Tanzania Policy

Policies That Promote Women In Political Participation In Tanzania

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The Women in Political Participation (WPP) Program team wishes to thank the resource partners (IDEA & Sweden Sverige) and implementing partners WLSA, Padare, Gender Link, FEMNET, and IFAN for their support and cooperation during this exercise. We highly appreciate the FAWE Regional Secretariat leadership team led by Ms Martha Muhwezi, Executive Director, and Ms Teresa Omondi, Deputy Executive Director for their policy support and technical backstopping during this study.

Secondly, we equally acknowledge the technical, administrative, and logistical support the WPP coordination team provided at FAWE Regional Secretariat during the entire exercise. FAWE teams played their roles well at the three levels to ensure timely and successful completion. To this end, special commendations go to Racheal Ouko, Programme Officer WPP, Lilian Bett, Joan Too, and Rose Atieno. We also wish to thank Kelvin Omwansa, Michael Onguss, Elsie Moraa, Emily Buyaki, Juliet Kimotho, and Julie Khamati for effective participation in the process.

Appreciation goes to the African Institute for Health and Development (AIHD) that FAWE contracted to support this process. Finally, the team that compiled the policy briefs comprised Winfred Lichuma, Mary Amuyunzu-Nyamongo, Damacrine Masira, and Raymond Kaswaga.

ACRONOYMS

ASP Afro Shirazi Party

CCM Chama Cha Mapinduzi

CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women

CHADEMA Party for Democracy and Progress

CSO Civil Society Organization

FFRP Forum of Rwandan Women Parliamentarians

FPTP First-Pats-the-Post

GBV Gender-Based Violence

GLTF Gender Land Task Force

ICGLR International Conference on the Great Lakes Region

LHRC Legal and Human Rights Centre

MIGEPROF Ministry of Gender and Promotion of Women

MoHCDEC Ministry of Health, Community Development, Gender, Elderly, and Children

NEC National Electoral Commission

NOLA National Organization for Legal Assistance

OCD Officer Commanding District

PPA People’s Parties Act

PWD People with Disabilities

SHIVYAWATA Shirikisho la Vyama Vya Watu Wenye Ulemavu Tanzania (Tanzania Federation of Disabled People’s Organization)

SUWATA Shirika la Uchumi la Wanawake Tanzania

TACCEO Tanzania Civil Society Consortium on Election Observation

TAHEA Tanzania Home Economics Association

TAMWA Tanzania Media Women’s Association

TAWJA Tanzania Women Judges Association

TAWLA Tanzania Women’s Lawyer Association

TEMCO Tanzania Election Monitoring Committee

TGNP Tanzania Gender Networking Program

THRDC Tanzania Human Right Defenders’ Coalition

TWPG Tanzania Women Parliamentary Group

TWPG Tanzanian Women’s Parliamentary Group

UWT Umoja wa Wanawake Tanganyika

VICOBA Village Community Banks

WGDP Women and Gender Development Policy

WiLDAF Women in Law and Development in Africa

WLAC Women’s Legal Aid Centre

ZEC Zanzibar Electoral Commission

ZEMCO Zanzibar Elections Monitoring Committee

1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

The Forum for African Women Educationalists (FAWE), in partnership with the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), will be implementing a 3-year project (2021 – 2024) on Women Participation in Politics (WPP) in eight countries, namely: Botswana, Democratic Republic of Congo, Eswatini, Cote d’Ivoire, Kenya, Senegal, Tanzania, and Zimbabwe. The project seeks to fulfil women’s political rights in Africa in line with the Maputo Women Protocol of 2003 on the Rights of Women in Africa and other associate and sub-regional protocols and standards, including the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

FAWE recognizes that despite efforts made to enhance the participation of women in politics in most African countries, women continue to be underrepresented in political seats and spaces. To change this narrative, there is a need to raise and sustain awareness to shift the prevailing attitudes, examine obstacles, make reform proposals, and empower identified champions for change while sharing comparative evidence that could propel action.

1. The first policy brief examines the context and realities of WPP in Tanzania. The information used for the compilation of the brief is based on a literature review on WPP, interviews with a range of key stakeholders in Tanzania, including members of parliament (MPs), female leaders, leaders of political parties, political analysts and influencers, representatives of bodies vested with responsibilities to oversee politics (including the National Electoral Commission (NEC) and Registrar of Political Parties), and representatives of CSOs. In addition, a situational analysis done by FAWE for the WPP program has been brought into play.

2. The second policy brief examines the role of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) and other partners in WPP in Tanzania. The information used for the brief compilation is based on a literature review on WPP, interviews with a range of key stakeholders in Tanzania, including some members of parliament (MPs), female leaders, leaders of political parties, political analysts, and influencers and representatives of CSOs. In addition, the results of a situational analysis undertaken by FAWE to inform the program has been drawn upon.

The third policy brief examines the impact of women in political participation in Tanzania. The information used for the compilation of the brief is based on a literature review on WPP, interviews with a range of key stakeholders in Tanzania, including members of parliament (MPs), female leaders, leaders of political parties, political analysts and influencers, representatives of bodies vested with responsibilities to oversee politics (including the National Electoral Commission (NEC) and Registrar of Political Parties), and representatives of CSOs. In addition, the results of a situational analysis undertaken by FAWE to inform the WPP program has also been referenced.

This fourth policy brief examines Tanzania’s legal and policy framework concerning WPP. The information used in compiling the policy brief is from the desk review that undertook a gender audit of the Tanzania legal framework for women participation in political space and other decision-making leadership positions. Further, the literature review is complemented with interviews from numerous stakeholders, including some sitting members of the National Assembly and Tanzanian Citizens. Ultimately, results of a situational analysis done by FAWE have also been referenced. Tanzania has a unicameral parliament and several subnational level political divisions.

The last and final policy brief outlines best practices and case studies of WPP in four African Countries: Rwanda, Namibia, South Africa, and Senegal� The selection of the countries was guided by the InterParliamentary Union (IPU) ranking of women in national parliaments as per the January 2021 IPU report. The information used in compiling this brief is mainly from the desk review that examined the key parameters used to monitor and measure best practices regarding WPP. This information was complemented by interviews conducted with a range of key stakeholders in Kenya and Tanzania, including Kenya’s senators, members of parliament (MPs) – past and present, female governors and deputy governors, leaders of political parties, political analysts and influencers, representatives of bodies vested with responsibilities to oversee politics, and representatives of civil society organizations (CSOs). In addition, the results of a situational analysis undertaken by FAWE to inform the WPP program in Kenya and Tanzania has been referenced.1

1 This Policy Brief was compiled by the African Institute for Health and Development (AIHD) which was contracted by FAWE to support this process. The team was comprised of Winfred Lichuma, Mary Amuyunzu-Nyamongo, Damacrine Masira and Raymond Kaswaga

FAWE recognizes that despite efforts made to enhance the participation of women in politics in most African countries, women continue to be underrepresented in political seats and spaces

Ms� Martha R �L � Muhwezi

POLICY BRIEF 1:

Patriarchy in politics.

Local politics tend to be masculine. For instance, Ally Keissy (former MP) had an interesting exchange of words with Aida Kenani (Northern Nkasi Constituency MP), during which the female MP said they should meet at the constituency, meaning she was sure that she would win. In response, Hon. Keissy remarked: “We have defeated you (your party) in the past local government elections at 100%. Where do you want us to meet?” Is it at Mbowe’s place? You are just dreaming. Some men are quick to say,“mwanamke ni chombo tu cha starehe na mama wa nyumbani, kazi yake ni kuzaa na kulea tu” (women are a source of pleasure at home, they bear and raise children).

Inadequate understanding of the political landscape. Some women (and men) nominated into political offices do not understand the expectations. One of the respondents was of the opinion that very few women in the country have adequate civic and political knowledge. She added that only women living in towns and big cities access such education. She recommended that political sensitization be provided from the primary school level since the country now provides free education.

CONTEXT AND REALITY OF WOMEN AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN TANZANIA

1 THE IMPORTANCE OF CONTEXT

The legal framework in Tanzania is largely facilitative for WPP. The equality clause in the Constitution, affirmative action, and the gender quota, are replicated in the local government elections (sub-national level) under the Local Government (Elections) Act, Cap 292 R.E. 2015 and the Local Authorities (Councillors Elections) Regulations 2015, provide opportunities for women to participate in the political space.

Inadequate local support. Some communities and sub-sets of society still frown at women daring to challenge the status quo. Consequently, women politicians are held to a higher moral standard than men. A female MP who responded to a question on whether her society supports her in her political carrier stated: “No, there are thorns everywhere. Some fellow women in my community do not believe in me. There is no cooperation at all amongst ourselves. You may find even your assistant (a female) at the constituency pulling you down!”

Media. The other challenge raised through the assessment was the invisibility of the contributions made by the few women in political positions in their communities or in the institutions in which they work. 3 Most of the stories shared by the women in this study showed that their contributions do not make the news headlines, a fact that prevents the consumers of media from having an insight into the contributions that women have made in their political spaces. 4 One of the respondents, replying to a question on how the current media promotes WPP, noted: “Mwanamke akifumaniwa au akifanya jambo la ovyo litatangazwa kwa kurudiarudia lakini ukifanya jambo la maendeleo katika nafasi yako ya uongozi hakuna anayeshughulika na wewe labda wasikie umetumbuliwa au umeanguka.” [If a lady does or is found to have done something wrong, it shall be announced repeatedly. But if she does something progressive in her leadership capacity, no one recognises it unless they get to hear that you have been recognised or shamed] Box 1:

Women in Parliament (by 2015)

• According to South African NGO Gender Links’ 2015 SADC Gender Protocol Barometer, women’s representation in the Tanzanian cabinet is 34 per cent. It notes that women’s representation in the cabinet has increased at a faster rate in Tanzania than in any other SADC member state (Gender Links, 2015, p. 92).

• The same report states that Tanzania is planning on strengthening its parliamentary representation from 30 per cent to 50 per cent. However, it notes that this is unlikely to be adopted before the country’s 2015 general election (Gender Links, 2015, p.81)

The nomination seats to National Assembly and Local Government Authorities used by political parties to bridge the gender gap, address inequality, and shape changed perceptions on women’s capacity to succeed in the political space. A female political leader in Zanzibar observed that, “Special seats are important, but measures have to be put in place to enable us to be appointed through voting and not nominations. Amongst 100 women, 70 require political leadership positions. We no longer fear, and we have made progress in political leadership.”

Notably, Tanzania has performed reasonably well on including women in political leadership. The country is ranked number 34 globally, while Kenya, her immediate neighbour, is ranked 105 (IPU, January 2021), as summarized in Box 1. Although generally on an upward trend, women in Tanzania still face challenges with ascension into a political office like in other African countries. These challenges may be due to social, cultural, religious, or economic factors.

2 THE REALITIES OF WPP

Discussions with women politicians and others in leadership positions in the country brought out the reality of their struggles to achieve and sustain their presence in leadership. The following were identified as the key challenges that women face in politics.

Fear.

Sometimes women feel inadequate, and this fear inhibits their ‘jumping into the political fray’. A respondent working as a District Executive Director observed: “Now, there is high motivation amongst women and awareness to vie for positions of councillors all over the country although most of them wait to be motivated and do not motivate themselves to run for the electoral posts.” Some female political leaders even feared to respond to this assessment, stating the reason as not wanting to appear to go against their leaders.

2In June 2020, Hon. Keissy attacked in a very bitter way, the then special seats MP Aida Kenani by telling her that since she got the special seat, she deserted her husband and that she should not intervene as he spoke as she knows nothing and that she has to undergo mental checkup. It is notable that Aida Kenani is the only MP from CHADEMA who won in the 2020 General elections.

Source: UN., 1995. Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action [Online]. Available at: http:// www.unwomen.org/~/media/ headquarters/ attachments/sections/csw/pfa_e_final_web. pdf. [Accessed 27th January 2021].

Source: Professor Ruth Meena, Mary Rusimbi and Caroline Israel (2017) Women and Political Leadership: Facilitating Factors in Tanzania,UONGOZI Institute,

Violence against women and use of vulgar language.

Box 2:

Abuse of female politicians

Hon. Catherine narrated abuse against her by armed police officers.

She had gone to seek approval of her request to change her campaign dates. The acting Returning Officer ordered two policemen with loaded guns to beat her up and her colleagues in front of the Officer and forcefully removed her from the office at gunpoint. One of the policemen threatened that he would kill her. Her security men moved into action immediately and rescued her.

