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- LANGUAGE- REPRESENTATION - DEPTH THE SOUTH GOVERNMENT RENEWAL SA’S LONG AND SHORT TERM OBJECTIVE FOR SOUTH AUSTRALIA COMMUNITY CONSULTATION DESIGN PROCESS - INITIAL ITERATION - SITE VISIT ONE - HISTORICITY - SITE VISIT TWO S
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ESSAY - BEAUTY, RELIGION AND SYMBOLISM: THE ARCHITECUTRE AND THE CITY - CHANDIGARH, INDIA. - BEAUTY, RELIGION AND SYMBOLISM: THE ARCHITECTURE AND THE CITY -JERUSALEM DURING OTTOMAN ERA - HUMAN SPACE ARE SATISFYING SPACE
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ABSTRACT We are greeted with a perspective render of the post-development Site [1]. Street corners do not angle ‘but arc with symmetrical efficiency’ [Belov], streets are narrow, bitumen seamless to kerb, flows to bright-white concreted footpaths, suggestive of slowed pace, and conservative inhabitants. Manicured grasses, pruned-standard, note the generic feel to photoshop-style copy + paste trees and shrubs. A few figures trod the landscape with aimless vigour. Heritage Buildings are textured with brick and reflective roofing, and the concept ‘housing’, is conceptualised ultimate white | glassy | block | jut; generic repetitiveness of an unimaginative and tasteless quality, that you could mistake the Site location for the outer Gold-coast, some middle Sydney inner suburb, Phuket, a seaside town in northern Greece, a development in the middle of Bogota. The only thing that ensures you of its parochiality: endless sky stretched atop a greyed-out suburbia of deathless pall.
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INTRODUCTION
a dissection of the language and graphical representation employed by Hames Sharley.
A Masterplan. The Glenside Development Masterplan. “Prepared by: Hames Sharley for Cedar Woods and Renewal SA (the Government of South Australia)”. Release date: April 2016. To follow a dissection of the language and graphical representation employed by Hames Sharley. We include in this report, a positivist account of the development, that, considering site issues, community resistance and governmental regulations, Cedar Wood’s offer is probably as ‘good as it gets’. The Glenside Development Masterplan shall be referred to as the ‘Document’, and the Glenside Development site as the ‘Site’.
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STAGE 1
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LANGUAGE
language
The Document introduces itself as a response to a governmental desire to optimise the Site. Desire proceeds lack. The Document iterates this lack to be ‘medium to high density development’ [6]. Conjoined to this iteration, is the need to respect the ‘sites unique natural and built heritage’. In Heritage we find continuity, continuity as the progeny of and the resistor to innovation [Frampton 21]. Continuity requires a strong claim to form and history, the Parkside Lunatic Asylum, complete with omnipresent turret clock, distinguishes itself in gesture, as a cultural gesture to industrial-era organisation and division of labour, and the modern era phenomena of panoptic control of the individual space-time [Foucault]. Heritage then acts as a repository of cultural unity and as monument to a universalised Western culture founded on intellect and rationality, and a governmental necessity for continuity, which is perhaps the embodiment of political will, political will a lack of and a desire for power. Thus the document, abstracted, as both a developmental Masterplan, and as the signification to an accepted historicity comes across as assumptive and embedded with the cultural values it serves. It is difficult to see how the document will be able to innovate from this point, as with each turn of page it buries itself to restriction and continuity.
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representation Following this, the document progresses through the site analysis, ‘key objectives’ and then the Masterplan. The blue decal utilised as the background to titles and intercessory pages is a referential combination of the Cedar Woods logo and the Renewal SA Logo. Rather than 1, 2, 3 and 4, the chapters are signed as 1.0, 2.0, 3.0 and 4.0. Referent to ver. / version, computer-savvy, this lot. Vague and low-definition Google satellite images with pastel-flourescent overlays and annotations communicate all cartographic representations for chapters 1.0, 2.0 and 3.0. At 100 percent zoom level on a standard screen the Document’s text is too small to read. The images have been compressed with a lossy JPEG algorithm. Increasing the zoom-level of the document to read the text, and the images blur, and at 100 percent zoom, many of the images are too small / poor quality and unreadable, and therefore pointless distractions. Example, page 16: “The adaptation of both the administration building and staff dining room for reuse by the South Australian Film Corporation are excellent examples of how this can be done well (shown below)”, at this point, you will look down to see three clouded representations – of something. Perhaps a room, or an interior of some-sort.
REPRESENTATION
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DEPTH
depth
Behind this language and representation however, the reader discovers a magnanimous depth and time-engagement with the site [as it is the biggest development currently on offer in South Australia]. The Document suggests all the necessary alterations to movement [motor traffic, people], Utilities [water, gas, electricity, sewerage, information-cabling], mentions soil contamination and recommends to save trees from felling, and where trees cannot be saved, new ones will be planted. It is a utilitarian, attitude, and scientifically practical, however the community feels that this response to be inadequate. The Document presents a full consideration and engagement with the site. The Document presents a society hinged on regulation, and the Masterplan it offers, whilst not innovative, promises to be continuous with this regulation. From this, we, as students can learn that master-planning is the act of plan and configuration, and not necessarily of design. A Masterplan is a document of the modern era, it assumes truth, intention and control. As Theo Crosby states in Architecture: City Sense, the intention and control of the artist, the architect and the planner relates to distance: 10
“A work of art is a work, and it is aimed at the psyche. It has it’s own scale, the scale of a hand, the scale of a man, standing. The work has a range of influence, seldom more than forty feet. Yet this is the range at which architecture only begins to operate on the senses up to perhaps, 400ft. As the scale progressively increases, so does the originators control over the final object diminish.... The planner is so far from the reality of building that it is nothing short of a miracle when any piece of planning is actually realised.” [p 26-27]
The Masterplan will plan the necessary buildings and services for the Site, will properly configure the new intersection to hold new cars, whilst not really engaging with the idea of careless development, or a society burdened less by traffic and high speed transport. The Masterplan will not be able to control what follows. However, to gain acceptance, a Masterplan must offer the / a government / funding body long term security. The Glenside site will be developed by Cedar woods into a new ‘suburb’ and life will be much the same [or possibly better] for the local and extended Glenside Area, and the City of Adelaide.
