for themselves as our CONCEIVED IN LIBERTY


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JUNE 12, 1987

ronald reagan

tear down this wall

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INTRODUCTION This speech by President Ronald Reagan to the people of West Berlin contains one of the most memorable lines spoken during his presidency. The Berlin Wall, referred to by the President, was built by Communists in August 1961 to keep Germans from escaping Communist-dominated East Berlin into Democratic West Berlin. The twelve-foot concrete wall extended for a hundred miles, surrounding West Berlin, and included electrified fences and guard posts. The wall stood as a stark symbol of the decades-old Cold War between the United States and Soviet Russia in which the two politically opposed superpowers continually wrestled for dominance, stopping just short of actual warfare.

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PROTESTERS STANDING AT THE BERLIN WALL


“Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty-four years ago, President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin, speaking to the people of this city and the world at the City Hall. Well, since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn, to Berlin. And today I, myself, make my second visit to your city.

cannot be with you, I address my remarks to you just as surely as to those standing here before me. For I join you, as I join your fellow countrymen in the West, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin. [There is only one Berlin.]

Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe. From the Baltic, south, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers. Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall. But there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same—still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state. Yet it is here in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly; here, cutting across your city, where the news photo and the television screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the mind of the world. Standing before Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout West- the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German, separated ern Europe and North America. I understand that it is from his fellow men. Every man is a Berliner, forced to being seen and heard as well in the East. To those listening look upon a scar. throughout Eastern Europe, a special word: Although I

We come to Berlin, we American presidents, because it’s our duty to speak, in this place, of freedom. But I must confess, we’re drawn here by other things as well: by the feeling of history in this city, more than 500 years older than our own nation; by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by your courage and determination. Perhaps the composer Paul Lincke understood something about American presidents. You see, like so many presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: Ich hab noch einen Koffer in Berlin. [I still have a suitcase in Berlin.]

RONALD REAGAN

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President von Weizsacker has said, “The German question is open as long as the Brandenburg Gate is closed.” Today I say: As long as the gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone that remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind. Yet I do not come here to lament. For I find in Berlin a message of hope, even in the shadow of this wall, a message of triumph.

own generation can remember seeing signs like it dotted throughout the western sectors of the city. The sign read simply: “The Marshall Plan is helping here to strengthen the free world.” A strong, free world in the West, that dream became real. Japan rose from ruin to become an economic giant. Italy, France, Belgium—virtually every nation in Western Europe saw political and economic rebirth; the European Community was founded.

In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air-raid shelters to find devastation. Thousands of miles away, the people of the United States reached out to help. And in 1947 Secretary of State—as you’ve been told—George Marshall announced the creation of what would become known as the Marshall Plan. Speaking precisely 40 years ago this month, he said: “Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine, but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos.”

In West Germany and here in Berlin, there took place an economic miracle, the Wirtschaftswunder. Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty—that just a truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the farmer and businessman enjoy economic freedom. The German leaders reduced tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered taxes. From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.

In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating this 40th anniversary of the Marshall Plan. I Where four decades ago there was rubble, today in was struck by the sign on a burnt-out, gutted structure West Berlin there is the greatest industrial output of any that was being rebuilt. I understand that Berliners of my city in Germany—busy office blocks, fine homes and

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apartments, proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of parkland. Where a city’s culture seemed to have been destroyed, today there are two great universities, orchestras and an opera, countless theaters, and museums. Where there was want, today there’s abundance—food, clothing, automobiles—the wonderful goods of the Ku’damm. From devastation, from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in freedom, rebuilt a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on earth. The Soviets may have had other plans. But my friends, there were a few things the Soviets didn’t count on—Berliner Herz, Berliner Humor, ja, und Berliner Schnauze. [Berliner heart, Berliner humor, yes, and a Berliner Schnauze.]

prosperity. Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace. Freedom is the victor. And now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, be coming to understand the importance of freedom. We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness. Some political prisoners have been released. Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed. Some economic enterprises have been permitted to operate with greater freedom from state control.

Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures, intended to raise false hopes in the West, or to strengthen the Soviet system without changing it? We welcome In the 1950s, Khrushchev predicted: “We will bury you.” change and openness; for we believe that freedom But in the West today, we see a free world that has achieved and security go together, that the advance of human a level of prosperity and well-being unprecedented in all liberty can only strengthen the cause of world peace. human history. In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardness, declining standards of health, There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be even want of the most basic kind—too little food. Even unmistakable, that would advance dramatically the cause today, the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself. After these of freedom and peace. four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to RONALD REAGAN

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General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall! I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this continent—and I pledge to you my country’s efforts to help overcome these burdens. To be sure, we in the West must resist Soviet expansion. So we must maintain defenses of unassailable strength. Yet we seek peace; so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides. 30

Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets challenged the Western alliance with a grave new threat, hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles, capable of striking every capital in Europe. The Western alliance responded by committing itself to a counter-deployment unless the Soviets agreed to negotiate a better solution; namely, the elimination of such weapons on both sides. For many months, the Soviets refused to bargain in earnestness. As the alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with its counter-deployment, there were difficult days—days of

protests like those during my 1982 visit to this city—and the Soviets later walked away from the table. But through it all, the alliance held firm. And I invite those who protested then—I invite those who protest today—to mark this fact: Because we remained strong, the Soviets came back to the table. And because we remained strong, today we have within reach the possibility, not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the first time, an entire class of nuclear weapons from the face of the earth. As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progress of our proposals for eliminating these weapons. At the talks in Geneva, we have also proposed deep cuts in strategic offensive weapons. And the Western allies have likewise made far-reaching proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and to place a total ban on chemical weapons. While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will maintain the capacity to deter Soviet aggression at any level at which it might occur. And in

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OPPRESSION AT THE BERLIN WALL


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cooperation with many of our allies, the United States is pursuing the Strategic Defense Initiative—research to base deterrence not on the threat of offensive retaliation, but on defenses that truly defend; on systems, in short, that will not target populations, but shield them. By these means we seek to increase the safety of Europe and all the world. But we must remember a crucial fact: East and West do not mistrust each other because we are armed; we are armed because we mistrust each other. And our differences are not about weapons but about liberty. When President Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those 24 years ago, freedom was encircled, Berlin was under siege. And today, despite all the pressures upon this city, Berlin stands secure in its liberty. And freedom itself is transforming the globe.

In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community of freedom. Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete.

Today thus represents a moment of hope. We in the West stand ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that separate people, to create a safe, freer world. And surely there is no better place than Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start. Free people of Berlin: Today, as in the past, the United States stands for the strict observance and full implementation of all parts of the Four Power Agreement of 1971. Let us use this occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era, to seek a still fuller, richer In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democ- life for the Berlin of the future. Together, let us maintain racy has been given a rebirth. Throughout the Pacific, free and develop the ties between the Federal Republic and the markets are working miracle after miracle of economic Western sectors of Berlin, which is permitted by the 1971 growth. In the industrialized nations, a technological agreement. revolution is taking place—a revolution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in computers and telecommunications. And I invite Mr. Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western parts of the city closer together, so that

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all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world.

Berlin to sponsor visits from young people of the Western sectors.

One final proposal, one close to my heart: Sport represents a source of enjoyment and ennoblement, and you may have noted that the Republic of Korea—South Korea— has offered to permit certain events of the 1988 Olympics to take place in the North. International sports competitions of all kinds could take place in both parts of this city. And what better way to demonstrate to the world the With our French and British partners, the United States openness of this city than to offer in some future year to is prepared to help bring international meetings to Berlin. hold the Olympic games here in Berlin, East and West? In It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of these four decades, as I have said, you Berliners have built United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human a great city. You’ve done so in spite of threats—the Soviet rights and arms control or other issues that call for inter- attempts to impose the East-mark, the blockade. Today national cooperation. the city thrives in spite of the challenges implicit in the very presence of this wall. What keeps you here? Certainly There is no better way to establish hope for the future than there’s a great deal to be said for your fortitude, for your to enlighten young minds, and we would be honored to defiant courage. But I believe there’s something deeper, sponsor summer youth exchanges, cultural events, and something that involves Berlin’s whole look and feel and other programs for young Berliners from the East. Our way of life—not mere sentiment. No one could live long French and British friends, I’m certain, will do the same. in Berlin without being completely disabused of illusions. And it’s my hope that an authority can be found in East Something instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the vital air access to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical. We look to the day when West Berlin can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.

