Public Spaces for HSE3 in Favelas - Favela Upgrade Strategies in Rio de Janeiro

FAVELAS PUBLIC SPACES for HSE3 Health, Social life, Environment, Economy and Education in Rio’s Favelas

Favela Upgrading Strategies Master of Architecture, Built Environment Interiors - Master Thesis A.Y. 2019-2020

Student: Irem Gizem ARAS Supervisor: Paolo GALUZZI Co-Supervisor: Massimo GALLUZZI

POLITECNICO di MILANO SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE, URBAN PLANNING and CONSTRUCTION ENGINEERING Master of Architecture, Built Environment Interiors Master Thesis A.Y. 2019-2020

SUPERVISOR: Paolo Galuzzı CO-SUPERVISOR: Massimo Galluzzi AUTHOR : Irem Gizem ARAS [ 891929]

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

Producing a thesis work is not easy. However, it was even harder due to the unfortunate pandemic the world has been living through, especially Italy. Luckly, I always had the support of my supervisors, Paolo Galuzzi and Massimo Galluzzi, whom I cannot thank enough for their constant help and wise leading. Moreover, as all the achievements I have in my life, this one was also thanks to my family: my father Ali, my mom Sema and my brother Gรถrkem, who never hesitated to show their endless love and unprecedented support. Also Nursel and Simge, my sisters for life strained every nerve to keep me motivated and productive throughout my study process. Last but not least, I cannot rule out the help of my friend Carolina Dytz Seone who introduced me with favelas and Rio de Janeiro as a local.

“A nation will not surve morally or economically when so few have so much, while so many have so little�

Bernie Sanders

This work is dedicated to all the people who are suffering from inequality, exlusion, racism and stigmatization, as well as people with difficult life conditions in slums but smiles and gives hope no matter what..

Also, it is dedicated to my dearest grandfather Cemal Aras, whom I lost during my study.

Table of Contents PART 1 : CONTEXT 1.1. BRAZIL

18

1.2. RIO DE JANERIO 1.2.1. History of the city (take photos from IBGE) 1.2.2. Geography (topography, climate etc.)

1.2.3. Climate 1.2.4. Territorial Classification and Administrative Division 1.2.5. Demographics 1.2.6. Economy 1.2.7. Services and Infrastructure 1.2.8. Education

19

1.3. URBAN DEVELOPMENT HISTORY OF RIO DE JANEIRO IN 20th CENTURY 1.3.1. Hausmanization strategies and Pereria Passos Period 1.3.2. Carlos Sampaio Period 1.3.3. Antonio Prado Jr. Period 1.3.4. Effects of National Automobile Industry on Urban Development 1.3.5. 1977 Basic Urban Development Plan 1.3.6. 1992 Summit Conference on Sustainable Development of the Earth

45

Table of Contents PART 2 : POVERTY and SLUMS in RIO de JANEIRO 2.1. POVERTY, INEQUALITY and SLUMS in RIO de JANEIRO 2.1.1. Poverty and Inequality in Rio de Janeiro 2.1.2. Informal Settlements in Rio de Janeiro

66

2.2. EVOLUATION HISTORY and SPATIAL DISTRIBUTION OF FAVELAS 2.2.1. The First Favelas and Migration to Rio de Janeiro 2.2.2. Development of Industry and Transportation 2.2.3. Favela Eradictions 2.2.4. Is It Only Migrations?

2.2.5. Spatial Characteristics of Favelas 2.2.6. Favela Distribution in 21st Century 2.2.7. Spatial Displacement 2.2.8. Distribution by Planning Areas (AP) and Administrative Regions (RA)

80

2.3. PHYSICAL and SOCIAL CONDITIONS of FAVELAS 2.3.1. Inhabitants of Favelas 2.3.2. Housing Features of Favelas 2.3.3. Physical Features and Infrastructure of Favelas

101

Table of Contents PART 3 : FAVELA UPGRADE PROGRAMS THROUGHOUT THE HISTORY 3.1. PERIOD BETWEEN 1897-1988 3.1.1. Early 1900s 3.1.2. 1960s and 1970s 3.1.3. 1980s

120

3.2. PERIOD BETWEEN 1988 - 2008 3.2.1. Favela - Bairro Program

125

3.3. PERIOD BETWEEN 2008 - 2013 3.3.1. Morar Carioca Program

133

PART 4 : PROPOSAL FOR FAVELA UPGRADE : PUBLIC SPACES FOR HSE3 4.1. TARGETING THE PROBLEMS

142

4.2. PUBLIC SPACES AS "THE SOLUTION"

146

4.3. METHODOLOGIES TOWARDS APPLICATION 4.3.1. Matrix System and Category Method

148

Table of Contents 4.3.1.1. Chosen Favelas in AP 1 4.3.1.2. Chosen Favelas in AP2 4.3.1.3. Chosen Favelas in AP3 4.3.1.4. Chosen Favelas in AP4 4.3.1.5. Chosen Favelas in AP5 4.4. FAVELA CATEGORIES AND PROPOSALS 4.4.1. Category 1 : Favelas with High Density - Proposal: D2 Method - Verticalization 4.4.2. Category 2 : Favelas with Low Economic Conditions - Proposal: Everybody Wins 4.4.3. Category 3 : Favelas with Low Education Rates - Proposal: City to Learn 4.4.4. Category 4 : Favelas with River - Proposal: Embrace the Water 4.4.5. Category 5 : Favelas with Proximate to Upper Class - Proposal: Break the Borders 4.4.6. Category 6 : Favelas next to Infrastructure - Proposal: Make it for Pedestrians

200

CONCLUSION

224

BIBLIOGRAPHY

226

LIST OF FIGURES

234

LIST OF TABLES

240

ABSTRACT Rio de Janeiro has been suffering from inequality and segregation in its urban context for many years. Around a century ago, self-built shelters called Favelas in Brazil started to occur in the city center, located mostly on the hills due to the lack of affordable housing.

The numbers and sizes of the favelas increased so fast in time due to the migrations and poverty that they were exposed to several evictions throughout the history. After 80s, instead of evictions, upgrade programs for favelas started to be aplied. Favela-Bairro and Morar Carioca were the most important and comprehensive of the upgrades, however, they were more focus on infrastructure and physical changes. After a while, due to the management and difficulty of constructions, upgrades were left half finished and focus shifted more to Olympic games. Therefore, favelas kept their isolated and poor identity. The thesis work is the proposal for favela upgrades by using public spaces as a main element in design.

It aims to help problems in health, social life, education, economy and environmental issues (HSE3) in the favelas. 25 favelas from each planning area were chosen as samples to be analysed and create an ID cart for each favela. By using these ID carts, 3 different tables to create multi dimentional method of cathegorising were formed. Public space designs using different methods corresponding different favela targets were proposed. The main goal of the work is to propose a better upgrade methodology to identify the problem more specificly about the favelas and define the urban problem better, rather than proposing definite design solutions.

SINOSSI Rio de Janeiro soffre di disuguaglianze e segregazione nel suo contesto urbano da molti anni. Circa un secolo fa, i rifugi autocostruiti chiamati Favelas in Brasile iniziarono a sorgere nel centro della città, situato principalmente sulle colline a causa della mancanza di alloggi a prezzi accessibili. Il numero e le dimensioni delle favelas sono aumentate così rapidamente nel tempo a causa delle migrazioni e della povertà che sono state esposte a diversi sfratti nel corso della storia. Dopo gli anni '80, invece degli sfratti, i programmi di aggiornamento per le favelas hanno iniziato ad essere applicati.

Favela-Bairro e Morar Carioca sono stati gli aggiornamenti più importanti e completi, tuttavia si sono concentrati maggiormente sull'infrastruttura e sui cambiamenti fisici. Dopo un po', a causa della gestione e della difficoltà delle costruzioni, gli aggiornamenti furono lasciati a metà e la concentrazione si spostò maggiormente sui giochi olimpici. Pertanto, le favelas hanno mantenuto la loro identità isolata e povera. Il lavoro di tesi è la proposta di aggiornamenti di favela utilizzando gli spazi pubblici come elemento principale nella progettazione. Ha lo scopo di aiutare i problemi di salute, vita sociale, istruzione, economia e questioni ambientali (HSE3) nelle favelas.

Sono state scelte 25 favelas da ciascuna area di pianificazione come campioni da analizzare e creare un carrello ID per ogni favela. Usando questi carrelli ID, sono state formate 3 diverse tabelle per creare un metodo multidimensionale di cathegorising. Sono stati proposti progetti di spazi pubblici con metodi diversi corrispondenti a diversi obiettivi di favela. L'obiettivo principale del lavoro è proporre una migliore metodologia di aggiornamento per identificare il problema in modo più specifico sulle favelas e definire meglio il problema urbano, piuttosto che proporre soluzioni progettuali definite.

I

CONTEXT

INTRODUCTION The research work of favelas are in the context of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. In order to have a deeper understanding and accurate interpretation about the current situation and problem, it is essential to analyse first the conditions of the context in every aspect.

Therefore, the first chapter of this thesis work first takes a glance at Brazil as a country and continues to give deeper information about Rio de Janeiro: its history, climate, geography, administration, education, economy, demographics and as well as services and infrastructures since they are all effective to shape urban problems. Moreover, the third part of this chapter discusses the different urban development strategies of Rio de Janeiro throughout the 20th century and gives the first hints of the reasons of formation of the favelas.

1 | Context

1.1. BRAZIL Brazil is located in the South America and it is the largest country of Latins.

It has 210 million habitants and the offical language is Portuguese.

More than half of Brazil’s population is considered middle class, however, poverty and income inequality levels remain high; the Northeast, North, and Center-West, women, and black, mixed race, and indigenous populations are disproportionately affected. Disparities in opportunities foster social exclusion and contribute to Brazil’s high crime rate, particularly violent crime in cities and favelas.

Brazil is located in the South America (Fig. 1), and it is largest country in Latin America with its area of 8 541 876 km2. According to IBGE - Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics- it’s population is 210 811 022 inhabitants, which makes Brazil the 5th most populous country in the world. Approximately 80% of Brazil population live in urban areas.

Brazil consists of 26 states, 1 federal district and 5570 municipalities. It is the only country whose official language is Portuguese in Americas. Brazil witnessed many immigration from all over the world throughout the history, which makes it one of the most multicultural and ethnically diverse nations in the world.

2

Brazil’s economy shows positive acceleration growth in the recent years, thanks to its enourmous amount of row materials and internal demand of goods and services, which help them to host major international events such as World Cup 2014 and 2016 Olympic Games.

Figure 1.1. Brazil in the world map.

Figure 1.2. City of Rio de Janeiro in the states map of Brazil.

18

Context | 1

1.2. RIO de JANEIRO The city of Rio de Janerio, with the full name São Sebastião do Rio de Janeiro, is situated at the south east of the Brazil alongside the Atlantic Ocean (Fig.2) with its area of 1.200,255 km² and coordinates coordinates 22°54'S 43°12'W. It is the 2nd largest city of Brazil after Sao Paolo. It also gives its name to the state it’s located in, Rio de Janeiro, as one of the 26 states of Brazil.

Since Rio has both sea and mountains, it is possible to talk about a rich variety of topography levels inside the city. It starts from 0 m, from the Atlantic Ocean, and reaches maximum 1022 m high in Pico da Tijuca. The North Zone (Zona Norte) generally extends on plain area and have some hills and several rocky mountains. The South Zone (Zona Sul) of the city lays down near the beaches like Copacabana, Ipanema and Leblon. The South Zone is separated from 1.2.1. Geography North Zone and The Center by coastal mountains, which are outgrowths of the mountain Serra do Mar Rio de Janeiro is a city which has been developed in the northwest, the ancient gneiss-granite mounbetween sea and high mountains. As a result of it, tain chain that creates the southern slopes of the landscape itself shaped the city, unlike most of the Brazilian Highlands. The West Zone (Zona Oeste) is more isolated by the mountainous terrain, however, metropolitan cities where city planning and accessible by roads and tunnels. All these mountasettlements change the landscape. ins are exposed to the wind comes from the sea and shaped by them. That’s why they have rounded or as Brazilians say “sugar loaf” profile, instead of jagged rock walls. Corcovado is one of the most recognizable mountains, because the Christ the Redeemer statue built on top. (Fig. 4.) In addition, Pedra da Gavea (Fig 6.) is another famous monolithic mountain thanks to its ending location and height, which is directly in the ocean and also its 844 meter elevation. Rio also has world’s largest rain forest located inside a city, Figure 1.3. States map of Rio de Janeiro 19

Rio de Janeiro is 2nd largest city of Brazil . The outstanding feature of the city is the existence of sea, mountains and beaches in the city center which shape the city.

1 | Context

Figure 1.6. Pedra da Gavea Mountain

Parque Nacional da Tijuca, which expands in 32 km square area. It is claimed that it consists of high number of trees and it is also the mountain that separates west zone from the rest of the city.

Figure 1.4. The Statue of “Christ the Redeemer�

Figure 1.7. Parque Nacional da Tijuca

Figure 1.5. Mountains and the sea of Rio de Janeiro

2 20

Context | 1

1.2.2. History viceroy. Salvador was the colony’s capital, but the growing importance of the port of Rio ensured the transfer of the seat of power south to the city that would become, and still is, the intellectual and cultural center of the country.

The city is officially mentioned for the first time when the second Portuguese exploratory expedition, commanded by Gaspar Lemos, arrived in January 1502, at the bay, which the navigator assumed was the mouth of a river, hence naming the city as Rio de Janeiro.

In 1808 the Portuguese royal family came to Rio de Janeiro, a refuge chosen from the threat of Napoleonic invasion. By the time the royal family returned to Portugal and Brazil’s independence was declared in 1822, the gold mines had already been depleted and given way to another wealth: coffee.

However, it was not until 1530 that the Portuguese court sent an expedition to colonize the area, instead of simply continuing to use it as a stop on their maritime adventures. The French, on the other hand, had been in and around Rio de Janeiro since the beginning of the century and were willing to fight for dominance of the region. In 1560, after a series of skirmishes, the Portuguese expelled the French.

Growth continued throughout most of the nineteenth century, initially northward to Saint Kitts and Tijuca, and then southward, past Gloria, Flamengo, and Botafogo. However, in 1889, the abolition of slavery and scarce harvests halted progress. This period of social and political unrest led to the Proclamation of the Republic. Rio, then called the Federal District, remained the political center and capital of the country.

The beginning of the city was at Morro de São Januário, later known as Morro do Castelo, and later at Praça Quinze until today the vital center of Rio.

Rio was a small scaled and poorly planned town and had bad reputation for fever until the mid-18th century (2). The city developed thanks to its natural vocation as a port. At the same time gold was dis- At the beginning of the twentieth century, the wide covered in the state of Minas Gerais in the late se- streets and imposing buildings appeared, mostly in venteenth century, the Governor of Brazil was made the French fin-de-siècle style.

21

The city of Rio was discovered in 16th century by Portuguese. It gained its independence in 1822.

1 | Context

Rio de Janeiro maintained its position until the ina- 1960. Capital of the state of Rio de Janeiro, the city uguration of Brasilia as the capital of the republic in remains the social and cultural center of the country.

Figure 1.8. Declaration of independence from Portugal when a constitutional monarchy was established. 1822 September 7th

Figure 1.9. View of Rio de Janeiro from the church of the monastery of SĂŁo Bento c. 1820

Figure 1.10 . Slave market in Rio – 1823

Figure 1.11. The acclamation ceremony of King John VI of the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and the Algarves in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil on 6 February 1818

2 22

Context | 1

Figure 1.12. Map of Rio de Janeiro, 1820

23

1 | Context

1.2.3. Climate Rio de Janeiro has tropical climate. The hottest month is january and the coldest month is july. 95 days of the year is rainy.

Rio de Janeiro lies within a tropical climate near the Tropic of Capricorn. The temperature stays warm all year round and the days are mostly sunny. Because the country is in the southern hemisphere, summer falls between December and January while winter runs from June through August (1). As it can be followed from the Rio Climate Graph (Fig 6) and also

from Table 1, the temperature varies between 30°C and 17°C throughout the year. Average temperatures vary by 5.5°C during the year. There is rain throughout the year in Rio de Janeiro and there is 94 mm difference between the driest month, July and wettest month which is January. The average annual amount of rainy days is 95.0 days (Fig. 7).

Rainy Days

30 days

23 days

15 days

8 days

0 days

Jan

Feb

Mar

Apr

May

Jun

Jul

Aug

Months Figure 1.13 Average monthly rainy days in Rio de Janeiro.

2 24

Sep

Oct

Nov

Dec

Context | 1

Table 1.1 Temperature Analysis of Rio de Janeiro according to months SOURCE: CLIMATE-DATA.org Minimum Maximum Precipitation Medium Temperature Temperature Temperature (mm) (°C) (°C) (°C) Jan

26.1

22.3

30

149

Feb

26

22.4

29.7

147

Mar

25.2

21.7

28.8

147

Apr

23.6

20.1

27.2

130

May

21.8

20.9

25.5

93

Jun

20.9

17

24.9

58

Jul

20.6

16.7

24.5

55

Figure 1.14 Flood in Rio de Janeiro due to the heavy rain, 9 April 2019

Figure 1.15. Convenient wind allows surfing activities in Rio de Janeiro Aug

21

17

25

59

Sep

21.7

18

25.4

76

Oct

22.5

19

26.1

103

Nov

23.8

20.3

27.3

116

Dec

24.6

21

28.2

145 Figure 1.16. The citizens handle extreme summer heat by cooling in the ocean 25

1 | Context

Rio de Janeiro is historically divided into 4 regions. For planning, there are 5 regions which are named as Area de Planejamento (AP). Administration regions consists of 33 regions and called as Regioes Administrativas (RA).

1.2.4. Territorial Classifications and Administrative Division The municipality of Rio de Janeiro is administratively and politically divided into 33 administrative regions, “RA” (Regiões Administrativas) which are headed by 7 subprefects (Subprefeituras). From planning point of view, the territory of Rio de Janeiro is subdivided into 5 urban areas for development purposes which are called “AP” (Área de Planejamento). Historically and culturally the city is divided into 4 large areas: the residential area of the North, the affluent tourist area of the South, the West Zone which includes 50% of the entire city and the Center, which is the oldest part of Rio and historic financial district of the city.

CVL - Municipal Secretary of the Civil House (Secretaria Municipal da Casa Civil – CVL) acts as a solutions office for the City of Rio. Responsible for planning and executing most of the municipal administration’s strategic and management projects, the Secretariat is also at the forefront of political, institutional and administrative coordination. Casa Civil acts in the integration of government actions and in the evaluation and monitoring of the actions of the organs and entities of the Municipal Public Administration.

TERRITORIAL DIVISION of RIO DE JANEIRO

Historically & Culturally

Planning (AP)

4 REGIONS

5 REGIONS

33 REGIONS

The Center North Zone South Zone West Zone

AP 1 AP 2 AP 3 AP 4 AP5

RA I Portuária RA 2 Centro RA 3 Rio Comprido RA 4 Botafogo RA 5 Copacabana ...

2 26

Administrative (RA)

Context | 1

West Zone

North Zone

South Zone

Figure 1.17. Rio de Janeiro - Division of Geographical Zones

27

The Center

1 | Context

I - Portuaria II - Centro III - Rio Comprido IV - Botafogo V - Copacabana VI - Lagoa VII - São Cristóvão VIII - Tijuca

IX - Vila Isabel X - Ramos XI - Penha XII - Inhauma XIII - Meier XIV - Iraja XV - Madureira XVI - Jacarepagua

XVII - Bangu XVIII - Campo Grande XIX - Santa Cruz XX - Ilha do Governador XXI - Ilha de Paqueta XXII - Anchieta XXIII - Santa Teresa XXIV - Barra da Tijuca

XXV - Pavuna XXVI- Guaratiba XXVII - Rocinha XXVIII - Jacarezinho XXIX - Complexo do Alemao XXX - Mare XXXI - Vigario geral XXXII - Realengo

XXXIII - Cidade de Deus AP 1 AP 2 AP 3 AP 4 AP 5

Figure 1.18. Rio de Janeiro - Map of planning areas and administrative regions

Table 1.2 shows the surface area, population and most crowded) refer to the areas of low - income density of the administrative regions (RA). Accor- population. ding to that, the areas with the highest density (the

2 28

Context | 1 Table 1.2. Areas, populations and population density of Administrative Regions

Administrative Region

Administrative Region

Surface Inhabitants Density [km2] [person] [person/km2] XVIII

I

Portuaria

8,40

48.664

5793,3

II

Centro

5,67

41.142

7256,08

XIX

III

Rio Comprido

5,80

78.975

13616,37

XX Ilha do Governador

IV

Botafago

15,01

239.729

15971,28

XXI

V

Copacabana

4,96

161.191

7199,55

VI

Lagoa

22,47

167.774

VII

São Cristóvão

7,50

VIII

Tijuca

IX

Campo Grande

Surface Inhabitants Density [km2] [person] [person/km2] 153,44

542.084

3532,87

164,05

368.534

2246,47

40,81

212.574

5208,87

Ilha de Paqueta

1,19

3.361

2824,36

XXII

Anchieta

14,19

158.318

11157

7466,57

XXIII

Santa Teresa

5,16

40.926

7931,4

84.908

11321,06

XXIV

Barra da Tijuca

165,59

300.823

1816,67

42,28

181.810

4300,14

XXV

Pavuna

17,48

208.813

11945,8

Vila Isabel

12,88

189.310

14697,98

XXVI

Guaratiba

152,48

123.114

807

X

Ramos

11,30

153.177

13555,48

XXVII

Rocinha

1,44

69.356

48163,9

XI

Penha

13,96

185.716

13303,43

XXVIII

0,94

37.839

40254,25

XII

Inhaúma

10,88

134.349

12348,25

XXIX

2,96

69.143

23359,12

XIII

Méier

29,41

397.782

13525,4

XXX

Jacarezinho Complexo do Alemão Maré

4,27

129.770

30391,1

XIV

Irajá

15,04

202.952

13494,14

XXXI

Vigário Geral

11,41

136.171

11934,35

XV

Madureira

30,18

371.968

12325

XXXII

Realengo

54,55

243.006

4454,74

XVI

Jacarepaguá

126,61

572.617

4522,68

XXXIII

Cidade de Deus

1,21

36.515

301177,68

XVII

Bangu

67,81

428.035

6312,26

Density: 0 - 5000

5000 - 10000

10000 - 20000 29

Santa Cruz

20000 - 40000

40000 - more

1 | Context

1.2.5. Demographics Rio de Janeiro's estimated population is 6.718.903 inn 2019. Currently, 20% of the population live in favelas, which is equal to around 1.4 million people.

informal settlements. Nowadays, 20% of the Rio’s population live in favelas, which is almost 1.4 million According to 2010 Census data by IBGE, the popu- habitants. Number of women and men habitants are lation of the city of Rio de Janeiro is 6.320.446 and almost balanced. According to census data of 2010, estimated population made in July 2019 is 6.718.903 number of male inhabitants is 2,959,817 while wo(table 1.3). Although the acceleration of growth dec- men population is 3,360,629. The majority of the reased in the last century, still there is increase of population is between in 20-29 years range. population in Rio de Janeiro. The last increase in the population was 7.9% percent and most of the incre- Rio de Janeiro’s population is ethnically very diverse ased population in 20th century are located in the due to the international migration throughout the 9085-89 80-84 75-79 70-74 65-69 60-64 55-59 50-54 45-49 40-44 35-39 30-34 25-29 20-24 15-19 10-14 5-9 0-4

300 300

2

250

200

150 100 Men (x1000)

50

0

0

50

Figure 1.19. Age Pyramid of Rio de Janeiro 30

100

150 Women (x1000)

200

250

300300

Context | 1

21

22

20

31

25

11

14

17 15

33 18

12 29

10

28

19 34

8

01 - Portuaria 02 - Centro 03 - Rio Comprido 04 - Botafogo 05 - Copacabana 06 - Lagoa 07 - São Cristóvão

08 - Tijuca 09 - Vila Isabel 10 - Ramos 11 - Penha 12 - Inhauma 13 - Meier 14 - Iraja

23

15 - Madureira 16 - Jacarepagua 17 - Bangu 18 - Campo Grande 19 - Santa Cruz 20 - Ilha do Governador 21 - Ilha de Paqueta

From 0.850 to 0.899

22 - Anchieta 23 - Santa Teresa 24 - Barra da Tijuca 25 - Pavuna 26 - Guaratiba 27 - Rocinha 28 - Jacarezinho

Figure 1.20. Human Development Index by administrative regions - 2000 (IPP Rio, 2000c) 31

4 5

27

24

From 0.800 to 0.849

2

3

6

26

From 0.750 to 0.799

1

9

16

Less than 0.750

7

13

More than 0.900

29 - Complexo do Alemao 30 - Mare 31 - Vigario geral 32 - Realengo 33 - Cidade de Deus

1 | Context

Table 1.3. Population of Rio de Janeiro throughout history. Source: https://www.citypopulation.de/php/brazil-regiaosudeste

Rio de Janeiro

Population

Population

Population

Population

Census 1991- 09-01

Census 2000- 08-01

Census 2010- 08-01

Estimate 2019- 07-01

5.480.768

5.857.904

6.320.446

6.718.903

Table 1.4. Surface, population, density, household and habitants data in Rio de Janeiro. Source: IBGE (taken from master thesis of .... )

Rio de Janeiro

Surface [km2]

Population [hab]

Density [hab/km2]

Hab. for household [hab.]

1.200,18

6.320.446

5.265,82

2,62

From 15 to 29

From 30 to 65

Table 1.5. Age group / Sex

Community Rio de Janeiro

From 0 to 14 M 756.036

W

M

W

603.856 756.036

M

767.924 1.134.772

More than 65

W

M

W

1.573.477

246.477

415.222

Table 1.6. Number of people for households

Community Rio de Janeiro

From 0 to 14

From 15 to 29

From 30 to 65

More than 65

Hab.

%

Hab.

%

Hab.

%

Hab.

%

1.126.388

19,4

1.523.960

24,1

2.908.399

46,0

661.699

10,5

2 32

Context | 1

history. The ethnically dominant ancestry is Portuguese. According to 1920 Brazilian census datas, 39.74% of the total number of Portuguese people live in Brazil lived in Rio de Janeiro. The dominance of Portuguese was so high that it consisted of 72% of the all foreigh people who lived in the capital.

20.36% of the Rio’s population are people who were born Portuguese and those with a Portuguese parent were 30.84%. Therefore, when those numbers are considered, total percentage of people who are Portuguese born or have a Portuguese parent is 51.20% of the total inhabitants of Rio de Janeiro, which was equal to 267 664 people in 1890. (Lessa, C.; Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (2002). Os lusíadas na aventura do Rio moderno. Editora Record. p. 107.

ISBN 9788501063564)

Table 1.7. Genomic ancestry of non-related individuals in Rio de Janeiro Source: Sergio Danilo Pena (17 November 2009). “Do pensamento racial ao pensamento racional”. Accessed: 18.01.2020 Colour / No. of Indivi.

Amerindian

African

European

107

6.7 %

6.9 %

86.4 %

Pardos 119 (Brown) /

8.3 %

23.6 %

68.1 %

Pretos (Black)

7.3 %

50.9 %

41.8 %

White

/

/ 109

Table 1.8. Genetic composition of Rio de Janeiro, 2011 study.

Source: “PLOS ONE: The Genomic Ancestry of Individuals from Different Geographical Regions of Brazil Is More Uniform Than Expected”. plosone. org. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0017063 Ancestry

Cariocas, used to refer Rio’s habitants, are the mix of European, African, Amerindian and other mixed ancestry. Pardos and Pretos terminologies, represent brown and black skin colour respectively. Although skin colour is largely the basis of the distinction between pardo and preto, it is a distinction that is subjective as well as objective, and it is self-attributed.

Rio de Janeiro

Amerindian 7.4 %

African 18.9 %

European 73.70 %

Table 1.9. Total genetic composition of Rio de Janeiro, 2013 study.

Source: Revisiting the Genetic Ancestry of Brazilians Using Autosomal AIM-Indels. DOI: 10.1371/journal.pone.0075145 Ancestry Rio de Janeiro

People who have European ancestry live in more 33

Amerindian 13.70 %

African 31.10 %

European 55.20 %

The population of Rio de Janiero ethnically very diverse due to the international migration throughout the history. The ethnically dominant ancestry is Portuguese.

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affluent neighbourhoods such as south part of Rio de Janeiro, the regions like Copacabana, Flamengo, Ipanema - Leblon, Jardim Botanico and Gavea, which are more desirable and touristic, while in the north Tijuca, and Barra da Tijuca in the western zone. As seen in the table 7, white people are dominant with 86.4 % who has European ancestry. When the areas where it is possible to encounter Pardos and Pretos more are analysied, it is seemed that usually they are informal settlements, Favelas. So as a result of these studies, it is possible to talk about a racial segregation parallel to residential segregation, however, this topic will be analysied in the next chapters.

Table 1.10. Number and percentage of households in Rio de Janeiro accordingto their number of habitants.

Source: IBGE

According to an autosomal DNA study conducted in 2009 in schools located in poor neighbourhoods of Rio showed that the reality is quite different than general public perception. The study shows that 80% of the Pardos (brown) have actually European ancestry, while “whites�, who considered themselves as very mixed� are found to have very little ancestry of Amerindian or/and African admixtures. The Pardos children were considering themselves 33.3% European, 33.3% African and 33.3% Amerindindian before the test, while after the tests, it came up that their European ancestry reaches to 80%.This study proved the incorrection of self estimation of the people

Households (Rio de Janeiro)

Family Members

No. of Household

%

Total

2.144.020

100

1 habitant

375.616

17,3

2 habitants

564.889

26,3

3 habitants

530.687

24,8

4 habitants

392.544

18,3

5 habitants

167.617

7,8

6 habitants

64.331

3,0

7 habitants

25.429

1,2

8 habitants

11.679

0,5

9 habitants

5.236

0,2

10 hab. and more

5.992

0,3

According to IBGE census datas, households with 2 habitants have the biggest percentage in Rio de Janeiro with 26,3%. After, families with 3 members and 4 members follow this list respectively. The percentage of the families with 9 members have the least percentage with 0.2 %.

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1.2.6. Economy

ments in industry, oil and natural gas manufacturing in the Northern coast of the Rio de Janeiro state is developing in Rio’s metropolitan area.

Rio de Janeiro has the second largest and robust economy and an important financial center in Brazil after the city of Sao Paolo. Rio was the capital of Brazil for a long time, therefore, it provided it to be chosen as headquarter center by so many investors and big companies. Also, thanks to its geographic location, it is available for different industries, trade centers and manufacture of its natural sources. It provides large scale employment in heavy and light industry, manufacturing, commerce, finance, trade, tourism and other service sectors.

Together with manufacturing, Rio is also a significant financial and economic center. Despite the transfer of the capital from Rio de Janeiro to Brasilia, there are still so many headquarters located in the city of Rio including the state oil company Petrobras and a federal investment bank National Economic and Social Development Bank. In addition, most of the Brazil’s export-import companies are headquartered in the city. Retail trade is substantial in Greater Rio, which has one of the highest per capita incomes Recently electronics and computer sectors are de- in Brazil. Most of the retail stores are located in the veloping in Rio de Janeiro, being added to the older center part, while the rest is spread out to the other industries of metallurgy and engineering. Also there commercial districts where they have a big potential are manufacturing sectors dealing with production of consumer trades such as shopping centers, superof shipyard-related materials, apparel and footwe- markets and other retail businesses. ar,textiles, nonmetallic mineral products, food and beverages, chemicals and pharmaceuticals. Another Domestic and international tourists are very cruciimportant area is construction sector which enab- al to enliven the economy of Rio de Janeiro. The fales an important source of labour for the unskilled mous Rio carnival, beaches and natural beauty of Rio workers. The government allocated specific regions invites many tourists from all over the world every in the outskirts of the city in order to encourage in- year. Multicultural and hospitable characteristic of dustrial activities by providing infrastructure and Cariocas make more tourists to come to the city. making special land sales. In order to Rio to be able to compete with other main cities for the new invest35

Rio has the second largest economy and an important financial center in Brazil. Together with manufacturing, Rio is also a significant financial and economic center.

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31.6% percent of Rio's population does not have a minimum salary, which is equal to 1.7 million people.

- Income Level : R$ 5100,00 and more (More than 10 times of minimum salary) - Income Level : R$ 0 (No minimum salary)

2010 IBGE census data reveals a research about the occupational groups and income levels of habitants in Rio de Janeiro. Data are based on the citizens older than 10 years, which includes students (15%) and retired habitants who are more than 65 years old (10,5%). Also 2010 IBGE Census separates the income levels into 10 different category by considering the minimum salary, which is R$ 510,00. According to this, the salary intervals and their corresponding rates in regard to minimum salary are as below:

Table 1.11. Number and percentage of habitants according to income levels.

