Itujfa 2019 2 by LookUs Scientific

f Theory

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ISSN 2564-7474

Vol 16 No 2

Y. Çağatay Seçkin ∞ Editor Editorial

Ezgi Yavuz Re-evaluating modernism through a spatial collection: İstanbul complex of retail shops and collaboration of art and architecture Soraya Kadri, Malika Kacemi, Ratiba Wided Biara The boundaries of streets across time, in Saharan space Simona Azzali Mega sporting events and their impact on the built environment: Lessons learned from the past Alp Arısoy, Nurbin Paker Bridging and bonding social capital in gentrifying neighborhoods: “Yeldeğirmeni district in Istanbul” Joko Adianto, Rossa Turpuk Gabe The spatial strategies and its mechanism of home-based enterprise in Kampong Cikini, Jakarta Seden Acun Özgünler, Elmira Gür An investigation of the conservation problems of volcanic tuffs used in the facades of Dolmabahçe Palace Hakan Anay, Yiğit Acar, Ülkü Özten, Meltem Özten Anay Mapping theory: Production of knowledge in theory of architecture in Turkey Gökçen Erkılıç, Ipek Akpınar Towards a critical delineation of waterfront: Aerial photographs as evidence and record in Istanbul Arulmalar Ramaraj, Jothilakshmy Nagammal Validating a direction adopted in a basic design studio based on the principles of constructivism

Death o

Vol 16 No 2

• July 2019

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ISSN 2564-7474

Vol 16 No 2

• July 2019

Published three issues in one year by Istanbul Technical University as a refereed journal.

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Y. Çağatay Seçkin

Publisher

Mehmet Karaca On behalf of Istanbul Technical University

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Aliye Ahu Akgün İpek Akpınar Aksugür Eda Beyazıt İnce Emine Görgül Murat Gül Murat Günaydın Yegan Kahya Seda Kundak Deniz Leblebici Başar Gülten Manioğlu Mine Özkar Şevkiye Şence Türk

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Ömer Akın • Carnegie Mellon University, Pittsburgh, USA Sadık C. Artunç • Mississippi State University, USA Ece Ceylan Baba • Yeditepe University, Turkey Michael Batty • University College, London, UK Sina Berköz • University of Bahrain, Isa Town, Bahrain Richard Buchanan • Carnegie Mellon University, Pittsburgh, USA Eric H. Buhmann • Hoschschule Anhalt, Germany Conall O’Cathain • Queen’s University of Belfast, Belfast, UK Jay Chatterjee • University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, USA Max Conrad • Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, USA John Gero • George Mason University, USA Gabriela Goldschmidt • Israel Institute of Technology, Haifa, Israel Manolya Kavaklı • Macquarie University, Australia Joachim Kieferle • Hoscschule RheinMain, Germany Roderick John Lawrence • University of Geneve, Geneve, Switzerland Susan Macdonald • Getty Conservation Institute, USA Ardeshir Mahdavi • Vienna University of Technology, Vienna, Austria Ezio Manzini • Politecnico di Milano, Milano, Italy Robert W. Marans • University of Michigan, Ann Arbor Michigan, USA Peter Nijkamp • VU University of Amsterdam, The Netherlands Andrew D. Seidel • Texas A&M University, College Station, USA Bruce Sharky • Louisiana State University, USA Nazire Papatya Seçkin • Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, Turkey Tim Waterman • The University of Greenwich, UK

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Editorial

Y. Çağatay SEÇKİN • Editor Welcome to July issue of AIZ. Yes, we are in July, and that means summer is in full swing, and along with it comes warm weather and longer days to be spent relaxing by the pool or the sea. In this issue, under the July sun, I would like to bring you to Bilbao and talk about its 21st Century architecture in Abando district. Actually, I visited Bilbao nearly 2 months ago, but my impressions are still alive in my mind. I was in Bilbao in May for the final four games of Fenerbahçe. Actually, my match-going days stopped nearly 4 years ago, when I started my duty as the coordinator of construction affairs at ITU with a busy schedule, and when I found time to go, either good seats were sold, or the price of tickets were not acceptable. So, my relationship with Fenerbahçe was felt from the safety of a middle-distance, but the club was as much a part of my life as a relative and relatives are missed. And Final four in Bilbao, which was hosting two Turkish teams, -not only Fenerbahçe, but also Efes Pilsen- was a good opportunity to fulfill my longing. Bilbao is a prime example of urban restricting, having transitioned from an industrial city to a city of services

Walking in Bilbao rain with Ramón Rubial Cavia.

and culture. Bilbao wasn’t in the traveler’s radar until recently, when the city transformed itself from a grim industrial city to a city that is known for architecture, arts and food. The city was founded in 1300 through a town charter granted by the Lord of Biscay Don Diego Lopez de Hara. Its geographic location and the fact that it was an inland port increased its chances for commercial and industrial development. The wool route from Castile crossed through the area of the Las Encartaciones towards the sea to export this prime material to northern countries and to import finished cloths as well as other products. In the 19th Century the historical center went into decline and a new city was created on the other side of the Estuary. The need for an expansion onto flat land of Abando was reflected in a series of projects and itwas annexed in 1890. From the time it was annexed to the Bilbao at the end of the 19th Century, what was once the parish of Abando became the location for the extension development of the city, which crossed the Estuary from the old historic walled enclosure. Abando District is a compact urban weave with an extensive collection of buildings of great interest and well-ordered and harmonious city planning. The development of the District, upon the freeing up of space previously occupied during the industrial era, is allowing for the integration with the Estuary and with it the historical center of the city. Abando District is the essence of Bilbao’s international image today. Home to Metro Bilbao by Norman Foster, the Guggenheim by Frank Gehry, Zubizuri Bridge by Santiago Calatrava, the Bilbao Conference Center and Concert Hall by Soriano & Palacios, Atea Towers by Arata Isozaki, The Library of University of Deusto by Rafael Moneo and Iberdrola Tower by Cesar Pelli, the river represents the artistic and youthful nature of modern Bilbao. The Guggenheim museum deserves a mention here. This unique building has transformed Bilbao, opening the city to the world and projecting it into the future. It is the father of iconic architecture. The museum was opened

nearly 20 years ago, by the king and queen of Spain, since when it has become the most influential building of modern times. It has given its name to the “Bilbao effect” – a phenomenon whereby cultural investment plus showy architecture is supposed to equal economic uplift for cities down on their luck. Nowadays, most of the cities want to create the next Bilbao-Guggenheim-Gehry vortex: hire a star architect to design a branch of a famous museum, and watch your city blossom with culture, such as the effect of Jean Nouvel’s latest designs, Louvre Abu Dhabi or National Museum of Qa-

tar. After all, it worked for Bilbao and why not for the others? After sharing my impressions and thoughts about my Bilbao visit, as it always has been, I would like to thank all our readers for the support they provide to the Journal. We really look forward your comments, contributions, suggestions and criticisms. Please do not hesitate to share with us your feelings and especially, let us know if you have ideas or topics that we could be focusing on. Enjoy your reading and meet with us again in next issue on November 2019.

ITU A|Z • Vol 16 No 2 • July 2019 • 1-17

Re-evaluating modernism through a spatial collection: İstanbul complex of retail shops and collaboration of art and architecture Ezgi YAVUZ ezgi_yavuz@yahoo.com • Department of Architecture, Gebze Technical University, Kocaeli, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2019.98852

Received: December 2017 • Final Acceptance: March 2019

Abstract The increasing dialogue between the arts and architecture in the period of post-World War Two emerged as a significant issue in the international arena in both architectural discourse and practice, and Turkey was not excluded from this phenomenon at the time. The article rethinks contemporary discussions and the materialized works in Turkey with reference to the wider international frame of the architectural context. Formalized around the concept of ‘situated modernism’ and the publicness of architecture, the example of the Complex of Retail Shops is examined. This subject is questioned with particular focus on the ambivalence between the international and the local in postwar architecture, and the efforts to establish a connection with the public. The novel perspective that the article suggests is a re-reading of the complex together with the questioning process of the international modern and the uneven relationship between the arts and architecture. The article aims to unearth the implicit meaning and the constructive role of this uneven relationship, specially the collaboration efforts, under the circumstances of the period. Keywords Collaboration of arts and architecture, Integration of arts and architecture, İstanbul complex of retail shops, Postwar architecture, Publicness.

1. Introduction1 After World War Two, the modern movement that had dominated early 20th-century architectural culture faced questions regarding its ‘modern’ sense, i.e. contextual considerations of locality and public meaning, which actually resulted from current demands. It was particularly criticized for preventing adaptation to current circumstances. The intricate line of questioning that emerged, seeking a new architectural discourse, revealed various perspectives and affected design activity. Meanwhile, architecture’s relationship with the arts was also re-evaluated and rethought in an attempt to move beyond the impasse in modern architecture. Similar discussions and practices were witnessed in Turkish art and architectural milieu in this period. It seems that the integration of arts into architecture was an important issue although being barely discussed in the historiography.2 When searching the publications of the day, it is observed that several themes arose from these discussions: how to implement such collaborative work; the duality between the past and the west; issues of permanency; publicity; functionality; and the mutuality of collaboration.3 These considerations brought out not only the debates on integrating the arts but also efforts to realize this ideal. One remarkable artistic initiative was Türk Grup Espas [Turkish Group Espace, 1955], which embarked on the idea of synthesis and total design through team spirit, while another group called Kare Metal [Square Metal, 1955] was closely related to the discourse and the practices of Türk Grup Espas.4 While the integration of the arts into architecture was sometimes uneven and precarious - despite starting with inexperienced moves- a discursive background was formed from the mid1950s onwards, especially between 1955 and 1958, when Türk Grup Espas members were active.5 In practical terms, the 1950s-1970s witnessed a significant progress, such as the mosaic wall by painter Bedri Rahmi Eyüpoğlu, the pylon by sculptor İlhan Koman for the1958 Brussels Fair Turkish Pavilion,

İstanbul Complex of retail shops with various panels and reliefs, the mosaic panel by ceramic artist Gencay Kasapçı for METU Faculty of Architecture, the ceramic wall in the AKM building by ceramic artist Sadi Diren, and the ceramic wall by ceramic artist Jale Yılmabaşar in Istanbul Governorship Hall.6 These developments make the postwar period particularly remarkable for reading the uneven relationship between the arts and architecture. While these examples all have their own dynamics and modes of operation related to integrating the arts, the 1958 Brussels Fair Turkish Pavilion and İstanbul Complex of retail shops are the prominent ones in terms of including artwork as an integral part of an overall architectural design. The former, which could be the subject of another article on its own, situated the mosaic wall at its center as an inextricable part of the design to link two separate units of the structure. While the architects of the latter considered the artworks even during the initial design process. Designed by a team including Doğan Tekeli, Sami Sisa and Metin Hepgüler, İstanbul Complex of Retail Shops exemplifies a ‘spatial collection’.7 So, this makes it a remarkable one for examining how artworks came to be integrated into modern architecture through publicness and an oscillation between the local and the international, particularly its use of several artworks with traditional roots, its way of locating artworks within the structure, and its design process featuring modern approach with planned integration, meaning a collaboration.8 The main question that emerges related to the postwar modernist approach to architecture is why, in this period in particular, modern architecture desired to integrate modern art into its structure. In the Turkish case, the aim was to bring an ‘aesthetic quality’ and ‘civic-mindedness’ to modern buildings (Bozdoğan & Akcan, 2012:131). Another argument about postwar modernism concerned the orientation of postwar architecture in Latin America, the Mediterranean, the Middle East and South Asia, which were ‘rewriting’ modernism by using local references, thus making it ITU A|Z • Vol 16 No 2 • July 2019 • E. Yavuz

This paper is based on the PhD dissertation titled ‘An Aesthetic Response to an Architectural Challenge: Architecture’s Dialogue with the Arts in Postwar Turkey’ submitted in 2015 to METU, Architectural History Graduate Program. Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Elvan Altan. 1

In fact, postwar architecture is a fairly new topic regarding the studies in architectural history. There are only a few studies on this topic with a focus on Turkey as well. Most of these studies only lightly touch on the integration of the arts into architecture, or only a few specific examples are covered and mostly discussed to emphasize the artistic results. Arda, F. (early 1970s). Türkiye’de Başlangıçtan Günümüze Kadar Duvara Çakılı Mozaik ve Seramik Olarak Duvar Resmi (thesis, not submitted,/ Sanatta Yeterlilik Tezi). Istanbul Academy of Fine Arts, Istanbul. Yasa Yaman, Z. (1978). Cumhuriyet Dönemi Duvar Resmi (Unpublished Graduation thesis). Hacettepe Üniversitesi, Ankara. Yavuz, D. (2008). Mimarlık-Sanat Birlikteliğinde 1950-70 Aralığı. Mimarlık, 344, 70-76. Yılmaz, A.N. (2006). 2

Bir Mekan Estetiği: ‘Groupe Espace’ ve Türk Sanatındaki Yansımaları. Cey Sanat, 13, 18-22. Kaçel, E. (2007). Fidüsyer: Bir Kollektif Düşünme Pratiği. In M. Cengizkan (ed.), Haluk BaysalMelih Birsel (pp. 7-32). Ankara: Mimarlar Odası. Cengizkan, A. (2002). Bedri Rahmi’nin bilinmeyen Mozaiği: Mimarlık ve Duvar Resmi. In Modernin Saati.(229245). İstanbul: Mimarlar Derneği Yayını. Pillai, J. (2010). The Lost Mosaic Wall / Kayıp Mozaik Duvar. Lefkoşa: Sidestreets. The journals and the newspapers, which were searched, can be stated as such: Akademi, Ankara sanat, Arkitekt, Bayındırlık işleri dergisi, Eser, Esi, Güzel sanatlar, Mimarlık, Mimarlık ve sanat, Türk yurdu, Ülkü, Yapı, Yapı ve İmar İşleri Dergisi, Yeditepe, Yeni insan; Cumhuriyet, Milliyet, Pazar Postası, Ulus, Yeni İstanbul. 3

appropriate for all localities (Bozdoğan, 2008:64). This study draws on research that embraces the critical aspects of modernism, meaning a cross-reading of the local and the international approaches of the modern. The article therefore rereads the Complex from a perspective that accentuates the role of this planned integration – collaboration in ‘rewriting modernism’ and redefining the public meaning of architecture. This raises the question of whether there was any connotation in terms of displaying the country’s own form of modernism when collaborating with artists. Also, regarding the public meaning of architecture, another question can be asked: Does art have a role to play in responding to criticisms of modern architecture when its social utility was stressed? 2. Ambivalence between the local and the international Turkey first experienced a multiparty political system after the World War Two, leading to new economic and socio-cultural developments and a new trajectory in both domestic and foreign politics. Turkey integrated more into the West9 and merged with its capitalist system (Zürcher, 2000: 341), receiving foreign aid and investments that were also a part of developing closer relations with the West (Feroz, 1993: 118). As, the political relationship with the capitalist world intensified, it brought forth a new economic approach, which applied liberal principles. Participating in the international economic system created new demands and a new way of life along with new consumption patterns that resulted in new types of building and transportation (Tapan, 2005: 112). One of the significant government program was the investment in public works and infrastructure. Between the years 1950-1954, the total amount of investments increased by a remarkable 256 percent, which were achieved primarily in the areas of roadwork infrastructure, construction facilities and agriculture. (Zürcher, 2000: 327). Tekeli (2005: 28) examines the period from 1950 to 1980 in two parts:

1950-1960 and 1960-1980.10 In terms of building facilities, he defines the period between the years 1950-60 as a “search for an international solution” that alludes to the effects of the new political orientation with populist approaches and better international relations. Gülsüm Baydar (2012: 119) claims that the ideology of architectural profession paralleled the political ideology of the time. For her, this choice was nothing less than maintaining their very own positions in professional manner (Baydar, 2012: 119). So, it can be said that the architectural milieu adopted moves in line with the political scene, which consisted of a populist tone in its attempts and discourses. Meltem Gürel (2016: 3) claims that Turkey’s architectural milieu was captivated by the opportunity of participating in the international arena and impressed by the ‘re-interpreted version of inter-war modernism’. This led architects towards solutions integrated with modernist discourse, while dealing with a new client, the private sector, and new public enterprises. This directly affected architecture, creating fertile ground for experimenting in new techniques, materials and approaches.11 Their application of anonymous international characteristics led Turkish architects to consider themselves part of the West. The dominant approach between 1950 and 1960 employed basic prismatic forms, mostly rectangles and squares, used a grid system on the façade, and mainly included plain surfaces throughout the design. Turgut Cansever states that plain forms were preferred in the 1950s due to modern technology, although he also notes that this formal approach had been seen previously in the plasticity of Ottoman architecture (Cansever, 1970:41). According to Uğur Tanyeli (1998:237), from 1950 to 1960, nobody was concerned about a sense of identity or bringing individualistic touches to a design. But how was this international approach perceived by contemporary architectural circles? After the proclamation of the new constitution in 1961, a new advancement began, which generated extraordinary changes at various

Re-evaluating modernism through a spatial collection: İstanbul complex of retail shops and collaboration of art and architecture

levels. The positive effect of the new constitution is believed to have created a freer and more socialist atmosphere, which eventually, is said to affect directly the intellectual sphere of the art and architecture milieus. By the 1960s, as a result of the emerging idea of social consciousness, approaching the public and entering in a cycle of self-criticism were seen parallel to the concerns of the Western world. In that kind of context, in response to criticisms of modernist discourse’s solid functionalism, Turkish architects sought new solutions, such as breaking the ‘international’ prism, and being concerned with plasticity, organic forms, and regional and traditional values (Gürel, 2016: 4). Üstün Alsaç (1973: 17) defined the particular decade as that of “the idea of searching for solutions in architecture via free forms.” Tekeli (2005:31) labels developments in the 1960s as ‘multi-faceted’ in terms of both intellectual area and practice in architecture. Turkish architects were in search of a new architectural ideal that would represent the new course of the country, as well as within the newly defined borders or in broad terms, the prospects of the era. Batur (2005: 54) commented that the socialist views began to affect the very core of the discipline and brought along the promising self-questioning process. Related with these internal queries, Tanyeli (1998: 241) interprets the 1960s and 1970s as the process of the internalization of modern architecture, which incorporates the freeing of ideas, voicing criticism and the search for an acceptable interpretation. The design of the Complex expressed similar aspirations and decisions. In fact, it has been praised for showing considerable sensitivity to Istanbul’s historical silhouette, as every effort was made to integrate it into its surroundings through a ‘public-orientated’ scheme (Bozdoğan & Akcan, 2012:175). Formed out of a series of small low-rise blocks, and incorporating several courtyards and galleries, the structure occupies a large area in the heart of the city, situated on a large boulevard on the historic peninsula [Figure. 1]. According to Üstün Alsaç (1973:22), it represents a

Figure 1. Doğan Tekeli, Sami Sisa, general view of IMÇ. Photo courtesy of SALT Research Gültekin Çizgen archives, code: GCTS0003.

synthesis, as a concrete expression of the transformation of modern Turkish architecture from imitation to novel production through adding local and individual flavor appropriate to Turkey’s changing circumstances. He asserts that the design is a testimony to the blending of Western construction methods with the traditional bazaar construction. Regarding local references, the materials used in the structure were selected to harmonize with the building’s surroundings, aside from just durability (Tanyeli, 1994:63). The horizontal bearings and railings were left as exposed concrete, while the outside facades covered in latticestyle elements were made from brick. Although the Complex has a long façade, measuring 800 meters, the fragmented approach allowed small multi-blocks to suit the historical environment and human scale. Doğan Tekeli, one of the architects of the project, stated that Le Corbusier had been their main influence during this period. This supports the idea that architects were concerned with embedding local references and making the artworks important parts of their design. The Complex contains nine artworks: ceramic panels by Sadi Diren ITU A|Z • Vol 16 No 2 • July 2019 • E. Yavuz

4 The founders of Kare Metal are sculptor İlhan Koman, sculptor Şadi Çalık, decorator Sadi Öziş and Mazhar Süleymangil. The founders Turk Grup Espas was founded by sculptor Hadi Bara, İlhan Koman and architect-urban designer Tarık Carım (it was later joined by Sadi Öziş). The group officially announced their foundation with a manifesto published in 1955. Even with its solid arguments and enthusiastic approach, it was short lived. The articles directly related with the group can be stated as: Kalmık, E.(1956). Groupe Espace. Esi, 6, 4. Kalmık, E. (1956). Plastik Sanatlar Birleşimi. Esi, 1, 4. D’aujourd’hui, L (1955). Synthese des Arts et L’UNESCO. L’architecture D’aujourd’hui, 58, 9. Bara, H. (1955). Plastik Sanatlar Sentezi. Arkitekt, 279, 21,24. Bara, H. (1955). Grup Espas. Arkitekt, 280, 79. Also for more information about these groups and postwar architecture in Turkey see Yavuz, E. (2015). Designing the Unity: Türk Grup Espas and Architecture in Postwar Turkey. METU JFA, 32(2), 117-132.

(Abstract Composition, 1965) and Füreya Koral (Abstract Composition, 1965); mosaic panels by Eren Eyüpoğlu (Composition: Impressions from Anatolia journeys, 1965), Bedri Rahmi Eyüpoğlu (Abstract Composition, 1965 and Istanbul, 1965) and Nedim Günsür (Horses, 1967); a sculpture near the pool by Yavuz Görey; a metal relief by Kuzgun Acar (Birds); and another relief by Ali Teoman Germaner (Abstract Composition, 1965). Tekeli stated at the time that, because he expected the building to remain permanently, it should include some contemporary Turkish works of art since it would provide them with a secure home (E. Yavuz, personal communication, May 14, 2013). He therefore took an integrated, planned approach to the task so that the artworks would not be simply decorative objects but rather an integral part of the design (E. Yavuz, personal communication, May 14, 2013). In defining his objective, Tekeli referred to the mosaic wall of the 1958 Brussels Pavilion that featured one wall that was entirely artwork, which was exactly what he wanted for the project (E.Yavuz, personal communication, May 14, 2013). The sketches of the building and Tekeli’s own account indicate that the project resulted from collaboration. Since architects do not think or operate in complete isolation from their own context, architecture is a product of both inside and outside agents, or, in other words, local and international considerations (Tekeli, 2005:15). Thus, it is also necessary to consider international discussions and events. In the early years of the 20th century and even in the late 19th century, various groups in the West aspired the unity of arts and architecture. These initial efforts contributed to postwar achievements by establishing a theoretical background for the recooperation of art and architecture. During this period, concrete examples of such a re-cooperation, defined as a synthesis, increasingly appeared in different geographies. In France, for example, this development was a part of a government funding program for including the fine

arts as part of buildings (Redstone, 1968:146), which also aimed to preserve their intellectual and artistic dominance (Damaz 1959: 69). In his essay, ‘A Synthese des Arts Majeurs’, Le Corbusier promoted this approach to ensure the French art community’s welfare (Boesiger, 1999 : 155). He explains the synthesis as ‘a new spirit’, which, in Von Moos’ words (2010: 97), ‘stands for a way of thinking and, by implication, the spirit of an entire era – and not primarily for the idea of the total work of art, the Gesamtkunstwerk, comprising painting and sculpture under the aegis of architecture’. The discussions, meetings and experimental works, many which made the issue of collaboration a focal point, were evidence of the collective spirit and the intense struggles in that era. Indeed, the critical overtones toward modern architecture actually focus on its scope, outcomes and how it is associated with the demands of the time. In this respect, the CIAM meetings were important platforms that gave voice to the collective spirit of the time. These meetings pondered on decreasing distance from everyday life and creating a bond with the people. They implied a different type of spatial experience, which appeals to sensual and aesthetic requirements. At that point, the synthesis of the arts became their focal point, which is the crucial point to touch upon briefly in the scope of this part. In fact, this synthesis first became prominent at the CIAM (Congres Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne ) Athens meeting of 1933, when Fernand Leger discussed the subject. In 1934, the group l’Art Mural discussed their collective work in the journal Cahiers D’Art, declaring that their main goal was to ‘recreate the link’ between the architect, sculptor and painter. The journal L’Architecture d’Aujourd’hui also featured discussions, such as Andre Bloc’s article in the special ‘Art et Architecture’ volume of 1945, in which he commented on ‘Synthese des arts majeurs: architecture-peinturesculpture’. The 1946 special issue of the journal concentrated on architecture, painting, sculpture and tapestry works by Le Corbusier, Brancusi, Picasso,

Re-evaluating modernism through a spatial collection: İstanbul complex of retail shops and collaboration of art and architecture

Giacometti, Savina, Leger, Miro and Jean Lurçat in relation to the question of artistic collaboration (Ockman, 2000: 65). The issue of synthesis maintained its popularity in the following CIAM meetings. At the 1947 meeting, for instance, two questionnaires were presented focusing on the exclusion of the arts from public areas, under the title of ‘The Questions of Aesthetics and of Architecture’s Relationship to the Other Arts’ (Ockman, 2000:65). At the 1949 Bergamo meeting, one session was devoted to the theme of the synthesis of the arts (Mumford, 2000:192). During the discussions, Jose Luis Sert asserted that collaboration was possible among painters, architects and sculptors, while Le Corbusier recommended creating a center to explore what the plastic arts could do for architecture (Mumford, 2000: 80-81, 84). The 1951 Hoddeston meeting, which concentrated on ‘the core’, included a section ‘Architecture, Painting and Sculpture in The Core’ by Jose Louis Sert. In Paris, specifically, various other collaborative groups emerged, such as the Union pour l’Art, Association pour une Synthese des Arts Plastiques and Group Espace. All these initiatives and discussions raised awareness of the concept of Synthese des Arts Majeurs and increased the search for ways to bring about a unity. These considerations are valuable in the sense that Turkish practitioners were not unconcerned and inevitably, responded to them. Architect Bülent Özer (1964:79) cited examples of Le Corbusier’s works in Chandigarh, and those of Giedion, Sert and Wiener in South America, suggesting that these regional approaches could inspire Turkish architects to create something similar in their context. On the other hand, Vedat Nedim Tör (MSUK, SAA, MG 5099) warned that Turkish art and architecture could only become modern by simultaneously integrating contemporary requirements and the tradition in a new synthesis beyond the arbitrary importing of stereotyped forms. He specifically referred to Seyfi Arkan’s design for Haberler Bürosu [the Press Office] in the Hilton Hotel into, in which he had integrated traditional art pieces (Tör, MSUK,

SAA, MG 5099). Lewis Mumford (1967:30) claims that regionalism is not a degradation to the use of local materials, nor is it imitation of the formal characteristics of the past; rather, it reflects the aim of acknowledging the ‘actual conditions of life’ and creating a sense of belonging. This phrase ‘actual conditions of life’ is reminiscent of a statement by Özer about the actual problems or demands that should be defined in order to internalize and modify modern forms to create appropriate solutions. An important issue that Turkish architects faced during this period is raised by Stuart Hall (1993:33). He argues that the local aspect is a natural reaction when people are subjected to globalization as one of the unavoidable aspects of modernity. This introduces a more complicated rhetoric that remains within the limits of an identification situated between local and international characteristics. The decision to integrate artworks into the Complex can be linked to these considerations of locality. However, in order to fit within its urban context, the building has a paradoxical character: on the one hand, it marginalizes itself from the traditional environment through the conflicting posture of its modern appearance; on the other hand, its fragmented design and use of artworks is reconciliatory.12 According to Goldhagen, practitioners’ efforts to respond to new social demands and needs by finding local solutions to international forms or concepts led to a socially formed modernism, which she calls ‘situated modernism.’ Goldhagen (2000:306) defines this as ‘situating the users of the buildings socially and historically, in place and time’. The Complex is an ideal case for examining this concept, which includes several parameters that need to be discussed to analyze the main goal of the design, such as transparency, site specificity, the path taken within the space, personal freedom and the reinforcing of a sense of place. The building has an obviously transparent character within its galleries and courtyards that provide a view of the Süleymaniye Mosque, ITU A|Z • Vol 16 No 2 • July 2019 • E. Yavuz

It is important to mention that most of the influential texts on this particular subject were written by artists, mostly by Bedri Rahmi Eyüpoğlu and Fethi Arda. 5

For a comprehensive list of the realized works see Appendix A. 6

This phrase actually belongs to Andre Bloc, which is quoted by Siren Çalık (2004:37). 7

The term collaboration refers to a planned integration of the artworks organized by the architect. In such a process, the artwork becomes an indispensable component of the structure. I prefer to use the term insertion for artworks that feature within the structure after its completion without any forethought. 8

With the changing circumstances and the balance of power throughout the world, the U.S. arose as a superpower, a new channel and new intellectual and cultural center, which resulted in a change in the traditional meaning of the west to include both the US and Europe. 9

10 This is also presented as a preferred scheme by Tapan and Yücel, Batur, Bozdoğan and Akcan while articulating on those years’ architectural practices. When considering the indispensable effects of the political system, its arrangements and executions on the general transformation, the postwar years in Turkey used to be divided in two parts in order to better evaluate the facts and ongoing activities in this changed circumstances. This division is made according to the breaking points occurred in 1960 and 1980, both of which refer to the military interventions and the new constitutions in the following.

Figure 2. Kuzgun Acar, Birds, metal relief, IMÇ. Reprinted Özcan , N. et al.1969.

traditional residential patterns and the nearby ancient aqueduct. The attention paid to this silhouette was a particularly respected and acknowledged quality of the proposal (Vanlı, 2006:269). Indeed, the design’s small-scale, fragmented character was inherited from this location. Beyond this, however, it can be argued that the integration of artworks tied the building to the site as well. The articulation of space via these artworks and their role in directing users are other prominent aspects. The artworks serve as a welcoming element, with sculptor Kuzgun Acar’s relief particularly highlighting the starting point of the Complex. In this way, the space evolves into another phase where users and passers-by gain a new experience while also answering criticisms that art is isolated from the

Figure 3. Bedri Rahmi Eyüpoğlu, İstanbul, mosaic panel, IMÇ. Author’s archive.

‘common man’.13 The architects’ insistence on individual expression and their contributions to the current lexicon of modern architecture are surely associated with the notion of ‘personal freedom’ within the concept of ‘situated modernism’. In the Complex, the architects embedded their personal vision into this very public building by including artworks and collaborating with the artists. The relationship between the public and the building is also emphasized through another parameter of situated modernism, which ‘reinforces a sense of place’ through design attitudes. Thus, the artworks not only make the Complex’s design humanist but also attempt to create a public identity that culminates in a sense of place from the public’s perspective. That is, by integrating artworks into the project, the architects strengthened the sense of place, primarily through the pieces’ compositional and formal features. The artists, especially Eyüpoğlu, sought to reintroduce traditional arts and crafts into contemporary art production; that is, they aspired to unite the techniques and the expressive manner of Western painting with traditional narratives [Figure. 3]. They aimed to create a synthesis falling somewhere between modern art and traditional Turkish art. Using abstract features alongside simplified expressions of folkloric themes, the artists contributed to the visual drama of the building while reconciling the local and the international [Figure. 4-8]. Yet, more than that, integrating the arts into the design was a means of communicating and reestablishing ties with the public through the use of familiar signs and symbols related to a shared past. Thus, one can interpret this initiative as a social effort that evokes a notion of public identity and forms a kind of social adherence, invoking feelings of familiarity and/or a sense of belonging. 3.Rapprochement with the public During the postwar years, the architectural debates tried to figure out how to apply the concept of unity and the arrangement of different languages

Re-evaluating modernism through a spatial collection: İstanbul complex of retail shops and collaboration of art and architecture

and mediums in one entity alongside searching for the publicness of architecture. Regarding the arguments in this article, the agenda of the CIAM meetings, which included the synthesis of arts, creating humanist spaces and the publicness, worth highlighting. In fact, questioning of modern architecture in that kind of a sphere has the potential to trigger similar debates in Turkish architectural milieu. This, on the other hand, supports another assertion in this article, which is emphasizing this particular era, meaning postwar period, when the intensity of these debates is seen. Criticisms of modern architecture dealt with its isolation from the public, with one possible solution being to reevaluate its principles and embrace society by reintegrating user demands into design so as to create democratic spaces. There seems to have an anxiety about the status of modern architecture that could cause alienation and distance from everyday people, in other words: isolation. At the 1947 CIAM meeting, this idea is also clearly put forward by Giedion together with integrating arts: “If we really agree the right of the emotional world to exist in this sphere, then architecture and town planning can no longer be regarded in isolation from their sister arts.” (Giedion, 1951:35). At the 1949 CIAM meeting, in Commission II, the Report B addressed the issues of contemporary art, the man in the street as well as urbanism and the synthesis of the arts. Under the section “l’Urbanisme et la Synthese des Arts”, it is stated that, in order to gain a social function, the visual arts and architecture have to be integrated.( Ungers, O.M. & Ungers, L., 1979). Critics argued that modern architecture had to be acceptable for all strata of society, and that everyone should be able to recognize and understand it. This implied that architecture should appeal to the public’s feelings in order to be internalized. In parallel with this concern, architectural debates in Turkey focused on the need to strengthen the dialogue between architecture and society. This ‘anxiety’ (Golhagen & Legault, 2000:13) about the present state of modern

Figure 4. Bedri Rahmi Eyüpoğlu, Abstract Composition, mosaic panel, IMÇ. Author’s archive.

Figure 5. Ali Teoman Germaner, Abstract Composition, relief, IMÇ. Author’s archive.

Figure 6. Sadi Diren, Abstract Composition, ceramic panel, IMÇ. Author’s archive.

architecture was also felt in Turkish architectural circles, particularly during the 1960s. Şevki Vanlı (1970:49), for example, claims that the similarity of 1950s architectural design in Turkey and in the international arena was due ITU A|Z • Vol 16 No 2 • July 2019 • E. Yavuz

Figure 7. Nedim Günsür, Horses, mosaic panel, IMÇ. Author’s archive.

Figure 8. Eren Eyüpoğlu, Composition: Impressions from Anatolia journeys, mosaic panel, IMÇ. Author’s archive.

In addition, in line with the increasing international relations, an important issue that the architects urged upon was to integrate with the Union of International Architects (UIA). 11

to ignoring the values of the public or the popular majority. Cengiz Bektaş (1970: 38) set forth the notion of designing with respect to the demands of all strata of the society. His criticism focused on the disconnected manner of architecture after 1950; he criticizes it as not having considered the realities of society and doing nothing more than following a trend. The solution, he claimed, was in finding the real and simple solutions (Bektaş, 1970: 38). Aydın Boysan (1970: 39) described how the relationship between architecture and society had begun to evolve after the 1950s. He argued that the first upheaval in the society was made at the intellectual level, which shed light on architecture and its disconnection from the society. Accordingly, the social aspect of Turkish architecture was also an issue for the Chamber of Architects, reflected in its

motto ‘Architecture for Society’. In a report for the chamber, architect Vedat Dalokay (1968:13) argued that the notion originated in the economic and political shifts between 1954 and 1968, and their effect on architects. He linked the criticisms within architecture to the context, which could be considered a social act itself. In a context that highlights the social aspect so firmly, how did this Complex create a link with society? A pragmatic solution emerged in the form of humanistic spaces that appeal to all members of the public. However, this raises further questions: What is implied by this humanistic approach in architecture? How it can be framed? Regarding the architecture of humanism, Geoffrey Scott (1969:15, 17) points to the concept of delight as the sine qua non, with its utilitarian purpose; meaning, what gives architecture its aesthetic quality and stimulates the users’ emotions. This concept, as an extension of human function and a major component in design, was another issue discussed at CIAM meetings. Accordingly, collaboration with the arts could be an effective response to this concern. The painter Ercüment Kalmık (1956: 4) notes in his essay ‘Plastik Sanatlar Birleşimi’ [synthesis of Plastic Arts] that such collaboration can create an atmosphere that satisfies the people’s needs. This emphasizes the people’s demands within a space, as appealing to their emotional needs and labeling the issue as a problem of function. This integration was regarded as a new aspect of design that was expected to fulfill the public’s essential needs humanistically and with social utility, while also addressing the issue of publicness. That is, an artwork fits the space if it creates a stable plastic cohesion that delights beholders. To this end, the design team of the Complex consolidated the publicness of the building by siting artworks at its entrances, visible from the main street. The Complex’s close proximity to a busy axis in the city means that it is both highly visible and perceptible. It was predicted at the time that the building, constructed on an abandoned site, would provide a link to the boulevard, thereby improving the location’s status

Re-evaluating modernism through a spatial collection: İstanbul complex of retail shops and collaboration of art and architecture

and drawing attention to the building itself (Arkitekt, 1960:123). Apart from the mosaic walls, the architects deliberately left one wall blank for the metal relief to serve as a starting point and symbol for the building (E. Yavuz, personal communication, May 14, 2013). As a means of expression and location within the structure, this abstract relief clearly contrasts with the surface it is mounted on. In fact, the building’s rectilinear form is broken up by the relief ’s dynamic and relatively natural characteristics. This approach also helps lessen the tension between the rigid geometry of these international forms, the building’s context and the public. The intention in placing the artwork on the public side of the building, deliberately exposing it to public scrutiny, hints at a desire to gain public recognition and reconcile architecture with the people by allowing Acar’s work to leave its mark on the minds of the public. It thus becomes clear that the architects included artworks with a specific intention rather than as random decisions [Figure. 9]. This makes the placement of artwork within a space important and determinative if architecture is assumed to create a bond with the public. As in this example, artwork can be sited on the outside surface facing the public or within an interior space to welcome the public. In one of his interviews on the p aint ing-s c u lpture-archite c ture synthesis, Sculptor Şadi Çalık (1956:5) claimed that this approach, which is connected to people’s needs, leads to the integration of the arts into their living space. Once they become an integral part of architecture, paintings no longer require a canvas and sculpture is no longer just a self-contained object (Çalık, 1956:5), which is undoubtedly the case in the Complex. The notion of publicness can be also a concern of artists. For instance, Koral, when describing the creation of her work for this building, stated that she visited the place several times and stood there for hours in front of the wall to examine the different effects of the daylight (Kulin, 2012:396). She then walked repeatedly up and down the boulevard to get a feel of the

Figure 9. Doğan Tekeli, Sami Sisa, a sketch of the exterior view, IMÇ . Reprinted from Özcan, N. et al.1969.