RONALD REAGAN

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Berlin but chose to accept them, that continues to build this good and proud city in contrast to a surrounding totalitarian presence that refuses to release human energies or aspirations. Something that speaks with a powerful voice of affirmation, that says yes to this city, yes to the future, yes to freedom. In a word, I would submit that what keeps you in Berlin is love—love both profound and abiding.

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As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of German unity, I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner: “This wall will fall. Beliefs become reality.” Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall. For it cannot withstand faith; it cannot withstand truth. The wall cannot withstand freedom.

And I would like, before I close, to say one word. I have Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most read, and I have been questioned since I’ve been here about fundamental distinction of all between East and West. The certain demonstrations against my coming. And I would totalitarian world produces backwardness because it does like to say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate such violence to the spirit, thwarting the human impulse so. I wonder if they have ever asked themselves that if they to create, to enjoy, to worship. The totalitarian world finds should have the kind of government they apparently seek, even symbols of love and of worship an affront. Years ago, no one would ever be able to do what they’re doing again. before the East Germans began rebuilding their churches, they erected a secular structure: the television tower at Thank you and God bless you all.” Alexander Platz. Virtually ever since, the authorities have been working to correct what they view as the tower’s one President Ronald Reagan — June 12, 1987 major flaw, treating the glass sphere at the top with paints and chemicals of every kind. Yet even today when the sun strikes that sphere—that sphere that towers over all Berlin—the light makes the sign of the cross. There in Berlin, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be suppressed. CONCEIVED IN LIBERTY RONALD REAGAN


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RONALD REAGAN


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JANUARY 16, 1991

george h.w bush

announcing war against iraq CONCEIVED IN LIBERTY


INTRODUCTION On August 2, 1990, tanks and soldiers from Iraq crossed the border into neighboring Kuwait and seized the tiny, oil-rich nation. Iraqi troops then began massing along the border of Saudi Arabia. Within days, American troops were sent to Saudi Arabia in Operation Desert Shield, protecting Saudi Arabia from possible attack. On August 6th, the United Nations Security Council imposed a trade embargo and financial sanctions against Iraq and authorized the use of force by naval forces in the Persian Gulf to prevent any violations. President George Bush addressed a joint session of Congress a few weeks later and stated the U.S. could not allow Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein to seize control of vital oil resources in the Middle East. President Bush then doubled the size of Allied forces in the region to 430,000 soldiers. On November 29th, the U.N. Security Council authorized its member nations to use “all necessary means” to expel Iraqi troops from Kuwait if they did not withdraw by a deadline of January 15, 1991. President Bush then ordered more troops to the Gulf to pressure Saddam Hussein into evacuating Kuwait.

On January 9, 1991, Secretary of State James Baker met with Iraqi Foreign Minister Tariq Aziz in Geneva for several hours in a last ditch effort to avoid war. The meeting ended in an impasse with Baker finally announcing the talks had failed. Three days later, the House of Representatives voted 250–183 and the U.S. Senate voted 52–47 to authorized President Bush to use military force. The January 15th deadline passed quietly, as the 545,000 Iraqi troops in and around Kuwait did not budge. By now 539,000 American troops were in the Gulf along with 270,000 Allied troops from more than two dozen nations, the largest assembly of land troops and air power since World War II. On January 17th, at 2:45 a.m., Baghdad time (6:45 p.m., January 16 - Eastern time), Operation Desert Shield became Operation Desert Storm as U.S. and Allied jets conducted a major bombing raid against Iraqi air defenses, communications systems, chemical weapons facilities, tanks and artillery. The air raid on Baghdad was broadcast live to a global audience by CNN correspondents perched on a city rooftop.

