The Empowerment of Refugee Women
The Empowerment of Refugee Women: A Case Study of Female Syrian Refugees in Zaatari Camp Jordan
Photo: U.S. State Department
Authors: Fizza Fatima, Jin Hee Lee, Jong Hee Paik, Juliana Coelho, Marije van der Wal
Universitat Internacional de Catalunya MSc. in International Cooperation: Sustainable Emergency Architecture 2020/21
This paper was written as a partial fulfillment of the requirements for the module Camps, Politics and Space by Dr. Gaja Maestri.
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The Empowerment of Refugee Women
Table of Contents Abstract …………………………………………………………………………………………………….….....3 Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………...………..4 - 7
I.
II.
i.
Research Background
ii.
Research Question and Objective
Case Study: Zaatari Syrian refugee camp………………………………………………………....8 - 10 i. Syrian Refugees ii. Refugee Policies in Jordan
III.
Research Methodology and Limitation……………………………………………………….…..11 - 14 i. Overview ii. Population of interest iii. Data collection iv. Data processing and analysis v. Challenges and limitations vi. Timeline and division of work
IV.
Value of this Research……………………………………………………………………………...…..15
V.
Potential Conclusion………………………………………………………………………...….………16
VI.
References…………………………………………………………………………………..……...17 - 18
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The Empowerment of Refugee Women
Abstract This research aims to analyse the empowerment of Syrian refugee women after their arrival in the Zaatari refugee camp in Jordan. Relying on the theoretical framework on ‘campzenship’, this study aims to highlight the role of camps in providing protection and practical benefits to newcomers with limited resources. This study is pertinent to contribute to the narrative that women are not merely passive victims, but active agents of social and economic change.
Through primary and secondary data
collection, the findings from this research will provide evidence that the change in geographical and socio-political status of Syrian refugee women, has caused a shift in socio-economic status which challenges cultural norms of patriarchy and gender inequality. Furthermore, it highlights that the legal frameworks between UNHCR and the government of Jordan have been instrumental in creating this change leading to women’s empowerment. The main conclusion drawn from this study is that while camps do have negative and irreversible consequences in many cases, they can also be the grounds for instigating positive socio-economic change.
Keywords: Zaatari camp; campzenship; Syrian refugees; Jordan; empowerment
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The Empowerment of Refugee Women
Introduction Research Background According to Agamben’s definition, a camp is seen as a space of immobilisation and deprivation of rights, under which certain categories of people live: ‘a capture of life in law’ (1995, 26). Agamben’s conceptualisation of camps leaves a very limited room for agencies of the people; and highly critical of Agamben’s argument, Sigona (2015) states that Agamben’s conceptualisation of the camp does not “grasp the complexity of social relations within the camp” such as the rights and membership, and argues for a different conceptualisation of camps that focuses on the function they perform with regard. Sigona (2015) proposes the concept of ‘campzenship’ which is defined as a “situated form of membership produced by the camp, responding to the call to ‘de-exceptionalise the exception,’ and to explain how nomad camps came to be ‘catalysts for newcomers.’” According to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), approximately half of the refugee population accounts for women and girls. This is equivalent to around 13 million women and girls in vulnerable conditions. In this patriarchal and male-dominated society, women and girls are often disempowered and disadvantaged in their daily lives through social and cultural norms, further affecting their economic capabilities. Freedman (2007) claims that women are indeed in need of protection and are vulnerable in certain circumstances. However, he further claims that this should not be generalised and be assumed that they are merely ‘vulnerable victims.’ In recent history, the academic discourse on the identity of refugees has represented these people as victims rather than contributors to history (Krause, 2014). According to Krause (2014), “Refugeeism is understood to include forced displacement and migration as well as the life of the displaced persons which often takes place in camps and settlements and is influenced by protection and aid mechanisms.