Source: IBGE

Employment Total

- Income Level : R$ 0 – R$ 63,75 (Until 1/8 times of minimum salary) - Income Level : R$ 63,75 - R$ 127,50 (From 1/8 to 1/4 times of minimum salary) - Income Level : R$ 127,50 - R$ 255,00 (From 1/4 to 1/2 times of minimum salary) - Income Level: R$ 255,00 – R$510,00 (From 1/2 to 1 times of minimum salary) - Income Level : R$ 510,00 – R$ 1020,00 (From 1 to 2 times of minimum salary) - Income Level : R$ 1020,00 – R$ 1530,00 (From 2 to 3 times of minimum salary) - Income Level : R$ 1530,00 – R$ 2550,00 (From 3 to 5 times of minimum salary) -Income Level : R$ 2550,00 – R$ 5100,00 (From 5 to 10 times of minimum salary)

Rio de Janeiro Pop. (Age +10) Number of Habitants

%

5.5559.923

100.0

38.257

0.7

53.399

1.0

74.443

1.3

Until 1/8 times of minimum salary From 1/8 to 1/4 times of minimum salary From 1/4 to 1/2 times of minimum salary From 1/2 to 1 times of minimum salary From 1 to 2 times of minimum salary From 2 to 3 times of minimum salary From 3 to 5 times of minimum salary From 5 to 10 times of minimum salary More than 10 times of minimum salary

723.071

13.0

1.163.682

20.9

486.076

8.7

470.814

8.5

445.156

8.0

348.148

6.3

No minimum salary

1.756.877

31.6

The first and second income groups are excepted as groups under the poverty line. Which means 1.7% of Rio de Janeiro population is struggling with basic life

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Average Monthly Income in Minimum Salaries of Head of Household by Neighbourhood There is quite obvious distinction between the areas whose residents have more salaries than the poor areas. The south part of Rio hosts the upper strata which is shown by dark brown. The very poor and poor areas are located in the west and north of the city.

Up to 4.9

From 5 to 9.9

From 10 to 14.9

From 15 to 19.9

Figure 1.21. Average monthly income in minimum salaries of head of household by neighbourhood- 2000 (IPP Rio, 2000c)

37

More than 20

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1.2.7. Services and Infrastructure

Table 1.12. Number and percentage of habitants according to occupational group. Source: IBGE

Employment

Rio de Janeiro is dealing with serious difficulties in providing urban services and facilities just like all the others rapidly developing metropolitan areas in the world, especially in the fastly growing suburban areas. The water supply and sewer system belong to a state company. CEDEA is the state water company and COMLURB is the waste collection company.

Another state-owned company also supplies for municipal gas. The efforts still are being spent for the improvements and extention of water and sewerage infrastructure to new urbanized areas and to the favelas.

Rio de Janeiro Pop. (Age +10) Number of Habitants

%

Total

5.5559.923

100,0

Employee

1.652.490

29.2

Armed Forces

59.746

0,1

Public Officials

143.718

2,6

Employees without contracts

423.888

7,6

Self - Employed

566.342

10,2

Employer

68.545

1,2

Unpaid

32.604

0,6

Unemployed

2.639.591

47,5

According to census datas throughout the years, it is impossible to see the improvements in housing conditions in Rio de Janeiro in terms of both size and quneeds. Table 1.11 indicates that most of the Rio ha- ality, following the world wide trend in those years. bitants have their salary from 1/2 to 2 times of the However, Rio still continued to face huge housing minimum salary. In addition, data shows that 22% of problems, which caused the increment of favelas Rio de Janeiro population is unemployed when the with very poor infrastructure conditions. Referring students (15%) and retired people (10.5%) are ext- to these self-help areas, the World Bank (1979: 22) racted. When the occupational groups are analyzed, noted that “employee” category have the greatest percentage with 29.2%, after that “unemployed” rate follows it. << although a large majority of families live in durable Percentage of self-employed people has the 3rd gre- residential structures ... this minimum shelter standard atest ratio with 10.2%. fails to reflect the precarious location (on steep hillsi-

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des, in areas subject to periodic flooding or subject to hazardous environmental pollution) and overcrowding of many dwellings, as well as their lack of essential services. Given the modesty of this standard, those families living in structures which fail to classify as durable must make do with very inadequate living conditions. >> Table 1.13. Rio de Janeiro: Absence of infrastructure among the poor and non-poor, 1981-1988 (percentage without service).

Source: http://archive.unu.edu/unupress/unupbooks/uu23me/uu23me0p.htm

Facility

Poor

Non-Poor

1981

1985

1988

1981

1985

1988

Piped Water

51.2

35.6

35.6

18.7

8.2

12.9

Sewerage

53.1

27.0

31.8

22.6

8.1

9.7

Garbage Collection

59.7

52.0

51.5

27.0

17.8

23.5

Basic Education

17.2

15.7

17.1

6.6

3.2

5.1

among other metropolitan cities. The situation was specificly worse in the newly developing low-income areas. Luckly, situation got better in the following years as it can be seen in the table 1.13 and there was a increment in the provision of the infrastructure and services. Another point that can be followed from table 1.13 is that the poor areas have higher percentage in terms of provision of the facilities. More than 1/3 of all homes did not have access to adequate water and less than 1/2 have waste collection services.

However, despite the fact of bleak economy, the provision of piped water, sewerage and waste collection improved during the 1980s, although the access to basic education couldnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t catch the improvement of the others.

The tables on the sides show the current situation of the services and infrastructure data of Rio de Janeiro.

Table 1.14. Waste Collection Service data in Rio de Janeiro.

Source: IBGE Census 2010.

Waste Collection Service Appropriate

Table 1.13 shows the infrastructure and service situation of 1980s in Rio de Janeiro. In 1988, more than 2 million people were lacking piped water. It is maximum number of people who are lack of piped water 39

Inappropriate

Total

Homes

%

Homes

%

Homes

%

2.392.029

99.3

16.862

0,7

2.408.891

100.0

The World Bank states that although the large majority of families live in durable residential structures, ... this minimum shelter standard fails to reflect the precarious location and overcrowding of many dwellings, as well as their lack of essential services.

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It should be considered that those data do not give any information about the quality, frequency or amount of the services.

According to this, 0.7 % of the waste collection service, which is equal to 16.862 houses, are not appropriate (Table 1.14). 99.3 % of the households have waste collection service, however, as it was said before, it does not talk about the sufficiency of this service.

94,9 % of the houses with total number of 2.408.891 have the appropriate connection to sewerage system (Table 1.15). 2409 house, which is equal to 0.1 % of the total houses of Rio de Janeiro does not have connection to sewerage system.

Almost all houses have water pipe system (Table 1.16). 1.5 % percent (36.133 houses) of the housesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; water supply system is inappropriate.

It is possible to notice that almost all the inhabitants of Rio de Janeiro have access to the electricity (Table 1.17). It is supplied from the official public service or from others sources like sun, wind and generators. 1.4% of the houses in Rio supply their electric form different sources rather than official public survice. In addition, according to the 2010 IBGE census, the majority of the houses have an electric meter.

6.0% of the houses do not have electric meter, which means they provide electricity from illegal connections to the official sources.

Table 1.15. Sewerage system data in Rio de Janeiro.

Source: IBGE Census 2010.

Connection to Sewerage Appropriate

Without Connection to Sewerage

Inappropriate

Homes

%

Homes

%

Homes

%

2.286.038

94,9

120.444

5,0

2.409

0,1

Table 1.16. Water supply data in Rio de Janeiro.

Source: IBGE Census 2010.

Water Supply Appropriate

Inappropriate

Total

Homes

%

Homes

%

Homes

%

2.372.758

98.5

36.133

1.5

2.408.891

100.0

Table 1.17. Electric energy data in Rio de Janeiro.

Source: IBGE Census 2010.

Electric Energy Electricmeter

Other Sources

Without Electricmeter

Homes

%

Homes

%

Homes

%

2.228.224

92.6

146.943

6

33.724

1.4

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1.2.8. Education

Public schools are managed by the local municipalities in Rio de Janeiro and they are all free of charge.

The lectures are thought in Portuguese and all the institutions follow a certain curriculum. The standard of education at Brazilian public schools remains low. Schools often have issues involving overcrowding and shortages of materials and teaching staff.

Education was one of the main issues in the National Education Plan of Brazil (PNE) in 2014. Although there was a 121% increase in the investment of public education after PNE, it is hard to talk about a significant development in this area. However, The Institute for Research and Administration in Education (IPAE) suggested some reforms such as lengthening of the school day, invest more in technology in education, providing more secure and stable jobs for educators, developing efficiency in school management and proper policy implementations from federal to municipal and after that to individual levels.

Education follows the same stages everywhere in Brazil. It begins with education of infants at age between 2-4 in the kindergartens and continues in preschools at the age 4-6. It was followed by Ensino Fundamental I and II (Fundamental Instruction) attended by the students at age between 6 and 14.

After there is high school, Ensino Medio, aimed to educated teenages age between 15-17, however, in reality, they are aged between 15 and 19. In all of the stages, school days usually last 3-4 hours due to the huge number of students and therefore lack of space. Usually there are 3 sessions of education, morning, afternoon and evening. Students are supposed to attend one of those sessions. While daycare is optional, every stage from preschool onwards is mandatory by federal law as of 2016. Although local governments try to encourage citizens for attending school, public education and schools in Rio de Janeiro are facing high exam failure and droupout rates. Literacy rate in Rio de Janeiro is pretty high with 99 %. Although it was not always like this, it has generally increased year by year (Figure ). In 2011, literacy rate for Rio de Janeiro was 95.16 %. It increased from 92.23 % in 2001 to 95.16 % in 2011 growing at an average annual rate of 0.35%. There are decreases in the years of 2004 and 2007, however, in total, there is a 2,42% of increase in the previous decade.

Figure 1.22. Primary education in Rio 41

Public schools are managed by local municipalities in Rio and they are free of charge. 99% of Ro's population is literate.

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from 2005 to 2018. According to that, enrolment to pre-school education was about to reach 200.000 in 2005, however, it had a dramatic decrease towards recent days. Enrolment to elementary school has always the maximum rate, but it is not the same for the continuation to high schools, which is around 3,5 times lower than the enrolment to elemantary school. Preschool enrolment rate is the lowest among all.

95.5 95

Percentage

94.5 94 93.5 93 92.5 92

2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009

Table 1.18. Literacy rates of habitants from 8 to 9 years old in Rio de Janeiro Source: IBGE

2011

Years 1,0

0,46 -0,37 0,16

0,2

Inhabitants from 8 to 9 years of age in Rio de Janeiro -0,17 0,14 0,38 0,62 Change %

Literate

Figure 1.23. Literacy rate of Rio de Janeiro throughout the years

Schooling rate from 6 to 14 years of age in Rio de Janeiro is 96,9 % according to IBGE 2010 census datas. On the tables 18 and 19, it is possible to see the literacy and illiteracy rate of habitants between 8-9 years of age and 10-14 years of age. So according to that, 92,7% of Rioâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s population aged between 8 and 9 are literate, and 98% of the children aged between 10 and 14 are literate.

Illiterate

Total

Habitants

%

Habitants

%

Habitants

%

141.927

92,7

11.176

7,3

153.103

100,0

Table 1. 19 Literacy rates of habitants from 10 to 14 years old in Rio de Janeiro. Source: IBGE Inhabitants from 10 to 14 years of age in Rio de Janeiro Literate

Figure 21 shows the enrollment rates of the students to the pre school, elementary school and high school

2 42

Illiterate

Total

Habitants

%

Habitants

%

Habitants

%

654.974

98,0

13.367

2,0

668.341

100,0

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900.000 800.000 700.000 600.000 500.000 400.000 300.000 200.000 100.000 0

2018

2017

: Preschool (Pre - escolar)

2016

2015

2014

2013

2012

2011

: Elementary School (Ensino Fundamental)

Figure 1.24. Number of students enroll to the schools.

43

2010

2009

2007

2005

: High school (Ensino Medio)

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Proportion of Literate people aged 15 or more by Neighbourhood in Rio de Janeiro

Up to 91%

From 92 to 93 %

From 94 to 95 %

From 96 to 97 %

Figure 1.25. Proportion of literate people aged 15 or more by neighbourhood- 2000 (IPP Rio, 2000c)

2 44

More than 98 %

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1.3. URBAN DEVELOPMENT HISTORY OF RIO DE JANEIRO in 20th CENTURY Rio de Janeiro has exposed to several urban design strategies and applications throughout the history.

It is quite significant to understand the planning decisions under specific circumstances which result in positively or negatively in order to interpret today’s problems. This session will be discussing the different urban factors of 20th century involved in the urbanization process: How the different actions resulted in to shape the urban design of Rio de Janeiro, as well as the effects of the world-wide developments on the urbanization of the city. Moreover, one of the biggest problems of the city of Rio de Janeiro is the shanty towns (favelas), inequality and lack of housing. The root of those problems will be analysied in this session by looking closer to the source and beginning of these facts.

1.3.1. Hausmanization Strategies and Pereria Passos Period

ges of Rio’s colonial urban design.

In Passos period, the redesign and development of centre of Rio was the main purpose in terms of urban design. It was desired to increase the importance of Rio in international level. At that time, political buildings were mixed with the poor slum houses and this image was not matching with the purpose of Passos. So as a result of it, Rio had a radical urban transformation.

Since the aim was to heighten the prestige of Rio, the great Europen capitals were taken as examples. Especially Paris became the city which Rio was desired to be transformed like. So grand avenues ending in impressive urban squares surrounded by public buildings were all aimed to beautify the city of Rio.

In the same period, some large scale urban interventions funded by Federal Government existed in the Engineer Pereria Passos was the mayor of Rio de city. Their effects were huge for Rio although they Janeiro between 1902 - 1906 who had important were not so many in the numbers. The most imporeffects to shape Rio’s urbanization. The core of the tant of them was the opening of Central Avenue. city went through a period of intensive construction Parisian type of boulevard designed by Haussmann work which leaded the destruction of the last vesti- was the main goal to achieve. In order to do that, so

45

In Passos period, the redesign and development of centre of Rio was the main purpose in terms of urban design.

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In order to have Parisian type of boulevard designed by Haussman, so many colonial buildigns were destroyed.

2

many colonial buildings were destroyed to have this kind of streets. It became one of the most impressive urban highway and heart of the nightlife of the city at that time which was surrounded by buildings

maximum of 3 storeys. Today the name of the street is changed to Rio Branco Avenue and it still has the same significance, however, it is drawn into the traffic problem and inexpressive office buildings.

Figure 1.26. Avenida Central in 1900s

Figure 1.27. Avenida Central in 1900s

Figure 1.28. The opening of the Avenida Central and the impact on the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s urban fabric 46

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Seafront Avenue was another boulevard which was built in this time as well. Marechal Floriano Square is located in the junction point of Seafront Avenue and Central Avenue. This section of Rio Branco Avenue (Central Avenue) is the only part which still has the architectural importance and aesthetic values.

Municipal Theatre (Teatro Municipal), located there, inspired by the Paris Opera House and it has been the Brazil’s most prestigious artistic venue since it was opened in 1909. In addition, it is possible to encounter other French inspirations in the architecture of Rio de Janeiro. Fine Arts National Gallery (Museu Nacional de Belas Artes) built in 1908, is another example of the french inspiration based on design and the effects of the architectural icon the Louvre Museum in Paris is visible here. Also National library is located in this square as an architecture piece which could succeed in surviving until today. This urban region of Rio was a good example of “Belle Epoque” style.

Since they were the primary inspiration sources of Rio’s urbanization and architecture, perhaps it is important to talk about the “Haussmanization” and “Belle Epoque” style.

Georges-Eugène Haussmann, or known as Baron Haussmann was a French official who served as pre47

fect of Seine (1853–1870), chosen by Emperor Napoleon III to carry out a massive urban renewal program of new boulevards, parks and public works in Paris commonly referred to as Haussmann’s renovation of Paris. Due to the traffic and sanitation problems, as well as with the aim of linking the important landmarks, Napoleon and Haussman designed new urbanization systems for Paris. Since population of Paris had doubled since 1815 with the same surface area, the needs of the city in terms of infrastructure were increasing day by day. Also with the aim of modernizing Paris, so many radical attempts had been applied. Multiple neighbourhoods and historic buildings were demolished with the aim of building new boulevards, also the houses of low-income families and their traditions were lost with the teared down buildings. This created much controversy and disappointment among citizens, but it allowed beautiful, modern buildings to be easily viewed.

The new road system of Haussmann was based on straight long streets, which features also as a linkage between the important buildings of the city. These roads were also efficient to solve traffic problems, because it speeded up the circulation flow. Also this new system let the sewage system to be constructed underground. Those applications helped Paris to become a cleaner city. His ideas were very modern

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transformations of the city made by Passos period.

compared to traditional systems existed before Hausmann urbanization.

The consequence of this action was going to be the greatest urbanization problem of Rio de Janeiro in the following years until nowadays. The solution people found was to build their own houses in the areas which were not being used within the region they were kicked off due to the evictions. The homeless quickly started to occupy the previously deserted main hills located in the center in a very risky and unstable way. It conduced toward rise of first shanty towns which are known as favelas today.

From social point of view, Haussmann was not so motivated to negotiate with the people of Paris. His design approach caused eviction of so many poor people from their houses and neighborhoods, which aroused the hatred of the citizens. Application of his plans were based on force and imposition. While destroying the regions and houses, so many small businesses and traditions were also doom to disaappear. (Brandao, 2006)

The reforms of Pereira Passos are the initatives of first governmental urban interventions in the history. Before this period, the government was only inspecting private sector activities. This way of city planning changed the whole traditional system, as well as 20th century city planning and urban design approach in Rio de Janeiro. Except the times when there was World War I, the other mayors acceded after Passos followed the same aggressive attitude towards planning. (Reis, 1977 cited from Brandao, 2006)

When we look at Rio de Janeiro, we see the similar attitude and design approach in Pereira Passos reforms. Although Passos brought important changes in terms of infrastructure and aesthetic in the city center, creation of wide streets and boulevards caused huge number of low - income families to lose their homes. In Passos period, approxiametly 3000 poor colonial houses were wiped off from the face of the earth (FINEP, 1985 cited in Brandao, 2006). The alternative solutions as housing which brought to the citizens were not adequate neither logical, because the social housings municipality offered were pretty far away from their daily life activities and works.

Although they wanted to stay within the region, they could not afford to live there anymore due to the

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1.3.2. Carlos Sampaio Period Carlos Sampaio was the mayor of Rio de Janeiro in the years between 1920 - 1922 who had serious effects in the urban planning history of Rio de Janeiro.

As it was discussed in the previous section, the main goal of Passos was to make Rio an internationally important city, on the other hand Sampaio's aim was the preparation of Rio for the upcoming celebration of the first Centenary of Brazil’s Independence. This event could enable so many international and national tourist to come to Rio and make an influence world wide. Moreover, the site for this event hadn’t been decided when Sampaio was elected, so he saw this situation as an opportunity to continue Passos design about redesigning of Central Rio (Brandao, 2006).

The most important application he has done in the urban history of Rio de Janeiro was the demolishment of Morro do Castelo (Figure 1.26,27,28,29).

Morro do Castelo was built in the 16th century and it was practically the place where everything started and is linked to several important points of the city’s memory.

The excuse of municipality for this action was the safety of the citizens, because since the time of Dom 49

João VI, it was considered harmful to the health of Cariocas because it hindered the circulation of the winds and prevented the free flow of waters. (GOMES ) Over the centuries it was gradually considered unfeasible for the city’s progress and urbanism. Finally in 1922 with those excuses and as well as being a proleter area in the city center, it was destroyed by water tanks. Not only Morro do Castello, but also Misericordia, which was one of the city’s oldest and poorest neighbourhood was removed from there.

Although it was being occupied by low-income families, it turned out one of the most expensive neighbourhoods of Rio de Janeiro because of the urban renovations. It was also an opportunity for the mayor Sampaio to use that area for the Centenary of Brazil’s Independence, which he did eventually, and this caused some speculations among citizen. He was blamed as a mayor who destroyed the historical valueable buildings as well as poor neighbourhoods in order to have a site for an organization which has the possibility to drive a financially profit for the government and increase the fame of the city. This decision generated so much repercussion that Mayor Carlos Sampaio even wrote a book in which he presented his point of view justifying loans and other negotiations that involved the devastation of the Castelo hill.

The main aim that Sampaio tries to achieve was to prepare Rio for the upcoming celebration of the first Centenary of Brazil's Independence.

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The demolishment of Morro do Castelo was the most important event which was done during this period.

Figure 1.29. Demolition of Morro do Castelo, 31/08/1922

Figure 1.30. Demolition of Morro do Castelo, 09/10/1922

Figure 1.31. Demolition of Morro do Castelo, 24/10/1922

Figure 1.32. Demolition of Morro do Castelo, 22/11/1922

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Context | 1

bouco Gardens (Jardins do Calabouço).

After the the demolition of the Morro do Castelo, some working class communities who could hardly survive after Passos urban reforms were also forced out. It could solve the problem of the area for Centenary of Brazil’s Independence and site for new urban developments, however, it was going to cause even bigger urban problems in the future of Rio de Janeiro since they keep evicting poor population without providing an equivalent option for housing.

Agache pursued zoning policy also for residential concerns. The southern zone which has more tourist attraction and nice beaches such as Copacabana, Ipanema and Leblon was going to host more affluent strata of Rio by designed in a similar way to European Garden Cities. The early neighbourhoods like Catete, Botafogo, Flamengo, Laranjeirasi Vila Isabel and Tijuca were allocated for middle class by making minimum changes and following the already existing 1.3.3. Antônio Prado Jr. Period and organization. The intention for the poor society was Agache Plan to allocate suburban areas of the city by construcAntônio Prado Junior is another important figure for ting social housings and improving infrastructure the urban planning development of Rio de Janeiro and providing proper public transportation to increwho served as mayor of Rio de Janeiro between 1926 ase the connection of those areas to city centre. and 1930. In the late 1920s, he was commissioned French urban planner Alfred Agache and his team for a new plan for Rio. The main concern of this team was to beautify the Rio, specifically its centre and southern areas. In addition, having certain zones for the specific activities was another aim of Agache plan. According to this, for instance, central zone would be divided into 6 different areas : Business High Class - Southern Zone Centre (Centro de Negocios), Administrative Centre Middle Class - Northern Zone (Centro Administrativo), Monumental Centre (CentLow Class - Suburbs ro Monumental), Financial Centre (Centro Bancario), Figure 1.33. Agache Plan zoning diagram for residentials Embassy District (Bairro das Exbaixadas) and Cala51

French urban planner Alfred Agache was commissioned by Antonio Prado Jr. His main purpose was to beautify Rio by having certain zones for the specific activities. Also seperating the stratas by economic situation into the different areas of the city.

1 | Context

Construction of the Avenue Presidente Vargas caused tearing down of more than 500 buildings and this action assumed as one of the biggest mistake in Rio de Janeiro's urban planning history.

Agache Plan was never applied due to the lack of time and financial budget, however, this beyond ambitious plan still takes a very important place in the urban planning history of Rio de Janeiro. With this plan, the municipality of Rio de Janeiro for the first time admitted the existence of uncontrolled growth of the city and felt the necessity to take required actions like cooperating with an international design team for the city planning.

it required the demolishment of every single block located between the General Camara and Sao Pedro streets. This urban reform resulted in tearing down of over 500 buildings, which was assumed the biggest mistake ever happened in Rio de Janeiro urban planning history by some authors (Reis 1977). Besides, the development foreseen before the construction of this avenue did never happen. While surrounding fabrics were all demolished, the important historical part of the city also dissappeared as a result of this action. Finally, the monumental buildings planned to be built here never put into practice.(Brandao,2006)

Although Agache plan was not applied in the time it was planned, following the other decades some of its proposals were carried out. The French designer proposed to open a huge avenue which would work In 1930s, rural areas were exposed to depressions. kind of an urban expansion axis perpendicular to Towards the end of 30s, 50% of the cultivated areas the Central Avenue (Brandao, 2006). Nevertheless, were gone lost. At the same time, Rio de Janeiro was

2

Figure 1.35. Urban fabric after the construction of Avenue Presidente Vargas

Figure 1.34. Urban fabric before the construction of Avenue Presidente Vargas 52

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passing through an industrial development period.

All these facts are encouraged people in rural areas to migrate Rio city center. Rio had its period of most dramatic increase in its population growth from 1940s to 1980s. Therefore, the population growth was so fast that planning was left behind (Brandao

2006). Rioâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s population increased 0.6 million in 10 years. The population which was 1.8 million in 1940 raised to 2.4 million in 1950, and became 3.3 million people in 1960. At the same period, the population of greater Rio is expanded from 2.2 million to 4.9 million (IBGE, 1966).

Figure 1.36. Urban fabric after the construction of Avenue Presidente Vargas 53

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Figure 1.37. Urban fabric before the construction of Avenue Presidente Vargas

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Figure 1.38. Urban fabric before the construction of Avenue Presidente Vargas

Figure 1.39. Urban fabric before the construction of Avenue Presidente Vargas

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Greek architect and urban planner Constantino Doxiadis designed a master plan for the city considering massive car and circulation problem of Rio de Janeiro.

1.3.4. Effects of National Automobile Industry on Urban Development of Rio de Janeiro and Beginning of Gated Communities

In the late 50s, the governor of the State of Guanabara, Carlos Lacerda (1960-65) hired Greek architect and urban planner Constantino Doxiadis and his team to design a master plan for the city considering the massive car and circulation problem. It was The increasing number of cars started to show its a redevelopment plan including also housing issues, effects on the urban context in the beginning of the basic sanitation and the creation of road systems 1960s especially in the metropolitan cities. Also in for railways, highways and subways, preparing the Brazil, the national automative industry was born city for the expected growth for the year 2000. Like and streets were congesting by cars. In addition, Agache plan in 1920, this plan was also mainly fothe specific geography Rio de Janeiro has, such as cused on consolidated urban structure. (Brandao the mountains and the sea, was making even harder 2006) to have a proper circulation and the traffic problem was becoming unbearable for citizens. Pedestrians Plano Doxiadis was completed in 1963, however, it gradually had to share their own spaces with cars was not published until 1965. The head of the design and the focus of the urban context turned into cars, team Constantino Doxiadis proposed 8 concrete projects to solve the urgent needs of Rio de Janeiro. rather than the people.

In order to be able to control this increasing number of cars on the streets, the core element of urban planning became the transportation. The automobile industry remained in the forefront of daily life so much that traffic engineers took over the lead of urban design teams. In this period, mostly the infrastructures such as bridges, roads, tunnels etc. became the main components of the urban design (Brandao, 2006).

Figure 1.40. Constantino Doxiadis presenting his plan

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The list includes different subjects such as creation of an industrial area in Sepetiba, the construction of 10.000 houses for favela residents or installation of more than 7.500 classrooms.

dual means of transport and the bus as a means of mass transport, in an increasing and irreversible way, this system provided for 403 km of expressways and another 517 of main roads in the Municipality of Rio de Janeiro, to be complemented by 80km of subway lines.

Doxiadis plan is also known as Polychromatic Plan due to the large circulation routes that would integrate the city: the Red, Blue, Brown, Green, Yellow and Although the plan was never fully implemented, seLilac lines. Admitting the use of the car as an indivi- veral governments carried out important parts such

Figure 1.41. Doxiadis plan, or also known as Polychromatic Plan for the large circulation routes 57

Doxiadis plan iis also known as Polychromatic Plan due to the large circulation routes that would integrate the city: the Red, Blue, Brown, Green, Yellow and Lilac lines.

1 | Context

Street in Tijuca to Santos Dumont Square in Gávea.

From it, only the Noel Rosa tunnel and Pastor Martin Luther King Júnior avenue remained as important routes. Via Pavuna, you would reach via Dutra where you would meet the Red Line.

as tunnels, viaducts, opening of the Lilac Line and implementation of part of the Green Line and, decades later, the Red and Yellow Lines.

The Lilac Line was one of the first to be built. It connects the Laranjeiras neighborhood with the Santo Cristo neighborhood, passing through the Santa Bárbara tunnel. Initially, it would unite the Botafogo neighborhood with the Gasômetro viaduct without interruption. In its original project, there was almost total destruction of the Catumbi neighborhood, but due to protests from residents, its layout was reformulated.

The Brown Line would connect the center to Santa Cruz, east to west, passing through the Rio Comprido, Tijuca, Andaraí, Água Santa, Piedade, Madureira, Sulacap, Bangu, Campo Grande neighborhoods, all the way to Santa Cruz.

The Blue Line would connect Recreio dos Bandeirantes to the municipality of Duque de Caxias.

The Green Line (RJ-080) would connect via Dutra to the Gávea neighborhood, passing through Tijuca. The Red Line, officially Via Expressa Presidente Joao A tunnel over the Tijuca massif would link Uruguay Goulart, was inaugurated, in its first stage April 1992

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Figure 1.42. The red line almost finished in 1994

Figure 1.43. Construction of viaduct over Avenida Brazil, 1991 58

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as a part of Rio 92 works package. The second stage from pedestrians, they were given the first priority connects Sao Cristovao to Sao Joao de Meriti, pas- in the urban interventions. Inevitably, this situation sing through Duque de Caxias. turned most of the public spaces into undesirable areas, where there is no pedestrian friendly activities Between the years 1960 and 1970, almost all the or welcoming walking ways; instead the streets and public interventions in Rio de Janeiro is reduced to squares consisted of mostly car parking areas or veroad construction (Bradao, 2006). So many brid- hicle traffic. Therefore, people were given no reason ges and tunnels are built in this period. For instance, to go out and spend time on the streets of the city. the tunnels Rebouรงas and Santa Barbara were dug Before, Rio de Janeiro was promoted by its colorful at that time and also the 14 km long bridge Costa e social life, however, this sceneiro changed in time Silva which connects Niteroi to Rio de Janeiro was dramatically. It is a good example of strong correlation between the social life and public space because also constructed. of the fact that as more public spaces are deterioraThere were also some urban interventions which ted, more people hesitate to go out and use them, were concerning pedestrians as well. 2 projects tried which makes citizens disconnected from each other, to achieve a fair balance between pedestrians and have a fear of the city and feel hesitation to experienautomobiles (Brandao, 2006). One of them was Fla- ce the place they live in. mingo Park designed by the urban architect Affonso Eduardo Reidy and the landscape architect Roberto Worsening of public realm caused the creation of Burle Marx, and built in 1961 - 1965. Burle Marx also alternative collective spaces by private sectors such designed Copacabana Beach side walks built betwe- as shopping malls, private clubs or condominiums en 1969 to 1972 by having the pedestrian priority, limited in enclosures. The quality of streets and squalthough the main aim was still to relieve the traffic ares are so reduced that they have evolved to spaces people used only for transition areas from home to congestion. work or vice versa. Most of the areas for leisure and The increasing number of cars on the streets affe- socialization were privatized, which means people cted the lives of pedestrians substantially. In time, started to be seperated by economical activities. the automobiles kept taking more and more spaces 59

Between 1960 and 1970, almost all the public interventions in Rio is reduced to road construction. So many brdges and tunnels are built in this period.

There were 2 projects concerning pedestrians: Flamingo Park designed by Eduardo Reidy and Copacabana Beach side walks designed by Burle Marx.

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The seperation between rich and poor reached worse levels that deteriorated public areas are left for the poor who cannot afford to socialize in private clubs. This situation leaded the creation of "Gated Communities".

This seperation reached even worse levels when the number of people who live under poverty line is considered (Please check “economy”). The deteriorated public areas were left for the poor people who cannot afford to socialize in private clubs. This caused middle and high class to perceive public spaces as unsafe areas which they escape to be in it. High social tension started to show itself within the comunity due to the increasing gap between the rich and the poor.

high and middle stratas (Brandao, 2006). In time, this “architectural urbanism”, as how Zeca Brandao called it, was expanding, as well as confine the city itself inside its walls. Rio has become growth of several isolated indoor “urban spaces” which are linked to each other by highways.

Figure 1.44. Gated communities in Rio de Janeiro

Figure 1.45. Gated communities in Rio de Janeiro

Gated communities are groups of houses, surrounded by fences or walls, that can only be entered by the people who live there. These condominiums proUnder these circumstances, the idea of being in a vide its residents with a package of everything that community surrounded by fences, 7/24 security ca- one can need in daily life: playgrounds, children’s meras and guards appeared to be very attractive to daycares, spaces to work, pools, saunas, gyms, soc-

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munity for them. Having all the functions for their leisure times just a few floors down from their homes are also other factors that motivate them to live in a gated community.

cer or tennis courts, coffee shops and social lounges.

These functions are all supplied together to the families. Living inside this community without a need to leave it and go to the other parts of the city is one of the most attractive features of gated communities.