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“Just 2 hours ago, allied air forces began an attack on military targets in Iraq and Kuwait. These attacks continue as I speak. Ground forces are not engaged.

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Middle East with peace in his heart—his second such mission.

And he came back from Baghdad with no progress at all in getting Saddam Hussein to withdraw from Kuwait. This conflict started August 2nd when the dictator of Now the 28 countries with forces in the Gulf area have Iraq invaded a small and helpless neighbor. Kuwait—a exhausted all reasonable efforts to reach a peaceful resolumember of the Arab League and a member of the Unit- tion—have no choice but to drive Saddam from Kuwait by ed Nations—was crushed; its people, brutalized. Five force. We will not fail. months ago, Saddam Hussein started this cruel war against As I report to you, air attacks are underway against Kuwait. Tonight, the battle has been joined. military targets in Iraq. We are determined to knock out This military action, taken in accord with United Nations Saddam Hussein’s nuclear bomb potential. We will also resolutions and with the consent of the United States destroy his chemical weapons facilities. Much of Saddam’s Congress, follows months of constant and virtually end- artillery and tanks will be destroyed. Our operations are less diplomatic activity on the part of the United Nations, designed to best protect the lives of all the coalition forces the United States, and many, many other countries. Arab by targeting Saddam’s vast military arsenal. Initial reports leaders sought what became known as an Arab solution, from General Schwarzkopf are that our operations are only to conclude that Saddam Hussein was unwilling to proceeding according to plan. leave Kuwait. Our objectives are clear: Saddam Hussein’s forces will Others traveled to Baghdad in a variety of efforts to leave Kuwait. The legitimate government of Kuwait restore peace and justice. Our Secretary of State, James will be restored to its rightful place, and Kuwait will Baker, held an historic meeting in Geneva, only to be once again be free. Iraq will eventually comply with all totally rebuffed. This past weekend, in a last-ditch effort, relevant United Nations resolutions, and then, when peace the Secretary-General of the United Nations went to the is restored, it is our hope that Iraq will live as a peaceful

CONCEIVED IN LIBERTY


The United States, together with the United Nations, exhausted every means at our disposal to bring this crisis to a peaceful end. However, Saddam clearly felt that by stalling and threatening and defying the United Nations, he could weaken the forces arrayed against him. While the world waited, Saddam Hussein met every overture of peace with open contempt. While the world prayed for peace, Saddam prepared for war. I had hoped that when the United States Congress, in historic debate, took its While the world waited, Saddam Hussein systematically resolute action, Saddam would realize he could not preraped, pillaged, and plundered a tiny nation, no threat to vail and would move out of Kuwait in accord with the his own. He subjected the people of Kuwait to unspeak- United Nation resolutions. He did not do that. Instead, he able atrocities—and among those maimed and murdered, remained intransigent, certain that time was on his side. innocent children. Saddam was warned over and over again to comply with While the world waited, Saddam sought to add to the the will of the United Nations: Leave Kuwait, or be driven chemical weapons arsenal he now possesses, an infinitely out. Saddam has arrogantly rejected all warnings. Instead, more dangerous weapon of mass destruction—a nucle- he tried to make this a dispute between Iraq and the United ar weapon. And while the world waited, while the world States of America.Well, he failed. Tonight, 28 nations— talked peace and withdrawal, Saddam Hussein dug in and countries from 5 continents, Europe and Asia, Africa, and moved massive forces into Kuwait. While the world waited, the Arab League—have forces in the Gulf area standing while Saddam stalled, more damage was being done to the shoulder to shoulder against Saddam Hussein. These fragile economies of the Third World, emerging democ- countries had hoped the use of force could be avoided. racies of Eastern Europe, to the entire world, including to Regrettably, we now believe that only force will make our own economy. him leave. and cooperative member of the family of nations, thus enhancing the security and stability of the Gulf. Some may ask: Why act now? Why not wait? The answer is clear: The world could wait no longer. Sanctions, though having some effect, showed no signs of accomplishing their objective. Sanctions were tried for well over 5 months, and we and our allies concluded that sanctions alone would not force Saddam from Kuwait.