THE SOUTH AUSTRALIAN GOVERNMENT AND RENEWAL SA’S LONG TERM AND SHORT TERM OBJECTIVES FOR SOUTH AUSTRALIA
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LONG TERM AND SHORT TER AUSTR
Renewal SA’s primary objectives is the renewal of neighbourhoods. Secondary to this is the ‘promotion; of economic development, via the ‘harnessing of private sector and not-for-profit investment’. Renewal SA’s, objectives are directed to saving trees, generating money, accommodating cars, locking up the bad guys and creating safe communities. Words like ‘sustainability’ and ‘economy’ prevail. Renewal SA sets its long term targets for 2045. Renewal SA claims that resources in the metropolitan require protection, as dwellings are forecast to increase by 85%. coinciding with this growth, Renewal SA hopes to increase the ‘greeen-li-ness’ of the city, achieve a sustainable source of high quality water, reduce landfill waste and carbon usage, and increase the amount of street trees, so to help the landmass under the city expel summer heat, and shade the concrete during the day. By providing economic activities, Renewal SA claims it can increase economic activity, by what means or how, we are yet to see. The government focuses its efforts on key corridors north, east, south and west, and plans to increase the heights of residential buildings of the blocks lining the corridors, and widen the roads for automobiles.
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Critically, Renewal SA claims energy efficiency, yet is happy to approve and recommend developments such as the Glenside Development, and the port Adelaide Development site, both of which are not carbon neutral, and pro-automobile. Crucially, instead of configuring the Glenside Development site to be pro-public transport, Renewal SA has sought Cedar Woods support to widen the Fullerton road-Greenhill road intersection, to allow increased passage of motor vehicles. Renewal SA’s initials objectives include the introduction of a rezoning around the old Royal Adelaide Hospital site. They claim that they will achieve this whilst ‘ensuring an appropriate interface with the Adelaide Botanic Gardens’. We can assume by this they mean the development of the site, the demolition of buildings, and the building of either a private medical facility or more apartments which ‘reference’ the gardens somehow. Another great opportunity for some out-of- touch, economically driven architecture firm to misappropriate meaning into metaphor. Similarly, it would be in their objectives, to squeeze a little space from the park-lands or from the railway yards, so to build further amenities for staff and patients on and around the new Royal Adelaide Hospital site.
RM OBJECTIVES FOR SOUTH RALIA
Within this rezoning, they claim to be able to prepare a masterplan for the mecial research facilities which occupy much of the hospital site, ‘to guide future investment and ensure legible connections are identified and maintained’ and to give the public access to high quality and affordable healthcare. Similarly to the afore-told, are Renewal SA’s objectives for the Glenside Development site. To obtain these objectives it outlays a strategic timeline: 1] hold an ongoing community consultation, to inform the development, developer. 2] Offer the sale to private parties. 3] Commence ‘Masterplan Investigations’. 4] Initiate Ministerial permissions and preceding. 5] Masterplan prep. with the developer. Site Preparation. 6] Approval and Construction. We criticise the objectives of Renewal SA to be overly wordy. We acknowledge Renewal SA to be result action based, whilst ignoring its own objectives and community responses to its developments. The Glenside site is set to lose over 80 significant trees, and yet in their objectives they promote the maintenance of ’the significant trees around the [Glenside site].
All governments need planning and development organisations. Previously, the Government or South Australia, called it’s urban planning organisation ‘the Public Buildings Department’. The P.B.D. oversaw the development of private and public building in Adelaide and they were able to stimulate the economy by providing a decent amount of public, with the private building. Renewal SA take on a similar role, although its primary objective is geared towards private sector investment, large developments and architecture out of the public realm. Although it lists energy efficiency as a primary objective, it widens roads and encourages energy hungry developments. Although it lists affordable housing as a primary concern and objective, affordable housing is only affordable for those who can afford it, and not for those who have little to no moneys. Renewal SA’s objectives are objectives, and not promises or guarantee’s, they are confusing, variant in application, crossover terms are often used. The term Renewal SA is misleading.
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SUMMARY OF
THE COMMUNITY CONSULTATION FOR
THE GLENSIDE DEVELOPMENT SITE
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COMMUNITY CONSULTATIO
On the 25 th of February, Renewal SA, on behalf of the South Australian Government, held a consultation day at the Glenside Development Site. Kath Moore and Associates summarised the findings into a report. A computer program ‘Tag Crowd’ was used to locate key words and expressions. An analysis of the word clouds has been summarised into findings and concluded on. The proceeding report makes a short summary of their findings.
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“1. Besides residential development, what other types of uses would you like to see at Glenside?” [CC p. 3] “2. To encourage well-being and safety, public spaces should include:” [p. 4]
“3. Describe the housing you would like to see built at Glenside.” [p. 5] “4. Who do you think will be living here in 20 years’ time?” [p. 6]
“5. What new uses could you imagine for any of the five heritage buildings that are to be adapted for reuse?” [p. 7] “6. What design features would you include to promote sustainable living at home and in public spaces?” [p. 12] “7. How would you see yourself using the open space that is provided?” [p. 13]
“8. What is the ONE most important thing to you about the Glenside project?” [p. 14]
“9. Can you give us an example(s) of good community engagement?” [p. 16]
“10. Is there anything that you feel has not been addressed by the project objectives below?” [p.17] 17
To summarise: The majority of the respondee’s seem willing to conform to the direction of the questioning. There are also a great many positivist responses, which ask for services [i.e. mental health facilities, community centres], recreation facilities [which cater for mixed-aged use], and as many suggestions which ask fr small business and small commercial to be included, i.e., : restaurants and cafe’s. Many cite traffic and infrastructure as in need of upgrade. The community’s primary concern can be iterated as the relation between open space and development. As development increases, ‘open space’ is thought to be lost. Secondary to this is the ‘if’ factor; i.e., if there is to be a project, what should it be like. The responses to this are a little more complex.
Very often the respondee’s answer with suspicion or with counter to the question, for example: “1. Besides residential development, what other types of uses would you like to see at Glenside?” Respondee: “No residential development. Retain the land as a park or expand the existing building as facilities to help the mentally ill.” [p 3 of 136, Appendix B] Respondee: “I’d like to see it left as it is. It could become a museum.” [p 3 of 136] Respondee: “Absolutely none. This is a Public site and this thieving, lying, incompetent, spendthrift government has no mandate to sell it or otherwise dispose of it. It should be redeveloped as a much needed Mental Health facility, not flogged off to government’s developer mates.” [p 3 of 136] Respondee: “None. I would like it left as a lovely open space that does not add to traffic congestion and pollution.” [p 4 of 136].