Mentors can be either current male or female MPs or former MPs. The hope is that not only will this support female MPs to become more effective, but also to understand political processes better. It could also help them build support for their candidacy at the constituency level, in gaining political knowledge and the skills they need to be effective. Mentors can be either current male or female MPs or former MPs. The hope is that not only will this support female MPs to become more effective, but also to understand political processes better. It could also help them build support for their candidacy at the constituency level.7

Women’s leadership and political participation is under-represented.

this limited political participation occurs despite women’s proven ability as leaders (giving examples of Hon. Samia Suluhu Hassan - now sworn in as the first female President of the United Republic of Tanzania since independence, Dr Doroth Gwajima, Dr Tulia Ackson, Liberata Mulamula, and Hon. Ummy Mwalimu), their rights under the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania, and international human and women’s rights principles to participate equally in democratic governance as leaders and agents of change. The fight towards promoting gender equality and women’s empowerment in leadership and political participation should continue. There is a need to provide technical and financial support to young women and women with disabilities to vie for political seats and leadership.

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During the 2015 elections, verbal abuse and threats were reported to be common against women. Propaganda and negative campaigning about women’s sexual morality was also reported. Many women candidates recounted that rival campaigns would attempt to undermine them through allegations of other misconducts. Marietha Maige, who campaigned for Itilima District Council in Tanzania during an interview with UN Women in 2015, said: “… I had an incident where I was about to be run down by a motorbike during the campaign, people came and defended me. I was also threatened with a panga [a machete], but people wanted me to continue, so I went on with my campaigning…” .

On 13th October 2020, a few days before the general elections in Tanzania, Catherine Ruge, who was contesting for the post of MP for Serengeti Constituency, reported having been attacked as she was campaigning on 5th October 2020, accusing the Officer Commanding District (OCD) to have sent his men to attack her. She stated: “Sometimes they beat us and sometimes they took our music system equipment” (her story is narrated in Box 2).

She decried the absence of female police officers at the scene and complained about the humiliation she faced, since her clothes were torn, leaving her breasts exposed. She was later locked up in a police cell where she claimed her buttocks and waist were touched forcefully by a male police officer as she was trying to go to the toilet. She even claimed not to have been given water or food for the time she was in the cell.

Financial constraints.

The cost of political participation is too high for most women. All the assessment respondents agreed that it is expensive for a woman in Tanzania to get into politics. A key informant observed: “I get financial support from my party and the Government, but it is not sufficient. There is a lot to do, which costs way above the money I receive.” An aspiring politician needs money to pay her campaign team and meet campaign expenses, including paying for security for herself. This happens in a competitive space where male politicians, more often than not, enjoy better income security and appear to be better able to raise campaign resources.

Inadequate mentorship.

Some of the women leaders interviewed noted there were no clear mentorship guidelines in the country to enable women who aspire for political leadership to attain experience before they embark on their political journeys.

6 In response to this need and through the support of the Tanzanian Parliament, the IPU, and UN Women, the Tanzanian Women’s Parliamentary Group (TWPG) has been developing a mentorship program. The program aims to assist women in gaining political knowledge and the skills they need to be effective.

Some women interviewed claimed they are underrepresented in the political and electoral processes - as voters, candidates, and elected representatives. This means they are largely excluded from most senior decision-making positions of executive government and political parties. Some of them said

At the operational level: After elections or nomination into the various political offices, women continue to face many other impediments to their effective participation. Notably, some of the rules discriminate against women.

In Tanzania, the special seats are regional. The special seats include constituency seats allocated by political parties to women, based on the proportion of the party’s vote. An unintended consequence has been that it is hard for women to contest constituency seats as they are deemed already to have a place. While generally giving the appearance of gender neutrality, the language of the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania (1977) is masculine, with the masculine pronoun “embracing the feminine”; for instance, Article 12(2), the equality clause reads: “Every person is entitled to recognition and respect for his dignity.” The equality before the law clause, Article 13 prohibits discrimination of a whole list of groups and classes but fails to mention women specifically: “nationality, tribe, place of origin, political opinion, colour, religion or station in life.” The word “gender” appears only once in the Constitution (1977, Article 20(1)(a)(ii)), in the context of prohibiting political parties that aim at furthering particularistic interests; amongst these is gender.

There is a lack of a supportive environment for women. Parliament can be hostile against women even on the floor of the House. Men’s heckling and ridicule in the House has made some TWPG members silent listeners. A respondent for this assessment noted: “Very few women are bold enough to speak in the Parliament. I think they fear the criticisms that might follow them on the floor and outside the house.”

Women lack the resources to solidify their electoral bases.

Elected MPs have access to more funds than the nominated ones since they are considered not to have much to do as they have no constituencies.

GBV targeted at women prevents them from freely participating in elections. Women experience a lot of GBV during campaigns, including cyberbullying. Women reported being bullied and threatened in person and through social media..

The system has failed to respect the rights of men and women with disabilities. Persons with disabilities are not provided with an opportunity to be preferred candidates of their political parties. For free and fair elections to take place, the electoral players must ensure that PWDs, with particular reference to women with disabilities, have unfettered access to register as voters, vote by secret ballot, offer themselves as candidates and actively engage in the electoral process.

5Source: unwomen.org/en/news/stories/2015/10/women-claim-their-space-in-tanzania-elections, Accessed on 10th January 2021.

6 https://www.gpgovernance.net/blog/challenges-for-female-members-of-parliament-in-tanzania/ Accessed on 10th January 2021.

7 Source: unwomen.org/en/news/stories/2015/10/women-claim-their-space-in-tanzania-elections, Accessed on 10th January 2021.

FAWE staff pose with Kenyan women leaders and aspiring leaders at the launch of the Intergenerational Mentorship Programme on March 8th 2021

Photo credit: FAWE

Data As Of 2020: 10

3 THE ROLE OF POLITICAL PARTIES

The Political Parties Act, Cap 258 RE 2015 and amended in 2019, contains provisions promoting diversity in political parties. Section 9 (1) (c) stipulates that among the conditions for registration of political parties is that its membership is voluntary and open to all the citizens of the United Republic without discrimination on account of gender, religious belief, race, tribe, ethnic origin, profession or occupation. Moreover, the election of its leaders at the General Elections is supposed to be open to both genders. However, there is no explicit provision in the Act providing for the risk of deregistration where parties fail to comply with these provisions.

In recognition of the key role of political parties in ascension for both male and female aspirants, one respondent claimed that: “Apart from the ruling party, other parties are owned by individuals who are mostly men. Some have refused to resign their chairmanships, thinking the parties cannot function without them. This is not true. They can leave, and still, the parties will prosper if they abide by the law and regulations and have commitment.”

Although all party manifestos (CCM 8 CHADEMA, CUF, and ACT WAZALENDO, etcetera) have provisions that support women aspirants, the commitment to actualise this beyond the manifestos is sometimes limited. However, it is notable that the then Chairman of CCM and the Former President of the United Republic of Tanzania, Hon. John Pombe Joseph Magufuli, who passed away on 17th March 2021, was very supportive of women’s leadership, as shown in the high presence of women as ministers and leaders of statutory bodies. These women are heads of ministries, including Hon. Ummy Mwalimu, Jenista Mhagama, Joyce Ndalichako, and Dorothy Gwajima out of all 21 ministers. Others include District Executive Directors such as Hon. Ikupa, the DED of Lushoto District Council. There are also female Deputy Ministers, such as the then Livestock and Fisheries Deputy Minister, Hon Pauline Gekul. 9 In March 2021, Gekul was appointed by the new President of Tanzania, Hon Samia Suluhu, to be the Deputy Minister of Information, Culture, Arts, and Sports.

4� RECOMMENDATIONS

Looking at the trends and analysis of election results in 2020, it is apparent that if women are more sensitized about the importance of their participation in political leadership, more would be elected to serve as MPs. The recent changes with the swearing-in of Her Excellency President Samia Suluhu Hassan are likely to put more women in political leadership. It is crucial to watch the next steps of the first female President of Tanzania as she navigates the male-dominated political environment.

The FAWE Project seeks to support the successful and effective participation of WPP in Tanzania. The Project would best serve Tanzanian women by implementing the following key recommendations.

Enhance awareness on WPP at all levels. This should be done at the community level to address the key challenges highlighted in this policy brief and other literature. Although a shift to social, cultural, and religious norms will take some time, FAWE must support awareness activities by addressing these biases. The support would entail:

10 Source: https://www.idea.int/data-tools/data/gender-quotas/country-view/291/35 Accessed on 10th January 2021

(i) understanding the context for each of the communities since they are not homogenous;

(ii) packaging information in a manner that addresses and respects the social, cultural, and religious norms of the communities; and

(iii) amplifying the critical roles women have played in leadership by showcasing the best practices and use of local examples of women who have done well in leadership positions.

Engage with political parties on WPP. All political parties have manifestos containing provisions on women and their participation in politics. FAWE should analyse these manifestos, identify key action points and hold consultations with the parties on effectively implementing these provisions. This analysis should then be used to keep the parties accountable. NEC is obligated to use its powers of regulating political parties to ensure that they comply with the gender equality principle during nominations.

Enhance the skills of women political aspirants. This intervention addresses the critical challenge to women’s effective positioning and visibility. Partner with women organizations and CSOs committed to WPP to ensure that women aspiring to leadership are provided with the necessary skills to package their agenda, brand and effectively engage with the media. FAWE could consider developing training manuals that could be shared with aspirants for the different seats at the different levels.

Support the mentorship initiative in the country. There are ongoing efforts in the country to provide mentorship to aspirants through the TWPG. FAWE could partner with the team already in place to support

the activities and scale-up across the country to ensure that women at all levels of the political spectrum (local authorities, MPs, and country leaders) are supported to benefit from the mentorship.

Engage with the media at all levels.

Link with other partners working with the media to help shape public perceptions towards women in politics as this would help shift the narrative about WPP. People vote emotionally based on how the candidate is presented to them. Media engagement should start early and continue throughout, i.e., it should not be confined to the election period.

Address violence against women aspirants, including cyberbullying.

There is a need for FAWE to include a focus on GBV in its WPP activities. These can be implemented in partnership with other institutions that have been active in addressing GBV before and during elections, including the Tanzania Gender Networking Program (TGNP), Tanzania Women’s Lawyer Association (TAWLA), Tanzania Women Judges Association (TAWJA), Women Fund Tanzania and the Ministry of Health, Community Development, Gender, Elderly and Children (MoHCDEC).

Creatively consider support towards financing women aspirants.

[1].

https://www.eisa.org/wep/tansystem.htm

[14].

[15].

Below are some descriptions;

POLICY BRIEF 2: THE ROLE OF CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATIONS AND OTHER PARTNERSHIPS

IN WOMEN

ENGAGEMENT IN POLITICS IN TANZANIA

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1� TYPOLOGY OF CSOs AND PARTNERS ENGAGED IN WPP

The CSOs 11 have played and continue to play a vital role in the relationship between the state and society. In Africa, they have come into existence for different purposes, ranging from ‘self-help’, where the state has failed to help its citizens, to human rights. They have also emerged as the wave of democratization has peaked, a country’s economy has crashed, and governmental capacity declined to the extent that the population has had to take care of itself without adequate support.

In Tanzania, CSOs have had to play a more extensive role because many citizens are not politically aware, and these organizations have taken the lead in strengthening the demand side of the political equation. But this role has not been without pitfalls, especially where CSOs purport to represent people in different forums without their consent. In the process, some CSOs engaged in supporting WPP have compromised their autonomy, becoming close allies and partners of the state.

(i) Rights-based organizations:

Several organisations focus on the rights approach to politics, specifically WPP. These organizations are involved in legal and policy review (as described further below) and monitoring the contravention of women’s rights in the political sphere. Some of the most active CSOs in this area include Tanzania Women Lawyers Association (TAWLA), Legal and Human Rights Centre (LHRC), Tanzania Civil Society Consortium on Election Observation (TACCEO), Tanzania Election Monitoring Committee (TEMCO), The Tanzania Human Right Defenders’ Coalition (THRDC), Zanzibar Elections Monitoring Committee (ZEMCO) for Zanzibar, Tanzania Media Women’s Association (TAMWA), TAMWA Zanzibar and WAMA Foundation 12 just to cite a few.

CSOs, in general, can be divided into formal and informal. The former would include organizations such as labour unions, which adhere to codified rules and require governmental sanction to CSOs that work across all aspects of WPP, including legal and policy reforms, advocacy, leadership, capacity building, media engagement, monitoring and accountability, etcetera.

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(ii)

Capacity building and training oriented CSOs:

These organizations tend to focus on supporting women aspirants through training, skills transfer, exposure visits and mentorship. These CSOs mainly include LHRC and TACCEO. The main aim for these CSOs is to ensure that women understand the political processes, the legislation and policies guiding their political parties, the role of the different government entities responsible for electoral processes, and their rights as a people.

(iii)

Media and media associations:

Media acts as a crucial watchdog to democratic elections, safeguarding the transparency of the process [1]. It channels information from politicians to voters and the public as a communication tool. All types of media, including social media, electronic and print media from both private and public sectors, have facilitated public understanding and acknowledgement of the role of WPP and its significance.

One of the respondents in this assessment, when asked about the media’s contribution to WPP, replied, “The media in Tanzania has done a great job currently to cover what we do as politicians and the fact that we can lead. The main challenge is ourselves women, who still have no confidence in ourselves.”