Figure 10. Füreya Koral, Abstract Composition, ceramic panel, IMÇ. Author’s archive.

composition from the perspective of a person in the street. This determined her choice of forms, particularly the three points that could easily be seen from a certain distance on the street (Kulin, 2012:396) [Figure. 10]. The integration of artworks into architecture may be based on either the client’s or architect’s vision for the structure. In particular, the appreciation shown towards public spaces and incorporating artworks into the design can be considered a result of the desire to emphasize a building’s publicness. İlhan Tekeli (2005:28) argues that contemporary politics, described as populist, and the country’s intense international relations at that time affected the design of public buildings. This underlines the changing circumstances due to increased consumerism and the greater role of the private sector. During this period, the growing association between the artistic realm and the private sector as patron is a remarkable development that coincided with a desire among artists to find suitable outlets for their art, such as private galleries. This supports Bozdoğan’s (2008: 65) argument ITU A|Z • Vol 16 No 2 • July 2019 • E. Yavuz

A book published in 1969 by the cooperative presented the Complex of Retail Shops as new in the context of the old Istanbul, stressing the paradox between the new and the old that had been created with the construction of the building within the urban landscape (Özcan , N. et al., 1969). Yet, this also reveals the contribution of the building to the transformation of the historical peninsula, where the building reflects the modern corporate vision of the new patronage and the new economy in Turkey. 12

This aspiration to integrate the arts into all areas of everyday life was certainly one of the primary concerns of the artistic sphere that started in the early stages of the Turkish Republic. Kalmık claimed that integrating artworks into daily life would transform a city into a giant museum and elevate the art culture/aesthetic taste of society (Kalmık, 1944:2). 13

14 The term is mentioned by Adorno (2002:225).

about ‘creating surplus value in architecture’ in relation to the alliance between business and the arts. This development gave architecture the role of providing suitable locations for artworks to perform its role as part of the unity with architecture. That is, architectural practice was able to adapt its perspective and incorporate the desires of its patrons. Apart from the Complex, there are several examples. The humanistic intent of the Vakko Factory’s architect to create an environment that improves the workers’ productivity is clearly expressed (Baysal & Birsel, 1970: 161) while Füreya Koral’s ceramic work, ‘Kuşlar’ [Birds], for the Divan Hotel Patisserie aimed to offer a welcoming element for the space and provide a suitable backdrop for the company’s products. The assertion about engaging with society reveals another issue at the center of the artistic realm. As Hilde Heynen points out, the duality of the social and the individual aspects feature in the arts. Following Adorno’s view, Heynen (1999:192) argues that artistic practices may be perceived in two distinctive ways: ‘in the perspective of their social definition and social relevance’ and ‘in the perspective of their autonomy as aesthetically shaped objects’. She explains this social aspect and its influence on the arts using the term ‘material’, quoting from Adorno’s argument, clarifying that the term refers to both ‘the physical material’ and ‘the techniques at the artist’s disposal, his arsenal of images and memories, the influence of the context on the work’ (Heynen, 1999:188). Adorno describes this notion, a fait social,14 as follows: ‘Social forces of production, as well as relations of production, return in artworks as mere forms divested of their facticity because artistic labor is social labor; moreover, they are always the product of this labor’ (Adorno, 2002:236). This fait social argument also applies to Turkish architecture culture. Regarding the artistic and architectural discussions of the time, criticism was unsurprisingly redirected to a social level. Artists also became involved

in the social relations of production, having sought permanent shelter and a wider audience for their work, and having voiced their concerns about arts’ permeation into daily life, considering the spatial designs of architects. According to Turan Erol (1967: 2), the state should provide the means for art to contribute to society and penetrate people’s lives. His formulation consists of extending the borders of paintings and turning them to ceramic or fresco surfaces or stained-glass works. This suggested recipe recalls Bedri Rahmi Eyüpoğlu’s (1952: 3) statements in which he offered a solution to avoid the painting from being a transient piece or in his own terms, “from a nomadic life”. 4. Conclusion Istanbul Complex of Retail Shops is considered an important milestone because it represents a shift within Turkish architectural culture away from merely replicating modern architectural practice (Alsaç, 1973:22). That is, the structure applied an international vocabulary without compromising the local, with the inclusion of artworks making a crucial contribution to its hybridity. More importantly, the collaborative execution of the project and its intended integration support the claim that it exemplifies ‘situated modernism’. The project’s intentions thus situate it beyond the uneven territory of a possible relationship lying between the arts and architecture. The architects’ approach and the integration of artworks demonstrate the simultaneous pursuit of a new rhetoric and adaptation of international formulas. Indeed, the move towards collaboration with the arts occurred at a convenient time to fill a newlyrecognized need. In the Complex, it seems that art was a tool for resolving the issues facing modern architecture. The building’s design concept shows that the applied approach goes beyond merely collecting artworks because they in fact become an important component of the structure. In the same way, the artworks find themselves effective roles in the ongoing oscillation between the local and the international.

Re-evaluating modernism through a spatial collection: İstanbul complex of retail shops and collaboration of art and architecture

The effort to revise modern architecture’s principles in an attempt to respond to contemporary critiques, the initiative of utilizing arts by embedding them into the spatial considerations, undoubtedly, helped architects realize the vision of “architecture for society”. Within the tension between the functionalists versus the humanist approaches, even the use of traditional references in artworks undertook the role of a mediator. Due to their potential to provide a connection with the public and generate a sense of belonging, these artworks, eventually, became major elements to strengthen the publicness of the building. This critical analysis of the Complex shows how the building’s intended integration helped transcend the split between different fields and resolve ambiguities between the arts and architecture, specifically the uneven relationship between them. In short, this building is a remarkable example from Turkey’s postwar architecture of this engaging relationship, in that it manifests a local dialectic of modernism while mediating between the arts and society. References Unpublished sources Tör, V. N. (Undated). Bir Güzel Örnek Daha. TBMM Milli Saraylar Uzmanlık Kütüphanesi Seyfi Arkan Arşivi, MG 5099. Published sources Adorno, T. (2002). Aesthetic Theory. Trans by R. Hullot-Kentor, London, New York : Continuum. Alsaç, Ü. (1973). Türk Mimarlık Düşüncesinin Cumhuriyet Dönemindeki Evrimi. Mimarlık, 121, 12-25. Arkitekt. (1960). İstanbul Manifaturacılar Çarşısı Proje Müsabakası. Arkitekt, 300, 122-132. Batur, A. (2005). The post war period: 1950-60. In A. Batur, A Concise History : Architecture in Turkey During the 20th Century (pp. 45-76). Ankara: Chamber of Architects of Turkey. Baydar, G. (2012). Osmanlı-Türk Mimarlarında Meslekleşme. Ankara: Mimarlar Odası. Baysal, H., Birsel, M. (1970). Vakko Turistik Elişi Eşarp ve Konfeksiyon Fabrikası. Arkitekt, 340, 159-166.

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of the Development of Architecture in Turkey. In R. Holod, A. Evin, and S. Özkan (eds.), Modern Turkish Architecture (15-36). Ankara: Mimarlar Odası. Ungers, O.M. and Ungers, L. (1979). CIAM 7 Bergamo 1949 Documents. Nendeln: Kraus Reprint. Vanlı, Ş. (1970). 1970’de Mimarimiz. Mimarlık, 86, 49-54. Vanlı, Ş. (2006). Mimariden Konuşmak: Bilinmek İstenmeyen 20.yüzyıl Türk mimarlığı, Eleştirel Bakış. Ankara: VMV Yayınları. Yücel, A. (2005). Pluralism Takes Command: the Turkish Architecture Scene Today. In R. Holod, A. Evin, & S. Özkan (eds.), Modern Turkish Architecture (125-156). Ankara: Mimarlar Odası. Zürcher, E.J. (2000). Modernleşen Türkiye’nin Tarihi. Trans Gönen, Y.S., İstanbul: İletişim. Appendix A Building, architect, year, city, artist(Application year of the artwork) 12 Radar Tower, Ragip Buluç, Istanbul, Mustafa Pilevneli-2002 4. Levent Residential Estates, Kemal Ahmet Arû, Rebii Gorbon, 1954, Istanbul, Bedri Rahmi Eyüpoğlu, Eren Eyüpoğlu, Nurullah Berk Agricultural Products Ofice Headquarters, Özsan, Bektaş, Vural, 1964, Ankara, Erdoğan Ersen, Eren Eyüpoğlu-1969, Turan Erol Ahmet Kanatli High School, Eskişehir, Devrim Erbil-1970 Akbank Şişli Branch, Istanbul, Nasip İyem-1967 Akbank Şişli Branch, Istanbul, Nasip İyem Akün, Emek İnşaat, Adnan Unaran, Adnan Yücel, 1968, Ankara, Cemil Eren American-Turkish Foreign Trade Bank, Istanbul, Nasip İyem-1965 Anitkabir, Emin Onat, Orhan Safa, 1952, Ankara, Hüseyin Anka, Zühtü Müritoğlu, İlhan Koman, Hadi Bara Anka Ajans, Eren Eyüpoğlu-1964 Ankara University Faculty Of Medicine Hospital, Ankara, Eren Eyüpoğlu, Bedri Rahmi Eyüpoğlu-1965 Apartment In Topağaci, M3 Architecture Studio, Asim Mutlu, Utarit İzgi, Esad Suher. Istanbul,

Re-evaluating modernism through a spatial collection: İstanbul complex of retail shops and collaboration of art and architecture

Füreya Koral Ari Cinema, Ankara, Cemil Eren1968, Hamiye Çolakoğlu, Eren Eyüpoğlu As Cinema, İstanbul, Şadi Çalik 1966 Atatürk Cultural Centre, Ruknettin Güney, Feridun Kip-Phase 1, Hayati Tabanlioğlu-Phase 2-3, 1946-1969, İstanbul, Mustafa Pilevneli, Sadi Diren Aygaz Headquarters, İstanbul, Mustafa Pilevneli 1978 Bahçelievler Renkli Cinema, Ankara, Ferruh Başağa- 1955-56 Başak Insurance Building, İstanbul, Füreya Koral Bilkent University Faculty Of Engineering, Ankara, Hamiye Çolakoğlu 1999 Bilkent University Library, Erkut Şahinbaş, Selim Vural, 1993-95, Ankara, Hamiye Çolakoğlu Bonn Turkish Republic Foreign Affairs Embassy, Oral Vural, Cengiz Bektaş, Vedat Özsan, 1967, Bonn, Bedri Rahmi Eyüpoğlu British Embassy Primary School, Cengiz Bektaş, Ankara, Turan Erol Broadcasting House, Utkular, Erginbaş, Güney, 1945, İstanbul, Zeki Faik İzer- Mural 1949, Özdemir AltanTapestry, Eren Eyüpoğlu-1972-73 Brussels Pavilion, Utarit İzgi, Muhlis Türkmen, Hamdi Şensoy, İlhan Türegün, 1958, Brussels, Bedri Rahmi Eyüpoğlu, İlhan Koman, Sabri Berkel Buyuk Sinema Grand Cinema, Abidin Mortaş, 1949, Ankara, Turgut Zaim, Nurettin Ergüven Capital Market Building, Ankara, Sadi Diren Central Bank, Samsun, Yavuz Görey-Before 1973 Cep Cinema, Ankara, Sadi Diren Cerrahpaşa Hospital, İstanbul, Eren Eyüpoğlu 1978 Chamber Of Commerce Building, Orhan Şahinler 1963-70, İstanbul, Neşet Günal, Şadi Çalik, Özdemir Altan, Devrim Erbil, Tamer Başoğlu, Adnan Çoker, Murat Şahinler, Yalçin Karayağiz, Emre Zeytinoğlu C.H.P. Headquarters, Ankara, Hamiye Çolakoğlu 1978 Coca Cola Factory, Adana, Sadi Diren Complex Of Retail Shops, Doğan Tekeli, Sami Sisa, Metin Hepgüler

(Site Mimarlık), 1960, İstanbul, Bedri Rahmi Eyüpoğlu, Eren Eyüpoğlu, Kuzgun Acar, Füreya Koral, Yavuz Görey, Nedim Günsür, Sadi Diren Çanakkale Seramik, Çan, Atilla Galatali Çankaya Komutanlik Lojmanlari, Cengiz Bektaş, 1965-68, Ankara, Turan Erol, Neşet Günal, Erdoğan Ersen Çelik Palas Hotel, Bursa, Eren Eyüpoğlu-1966 Çeşme Motel, İzmir, Devrim Erbil-1975 Çinar Hotel, Rana Zipci, Ahmet Akin, Emin Ertam, 1959, İstanbul, Unknown- Wall Panel And Mural Darka Swimming Pool, İznik, Sadi Diren Divan Hotel, Rüknettin Güney. Renovation:Abdurrahman Hanci And Aydin Boysan, 1972-75, İstanbul, Mustafa Pilevneli, Erol Akyavaş, Jale Yimabaşar, Füreya Koral, Ilhan Koman, Bedri Rahmi Eyüpoğlu, Mustafa İslimyeli, Gencay Kasapçi, Hayati Misman Dragos Hotel, İstanbul, Devrim Erbil-1978 Eczacibaşi Headquarters, İstanbul, Şadi Çalik- 1962 Emek Building, Enver Tokay, 1959, Ankara, Kuzgun Acar, Turan Erol Erden-Berrin Onur House, Eskişehir, Devrim Erbil-1974 Etap Hotel, Gencay Kasapçi Etibank, Tuğrul Devres-Tuncer Yilmaz-Vedat Özsan, 1955-60, Ankara, Eren Eyüpoğlu European Council Building Strasbourg, Strasbourg, Sadi Diren-1977 Fitaş Cinema, İstanbul, Sadi Diren Fruko Factory, İstanbul, Sadi Diren Garanti Bank Beşiktaş Branch, İstanbul, Devrim Erbil-1976 Garanti Bank Nişantaşi Branch, İstanbul, Devrim Erbil-1973 Gayrettepe School Of Architecture And Engineering, İstanbul, Nasip İyem-1968 General Dictorate Of Highways, 9th Region Facility, Diyarbakır, Turan Erol-1959 Grand Ankara Hotel, Ankara, Turan Erol Grand Efes Hotel, Paul Bonatz, Fatin Uran, 1964, İzmir, Atilla Galatali, Nasip İyem, Salih Acar, Şadi Çalik, ITU A|Z • Vol 16 No 2 • July 2019 • E. Yavuz

Eren Eyüpoğlu, Güngör Kabakçioğlu Cevat Şakir, Bedri Rahmi Eyüpoğlu, Ferruh Başağa, Cevdet Altuğ, Erdoğan Ersen, Adnan Turani, Yavuz Görey, Erdoğan Değer Hacettepe Children’s Hospital, Ankara, Eren Eyüpoğlu 1978 Hacettepe University Hospital, Ankara, Eren Eyüpoğlu-1966 Hacettepe University Department Of Morphology, Ankara, Atilla Galatali, Eren Eyüpoğlu-1965 Hacettepe University Faculty Of Dentistry, Ankara, Füreya Koral 1965 Halil Bektaş Primary School, Denizli, Turan Erol-1970 Harbiye Officers’ Club, İstanbul, Atilla Galatali Haydarpaşa Chest Diseases Hospital, İstanbul, Eren Eyüpoğlu 1979 Heybeliada Naval College, İstanbul, Ferrun Başağa 1956 Hilton Hotel, Som, Sedat Hakki Eldem, 1952, İstanbul, Bedri Rahmi Eyüpoğlu, Jale Yilmabaşar Hilmi Bodur House, Hamiye Çolakoğlu 1991 Intercontinental Hotel (Today The Marmara Hotel), Fatin Uran. Müellifler: Ruknettin Güney, Dekorasyon: Abdurrrahman Hanci, Aydin Burteçene, Reşat Seviçsoy, 1975, İstanbul, Altan Adali, Oktay Anilanmert, Sadi Diren, Afet Erengezgin, Bülent Erkmen, Attila Galatali, Fuat İzer, Reyhan Kaya, Hüsamettin Koçan, İsmail Hakki Öcal, Mustafa Plevneli , Mazhar Resmor, Mustafa Aslier, Elif Ayiter, Muammer Bakir, Ferruh Başağa, Barbaros Baykal, Sabri Berkel, Gülşen Çalik Can, Mahmut Celâyir, Mengü Ertel, Veysel Erüstün, Güngör İblikçi, Hasan İlday, Ergin İnan , Ragip İstek, Fevzi Karaköç, Fethi Kayaaip, Gülseren Kayali, Kadri Özayten, Sona Sirapyan, A. İsmail Türeman, Uğur Üstünkaya, Demet Yersel, Saim Süleyman Tekcan Istanbul City Hall, Nevzat Erol, 1953-60, İstanbul, Nuri İyem, Ferruh Başağa, Şadi Çalik, Hüseyin Gezer, Nazim Koşkan Istanbul Naval Museum, İstanbul, Atilla Galatali Istanbul University Faculty Of Sciences, Emin Onat, Sedat Hakki Eldem1944, İstanbul, Neşet Günal -After 1954

Istanbul University Faculty Of Economics, İstanbul, Şadi Çalik 1964 Italian Airlines Office, Feridun Akozan, Hüseyin Baban, 1957, İstanbul, Unknown-Mosaic Panel İhsan Doğramaci House, Hamiye Çolakoğlu 1990 Istanbul Chamber Of Commerce Building, New, İstanbul, Mustafa Pilevneli 2000 Istanbul Governorship Hall, İlhan Tayman, Avni Yüncüoğlu, İstanbul, Jale Yilmabaşar İş Bank Headquarters, Ankara, Ferruh Başağa 1965, Gencay Kasapçi İşbank Osmanbey Branch, İstanbul, Devrim Erbil-1973 İşbank Pangaalti Branch, İstanbul, Devrim Erbil-1970 İşbank Taksim Branch, İstanbul, Eren Eyüpoğlu-1972 İşbank Taksim Branch, İstanbul, Devrim Erbil-1974 Jak Kamhi Watersiide House, Utarit İzgi, İstanbul, Şadi Çalik-1974 Karaköy Aksu İşhani, İstanbul, Bedri Rahmi Eyüpoğlu Karaköy Pharmacy, İstanbul, Sadi Diren Karaköy Tatlicilar Patisserie, İstanbul, Eren Eyüpoğlu-1965 Kizilay İşhani, Ankara, Eren Eyüpoğlu-1966 Koç Company, İstanbul, Sadi Diren Konak Cinema, Ruknettin Güney, 1959, İstanbul, Şadi Çalik Lale Cinema And Theatre, Ankara, Eren Eyüpoğlu-1972 Land Forces Headquarters, Ankara, Hamiye Çolakoğlu 1984 Lido Swimming Pool, Halit Femir, 1941-44, İstanbul, Bedri Rahmi Eyüpoğlu Lisbon Turkish Republic Foreign Affairs Embassy, Orhan Şahinler, Muhlis Türkmen, Hamdi Şensoy, 1963, Lisbon, Gülsün-Devrim Erbil, Şadi Çalik,Sabri Berkel, Hüseyin Gezer Maçka Hotel, İstanbul, Ruzin Gerçin-1970, Eren Eyüpoğlu-1971 Markiz Patisserie, İstanbul, Mazhar Resmor Marmara Hotel, Ankara, Füreyya Koral, Sadi Diren, Bedrirahmi Eyüpoğlu, Eren Eyüpoğlu 1966 Masion Of Chief Of General Staff And Commanders In Chief Of Armed Forces, Ankara, Turan Erol-1964-65

Re-evaluating modernism through a spatial collection: İstanbul complex of retail shops and collaboration of art and architecture

Mersin Harbor, Mersin, Şadi Çalik1963 Metu Faculty Of Architecture, Altuğ-Behruz Çinici,1963, Ankara, Gencay Kasapçi-1968 Metu U3 Lecture Hall, Altuğ-Behruz Çinici, Ankara, Şadi Çalik Ministry Of Energy And Natural Sources Building, Ankara, Devrim Erbil-1975 Ministry Of Public Works, Cihat Burak Mola Hotel, Ankara, Nasip İyem1969, Ruzin Gerçin-1970 Nato Headquarters, Jacques Carlu (Abdurrahman Hanci Was Involved In The Team For Interior Design), 1960, Paris, Bedri Rahmi Eyüpoğlu Necip Sait Barlas Waterside House, İstanbul, Nasip İyem-1963 Odakule Center, Kaya Tecimen, Ali Kemal Taner, 1976, İstanbul, Salih Acar Opera House, Şevki Balmumcu, Paul Bonatz, 1933, Renovation:1948, Ankara, Bedri Rahmi Eyüpoğlu, Cemal Tollu Ottoman Bank Ankara Branch, Ankara, Nasip İyem-1969 Ottoman Bank Bursa Branch Office, Bursa, Bedri Rahmi Eyüpoğlu 1971 Pension Fund Building, Eskişehir, Devrim Erbil-1973 Pe-Re-Ja Factory, İstanbul, Sadi Diren Residence In Kireçburnu, İstanbul, Devrim Erbil-1966 Residence Of The President, Ankara, Mustafa Pilevneli 1989, Sadi Diren Restaurant Mehmetali, Güngör Kaftanci, 1965, Güzelyalı, Devrim Erbil Riza Yalman House, Abdurrahman Hanci, 1952, İstanbul, Bedri Rahmi Eyüpoğlu Sadiklar Apartment, Emin Necip Uzman, 1951, İstanbul, Mazhar Resmor Samatya Ssk Hospital, İstanbul, Bedri Rahmi Eyüpoğlu-1959 Sheraton Hotel, Ahe Mimarlik, İstanbul, Eren Eyüpoğlu-1972-73 Sumerbank Pavilion, Affan Kirimli, Muhlis Türkmen, Muhteşem Giray, 1948, İzmir, Hüseyin Anka Şekerbank Kizilay Branch, Ankara, Gencay Kasapçi, Sadi Diren Tam Sigorta Building, Ankara, Füreya Koral 1969 Tarabya Hotel, Kadri Erdoğan,

1964, İstanbul, Ferruh Başağa, Mustafa Pilevneli, Nasip İyem, Sadi Diren, Salih Acar Teacher’s Bank Headquarters, Ankara, Gülsün-Devrim Erbil Tofaş Headquarters, İstanbul, Mustafa Pilevneli 1974 Tpao Head Office, Ankara, Atilla Galatali Turkish İşbank Kadiköy Branch And Apartment, Perran Doğanci, Altay Erol, S. Giritlioğlu, Cavit Özedey1957, İstanbul, Mediha Akarsu Turkish National Assembly, Clemens Holzmeister, 1963, Ankara, Ferruh Başağa Turkish Petrol Headquarters, Demirtaş Kamçil, Rahmi Bediz, 196274, Ankara, Unknown Metal Stylized Wall Panel, Ceramic Panel Turkish Petrol Gölbaşi Night Club, Ankara, Nuri İyem 1970 Uğur Mumcu House, Ankara, Hamiye Çolakoğlu 1996 Ulus Center, Bozkurt, Beken, Bolak, 1954, Ankara, Adnan Turani, Arif Kaptan, Füreyya Koral, Nuri İyem, Eren Eyüpoğlu United Nations, Le Corbusier, Oscar Niemeyer, Sir Howard Robertson, Et Al. With Harrison And Abramovitz, 1947-53, New York, Şadi Çalik- 1970 Vakiflar Bankasi Galatasaray Branch, İstanbul, Nasip İyem Vakko Factory, Haluk Baysal, Melih Birsel, 1969, İstanbul, Bedri Rahmi Eyüboğlu, Metin Şahinoğlu, Nevzat Yüzbaşioğlu, Jale Yilmabaşar, Haluk Tezonar, Tankut Öktem, Şadi Çalik, Eren Eyüpoğlu, Hasan Kavruk, Mustafa Pilevneli, Teoman Madra Yapi Kredi Bank Beyoğlu Branch, İstanbul, Nasip İyem Yapi Kredi Bank Kizilay Branch, Mukbil Gökdoğan, Sabri Oran, 1962-71, Ankara, Şadi Çalik, Ruzin Gerçin-1971 Yapi Kredi Bank Antalya Branch, Ankara, Devrim Erbil-1976 Yapi Kredi Bank Beykoz Branch, Ahmet Oral, 1971, İstanbul, Erdinç Bakla Yapi Kredi Bank Headquarters, Ahmet Oral, 1971, İstanbul, Ruzin And Atilla Galatali, Gültekin Çizgen Yapi Kredi Bank Headquarters, Ankara, Eren Eyüpoğli- 1970 Yapi Kredi Bank Kordon Branch, ITU A|Z • Vol 16 No 2 • July 2019 • E. Yavuz

İzmir, Şadi Çalik 1971 Yapi Kredi Bank Tepebaşi Branch, İstanbul, Ruzin Gerçin-1971 Yapi Kredi Insurance (Previously Halk), İstanbul, İlhan Koman 1971 Yildiz Technical University Auditorium, İstanbul, Devrim Erbil-1989 Yildiz Technical University Library,

İstanbul, Devrim Erbil-1987 Ziraat Bank, İstanbul, Füreya Koral 1966 Ziraat Bank Headquarters, Ankara, Nasip İyem-1966 Ziraat Bank Karaköy Branch, İstanbul, Şadi Çalik 1970 Ziraat Bank Kizilay Brach, Ankara, Gencay Kasapçi 1963

Re-evaluating modernism through a spatial collection: İstanbul complex of retail shops and collaboration of art and architecture

ITU A|Z • Vol 16 No 2 • July 2019 • 19-23

The boundaries of streets across time, in Saharan space

Soraya KADRI1, Malika KACEMI2, Ratiba Wided BIARA3 1 kadrisoraya@hotmail.fr • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Technology, Tahri Mohamed University, Bechar, Algeria 2 malikak2000@hotmail.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Technology, USTO University Oran, Algeria 3 townscape11@yahoo.fr • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Technology, Tahri Mohamed University, Bechar, Algeria

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2019.29053

Received: October 2017 • Final Acceptance: March 2019

Abstract The way to draw a clear limits, the art of operating and to foil the passages, reports of the cultural expression mode which reflects the architecture of Saharan oasis: holder of the identity signs equally to traditional knowledge, including the famous frontiers of the public space. “If the oasien lived a rational life insofar as he understood the components: his agriculture, his tools, his clothes”, it is not the same matter for today. From the oasis to the city, in this urbanized space, the extent of the offset between the image that offers the former spatial organisation (which reflects the daily real image of those we call Saharans), as well as the current growth theatre (which imports its models from the occidental countries, far to accommodate with the Saharan context), it is quite detectable. These spatial dynamics witnesses pertinent transmutations which operates on homes settlements in the Sahara, but also on public spaces including roads, more on the formal plan then the intrinsic practices. Consequently, it is necessary today to wonder about the demarcation lines of roads we have inherited. Forthwith, these frontiers and limits rarely follows a linear traces to allow to discern two extended. At first glance, they alter, corrupt, and tangle giving birth to metaphors. Whence the difficulty to construct, in a clearer way the streets spaces thus define them. This study is descriptive and explanatory of the limits symptoms to the level of the traditional inhabited space in the Sahara by a diachronic reading. Keywords Boundaries, Streets, Sahara, Oasis, City.

1. Introduction Being everywhere and at all scales, the question of limit is quite extensive since it may be a spatial, temporal or social boundary; just as emotional borders seem to take an equally important consideration as physical and topographical boundaries. Now, all agree that the limit implies an inside and an outside, nevertheless, it never ceases to be reinvented and reformulated in architecture (until contestation) or even to refer to other confines in philosophy: every door brings up a philosophy (the knowable and the unknowable, the finite and the infinite, order and chaos, measurement and incommensurability, continuity and discontinuity). Situations of boundaries are critical situations in dissociable from transformations, from transgressions (Foucault). 2. Boundaries, limits and thresholds Since the dawn of time, man has expressed the need to define a physical or symbolic “boundary” to mark his territory, and secure it. It then marks a difference, a “boundary” between its ‘inside’ and the ‘outside’ by a visible or imaginary line. Kant conceives boundaries in connection with the notion of limits. For even if they both extend across borders, boundaries are considered as negative boundaries (Kant), at the moment when the boundaries represent positive boundaries to distinguish one space from another that is contiguous to it. “In all limits ... there is something positive, since the limits of the knowable always give rise to thought” Kant. The threshold constitutes “a form of rupture, of displacement of perception.” Nikolaus Hirsch. More than a demarcation line, these transition keys can squarely create a space, or arrange access. “Simultaneously, they are considered part of a limit and they can be perceived as an obstacle. The threshold phenomenon feeds on spatial ambivalence”. Siedle, Recognized as separating hinges between two contiguous zones, the boundaries make it possible to distinguish one side from the other, an interior from an exterior, or even

a top from a bottom. Limits are simultaneously openings “The limit is not what something ceases, but, as the Greeks have observed; it is from what something begins to be” (Martin Heidegger, 1958). However, the boundaries mark the beginning and / or end of an extent, the passage from one place to another, and therefore an intermediate situation. However, this notion of passage expresses relations, not necessarily physical transitions, which are effected implicitly or explicitly. 3. Treatment of boundaries in the Saharan area The vernacular establishment in the Sahara is hardly the result of chance, since it reflects society in its customs and customs, adjusted to the conditions of time and place. The model produced recently: “the ksar”, administers a specific organization that maintains complex causal relationships, as well as logic of organization dictated by the hierarchical social structure. Hence the hierarchy in all the systems that make up the built structure, the limits of which (successively from the urban scale to the architectural scale). Hence the hierarchy in all the systems that make up the built structure, the limits of which (successively from the urban scale to the architectural scale). 3.1. Limit by natural environment 3.1.1. Limit by nature (water, vegetation and sand dunes) The architecture of the oasis space conceives at the outset establishments confusing external nature with sheltered habitat (interior), in order to make the in dissociable human society and natural environment evident, and to deal at the same time with the limits which regulate relations with the world outside. Since the transition from the oasis to the Europeanized village, the formal attributes of the establishment in the Sahara are changing. “The city, in its organic elements, moves. Its main part moves outwards, with respect to the nucleus of formation “ (Poet, M, 1979: p107). In this new production, we see that agricultural space is fading away, and instead of limiting the city,

ITU A|Z • Vol 16 No 2 • July 2019 • S. Kadri, M. Kacemi, R. W. Biara

it is rather limited on both sides by urbanized spaces. From now on, the city is developing in all directions and without specific borders. 3.1.2. Limit per slope In spite of the infinite extent, in spite of the supreme aridity, this earth is inhabited by life. The societies struggling for survival, became lords in the transformation of the Saharan reliefs into oases; endowing them with architectural exceptionalities. Being located in zones at risk, as bordering on the wadi (water: a condition sine qua none of survival in the Sahara), the morphology of the ksar tries each time to adapt to the local natural environment. Therefore, in order to avoid catastrophic floods, the traditional ecological know-how imposes to settle on a sloping relief rising the wadi. Therefore, in order to avoid catastrophic floods, the traditional ecological know-how imposes to settle on a sloping relief rising the wadi. 3.2. Limit by walls It must be borne in mind that the precincts of the ksar as a boundary of inhabited space were imposed by the concern for defense against external attacks. It is a physical barrier that prevents intrusion. The rampart limits the enclosed interior space, allowing the reading of the characteristics of this territory. As an element of landscape reading, this limit contributes to the

Figure 1. Filtering limits by light Work of Sou Fujimoto Ksar of Kenadsa.

composition of the landscape; favoring by its color, the coherence and the integration of the building to the natural environment. The spectacular growth of the city calls into question the traditional attitudes towards the notion of limit, and consequently imposes new modes of thought. Today, it is no longer a question of locking the city in a wall as a traditional operation. Yet, as Marcel Roncayolo notes, â&#x20AC;&#x153;the walls persist in the minds even when they are materially destroyed.â&#x20AC;? The dynamics of the city leads to the systematic rejection of boundaries, since it is less defined as a finite unity than as a place that brings together beings with their dreams, ambitions and dailies. The rampart becomes thus, an element of the history proper to a given epoch. 3.3. Limits by the streets or how do the boundaries fit the street? From the inhabited space are organized directional ruptures and successive thresholds. Ruptures, changes in direction, crossing sensually strong with loss of orientation, create an impression of obstacles for foreigners. The sharing of inhabited space in the Sahara is generally done in districts delimited by main streets. The succession of streets and narrow streets, designated by droub, subdivides the whole into groups of families which it delimits by neighborhood. Each derb distributes houses belonging to the same family and takes the name of this family accordingly. 3.3.1. The streets of the boundaries, filtering The dark and sinuous depth is a particularly necessary value in the design of the streets, to organize visual ruptures from the outside of the fabric, and to counteract any strangeness access to this ksourian micro-space. The limit is here marked by the dark color contrary to the contemporary work of Sou Fujimoto where the limit is created by light; see Figure 1. This boundary processing between inside and out shapes a filter. This is an ability to set limits while promoting passages.

The boundaries of streets across time, in Saharan space

Figure 2. The limits preserve the intimacy of the houses but allow the communication between inhabitants.

3.3.2. The streets of the limits guaranteeing privacy The walls of the streets indicate in the first place the boundaries of a private space. Sign the change of status from public to private. Behind these blind walls are the lives of the common families. Robert Frost (1874-1963) in “The repair of the wall” informs us that “good walls make good neighbors”. As a transit point, these dividing lines allow the communication between inhabitants, especially in the halts (places) see. “The borders reinforce the social relations. »J. B. Jackson The chicane entry (skifa) for the house, as well as the gateway to the city, is rather intermediate moments (thresholds). Kahn in Hermes passes, or the ambiguities of communication comment: “At the crossroads, at the gates of cities and houses, at the locks, he occupies the boundary of the place, the frontier of the domains, and takes place where one meets the change: strophaios, it not only pivots the door on its hinges, but also the man on that dividing line, helping him to switch from within to outside”. (Kahn, 1978) 3.3.3. The streets: limits by continuity By their constant heights, their uniform local materials drawn from nature; and their unique and harmonious color, the walls that limit the streets contribute to the homogeneity of the whole. Even the color of the earth that clothes the soil contributes to the unity of the whole

(which is a limit by the unification of color. This ensures continuity along the hierarchical streets in spite of the repetitive mazes, and consequently preserves the sense of security of the inhabitants. The design of the inhabited space in the Sahara, naturally conceived by the inhabitants themselves and almost lost in the city today, see Figure 3 and legibly sought after in contemporary architecture. 3.4 The boundaries of streets In the past, the walls of the streets were blind throughout their length. There was no opening on the surface, since the houses were introverted (only the central patio lit up and ventilated the rooms that were organized around it. But, if necessary, the inhabitant conceived very small very high openings, so as to obdurate the sight of passers-by. Thus, and in order that people do not exhaust them by borrowing them, it was a question of sometimes constructing builtin benches. The access doors to the houses were low imposing the lowering of people, in this case of sight. These

Figure 3. Boundary by continuity in a contemporary work.