“ The need for requiring assistance and protection makes these people vulnerable and dependent on the aid they are receiving. This often leads to loss of subjectivity in individual identities and experiences. Looking at refugees as “a homogenous collective produces gender-blindness as the group is situated in the center of attention instead of its individual members” (Krause, 2014). It is undeniable that women in conflict and post-conflict scenarios are often perceived as vulnerable, weak, and docile, while men are viewed as strong, independent, and resilient. Krause (2014) believes that it is necessary for us to move beyond these “binary categories, one-dimensional analyses, and stereotyping process of relations between men and women,” and that “women must be defined as active agents instead of passive victims” to achieve potential positive aspects of their lives in refugee camps. For women’s empowerment to take place, a shift from women and girls as victims to women and girls as agents of social and economic change is necessary. People of different gender do perceive the refugee experience in a very different manner, and this subject should be approached with awareness in different gender-experiences. Gender does not only comprise of biological components that play a role on a daily basis, but also social, cultural and political components that have changed throughout history. Hence, gender relations are strongly influenced by
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The Empowerment of Refugee Women
the context, depending on factors such as social and cultural norms of the specific society. Across the world, women and girls face discrimination and violence due to gender inequality, and this phenomenon is often exacerbated in the context of humanitarian crisis and displacement. In the case of refugees that fled from conflicts and are displaced, the traditional manners of gender relations are often no longer in their former shape due to the changes in their environments and the expectations of the community. In other words, whereas women are often situated at home caring for children and the household in the traditional setting, many women in crisis are widowed, abandoned or divorced and left with no choice but to pursue economic activity to provide for families. This is evident in many refugee camps around the world; according to the Norwegian Refugee Council, women have been playing a huge role in the family economy and have been participating actively in the labour market over the last few years in Zaatari refugee camp in Jordan (Saifi, 2017). In understanding the changes in women’s role in the context of refugee camps, it is necessary to also address the imbalance of power between men and women because women’s empowerment is semantically anchored in ‘power given to’ women (Krause, 2014). The link between power and empowerment should be understood in approaching the empowerment of women. According to an Indian researcher and activist Srilatha Batliwala in the Women’s Empowerment in South Asia: Concepts and Practices published in 1993, empowerment is defined as “a process of transforming the power relationships between individuals and social groups” (Calvès, 2009). Moreover, for some feminists, the definition of empowerment does not refer to “holding ‘power of domination’ over someone else (‘power over’) [but rather] more of a creative power that can be used to accomplish things (‘power to’), a collective political power used by grassroots organizations (‘power with’), and also a ‘power from within,’ referring to self-confidence and the capacity to undo the effects of internalized oppression” (Calvès, 2009). According to Krause (2014), the study of women’s empowerment in refugee camps and settlements has been largely neglected in research, and that the concept of women’s empowerment in the context of humanitarian and development aid is not yet coherently defined. To study the renegotiation of gender roles and the empowering impact on the lives of women in refugee camps, we need to focus on the biographical and not biological aspect of the individual refugee woman in camps. In this study, we seek to understand the change in gender roles in the context of refugee camps and the empowerment of refugee women in the Zaatari camp.