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DESIGN PROCESS The Guggenheim-museum of urban movement The following pages introduce our analysis, investigation, and superimposing of a design onto the Glenside site. We propose a multi-purpose structure of disconnected, filled the interconnectedness of paths amd passages to nowhere, as an anti-thesis to ideological urbanism and urban planning. Our proposal is imaginary and vigorous. Our process is informed by a stochastic design programme. The design methodology orientates the design outcome to event as a manifest of process, as an endeavour of serial artistry, alowing for an in-situ development of rules and praxis.
The design is generative, it generates its own precedence through the synchronous layering of thought, historicity, conversation, knowledge, site investigation and analysis, a critical view of the over-digitisation of architectural practice, scaling, grafting, superimposition, and courage in the face of nothingness. We acknowledge and adhere to the following argument: “...Any new architecture implies the ideas of combination, that all form is the result of combination..... [that] architecture is not the result of composition, a synthesis of formal concerns and functional constraints, but rather as a complex process of transformational relations� Tschumi, Madness and Combinative. 19
DESIGN PROCES
The design thus generates its own theories, forms and directions. The design begins [began] in the hour following the first lecture. The design of the Masterplan precedes bodily knowledge of the site. The design will develop alongside site investigation and enquiry.
Figure 1: Grafting Lines made from Glenside site map
INITIAL ITERATION
Precedence is sought in pure thought rather than glossy images or the work of others. Pure thought is the moment of unthinking, and the moment of introspection. Pure thought is found in music and in art. Pure thought is inexplicable and thus cannot generate ideas or design. It is however the surge behind the design, or the will to its power. To capture this we practice abstraction in graphic form. Tracing paper is placed over a two dimensional map of the site and its local area. We chose the Burnside council’s 1 in 100 year flood map as it relates to and includes on it the storm-water detention basin on the Glenside site. The lines are traced with intention: each line represents a possible thought direction of a stranger. The lines are chosen from houses, roads, streets, various locations. As a rule, the lines must cross from one page edge to the other [A3 size]. Much of the linework is concentrated on the site. The tracing paper is scanned, printed, rescanned and reprinted, the colour values degrade with each re-copy. We are search for vector density and the generation of basic form via the degradation of the line. The forms will be coloured with pencil, copied, studied and played with for a number of weeks. The degraded lines will be called upon later, to aid vector and form generation.
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Figure 2: Grafting Lines made from Glenside site map
Figure 3: Grafting Lines made from Glenside site map
SITE VISIT ONE
Figure 4: Grafting Lines made from Glenside site map
Figure 5: Grafting Lines made from Glenside site map
We visit the site and are captured by the disjunct of historic buildings and austere post-war prisons for the mentally ill and mentally disabled. On the first visit we spend about four hours walking in the sun. We climb into the creek. We find an old apple orchard and in an old apple tree a huge orb-web spider. We discover cages adjoined to secure buildings. We peer in the windows of the now abandoned Downey House and Cedar House North. We discover a repetitive and inhumane architectural programme. Cell-like rooms of ~10 sqm, with secure door, perspex glass, linoleum floors, painted brickwork, suicide proof fittings. Rooms in average 10 square meters or less. We are struck by an obvious knowledge: persons suffering acute mental traumas were kept in these rooms against their will, and that the design of these rooms hat the design of these buildings hinges on either an irrational premise of scale and human space, or on a sort of revenge on the mad. We discuss the architectural possibility with pessimism, we acknowledge that architecture can do bad things in the name of rationality, that is a systematised machine of torturous device. 21
DESIGN PROCES
HISTORICITY
We begin an investigation into the site via historical analysis. We learn that Edward Woods [co-founder of Woods and Bagot], as the South Australian government’ chief architect designed and oversaw the building of the Administration building. We investigate the Z-wing through digitised newspaper articles. We find in the 1920’s, castor oil was commonly given to patients so to cause them bowl discomfort, which would calm them down, we read that Doctors would force patients to drink it, which sometimes caused death. ‘Depression era conditions were very bad for the patients in the Parkside asylum. ‘Misbehaving’ patients were often refused food, their daily egg or apple, left to eat scraps and stale foods. Guards with dogs and guns patrolled the Glenside grounds as people would sneak into the grounds and steal from the orchard and the food stores. Following the outbreak of WW2, many service men and women returned home with both acute and chronic mental health problems. A new Nurses dormitory was built [Eastwood] lodge, as were many new buildings, and Glenside the wars needed home from duty Glenside became a small city, with street signs, shops, a great pharmacy, an ‘industrial therapy’ school, where mentally disabled and mentally ill people were made to do manual labour [specifically metal work] as a part of therapy. The historical analysis continues with a series of drawings. The design programme encourages tracing 2 dimensional forms and images. In citing the image as hyper-real, and over-real in its communication of information, tracing over photos becomes an exploration and investigation of decomposition. We void metaphor by dissolution, the photo is no longer a passive metaphor of luminance and life. We search for the language behind the photorealisitc image, we are searching by trace, we are deconstructing the photo and embedding onto it and onto ourselves a fiction, of what lies behind the image, what is it that the image wants to communicate but cannot. 22
Figure 6: Historicity - Admin Building Figure 7: Historicity - Nurse Lodge
SITE VISIT TWO
Figure 8: Grafting Lines made from Glenside site map
Figure 9: Grafting Lines made from Glenside site map
Figure 10: Grafting Lines made from Glenside site map
We return to the site on a whim and spend a few hours surveying the development site and reinvestigating the non-heritage buildings. We are struck by the austerity. We are drawn to the over-aggregated brickwork, the aluminium windows, rotting wood fixtures, rusted and leaking roofs. We are not happy and all share a pessimistic conversation. We discover ‘Ruby Glen – Nursing Home and Hospice’. We note that it is place where mentally disabled people and mentally ill people were taken to age and die. We find the ‘garden’. A gate hangs dead on its hinge. We suppose that the people who came here would have been impaired and somewhat immobile. Nevertheless, the cages surrounding the ‘gardens’, are over 10 ft tall and secured with electronic locks. We note that several pot plants hang from the verandah are still green. We understand and feel what their plastic vegetation implies. Rather disconsolate, and we are walking and talking. We note that each building conveys an extreme sense of functionality, and yet somehow message they offer lies beyond their function. We propose that the condemned buildings enclose but do not shelter. We propose that the synchronic development of large tracts of land in the name urban planning is irresponsible and idealistic, and while it gestures for shelter, it guarantees only enclosure. Dwelling is the being building, it is is the holy grail of architecture, and an architecture that so obviously avoids this, relegates itself as as anti-existant, anti-architecture. We wonder then, if it is appropriate, to respond with erasure. To cleanse the site of suffering, to impose on it optimistic brass and flash. Thus a design direction forms, not as an imposition, but as a complex and abstract superimposition of historicity. We will scale, graft and superimpose near and contextualised topography onto the site. We will aim for a program of disconnection, and we avoid enclosure. We aim and admit to being in irony, that irony is in the self-admittance to the impossibility of trying to be a person, that the self is in disconnected relationship to the self [that is not referential], and that architecture, as an objectified human activity shares this irony, in its scaled disconnection to human mind and body, and in its disconnection to an objective means, the means and impossibility of dwelling. 23