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breakthroughs were alternately dark and then clear, this is a way of activating the passerby in some very narrow sections, and excluding strangers. The mazes that followed the streets knew how to thwart the violent sand winds. To favor the intimacy of inhabited space, to exclude the access of strangeness, to outwit severe climatic parameters, are all parameters that no longer find their place in contemporary fabrics. Which plague the Western models, and ignore the climate and the local culture. 4. Conclusion The limits are inseparable from the formal system they envelop, and are meant to restrict depth and infinity. In the Saharan oases, the formal system is perfectly unitary and homogeneous. It defines a harmonious relationship with the natural environment that limits it. The boundary which the latter constitutes is a kind of familiarity, of amiability, the sign of recognition of the environment. The frontier made by the separative rampart of inhabited space is one of the bases of the grammar of societies to set limits from the outside. The boundaries of the streets, as far as they divide the entities, prove to be connecting structures; as far as they stop, allow the passage, it surpasses it if necessary. Thus, the paradox of the limit of the streets, notwithstanding its role as a barrier by the play of light and darkness, by the narrowness of its dimension, by the sinuosity of its layout, ... it remains transitional (it is surpassed if needed). “Every border exists only to be crossed” Edouard Glissant. In the oasis culture, the perception of the streets as a boundary between inside and outside, guaranteeing the intimacy of inhabited space (thresholds not to be exceeded), fades in the Europeanized city, and become

tracks open to all , in response to an urbanism imported from elsewhere where the construction of interminable limits such as the fences of residential cities whose simplistic objective is to separate the spaces. “We build too many walls and not enough bridges” (Isaac Newton). References Ancel, J. (1938). Géographie des frontières, Gallimard, Paris. Bisson, J. et Jarir, M. (1986). Ksour du Gourara et du Tafilelt. De l’ouverture de la société oasienne à la fermeture de la maison, Annuaire de l’Afrique du Nord, tome XXV, Aix-en-Provence. Echallier, J.-C. (1968). Essai sur l’habitat sédentaire traditionnel au Sahara algérien, Edition IUP, Paris Foucault, M. (2001). Prefácio à transgressão, Estética : literatura e pintura, música e cinema. Organização e seleção de textos Manoel Barros da Motta. Tradução : Autran Dourado. Rio de Janeiro : Forense Universitária. Heidegger, M. (1958). Bâtir Habiter Penser , in Heidegger, M., Essais et conférences(traduit de l’allemand par André Préau), coll. « Tel », Gallimard, Paris. Hirsch, N. (2007). On Boundaries, Lukas & Sternberg, New York. Jackson, J. B. (2003). À la découverte du paysage vernaculaire (traduit de l’anglais par Xavier Carrère), Actes Sud/ ENSP, Arles/Versailles. Kahn, L. (1978). Hermès passe, ou les ambiguïtés de la communication, Maspero, Paris. Poet. M, (1979). Introduction à l’Urbanisme, Seuil, Paris. Roncayolo, M. Les murs après les murs. Réalités et représentations de l’enceinte XIXe-XXe siècles : deux cas français, in Roncayolo, M. (2002). Formes des villes, Nantes, Ville Recherche Diffusion, Ecole d’architecture de Nantes, pp. 160-181, multigraph., p.167 Veran, C. (2010). Comment clôturer sans fermer les villes, Le Moniteur.

The boundaries of streets across time, in Saharan space

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Mega sporting events and their impact on the built environment: Lessons learned from the past

Simona AZZALI simona.azzali@jcu.edu.au • School of Environmental Science and Management, College of Science and Engineering, James Cook University, Singapore

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2019.12499

Received: January 2018 • Final Acceptance: March 2019

Abstract In recent decades, mega sports events, like the Olympics or FIFA World Cups, have been more and more used as urban policy tools to renew and transform entire neighbourhoods of cities. Many scholars have investigated contemporary case studies; however, only a little attention has been given to historical precedents and the way they were leveraged as successful tools of experimentation to develop and renew strategic areas of cities. This research reviewed selected past examples from the Western and the Eastern world and derived four best practices for contemporary hosting cities and event governing bodies. Results show that practices as the use of temporary facilities, the leverage of events for experimenting new urban templates and patterns, the attention to local needs and the use of local resources, the full integration of sports venues within the surrounding areas and the awareness of the interrelation between political power and events can lead to beneficial legacies. Keywords Mega sports events, Legacy planning, Sustainable legacies, Sports venues, Events impact.

1. Mega sports events and their impact on the built environment Today, mega sports events are considered attractive tools for the urban development of cities for several reasons: they can confirm or create regional or global status of a city; they can be an opportunity for the construction of new buildings and parks; they can attract visitors and tourists; and they can legitimate a rapid program of infrastructure development. Mega-events have driven the urban transformation of cities such as Barcelona, London, Rio, Beijing, and Shanghai, but while the prospect of economic growth and urban development are the driving forces for staging a major event, the legacies that follow their hosting have been difficult to design and quantify (Preuss 2007). The real effectiveness of such a program to rebuild a city through the hosting of an event requires a strong plan and legacy strategy. Although cities compete more and more to bid and host mega-events, past experiences show that outcomes from staging them are mostly harmful, and their legacies planned to last only a short time (Azzali 2017a). This trend is even stronger if one considers how sports facilities and their surroundings are utilized after the event is over. Usually, sports venues become white elephants, and their neighbourhoods become underutilized and abandoned pieces of the city. Indeed, recent examples include the Green Point Stadium, built for the 2010 South Africa World Cup and almost never used after it, many of the sports complexes of the 2004 Games in Athens (i.e. the beach volley arena, completed abandoned), and examples of the 2002 Turin Winter Olympics infrastructure. Many scholars have investigated contemporary events and their impact on the built environment. With a specific focus on Summer Games, for example, Pitts and Liao (2009) identified four different phases of Olympic urbanization, emphasizing the growing impact of this event on hosting cities throughout the last century. Other researchers have tried to classify the evolution of the Summer Olympic Games through

the century (e.g., Essex and Chalkey 1999; Preuss 2000; Varela 2002; Smith 2012). Other studies have focused on a classification of the Olympic Villages (Muñoz 1997; Muñoz 2006), or on the evolution of the concept of legacy in the Games (Leopkey 2013), while only in recent years there are attempts to categorize FIFA World Cups’ venues (Street, Frawley, and Cobourn 2014). Other scholars have investigated the economic impact of contemporary events (Burgan and Mules 1992; Crompton 1995; Preuss 2005; Allmers and Maennig 2009; Gratton, Shibli, and Coleman 2009), the image-related side on hosting cities, or the social outcomes (Waitt 2003; Raco 2004; Smith 2009). Other studies have also researched other types of legacy as the environmental issues (Chappelet 2008; Levett 2004; Collins, Jones, and Munday 2009), or the impact on urban development (Liao and Pitts 2006; Pillay and Bass 2008; Pillay, Tomlinson, and Bass 2009). Smith (2009) defined guidelines for hosting cities that wish to maximize the sustainable legacies from the stage of mega sport events; Frey, Iraldo, and Melis (2008) focused their research on the impacts on local development, while Essex and Chalkley (2015) explored how to leverage sports events for urban regeneration and renewal purposes. However, important events such as the Olympic Games have a long tradition, and their first edition can be traced back to 776 B.C. An analysis of influential historical precedents can offer useful insights on events’ political and social meaning and their interrelation with hosting cities. Studying, for example, the way ancient Romans built their sports venues, or the relationship between the hippodrome and the royal palace in the Byzantine Istanbul offers useful insights for host cities. Within this background, the aim of this article is to investigate relevant cases of the past, highlights the influence of sports and mega-events on urban form through different periods, and tries to connect the discussion to contemporary events, by deriving four best practices for cities that intend leveraging sports events to improve their built environment, to maximize ITU A|Z • Vol 16 No 2 • July 2019 • S. Azzali

Table 1. The selected case studies.

the benefit of post-event legacies, and transform event sites and venues into liveable public open spaces. Practices include the use of mega-events as tools for experimenting new solutions and patterns; the ephemeral component of events and the use of temporary facilities; the necessity of physical and social integration of sports venues within surrounding areas; and the strong relationship between political power and sports events needs to be taken into account in the planning of events. Each of these principles is described presenting explanatory past examples, but also including contemporary cases. 2. Methodology Looking at history is a useful tool for understanding the origin of a problem. Analysing past experiences and precedents not only provide a big picture and lead to a better understanding of a problem but may also suggest potential solutions. Sports, events, and cities have had a controversial relationship since ancient times, and a critical analysis of some main historical periods can allow the deepest understanding of this relation and the dynamics involved. In particular, an investigation into the ancient Greek world, the Roman Empire, and major Western and Eastern cities represent a useful starting point for a research on mega sports events and their impact on the built environment. This retrospective study analysed relevant legacies, practices, and trends of past sports events, with

a focus on specific cities and time periods: the ancient Greek world, the Roman Empire, and the main Renaissance and Baroque Italian cities for the West World, along with an analysis of Istanbul in the Byzantine time, Samarra, Cairo, Esfahan, and Delhi, for the Eastern world (Table 1). Those cases were selected as they represent moments in which cities faced important transformations, and the relationship between urban centres, public spaces, and events are particularly meaningful. The cases were firstly investigated in a chronological order and mapped into a table according to the type of events, recurrence, main venue typologies, reasons for hosting them, political and social context, the significance of sport. Secondly, overlapping elements and repetitions were cancelled in order to obtain the lowest common denominator for each column. This process allowed identifying the driving forces of these past events, and, also, tracing the evolution of the mutual relationship between mega sports events and open spaces, highlighting major dynamics in terms of actors involved, processes, best practices, main pitfalls, and achievements. This first part of the research was carried out mainly through the literature review on the selected cities and events, and, also through the photographic and mapping analysis. Findings consisted in the identification of some recurrent and successful trends and practices in the use of sport events to enhance or promote liveability of public spaces within hosting cities. These practices were subsequently discussed with scholars and experts in the field to confirm their validity. Twelve semi-structured interviews were performed within a time-lapse of six months. The interviewees were selected among practitioners, academics, officials, event-bodies representatives, based on their knowledge on and role held in recent cases (i.e. 2012 London Games, 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics, 2014 Brazil World Cup, 2016 Games in Rio de Janeiro). All the interviews followed the same structure and had the same length. The interviewees were asked to

Mega sporting events and their impact on the built environment: Lessons learned from the past

describe the role held for the event and their experience. Then, they were asked to outline the main achievements and pitfalls, best and worst practices with reference to the use of event sites and sport venues in the long run (legacy mode). Also, they described any plan to transform those sites into open public spaces available to citizens. Finally, they commented the results from the analysis of the precedents and the practices that emerged from the coding. The interviews were recorded, transcribed, and divided and categorised into similar themes and subthemes. The result of the methodology is a set of four recurrent practices that are described in the next section of the article, along with their application in past examples and contemporary cases. 3. Events, sport, and hosting cities through history: Best practices The critical reviews of past events and their legacies, along with the interviews with experts led to a set of useful findings for future hosting cities. Particularly, four recurrent practices were derived: (1) The role of events as tools for experimenting new solutions, patterns, and templates; (2) The importance of using both temporary and permanent facilities; (3) The issue of physical and social integration of venues and event sites within the surrounding areas and cities; (4) The strong relationship between ruling power and events. 3.1. Practice 1 – Events as tools to experiment new solutions, patterns, and templates As suggested by Palestini, Sacchi, and Mezzetti (2008), between the sixteenth and the eighteenth century, in Italy, many spectacular machines and temporary devices were largely used. Cities underwent a wide metamorphosis and acquired a new aspect, thanks to the addition of temporary architectural elements, that, when welcomed by citizens, were often transformed into permanent elements within cities. Examples include the work by the architect Gian Lorenzo

Bernini in the seventeenth century. As many other architects at that time, Bernini was both a creator and director of festivals and a designer of the city of Rome. To illustrate, to design the famous Fountain of the Four Rivers in Piazza Navona, Bernini employed the same patterns of his previous temporary version. Another example is given by the device prepared on the occasion of the birth of the future king of France. The device was commissioned by Cardinal Antonio Barberini in 1661 in Trinità dei Monti. The device leverages all the way down to the mountain. Thanks to the success of this realization, subsequently, this idea would be exploited to realize the famous stairs of the Spanish Steps (Palestini, Sacchi, and Mezzetti 2008). Another example is represented by the Ancient Romans, that used to build first temporary structures, in wood, to accommodate the spectators of their public shows. Only after a trial and error experimentation, they fixed a standard template that they replicated throughout the empire. Indeed, the famous Coliseum is the result of the juxtaposing of two separate theatres of hemicycle form. In their first attempts, amphitheatres were temporary facilities in wood, only subsequently they were made by stone and replicated throughout the Roman Provinces (Carcopino 1939; Facchini 1990). These three examples show that events were the occasion for experimenting life-size, low-cost solutions that could then become permanent, by involving different scales, from the single architectural element to the scale of urban design. In this sense, the use of events as experimentation, for testing new planning templates, design solutions, and new technologies can be a successful strategy for host cities. Events can be leveraged to test new solutions on a smaller scale, and, once the experimentation is successful, extend them to other parts of the city. Events can be used as inspirations for developing new ideas. In this way, events can lead to new forms of urbanism to be applied at different spatial scales. Additionally, the ephemeral component of event planning projects makes event ITU A|Z • Vol 16 No 2 • July 2019 • S. Azzali

hosting an effective tool to divide long-term planning strategies into smaller experimental modules, especially in cities that intend to stage multiple mega-events. Prototypes and innovative urban models can be firstly tested, experimented, adjusted, and finally replicated and applied to different neighbourhoods. The host of Summer Games in Barcelona in 1992 is a milestone in the history of the Olympics and well represents this first practice. As many researchers underlined (e.g., Pitts and Liao 2009; Smith 2012), the Games were the occasion for revitalizing declining parts of the city and regenerating entire brownfield areas. Since then, the Games have been more and more utilised to test and experiment sustainable and environmentally friendly solutions. Indeed, the 1994 Winter Olympic Games of Lillehammer is considered the first international sports event to take up the sustainability challenge and to host sustainable games (DEAT 2010). The programs initiated by Lillehammer in 1994 set new environmental standards for major sporting events, ensuring that future organisers would be required to include sustainability measures into their plans (IOC 2016), although results are not always positive. 3.2. Practice 2 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Temporary vs. permanent facilities Using both temporary and permanent facilities can be a winning strategy to plan mega-events, as recent stories confirm. Indeed, public spaces and other parts of the city can be easily,

Figure 1. The race of the Berberian horses, in Florence, in 1694 by Jacques Callot.

and temporarily, transformed thanks to the use of transient elements. The combination of existing structures with temporary venues can also contribute to avoiding the spread of white elephants and placelessness (Relph 1976) that so often characterises contemporary mega sports events. Looking at history, the political stability, wealth, and scientific progress of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries created the basis for radical changes in major Italian cities. The birth and spread of perspective shaped the form of urban centres and, little by little, the main piazza became the symbol of the city: squares were the representative space of urban centres. Cities became themselves theatres for celebrations and shows: events were held in central locations, outdoor. Events took place in main piazzas and through major streets, or in the courtyards and gardens of the main palace of the city (i.e.: Florence, Medici palace). On the occasion of the major tournaments and jousts, temporary wooden terraces were built, and cities became the temporary background for these events. Theatre is a good example of those outdoor events, as the representations took usually place in the main central square of the city. Theatre as a building type was introduced later, only at the end of the sixteenth century (Zorzi 1977; Quartiere di Porta Rossa 2015). Processions and parades were another way in which cities were used as event venues. Founded in the sixteenth century, the race of the Barbs (Palio dei Berberi) represents a famous example of these moments of festivity. It was a horse race and a festival held in various Italian cities, including Rome, Florence (Figure 1), Padua, Chieti, Pistoia. These horse races were not performed in a hippodrome or a specific venue but through the mains streets and square of city centres. In Florence, the race had many horses, but no jockeys. The Palio took place every year on June 24 for St. Johnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s day. For the race, it was used a special breed of horses, the Barb, which gave the name to the competition (Carpini 2015). Piazza Farnese in Rome represents another important example

Mega sporting events and their impact on the built environment: Lessons learned from the past

of the use of cities as a background for celebrations and events. For years, the square was the seat for many tournaments, bullfights, and popular festivals in Rome. In addition, the spectacular summer flooding that later on made Piazza Navona so famous took place here for the first time. Coming to recent years, the 1984 Olympics in Los Angeles and the 2012 London Games offer examples of this practice. London utilised many temporary facilities for its Games. Indeed, all the sports venues that were not considered necessary for the city, in the long run, were dismantled after the event (i.e. the beach volley venue in Horse Guards Parade, shown in Figure 2A, and the basketball arena in the Olympic Park. See also Figure 2B that highlights the urban transformation of the Olympic Park before and after the Summer Olympics). Los Angeles, on the contrary, focused on utilising already exiting sport facilities. Also, university residences were temporarily converted into accommodations for the athletes, to avoid the construction of new hotels. Thanks also to the re-use of existing infrastructure, that allowed reducing costs, this edition was an unprecedented economic success that led to the establishment of the LA84, a private foundation with aim of managing the surplus of the Games (Leopkey 2013). Albeit with less success, other recent good examples include city marathons (i.e. the New York City marathon), and the Formula 1 circuit of Monte Carlo, which twists through the streets of the principality. 3.3. Practice 3- Physical and social integration of sport venues within cities Stadiums are the dominant facility in all mega sports events but also the most problematic venues in the post-event use because they alternate short period of extreme congestion on matches’ days with a long period in which they are totally empty or under-utilised. Often peripheral to city centres, they are surrounded by vast parking areas. Large out-of-town stadiums were a major trend during the 60s and 70s, especially in Germany and the U.S. Indeed, it was believed

Figure 2A. The temporary venue for the beach volley during London 2012 (Photo by Adam Care, under CC by 2.0).

Figure 2B. Right: London 2012 Olympic Park designed for the Olympic Games; Left: the Park transformed after the Games (Image: London Legacy Development Corporation).

Figure 3. Dodgers Stadium in Los Angeles, a gigantic ‘hole’ within the urban fabric. ITU A|Z • Vol 16 No 2 • July 2019 • S. Azzali

Figure 4A. Imperial Rome and sport and event infrastructures.

Figure 4B. A detail of Piazza Navona, former stadium.

they would create fewer disturbances, reduce land cost, and increase ease of access by private cars (Geraint, Sherard, and Vickery, 2013). Often, stadiums tend to be gigantic holes in the urban fabric, forming detached islands within the neighbourhoods in which they are located (Figure 3). Looking at the past, stadiums have a very ancient history. The first prototypes are the stadiums of ancient Greece. They were usually hillside and used natural materials. The choice of the location for a stadium was the first design operation: great importance was given to the relationship with the natural environment, using natural slopes to derive the tiers for the spectators. The stadium and the natural environment, in this way, were strongly organic and unified. Stadiums were built far from urban centres, often in the vicinity of the holy places. While during the Greek time stadiums were

peripheral to the city, the Romans built them in a more central position, as they were intended to be totally part of the social life of the time. They had, and still have, a great impact on the city, being special buildings with enormous capacity and scale (Figure 4). Indeed, stadiums struggled to integrate themselves into the urban fabric. In addition, exactly as today, these facilities were standardised and a-topological: stadiums and amphitheatres were exactly the same throughout the Empire and replicated in different cities. As objects without time and space, they were not subject to local influence or affected by local culture. This standardisation was helpful to build various venues rapidly and also to disseminate the Roman construction ability throughout the various territories. However, local materials, specificity, and needs were not taken into account, which is one of the main elements in building a structure in a sustainable and resilient way. The importance of designing for a specific site, taking into account local needs, but also local culture, materials, and traditions, is a lesson that should be always remembered and applied. A different approach is offered by thermae (spas). Even if they were not utilized as events venues, they give interesting ideas about how a sustainable and integrated public space and venue should be. Thermae are a typological space invented by Romans and extremely popular at the time. Famous examples include thermae of Caracalla, thermae of Agrippa, and thermae of Diocleziano; derived from public bathrooms, they included hot and cold baths, gyms, massage rooms, restrooms, but also libraries, museums, and outdoor porches with shops and places where to walk (Carcopino 1939). â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;From stadiums to thermaeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; could be used a contemporary motto when dealing with the design of sports venues and public spaces, as characteristics of functionality and pleasantness marked every single detail of these buildings. Also, from a social point of view, all the strata of the population attended these public spaces: men, women, children, soldiers, poor and rich, including emperors. The thermae were the social

Mega sporting events and their impact on the built environment: Lessons learned from the past

gathering place for excellence, useful for any type of meeting and event. People went to thermae to attend musical performances or readings of poems, or just to listen to public lectures. Fully integrated into the urban fabric, Roman citizens went there to discuss, meet people, to work. Thermae also hosted libraries and museums; they were places dedicated to outdoor games and the care of the body, making them very similar to the places where today we practice sports and recreational activities. Looking at contemporary events, negative examples seem to dominate. A recent case of poor integration with surrounding areas is the stadium of Green Point in Cape Town, built for the 2010 World Cup. Before the tournament, local Government intended to upgrade the existing stadium in Athlone, a working-class mixed-race neighbourhood. They believed the investments in transport, security and economic infrastructure that would come from hosting World Cup matches in Athlone would reduce inequality and increase integration and convergence. However, FIFA’s concern about showing worldwide Athlone’s low-cost housing and other signs of poverty led to the construction of a new facility in the area of Green Point, which was considered more media-friendly and suitable for a television audience, with its stunning view over the mountains and nearer to the major tourist destinations. Cape Town’s stadium symbolizes the worst of FIFA’s legacy in South Africa. It is a superfluous mega structure unwanted by the wealthier, and it is far away from the areas where football fans live (Molefe 2014). Also, it ruins the view of the surrounding mountains. The coastal cluster of the 2014 Winter Games in Sochi is another example of poor physical and social integration (Figure 5 and 6). The Olympic Park is peripheral to the city, with poor public transportation options and surrounded by a major road that makes difficult to access it (Azzali 2017b). In addition, the majority of the facilities built for the Games are closed and inaccessible, and the track for the Formula 1 race, located inside the area, divide the Park

Figure 5.The costal cluster in Sochi: the Formula 1 track divides the park making difficult to move from one side to another (Source: Author).

into two separate halves (Figure 5). This example should be a warning to contemporary designers: social and physical integration and liveable public spaces cannot be achieved by building iconic and state-of-the-art structures, but by understanding local needs, working with local resources, involving citizens to the planning process. Finally, another issue relates to the disposal of these huge structures. Usually, after a certain period of time, due to new procedures or technical requirements, stadiums need to be renovated, but sometimes they are simply abandoned and replaced by new facilities. An example is the stadium Flaminio in Rome. This iconic landmark built by Antonio Nervi for the Olympics of 1960 stands now completely abandoned in the heart of the Olympic Village. However, some positive examples of disposal exist. In London, the former Arsenal Stadium was converted into an apartment complex, known as Highbury Square. The Bush Stadium in Indianapolis, built originally as a baseball arena, followed the same strategy. The Pyramid Arena in Memphis was originally constructed to host basketball games, and it has been reconverted to a megastore with a hotel, restaurants, and shops. 3.4. Practice 4 – City branding, and the interrelation between political power and events Events and political power are strongly related. Recent examples include the 1936 Games in Berlin, with ITU A|Z • Vol 16 No 2 • July 2019 • S. Azzali

Figure 6. The costal cluster in Sochi: transformation and impact on the territory.

their enormous political dimension, and the international boycott of the Games in Moscow (1980) and Los Angeles (1984). Today, the interrelation between the ruling power and events often takes the form of city branding, and Olympics and World Cups are considered as a showcase to promote the hosting country (i.e. the 2008 Olympics in Beijing or the 2014 Winter Games of Sochi). However, throughout the history, events were utilised with different meanings. Starting from the sixteenth century, with the Renaissance first and Baroque after, major Italian cities flourished and expanded. Thanks to the vision of the leading local princes, urban centres as Florence and Rome faced important urban transformations and became more functional and beautiful. In the second

half of 1500, the interest on the urban landscape rose in the collectivistic culture. Perspective was the most effective tool used to transform the urban scenario (Benevolo 1993). Alongside the physical transformations of cities, social changes occurred. City life was enriched by a number of collective experiences, particularly religious and festive. All citizens participated in events such as ordinary or extraordinary processions, but they also attended events in the private or semi-public spheres, such as funerals and weddings. The latter was also part of secular parties, prepared collectively, and in which they invested large amounts of money. Races as the Palio dei Berberi, described previously, were examples of the social aspect of events: they were moments of legitimation of the population and appropriation of the city and its territory. They were an occasion of leisure but also used to unify local inhabitants and their sense of belonging to the city. In a different way, another example is offered by Istanbul, which became the capital city of the Byzantine Empire in 324 AD, when Constantine decided to move the seat of government from Rome. The Emperor started a series of works for renewing and enlarging the city, including the renovation of its hippodrome. Located in square Sultanahmet MeydanÄą, near Hagia Sophia, it was an impressive structure, probably 450 m long and 130 m wide, with a capacity up to 100,000 people, and it was the centre of the social and sporting life in the city. The track was U-shaped, and, in the eastern end, there was the Emperorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s loge, which was directly connected with the Imperial Palace through a passage that was used by the Emperor and other members of the royal family (Vespignani 2001). The competitions taking place at the hippodrome were not only mere sports events but also, as during the Roman Empire, they were occasions in which common people and the emperor could meet in the same venue. The Hippodrome was also the seat for many political discussions, thanks to the direct access of the emperor to the venue through the loge at the eastern tribune. Different political parties

Mega sporting events and their impact on the built environment: Lessons learned from the past

within the Byzantine Senate funded teams taking part in the races, and huge amounts of money were bet on chariot races. Often, the rivalry among the teams was the trigger for religious or political riots that in some occasions resulted in in civil wars with injuries, deaths, and destruction (Dagron 2012). Polo is by far the best-known Oriental equestrian sport. The exact origins of polo are unclear; however, the Iranian world at the time of the Achaemenids (i.e. during the Persian Empire from the 7th to the 4th century BC) is usually deemed to be the original source (QOSM 2012). Particularly, Ali Qapu palace and Naqsh-e Jahan square in Esfahan (Figure 7A,B and C) offers an example of the interest in polo and of the integration between the leader’s palace and the place where the games were held. The building marks the entrance into the residential district of the Safavid rulers, which extends beyond the square. It was built in the early seventeenth century under the order of Shah Abbas the Great and was used for diplomatic meetings with visitors from other countries. The building has a rectangular plan, spread over six floors, and has a large terrace at the front, from where the Safavid ruler watched polo matches, parades, and horse races that took place in Naqsh-e-Jahan. The square is a wide public space surrounded by buildings built in the early seventeenth century by Shah Abbas I. Finally, many lessons that can be learned by the way mega-events were planned and managed in the Roman time. First, the sacredness of the sporting events, a common character of the sport in Greece and in very ancient Rome, was replaced in the Roman Empire by the idea of spectacle and the desire for group entertainment, leading events to be exploited as political instruments. At the time of Augustus, the number of public holidays was at least twice of the number of workdays to allow Roman emperors to use events as safety valves, or tools of domestic politics: they were utilised for satisfying the unemployed and lazy masses by occupying the time of around 150,000 people who were not working. Also, the events ensured the public order of

Figure 7A. Naqsh-e Jahan square in Esfahan from Ali Qapu palace’s terrace on (Source: Author).

Figure 7B. Map of Naqsh-e Jahan square in Esfahan.

Figure 7C. Map of Naqsh-e Jahan square in Esfahan.

an overcrowded city (Rome had more than 1,000,000 people at that time of the empire). For example, the munera sine missione were games in which nobody had to survive, and they were used as public executions disguised in shows during which prisoners and convicted were sentenced to death ITU A|Z • Vol 16 No 2 • July 2019 • S. Azzali

(Carcopino 1939). Roman people had a real passion for these games, and this excitement was exploited to buy votes and political favours and to tame the spectators and avert riots, but also to glorify emperors and their victories. This passion for sports events and the popular participation to games had a strong psychological impact on both the crowd and the athletes, linked to the physical presence on the site of the event, and had a catalytic function in releasing passions, positive or negative. 4. Conclusions: Towards liveable public open spaces as legacies of mega sports events? While the first Olympics had a limited budget and used mainly temporary and existing facilities, starting from the 60s, and in particular from the Olympic Games held in Rome, mega-events have been more and more used as the occasion for the overall development of urban centres. However, results of this strategy are often negative, and sports venues and event sites too frequently turn into white elephants, non-places, over-capacity buildings, and abandoned pieces of cities. In particular, high maintenance costs, peripheral locations, and lack of integration within the urban fabric are some of the main issues of stadiums and major sports facilities. This study investigated relevant past precedents (major cities in the West and East from the eighth century B.C. to the seventeenth century) with the aim of deriving and mapping the main practices and relevant habits that characterised sports facilities and major events throughout the history. The research showed four main habits that are still recurrent: the role of events as tools for experimenting new solutions, patterns and templates; the alternation of temporary and permanent structures; the problem of physical and social integration of main venues within the urban fabric; and the strong relationship between ruling power and events. Solutions as downscale, the use of temporary, modular, or existing facilities, and the reconversion of venues to other purposes can be winning strategies in event planning. Using existing

facilities is a winning choice because it avoids the creation of white elephants and reducing costs. Temporary facilities along with repurposed venues or modular stadiums that can be disassembled and combined to create other structure somewhere else. Downscale could be also a winning strategy. Also, the physical integration with surrounding areas, easy connection by public transportation, and mixed-use facilities can improve the liveability of these venues and sites. However, with few exceptions, the majority of contemporary events sites and sports facilities provide very limited benefits and exorbitant costs. The four practices described and additional actions need to be taken into account to maximize the beneficial potential effects provided by those events. References Allmers, S., & W. Maennig. (2009). Economic impacts of the FIFA Soccer World Cups in France, 1998, Germany, 2006, and outlook for South Africa, 2010. Eastern Economic Journal 35: 500-519. Azzali, S. (2017a). Mega-events and urban planning: Doha as a case study. Urban Design International 22(1):3– 12. Azzali, S., (2017b). The legacies of Sochi 2014 Winter Olympics: an evaluation of the Adler Olympic Park. Urban Research & Practice 10(3), 329– 349. Benevolo, L. (1993). La città nella storia d’Europa [Cities in the History of Europe]. Milan: Laterza. Burgan, B., & T. Mules. (1992). Economic impact of sporting events. Annals of Tourism Research 19(4): 700-710. Carcopino, J. (1939). La vita quotidiana a Roma [Daily Life in Ancient Rome]. Bari: Editori Laterza. Carpini, G. (2015). Anche a Firenze si correva un palio, anzi 10. December 3. Accessed http://www.teladoiofirenze. it/storie-firenze-2/anche-a-firenze-sicorreva-un-palio-anzi-10/ Chappelet, J.L. (2008). Olympic environmental concerns as a legacy of the Winter Games. The International Journal of the History of Sport 25(14): 1884-1902.

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Collins, A., Jones, C., & M. Munday. (2009). Assessing the environmental impacts of mega sporting event: Two options?. Tourism Management 30(6): 828-837. Crompton, J. L. (1995). Economic impact analysis of sport facilities and events: Eleven sources of misapplication. Journal of Sport Management 9: 14-35. DEAT. (2010). National Greening framework. Accessed 31 October 2014. http://www.environment. g ov. z a / s it e s / d e f au lt / f i l e s / d o c s / nationalgreening_2010framework.pdf Dagron, G. (2012). L’hippodrome de Constantinople. Jeux, peuple et politique [The Hippodrome of Constantinople. Games, People, and Politics]. Paris: Editions Gallimard. Essex S., & B. Chalkley. (1998). Olympic Games: catalyst of urban change. Leisure Studies 17(3): 187– 206. Essex S., & B. Chalkley. (2015). Mega-Events as a Strategy for Urban Regeneration, 18-29. Accessed August 18 2015. http://www.mi.camcom. it/c/document_library/get_ file?uuid=a9ac0fca-975b-41a6-aab536bb9b4e0610&groupId=10157 Facchini, S. (1990). I luoghi dello Sport nella Roma antica e moderna [The Places of the Sport in the Ancient and Contemporary ROme] Rome: Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato. Fédération Internationale de Football Association – FIFA. (2015). FIFA Tournaments. Accessed 25 November 2016. http://www.fifa.com/ fifa-tournaments/index.html Frey, M., Iraldo, F., & M. Melis. (2008). The impact of wide-scale sport events on local development: An assessment of the XXth Torino Olympics through the sustainability report, 1-28. Accessed 13 September 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ ssrn.1117967 Geraint, J., Sherard, R., & B. Vickery. (2013). Stadia, New York: Routledge. Gratton, C., Shibli, S., & R. Coleman. (2009). The economic impact of major sport events: A review of ten events in the UK. The Sociological Review 54(s2): 41-58. International Olympic Committee IOC. (2014). Olympic Games. Accessed 28 October 2016. http://www.olympic.

org/olympic-games International Olympic Committee - IOC. (2016). Lillehammer. Accessed 1 Jume 2016. http://www.olympic.org/ news/lillehammer-1994-set-the-stagefor-sustainable-games-legacies/219117 Lauermann, J. (2013). Megaevents bidding as urban development planning: failure as catalyst?. Proceedings of the Conference on the Flexible City Early Career Scholars Workshop; 23 October 2013. Leopkey, B. (2013). The Governance of Olympic Games Legacy. PhD diss., School of Human Kinetics Faculty of Health Sciences, University of Ottawa. Levett, R. (2004). Is green the gold? A sustainable Games for London. In After the gold rush: a sustainable Olympics for London, edited by Vigor A., Mean M., and C. Tims. London: Ippr and Demos. Liao, H. & A. Pitts. (2006). A brief historical review of Olympic urbanization. The International Journal of the History of Sport 23(7): 1232-1252. Molefe, T. O. 2014. South Africa’s World Cup Illusions. Accessed 27 November 2016. http://www.nytimes. com/2014/06/25/opinion/molefesouth-africas-world-cup-illusions. html?_r=0 Muñoz, F. (1997). History evolution and urban planning typology of Olympic Villages. In: Olympic Villages: A Hundred Years of Urban Planning and Shared Experiences, International Symposium on Olympic Villages, Lausanne 1996, edited by de Moragas, M., Llines, M. and B. Kidd, 27-51. Lausanne: International Olympic Committee. Muñoz, F. (2006). Olympic urbanism and Olympic Villages: planning strategies in Olympic host cities, London 1908 to London 2012. The Sociological review 54(s2): 175–187. Palestini, C., Sacchi, L., & C. Mezzetti. (2008). La rappresentazione tra progetto e rilievo. Roma: Gangemi Editore. Pillay, U., & O. Bass. (2008). Megaevents as a response to poverty reduction: The 2010 FIFA World Cup and its Urban Development Implications. Urban Forum 19(3): 329-346. Pillay, U., Tomlinson, R., & O. Bass. ITU A|Z • Vol 16 No 2 • July 2019 • S. Azzali

(2009). Development and dreams: The urban legacy of the 2010 Football World Cup. Cape Town: HSRC Press. Pitts, A., & H. Liao. (2009). Sustainable Olympic Design and Urban Development. New York: Routledge. Preuss, H. (2005). The economic impact of visitors at major multi-sport events. European Sport Management Quarterly 5(3): 281-301. Preuss, H. (2000). Economics of the Olympic Games, Hosting the Games 1972-2000. Sydney: University of New South Wales Press. Preuss, H. (2007). The Conceptualisation and Measurement of Mega Sport Event Legacies. Journal of Sport & Tourism (12)3: 207-228. Qatar Olympic & Sports Museum QOSM. (2012). Horse Games - Horse Sports From Traditional Oriental Games to Modern and Olympic Sport. Doha: Qatar Museums Authority. Quartiere di Porta Rossa. (2015). La città nel Rinascimento. Accessed 3 December 2015. http://www. quartiereportarossa.info/histoire1. html Raco, M. (2004). Whose gold rush? The social legacy of a London Olympics. In After the gold rush: A sustainable Olympics for London, edited by A. Vigor, Mean, M., and C. Tims.

Retrieved from http://www.demos. co.uk/files/AftertheGoldRush.pdf Relph, E. (1976). Place and Placelessness. London: Pion Ltd. Smith, A. (2009). Theorising the relationship between major sport events and social sustainability. Sport & Tourism 14 (2-3): 109-120. Smith, A. (2012). Events and Urban regeneration. New York: Routledge. Street, L., Frawley, S., & S. Cobourn. (2014). World Stadium Development and Sustainability. in Managing the Football World Cup, edited by Frawley, S., and D. Adair. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Varela, A. M. (2002). The path of the Olympic Games: twenty-six editions. In Proceedings of the International Symposium on the Legacy of the Olympic Games, 1984-2000, 14-16 November, Lausanne, International Olympic Committee. Vespignani, G. (2001). Il circo di Costantinopoli, Nuova Roma [The Circus of Costantinopolis, New Rome]. Spoleto: Fondazione CISAM. Waitt, G. (2003). Social impacts of the Sydney Olympics. Annals of Tourism Research 30(1): 194-215. Zorzi, L. (1977). Il teatro e la cittá [The Theatre and the City]. Torino: Giulio Einaudi Editori.