This phenomena earnt reputation especially after several fails of urban interventions which were discussed above, and numbers of gated communities keep raising as the gap between poor and rich increase.

Another factor is the distance to the city center. Barra da Tijuca is almost 40 km away from the city center and it takes around 1 hour to reach to the center.

Most of the people have love and hate relationship with the neighbourhood. While they find the cenRioOnWatch interviewed with several people who ter very crowded and see Barra da Tijuca “an area live in gated communities in Barra da Tijuca. The they can finally breathe”, time to time they complapeople who were interviewed ranged from a young in about the time they would lose to reach the city couple living together in Via Barra; a 35-year-old center. who lives with his wife (a doctor) in Via Barra too; a married man with a young child and who has lived Up to 1969, the districts developed in 20th century in the gated community Península all his life; and, a of Rio de Janeiro were designed with both modern single man in his thirties who moved back into his and traditional urbanistic approach. In 1969, Lucio parents’ house in Atlântico Sul after living abroad for Costa’s master plan for the Baixada de Japarepagua a while. The common answer given to the question changed this and for the first time, a whole district of the motivation to live in a gated community was of Rio de Janeiro was designed following the road “safety”. According to them, the attractive reasons oriented modernist principles (Brandao 2006). It to choose to live in a gated community is firstly to was actually the last attempt to show that Rio has know that the residents are safe eventhough they go reached out the absolute modernity with perfect urout after a certain time during the evening or letting ban environment. This master plan of Costa was a their children to play within the community without collapse of traditional urban pattern in terms of zoworrying about their safety. However, the fear of se- ning use and division of land. The plan included cluscurity is not solely the reason to live in a gated com- ters connected by wide highways minimum length 61

The common answer given to the question of motivation for living in gated communities was "safety".

1 | Context

The aim of the Lucio Costa's master plan was to provide socially integrated communities, however, the result was just the opposite. At the end, it became the most segregated urban space in the city.

1.3.5. 1977 Basic Urban Development Plan

of 1 km. The clusters consisted of residential towers which were connected by small narrow streets, commercial activities and squares in the middle of them.

The big green areas were dividing the residentials by proposing no certain activity. To be able to connect those far away clusters, a massive freeway system was designed.

Rio de Janeiro was generally exposed to massive rational urban plans with no clear applicable design ideas during 1970s and 1980s. They were also quite ambitious in terms of scale and discussing long term solutions, so this make it less effective to solve the immediate problems of the city.

In 1977, The Basic Urban Development Plan (Plano Urbanistico Basico - PUB) executed in order to provide real physical solutions, although it still carries the general characteristics of plans during 70s and 80s explained earlier. This plan created Urban Structural Projects (Projetos de Estruturaçao Urbana - PEUs) and it was an important tool to achieve objective efficient planning.

At those times, there was an uncontroled growth in the city and therefore, planning couldnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t catch the expansion of the city. The important buildings and neighbourhoods were facing the risk of deterioration or disappearance. Therefore, local citizens organized themselves in order to fight for the identity of their hometowns. In this step, PEU projects stepped in and planned to be used in the solution of required urban regulations according to citizenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s desires.

The aim of this master plan was to provide socially integrated community, however, the results were just opposite of what was tried to be achieved. The walls and fences used to define and close certain areas and even public spaces. Eventually, they turned into gated communities. This region of Rio de Janeiro was desired to be socially integrated, however, at the end it became the most segregated urban space in the city (Brandao 2006).

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Thanks to those social movements, for the first time in Rio history, historic and ecologic preservation became issues to concern in urban planning which were neglected before (Brandao,2006). It was proved the importance of the participation of local people have a huge role in the applications of the urban projects.

The first project implemented with the initiatives of local citizens was Urca Urban Structural Project (PEU - Urca) in 1978. It was due to the protect the region from speculative construction processes (Del rio, 1990.)

a recession period and therefore there were not so many urban interventions both public and private.

However in 1980, the Brazilian government was demilitarise and democracy came back to Brazil.

1.3.6. The Urban Planning of Rio de Janeiro at the end of 20th Century and After

When it comes to the end of the 20th century, city of Rio de Janeiro faced more with the problem of its population getting poor and dilapidation of its public Aftter Urca, there were also other projects designed realm. Social gap between people increased rapidly and implemented for the other regions like PEUs and years of neglection of public facilities reached Botafogo in 1983 and Santa Teresa in 1985. Those maximum dimensions. The street crime rates of Rio projects were all concerned with the conservation of was the highest in the beginning of the last decade the city, however, Cultural Corridor Project (Projeto of 20th century.

Corredor Cultura) executed by architect Augusto Ivan in 1979 was served as a model in Rio de Janeiro While the previous urban planning ideologies in urban planning history due to the fact that it was the 1970s were being criticised for their lack of practical first project concerned with the preservation of the results, an important event occured to change the whole district of center of Rio rather than revolving perception of local government for the city. A global aorund only one architectural piece. It was a success- environment forum promoted by the United Natiful change for Rio because after many years of cons- ons, 1992 Summit Conference on Sustainable Devetant deterioration, central Rio finally went through lopment of the Earth - Eco 92 held in Rio de Janeia transformation economically, physical, social and ro. Instead of following the previous mistakes, the municipality decided to focus on simple, inexpensive cultural point of view (Carvalho,1983).

During 1980s, Brazilian economy was going through but effective urban programmes for its public space designs.

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1992 Summit Conference on Sustainable Development of the Earth held in Rio de Janeiro helped the municipality giving up to follow previous mistakes and they decided to focus on simple, inexpensive but effective urban programmes for its public space designs.

II POVERTY AND SLUMS IN RIO DE JANEIRO

INTRODUCTION As most of the metropolitan city, Rio de Janeiro is also suffering from the high amount of inequality among its citizens. The unequal distribution of the resources of the city, economic disadvantages or personal mistakes lead people to live in poverty conditions. When poverty merges with wrong urban planning strategies, it becomes inevitable to have informal settlements without proper infrastructure and facilities in the city. Physical inequality generates social inequality, as well as social and physical segregation. While the excluded community increases the tension due to the sense of not belonging, the higher strata feels the necessity to isolate from the city itself. In this chapter, poverty, slums and inequality in the world are analysed firstly. Moreover, the research continues with the deep analysis of Rio de Janerio's informal settlements, their evoluation throughout the history and current situation in terms of physical, social and housing condition.

2 | Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro

2.1. POVERTY, INEQUALITY AND SLUMS

Women – widows in particular – , children, unemployed youths and disabled people have all been identified as the most vulnerable amongst the poor, as have female-headed households and certain ethnic and religious groups.

Source: UN Habitat 2006/7

Poverty is a terminology used to indicate the situation of not having enough possessions, food or income to satisfy one's basic needs to linger on. People in poverty are lack of choices and opportunities. They cannot fully participate in society due to some deficiencies. It is a violation of human dignity, according to United Nations. While according to Work Bank, poverty is "deprivation in well-being, and comprises many dimensions. It includes low incomes and the inability to acquire the basic goods and services necessary for survival with dignity. Poverty also encompasses low levels of health and education, poor access to clean water and sanitation, inadequate physical security, lack of voice and insufficient capacity and opportunity to better one's life".

The World Bank research observer Martin Ravallion indicates in his article How Long Will It Take to Lift One Billion People Out of Poverty? that 1.2 billion people lived in poverty in 2012, using a poverty line $1.25 a day. In addition, it would take 100 years to bring those 1.2 billion people to poverty line. (Hickel) UNICEF estimates half the world's children (or 1.1 billion) live in poverty. In October 2015, World Bank readjusted the poverty line as $ 1.90 a day.

The reason of poverty does not have to be caused by lack of income all the time. Although most of the countries consider poverty related to economic conditions mostly, there are also other aspects of poverty. Their poverty might be derived from the lack of enough, lasting and safe aids which can help them through though times. Also condition of being poor might arise from living with too many people under the same roof, which leads unhealthy, insecure and low quality environments. Also deprivation of access to clean water, adequate sanitation, health care or education causes for one being in the condition of poverty. Social aspects of poverty is significant to be considered as well: It might be derived from also because if people are not protected by laws and regulations concerning civil and political, as well as economic, social and cultural rights, discrimination and environmental health. UN Habitat described the different dimensions of urban poverty as follows: • Low income: consisting of those who are unable to participate in labour markets and lack other means of support, and those whose wage income is so low that they are below a nominal poverty line; • Low human capital: low education and poor health are the components of ‘capability poverty’ used in the UNDP HDI. Health shocks, in particular, can lead to chronic poverty; • Low social capital: this involves a shortage of 66

Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro | 2

networks to protect households from shock; weak patronage on the labour market; labelling and exclusion. This particularly applies to minority groups; â&#x20AC;˘ Low financial capital: lack of productive assets that might be used to generate income or avoid paying major costs (for example, a house, a farm or a business).

While contemporary cities created poverty, meanwhile they also created wealth, as well as included and excluded. (Horns, 2002). In April 1998, there was an UN conference in New York and it was pointed out that although the Cold War period is over, the inequality in the world continues to grow day by day. "The gap between the richest 20% of the world and the poorest 20% has doubled the past 10 years. Further, 358 billioners controls the assest equivalent to the assets of the poorest 45% of the world's population."(Horns, 2002). Due to the rapid developments in trade, telecommunication and technology sectors especially in 1990s, the distances were reduced in the world and people could expand their networks.

They could do business without a necessity of being physically together, which allows the companies and enterpreneurs drum up their funds. As a result, the people who already are or have a higher chance to be in better conditions economically started to earn even more money, while unqualified people had more difficulties in finding job opportunities in the world which is evolving in a more robotic and technological era. Therefore, their conditions of being poor were reinforced by these factors. The globalization kept enhancing the inequality and insecurity, social injustice and poverty.

In order to measure poverty, most countries generally use the systems based on income level. Although it can change locally (since the reasons and types of poverty are different everywhere in the world) commonly 2 types of poverty is used to indicate the level and type of poverty. Absolute poverty contains people who cannot even afford to have a "minimum basket" of goods which are determined to indicate the poverty line. Minimum basket of goods sometimes can include only food and water for minimum nutrition, although it should include also clothing, shelter, transportation and education as a part of basic needs. Relative poverty contains people below some threshold, which is usually a percentage of average income of locals. As a result, it is possible to say that while relative poverty depends on the life standarts of the other people in the community, absolute poverty indicates the people who are poor of poor regardless of the situation of other people in At the end of 20th century, a general mood of pesthe community they live in.

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2 | Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro

The Constituents of Urban Poverty 1. Inadequate income (and thus inadequate consumption of necessities including food, safe and sufficient water; problems of indebtedness, which significantly reducing income available for necessities).

2. Inadequate, unstable or risky asset base (non-material and material including educational attainment and housing) for individuals, households or communities.

INFORMATION BOX The list of the constituents of Urban Poverty by United Nations Global Report on Human Settlements: "The Challenge of Slums", 2003

3. Inadequate shelter (typically poor quality, overcrowded and insecure).

4. Inadequate provision of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;publicâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; infrastructure (eg piped water, sanitation, drainage, roads, footpaths) which increases the health burden and often the work burden.

5. Inadequate provision for basic services such as day care/schools/vocational training, health care, emergency services, public transport, communications, law enforcement.

6. Limited or no safety net to ensure basic consumption can be maintained when income falls; also to ensure access to shelter and health care when these can no longer be paid for.

7. Inadequate protection of poorer groupsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; rights through the operation of the law, including laws and regulations regarding civil and political rights, occupational health and safety, pollution control, environmental health, protection from violence and other crimes, protection from discrimination and exploitation.

8. Voicelessness and powerlessness within political systems and bureaucratic structures, leading to little or no possibility of receiving entitlements; of organizing, making demands and getting a fair response; or of receiving support for developing their own initiatives.Also, no means of ensuring accountability from aid agencies, NGOs, public agencies and private utilities or being able to participate in the definition and implementation of their urban poverty programmes.

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Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro | 2

simism occured and sustainability threatened (UN Habitat 2006/7). United Nations indicates a couple of main issues as the reasons such as increase of globalization, rapid urbanization and population growth under conditions of economic stagnation, improved access of the ‘local’ to the ‘global’ and, lastly and leadingly, the retreat of the state from its protective and supportive roles. As a result, people tried to find their own solutions for poverty, starting to look for a shelter as a basic element to survive and it causes the creation of slums due to the lack of social and affordable housing. In order to deal with slum problems, it is necessary to understand first what the term slum corresponds.

In the International Encyclopedia of Human Geography, a slum is defined as a residential area with substandard housing that is poorly serviced and/ or overcrowded and therefore unhealthy, unsafe and socially undesirable (Harris R., 2009). While the term can be used for a single dwelling, it is generally used to refer larger urban areas. The term slum household is defined by UN - Habitat as a group of individuals living under the same roof in an urban area who lack of durable housing of a permanent nature that protects against extreme climate conditions, sufficient living space (not more than 3 people sharing the same room), easy access to safe water in 69

Lack of Economic Growth

Income Inequality

In-Migration

Lack of Affordable Housing

Poverty

Slum Formation

Figure 2.1. Inequality, poverty and slum formation. Source: United Nations

sufficient amounts at an affordable price, access to adequate sanitation in the form of a private or public toilet shared by a reasonable number of people and lastly security of tenure that prevents forced evictions. One or more of the mentioned features above determines if that settlement is considered as slum or not. The level of deprivation of slums depends on how many of the five conditions that define slums are prevalent within a slum household (UN-Habitat

358 billioners in the world controls the assest equivalent to the assets of the poorest 45% of the world's population.

2 | Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro

2006/7). Slums stand as a visual reflection of urban poverty in developing world. Slums can be grouped into 2 categories according to United Nations:

924 million people lived in slums in the world, which is equal to 31.6% of global urban population, according to an estimation from 2001.

54 M

319 M 187 M

Slums of Hope: ‘progressing’ settlements, which are characterized by new, normally self-built structures, usually illegal (eg squatters) that are in, or have recently been through, a process of development, consolidation and improvement;

128 M 194 M

Slums of Despair: ‘declining’ neighbourhoods, in which environmental conditions and domestic services are undergoing a process of degeneration.

An estimation from 2001 indicated that 924 million people lived in slums in the world, which is equal to 31.6% of global urban population (UN Habitat 2006/7). South Asia, especially India has the one third of the world’s slums with approximately 319 million dwellers (in 2001). Urban populations grew faster than the capacity of cities to support them; therefore, slums increased, particularly in South Asia. South Asia is followed by Eastern Asia and Latin America with 194 million and 128 million slum dwellers respectively (Fig. 2.2).

41 M

South Asia

Africa

Developed Regions

Eastern Asia

Latin America

Western Asia

Figure 2.2. World distribution of slum dwellers (millions) by region, 2001.

Source: United Nations

inhabitants. Their numbers have increased with the globalizing world as a result of inequal wealth and injustice among societies, lack of affordable housing and poverty. The basic characteristics of slums are lack of basic services, substandard housing or illegal and inadequate building structures, overcrowding and high density, unhealthy living conditions and hazardous locations, insecure tenure; irregular or informal settlements, poverty and social exclusion and minimized size of settlements (Table 2.1). Since the 1970s the preferred intervention has been slum upgrading. The To sum up, it is possible to say that slums have discourse of slums has always been contested. (Haralways been existed in the history, just like its poor ris R., 2009) 70

Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro | 2 Table 2.1. Indicators and thresholds for defining slums Source: U.N. Global Report on Human Settlements: "The Challenge of Slums", 2003

Characteristic

Indicator

Definition

Access to water

Inadequate dringking water supply (adjusted MDG Indicator 30)

A settlement has an inadequate drinking water supply if less than 50% of households have an improved water supply: • household connection; • access to public stand pipe; • rainwater collection; with at least 20 litres/person/day available within an acceptable collection distance.

Access to sanitation

Inadequate sanitation (MDG Indicator 31)

A settlement has an inadequate sanitation if less than 50% of households have an improved sanitation: • public sewer; • septic tank; • pour-flush latrine; • ventilated improved pit latrine.

The excreta disposal system is considered adequate if it is private or shared by a maximum of two households.

a. Location

Proportion of households residing on or near a hazardous site.The following locations should be considered: • housing in geologically hazardous zones (landslide/earthquake and flood areas); • housing on or under garbage mountains; • housing around high-industrial pollution areas; • housing around other unprotected high-risk zones (eg railroads, airports, energy transmission lines).

b. Permanency of structure

Proportion of households living in temporary and/or dilapidated structures.The following factors should be considered when placing a housing unit in these categories: • quality of construction (eg materials used for wall, floor and roof); • compliance with local building codes, standards and bylaws.

Overcrowding

Overcrowding

Proportion of households with more than two persons per room.The alternative is to set a minimum standard for floor area per person (eg 5 square metres).

Security of tenure

Security of tenure (MDG Indicator 32)

• Proportion of households with formal title deeds to both land and residence.

• Proportion of households with formal title deeds to either one of land or residence.

• Proportion of households with enforceable agreements or any document as a proof of a tenure arrangement.

Structural quality of housing

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A slum is defined as a residential area with substandard housing that is poorly serviced and/or overcrowded and therefore unhealthy, unsafe and socially undesirable

2 | Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro

2.1.1. Poverty and Inequality in Rio de Janeiro

The richest 10% of the Brazilians earning the 42.7% of the total income of the Brazil and the poorest 34% having less than 1.2% of the nations income.

Poverty and health-based inequalities also attract the attention in Rio and aggravate in urban settings, which is possible to encounter with huge differences of living conditions among citizens. In the journal Cadernos de SaĂşde, urban health inequalities in Rio de Janeiro is analysied. This study generated an Urban Health Index (UHI) for the all neighbourhoods of Rio de Janeiro for the years 2002 and 2010 (Fig 2.3 and 2.4). This index involves 8 different indicators by using the data of mortalities as base: diabetes, ischaemic, heart disease, breast/cervical cancer, tuberculosis, HIV, homicides, traffic accidents and infant mortality. The results show that from 2002 to 2010, there is an improvement in the inequality and UHI values and slight increase in diabetes and tuberculosis inequality. However, the results demonstrated that, health of people in Rio de Janeiro continues to be unequally distrubuted (Rio on Watch).

Bivariate correlation analyses at the neighborhood level revealed that the medical situation of the citizens are affiliated with their economic and social situations. Square meter price of an average apartment in any of the neighbourhood, as well as its distance to city center are directly proportional to the UHI. Moreover, singe indicators like diabetes, tuber culosis, homicide and infant morality display higher correlation and functions as the finest source of socio-environmental situations (Rio on Watch).

Poverty and inequality is an important issue also in Brazil which affects the lives and the cities crucially.

According to the news of The Rio Times, more than 50 million Brazilians live below the poverty line. Data reliesed by IBGE in December 2017 indicates that approximately 25% of the population live below the poverty line and have family incomes of R$ 387.07 per month, nearly US$ 5.50 a day.

Not only poverty, but also inequality among citizens in Brazil another problematic area. Brazil is one of the first countries which comes to minds when inequality between rich and poor is discussed. The richest 10% of Brazilians earning the 42.7% of the total income of Brazil and the poorest 34% having less than 1.2% of the nation's income. These numbers conspicuously prove that half of the total money of Brazil is controlled by only 10 percent of its population. Rio de Janeiro is one of the first cities which inequality among citizens concretely exists. This economic disparity shows itself not only in salaries but also in urban planning, public services and social issues. The gap among people creates social tension, fear and hatred which causes unwanted living environments and violence in the city.

72

Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro | 2

Urban Health Map of Rio de Janeiro by Administrative Regions 2002

0.00 - 0.77

0.77 - 0.81

0.81 - 0.84

0.84 - 0.88

Urban Health Map of Rio de Janeiro by Administrative Regions 2010

Fig. 2.3, 2.4 Urban health maps of Rio de Janeiro, 2002 and 2010. Source: RionOnWatch

73

0.88 - 1.00

2 | Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro

75 years

It is the time Brazil needs to reach the current income equality level of United Kingdom, and needs 60 years to reach Spanish standarts. Among its neighbors, Brazil is 35 years behind Uruguay and 30 years behind Argentina.

2047

It is the year that Brazilian women would close the wage gap. Also Black Brazilians will earn the same as white Brazilians in 2089 with the current pace of improvement.

6 vs 50

They are the numbers which indicate that 6 richest men have the same wealth as poorest 50% of the population; around 100 million people. The country's richest 5% have the same income as the remaining 95%

36 years

This is the number of the years for the 6 richest men of Brazil to finish their total wealth if they spend 1 million Brazilian reals every day (around $319,000). While 16 million Brazilians live below the poverty line.

74

Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro | 2

Income Share Held by 20% the Most Wealthiest of Brazil % of Population

Figure 2.5. Income share held by 20% the most wealthiest of Brazil.

Source: World Bank Data.

68

66

64

62

60

58

56

1985

1990

1995

2000

2005

2010

2015

Poverty Headcount Ratio at $1.90 a day (2011 PPP) % of Population

Figure 2.6. Poverty Headcount Ratio at $1.90 a day (2011 PPP) Source: World Bank Data.

30

25

20

15

10

5

0

1985

1990

1995

2000

2005

2010

75

2015

2 | Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro

2.1.2. Informal Settlements in Rio de Janeiro

“Here where I live there are

only poor people, houses of nondurable materials, when it rains everything gets flooded.

To get anywhere is difficult, and transport takes an important part of my working income (João Inacio, Invasions in the West Zone).

”

physical order. It is one of the fastest-growing types of informal settlements in Rio (Perlman, 2010). They are considered irregular when have been submitted Effects of inequality is visible the most in the urban to the planning authorities but have not complied fabric. Slum areas form high percentage of the resi- with the legal urban requirements, and clandestine dentials for the low income families and they are lo- when have not been submitted to the planning autcated in direct proximity to high income residentials hority at all. They are generally located in the West and regions. Like many slum areas in the world, also Zone of the city, hiding behind the large buildings or in Rio de Janeiro, the main reasons of the formati- grazin lands illegally. on of slums caused by lack of affordable housing for poor population and also desire to be proximate to c) Invasions (invasões) : These consist of irregular labour markets. There are several types of informal occupation of public or private land still in the prosettlements in Rio, which can be listed under 4 titles: cess of consolidation. They are frequently located on riverbanks, swamps, hills or in residual public areas, a) Squatter Settlements (Favelas) : Favelas can be such as under viaducts and along roads throughout defined as highly consolidated invasions of public or Rio. private land with self-build developed by the poor on lands lacking infrastructure and without following d) Cortiços: Social housing formed by one or more any kind of plans. They exist in large numbers and buildings located in a single plot or shared rooms in are spread across the city. Recently around 1.4 milli- a single building. The rooms are rented or sub-leaon people live in the favelas in Rio de Janeiro. sed without any contract or legal basis. The dwellers Favelas is the main focus point of this thesis, therefore it is share the use of bathrooms, kitchen and laundry, and going to be analysied deeply in the following chapters. sometimes, electrical appliances. Houses lack proper ventilation and lighting, are frequently overcrowded b) Illegal Subdivisions (loteamentos irregula- and one room may house many people and accomres) : Loteamentos are illegal subdivisions of land modate different uses. Services are deficient and do that lack infrastructure and do not comply with not have adequate maintenance required for good planning rules, but normally have some kind of urban working and security (Xavier, Magalhães). However, 76

Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro | 2

the number of corticos reached very small part of the population or Rio. e) Conjuntos: Technically, conjuntos does not technically belong to "informal settlements", due to the fact that they are offical residential complexes supplied by the government. However, they stand in a position between illegal settlements and formal city. Conjuntos are not included in the city grid, they are occupied by fairly low income families and they are not in the police protection area, they are called favelas and considered as one of the informal settlements (Perlman, 2010).

The people of Rio de Janeiro is called as "Cariocas"

by Brazilians and they have also local terms to refer slums such as “Cortiço” and most commonly “Favela”. However, the word Favela gained a negative connotations that nowadays people have been using "Morro" means hill, or "Communade Popular" means popular community or shortly "Communade" (Perlman, 2010) . “Loteamento” is used to distinguish someone who lives in a settlement more regular than a favela; a broad term generally used to name illegal subdivisions. “Vilas periféricas” is a recent typology frequent in the periphery of the city that is constituted by a row of bedrooms sharing kitchen and laundry facilities and “Vila, Parque and Jardim” are the 77

terms used recently to name old illegal subdivisions that have received public infrastructure and services (Xavier, Magalhães).

The official definition of the term "favela" , used for the first time by the IBGE in the 1950 census, states that a favela is a human conglomerate with the following requirements: - in terms of minimum dimensions, it must be a grouping made up of at least 51 housing units; in terms of the type of home, there must be a predominance of shabby shacks or huts with makeshift materials; - in terms of the legal condition of the occupied area, the constructions must be without permission and built on third party land or property of unknown ownership; - in terms of the provision of public services, there must be an absence or lack of a sanitary network, electricity, telephone, and water services; - in terms of urbanization, it must occupy a non-urbanized area, with a lack of roads and house numbers.

The definition dates back to 1950, and obviously favelas (especially the oldest ones) have changed and in many respects have improved. Basically, however, the official definition is always this, even if in recent

2 | Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro

years the IBGE places more emphasis on the legal characteristics and on the size of the agglomeration, precisely because many favelas physically have changed. The result is that statistics would tend to reduce the size of the phenomenon, since all favelas formed by less than 51 houses are excluded from the count (Taschner, 2003).

level, infrastructure etc. Last research were completed in 2010 and results were published in December 2011. According to IBGE Census 2010 data, there are 763 informal settlements in Rio de Janeiro with 426 965 private housing units with population of 1 393 314 people. The data of Census 2020 are not completed yet, however, according to the prefeitura data updated in 2016, the number of favelas raised to Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics 1019, as well as population living in favelas reached (IBGE) reveals decennial statistics in national level approximately 1.5 million. by conducting surveys about age, gender, education

Figure 2.7. Conjunto in Citade de Deus in Rio de Janeiro. Photo: Mรกrcio Alves.

Source: https://oglobo.globo.com

Figure 2.8. Rocinha Favela in Rio de Janeiro.

78

Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro | 2

Figure. 2.9 Alemao Favela in Rio de Janeiro

79

2 | Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro

The first favelas were formed by the veterans who came back from the Canudos war and couldn't find any accommodation. Also freed slaves joined them with the lack of affordable housing.

ribution phases.

2.2. EVOLUTION HISTORY and SPATIAL DISTRIBUTION of FAVELAS 2.2.1. The First Favelas and Migration to The favelas, like in the other countries in the wor- Rio de Janeiro ld, are interplay of social and economic forces. The increase of population and lack of existing affordable The formation of favelas originated by several interhousing are the main factors which helps the for- secting factors. Firstly, on 13rd May of 1888, Brazimation of favelas. Throughout the urban planning lian monarchy enacted a law which abolishing the history in Rio de Janeiro (see chapter 1.3), growing slavery after more than 300 years (Perlman, 2010). urban population was so rapid that planning stayed This decision liberated so many slaves, but they were way behind to follow it. Basically, it is all about supply without any accommodation. They found themseland demand situation. As the population increases, ves in a nomadic situation. While freed slaves were the demand for affordable housing increases direct wandering around in Rio de Janeiro, at the same time, proportionally. However, the number of affordab- thousands of troops sent to Canudos to fight against le houses were so few that even the cheapest ones rebel Antonio Conselheiro. Those soldiers were prowere expensive for the low income families. Here, mised for land grants once they came back from the the answer of the governments, municipalities and war, and yet they were waiting in vain to receive what policy makers plays a key role while dealing with this they were once guaranteed. They pitched their tents issue. If people cannot find the required support and on the hillside which will be named after as "Morro solutions from the authorities, it would be inevitab- da Providencia". In the same location, freed slaves le for them to create their own alternative solutions were also present alongside. People there gradually which leads irregular, uncontrolled urban planning built their own houses instead of their tents by using and other social and physical problems. The situa- shacks. In the same year, an overcrowded residential tion of today in the favelas of Rio de Janeiro is also a building was demolished and 1000 residents of it joresult of a mismanaging the process and problems, ined the soldiers and slaves on the hill Morro de Prowhich evolved into an intractable levels now. In order videncia. They were allowed to construct shelters by to understand better, it is important to analyse the landlord of Cabeca do Porco who had a vacant plant roots of the beginning of the favelas and their dist- of land there as long as they use temporary building 80

Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro | 2

several poor communities: untold numbers of favelas, 1691 cortiรงos and thousands of other buildings.

Only 100 barracos remained on the Morro da Favela.

(Perlman,2010). In 1907, those settlements left there were told to evacuate their residents in 10 days under the excuse of sanitize the Morro da Favela. However, their efforts seemed useless. The number of the favelas increased from 7 in 1900 to 26 in 1920 (Bonilla, 1970). This number is equal to 839 shack dwellings which is almost more than 8 times than its previous situation. After it multiplied even more and raised to 1500 dwellings with around 10.000 people living inside by 1933 (Perlman, 2010). There is no doubt that migration was the most dominant component of Rio's urban population growth, contributing 60% of the overall population increase in the 1920 - 1940 period (Martine, 1972 quoted from O'Hare).

materials (Perlman, 2010). By the early part of the 20th century, 20 to 25 % of the population of Rio de Janeiro lived in slum areas (O'Hare).

The most recognizable factor which affects the population growth of Rio de Janeiro was the increase of in-immigration in the late 19th and early 20th century especially from the states Minas Gerais and Sao Paolo (Barke, O'Hare). In fact, the immigration to Rio continued throughout the first half of the 20th century. The people moved to Rio were already the ones who came to Rio with a seek of better job opportunities, they were raising up the number of the people who need affordable housing units which the city of Rio de Janeiro did not have enough at those times. As it was discussed earlier, authorities come into play here in terms of providing required affordable housing units for their citizens. However, the administration of mayor Pereira Passos who was in charge in the years between 1902-1904 did not carry out a foresighted nor poor supporter policy. He was dreaming of making Rio one of the capital cities in the world which can compete with other world capitals. He wanted to turn Rio into a city like Paris, and he followed some urban design policies of Paris.

He was inpired by Haussman and his plans with majestic boulevards crowded in two sides, monuments and gardens. In order to achieve this, he destroyed

2.2.2. Development of Industry and Transportation The morros (hills) located between Centro and Zona Norte was the area which was preferred the most by the favela dwellers due to its proximity to potential work places. Those hills were not desirable for industrial and commercial developments, so it was perfect place for construction of informal settlements. Beginning of the 1930s, there was a depres81

The morros located between Centro and Zona Norte was the area which was preferred the most by the favela dwellers due to its proximity to the potential work places.

2 | Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro

1910

1995

1940

2000

1970

2010

Figure 2.10 , 2.11 , 2.12 , 2.13 , 2.14 and 2.15 The spatial development of Rio's favelas in 1910, 1940, 1970, 1995, 2000 and 2010.

82

: Favela

Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro | 2

sion period in the rural areas of Rio de Janeiro and it resulted in loss of 50% of cultivated area between 1938-1947. This also motivated the migration from rural to urban with a search of better life standarts, which caused population of favelas grew rapidly. As a counter attack, Brazil promoted the domestic manufacturing activities, which leaded industrial development in Rio de Janeiro. However, it was not located in the city center anymore, but it moved towards the peripheries of Rio, especially North Zone (Pino, 1997). Existence of Central do Brazil railway line was also another motive for the development of North Zone in terms of industrial activities. One of the largerst favela region of Rio, Jacarezinho (RA 28) started to develop in the 1930s as a residential area due to its proximity to newly developing factories (Leeds, 1969). Around 1940s, the development of industry and creation of new railway lines offered new job opportunities and eased the access and transportation. Therefore, number of people migrating to Rio to find a job increased and favelas became the main form of housing for them (O'Hare). This situation shifted urban poor from the city center to the peripheries of the city. The Central Zone had only 4 favelas in 1948. At the same time, the South Zone (Zona Sul) was developing for high and middle class.

This area became a new target for urban poor due to the job opportunities which were created by high

strata. In 1940s, 32 new favela settlements occured in South Zone and during 1950s, this area had 43% of the total favelas and 25% of the favela residentials (O'Hare).

2.2.3. Favela Eradictions Around 1950s and 1960s, favelas became more problematic elements for the city. Government went for eradiction policies for the informal settlements supposing that it can bring an end to unplanned ur700

647

600

83

521

500

424

400

328

300 198

200 100 0

100 100 1950

134 1960

168

1970

198

208

216

1980

1990

2000

Non Favela Favela Figure 2.16 Growth of Favela and Non favela in Rio de Janeiro. Population Index 1950 = 100. Source: Pereira Passos Riio de Jnaeiro taken from Perlman, 2010

Around 1940s, development of industry and creation of new railway lines offered new job opportunities and eased the access and transportation.

Therefore, number of people migrating to Rio to find a job increased and favelas became the main source of housing for them.