(iv) Parliamentary Caucuses: Tanzania Women Parliamentary Group (TWPG) is one of the caucuses in Tanzania whose main aim is to share experiences on strategies to achieve greater women representation in parliament. Another role of TWGP is to strengthen the participation of women in all political spheres through capacity development, partnership building and strategic community engagement. Some women caucuses tend to gravitate towards capacity building through developing the knowledge and skills to help women political aspirants win candidate nominations and elections and ultimately promote and support women’s participation and influence in politics.

(v) The UN system and development partners: These institutions are recognized for supporting CSOs and other organizations promoting women’s rights to engage in WPP actively. The United Nations Development Program (UNDP), United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNFPA) and UN Women have consistently supported the WPP CSO initiatives and movements for many years in Tanzania. This support has mainly focused on identifying, training and positioning women to take on leadership positions at the local and national levels. IDEA International has illustrated its commitment to addressing the challenges of WPP through various targeted support, and in particular through funding the FAWE Project, which is very timely for Tanzania.

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Civil society includes non-governmental organizations (NGOs), community groups, research institutions, think tanks, advocacy groups, trade unions, academic institutions, parts of the media, professional associations, and faith-based institutions

A non-governmental, non-profit organization founded by the former Tanzanian First Lady, Mama Salma Kikwete in October 2006 in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. The main goal of the organization is to improve the living standards of women, girls and other vulnerable children through promoting them to access education, health services and empowering women economically.

As an example, Members of Parliament from the Tanzanian Women’s Parliamentary Caucus met the Speaker of the National Assembly, Hon. Prof. Peter Katjavivi and the Parliament of Namibia Women’s Caucus on 04.03.19 to discuss WPP issues.

Photo credit: FAWE RS

2�

DIFFERENT ROLES PERFORMED BY CSOs AND OTHER PARTNERS IN WPP

Armed with international and regional instruments and frameworks for advancing the cause of gender parity, CSOs have been instrumental in causing significant shifts in the country on awareness about women’s rights and their entry into the public arena as political actors, with their voice and presence. For the most recent national elections in Tanzania (2020), CSOs provided technical assistance to women candidates, created hotlines for women to report violence, and worked with political parties, the National Electoral Commission (NEC), and other institutions to help women gain positions of leadership.

The key challenge experienced in preparations for the 2020 elections was the hard stance of the ruling party against human rights organizations, including the media. The media suffered heavily under the high handedness of the political system. There was a level of unprecedented censorship that impacted the capacity of the CSOs to assess the events pre, during and postelections.

Below is a brief description of the critical areas of work that CSOs have undertaken to support WPP in the country, including legal and policy reforms, advocacy, financial support to women aspirants, training and skills transfer, and monitoring and oversight over elections.

(i)

Legal and Policy reforms:

Through their websites and publications, the CSOs have been demanding changes in laws and policies that drive reforms in the country. One of the respondents in this assessment opined: “The CSOs have been helping women even in preparing themselves for election petitions when they are taken to court.”

(ii) Advocacy:

Many organizations have been engaged in community awareness activities in various political divisions across the country to change the negative perceptions of women in leadership and increase support for women candidates. Different social media channels in the country were used for advertising the campaigns of several women such as TBC, ITV and the social media via YouTube online TV Channels, such as Ayo TV, among others.

(iii) Training and skills transfer:

Several CSOs offer women aspirants and candidates training to enhance their knowledge and capacity to effectively compete, both in their party primaries and in general elections. An example of CSOs that have been building capacity for women on their rights generally and on their pursuit of political offices include the LHRC and the Women’s Legal Aid Centre (WLAC) as well as UN Women.

By providing technical and financial support to key implementing partners, some CSOs ensure that women lead and participate in decision-making at all levels, including young women and women with disabilities.

During the interview for this task, a female respondent observed: “These CSOs keep us awake and defend us so much. Despite their support, they do not carry us to the required extent. Others will only be seen if a candidate wins the elections.”

3 GAPS IN CSOs AND PARTNER SUPPORT TO WPP

(i) Lack of Strategic Plans:

It has been reported that most CSOs in Tanzania do not have well defined strategic plans. Therefore, they undertake ad hoc advocacy activities that are not well rooted [3]. Moreover, small CSOs have many challenges regarding fundraising, program formulation, the definition of results framework, financial management and evaluation. This is partly attributed to the lack of highly skilled human resources that can effectively perform the various responsibilities. As a result, these CSOs end up having inadequate funding, poor programs and poor financial management, which consequently reduces their credibility of accessing donor funding. Their ineffectiveness affects the rights of WPP adversely.

(iv) Challenges of channelling support: Some CSOs are considered selective in their support for WPP. Their decisions tend not to be demand-driven but based on their program plans rather than the electorate’s needs. Some Tanzanian CSOs, funded by Northern donors, have been criticised for being more accountable to their donor agencies than the people they serve [4]. The respondents to this assessment opined that all partners should be responsive and address the contextual and actual needs of the women and communities they intend to support rather than impose their programmatic requirements.

(v) The politicization of civil society: CSOs continue to struggle due to alignment (real or assumed) to particular political persuasions and individual leaders. This reputational risk has hurt their ability to remain competitive in resource mobilization and in persuading the masses whose voting habits they intend to influence. It is sometimes not easy to differentiate between some political parties and CSOs.

(iv) Financial support to women aspirants: One of the key challenges facing women aspirants is the limited financial base. There have been efforts by some CSOs to support women directly through providing financing. UN Women, for instance, has been helping women achieve their political goals financially [2]. However, given the lack of equity and sustainability of such interventions, there is a need to find different ways to support women candidates in a more meaningful and sustainable manner.

(v) Monitoring and election oversight:

CSOs start monitoring events around elections as soon as the electioneering period kicks off, through the voting process to the installation of elected officials. CSOs such as LHRC, TAWLA, REDET, ZEMCO, REDET TANZANIA and TACCEO all have been at the forefront of calling out political parties and the Government over election malpractices that have disenfranchised political aspirants, especially women.

(ii) Limited coordination:

This is a key challenge for CSOs while implementing WPP activities, leading in some cases to duplication of activities and inadequate use of the meagre resources in the sector. A respondent noted that “CSOs in their totality have not been able to unite us all as women. Not all of them speak about women. All of them in totality should look for us and carry us along.”

(iii) Limited resources:

Many CSOs are competing for the same resources in an environment where funding for WPP (similar to funding for other CSO activities) is limited. This resource limitation has led to the collapse or near-collapse of well-meaning CSOs keen on supporting women, especially those at the grassroots, to join and be active in politics, such as the National Organization for Legal Assistance (NOLA), which was providing education on politics and women rights. The key question remains how many development partners are willing to give money to women and shape them to go a particular way that may not be aligned with male-driven decision making.

(vi) Monetization of political processes: Like everything else in society, politics is perceived and approached as an income generation venture. The electorate, the agents, parties and individual aspirants approach the whole process as a way to generate an income. This makes it too expensive for new entrants who must spend considerable resources to hire staff, pay for campaigns including branding, and hire security teams.

(vii) The short-term view of WPP: Activities on WPP tend to pick up close to elections and fizzle out soon after. It is notable that to develop a strong movement for WPP, there is a need for long-term investment in the communities (e.g. to address sociocultural and religious perceptions) and in the women aspirants, who sometimes join the political races a bit late in the day.

(viii) Interests of the Media: When commenting on the role of media on WPP, most respondents stated that the media is sometimes too concerned about the personal lives and weaknesses of the women political leaders rather than the successes they have made so far in their careers. The media has concentrated on scandals of female leaders (especially artists) rather than showcasing the progress made so far by WPP in the leadership arena.

...“CSOs in their totality have not been able to unite us all as women"...

4.RECOMMENDATIONS

(ix) Limited specific CSOs for Persons with disabilities: There are few or almost no CSOs established to deal with the participation of women with disabilities in politics in Tanzania. This has made it difficult for some women with disabilities to get financial and capacity-building assistance pre, during and post-election that could enable them efficiently and effectively engage in politics and serve in the responsible posts when elected or appointed.

4 RECOMMENDATIONS

The CSO initiatives, including the FAWE project, are essential to all aspects and stages of WPP – from nurturing the desire for women to run for political office, readiness to vote, running successful election campaigns and performing the leadership role once elected. The assessment for this policy brief has illustrated the critical ways CSOs have supported WPP in Tanzania and the gaps that still exist. Notably, WPP and CSOs operate in the real world, whose outlook is driven by the prevailing social, economic and political interests with implications on all spheres of life. As women’s political interests increase, so does the need for tangible, meaningful and long-term support to WPP. Below are some key recommendations for FAWE and other CSOs supporting WPP.

(i) Document the needs of WPP and provide targeted support:

The current approach of some CSOs and partners developing and funding programs without contextualizing the needs of the voters and women politicians needs urgent redress. An assessment of the needs and requirements of the different leaders and communities should be conducted to inform the agenda for WPP. There is a repertoire of secondary data online that could be augmented with targeted assessments (including the situational analysis undertaken by FAWE) to set the agenda for WPP.

(ii) Take leadership in the knowledge arena: CSOs (including caucuses and development partners supporting WPP) should take leadership in shaping people’s perceptions towards WPP. For instance, FAWE could work with partners to organise regular meetings to develop a common agenda for WPP in the country. In addition, instead of giving direct support to aspirants, CSOs and development partners should focus on the electorate – the people that tend to perceive WPP negatively. They could, for instance, support civic education with a consistent message that “women can lead and good turn up of women voters in elections is vital for WPP.”

(iii) Innovative financing strategy:

FAWE should work with partners interested in WPP in Tanzania to look at the best ways to raise funds to enable women to participate fully and freely in politics. Several meetings with heads of such partner organisations may be useful. A good example is TACCEO, an umbrella of 162 organizations for TEMCO and 17 organization members.

(iv) Partner with political parties: Although political parties have their challenges, they are still the essential vehicles women use to ascend into political office. FAWE and other CSOs should petition the parties to dedicate resources for women candidates and give women concessions and/or implement the concessions provided for in their manifestos. There should be special support for women with disabilities.

(v) Democratize and institutionalize engagement with the media: FAWE could liaise with Tanzania National Assembly and local authorities (both urban and district), Media Council of Tanzania (MCT) and other CSOs to develop content for training women political leaders on the role of the media.

There should be continuous training of journalists on the role of women as political leaders so that they can promote the role of women in leadership. This would ensure that women politicians understand how to weave their agendas around the operations of the media. Media houses could be helped to develop specific policy guidelines on gender-sensitive language, especially when covering women politicians.

(vi) Development of a training manual: FAWE, in partnership with other CSOs and partners in WPP for Tanzania Mainland and Zanzibar, could explore the possibility of preparing a training manual on the enforcement of women rights on political issues across the United Republic and at all levels of political office. This manual could be used to induct new women entrants into parliament at the national and subnational levels.

(vii) Conduct an impact assessment: FAWE could conduct an impact assessment as to what extent the CSOs and other partners in WPP have effectively discharged their duties in Tanzania in collaboration with TEMCO and ZEMCO, as well as the LHRC and TAMWA Zanzibar, followed by a symposium between the Women Parliamentarians from Tanzania Mainland and those of Zanzibar, intending to generate a document to better position WPP.

(viii) Conduct further research:

FAWE should conduct further research on the powers of the Registrar of Organization over the SCO1 and other organizations promoting and advocating women rights, including WPP.

FAWE could find ways to fund people who want to associate and form CSOs specifically meant for women with disabilities so that they may be able to join and make progress in politics and participation therein. Women in Law and Development in Africa (WiLDAF)-Tanzania is an example of an organization that addresses women issues. Some of the issues they address are;

• Access to justice among women and girls.

• Advocacy for the enactment of gender-sensitive policies and laws.

• Scale-up awareness of women rights to reduce violence against women and children.

• Women participation in decision making and economic empowerment.

• Women access to health services.

• Institutional strengthening.

This organization could be supported to address issues related to women with disabilities in the political space.

“women can lead and good turn up of women voters in elections is vital for WPP.”

2� REFORMS BROUGHT ABOUT BY WOMEN IN POLITICS

POLICY

BRIEF

PARTICIPATION

3: THE IMPACT OF WOMEN'S POLITICAL

IN TANZANIA

1� WOMEN MAKING A DIFFERENCE IN TANZANIA’S POLITICS

For the first time in the history of Tanzania, in 2015, Tanzania got its first woman Vice-President Hon. Samia Sululu Hassan. Upon the demise of President Magufuli, Her Excellency was sworn into office on 19th March 2021 as the First Female President of Tanzania since independence. History is now recorded in Tanzania.

However, women in Tanzania continue to be discriminated against, segregated and underrepresented in political, social and economic development. Studies undertaken by various scholars have shown that empowering women is a critical factor in freeing them from the cycle of poverty. Patriarchy has influenced the low participation of women in politics.

