ai212815800.pdf

‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ )ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ(‬ ‫‪ m‬ﭘﮋﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﺭﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬

‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴــﻮﺭ ﺟــﺮﺝ ﻛﻼﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﻤﺒﺮﻳﺞ ﺩﺭﺑــﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺫﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﻂ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ‪ ۲۸‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ )ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻛﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ )ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ( ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻔﺴــﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۵۹‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪۲۸‬‬

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‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۳۲‬ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳــﺎﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ‪ ۸‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﭖ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ )ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ( ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۶۷‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﭖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﭼﺎﭖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺨﻴﺺ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼــﺎﭖ ﭼﻬــﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۸۴‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻱ ‪ -‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﻨًﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۸۳‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺬ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ« ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮊﺭﻓﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ؟« ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺯﺑﻴﮕﻨﻮ ﺑﺮﮊﻳﻨﺴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﻭﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺭﺍﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳــﺰﻱ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴــﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺳــﻬﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬

‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ‪...‬‬

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‫ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤــﺪﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫‪ .۲‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺰﻳــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻫﺮ ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۲-۱‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺸــﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﻛﺎﺭﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ »ﺳﺎﻟﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﺁﻟﻨﺪﻩ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ »ﭘﻴﻨﻮﺷﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ ۳‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪» ۱۲۹۹‬ﺳــﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎﺀ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ« ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ »ﺁﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺳــﺎﻳﺪ« ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴــﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺳــﻴﺲ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ ۲۸‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ۱۳۳۲‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﻪ ﺷــﺮﻁ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻨﺤﻠﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻫﺎﻳﺰﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‬

‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ‪...‬‬

‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ۱۳۵۸‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳــﻦ ‪ ۱۳۶۱‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ ۱/۵‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺳــﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۲-۲‬ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻞ ﻗﺸﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻣﻪﻟﻪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﻳﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۲-۳‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍً ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗــﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷــﻬﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻟﺸــﻜﺮ ﻗﺮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻔﺘﺢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ )ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ( ﻭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺻﺎﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫‪ .۲-۴‬ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻟﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺗــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﺣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮊﻳﻨﺴﻜﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﮊﻳﻨﺴــﻜﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ )ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻃﺒﺲ( ﺧﻔﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﺲ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸــﻜﻮﻙ ﺗﺠﻬﻴــﺰﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮊﻳﻨﺴــﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺄﺱ ﻣﺒــﺪﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۳‬ﮊﺭﻓﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻫﺮﻳﺘﻴﺞ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺷــﻮﻟﺘﺰ« ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ »ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ‪ -‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ«‬

‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ‪...‬‬

‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻛﻴﺴــﻴﻨﺠﺮ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ »ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ‪ -‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ« ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﻜﺴﻮﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑــﺎ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑــﻲ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺳــﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍً ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﺪﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻤﺒﻮﻟﻴﻚ »ﺍﺳــﻠﺤﻪ ﻛﻤﺮﻱ« ﻭ »ﻛﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻣﻚ ﻓﺎﺭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۶۵‬ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ »ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ« ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻚ ﻓﺎﺭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷــﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴــﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻚ ﻓﺎﺭﻟﻴﻦ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ »ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ« ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻔﺖﻛﺸــﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ )ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ(‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮊﺭﻓــﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺋﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻫﻼﻝ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖﺩﻫﻲ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬

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‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱‬ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱-۱‬ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮊﻳﻨﺴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺒﻮﺣﺔ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥ )ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺳــﻮﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

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‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺮﮊﻳﻨﺴــﻜﻲ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺰﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳــﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳــﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﻳﺰﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺧﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻓﻌ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﻴﺴــﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﮊﻳﻨﺴﻜﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣــﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ...‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ‬

‫ﻧﺎﻣﺤــﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۲‬ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﮊﻳﻨﺴــﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﺲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟــﻒ( ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺳــﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬

‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ‪...‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ( ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻳﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﮊﻳﻨﺴﻜﻲ )ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻼﻓﻲﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻃﺒﺲ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ )ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ( ﻭ ﺗﺮﻧﺮ )ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ( ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻼﻓﻲﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﻓــﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴــﺎﺕ ﺗﻼﻓﻲﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬

‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﺛﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺗﺮ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪:‬‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻨﻲ ﻋﺎﻣﺮﻱ )ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ( ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ‬

‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﮊﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻣﺮﻱ »ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻲ ﻋﺎﻣﺮﻱ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ ۱۳۵۸‬ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ‪ ،‬ﻧﻄﻔﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬

‫‪ ۲‬ﺍﻟــﻲ ‪ ۳‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺑﻨﻲﻋﺎﻣﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﻲﻋﺎﻣﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ )ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻉ ﺷﺎﻩ( ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬

‫‪۱۹۷‬‬

‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺠﻊ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬

‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬

‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻲﻋﺎﻣﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﭼﻚ ﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪۱۹۸‬‬

‫‪ .۱-۲‬ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺴﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻲﻋﺎﻣﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷــﺎﺧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﺧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺟــﺬﺏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳــﻢ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲﻧﻤﺎﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻴﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲﻓﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻛﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱-۳‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬

‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ‪...‬‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻣﻪﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۲‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻲﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ۱۳۵۸‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻗﺎﺩﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺣﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ »ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﭼﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺭﺋﻴﺲ« ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺷــﺎﺧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﺸــﻜﺮ ‪ ،۱‬ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ‪ ،۲‬ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ‪ ،۹۲‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻴﭗ ﻫﻮﺍﺑﺮﺩ ﻧﻮﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑﻨﻲﻋﺎﻣﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ۱۳۵۸‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۳‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ .۳-۱‬ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬

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‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺬﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺗﻴﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﻳﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻏﻠﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۶۰‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺒﻮﺩﺭﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺷــﺎﻫﺮﺧﻲ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ »ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ُﺣ ّﺮ« ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻧــﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ ،۵۸/۵/۲۵‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻚﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﭘﺎﻭﻩ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫‪ .۳-۲‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪ ۱۲‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺳــﺒﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﭗ ﻧﻮﻫﺪ ‪ ۳۰۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۴۰۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻞ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ‪ ۱۲‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩ ﻛﻮﺭﻭﺵ ﺁﺫﺭﺗﺎﺵ )ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﭗ ‪ ۲۳‬ﻧﻮﻫﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ( ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۴‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ ﺗﻴﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺗﻴﺮﻣــﺎﻩ ‪ ۱۳۵۹‬ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗــﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺁﮊﻳﺮ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﻜﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ‪ ۱۶‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍً ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻼﻓﻲ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ‪ ۴‬ﻭ ‪ ،۹‬ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻌﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻟﻮﻳﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﻌﺼﺮ)ﻋﺞ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴــﻴﻦ)ﻉ(‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻴﺞ )ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ( ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺳــﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻮﻣﺮﺙ ﺁﺑﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺧــﺰﺍﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ‪...‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻋﺐ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺛﻘﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻧــﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۴‬ﺑﻤﺐ ‪ ۷۵۰‬ﭘﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪ ۴ ،‬ﺑﻤﺐ ﺧﻮﺷــﻪﺍﻱ )ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ‪ ۶۵۰‬ﺑﻤﺐ ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮﻱ( ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻓﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺯﺭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺸــﻴﺪﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۵‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻲ ﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﻋﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺝﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۷۰‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﻣﻜﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۶‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۴۸‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻻﻟﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۷‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴــﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬

‫‪۲۰۱‬‬

‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ »ﺧﺎﺩﻡ« ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻛــﻦ ﺩﻭﻡ )ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ( ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪۲۰۲‬‬

‫‪ .۷-۱‬ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻲ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ‪ ۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺗــﻮ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺩﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺷﻴﺮﻡ ﺣﻼﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ‬

‫ﺍﺭﺗﺸــﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺟﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺴــﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺷــﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘــﻢ‪ :‬ﭼﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺟﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ ...‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺷــﺪﻡ‪ ...‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺀﻧﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﺶ‬

‫ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ ...‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻮﺷــﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ...‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺨﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﮕﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ‬

‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ‪...‬‬

‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻡ‪ :‬ﻛﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﺸﺐ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﭗ ‪۲۳‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻫﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﻛﺖ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﻣﻲﺍﺵ ﻛﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۷-۲‬ﺿﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺿﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻴﭗ ﻧﻮﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺧﻨﺜﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ« ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﻳﺐﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻻﻟﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺷــﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻙ ﻻﻟﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫‪ ۴۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘًﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻄﻔﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻲ ﻋﺎﻣﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺩﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲﻓﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۸‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺟﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ‬

‫‪۲۰۳‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻨﺜﻲﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ ،۱۳۵۹/۴/۲۰‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻔﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻔﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﺮﺳــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺻﻨﻒ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ »ﺍﻳﺪﻫﻢﺍﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﻮﻡ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻲ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪...‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﻓﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﺳــﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ...‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺸــﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‪ ...‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻓﺎﻧﺘﻮﻡﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪۲۰۴‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺼــﻞ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷــﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﻨًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪:‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬

‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻒ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻡ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻡ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬

‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﺯﺩﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻭﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍً ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬

‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻓﻮﺭﺍً ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﺪﻡ‬

‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ‪...‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺐ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‬

‫ﺗﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳــﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻨﻲﻋﺎﻣﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬‬

‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺐ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ‬ ‫‪ .۱‬ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺐ‬ ‫ـ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴــﺮﻱ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧــﻮﮊﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻤــﻮﻡ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻً ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺧــﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴًﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﻴــﻞ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟــﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ« ﻭ ﻳﺎ »ﺷــﺒﻜﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ« ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﺎﭖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻏﻼﻁ ﺗﺎﻳﭙﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﭖ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﭼﺎﭖ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﭼﺎﭖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺨﺶﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨــﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﮊﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬

‫‪۲۰۵‬‬

‫‪۲۰۶‬‬

‫»ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﻢ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷــﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﺗًﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨــﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﺢ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳــﺮ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸــﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﭖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﻣﺮﺑــﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۱۳۶۱‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺻﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۲‬ﻣﺤﺎﺳﻦ‬ ‫ـ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷــﻜﺎﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴــﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳــﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻲﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻃﺒﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴــﺨﻴﺮ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬

‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﮊﻩ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻚ ﻓﺎﺭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﺎﭖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻳﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺭﺟﺤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻛﻢﻧﻈﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪﺷﻜﺎﻓﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۲۸‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ،۱۳۳۲‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

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