DESIGN PROCES
Thus we recognise that the relationship between enclosure and shelter is not necessarily referential and nor is it always contingent, we assert that the use of the word reference, is in itself misleading and very often misapplied, if for only reasons of posture and self-assuredness. We recognise this as bad practice, and that the use and development of an architectural nomenclature based on such pretension results in the same sort of anti-intellectual architecture responsible for ‘Mawson Lakes’, The ‘Hames and Sharley Masterplan’, and the government of South Australia’s 30 year plan, which fixed on the congestion of inner urban areas, the widening of roads and the disposal of large tracts of open space, reveals itself as a distanced and reactive praxis of planning, and absolutely anti-intellectual in its inability to self-criticise. With all our investigative knowledge and iterations, the tract from superimposition to design concept is immediate, as the design reveals itself in angst. It is a pessimistic design, admitting inability and intention, and it circumnavigates ideological optimism of form and connectedness. The result is a deconstruction of the Hames Sharley Masterplan via the exposition and emphasis of lacking historicity and lacking complexity, and a deconstruction of the ideologies of urban planning and urban aesthetics via our Masterplan concept for the Glenside development site: PATHS TO NOWHERE. From pessimism surges pure response. 24
Figure : FINAL DESIGN
Figure : FINAL DESIGN
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STAGE 2
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ESSAYS HISTORICAL & THEORITICAL
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Beauty, religion, and symbolism: Architecture and the City - CHANDIGARH, INDIA. JIA JIA LENG On 14-15 August 1947, at the stroke of the midnight hour, India had gained her independence after two hundred years of British colonial rule. The independence of the nation too declared the responsibility in solving the country’s social problems is back on the local government. India had always been involved in religious conflict, which was between the Muslims and the Hindus. Few years before the departure of British from colonial India, the colony decided to resolve religious conflict in the country by the partition of land into two, creating a brand new country --Pakistan--intended to safeguard the future of the Muslim minority. (Prakash, 2002) Although finally freed from the British colonization, and solution was given to had solve religious conflict, the newly independent country was still not left with peace. The partition, had split the province of Punjab between India(East Punjab) and the new state of Pakistan(West Punjab). As the after effect of the partition and also World War II, the Indian province of east Punjab faced problem of resettling the hordes of refugees who had poured across the border having abandoned homes, land, and possessions in what was now Pakistan. The population of the existing town of east Punjab had more than doubled due to the migration, causing settlings being insufficient, essential amenities were lack and inadequate. (Kalia, 1999) 30
The partition had also left old Indian Punjab’s capital, Lahore to Pakistan, leaving East Punjab under no administrative power. The East Punjab government felt the urgency to settle down with a capital, after several discussion, it was decided to build a new capital city instead of attempting a makeshift relocation in any existing town as it was felt that the existing town was unsuitable for further developing. At the time of economic difficulties and political uncertainty, the location of the new capital was chosen under three major consideration: to have strategic and military security against the neighboring hostile state of Pakistan; to provide adequate space for new government machinery for refugees and for future expansion; and to obtain the potential to replace the material and psychological loss of Lahore which and been the hub of commercial and cultural activities of the Punjabis. (Prakash, 2002) An area of gently slope plain of agricultural land, bound on the north-east by the Shivalik range of the Himalayans, with two dry river beds as city boundary, was chosen, under consideration of cost, location, soil, access to water and surrounding view. The land was then named Chandigarh, derived from the name of a Hindu goddess, Chandi, as her temple was located in the selected area. (Evenson, 1966)
Unfortunately, the plan was called off before it was even realized due “Let this be a new city, symbolic to the death of Nowicki in an acof freedom of India, unfettered by cident. The government officer of the traditions of the past, a symbol Punjab, seized the opportunities of the nation’s faith in the future,” to reassert the case and hired inthe celebrated first Prime Minister stead a group of architects and of independent India, Jawaharlal planner from Europe. The group Pandit Nehru, had a strong vision was formed by Maxwell Fry and for the new born city. The new Jane Drew, an English husband/ city was planned as a symbol of wife architect, Pierre Jeanneret, a the creative strength of the new Swiss architect and his well known Republic of India, seeking symbols cousin, Le Corbusier. (Evenson, to restore pride and confidence 1966) after colonization and partition. In Nehru’s grand plan, Chandigarh (Prakash, 2002) had to reflect the modern aspiraHowever, like other country which tions of the new Indian nation. For just retrieve independence, India Nehru, only by pursuing science, was lack of professionals expertise technology and industrialization in planning. In fact, architectural could usher India into the modern schools were non-existence in In- age, catching up with the developdia, while indigenous architectural ments of the West, and preserving tradition had practically faded, and India’s dignity of independence. local craft skill were visibly on the Le Corbusier’s master plan which decline as a result of colonization. looked to India’s future, an India What was left by colonization was with all paraphernalia of industrielegant town of parks and open alization, gained recognition from spaces build for British officials, in Nehru and the Punjab governcontrast to the native town which ment, and it was then used as the was congested walled in and badly master plan for the building of the new city of Chandigarh. neglected. (Bahga, 2000) Symbolism
Eventually, the government decided to obtain planners from abroad who are better equipped with the knowledge of city planning. The first city plan was proposed by Albert Mayer and Matthew Nowicki, both from The States.