Between 2004 and 2021, there has been a significant increase of women in decisionmaking positions, but more still needs to be done. The physical presence of more significant numbers of women in parliament has meant that the voices for gender equality have grown stronger:

i. The synergistic effects have resulted in a diversity of experiences and skills, which in turn have led to greater efficiency;

ii. The Women’s Parliamentary Caucus has also emerged as a strong link to civil society, especially when advocating for the enactment of gender-sensitive laws;

iii. The Tanzania Women Parliamentary Group (TWPG)has enabled access to parliamentarians through the organization of seminars, workshops and other forums to dialogue on different issues relating to women, children, special interest groups and other social and economic development issues; and

iv. the increased number of women in parliament is translating into positions of leadership. Notably, the former Speaker of the National

Assembly was a woman who headed two standing committees. Women parliamentarians head four other standing committees, which implies that women head six of 17 standing committees. These are significant achievements that could change traditional attitudes about women’s credibility as leaders in the public sphere.

The impact of women participation in decisionmaking is classified in the following categories as articulated by the assessment participants:

i. Women’s entry as MPs leads to appointments in other leadership positions, e.g. as leaders at the national, regional and international levels;

ii. Women’s role in the legislative process;

iii.Women’s contribution towards growing a strong women movement and acceptance of women leadership in communities; and

iv. Women’s role in influencing public policy and participation.

Participants

The parliamentary culture does not support the gender agenda in house activities. Although women have made a difference by navigating the waters of parliament that have been maledominated over the years, women legislators in house committees are minimal due to the proportionately smaller numbers of women in the house. It has been opined that it may be necessary to introduce a 30 per cent rule in the leadership of house committees to increase the number of women serving in various committees.

As women overcome barriers getting into active politics, they continue to face discrimination at different levels. In some instances, these encounters make their contribution in parliament and outside parliament challenging. Therefore, the focus of this policy brief is to assess the impact of women in politics in Tanzania.

(i) Women’s entry as MPs leads to appointments to other leadership positions as ministers and other regional and international positions. The available literature on women’s participation in political leadership revolves around the barriers limiting women access to political spaces. However, Tanzania has women who have achieved significant responsibilities and shaped the gender debate at the national, regional and international levels.

Hon. Gertrude Mongella is a household name in Tanzania, Africa and Internationally. She rose from a college tutor to become an MP in the 1970s, became a High Commissioner of Tanzania to India, and became the first President of the Pan African Parliament. She is fondly referred to as Mama Beijing. In 1995, during the famous Beijing Platform of Action, she was the Secretary-General of the Fourth World Conference on Women. In a media interview when she celebrated her 75th Birthday, she had this to say: “My participation in UN issues and events gave me the exposure to the world and shaped my views on women leadership in Tanzania and Africa.”

Hon. Mongella’s participation has profoundly impacted women in Tanzania and Africa. She is known as an educator, a defender, a politician and a diplomat. Her political career stemmed from her service in the office of the Prime Minister before she became an MP. She also served in the East African Legislative Assembly. She is highly committed to the political integration of women in Africa and championing the strong involvement of women in political leadership. She also served as a Minister of Lands, Tourism and Natural Resources and Office of the President, without a portfolio.

brainstormed during the WPP situational analysis and policy brief validation meeting at Safari Park Hotel, Nairobi, in March 2021.

Photo credit: FAWE RS/Emily Buyaki

Hon. Gertrude Mongella

Photo credits: UN Photo/Evan Schneide

Another high-ranking Tanzanian woman is Hon. Anna Kajumulo Tibaijuka. She served as a Minister of Lands, Housing and Human Settlement Development from 2010-2014. She was also a former Under Secretary of the United Nations and Executive Director of the United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat), the second-highest ranking African woman in the UN system until she resigned to run for political office.

Tanzania has other courageous women rewarded for their work in political leadership. For example, Hon. Anne Lilango Malecela (MP) was awarded the Honour of Courage Award in 2009 by the US Embassy to Tanzania. The award was for her courage and leadership in the struggle to improve the lives of Tanzanians when she challenged party leadership to confront the question of corruption, despite the threats posed on her life. In accepting the award, she said every woman in Tanzania has leadership talents, whether in politics, business, or raising children.

Hon. Dr Asha-Rose Mtegeti Migiro, a lawyer, is another female politician in Tanzania, who served as a Ward Member of Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) from 19942000 and as a member of a Regional Executive Council, Minister for Community Development, Gender and Children’s Affairs, Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation and later became the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs. Hon. Migiro has served at the international level as the Deputy Secretary-General of the United Nations (2007-2012).

President Samia Suluhu Hassan has recently appointed veteran diplomat Liberata Mulamula as the new Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, replacing Professor Palamagamba Kabudi. Ms. Mulamula, a seasoned diplomat, was the Permanent

Secretary in the Ministry before her new appointment. She has also served as Tanzania’s ambassador to the United States and was the first Executive Secretary of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) [2]. She became the 16th Foreign Affairs Minister and only the second woman to serve in that position after Dr Asha-Rose Migiro, who was at the helm between January 2006 and January 11, 2007. Ambassador Mulamula is a skilled career diplomat with 35 years of experience. She is now tasked to head Tanzania’s diplomacy, given her vast experience working in foreign missions. Before her retirement in April 2016, Ms Mulamula’s other senior posts included the Executive Ministerial post of Permanent Secretary of the Tanzania Ministry of Foreign Affairs (May to December 2015).

Another prominent politician in Tanzania is Ummy Ally Mwalimu (born 5 September 1973). She belongs to the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party. She currently serves as the Minister in the President’s Office Regional Administration and Local Government. Before this post, she served as the Minister of State in the Vice President’s Office (Union and Environment) in the Cabinet of Tanzania. She is a fourth-term Member of Parliament, firstly appointed to a seat reserved for women in the parliament of Tanzania in 2010. In President Jakaya Kikwete’s administration, she served in a succession of ministerial roles. Between 2010 and 2014, she was Deputy Minister in the Ministry of Community Development, Gender and Children. She also served as Deputy Minister in the Vice President’s Office and the Ministry of Justice and Constitutional Affairs. In 2015, the newly elected President John Magufuli appointed Mwalimu as Minister for Health, Community Development, Gender, Elderly and Children.

The examples provided here demonstrate that women’s entry into politics prepares them for more prominent national, regional, and global appointments.

(ii) Women’s role in the legislative process Notably, women have rendered their services in different spheres, including championing democracy; fighting against gender-based violence (GBV); policy reforms and local level governance, as briefly outlined below.

Championing Democracy When H.E. Samia Suluhu Hassan served as vice president, her focus was on promoting democracy, the rule of law, and transparent and fair elections. She opined that: “Democracy, the rule of law and human rights are today key precepts that are close to the development. Our countries’ political, social, and economic governance and blocs would be ideally affected negatively if we ignore these universally agreed principles. It is important that we in the region and continent, for that matter, strive to enhance and strengthen good governance through the institutionalization of accountability and participatory democracy.” She also played a critical role in negotiating the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance adopted in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in January 2007 and commenced the agenda to have Tanzania sign and ratify the African Charter on Democracy.

Introduction of Policies to abolish Gender-Based Violence. To make the markets in Dar es Salaam free from gender-based discrimination that prevented women traders from reaching their economic potential, H.E. Samia Suluhu Hassan led a campaign in collaboration with the UN Trust Fund to End Violence against Women. Since 2015, over 5,600 women market traders have participated in awareness sessions on the prevention of sexual harassment, domestic and economic violence. Over 600 women have received support and legal advice from market paralegals. This type of support and awareness also impacted women’s participation in politics as there was confidence instilled in women interested in politics but felt intimidated by issues of gender-based violence and harassment.

The UN Women Executive Director Mlambo-Ngcuka once stated: “I am very moved to see you fighting for your freedom, for your empowerment, to manage your money, to stop violence and to stand for office and become Councilors and Chairpersons in the markets. This is the way it is supposed to be. When women work together, they can solve together their shared problems. I am also touched to hear each of you today express concern about the other, and you want this initiative to go beyond because you don’t want this just for yourself. You want it for your sisters.”

A second group that played a crucial role in advocacy against GBV is the Tanzanian Women’s Council (BAWATA), formed in 1995 by the ruling party’s women’s wing, Umoja wa Wanawake wa Tanzania (UWT). BAWATA’s leadership envisioned a broad-based autonomous organization that was to push for women’s advancement on several fronts, including strengthening women’s political leadership, pushing for legislative change and conducting civic education.

It claimed membership of 150,000 in 3,000 groups, although its actual strength at the grassroots level is disputed. BAWATA became involved in policy advocacy on issues such as violence against women, sexual abuse of children, improved social services delivery, inheritance laws, land ownership and girls’ access to education.

The Gender Land Task Force (GLTF): A Land Bill draft in August 1996 was issued, which marginalised the interests of women in the 1995 Land Policy. This Land Policy was to be enacted into law by the end of 1997. In reaction, women organizations and groups met and formed the Gender Land Task Force (GLTF), which was to lead the women’s struggle for their rights to be included in the land law and closely monitor the implementation of the recommendations from the workshop to increase the chances of them being included in the final draft of the Land Bill and subsequently in the Land Act. The group successfully contested women’s rights in the land law.

���The examples provided here demonstrate that women’s entry into politics prepares them for more prominent national, regional, and global appointments���

���“I am very moved to see you fighting for your freedom, for your empowerment, to manage your money, to stop violence and to stand for office and become Councilors and Chairpersons in the markets"���

Participation and development in local governance: Women’s participation at this level of leadership [3]:

i. Improves confidence with which they can freely give their ideas pertaining to various developmental aspects in their localities;

ii. Improves sustainable use and conservation of local resources, mainly because they become more responsible and efficient in managing and protecting the resources at hand;

iii. Enables them to become independent and even lead their own lives by facing various intricate challenges resolutely and confidently, and

iv. Makes them able to create additional resources. For example, they can help reclaim the marginal lands around them, leading to expanding the arable land in their localities.

(iii) Women’s contribution towards mentorship of young women into politics Tanzania has made great efforts to promote women into political leadership positions. Women parliamentarians have worked collectively and individually to mentor young women to enter politics. However, Tanzanian political parties are not guided by known ideologies and tend to prefer to clear male candidates to run. Few women are granted the opportunity to run on winnable seats. With the legislated special seats, most women get consideration to run on the special seats. However, renowned women leaders in politics have taken it upon themselves to work with other women to get into political parties as a first step to growing their interests in political seats.

Hon. Anna Abdalla, a member of CCM and special seat MP was first a member of the National Legislative Assembly. She has promoted women’s rights and advocated for change in the gender-based criminal justice system, supported the education of the indigenous group and campaigned for ethnic minority rights. She started her career as a District Commissioner and became an MP when only 5 female MPs were there. She served as a Minister in various portfolios, including Minister for Health. She was the first women chairperson of the committee of Defense and Security. Hon Abdalla is remembered for calling on women to overcome the barrier of their ideological differences in parties to serve the common agenda of women. She was the first chairperson of the TPWG.

During the assessment for this brief, respondents noted that women who made entry earlier in parliament had spent years mentoring the young ones. Abdalla reached out to educated women giving them reasons why they needed to join politics and make the changes from within. Hon. Abdalla believes that she has made a difference and left a legacy in facilitating women parliamentarians to overcome their differences in addressing womenspecific issues. She has helped young people and new entrants in parliament understand the game’s rule.

Another example is of Hon. Al Shamai has taken the lead on issues of disability, more specifically, albinism. She has advocated for the right of persons with albinism, especially young women, against societal violence directed at them. Women MPs have worked to address the barriers constraining women who wish to join politics.

Notably, Tanzanian women leaders have worked progressively to promote gender-responsive laws and support community-based initiatives that have impacted WPP. Great testimony is recapped from the moving story of Hon. Likokola has helped women to be credit-worthy. She remarked: “I am exiting formal politics as a proud person. I was a banker before I joined politics. I also tried my hand in business. It pained me to see micro-enterprises meant for support of women impoverishing others. I took the initiative and used my position to advocate for the formalization of Village Community Banks (VICOBA) and facilitated links between VICOBA and formal banking (postal bank). I have seen VICOBA grow into an economic empowerment movement.”

(iv) Women’s contribution towards growing a strong women movement and acceptance of women leadership in community

In 1955 a women’s section was established within TANU under the leadership of the late Bibi Titi Mohamed (Geiger, 1996: 465). The section was charged with several tasks, including mobilizing women (and men) to join the party, bringing Tanganyikans together for the cause of the struggle for independence, and fundraising for the independence struggle. The participation and membership of women significantly boosted TANU’s mass base. After Independence, TANU decided that all women should have one unifying organization. Consequently, the Umoja wa Wanawake Tanganyika (UWT) was formed with the president as its patron. The main objectives of the UWT were to: (i) unite all women of Tanganyika under one organization; (ii) foster the development of women in respect of economic, political, cultural, educational and health matters;

(iii) work with TANU and the government; (iv) fight for and maintain respect and justice for women of Tanganyika, Africa and the world at large; and (v) collaborate with all women organizations in the world whose policies and objectives were similar to its own (UWT, 1962).

