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‫ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 27‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 89‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪62‬‬

‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫*‬

‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ‪ 30‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﺨﻴﺮ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳــﻲ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺩﻭﻡ« ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ـ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﻓﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻠﻄﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 444‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ـ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦ ﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻛﻦ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻞﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟــﻒ( ﺗﺼــﺮﻑ ‪ 444‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 25‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫‪ 30‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1332‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳــﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﻮﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴــﺨﻴﺮ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ‪ 25‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ(ﭼﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 1332‬ﻫـ ‪ .‬ﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻱﻳﻚﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﺟﺪﻳﺪﺩﺭﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺿﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩ( ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺕﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺩﻟﺴــﺮﺩﻱ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﭗ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬

‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻲﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮﻻﻧﻪﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺎﻛﻠﻪ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺧــﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺷــﺎﻛﻠﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻲﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ)ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ( ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺷﺮﻳﻒ‪،‬ﭘﻠﻲﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ‪،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎﺍﺯﺍﻭﻝﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻲﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺑﺮﺍﻱﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮﻻﻧﻪﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺩﺭﻳﻚﺟﻤﻊﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪.‬ﺳﭙﺲﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﺷﻬﻴﺪﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫» ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﺷﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ‪ 3‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﻮﻃﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ‪2‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺤﻮﻃﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻱﻧﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸــﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ 48‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 72‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ‬

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‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‪ 10/30‬ﺭﻭﺯ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‪ 1358‬ﻫـ ‪ .‬ﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠــﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺋﻴﻨﻲﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒــﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ)ﺭﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﺨﺘﺼ ِﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ـ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻦ ـ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑــﻊ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻠﺪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻨــﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺧــﻮﺏ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻻﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴــﻞ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑــﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺎﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 13‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ 6.‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 14‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ـ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ«‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻟﻘﺐ »ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ« ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴــﺨﻴﺮ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ــ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪ ـ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﺃﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻣﺰﻱ ﻛﻼﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺿﺪ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻓــﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍ ّﻣــﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻼﺭﻙ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻼﺭﻙ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻧﺼﺐﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ـ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪:‬‬ ‫‪1‬ـ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2‬ـ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻝ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3‬ـ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻣﻠــﺖ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺴــﻮﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬


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