Although the group of architects hired abroad were said to have experience or knowledge about India society and culture, moreover, several Indian architects were assigned to assist the work of the planning group, Chandigarh in the
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eye of some people, “is a city designed by Europeans for unfortunate Hindus”, lacking of Indian culture and identity.(Kalia, 1999)
Religion Chandigarh, a land created as a consequence of religious conflict between Muslim and Hindu, was however designed without much As what was said by the architect, of a religious consideration. ModLe Corbusier: “India had, and al- ern architecture introduced by ways has, a peasant culture that Le Corbusier in India, although exists since a thousand years! India criticized by those who favored possessed Hindu temples (gener- the revivalist style, however, was ally in carved stones) and Muslim assured a lasting place due to its temples in red stone, the architec- inherent qualities of humanism tural beauty of which is very geo- and rationalism as it was permetrical. But India hasn’t yet cre- haps for the first time, an archiated an architecture for modern tectural trends was centered on civilization (office, factories, build- man instead of God.(Kalia, 1999) ing).” Unlike the nations of the West, India had not been develop- Supporting Nehru’s vision for a ing a contemporary architecture new city, Le Corbusier’s master of her own. Optimistically saying, plan was proposed with rationalit was free to move on any direc- ity, focusing on functionality. Le tion of designing, however, it is in Corbusier who had always befact rather hard to plan or build as lieved in the gridiron plan as the the identity of what is “Indian” is only correct way of approachrather ambiguous.(Prakash, 2002) ing the modern problems of city planning, had always thought that the classical equilibrium of rectangles and pure volumes was “ a symbol of perfection”. The city planning of Chandigarh was
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applied to a gridiron plan. If were to interpret in terms of religion, the master plan appears more to an Islamic design, where the religion exhorts a men to walk on a straight line with a purpose, rather than to Hindu philosophy, which have a circular view of life, the concept of samsara.(Prakash, 2002) As the residue of Hindu culture from the past, the hierarchy of the caste system, was a concept etched in the heart of the every Indian. It is about given social status, privilege and priority of Indian, a form not seen but effectively affecting their life. The master plan built under such context, however, did not design to serve specific caste, community, or language group. In other sense, the city plan proposed to provide different range of housing choices according to different income group. It was a brave attempt to break the Indian social norm and structure, although sadly no visible social changes had been made after.
Beauty The beauty of the Chandigarh was emphasized by the flow and order spaces. Le Corbusier’s plan, was influenced by the English Garden City Movement which counteract the disadvantages of the sprawling industrial city, by establishment of new, self-sufficient cities, restricted in size and surrounded by green belt, providing varied employment, wholesome living conditions and active community life. As Le Corbusier had always had this lifelong obsession with the idea of city as an organism, he too applied the idea to the planning of Chandigarh, creating Chandigarh as if a biological phenomena. Having brain, heart, lungs, limbs, and arteries, like human being, the city is grown with functional individual parts, creating order in the city. In Chandigarh’s case, the Capitol Complex is the intellect of a man, functioning like the brain; the industrial and education belt on either side of the city symbolizes the limbs; the City Centre with commercial buildings, shops and offices represents the heart; the spacious park and the green belt which runs through the city provide function as if the lungs; while the network of roads for vehicular traffic and footpath for pedestrian constitutes the circulatory system.(Prakash, 2002)
Formed by different features of different function, the major features in the plan, however, are the ‘7 V Rule’ and the division of land as ‘Sectors’. The ‘7 V Rule’ was proposed as a cure for traffic congestion, separating the functions of automobile traffic and great pedestrian movement was applied in the design. The traffic were divided into a series of seven categories compromising a hierarchy of circulation. For example, V-1 represents regional highways leading into the city; V-2 is the two major cross axial boulevards of the city; V-3 serves as the fast-moving traffic roads; V-4 is the bazaar street; V-5 is representing loop road and intersection with V-4; V-6 are the paths leading to houses; V-7 is a strip of parkland that contained schools, open spaces, pedestrian paths, and connected with the adjoining sectors; and V-8 as the bicycle trail. The ‘Sector’, self contained in character, is bounded by fast traffic roads running on its four sides
and permitting only four vehicular entries into its interior. Each sector was self-sufficient, having shops, school, health centers, place of recreation and worship. The schools and community buildings were located in the green strips, stretching longitudinally northeast to southwest at a right angles to the shopping street. (Prakash, 1999) A city with features as described can be built on any flat piece of land anywhere, but what distinguishes Chandigarh are the attributes of its site. The natural edges formed by the hills and the two rivers, the gently sloping plain with groves of mango tree, a stream bed meandering across it length and the existing road and rail lines - all were to play their role in influencing the distribution of functions, establishing hierarchy of roads and giving the city its ultimate civic form.
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60 Yeas later Chandigarh, although well known for its planner, Le Corbusier,, was proven by time that it is in fact not a very decently planned city. It is a city planned, but not necessarily pragmatically planned. With no previous experience of city planning and in the absence of scientific data, it is not surprising that there is no integration of physical planning of the city with socioeconomic conditions of the region. The foreign architects and planners drafted the master plan based on no study, but one’s knowledge and experience. The new towns conjure up images of fresh approaches to urban development and departures from past or current modes of city building, providing potential laboratories fro applying new ideas, theories, and designs. (Prakash, 2002) Rather as a city planned from afresh, it is one of the biggest experimental architecture in India, and even in architectural field. (Bahga, 2000)
Chandigarh was meant to be something beyond a new state capital. But it lacks a culture. It lacks the excitement of Indian street. It lacks bustling, colorful bazaars. It lacks the noise and in of Lahore. It lacks intimacy of Delhi. It is a stay-at-home city. It is not Indian. No one is to be blamed, not the foreign architect group who is unfamiliar with Indian culture, or the Indian architect who failed to involve themselves more in the city planning and design. Community is in persistent change, no longer develop according to a fixed master plan conceived. Especially in India, with complex and varying social structure, city should not be planned, city grows and changes with time.(Bahga, 2000)
References Everson, N. (1966). Chandigarh. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California: University of California Press. Kalia,R. (1999). Chandigarh: The Making of an Indian City. New Delhi, India: Oxford University Press. Bahga, S. & Bahga, S. (2000). Le Corbusier and Pierre Jeanneret. New Delhi, India: Galgotia Publishing. Prakash, A. & Prakash, V. (1999). Chandigarh The City Beautiful. New Delhi, India: Abhishek Publication. Prakash, V. (2002). Chandigarh’s Le Corbusier: The Struggle for Modernity in Postcolonial India. Seattle: Univesity of Washington Press.