In 1977 the merging of TANU and Afro Shirazi Party (ASP) formed CCM, and this led to the birth of one organization in the name of Jumuiya ya Wanawake Tanzania. It, however, retained the same abbreviation, UWT. Some of its objectives were to:

i. Unite all Tanzanian women through which the policy of socialism and self-reliance and party policies regarding women’s liberation could be spread and interpreted to the Tanzanian women;

ii. Cooperate and lead all women in various activities concerning family welfare, development, defence, and culture;

iii. Unite all women mentally and practically under the leadership of the party, to maintain the policy of socialism and self-reliance;

iv. Defend and promote equality and dignity of the whole nation;

v. Liberate all women of Tanzania from oppression, traditional beliefs, and values that deny them development as a whole;

vi. Coordinate with other organizations under the party to foster national development; and

vii. Maintain a mutual relationship with other African women and the rest of the world for the everyday struggle of their liberation and the struggle against imperialism and all kinds of exploitation.

After the 1992 liberalization of politics, many nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) were formed in all spheres – social, economic, as well as political spheres in the form of professional associations, communitybased organizations (CBOs) and cultural associations. Others had specific objectives such as advocacy. Under this category, many women NGOs were established, such as the Tanzania Media Women Association (TAMWA) and Tanzania Women Lawyers Association (TAWLA).

On 16 May 1995, BAWATA was formed. These women organizations enhanced WPP and built confidence in women interested in politics.

(v) Women’s role in influencing public policy and participation

In collaboration with GTLF, several women in politics developed strategies that were used to influence decisionmakers regarding the Land Bill that sidelined women. Smaller groups were constituted to perform several vital functions as outlined below.

• Media Advocacy GLTF - Used the media to ensure that as many stakeholders as possible were aware of the impending Land Act. TAMWA provided the necessary expertise and access to the media. TAMWA was also given the task of using the media to publicize the deficits in the new law. All available media were used, including radio, television and newspapers.

• Review of the Bills - To make sure the proposals in the bills were understood. Those provisions that were against the rights of women were identified and challenged. This task was given to TAWLA.

• Parliamentary Lobbying - Was done by the Tanzania Gender Networking Programme (TGNP). A group of women spoke to the legislators about the weaknesses of the Act from the women’s point of view and provided information to individual legislators, particularly women MPs, to equip them with data for the parliamentary debate.

• Community Outreach – This was another strategy used to sensitize the wider other than the media. The organizations charged with this task included Tanzania Home Economics Association (TAHEA), Shirika la Uchumi la Wanawake Tanzania (SUWATA) and Women’s Legal Aid Centre (WLAC).

• Seminars and Workshops - Dissemination of the successes scored and hitches encountered was done through the strategies above as well as through briefings during seminars and workshops. The resource persons would come from the participating organizations as well as GLTF. Government officials were also invited to these workshops.

3 VALUE OF WOMEN IN POLITICS

Women’s participation in politics has led to several transformations in Tanzania, which have improved women’s lives and encouraged more participation of women in politics. Some of the notable successes include:

i. Influencing the development of policies against GBV;

ii. Building the capacity of women through NGOs, CSOs, and other women groups by creating access to parliamentarians and government projects;

iii. Demystified WPP through campaigns and media forums;

iv. Revising of the Land Bill to favour women and in the process building the capacity of women in lobbying and agitating for reforms;

v. Mobilizing media advocacy to assist in policy reforms; and

vi. Coordinating with CSOs and development partners to undertake civic education and advocacy programs.

4� CHALLENGES TO WOMEN IN POLITICS

i. Growing the women social networks and women empowerment. The continued increase of women in politics and the strategies designed to get more women in politics, e.g. the T-WCP, has not translated into women’s empowerment to run and get elected in a competitive constituency or ward-based seats. The Tanzanian community is yet to believe in voting for women as political leaders.

ii. Electoral regime. The regime does not provide women with a conducive environment to compete with men equally. Political parties are still heavily patriarchal and dominated by men. The women wing/unit of political parties is weak and unable to effectively facilitate the growth of women in politics at all levels. While women continue to propel themselves to higher levels socially and economically, the reality is that they have not been able to penetrate the male-dominated political parties.

iii. Negative view of women leadership by society. Society is not well sensitized to appreciate women leaders despite Tanzanian women’s significant progress nationally, regionally, and globally.

iv. Women contribution remains invisible within the communities. The significant contribution towards the development agenda by women is hardly appreciated. Some communities, like the Maasai, have not accepted that women can be effective political leaders.

v. The media has not facilitated women to tell their stories. This should be done in a language and manner that can endear communities to consider and vote women into political offices.

vi. Lack of community civic and voter education. Women need to be educated on the legal provisions for WPP, and voters require sensitization to change their perceptions of WPP.

5 RECOMMENDATIONS

A combination of factors, as discussed above, has contributed to the success and impact of women in politics in the country. However, women still require guidance and support to amplify their voices and impact. The FAWE Project could support the following interventions.

i. Support the training and induction of women who have joined politics following the national elections in 2020. Women who have made entry into parliament and local leadership need to enhance their capacity. It is critical that FAWE partners with other institutions. This is to draw a capacity building program on parliamentary skills and knowledge as an induction program. They will also need to be exposed to regional and international women’s rights mechanisms that promote gender-sensitive legislation in parliament.

ii. Work with other like-minded CSOs to undertake targeted community civic and voter education. The aim will be to transform society’s mindset to vote for women to enhance WPP and leadership. This should entail a greater understanding of women's impact and continue to make in Tanzania domestically, regionally and internationally and promote attitudinal change on women as effective political leaders.

iii. Engage with TPWG and the Zanzibar Women Parliamentary Association to leverage available resources to promote their programs towards enhancing WPP. This engagement provides practical skills and strategies to the women associations to lobby for recognition as part of parliamentary structures and to access budgets for their activities similar to other parliamentary committees. This will enhance the women leaders’ capacity to perform their parliamentary roles, including legislative, and facilitate more reviews and enactment of genderresponsive laws.

iv. Work with the parliamentary women associations and lobby to entrench a gender committee within the house standing orders. The membership should include men and women as a long-term process for male engagement. There is a need to get more men to champion gender issues. This inculcates understanding on gender issues as opposed to silo discussion of women issues among only women.

v. Continue to support mentorship activities by TPWG This facilitates interaction between the older women legislators, current legislators and aspiring legislators for capacity building and handholding. This could be achieved through multiple means, including organizing intergenerational gender equality forums to facilitate the young from the old.

vi. Contribute towards profiling and disseminating the outstanding achievements made by Tanzania women. This profiling would target, e.g., Hon. Gertrude Mongella and others who have successfully served at all levels inside and outside parliament and at international levels. These profiles could be used as advocacy and campaign tools to promote women’s leadership. The aim would be to pass positive messages to the electorate to consider voting more women into elective posts.

vii. Engage political parties to undertake a comprehensive gender audit of the party. This is an essential first step to identifying gaps in party statutes, processes and practices related to gender equality. This process will equip political party leaders with the necessary information to adjust their political party policies, programs and campaign strategies regarding WPP.

viii. Advocate for strengthening of the regulatory framework for public funding and support to women in politics. Parties should be encouraged to increase resource mobilization and a fair distribution of existing resources. There needs to be a focus on women with disabilities who are further disadvantaged in all aspects of political participation.

REFERENCES

[1].

5th

POLICY BRIEF 4:

THE POLICY AND LEGAL FRAMEWORK ON WOMEN AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

IN TANZANIA

1� GLOBAL AND REGIONAL COMMITMENTS OF WOMEN’S POLITICAL RIGHTS

Representation of women in politics worldwide has grown over the last three decades mainly due to global efforts towards empowering women and enhancing their participation in governance and leadership spaces.

The United Nations Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) defines discrimination against women and asks State Parties to eliminate this vice in all spheres. It notes thus:

"Discrimination against women is defined as distinction, exclusion or restriction made on impairing or nullifying the recognition, enjoyment or exercise by women, irrespective of their marital status, based on equality of men and women, of human rights fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural, civil or any other field.”

CEDAW calls on states to take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in the political and public life of the country on equal terms with men, and specifically to enable women: (a) to vote in all elections and public referenda and to be eligible for election to all publicly elected bodies; (b) to participate in the formulation of government policy, and (c) to participate in non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and associations concerned with the public and political life. The 1995 Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action is a roadmap that set the critical mass for women representation at 30 per cent to achieve gender equality.

At the African level, the protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on women's rights in Africa (Maputo Protocol), 2003, obligates States to eliminate discrimination against women

through appropriate, legislative, institutional and other measures. States are called to take positive actions, including special measures to promote the right of women to participate in political and decision-making processes. The Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa (2004) reaffirms State’s commitment to gender equality and accelerate the ratification of the Maputo Protocol.

The East African Community Treaty emphasizes adherence to good governance and democracy at the sub-regional level. Tanzania has ratified the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance of 2004. It seeks, among other things, to promote gender balance and equality in the governance and development process, including holding free and fair democratic elections in Africa. However, the state has yet to domesticate the law.

2 THE CONSTITUTION OF TANZANIA AND GENDER EQUALITY

The United Republic of Tanzania constitutes Mainland Tanzania and Zanzibar. The two protectorates have different law-making bodies. The Parliament of the United Republic of Tanzania legislates on Union Matters while the House of Representatives legislates on Zanzibar matters. Tanzania has ratified numerous international and regional treaties touching on WPP and leadership. These include: (i) International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) ratified in 1976; (ii) CEDAW signed on 17th July 1980 and ratified on 20th August 1985; (iii) the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights ratified on 12/12/2003); and (iv) the Protocol to the African Charter on Rights of Women in Africa that was ratified in 2010 (the Maputo Protocol).

The United Republic of Tanzania has put in place electoral laws, rules and regulations, election-monitoring bodies and regulations of political parties to ensure fair, free and credible elections. To accelerate the increase of women in Parliament, the Constitution of Tanzania (1977 CURT) promotes party and legislated quotas for the single/lower house and at the sub-national level. The CURT is well known for its gender fifty-fifty Rule (See also Article 9 (g) of CURT). Tanzania’s legal framework for promoting WPP in the Constitution provides that political parties that participate in general elections and obtain at least 5 per cent of the total valid votes shall propose to the National Electoral Commission (NEC) the names of women based on the proportionality of votes obtained by each party in parliamentary election (Article 78 (1) read together with Article 66(1) (b)). The general principles for the electoral system include the equality principle that provides that women members must not make up less than 30 per cent of the National Assembly (Article 66 (1) (b) of CURT).

The eighth amendment of the Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar Constitution of 2002 introduced special seats for women. The Election Act of Tanzania (s. 81) and Election Act of Zanzibar (S. 80) provide for the First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) System, also known as the plurality majority or the winner takes it all. The Proportional Representation (PR) system has been used to increase gender parity and promote equality, although not necessarily, equity. The P.R is also used to increase women participation at the local level through the Councilors women’s special seats (S. 35 of Local Government (District Authorities) Act, cap 288 and S. 19

(1) (c) of Local Government (Urban Authorities) Act and S. 86(A) of Local Government (Elections) Act, cap 292). These laws provide that there shall be at least onethird of Councilors’ special women seats of elected Councilors in respective Councils.

Each Political party submits a list of names for women candidates to the NEC, and the Commission is required to adhere to it after consultations with the party concerned, should a vacancy occur during the life of Parliament. While the Constitution provides for not less than 30 per cent for women in the National Assembly, pursuant to the Government decision during the 2015 elections, it was increased to 40 per cent. Further, out of five members from Zanzibar, two must be women within the National Assembly. The President appoints ten members, and five of them must be women. These are administrative processes used to increase WPP. On 31st March 2021, Hon. Samia Suluhu Hassan, President of Tanzania, appointed Ambassador Liberata Mulamula as one of those five female MPs.

3� PROMOTION OF POLITICAL RIGHTS AND THE TANZANIA ELECTORAL SYSTEM

The CURT largely promotes political rights for men and women (See Articles 5, 20, 8(1), 38, 40, 74 and 83). Expressly, all citizens have the right to: participate in forming political parties; participate in activities of recruitment of members of political parties; campaign for a political party; free, fair and regular elections based on universal suffrage; to be registered as a voter without unreasonable restrictions; to vote by secret ballot without restrictions; and without unreasonable restrictions, to be a candidate for public office within a political party, if a member.

Tanzania had maintained the FPTP System since 1995 when the multiparty elections were introduced, sometimes called the single-member plurality voting or majority electoral system. This system was inherited from the British. Voters cast their votes for a candidate of their choice, and the candidate who receives the most votes is declared the winner, i.e., more than 50 per cent of all total votes cast (50+1) for a sole presidential candidate. The CURT introduced PR as found under Articles 46A and 90 alongside the FPTP for the special seats, i.e., PR is used for MPs and Councilors’ special women seats (40 per cent of all MPs and one-third of Councilors).