2 | Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro

Table 2.2. Favelas grow faster than city of Rio de Janeiro. From 2000-2005 favelas grew 6 times more than nonfavelas. Source: IBGE 2000 Taken from Perlman,2010.

Population of Favelas (a)

Total Population of Rio (b)

a/b (%)

Favela Growth Rate by decade (%)

Rio Growth Rate by decade (%)

1950

169 305

2 337 451

7.24

-

-

1950 - 60

337 412

3 307 163

10.20

99.3

41.5

1960 - 70

563 970

4 251 918

13.26

67.1

28.6

1970 - 80

628 170

5 093 232

12.33

11.4

19.8

1980 - 90

882 483

5 480 778

16.10

40.5

7.6

1990 - 2000

1 092 958

5 857 879

18.66

23.9

6.9

Year

The growth of the favelas was much faster than the growth of the city that their numbers increased all the time.

banization. A Squatter Settlement Extinction Commission had been set up in 1947 for the planning of removal of rapid growing favelas. As a result of that, 80 squatter settlements were removed by force, even violently between 1962 and 1974 (O'Hare). More than 26.000 shelters were demolished, and 139.000 dwellers were expelled to the poorly constructed housing units which are 40 or 50 kms away from the city center (Valladares, 1978 in Taschner, 1995). These actions are also related with the increasing interest for real estate sector. The sites once ignored and unvaluable began to be the reason for competition between favelas and land developers. Wealthy areas such as Copacabana (RA 5), Ipanema and Leblon (RA 6) were the main targets for real estate develop-

ment, so squatter settlements close to the wealthy areas in South Zone were destroyed. This zone hosted 20% of the favelas and 18% of favela residents by 1960, which is a significant decline compared to 1950s numbers (O'Hare).

2.2.4. Is It Only Migration?

Urban population of Rio increased the most from the 1945 to 1980 which is mostly welded from the governmental actions encouraged the expansion of industry and commercial activities after World War II (Lipton, 1977; Potter and Lloyd-Evans, 1998). Between 1950 and 1970, development of transportation systems such us bus networks and road surface im-

84

Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro | 2

provements increased the connections between Rio and other cities. As it was mentioned earlier, the rural areas of Rio were facing a deteriorated economic, social and environmental conditions (Graham, 1970; Adas and Adas, 1998). Therefore, developments in the city behaved as a magnet for the people in rural areas to migrate to urban. In this period, population of Rio grew from 2.3 million to 4.25 million (O'Hare).

Also favela numbers grew from 200 in 1950 to 384 in 1970. Not only favelas but also favela residents dramatically increased from 169.305 to 335.063 residents. 61% of this growth was because of the birth of new settlements (Pino, 1997). Growth was generally following the developing areas, such as Avenida Brazil which is a major route into the city from the north-west hosting 1/3 of the Rio's favelas. However, it would be unfair to attribute the growth of favelas only to population growth and therefore, migration.

The migration rates to Rio decreased in 1970s (Adas and Adas, 1998). Although the population growth rate reduced, the number of favelas increased and added 105 more favelas and became 564 in total. So during the 1980s, "69 favelas expanded in size, 198 became more densely settled and 167 both expanded and denser" (O'Hare , Barke, 2003; Taschner, 1995).

These numbers are caused not because of the population growth, but because of the economic recession in Brazil. During the late 1970s and early 1980s 85

Brazil and some other Latin American countries were struggling with economic recession, hyper-inflation and external debt crisis as a result of mishangling of the economy (Gilbert, 1989; Bacha and Malan, 1989). Under these circumstances, the life in favela with no taxes, usually no bills for electricity and no transportation expense due to the proximity of them to the city center started to seem very attractive even for the middle class population. Significant number of them moved to favelas and that period which and 1980s were the fastest grow rate of the favelas in the history (O'Hare). Beginning of the 1990s, economic unstability got back on the rails and growth rate of favelas decreased. With the transfer of some of the middle class, the favelas didn't represent only the poor population anymore and a socio-economic variety achieved in the favela population.

2.2.5. Spatial Characteristics of Favelas Favelas in Rio de Janeiro does not really match with the general slum spatial distribution. Generalisations usually suggest that majority of the informal settlements especially the large ones would occur not in the center, but in the peripheries of the city. In addition, older ones tend to have "higher population densities and relatively be more centrally located" (O'Hare, Barke, 2003). Anthony Leeds indicates in his book

During 1980s, 69 favelas expanded in size, 198 became more densely settled and 167 both expanded and denser. It is caused not because of the population growth, but because of the economic recession in Brazil.

Favelas in Rio does not really match with the generalizations of other informal settlements in South America.

2 | Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro

Table 2.3. Favela percentages according to zones between 1950 and 2000. Source: Instituto Pereira Passos taken from Perlman, 2010.

Zones South + Center (old wealth) North (working low/middle class) Rio's first favelas occurred in the central zones, therefore, there is a correlation between the age of the favela and distance from the centre. From table 2.3, only the south and central zones have a decrease in the number of favelas between 1950-2000 while all the other zones increased in terms of favela population.

1950

1960

1970

1980

1991

2000

58%

42%

34%

29 %

24 %

20 %

38%

54%

60%

58 %

54 %

50 %

1%

4%

8%

13 %

Southwest (new rich/upper middle) West / Periphery (new poor)

4%

4%

5%

9%

13 %

16 %

Total

100%

100%

100%

100%

100%

100%

"The significant variables determining the character of squatter settlements" that as the one moves away from the center, there is high possibility to encounter with informal settlements with higher physical quality. However, the favelas in Rio de Janeiro proves most of the statistics wrong due to its unique and diversified characteristics. It is hard to talk about an important relationship between the "population size of favela and age", "residential density as measured by population per dwelling and age", "distance from the center and population size" and "measure, age of favela and size in terms of population" (O'Hare, Barke, 2003) This shows the how exclusive the favelas are compared to the Latin American informal settle-

ments. However, as the favelas locate more centrally, they tend to have higher quality index which contradicts with Leed's ideas. Moreover, since Rio's first favelas occured in the central zones, there is correlation between the age of the favelas and distance from the center. The centrally located favelas are older favelas although they were exposed to many evictions throughout the history. As a result, Rio de Janeiro favelas does not comply with the generalisation suggesting that most of the informal settlements locate in peripheries of the urban areas. Although this may be true for the other cities of Brazil, Rio favelas are usually found inner side of the cities such as "...along roads, railway lines and canals, on river flood plains,

86

Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro | 2

Period of Origin

Mean dist. from city centre

AP 1

AP 2

AP 3

AP 4

AP 5

Pre 1900

3

2

1

0

0

8.90

0.52

1900 - 20

5

6

4

0

5

15.69

0.51

1921 - 40

14

20

36

7

13

22.09

0.47

1941 - 60

18

13

103

29

19

23.18

0.47

1961 - 80

12

7

79

32

33

29.18

0.46

1981 - 99

6

1

40

44

33

33.66

0.44

age of favela

no correlation

age of favela

no correlation

distance from centre

no correlation

distance from centre

correlation

settlement density

population size

quality index

Table 2.4. Favelas formation through years and locations, showing the relationship of age of favela, distance from the centre and mean quality index.

Source: O'Hare and Barke.

bay and lagoon shorelines and steep hills" (O'Hare, Barke, 2003) * The quality index, briefly, ranks the socio-economic condition of a sample of 412 favelas using an "aggregate indicator". The aggregate indicator is based on a survey of household data in each settlement using the availability of physical infrastructure including water supply and rubbish collection, living space, education levels and income characteristics. Using the method the best score achieved for any individual favela was 0.918 while the lowest score was 0.187. Therefore, the higher the mean quality index is, the higher the socio economic condition of the favela group.

population size

Mean quality index*

87

As the distance of a favela increase from the city center, its mean quality index tends to decrease.

2 | Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro

2.2.6. Favela Distribution in 21st Century

Among the changes adopted in 2010 Census, in order to rationalize planning and intervention, the areas were classified according to the situation in the urban fabric, its size and the degree of urbanization.

The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics - IBGE is the main provider of data and information about the country. The data and statistics are provided every ten years and the last research carried out was in 2010. The first data from the 2010 Census on subnormal agglomerates (which in the case of the municipality of Rio de Janeiro correspond to favelas or urbanized communities) were released in December 2011. IBGE, in this Census, carried out a specific investigation aimed at improving the standards of quality in identification of subnormal clusters, introducing managerial, methodological and technological innovations. This effort also resulted in a special publication that, for the first time at the national level, presents individual data on subnormal agglomerates, subtotals by cities, results cartograms and a brief analysis of such settlements. The improvement of the research, in the case of the Municipality of Rio de Janeiro, counted on the intense participation of IPP-RIO, through the City Information Directorate.

Working together, which started two years before the Census, the entire municipal geographic network of census sectors was redefined, which would be used in the 2010 Census. Despite the great improvement observed in relation to the previous Census, some differences persisted in relation to parameters adop-

ted by IPP-RIO, mainly because the IBGE imposes a minimum number of 51 households to consider a set as a subnormal cluster. In addition, a few other areas, identified as slums by IPP-RIO, were not considered

by IBGE. Thus, IPP-RIO, using its cartographic and aero photogrammetric bases, made some estimates to complement the data, which, after all, resulted in a 4% increase over the population calculated by IBGE. According to the results, Rio de Janeiro is the national leader with around 1.4 million favela residents which is 22% of its total habitants.

Among the changes adopted in 2010 Census, in order to rationalize planning and intervention, the areas were classified according to the situation in the urban fabric (complex or isolated), its size and the degree of urbanization achieved over time. The present work follows this new system inaugurated in 2010, recognizing that the settlements of the type in question, with a view to planning and implementing policies public, should be classified into two large subgroups: the favelas, properly speaking, and those called from then on, urbanized communities. In the new typology, favelas were classified as: those that, as they constitute risk areas or in places unsuitable for residential use can be considered, in principle, in non-urbanizable favelas, requiring further analysis to verify the impossibility of urbanization and; urba88

Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro | 2

nisable, grouped into four subcategories, according to the size and degree of urbanization. In addition to these, the urbanized favela was highlighted, which, according to definitions of the Municipal Housing Secretariat, is the one that has been the subject of integrated urbanization programs, such as Favela-Bairro (PROAP), Bairrinho, Growth Acceleration Program - PAC and similar ones, whose project has ensured the implementation of basic infrastructure, public equipment and satisfactory accessibility levels; or that, through the efforts of its residents and various public actions, over time, it has managed to achieve a very satisfactory situation of urbanization.

Rio, or 1 443 773 inhabitants. The proportions varied significantly between the regions of the city, with a wide predominance of AP 1. Neighborhoods such as Rio Comprido, São Cristóvão, Santa Teresa, Catumbi, Mangueira and others where many favelas are traditionally located. Although, in absolute terms, the favela population of AP 1 is the smallest in the city (around 103 thousand inhabitants), its proportion in relation to the total population of the area was the largest - 35%. Next, with about 26/27%, came AP3 (Zona Norte) and AP 4 (Barra and Jacarepaguá), with contingents much larger than in AP1: 654 thousand and 236 thousand residents, respectively, lived in slums. The smallest and almost identical proportiThe spatial distribution of the population of the fa- ons of inhabitants in slums were located in the West velas is not homogeneous in terms of the different (16%) and South (17%) areas. In absolute terms, areas of the city. In 2010, the population living in however, the 274 thousand favelados in the West slums represented 23% of the total population of Zone represented about 100 thousand more than in the South Zone.

Table 2.5. Population of slums by Planning Areas - Municipality of Rio-2010 City (a)

Favela (B)

(b) / (a)

Total

6 320 446

1 443 773

23 %

AP1

Centre

297 976

103 296

35 %

AP2

South Zone

1 009 170

174 149

17 %

AP3

North Zone

2 399 159

654 755

27 %

AP4

Barra/Jacarepagua

AP5

East Zone

909 368 1 704 773

236 834 274 739

26 % 16 %

Planning Areas

As it was observed from Table 2.2, the growth rate of favelas is higher than the growth rate of the city throughout the 20th century. The results are the same for the 21st century: both 2000 and 2010 Census data show that favelas continue to grow faster than the city. In 10 years, favelas expanded by 19%, while the population of the non-favela grew by only 5%.

It is important to indicate that the great relative 89

The proportions varied significantly between the regions, with a wide predominance of AP 1.

The growth rate of favelas is higher than the growth rate of the city throughout the 20th century.

2 | Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro

growth of the favelas took place in the area that most expands in the city, not only demographically, but also in the creation of attractive jobs for the people that inhabit such types of settlements. In fact, the Barra/Jacarepagua (AP4) recorded an enormous increase in its favela population, which is 53% in 10 years. Moreover, also non-favela population was record-breaking in the city with 28%. In the Centre region and its immediate periphery, the second highest rate of growth in the favelas (28%) was observed, although it was far from the first place. In this central region, residents of the â&#x20AC;&#x153;non-favelaâ&#x20AC;? grew by only 4%. The South Zone had a significant population growth in favelas (15%) and a decrease of 1%, outside them. A similar phenomenon occurred in the North Zone: 11% versus -1%. In the West Zone, there

was an 8% increase in the population living outside the favelas, but that of the favelas grew at a rate of 15%, almost twice as high.

2.2.7. Spatial Displacement The proportions of the population living in favelas vary widely between different regions of the city and, obviously, reflect the relative weight of the intra-urban demographic distribution. Factors linked to the historical occupation process, the location of economic activities and public services and the availability of land, over time, conditioned the emergence and consolidation of this type of housing settlement.

There has been a strong dynamic of changes in the location of favelas in the last 50 years, moving from

70%

AP 1 and AP 2 Centre - South

60% 50%

AP 3 North Zone

40% 30%

AP 4 Barra/Jacarepagua

20% 10%

AP 5 East Zone

0% 1950

1960

1970

1980

1991

2000

2010

Figure 2.17 Proportion of total favela population in each year, according to AP - Rio de Janeiro - Source: IBGE, Demographic Census

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Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro | 2

the most central areas, in the eastern portion of the city, to the most peripheral areas in the western portion. Figure 2.14, working with large numbers, it shows the dynamics of spatial change in favelas since 1950.

The ascending path of the curves corresponding to AP 5 and AP 4 is clearly observed, more peripheral regions with a large availability of relatively cheap land like in the case of Barra da Tijuca, with many activities employing unskilled labor (civil construction, commerce and general services). On the other hand, the Center-South zone and its suburban extension to the North, traditional locations of the labor markets, public and private services and means of transport, which until the 1970s / 1980s were strongholds of large and medium “slums” , they are clearly losing ground. In the last year of the graph, there is a convergence of the curves relative to the Center-South, West and Barra and Jacarepaguá regions around the proportion of 20% each, while the City

Proportion

Favela (B)

Proportion

Total

6 320 446

100 %

1 443 773

100 %

AP1

Centre

297 976

5%

103 296

7%

AP2

South Zone

1 009 170

16 %

174 149

12 %

AP3

North Zone

2 399 159

38 %

654 755

45 %

AP4

Barra/Jacarepagua

AP5

East Zone

909 368 1 704 773

14 % 27%

236 834 274 739

16 % 19 %

Planning Areas

curve of the favelas of AP-3 (the most populous in the city), although declining, represents about 45% of the total residents in favelas in Rio. In general the favela population follows the distribution of the total population by Planning Area, with the following highlights: • The number of inhabitants in the North Zone is the majority, both in the city as a whole and in the favelas, with the percentage of the latter exceeding that of the general population from 45% to 38%; • The proportions of population installed in the favelas of Baixada de Jacarepaguá (AP 4) and in the Central Area (AP 1) are also higher than those of the general population (16% against 14% and 7% against 5%), but in very good terms smaller than in the previous case; • The opposite situation occurs in the South Zone (AP2) and the West Zone (AP4) where the weight of the general population is greater than that of the favela population.

Table 2.6. Proportion of the population of the city and of the favelas in the respective totals, by Planning Areas - Municipality of Rio de Janeiro – 2010

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2.2.8. Distribution by Planning Areas (AP) and Administrative Regions (RA) Resident Population Regional Administration

Resident Population Regional Administration

City (A)

Favelas (B)

Proportion (B)/(A)

43%

Sao Cristovao

84 908

40 250

47%

108

0%

Pagueta

3 361

908

27%

78 975

28 021

35%

Santa Teresa

40 926

12 841

31%

AP 1 - TOTAL

297 976

103 296

35 %

Botafogo

239 729

14 998

6%

Tijuca

181 810

28 004

15%

Copacabana

161 191

12 094

8%

Villa Isabel

189 310

30 695

16%

Lagoa

167 774

19 002

11%

Rocinha

69 356

69 356

100%

1 009 170

174 149

17%

Ramos

153 177

53 236

35%

Anchieta

158 318

25 080

16%

Penha

185 716

47 710

26%

Pavuna

208 813

95 065

46%

Inhauma

134 349

21 250

16%

Jacarezinho

37 839

33 836

89%

Meier

134 349

54 831

14%

69 143

60 500

87%

Iraja

202 952

29 527

15%

129 770

75 720

58%

Madureira

372 555

50 133

13%

136 171

40 783

30%

Ilha do Governador

372 555

50 133

13%

2 399 159

654 755

27%

City (A)

Favelas (B)

Portuaria

48 664

21 168

Centro

41 142

Rio Comprido

AP 2 - TOTAL

AP 3 - TOTAL

Proportion (B)/(A)

Complexo do Alemao Complexo do Mare Vigario Geral

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Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro | 2

"Demonstrates the will of favelas to be close to the abundant laber markets, job opportunities and other facilities in the centre of the city."

"Nobel neighbourhoods and upper-middle class locations, except Rocinha which is the biggest favela, there is not so many favelas in this region."

"Existence of many industries, attracting working class due to its locational advantage."

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Resident Population Regional Administration

Resident Population Regional Administration

City (A)

Favelas (B)

Cidade de Deus

36 515

4 596

13%

City (A)

Favelas (B)

Proportion (B)/(A)

Jacarepagua

572 030

177 837

31%

Barra da Tijuca

300 823

54 401

18%

AP 4 - TOTAL

909 368

236 834

26%

Bangu

428 035

95 518

22%

Guaratiba

123 114

30 387

25%

Campo Grande

542 084

65 404

12%

Realengo

243 006

28 577

12%

Santa Cruz

368 534

54 853

15%

1 704 773

274 739

AP 5 - TOTAL

Proportion (B)/(A)

16%

The municipality of Rio de Janeiro is officially divided into 33 Administrative Regions - RA (See chapter 1.2.4). In 2010, all of them had slums, but the distribution of their population among the 33 regions was very different. If in the Center favela residents were only 108 inhabitants (less than 0.1% of the total), in Jacarepaguá they reached almost 180 thousand, representing about 12% of the total number of favelas.

Some points deserve to be highlighted about Regional Administrations favela distribution: • With more than 50 thousand residents in favelas each, 13 RA’s favelas have population of more than 50 thousand residents- Jacarepaguá, Bangu, Pavu-

na, Complexo da Maré, Rocinha, Ilha do Governador, Campo Grande, Complexo do Alemão, Santa Cruz, Méier, Barra da Tijuca, Ramos and Madureira - together housing more than two thirds (67%) of the entire favela contingent in the city; • The proportion of the Jacarepaguá region (12.3%) over the second place - Bangu, 6.6% - was almost double.

• These regions, leaders of the ranking, were distributed across all Planning Areas of the city, with the exception of AP 1 - Central Zone, where the majority RA of São Cristóvão only contributed 2.8% of the total slum population; • Centro, Paquetá, Cidade de Deus, Copacabana and Santa Teresa, in turn, did not even reach the mark of

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"Housing estates, rich villas and favelas for the working class who works for the construction and housing jobs of the higher strata in that region."

"Poorest of all APs, but has the lowest percentage of favela. The reason is there is lack of proximity to work centres, which determines mainly the location of favelas, and great presence of low income irregular subdivison."

of predominance of economic activities, the Center has been meeting for few decades, few residents, and in 2010, there were only 108 inhabitants in a single Some points deserve to be highlighted about Plan- small favela. ning Administrations: • In AP 2 (South Zone and surroundings), with • In the central area of the city (AP1), where the hig- about 1 million inhabitants and high demographic hest proportion of favelas (35%) is found, there were density, there are noble neighborhoods of upper and also Administrative Regions with a large presence of upper-middle classes. There are over 174 thousand residents in this type of habitat. São Cristóvão e Por- people in favelas which is the second lowest proportuária (around 45%), Rio Comprido and Santa Teresa tion in all the city with 17%. If there was not Rocinha (around 35%) demonstrate how the favelas sought with its 69 thousand residents, and Vila Isabel and proximity with the labor markets, which are abun- Tijuca (30 thousand and 28 thousand), this percendant, especially in the Central Region. Stage of deep tage would be much lower, because in none of the urban reforms that expelled the poorest and a place other regions, the proportion varied between 6 and 11%.

14 thousand inhabitants in favelas, covering, together just over 2% of the total;

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2 | Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro

• AP 3, territory of the traditional suburbs that arose along the Central do Brasil and Leopoldina railroads, is by far the largest contingent of slum dwellers, with more than 650,000 inhabitants in this situation. Relatively close to the business and employment center and, in the recent past, concentrating many industries, it has always attracted the working classes, due to its locational advantages.

in the 2010 Census proportions of slum dwellers that did not exceed 25%, observed in Guaratiba and 22% in Bangu. Campo Grande, Realengo and Santa Cruz presented percentages between 12% and 15%.

• The West Zone as a whole had the lowest percentage of the city's slum population with 16% in 2010, although it is proportionally the poorest of all five.

Two factors can explain this situation: the lack of • In this region, the so-called RA favela (Jacarezin- proximity to the nuclei of work and employment, ho, Complexo do Alemão and Maré) stand out, with one of the determining aspects for the settlement of a huge proportion of residents (89%, 87% and 58%, the favelas, and the great presence in the region of respectively). In AP 3, Pavuna (46%) and Ramos low-income irregular subdivisions; (35%) also stand out; • In summary, the largest RA's, in terms of the par• The Baixada de Jacarepaguá (AP4), is already ap- ticipation of slum dwellers in their population, were: proaching one million inhabitants, 26% of whom Rocinha, Jacarezinho and Complexo do Alemão, abolive in slums, practically the same level as the subur- ve 87%; Complexo da Maré, Pavuna, Portuária, Rio ban area, much older and consolidated. In AP4, the Comprido and Ramos ranging from 35% to 58%. proportions of slum dwellers fluctuate considerably, ranging from an expressive 31% in the RA of Jacare- The ten largest favelas totaled almost 400,000 inpaguá, to 18% in Barra da Tijuca and 13% in Cidade de habitants, or one third of the total favela population in 2010. All the favelas are grouped in complexes, Deus, mostly formed by housing estates; according to the new classification methodology, • The Administrative Regions of the West Zone adopted from the Morar Carioca Program, launched (AP5), the second most populous AP in the city (1 in 2010 by the City of Rio with the exception of Romillion and 700 thousand inhabitants), a peripheral cinha, the largest of both in Rio and in Brazil. region and of great demographic expansion, accused 96

Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro | 2

• São Carlos - 8,180 residents, • Catumbi - 6,796 residents,

Table 2.7. Ten largest slums in the city - Municipality of Rio de Janeiro, 2010 Favelas

Regional Administ. Population (RA)

AP2 Rocinha

Rocinha

2010 69 161

AP3 Complexo da Mare

Complexo da Mare

64 094

AP4 Complexo de Rio das Pedras

Jacarepagua

63 484

AP3 Complexo do Alemao

Complexo do Alemao

60 583

AP5 Complexo da Fazenda Coqueiro Bangu

45 415

AP3 Complexo da Penha (Vila Cruziro) Penha

36 862

AP3 Complexo do Jacarezinho

Jacarezinho

34 603

AP3 Complexo de Acari

Pavuna

21 999

AP3 Complexo de Vigario/Lucas

Vigario Geral

20 570

AP3 Complexo do Bairro da Pedreira Pavuna

in the Port Zone • Providência - 4,354 residents.

In addition to these complexes, Barreira do Vasco, an isolated favela in the RA of São Cristóvão, had almost 8 000 residents in 2010 and Parque Boa Esperança, in the Caju district, Zona Portuária, had about 5 000 inhabitants.

Favelas in Planning Area 2

20 515

Favelas in Planning Area 1 In 2010, the central area and surroundings, corresponding to AP 1, did not include large slum complexes, but it is worth registering those in RA de São Cristóvão; • Mangueira - 13,908 residents, • Vila Arará - 8,789 residents • Tuiuti 5,718 residents; those of in the RA of Rio Comprido; • Turano - 10,569 residents,

97

In AP 2, formed by the upscale neighborhoods of the South Zone, Tijuca and Vila Isabel regions, the largest favela is also the largest in the city and in Brazil: Rocinha, with about 69 000 residents. This community expanded its population by almost 13,000 people, an increase of 23% in 10 years. Right after Rocinha, but with much less population, comes the Morro dos Macacos Complex, in Vila Isabel, with about 19 000 inhabitants. Other important settlements are: In RA da Lagoa; • Vidigal, with 9,678 residents, • Cantagalo / Pavão- Pavãozinho group -10,338 residents

2 | Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro

In RA da Tijuca; • Complexo do Borel 10,090 residents.

Favelas in Planning Area 4

The Rio das Pedras Complex with 63,484 inhabitants had the largest growth in the whole municipality, in Favelas in Planning Area 3 absolute terms: about 20 thousand people, which Of the ten largest slums in the city in number of in- represented an increase of about half the population it had in 2000. Located in Jacarepaguá, it is by far the habitants are in AP 3: largest cluster of favelas in that region, AP – 4, which also covers the RA’s of Barra da Tijuca and Cidade • Complexes da Maré 64 094 residents, de Deus. To get an idea of the grandeur of Rio das • Alemão 60 583 residents, Pedras, the second largest favela complex in AP-4 is • Penha 36 862 residents, that of Colônia Juliano Moreira, which had just over • Jacarezinho 34 603 residents, 15 thousand inhabitants at the time of the last Cen• Acari 21 999 residents, • Vigário Geral / Parada de Lucas 20 570 resi- sus. After these two large favela clusters, others also appear worth noting in the Region: dents, • Bairro da Pedreira 20 515 residents, in the Pavuna. This fact shows the importance that the large In Jacarepaguá; slum groups assume in the urban landscape of the • Commander Luis Souto with 7,792 residents, so-called North Zone of the city. In addition to these, • Canal do Anil with 6910 residents, which are among the ten largest, the sets of Mangu- • Fazenda Mato Alto with 6,808 residents inhos (20,039) in Ramos, Morro do Dendê (17,210) on Ilha do Governador, Morro do Chapadão (15,561) In Barra da Tijuca; in Pavuna, Bairro Proletário do Dique (15,550) ), in • Tijuquinha 8,908 residents, Vigário Geral, and Lins (15,105) in RA Meiér, all with • Canal das Tachas 6,006 residents, • Muzema 5980 complexes; more than 15 thousand inhabitants, also stand out.

• Vila Nova Esperança with 5,501 inhabitants in Jacarepaguá and Canal do Cortado, with 5,130 residents, in Barra da Tijuca, two isolated favelas. In this 98

Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro | 2

Planning area, dominated by the Baixada de Jacare- • Vila Eugênia - 10,430 inhabitants paguá, there are any number of small isolated fave- • Tibagi - 7,981 inhabitants, las that experienced high growth rates in the period • Alto Kennedy - 7,645 inhabitants.

2000–2010, but whose individual population is still relatively small (an average of 600 people).

Favelas in Planning Area 5 The West Zone of the city, although a region of relatively recent expansion already accuses the existence of large slum settlements, among which, the largest complexes were: in the Bangu RA; • Vila do Vintém - 15,298 inhabitants, in the RA of Realengo; • Nova Cidade - 14,193 inhabitants, in the Campo Grande RA, the only isolated slum; • Três Pontes - 10. 694 inhabitants, In the Santa Cruz RA; • Saquaçu - 9,434 inhabitants, In the Bangu RA, • Fazenda Coqueiro - 45,415 inhabitants

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Favela Population Map by Neighbourhood, 2010

0

44 - 1.000

1.001-3.000

3.001-10.000

10.001-20.000

Figure 2.18. Favela population map by neighbourhood, 2010. Source: IPP Instituto Pereira Passos 100

20.001-89.765

Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro | 2

2.3. PHYSICAL and SOCIAL CONDITIONS of FAVELAS

is possible to say that young generation constitutes the majority of population of favelas. The new borns and babies which is the age range 0-4 are 112 389 After analysing the spatial distribution of favelas in habitants, while the oldest population, 100 years and the previous part, it is also important to understand more are 63 inhabitants. the elements which are forming the favela, with its physical conditions, materials and humans. For that Rio has very wide range of national backrounds. Also reason, this session will have a deeper looking in fa- in favelas, people have different roots and therefovelas' residents, housing and infrastructural condi- re skin colors. Among 1 393 314 favela residents, the tions.

2.3.1. Inhabitants of Favelas

690 366 Inhabitants

763 cluster

Favelas are not only the example of residential segregation, but also social segregation between poor and rich people. That's why analysing the features of people inside the favelas is also an important point in the aim of including the favelas in the other parts of the city.

In the last 2010 Census by IBGE, there are 763 subnormal cluster in Rio, consists of 426 965 household with 1 393 314 favela residents. 679 532 of them are male and 713 782 of them are female.

Dominant age range in terms of population is 20-24 years with 136 337 inhabitants. It is followed by age range 10-14 with 135 739 inhabitants and after 25-29 age range with 134 885 inhabitants. As a result, it

101

CLUSTER

BROWN

426 965 household HOUSEHOLD

461 284 Inhabitants WHITE

1 393 314 people

227 148 Inhabitants POPULATION

BLACK

713 782 women 679 532 men

13 172 Inhabitants YELLOW

2 | Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro

majority is consisted of brown people with 690 366 residents. Whites come after them with 461 284 residents, and black population follows them with 227 148 habitants. Asian roots, known as yellow people are 13 172. There are also 1341 indigenous people in Rio de Janeiro favelas.

2.3.2. Housing Features of Favelas Favelas are self-built irregular dwellings. Therefore, it is quite fascinating the fact that for more than a century, people have been deciding the material, shape, form and design of their own living spaces and constructing by themselves without any professional help (Fig. 2.16). Architect Solene Veysseyre visited to a favela in Complexo do AlemĂŁo in august 2014 to find answers of the questions such as if there is any rules of contruction, there are any common characteristics of the houses or what construction techniques they are using.

From economic point of view, the majority of the inhabitants earn an amount between half of the minimum income and minimum income, which is approximately 600 R$ (This amount is 1040 R$ for the non-favela residents). 25 268 inhabitants living in favelas do not have any income. The money earned also differs from gender to gender. While men monthly average income is 690 R $, for women it is One resident, Marcio, who showed her around said 510 R $, according to 2010 Census realesed by IBGE. Most of the favela residents, 1 172 516, people are literate. Majority age rate for literate people are 2029 ages, with 265 360 people and 30-39 ages, with 219 504 people.

Figure 2.19 Favela residents building their own houses. Photo: Solene Veysseyre. Source: Arcdaily.

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Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro | 2

that because of the money and time that building a house requires, a house is generally built over several generations. He continues as "...a floor may be laid, columns erected (rebar protruding), and a thin roof placed, but this is just to mark where the next builder should finish the job."(Veysseyre, 2014. Arcdaily).

Dutch urban planner Manoe Ruhe indicates that roof tiles are a sign of lack of money, since it shows that

Figure 2.20 Marcio's house. He grew up in a single story, gabled-roof house that his father built. 25 years ago, he built a first floor above the house; today he has resumed work and is gradually building a second floor. Photo: Solene Veysseyre. Source: Arcdaily.

103

the construction is done and there is no more money to build other floors.

Another favela residents that Veysseyre interviewed, Eduardo, is also building his house above his mother's. While he explains his work, he indicates that he designed 2 different areas where he lives and the second is for rent for others or used as music studio for himself. In the favelas, it is pretty common to build extra floor or floors for other families to rent or for their children with their future families. If the buildings are located on the main streets, their ground floors are usually tend to be used as commercial purposes.

Since favelas are usually located on the hillsides, the streets are generally very narrow and inclined. Therefore, the materials which are used for the house construction are supposed to follow certain criterias.

The first one is the lightness of the materials, because they are carried by men. Secondly, the materials need to be small enough to both carry them and also pass through the narrow streets. Finally, they are supposed to be low cost for favela residents to be able to afford it. Therefore, brick is the most common building material which satisfies all of the criterias for favela construction. Moreover, concrete pillars are preferred for the structure together with beam and slab

2 | Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro

Figure 2.21 Facade of a favela building. Photo: Solene Veysseyre. Source: Arcdaily.

system. Roofs are commonly corrugated iron. They construct their own houses by themselves, with the help or exchange of help of other people in the community. For instance, if someone is more advanced in constructing windows, he takes care of the windows in the exchange of assembly of doors.