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Beauty, religion, and symbolism: Architecture and the City - JERUSALEM. NUR IZRIN NADHIRA MOHD ZAHIDI
As people walk passing though the Damascus gate, they will see the whole large walls surrounded the monuments and holy institutions. The whole other part of city is beyond the enormous wall. Jerusalem which its land was built as a piecemeal development throughout centuries and generations from Jew, Christians and Muslims. It is a city for three religions, rather than for a single one, that could accommodate an unusual variety of subsets of these three religions (Grabar, 2005). From historical context, this essay will discuss on how Jerusalem developed from Mamluk, which was the Islamic army slave that originated from Egypt, until Ottoman dynasty, known to be the final greatest Muslim dynasty rule over Jerusalem (Grabar, 2005). In addition, how architectural backwater of Jerusalem managed to develop its urbanism in religion and little bit of political context, also, to convey the symbolism beyond that. 36
The city
The history During the Iron Age, it affects ideologically and religiously on Jerusalem later. But they did not affect topologically. Then, in 37-4 BC, Herod of the Great, who has been rule the Jerusalem, made significant transformation into the land by built a Jewish Temple. After a while, it was destroyed and was replaced with Roman Temple as Jerusalem was conquered by the Roman (Grabar, 2005). The Roman temple, which was built in Haram, contained the statues of divinities and of emperors and all that is impossible to reconstruct. It was either destroyed or left to decay in early of fourth century when Christianity was announced to be the religion of Constantine empire (Grabar, 2005). Subsequently, Western part of Jerusalem became dominant power with churches, including major monuments such as Holy Sepulcher complex and Neo church. When Muslims Arab took over Jerusalem in 638, despite of lack of documentation from the past, later sources said that Umar and Christian patriarch, Sophronius, began to clear debris in the area of Haram. They have made the Rock visible again with cavern beneath it (Goldhill, 2008). Showing this is the time whereby the Muslim started to rule over Jerusalem. It became significant by 12th century, when Mamluks did fight over Jerusalem and had
a great affection on it. Rising to the architectural climax of Jerusalem, in the early year of 1453, Mehmed the Conqueror fulfilled the long-term Ottoman ambition to capture Constantinople, the Christianity Government. Years later, his successor extend their power to the South, to Levant and Egypt, consequently then to the East. The Ottoman’s ruler, Sulaiman the Magnificent, have embarked a series of campaign in Eastern and South-Eastern of Europe. By 1536, after they conquered Jerusalem for twenty years, they started to build up a serious architectural patronage city (The living city). For the Mamluks, just as the crusaders had celebrated their capture of Jerusalem with a building boom there, so too did the Mamluks inaugurate a comparable boom when they took over control of the city (Hillenbrand, Ottoman Jerusalem: The Living City 1517-1917, 2000).
Jerusalem is known to be a city that dressed in stones as its common view when glance at the Old City street. Despite of all the wars, pressure from commercial and industrial developments, and lack of documentation for its historical building conservation, the Old City could claim that it was preserving the pre-modern Palestinian town. This is due in large measure to its wealth of domestic and vernacular architecture built in local stone, amidst which the Ottoman public building are randomly scattered (Hillenbrand, The Architecture of Ottoman Jerusalem: an introduction, 2002). It is important to note that there was no masterplan for this city, it happened piecemeal over more than a century (Hillenbrand, Ottoman Jerusalem: The Living City 1517-1917, 2000). Thus, when comparing with other further developed cities; Damascus and Aleppo, at that time, their impact on the urban environment is much more assertive than those of Jerusalem, with their marked absence of eye-catching portals, huge domes, lofty minarets and elaborate external decoration. Scholars claimed Jerusalem as an economic and architectural backwater 37
(Hillenbrand, The Architecture of Ottoman Jerusalem: an introduction, 2002). The overall aspect of the city when viewed from a distance or a height was of a concourse of molehills, with a correspondingly sculptural quality as it was once formerly whitewashed and plastered smooth (Hillenbrand, The Architecture of Ottoman Jerusalem: an introduction, 2002). Somehow, Jerusalem shared the formula traditionally followed in Arab cities, whereby public buildings were concentrated in the city centre criss-crossed by major arteries with the private residential further out and linked by smaller, irregular streets and dead-end-streets (culs-de-sac) (Hillenbrand, The Architecture of Ottoman Jerusalem: an introduction, 2002). Their public buildings are constructed of the selfsame local stone as the streets and houses all around them. Those streets maintained a comfortable human scale; apart from the main arterial thoroughfares, they are neither so wide as to be grand nor so narrow as to be pleasantly constricting. Pedestrian-designed only, they follow the natural topography in their rise and fall, with short flights of wide, easily negotiable steps to mark transitions or to mod 38
ulate a long vista. The absence of open space in most of the streets in the city could be understandable as network of alleyways are narrow and became the determining feature of the urban structure; hence the inward-looking nature of the whole environment (Hillenbrand, The Architecture of Ottoman Jerusalem: an introduction, 2002). In conjunction of that, Sultan Sulaiman, as Cueno has claimed, once had urban vision of take over the import ant Christian sanctuary built on site of Tomb of Prophet David, thus, made the Franciscans go nowhere but to the Christian Quarter (Cueno, 2000).
Roughly, the obvious urban plan was the division of The Four Quarter for these four group of believing people; Armenian Quarter, Jewish Quarter, Christian Quarter and, of course, Muslim Quarter. Though there are divisions, few attempts to cross still be made by some parties which triggered anger and resentment (Cueno, 2000).