���From 2015 to 2021, Tanzania has had a female Vice-President who has now become the President���

ELECTIONS, CONSTITUTION, PENAL CODE...

VOTE

During the engagement with women during this review, it was notable that the majority were unfamiliar with election timelines as provided for within the law. In addition, some women demonstrated a lack of understanding of the laws and processes.

b) Local Government (Urban Authorities) Act (CAP 288 R.E 2002)

of GBV as a duty required of the political parties and the candidates. This is a significant omission.

Tanzania has recorded tremendous success in WPP because of affirmative action. Although women strive to achieve 50/50 gender parity in all spheres, the process has been slow. From 2015 to 2021, Tanzania has had a female Vice-President who has now become the President, following the demise of the late John Pombe Joseph Magufuli, the then President of Tanzania. This is seen as an excellent opportunity for more women to enter higher political space as they aim to realize the 50/50 per cent as SADC commitment.

During this research, it was revealed that the introduction of constitutional guarantees on special seats for women, persons with disabilities, and youth was progressive and aimed to increase special groups' political leadership. However, this process has compromised women’s chances of getting party tickets to vie in political party strongholds. There are legal barriers as well. One of the opposition party’s Central Committee in December 2020 publicly criticized 19 women members of parliament from their party who were sworn in as special seat members claiming that they forged their names and got onto the list through invalid means.

4� THE ELECTORAL PROCESS IN TANZANIA

Article 74 of the CURT establishes the election management body, which is the NEC. The complete cycle of the electoral process in Tanzania is guided by the CURT 1977, which calls on the electoral system to comply with the not

less than 30 per cent of all the members rule in elective public bodies and also a fair representation of persons with disabilities (Section 51 of the Persons with Disabilities Act No. 9 of 2010) in order to comply with the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) to which it is a signatory. Discrimination against persons with disabilities, including women in political posts and/or leadership, was also covered by the 2004 National Policy on Disability.

The electoral quota system is legislated. Therefore, it is a sure guarantee on at least 30 per cent of women serving in parliament and local assemblies. In compliance with affirmative action, for example, in 2015, only 3 parties got the opportunity to nominate about 113 women using the proportional party lists. Below is a brief overview of the election enabling legislation to promote WPP.

a) The National Elections Act Cap 343 RE 2015

This is the main law governing the entire presidential and parliamentary elections process. The law gives effect to constitutional stipulations on the franchise and allied rights and procedures.

There is clear provision on the PR system for the one-third of Councilors special women seats in every council. This piece of legislation, among other things, provides for the nominations of special seat members in the Urban Councils, which are important bodies for decision-making at the sub-national levels or divisions. This law is a bit discriminatory to women appointed for special seats as councillors as they are not represented in the composition of such urban authorities. Most of the provisions on WPP in this Act are also reinstated in the Local Government (District Authorities) Act (Cap 287 R.E 2002).

c) The Penal Code Cap. 16 RE 2019

The Act provides for the offences causing bodily harm, use of abusive language, et cetera. It identifies common offences and prescribes penalties to be meted upon offenders found culpable. Gender-based violence (GBV), which is a great barrier to women during campaigns, is dealt with by this law. However, there is a need in Tanzania as well to have a law that defines the offence of GBV and links it to the Sexual Offences (Special Provisions Amendment) Act that has stiffer penalties as opposed to those stipulated in the National Elections Act.

The Electoral Code of Conduct for Presidential, Parliamentary and Councilors’ Elections 2020, made under S. 124A of Cap 343, does not include prevention

d) The Persons with Disabilities Act No. 9 of 2010 S.51 of the Act states that every person with a disability aged 18 years and above is entitled to enjoy and exercise political rights and opportunities as any other citizen without any form of discrimination and has the right to vote, hold public office and access any other opportunities.

The responsible Minister is required to certify that voting materials, facilities and polling stations are accessible and training is provided for poll workers on the rights of persons with disabilities (PWDs). PWDs are encouraged to stand for elections, and they are free to be assisted to vote by a person of their choice. However, it is notable that PWDs have not been provided with the enabling environment to compete in politics in the country. They (PWDs) have limited education, lack resources, suffer stigma and discrimination, negative social attitudes and most polling stations are inaccessible with poor physical infrastructure. Political parties do not readily offer them to contest on winnable seats. PWDs still face challenges even though the Tanzania Federation of Disabled People's Organizations (SHIVYAWATA) on 20th May 2015 signed an agreement with the UN Women to execute a project called Inclusive Election to enable full participation of all PWDs in Tanzania elections.

e) Political Parties Act (PPA), Cap. 258 Political Parties Act as amended by Political Parties Amendment Act, Act No. 1 of 2019 draws its mandate from the CURT (Articles 3 (1), 20 (3) and 151) and Article 22 of the 1st Schedule to the CURT considers

the registration of political parties and other matters related to political parties as a union matter between Tanzania Mainland and Zanzibar. The Constitution stipulates the basic requirements for political parties. In the PPA, there is no specific provision for the WPP as the law stands now. Even matters of gender are not explained anywhere therein. The only gender parity requirement of political parties is that a political party should, among other things, promote gender (See section 6A (5) of PPA).

Concerning provisional registration, no political party shall qualify for such registration unless, among other things set out under section 9 (1) (c), its membership is voluntary and open to all the citizens of URT without discrimination on account of, among other things, gender and the election of its leaders at the general elections is open to both genders. The Act establishes the Office of the Registrar of Political Parties (ORPP) and the Council of Political Parties (CoPP) under section 21B (1), whose membership is provided under Section 21B (2) as being “of not more than two national leaders of each fully registered party”.

According to section 13 (I) of PPA, the funds and other resources of political parties which have been fully registered shall derive from membership fees, voluntary contributions; the proceeds of any investment, project or undertaking in which the party has an interest; subvention from the Government; donations, bequests and grants from any other source.

Subject to the provisions of Part III of the Election Expenses Act, every political party shall disclose to the Registrar information relating to any funds or other resources obtained by the party from sources outside the URT, whether obtained directly or through sources within the Republic. There are no specific provisions in PPA that stipulate the financing of women in elections or vying for political leadership positions.

Political parties are not required to disaggregate their membership based on special interest groups. This means that the 30 per cent rule applied in the National Assembly is not reflected in PPA to include women in political parties on all party organs, bodies and committees.

While the legal framework regulating political parties is clear, it may be essential to put political parties under scrutiny, especially for those receiving public funds, to check whether both gender equity and equality are reflected in their manifestos and party constitutions as well as their undertakings.

Essentially, a considerable percentage of the government's funds must support gender activities. These funds are intended to enhance the electorate to engage better with the parties. Although one Member of Parliament from Zanzibar praised the Government for supporting women financially with regard to WPP, there must be well-established mechanisms on how the resources are directed towards activities of the women leagues as the evidence was not available to support the assertion by the MP.

f) Policy Framework

To strengthen the legal framework towards elections, the state bodies have developed numerous regulations in recent years. The regulations are facilitative for both men and women. The Government of Tanzania (and some through the NEC) has adopted policies that advance gender equality, WPP and youth inclusion in a supportive enabling environment as follows: Women and Gender Development

Policy (WGDP); National Gender Development Strategy; NEC 2010 Electoral Code of Conduct for the Presidential, Parliamentary and Councilors’ Elections; The National elections (Presidential and Parliamentary Elections) Regulations, 2020; and NEC 2010 Guidelines for Local and International Election Observers.

NEC has, however, not put in place any regulations to guide political parties’ nomination of candidates that would facilitate the realization of the gender principle. Furthermore, civic and voter education has not significantly been imparted to most women to the extent that most do not believe in fellow women leadership or are not ready to vie for different political posts.

5 ELECTORAL SYSTEM IN ZANZIBAR

Article 119 of the 1984 Constitution of Zanzibar and the Election Act make provisions for the Zanzibar Electoral Commission (ZEC) to be responsible for conducting Zanzibari presidential and parliamentary elections(Constitution 1984, Articles 119-120; Election Act 1984, 4-10). The NEC of Tanzania conducts local government elections in Zanzibar.16For purposes of the elections in Zanzibar, relevant laws used in elections therein are: Constitution of Zanzibar 1984, includes amendments up to 2010; Election Act 2010; Elections Regulations 2008 (Regulations for updating the voter's register 2007); Referendum Act of 2010; Zanzibar Municipal Council Act 1995; and District and Town Councils Act 1995.

For purposes of policies, Zanzibar has the following in place: Zanzibar Gender Policy 2016-2020; Plan of Action to Implement Zanzibar Gender Policy 20162020; Zanzibar Electoral Commission Guidelines on the Code of Ethics for Political Parties Participating in the 2020 General Elections; Zanzibar Electoral Commission Code of Conduct for State-Owned Media on Coverage of Election Campaigns of Political Party Candidates; and Zanzibar Electoral Commission Guidelines for Local and International Observers.

The Union Laws, for purposes of elections (for both Tanzania Mainland and Tanzania Zanzibar), include the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania 1977; Local Government (Urban Authorities) Act; Local Government (District Authorities) Act; and Political Parties Act No.5 of 1992. Article 119(1) of the Constitution stipulates that the president of Zanzibar has the power to appoint the Chairperson of the Commission and other members of the Commission as specified by the Act of the House of Representatives. There is also a Director of Elections who assists the ZEC in planning and executing its policies.17

Zanzibar has the Association of Women Members of the House of Representatives, which is registered as an NGO called TAMWA ZANZIBAR18 that brings together all women MPs with the sole purpose of capacity building of women legislators for their effectiveness as legislators19 . One of the respondents from Zanzibar, when asked about the effectiveness of the laws in enhancing WPP, observed that: “We have very good laws in our nation, but most political leaders are held by men including the positions in the Zanzibar Electoral Commission and not females. There is a lot that has to be done to do away with this male-dominant political system.”

16 According to Grant Masterson (2009, 524), "The ZEC was formed in 1993 after revisions to the Zanzibar Constitution of 1984 (Revised Act 5 of 1992) created the legal structures for the body".

17Article 119(9); Election Act 1984, 7. 18 https://www.tamwaznz.org/ accessed on 10th January 2021.

6 LEGAL CHALLENGES TOWARDS IMPLEMENTING THE GENDER EQUALITY PRINCIPLE IN TANZANIA

i. There is no specific article in CURT that requires parliament to enact legislation to promote the representation of women, persons with disabilities, youth and marginalized and ethnic minorities. The CURT gives the discretion to the NEC to make provisions specifying the procedure to be followed by political parties.

ii. Together with the CSOs, NEC undertakes the role of voter and civic education. The legal and policy framework is in place to ensure a conducive environment for all voters (men and women) to participate. However, many respondents noted that most Tanzanians are not reached with relevant information on elections and how to vote. Notably, lack of knowledge, skills and poor attitudes are some of the key barriers to the enhancement of WPP.

iii. Another challenge is a backlash associated with special seats. The greater majority of women parliamentarians have come to Parliament through affirmative action. However, parliamentary membership through special seats has recently come under fire. This is a major concern to Tanzania Women Parliamentary Group (TWPG) members who see it as an attack on their turf. Women special seat MPs primarily represent their political parties and not their "special" constituencies. Yet the need for affirmative action to increase women's presence in decisionmaking positions, including in Parliament, cannot be over-emphasized.

Special seat MPs do not enjoy status like other MPs and are not eligible for some senior positions like an appointment to Prime Minister and Chairpersons of Parliamentary Committees.

iv. The Electoral Commission, in its reports, has noted the lack of adequate resources to undertake effective voter education and has called on increased partnership with CSOs.

v. The legal framework for promoting and participating PWDs, especially women with disabilities, requires review to provide affirmative action to include men and women with disabilities in the political party system.

19 TAMWA’s Mission is to advocate for women and children’s rights by conducting awareness-raising activities for cultural, policy and legal changes in society through the use of media. This mission is meant to facilitate the realization of the association’s Vision of the existence of a peaceful Tanzania society, which respects human rights with a gender perspective.