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Bridging and bonding social capital in gentrifying neighborhoods: “Yeldeğirmeni district in Istanbul” Alp ARISOY1 , Nurbin PAKER2 1 alparisoy@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey 2 pakernu@itu.edu.tr • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2019.67944

Received: October 2018 • Final Acceptance: April 2019

Abstract This paper aims to evaluate spatial reflections of social relations and crosscultural interactions in social-mixed neighborhoods from a social capital aspect. While social diversity has been praised as a possible tool for community development by many, more recent gentrification literature also questions whether different social groups actually interact with each other or not in socialmixed neighborhood settings. The research presented aims to contribute to this debate by analyzing the social ties and neighborly interactions of a small creative community in Yeldegirmeni; one of the gentrifying inner-city districts of Istanbul. Based on social network mapping and face to face interviews, the bonding social capital, which is constituted by close-knit homophilous relations within this group and bridging social capital, which is constituted by interclass heterophilous relations has been put under scope. Creating interaction opportunities between social groups is often suggested as a possible way to cope with devastating negative effects of gentrification. Therefore a better understanding of how more fluid midincome classes interact with their surrounding local environment in gentrifying neighborhoods is important, as such social mixing can sometimes be unavoidable. Keywords Social capital, Gentrification, Social mix, Social interaction, Yeldeğirmeni.

1. Introduction When it comes to local community relations, one thing seems to be constant in time: every generation frowns upon how its values and bonding morality is diminished compared to how it used to be. From Tocqueville to Robert Putnam, the decline of social community relations has been denounced repeatedly. Quite contrarily, despite extensive connection possibilities, city wide networks, cyber public realms and a globalized world, a new understanding of locality, local relations and place identity comes forth. Therefore maybe it is more appropriate to suggest that neither the urban neighborhood nor the community is lost but they are rather transformed. One of most significant transformation is in the social composition of neighborhoods. As different communities overlap in the same urban setting, interaction among social groups comes into prominence in academic literature. Social capital -more specifically bridging social capital- plays an important role within this debate, as it provides a useful tool in order to understand the dynamics and consequences of social relations from an integrated point of view. While there is an extensive literature of social capital from many aspects and disciplines, empirical studies on its spatial dimension -particularly its relation with neighborhood- is rather limited. Questions such as: “How locally based identities and social networks are related?”, “What is the role of the neighborhood setting in the generation of social capital?” or “In which ways do neighborhood setting have an effect on neighborhood composition and social interaction?” still remain under researched. This paper aims to contribute to the debate by focusing on the community relations and neighborly ties of a creative class focus group, residing in one of the gentrifying social-mixed inner city neighborhoods of Istanbul. Based on field work analysis and face to face interviews the social network within and around this focus group is mapped and its spatial aspects are evaluated. Creating interaction

opportunities between social groups is often suggested as a possible way to cope with devastating negative effects of gentrification. Therefore a better understanding of how more fluid mid-income classes interact with their surrounding local environment in gentrifying neighborhoods is important, as such social mixing can sometimes be unavoidable. In the first part of the paper a brief selective review of wide ranging literature is covered, the second part includes explanatory notes on the research site and the research methodology and finally findings of the field work with its discussion is presented. 2. Debates on neighborhood, community and social capital Debate on neighborhood, community and their relation to space has a long history in urban literature. Classical studies from the first half of the 20th century made no distinction between the two concepts. Throughout the urbanization literature of this period, community was pictured as the reflection of rural order and the opposite of “urbanity”. Tonnies (1887) plainly distinguished gemeinschaft (community) that based on moral values and localized relation from gesellschaft (society) that rendered the new urban life of systematic, contracted relations. Gans (1962) referred to some working class neighborhoods as “urban villages”. These neighborhoods nestled certain localized communities and provided milieus in which they can develop as sub-systems of urban society. Chicago School Sociologists had two important assumptions on the meaning of community; first of all, community was strictly localized and neighborhood was the natural habitus of it. The city as a whole was the mosaic of these homogenous small, distinct worlds. Secondly, the community and neighborhood life would eventually decline and disappear into the mass society (Hannerz, 1980). On the other hand, more recent literature indicates that the community still constitutes a major role in urban life. Wellman’s (1996) empirical studies suggest that urbanites have closely knit,

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strong community ties within the social network. However these communities are liberated from the neighborhood and local space, since physical proximity does not play a major role in their constitution; “personal community networks are rarely neighborhood solidarities” (p.348). In this network model, while community represents a social entity, simply related to social ties; neighborhood defines a spatial entity and only represents an area in the urban texture. One major consequence of this assumption is that the neighborhood nestles different groups of people belonging to different communities. Massey (1993, p. 66) defines such kind of neighborhoods as “a construction of particular constellation of relations, articulated together at a particular locus”. As neighborhood space transforms to heterogeneous composition of communities, issues concerning social cohesion, social interaction and integration became more apparent in the literature. The academic debate on community relations in the neighborhood scale has two key arguments. The first and older one promotes diversity of different groups/ communities/ classes for common benefit. According to “inter group contact theory; face to face contact between different co-existing groups would lead to inter-group tolerance and a more harmonious society (Allport, 1958). This hypothesis has been verified in many case studies (Green & Wong, 2009; Pettigrew, 1998). A similar argument can be traced in “defended neighborhoods”, where it is claimed that spatial racial heterogeneity leads to more tolerance (DeFina & Hannon, 2009, p. 374). Literature on “neighborhood effects” illustrates the downside of living in homogenously composed -disadvantaged-neighborhoods; claiming that a class based spatial organization leads to social segregation due to the lack of socializing opportunities with more advantaged classes (Murray, 2008; Wacquant, 2008). The concept of “neighborhood effect” has also been discussed from a network access point of view, where it is suggested that close-knit homogenous communities are rich in ties sufficient to get by, but

they lack the connections to get ahead (Briggs, 1998). Interaction among classes would provide opportunities for urban poor, necessary for social leverage (Rankin & Quane, 2000; M. L. Small & McDermott, 2006). On the other side of the debate; a large strand of literature suggest that mixedincome and socially heterogeneous neighborhoods do not necessarily translates into leveraging inter-class relations. Numerous studies have found that mixed class, heterogeneous socio-spatial environments do not produce impact on social network as anticipated by the earlier studies; since only very limited interaction among classes occur in such neighborhoods (Curley, 2010; Kleinhans, 2004). This argument is most visibly evident in gentrification literature. Gentrification broadly describes the process of residential movement of middle class to low income working class areas of the central city (Zukin, 2008). Gentrification literature questions; whether gentrifiers in fact form ties with individuals of other social groups/ classes or not. Several scholars have argued that integration of middle classes into disadvantaged communities would actually lead to segregation as it eventually displaces the poor (Atkinson, 2004; Lees, 2008). In their study on inner city London, Butler and Robson(2003, p. 127) suggest that there is little evidence of middle class, deploying its resources for the benefit of the wider community; as people socialize almost exclusively with their own kind. Other empirical studies also show that, gentrification process leads to decline in levels of social mix or diversity in long term in such neighborhoods (Walks & Maaranen, 2008). Social capital plays a crucial role in this debate. The question of how “social mixing” between diverse neighborhood groups is going to be achieved has brought social capital to the forefront of numerous academic and policy discussions as a potential source through which neighborhood dynamics might be understood. Social capital is the collective value generated by the sum of all social networks, social norms and behaviors,

Bridging and bonding social capital in gentrifying neighborhoods: “Yeldeğirmeni district in Istanbul”

which enable mutually advantageous social cooperation (R. Putnam, 2000, p. 19). With a broad example, individuals use social connections to secure a job, hire a professional or ask for practical help, as communities rely on social groups to gather resources and attain goals (Rogers & Jarema, 2015). Bourdieu (1986, p. 247) defines this asset as; “the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognitionor in other words, to membership in a group-which provides each of its members with the backing of the collectively-owned capital, a “credential” which entitles them to credit, in the various sense of the word.” Hence social capital is a form of resource which can be transformed to other means of capitals (Light, 2004); such as financial, cultural or human capital and trigger an integrated mode of development. Emery and Flora (2006) suggest that growth or decline in one kind of capital impacts other kinds in a positive or negative way, creating a chain effect. Social capital plays a critical role in triggering such a chain as it is the easiest kind of resource available to communities. From this scope, there is an extensive literature on the outcomes of social capital development in sociology, political science, economics, public health, urban planning, criminology, psychology and architecture. Social capital has been linked to; micro & macroeconomic development, reduction of crime, improvement of public health, quality of local & regional governments, active civic engagement and even the general happiness of societies (R. D. Putnam, 2002). It is important to note that the academic literature also emphasizes on the downside of social capital. As Portes & Landolt (1996) demonstrates; poor and segregated ghettos are high on social capital, with close-knit networks, high trust based on mutual benefit and social norms. On the other hand this strong social capital also restrains the community to establish ties beyond itself; as been suggested within the neighborhood effect

hypothesis. Emery and Flora (2006) exemplify how in societies with class or ethnic conflicts, each community has high social capital within. In these cases strong social capital works as the cause of otherization of the counter community. Therefore it is important to differentiate between the two types; bonding and bridging, social capital. Bonding social capital is linked to social relations between members of a community that belong to a common social group, structured by the homophilous ties among individuals with similar social background. On contrary; heterophilous bridging ties, that constitute the bridging social capital are relations among individuals belonging to different social networks, groups or communities (Lin, 2001). The concept of a “bridge” can be traced back to Burt’s (1992) theory of “structural holes”; which identifies the non-existing relations between different social groups or individuals. People related to each other with strong ties form clusters in the network. Each cluster acts as a social group or closeknit community. The inexistence of ties between these clusters are the structural holes, that indicate lack of intergroup interaction. In this schema of network, an individual with ties to different clusters act as a bridge, sustaining access to the other group’s resources1. The structural holes theory can be adapted to community relations in neighborhood scale. The efficiency of the overall social structure is relevant with the bridges between communities. The Possibility of different communities to interact would increase proportionally to the number of bridges (Gittell & Vidal, 1998). Therefore social capital research particularly stresses the importance of bridging ties for community development. While bonding capital might be necessary for social support, the lack of bridging ties would create “amoral familism” or an excess of community attachment in a way that discourages advancement (Woolcock, 1998). Social opportunities are created principally by extra-community ties. Unlike the strong bonding ties relying on mutual high trust, the heterophilous

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Therefore Burt refers these individual bridges as “resource brokers”. 1

bridging ties are most often weaker in nature. Granovetter’s (1973) seminal work on strong and weak ties claims that weaker ties are more important than the strong ones in creating new opportunities. A weak tie implied here refers to indirect or very brief acquaintances based on familiarity. These secondary acquaintances have contact with networks outside individuals’ network; hence provide access to new information/ source. While social capital of a community is not assumed to imply spatial proximity or necessarily a localized dimension; it tends to take a strong sense in local space. Henning and Lieberg (1996) define weak ties in a neighborhood setting as “unpretentious everyday contacts” (p6). These contacts can include basic acquaintances based on recurring visual encounters, small practical help or a limited shared interest in the locality which they jointly inhabit. The number of weak ties is naturally much higher than the strong ones. In this respect the neighborhood is a prominent setting for these weak ties to establish; since the strong ties are not dependent on space. Strong relations would be sustained no matter what; the physical proximity becomes less relevant as the ties get stronger. On the other hand weak ties are dependent on physical encounters; most of them would not even be sustained outside a particular space (Kleinhans, Priemus, & Engbersen, 2007).

Figure 1. General urban setting of the neighborhood with prominent public spaces and institutions.

The neighborhood physically enables “opportunity” for such kind of unpretentious, cursory encounters (Blokland-Potters, 2003). Perpetual repetition of social encounters and obligatory existence of different social groups in the same public arena is suggested to evolve into social norms in time (Lofland, 1998). In this respect; spatial aspects of bridging social capital provide new possibilities for practitioners and policy makers working on social-mixed neighborhoods and gentrification areas. As Curley (2009) suggests, public spaces and institutions can play a shaping role in generating social capital, hence; it is a possible area of intervention in social mix settings to ensure social sustainability. 3. Description of research site and methodology Depending on the assumptions mentioned above, the field work and research presented here was conducted in Yeldegirmeni; a historical residential inner city neighborhood with a population of 16.000 in the Asian center of Istanbul. The neighborhood has a dense urban texture with 5-6 story, adjacent building blocks and narrow roads. The urban structure was planned as a grid layout in early 20th.century and is considered as one of the earliest examples of inner city neighborhoods formed by apartment buildings in Istanbul (Atılgan, 2017). This urban structure has hardly changed in the course of the century. Though most of the buildings were reconstructed; the general layout, public spaces and building ratios stayed unaltered (CEKUL, 2011). The grid plan allows backyards of the buildings to form semi-public courtyards. These courtyards constitute the largest open spaces. The grid plan also forms clear street intersections, which are historically pointed out as public interaction nodes. The neighborhood has a mix-use character due to small local shops and workshops on the ground floors. These commercial spaces are predominantly located around the central axis, which also can be considered as the main social space. Figure 1, illustrates the general layout

Bridging and bonding social capital in gentrifying neighborhoods: “Yeldeğirmeni district in Istanbul”

of the neighborhood and areas that have heavy public flow. As it is evident in the figure; the public spaces are coherent with either public institutions or plan intersections. Yeldegirmeni had undergone a fast urban decay after the midcentury. By the end of the 90’s Yeldegirmeni was considered a residual area, with high rates of crime, dilapidated housing stock and lack of basic social & infrastructural facilities. The neighborhood nestled mainly immigrant families from Anatolia, dock workers and students who choose the area for low rents (Türkmen, 2015). It was also reported that the neighborhood lacked adequate public spaces. The narrow streets, which can be pointed out as the only public spaces, were occupied by heavy traffic, and had no pedestrian sidewalks (CEKUL, 2011). The physical fabric of the neighborhood did not change in the course of this period. Only minor urban interventions were made more recently in 2010. These interventions involve the constitution of pedestrian sidewalks, restrictions on car traffic and small public space designs. A small public park and a social/cultural center were also built through these interventions. On the other hand, the social fabric of the neighborhood has undergone a greater transformation. Thanks to its central location and due to large scale urban projects around it2 , Yeldegirmeni came into prominence once again in the 2000’s. The neighborhood emerged as a potential inner city gentrification area. It rapidly became attractive for a new cultural middle class, young professionals and the creative class. The artists and designers were the pioneers of this transformation. Besides its proximity to major fine art schools, cultural centers and night life of the city, the neighborhood had potential low rent studio spaces available. During the 80’s and 90’s ground levels of most buildings were used as workshops for small production activities (most prominently printing shops) or depot spaces with high ceilings and unseparated volumes; which provided an ideal low cost solution for young artists

seeking working/living space. Beginning from the early 2000’s small artist studios popped up around the neighborhood, followed by independent galleries and design studios. Yeldegirmeni emerged as an alternative art space to the mainstream, high-end art scene, hosting young rising contemporary artists. With its growing multi-disciplinary creative class population, the neighborhood is considered as one of the major creative hubs in Istanbul today. This was followed by an increasing flow of young new mid income professionals seeking a different habitat from traditional mid income families. Yeldegirmeni had a popular image of a safe haven for marginalizing young bourgeoisie of Istanbul in the aftermath of Gezi Events3 . It is seen as a tolerant inner city neighborhood towards young opposition, LGBTI community and sub-groups of political activists (Kuru, 2015). In recent years this social transformation became highly apparent with the high number of street cafes, design shops, street parties and a jazz bar. This kind of a transformation naturally raises questions about the gentrification of the neighborhood. For Yeldegirmeni, while some researchers find the change as the early signs of total disposition of traditional working class locals of the neighborhood (Atilgan, 2013; Simsek, 2017; Yazicioglu, 2016); some others argued that the nature of gentrification in Yeldegirmeni might have differences to the other examples in Istanbul (Tekin, 2010; Türkmen, 2015).While recognizing the obvious gentrification pattern in the neighborhood, these arguments pointed out that localized social relations between different classes are maintained and that the transformation process is not only based on the financial real-estate gap, it also creates cross-cultural interaction that all parties in the neighborhood benefit from. The research presented here aims to perceive, verify and obtain empirical data on these cross cultural relations from the social capital aspect. The creative community of artists/ designers was targeted as a focus group

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Such as; large housing projects in Fikirtepe, Ayrilikcesme Metro Hub, projects involving Haydarpasa Central Station. Revitalization efforts by the Kadıköy Municipality can considered among the factors. See (Türkmen, 2015). 2

Gezi event were a series of demonstrations and civil uprising, through 201314, which had major effects on civil movements, politics and sociopolitical dynamics in its following years. 3

4 Though interviews were not conducted as a questionnaire, OECD and World Banks social capital assessment questions were used as a reference.(oecd, n.d.; World bank, n.d.) Every interview took approx. 1hour.

Interviewees were offered examples here. 5 corresponds to “someone you can trust to leave your children with”, 3 corresponds to “someone you can give your house keys for practical reasons” (eg. watering the plants, delivering a package), 1 corresponds to neutral “who you just know without any negative feelings”. 5

and the scope of their bridging & bonding social capital was examined in this direction. The choice of the focus group is based on two reasons; first of all as mentioned above, members of this group can be considered as the initial gentrifiers in the neighborhood. Urban artists are commonly referred as the expeditionary force for the inner-city gentrifiers. Urban artists, having less economic capital but high cultural capital are claimed to shape the urban space by generating different understandings of culture which emerges as an alternative scene (Ley, 2003). Similar to many cases around the world, the artists acted as a transformative community in Yeldegirmeni. It is also assumed that the way social capital is formed within and around this group reflects the general tendencies of other new young mid-income residents. Secondly; it is a defined group of individuals. While it is virtually impossible to identify and categorize every individual of a certain group/community/ class in the neighborhood, exact number and location of every artist studio is known. This gives us the chance of creating a full scale social network map of the focus group. Face to face interviews were conducted with the 98 of 103 studios in Yeldegirmeni, in June 2018. Though there are different sets of quantitative indicators available for social capital measurement; there is no commonly accepted consensus on the assessment or evaluation of the concept (Lin, 2001). For a defined and relatively small focus group, quantitative and qualitative methods were combined based on the basic notions of social capital; the social networks, social norms and trust. The interviews contain; semi-structured questions and a mapping exercise. Corresponding to the main objectives of the research, the interview has two parts: The first part aims to map the social network within the artist community, strong homophilous ties among the artists and the structure of bonding social capital. A pre-prepared map of the neighborhood (with all the studios labeled) was presented to the

interviewees. They were asked to show the ones they personally know, where social network based on homophilous relations is aimed to be illustrated. The strongest bonds (which they consider as close friends) and the ones which are professionally collaborated in the past (work relations) is drawn with different colors. The second part of the interview aims to map the bridging ties between the artist community and other residents of the neighborhood. The interviewees were asked if they can list 10 individuals they personally know (who is not an artist) in the neighborhood. Different than the first part, only brief recognitions and weak ties are also accepted as an answer. For those who can list more than 10 people, only the closest 10 is listed. Interviewees were asked to show on the map where/ how they interact with these 10 contacts. For both two parts, a semistructured interview was conducted. The interview included questions targeting the social capital aspects (they were expected to explain in detail their relations with each contact; how they interact, how this relation is beneficial in their life, their relation with wider civic community…etc.) and the spatial aspects of these relations (where do they meet, how do they use the public space, do they feel safe in the neighborhood, why would they live here, would they live elsewhere…etc.). The most difficult -but essentialaspect of social capital to evaluate is “trust”. For every contact (both for homophilous and heterophilous ones) the interviewees were asked to rate “how much they trust the relevant individual on a scale of 1 to 5 . A rate of %20 to %100 is determined for every tie. This evaluation only allows us to compare different responders’ idea of trust with different contacts by illustrating a relative ratio. 4. Findings Findings for the each two parts of the interview are presented orderly below. A comparison of the homophilous and heterophilous ties is also made within these sections.

Bridging and bonding social capital in gentrifying neighborhoods: “Yeldeğirmeni district in Istanbul”

4.1. Homophilous ties A high bonding social capital and close community relations within the creative class residents of Yeldegirmeni has been anticipated prior to the research. Findings truly confirm that there is a close knit network of artists and designers in the neighborhood; which as some of the interviewees suggest resembles; “…a village community”, “…a university campus” or “…a commune”. Figure 2 illustrates the network of strong homophilous bonds among the studios. Average trust towards these contacts is high (%62.38), with every interviewee having at least a couple of contacts whom are described as close as a family member. The work and friendship relations are meshed, since in most cases artists work together or professionally support each other. There is a strong social and professional collaboration within the community. Most of the interviewees believe these social contacts have a leverage effect in their work and life. Practical benefits of living in a close knit community has also been frequently mentioned but the main motivation behind the formation of such collectivity was explained as; “being together with likely minded people” or “…because; people here are like me!”. Being together with similar people to one’s self seems to be the main motivation in the community; hence the creative community covered in the research is highly homogenous with very similar demographics and social backgrounds. The responses reveal that this close circle is almost conservatively exclusive to a particular type of social group. The contemporary view on community and neighborhood often disregards spatial value of the community, it’s been suggested that the neighborly relations constitute only a small part of strong community relations (Mario Luis Small, 2006; Wellman, 1996). The findings reveal that, this is not necessarily valid for the case of Yeldegirmeni. Most of the interviewees either had already known or had recognition of each other through small art community circles or university before moving to the neighborhood. But they claim

Figure 2. Network of Homophilous bonding ties within the creative community.

that these recognitions turned into strong relations and collaborations after they were reintroduced in the neighborhood. Therefore although the existence of community is not necessarily affiliated to space; the strong bonding social capital within it is associated with the neighborhood. Most of the interviewees intentionally choose to live in the neighborhood basically due to the community. They acknowledge that it is also possible to maintain these relations elsewhere; “still it is more valuable to be physically together with friends”. When it was asked; what percentage of all their contacts from the artist community lives in the neighborhood, on average, it was suggested that almost half of their network live in or around Yeldegirmeni. This is a surprisingly high amount, considering that the interviewees are a part of a very fluid creative middle class. Hence while community relations are independent from space, neighborly strong bonds are not “occasional” as Wellman suggests (op.cit.), they constitute an important role in community life for the case of Yeldegirmeni. The spatial identity and neighborhood attachment is also relatively high. Most of the interviewees describe themselves as “locals” of the place, and that they would not consider living anywhere else in Istanbul. On the other hand; this attachment is mostly due to the existence of the community.

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Figure 3. Network of creative community’s heterophilous bringing ties with the neighborhood.

“I would consider living elsewhere if only there were a similar neighborhood, with the same people in it”. The findings also suggest that the place attachment is very relevant to the number of strong ties. Those who expressed that they could also live elsewhere were the ones with less homophilous ties. The bonding, homophilous relations are sustained in private space; occasional meetings in studios or backyards are a regular part of social life. Some of the studios are especially prominent in these meetings and they act as social foci points. Little events such as exhibition openings, organized gatherings or just coming together for the sake of fun also occurs predominantly in private studios. These gatherings constitute an important part of bonding social capital, since most often is seen as an opportunity for the exchange of ideas and discussion on the works. One significant exception to this is the case of café shops; since they stand out as semi-public social interaction spaces for the community. The café shops in the neighborhood are indicated not only as recreational places but a place for professional meetings, a daily gathering space and “a place where you always find someone you know”. Relevant to what Oldenburg’s (1989) “good places”, the café shops act as the important social focies that the community life gathers around. More importantly the interviewees

have very strong ties with the owners of these cafes, that owners usually know customers by name. Since these café owners have strong ties with both artists and other classes within the neighborhood, they act as “brokers” (Burt, 1992) or “bridges”. Hence cafes are considered as significant interaction spaces in formation of both bonding and bridging ties. It should also be noted that; historically the traditional coffee houses (kahvehane) acted as social focies for the older residents of the neighborhood, with similar content. Therefore; the traditional and contemporary spatial attributes of bonding social capital seems similar to each other. Every café and traditional coffee house acts as the “good place” of a certain social group, while also providing a possible heterophilous interaction opportunity. 4.2. Heterophilous ties The findings suggest that the focus group have sufficient amount of bridging ties with the other social groups, particularly the initial working class locals of the neighborhood. Despite the close homogenous nature of the artist community, these weak ties constituted an important aspect of the neighborhood life for the interviewees. As seen in figure 3 the network of bridging ties concentrate on particular areas and is more dependent on urban public space. Unlike the homophilous ties, interviewees associate and only have contact with their heterophilous ties in a specific place. Therefore the spatial attributes of heterophilous ties are more essential. The average trust toward heterophilous ties is medial (%55.68), though the findings show that the trust is widely dependable in each individual case and it is difficult to make a general assumption. The most prominent type of bridging ties are the ones correlating with the local shop owners. The local shop owners have the highest number of heterophilous ties with the creative class and act as “brokers” bridging different networks in the neighborhood. First of all, the interviewees noted that they provide almost all of their

Bridging and bonding social capital in gentrifying neighborhoods: “Yeldeğirmeni district in Istanbul”

daily services and products from the local shops in the neighborhood. Thus, it only seems natural that they have regular personal contact with the shopkeepers. Local shops have been extensively pointed out as social focies throughout the literature. Jacob (1961, p. 47) describes local shop owners as “bridges” who have a status beyond classes. Social capital research also emphasizes the local shops as bridging institutions through the formation of social ties (Lamore, Link, & Blackmond, 2006; Peterson, Krivo, & Harris, 2000). Furthermore, findings indicate that the bonds between shopkeepers and artists do not only rely on a simple customer-vendor relation. As a matter of fact, the interviewees do not necessarily shop from their contacts. Most artists stated that they find their roles within the neighborhood very similar to shopkeepers and consider themselves to be -a sort of- local craftsmen. Therefore a natural relation between neighboring shops and artist studios emerges in time, based on practical help and companionship. At this point it is important to underline that both shops and studios spatially occupy ground levels, have direct access from the street and are neighboring each other, thus they share the same semi-public interfaces. Besides that, artists strongly rely on local craftsmen such as carpenters, blacksmiths, CNC mechanics for their work. Mutually beneficial professional collaborations have been established over time. Parties spend most of the day together but almost never meet elsewhere. Therefore these ties are very much depended on space. The interaction (playing games together, chit chatting, drinking tea etc.) most often occurs in front of the shops/ studios, on the sidewalk. Most of the artists stated that the shopkeepers are their key contacts to the neighborhood networks, since they; “know everyone”, “have been here for a long time”, “people trust them in the neighborhood”. Shopkeepers would be the first to contact, if the interviewees have any problems within the neighborhood; “It gives me confidence even just knowing him, I am

Figure 4. Bridges and resource brokers in the neighborhood. The size of every bridge is relevant to the number of heterophilous ties he/she has with the focus group.

sure he would help me if I ever have a problem here”, “I think the main reason I feel secure at night is I have friendly relationships with all the shops around here”. The interviewees also stated that this relation is mutual since they also help shopkeepers in occasions such as; helping their children’s homework, recommending doctors or lawyers, sharing resources. Therefore it can be assumed that these bridging ties give each party access to a different social network. The heterophilous relation with shop owners is reflected on the urban space. As demonstrated in figure 4; the most prominent bridging nodes within the neighborhood are concentrated on the main commercial corridors. These corridors can be identified as social spaces with strong public character, generating urban vitality. On the other hand, major social interaction spaces in figure 4 are not necessarily defined by spatial features of the neighborhood. Not all of the recognized public spaces pointed out earlier (in figure 1) correspond to figure 4. Contrarily; most prominent bridging nodes have no significant spatial attributes. From a planning or design point of view, some of the major nodes seem almost random in the urban texture. Therefore daily habits and usage of urban space seems more important in the formation of these nodes.

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Figure 5. Amount of neighborly ties relevant to years lived in the neighborhood.

Figure 6. Amount of trust in Homophilous and Heterophilous ties relevant to years lived in the neighborhood.

Most significant bridging ties were found to be those correlating with the close neighbors. The findings show that majority of the heterophilous contacts are situated within 10 mt range to the subjects. “Proximity” has been addressed as a key obstacle in social interactions to occur. In his classical study on effects of distance on social relations; Festinger (1950) found that closer the students live to each other, they are more likely to form a relationship, in a dorm setting. Different empirical cases also illustrate the effect of proximity in social interaction as it increases the chance of encounter (Carrasco, Hogan, Wellman, & Miller, 2008; Hipp & Perrin, 2009); therefore creates “opportunity” to form bridging ties (Cabrera & Najarian, 2015; Skjaeveland & Garling, 1997). In this respect, findings confirm such kind of an interaction due to proximity in Yeldegirmeni, since Interviewees stated they often only interact with close neighbors. This relation is based on small talk and solving practical daily needs. These kinds of interactions are more relevant to space, since it is stated that they most often occur in common

areas of the buildings, shared gardens/ backyards or in front of the buildings. Some of the interviewees suggested that the neighborly relations they had are very much a result of dense urban texture; since the buildings are very close and facing each other, gardens are small and semi-publicly used, most importantly; “sometimes it is almost impossible to avoid people”. The findings illustrate that strength and quantity of bridging ties vary among individuals. Some of the artists have stronger heterophilous relations with higher trust, while some have hardly met even closest neighbors. Two factors; “length of residence” and “daily routines”, is found to be primarily decisive in this distinctness. Social capital research suggests that, trust and social ties are positively associated with the length of residence; the longer one lives in a place, the more likely one acquires relationships (Bridge, 2006; Forrest & Kearns, 2001). Formation of trust & social norms is directly correlated with encounters and reputation of these encounters is proportional with time (BloklandPotters, 2003). The findings in Yeldegirmeni confirm that the average amount of social ties rise accordingly to the number of years lived in the neighborhood (see figure 5). A more interesting interpretation can be made by comparing average trust and length of residence (see figure 6). While in both homophilous and heterophilous ties, the amount of trust increases over time; ratio is much higher in heterophilous ties compared to homophilous ties. The findings suggest that after 15 years of residency, heterophilous ties can become stronger than homophilous ties with a higher amount of trust. Since most of the members of the creative community already had familiarity with each other through common networks prior to their arrival to the neighborhood; the length of their residence is not crucial in the formation of bonding social capital. They already have a certain amount of trust, unallied from space. However neighborly relations rely on spatial coexistence and therefore the length of residence plays a decisive role in the

Bridging and bonding social capital in gentrifying neighborhoods: “Yeldeğirmeni district in Istanbul”

formation of bridging social capital. This is especially effectual for neighbors in close proximity. Some interviewees who have been living in Yeldegirmeni for more than 10 years remarked that; they used to have more problems and prejudgments against them, in the first years of their arrival. These problems and prejudgments were resolved in time; “people got used to us and our way of life as the time passed. We had enough time to observe each other and don’t have reasons to be threatened by each other anymore”. Some of the older artists refer to their neighbors as; “closer than a family…” Difference in “daily routines” also determines the formation of bringing ties. Those whose daily routines obligate them to spend more time in public spaces had significantly better neighborly relations. The most evident example is the dog owners, who need to take their pets walking, had remarkably stronger and more intensive relations with their neighbors. By walking the same route twice a day, these interviewees both develop a daily habit of having small conversations with locals on their path and they have more opportunities for regular casual interactions. Their social ties are also highly dependent to urban space; such as parks and public arenas which function as social focies for daily neighborly interaction. Festingter(1950) noted in his classical study that “required paths” are major determinants of brief and unscripted contacts, which constitute the formation of new relations. The distribution of commonly visited places and the overlap of paths during the course of daily activities create such opportunities. According to Kaboet. al.(2015), overlap of paths would more likely result in interaction, share of information and development of collaborative relations. Difference in commuting habits is another example of such path overlap, evident in the study. The interviewees who do not live/work6 in the same space (and naturally obligated to walk to work space), have a higher amount of heterophilous ties (see figure 7). Most of such interviewees suggested that, they know shop owners and

Figure 7. Amount of trust in Heterophilous ties for individuals live/work at the same space or walk to work.

neighbors on their walking route to studio and have the habit of having small conversations or greeting each other during the course of this journey. As one interviewee expresses; “I am familiar to everyone on my way home, it makes me feel like I am only surrounded with people I know, which gives a sense of belonging to the neighborhood”, the overlap of paths due to daily routines has a significant effect on the weak ties. The most significant effect of the bridging ties can be seen in place attachment, general comfort and security. The interviewees with little amount of heterophilous ties described the neighborhood as “unsafe”. They remarked that they have to lock their doors, even when they are in the studio. Those with higher amount of heterophilous ties believed the neighborhood is very safe and secure. They felt protected due to the fact that they can ask for help from neighbors when needed and did not feel threatened of individuals seen as a security threat (alcoholics, drug abuser or street tugs) since they personally knew them. Those with better bridging ties also had more place attachment. A particular notion narrated by most of the interviewees was that, because of their positive relations with the neighbors, Yeldegirmeni is considered different from other similar gentrifying neighborhoods where there are occasional conflicts between cultural groups7. In a city with political tensions, the neighborly relations are also narrated as a tool for social compromise; “This place is out of Turkey’s political arena, It is the only

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These interviewees both live and work in the neighborhood, but in separate buildings. They walk to work. Artists living outside the neighborhood were not included in this comparison.

Interviewees particularly refer to Tophane district; another gentrifying neighborhood in the European part of Istanbul which infamously had media attention when locals attacked and vandalized art galleries in several occasions. Some residents were injured in those events.

place where I really feel comfortable when I walk around. Of course I don’t know every individual, but it somehow feels like that. No matter what their (locals) political or social status is, I feel like I am treated as a neighbor, not as a representative of a certain political tendency” 5. Conclusion From the creative class’ point of view in Yeldegirmeni, the relationship between neighborhood and community neither corresponds to the “”liberated community” of Wellman, nor the “Urban Villages” of Gans (op.cit.). Spatial identity is not lost and locality does constitute an important role for the existence of this community. But this identity is not completely limited with the borders of the neighborhood either. It is hard to claim that the research site is a melting pot for all the different classes and communities. We do witness the social barriers of cultural and economic differences and it would be misleading to suggest social groups are totally integrated. Individuals truly prefer socializing with those similar to them. On the other hand we also see that the neighborhood setting creates a different kind of environment for co-existence. The groups cultivate the ability to rely on each other without forming strong relationships. This reliance constitutes the foundation of place attachment and forms locally dependent collaboration for mutual benefit. The bridging ties formed in public space play the essential role throughout this process. The case study confirms previous assumptions that spatial entities of urban texture are effectual in the formation of bridging ties and bridging social capital. The semi-public interfaces such as building entrances, shops, neighboring backyards and daily routines entailing individuals to use public spaces make significant contribution in that sense. On the contrary; it is also observed that the lack of public interfaces has a contribution in the formation of bonding social capital, since individuals are forced to spend their free time in private spaces with only those chosen to be with.