The Religion Most of architecture in Jerusalem had been always related to religion as it has been commonly called as the city of Holy Place, the City of Pious people. The most prominent time which was during the ruling of Ottoman Dynasty. They had provision of water and walls as the initial move to enhance the characteristic and embellishing of religion image of city. They also took care of the image of Haram al-Sharif (Temple Mount); from exterior to interior part by doing the Walls and retiling the Dome of Rock. It is also necessary to take care of the elementary set in their concentric series of degreesenclosure, platform and Holy Qubba (Cueno, 2000). In comparison to Ottoman, Mamluk’s architecture in Jerusalem tend to have lavish decorative and bigger in scale because they were passionate with that opportunity of the topography of Jerusalem that had relatively close to the centre of power and a religious importance. In addition, they took over the position of being guardian of the Holy Place that was once the First Qiblah for Muslims Orthodox and that was a great honor for Mamluks. As self-styled
rulers of Orthodox Muslim, they did their own geopolitical stance (Grabar, 2005). Whilst Ottoman, they were more focused on other countries and given Jerusalem lower priority (Hillenbrand, Ottoman Jerusalem: The Living City 1517-1917, 2000) resulting not outdoing the architecture of Mamluk. That was also the reason why Ottoman’s architecture non-applied ornament and lesser in number. However, Ottoman ruler, Sultan Sulaiman made an effort on keeping the religious image by made many charitable places for the poor and other less people. Also, the sultan ensconced pious institution in Muslim Quarter of the Old City; ribat with Kuttab (convent with primary school) which was known as madrasa. It was located near to Sara’iyya kitchen the soup kitchen organized by the sultan’s wife, turned it to assist poor, foreigners, pilgrims and students (Grabar, 2005). Getting into a specific architecture that symbolize the religion of Islam during the Ottoman time; Dome of Rock. One of the scholars who wrote ‘Jerusalem’; Oleg Grabar, interpreted Dome of Rock as a monument celebrating the victorious presence of Islam in the Christian city of Jerusalem by resacralizing with
the new and final revelation a space made holy by Judaism (Grabar, 2005). Which is true if we look back through the history of Jerusalem itself, although Islam being the dominant religion through the centuries, it came later than Jewish and Christian people. The evidence could be seen through the style and vocabulary of the mosaics in Figure 1 and 2 which believed it has been derived from high style of Late Antique and early Christian Art (Grabar, 2005).
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All in all, Jerusalem is, will always be and hoping to be conserved, as a historical, remarkable Holy city. The beauty within it goes beyond of what lies in its context; either religiously, architectural or even historical. Especially these 19th centuries, Jerusalem has expanded its land onto Victorian city and the Modern World. Though the evolution throughout centuries, George Curtis, the American political journalist, still claimed the city to be ‘dead’ according to Goldhill in his book ‘Jerusalem’, “There lay Jerusalem dead in white noon. The desolation of the wilderness moaned at her gates… There were no sights or sounds of life. The light was colorless; the air was still. Nature had swooned around the dead city. There was no sound in the air; but a wailing in my Heart ‘O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, thou that stonest the prophets, and killst those that are sent unto thee”
“Looks at you like a cold, gray eye in a cold, cold man,” described by the author of Moby Dick, Herman Melville (Goldhill, 2008). Not knowing the reason and assuming that the urbanism revolving around Jerusalem is not as great as the Great America, in comparison. Let alone Jerusalem as a Holy City, that gives devotees the feeling of piety and submission towards their Gods. 40
References Cueno, P. (2000). The Urban Structure and Physical Organisation of Ottoman Jerusalem in the context of Ottoman Urbanism. In R. H. Auld, Ottoman Jerusalem, The Living City, 1517-1917 (pp. 211-220). London: Altajir World of Islam Trust. Retrieved May 3, 2017 Goldhill, S. (2008). Jerusalem: City of Longing. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Grabar, O. (2005). Constructing the Study of Islamic Art (Vol. IV). Hampshire, England: Ashgate Variorum Aldershot . Hillenbrand, R. (2000). Ottoman Jerusalem: The Living City 1517-1917. (S. Auld, Ed.) London, England: Altajir World of Islam Trust. Retrieved May 3, 2017 Hillenbrand, R. (2002). The Architecture of Ottoman Jerusalem: an introduction. London, England: Altajir World of Islam Trust.
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HUMAN SPACE ARE SATISFYING SPACE ARKADIUS BELOV
Urbi et orbi – to the city and the world – Contra ‘Urbanism’ Searching the etymological history of the word Urban grants us a complex picture of a human world forever on the cusp of self-understanding. The human quest for self-understanding coincides with the quest for dwelling, through the means of shelter and enclosure. This quest amplifies with the shift from nomadism to agragrian settlement, settlement scarred territorial clamour, blood and war. Human settlement also marks the change in the human cogito, from the primitive dreaming of chance and chaos, to the modern day drive to mental organisation and physical sustainability. Human had time to think, when not out collecting grain. Physical evidence of Iron-age organisation is found in archaeological artefact, and contemporary human, collector of pattern and information, has to only look within, for linguistic trace, for the roots of Being and her enclosure. 42
Urbanism: An architecture of Defensive. The beginning of human enclosure, we locate in the Proto-Indo-European roots *gherdh, *ghordhos and *ghortos, meaning a small structure or groupings of small structures. A wide range of interrelated terms, Spawning from these roots, such as: the Modern Welsh garth- ‘pen’, the Russian gorod- ‘town’, the Greek khoros – ‘enclosed place’, the Sanskrit ghra – ‘house’ and the Hittite gurlas – ‘cittadel’ [Pollard 84]. Surrounding the Hittite citadel was the Hittite grid – ‘fence’ -, also known as the warPa – ‘enclosure’ – which via linguistic evolution and extension gives us the English – worth and the Latin urb – ‘ritual enclosure’, [Pollard 84]. Re-enforcing the importance and usage of the enclosure related words, is between words of related sound and meaning. In Roman Empire, the space between city and country was marked by plough and oxen. The Romans called their imperial city Urbs, the centre of the Roman world; the ploughman criss-crossing the Seven Hills accompanied oxen and mule, marked out a simple divide between City and country with their ploughs, or urbanum. The Roman usage is
earliest example of the root urb, from which we derive the modern terms suburb, suburbanism, urban, urbanism, and conjugate terms such as urban renewal and urban sprawl [Monte-Mór para.4]. Understanding the urban as a boundary of spatial enclosure and of personal garrison, arrives us no closer to true knowledge of dwelling. In effort, and in poetry Heidegger directs us to the conundrum that is the relationship between building, dwelling and being. Importantly, by inference, Heidegger tells us that this trio of human activity is in relationship but not in direct reference, that is, the way to being is arrived a through dwelling, and the way to dwelling through building. Bauen is to build, whilst buan is to ‘dwell’. [Heidegger 110] yet it is a path-way. Yet this linkage, from building to dwelling is not explicatable, is without direct route or quantifiable method. A reading of Heidegger tells us that this void-relationship between building, dwelling and being, is a hermeneutic process, where each relies on the other information, in a continual process of re-affirmation through absence and abstraction – ab