KEY POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS

FAWE should consider the following work areas as it implements the WPP project in Tanzania.

i. The 50/50 threshold agreed by the SADC Heads of State in the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development in 2008 and the African Union Gender Policy on the 50/50 Gender Parity Principle and the CEDAW requirement to protect, promote and fulfill women’s rights has not been fully implemented. FAWE could work with other like-minded CSOs in the Country, including SAHRiNGON, TAMWA, TGNP Mtandao, FORDIA, Leadership Forum, TAHURIFO, ZLS, WLAC, YPC, LHRC, Policy Forum, MPI, ACCORD, HakiMadini, LEAT, WAMA, WiLDAF, and TANLAP to hold the Tanzanian Executive and Legislature accountable to implement the 50/50 gender principle.

ii. Work with NEC and other CSOs, especially TWPG and its equivalent in Zanzibar Association of Women Members of the House of Representatives, to provide voter and civic education mainly directed at women to bolster their understanding of processes and regulations pre, during and postelection. FAWE should find mechanisms to educate WPP stakeholders on using the internet to enhance WPP.

iii. Political parties are pathways to WPP, and women need to have a great voice that will facilitate and influence socio-cultural factors within communities that hinder their effective participation in politics. Engage with political parties’ leadership and the Registrar of political parties to activate the women leagues within political parties. The creation of the women leagues ensures that more women are included in the institutional arrangements to enhance their political participation in party structures and eventually into an endorsement for a constituency or ward-based seats.

iv. Engage with Women Parliamentary Caucuses, the TPWG and the Association of Women Members of the House of Representatives in Zanzibar to propose an amendment to the law to enable women on special seats and to get considered for positions chairpersons of parliamentary committees.

v. Work with and involve the media in promoting a culture of gender equality that combats gender-based stereotypes women continue to face by adopting: awareness-raising initiatives in the media to address prevailing gender-based social stereotypes; and education strategies around women’s human rights women’s role in public and political life.

vi. Engage with the electoral management body and other organizations promoting the rights of PWDS to consider a review of the legal and policy framework that would promote affirmative action for PWDs with a focus on women with disabilities to engage fully and participate in politics as voters as well as candidates. There should be a by-law under the Act in the form of regulation or rules to regulate how PWDs should efficiently and effectively engage in politics and hold political posts. Those already in political positions should be taken to an induction course to execute their duties duly.

vii. FAWE should take advantage of its regional role to advocate for Tanzania to ratify and domesticate the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG).20

NATIONAL LAWS AND REGULATIONS (TANZANIA MAINLAND AND ZANZIBAR)

1. The Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania of 1977 as amended [Cap. 2 R.E. 2002]

2. The National Elections Act [Cap. 343 R.E. 2015]

3. Local Government (District Authorities) Act (CAP 287 R.E 2002),

4. Local Authorities (Elections) Act 2015

5. Political Parties Act 1992 (Cap 258) (amendments up to 2019)

6. The Election Expenses Act (CAP 292 R.E 2015)

7. The Criminal Procedure Act, Cap 20 RE 2019

8. The 1984 Constitution of Zanzibar (2010 version)

9. The Local Government Authorities (Elections) Act [Cap. 292 R.E. 2015]

10. The National Elections (Presidential and Parliamentary Elections) Regulations G.N. No. 402 of 2020

11. The Local Authorities (Councilors' Elections) Regulations, G.N. No. 401 of 2020

12. The Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania (Constituencies and Polling Districts) Notice, 2020; G.N. No. 599 published on 31/7/2020

13. National Elections Regulations, 2020 (Cap. 343) (amendments up to 2020).

14. Penal Code, Cap. 16.

REGIONAL & INTERNATIONAL LAWS

1. African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance of 2007.

2. African Charter on Human and People's Rights of 1984. 3. AU Declaration of Principles Governing Democratic Elections in Africa of 2002. 4. Convention of the Political Rights of Women’ (CPRW) of 1952.

5. Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)of 6. 1979.

7. Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) of 2006. 8. International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination 9. (ICERD) of 1966. 10. International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1966. 11. SADC Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections of 2004. 12. Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948.

[9].

WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION IN POLITICS: REGIONAL BEST

PRACTICE

1� INTRODUCTION

In the African context, domestication of strategies created to increase WPP can arguably be considered inconsistent and uninspiring based on the progress made over the years. Nonetheless, existing regional, sub-regional, and global organizations and institutions that fight for overall inclusivity are still committed to the success of equity and inclusion principles. The end goal of increased women’s involvement in political and decision-making processes and knowledge of their rights, possibilities, and power to represent and be represented is still considered attainable.

However, there are significant challenges to reversing attitudes and the underlying principles affecting WPP due to the social, cultural, economic, and religious contexts that prevail in society. However, some African countries have made significant strides towards attaining the goal of equity in women’s participation in the political space. Countries such as Rwanda, Namibia, South Africa and Senegal have shown success in their efforts towards increasing and having the meaningful engagement of WPP. These countries have justified their top positions in the IPU ranking on women in national parliaments by January 2021. This policy brief examines these countries as best practices to document lessons that could be adopted by Kenya and Tanzania, among other countries that are still lagging behind in Africa and elsewhere globally.

2� BEST PRACTICES AND KEY INDICATORS

This section identifies the characteristics of the four countries selected for review, the key indicators and highlights evidence of the following key drivers of success in enhancing WPP (as also illustrated in Figure 1):

i. Collaboration by women in leadership on equal gender participation and representation in politics;

ii. Proactive action by government leadership and bodies towards promoting gender parity in political structures;

iii. Legislation that provides for special gender quotas;

iv. Efforts to adhere to, implement and domesticate any signed and/or ratified protocols by the government; and

v.Increased awareness among women of the existing laws, rights to participate, rights to represent and to be represented.

...regional, sub-regional, and global organizations and institutions that fight for overall inclusivity are still committed to the success of equity���

...Legislation that provides for special gender quotas...

Students from Daystar University, Kenya, pose for a photo at the launch of the Intergenerational Mentorship Programme

Photo Credits: FAWE RS

ELECTORAL QUOTAS & POLITICAL PARTIES

The country provides 30 per cent quotas for women in the National Parliament. According to the Quota Project, 2009, Article 9 of the Rwandese Constitution calls for 30 per cent of posts in decision-making bodies to be set aside for female candidates. Article 82 calls for 30 per cent of seats set aside for women in the Senate. Impressively, wanda has managed to surpass the 30 per cent quota for women in the National Parliament.

According to Gender Links, Namibia (GLN), elections in Namibia at a national and local level are conducted based on Proportional Representation (PR), also known as the list system. Every party is expected to maintain an alternating order of men and women on their candidate lists (Zebra list), and the parties get seats according to the proportion of seats they win.

SA has legislated quotas at the sub-national level but not at the national level. Since 1997, the African National Congress (ANC) Constitution has stipulated a minimum 33 per cent quota for women’s representation in all party leadership and decisionmaking positions (Rule 14.1). In 2007, at the 52nd ANC National Congress, the Constitution was amended to increase the quota to 50 per cent. Today, 50 per cent of the elected members of the National Executive Committee are women. However, in terms of the top positions in the party, the gender parity provision is not complied with—only two of the top six positions in the party (the Chairperson and the Deputy Secretary-General positions) are occupied by women.

The amendments to the electoral law in Senegal enacted in June 2010 mandate parity for all candidate lists for public decision making positions. Despite the progressive legislation, which creates an enabling environment for political parties to ensure gender parity in decision-making positions, parties’ constitutions are not yet aligned with the electoral law.

Kenya adopted the twothirds gender rule on quota representation in the Kenya Constitution 2010, although the rule remains unimplemented at all levels.

The Constitution of Tanzania stipulates a 30 per cent reserved seats quota for women in elected decision making positions. It is expected that political parties in Tanzania will comply with the constitutional quota by putting it into practice within their party leadership and decision making positions.

• Implementation of the 2/3rd Gender rule not actualized for Kenya

• Women in Politics struggle to compete with men within the political parties

• Lack of equitable resources for women in politics due to competition among the candidates in political parties

LEGISLATION

Several initiatives have been put in place to ensure 30 per cent rule in law is actively adhered to

While there is no constitutional or legislative quota, the ruling South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO) has a 50 per cent one woman, one man, also known as “zebra” quota in parliament.

The All People’s Party (APP) also advocates for a 50-50 decisionmaking structure, a 5050 gender representation for Ministers and their deputies and a 50-50 gender representation in management positions of all state-owned enterprises (SOEs).

The ANC and FRELIMO (South Africa) adopted an internal voluntary party quota of 30 per cent women's representation in parliament. The ANC Women’s League spearheaded this quota through a series of campaigns and inside lobbying for a party policy to increase female representation (Tripp 2003).

On May 28, 2010, the former Senegalese President Abdoulaye Wade signed off on the Senegalese Law on Parity that aims to fulfil a male: female ratio of 50:50, which is one of the most radical gender quota laws to date. In fulfilment of this, all political parties are to maintain an alternating order of men and women on their candidate lists.

Article 81 (b) of the Constitution of Kenya 2010 provides for the “two-thirds gender rule”, stating that not more than two-thirds of the members of elective public bodies shall be of the same gender. However, Kenya’s parliament is still struggling to meet this requirement, part of the reason seemingly being that the Constitution doesn’t prescribe how the two-thirds gender requirement should be met.

Referring to the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa, Article 66 (1)(b) and 78 (1) of the Tanzanian Constitution of 1977 provided that the seats allocated to women be distributed "based on the proportional representation among the parties". That was later amended in 2005, raising the quota to 30 per cent representation of women in Tanzanian National parliament.

Kenya has not managed to implement the two-thirds gender rule.

There are initiatives in place to address, but there is no political will.

KEY INDICATORS RWANDA NAMIBIA SOUTH AFRICA SENEGAL KENYA TANZANIA GAPS

3 COMPARISON OF STATISTICS IN NATIONAL GOVERNMENT

Table 2 highlights statistics of women representation in the National Governments of Rwanda, South Africa, Namibia and Senegal, compared to those of Tanzania and Kenya, according to IPU’s latest data (January 2021).

Rwanda has taken various measures in promoting WPP, including:

i. Ensuring active participation of women in constitution drafting: 40 multi-ethnic nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) brought together civil society leaders, the Ministry of Gender and the Promotion of Women (MIGEPROFE), and the Forum of Rwandan Women Parliamentarians (FFRP) to advocate for gender reforms in the constitution. This involvement led to pronouncements in the Constitution that 30 per cent of all posts in decisionmaking organs be reserved for women. Of the 80 seats in the legislature's lower house, 24 are set aside for women. The constitutional directive also has been used to seek 30 per cent women’s representation in the judiciary, the executive branch, and on political party lists;

ii. Partnership with allies has facilitated lobbying for the constitutional quota of 30 per cent women’s representation, which is reflected throughout the government and by political parties;

iii. Government support has ensured that women have been on the political ballot papers and in leadership. For instance, President Kagame’s party, the Rwandan Patriotic Front, has been critical for women’s recent advances. President Kagame said this of his administration, “We fully recognize the critical roles women must play in our society.” [3]. Female leaders are also able to leverage their standing as members of the RPF to advocate for women’s inclusion; and

3 2 South Africa

South Africa is considered a more developed African country due to the advanced nature of its national structure, a structuring dated back to post-apartheid in 1994. Holding 12th place in IPU’s monthly ranking, South Africa takes pride in having 182 women out of 397 in the Lower House and 22 women out of 53 in the Senate. The country prominently features countries advancing in WPP in Africa, with 46 per cent of women in the House of Assembly and 50 per cent of women in the cabinet following the 2019 elections. Women representation in parliament increased from 40 per cent in 2014 to 46 per cent in 2019. Interestingly, the country does not have any legislation promoting gender parity, but the ruling party, the African National Congress (ANC), has been the only party with gender quotas to ensure the representation of women in politics and decision-making since 1994. The system is founded on guidelines of nominations of public representatives. Women have actively participated in ANC and formed the Bantu Women’s league. The engagement by women led to them being permitted to become full members of ANC. In 1948, the ANC women’s League was formally launched, and it has carried a vision to unite women in South Africa across the colour barrier.

3�1 Rwanda

Rwanda ranked first in January 2021 on the IPU’s monthly ranking of women in the national parliament, with 49 women out of 80 in the Lower House and 10 women out of 26 in the Upper Chamber. A 2018 dissertation on female representation and development in Rwanda argues that among the factors that have contributed to the development in Rwanda is the current and steady increase of the number of women in parliament [2]. In fact, its findings highlight that there exists a relation between female representation in politics and development in Rwanda. The high representation of women in the Rwandan parliament can be attributed to the actions post-genocide in 1994, where women were approximately 70 per cent of the nation’s population left behind.

iv. Capacity building for women leaders has been implemented alongside addressing societal issues such as discrimination and poverty, lack of education and limited skills building, which are common obstacles to greater women’s involvement.

Similar to Rwanda, women in South Africa have come together in solidarity through political organizations, trade union movements and other CSOs. For instance, the Federation of South African Women (FEDSAW) formed in 1954 is a key factor in achieving WPP. The general aim is to affirm their authoritative rights, freedoms and powers despite patriarchal ideologies, let alone racism. This kind of female political engagement in South Africa contributed to drafting a protective multiracial non-sexist Constitution post-apartheid in 1996. Gender equality and the emancipation of women found expression in ANC policy pronouncements. Women came together and formed the Women’s National Coalition (WNC), bringing together over 100 women organizations and groups to strengthen the position of women to address structural gender oppression and demand for affirmative action. ANC women league emerged as a strong force that ANC Affirmative Action Plan adopted.