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The Empowerment of Refugee Women
Research Question and Objectives This research seeks to a) examine the empowerment of Syrian refugee women after they arrived in the Zaatari refugee camp and b) critically analyse the aspects and policies that created changes in the socio-economic status of Syrian refugee women and c) explore the challenges, limitations and potentialities of implementing social policies affecting refugee women in similar situations. Therefore, the research question, hypothesis and research sub-questions are formulated as follows: How has living in the Zaatari camp affected the empowerment of Syrian refugee women? We will research this by looking into the following hypothesis: The lens of ‘campzenship’ can assist in analysing the socio-economic status of the Syrian women living in the Zaatari camp. It is expected that living in the Zaatari refugee camp affects the socio-economic status of Syrian refugee women. This shall be researched by comparing the current and previous situation of Syrian refugee women through the following questions: ‘’How has the socio-economic status of Syrian women living in the Zaatari refugee camp changed compared to the socio-economic status of Syrian women before the war?’’ Thereby identifying crucial standards such as employment rate, type of jobs, level of income and family composition as quantitative data, as well as investigating social aspects such as cultural background and religion as qualitative data. We will collect data on both women living in Syria before the war and Syrian women living in the Zaatari camp after the war. We will then compare and critically analyse the outcomes. Next, we will critically analyse how social policies such as the Jordan Compact have contributed to the change in socio-economic status by researching the question: ‘’How have national and international policies on refugees affected the empowerment of Syrian refugee women in the Zaatari refugee camp?’’ First, we will identify what policies and practices are in place that impact women's participation rate on the labor market and what they aim to do. Second, we will analyse how the social policies on refugees in Jordan include and affect women. And third, we will look into factors that can be implemented in other situations to improve the socioeconomic status of refugee women. Last, we will investigate how the Syrian refugee women have contributed to the alleged change in socioeconomic status by answering the following question: ‘’How are Syrian refugee women contributing to becoming more self-sustainable in the Zaatari camp?’’ In order to answer the question, we will analyse a) how camp management and NGOs at Zaatari camp aid women in becoming more self-sustainable through for instance education, training and vocalisation programmes, cash-based programming, creation of market spaces and accessibility to participate, b) how women themselves create opportunities to become more self-sustainable, c) how women represent themselves within the camp, and d) what the opportunities, challenges, positive and negative effects are of women empowerment in Zaatari refugee camp.
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The Empowerment of Refugee Women
Research question: How has living in the Zaatari camp affected the empowerment of Syrian refugee women?
Hypothesis: The lens of ‘campzenship’ can assist in analysing the socio-economic status of the Syrian women living in the Zaatari camp.
Research sub-questions: 1. How has the socio-economic status of Syrian women living in the Zaatari refugee camp changed compared to the socioeconomic status of Syrian women before the war? 2. How have national and international policies on refugees affected the empowerment of Syrian refugee women in the Zaatari refugee camp? 3. How are Syrian refugee women contributing to becoming more self-sustainable in the Zaatari camp?
Table 1 Research Question and Hypothesis
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The Empowerment of Refugee Women
Case Study: Zaatari Syrian Refugee Camp Syrian Refugees The Syrian refugee crisis is due to a violent government crackdown in Syria in March 2011. This led to more than 6.6 million Syrians fleeing their country mainly to neighboring countries such as Jordan, Turkey and Lebanon. Approximately 650,000 Syrians have registered with UNHCR in Jordan, where the world’s largest Syrian refugee camp is located, 10 km from the Jordanian city Al-Mafraq. The camp shelters 77,731 refugees, where 30% are female headed households according to the UNHCR factsheet on Jordan-Zaatari Refugee Camp, published in October 2020. Over time the conflict situation in Syria did not improve and Zaatari refugee camp became the fourth largest city in Jordan, and the second largest refugee camp in the world (UNHCR, 2020). This prolonged calamity also led to a shift in the family structure and gender norms.
Photo: Ledwith, 2014.”Zaatari: The Instant City”
Not different from many other camps, the refugees at Zaatari are dependent on humanitarian aid and government assistance on basic needs such as shelter, food, energy, water and sanitation, primary health, education, and protection. Regarding the situation in a new country as a refugee living in a camp, the women worry on how to support their families mainly the children at least on basic needs following their previous lifestyle in Syria. The Jordanian government has granted more than 100,000 work permits to Syrian refugees since 2016 and 13,773 of those work permits are from refugees at Zaatari camp with 23% of women (WFP, OXFAM). 8
The Empowerment of Refugee Women
At Zaatari camp there are several initiatives from different actors promoting training programs to provide women livelihood opportunities to ensure empowerment and financial resources to care for their families, strengthening the resilience of households, but they are still facing societal, cultural, and economic barriers. “…under the current legal framework Syrian refugees have limited ability to independently access livelihood opportunities. This is especially true for those residing in the camp, whose options are mostly restricted to employment arranged by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the International Labour Organization (ILO). Women in particular are excluded from employment opportunities and currently fill only one-third of the cash-for-work positions available.” (Almasri, 2018) According to a report by OXFAM, there are various reasons reported by women which impede them in accessing jobs outside of camps (Almasri, 2018). Some of these are as follows: ●
The distance between camp and work restrict the women to access jobs due to unsafe transportation option
●
Rumours about poor worker treatment in factories
●
They are concerned about missing aid distribution during the work hours.