Figure 2.22 Interior of one of the favelas in Complexo do Alemao. Photo: Solene Veysseyre. Source: Arcdaily.

Generally the facade of the houses are spartan: no paint or tile, no ornaments unless it does not have a commercial purpose. The buildings are left with brick facing the streets, antennas and air conditions are visible from the outside since they are coming out of the walls. Mostly the water tanks for clean water are

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Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro | 2

Figure 2.23, Figure 2.24 Interior and the roof of one of the favelas in Complexo do Alemao. Photo: Solene Veysseyre. Source: Arcdaily.

placed on the rooftop.

Figure 2.25 Interior windows. Usually steel bars in star-like shaped are used as protection. Photo: Solene Veysseyre. Source: Arcdaily.

ly for the finishings. They might use vivid colours and decorate the living spaces. It is quite common Interiors of the houses are not in the same with the to have a gathering or leisure area in the roof top as exterior of the buildings all the time. Generally in a terrace which is covered with tiles. It is used as lagood conditioned favela, the tiles are used frequent- undry area for washing and drying clothes as well.

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2 | Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro

Figure 2.26 Some of the abandoned buildings are used as social places due to the lack of space and facility. Photo: Solene Veysseyre. Source: Arcdaily.

Not all the favelas are located in the hills and have high slopes. According to the 2010 Census datas released by IBGE, in Rio de Janeiro there are 1303 favelas in the flat areas, 617 favela have medium slope and 307 favela have high degree of slope.

Inevitably, all those slope degress have consequences on the construction of the houses and accesibility to the residents. The environmental risks they are exposed to, the actions taken in an emergency situation, the vehicles which can be used in certain roads or slopes all differ due to the different levels of slopes.

CLUSTER

FLAT

MEDIUM SLOPE

HIGH SLOPE

106

HOUSEHOLD

AREA

1303 favelas

243 770 households

3137,9111 ha

617 favelas

118 522 households

1442,6197 ha

307 favelas

64 673 households

840,7523 ha

Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro | 2

The spacing between the buildings are pretty narrow in favelas. In order to have more place to occupy, the buildings are constructed in a very dense way. This situation has a possibility to create privacy issues, as well as ventilation problems. Since air cannot circulate enough, the lack of air flow causes the diseases and ease their spread. Also, residents cannot benefit from the sunlight due to the absence of empty areas and blockage of the window fronts, it is likely to encounter with the vitamin deficiencies among residents. According to the 2010 census of IBGE, favelas which have large spacing between the buildings constitute the minority. "No spacing between the buildings" cathegory have the maximum number of favelas.

CLUSTER

HOUSEHOLD

Figure 2.27 Density of favelas. Photo: Solene Veysseyre. Source: Arcdaily.

AREA

1704 favelas

327 209 households

3899,9167 ha

497 favelas

95 895 households

1412,6688 ha

26 favelas

3861 households

108,6976 ha

NO SPACING

MEDIUM SPACING

LARGE SPACING

107

Figure 2.28 Narrow spacing between buildings. Photo: Solene Veysseyre.

Source: Arcdaily.

2 | Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro

The height of the favelas generally varies between 2 storeys and 5 storeys (Perlman, 2010). The majority constitutes 2 storeys buildings according to the statistics by IBGE.

CLUSTER

HOUSEHOLD

AREA

436 favelas

71 938 households

1432,3284 ha

1349 favelas

253 999 households

3117,081 ha

442 favelas

101 028 households

871,8737 ha

1 STOREY

2 STOREYS

ars and host more 150.000 people, they do not have a land titling or even house titling (Perlman, 2010) Most of the favela lands are owned by the government.

Communication of sellers and buyers realized by "word of mouth" or through Resident's Association, instead of newspapers or internet like in the formal city. Even in the big favelas, generally everyone knows each other so hearing from someone a house for sale or rent is pretty likely. In addition, they also simply write the communication number and information on the wall of the house on sale or rent.

The residents who wish to sell their houses in favela are usually reasoned due to the escape from the drug 3 STOREYS trafickers' violence, moving to the house of an other or MORE relative to save money, marriage of a child or simpIt is important to state that majority of the fave- ly move out of the favela and live in the formal city la residents do not have the own of the land where (Perlman, 2010, It All Depends). their houses are located (Perlman, 2010. Buying and Selling houses). Although between 1980 and 2000 The prices are depend on the demand and supply there were some attempts by government to give the principle as in the formal city. The factors such as loland right to the favela residents, they were rare and cation, safety, size of the house or length of the time not regular. Therefore, when favela residents sell or that property is on the market affect the price of buy their houses, it refers to owe only the dwelling, the asset. However, at the end it all depends on the not the land itself. In many cases, although the hou- negotiation between the seller and buyer (Perlman, ses locate in the same location for more than 60 ye- 2010, It All Depends) 108

Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro | 2

LOCATION

SAFETY

AMENITIES

REMOVAL RISK

SIZE PRICE OF A PROPERTY

TIME ON THE MARKET

MATERIAL QUALITY

URGENCY TO SELL

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Figure 2.29 House for Sale in Vidigal Favela. Source: http://tyba.com.br/ 110

Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro | 2

Figure 2.30 House for Sale in Favela. Source: http://tyba.com.br/ 111

2 | Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro

2.3.3. Infrastructure and Physical Features of Favelas

Among 426 479 households located in favelas, - 411 152 house are connected to general water distribution, -362 551 house are connected to general sewage or rainwater network, -415 403 house garbage collection service directly by cleaning service -286 432 house have electricity from a distribution company and with a meter for the exclusive use of the household. The other households which are not

Favelas are the informal settlements, therefore, they are not provided with the infrastructure system of the formal city such as water, garbage, electricity and sewage. Although the upgrade programs during the history could manage to add some favelas to general distrubution of water, garbage collection and sewage network, there are still many favelas which does not have proper infrastructure services.

Table 2.8 Numbers of households by type of sewage system. IBGE, 2010 Permanent private housing units in subnormal agglomerates, by type of sewage system Form of Sewage System

Total

Rio de Janeiro

426 479

General sewage or rainwater network

Septic Tank

Primitive Hole

Ditch

River, Lake or Sea

Others

No bathroom or toilet

362 551

11 248

5 971

26 418

16 874

2 584

833

Table 2.9 Numbers of households by electric energy existence. IBGE, 2010 Permanent private housing units in subnormal agglomerates, by existence of electric energy Existence of Electricity

Total Total Total

Rio de Janeiro

426 479

426226

405 090

They have From distribution company With meter for With meter exclusive use common to more than one of the household household 286 432

40 718

112

Without meter 77 940

From another source

21 136

They do not have

253

Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro | 2

included those cathegories whether have other source of services or do not have those infrastructure at all. It should be noted that these numbers do not talk about the frequency or quality of these services.

in the society. Moreover, the garbage collection services have a serious duty in the community since it is another important issue for the environment and health of the people and animals. Although it seems like most of the households have garbage collection The main problem due to the lack or inadequency of service, the frequency and quality of this service is these services is that it directly affects people's he- not in an adequate level. In order to prevent the risalth. The deficiency of clean water for drinking and ks of garbage problem can cause, garbage collection hygienic purposes would cause the spread of several service is supposed to work everyday and in a proper diseases. Sewage system problem (Fig. 2.27) is ano- way. Otherwise, collecting of garbage in a couple of ther factor which helps to arise of sanitary problems times in a month does not prevent the risks.

Table 2.10 Numbers of households by type of water supply. IBGE, 2010 Permanent private housing units in subnormal agglomerates, by type of water supply Form of Water Supply

Total

General Cathment Cathment Water Tank Distrubuiton basin or source basin or source Network in the outside the property property

Rio de Janeiro

426 479

411 152

3 401

5 083

42

Rainwater stored in a reservoir

Rainwater stored in another way

Rivers, weirs, lakes or streams

146

45

141

Others

6419

Table 2.11 Numbers of households by waste destination. IBGE, 2010 Permanent private housing units in subnormal agglomerates, by waste destination Waste Destination

Total

Rio de Janeiro

426 479

Total

Collected Directly by cleaning service

In cleaning service bucket

415 403

251 851

163 552

113

Burnt

Buried

1 236

23

Thrown into Thrown in river, Others wasteland or lake or sea street 9 029

418

370

2 | Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro

Figure . 2.31 Sewage problem in favelas

Figure. 2.32 Water tanks are located on the rooftops in favelas

Figure 2.33 Garbage problem in favelas

Figure 2.34 Illegal electricity cables in favelas

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Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro | 2

CLUSTER

HOUSEHOLD

AREA

728 favelas

128 513 households

2194,27 ha

1 369 favelas

277 235 households

2911,77 ha

78 favelas

15 790 households

177,37 ha

6 favelas

620 households

14,64 ha

-

-

34 favelas

3768 households

73,51 ha

12 favelas

1039 households

49,69 ha

STREET

ALLEY/LANE

STAIRCASE

RAMP

-

FOOTBRIDGE

PATH/TRAIL

NO INTERNAL CIRCULATION ROUTE

115

The type of circulation routes inside the favela is another important issue for several reasons. Roads, streets, paths or bridges are the main elements of transportation of people and goods. More importantly, in an emergency situation which requires ambulances, fire services or policies, the roads are supposed to be available and properly constructed for any kind of unexpected situation. When the statistics

by IBGE is checked, 12 favela clusters which include 1039 households in total does not have any internal circulation routes. Moreover, the dominant internal circulation is alley/lane in many favelas, around in 277 235 households. Streets are the main circulation in 728 favela which includes 128 513 households.

Staircases and ramps are also main circulation elements in 84 favelas in total, however only 6 favelas (620 households) of them using ramps as main circulation route. For old people, disabled people and as well as for the comfort of people, increasing the number of ramps is an important issue considering the height of the households on the hills. 34 favelas have paths or trials as the main circulation element.

Footbridges are not the main circulation route of any of the favelas.

2 | Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro

CLUSTER

357 favelas

HOUSEHOLD

61 549 households

REGULAR STREET

AREA

1169,53 ha

CLUSTER

HOUSEHOLD

AREA

249 favelas

44 465 households

612 ha

595 favelas

11 6472 households

1390,2 ha

466 favelas

98 051 households

1348,4 ha

603 favelas

119 396 households

1435,9 ha

314 favelas

48 581 households

634,6 ha

TRUCK 95% or more

375 favelas

67 757 households

1034,5 ha

CAR

822 favelas

168 176 households

94.9% - 60%

1923,8 ha

MOTORCYCLE

661 favelas

128 444 households

1243,7 ha

12 favelas

1039 households

49,69 ha

59.9% - 40%

BICYCLE / ON FOOT

39.9% - 5%

NO INTERNAL ROUTE

The accessibility in most internal roads is possible by different vehicles since availability of roads' width, and conditions differ from favela to favela. Motorcyle is the most dominant vehicle used in favelas. Bicycle and/or on foot follows it as a second dominant transportation vehicle.Trucks and cars are minority compared to them, which actually shows the physical conditions of accesibility to favelas.

Less than 5%

Although there are constructed roads in a favela, what should be considered is that how many percentage of that favela have regular size and shape. According to IBGE's statistics, in 314 favelas, less than 5% of the cluster does not have proper road construction. Only in 249 favelas this percentage can reach to an acceptable level which is 95% percent or more.

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Slums and Poverty in Rio De Janeiro | 2

Figure . 2.35 Ambulance in favela streets

Figure 2.36 To fight the fire, the agents used coastal pumps and dampers, due to the difficulty of accessing the community's alleys with pressurized water, using hoses.

Fiure. 2.37 Military tanks in favela streets

Figure 2.38 Narrow streets of favela

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III FAVELA UPGRADE PROGRAMMES THROUGHOUT THE HISTORY

INTRODUCTION Favelas in Rio de Janeiro had several upgrade programs throughout the history. The biggest scale and trumpeted one was Favela-Bairro, the biggest slum upgrading project in all Latin America. Although it was very ambitious in the beginning, it couldn't bring the success it was aimed in the first place. As the continuation of Favela-Bairro, Morar-Carioca started to carry out upgrade works with different names and different financial budget. The community participation was the priority in this project that some private companies got involved for community research and door to door surveys. However, after a couple of years, due to the Olympic games and World Cup which were planned to take place in Rio de Janeiro, the focus shifted more to preparations for those big events and the goal of the upgrades became beautifying Rio for the incoming events' participants and visitors, rather than upgrading the life conditions of favela residents. This chapter analyses the upgrade programs for favelas in 20th and 21st century and its effects to favelas, as well as their successes and failures.

3 | Favela Upgrade Programs Throughout The History

3.1. Favela Upgrade Efforts: 1897-1988

the order of Francisco Perreira Passos, the mayor of Rio de Jnaeiro at that time. His main aim was folFavelas have existed in Rio de Janeiro more than a lowing the urban planning strategy of Haussmann century. In the beginning, numbers of them were not and trying to achieve an imitation of Paris with wide serious and problematic as it is right now, therefore, boulevards and gardens. However, this aim required it is not likely to find full-scale proper upgrade pro- him to destroy many poor neighbourhoods. jects until 1990s. The favelas usually ignored, even denied in the first years of 20th century. That's why During 1940s, mayor Henrique Dodsworth stated more aggressive urban planning policies applied in that favelas are threats to public health. As a solution, he created "Proletariat Parks" (Fig. 3.1) in order this period. to relocate favela residents to Proletariat Parks so that favelas could be removed. Parks were like gated 3.1.1. Early 1900s communities of today's world because people were As it was discussed earlier, the first favelas started to give to identity cards and they were supposed to occur around 1987 by veterans who came back from be checked by guards during entrance. Every night, the Canudos war seeking for the accommodation the gates would be closed at 10 pm, and there was a they were promised. The beginning of 20th century, speech given by administrator about the daily news, many citizens and migrants had suffered from the support for president Getulio Vargas and lessons he lack of affordable housing in Rio de Janeiro. Until think would be valuable for the residents.

1937, favelas did not exist in any kind of governmental documents. The first time favelas were mentio- Proletariat parks housed approximately 4000 peopned by urban planning policies was at 1937, however, le when the parks closed due to the high cost of mainfavelas were referred as "aberrations" by 1937 buil- tenance. This attempt towards favelas were not sucding code, "Codigo de Obras". Since the favelas were cessful, because this movement was a moral blame mentioned as abnormal settlements in official docu- for poverty and buildings were not suitable for sustaments, government started to intervened in low-in- inable public housing. Also humanistic point of view, come areas in 1910s. Thousands of cortiรงos, tene- taking the favela residents from their homes and colment buildings and many favelas were destroyed by lecting them in a park with guards are not acceptable .

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Favela Upgrade Programs Throughout The History | 3

Figure. 3.1 Proletariat Parks

During late 1940s, Catholic Church began to give financial support for social organizations of favelas because they felt a thread of communist organizations in favelas. "They supplied material and moral assistance to favela residents, different ideaological guidance, basic infrastructure like lighting and plumbing, doctors, teachers and broader public awareness to 34 communities" (RioonWatch).

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Catholic Church also supplied the first public housing project, called conjunto,close to the favelas of residents. This factor is quite crucial for people, because being close to their jobs is the most important issue for favela dwellers. During 1950s, the pressure from the citizens to municipality for basic infrastructure increased dramatically that the municipality required each favela to have a Residents' Association. These

3 | Favela Upgrade Programs Throughout The History

tance of community participation for the necessary upgrades. They were also provided with engineering support and left over materials from the construction sites by government. Like Rios, governor Negrao de Lima also gathered a group of architects, economists and planners in 1968 in order to give long term support to favela residents. This group, called Community Development Company or shortly CODESCO was aiming to give design support and long term low loans to the residents for required construction materials. CODESCO had support of the favela residents because CODESCO was aiming to upgrade favelas on site, or within the close neighbourhoods instead of evicting people to very far away sites.

They were also trying to make sure that families do not stay apart in the case of moving them. Operaçao Mutirao created by Jose Arthur Rios and CODESCO's works were quite innovator political point of view. However, there was a increasing real estate interest for the Zona Sul (south zone) where the faFigure. 3.2 FAFERJ meeting, still active today velas are located. Favelas were needed to be cleaned 3.1.2. 1960s and 1970s in order to use those lands for real estate so that's why Operaçao Mutirao was shut down after 1.5 years.

Starting from 1960s, instead of Catholic Church, so- The federal program called CHISAM (Coordenaçao ciologist Jose Arthur Rios was the in charge of coor- de Habitaçao de Interesse Social da Area Metropolitadination of government social services. He created na do Rio de Janeiro) started to demolish favelas and Operaçao Mutirao, meaning that Joint Effort Opera- evicted people to the other parts of the city. CODEStion, which was the first time considered the impor- CO could see only 3 upgrade plans before evictions. associations are collected under an association called FAFERJ (Federaçao das Associaçoes de Moradores de Favelas do Estado do Rio de Janeiro) which works statewide. This network helped the organization of services, however, the relationship between the government and association got problematic because while the association is the insititution to deliver favela's requests to government, at the same time it functions as the bridge which delivers government's services to favelas.

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Favela Upgrade Programs Throughout The History | 3

Between 1968 and 1975, 100.000 people were evicted and replaced to conjuntos located in Vila Kennedy and Quitungo which were in the edge of the city at that time. Some conjuntos were with higher quality, therefore, many residents could not afford to pay their rents there. Some of them sold the house and moved back to other favelas. Other conjuntos started to deteriorated because during the construction, corruption activities reduced the maintenance cost. Some conjuntos left abandoned, however, there are some still in used such as Cidade Deus.

1960s and 1970s were an economic recovery period for Rio de Janeiro. Opening of Avenida Brazil in 1964 allowed economic development along that corridor and provided many job opportunities. This situation caused immigration to Rio de Janeiro from the interior cities of Brazil. Due to the increasing number of low-income families, conjuntos could not keep up with the new favelas that new comers were constructing.

In 1973 CHISAM closed and National Housing Bank started to finance low income housing. Rio could not handle well with favela upgrades and removals, national and international pressures led them to take another path. In 1972 FAFERJ met again for its 3rd congress and 79 favela leaders defended for on-si123

te upgrade works and end of evictions. World Bank witnessed the unsuccessful urban planning policies of United States during 1970s, so it immeadiately financed Brazilian National Housing Bank for the on-site urbanization policies. However, Brazil had military dictatorship between 1964-1985 and none of these attempts really worked in proper way.

3.1.3. 1980s During 80s, Catholic church showed itself again and started to support favela residents for their land rights. As a result, 17 favela evictions were stopped.

In 1980, the number of people who live in favelas reached more than 700 000. 1% of them attached to public severage network, 17% had adequate rubbish collection and 6% of them had full water system.

This period, the upgrade works such as waste collection, water and sewerage, land title, urbanization and paving of streets became more popular, especially after 1981 FAFERJ meeting to outline specific demands. Political parties started to use these demands while competing each other during elections.

Rio's 1982 mayor Leonel Brizola was more of a supporter of urban poor and he owersaw the works of Projeto Mutirao which paid residents "the minimum wage for their 'sweat equity' or hours of labour work for the first time". These works could complete 17

3 | Favela Upgrade Programs Throughout The History

favela urbanization in total (RioonWatch). He launched a massive campaign to install water and sewerage to Rio's favelas and 250 000 people could benefit.

In 1985, military dictatorship ended in Brazil, therefore, favela residents could vote again. This meant that suddenly 1/4 of Rio population living in favela regained the suffrage. 3 years later, federal state declared that "land became the property of an adverse possessor after five years of occupation" (RioonWatch).

The favela residents' biggest argument which was explained well is that it is not a predictive factor if the streets of the neighbourhood is paved well in order to decide quality level of life there, but it is more important to be able to sustain macroeconomic job opportunities and internal community politics, as well as security dynamics. That's why for them it is crucial to proceed with on-site urban upgrades, because as a community keeps being re-

Figure. 3.3 Conjuntos in Vila Kenedy 124

Favela Upgrade Programs Throughout The History | 3

moved from somewhere to somewhere, it is impos- 3.2. Favela Upgrade Efforts: 1994 - 2008 sible to maintain a steady economy and stability. Favela-Bairro During 1980s, the percentage of people who live below poverty line in Rio increased from 27.2% to 32.5%.

Rio de Janeiro became the city with highest absolute number of poor people in Brazil. Also Rio had highest index of inequality with gini coefficientof 0.673 in 1990. The population living in favelas on the urban periphery grew by 50.7%. In addition to these, violence associated with drug trafickers increased inside and around the favela, therefore, the attitude of police towards the favela people also turned into more respressive and violent manner (Riley et al., 2000).

In 1993, Municipal Housing Department (SMH) tried to upgrade favelas of Rio, encouraged the usage of empty areas for the low income housing and relocate the favelas which are in the natural risk.

By 1994, there were 1 million people in Rio de Janeiro who lived in 661 favelas (Riley et al., 2000).

After these serious of events, the question became how to proceed with urbanization projects in such a big scale that Rio did not see before. The following years, the first attempt had been realized by housing department for Favela-Bairro upgrade program.

125

Favela-Bairro is the largest-scale squatter settlement upgrading programme implemented in Latin America (Riley et al., 2000). It involves 14 years time period between 1994-2008. It was idealized by architect and city secretary of urbanism Luiz Paulo Conde and founded by Inter American Development Bank ($ 1.8M). Before the Favela-Bairro there were several upgrade efforts in favelas, however, they could not manage to urbanize the favelas properly. In addition, perception and application ways towards upgrade programmes also needed to be changed. 1937 Building Code was referring favelas as "aberration".

However, 1992 Rio de Janeiro's master plan Plano Diretor stated in the articles 148 and 151 that their goal about favelas is that integrating them into the formal city and preserving their local characters. Favelas were perceived in this way for the first time in Rio's history and this urban planning approach required to proceed a big scale favela upgrade effort. This upgrade effort was necessary, because favelas were suffered from sub-standart services and infrastructure, health problems, low levels of educational attendance, social stigmatization, violence and insecure employment, low and unstable incomes (Riley et al., 2000). Favela Bairro was considered a different

According to the resident of one upgraded favela, his settlement "... is now more integrated physically with its surroundings, but it will always be a favela for those who live inside it and outside it. It takes a long time to change the way a community is seen, the way its identity is perceived."

4 | Favela Upgrade Programs Throughout The History

upgrade program, because it has the most resources, the greatest scale and highest political profile. Favela Bairro aimed to solve poverty through housing, because housing has the strong links between mental and physical health, personal safety, income generation, productivity and educational achievement.

Favela Bairro first analysed the poverty as concept and develop an understanding for integration accordingly. As a result of reflection of raise of urban violence and poverty which was exposed to stigmatisation of Rio's favelas by the mass media, life standards are shaped with different needs, economic problems, cultural, physical and social exlusion in favelas. According to article of E.Riley et al. about Favela-Bairro, there is this perception highly agreed that "physical upgrading on its own is not enough, and that while upgrading can improve quality of life, only education, training and income generation initiatives can ensure social development and integration."

Favela Bairro had 7 policy elements to act as a framework. First is the recognition of poverty which is complex and multifaced phenomenon and can be experienced differently in every individual. Some groups are more vulnerable than others, such as women and children, therefore vulnerable groups require additional care. Secondly, a multisectoral approach which

should be applied both in project and policy levels.

Increasing importance of design and architecture as a tool for social integration is the third framework of Favela-Bairro. Fourth element is the issue of the scale. The scale of upgrade programs should show its effects directly peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s lives, but also it should be effective in the level of the city in order to integrate people and decrease the inequality among different regions of the city. The fifth issue is the partnership of public and private sector. It is significant and effective to include private sector into the phases such as planning, implementing, financing and maintaining infrastructure and services for the poor. The sixth framework Favela-Bairro is the state reform. Emphasis on the need of government being decentralized, meaning that the responsibilities and authorization should be distributed. Also the importance of government transparency and more efficient urban planning legislations emphasized. The seventh and last framework is participation of local people. It is important to give decision making powers to local people of favela in order to achieve real and long lasting solutions.

To be able to decide which favelas will benefit first, Favelas were cathegorized according to their sizes.

Favela Bairro is for the middle size, Bairinho for small size and Grandes Favelas is for the bigger size favelas 126

4 | Favela Upgrade Programs Throughout The History

Favela Cathegorization of Favela Bairro

Bigger Size Favelas

Middle Size Favelas

More than 2500 house

500 - 2500 house

Small Size Favelas Less than 500 house

40 % of total favelas

First beneficiaries of Favela Bairro

Sub-program: Grandes Favelas

1

Difficulty of doing construction

2

40 Feasible sites were chosen

3

16 of them were chosen by mayor

127

Sub-program: Bairinho

4 | Favela Upgrade Programs Throughout The History

For the middle size favelas which are the target of Favela-Bairro programme, an open competition was released among the private architecture firms. Government worked with Brazilian Institute of Architects to select the winners. All the Favela Bairro projects' basic components:

While upgrading can improve the quality of life, only education, training and income generation initiatives can ensure social development and integration.

All these features show that Favela Bairro was a multisectoral upgrade programme. In the policy level, Municipal Housing Department was in charge of management and development of Favela Bairro.

It encouraged other departments for them to get involve in Favela Bairro. In this sense, it is possible to say that SMH approach is multisectoral, however, at The installation and upgrading of water and sani- the end, last decisions were always made by SMH, tation infrastructure, which was contrarian to decentralization aim of FaPublic and domestic lighting networks vela Bairro project. In addition, there was conflictiReforestation ons among departments, so it was very hard to acThe opening and paving of roads, squares and hieve integral integration. The competition of power walkways among departments made the real aim move away Elimination of natural hazards, from the reality.

The construction of new housing for essential resettlement, Favela Bairro project wanted to use public spaces as The setting up of rubbish collection systems, a tool for social integration. Instead of focusing on The commencement of land tenure regularisation the individual houses like once done by CODESCO processes, in the 1960s, architecture, design and public spaces The construction and reform of buildings and are seen as main elements for physical and social their subsequent use as nursery schools, community changes. The project aimed to remove the barriers centres and income generation and training centre. both physically and socially around favelas in orThe construction and operation of new sports and der to achieve social integration, because the walls leisure facilities, erected by drug trafickers to determine their territoThe construction of commercial establishments ries were causing isolation of favela residents from (kiosks) the city itself. In addition, those walls were helping The construction and operation of social and ur- to reinforce the negative identity that favelas have. ban advice centres.

However, some of the residents considerations were 128

4 | Favela Upgrade Programs Throughout The History

about the police forces who could easly enter favelas (RioonWatch). after removal of borders, therefore gunfight between police and drug trafickers were more likely and it Favela Acari is one of the favelas in the North Zone could cause the death of more innocent people. which had several urbanization programs. Acari favela was settled after the opening of Avenida Brazil Although Favela Bairro was operational in 89 favelas in 1945 and have many favelas in the two sides of the by 1999, due to the delays its first stage finalized by highway. Acari had the lowest UN Human Developthe upgrade of 38 favelas including favelas benefitted ment Index in Rio de Janeiro when it was measured

by Bairinho and Grandes Favelas upgrading prog- in 2000. Acari's first upgrade program was small rammes. The second phase of Favela Bairro (2000- program by an independent iniative organization 2005) urbanized 62 more favelas and 24 informal which supplied some pavement and sewerage infsubdivisions. Second phase upgrades included chil- rastructure. Moreover, additional sewerage network dcare centers, computer centers, training in hygiene was provided by the national program PROSANEand community development, as well as land titling AR in 1996. In 2006, Favela Bairro program added

Figure. 3.4 Paved streets in Acari

Figure. 3.5 Mail route in Acari

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4 | Favela Upgrade Programs Throughout The History

services that habitants deserved after the sales taxes they paid. He also believes the beauty and unique Phase Total Number of beneficiary Total Number of Area Affected design of favelas and reinforcing the roads contrihousehold beneficiaries (hectares) buted to preserve it. However, he also states that Phase 1 15 058 55 251 158.40 as a favela resident for 20 years, the quality of the 28 782 97 825 247.30 Phase 2 works done by Favela Bairro upgrade program were 25 386 83 945 298.30 Phase 3 not in an adequate level that services cannot last for a long time. Most of the time, the works are being 69 226 237 021 703.99 Grand Total implemented over the deteriorated ones from the more pavement, more sewerage infrastructure and past, and it decreases the quality level of the works. some reinforcement to the walls of drainage canals. For instance, in some streets, pavement works were A local resident of Acari favela, Deley de Acari sta- done 3 or 4 times without removing the old one. ted that Favela Bairro upgrades brought important Therefore, it increased the height of the road. When developments to the favela since they were crucial there is rain, the rain water goes into houses since Table. 3.1 Number of beneficiaries from phases 1-3 of Favela Bairro. Source: SMH (1999B) from E.Riley et al.

Figure. 3.6 Before Favela-Bairro - Salgueiro

Figure. 3.7 After Favela-Bairro upgrades by Jorge Mario Jauregui Architecture - Salgueiro 130

4 | Favela Upgrade Programs Throughout The History

Fig. 3.5 Mail route in Acari Figure. 3.8 Before Favela-Bairro - Campinho

Figure. 3.9 After Favela-Bairro upgrade by Jorge Mario Jauregui Architecture Campinho

the road height became higher than the entrance of After the upgrade works in Acari favela, it was beliethe houses. ved by locals that it still remains as favela rather than

Figure. 3.11 After Favela-Bairro upgrade by Jorge Mario Jauregui Architecture Vidigal

Figure. 3.10 Before Favela-Bairro - Vidigal

131

4 | Favela Upgrade Programs Throughout The History

Favela Bairro reached 168 favelas across the city by 2008 (RioonWatch). According to the studies of Inter American Development bank in 37 favelas which received upgrades, there is an important improvement in the infrastructure like water and sewerage when compared to the ones which did not receive any upgrade service. The studies also showed that these upgrade works did not affect the mortality raFavela Bairro program was aiming to reach maxi- tes of the population and also did not have affects mum participation of local people. However, it was on the rent prices. The Favela Bairro also tried to generally administered from the top down. Normal- become a solution for city's lack of affordable house ly, it was planned that favela residents would get in- instead of evicting people from their houses. volved in every stage of the projects, and before the construction starts, their last approval would be ta- Jennice Perlman in her book Favela: Four Decades of ken. In real life, unfortunately, it did not work in this Living on the Edge in Rio de Janeiro states about Faway and during the negotiation part, associations vela-Bairro program that "Favela-Bairro was a bold were way more dominant. There was an attitute as leap forward but not 'the best'. There are no 'best if favela residents did not have enough capacity to practices', only practices that are better than others at decide and discuss the details of the designs. They a particulat time and place. Once an innovative idea were so ignored that during the construction works, reaches implementation and then becomes routinized, the residents tried to approach to the stuff to explain its internal contradictions present new challenges to be addressed." something. a formal neighbourhood. It is more about the people who live inside what makes favela, rather than physical conditions. Moreover, cultural elements and the way people socialize also differs from the formal city with its Samba schools, funk parties etc. However, this should be the thing which makes the city colourful and full of integrated cultures.

Although Favela Bairro was a multisectoral project in the beginning, this stayed in the theory. In practice, Municipal Housing Department (SMH) seemed as they are in constant cooperation with other departments, it always takes the last decisions by itself.

At the end, lack of funding created delays in the project between 2005-2008, and many contractors left the projects due to the hard working conditions.

Soon after, these projects found a new name with a new source: Morar Carioca.

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4 | Favela Upgrade Programs Throughout The History

3.3. Favela Upgrade Efforts: 2010-2020 Morar Carioca At the end of 2000s, there were still some projects left from the Favela Bairro, Bairinho and Grandes Favelas due to problem of finding budgets. Meanwhile, Growth Accelaration Program (PAC), a federal upgrade program, helped to provide services to favelas.

The main goal of PAC was to have some public works which is located on the edge of the favelas aiming to grab attentions. Cable car in Complexo de Alemao (Fig 3.12), pedestrian bridge designed by famous Brazilian architect Oscar Niemeyer in the entrance of Rocinha favela (Fig 3.13) were some examples of

Figure. 3.12 Cable Car in Complexo de Alemao opened in 2011,funded by PAC

133

projects funded by PAC. Due to the 2016 Olympic Games which was going to take place in Rio de Janeiro, mayor Eduardo Paes started to take required actions. Under the preparations of Olympics, he anounced that all the favelas are going to be upgraded by 2020 through a municipal program called Morar Carioca. Program, which has R$9 billion budget, planned to reach the same purposes with Favela-Bairro program and aims to continue its work. Paes, in his anouncement of Mo-

Figure. 3.13 Pedestrian bridge designed by Oscar Niemeyer,funded by PAC

4 | Favela Upgrade Programs Throughout The History

rar Carioca, stated that the program would consist of 3 phases, each would be funded with R3$ billion with the money sourced from city budget, credit from the federal government and loans from the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). By considering the

mistakes and successes Favela-Bairro had, Morar Carioca aims to provide - Public works to improve water and sewerage systems, - Drainage systems,

Fig. 3.14 "Pica-Pau, in the North Zone's Cordovil, is one of the 815 favelas to receive upgrades according to the Morar Carioca decree. Residents say their hopes for the upgrades center on water and trash collection." Source: RioonWatch: A History of Favela Upgrades Part III: Morar Carioca in Vision and Practice (2008 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 2013)

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4 | Favela Upgrade Programs Throughout The History

- Road surfacing, pavements, -Street lighting, -The provision of green areas, - Sport fields, - Recreational areas, - Construction and equipping of social service centers, -Land titling - Education and health centers in favelas.