The narratives and daily experiences of interviewees also indicate that high density and constricted urban texture has a positive effect to bridging social. Colliding/ intersecting semi-public spaces and undefined borders between private and public realm increases the chances of cursory encounters. The physical density and close proximity of buildings make social interaction between residents unavoidable, even obligatory. However, more empirical studies are necessary for further evidence in this assumption. The findings also help us to reconsider the constitution of public space. It was evident in the research that, social interaction was not necessarily a result of spatial setting. On the contrary; the public character was rather a result of social interaction. This gives a lefebvrian understanding of urban space. As in the case of Yeldegirmeni, the physical setting of the neighborhood did not radically change in the course of history, but the daily habits and mediums of social interaction did. While some public spaces (such as shop-fronts or commercial nodes) seems to be constant social interaction focies, as they still inhabit similar daily practices; some new daily habits (such as dog walking) create self-developed public spaces. These public spaces are not results of a design choice, plan or urban feature, but barely results of social interactions and different forms of social production. Furthermore, the case also shows us that the strength of heterophilous bridging ties is relevant to time. Social groups develop a mutual tolerance towards each other in time and weak ties can turn into stronger friendships with the perpetual repetition of interaction. This also gives us hope of a possible third way for the gentrifying inner city areas. As in the case of Yeldeğirmeni, gentrification is not always a result of forced social mix policies, but rather a consequence of social dynamics and cultural choices. If the flow of new middle class is unavoidable for these inner city neighborhoods; is it still possible to avoid social conflicts, segregation or dismissal of classes? Via

Bridging and bonding social capital in gentrifying neighborhoods: “Yeldeğirmeni district in Istanbul”

a slowly building bridging social capital through public space, we can assume that it is possible to both preserve close community ties which support disadvantaged classes to get by and engage them to a mutually beneficial co-existence to get ahead at the same time. This study has been constructed around one focus group, hence it shows one side of a gentrifying neighborhood setting. Further empirical research and comparative studies can shed light for more sustainable urban policies and revitalization models. References Allport, G. W. (1958). The Nature of Prejudice. Doubleday. Atilgan, A. (2013). Yeldegirmeni’nde soylulaştırma. Retrieved September 20, 2018, from http://www.mimdap. org/?p=132007 Atılgan, A. (2017). Evvel Zaman İçinden Yeldeğirmeni (1st ed.). İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları. Atkinson, R. (2004). The evidence on the impact of gentrification: new lessons for the urban renaissance? European Journal of Housing Policy, 4(1), 107–131. https://doi. org/10.1080/1461671042000215479 Blokland-Potters, T. (2003). Urban bonds. Polity Press. Bourdieu, P. (1986). Forms of capital. In J. G. Richardson (Ed.), Handbook of theory and research for the sociology of education (p. 377). Greenwood Press. Bridge, G. (2006). Perspective on Cultural Capital and the Neighbourhood, 43(4), 719–730. https:// doi.org/10.1080/00420980600597392 Briggs, D. S. X. (1998). Brown Kids in White Suburbs: Housing Mobility and the Many Faces of Social Capital. Housing Policy Debate, 9(1), 177–221. https://doi.org/10.1080/10511482.199 8.9521290 Burt, R. (1992). Structural Holes The Social Structure of Competition. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Butler, T., & Robson, G. (2003). London calling  : the middle classes and the re-making of inner London. London: Berg. Cabrera, J. F., & Najarian, J. C. (2015). How the Built Environment Shapes Spatial Bridging Ties and Social Capital. Environment and

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from https://www.wiley.com/en-us/ Urban+Outcasts%3A+A+Compara tive+Sociology+of+Advanced+Mar ginality-p-9780745631257Urban+O utcasts%3A+A+Comparative+Socio logy+of+Advanced+Marginality-p9780745631257 Walks, R. A., & Maaranen, R. (2008). Gentrification, Social Mix, and Social Polarization: Testing the Linkages in Large Canadian Cities. Urban Geography, 29(4), 293–326. https:// doi.org/10.2747/0272-3638.29.4.293 Wellman, B. (1996). Are personal communities local? A Dumptarian reconsideration. Social Networks, 18(4), 347–354. https://doi. org/10.1016/0378-8733(95)00282-0 Woolcock, M. (1998). Social Capital and Economic Development: Toward a Theoretical Synthesis and Policy Framework. Theory and Society, 27(2), 151–208. Retrieved from http://www. jstor.org/stable/657866 World bank. (n.d.). INSTRUMENTS OF THE SOCIAL CAPITAL ASSESSMENT TOOL Annex 1A Community Profile And Asset Mapping-Interview Guide. Retrieved October 12, 2018, from http:// siteresources.worldbank.org/ INTSOCIALCAPITAL/Resources/ Social-Capital-Assessment-Tool-SOCAT-/annex1.pdf Yazicioglu, T. (2016). Yeldeğirmeni’ndeki “Nezih” İki Balkon. Retrieved September 20, 2018, from http://www.felsefetasi.org/ yeldegirmenindeki-nezih-iki-balkon/ Zukin, S. (2008). Gentrification : Culture and Capital in the Urban Core. Annual Review of Sociology, 13(1987), 129–147.

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The spatial strategies and its mechanism of home-based enterprise in Kampong Cikini, Jakarta Joko ADIANTO1 , Rossa Turpuk GABE2 1 joko.adianto@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering, Universitas Indonesia, Depok, Indonesia 2 rossa@ui.ac.id • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering, Universitas Indonesia, Depok, Indonesia

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2019.65668

Received: September 2018 • Final Acceptance: April 2019

Abstract Home-based enterprise (HBE) is one of the plausible solutions for slum alleviation through income generating activities. This research aims to investigate the determinants of HBEs particularly the role of social life in slum settlement, followed by its implications to the spatial strategies. The research methodology is conducted with questionnaire, interviews and detailed observations in Kampong Cikini as one of the notable slum settlements in Central Jakarta. The findings revealed a profound comprehension of HBE that inseparable from socio-economy activities in the neighborhood. It confirms the positive and negative implications to neighborhood and the participation of surrounding neighbors in determining the type of commodity, public space usage and the practice of spatial strategies. Keywords Home-based enterprise, Kampong, Spatial strategy.

1. Introduction 1.1. Home-based enterprise and spatial strategies Home-based Enterprise (HBE) is defined as any business entity engaged in selling products or services inn the market operated by a self-employed person or with employees, which uses the residential property as the base of their operation (Lawanson, 2012). It was claimed to allow the underprivileged to improve the housing conditions (Kellett & Tipple, 2000), to contribute a multiplier effect in local economies by providing basic services and needs of the community, to reduce transport costs by offering those goods and services within the settlement and to develop and strengthen community cohesion and liveliness of neighborhood (Gough, 2010). Nonetheless, it was also denigrated for serving various problems such as pollution, waste and fire hazards as well as privacy and crowding, either for the household or the neighborhood (Muraya, 2006). Despite these downsides, empirical studies in African countries documented the role of HBEs in improving slum dwellers financial capacity (Lawanson, 2012). It indicates that the slum dwellers accepted the HBE operation because of the positive benefits they gain which outweigh the occurrence of negative implications to survive life in the city. Based on his thorough observation in developing countries, Jimenez (1982) expounded that the slum dwellers manufacture their houses as an asset of economic value for social functioning, which is accumulated through use, rent, and being local production. A research by Silas (1993) in Surabaya (East Java, Indonesia) and the assertion by Roy (2005) have corroborated the dual function of the house as an integrated place for domestic and economic activities. Especially after a serious recession, HBE played as important safety nets to ensure the livelihood and sustenance of the underprivileged (Yasmeen, 2001). This dual function of the house ignites spatial transformation to accommodate domestic and economic activities in the limited space of the house. The study by Tutuko and Shen

(2014) in Kampong Sanan, Malang City (East Java, Indonesia) affirmed that the neighbors are more attracted to the position of the interior room due to the similarity of occupation and concluded that the house’s proximity to the main road impinged on the operation of HBE. In Ujung Tanah and Tallo Municipality, Makassar (South Celebes, Indonesia), Osman and Amin (2012) identified the usage and spatial arrangements of interior houses for HBE. A study by Amelia (2015) in Tulung Agung City (East Java, Indonesia) found the implication of local spatial tradition to the spatial arrangement for HBE inside the house. The most thorough HBE’s study in spatial strategy and arrangement in Indonesia was delivered by Marsoyo (2012). According to his research in Kampung Prawirodirjan (Yogyakarta, Indonesia), he classified three types of spatial strategies to overcome the crowding issue in the interior such as sharing, extending and expanding including the use of space outdoors. The practiced spatial strategy was comprehended as a long-enduring adaptation process for overcoming the psychological pressure due to the combination of domestic and economic activities inside the limited house size. However, the classification was composed of thorough and detailed longitudinal research of the process of spatial arrangement from the independent households’ point of view. This research offers a wider perspective of the HBE operation and its spatial strategy, which is inseparable from the social and economic life of the neighborhood. The research questions are: What are the main initial determinants of set-up conditions of the HBE operation? How does it result in the spatial strategies and the mechanism of HBE in the kampong settlement? 1.2. The aims of the study Most of the studies have attempted to examine HBE through the lens of architectural typology analysis and concluded general spatial configuration as hybridization of domestic and economic activities inside the house (Kellett and Tipple, 2000; Tipple,

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2005; Marsoyo, 2012). Furthermore, most of the case studies were located in the suburban or rural areas, where the community can be considered homogenous and the social norms were already formulated and practiced traditionally within the kampong community (Osman and Yamin, 2012; Tutuko and Shen, 2014; Amelia, 2015). However, those studies provided insufficient findings on comprehensive factors of the decision of HBE’s spatial strategy, which involve the neighborhood. There are insignificant studies of the self-made regulation for the spatial strategy of HBE in an urban area. This paper aims to look into the mechanism of HBE, which results in the practiced spatial strategies of HBE in the urban kampong. Urban kampong as a settlement in an urban area has an attachment to the city because of the mutual economy activities (Downey, 1976: 317). The low-income households are an integral part of the economic entity in the city as they provide cheap labor, power and services to the formalized economic sphere to preserve their own space and as well as to be entrepreneurial on a household scale (Simone, 2015). Moreover, HBE in urban kampong as a high-density settlement with a compact community pattern cannot be regarded as an individual household’s activity. The economic world of the urban kampong is interwoven through elusive numerous exchanges such as money and services in reciprocal manners. It indicates that HBE cannot only be regarded as an individual household activity but also a social

Figure 1. Location of Case Study Area: Kampong Cikini.

activity. In sociology literature, the practiced social activity refers to the distinctive social structure (Mingers, 2004). According to the Giddensian view, social structure is composed of rules and resources that dictate social activities including human agency (Giddens, 1984:16–25). Critical Realism approach believes human agency always exhibits ineluctable creativity (Joas, 1997) that defies subsumption by any kind of nomothetic laws (Porpora, 1983), which in turn reproduces and transforms these structures (Mingers, 2004: 409). The transformations are the result of a distinctive mechanism that works in the community. Therefore, it is substantial to investigate the mechanism of the community in kampong settlement to attain the profound comprehension of the spatial strategy of the operated HBE. The term mechanism refers to an explanatory strategy, which means causal reconstruction and a retrospective process-tracing that ends with the identification of crucial initial conditions (Büthe, 2002). According to Machamer et al (2000), a mechanism consists of set-up conditions, intermediate activities and termination conditions. Depending upon this theoretical framework, this research tried to investigate the factors of HBE operations by the individual household as set-up conditions, the underlying factors of the practiced spatial strategy as the intermediate activities and the observable spatial strategy as termination conditions. 1.3. Study area In the local administration, the research location belongs to Community Associations (CA) 1, Pegangsaan Subdistrict, Menteng District in the municipality of Central Jakarta. In Menteng District, there are 906,601 residents within 48.13 km2. Among 5 Subdistricts in Menteng District, Pegangsaan Subdistrict is the highest density population district, where 27,934 people reside in 0.98 km2. Pegangsaan Subdistrict consists of 8 Community Associations (CAs) and CA1 has been well known as

The spatial strategies and its mechanism of home-based enterprise in Kampong Cikini, Jakarta

Table 1. Number of HBE owners in CA 1 and number of respondents.

Kampong Cikini, which is identified as a slum settlement according to DKI Jakarta Government Report in 2014. It is a perfect example of the urban kampong in Indonesia, which manages to survive in the middle of a privileged and modernized area like Menteng District. The terms of urban kampong refer to densely populated settlement in urban area. It also refers to urban lower class inhabitation with a poor state of infrastructure and degraded environmental condition (Silas, 2010). Kampong Cikini once consisted of the housing for the workers of the National Railways Company since the Dutch colonial era and the population increased due to the irrepressible in-migration rate after the railway overlay project in the 1960s. Most of the migrants were the traders in Cikini Market, which was built in 1962 to serve the basic needs of the Menteng elite society. This fast-growing settlement was divided into 16 Neighborhood Associations (NAs) in the 1960s. In the 1980s, Pegangsaan subdistrict emerged as a business districts, the rapid modern development turned 5 NAs into commercial and public buildings, leaving only 11 NAs in the state of Kampong Cikini. The 11 remaining NAs are NA 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15 and 16, where approximately 942 households live within 4.01 hectares. The perseverance to survive the wave of modernization in the heart of the capital becomes the pivotal point of Kampong Cikini as a research location to comprehend the practice of spatial strategy on utilizing houses and developing HBEs. 2. Methodology The research employed a case study research method to disclose the mechanism of HBE and the implications for the apparent practice spatial strategy. The investigation began with the role of HBE and its operation based on the capacity of the individual

household. The investigation of the social system regarding HBE operation was also conducted to conclude the generative mechanism behind the apparent spatial strategy of HBE in Kampong Cikini. The investigation was delivered by observation and mapping of the classification of HBEs in Kampong Cikini. Tipple (2005) classified the HBEs focus on its type of product into 3 categories, which were: retailing (processed food, commodities and unprocessed food), small-scale production (food and fresh produce, petty commodity and specialized production) and service-oriented activities (daily and specialized service). Due to the specific context of the commodities in Kampong Cikini, the classification was modified into 5 (five) categories: 1) Raw foods; 2) Consumer Goods; 3) Processed Foods; 4) Rental rooms, and 5) Service. The process of HBEs mapping was delivered intensively as some of the HBEs did not operate regularly, were newly open or close down, which required longitudinal observation and identification. Confirmation from neighbors was necessary in order to reach valid identification of HBEs in the research location. Based on HBE mapping, there were 133 HBEs in Kampong Cikini. There were 54 of 133 (40.60%) HBE owners consented to participate and share information in this research. Most of the HBE owners, especially owners of rental rooms, declined to participate due to maintaining the privacy of renters and concealed their business’ legality. After receiving consent from the respondents, an interview was conducted with each respondent without the presence of other parties, which may compromise the validity of information. The observation included measuring houses and visual documentation. While interviewing the respondents interviews with

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Table 2. The source of financial capital.

Table 3. The implication of amount of financial capital to the type of commodity.

neighbors, who live in the surrounding HBE locations were also performed. There were 200 of 3784 (5.29%) residents that consist of 20 respondents in NA 2, 4, 7, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15 and 16 while only 10 respondents were willing to participate in each NA 5 and 6. The interview employed random sampling based on the zeal of respondents to participate. 3. Findings 3.1. The set-up conditions HBE becomes the primary income resource (46.30%) for the households with small and uncertain income from irregular occupations. Most of the respondents (53.70%) claimed HBE as their additional income resource because the head of household manages to earn a sufficient amount of income from regular occupation. It indicates the numbers of kampong dwellers in the formal sector and earn sufficient and regular monthly income are approximately equal with the ones that depend on the informal sector. Moreover, HBE becomes their reserve income to meet unexpected adversity and a means of social interaction with neighbors especially for the housewife, who stay in the house or a retiree. Most of the respondents (85.19%) accumulated savings from various sources of income and numerous occupations then start the HBE. Additionally, their relatives are also struggling to survive the city life and

dispute in the future with other parties is the last thing they need to expect if the business is growing fast or fails. Several respondents (7.41%) claimed the role of Koperasi (Indonesian self-help micro-finance institution) as their source of start-up capital. This institution is located in their household memberâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s formal working place where they become members to procure the small loan for starting up HBE. Despite the mutual assistance, some determination attitude among the neighbors makes the moneylending activities for HBE operations less frequently exercised. Processed food becomes the type of commodity, which required a minimum amount of capital as shown in Table-3. The consumer goods also become the popular type of commodity in the Kampong Cikini for a similar reason. The incremental number and variety of commodities are fluctuating, depending on the monthly profit earning. As for the raw foods, they cannot attain a similar result because the operators are required to purchase from the traditional market or distributors in a large quantities, which requires a large amount of capital. The necessity of available assets demands the preliminary large amount of capital as experienced by the service and rental room providers. The small-sized house does not become a constraint for dwellers to operate HBE, as shown in Table-4.

The spatial strategies and its mechanism of home-based enterprise in Kampong Cikini, Jakarta

Table 4. Type of commodity according to house size.

Table 5. Reasons for permission according to the authorized parties.

This finding exhibits that most of the processed food vendors live in a very small house (0-21 and 21-36 m2). The similar condition also occurs with the commodity of goods traders, which only require small space inside or outside the house to serve as display and storage space. Meanwhile, rental room commodity requires the bigsized house to accommodate the privacy of the homeowners and renters in a small-sized house. Therefore, the amount of startup capital and the existing house size can be regarded as the identified considerations for selecting the type of commodity. 3.2. The intermediary activities The type of commodity becomes essential in HBE operation. It is not only determined by the owner’s startup capital, including money and house size, but also the permission from Head of NA or fellow HBE owners in the surrounding area to operate HBEs. As many as 23 of 54 HBE owners (42.59%) are required to obtain permission and considering that prior previous approval is needed for several things such as the usage of public space (69.57%), sale competition (17.39%) and scale of business (13.04%). The permission to operate HBE in Kampong Cikini was based on an oral contract as a token of the acceptance of the neighborhood. Head of NA and neighbors are two informally authorized parties to issue

the oral contract. Table-5 clarifies the authorized parties and the breakdown of consented issues. Head of NA has an authority to issue a permit for the type of commodity that potentially generates large numbers of consumers from outside the neighborhood in indefinite time of operation. Aside from the possible disturbance to the surrounding neighbors, this scale of business is apprehended to compromise the safety and security of the neighborhood due to the flood of unrecognized consumers from outside the neighborhood. In this case, game center and computer rental providers are the kinds of commercial activities that require permission from Head of NA because they operate almost 24 hours and cause loud noise as well attract consumers from outside the neighborhood. The neighbors are entitled to confer permission for the HBE operation in regards to two issues namely: the use of public space and sale competition. The first issue is aimed at reaching maximum spatial toleration of the use of public space for economic activity through deliberation among neighbors. The surrounding neighbors understand the need for HBE owners to use the small part of the alley for economic activity due to the lack of interior space and to provide a certain degree of convenience for the households. However, the expansion must not induce public inconvenience

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Table 6. Spatial strategy according to Its preferences and house size.

Table 7. Spatial strategy according to types of commodity.

caused by circulation blockage. The second issue is with respect to maintain the sustenance of every HBE owner in the neighborhood. The proliferation of HBE with a similar type of commodity will spark fierce competition and unrest among neighbors. The complementary variety of similar commodity becomes typical mutual decision to obtain a permit from the neighbors. This finding demonstrates that the HBE operation is an inevitable adjustment between individual capacity and the surrounding context. Although the HBE owners have endured the self-help gathering capital

and made adverse spatial adaptation through deliberation with household members to select the affirmed spatial strategy, they still require permission from the neighbors to operate HBEs. 3.3. The implication of commodity type to the selected type of spatial strategy Most of the HBE owners (72.22%) opted for extension of space as their spatial strategy in accommodating domestic and economic activities. The sharing of space is the moderate option (22.22%) and the shifting of space becomes the least option (5.56%)

Figure 2. The practice of the shifting (left), sharing (middle) and extending (right) of space by processed food vendors. The spatial strategies and its mechanism of home-based enterprise in Kampong Cikini, Jakarta

Table 8. Required permission by HBE owners according to types of spatial strategy.

as shown in Table-6. Most of the respondents (72.22%) were inclined to opt to extend their space by locating their economic activity outside the house on the edge of an alley or by expanding vertically to establish the clear demarcation between economy and domestic activity. Lack of interior space becomes the major preference (48.72%) even for the respondents who live in the large house (>60 m2) along with several other preferences such as low-cost (23.08%), accessibility of consumers (23.08%) and privacy provision for the owners (5.13%). Meanwhile, sharing the space is favored due to the lack of interior space (58.33%), low-cost (33.33%) and it provides privacy for the owners (8.33%). In the smallest house size respondent group (0-21 m2), the majority of respondents tend to practice space extension compared to the shifting or sharing space as can be seen in Table-6. The data is quite different from Marsoyo (2012), which suggested that the extremely limited house size owner tends to employ the concept of the shifting of space. Moreover, the lack of interior space and low-cost becomes one of the considerations to opt for the shifting of space for the group of lowest house size respondents as it does not require any spatial intervention. This finding shows that the lack of interior space still becomes the main preference of this spatial strategy. Table-7 imparts three interesting findings on the implication of commodity types to the selected

types of spatial strategy. Firstly, the large amount and specific kind of commodity, which makes the shifting of space necessary is impossible to practice for the raw foods category. Therefore, the sharing and extending of space are the only options available for HBE owners who trade raw foods. Secondly, three kinds of commodity, which are consumer goods, processed foods and service, drive HBE owners to practice three types of spatial strategy. The variety of trading goods and tools are relatively easier to move than raw foods, which enables HBE owners to practice all types of spatial strategy. Lastly, HBE owners who provide rental rooms only practice the extending of space to provide privacy for the owners and renters by creating definitive demarcation. Due to the limited size of land, the vertical extending of space is necessary, where the owners live on the first floor while the renters live on the upper floor. The findings above suggest that commodity types influences the type of spatial strategy. 3.4. The termination conditions The lack of interior space becomes one of the justifications to use the small part of public space for HBE operation, which requires permission from surrounding neighbors to maintain the individual and communal interest towards the public space. 2 of 3 respondents, who practiced the space shifting, were required to obtain permission for their HBE operation from Head of NA. As shown in Figure-3 (left and center),

Figure 3. The space shifting with required permission (left & center) and no required permission (right). ITU A|Z • Vol 16 No 2 • July 2019 • J. Adianto, R. T. Gabe

the type of commodity is a service, which operates almost 24 hours with various consumers from outside the neighborhood. One respondent, who use the bedroom as HBE at daylight, does not require permission from Head of NA or neighbors because of three reasons. Firstly, the small scale of the business will not affect the sale competition among the similar type of commodity traders in the surrounding neighborhood. Secondly, the location of HBE is inside the house and does not occupy the public space. Lastly, the scale and type of business will not compromise the safety and security of the neighborhood. 4 of 12 respondents, who practiced the sharing of space, were required to obtain permission although they do not occupy the public space and the scale of business does not jeopardize the security of the neighborhood. The shared space is the kitchen located close to the kiosk, which serves food to meet the need of household members and consumers simultaneously. The similar type of commodity, namely processed food, will increase fierce sale competition considering the location between HBEs in Figure-4 (left) and (center) is in the same alley within a short distance. The permission was obtained after deliberation between

neighbors and the owners to determine the specific kind of commodity to avoid fierce competition. Different kinds of processed foods were agreed not only between HBE owners but also the surrounding members who proposed kinds of processed foods to meet their variety of needs. Placing the HBE in front of the house is a common practice for the extending of space. Not all the owners were required to discuss and obtain a permit from the surrounding neighbors. There were 17 of 39 respondents who practice the extending of space and required to obtain permission for their HBE operation from neighbors. The permission is required for HBE owners who place their (part of) HBE in the public space as shown in Figure-5 (left and center). These examples demonstrate the usage of public space, which may cause circulation blockage and compromise the communal interest. Despite similar appearance, the HBE stands on top of the drainage channel and does not use the alley for space extension as depicted in Figure-5 (right). This practice of spatial strategy does not consume the alley as space extension and avoids circulation blockage. Therefore, the owner does not necessarily need to discuss with neighbors to obtain oral

Figure 4. The sharing space with required permission (left & center) and no required permission (right).

Figure 5. The extending of space with required permission (left & center) and no required permission (right).

Figure 6. The combination of the sharing and extending of space. The spatial strategies and its mechanism of home-based enterprise in Kampong Cikini, Jakarta

permission from them. One of the research findings indicates the practice of combination types of spatial strategy. The kitchen is the most common shared space and placed in the public space for the HBE owners who serve processed foods as shown in Figure-6. It serves the domestic primary needs and provides trade tools as well for their economic activity. It occupies a small part of the alley to accommodate the consumers in large numbers, avoids air pollution inside the house and overcomes the interior size shortage. The production of this commodity requires flexible space where their personal kitchen serves foods for domestic and economic activities simultaneously. 4. Discussion 4.1. The financial capital and house size as determinants of set-up conditions The findings identified the financial capital and house size as the main initial determinants of set-up conditions. Most of the respondents preferred to utilize their personal savings and household members accessed the possible financial resources such as micro-finance institutions. It shows a quite different finding from the existing body of literature on the mobilization of financial capital to start-up HBE (Tipple, 2005; Gough, 2010; Lawanson, 2012). The practice of mutual assistance ranging from sharing labor, ideas, money and other assets is regarding as communal efforts to overcome the present adversities in the deprived neighborhood. The findings explain the prevention of dispute in the future regarding the level of success of the business to become the main objective of this decision. Other than implying the individualism of HBE owners, it indicates the maintenance of social agreement with the surrounding neighbors. The amount of capital also determines the available options for selecting the types of commodity. In Kampong Cikini, processed food is the type of commodity that can be delivered in the lowest amount of financial capital. This type of commodity allows the usage of similar kitchen tools, which reduce

the preliminary operational cost. This advantage explains the proliferation of processed food vendors in Kampong Cikini. The available options for commodity types must comply with the available space in the house. The existing house size can be regarded as the identified determinant for selecting the type of commodity. Most of the respondents favored processed food as the selected types of commodity. Other than a small amount of financial capital and possible sharing tools that it demands, it also serves a flexible space to overcome the insufficient interior space. Consumer goods become the second favorite selected type of commodity as it shares similar requirements. Even though service, also provides the same advantages, it depends on the specific kinds of service that require particular tools and in turn the specific amount of financial capital and space requirements. Meanwhile, rental room commodity requires the large-sized house to accommodate the privacy of homeowners and the renters. It confines the small-sized house owners to select this type of commodity, as it will require a larger amount of financial capital to expand the existing house. 4.2. The negotiations with neighbors as the pivotal intermediary activities The HBE operation gives several benefits to the neighborhood. It creates job opportunities and generates incomes for the unemployed in the neighborhood and provides daily basic needs for neighbors while offering installment payment option within walking distance. The ability to provide dual-function space, economic opportunities and interaction space simultaneously makes its presence vital for the sustenance of neighborhood’s livelihood. Despite these positive contributions to the neighborhood, there are irrefutable negative implications such as increased waste generation, circulation blockage and annoying noise. This finding confirms the common environmental problems caused by HBEs in the existing literature, which ignites the rejection from a small numbers of respondents (Muraya, 2006).

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Figure 7. The spatial strategies.

In order to reduce the negative contribution of HBE operation, the neighborhood develops a permitting system, which is authorized by each of Head of NAs and the surrounding neighbors. The Head of NAs is authorized to issue an oral permit regarding the scale of business, which involves the security of neighborhood. The surrounding neighbors are entitled to release oral permits concerning the sale competition and public space usage for economic activity. Thus, despite the enduring effort of HBE owners for gathering start-up skills and financial capital, the neighborhood leaders or members play a pivotal part to allow the operation with several requirements that must be consented to by the involved parties. This finding explains that the HBE operation can only take place through a series of contestations and negotiations encompassing the household members and surrounding neighbors. Nonetheless, the addressed issues in deliberations overlook the production of increased waste, which remains unsolved. The insoluble negative implications will increase the degree of environmental degradation and contribute to the exacerbation of the kampong dwellersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; living quality. Therefore, HBE cannot be considered as an individual economic activity but as an integral part of communal social and economic activities. The participation of neighbors on determining the type of commodity, public space usage for economic activity and how it shares the positive and negative implications to neighborhood substantiates the existence of HBE in the interwoven dynamic social and economic life of kampong settlement.

4.3. The types of spatial strategy put in use as termination conditions This research indicates the role of types of the commodity based on individual and social deliberation have implications for the practiced spatial strategy by HBE owners. For the type of commodity, which requires a high degree of privacy, such as rental room, the space extension is conducted vertically to provide privacy for the owners and renters. It differs from the type of commodity, which demands to capture attention from the potential customer such as processed foods, consumer goods and services. These commodities are placed in the house front or inside the house but visible to potential costumers from the alley, which indicates the practice of shifting, sharing and horizontal extending of space. As for raw foods, these needs to be placed inside the house with easy access and visible to the possible customers thus only sharing and extending space are reliable for the HBE owners. However, this research finds complementary indispensable determinants such as low-cost, accessibility for consumers and privacy provision for the owners. The evidence attests that the preference to practice the extending of space is not only due to the lack of interior space but also its low-cost nature. It also provides easy access to consumers and creates a clear demarcation between domestic and economic activities to offer privacy for the owners. These findings show the ability of human beings to engineer the surrounding environment to meet the immediate needs and tends. It excludes the possibility of the everyday objectâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s characteristics as another pivotal determinant. Nonetheless, other than commodity type and house size, consent from neighbors should be included as

The spatial strategies and its mechanism of home-based enterprise in Kampong Cikini, Jakarta

the factors to determine the spatial strategy. The neighbors’ consent holds a vital role in the occupation for HBE operation in order to maintain the owner’s and communal interests towards the usage of the public space. Many experts, such as Kellett and Tipple (2000) and Marsoyo (2012) asserted the inadequate house size is the determinant factor of the occupation of public space by HBE owners. Some of the respondents preferred to practice the space shifting or sharing, by locating their business spaces inside the house despite the limited interior space, due to the alley’s narrow width in front of their houses. Placing their business space in front of the house will cause circulation blockage and ignites altercations with neighbors. This finding corroborates the interwoven spatial usage based on a series of contestations and negotiations, as stated by Roy (2005). Therefore neighbors’ consent, as a result of a series of contestations and negotiations, holds a critical role considering that the presence of HBE must deliver minimal negative implications to the neighborhood. 4.4. The emergence of combination spatial strategy This research also indicates the practice of combined types of spatial strategy. The shared and extended space is the kitchen. This space is shared to provide foods for household members and consumers at the same time. This combination type is practiced to reduce the initial operational cost to construct additional room and supporting tools provision for economic activities. While it is extended to invite more consumers, it still avoids inconvenient conditions inside the house at the same time, resulting from the activities performed in a very limited house size. This practice receives the neighborhood’s consent because the occupation still respects the communal interest towards the public space and its dual functions as the economic and social interaction space. This finding complements the classification of the types of spatial strategy such as sharing, extending and expanding, including the use

of space outdoors, which is coined by Marsoyo (2012). HBE in this research is considered as individual household activities where the whole decisions on HBE operation and its spatial arrangement are determined only by household to meet the household’s interest. Despite this thorough longitudinal documentation and analysis, the scope analysis is disregarded the surrounding neighbors as one of the pivotal determinants. This research assumes the limited generalization has occurred because it is based on the limited scope of analysis and different context of the observed neighborhood. Although most of the respondents practice one specific spatial strategy according to the classification, the possibility of multiple combinations must be acknowledged. The openended possibilities of multiple combinations of spatial strategies may become the creative, precise solutions in the specific context. This research shows the pivotal role of neighborhood members to the selected spatial strategy due to the presence of HBE, not only the livelihood of the owners but also the livelihood of the surrounding neighbors. The series of social contestations and negotiations serve uncertain outcomes, which in turn open the possibility of new breeds of combined spatial strategy. 5. Conclusion and recommendation This research corroborates a distinctive occult mechanism performed by kampong dwellers to define the HBE. The existing body of literature (Tipple, 2005; Muraya, 2006; Kellet and Tipple, 2000; Gough, 2010; Lawanson, 2012; Marsoyo, 2012) and the findings of this research paper confirmed HBE as one of the plausible solutions for increasing monthly income through the creation of job opportunities, which offers various benefits for the surrounding neighborhood. The presence of HBE in kampong settlements also provides a different perspective to the meaning of house for the kampong dwellers. It is not only a place for performing domestic activities but also economic activities, which are essential for their

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life sustenance. The spatial strategy of HBE cannot be confined to merely house size but must also consider the amount of financial capital, types of commodity and the neighborhood-scale socioeconomy activities. The accumulated capitals such as financial and existing house size are the undisputed resources to start HBE. Personal saving becomes the most popular source of capital along with other financial sources that can be mobilized by household members. Despite its individualism image, there is a willingness to preserve social agreement among dwellers by avoiding the possibility of conflict regarding economic activities. These resources define the commodity type of HBE owners as these impacts on the domestic and economic activities of the household members. HBE also amplifies the environment degradation, especially the production of increased waste due to the lack of a waste disposal system. In order to increase the positive benefits and minimize the negative downsides, deliberation among surrounding neighbors, the fellow HBE owners and Head of NA is essential for determining the type of spatial strategy. HBE cannot be disregarded from overall socio-economy activities in the neighborhood considering its benefits and disadvantages contribute to the neighborhood. These factors do not impact on the mode of linear causal-effect but dynamically interchange, according to the process of negotiations between HBE owners and other stakeholders in the community. The latter is essential to ascertain social agreement in the neighborhood. The multiple considerations in the process open the possibilities of combined spatial strategies beyond the classification that has been established by Marsoyo (2012). The understanding of HBE in kampong settlements is required to alternate the paradigm for housing provision and improvement that corresponds with the actual everyday life of dwellers. The disclosed mechanism needs to be acknowledged and comprehended by the government, planners and architects

to produce better house provision and improvement for the kampong dwellers. Further multi-disciplinary research is recommended by employing the combination of typology and socioeconomy analysis to reach a profound comprehension of the concealed specific determinants and their implications to the practice of spatial strategy. Furthermore, the different context of the research location may also have a significant contribution to the different result. Culture, social, economy and demographic conditions in the different research locations are hardly comparable. Further researches in other kampongs in Jakarta are required to reach profound comprehension as one of the considerations of the successful slum settlement improvement program. References Amelia, R., Antariksa, Suryasari, N. (2015). Tata Letak Ruang Hunian-Usaha pada Rumah Lama Milik Pengusaha Batik Kalangbret Tulungagung. Jurnal Mahasiswa Jurusan Teknik Arsitektur Universitas Brawijaya, 3(2), 1-12. Retrieved from http://arsitektur. studentjournal. ub.ac.id/index.php/ jma/article/ view/110/107 BĂźthe, Tim. (2002). Taking temporality seriously: Modelling history and the use of narratives as evidence. American Political Science Review. 96 (3), 481-493. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/3117924 Downey, G. (1976). Aristotle as an expert on urban problems. Ekistics. 42(253), 316-321. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/43618739 Giddens, A. (1984). The Constitution of Society: Outline of a Theory of Structuration. Cambridge: Polity Press. Gough, K.V. (2010). Continuity and Adaptability of Home-Based Enterprises-Longitudinal Study from Accra, Ghana. International Development Planning Review. 32(11), 45-70. doi: 10.3828/idpr.2009.12 Jimenez, E. (1982). The value of squatter dwellings in developing countries. Economic Development and Cultural Change. 31, 739â&#x20AC;&#x201C;752. doi: 10.1086/452587 Joas, H. 1997. The creativity of action.

The spatial strategies and its mechanism of home-based enterprise in Kampong Cikini, Jakarta

Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Kellett, P., Tipple, G. A. (2000). The home as workplace: a study of income generating activities within domestic setting. Environment and Urbanization. 12(1), 203-213. doi: 10.1177/095624780001200115 Lawanson, T. (2012). Poverty, Home Based Enterprises and Urban Livelihoods in the Lagos Metropolis. Journal of Sustainable Development in Africa. 14 (4), 158-171 Machamer, Peter., Darden, Lindley., Craver, Carl F. (2000). Thinking about mechanisms. Philosophy of Science. 67 (1), 1-25. Retrieved from http://www. jstor.org/stable/188611 Marsoyo, A. (2012). Constructing Spatial Capital: Household Adaptation Strategies in Home-Based Enterprises in Yogyakarta. Unpublished dissertation, Newcastle, University of Newcastle upon Tyne. Retrieved from http://hdl. handle.net/10443/1452 Mingers, J. (2004). Real-izing Information Systems: Critical Realism as an Underpinning Philosophy for Information Systems. Information and organization. 14(2), 87-104. doi: 10.1016/j.infoandorg.2003.06.001 Muraya, P. W. K. (2006). Urban planning and small-scale enterprises in Nairobi, Kenya, Habitat International. 30, 127–143. doi: 10.1016/j. habitatint.2004.08.002 Osman, W.W., Amin S. (2012). Rumah Produktif: sebagai Tempat Tinggal dan Tempat Bekerja di Permukiman Komunitas Pengrajin Emas. Prosiding Hasil Penelitian Fakultas Teknik: Grup Teknik Arsitektur. Makassar: Universitas

Hasanuddin: 1-10. Retrieved from http://download.portalgaruda.org/ article.php?article=94534&val=2170 Roy, A. (2005). Urban Informality: Toward an Epistemology. Journal of the American Planning Association. 71(2), 147-158. Silas, J. (1993). Housing Beyond Home: Case Study of Surabaya. Surabaya: ITS Press. Silas, J (2010). Kampung Improvement Program in Surabaya, in D’Auria, V. et.al. (Eds) Human Settlements Formulation and (re) Calibration. Amsterdam: SUN Architecture Publisher. Simone, AbdouMaliq. (2015). What you see is not always what you know: Struggles against re-containment and the capacities to remake urban life in Jakarta’s majority world, South East Asia Research. 23(2), 1-18. doi: 10.5367/sear.2015.0258 Tipple, G. A. (2005). The Place of Home-based Enterprises in the Informal Sector: Evidence from Cochabamba, New Delhi, Surabaya, and Pretoria. Urban Studies. 42(4), 611632. doi: 10.1080/00420980500060178 Tutuko, P., Shen, Z. (2014). Vernacular Pattern of House Development for Home-based Enterprises in Malang, Indonesia, International Review for Spatial Planning and Sustainable Development. Vol.2 (3), 63-77. doi: 10.14246/irspsd.2.3_63 Yasmeen, G. (2001). Stockbrokers Turned Sandwich Vendors: The Economic Crisis and Small-Scale Food Retailing in Southeast Asia. Geoforum 32, 91-102. doi: 10.1016/S00167185(00)00038-5

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ITU A|Z • Vol 16 No 2 • July 2019 2019 • 69-80

An investigation of the conservation problems of volcanic tuffs used in the facades of Dolmabahçe Palace Seden ACUN ÖZGÜNLER1, Elmira GÜR2 1 acunsed@itu.edu.tr • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey 2 elmiragur@itu.edu.tr • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2019.33602

Received: December 2018 • Final Acceptance: May 2019

Abstract Historical structures resemble to historical documents that reflect the sociocultural structures of the period which they were built in. It is our responsibility as a nation to protect these immovable documents and transfer them to future generations in a healthy manner. It is necessary to help not only experts but also users raise awareness on how to preserve these historical pieces. It is still unclear that how these buildings, built in the past periods of time when today’s construction technology was not available and materials and techniques were very limited, can be still durable and in a perfect condition. Both architectural forms, materials and techniques are admirable. In order to protect these structures of cultural heritage and transfer them to future generations properly, necessary adjustment should be made in accordance with conservation principles. Protecting and repairing historic structures requires interdisciplinary collective work. Among historical works, the selection of original materials and construction techniques for the selection of the most appropriate protection and reparation interventions are among the priorities. The reparations the building has gone through can also be understood by examining the materials having been used during these procedures. In this article, the stones used in the facades of the Dolmabahçe Palace and the environmental factors surrounding the palace are investigated. In particular, the protection problems of the volcanic tuff stones are investigated. And by the experimental studies, conservation proposals were obtained. This article is thought to be helpful for future facade preservation work. Keywords Dolmabahçe Palace, Volcanic tuffs, Facade damages, Stone conservation.