This research is expected to investigate further into the current situation of accessibility to work of women in Zaatari camp according to the data analysis.
Refugee Policies in Jordan In order to research the opportunities for women to find jobs and improve their socio-economic status, we will also examine multiple policies that seek to protect refugees. We will analyse both national and international frameworks, legislations and protocols. Despite having one of the highest ratio of refugees to citizens in the world, Jordan is not a member of the 1951 Convention on Refugees or its protocol of 1967. Jordan also has not enacted legislation that addresses the status of refugees. Therefore, refugees are subject to Law No. 24 regarding Residency and Foreigners. They are not seen as a separate group, rather as someone who does not have the Jordanian nationality; a visitor or an irregular guest. These terms do not hold legal meaning (ILO, 2015). However, a legal framework called the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) was signed between Jordan and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in 1998. The MOU allows the UNHCR to protect, treat and process refugees in Jordan, accepts the definition of ‘’refugee’’ created by the 1951 Convention and respects the principle of nonrefoulement, which means that people seeking asylum in Jordan will not be returned to countries that are deemed unsafe for them due to their race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion.
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The Empowerment of Refugee Women
Refugees will furthermore receive legal status in Jordan and a refugee identification card which is valid for one year. They have the right to practice their religion, are entitled to legal assistance and free access to courts of law and are exempt from departure fees and overstay fines (UNHCR,1998) . Since the onset of the refugee crisis, the Jordanian government has estimated that they spent $8.6 billion in direct costs for hosting Syrian refugees, which is roughly 16 percent of their annual budget. In order to fund the aid for refugees, the government and UNHCR have asked for $7.68 billion in aid over three years in the Regional refugee and Resilience Plan 2017-2018 (UNHCR, 2017). However, as of October 2017, donations have only reached 42 percent of that amount. A combination of this funding deficit, a shortage of jobs and the related competition over jobs between refugees and the host community, has led to tensions between Syrian refugees and local Jordanians (Guay, 2015). In order to resolve these tensions, the Jordanian government formed the Jordan Compact in 2016 granting Syrians access to work permits and educational opportunities (IRC, 2017). The Jordan Compact helped raise funds and enhanced self sustainability of refugees by giving them opportunities and legal rights. This policy - deemed “successful” and "a sustainable refugee response" by the international community - shall be examined in more detail. Another contributing framework that we will look into is the Global Compact on Refugees (UN, 2018): ‘’It provides a blueprint for governments, international organizations, and other stakeholders to ensure that host communities get the support they need and that refugees can lead productive lives.’’ It strives to relieve tensions between the host community and refugees by providing host communities with support and enhancing refugees self-reliance with a focus on international cooperation between the stakeholders. And last, we will examine the UNHCR’s Policy on Alternatives to Camps (2014) in order to identify possibilities for empowerment of women. It seeks to find durable solutions for the protection of displaced people and adheres to the rights of refugees under international law. Camps, according to UNHCR, should only be a temporary solution: ‘’The possible alternatives are diverse and affected by factors such as culture, legislation and national policies. Refugees might live on land or housing which they rent, own or occupy informally, or they may have private hosting arrangements. Such alternatives typically allow refugees to exercise their rights and freedoms, make meaningful choices about issues affecting their lives, contribute to their community and live with greater dignity and independence.’’ (UNHCR, 2020) The policy is directed at staff members involved in the planning, design and delivery of programmes for protection of refugees and seeks partnership with the host government, community and other stakeholders (UNHCR, 2014).