Mayor Eduardo Paes, during his TED talk speech in 2012, stated that "Favelas can be a solution". Morar Carioca first admits the fact that favelas developed as a result of inadequate number of affordable housing units. As a result, this form of housing became the main shelter for most of the low-income families. Morar Carioca believed that, if being upgraded in a proper way, favela-style development is a valuable urban form for the city.

Brazilian Institute of Architects (IAB) hold a contest in 2010 with the participation of more than 80 architectural companies. They all asked to propose sample designs for favela upgrading and 40 winning firms Just like Favela-Bairro, Morar Carioca also promised selected to reach 89 058 houses. Those 40 firms' for participation of local residents in all phases of tasks were to group favelas according to their speMorar Carioca through meetings, debates and pre- cific features and find urban solutions that help insentations. In addition, it aims to decrease the area tegration of favelas into the formal city. Creating and of favelas in Rio 5%, eliminate the houses located in widening the streets, designing leisure and sports the environmentally risky areas and relocate these areas, removing families from risk areas and housing residents into new houses near their original homes improvements in a space of 12.2 million square meby following the legal guideline to rehouse. More- ters, the equivalent of 1,485 football fields (ExtraGover, Morar Carioca also guarantees to realize new lobo). Municipal Housing Secretary Jorge Bittar said zoning regulations for each favela after upgraded, that their aim is to be able to complete the upgrades turning each favela into an "Area of Special Social by 2014 World Cup. Unfortunately, the design teams Interest" (AEIS) in order to maintain these areas as which were with their proposals left waiting until the mid -2012 for resources to be released. Meanwhile, affordable housing units. communities which were planned to be upgraded Morar Carioca aims to reach 815 favelas listed. Compared to Favela-Bairro, it was planned to be more extensive both in terms of design and budget.

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4 | Favela Upgrade Programs Throughout The History

were waiting anxiously and also hopeful as well.

Participation of local people were very important so in order to make sure their ideas and suggestions were considered, NGO iBase was contracted to do necessary interviews, documentary filming and even door to door surveying about the upgrades and interventions which were thought the most important by habitants. June 2012, the resources were ready for the first 10 architectural firms. Every firm was supposed to have an antropologist or a social worker in the team in order to make sure a sufficient evaluation is

Figure 3.15 "To prepare for Morar Carioca in Asa Branca, iBase organized workshops in which residents spoke about both their desires from and their duties to the government and each other in the urbanization process."

SOURCE: RioonWatch.

carried out about the usage of public spaces in the communities.

Morar Carioca upgrades were more focused on the areas close to the upcoming international event, Olympic games. Therefore, the upgrade works started from the four-kilometer radius of future Olympic facilities in the South, North and West (ExtraGlobo).

At that moment, the plan was to bring upgrade services to 216 slums which were divided into 91 groups.

South Zone was the core area for Olympics, where

Figure 3.16 "The President of the Asa Branca Residents’ Association watches as a resident is interviewed by an iBase documentary film crew in preparation for the community’s upgrades under Morar Carioca. This began in ten groups of favelas; iBase’s contract was then cut". SOURCE: RioonWatch.

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4 | Favela Upgrade Programs Throughout The History

beach volleyball, water marathon, triathlon, canoeing (Lagoa) and yachting (Marina da Gloria) were going to be held. Near this area, there were favelas like Chácara do Céu, in Leblon was planned to be urbanized; also Vila Parque da Cidade, in Gávea; and Ladeira dos Tabajaras, which had sections in Copacabana and Botafogo (ExtraGlobo). Morro dos Macacos in Vila Isabel, which already had a UPP, and Morro São João, in Engenho Novo, were also planned to upgraded within Morar Carioca. In addition, the immeadiate surroundings of opening and closing ceremonies of the games and athletics events areas,

where the favelas in Maracanãwere also expected to urbanize.

The São Januário stadium was planned to host hockey games so its surroundings also revitalized, since Barreira do Vasco, in São Cristóvão, is on the list. In the Barra da Tijuca region, which will concentrate most of the Olympic facilities, such as the athletes and media villages and the Olympic Park, favelas such as Muzema and Tijuquinha, in Itanhangá, were included; Mato Alto, in Praça Seca; and Pantanal, in Jacarepaguá (ExtraGlobo).

Figure. 3.17 - 3.18 An upgrade example: Before and After Morar-Carioca

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4 | Favela Upgrade Programs Throughout The History

Figure 3.19 One of the winning teams analysis and proposals for Morar Carioca - Flat And Sloped Areas.

SOURCE: Vigliecca Associados 138

4 | Favela Upgrade Programs Throughout The History

Favelas in Flat Areas

Favelas in Sloped Areas

Figure 3.20 One of the winning teams analysis and proposals for Morar Carioca SOURCE: Vigliecca Associados 139

IV PROPOSAL FOR FAVELA UPGRADES : PUBLIC SPACES FOR HSE3

INTRODUCTION Favela upgrade proposal of this thesis work is based on determining the roots of the main problem of favelas, as well as the reasons of segregation in Rio de Janeiro and suggest an upgrade methodology accordingly. Public Spaces for HSE3 proposes public space as the main element to reach development in the areas of health, social life, economy, education and environmental issues. As methodology to determine the favelas to upgrade, a matrix system and categorising method is improved in order to detech the main characteristics of the favelas multi dimensionally and not only from physical point of view, but also social and economic aspects are considered. After that, for each cathegory, different possible design solutions were exampled to explain the proposal methodology.

The aim to improve a methodology which is different than the past and be able to analyse the problem from many aspects so that long-term solutions can be reached to develop the conditions of favelas and break the borders between the formal city and favela.

4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

4.1. Targeting the Problems Rio de Janeiro is one of the concrete examples of inequality between poor and rich societies. Effects of inequality show itself in the city in architecture, urban planning, infrastructure and distribution of the city sources. One of main issue of the favelas is this inequality. Gated communities for private residentials or villas spread all around the city that in one urban context, there are several "small cities" with security, private facilities and social areas in it. While people with opportunities to live such spaces isolate themselves from the rest of the city, people with low income are supposed to live in favelas, in the houses they built themselves with lack of infrastructure and services, as well as social spaces due to lack of affordable housing. Therefore, inequality among people leads to social and residential segregation. It is obvious that city is divided into small units according to people's economic situation. The life cycle of social strata takes place in a specific zone, as well as poor societies', rather than socializing in the other parts of the city. The isolation brings tension to the society that public spaces are seen as dangerous areas where people hesitate to be in. These areas are used only as transition points to go to somewhere and they are doomed to be deteriorated. In addition, because of the mass media and increase of drug trafickers in fa-

velas, favelas are exposed to negative stigmatization by society. Being from a favela or living in there has gained a negative attitute in the community. A person who is from outside of favela never would like to visit a favela or go nearby with the concern of security. Although some of these concerns are fair, the whole favela residents are stigmatized with disrepute and cause them to isolate from the rest of society.

To sum up, the main problem that favelas are having is inequality of resources, lack of opportunities, segregation and stigmatization. Developing more spaces and activities to integrate the people of different stratas might decrease the segregation among communities, help them to share more common things and increase their sense of belonging to their cities.

After having said the social problems in the city, second problem would be health issues of the favelas.

Firstly, the structure of favelas are based on very dense housing units. This fact prevents the houses to get enough sunlight and fresh air to circulate properly. Therefore, it increases the possibility of spread of a disease. For instance, nowadays priority topic of the whole world is the COVID-19 virus. Social distance, fresh air and cleaning is the main rule to prevent the spread of virus. In a condition like favela, this is almost impossible since the living spaces of people so close to each other that even fresh air 142

Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3 | 4

reover, not only schools but also early education is very important in the development of children's cognitive and physical abilities. Pre-school education should be necessary and available for any family live in the favelas. Education is perhaps the milestone of While high level of density in favelas causes health the pathway on the closing gap between segregated problems, it also decreases the chances to have so- communities. cial spaces for several activities. Existence of many buildings and narrow streets prevents to have green Economic situation of the families are one of the spaces and open areas for several activities. In some main issue in the favelas. The main reason why pefavelas, residents try to use abandoned buildings ople are living in the squatter settlements is that they as social spaces for activities allows them to spend cannot afford to live in the formal city. Micro ecotime together. Although time to time open areas are nomic activities in the favelas must be improved so perceived as something luxury, it is one of the basic that they keep their standarts in a certain level. While need for a neighbourhood. It allows people to relax, most of the families in the favelas are earning less socialize, share and integrate each other. It increases than minimum income, there are also families who the desirability of the space. Favelas are very poor does not have any income. For those families, it is settlements in terms of socializing open spaces, and essencial to create job opportunities or provide them with occupations, as well as organizing workshops it can be assumed as third problem of the favelas. to teach several craftworks.

Low education level and drop out rate are other important issues in the favelas. There are already prob- Lastly, environment is another point that deserves lems about narcotic gangs and violence. So low edu- to take attention. Most of the favelas are located in cation levels does not do anything but contribute to the hills and they are exposed to danger of landslithese organisms. Successes of students at school de everyday. Also some favelas suffered from flood should be increased and maintained so that they can many times. In addition, there are many rivers not go for higher education, therefore higher income and integrated to daily lives of favelas and revitalize them more qualified job opportunities in the future. Mo- can contribute to the biodiversity, as well as social life of inhabitants. cannot circulate properly. In addition, lack of clean water, sewerage system and garbage collection can lead many sanitation problems. Health issue is the other important problem of the favelas.

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4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

Sanitation problems

Drop out rates Inequality

Lack of Opportunities in Favelas Social Stigmatization Low income

Environmental Risks

Segregation Lack of Social Areas

The main problems of favelas lead to one big problem: Segregation and Inequality

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Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3 | 4

Low Income / No job

Life in Favela

Dropping Out

Being Excluded

Vicious circle of the disadavantaged life of a favela.

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4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

4.2. Public Spaces as "the solution" All the main problems explained in previous section might be different problems which requires specialization of the specific topics, however, from architecture and urban design point of view, these issues can meet in one point: Public Spaces. If designed and managed properly, public spaces can contribute to solve or at least help to decrease those problems.

Public spaces are like living rooms, gardens and corridors of urban areas. They provide areas for social interaction and economic activities which improves the desirability of the community. This is important for this case, because favelas are the areas which are not wanted by community and government. Increasing their desirability contribute to economy of this areas, as well as remove the fair of favelas.

Public spaces are the centers for social interaction and cultural expressions. It can be perceived as a stage for people "to see" and "to be seen". They can lead for economic development and wealth creation.

In addition, public spaces improves health, accessibility and safety in the neighbourhood it is located.

They contribute to environmental sustainability. It is also important that public spaces can increase the citizen involvement and sense of belonging.

"Concentrated poverty, segregation, and other geographic inequalities mean that the potential benefits of public space are not shared equally by everyone, and the right to the city is rarely enjoyed by all. Placemaking can either reinforce these disparities or intentionally work to break them down"

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Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3 | 4

PUBLIC SPACES for HSE3

Favela Upgrading Strategies

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4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

4.3. Methodologies Towards Application Favela upgrade projects throughout the history were more focused on the infrastructural upgrades such as water, sanitation, road construction and garbage collection. Although they are necessary basic needs, favelas need more than that in order to integrate favelas into formal city physically and socially. In order to catch a long term self sustain solution, economic and educational upgrades should be also considered primarily. As peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s economic and educational level increases, they will be able to afford better live standarts and the gap between rich and poor will decrease. People of favela are stucked with a constant lack of opportunities and this situation can be fixed by supplying them inital opportunities to sustain their lives in better conditions.

4.3.1. Matrix System and Cathegory Method In order to manage upgrade strategies and understand better favelas in terms of economic, educational and urban density point of view, 25 favelas have been chosen as case studies, this method can be applied for all favelas in the future. In this work, 5 favelas which have characteristic features from each plan-

ning area were selected in order to show the matrix system and categorising method as examples. Favelas first considered in the planning area scale, after they are analysied one by one and for each favela a "Favela ID" is created. ID of each favela gives information about the geography, whether favela is settled on flat or slope surface, also education level of the favela, which is based on literacy rate, economic situation of the favela, which is calculated considering the number of people who earns less than minimum income. Also density of the favela and specific features are stated in the ID. This might be an infrastructure, an environmental element or an important area nearby which is important for favela and needs consideration while applying upgrades. After calculating these numbers, each gains stars out of 3. The numbers of stars indicate the condition of that title: 3 star is the best and 1 star is the worst. Of course 3 stars does not imply that feature does not need to be improved, but it is based on comparison of the selected 25 favelas. If one of the features have 3 starts, it represents the fact that specific feature of that favela better than other chosen 24 favelas. In order to understand the urban fabric and surrounding, the map of favelas also located under the favela IDs with its borders indicated. The Matrix system table is in the following page, with 25 chosen favelas from each planning area with its main features.

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Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3 | 4

Favela ID Geography : Flat / Slope Indicates the surface of the favela its located

Percentage of literate people in the favela Number of inhabitants / surface area of favela (person/m2)

/ Icons of characteristics of the favela (if there is)

Education : ..... % Economy : ..... % Density

Percentage of household which earns more than minimum income*

: ..... %

Upgrade : ..... Programs An example of favela ID

Education section has following criterias for stars: If the literacy rate in the favela is 100% - 95% : 95% - 90% : 90% - 80% :

Number of slum upgrading program that favela had

Economy section has following criterias for stars: If the percentage of household earning more than minimum income; 100% - 60% : 60% - 20% : 20% - 0% : Upgrade session has following criterias for stars: 2 upgrade : 1 upgrade : 0 upgrade :

Density session has following criterias for stars: 0.05 - 0 person / m2 : 0.08 - 0.05 person /m2 : 0.100 - 0.08 person / m2 :

149

*It is calculated based on income levels of the inhabitants of the favela. a - Number of households with up to 1/8 minimum wage, b - Number of households with more than 1/8 to 1/4 minimum wage, c - Number of households with more than 1/4 to 1/2 minimum wage, d - Number of households with more than 1/2 to 1 minimum wage. e - No income Percentage : 100 - [(a+b+c+d+e) x 100 / total household ] = Percentage of the inhabitants earning more than minimum income

Physical Features

AP 1

AP 2

AP 3

Density No. of Houses (person/m2)

Geography Flat

Education

Sloped Literacy Rate

RA

Chosen Favelas

Area (m2)

Population

7

Mangueira

117 760

4594

1319

0.039

+

91.4%

3

Bispo

56 412

1978

581

0.035

+

85%

1

Morro da Providência

106 454

4094

1237

0.038

+

89%

3

Catumbi

126 076

5770

1771

0.045

+

91%

7

Vila Arara

81 435

5119

1567

0.062

27

Rocinha

838 648

69 156

23 347

0.082

+

91.3%

6

Vidigal

295 662

9677

3234

0.032

+

91%

9

Parque Vila Isabel

181 939

14 007

4045

0.076

+

89.4%

5

Morro dos Cabritos

105 145

2602

885

0.024

+

90.4%

+

92.5%

85.6%

+

8

Salgueiro

171 821

3149

869

0.018

28

Jacarezinho

373 049

30 037

8901

0.080

29

Morro do Alemão

515 904

14 413

4138

0.027

30

Nova Holanda

150 187

13 341

4085

0.088

+

88%

25

Parque Unidos

88 317

2048

604

0.023

+

86%

31

Parque Proletário de Vigário Geral

189 962

7048

1777

0.037

+

88.4%

+

93% +

86%

Economy % of residents w/ less than min. income or no income

Household No. of ppl in the house (first 3 max number)

Upgrade Programme

74%

3-2-4

+

73%

3-4-2

82%

Favela-Bairro Morar Carioca

Safety Others

UPP units

-

-

Yes

-

+

-

Yes

3-2-4

+

+

-

Yes

69.5%

3-2-4

+

+

-

Yes

95%

3-2-4

+

+

-

Yes

94%

3-2-4

+

+

-

Yes

68%

3-2-4

+

-

-

Yes

97%

4-3-2

+

+

-

94%

2-3-4

+

+

-

Yes

96.5%

3-4-2

+

-

-

Yes

80%

3-2-4

+

-

-

Yes

82%

3-4-2

-

+

-

Yes

95%

3-2-4

-

-

Projeto Rio

Yes

97.6%

3-4-2

+

+

-

No

96.6%

3-2-4

+

-

-

No

Physical Features

AP 4

AP 5

Density No. of Houses (person/m2)

Geography Flat

Education

Sloped Literacy Rate

RA

Chosen Favelas

Area (m2)

Population

16

Rio das Pedras

573 234

54 776

18 692

0.095

+

84.5%

33

Santa Efigenia

44 649

1503

458

0.033

+

93.6%

24

Tijuquinha

100 044

5833

2059

0.058

+

95%

24 Canal das Tachas

78 894

4562

1545

0.057

+

94%

24 Canal do Cortado

114 649

5120

1702

0.044

+

87.6%

17

Fazenda Coqueiro

1 153 902

45 415

6383

0.017

17

Vila do VintĂŠm

476 617

14 647

4728

0.030

+

95%

18

Nova Citade

926 943

14 191

4105

0.015

+

91.5%

17

Saibreira

52 851

1641

495

0.031

+

92.4%

85 458

2226

687

0.026

+

93.7%

18

Vila Mangueiral

+

Table 4.1. Chosen favelas and their physical features, geography, education, economy, household features, safety levels and upgrade programs they had

92%

Economy % of residents w/ less than min. income or no income

Household No. of ppl in the house (first 3 max number)

Upgrade Programme

93.3%

3-2-4

-

-

65.6%

4-2-3

-

-

53%

2-3-4

+

-

-

No

51%

3-2-1

+

-

-

No

54.6%

3-2-4

-

-

-

No

94.5%

3-2-4

-

-

Grandes Favelas, Bairro Maravilha

No

95%

3-2-4

-

-

-

No

96%

3-4-2

-

-

-

No

70.3%

2-3-4

-

-

-

No

85.8%

3-4-2

+

-

-

No

Favela-Bairro Morar Carioca

Safety Others Grandes Favelas Bairro Maravilha

UPP units No No

4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

4.3.1.1 Chosen Favelas in Planning Area 1 (AP1)

the development of job opportunities in other regions and as well as expansion of the city. Central zone was exposed to several favela evictions throughout Planning area 1 is the central and the oldest area of the history since the area is valuable in terms of touRio de Janeiro. The first favelas (Morro do Providen- ristic activities and real estate industry. However, cia) started to evolve in this region. Due to proximity because of the lack of affordable housing in the proof work places, facilities and transportation oppor- per locations, people kept using available lands for tunities, Central Zone was found favorable by favela their shelters, although there is risk of environmenresidents. In time, the percentage of favelas and also tal problems such as landslide and flood. Although population of favelas decreased in this region, due to favelas differ from each other, they have some com-

Figure 4.1. Map of Rio de Janeiro - AP1 154

Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3 | 4

mon and unique features possible to analyse and cathegorise. Favelas chosen in AP 1 have literacy rate varying between 85% and 91%, which is not so high.

Economic situation of habitants does not show any common features. Some favelas such as Vila Arara has 95% of its residents earning less than minimum income or does not have any income. Considering these features, favelas will be determined as which area should be priority of that specific area and will be designed accordingly.

Favelas like Bispo has immeadite proximity to upper class, formal city and those areas will be fragile points which is supposed to be developed in order to reach integration among residents of favela and formal city. Favelas which has a natural elements such as Vila Arara with river passing by its north side corner will be designed to improve quality of life in river side in order to integrate river to the favela and as well as provide better public spaces.

Favela Vila Arara Favela Morro da Providencia Favela Mangueira Favela Catumbi Favela Bispo

Figure 4.2. Map of Planning Area 1 155

4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

Figure 4.3. Satellite view of Favela Vila Arara. Source: Google Earth

Figure 4.4. Satellite view of Favela Mangueira. Source: Google Earth

Figure 4.5. Satellite view of Favela Morro da Providencia. Source: Google Earth

Figure 4.7. Satellite view of Favela Bispo. Source: Google Earth

Figure 4.6. Satellite view of Favela Catumbi. Source: Google Earth

Figure 4.8. Map of planning area 1 with regional administration divisions 156

Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3 | 4

Favela Vila Arará - São Cristóvão (RA 7)

Favela ID

Vila Arará is located in the border of AP1 and AP3 in São Cristóvão. It has 81435 m2 surface area in a flat surface, in opposition to other favelas located in the same planning area. With 5119 population and 1567 household, Vila Arará is one of the densest favelas in AP 1. The households usually consist of 3 residents in it, and after majority is 2 and 4 people respectively.

Vila Arara has a linear form which is a unique feature for a favela, with a railway passing through in the middle of the favela and divide it as north and south.

Geography : Flat Railroad

Education : 85.6 % River

Economy : 5 % Density

: 0.062 %

Upgrade : 2 Programs

100 m Figure 4.9. Map of favela Vila Arará, its borders and immeadiate surrounding 157

4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

Favela ID

Favela Morro da ProvidĂŞncia - PortuĂĄria (RA 1)

Geography : Slope

Morro da Providencia favela located in the AP1 is just in the north side of the Central Train Station, Central do Brazil. It is the oldest favela in Rio de Janeiro and evolved in the top of mountain. That's why it is highly elevated from its surrounding. It has 106454 m2 surface area with 4094 habitants living in 1237 households inside. It has an importance for being the first favela, proximity to the central train station and located in a very center of Rio de Janeiro.

Train Station

Education : 89 % Economy : 18 % Density

: 0.038 %

Upgrade : 2 Programs

100 m Figure 4.10. Map of favela Morro da Providencia, its borders and immeadiate surrounding 158

Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3 | 4

Favela Mangueira - São Cristóvão (RA 7)

Favela ID

Mangueira favela is located in the border of AP1 and AP2 in São Cristóvão. It has 117760 m2 surface area in the hills with 4594 population and 1319 household.

Mangueira is in the edge of high infrastructure: a highway and multiple railways but highly elevated.

The households usually consist of 3 residents in it, and after majority is 2 and 4 people respectively. It has UPP units inside the favela and was upgraded once by Favela-Bairro programme.

Geography : Slope

Highway

Education : 91.4 % Railroad

Economy : 26 % Density

: 0.039 %

Upgrade : 1 Programs

100 m Figure 4.11. Map of favela Mangueira, its borders and immeadiate surrounding 159

4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

Favela Catumbi - Rio Comprido (RA 3) Favela Catumbi is located in Rio Comprido in AP1.

It has 123076 m2 surface area on the hills with 5770 residents in 1771 household. At the edge of the favela where slope finishes, there is a huge graveyard located. Other sides of the favela surrounded by other favelas and hills. 69.5% of the favela population has less than minimum income or no income at all. Literacy rate is 91%

Favela ID Geography : Slope Graveyard

Education : 91 % Economy : 30.5 % Density

: 0.045 %

Upgrade : 2 Programs

100 m Figure 4.12. Map of favela Catumbi its borders and immeadiate surrounding 160

Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3 | 4

Favela Bispo - Rio Comprido (RA 3)

Favela ID

Bispo is a 56412 m2 favela located in Rio Comprido Regional Administration in AP1. It has 1978 residents in 581 household. 73% of its residents are earning less than minimum income or no income at all. The less inclined part of the favela enters to formal city in a linear way as if it tries to find a place for itself. Therefore, one of the unique feature of this favela is that being very proximate to formal city, middle-upper class areas which is another point to work on during upgrade strategies to find integration among them.

Geography : Slope

Proximity to upper class

Education : 85 % Economy : 27 % Density

: 0.035 %

Upgrade : 1 Program

100 m Figure 4.13. Map of favela Bispo, its borders and immeadiate surrounding 161

4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

4.3.1.2 Chosen Favelas in Planning Area 2 (AP2)

AP2 region has the most important and famous beaches of Rio de Janeiro such as Lagoa, Copacabana, Ipanema and Leblon. Therefore, favelas are neighPlanning area 2 is located in the south and southeast bours of private villas, gated communities or luxury side of Rio de Janeiro. This area have always attra- hotels. Mostly working class of this affluent facilities cted high strata with its affluent facilities and resi- and residentials are inhabitants of immeadite surdentials, as well as real-estate investors. Therefore, rounding favelas. Rocinha, the most known and the favelas in the AP2 were exposed to several evictions biggest favelas of Rio de Janeiro and also Brazil is lothroughout the history, however, it didn't help favela cated in AP2 region, Rocinha RA. Rocinha is known existince in this region. as a symbol of inequality in Rio de Janeiro worldwide

Figure 4.14. Map of Rio de Janeiro - AP2 162

Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3 | 4

and lately there are touristic tours inside the favela. and where tourists visit the most. In addition, perRocinha expanded its population almost 13 000 pe- haps with the same reasons, all the chosen favelas were upgraded by once or two times governmental ople, an increase of 23% in 10 years. slum upgrading programs Favela-Bairro or MoThe favelas of this area have generally low income rar Carioca. Densities of the favelas varies between that except Vidigal, all the favelas chosen in this ses- 0.018 the lowest Salgueiro and 0.082 the highest sion have more than 90% of its population earning Rocinha favela. As the geography of this region sugless than minimum income or no income at all. UPP gests, all the chosen slums to analyse are located on units are located in almost all the favelas, since these the hill sides. areas were also hosting Olympic Games, World Cup

Favela Parque Vila Isabel

Favela Borel Favela Morro dos Cabritos Favela Rocinha Favela Vidigal

Figure 4.15. Map of Planning Area 2 163

4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

Figure 4.16. Satellite view of Favela Parque Vila Isabel. Source: Google Earth

Figure 4.17. Satellite view of Favela Borel. Source: Google Earth

Figure 4.18. Satellite view of Favela Morro dos Cabritos. Source: Google Earth

Figure 4.19. Satellite view of Favela Rocinha. Source: Google Earth

Figure 4.20. Satellite view of Favela Vidigal. Source: Google Earth

Figure 4.21. Map of planning area 2 with regional administration divisions 164

Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3 | 4

Favela Vidigal - Lagoa (RA 6)

Favela ID

Vidigal is a favela located in AP2 next to seaside. It has 295 662 m2 surface area with 9677 residents, which makes it low density compared to the other favelas around. Although its economic situation is better than most of the favelas, education level should be increased since literacy rate is 91%. Vidigal is a favela which has immeadiate proximity to upper class regions and important beaches such as Leblon, Ipanema, as well as 5 stars luxury hotels like Sheraton Hotel.

Geography : Slope

Proximity to upper class

Education : 91 % Sea

Economy : 32 % Density

: 0.032 %

Upgrade : 1 Program

100 m Figure 4.22. Map of favela Vidigal, its borders and immeadiate surrounding 165

4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

Favela Rocinha - Rocinha (RA 27)

Favela ID

Favela Rocinha is one of the biggest and known favela of Rio de Janeiro. It is the only favela which gives its name to RA and also itself constitutes the whole regional administration. With 838 648 m2 surface area and 69 156 inhabitants, Rocinha is one of the most dense favela in Rio. Economic situation of its habitants is pretty low that only 6% of the population earns more than minimum income. Rocinha is very close to the high strata, even sometimes there are tours for the tourists to visit favelas.

Geography : Slope

Proximity to upper class

Education : 91.3 % Touristic

Economy : 6 % Density

: 0.082 %

Upgrade : 2 Programs

100 m Figure 4.23. Map of favela Rocinha, its borders and immeadiate surrounding 166

Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3 | 4

Favela Morro dos Cabritos - Copacabana (RA 5) Morro dos Cabritos is a favela located in Copacabana region of AP2 which is one of the most popular and central part of Rio. Morro dos Cabritos settled on the hills as the name implies and is on the edge of the affluent neighbourhoods. It has 105 145 m2 surface area with 2602 inhabitants and 885 households, which makes its density acceptable for a favela which is 0.024. It has approximately 1.5 km distance from the Copacabana beach which is the most popular beach for the tourists.

Favela ID Geography : Slope

Proximity to upper class

Education : 90.4 % Economy : 6 % Density

: 0.024 %

Upgrade : 2 Programs

100 m Figure 4.24. Map of favela Morro dos Cabritos, its borders and immeadiate surrounding 167

4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

Favela Salgueiro - Tijuca (RA 8)

Favela ID

Favela Salgueiro is a favela located in the hills of Tijuca RA with surface area of 171 821 m2. It has 3149 inhabitants and has a density of 0.018, which is a low number for a favela. 92,5 % of its habitants is literate and 3,5% of them are earning more than minimum income. This percentage is pretty low and economic activities should be developed. Families here consist of usually 3 or 4 people. Salgueiro has its own UPP unit in the favela, "UPP Borel" and was upgraded one time by the governmental Favela-Bairro program.

Geography : Slope Education : 92,5 % Economy : 3,5 % Density

: 0.018 %

Upgrade : 1 Program

Figure 4.25. Map of favela Salgueiro, its borders and immeadiate surrounding 168

Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3 | 4

Favela Parque Vila Isabel - Vila Isabel (RA 9)

Favela ID

Favela Parque Vila Isabel is located in Vila Isabel region on the hills, which is a middle-class neighbourhood. It has 181 939 m2 surface area with 14 007 residents in 4045 houses. It has low economic situation since only 3% of the population earns more than minimum income. Families in Parque Vila Isabel usually consists of 4 people in the house. It was upgraded 2 times by the governmental programs Favela-Bairro and Morar Carioca.

Geography : Slope Education : 89.4 % Economy : 3 % Density

: 0.076 %

Upgrade : 2 Programs

100 m Figure 4.26. Map of favela Parque Vila Isabel, its borders and immeadiate surrounding 169

4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

4.3.1.3 Chosen Favelas in Planning Area 3 (AP 3)

favelas. This number means that 45% of total favela population of Rio de Janeiro lives in AP3. Favelas here mostly settled on flat surfaces unlike other APs Planning area 3 is the north part of Rio de Janeiro. previously analysed. Densities of favelas vary, howeAP 3 generally hosts industrial activities and existen- ver, usually they have high density ratios. Densities ce of job opportunities attracts the working class to of chosen favelas in this region changes between this area. Therefore, it is possible to see many favelas 0.080 and 0.023 person/m2. Favelas in this region in AP 3. 27% of the population of this area consists have generally low education and economic situatiof favelas. Approximately 2.4 milion people live in on. Literacy rate varies between 93% and 86%. Fathis planning area and 654 thousand of them live in milies mostly consists of 3 people.

Figure 4.27. Map of Rio de Janeiro - AP3 170

Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3 | 4

Although AP3 is not an area close to the seaside, and greenaries in order to decrease possible harms most of the chosen favelas in this area has river in- of industrial areas. side or on the edge of the favela. This feature can be used as many social and economical activities if integration can be proceed accordingly. Also, it is possible to see many heavy infrastructure, such as railways, highways inside or close to the favelas. Industry is another important factor here. Although it supplies many job opportunities, environmental point of view, it should be balanced by buffer zones

Favela Parque Unidos

Favela Parque Proletario de Vigario Geral

Favela Morro do Alemao

Favela Nova Holanda Favela Jacarezinho

Figure 4.28. Map of Planning Area 3 171

4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

Figure 4.29. Satellite view of Favela Jacarezinho. Source: Google Earth

Figure 4.30. Satellite view of Favela Morro do Alemao. Source: Google Earth

Figure 4.31. Satellite view of Favela Nova Holanda. Source: Google Earth

Figure 4.32. Satellite view of Favela Parque Proletario de Vigario. Source: Google Earth

Figure 4.33. Satellite view of Favela Parque Unidos. Source: Google Earth

Figure 4.34. Map of planning area 3 with regional administration divisions 172

Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3 | 4

Favela Jacarezinho - Jacarezinho (RA 28)

Favela ID

Jacarezinho is one of the biggest favela in Rio that it gives its name to RA it is located in. It is in the AP3 planning area which has more industrial activities. Jacarezinho is settled in a flat area like most of the favelas in this area with 373 049 m2 and 30 037 inhabitants. It is one of the most dense favelas in Rio with 0.080 person/m2 density. It is bordered with railway and river in the east and south sides respectivelty. It is one of the most violent favelas due to the existence of narcotic and drug trafficker gangs.