1. Introduction Dolmabahçe Palace is an invaluable historical building that has been exposed to various environmental threats due to its location. One facade is located very close to the sea shore and the other side overlooks a busy road usually jammed with cars and pedestrians. Because of being very close to sea, salt affects must be taken into consider. Salt coming from the sea is called NaCl and this affect the stone surfaces like weak acid solution. This salt is seen as white colored crusts on the stone surfaces. In general, there are many type of salts based on chloride, carbonate, sulphate and nitrate which are called water soluble salts, affect the stones. Some of them can be more destructive. And the other facade looks through the busy road. A busy road usually jammed cars and pedestrians causes the air pollution. Especially the exhaust of cars produce and spread harmful gases to the environment. These gases (CO2, SO2 etc.) are called air polluting agents. The affect of air pollution on the limestones is called gypsum crusts which is seen as black coloured layer. Therefore, considering all of these, the facades of the building coated by natural stone, the gate and garden walls around it are under the threat of the salt directly coming from the sea, the toxic gases from the air pollution and the graffiti and vandalism caused by the people. Despite the environmental factors, the fact that this structure can be taken care of in a proper way depends on the periodical maintenance and simple protection work. These environmental factors will primarily affect the materials on the facades of the building. The damage mechanism begins with the material, which is primarily a small unit, then spreads to the element, then leads to structural problems in the whole of the building at which time protection works are insufficient and larger interventions are required. For example, if the contamination layers seen on the surfaces of the stones on the exterior facades are not cleaned in time, these layers become thicker and the physicochemical and even the mechanical

properties of the stone are completely changed, which may result in inquiry of greater interventions. In this study, the conservation problems of volcanic tuffs which were used in the facades of the Dolmabahçe Palace were investigated by theoretical and experimental studies. As the volcanic tuffs being less durable against the environmental factors, some conservation attempts have proven to be necessary. In order to minimize the damaging factors and improve the performance of these stones, required adjustments are analyzed and suggested. But before the any application of any adjustment, the importance of determination of micro and macro properties and threats deteriorating the stones are emphasized. Main purpose is to obtain a conservation methodology for these less durable stones used in historic structures in order to contribute to the protection studies of the cultural heritage. 2. Dolmabahçe Palace and stones used in its construction In this section, the history and location of Dolmabahçe Palace is mentioned primarily. Then, the stone types and locations are described. After all, the literature survey about the origins of volcanic tuffs are presented briefly in the following. 2.1. Dolmabahçe Palace and history The Ottoman Palace, located on an area of 250.000m2 between Dolmabahçe Street and Bosphorus from Kabataş to Beşiktaş, is located on the left bank of Bosphorus at the entrance by sea from Marmara Sea and across Üsküdar and Salacak. The area where Dolmabahçe Palace is located today was a big bay of Bosphorus, where the ships of Ottoman Empire were anchored until four centuries ago. This bay, where maritime ceremonies used to be held, became a swamp in time. Later, the place started to be filled in 17th century and was transformed into a “Hasbahçe” (fine-imperial garden) for the rest and entertainment of the Sultans. The pavilions and mansions built in various periods in this garden were called “Beşiktaş Seaside Palace” for a long

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time. The mansions once located in the area of Dolmabahçe Palace of today were demolished. It is also stated in old documents that the old palace was in place until 1842 and the construction of the new palace was started after that date (Url-1). Dolmabahçe Palace was built between 1843-1855 by Garabet Amira Balyan and his son Nigoğos Balyan as a mixture of European architectural styles. The facade of the palace, which was built by Sultan Abdulmecit I, lies for 600 meters on the European shore of the Bosphorus. The palace, which was built with great costs, was used for the ceremonies held twice a year in the Grand Examination Hall for 33 years. The most important event in the palace, used by Atatürk as his residence in Istanbul during the Republican period, was the death of Atatürk in 1938, Figures 1-2.

Figure 1. Dolmabahçe Palace site plan (Url-2).

On the facades of Dolmabahçe Palace, there are different types of ornamental and plain cutting stones. The stones are embossed with floral motifs. The columns and headings, pilintus, headstones of the palace were made of Marmara marble and marble was also used in the pediments. Similarly, stairs and some architectural elements were made of marble. In addition, Trieste stone and Marseille

Figure 2. Dolmabahçe Palace façade seaside (Url-1).

stone, which were brought from Venice, are mentioned to have been used in various sources. One of the most important marbles used as interior decoration is the Egyptian Alabastr marble used in Hünkar Hamam. Also, it is known that Trakitic, DaciticRhiodacitic tuffs, which are known as Od stone, were frequently used in the Dolmabahce fronts with the Şirinçavuş volcanic tuff. In the 1960s, the original building blocks of Dolmabahçe Palace were renovated by the architect Lemi Merey by using Portland cement in restoration. This understanding (using cement) lasted until 1979. However, in addition to the aesthetic value loss, the structure has been damaged due to the incompatible physical properties of the artificial stone (Eren, 1998). 2.2. A literature survey about the volcanic tuffs The volcanic tuffs used in historical buildings in Istanbul and surrounding areas show weaker performance under atmospheric conditions than other building blocks. Because of having porous fabric and feldspar minerals, the volcanic tuffs are very affected from water. Rainfall is mentioned as atmospheric effect. When the volcanic tuff stones are subjected to water for a long time, the feldspar minerals in the matrix are converted in to clay minerals which is called a chemical alteration. Moreover, in the polluted air, the water has acidic character, this water’s affect is the worst. These are seen dark brown zones on the surface of the stones. These zones are turning empty holes by the time. At the end, the volcanic tuff stones are completely damaged. In order to prevent or minimize the deterioration of these stones with a very complex and heterogeneous structure, a significant protection and reparation work are required. Success in conservation and reparation work is often dependent on many variables; In particular, certain variables such as the correct and adequate level of analysis of the original stone, the appropriateness of the methods to be used and the existing knowledge and information flow play an active role in the success of these studies.

An investigation of the conservation problems of volcanic tuffs used in the facades of Dolmabahce Palace

There are various types of volcanic tuff quarries in many parts of Turkey, especially the Central Anatolia Region. In particular, volcanic tuffs with various minerals are observed in cities such as Ankara, Eskişehir, Kayseri, Konya, Niğde, Nevşehir. The ones used in the buildings in Istanbul were brought from the nearest quarries in the areas located around Anadolu Kavağı, Rumeli Kavağı, and İzmit, YalovaKaramürsel. Volcanic tuffs are in the group of stones which are solidified on the surface from magmatic stones (Erguvanlı and Sayar, 1955; Uz, 2000). In historical buildings and monuments, the natural stones that are commonly used are; Kufeki stone (Organic limestone), Marmara marble, Kestanbol granite, ÇanakkaleMontenegro, Lapseki, Biga marbles, Karamürsel Od stone, Hereke pudding, Gebze hippurite limestone, Şirincavuş volcanic tuffs, Karacabey (Mihaliç) pudding and so on (Erguvanlı et al., 1989). The volcanic rocks that are used in historical buildings in Istanbul and surrounding areas; Karamürsel Od Stone which was detected in Byzantine and Ottoman buildings, Kavaktaşı which was used in building coatings in Istanbul, Şirinçavuş tuff which was quarried in Edincik zone in Erdek, and also Camtaşı stone which was used as ornamentation stone in Marmara region. Among them, Karamürsel Od stone and Şirincavuş volcanic tuff are frequently found in historic structures in Istanbul. Karamürsel Od stone is mentioned to have been quarried from the quarries in Dereköy /Tepeköy, in KaramürselKocaeli province in various sources. The quarries of the Şirinçavuş volcanic tuffs are located on a slope overlooking the southern shore of the Marmara Sea, and the former name of the village was indeed Şirinçavuş. These tuffs were removed and used in various historic periods (Romans, Byzantines and Ottomans). These young volcanics, which are in the form of tracitic tuffs, which are in large outcrops in the north-western part of Şirinçavuş village, are generally gray, pink, coffee and sourcherry, Figure 3. One of the places that these tuffs

Figure 3. Tuffs used in the external facades of Dolmabahçe Palace.

were used the most is the ancient city of Cyzycus (Belkız) and the famous Hadriyanus temple having been built there. Şirinçavuş tuffs were commonly used in historic structures such as in the walls of the ancient city of Cyzycus, in the castle of Erdek, from the outer courtyard of the Sultan Ahmet Mosque to the medrese street, the arch of the door and Valens arch place. It has been reported that the Şirinçavuş tuffs were used in palaces and large monumental buildings and reparations in Istanbul between 1850-1870 (Erguvanlı et al., 1989). It was used, for example, on the front walls of the Dolmabahçe Palace and on the doorway on the street, in the arch, in the feet, white-pink tuffs with large feldspar (sanidine), (Eren, 1998; Gürdal et al., 2000). The usage of Karamürsel Od stones in historical buildings has been much more common than the Şirincavuş volcanic tuffs. The reasons for choosing these tuffs are very diverse. These tuffs are light and easy to work, requiring a small amount of energy and labor, and they can be repaired in a short time. Among the volcanic tuffs, it is known that Od stone, which is mostly green dacitic tuff, was used (Ahunbay, 1995). Generally, it was seen that the volcanic tuffs were used together with Kufeki limestone. The characteristics of limestone and tuffs are compared in the table below (Erguvanlı et al. 1989). In the table 1, a comparison of technical properties between the Table 1. The comparison of properties of volcanic tuffs with Bakırköy Kufeki stone.

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limestone and volcanic tuffs are given. According to the table, as the physical properties; the density value of limestone is higher than the volcanic tuffs’ density value. And the porosity ratio of limestone is less than the tuffs’ porosity ratio. Similarly, the water absorption ratio of limestone is less than the volcanic tuff stones’ absorption ratio. This means limestone is more durable than the volcanic tuffs against the water affect. But, compression strength values are similar for all off them. Consequently, as the physical properties of the limestone is better than the volcanic tuffs, this means that the limestone is more durable to physical environment conditions. Mechanical behaviour may be variable. In fact, volcanic tuff stones should not used in exterior walls but they can be used in indoor spaces without facing the water affect. In Ottoman historic documentations, It was recorded that Od stones which were quarried from Karamürsel were brought to Langa port (Yenikapı) by ships and it was also mentioned in the records that two types of Od stone,Seng-i Nar Ocak and Seng-i Nar Köprülük, were requested to be brought. In addition, in the documents related to the construction of the Laleli Complex, it was stated that the Od stone had a resistance against fire and it is characteristically light, therefore it was chosen to be used in the furnaces and basic fillings. Od stones from Karamürsel in 1760-1762 were used in two different ways as Köprülük and Külhan, as coating material, and later as a coating system for lime in the first years of construction. It is understood from the archival documents that the stones were sent to Istanbul after kind of being processed. Od stone is divided into two as mold and bridges; and that these stones are used as reused

Figure 4. Pollution effects on palace’s facades.

materials have also been mentioned in similar sources (Neftçi 2002, s.62-63). 3. The deterioration problems and conservation methods in the volcanic tuffs Primarily, the stone conservation principles are described and then the conservation problems of the volcanic tuffs are discussed. By the literature survey, the conservation methods for the volcanic tuffs were evaluated. This literature was be helpful for the planning of the experimental studies shown in following section. 3.1. The stone conservation principles The stone conservation work is conducted to protect the stone against the internal and external effects such as atmospheric and environmental threats and to increase the durability of the stones (Gürdal et al., 2000). The stone conservation work first emerged as a concept which became increasingly important in Europe with the industrialization (Industry) revolution. With the development of industry, factors such as air pollution caused by toxic gases from factory chimneys, acid rain, frost events, etc. started to destroy rapidly the historical structures that had managed to survive for hundreds of years. These factors cause rapid deterioration of the natural stones, especially the ones used in the external facades, Figure 2-3. The most important factor in the preservation and restoration of historical buildings is the preservation of the original material. Conservation of the natural stones used in these structures is also important. In particular, the conservation of natural stones, of which details the historical documents include, is of great importance given the fact that the old stonework is now disappearing. The deterioration mechanisms of the volcanic tuffs are more complex than the other stones, and the conservation process is also a matter of demanding and detailed studies. The damage given to the volcanic tuffs is mostly due to the deterioration of the chemical micro structure. Understanding the causes of deterioration is an issue that requires a detailed study. In addition to

An investigation of the conservation problems of volcanic tuffs used in the facades of Dolmabahce Palace

physical and mechanical property tests, detailed chemical and mineralogicalpetrographic analysis is also required. Stone conservation works demands serious scientific studies. The main purpose is to improve some of its properties without removing the existing stone and keeping it in place. That is to extend the service life of the existing stone. For this purpose, first surface cleaning is conducted according to the current condition of the stone and then protection and reparation procedures are carried out with reinforcement-water repellent chemicals. 3.2. The causes of deterioration for all types of volcanic tuffs The natural stones, which have been under the exposure of atmospheric conditions for a long time in nature, begin to lose their physical and chemical properties that they have in the initial state more or less quickly or slowly depending on their mineralogical composition, tectonic history and environmental conditions. The periodic change of the stone that has undergone the process of alteration, deterioration, or aging (Weathering), continues until it becomes granulated, crumbled and shed, starting from phase of being solid and massive. The deterioration types of stones vary depending on the affecting factors and the type of stone. For example, air pollution forms a black crust (called gypsum crust) on the surface of limestones, and brown zones are formed in volcanic tuff rocks by the cause of water (Figure 5). It has been observed that volcanic tuffs were rapidly degraded due to increasing air pollution and variable climatic conditions. In these stones, decomposition and chemical structure deterioration and some minerals such as feldspar minerals turn into clay minerals during the degradation; they basically change and show different behaviors. The most important components of these types of porous stones are; water, moisture, salt crystallization, wind and biological factors. The main minerals found in the vitreous paste are the quartz, plagioclase, alkali feldspar and zeolites, shown in Figure 5. For this

Figure 5. Thin section analysis of od stone of sound core(a). The appearance of matrix in single-nicole / (b). The image of the matrix, in double-nicole.

Figure 6. Thin section analysis of od stone of deteriorated part(a). The appearance of clay, single-nicole / (b). The image of the same clay, double-nicole.

reason, chemical degradation occurs in the form of quartz, feldspar and iron-magnesium minerals. The most typical alteration morphology is the brown staining of the feldspar on clay surfaces, shown in Figure 6. These stains are formed in the weakest parts of the stone and sometimes start from the surface to the inner parts of the stone until it is determined to cause fragmentation, Figure 4. 3.3. An evaluation of stone conservation methods in volcanic tuffs Since volcanic tuffs are less durable stones against the environmental factors, conservation applications are primarily required to extend the life of these stones. Strengthening and protection applications can be conducted with chemicals that will be selected according to the structure of the stones without causing too much erosion. Stone strengthening is conducted in the case of surface damage in the stone; it is to impregnate a chemical substance in order to increase the cohesion, mechanical properties of the parts of the stone which are likely to be weakened and

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eroded. The protection application is carried out to increase the resistance of the stone to variable atmospheric conditions. This process is effective in improving the physical properties of the stone. What is expected from a successful reinforcement-protection application is that it does not change the mineralogical and chemical structure of the original stone, but it also improves its physical and mechanical properties., (ASTM E 2167-08). It is expected that it will not reduce the vapor permeability property of the stone while decreasing the water absorption value. In addition, the color of the stone should not change the texture. The chemicals that are used for strengthening and protection with water repellents is generally emulsions and solution based chemicals. The success of the treatment of chemicals depend on the stone structure and application techniques. Because of the presence of clays in the tuffs, problems concerning the application of chemicals start to emerge and therefore, it doesn’t result in success most of the time. It has been reported that more success is achieved when solventbased water repellents are used after solidifying with ethyl silicate in such stones. Lukaszewicz, Bruchertseifer et al. reported that more success is achieved when solvent-based water repellents are used after solidifying with ethyl silicate in such stones. And also, Özgünler Acun, reported that the same issue within the PhD thesis that consisted of conservation of volcanic tuffs, (Lukaszewicz, 1996; Bruchertseifer et al., 1996; Özgünler Acun, 2007). Even after 8 years of resistance to atmospheric conditions, it was observed that the protection was still effective (Bruchertseifer et al., 1996). Strengthening and protective applications cannot completely prevent the effects of environmental conditions on deterioration, but the rate of deterioration can be slowed down. The information on the correct selection and use of stone-strengthening chemicals in the standard, called ASTM E 2167-01 of 2005 and 2008, prepared with the cooperation of experts in the field of stone protection, has been

given in a systematic framework. In particular, due to the heterogeneous and complex internal structures, the selection of appropriate chemical products and methods of application for protection-reparation should be conducted very carefully in volcanic tuff-type stones. Horie, Hilbert and Wendler stated that ethyl silicate type chemical products in siliceous stones were successful in strengthening processes (Horie, 1994; Hilbert ve Wendler, 1996). Also water repellents, silan/siloxanes are highly recommended in the literature. Zezza and Garcia Pascua stated that the treatment with the strengthening chemicals were effective in the porosity, volume and specific masses of the stone and that the water repellents were effective only in the water absorption feature, because of the deep penetration (Zezza and Garcia Pascua, 1996). Nwaubani et al. stated that, with the penetration of water repellents (protectives), the micro cavities of the building stone were changed. On the other hand, the macro cavities were changed by impregnation of the stone strengtheners. This success was measured as 90% in porous stones, 60% in dense stones (Nwaubani et al., 2000). The results of the literature research given above, the selection of information and the selection of stone strengthening and water repellent chemicals, application method and evaluation of the results will be released. It is thought that it will be guiding on such issues. 4. The experimental studies conducted for the conservation of volcanic tuffs used in Dolmabahçe Palace In this section, the experimental studies which were conducted for the conservation of volcanic tuffs are presented. Before the studies, the stone samples were taken from the building and then the experimental studies were planned respectively. The results of all the tests were shown in tables and figures in the following. By this study, a general evaluation could be obtained.

An investigation of the conservation problems of volcanic tuffs used in the facades of Dolmabahce Palace

4.1. Sampling In order to conduct the conservation studies of Şirinçavuş and Karamürsel volcanic tuffs used on the facades of Dolmabahçe Palace, experimental studies were carried out on the stone samples taken from the façades, in the building material laboratory in Department of Architecture in ITU. The samples were taken from Muayede building and Musahiban building, Figure 7. These samples are chosen because they are the ones which are exposed to sea water and air pollution the most. For these reasons, experiments have been carried out to determine the morphology of degradation in the degraded outer shell and characterization of the intact samples taken from the inner parts. For choosing the appropriate chemicals; the micro structures, the macro properties of the volcanic tuff samples as well as the deterioration problems were determined primarily. 4.2. The experimental studies and the results The experimental studies were planned to determine the characteristics of the volcanic tuffs, to compare the physical properties of the samples treated with chemicals and samples untreated with chemicals and to evaluate the effectiveness of the chemicals used, since the durability of the stones against the environmental factors can be evaluated according to the physical properties of the stones. If the results of the tests are found satisfactory, treatment with chemicals will be successful for the volcanic tuffs, and this means the longer period sustainability of these stones can be achieved. The volcanic tuff samples were cut as prismatic in 4x4x16 cm dimensions and dried in 105o C oven and prepared for experiments for 20 minutes at a temperature of 20 ± 2 o C and a humidity of 60 ± 5%. At least three samples were prepared for each test. Physical property tests were carried out in the samples treated with chemicals and the ones untreated with any chemicals. In the light of the literature studies, Wacker 1311 siloxane based emulsion water repellent application which is

Figure 7. (a). The facade of Musahiban Building , (b). The facade of Muayede Building.

Figure 8. Application of chemicals in laboratory conditions.

a protective chemical was tested and the experiments were repeated in the samples treated and untreated with chemicals. The Wacker SMK 1311 emulsion was diluted with water at a ratio of 1:10 and was applied to the surfaces by brush. The implementation time was 40 minutes, and 8 cycles were applied at equal intervals until the saturation level, Figure 8. The depth of the water repellents used was 2-3 mm. The samples were kept under constant ambient conditions for 4 weeks because of the polymerization time and then the experiments were initiated. In order to determine the physical properties; water absorption (weightby volume), water absorption and drying rates (%), unit weight, specific gravity tests were carried out by capillary water absorption, immersion Table 2. The results of physical property tests of volcanic tuff samples comparatively.

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Figure 9. The graph of water absorption-desorption rate of untreated samples.

Figure 10. The graph of water absorption-desorption rate of treated samples.

under atmospheric pressure. In the experiments, TS 699, Natural Stone Experiment Methods and TS EN 1925 standards were used. At least 3 samples were used and averaged for each test. The results are given in the following Table 2. In the table above, it was seen that the decrease in capillary water absorption ratio and the ratio of water absorption in atmospheric pressure was found 88% and 70% respectively. As these results are seen promising, the further studies were continued (Figure 9-10, Table 3). The results of physical property tests and the aging/weathering tests (durability tests) which were conducted on the same samples in order to detect the long-term success of the chemical applications were found to be satisfactory (Acun Ă&#x2013;zgĂźnler, 2007). 4.3. The durability of treatment applications The salt resistance test was known as the most damaging durability test that simulate the atmospheric affect. So, this salt resistance test was conducted in order to determine the durability of

the chemicals used for water repellent treatment. Succes in this test means this chemical treatment is appropriate and making sure that the water repellency performance will be long enough. Salt resistance test was conducted according to TS EN 12370 standard. During test, treated and untreated samples were immersed in 14% Na2SO4.10 H2O salt solution for 6 hours at first, then dried in oven at 60oC for 16 hours in each cycle. This test included 20 cycles until the samples were destroyed. The untreated samples were able to withstand the 15th cycle. But the treated samples were not so much affected from the salt exposure. During the salt crystallisation test, the changes in physical appearence of the samples were observed day by day. At the end of the test, physical and mechanical property tests were repeated in order to determine the long term performance of treatment. Untreated samples absorbed much more salty water (behave like acidic agent) than the treated samples. Repeating the cycles consisted of immersion of salt solution and drying in oven made the samples damaged in different levels. The mass of untreated samples were increased first, then the mass is decreased critically. The brown zones were seen increasing then these zones turned in to empty holes. Empty holes were enlarged and then the untreated samples were broken into pieces. And moreover an evident change in the color of untreated samples were observed. In the other case, as absorbing less salty water, the brown zones were not enlarged in treated samples. At the end of the durability test, a minimal change in the mass of the treated samples was detected. And also, the change of water repellency performance was measured as acceptable degree. The results were preferred to be shown in bar chart graphs in order to present the property change, shown in Figure 11-12. As seen in the figures, treated samples were not so much affected from the salt resistance test. The water absorption ratios of the treated samples were only approx. 30% increased. This means the treatment with the water repellent chemicals was found successful.

An investigation of the conservation problems of volcanic tuffs used in the facades of Dolmabahce Palace

4.4. General evaluation of the results An experimental pilot study was carried out to increase the durability of the volcanic tuff type of stones, used in Dolmabahçe Palace and in many historical buildings, toward atmospheric effects. In the study, the effectiveness of the protective chemicals applied in the laboratory in the tuff samples taken from the structure was examined. In addition, not only the short-term performances of protective chemicals, but also the long-term performances were determined by the aging test. As the aging test, salt resistance test was preferred because the structure is located on the seashore. According to the type of stones, which chemicals would be suitable were decided with the help of the previous studies conducted before. Studies for the selection of the appropriate chemical have concluded that siloxane based water repellents do not harm the color and texture of the stone, but improve its physical properties and make it more resistant to environmental effects. Extending the life of the original material prevents the loss of value of the structures which bear a value of being like historical documents. Such applications are highly recommended, especially in volcanic tuff-type stones. For the water repellent chemical, water based emulsion type was selected. Although solvent-based chemicals are considered to be longer lasting in the literature, solvent-based chemicals indeed cause darkening of the stone color and are not suitable for ecological requirements. On the other hand, the use of siloxane-based emulsion water repellents is preferred in this study since emulsions are not considered to make a significant change in the color of the stone and their environmental effects are considered to be in the minimal level. According to the results of the experimental studies, the water repellents decreased the water absorption rates of the chemical tuff-type of stones by about 80%. As a result of long-term aging test, it is thought that the application could be considered as being successful since it has been observed that this feature was reduced by only 30%. For the

Figure 11. Changes in Water Absorption by Mass Ratio Values of ST and KT stone samples.

Figure 12. Changes in Water Absorption by Volume Ratio Values of ST and KT stone samples.

Figure 13. A flow diagram shows the required studies before the treatment decisions.

erosion depth which is less than 5 cm, it is possible to protect the stone by using treatment method with protective chemicals. And also, these chemicals can prevent the dirt deposits

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on the facades caused by air pollution. Especially, for the stones which are less durable against the atmospheric conditions, this application is highly recommended in all over the world. But some factors must be taken into consideration before the treatment is applied. Some studies should be conducted before the decision of treatment application as seen in this paper. These factors are mentioned below respectively. This flow diagram can be guideline before the decision of treatment application for all type of stones Figure 12. 5. Conclusions The natural stones used on the exterior facades are deteriorated due to various internal and external factors. In order to prevent this deterioration, it is important that the conservation works are well planned and under the supervision of the relevant experts, otherwise irreversible results will be obtained. The history of stone conservation practices in historical buildings in our country is not very long and it is being tried to develop chemicals to be used by many experts at national and international level. Scientists and academicians all over the world are doing research on chemicals that can be used safely in stone protection. Because, depending on the structure of each stone and the morphology of degradation, the type of protective chemicals may vary. In addition, the choice of the right application technique with the right chemical selection is required for successful applications. As a result, the success in stone conservation studies depends on many variables and is a subject area that requires interdisciplinary collective work. In addition, long-term monitoring of the application and follow-up of the problems that may arise is necessary. Therefore, stone protection decision and chemical application should not be seen as an easy decision. Experimental studies conducted in the laboratory environment, although positive results are obtained, it is possible to encounter unexpected surprises in in situ applications. For this reason, documenting the studies

and results on this subject and sharing the experiences will shed light on successful applications. In particular, conservation studies of volcanic tuffs are very difficult due to their very heterogeneous structure and due to a wide variety of degradation mechanisms. Because of their complex nature, the correct chemicals and application methods to be selected for conservation studies should be considered separately for each volcanic tuff and detailed studies should be carried out for reliable results. References Acun, S., Güleç, A. and Ersen, A., (2003). Efficacy o the consolidants and the water repellents for the conservation of Şirinçavuş volcanic tuff, Proceedings of the Industrial Minerals and Building Stones, International Symposium, Istanbul, Turkey, September 2003, 363370. Ahunbay, Z., (1995). Osmanlı mimarlığında od taşı, 9. Milletlerarası Türk Sanatları Kongresi, Ankara. ASTM E-2167, (2008). Standard guide for selection and use of stone consolidants, American Standards Institute, USA. Bruchertseifer, C., Brüggerhoff, S., Grobe, J. and Götze, H.J., (1996). DRIFT investigation of silylated natural stone, Proceedings of the 8th. International Congress on Deterioration and Conservation of Stone, Berlin, 12231227. Charola, A.E., (2001). Water repellents and other protective treatments: A critical review, Proceedings of the 3rd. International Conference on Surface Technology with Water Repellent Agents, Aedificatio Publishers, 4-10. Eren, E., (1998). Dolmabahçe Sarayı yapı taşlarının bozulma nedenlerinin saptanması ve korunması üzerine bir araştırma, Doktora Tezi, Y.T.Ü. Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, İstanbul. Erguvanlı, K. ve Sayar, M., (1955). Türkiye Mermerleri ve İnşaat Taşları, İTÜ, Maden Fakültesi, Kurtulmuş Matbaası, s. 115, İstanbul. Erguvanlı, K., Ahunbay, M., Ahunbay, Z., Eriş, I., Erdoğan, M., Onak, A. ve Eyüboğlu, R., (1989), Marmara bölgesi taş ocaklarının işletilebilme ve taşlarının restorasyonda kullanılabilme

An investigation of the conservation problems of volcanic tuffs used in the facades of Dolmabahce Palace

olanaklarının araştırılması, Tübitak Projesi, 681, İstanbul, s.173. Ersen A., Özgünler Acun, S., (2006). A research about consolidation of natural stones used in the facades of Dolmabahçe Palace, 150 Years Old International Symposium, 23-26 November, İstanbul. Grissom, C.A., (1990). The determination and treatment of volcanic stone: A review of the literature, Proceedings of the International Meeting About Lavas and Volcanic Tuffs, Easter Island, Chile, 3-10. Gürdal, E., Yüzer E., Ersen, A., Güleç, A., Eyüboğlu R., Eriş, İ., Görür, N., Vardar, M., Suner, F., Mahmutoğlu, Y. ve Pehlivanoğlu, C., (2000). Dolmabahçe Sarayı Kullanılan Taşların Korunmuşluk Durumlarının ve Ayrışma Nedenlerinin Belirlenmesi Koruma ve Onarım Yöntemlerinin Saptanması Sonuç Raporu, İTÜ Geliştirme Vakfı Araştırma Projesi Raporu, İstanbul. Horie, C.V., (1994). Materials for Conservation, Organic Consolidants, Adhesives and Coatings, s.77, Butterworth Heinemann, Cornwall. Hilbert, G. and Wendler, E., (1996). Influence of different consolidating agents on the water vapour diffusion properties of selected stones, Proceedings of the 8th. International Congress on Deterioration and Conservation of Stone, Berlin, 1345. Kober, H., Wittman, F.H., Siemes, A.J.M. and Verhoef, L.G.W., (1995). Water thinnable silicon impragnating agents for masonry protection, Proceedings of the 1th. International Symposium on Surface Treatment of Building Materials with Water

Repellent Agents, Delft, Netherlands, 1-3/13. Lukaszewicz, J.W., (1996). The influence of stone pre-consolidation with ethyl silicate on deep consolidation, Proceedings of the 8th. International Congress on Deterioration and Conservation of Stone, Berlin, 1210. Neftçi, A., (2002). Laleli Külliyesi’nin inşaat süreci, Doktora Tezi, İ.T.Ü. Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, s.62-63, İstanbul. Nwaubani, S.O., Mulheron, M., Tilly, G.P. and Schwamborn, B., (2000). Pore-structure and water transport properties of surface treated building stones, Materials and Structures, Vol.33, pp.198-206. Özgünler Acun S., (2007). Tarihi Yapılarda Kullanılan Volkanik Tüflerin Konservasyonu Üzerine Bir Araştırma: Od Taşı Örneği, İTÜ, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, Doktora Tezi. Rossi-Manaresi, R., (1993). Stone protection from Antiquity to the beginning of the Industrial Revolution, Science and Technology for Cultural Heritage, 2, pp. 149–159. Zezza, F. and Gacia Pascua, N., (1996). Experimantal physico-chemical methods fort he identification of previous intervention in porous stone, Proceedings of the 8th. International Congress on Deterioration and Conservation of Stone, Berlin, 801. Ur l - 1 : < h t t p s : / / e n . w i k i p e d i a . org / w i k i / D ol m ab a h ç e _ Pa l a c e > , erişim:30.06.2019. Url-2:<https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Dolmabahce_ Palace_plan.svg>, erişim:30.06.2019.

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Mapping theory: Production of knowledge in theory of architecture in Turkey

Hakan ANAY1, Yiğit ACAR2, Ülkü ÖZTEN 3, Meltem ÖZTEN ANAY4 1 info@hakananay.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering and Architecture, Osmangazi University, Eskişehir, Turkey 2 y.acar.arch@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Art, Design and Architecture, Bilkent University, Ankara, Turkey 3 info@ulkuozten.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering and Architecture, Osmangazi University, Eskişehir, Turkey 4 mozten@anadolu.edu.tr • Department of Architecture, EEYO, Anadolu University, Eskişehir, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2019.97059

Received: October 2018 • Final Acceptance: May 2019

Abstract The study presents a ‘mapping’ of the production of knowledge in the field of theory of architecture in Turkey in the last two decades. The study is based on 307 dissertations produced in Turkey between 1995-2015. Through text mining and unstructured data analysis methods, the research suggests a taxonomy of research in the field. Conceptualizing its method as ‘cartography of knowledge’ the study aims to document the current state of PhD. research in theory of architecture in Turkish context and provide insights about research trajectories in the field. Keywords Theory of architecture, Mapping, Discourse analysis, PhD.

1. Introduction The issue of theory of architecture being replaced by a practice that is more focused on production methods with the advent of new technologies, or namely “death of theory” is a recurring theme in the last two decades, a discussion beginning with the final issue of Assemblage in April 2000. Theory as-we-know is changing from the post-structuralist perspectives of 1980s and 1990s. Still it is relevant and inseparable part of architecture as a societal system. In addition, there exist local practices and discourses of theory. We started our research on production of knowledge in theory of architecture with these precepts. This study is an attempt to make an overview of production of knowledge in the field of theory of architecture in Turkey in doctorate level. The study focuses on 307 dissertations produced between the years 19942015. The study itself is a third order observation by Niklas Luhmann’s terms. By doing so our purpose is first to understand the current state of theory of architecture and second to develop an insight about the possible directions it should take. By nature, our research is a comprehensive review. It is based on works produced in Turkey, so there exists a degree of locality. On the other hand considering the PhD studies as dissertations aiming at the production of universal knowledge, we are also hoping to share insights with the international audience about the state of theory. Our research is developed through text mining techniques and data visualization. We knowingly refrained from using statistical models, as it would turn an inherently qualitative research into a quantitative one. We used the keywords defined in the theses as a system of references to produce clusters of studies that share common themes and manually revised the outcomes and added a second layer of categorization by interpreting the studies. This allowed us to trace back fundamental discourses and typical aspects of research in the field enhanced with digital tools but still with personal interpretation. Since the term “theory” is imbued

with multiple meanings, we would like to start by contextualizing the term in the first place. 2. Theory debate and the Turkish context The most agreed upon definition of theory of architecture and its roots goes back to Vitruvius’ Ten Books. Followed by many other architectural treaties, until the transformation of the discipline during industrial revolution, the texts of architecture were overarching volumes of knowledge on the discipline that had comments on all aspects of it, from social role and responsibilities of the architect to the tectonic knowledge of architecture. In 20th century an intellectual environment of multiplicity developed. Coupled with political positions and personal characteristics, the production in the field gained a wide diversity ranging from rationalist techno-centric positions to historicist positions. Charles Jencks’ famous article Jencks’s Theory of Evolution depicts this vibrant and intellectually rich period (Jencks, 2000). The last decades of the 20th century are characterized by the rise of politically strong critical discourses heavily influenced by continental philosophy, following thoughts of prominent thinkers like Michel Foucault, Jacques Derrida and Gilles Deleuze. Mainly characterized by a critical-leftist point of view (Türby, 2016), this period defines the image of theory for many. The departure from the political stance and concepts developed in this period is seen by many as the death of theory, however as Christopher Hight suggests what is happening is in the intellectual environment can be read as a natural progression rather than a rupture (Hight, 2009). Hight suggest that the change occurring in the field of theory is actually a natural shift, a diffuse of problems of theory into a more interconnected nature that is ‘cybernetics’. The practice, actornetworks involved and the technologies are changing so must architecture. In the end, what happens is not the death of the theory but the progression form an understanding of theory of architecture to another one. The

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Turkish context is no different in this progression. It could be claimed that the form of theory and the progression described as above could be observed in Turkish context as well, represented in various mainstream line of inquiries from different universities and academic environments, particularly the ones those have a well-established graduate programs. Mainly thrived through these works, in 1980s and 1990s this inherently critical way of thinking about architecture and space became the mainstream tone for theory in Turkey. We should also briefly describe the academic environment and production of knowledge in universities in Turkish context.