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Research Methodology Overview The research will be based on fieldwork that will be carried out in the Zaatari camp. In order to assess the impact of a refugee camp on women empowerment, the research will utilize primary and secondary data with a mixed-method approach of both quantitative and qualitative elements. Specifically, the first part of the paper about the Zaatari Syrian refugee camp case study will be based on using comparative and cross-sectional study relying on primary data that involves semi-structured interviews, surveys, and focus group discussions (FGDs). These shall be conducted with 3 groups that include refugee women and their possible husbands who have been in the camp for 1 to 9 years and Jordan women from nearby city Al Mafraq which has a similar population to our site. Then, the second part of the paper which covers Jordan's policy and global framework on refugees will mostly rely on secondary data including grey literature, legal framework, and policy surrounding refugees.
Population of interest Survey and semi-structured interviews will be conducted with Syrian refugee women living in Zaatari camp for more than 5 years and Jordan women living in the city Al Mafraq. The length of residence in the camp is controlled in order to see the stability of their status. Moreover, if the women have a husband or partner present at the Zaatari camp, they shall be included in the interviews as well, because it is important to take their perspective into account on women’s empowerment since most of them are from countries where traditional gender roles are pervasive. Respondents will be chosen from a subset of this population within a specific age; from 13 to 65 since 13 is the legal age a woman can get married in Syria, marriage; single/ widowed/ married/ married with child and working status. The research will use convenience sampling on a focused group by selecting eight to ten Syrian refugee women who are working or have working experience.
Data collection Prior to data collection, two considerations are to be expected. The first one is that fieldwork teams will need training in which the background and purpose of the study will be discussed, as well as the methodology and data collection tools. The training also will cover field protocols, code of conduct, protection principles, logistics, data entry guidelines as well as ethical standards (Mearns, 2010). The second consideration is the access to the site. Since Zaatari camp is under the joint administration of the Syrian Refugee Affairs Directorate and UNHCR, the author will not only have to get access permits but also have prior meetings with organizations and individuals in charge such as SRAD, UNHCR, refugee council of Zaatari camp, women council and information managers as well. The survey will be conducted face-to-face two times in total in which the latter one could work as a complementary survey on the first one when there is a need for more information or data is missing or insufficient. Subjects will be selected randomly involving each hundred refugee women and Jordan women of different status with the help of Zaatari camp manager. Data will be collected using KOBO tools with both Arabic and English accompanying Arabic speaking translators in case respondents are illiterate. The survey content will 11
The Empowerment of Refugee Women
include twenty to thirty multiple-choice questions asking information on socioeconomic status such as education, income, occupation as well as basic information. The survey is estimated to take about 1520 minutes in order for respondents not to be overwhelmed and after the data collection, each answer will be monitored by the field manager every day. Examples of survey questions are as follows; what is your highest degree or level of education you completed? When did you study last? Do you work? What kind of work do you do? How much did/do you earn? How much financial support do you get? Semistructured interviews will be conducted face-to-face total of two times with Syrian refugees living in Zaatari camp and Jordan individuals living in the city Al Mafraq (see below for the composition of respondents) and it will be recorded digitally unless interviewees ask for a non-recording session where the note will be taken. Selection and access to the respondents will get help from the organizations, institutions, and individuals stated in the paragraph above.