Geography : Flat Railroad

Education : 93 % River

Economy : 20 % Density

: 0.080 %

Upgrade : 1 Program

Figure 4.35. Map of favela Jacarezinho, its borders and immeadiate surrounding 173

4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

Morro do Alemao - Complexo do Alemao (RA 29)

Favela ID Geography : Slope

Morro do Alemao is one of the biggest favelas in Rio located in a surface of 515 904 m2 with 14 413 residents. Its density is lower than other big favelas like Jacarezinho with 0.027 people/m2. Unlike most of the favelas in AP3, as its name suggests, settled on the hills. Its literacy rate is quite low that only 86% of the population is literate. 18% of the population earns more than minimum income. Morro do Alemao was upgraded once by Morar Carioca program.

Education : 86 % Economy : 18 % Density

: 0.027%

Upgrade : 1 Program

Figure 4.36. Map of favela Morro do Alemao, its borders and immeadiate surrounding 174

Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3 | 4

Favela Nova Holanda - Mare (RA 30)

Favela ID

Nova Holanda is a favela located in the Mare. It is one of the rare favelas which has a gridal system as shown in below. While it is located almost seaside, there is river just on the east side of the favela after a busy highway. It has 150 187 m2 surface area with 13 341 inhabitants so it is one of the most dense favelas with 0.088 person/m2 ratio. 88% of its population is literate, which is a ratio needs to be increased. Like education, economy level is also low that only 5% of the population earns more than minimum income.

Geography : Flat Education : 88 %

River

Economy : 5 % Highway

Density

: 0.088 %

Upgrade : 1 Program

Figure 4.37. Map of favela Nova Holanda, its borders and immeadiate surrounding 175

Sea

4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

Favela Parque Unidos - Pavuna (RA 25)

Favela ID

Favela Parque Unidos is a favela located in the Pavuna area in AP3. It is settled in a flat surface with area of 88 317 m2 with 2048 inhabitants. Parque Unidos have low rates of education and economic conditions. Only 2.4% of the population earns more than minimum income and 86% of the people are literate.

Parque Unidos has a main road divides it diagonally and has a river on the souteast side of the favela. By now, Parque Unidos favela were exposed to 2 upgrade programs: Favela-Bairro and Morar Carioca.

Geography : Flat

River

Education : 86 % Highway

Economy : 2.4 % Density

: 0.023 %

Upgrade : 2 Programs

Official maps of this favela does not exist. Therefore, satellite views are used.

Figure 4.38. Map of favela Parque Unidos, its borders and immeadiate surrounding 176

Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3 | 4

Favela Parque Proletario de Vigario Geral - Vigario Geral (RA 31)

Favela ID

Favela Parque Proletario de Vigario Geral is a favela located in Vigario Geral in AP3. It is surrounded by heavy highways and river on the otherside, therefore, this favela is totally isolated from the rest of the city and does not have proper connections. It is settled in a flat area of 189 962 m2 with 7048 inhabitants so does not have so high density ratio. However, its education and economy level is pretty low that 3.4% of the population earns more than minimum income.

Geography : Flat Education : 88.4 %

Highway

Economy : 3.4 % Isolated

Density

: 0.037 %

Upgrade : 1 Program

Official maps of this favela does not exist. Therefore, satellite views are used.

Figure 4.39. Map of favela Parque Proletario de Vigario Geral, its borders and immeadiate surrounding 177

River

4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

4.3.1.4 Chosen Favelas in Planning Area 4 (AP 4)

at construction site or house works such as cook, gardener, security or maid. Therefore, the people who works for those affluent strata started to occupy Planning area 4 is located on the south side of Rio de immeadiate surroundings of the work places and Janeiro. It is an area developed after since the city has created favelas at this region. Compared to the other been expanding towards west. Especially real estate favelas chosen, economic situation of favelas in this sector improved so much here that this area became planning area, except Rio das Pedras favela, is much the residential region for higher class, just like AP2. higher than the other regions. Almost half of the faThe construction sector and private villas have pro- vela residents are earning more than minimum incovided job opportunities for working class for the jobs me, which is a better ratio compared to other regions.

Figure 4.40. Map of Rio de Janeiro - AP4 178

Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3 | 4

Some favelas here were exposed to upgrade programs in the history. Favela Rio das Pedras, the third largest favelas in Rio de Janeiro, was upgraded by Grandes Favelas program, which was a side program of Favela Bairro. Also Favela Santa Efigenia was upgraded by Bairro Maravilha program. None of the chosen favelas in this area have UPP units inside the favela.

As mentioned, Rio das Pedras is the third largest favela in Rio de Janeiro and has a density of 0.095, which is highest one among all the favelas chosen in this work.

32

Favela Rio das Pedras 33

Favela Favela Santa Efigenia Favela Tijuquinha

Favela Canal do Cortado Favela Canal das Tachas

Figure 4.41. Map of Planning Area 4 179

4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

Figure 4.42. Satellite view of Favela Rio das Pedras. Source: Google Earth

Figure 4.43. Satellite view of Favela Santa Efigenia. Source: Google Earth

Figure 4.44. Satellite view of Favela Tijuquinha. Source: Google Earth

Figure 4.45. Satellite view of Favela Canal do Cortado. Source: Google Earth

Figure 4.46. Satellite view of Favela Canal das Tachas. Source: Google Earth

Figure 4.47. Map of planning area 4 with regional administration divisions 180

Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3 | 4

Favela Rio das Pedras - Jacarepagua (RA 16)

Favela ID

Favela Rio das Pedras is located on the Jacarepagua region in AP4. It was settled on a flat surface and it has 573 234 m2 area, which is highly wide. There are 54 776 inhabitants living in the favela and it is one of the most dense favelas with 0.095 person/m2 density. It has Lago di Tijuca on the southwest and river on the south part. It has direct proximity with high class strata located in the surrounding of the favela borders. Rio das Pedras does not have any UPP unit.

Geography : Flat Education : 84.4 % Economy : 6,7 % Density

: 0.095 %

Upgrade : 1 Program

Official maps of this favela does not exist. Therefore, satellite views are used.

Figure 4.48. Map of favela Rio das Pedras , its borders and immeadiate surrounding 181

River

Proximity to upper class

4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

Favela Santa Efigenia - Cidade de Deus (RA 33)

Favela ID Geography : Flat

Favela Santa Efigenia is located in Cidade de Deus RA. It has a flat surface area with 44 649 m2 and 1503 residents living inside in 458 houses. Just on the east side, there is another small favela called Beirada do Rio and after that river goes by. On the west side, there are several industrial and working areas. Favela Santa Efigenia was upgraded only one time by program Bairro Maravilha. 34.4% of the population earns more than minimum income.

River

Education : 93.6% Industry

Economy : 34.4% Density

: 0.033 %

Upgrade : 1 Program

Official maps of this favela does not exist. Therefore, satellite views are used.

Figure 4.49. Map of favela Santa Efigenia, its borders and immeadiate surrounding 182

Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3 | 4

Favela Tijuquinha - Barra da Tijuca (RA 24)

Favela ID

Favela Tijuquinha is located in Barra da Tijuca region, which is one of the most affluent neighbourhoods of Rio de Janeiro. It has 100 044 m2 surface area and 5833 inhabitants in 2059 houses. It is quite dense like most of the favelas. Tijuquinha's economic situation is better than most of the favelas. 47% of the population, which is almost half, are earning more than minimum income. Tijuquinha is surrounded by private gated communities and private luxury villas.

Geography : Flat Education : 95% Economy : 47 % Density

: 0.058 %

Upgrade : 1 Program

Official maps of this favela does not exist. Therefore, satellite views are used.

Figure 4.50. Map of favela Tijuquinha, its borders and immeadiate surrounding 183

Proximity to upper class

4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

Favela Canal das Tachas - Barra da Tijuca (RA 24) Favela Canal das Tachas is also affluent Barra da Tijuca region. It has a linear flat form with an area of 78 894 m2 and 4562 inhabitants in 1545 houses. Its economic situation is the highest among the favelas chosen in this work, almost half of the population earns more than minimum income.

Just like the previous example, Favela Canal das Tachas also have private villas and affluent residential areas in very immeadiate surrounding of it.

It was upgraded 1 time by Favela Bairro program.

Favela ID Geography : Flat

Proximity to upper class

Education : 94 % River

Economy : 49 % Density

: 0.057 %

Upgrade : 1 Program

Official maps of this favela does not exist. Therefore, satellite views are used.

Figure 4.51. Map of favela Canal das Tachas, its borders and immeadiate surrounding 184

Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3 | 4

Favela Canal do Cortado - Barra da Tijuca (RA 24) Favela Canal do Cortado located in Barra da Tijuca in a flat surface area of 114 649 m2 with 5120 inhabitants in 1702 houses. It has a very linear form and just like other favelas in Barra da Tijuca, it is on the edge of very high strata, gated communities and private luxury residentials. It has not upgraded by any program, however, its economical situation is high compared to other favelas with 45% of its population earns more than minimum income.

Favela ID Geography : Flat Education : 87.6% Economy : 45,4 % Density

: 0.044 %

Upgrade : 0 Program

Official maps of this favela does not exist. Therefore, satellite views are used.

Figure 4.52. Map of favela Canal do Cortado, its borders and immeadiate surrounding 185

Proximity to upper class

4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

4.3.1.5 Chosen Favelas in Planning Area 5 (AP 5)

The densities of the favelas usually not as high as the other areas's favelas. Since it is far away from the city center, the area is not prefered as other regions AP 5 region of Rio de Janeiro is the farest area to city by favela dwellers. center and it consists of suburban areas. There are many favelas in the area, however, because of the From geographic point of view, it is possible to ensize of the planning area, favelas consists of 16% of counter both flat and sloped surface favelas in this the total area. This part is known as "poorest of the region. The area hosts favela Fazenda Coqueiro whipoor", which means that both location and conditi- ch is the fifth largest favela of Rio de Janeiro with 1.1 on of the houses are inadequate. milion meter square area.

Figure 4.53. Map of Rio de Janeiro - AP5 186

Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3 | 4

The education level (literacy rate) varies between slum upgrading program throughout the history.

91% and 95% which can be accepted as same or higher with favelas of other regions. However, income rates are not as high as its education levels. The households which earn less than minimum income or do not have any income varies between 70% and 96%. Providing more job opportunities in this area might increase the economic situation of the people of favela in this region. Houses generally have 3 residents averagely. Most of the favelas did not have any

32

Favela Fazenda Coqueiro Favela Nova Citade Favela Vila Mangueiral

33

Figure 4.54 Map of Planning Area 5 187

Favela Vila do Vintem Favela Saibreira

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Figure 4.55. Satellite view of Favela Fazenda Coqueiro. Source: Google Earth

Figure 4.56 Satellite view of Favela Saibreira. Source: Google Earth

Figure 4.57. Satellite view of Favela Vila do Vintem. Source: Google Earth

Figure 4.58. Satellite view of Favela Nova Citade. Source: Google Earth

Figure 4.59. Satellite view of Favela Vila Mnagueiral. Source: Google Earth

Figure 4.60 Map of planning area 5 with regional administration divisions 188

Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3 | 4

Favela Fazenda Coqueiro - Bangu (RA 17)

Favela ID

Favela Fazenda Coqueiro is the fifth largest favela of Rio de Janeiro with 1 153 902 m2 surface area and 45 415 inhabitants. It is located on the North side of AP5 area in the border of Bangu regional administration. 5.5% of its population is earning more than minimum income which is a low number and income activities needs to be improved. Favela Fazenda Coqueiro were upgraded 3 times by programs Bairro Maravilha, Grandes Favelas and Morar Carioca.

Geography : Flat Railroad

Education : 92% Economy : 5,5 % Density

: 0.039 %

Upgrade : 3 Programs

Official maps of this favela does not exist. Therefore, satellite views are used.

Figure 4.61. Map of favela Fazenda Coqueiro, its borders and immeadiate surrounding 189

4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

Favela Saibreira - Bangu (RA 17)

Favela ID

Favela Saibreira is a favela also in Bangu regional area with a flat surface of 52 851 m2. It has 1641 inhabitants living in 495 houses. It has a river just passing by west side of the river, however, it was not integrated or in use by favela residents. Favela Saibreira has never been upgraded by any upgrade program throughout the history. 29.5% percent of its habitants are earning more than minimum income and 92.4% of its habitants are literate.

Geography : Flat River

Education : 92.4 % Economy : 29.5 % Density

: 0.031 %

Upgrade : 0 Program

Official maps of this favela does not exist. Therefore, satellite views are used.

Figure 4.62. Map of favela Saibreira, its borders and immeadiate surrounding 190

Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3 | 4

Favela Vila do Vintem - Bangu (RA 17)

Favela ID

Favela Vila do Vintem is located on the same railroad axis of Fazenda Coqueiro in Bangu region. It is settled on a flat surface of 476 617 m2 with 14 647 inhabitants. It is very close to the train station as well. Although it has high percentage of literacy rate, economic situation is not in an adequate level. 5% of the population is earning more than minimum income. Favela Vila do Vintem was never upgraded in the history.

Geography : Flat Railroad

Education : 95% Economy : 5 % Density

: 0.030 %

Upgrade : 0 Program

Official maps of this favela does not exist. Therefore, satellite views are used.

Figure 4.63. Map of favela Vila do Vintem, its borders and immeadiate surrounding 191

4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

Favela Nova Citade - Campo Grande (RA 18)

Favela ID Geography : Flat

Favela Nova Citade is located in very west side of Rio de Janeiro in Campo Grande area. It is also on the axis on railroad on the south edge of the favela. It is settled on a flat surface with the area of 926 943 m2 with 14 191 inhabitants in 4105 houses. Some parts of the favela have river passing inside the favela, which is a good advantage in order to include river as an socializing and environmental element into the life of favela.

River

Education : 91.5 % Railroad

Economy : 4 % Density

: 0.015 %

Upgrade : 0 Program

Official maps of this favela does not exist. Therefore, satellite views are used.

Figure 4.64. Map of favela Nova Citade, its borders and immeadiate surrounding 192

Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3 | 4

Favela Vila Mangueiral - Campo Grande (RA 18)

Favela ID

Favela Vila Mangueiral is a favela which has a lineer form in the axis of north-south, located in the Campo Grande region of Rio de Janeiro. It has a surface area of 85 458 with 2226 inhabitants in 687 houses.

It has direct proximity to private villas and gated communities, as well as has a river on the west side passing next to favela. Houses usually have 3 to 4 members at home. Favela Vila Mangueiral was upgraded one time by Favela-Bairro programme.

Geography : Flat River

Education : 93.7 % Economy : 14.2 % Density

: 0.026 %

Upgrade : 1 Program

Official maps of this favela does not exist. Therefore, satellite views are used.

Figure 4.65. Map of favela Vila Mangueiral, its borders and immeadiate surrounding 193

Proximity to upper class

Density

AP 1

AP 2

RA

Chosen Favelas

7

Vila Arara

1

Morro da Providência

7

Mangueira

3

Catumbi

3

Bispo

6

Vidigal

27

Rocinha

5

Morro dos Cabritos

8

AP 3

Salgueiro

9

Parque Vila Isabel

28

Jacarezinho

29

Morro do Alemão

30

Nova Holanda

25

Parque Unidos

31

Parque Proletário de Vigário Geral

Education

Economy

Geography

Upgrade History Flat

Slope

Density

AP 4

RA

Chosen Favelas

16

Rio das Pedras

33

Santa Efigenia

24

Tijuquinha

24

Canal das Tachas

24 Canal do Cortado

AP 5

17

Fazenda Coqueiro

17

Saibreira

17

Vila do VintĂŠm

18

Nova Citade

18

Vila Mangueiral

Table 4.2. Classification of Favela IDs according to their level of density, education, economy, upgrade history and geography

Education

Economy

Geography

Upgrade History Flat

Slope

CATHEGORY 1 Favelas with High Density

CATHEGORY 2 Favelas with Low Economy

CATHEGORY 3 Favelas with Low Education

Name

AP

RA

Name

AP

RA

Name

AP

RA

Rocinha

2

27

Vila Arara

1

7

Vila Arara

1

7

Jacarezinho

3

28

Rocinha

2

27

1

1

Nova Holanda

3

30

Morro dos Cabritos

Morro do Providencia

2

5

Bispo

1

3

Rio das Pedras

4

16

Salgueiro

2

8

2

9

Parque Vila Isabel

2

9

3

29

Jacarezinho

3

28

Nova Holanda

3

30

Morro do Alemao

3

29

Parque Unidos

3

25

Nova Holanda

3

30

Parque Proletario de Vigario Geral

3

31

Parque Unidos

3

25

Rio das Pedras

4

16

Parque Proletario de Vigario Geral

3

31

Canal do Cortado

4

24

Rio das Pedras

4

16

Fazenda Coqueiro

5

17

Vila do Vintem

5

17

Nova Citade

5

18

Vila Mangueiral

5

18

Parque Vila Isabel Morro do Alemao

CATHEGORY 4 Favelas with River

CATHEGORY 5 Favelas Proximate to High Strata

CATHEGORY 6 Favelas next to Infrastructure

Name

AP

RA

Name

AP

RA

Name

AP

RA

Vila Arara

1

7

Bispo

1

3

Vila Arara

1

7

Jacarezinho

3

28

Vidigal

2

6

Morro do Providencia

1

1

Nova Holanda

3

30

Rocinha

2

27

Mangueira

1

7

Parque Unidos

3

25

2

5

Jacarezinho

3

28

Parque Proletario de Vigario Geral

Morro dos Cabritos

3

31

Rio das Pedras

4

16

Nova Holanda

3

30

Rio das Pedras

4

16

Tijuquinha

4

24

Parque Unidos

3

25

Santa Efigania

4

33

Canal das Tachas

4

24

3

31

Canal das Tachas

4

24

Canal do Cortado

4

24

Parque Proletario de Vigario Geral Fazenda Coqueiro

5

17

Saibreira

5

17

Vila Mangueiral

5

18

Vila do Vintem

5

17

Nova Citade

5

18

Nova Citade

5

18

Vila Mangueiral

5

18

Table 4.3. Categorization of favelas according to their characteristic features

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4.4 FAVELA CATEGORIES AND PROPOSALS 4.4.1 Cathegory 1 : Favelas with High Density Another important effect that high density of favelas causes is the inadequate space for greenary. WhiFavelas are settlements naturally with high density. le green areas hold an crucial role for the environDue to the lack of adequate land and high number of ment, at the same time it has many positive effects population, the built areas required to be too dense. on humans. Firstly, they provide shelter for extreme However, high density of favelas have several impor- sun and rain, which is important in a climate like Rio tant problems for the public, as well as for individuals. de Janeiro. Secondly, greenary areas create environments for relaxation, socializing and integration in In favelas, the houses and other buildings are very community. They contribute to biodiversity since close to each other that fresh air cannot circula- they can host many different species. However, the te properly. While it causes many diseases, at the serious amount of built environment prevents all same time it helps the spread of disease very qui- these possible benefits. ckly. Moreover, due to the high density, sunlight cannot reach the interior of the houses and inhabi- Among the 25 favelas chosen for this work, 4 of tants cannot benefit from daylight. In addition, the them shows extreme density. Especially Planning sunlight provides human with vitamin D, and is very Area 3 (AP3) is richer in terms of high density of faimportant for children's cognitive and physical deve- velas. AP5 does not have many favelas with extreme lopment. High density of favelas also prevents pe- density, since that region is pretty far from the center ople to get enough sunlight for their bodies' health. and is not preferred in the way that other favelas are prefered due to the closeness to work places. RocinHigh density of built area is harmful also for the ha, one of the most known and crowded favela has environment. The materials used in building density of 0.082 person/m2. It is the highest density construction affects the environment significant- in AP2 region. In north side, Jacarezinho and Nova ly. Construction materials which is used in bu- Holanda in Mare shows high density with 0.080 and ildings are produced in non-sustainable way. 0.088 respectively. Last but not least, in planning reThe factories that make the materials produce gion 4 (AP4) Favela Rio das Pedras has the highest damaging CO2 emissions (bosscontrols.com). density with 0.095 person/m2.

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Proposal for Cathegory 1 : D2 - Go High Due to high density, it is also impossible to create new living spaces, environments and areas for different activities. In order to decrease the density and at the same time provide favela residents with new spaces for several aims, D2 - Decreasing Density method is proposed. In this method, the buildings adjacent to each other are planned to be reorganized and put on top of each other. The ones are stronger and better condition in terms of structure are planned to stay and the ones are more deteriorated will be built on top of the durable ones. It is generally possible to go high on the top of favela and new floors, because favela residents usually do not built roof in order not to block the possibility to add new floors. Therefore, this can be used as an advantage to decrease the density, and use the empty areas for greenary, open air activities and most importantly air and sunlight circulation. In addition, new roofs can be turned into green roofs to use also the roofs as small public spaces for socializing and open air activities, more private for the building residents.

Most of the favelas with high density located in the slopes, so the rooftops can also have a clear view which can provide better atmosphere opportunities.

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Figure 4.66 Representation of existing elevation of favelas

D2 Method - Verticalization

Figure 4.67 Representation of D2 - Verticalization method

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Figure 4.68 General view of favela before D2 - Verticalization method 202

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Figure 4.69.General view of favela after D2 - Verticalization method 203

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4.4.2 Cathegory 2 : Favelas with Low Economic Conditions

Low income

Favelas were formed more than a century ago due to the lack of affordable housing. Today, people still occupy the lands to build their own shelters and living spaces due to the expansive residentials and life cost in the affluent areas of the city. This already implies the low economic conditions of the favelas, however, there are some favelas which have even worse economic struggles than other favelas.

Low education Low income Illegal Activities ....

One of the main reason why Rio de Janeiro is such a segregated and high level of inequality exists in the city is that existence of the two edge of economic conditions in the society. While favela residents suffer from poverty or maintain their lives with very low incomes, the formal city residents have luxury lives.

Therefore, financial situation creates the gap among different societies.

ms threatens the safety and peace of the society. It turns the neighbourhoods into areas hesitated to go and causes many inhabitants anxious and nervous about the place they live in. Developing economic activities and create new opportunities to different sectors provide certain amount of job opportunities to unemployed people and discouraged them to do illegal activities in order to earn money.

Huge difference of economic situation creates also social problems in the society. As the income level gets lower, education rates also decrease and it again lowers down the income level. This continious loop increases the number of illegal and violent gangs, which is formed due to the low educational levels and lack of adequate income. Existence of such organis-

The favelas located in AP1 and AP4 are in better economic situation comparing to the other favelas.

Among 25 favelas chosen for this work, 100% of AP3 favelas are on the list of low economic condition.

AP1and AP4 have 1 favela for each on the list, while AP2 and AP5 have 4 of their favelas on the list of low economic condition.

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Proposal for Cathegory 2 : Everybody Wins

tourists and contribute to local economy, by providing aesthetic, leisure, sports and cultural areas.

Public spaces have many advantages for the economy of the region it is located. Both its existence, as well as its quality has significant positive effects on the values of land and properties around it. Public spaces must be seen as catalysts for the economic improvement in the urban context. While they contribute to the variety of spaces in the city, it also has potential to generate income. A well managed public space can trigger consumption and enliven the economy. Also it improves the security and perception of the society towards that neighbourhood.

Not only inhabitants but also local governments can gain significant financial advance by investing public space since they increases the quality, attractiveness and desirability of the areas they are located. In addition, public spaces increase the possibility of public markets which provide opportunities for small and medium enterprises to get active in urban economy (www.uclg-planning.org/).

Nowadays, interesting designs in public spaces or well designed public spaces are attracted by social media lovers as well. Popularity of spaces on social media take the attentions of many people to visit, therefore public spaces also have potential to attrack 205

Figure 4.70 Contributions of Public Spaces to local economy. Sketch Source: https://www.uclg-planning.org/public-space-driver-urban-economics

4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

Figure 4.71. One of the rare empty spaces in favelas - Favela Vila Mangueiral AP5

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Figure 4.72. Transformation of the space into public space for economic activities

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4.4.3 Cathegory 3 : Favelas with Low Education Rates Education is one of the key elements that shape people's lives. It is prior determinant on the economic situation, status in society and quality of the life standarts. Favelas have been exposed to constant disadvantages in terms of opportunities and discrimination in the society and one of the main reason lays down in the root of the problem is the low rates of education. According to the news of the Borgen Magazine, approximately 1/4 of the population of Rio de Janeiro lives in favelas and people living in favelas tend to have low education, including lower rates of literacy, age-grade disparities and higher dropout rates than the rest of the country.

Borgen Magazine states that â&#x20AC;&#x153;Children of the streetâ&#x20AC;&#x153;, the name given to the young people growing up in favelas, have little to no access to public or private education, because more 50 percent of people living in Favelas are unemployed. Therefore, child workers, far more in demand for menial jobs, earn for their households instead of going to school. A 1995 survey of households in Brazil reported that almost five million children between the ages of 10 and 14 were working. In addition to that, the violent environment they are raising have possibility to create traumas and it contributes to their inability to learn.

In a society where there is poverty, gun-fights and narchotic illegal activities related to violence and domestic abuse, it is inevitable that children stay away from the school.

As it was mentioned in the previous part, economic situation and education level trigger each other. As people get uneducated, they tend to have low incomes in the future and as people have low incomes, they tend to have low education rates and the amount of drop-outs increase. Moreover, education is the first factor that prevents young generation to get involve illegal activities such as narcotics and drug trafficking which is pretty common in the favelas. Therefore, as education level rises in the society, illegalities, violence and poverty reduce prominently.

Preschool education is also very important for the children's physical and cognitive development. The imagination and abilities of children can be improved very fast in that time of their lives. Moreover, the human relationship and interaction is educated and developed in kindergardens. The places children grow also quite effective in their education. Design of spaces contribute their personality positively or negatively. Therefore, children-friendly spaces are quite important for their cognitive development and social interactions.

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Proposal for Cathegory 3 : City to Learn

majority of the illiterate people in favelas are in the aged between 40 and 49. The places allocated for after school activities for elementary and high school Proposal for low education rates is to design and use students can be used for different educational progthe public areas for children and teenagers' cognitive rams also for adults, especially women who do not and social development, as well as raising their suc- work. It is also crucial for women to have more indecess levels at schools and reduce their absenteeism pendency, self confidence and help them to find job and drop out rates. easier and become financially self-supporting. The educators can be from inside the favela, as well as First of all, the open areas which allow the young from the formal city in order to increase the integrachildren enjoy their times, make friends and as well tion between favela residents and outside the favela. as contribute to their brain development and imagination is essential. For example, creating public areas for children with painting walls and brain teasers 12 which can strech their imagination and develop their intelligence is one of the main aim of this proposal.

Secondly, in order to increase the attendace rates to MULTI-FUNCTIONAL schools and success rates at schools, "after school" PUBLIC 9 3 SPACE activities are planned to take place in multi-functional public spaces. In after school program, students can meet with their volunteer advisors to ask the to6 pics they do not understand at school, do their homeworks there to make sure they always have help in case they have troubles while doing it and socialize with their peers at the same time.

The education should not be considered only for children and teenagers, but also for adults. The

Literacy course for adults

Vocational course for women

After school activities for children

Teenage integration program

Figure 4.73. Diagram shows daily usage of multifunctional public space 209

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Figure 4.74 Interior of Santa Marta favela 210

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Figure 4.75 Organizing the space for educational playing area for children 211

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4.4.4 Cathegory 4 : Favelas with River

Among the chosen favelas in this work, the majority of the favelas next to river is located in planning area 3 (AP3), north side of the city. Also planning area 4 Rio de Janeiro has many rivers, canals and lakes in and 5 have 3 favelas with rivers on the list. There is 1 the urban context since it is located next to the At- favela with river from AP 1 and no favela from planlantic Ocean. Some of the favelas have borders with ning region 2. The usage and integration of these these canals, however, they are not integrated into rivers into the favelas would increase the social life, the favela life. Most of the riverside is highly dete- desirability and life quality in these areas. riorated, abandoned and very dirty. This situation increases the possible disease that water can spread to the community, as well as it is a thread to the environment and different species, especially ones live in the water.

Favelas are suffering from the lack of social spaces, qualified areas and places for integration. Due to the high density of residential shelters and also lack of opportunities, there is no enough area for qualified social places. Canals and riversides can benefit from this opportunity and use these areas as socializing points, as well as to increase the livability and desirability of spaces.

Figure 4.76 Favela Canal das Tachas is located on the edge of a canal

While increasing the social interaction points, also economic activities can locate and develop in these areas due to the increased number of visitors. Restaurants, cafes or kiosk would work well in the points where meetings, gatherings and attractions locate.

Figure 4.77 Favela Canal do Cortado is located on the edge of a canal

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Proposal for Cathegory 4 : Embrace the Water

public spaces does not only contribute to social life, but also helps to attract local businesses and raise the economic condition of locals.

Proposal for the favelas with river is to embrace the water into the urban context. Public spaces are being used as a catalyst to increase life quality and conditions of favelas in this project, and in this step, public spaces with water will revive the social life in favelas.It is aimed to be not only as an open space but also as an area where people can socialize, gather and experience the water. Integration of water into the public spaces are important and useful, because humans are attracted to water naturally. Acording to International Water Association, existence of the water in public spaces does not function as decorative elements only, but they turn the spaces into ideal meeting and relaxation points. Due to the natural attractions of people towards water, they tend to gather and use the spaces around water.

IWA also states that "sustainable solutions for urban design must include water elements at different scales, even to the point of affecting urban microclimates. A stream or a wetland can reduce the heat island effect, improve air quality and enhance local biodiversity. As a consequence, the city can be more livable and attractive to people and businesses." Therefore, existence and integration of water element in

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While upgrading the riverside and allow it to be used by community, it would also attract the visitors outside the neighbourhood. Due to the increase of the number of visitors, local economies such as restaurants, bars, cafes, shopping centers or kiosks would benefit from this increase and an income raise of these businesses would be expected.

Figure 4.78 Proposed activities around the canal

4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

Figure 4.79 Favela with river inside

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Figure 4.80 Revitalization of the river with economic activities

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4.4.5 Cathegory 5 : Favelas Proximate to Upper-Class Segregation and inequality are some of the main problems of Rio de Janeiro. The gap between rich and poor is so high that urban context is divided according to people's economic situation. This leads to a nonunified society where violence and illegality are dominant issues. In order to handle this situation, the facilities and opportunities must be closer to each other as much as possible so that integration in the society becomes easier.

Figure 4.81 Favela in Copacabana and upper class

As it is seen on the right hand side, there are many examples of the visible distinction between the private villas and favelas in the urban context. Although these areas are pretty close to each other, sometimes just the back street, there is not any interaction, physical connection or common area between these places. In addition, the interior condition and physical environment is also pretty different from each other due to the economic condition differences.

While favelas density is pretty high and almost no empty space to build, private villas or residential gated communities have many social open spaces which allow them not to build their complex for any of needs. However, this situation leads a fragmented and ununified segregated urban context.

Figure 4.82 Rocinha favela and its neighbours private villas

Figure 4.83 Favela and gated communities in AP4 216

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Proposal for Cathegory 5 : Break the Borders Residential segregation is one of the main issues in Rio de Janeiro. Proposal for favelas adjacent to high strata aims to create public spaces which can increase the integration between favela and formal city. Possible locations are determined as the areas

between favelas and private villas/gated communities to function as a habitable bridge. The areas which allows open air workshops and interactive activities are proposed to increase the common actions between 2 different society such as dance classes, painting activities, gardening etc. which favela residents can teach to formal city residents or vice versa to create a sense of belonging.

Possible Integration Point

Private Villas Villas Private

Favela Rocinha Figure 4.84 Location of possible integration point for public space design 217

4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

Figure 4.85 A lost space between favela and private villas

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Figure 4.86 Transformation of the space into an integration point for favela and villa residents

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4.4.6 Cathegory 6 : Favelas next to Infrastructure Rio de Janeiro is a city which consists of many heavy infrastructure. Most of the favelas are located close to or very next to these infrastructure such as highways, railways or car bridges. Although it seems as an advantage for transportation, it also makes the favelas less pedestrian friendly and act as a border between favela and formal city. It blocks the access of favelas with the city and it makes the favelas even more isolated. On the right hand side, first map shows the Favela Parque Proletario de Vigario Geral. The west side of the favela is bordered with first a layer of wall, a railway and after finally a highway.

East side has already river, therefore, favela is totally isolated from the city. Moreover, second picture shows the Favela Parque Unidos which has a main road divides the favela into two sides diagonally. Last picture shows the favela Vila do Vintem in AP5 region next to interurban highway. This highway passes through many favelas in AP5. In addition, the areas with heavy infrastructure makes the spaces less safe and undesireable to go and spend time. They usually host illegal activities and people do not prefer to go.

In order to make spaces allow the pedestrian priority and make them more desirable and livable, the side effects of these infrastructures should be minimized.