GEORGE H.W BUSH

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CONCEIVED IN LIBERTY

DESTROYED MURAL OF SADDAM HUSSEIN


Prior to ordering our forces into battle, I instructed our military commanders to take every necessary step to prevail as quickly as possible, and with the greatest degree of protection possible for American and allied service men and women. I’ve told the American people before that this will not be another Vietnam, and I repeat this here tonight. Our troops will have the best possible support in the entire world, and they will not be asked to fight with one hand tied behind their back. I’m hopeful that this fighting will not go on for long and that casualties will be held to an absolute minimum.

the innocents caught in this conflict, I pray for their safety. Our goal is not the conquest of Iraq. It is the liberation of Kuwait. It is my hope that somehow the Iraqi people can, even now, convince their dictator that he must lay down his arms, leave Kuwait, and let Iraq itself rejoin the family of peace-loving nations. Thomas Paine wrote many years ago: “These are the times that try men’s souls.’’ Those well-known words are so very true today. But even as planes of the multinational forces attack Iraq, I prefer to think of peace, not war. I am convinced not only that we will prevail but that out of the horror of combat will come the recognition that no nation can stand against a world united, no nation will be permitted to brutally assault its neighbor.

This is an historic moment. We have in this past year made great progress in ending the long era of conflict and cold war. We have before us the opportunity to forge for ourselves and for future generations a new world order—a No President can easily commit our sons and daughters world where the rule of law, not the law of the jungle, to war. They are the Nation’s finest. Ours is an allgoverns the conduct of nations. volunteer force, magnificently trained, highly motivated. The troops know why they’re there. And listen to what When we are successful—and we will be—we have a real they say, for they’ve said it better than any President or chance at this new world order, an order in which a cred- Prime Minister ever could. ible United Nations can use its peacekeeping role to fulfill the promise and vision of the U.N.’s founders. Listen to Hollywood Huddleston, Marine lance corporal. He says, “Let’s free these people, so we can go home and We have no argument with the people of Iraq. Indeed, for be free again.’’ And he’s right. The terrible crimes and GEORGE H.W BUSH

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tortures committed by Saddam’s henchmen against the innocent people of Kuwait are an affront to mankind and a challenge to the freedom of all.

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Tonight, as our forces fight, they and their families are in our prayers. May God bless each and every one of them, and the coalition forces at our side in the Gulf, and may He continue to bless our nation, the United States of America.”

Listen to one of our great officers out there, Marine Lieutenant General Walter Boomer. He said: “There are things worth fighting for. A world in which brutality and President George Bush — January 16, 1991 lawlessness are allowed to go unchecked isn’t the kind of world we’re going to want to live in.’’ Listen to Master Sergeant J.P. Kendall of the 82nd Airborne: “We’re here for more than just the price of a gallon of gas. What we’re doing is going to chart the future of the world for the next 100 years. It’s better to deal with this guy now than 5 years from now.’’And finally, we should all sit up and listen to Jackie Jones, an Army lieutenant, when she says, “If we let him get away with this, who knows what’s going to be next?’’ I have called upon Hollywood and Walter and J.P. and Jackie and all their courageous comrades-in-arms to do what must be done. Tonight, America and the world are deeply grateful to them and to their families. And let me say to everyone listening or watching tonight: When the troops we’ve sent in finish their work, I am determined to bring them home as soon as possible.

CONCEIVED IN LIBERTY


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CONCEIVED IN LIBERTY


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