Each Syrian refugee in Zaatari camp and Al Mafraq citizen age
single
widowed
married
Married with children
Husbands of the married
15-25
1
1
1
1
-
25-35
1
1
1
1
-
35-45
1
1
1
1
-
Over 45
1
1
1
1
-
Sub total
4
4
4
4
8
Total
Zaatari camp 24 persons + Al Mafraq citizen 24 persons = 48 persons
Table 2 Composition of semi-structured interviewees
Focused group discussion will be conducted face-to-face and videotaped, with permission, on the second site visit. A number of eight to ten individuals of the focus group will be selected using convenience sampling who are Syrian refugees living in the camp and working at the moment or have working experience either in Syria or in the camp whether with a working permit or not. The estimated time of discussion is 2-3 hours with the supervision of the women's council. Secondary data will be collected from grey literature such as annual reports, reports from INGOs, Jordan ministry of justice website, UNHCR global framework on refugees; The Global Compact on Refugees (GCR), Country Refugee Response Plan (CRRP) and further literature.
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Data processing and analysis Primary data collected on the field will go through data review and translated into English regularly with a trained translator. Quantitative data will be analyzed using Excel and STATA while qualitative data will be analyzed using ATLAS.ti or Nvivo (depending on the access and familiarity of the tool). Method of qualitative data analysis will be based on the grounded theory described by Glaser and Strauss (1967).
Challenges and limitations ⧫ Interviewees may not represent the population in refugee camps and Jordan because of the limitation of the number of interview conducted. ⧫ Though city Al Mafraq was chosen as a comparative group, because of the proximity of the city to the camp(10km), Al Mafraq can be seen as a refugee-hosting city meaning it has many refugees from Syria and it may not be representing the city in Jordan. ⧫ Zaatari camp grew exponentially fast and the situation is still fluctuating regarding the Syrian border circumstances which means that the time period this research takes place will be one of the variables. For example, the result of the data collected on pandemic might be pointing in a different direction compared to the one collected now. ⧫ Although data will be collected carefully respecting anonymity under ethical manners since many refugee women are from developing countries where the position of women is weak, answers might have liability issues and researchers will take that into account.
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Timeline and division of work Jan
Feb
Mar
Apr
May
Jun
Jul
Aug
Sep
Literature review (secondary data collection)
Zaatari camp contact (camp manager, INGOs, SARD, UNHCR, Al Mafraq municipal) Design detailed methodology
Data collection training (ethics, technique) 1st site visit (select focus group, meet stakeholders)
Finalize field work questions 2nd site visit (survey, semi-structured interview, FG meeting)
Data analysis
Complimentary questions
3rd site visit (FGD, complimentary survey and semi-structured interview)
Write
Table 3 Timeline of the research
Name
Division Of Work
Fizza Fatima
Literature review and secondary data collection
Jin Hee Lee
Data analysis, quantitative method
Marije van der Wal
Data analysis, qualitative method
Juliana Coelho
Field research, in charge of meeting with organization (UNHCR, SRSA, refugee council, women council)
Jong Hee Paik
Field research, in charge of meeting individuals (refugees, Al Mafraq citizens)
Table 4 Division of the research
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Value of this Research The broader aim of this research is to contribute to the narrative that the Syrian women in Zaatari camp are not merely passive victims, but active agents. The initial analysis reveals that women are not only contributing to familial expenses, but some households are entirely female-led. Thus, the notion that women remain dependent on men in Zaatari camp does not hold true. Women are not just staying at home to look after their children and their homes, they are acquiring the financial means that they need to sustain their livelihoods. Whether it is the poor economic conditions of the camps or changed status quo that now allows women to gain more agency and thus be empowered – it does strengthen the argument that women are active participators of the labor market in Zaatari camp. It is noteworthy that while this research aims to highlight the active role played by refugee women, it does not intend to undermine the vulnerability of women in Zaatari camp or any refugee camp, for that matter. It does take into account various vulnerabilities that are compelling women to step out of the house. Some have lost their husbands in the war or some have been divorced or abandoned. This has moved them into unchartered waters and forced them to become not only breadwinners for their families, but also the head of the family, something many of them are new to. Whether women are forced into these new gender roles or choose to take on these tasks freely, a changing socio-economic status is the result of stepping onto the labour market, which paves the way to more women empowerment in refugee camps.