It should also be noted that, until 1984, the founding of Bilkent University, all the universities were public schools, and the first private university to start architecture education is Bilgi University in 2005 with its graduate program in architecture. 1

3. A brief introduction to PhD research in theory of architecture in Turkey The history of institutional research in theory of architecture goes back to 1950ies where there existed two institutions of higher education; Istanbul Technical University and the Academy of Fine Arts (later Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University). First PhD. dissertation in architecture in Turkey has been produced by Turgut Cansever under the supervision of Ernst Diez in Istanbul University Faculty of Literature Department of Art History in 1949. The first PhD. in architecture under the official body of a Department of Architecture is the dissertation by Gazanfer Beken with the supervision of Paul Bonatz in Istanbul Technical University the same year (Dölen, 2007). It should be mentioned that the academic structure was mainly formed around departments at the time. Based on the German system some professors held positions with specific titles, like a professor of urbanism or professor of art, construction, and like, under the body of department of architecture. The formation separate programs gained pace after 1980s (1). Separate programs within the bodies of departments were established in older institutions with a critical mass of scholars. These programs are mainly focused on graduate level education within a specific field like history of architecture, restoration and conservation, construction and such.

After 2000s in Turkey the number of higher education institutions increased at a great pace, new private schools of architecture were established mainly in major cities and many public universities were established in smaller cities. As of 2019, there are 124 established schools of architecture providing bachelor’s degree programs in Architecture accredited by YÖK in Turkey, of which 107 of them were known to be active. As the progress of establishing a graduate program in most cases starts with bachelors, and progresses into advanced studies and specialization, 63 of these schools are known to have masters, and 35 of them PhD programs. A PhD. program in Turkey typically is a four-year program that can extend to six years, where candidates, take courses in the first two years and go into a qualification exam at the end of second year. Following the qualification exam candidates go into a process of thesis proposal and they undergo interim reviews every 6 months until the final defense. With the theoretical background and local background on the Turkish context, we can now move into the details of the research. 4. The corpus As noted at the beginning the main source of information for this study is the PhD. studies in theory of architecture in Turkey that have been produced between years 1995-2015. With reference to the specific context of Turkey, we should clarify a couple of points for correct interpretation of the work. The data is mainly collected through Higher Education Council’s digital theses collection. The collection has some limitations. Firstly, the authors are allowed to block access to their PhD. studies for up to three years in case they are willing to publish postdefense. For this reason, we determined 2015 as the end of our data collection as the access is restricted for some later studies. Despite the time limit, a small amount of studies was not accessible through the database, but some of these could be found in the university libraries. If the access was granted the studies were included. Otherwise, they

Mapping theory: Production of knowledge in theory of architecture in Turkey

were omitted from the study. Again as noted above the institutional structure differs between universities. In some cases, programs are strictly separated and in some universities, especially those which initiated graduate research recently, the programs are not separated. This creates a problem of demarcation. To be able to distinguish studies in theory of architecture and others for universities with established program structures we automatically eliminated studies in programs other than architecture or architecture theory (2). For schools with general programs with the title “architecture” the studies that were in the domain of other fields such as building sciences were manually eliminated with reference to their relevance to architecture theory (3).As a result we ended up with 307 studies produced in two decades between 1995-2015. (Figure 1,c) The general aspects of the corpus is as follows. 5. General aspects In terms of language use, 223 of the studies are in Turkish and 84 of them are in English. Middle East Technical University (METU) is the forerunner in production of studies in English. METU, as expected since it is a wellestablished, oldest doctoral program in English, almost a monopoly before the establishment of other doctoral programs in Izmir Institute of Technology (IYTE), Ihsan Doğramacı Bilkent University (IDBU) are the universities that produce studies only in English. Istanbul Technical University (ITU), Dokuz Eylül University (DEU) are the institutions that accept studies in Turkish or English. (Figure 1, a) 170 distinct advisors have been included in this production and naturally 307 authors. This gives us a sense of the scale of the community in discussion (4). The studies are distributed among 15 schools, ITU, YTU METU having the most numbers of studies, followed by Karadeniz Technical University (KTU), DEU and Mimar Sinan University of Fine Arts (MSGSU). (Figure 1, b) The total number of studies shows an increasing trend starting with four studies in 1995 and with 34 studies in 2014 highest.

6. Mapping knowledge To map the types of studies we utilized keywords defined by the authors to describe the studies. We utilized a series of manual and automated methods to structure and analyze the data at hand. The process and the results are as follows. 6.1. Keywords as portolans Our method is in making meaning out of the data is similar to production of portolan charts (5). What we do is look for shared aspects of studies, produce groups that represent these relations and repeat the same thing for the produced group again. Depending on the complexity of the data in some iteration, we use automated tools and in some, we classify the items manually especially when there is a need for critical human participation. AI tools sometimes let us perceive relations that we did not notice earlier, but still needs a human touch especially in a data set like ours, which is highly unstructured. First stage has been the collection of keywords in the studies, as a common practice authors are required to define keywords related to their studies before submission. The data at hand in the end was an unstructured textual data with, 1792 keywords. As the second stage, the keyword collection at hand was manually structured (lemmatized). For the lemmatization process we grouped keywords that refer to same issue with different wording, such as; education of architect and architecture education, grouped as architecture education. As a second run we grouped keywords referring to associable meanings, like, house patterns, house preferences, housing market, housing problem and mass housing as; house (patternspreferences)-housing(marketproblem)-mass housing. Where brackets represent groupings of second words and hyphens represents or. As a result, we ended up with 657 distinct groups of keywords. This process allowed us to distinguish between use of keywords like, architecture education, education practices, design studios as one group, and architecture practice, office practice, architecture office as another one. We also grouped the lemmatized

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Such as studies in History of Architecture, Conservation, Building Science and so on, some schools have programs with more general titles such as “design and arts”, these were examined and some were included as studies in theory. 2

It should be noted that we tried to be as inclusive as possible in this elimination. If a study had the slightest connection to theory of architecture they were included in the corpus. Only studies directly aiming at building construction or planning/ urbanism with definite quantitative methods were eliminated. 3

Figure 1. General aspects.

keywords with reference to what they signify. Six types of keywords were defined related to; building type, concept, period-style, method, person-group-organization, locationregion-specific building. Even though we did not use these categories in the final analysis, we would like to share the contents as it gives a sense about the content of the studies that were examined.

As expected, a majority of the keywords are belonging to the group of concepts. The most commonly repeating five items are; space-place (38), space (consumption, perception, organization, syntax, time, analysis, memory, practice, readability, relations, scenarios) (37), architecture (30), architectural (design-design process) (30), architectural (education, design studio, design education) (22).

Mapping theory: Production of knowledge in theory of architecture in Turkey

Keywords related with building types shows that the housing problem is still one of the most prominent topics in the Turkish context. Distribution of most frequent keywords are as follows; house (patterns, preferences)housing (market, pattern, ensemble, problem, satisfaction)-mass housing (39), tourism (buildings, facility) (7), campus (5), university (buildings, settlement design) (5), home (5). Location based keywords mainly refer to Istanbul and locations within Istanbul. The most common five items are Istanbul (15), Izmir (6), Turkey (architecture) (5), western architecture (4), and Ankara (4). In terms of method based keywords form(analysis, grammar, perception)formless (23), design (action, activity, approaches, discipline, process, principles psychology)(23), environment (reading, analysis, spatial cognition, awareness, image) (16), design (studies, theory, thought, tools, model, knowledge, language) (13), computational (design, design education, design thought, model, science, thinking)(10) are ones that were repeated more than 10 times. In terms of keywords referring to a certain period or style modernization (of society, in Turkey) (8), modern architecture (8), modernity (8), global (modernism, architecture)globalization (8), modernism (7), Early Republican (Turkey, era, period, architecture) (7), post-modern (architecture, housing market)postmodernism (7) are the most common ones. The persons or groups as keyword entries are less and more individual. We end up with a list with items that would not come together in a different context; Charles-Edouard JeanneretLeCorbusier (3), Sedad Hakkı Eldem (2), TOKI (Turkish Mass Housing Administration) (2), Lefebvre (2). With keyword information structured, we continued with the mapping process. As the first step of the process, to be able to further analyze and conceptualize the groups of studies we utilized a very simple text mining method. Using software suit Orange (6) we produced a hierarchical clustering of the data at hand (7). The

process resulted with 32 clusters, and 15 studies not belonging to any cluster. It should be noted that the automated process takes the definitions, looks for similarities in terms of keywords and groups studies accordingly. In a field like theory of architecture, which is very much loaded with nuances and multiple readings, there is also a need to revise the outcomes critically, so we ran a second check of the clusters, assigned names to them, added the unclustered studies to related clusters (8). We repeated the process three times to produce a taxonomy of studies. As the last step we visualized the clusters in Graph-Commons (9) to produce the final network map presented here. 7. Reading the map With the background information, explanation of our methods, taxonomy of studies and the final network map, we would like to share our own reading of the data at hand. (Figure 2). 7.1. Multiple theories of architecture The series of clustering operations naturally end in decreasing number of clusters. We have ran three iterations of the process, and marked 32, 7 and 2 clusters in order. The final clustering that resulted in two clusters gives us an insight about the fundamental categories of research in theory of architecture. We named these two final clusters as, history and criticism, as a trace of studies that focuses on the socio-political aspects of architecture and the underlying historical processes, and education and practice as a group of studies that are interested in rather universal aspects of architecture that is form, production of form and education of the architect. There is a peculiar cluster under history and criticism that is the cluster of object and semantics, although the cluster formed in the second iteration of our clustering process and was included under history and criticism cluster in the third run. This cluster is larger than the cluster of form and the sum of other studies under the cluster of history and criticism. Therefore, we can interpret it as one of the main groups of research together with the other two. So we can examine the

ITU A|Z • Vol 16 No 2 • July 2019 • H. Anay, Y. Acar, Ü. Özten, M. Özten Anay

As a side note: If counted excluding coadvisorship, Arzu Erdem and Semra Aydınlı have the most number of directed studies for the period in discussion with eight directed studies each. Emel Aközer (7), Ferhan Yürekli (7), Ayşe Sağsöz (6) and Uğur Tanyeli (6) are the other professors with more than five directed studies again for the period in discussion. 4

A portolan chart is a chart that is mainly used in 14th and 15th century maritime map making practices, where measurements in open sea are made at a fixed point and distances of distinguishable land features are noted as rhumb lines converging at that point. These measurements produce a system of references through which one can triangulate and define the shape of shores. 5

Figure 2. Map of studies.

studies in three meta-groups; history and criticism, education and practice, object and semantics. The cluster for history and criticism has four main branches; discoursearchitectural language, human environment, politics and space and object and semantics. Three of

these clusters, politics and space, human environment and discoursearchitectural language are similar in terms of general tone of studies. These studies are mainly critical studies that use methods of history. They are mainly influenced by continental philosophy. Works of Michel Foucault and Jacques

Mapping theory: Production of knowledge in theory of architecture in Turkey

Derrida are among the main references of these studies. Studies clustered under the title discourse-architectural language are interested in the discursive practices of Turkish architecture. These studies are interested in the intellectual processes and accumulation of knowledge that turn into the architecture culture. One sub-branch of this family is the study of discursive formations in early republican Turkish architecture. Studies in human environment cluster are similar to discourse-architectural language clusters, and politics and space as well since all three utilize similar research models, and are differentiated by the tone of subject matters of the studies. Studies in this category are formulated in a more universal manner; they are not focusing in context and cultural issues but more in the philosophical aspects of manenvironment relations and discourses shaped around these (10). Object and semantics as a cluster under history and criticism constitute a big portion of studies under history and criticism. These studies focus on issues like semantic-syntactic analysis, space-place time, identity and meaning and spatial analysis. This cluster, when examined in detail, is somewhat an intersection of the final two clusters of history and criticism and form. Studies in this category are mainly influenced by analytical theories of architecture. Bill Hillier’s Space is the Machine or Christopher Alexander’s Pattern Language are among the seminal references of this trace. The second main cluster that is education and practice has three branches, architectural program, architecture education, and function. Studies in architectural program cluster have a proximity to history and criticism cluster and function cluster has a proximity to object and syntax cluster, where studies under program cluster discuss architecture and architectural program with a critical perspective, the studies under function cluster are more analytical similar to members of the object and semantics cluster. The cluster of architecture education is again a relatively big group. The

peculiarity of this cluster is that most studies in this category are not only interested in education itself, but they test architectural theories or design methods through the education environment like a laboratory for design. Especially the sub-cluster of architecture education that is interested in design methods is a good example of this type of approach. It is difficult to make definitive comments by reading the map in terms of institutions. There are no clear distinctions as to which institution produce works under which category. However, we can broadly frame institutional characteristics looking at the map. Middle East Technical University’s production mainly focuses in clusters related to history and criticism. Works produced in Istanbul Technical University and Karadeniz Technical University mainly fall under the category of object and semantics. Education and practice cluster is populated by studies from all universities and is like a middle ground for all institutions in this respect. 7.2. Theory in context In the foreword of the Turkish translation of the proceedings book for the eighth installment of the ANY (Davidson& Aktüre, 1999) conferences that was held in Middle East Technical University, Zeynep Aktüre shares a quotation from Orhan Pamuk. Orhan Pamuk refers to an interview with JeanPaul Sartre that was published in 1964 Le Monde where Sartre says, “in a third world country where a child is dying of hunger one may consider literature as a luxury”. Aktüre uses this quotation to picture a discursive position against the event, specifically Doğan Kuban’s critique about the conference (Kuban, 2000). Aktüre, says that, at the aftermath of 1999 earthquake, one may consider Kuban right, but she proceeds with Şevki Vanlı’s review where Vanlı expresses his interest in the event and says he is waiting for further publications, Aktüre sees this as a sign of curiosity in the community of Turkish architects. Despite the harsh critiques, the editorial team found the vigor to make a second publication of the volume in Turkish, only to be able

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Orange is an open-source machine learning and data visualization package, orange.biolab. si (last Access: 15.08.2018) 6

We used the lemmatized keyword groups as identifiers of studies, used preprocessing of tool of the textmining add-on to prepare the data for analysis, used bag of words to distinguish each keyword as a separate data entry, calculated the distances between keywords with the distance transformation tool and finally, used the in-built hierarchical clustering tool to produce clusters of the studies. 7

Some studies ended up unclustered after the hierarchical clustering as they had either too few or too specific keywords to be clustered with other studies. We controlled these studies and associated them with related clusters manually, these modifications are represented with dotted lines in the related graphs. 8

Graphcommons. org is an opensource network visualization and analytics tool.

10 Some of these studies still have specific projects, locations or periods as subjects but the reading presented is more universal.

to share the discussions with a wider audience. Architecture theory in Turkey like in all over the world has always been contested by a generation of architects that belong to an era where theory and all other forms of scholarly practices were one. In addition, there has always been a critique of theory coming from the profession and a more practical side of architecture. Still it is an intellectual endeavor with its own audience, and as long as the audience remains, existing theory of architecture will continue to exist. In Turkish context, with reference to our mapping there exist three functions of theory of architecture. All three in their own ways to try to improve the quality of architecture. First is a critical review of discursive practices of architecture. This trace mainly examines the transformations of political discourses, societal change, and their repercussions in architecture. History of architecture also has a similar function but the theoretical branch of the same endeavor has more defined critical position as compared to objective history writing. The collective aim here is to raise an awareness of a continuous historical progression and societal change that underlines the values of international values of modernity and human rights. The second branch of object and semantics tries to improve the architecture production by the quality of the object itself, by improving configurational and compositional qualities of architecture. Some studies within this branch focuses on the quality of the urban fabric by understanding formal relations of unique historical fabrics. Some do the same by criticizing and analytically proving what is wrong with existing production in terms of configuration of spaces and relations. The third branch focuses on design practices and tries to establish new practices by experimenting with design process and methods. These studies challenge traditional methods of design practices as based on canons and established norms. Studies in this category mainly look for ways of thinking outside the box, both in terms

of form and function. 7.3. Whitespaces Freycinet map of 1811 Australia plots the shorelines of the continent in a very precise way, but they did not have information on the inland at the time so the inside of Australia was left as a “whitespace.” Whitespace, was not “blank”, since it both gave an idea about the general form, and it implied the content that is yet to be discovered; the information missing on the map that is still open for exploration. That is to say, what is not on the map was also as important as what was on the map. In the case of theory in Turkish context one trace that is missing as it occurs to us the study of shaping of the world by the human kind. There are traces of this field within human environment cluster as discussed earlier but the impact and shaping of humans on earth, with a perspective wider than city building is a prominent issue for further scholarly work. Also the change in production methods and new technologies for architecture is an emerging field for further discussion. As our study presents research between years 19942015 some recent work in this field are missing in the map. But if we repeat the same study a couple of years later there is surely going to be a trace of research that focuses on new ways of construction like robotics and their implications on architecture. 8. Conclusion The above account gives a sense of state of theory in Turkey. We are aware of the fact that by nature our research touches the work of a large community of scholars. This fact gives us a responsibility to evaluate and position each work as objectively as possible. We tried to maintain a critical distance, by eliminating our own position by using by our method, but it is not possible to eliminate our own interpretation totally, so the study should be interpreted as not “the mapping” but “a mapping” in the end. The final work is open for further reading. As a final remark, we would like to return to the “death of theory” debate.

Mapping theory: Production of knowledge in theory of architecture in Turkey

Theory as we know it may be changing with reference to new political environment and technological developments but theory as a societal function will continue to exist with its universal and local aspects. References Cengizkan, A., Cengizkan N. M., and İnan, A. D. (2015). Zeki Sayar ve Arkitekt : Tasarlamak, Örgütlemek, Belgelemek., İstanbul: TMMOB Mimarlar Odası Yayınları. Davidson, C. and Aktüre, Z. (1999). Anytime. Ankara: Mimarlar Derneği . Dölen, E. (2008). Yüksek Ziraat Enstitüsü’nde Bilimsel Araştırmanın Kurumsallaşması ve Veteriner Fakültesi’nde Yapılan Doktoralar (19331948). Ulusal Veteriner Hekimliği Tarihi ve Mesleki Etik Sempozyumu Bildiri Kitabı. ME-SA Digital Kopyalama Merkezi, 141-150. Dostoğlu, N. (2018). Değişen / Dönüşen Mimarlık Eğitimi. Mimarlık, 400, 19-22. Hight, C. (2009). Meeting the New Boss: After the Death of Theory. Architectural Design, 79(1), 40-45. Retrieved from https://doi.

org/10.1002/ad.808 . Jencks, C. (2000). Jencks’s Theory of Evolution: An Overview of Twentiethcentury Architecture. Architectural Review, 208(1241), 76-9. Kjaer, P. (2006). Systems in Context on the Outcome of the Habermas/ Luhmann‐Debate, Ancilla Iuris (anci. ch) . vol 66. Kuban, D. (2000). Küreselleşme ve Mimarlık. Arredemento Mimarlık, 10: 78-80. Luhmann, N. (1995). Social Systems. Stanford, CA: Stanford UP. Turchi, P. (2004). Maps of the Imagination: The Writer as Cartographer. San Antonio, Trinity UP. Türby, S. (2016). Positioning Architecture (Theory). E-flux, September. Retrieved from https:// w w w. e - f l u x . c o m / a r c h i t e c t u r e / history-theory/159235/positioningarchitecture-theory/. Wilford, J. N. (1981).The Mapmakers. New York: Knopf. Wood, D., and Fels J. (1992).The Power of Maps. New York: Guilford. Wood, D., Fels, J. and Krygier J.(2010). Rethinking the Power of Maps. New York: Guilford.

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ITU A|Z • Vol 16 No 2 • July 2019 • 91-103

Towards a critical delineation of waterfront: Aerial photographs as evidence and record in Istanbul

Gökçen ERKILIÇ1 , Ipek AKPINAR2 1 erkilicgokcen@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, İstanbul Technical University, İstanbul, Turkey 2 akpinari@itu.edu.tr • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, İstanbul Technical University, İstanbul, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2019.36097

Received: December 2018 • Final Acceptance: May 2019

Abstract This paper develops a conceptual agenda and a critical cartographic methodology using aerial photographs to monitor the shaping of waterfront as a geography in Istanbul by humans. Starting from the first aerial photographs of Istanbul until present, the gaze of the vertical dimension in geographical space holds divergent evidences of spatial transformation captured in aerial views. From construction sites to building of coastal roads, demolishing of port scapes and technological rifts of logistic flows, to large infills in longshore space; events and moments of spatial deformation of coastal space become visible and evident through aerial photography. Aerial gaze, when considered within an archeology of a developing military reconnaissance technology, is presented as an ironic tool to shed light to evidences and historical record of spatial transformation within an act of witnessing. Viewing coastal unfixity through aerial photographs are argued here to provide two different temporalities: longue and court dureé which operate in the eventual and geological time. As these photographs unveil, the material - geological body of the waterfront itself becomes the bearer of historical records of human and nonhuman relations that shape the coastal geography. The ground beneath is unfixed as it is pulled into a cartographic questioning tool of “critical delineation” of Istanbul’s waterfront. In the end, the waterfront is re-conceptualized and monitored as a dynamic geography. With this gaze, this paper suggests a debunking of oppositions of land and sea space to reframe the waterfront as an urban edge in the process of urbanization. Keywords Waterfront, Aerial photography, Critical cartography, Critique of urbanization.

1. Introduction In the past hundred years of lifespan, the evolution of Istanbul from being a city with a port at its center to a megapolis, followed a spatial expansion and an increase in the scale and pace of urban transformations (Güvenç, 2017; Keyder, 2013). The process of urbanization is mapped as a phenomenon belonging to the terrestrial growth and the shaping of the coast resides in the narratives of history or urban transformation. Within the flood of literature on Istanbul as a city surrounded by waters; the inherent geographical uniqueness of the shoreline was best described as the uniqueness of its geography of a “long strait, a narrow gulf, and an enclosed sea” which it recognized at first sight in maps (Calvino, 2013). The phenomenon waterfront as an edge to the surrounding water bodies is often studied inherently as a place of development and spread of capitalism, via trade, globalization and the networked spaces (Meyer, 1999; Desfor & Laidley, 2011; Güvenç, 2016). In the increased need of reframing human imprint in the context of urbanization it becomes more urgent to put the human question in the alterations of urban space. Is there another way to render waterfront? To what extent can waterfront be re-read as urban edge? In 21st century, Henri Lefebvre’s works have been inspirational for rereading the urbanization processes. And his term of “planetary space” has been a departure point for re-defining waterfront as urban edge (Lefebvre, 1991[1974]). In this context, the urban edge as a material and cartographic fold can be also read referring to Gilles Deleuze (2006); in this regard, an element of the geological time and the impact of human imprint on earth is developed further by Manuel DeLanda (2000). A recent discussion of the intrusion of the question over human and nonhuman ontology by Bruno Latour (1993, 2004, 2005) has paved way to set up new relations between land-sea, humans and nonhumans on waterfront as an edge. In the light of recent studies, the coastal space calls for a broader temporality to understand the relation of humans

with the planet. In that respect the role of aerial photography is discussed with a new temporal framework that is surfaced within the aerial gaze looking at transformation through photographs. Conceptually this new gaze is depicted with the temporal concepts of the longue dureé and the court dureé as coined by Fernand Braudel (1996). With this theoretical framework, this paper initiates a quest for the waterfront rendered as a human shaped geography in planetary space and it frames the representational foundations by the engagement of the images of urban transformation, aerial photographs, in particular. The paper argues that the images of aerial photographs can be used as a critical tool not only to visualize and to document the urban transformation, but also to grasp the city and develop a critique for radical urban transformation. In other words, photographs can play a critical role in the production of urban visual culture and have impact on theorizing the urban representations. Re-thinking the coastline as a space, the paper offers an alternative way to follow traces of urbanization in Istanbul, in particular. The representation of rapid urban transformation of Istanbul’s waterfront through aerial photographs depicts the critical role of airborne viewing. This paper, based on the representation of urban space by aerial photographs focuses on how the coastal space was transformed and was unfixed despite it is often delineated and mapped as a fixed line. An alternative way can unveil the urban transformation of the coastal space beyond the conventional mapping techniques, and challenge the way we have grasped the built environment. In other words, aerial photography can be seen as a new narrative to tell the story of coastal change in the processes of urbanization. As this paper presents, delineation is a hybrid cartographic-conceptual methodology that represents the shaping and re-shaping of Istanbul’s waterfront by human imprint. The paper first depicts the waterfront as a human shaped urban edge and draws a brief conceptual background. Secondly, it gives a methodological

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framework for the precedent use of the aerial photography and its potential adaptations to urban studies. It evaluates the potential function of aerial surveillance as evidence to discover historical record in viewing urban transformations in Istanbul, in particular. Thirdly, it explores the spatial stories of elevating from the ground in Istanbul starting from the first aerial photographs of Istanbul shot in early twentieth century until present satellite imagery by covering a span of the historical generation and evolution of airborne photograph technologies. It reads photographs of waterfront under construction and looks at spatial transformations to reframe coastline as geographical and material phenomenon of the historical record. Finally, evaluating the presented conceptual and cartographic roots, it presents a cartographic methodology that uses the drawing of coastlines of waterfront by using aerial photographs in order to derive conclusions to what the study aims towards a critical delineation of waterfront. This tentative research can give a broader understanding of the role of aerial photography in grasping the urban transformation in Istanbul, and in general. 2. Waterfront as a human shaped urban edge in the context of planetary space Before going into the main arguments of the discussed roles of representations of urbanization at the context of waterfront through aerial photographs, a potential theoretical discussion is briefly presented by introducing the concept of “planetary space” (Lefebvre, 2003[1970]) and its potential contextualization to the act of “humans” shaping urban space. Afterwards, the representations of waterfront through aerial photographs are going to be discussed as a methodology to monitor processes urbanization. Aiming to arrive finally, at a possible question of what role can spatial representations of urbanization have in order to link the theoretical framework of Lefebvre’s planetary space in the context of waterfront. Starting with a cartographic

rendering, the coastlines marking the waterfront, coastlines can be considered as dynamic lines of growth between land and the sea, and can illustrate material formation in the matter of space as a planetary phenomenon. The line splitting the land and sea as a cartographic tool, can become a visual tool to perceive, document and grasp the un-ending transformation, in other words unfixity of waterfront in the context of planetary space and urbanization. The unending transformation, in other words unfixity of waterfront in the context of planetary urbanization” – as pronounced by Henri Lefebvre (2003 [1970]) has been inspirational for further studies. With the term of planetary urbanization, Lefebvre develops a holistic understanding vis-à-vis global urban developments, and depicts the radical urban developments and transformation in macro-scale. (Brenner & Elden, 2009; Lefebvre, 2003[1970]). With planetary urbanization, Lefebvre develops a holistic understanding vis-à-vis global urban developments, and depicts the radical urban developments and transformation in macro-scale. In the context of the “planetary urbanization”, the society’s complete urbanization pushes the boundary of the urban to unprecedented geographies over the planet from remote to densely urbanized areas (Lefebvre, 2003[1970]). This generates spatial tensions of endlessness and questions concerning what is urban on the planet require further attention in the field of “critique of urbanization” (Brenner, 2014, 2016). As a matter of fact, Lefebvre has been the first to see space as both; as at once the ‘medium and outcome’ of social life (Lefebvre, 1991[1974]). In other words, for Lefebvre, “space was produced socially as social reality was heavily influenced by spatial relations” as depicted by Hilde Heynen (2013). In Lefebvre’s formulation, “the production of space” did not simply point at a physical production; but included a multiplicity of physical and nonphysical layers - including everyday practices and lived experiences. In this regard, the built environment was

Towards a critical delineation of waterfront: Aerial photographs as evidence and record in Istanbul

far from being an end product. It was continuously re-produced in everyday life; through each particular use, experience or remembrance. Spatial production included images, dreams, memories, mentalities and ideologies. And, its representation expects a new challenge. And, the costal line is an axis in un-ending experience between landsea and humans and living beings. In this regard, geographical boundaries have exceeded what was drawn on the map; the urban transformation plays an important role beyond the conventional representation techniques, and redefines the boundaries between land and sea. Researchers (Lefebvre, 2006; Virilio,1984; Grosz, 2001) indicate how the borders have been shaped and reshaped in the everyday life as well as the alternative what have challenged the urban context. The space, which doesn’t have own boundaries, receives and takes on the form of the outside – as depicted by Grosz: The in-between space is not only a space externally bound, where the relationships between fixed identities and entities are conceived, but also the space of movement, development and becoming (Grosz, 2001; s.91, 93). In this regard, Brian Massumi states that borders are generated in the transition. Only in the relationship with the other, the border goes beyond being immobility and static. Massumi underscores that “boundaries are only produced in the process of passage: boundaries do not so much define the routes of passage; it is movement that defines and constitutes boundaries” (Grosz, 2001; p.65). In this regard, Heynen claims that “a mutual relation is created between the new concept of space and a social reality that is also characterized by interpenetration in many areas” (Heynen, 2011, p.54). The coastal border / edge has been shaped and re-shaped by overlapping of different borders in time. Beyond the theoretical overlook of spatial theories of urban edge, the shaping of waterfront calls for a closer look to role of humans in relation to the so called nature or planet. For a broader discussion, on a possible translation of “planetary space” into a human-shaped

geography, this paper underlines that the theoretical confrontations of urban and nature calls for a debunking of oppositions among humans and geography. As a different theoretical basis, suggestions of nature-culture continuums blur the borders between urban and non-urban, going beyond thinking of humans in isolation from all nonhuman others (Latour, 1993, 2004, 2005). Bruno Latour critically rethinks about the relations between nature and the built environment, and his positioning paves way for a critical discussion in the field of urbanization and its representation. In the macro scale, his new conceptualization for geological space and its formation in time brings together both the urban form and the nonlinear time are fold and unfold them together. The transformation of the coastal contours can be re-read with a nonlinear historiography focusing on the scale and the pace. This new reading can bring together “nonlinear” time and history – which is geological and elemental for grasping of time concept for humans (DeLanda, 2000). The changing of the geography of waterfront can be also viewed as a political-economic basis. In this regard, it is important to remind the term “spatial fix” – as depicted by David Harvey (1996). The term is used to coin the stability that structures of transportation and mobility (ports, airports, railway stations, etc.) which needed fixations in urban geography to become infrastructures that perpetually demolish the previous structures (Harvey, 1996). Waterfront is inherently a place of development and spread of capitalism, via trade, globalization and the networked spaces. This positions waterfront as an urban edge under the dynamics of the spatial fix of geography, paradoxically creating an unfixity of the physical space as defined in this paper through perpetual demolishing and construction of coastal interfaces. The examples of the never ending waterfront developments, re-appropriation of port areas, transformation of industrial sites along the waterfront of other metropolises of the world draws a similar scenery of coastal dynamics of transforming

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1 The idea of “Critical Delineation” of waterfront has been conceptualized as a methodology in the doctoral thesis “This is not a line: Transformation of the Waterfront in Istanbul” (Erkılıç,2019).

waterfronts. As a delineation, the paradox of spatial fix and material unfixity is discussed along the geography of Istanbul, in particular, with its own cases of transformation. In the light of theoretical framework on the urban edge, aerial photographs depict the urban identity, urban experience via common notions, but also challenge common notions of our urban existence. Against the linear, conventional map making techniques, aerial photography is an important axis in the urban representation – which welcomes us to re-think about our city and her daily life. What makes the aerial photographs important is its potential to depict our urban experience as well as they question the given identities and re-shape the metaphors and narratives on urban living. In this regard, their new urban representation not only challenges our common notions but also it powerfully unveils dynamics and potentials of the city. The city of Istanbul has been reshaped by the emergence of social and economic developments, tensions stemming from the contact with contrasting interpenetration of lifestyles consumption patterns, a new city region with a new urban society, a new built environment with a new social geography, and new local identities (Güvenç, 2017). Its coastal urban edge exemplifies the radical transformation, in particular. In order to understand and grasp the long term urban transformation in a mega-polis, it is urgently necessary to develop a historiographical look and a new way of representation based on the abovementioned theoretical framework. In this regard, this paper focuses on the aerial photography representing the

urban evolution and change in the city. Delineation of the coastlines, as the presented methodology of this paper follows aerial photographs as evidences of spatial transformation that yields an open ended cartography of the waterfront transformation in “longue dureé” (Braudel, 1996). Within the longue dureé temporality, it is important to recall that the passing of time can become visible through monitoring the urban space. As “urban forms tend to change very slowly” and daily rhythms give the impact to them; while it is an “act of design” when this urban form “witnesses historical accelerations” in its slow pace (DeLanda, 2006). As a result, the delineation of coastlines is a spatial tool to view the speed of transformation of waterfront. The cartography of delineation follows an open ended questioning of how the coastal space has deformed. In the words of Deleuze (2006), the delineation is linked to the concept of “fold” which is linked to the materiality of things, the cartography of things and the textuality of things. In his words, matter and fold are intertwined in the “folds of the earth” and in the “pleats of matter” as they become multiple expressions of thought and cartographic folding. In this regard, the intertwined qualities among lines and geography ties the fold together. With this filter the presented methodology towards a delineation of waterfront, becomes a cartographic practice to follow the folds of coastline in actual space through lines and texts. Eventually bringing a holistic ontology among the representations and material physicality of the coastal edge. Consequently, the waterfront as an unfixed urban edge crucially demands to become a place of inquiry, as an

Figure 1. Conceptual graphics for mapping controversies of waterfront in Istanbul (Graphic by the author). Towards a critical delineation of waterfront: Aerial photographs as evidence and record in Istanbul

urban edge in the context of “endless urbanization” and the “critique of urbanization” (Harvey, 2014; Brenner 2016). For Harvey, the urban is not an end product but a process (Op. cit.). Inherently, for finding positions to confront urbanization and its crises, embracing criticality demands to be discussed further in textual, cartographic and actual dimensions of space. In that respect, critique of urbanization stands as a foundational theoretical context to search the boundaries of the urban and nature revealing the human imprint shaping the urban edge. By this foundation, this paper calls to position waterfront as an urban edge that is unfixed and critical in the process of urbanization as the proposed methodology is critical delineation.1 3. Seeing through aerial photographs: A historical framework Aerial photography as a challenging representation tool unveils a new understanding of the relations between land and sea, in other words, a tool to grasp the spatial formation of the urban edge. Aerial images can be conceived as historical evidences to the evolution of waterfront. Within this approach, the images provided by aerial photographs are rendered in a way Ulus Baker would call an “image that generates opinions” (Baker, 2016) and open way to consider images as the driving force in generating inquiries and questions. The position of aerial images beyond the documentation of research, allows a discussion of a shared ontology with the viewer and generator of these images. For the study of urbanization, the paper argues that images become potent agents, at least, as important as textual narratives. Monitoring the waterfront transformations initiates a research from the world of images, and generates questions equally digested in the theoretical conversations of urban transformation. Briefly, aerial photographs have become driving agents of the practice of the research. The use of aerial photography, as a vertical dimension, allows a gaze oriented to both land and water. One of the possible ways is to look at these photographs and follow the coastline

changes. Aerial surveillance of cities was a technology initially developed for military reconnaissance. They were linked to “practices of memory and forgetting”, as tools of collective memory, as well as tools of surveillance and exploration in military context (Deriu, 2006, 2007). Further, with the advance and diffusion of technology, satellite images were opened to public access by worldwide map companies like Google Earth. Meanwhile the evolution of GIS in public use turned satellite images into a source to read geographic zones and war geographies with public access (Kurgan, 2013). Aerial photographs have started to be used to monitor the shifting climatic zones and boundaries. In case of socio-political conflicts, aerial imaging witnessed a spatial change of the borders that demarcated climatic zones or state territories (Weizman and Sheikh, 2015). Recently, aerial photographs are used in critical media studies regarding landscapes of memory. The media studies methodologically alter material and digital realms -brought by aerial surveillance of military functions (Schuppli, 2017). They provide photographic evidences of warscapes to provide evidences for the cases which short-comings of international judicial institutions (Weizman, 2018). The militarized intensity towards aerial view uses tools of geospatial monitoring to monitor humans, like immigrants crossing borders (Weizman and Sheikh, 2015). Paradoxically, high resolution photographs are adapted to corporate with utilitarian functions like efficient engineering and planning of construction sites. For engineering or urban design purposes, private companies provide high-resolution photographs of private properties for betterment of work-flows. Drones fly over development projects for the commercial use of the images as promotion and advertisement of development projects. Delving into depth of aerial surveillance history brings up new terminologies that can be reevaluated in the monitoring urban transformations by the public eye. As a term, “Evidence in Camera” was

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the name of the periodical magazine published during the World War II by air military intelligence in England (Deriu, 2007). In the magazine, European cities, neighborhoods and industrial sites were viewed before and after bombing. Its circulation was limited to military circles and some images were used in public newspapers as war propaganda. For Deriu, aerial images often are regarded as abstract, artificial and detached tools of space which fall short in triggering an ethical response of the act of “bearing witness” yet they also have potential of making historical record. The aerial images of ruinscapes became witnesses to historical traumatic moments of “mass ruination” (Deriu, 2007). The distance of the aerial photograph was a work of “disembodied gaze that normalized the scale of devastation by its distancing from the ground”. It is important to note that these photographs were agents of ethical response to the act of bearing witness to war but they were also concealed from the public eye. This is why, departing from evidence in camera , the use of aerial imagery directs the dimension of time in reverse. In camera (gizli celse as used in Turkish), is a term used in law to indicate that the cases are closed to the public. It is used for the trials held in private chambers without participation. Therefore, in a city where spatial transformation is obscured, operational decision making processes are distanced from the public participation, construction sites are hidden behind walls and panels, would it be assertive to say that the transformation of urban space is actually held in camera? Even though the spatial urban transformations of Istanbul are not comparable by the devastation of any ruination of war scapes, they are spatial witnesses to social, political and environmental impacts of projects altering the urban geography. When pulled back into the realm of collective memory and of the urban space, Istanbul’s heritage of aerial photographs can open ways to look at history not as a long gone nostalgia, but as a way of critically positioning the present practices of urbanization.