sence as the nature of any relationship is co-dependency and or contingency [as without either of these there will be no relationship], and abstraction as this relationship has no sure signification. We imagine a dissolving of meaning to coincide with the complexion of human endeavour and space, no longer is it simply a matter of trusting a handful folk on one side of the hill, distrusting those who lurk atop the groves on the other, with the shifting sphere of human politic from boundary-country industrialised body-density, in urban form a new distrust is born everywhere. Here, a density of mind and information forces the human into her contemporary dilemma, no longer the modern man, who sworn to dialectics of alienation and progress, the post-modern is she who ‘sworn to extremes, not to equilibrium, not to reconciliation or synthesis’ [Baudrillard npp], emerges to an impossible politic, a ‘psychoanalysis in reserve’ [Roderick], as does the search for dwelling, urban dwelling and meaning urban, which amongst an over-abundance of architectural and structural information is forever lost. Enclosure can 43
mean everything and nothing at once. ‘There exists…’ writes Barthes ‘a conflict between signification and reason or, at least, between signification and the calculating reason which would have all the elements of a city uniformly assimilated by planning.’ [160] An early Bathes, as a structuralist, sought to read the city, and to systematize from it into an informal epistemology. In romantic defeat, Barthes deducts the urban language to be largely inexplicable, cauht in a dualistic bind, between function and representation emit strong an neutral sings, which in combination offer conversation to her inhabitants in rhythmic exchange of semantic and value. The city is a discourse and this discourse is truly a language: The city speaks to its inhabitants, we speak our city, the city where we are, simply by living in it by wandering through it, by looking at it. [161] For Barthes, the urban realm is not one of enclosure, but interaction; Barthes, a sort of anti-establishmentarian optimist, epitomises the city that should have been, the urban hope that any sensible person could yearn for. Bathes perhaps was the city, for all its exchanges and manifestations, and he wrote the city, as city is a writing, And yet, both the city as 44
and Barthes as the text, present themselves in equal need of disambiguation. Which, marked by Barthes turn to post-structuralism, as admittance of the impossibility of the sign, lend an interpretation of the urban as an impossible text which lives not outside of itself. Leaving us with wisdom, Barthes offers us a return to Heideggers etymological route, as we construct, we make every city a little in the image of the ship Argo, whose every piece was no longer the original piece but which still remained the ship Argo, that is, is a set of significants easily readable and recognizable. In this attempt at a semantic approach to the city we should try to understand the of signs, to understand that any city is s structure, but that we must never try and must never want to fill in this structure. For the city is a poem, as has often been said and as Hugo said better than anyone else, but it is not a classical poem, a poem tidily centred on a subject. It is a poem
which unfolds the signifier and it is this unfolding that ultimately the semiology of the city should try to grasp and make sing… Furthermore Heidegger’s admittance to the homelessness of mankind, in that, human has no rightful home and yet within the earth she is born to entrapment, in the sensation of home-lost, is the ‘call to dwelling’ [Heidegger 109]. The admittance of this for the individual, is the facing of a homelessness as a death [that human busyness of the urban, is the avoidance of a flight from death], and the denial of this abyss is the collecting of bodies in enclosure, settlement. Heidegger as an etymologist marks out this loose history of dwelling-building-being, as linguistically inter-referential, yet disjoined in signification, as the text, Building, Dwelling, Thinking bypasses conceptual explanation, in its extralinguistic melody, just as Barthes predicted it should happen.
Critical-Break: We relegate city to the combination and anticipation of her erotic energy by her inhabitants. City, as illusory as it is marked, eludes her us of not only urban enclosure, but of dwelling, and therefore: being. Naturally, in nostalgia, the modern quest for a knowledge of dwelling continues, in reverse: Via the hypochondria of a telemetric culture hooked on the post-consumetrist attention-economies of and sphered an uncritical tendency to dwell figuratively, in nouns and stages, post-modern fads, micro-completions and instants. The politics of dwelling in such a society [ours] is driven the [inadmissible] thrist for the solutions, for urban signification. The urban environment is the aggressor and progenitor to anviety, fear, violence, alienation and the politics of discontent. The urban environment and city at large embody excuse for over-consumption, and the industrialization and tale-over control the non-city territotory. The urban environmenthas no bounds, it is of special fluidity [Jacobs], has lost all sign, [as it never really had any]. The path to being through dwelling is never complete, and if there is to be signal or semiotic for urbanism, it must be situat
ed within ots predessasor and creator – dweller. The didactic process that any individualmust undergo through-out her existence, is the very nature of dwelling. This journey to nowhere, we contextualized into an avoidance of this very journer. In the barracks of home and street we find a place to settle and avoid our nomadic origin. In urban form we escape the truth. And have become rather proficient in our urban-city denial. We hospitalize our death, we out-source our trash. We bury it and because we expect for ourselves a clean to walk and sit. Like the child in the broom-closet demands her secret remain untold, we demand transparency for our poltiic, we feed the obesity of the social and its relevant medias at exponential rat, we excommunicate our nomadic truth; homelessness is not mere activity that one should avoid, nor a despairing state, but it is the way of the human, it is the pathway to Being-pure.
References Barthes, R. (1967). Semiology and the Urban, in Rethinking Architecture, Ed. Leach N Routledge. Baudrillard, J. (1987). Fatal strategies. Pluto Press. Heidegger, M. (1997). Building, dwelling, thinking, in Rethinking Architecture, Ed. Leach N. Routledge. Jacobs, J. M. (2012). Urban geographies I Still thinkind cities relationally. Progress in Human Geography, 36(3), 412-422. Mallory, J.P., & Adams, D.Q. (2006). The oxford introduction to proto-indo-europoean and the proto-indo-european world. Oxford Universitiy Press on Demand. Monte-Mor, R.L. (2005). What is the urban in the contemporary world?. Cadernos de Saude Publica, 21(3), 942-948. Pollard, T., & Banks, I. (Eds.). (2007). War and Sacrifice: Studies in the Archeology of Conflict (Vol.2). Brill. Roderick, Rick, (1991) Nietzsche and the Postmodenr Condition. The Teaching Company. Audio Cassette.
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