Viewing women as important participants in refugee camps is crucial to their
empowerment. Therefore, it is necessary to reform the narrative of women as mere victims or dependents in refugee camps and to start viewing them as key actors. It would be interesting to see how the implementation of the Jordan Compact in other refugee hosting countries would benefit the women there. By giving out work permits and encouraging women to work, the socio-economic status of women and thus, their empowerment could be improved in other camps with similar populations and backgrounds.
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Potential Conclusion With respect to the research objectives stated earlier, the conclusion will broadly discuss the change in the socio-economic status of Syrian women after moving to Zaatari camp. The inferences from the preliminary literature review highlight that even though Jordan is not a signatory to the 1951 Geneva Convention, its Memorandum of Understanding with the UNHCR allows the acceptance, fair treatment and processing of refugees from Syria. Since Jordan has also granted work permits to Syrian refugees, 13,773 refugees in Zaatari camp are allowed to work, out of which 23 percent are women. Due to this policy, many Syrian women are able to take part in the labor market and contribute to the household expenses, which is crucial because many of these households are female-led. According to the initial analysis, most of the women were not working in Syria before they arrived at Zaatari camp. Often, there was no reason for the women to work, however, in the Zaatari camp they found themselves in the situation where they became the main breadwinners and the head of their household due to a myriad of reasons including: divorce, abandonment by their husbands or the death of the male breadwinner. As discussed earlier, the theoretical framework on ‘campzenship’ sheds light on this situated form of membership in camps and calls them ‘catalysts for newcomers’ as they offer (some level of) protection, recognition and practical benefits to newcomers with limited resources and no rights. However, a more comprehensive literature review combined with in-depth data collection is required for conclusive remarks. This shall provide further evidence that the status quo has changed after the arrival of women in Zaatari camp as women have more economic opportunities. The change in their geographical context has also allowed them to renegotiate cultural norms and they are not merely vulnerable victims, but active agents of socio-economic change in the Syrian refugee community. Thus, being situated in the Zaatari refugee camp, albeit with its challenges, has empowered Syrian women.
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Saifi, Lian. 2017. “Empowerment through employment.” Norwegian Refugee Council, September 11, 2017. https://www.nrc.no/news/2017/september/empowerment-through-employment/ Sigona, Nando. 2015. “Campzenship: Reimagining the Camp as a Social and Political Space.” Citizenship Studies 19 (1): 1–15. UNHCR. n.d. United Nations Women. https://www.unhcr.org/en-us/women.html UNHCR. 1998. Memorandum of Understanding Between the Government of Jordan and UNHCR. April 5, 1998. http://mawgeng.a.m.f.unblog.fr/files/2009/02/moujordan.doc, archived at https://perma.cc/N28J-MV22t. UNHCR. 2014. UNHCR Policy on Alternative to Camps. July 22, 2014. https://www.unhcr.org/protection/statelessness/5422b8f09/unhcr-policy-alternativescamps.html?query=unhcr UNHCR. 2017. Regional Strategic Overview (2017-2018): Regional Refugee & Resilience Plan (3RP). https://reporting.unhcr.org/sites/default/files/ga2017/Syria%203RP%20Regional%20Strategic%2 0Overview%202017-2018.pdf?v2 UN. 2018. Global Compact on Refugees. United Nations. New York. 2018. https://www.unhcr.org/5c658aed4 UNHCR. 2020. “Jordan-Zaatari Refugee Camp Factsheet (September 2020)” https://data2.unhcr.org/en/documents/details/79536 WFP. 2020. “10 Facts about the Syrian refugee crisis in Jordan.” World Food Program USA. October 29, 2020 https://www.wfpusa.org/articles/10-facts-about-the-syrian-refugee-crisis-in-jordan/ Zaatari, Zeina. 2014. Unpacking Gender: The Humanitarian Response to the Syrian Refugee Crisis in Jordan.
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