Figure 4.87 Favela Parque Proletario de Vigario Geral bordered with highway and railway

Figure 4.88 Favela Parque Unidos with highway dividing favela diagonally

Figure 4.89 Favela Vila do Vintem located next to the highway

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Proposal for Cathegory 6 : Make It for Pedestrians Proposal for Favelas with Infrastructure aims to decrease the negative effects of infrastructures in favelas and make them more pedestrian friendly areas. Although it is a cathegory full of favelas with infrastructures, there are also many different characteristics of those favelas. Some favelas are bordered with infrastructures which isolates them from the rest of the city such as Favela Parque Proletario de Vigario Geral, some others create unfriendly environments for pedestrians. For the first one, habitable bridges are considered in order to increase the connection between favelas and the rest of the city, as well as carry some of the commercial and economic activities towards favela thanks to the bridges. Secondly, slowing down some of the infrastructures inside the favela and make them more pedestrian friendly by changing the pavements, ground floor functions as well as adding some urban furnitures is other proposal for the favelas which infrastructures inside. This way, it is aimed to increase both social interaction by creating more livable public spaces, decreasing the negative effects of infrastructures and enliven the economy by proposing different commercial ground floor functions such as cafe, bar, restaurant or other public functions like bank, post office or pharmacies.

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Infrastructures which isolate favela from the formal city

Infrastructures pass through favelas and divide them

4 | Proposal for Favela Upgrade: Public Spaces for HSE3

Figure 4.90 One of the main roads in favela Parque Unidos

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Figure 4.91 Transformation of the infrastructure to "Zona 30" to make it more pedestrian friendly

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CONCLUSION Favelas are complex, unusual and highly dense settlements which are located almost every region of Rio de Janeiro. Instead of many upgrade projects in the history aiming to improve the life standarts of favelas, it is hard to talk about a serious change in terms of integration, stigmatization and segregation. Rio is a divided city where rich and poor visibly use the space differently with physical, visual or social barriers due to the economic, educational and life style differences. Public spaces for HSE3 project is a beginning point, an ideaology which aims to improve favelas from many different aspect. These aspects would affect directly the reduction of several differences that formal city and favela residents have. Therefore, stigmatization and negative attitude towards favelas would go down dramatically. In addition, Public Spaces for HSE3 does not only to break the social borders between favela and formal city, but also improve the life quality of favela residents by providing spaces for their educations, economies, social life, as well as for environment and health. Public Spaces for HSE3 does not suggest definitive design solutions, but proposes methodology and ideology in order to first define the problems and favela features more deeply, and after find long term solutions which does not work only for physical changes, but also social progress which would show its visible effects after a couple of generations.

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CONCLUSIONE Le favelas sono insediamenti complessi, insoliti e altamente densi che si trovano in quasi tutte le regioni di Rio de Janeiro. Invece di molti progetti di aggiornamento nella storia che mirano a migliorare la vita delle favelas, è difficile parlare di un cambiamento serio in termini di integrazione, stigmatizzazione e segregazione. Rio è una città divisa in cui ricchi e poveri usano visibilmente lo spazio in modo diverso con barriere fisiche, visive o sociali a causa delle differenze economiche, educative e di stile di vita. Gli spazi pubblici per il progetto HSE3 sono un punto di partenza, un'idea che mira a migliorare le favelas da molti aspetti diversi. Questi aspetti influenzerebbero direttamente la riduzione di diverse differenze rispetto ai residenti formali di città e favela. Pertanto, la stigmatizzazione e l'atteggiamento negativo nei confronti delle favelas diminuiranno drasticamente. Inoltre, gli spazi pubblici per HSE3 non solo rompono i confini sociali tra la favela e la città formale, ma migliorano anche la qualità della vita dei residenti della favela fornendo spazi per la loro istruzione, economia, vita sociale, nonché per l'ambiente e la salute. Spazi pubblici per HSE3 non suggerisce soluzioni progettuali definitive, ma propone metodologia e ideologia al fine di definire prima i problemi e le caratteristiche della favela più in profondità, e successivamente trovare soluzioni a lungo termine che non funzionino solo per i cambiamenti fisici, ma anche per il progresso sociale che mostra i suoi effetti visibili dopo un paio di generazioni

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Websites (n.d.). Retrieved February, 2020, from https://pcrj.maps.arcgis.com/apps/webappviewer/index.html?id=eb90b035ecea4615bf1404de54be23dd (n.d.). Retrieved January, 2019, from http://brasilianafotografica.bn.br/brasiliana/handle/20.500.12156.1/1/discover?rpp=10 (n.d.). Retrieved October, 2019, from http://www.cronologiadourbanismo.ufba.br/tabela.php?year=1800 The 'Area of Risk' Justification for Favela Removals: The Case of Santa Marta. (2018, March 13). Retrieved Fall, 2019, from https:// www.rioonwatch.org/?p=11410 Bastos, I. (2011, January 28). Segunda fase do Morar Carioca prioriza favelas perto de áreas olímpicas. Retrieved May, 2020, from https://extra.globo.com/noticias/rio/segunda-fase-do-morar-carioca-prioriza-favelas-perto-de-areas-olimpicas-953197.html Best and Worst International Reporting on Rio's Favelas: 2018. (n.d.). Retrieved October/November, 2019, from https://catcomm. org/best-worst-reporting-2018/ Brasil. (n.d.). Retrieved November, 2019, from https://cidades.ibge.gov.br/ Brazil: Data and Statistics. (n.d.). Retrieved February, 2020, from https://knoema.com/atlas/Brazil A Brazilian student mapped out Rio's racial segregation. What he found was startling. (n.d.). Retrieved July 13, 2020, from https:// www.pri.org/stories/2015-11-02/brazilian-student-mapped-out-rios-racial-segregation-what-he-found-was-startling Candido 21.11.2016, M. (n.d.). 50 anos de Cidade de Deus. Como é a vida na comunidade hoje? Retrieved October/November, 2020, from https://revistatrip.uol.com.br/trip/50-anos-de-cidade-de-deus-uma-das-maiores-favelas-do-rio-de-janeiro

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Cantagalo and PavĂŁo-PavĂŁozinho: Caminhos Language Centre Blog. (2019, March 18). Retrieved July 13, 2020, from https://caminhoslanguages.com/blog/cantagalo-and-pavao-pavaozinho/ Chepkemoi, J. (2017, August 01). Brazilian States By Literacy Rate. Retrieved February, 2020, from https://www.worldatlas.com/ articles/brazilian-states-by-literacy-rate.html A City Planner Responds: What is a Favela? (n.d.). Retrieved October/November, 2019, from https://catcomm.org/planner-on-favela/ Discover the most important facts about Rio de Janeiro history. (2019, October 29). Retrieved January, 2019, from https://freewalkertours.com/rio-de-janeiro-history/ Education in Favelas. (2018, March 20). Retrieved June, 2020, from https://www.borgenmagazine.com/education-in-favelas/ Endless Bounty: The Transformative Benefits of Public Markets. (n.d.). Retrieved May, 2020, from https://www.pps.org/article/ the-benefits-of-public-markets The Evolving Urban Form: Rio de Janeiro. (n.d.). Retrieved November, 2019, from http://www.newgeography.com/content/003438-the-evolving-urban-form-rio-de-janeiro The Favela as a Role Model for Self-Organizing Communities in Berlin. (2020, January 31). Retrieved December, 2019, from https:// www.rioonwatch.org/?p=56394 Favela Community NGOs Fill the Gaps in Rio's Educational System. (2016, December 22). Retrieved January, 2020, from https:// www.rioonwatch.org/?p=32232

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Favela Research. (2018, June 25). Retrieved Fall, 2019, from https://megacitiesproject.org/publications/research/ The Favela Typology: Architecture in the Self-Built City | Princeton University School of Architecture. (n.d.). Retrieved Fall, 2019, from https://soa.princeton.edu/content/favela-typology:-architecture-self-built-city Favela-Bairro: 20 Years On. (2017, January 31). Retrieved November, 2019, from https://www.rioonwatch.org/?p=15959 Frigola, R., & Frigola Professor of Urban Management at IE School of Architecture and Design. (2018, February 13). The Current Urban Reality of Rio de Janeiro: Light and Dark Sides of the Olympic Legacy. Retrieved January, 2020, from https://www.ie.edu/ insights/articles/the-current-urban-reality-of-rio-janeiro-light-and-dark-sides-of-the-olympic-legacy/ Geiger, P., & GuimarĂŁes, A. (2019, November 27). Transportation. Retrieved January, 2019, from https://www.britannica.com/place/ Rio-de-Janeiro-Brazil/Transportation Griffin, J. (2016, June 15). Olympic exclusion zone: The gentrification of a Rio favela. Retrieved Fall, 2019, from https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2016/jun/15/rio-olympics-exclusion-zone-gentrification-favela-babilonia A History of Favela Upgrades Part I (1897-1988). (2018, January 15). Retrieved November, 2019, from https://www.rioonwatch. org/?p=5295 A History of Favela Upgrades Part II: Introducing Favela-Bairro (1988-2008). (2018, January 15). Retrieved November, 2019, from https://www.rioonwatch.org/?p=5931 A History of Favela Upgrades Part III: Morar Carioca in Vision and Practice (2008 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 2013). (2019, August 16). Retrieved November, 2019, from https://www.rioonwatch.org/?p=8136 How Buildings Impact the Environment. (2016, September 27). Retrieved July, 2020, from https://bosscontrols.com/buildings-impact-environment/ 230

An Island in Your Own City: Life in Gated Communities in Barra da Tijuca. (2016, October 10). Retrieved February, 2020, from https://www.rioonwatch.org/?p=29073 Kudlicka, J. (2015, June 30). Favela Rocinha. Retrieved December, 2019, from https://www.area-arch.it/en/favela-rocinha/ Limite Favelas. (n.d.). Retrieved December, 2019, from http://www.data.rio/datasets/limite-favelas/data?geometry=-44.462%2C-23.115%2C-42.376%2C-22.672 Mapa das Áreas de Planejamento (AP) e Regiões Administrativas (RA) do Município do Rio de Janeiro. (n.d.). Retrieved December, 2019, from http://www.data.rio/datasets/3f105a10dcf7475eae69b2514b9d6262 Mapas Mostram a Segregação Racial no Rio de Janeiro. (2015, November 17). Retrieved July 13, 2020, from https://rioonwatch.org. br/?p=17005 Priced out of the favela: The Brazilians turning to squats. (2017, June 16). Retrieved Fall, 2019, from https://www.bbc.com/news/ in-pictures-40272965 A Primer on Public Education in Rio de Janeiro. (2017, February 17). Retrieved January, 2020, from https://www.rioonwatch.org/?p=30135 Public Space as a catalyst for local economic development: Learning UCLG. (n.d.). Retrieved July, 2020, from https://www.learning. uclg.org/news/public-space-catalyst-local-economic-development Public space as a driver for urban economics: Learning UCLG. (n.d.). Retrieved July, 2020, from https://www.uclg-planning.org/ public-space-driver-urban-economics Public spaces - not a "nice to have" but a basic need for cities. (n.d.). Retrieved April, 2020, from https://blogs.worldbank.org/endpovertyinsouthasia/public-spaces-not-nice-have-basic-need-cities 231

Public Spaces as Catalyst for Slum Upgrading. (n.d.). Retrieved April, 2020, from https://blogs.worldbank.org/endpovertyinsouthasia/public-spaces-catalyst-slum-upgrading Rio de Janeiro Literacy rate, 1980-2011. (n.d.). Retrieved February, 2020, from https://knoema.com/atlas/Brazil/Rio-de-Janeiro/ Literacy-rate Rio De Janeiro Population 2020. (n.d.). Retrieved January, 2019, from https://worldpopulationreview.com/world-cities/rio-de-janeiro-population/ Rio Favela Facts. (n.d.). Retrieved Fall, 2019, from https://catcomm.org/favela-facts/ Segregration, Vigilantism & Protest: Responses to Rio's Beach Robberies. (2015, November 03). Retrieved Fall, 2019, from https:// www.rioonwatch.org/?p=24622 Story Map Journal. (n.d.). Retrieved January/February, 2019, from https://www.arcgis.com/apps/MapJournal/index.html?appid=4df92f92f1ef4d21aa77892acb358540 Structures of Spontaneous Architecture in the Favelas of Rio de Janeiro by Patricia Parinejad. (2016, May 12). Retrieved October, 2019, from https://www.archdaily.com/787375/structures-of-spontaneous-architecture-in-the-favelas-of-rio-de-janeiro Upgrading Informal Settlements in Rio de Janeiro: The Case of Morar Carioca. (n.d.). Retrieved April, 2020, from https://www. urbangateway.org/news/upgrading-informal-settlements-rio-de-janeiro-case-morar-carioca Veysseyre, S. (2014, August 03). Case Study: The Unspoken Rules of Favela Construction. Retrieved October, 2019, from https:// www.archdaily.com/531253/case-study-the-unspoken-rules-of-favela-construction Vinnitskaya, I. (2011, July 01). Regeneration of the Favela de Rocinha Slum / Jan Kudlicka. Retrieved October, 2019, from https:// www.archdaily.com/146314/regeneration-of-the-favela-de-rocinha-slum-jan-kudlicka?ad_medium=widget 232

Waldron, T. (2015, March 24). Rio Destroys Poor Neighborhoods, Replaces Them With Luxury Apartments For The Olympics.

Retrieved March, 2020, from https://thinkprogress.org/rio-destroys-poor-neighborhoods-replaces-them-with-luxury-apartments-for-the-olympics-9ea6a8bbf26a/ Zaidi, T. (2017, June 28). Women of the favela: Life in the abandoned buildings of Rio â&#x20AC;&#x201C; in pictures. Retrieved Fall, 2019, from https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/gallery/2017/jun/28/women-of-the-favela-life-in-the-abandoned-buildings-of-rio-in-pictures.

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List of Figures PART 1 Figure 1.1. Brazil in the world map.

Figure 1.2. City of Rio de Janeiro in the states map of Brazil.

Figure 1.3. States map of Rio de Janeiro Figure 1.4. The Statue of “Christ the Redeemer” Figure 1.5. Mountains and the sea of Rio de Janeiro Figure 1.6. Pedra da Gavea Mountain Figure 1.7. Parque Nacional da Tijuca Figure 1.8. Declaration of independence from Portugal when a constitutional monarchy was established. 1822 September 7th Figure 1.9. View of Rio de Janeiro from the church of the monastery of São Bento c. 1820 Figure 1.10 . Slave market in Rio – 1823 Figure 1.11. The acclamation ceremony of King John VI of the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and the Algarves in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil on 6 February 1818 Figure 1.12. Map of Rio de Janeiro, 1820 Figure 1.13 Average monthly rainy days in Rio de Janeiro.

Figure 1.14 Flood in Rio de Janeiro due to the heavy rain, 9 April 2019 Figure 1.15. Convenient wind allows surfing activities in Rio de Janeiro Figure 1.16. The citizens handle extreme summer heat by cooling in the ocean Figure 1.17. Rio de Janeiro - Division of Geographical Zones Figure 1.18. Rio de Janeiro - Map of planning areas and administrative regions Figure 1.19. Age Pyramid of Rio de Janeiro Figure 1.20. Human Development Index by administrative regions - 2000 (IPP Rio, 2000c) Figure 1.21. Average monthly income in minimum salaries of head of household by neighbourhood- 2000 (IPP Rio, 2000c) Figure 1.22. Primary education in Rio Figure 1.23. Literacy rate of Rio de Janeiro throughout the years Figure 1.24. Number of students enroll to the schools.

Figure 1.25. Proportion of literate people aged 15 or more by neighbourhood- 2000 (IPP Rio, 2000c) Figure 1.26. Avenida Central in 1900s Figure 1.27. Avenida Central in 1900s Figure 1.28. The opening of the Avenida Central and the impact on the city’s urban fabric Figure 1.29. Demolition of Morro do Castelo, 31/08/1922 Figure 1.30. Demolition of Morro do Castelo, 09/10/1922 Figure 1.31. Demolition of Morro do Castelo, 24/10/1922

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Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure

1.32. Demolition of Morro do Castelo, 22/11/1922 1.33. Agache Plan zoning diagram for residentials 1.34. Urban fabric before the construction of Avenue Presidente Vargas 1.35. Urban fabric after the construction of Avenue Presidente Vargas 1.36. Urban fabric after the construction of Avenue Presidente Vargas 1.37. Urban fabric before the construction of Avenue Presidente Vargas 1.38. Urban fabric before the construction of Avenue Presidente Vargas 1.39. Urban fabric before the construction of Avenue Presidente Vargas 1.40. Constantino Doxiadis presenting his plan 1.41. Doxiadis plan, or also known as Polychromatic Plan for the large circulation routes 1.42. The red line almost finished in 1994 1.43. Construction of viaduct over Avenida Brazil, 1991 1.44. Gated communities in Rio de Janeiro 1.45. Gated communities in Rio de Janeiro

PART 2 Figure. 2.1. Inequality, poverty and slum formation. Source: United Nations Figure. 2.2. World distribution of slum dwellers (millions) by region, 2001. Source: United Nations Figure. 2.3 Urban health map of Rio de Janeiro, 2002. Source: RionOnWatch Figure. 2.4 Urban health map of Rio de Janeiro, 2010. Source: RionOnWatch Figure 2.5. Income share held by 20% the most wealthiest of Brazil. Source: World Bank Data.

Figure 2.6. Poverty Headcount Ratio at $1.90 a day (2011 PPP) Source: World Bank Data.

Figure 2.7. Conjunto in Citade de Deus in Rio de Janeiro. Photo: Mรกrcio Alves. Source: https://oglobo.globo.com Figure 2.8. Rocinha Favela in Rio de Janeiro.

Figure. 2.9 Alemao Favela in Rio de Janeiro Figure 2.10 The spatial development of Rio's favelas in 1910 Figure 2.11 The spatial development of Rio's favelas in 1940 Figure 2.12 The spatial development of Rio's favelas in 1970 Figure 2.13 The spatial development of Rio's favelas in 1995 Figure 2.14 The spatial development of Rio's favelas in 2000 Figure 2.15 The spatial development of Rio's favelas in 2010.

Figure 2.16 Growth of Favela and Non favela in Rio de Janeiro. Population Index 1950 = 100. Source: Pereira Passos Riio de Jnaeiro taken from Perlman, 2010 Figure 2.17 Proportion of total favela population in each year, according to AP - Rio de Janeiro - Source: IBGE, Demographic Census Figure 2.18. Favela population map by neighbourhood, 2010. Source: IPP Instituto Pereira Passos Figure 2.19 Favela residents building their own houses. Photo: Solene Veysseyre. Source: Arcdaily.

Figure 2.20 Marcio's house. He grew up in a single story, gabled-roof house that his father built. 25 years ago, he built a first floor above the house; today he has resumed work and is gradually building a second floor. Photo: Solene Veysseyre. Source: Arcdaily.

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List of Figures Figure 2.21 Facade of a favela building. Photo: Solene Veysseyre. Source: Arcdaily.

Figure 2.22 Interior of one of the favelas in Complexo do Alemao. Photo: Solene Veysseyre. Source: Arcdaily.

Figure 2.23 Interior of one of the favelas in Complexo do Alemao. Photo: Solene Veysseyre. Source: Arcdaily.

Figure 2.24 Thr roof of one of the favelas in Complexo do Alemao. Photo: Solene Veysseyre. Source: Arcdaily.

Figure 2.25 Interior windows. Usually steel bars in star-like shaped are used as protection. Photo: Solene Veysseyre. Source: Arcdaily.

Figure 2.26 Some of the abandoned buildings are used as social places due to the lack of space and facility. Photo: Solene Veysseyre. Source: Arcdaily.

Figure 2.27 Density of favelas. Photo: Solene Veysseyre. Source: Arcdaily.

Figure 2.28 Narrow spacing between buildings. Photo: Solene Veysseyre. Source: Arcdaily.

Figure 2.29 House for Sale in Vidigal Favela. Source: http://tyba.com.br/ Figure 2.30 House for Sale in Favela. Source: http://tyba.com.br/ Figure . 2.31 Sewage problem in favelas Figure. 2.32 Water tanks are located on the rooftops in favelas Figure 2.33 Garbage problem in favelas Figure 2.34 Illegal electricity cables in favelas Figure . 2.35 Ambulance in favela streets Figure 2.36 To fight the fire, the agents used coastal pumps and dampers, due to the difficulty of accessing the community's alleys with pressurized water, using hoses.

Fiure. 2.37 Military tanks in favela streets Figure 2.38 Narrow streets of favela

PART 3 Figure. 3.1 Proletariat Parks Figure. 3.2 FAFERJ meeting, still active today Figure. 3.3 Conjuntos in Vila Kenedy Figure. 3.4 Paved streets in Acari Figure. 3.5 Mail route in Acari Figure. 3.6 Before Favela-Bairro - Salgueiro Figure. 3.7 After Favela-Bairro upgrades by Jorge Mario Jauregui Architecture â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Salgueiro Figure. 3.8 Before Favela-Bairro - Campinho Figure. 3.9 After Favela-Bairro upgrade by Jorge Mario Jauregui Architecture Campinho Figure. 3.10 Before Favela-Bairro - Vidigal Figure. 3.11 After Favela-Bairro upgrade by Jorge Mario Jauregui Architecture Vidigal Figure. 3.12 Cable Car in Complexo de Alemao opened in 2011,funded by PAC

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Figure. 3.13 Pedestrian bridge designed by Oscar Niemeyer,funded by PAC Fig. 3.14 "Pica-Pau, in the North Zone's Cordovil, is one of the 815 favelas to receive upgrades according to the Morar Carioca decree. Residents say their hopes for the upgrades center on water and trash collection." Source: RioonWatch: A History of Favela Upgrades Part III: Morar Carioca in Vision and Practice (2008 – 2013) Figure 3.15 "To prepare for Morar Carioca in Asa Branca, iBase organized workshops in which residents spoke about both their desires from and their duties to the government and each other in the urbanization process." SOURCE: RioonWatch.

Figure 3.16 "The President of the Asa Branca Residents’ Association watches as a resident is interviewed by an iBase documentary film crew in preparation for the community’s upgrades under Morar Carioca. This began in ten groups of favelas; iBase’s contract was then cut". SOURCE: RioonWatch.

Figure 3.17 An upgrade example: Before Morar-Carioca Figure 3.18 An upgrade example: After Morar-Carioca Figure 3.19 One of the winning teams analysis and proposals for Morar Carioca - Flat And Sloped Areas. SOURCE: Vigliecca Associados Figure 3.20 One of the winning teams analysis and proposals for Morar Carioca SOURCE: Vigliecca Associados

PART 4 Figure 4.1. Map of Rio de Janeiro - AP1 Figure 4.2. Map of Planning Area 1 Figure 4.3. Satellite view of Favela Vila Arara. Source: Google Earth Figure 4.4. Satellite view of Favela Mangueira. Source: Google Earth Figure 4.5. Satellite view of Favela Morro da Providencia. Source: Google Earth Figure 4.6. Satellite view of Favela Catumbi. Source: Google Earth Figure 4.7. Satellite view of Favela Bispo. Source: Google Earth Figure 4.8. Map of planning area 1 with regional administration divisions Figure 4.9. Map of favela Vila Arará, its borders and immeadiate surrounding Figure 4.10. Map of favela Morro da Providencia, its borders and immeadiate surrounding Figure 4.11. Map of favela Mangueira, its borders and immeadiate surrounding Figure 4.12. Map of favela Catumbi its borders and immeadiate surrounding Figure 4.13. Map of favela Bispo, its borders and immeadiate surrounding Figure 4.14. Map of Rio de Janeiro - AP2 Figure 4.15. Map of Planning Area 2 Figure 4.16. Satellite view of Favela Parque Vila Isabel. Source: Google Earth Figure 4.17. Satellite view of Favela Borel. Source: Google Earth Figure 4.18. Satellite view of Favela Morro dos Cabritos. Source: Google Earth Figure 4.19. Satellite view of Favela Rocinha. Source: Google Earth Figure 4.20. Satellite view of Favela Vidigal. Source: Google Earth Figure 4.21. Map of planning area 2 with regional administration divisions Figure 4.22. Map of favela Vidigal, its borders and immeadiate surrounding Figure 4.23. Map of favela Rocinha, its borders and immeadiate surrounding

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List of Figures Figure 4.24. Map of favela Morro dos Cabritos, its borders and immeadiate surrounding Figure 4.25. Map of favela Salgueiro, its borders and immeadiate surrounding Figure 4.26. Map of favela Parque Vila Isabel, its borders and immeadiate surrounding Figure 4.27. Map of Rio de Janeiro - AP3 Figure 4.28. Map of Planning Area 3 Figure 4.29. Satellite view of Favela Jacarezinho. Source: Google Earth Figure 4.30. Satellite view of Favela Morro do Alemao. Source: Google Earth Figure 4.31. Satellite view of Favela Nova Holanda. Source: Google Earth Figure 4.32. Satellite view of Favela Parque Proletario de Vigario. Source: Google Earth Figure 4.33. Satellite view of Favela Parque Unidos. Source: Google Earth Figure 4.34. Map of planning area 3 with regional administration divisions Figure 4.35. Map of favela Jacarezinho, its borders and immeadiate surrounding Figure 4.36. Map of favela Morro do Alemao, its borders and immeadiate surrounding Figure 4.37. Map of favela Nova Holanda, its borders and immeadiate surrounding Figure 4.38. Map of favela Parque Unidos, its borders and immeadiate surrounding Figure 4.39. Map of favela Parque Proletario de Vigario Geral, its borders and immeadiate surrounding Figure 4.40. Map of Rio de Janeiro - AP4 Figure 4.41. Map of Planning Area 4 Figure 4.42. Satellite view of Favela Rio das Pedras. Source: Google Earth Figure 4.43. Satellite view of Favela Santa Efigenia. Source: Google Earth Figure 4.44. Satellite view of Favela Tijuquinha. Source: Google Earth Figure 4.45. Satellite view of Favela Canal do Cortado. Source: Google Earth Figure 4.46. Satellite view of Favela Canal das Tachas. Source: Google Earth Figure 4.47. Map of planning area 4 with regional administration divisions Figure 4.48. Map of favela Rio das Pedras , its borders and immeadiate surrounding Figure 4.49. Map of favela Santa Efigenia, its borders and immeadiate surrounding Figure 4.50. Map of favela Tijuquinha, its borders and immeadiate surrounding Figure 4.51. Map of favela Canal das Tachas, its borders and immeadiate surrounding Figure 4.52. Map of favela Canal do Cortado, its borders and immeadiate surrounding Figure 4.53. Map of Rio de Janeiro - AP5 Figure 4.54 Map of Planning Area 5 Figure 4.55. Satellite view of Favela Fazenda Coqueiro. Source: Google Earth Figure 4.56 Satellite view of Favela Saibreira. Source: Google Earth

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Figure 4.57. Satellite view of Favela Vila do Vintem. Source: Google Earth Figure 4.58. Satellite view of Favela Nova Citade. Source: Google Earth Figure 4.59. Satellite view of Favela Vila Mnagueiral. Source: Google Earth Figure 4.60 Map of planning area 5 with regional administration divisions Figure 4.61. Map of favela Fazenda Coqueiro, its borders and immeadiate surrounding Figure 4.62. Map of favela Saibreira, its borders and immeadiate surrounding Figure 4.63. Map of favela Vila do Vintem, its borders and immeadiate surrounding Figure 4.64. Map of favela Nova Citade, its borders and immeadiate surrounding Figure 4.65. Map of favela Vila Mangueiral, its borders and immeadiate surrounding Figure 4.66 Representation of existing elevation of favelas Figure 4.67 Representation of D2 - Verticalization method Figure 4.68 General view of favela before D2 - Verticalization method Figure 4.69.General view of favela after D2 - Verticalization method. Collage by author Figure 4.70 Contributions of Public Spaces to local economy. Sketch Source: https://www.uclg-planning.org/public-space-driver-urban-economics Figure 4.71. One of the rare empty spaces in favelas - Favela Vila Mangueiral AP5.

Figure 4.72. Transformation of the space into public space for economic activities Collage by author Figure 4.73. Diagram shows daily usage of multifunctional public space Figure 4.74 Interior of Santa Marta favela Figure 4.75 Organizing the space for educational playing area for children. Collage by author.

Figure 4.76 Favela Canal das Tachas is located on the edge of a canal Figure 4.77 Favela Canal do Cortado is located on the edge of a canal Figure 4.78 Proposed activities around the canal Figure 4.79 Favela with river inside Figure 4.80 Revitalization of the river with economic activities . Collage by author Figure 4.81 Favela in Copacabana and upper class Figure 4.82 Rocinha favela and its neighbours private villas Figure 4.83 Favela and gated communities in AP4 Figure 4.84 Location of possible integration point for public space design Figure 4.85 A lost space between favela and private villas Figure 4.86 Transformation of the space into an integration point for favela and villa residents Figure 4.87 Favela Parque Proletario de Vigario Geral bordered with highway and railway Figure 4.88 Favela Parque Unidos with highway dividing favela diagonally Figure 4.90 One of the main roads in favela Parque Unidos Figure 4.91 Transformation of the infrastructure to "Zona 30" to make it more pedestrian friendly

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List of Tables PART 1 Table 1.1 Temperature Analysis of Rio de Janeiro according to months. SOURCE: CLIMATE-DATA.org Table 1.2. Areas, populations and population density of Administrative Regions Table 1.3. Population of Rio de Janeiro throughout history. Source: https://www.citypopulation.de/php/brazil-regiaosudeste Table 1.4. Surface, population, density, household and habitants data in Rio de Janeiro. Source: IBGE (taken from master thesis of .... ) Table 1.5. Age group / Sex Table 1.6. Number of people for households Table 1.7. Genomic ancestry of non-related individuals in Rio de Janeiro. Source: Sergio Danilo Pena (17 November 2009). “Do pensamento racial ao pensamento racional”. Accessed: 18.01.2020 Table 1.8. Genetic composition of Rio de Janeiro, 2011 study. Source: “PLOS ONE: The Genomic Ancestry of Individuals from Different Geographical Regions of Brazil Is More Uniform Than Expected”. plosone.org. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0017063 Table 1.9. Total genetic composition of Rio de Janeiro, 2013 study. Source: Revisiting the Genetic Ancestry of Brazilians Using Autosomal AIM-Indels. DOI: 10.1371/journal. pone.0075145 Table 1.10. Number and percentage of households in Rio de Janeiro accordingto their number of habitants. Source: IBGE Table 1.11. Number and percentage of habitants according to income levels. Source: IBGE Table 1.12. Number and percentage of habitants according to occupational group. Source: IBGE Table 1.13. Rio de Janeiro: Absence of infrastructure among the poor and non-poor, 1981-1988 (percentage without service). Source: http://archive.unu.edu/unupress/unupbooks/ uu23me/uu23me0p.htm Table 1.14. Waste Collection Service data in Rio de Janeiro. Source: IBGE Census 2010.

Table 1.15. Sewerage system data in Rio de Janeiro. Source: IBGE Census 2010.

Table 1.16. Water supply data in Rio de Janeiro. Source: IBGE Census 2010.

Table 1.17. Electric energy data in Rio de Janeiro. Source: IBGE Census 2010.

Table 1.18. Literacy rates of habitants from 8 to 9 years old in Rio de Janeiro Source: IBGE Table 1. 19 Literacy rates of habitants from 10 to 14 years old in Rio de Janeiro. Source: IBGE

PART 2 Table 2.1. Indicators and thresholds for defining slums Source: U.N. Global Report on Human Settlements: "The Challenge of Slums", 2003 Table 2.2. Favelas grow faster than city of Rio de Janeiro. From 2000-2005 favelas grew 6 times more than nonfavelas. Source: IBGE 2000 Taken from Perlman,2010.

Table 2.3. Favela percentages according to zones between 1950 and 2000. Source: Instituto Pereira Passos taken from Perlman, 2010.

Table 2.4. Favelas formation through years and locations, showing the relationship of age of favela, distance from the centre and mean quality index.

Source: O'Hare and Barke.

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Table 2.5. Population of slums by Planning Areas - Municipality of Rio-2010 Table 2.6. Proportion of the population of the city and of the favelas in the respective totals, by Planning Areas - Municipality of Rio de Janeiro â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 2010 Table 2.7. Ten largest slums in the city - Municipality of Rio de Janeiro, 2010 Table 2.8 Numbers of households by type of sewage system. IBGE, 2010 Table 2.9 Numbers of households by electric energy existence. IBGE, 2010 Table 2.10 Numbers of households by type of water supply. IBGE, 2010 Table 2.11 Numbers of households by waste destination. IBGE, 2010

PART 3 Table. 3.1 Number of beneficiaries from phases 1-3 of Favela Bairro. Source: SMH (1999B) from E.Riley et al.

PART 4 Table 4.1. Chosen favelas and their physical features, geography, education, economy, household features, safety levels and upgrade programs they had Table 4.2. Classification of Favela IDs according to their level of density, education, economy, upgrade history and geography Table 4.3. Categorization of favelas according to their characteristic features

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Milano July, 2020