���Government support has ensured that women have been on the political ballot papers and in leadership���

Namibia

As in most African countries, women in Namibia played a significant role in the fight for the Country’s independence from South Africa in 1990. Even so, Namibian women go down in history for tirelessly fighting for their voices to be heard in socio-economic and political circles and agendas. Namibia is ranked 15th by IPU and has 46 women out of 104 in the Lower House and 6 women out of 42 in the Upper Chamber. These statistics are considered hardearned, with records of uprisings from the women’s movement dating back to the early 1950s, some of which resulted in women being sent into exile in the early 1960s.

Since the beginning of independence from South Africa, Namibian women have fought to be heard, seen and represented in public affairs and decision-making processes, working through female organizations formed since 1989 to date, such as Sister Namibia based in Windhoek. Over the years, Namibian women have strategically increased awareness of feminine-related issues using the voice and backing of various female organizations such as Women’s Action for Development (WAD), which focuses on the advancement of women in rural areas, Namibia’s Women’s Health Network (NWHN), Namibia Women Solidarity, Namibia Planned Parenthood Association (NAPPA), among others. Their constant belief is that empowering women in all aspects is important in preparing them to hold elective or appointive offices and continue pushing the feminine agenda in an otherwise male-dominated field.

3�4 Senegal

Senegal is currently position 17th in the IPU’s ranking, with 71 women out of 165 holding seats in the National Parliament. However, looking into Senegal’s political history, deliberate nationwide campaigns and strong support from the Government to implement and domesticate the gender quota incorporated in the Constitution (in 2010) stands out more than the rest and is the sole reason behind the increase in WPP. It is notable that Rwanda, South Africa and Namibia also had special quotas passed in their governments that made provisions for gender inclusivity in political structures and decision-making bodies.

Worthy of mention is the collaboration between the Senegalese Council of Women (COSEF) and the Senegalese Association of Women Jurists (ASJ) to develop proposals that pushed the agenda of gender parity in the Senegalese Government. The strong backing of the Former President, Abdoulaye Wade, following his election into office in 2000, helped push that agenda even further. It paved the way to a change of attitude towards normalizing the Senegalese Law on Parity that he later signed into law in 2010.

Kenya

i. Lack of commitment to the constitutional gender provisions. There is no constitutional framework to implement the ‘two-thirds gender rule’ in parliament;

ii. Political parties, which are the vehicles for most women to get into political offices, have not invested in women parliamentarians. They have in some cases dissuaded them from competing in the general electoral seats, confining them to special women seats through nominations;

iii. Although CSOs have been at the forefront of agitating for WPP, they have faced several challenges, including limited resources, lack of coherence and partisanship;

iv. Kenya lacks a strong united women movement to work as an accountability body towards the implementation of the gender quota laws;

v. Persistent social, cultural, and religious norms make it difficult for women to support political campaigns. This situation is worsened by violence that is witnessed against women during electioneering periods;

vi. The media has not been helpful to women candidates and has on many occasions perpetuated the negative norms against WPP; and

vii. Women running for elective seats experience electoral related GBV, which discourages those aspiring to run for office.

Tanzania

i. Political parties have not supported women parliamentarians fully to realize their potential in WPP. Similar to Kenya, the parties have in some cases dissuaded them from competing in the constituency and ward specific seats, confining them to special women seats;

ii. In preparation for the 2020 elections, the CSOs, more so human rights organizations, had a difficult time operating in the country due to the animosity created between them and the ruling party. This may have affected the support towards women candidates;

4 KENYA AND TANZANIA, IN COMPARISON TO THE BEST PRACTICE

Based on the IPU ranking, Tanzania and Kenya are trailing the other four countries, with Kenya far back. It is instrumental to note that Kenya and Tanzania have affirmative action seats set aside for women. The legal frameworks for these countries are supportive of WPP, however, some challenges have occasioned the gap in WPP. The First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) System of election adopted by Kenya and Tanzania is unsuitable as the proportional representation (PR) practised in all the countries under comparison. What has worked better for Tanzania has been the commitment of the Presidency to giving women a chance to take leadership positions. Below is a brief analysis of the key challenges facing WPP in the two countries.

iii. Violence against women vying for political office and police brutality has continued to make it difficult for women to run for office safely;

iv. Persistent social, cultural and religious norms make it difficult for women to gain support for political campaigns; and

v. The media has, on many occasions, perpetuated negative norms against WPP.

5� POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS

As FAWE plans to implement an effective and successful WPP program in Kenya and Tanzania, the organization needs to contextualize its support and ensure that the legal provisions and political party commitments towards WPP are implemented. The first set of recommendations applies to both countries, while the second set is key programmatic recommendations for each country.

GENERAL RECOMMENDATIONS

i. Support research programs to improve the collection of sexdisaggregated data: The quality of administrative decisions in WPP and gender policy depends on available information, namely on reliable statistical data. Sex-disaggregated statistics help to develop policies proceeding from facts and not presumptions, stereotypes, or ideological positions. Such statistics provide quantitative data that enables analysis of divergence in the situation of men and women and allows observations of the relevant changes or their absence thereof. Such data will allow for serious consideration of priorities and needs of both women and men in Kenya and Tanzania and is a must for monitoring and assessing the efficiency and effectiveness of programs and policies.

Improving the available expertise in WPP and gender statistics requires the following:

i. Time balance for professional and private/family duties of women and men;

ii. Gender budgeting;

iii. Development of data collection tools to account for stereotypes and socio-cultural factors that may generate gender biases;

iv. Harmonization of the country-specific statistical indicators with recommended international standards; and

v. Inclusion of additional observations or indicators, facilitating a more comprehensive analysis of the status of women and men in politics.

The topics that are crucial, but lack sufficient statistical data for proper analysis, include the following:

vi. Women and men in senior positions (in the economic, educational, and public affairs spheres);

vii. The pay gap in the salaries of women and men; viii. Access to and participation in the labour market (including informal occupations); and

ix. Cases of GBV against women and men, especially the violence related to elections.

ii. Support initiatives and programs that reduce gender-discriminatory information: Any manifestations of sexism, however complex it may be to define this term, in all spheres of public life –especially in the media, advertising, and public speech –are unacceptable. Instances of sexism should not be just criticized but instead publicly condemned. In this context, an important task is developing and launching efficient mechanisms to eliminate gender-discriminatory content in the media by incorporating directly applicable rules into the Law on Advertising. It is crucial to promote greater gender-related awareness and competence of journalists and other media professionals. Mass media employees should clearly know gender equality standards and maintain a balanced discourse on gender equality. Positive changes will depend upon the level of attention paid to these matters at the learning institutions, not only during one-off training programs for practising journalists.

iii. Facilitate Gender monitoring of political forces: quality of men’s and women’s political activity: Political party support for candidate nominations should not depend on individual party members' philosophies but rather on objective indicators of the candidates’ capabilities and efficiencies. The efficiency assessment should also be reflected in the ratio of men and women in the top layers of the parties’ candidates’ lists and the party leadership positions. To assess the efficiency of women and men’s political activity, a comparative analysis may assess the activity level of men and women politicians – for example, numbers of submitted regulatory drafts, speeches, and official information requests, instances of transfer to a different political camp as well as the education level of elected officials and office-runners of both genders. The outcomes of such analysis could be presented to the parties themselves and the general public.

iv. Working with men as partners to promote women’s active participation in politics: Gender-based discrimination may be rooted out only with a shift in the system of gender roles and stereotypes that support them. However, no stereotypes, especially gender-based ones, are changeable overnight. A review of gender roles and relations is possible only on the condition that both men and women participate in such a process, without which common social problems and discrimination cannot be eliminated. To achieve more support for the gender parity idea among men, it is essential to stress that gender inequality affects both men and women.

Tanzania

i. Support CSOs to formulate a strong women movement to hold the Government accountable continuously. The support should focus on working with political parties to ensure women are considered for constituency specific seats and only use the special seats as a stepping stone to get into politics;

ii. Advocate for and support of gender machinery, including the ministries responsible for women’s affairs to advance gender mainstreaming, including WPP with a significant focus on persons with disabilities and other marginalized groups;

iii. Offer capacity building to female candidates and support them to access mass media as a great platform for advocacy;

iv. Support mentorship programs (there is one in place under the TPWG) through which successful female politicians encourage others to run for office; and to mentor young upcoming youth leaders;

v. Enhance the capacity of male involvement to support WPP to avoid the focus on WPP as a women’s issue; and

vi. Support the growth of strong women wings in political parties to ensure that women in political parties have a voice to demand diversity and inclusion.

...Such data will allow for serious consideration of priorities and needs of both women and men in Kenya and Tanzania...

REFERENCES

Kenya

i. Promotion of the legal framework-work with existing strong women organizations that have been at the forefront holding the Government accountable to implement the not more than two-thirds gender rule that has remained unimplemented since 2010;

ii. Capacity building - engage with political parties and the Office of the Registrar of political parties to implement the genderresponsive amendments introduced in the Political Parties Act in 2016;

iii. Engage with other CSOs to monitor the gender responsiveness of the political parties that received public finances with a focus on encouraging them to offer women opportunities to run in their strongholds, thus providing them with winnable seats;

iv. Support to gender machinery - advocate for and support the State Department of Gender and the National Gender and Equality Commission (NGEC) to advance gender mainstreaming;

v. Support mentorship programs through assembly’s and women caucuses programs, e.g. KEWOPA and the County Assembly caucuses;

vi. Increase women leaders’ effectiveness through targeted training -the training would be informed by a needs assessment, but the main focus should be on legislative drafting, preparing bills and presenting motions for those already elected. Further, women should be trained on coalition building, advocacy, and public speaking;

vii. Male Involvement - involve men in targeted training to strengthen their support for WPP and avoid looking at WPP as a women’s issue; and

viii. Support the growth of strong women wings in political parties to ensure that women in political parties have a voice to demand diversity and inclusion.

[1]. 2018. Record number of women elected in Kenya’s 2017 general elections, but women’s representation remains low. National Democratic Institute, retrieved from https://www.ndi.org/our-stories/record-number-women-elected-kenya-s-2017-general-elections-women-s-representation

[2]. Migiro Katy, M.K., 2013. FACTBOX: Women in Kenyan politics in numbers. Thomson Reuters Foundation News retrieved from https://news.trust.org/ item/20131206165550-iroep/

[3]. Kylili, A. (2018). Female Representation and Development: A case study of the gender-sensitive developmental outcomes of female representation in the Rwandan parliament (Dissertation). Retrieved from http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-353081

[4]. Reyero, M. R. (2020). A comparative study of the effectiveness of women’s political participation. The case of Spain, Rwanda and South Africa, retrieved from https://www.unav.edu/web/global-affairs/detalle/-/blogs/a-comparative-study-of-the-effectiveness-of-women-s-political-participation-thecase-of-spain-rwanda-and-south-africa

[5]. 2021. Monthly ranking of women in national parliament. Inter-Parliamentary Union Parline, retrieved from https://data.ipu.org/womenranking?month=1&year=2021

[6]. Shilongo, J. (2011). Young Women, Empowerment and Development in Sub-saharan Africa: Women’s rights in Namibia, retrieved from https://www. google.com/url?sa=t&source=web&rct=j&url=http://www.nawey.net/wp-content/uploads/downloads/2012/11/Women percent25C3 percent2582 percent25C2 percent25B4s-Rigth-in-Namibia.pdf&ved=2ahUKEwith-ySkdHuAhXRVN8KHXeBDhUQFjABegQIARAB&usg=AOvVaw2tBaB0PpgKdDYpOR9lPWm

[7]. 2018. African women are more active in politics in some countries than others. The Conversation, retrieved from https://theconversation.com/ african-women-are-more-active-in-politics-in-some-countries-than-others-97328

[8]. Toraasen M. (2019). Gender Parity and the symbolic representation of women in Senegal. The Journal of Modern African Studies, retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/337010931_Gender_parity_and_the_symbolic_representation_of_women_in_Senegal/ link/5dc58ce14585151435f798f8/download

[9]. 2019. Enhancing the Inclusion of Women in Political Participation in Africa. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance. [10]. Toraasen M. (2017). Gender parity in Senegal – A continuing struggle retrieved from https://www.cmi.no/publications/6230-gender-parity-insenegal-a-continuing-struggle

[11]. 2019. Namibia: Women MPs set to increase in elections underway retrieved from https://genderlinks.org.za/news/namibia-women-in-parliamentset-to-increase-in-elections-underway/ [12]. 2017. Kenya’s parliament continues to stall on the two-thirds gender rule, The Conversation retrieved from https://theconversation.com/kenyasparliament-continues-to-stall-on-the-two-thirds-gender-rule-79221 [13]. EISA Tanzania: Women’s representation quotas retrieved from https://www.eisa.org/wep/tanquotas.htm

...Increase women leaders’ effectiveness through targeted training...

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