The photographs warp time in a nonlinear manner. The aerial images provide possibilities for a processing of responsibility that transfers through being witness to something or being part of it. This is a point of departure to reframe evidence in camera in the context of urban transformation. Despite the militarist technology, the urban transformation of Istanbul calls for a depiction under the themes of spatial witnessing and evidence. The use of aerial photograph is founded on its immense role in urban planning and operations of urban demolishing. These photographs, visualizing Istanbul from the mid1930s and end of the 1950s, represent the radical transformation in the coastal line in the urban center. The first master plan of the city projected by Henri Prost in 1937 actually was based on a year-long study on aerial photographs taken by the Turkish military (Akpınar, 2003). The photographs were not only a documentation, but also a direct design tool in the development of urban proposals in Istanbul. Following massive urban demolitions of approximately 7,300 buildings in mid-1950s and the construction of a network of large boulevards, in the waterfront in particular, the very same photographs had become an eye-witness for the radical urban transformation and public memory. They unveil the loss of urban and architectural heritage (more than 1300 Ottoman registered buildings were demolished) (Duranay, 1960; (Akpınar, 2003,2014,2017). In Istanbul, the aerial photographs were the spatial witnesses and evidence for the ad-hoc urban transformation of Istanbul in mid-1950s. Photographs not only visualize the radical change, but also an archival material to re-read the massive urban demolitions under the Premiership of Adnan Menderes between 1956 and 1959 and to develop a critique for the decade. Today, the aerial photographs of radical urban changes are seen from bird’s eye view over the construction sites along the coasts. The construction in Galata Port, Haydarpaşa, Kabataş, Kadıköy, Üsküdar, Yanikapı, and the periphery, which will be monitored in the

Towards a critical delineation of waterfront: Aerial photographs as evidence and record in Istanbul

following section. 4. Elevating from ground in Istanbul Elevating from ground refers to a temporal and spatial mobilization. The temporal frameworks look at the transformation process through aerial photographs and introduce different scales of temporal conceptions. The mobilization in the space allows to see space from above as it floats by the viewer’s eye. A panorama of the aerial photographs in Istanbul starting from the first flights in the beginning of the century until present time gives a spatio-temporal voyage. Looking at the coastal evolution through aerial photograph holds a twofold temporality -as underlined in this study. These concepts are found in the works of Fernand Braudel (1996) as the longue dureé and the court dureé. The longue dureé refers to a longer period of time, decades, centuries or millenniums that oscillate in a geological time or ecological lifecycle. It was coined as a conceptual and methodological approach that he used as a critique relating to historical evolutions which were in his view, could alter historical writing that focused solely on “great historical events and conquerors” (Op. cit.). Historical evolution required longer periods of investigation, in long duration, generating an evolutionary tempo. The condition of the court dureé - short duration - on the other hand refers to an event or a moment of daily life that renders it with a “journalistic gaze” that captures the event (Op.cit.). This corresponds to everyday “in the blink of an eye” moments as a journalist would capture during an event. In this context, aerial photographs can be seen as agents that give historical evidences in both of these contrasting timeframes. In Istanbul, the first airborne photographs were taken via hot air balloon and zeppelin companies, which promoted military air vessels to Ottoman army in the turn of 20th century. In 1785, the first balloon that took off from Topkapı landed in Bursa.2 Istanbul’s panoramas previously taken from the Galata tower that were approximately 110m above sea level had not offered detailed

measures close to the ones from the hot air balloon and from the zeppelin. In the summer of 1909 several zeppelin flights took off from Taksim square.3 Photos taken from balloon or zeppelin offered vantage points no other tower or minaret could give until that time. It was the first time to see the city not from within but from its outside, up and above. The photograph viewing the city from above the Marmara Sea towards the north was one of the first photographs to see the historical peninsula and its surrounding seas, the strait and the estuary by their all extents with eye. Captured frame was different from earlier panoramas, it imaged the city with its periphery, the city where it ends with its hinterland. With the strait towards the North, opening to the Black sea to the north, Istanbul seemed humbler and smaller within hills and geography (Figure 2). Another flight was on March 19, 1918, a German zeppelin took off from Yesilköy and flew over strategic military sites along the coast.4 Over historical peninsula’s monuments, Golden Horn shipyards, Ports of Galata and Haydarpaşa, Istinye and Tarabya Bay in Bosphorus where military shipyards and other military sites along its way were viewed.5 A shot from that zeppelin viewed the port at the mouth of the Golden Horn, Galata Bridge and the Quays of Galata and Sirkeci that were built a decade ago. The maritime space appeared busy with floating vessels, barges, kayıks, sailboats, steamboats, vaporettos and cargo ships. And another shot was taken from a sailing ship showing the zeppelin flying in the sky over Istanbul as Galata tower and the port of Galata marked the edges of the silhouette on ground. For the first time in history, these aerial photographs had unveiled a new way of seeing the imperial capital. Started as military use, the zeppelin flights turned into touristic voyages in the 1930s6. Along the century, aircrafts flew over the city to shoot the urban landscape for planning and municipal purposes. Airborne photographs belonging to the years of 1946, 1966, 1970 and 1982 were taken from aircrafts. They were geo-coordinated to

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A brief history of hot air balloon aviation history in Istanbul can be found in the link: http://www. airkule.com/ yazar/balonculuktarıhcemız/338/ 2

One of the first published aerial photographs of Istanbul in a German journal Rundblickaufahme von Konstantinopel & Bosporus, Kaiserlich Osmanichen Ballonzug can be found in the link: http://www. hayalleme.com/ istanbulunhavadan-cekilenilk-fotograflari/ 3

Op. cit.

This information is found in link: http://www. hayalleme.com/ istanbulunhavadan-cekilenilk-fotograflari/. These were published in Rundblickaufahme von Konstantinopel & Bosporus, Kaiserlich Osmanichen Ballonzug 3. 5

6 Military use of Zeppelins In 1930 zeppelin flights became more common for touristic voyages Yunus Nadi’s “49 hours in air with Graf Zeppelin” (49 saat Graf Zeppelin ile havada). He narrated a voyage from Berlin across Europe towards Balkans. A prospective use of the zeppelin along with a prospective idea of other flights connecting Anatolian cities and Istanbul, which were never realized with the zeppelin.

Figure 2. Aerial photographs of Istanbul as monitored and montaged in this study (See endnote*). Towards a critical delineation of waterfront: Aerial photographs as evidence and record in Istanbul

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planimetric photographs that are open to public access by the municipality.7 These aerial photographs appeared on web as maps, which are generated distorted shots from space, different from the airborne photographs with depth giving more distant gaze to the eye. Rather they are flattened as if they are satellite images with infinite perspectives (Figure 2). High vertical image of the satellite view differs from an airborne photographic shot from an airplane; and from a shot from a zeppelin, and the panoramic shot from the tower. What these photographs make apparent clearly is the changing of the coastline in time. They play an important role in the visualization of urban transformation in Istanbul. The aerial photographs give evidence to a large number of such moments when viewed with different levels of detail and scales. Close up views reveal more for the human scale and ongoing everyday life at the coast. These shots give moments of coastal structures under construction when looked at close range. They embed a sense of motion in themselves; the motion of the growing land space. One bears evidence to the moment when machines leveled the new coastal road from Üsküdar to Harem in 1990; another when the coastal parks were greened out of newly reclaimed land in Kumkapı. The moment when the second loading deck of Haydarpaşa was constructed for the new containers of the port in 1970 or when a swimmer jumped into the waters of Bosphorus in Tarabya from a newly expanded coastal deck or the car park at Sarayburnu at the entrance of the Strait in 1990 (Figure 2).8 In 2012, newspapers announced a 300-hectar new meeting area to be constructed on the coasts of Yenikapı by infilling waters of Marmara. The bean shaped infill was almost complete in less than two years of time at the southern shores of the historical peninsula. Satellite image showed the landfill that was under construction in the year of 2013, the moment when the construction trucks lined up, the moment that the excavation fill was poured into water. This aerial

photograph was the first when the public gaze over this project was visible (Figure 2). The construction photographs that would be impossible to detect, see or fully cover by looking at it from the land, appeared (rendered visible) in the satellite photographs. The flat landfill occupied a place that cannot be seen or experienced from the everyday gaze. The growth of land towards the sea as horizontal dimension could only become visible by a gaze from above. Aerial images, deliver a different message when the coastlines are delineated and juxtaposed. Delineation comes closer to the longer duration of geological time and unveils the unfixed geography of the waterfront of the land that once belonged to the sea space. It is equally important that the coastline has remained almost fixed at some parts. in this view following the coastlines. When observed at this scale, the coasts of the core maritime space belonging to Galata, Sarayburnu, and Üsküdar differ from those of Haydarpaşa and Yenikapı. Quays of Salıpazarı in Galata Harbor are presently under construction for the renovation of the cruise ship terminal and the coastal docks are being extended for new projects. Everyday encounters with waterfront already embody the daily rhythms of spatial deformations. Where these delineations fall too abstract, the unfixity is viewed in the close up views of the coastal landscape. Cartographic delineation gives a longue dureé view of the coastline dynamics. Aerial photographs are juxtaposed in historical layers and the coastlines are delineated as outlines of land and sea split, displaying how the coastline is appropriated. The coastline no longer refers to a fixity as for the case of metropolises in other coastal geographies of the world. Yet each act of coastal organization bears a grounded agency of its unique geography. 5. Drawing coastlines to monitor the process of urbanization To bring the ends together, some positions can be depicted as an amalgam of the role of images with a theorization of urban transformation by following the “maps contouring

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For aerial photographs by Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality: https:// sehirharitasi.ibb. gov.tr. 7

The aerial photographs mentioned in this paper are from various online and archival sources as listed below. The “Panorama of Constantinople” by photographer Basile Kargopoulo, 18261886. (Wikimedia Commons); Panoramic view from Galata Tower and first Aerial photographs of Istanbul Aerial view of İstanbul From the sky over Marmara Sea, 1918.; Zeppelin over Istanbul, with Galata Tower, 1918 . Deformation of the coastlines 1946, 1966, 1970 1982, 2017 between Galata, Sarayburnu, Üsküdar, Salacak,; Haydarpaşa Limanı, Haydarpaşa Garı, Kadıköy, Moda; Zeytinburnu, Kazlıçeşme, Yenikapı, Kumkapı of the Historical Peninsula. (Aerial photo source IBB, delineaitons by the author) Satellite images Google Earth and Maps of Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality give most accessible top views for the years after 2000’s. 8

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simple representations of the city. They have become important archival material to represent the urban transformation of Istanbul. In this regard, the coastal evolution and change can be peeled off from the aerial photograph as archival records of history. In other words, aerial photographs are agents witnessing these changing lines where the land and sea materially become a record of history.

Figure 3. Juxtaposition of delineated coastlines of waterfront 1946 -2017 (Graphic by the author).

the coastline” (Erkılıç & Akpınar, 2017). The changing of the coastal contour bears the evidences from the aerial photographs - as a shaping and reshaping process. Which in each operation is an engagement of humans with the nonhumans as a re-negotiation of spatial transformation. In this stance, it is possible to mark a translation of planetary space into a humanshaped geography, as the theoretical confrontations of urban and nature calls for a debunking of oppositions among humans and geography. By reviewing a possible translation of planetary space into a humanshaped geography, the theoretical confrontations of urban and nature calls for a debunking of oppositions among humans and geography. Aerial photographs bear evidence to monitor the shaping of the coastal space in Istanbul in the past century. When monitored in an expanded lifespan, developments (construction of infills, coastal reclamations, infrastructural installments, building of ports, coastal roads, transformation projects, marinas, car parks, bridges, tunnels, parks and demolishing of buildings) are all present in their gaze. Urbanization of Istanbul by its cartographies potentially alter the way we have conceived the world we live in as well as they alter our critical positioning towards urban developments. In this regard, photographs can be critical representational tools to question the transformations of the urban space. The aerial photographs are beyond

6. Concluding remarks: Towards a critical delineation of waterfront Drawing coastlines to monitor the process of urbanization, in fact, paves way for a critical delineation of waterfront. With perpetual appearance of different photographs animated in time-space of the changing coastlines, the aerial photograph becomes an open-ended machine of generating questions. As the images decipher, waterfronts are heterogeneous coming together of material flows, displacements, constructions, demolitions, infills, excavations with objects, machines, transportation vessels, logistics which overall delineate a human presence in shaping the contours of water on earth. The aerial photograph unveils historical evidences of how the actual urban space was shaped and re-shaped. Following the question of what can be unveiled and seen beyond the present compression of time; aerial photographs can become tools for both depiction and imaginary reconstruction of the waterfront. In this respect, critical delineation of waterfront is an action that claims to rethink on the water geography in the context of planetary urbanization. And, this critical rethinking process may pave way to a call of the right to the waterfront. This representation challenges the boundaries between human and nonhumans, as well as the boundaries that demarcate territories of water and land. Opening the archive for the aerial photographs requests entering inside the camera and to face what has already happened. Which is a questioning of how the coastal space in Istanbul has transformed, constructed, demolished

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and reconstructed. To conclude, the presented methodology as a way of seeing with aerial photography, is far from bringing in shorthand solutions, yet it is a commencement for more questions about the shaping process of waterfront. How, by whom, with what processes, and by what kind of agents was the waterfront shaped so? These agencies unfold further intertwined closure of humans and nonhumans. Regarding its unfixity, transformation and change, the coastline is shaped under a multiplicity of agencies. How can aerial photographs entangle with a critical gaze towards urban transformation and the radical coastal developments in Istanbul rises as a question to be discussed further towards a critical delineation of waterfront. References Akpınar, İ. (2003). The rebuilding of Istanbul after the plan of Henri Prost, 1937-1960 [microform] : from secularisation to Turkish modernisation. Doctoral thesis, University of London. Akpınar, I. (2017). “Urbanization Represented in the Historical Peninsula: Turkification of Istanbul in the 1950s”, in Mid-Century Modernism in Turkey, Architecture Across Cultures in the 1950s and 1960s, Meltem Ö. Gürel (ed.). New York: Routledge, 2015, pp. 56-84. ISBN-13: 978-1138806092 ISBN-10: 1138806099 Akpınar, İ (2014). The Rebuilding of Istanbul: The Role of Foreign Experts in the Urban Modernisation in the Early Republican Years. New Perspectives on Turkey. Baker, U. (2016). Beyin Ekran. İletişim Yayınları. Braudel, F. (1996). The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II, Vol. 1 (Reprint ed). Berkeley, Calif: University of California Press. Brenner, N. (2014). ImplosionsExplosions: Towards a Planetary Urbanization. Berlin: Jovis. Brenner, N. (2016). Critique of Urbanization: Selected Essays. Gütersloh : Basel: Blackwell Publishers. DeLanda, M. (2000). A Thousand Years of Nonlinear History. Zone Books.

Deleuze, G. (2006). The Fold. A&C Black. Deriu, D. (2006). The Ascent of the Modern Planeur: Aerial Images and Urban Imaginary in the 1920’s. Imagining the City Vol. 1: The Art of Urban Living, Peter Lang Publishing. Deriu, D. (2007). Picturing Ruinscapes: The Aerial Photograph as Image of Historical Trauma, The Image and the Witness: Trauma, Memory and Visual Culture, Wallflower Press, Great Britain. Desfor, G., & Laidley, J. (2011). Changing Urban Waterfronts: A Fixity And flow Perspective. Portus Plus. Duranay, N. Gürsel., & E. Oral, S. (1972). “Cumhuriyetten bu Yana İstanbul’un Planlaması,” Mimarlık, issue 7, 65-118. Erkılıç, G. (2019). This is not a line: Transformation of the Waterfront in Istanbul, ongoing doctoral research, supervisors: Assoc. Prof. Dr. İpek Akpınar and Prof. Dr. Murat Güvenç, Istanbul Technical University, Department of Architecture. Erkılıç, G., Akpınar, İ. (2017). Kıyı Kenar Çizgisi: Koruma ve Kentsel Coğrafya Arasında İstanbul Kıyısının Değişimleri Üzerine Haritalar, Koruma: Geçmiş, Bugün, Gelecek Arasındaki Diyalog Sempozyumu, 26-27-28 Ekim 2017, TED Üniversitesi, Ankara; TED Üniversitesi, Şehir Plancıları Odası Ankara Şubesi, ODTÜ Kültürel Mirası Koruma Lisansüstü Programı işbirliği ile, Genişletilmiş Bildiri Kitabı ISBN 978-605-01-1076-0; s.312-320. Grosz, E. (2001). Architecture from the outside: Essays on Virtual and Real Space. Massachussetts Institute of Technology Press. Güvenç, M. (2016). Port of Istanbul: A Short History. In Port City Talks: Istanbul - Antwerp. Mas Books. Güvenç, M. (2017). Doctoral Research Seminar at Istanbul Technical University. Harvey, D. (2009). Cosmopolitanism and the Geographies of Freedom. Columbia University Press. Heynen, H. (2011). Mimarlık ve Modernite-Bir Eleştiri, Çev. N. Bahçekapılı, Versus Kitap Yayınları. Keyder, Ç. (2013). İstanbul: Küresel ile Yerel Arasında. Metis Yayınları, İstanbul.

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Kurgan, L. (2013). Close Up at a Distance: Mapping, Technology, and Politics. Brooklyn, NY: Zone Books. Latour, B. (1993). We have never been modern. Nous n’avons jamais été modernes. Harvard University Press. Latour, B. (2004). Politics of Nature: How to Bring the Sciences into Democracy. Cambridge Massachusetts London, England: Harvard University Press. Latour, B. (2005). Reassembling the Social: An Introduction to ActorNetwork-Theory. Oxford University Press (Vol. 1). Lefebvre, H. (2006). “Diyalektik Çelişki”; Diyalektik Materyalizm, Kanat Yayınları, s.7-80 Lefebvre, H. (2003[1970]). The Urban Revolution. University of Minnesota Press. Lefebvre, H. (1991[1974]). The production of space. Oxford, UK ; Cambridge, Mass., USA: Blackwell.

Meyer, H. (1999). City and port: urban planning as a cultural venture in London, Barcelona, New York, and Rotterdam : changing relations between public urban space and large-scale infrastructure. International Books. Schuppli, S. (2017). Material Witness, Visual essay. Webpage link: http://susanschuppli.com/research/ materialwitness/ Virilio, P. (1984). “The Overexposed City”; Architecture Theory Since 1968, p. 541-550, K. M. Hays (ed.), MIT Press Weizman, E. (2018). Forensic Architecture. The MIT Press. Weizman, E., & Sheikh, F. (2015). The Conflict Shoreline: Colonization as Climate Change in the Negev Desert. Steidl. *For a complementary visual essay including the menitoned aerial photographs in this paper, plese visit the video in the link: https://vimeo. com/306541875

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Validating a direction adopted in a basic design studio based on the principles of constructivism

Arulmalar RAMARAJ1 , Jothilakshmy NAGAMMAL2 1 arulmalar21@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Sathyabama Institute of Science and Technology, Chennai, India 2 jothilakshmy.68@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Sathyabama Institute of Science and Technology, Chennai, India

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2019.43760

Received: June 2018 • Final Acceptance: June 2019

Abstract With an intention to adopt principles of ‘constructivist pedagogy’ integrated with an objective to foster thinking skills, ‘process oriented outcomes’ were adopted in a basic design studio during the session June – November 2016 at the Department of Architecture, Sathyabama Institute of Science and Technology, India. It was about the framing of informal activities prior to design task was to encourage the novices to unravel the spirit of the design problem intangibly. The students documented the creative processes and outcomes associated with all the tasks. We discussed, gave inputs, monitored and examined both the processes and the outcomes regularly. At the end of the semester, outcomes along with the processes were evaluated by four experts. Even though the evaluation by us as well as the jury members displayed a strong correlation, the evaluation process was intuitive. With an intention to gather diverse opinions from staff members, the processes and outcomes of the tasks were presented at a faculty development programme in November 2016. At the training programme, pre and post tests were conducted to analyze the knowledge constructed by the participants. Open ended collective tasks based on cubism paintings were planned and conducted. The ideas, concepts, processes and outcomes evolved by the teachers were documented. The findings obtained through the qualitative and quantitative analysis adopting an exploratory confirmatory method. The findings post that the direction adopted in the basic design to be an approach to incorporate principles of constructivism. Keywords Constructivism, Basic design studio, Students, Teachers, Exploratory confirmatory study, Validation.

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1. Introduction Design in architecture is an integrated paradigm, where creativity and rationality need to be blended holistically (Bashier, 2014). Critical, creative and pragmatic thoughts are mandatory for architecture students (Ibrahim & Utarbeta, 2011). Design processes and outcomes in architectural design studios are the expressions of subjective knowledge and irrational creativity (Wang, 2010). Fostering critical thinking is associated with the development of rationality (Vijayalaxmi, 2012). However, studies reveal that there is need to explore various forms of pedagogy to foster creativity, and various thinking skills. According to Salama (2013), inquiry based learning, active and experiential learning are identified as the three responsive learning mechanisms in architectural education. He posited that active and experiential learning are the sub forms of inquiry based learning which revolve around the ‘spirit of self learning’, ‘individual and collective activities’ and ‘learner reads, hears, tells and writes about these realities but never comes in to contact with as part of the learning process’ respectively. Salama (2005) observed that there should be a balance and harmony between the skill and knowledge based pedagogies. It is also observed that there is an utmost need for a unique pedagogy where ‘real and hypothetical’, ‘the process and the outcomes’, ‘objective and the subjective’, ‘behaviour and the dynamics of the future architects are explored’ during the period of education (Salama, 2013). With respect to architectural education, constructivist studio addresses appropriate, collaborative and shared design processes to improve the standards and quality of architectural pedagogy (Kurt, 2011). 1.1. An insight to ‘constructivism’ According to Bada and Olusegun (2015), ‘constructivism is an approach to teaching and learning based on the premise that cognition is the result of mental construction’. Constructivist pedagogy is a theory about learning. It revolves around the concepts like ‘teacher actions’, ‘theory building’

and ‘construction of knowledge by students’. ‘Teacher actions’ include intentions and behaviour, whereas ‘theory building’ identifies effective teaching practices for use in teacher education as well as professional development (Richardson, 2003). Teachers need to have an in depth knowledge in the respective domain to facilitate effective learning (Fosnot, 2005); must address the ways through which students evolve and develop the outcomes, must promote close relationship between students and instructors (Pagan, 2006). Minimally guided instruction is often criticized for being ineffective (Kirchner, Sweller & Clark, 2006). It is observed that motivation and constructivism based pedagogy are interrelated (Kim 2005; Palmer, 2005). Haqq (1998) stated that the role of a teacher is multifaceted: a guide, facilitator and co explorer who encourage the students to think, question, challenge and formulate their own ideas, opinions and conclusions. Providing experience to students for construction of design knowledge with minimal guidance, facilitating the students to find alternatives, formulating process oriented learning strategies, making the students as owners of process, generating self awareness are identified as the salient features of constructivist design studios (Kurt, 2011). In this study, we take a position that when tasks are planned with informal or complementary activities to the primary design task, the students get an opportunity to unravel the design processes with involvement. The students are able to generate better outcomes and are able to discuss as well present their thinking process with confidence. We have focused on an approach to incorporate principles of constructivism in a basic design studio. 1.2. Diverse perspectives of basic design in architectural education Basic design studio is offered as an introductory course for the students pursuing design related domains like architecture, interior design and product design. In architectural education, it is observed that, basic

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design studio offered as a foundation course plays a crucial role (Erol, 2010). Parashar (nd) posited that basic design can be enhanced through curiosity and experience, where there is a need for a holistic, creative and experimental methodology. This develops long term unique values and attitudes (Farivarsadri, 2001). The primary objective of this studio is to harness creative spirit, encourages curiosity, complexity, skills, explores design process and offers a unique learning experience to construct knowledge in diverse dimensions (Alter, 2010). It is thought provoking and is observed to be highly compatible with the ideals of constructivist learning theory (Kocadere & Ozgen, 2012). According to Celik & Aydinli (2007), creativity can be fostered through an intellectual atmosphere offering a variety of experiences, sensations specific to the framed setting. The objective of this course is to stimulate and intrinsically motivate the students to develop diverse skills like rational, critical, creative and in parallel, contextual thinking specific to design tasks in the forthcoming years of study intangibly as well as in the profession. The basic design pedagogy needs to be holistic that develops learning style and cognitive abilities of young minds with design principles (Boucharenc, 2006). It serves to initiate creativity, develop sensitivity to spatial perception (Makakali, 2015). The tasks framed in the introductory course are observed to be conceptual and experimental which serve as the two opposite ends of the spectrum (Asasoglu, Gur & Erol, 2010). Conceptual learning addresses ‘learning by enquiry’, whereas

Figure 1. Percentage of hours allotted for the various courses offered in the first semester.

experimental approach in basic design has never been investigated. Formulation of tasks addresses the progressive evolution of forms, license of borrowing from different arts and deconstruction or decomposition which are generally adopted (Parashar, nd). Approaches which balance both skill and knowledge are crucial in architectural education (Salama, 2005). Identifying ways to foster creativity as a process need to be addressed (Cubukcu & Dundar, 2007). Thinking processes and creativity can be facilitated with good instructional strategies (Hargrove, 2011). According to Vrasidas (2000), planned assignments, activities and tasks need to be chunks of a wider spectrum. In this context, the tasks were sequentially planned. Based on the kind of knowledge and the level of understanding to be invested amongst the students, tasks need to be framed (Pugnale & Parigi, 2012). 1.3. Basic design studio in Indian context In India, Council of Architecture is the statutory body which prescribe the Minimum Standards of Architectural Education for imparting 5-year undergraduate degree course in Architecture. From the official website (https://coa.gov.in/), various schools which were started before 1987 were identified. A study on the curriculum and syllabi of twenty six schools display that architectural drawing as well as art studio workshop are also offered along with basic design to enhance the aesthetic sensitivity, technical drawing, artistic skills, visual perception and sensory appreciation of forms amongst the novices. In addition, ‘theory of architecture’ or ‘principles of architecture’ or ‘art appreciation’ is offered either as separate course or integrated with basic design. 1.4. An approach to incorporate ‘constructivism’ in basic design studio At Sathyabama Institute of Science and Technology, a theory course on ‘architectural principles’ is integrated with basic design studio and offered as Architectural Design I to foster creativity revolving around two and

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three dimensional thinking processes and outcomes. In addition to this, architectural drawing studio and art studio are offered to develop the logical, technical and graphical skills of the students’ right from the first semester as shown in Figure 1. With this as the background, we have developed a methodology to foster both ‘logical thinking’ as well as ‘creativity’ in the introductory basic design studio by adopting the principles of constructivism. With an intention to collect diverse opinions on the method adopted to frame and sequence the tasks, the processes and outcomes of the studio tasks were presented to group of teachers in a training programme to examine our approach as well as the intangible dimensions associated with it. To decode the rationale behind this process, the outcomes generated by the faculty members at the training programme was investigated. For this process, exploratory confirmatory model as shown in Figure 2 is adopted for the study purpose. 2. Methods and Procedure According to Kahvecioglu (2007), design education need to provide unique design experience. With an intention to offer a variety design experiences, a series of design tasks with complexity compounding sequentially for the design studio predominantly based on the channels to creativity discussed by Antoniades (1991) as in Table 1. According to Tashakkori & Teddlie (2003, p.687), the inferences drawn from the first strand emerge as the questions for the second strand. It tends to confirm the findings of the former phase. The first phase is retrospective in nature, whereas the second evaluates both the process and emergent outcome (Cameron, 2009). The exploratory phase is complementary to the subsequent confirmatory phase (Kimmelman, Mogil & Dirnagl, 2014). The method adopted in this study for validating the approach is mapped in Figure 3. In this context, the exploratory revolves around a practicum where the faculty members unravel the hidden dimensions, constructed

Figure 2. An exploratory confirmatory method in a nutshell.

through framing and planning a series of tasks in a basic design studio. We have the confirmatory phase which revolves around the faculty members’ opinions, knowledge and experiences constructed at the training programme to validate the adopted direction as a constructivist approach,. A pre and post test was conducted for the faculty members at the training programme before and after the session which comprised of a lecture and a workshop with duration of six hours to investigate the level of knowledge acquired before the lecture and after the workshop. A unique practicum was formulated with paintings for the staff members to give an insight to constructivist pedagogy through experiential learning. We collected both qualitative and quantitative data for analysis as posited by Creswell (2003, p.16). Table 1. Framed activities and tasks.

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progressive evolution of forms, licence of borrowing from other arts and deconstruction or decomposition (Parashar, nd.). With this as the back ground with an intention to foster appropriate problem structuring and experience the spirit of the formal task intangibly, a new direction to introduce a related informal activity loaded with an objective to gain knowledge on s specific subject was framed prior to the formal introduction of each and every design exercise.

Figure 3. The method adopted in the exploratory confirmatory study.

The methods adopted to collect the qualitative and quantitative data is discussed in section 2.4. Pearson’s correlation coefficient and Cronbach alpha was determined to establish the validity in the evaluation process and well the reliability in the framed questionnaires. During the analysis phase, both qualitative and quantitative collected data are triangulated from multiple perspectives to explore, analyze and synthesize the identified strategy in a basic design studio. 2.1. The tasks The study comprised of two phases. Firstly, the informal activities and design tasks incorporating the constructivist principles were planned for the students pursuing first year architecture at the Department of Architecture during the session June – November 2016. To explore the appropriateness of the method adopted in the basic design studio and to get a rich knowledge for the evaluation process, a pilot study based on the principles were planned for the participants at the faculty training programme and conducted at Vellore Institute of Technology, Vellore on 21st November 2016 in association with National Institute of Advanced studies in Architecture along with Council of Architecture, India. Studies reveal that, a series of tasks are framed in basic design studios adopting the principles of

2.1.1. Tasks framed in the studio The first task comprised of lettering, mediums and modes, word art giving an opportunity to identify the suitable modes in different mediums followed by the morphing of alphabets. Choosing the appropriate sequence, identifying a rule for repeating the numbers along the horizontal and vertical axes, along both the diagonals, creating patterns, colours, sizes, shapes etc were explored in the next task. With an intention to foster the concept of ‘figure and ground’ and the process of reversal, an informal activity with clay creating impressions with a variety of objects was identified. Play of light and shade was introduced while during the real as well the mirrored expression. Following ‘materiality’, an informal activity titled ‘thread’ was introduced as part of ‘built with a single line’ without any intersection. We perceived the thread to symbolize a line and different methods to create a composition same rules were the aim. Experiencing texture, colours, strategy to stick the thread on the sheet was explored, followed by the identification of a built form drawn with a single line as in Table 2. A real time task ‘painting the walls of MRTS station at Thiruvanmiyur, Chennai’ was planned as a collective task prior to an open ended task based on a dissection puzzle, ‘tangram’ adopting ‘anamorphic’ ideas (Ramaraj & Nagammal, 2016). An integrating approach, revolving around both the composition with planes as well as paintings on the front, rear as well as the base in order to create illusions or anomalies was the challenge. The principles of differential learning along

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Table 2. The emergent outcomes.

with varying time periods based on the individual’s calibre were adopted as strategies for the last three tasks which revolved around paintings, geometry and nature. For each of the framed task, a sample output with respect to the complementary activity, process and the task driven outcome is shown in Table 2.

2.1.2. The framed task in the confirmatory phase The emergent design processes and the outcomes by the students were presented to the faculty members from different schools of architecture who participated voluntarily in the training programme. With an intention to give an insight to the constructivism

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principles in basic design, we framed an exclusive collective task, abstract in nature titled ‘interpreting the fourth dimension three dimensionally’ for the faculty members. With ‘borrowing’ as the focus, Cubism paintings by Georges Braque and Albert Gleizes were identified (See appendix B for a sample brief). Faculty members were requested to document the design processes. In addition, approaches adopted and the processes were documented every fifteen minutes by us. At the end of the day, the groups presented on how they decoded the given paintings, their approaches as well as the emergent outcomes. 2.2. Materials For the studio tasks, we facilitated the materials for the students. Mount boards, wires, black markers, black poster paints and sketches, A2 size sheets, wire cutters, glue, pencils, erasers, scissors, cutters were provided for the participants at our request, sponsored by National Institute of Advanced Studies in Architecture in association (NIASA) with Council of Architecture (COA) at the faculty development programme by the organising school. 2.3. Participants In the exploratory phase, a series of nine tasks were planned and sequentially introduced as part of architectural design studio I to a class of forty students (19 boys and 21 girls, average age 17 years) pursuing first year at the Department of architecture during the academic session June to November 2016. With an intention to confirm the knowledge constructed through experience and further explore the hidden aspects associated with the conducted design studio, a unique collective task based on paintings was introduced to the 21 participants (14 females, 7 males, and average age 32 years; average years of experience in teaching 3 years and 3 months) who participated voluntarily. Seven groups with three participants from different schools were formed for the collective task.

2.3.1. Skilled assessors In the exploratory and the confirmatory phases, several skilled assessors with different experience and knowledge were involved primarily to construct an in depth knowledge of the framed tasks, the emergent processes and the outcomes. For the basic design tasks, six assessors evaluated the emergent processes and the outcomes. We monitored, discussed and evaluated the outcomes of the nine tasks on a regular basis. Four jury members assessed the overall outcomes at the end of the semester. We examined the processes involved in generating a three dimensional form for the fourth dimension at the training programme qualitatively. Five skilled inter raters and two intra raters evaluated the emergent outcomes and the processes quantitatively. We were part of both the exploratory and the confirmatory phases as we wanted to decode evaluation process qualitatively and check whether the same approach holds good while evaluating the outcomes of basic design tasks. 2.4. Data Collection Qualitative and quantitative data was collected from the two groups, the students who pursued first semester architecture at the Department of Architecture and the participants at the faculty training programme sequentially. A questionnaire (see Appendix A) was framed to collect data from the students is addressed in the exploratory phase. In the confirmatory phase, two types of data were collected from the faculty members who participated voluntarily at the faculty development programme. Quantitative data addressed the knowledge construction before and after the one day session at the training programme. The other focused on the knowledge constructed through experience. 2.4.1. Exploratory phase The emergent outcomes along with the processes which were documented by the students, portraying the ideas evolved and developed, were examined both quantitatively and qualitatively. For analyzing the emergent outcomes, two skilled intra raters with a minimum

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of eight years of experience examined the processes and the emergent outcomes simultaneously on a ten point scale regularly. The experiences of the students were collected through a predesigned questionnaire (See Appendix A). Further, opinions on the tasks, experiences and knowledge gained were collected from the students. In December 2016, forty students were divided in to four groups of ten students each and four inter raters evaluated the unravelled the design processes and the emergence outcomes. The performances of the students are as shown in Table 3. It is observed that nearly 45% of the students scored more than 72%. 2.4.2. Confirmatory phase With an intention to collect the opinions on the sequentially planned tasks, the processes and the outcomes were presented to the participants at the training programme for one hour. A task based on ‘cubism’, interpreting of fourth dimension in paintings three dimensionally was the challenge as shown in Table 4. To understand the knowledge constructed by the participants, a questionnaire was pre framed with five sub sections (See Appendix C). The six subsections broadly revolved around the ‘objectives of the basic design studio’, ‘classification of tasks’, ‘channels to frame tasks’, ‘characteristics of the tasks’, ‘the emergent outcomes’ and ‘evaluation criteria’. A pre and post test was conducted at the training programme at the beginning of the session as well as at the end of the day for an in depth knowledge of the direction adopted in the basic design studio as well as the task framed for the training programme.

Further, mapping the design process while decoding fourth dimension in the painting as well as creating a three dimensional outcome was made mandatory for all the groups. In addition, still pictures were every fifteen minutes to document the processes and the outcomes. Each group presented their ideas individually along with the process and features were noted down. Moreover, feedbacks given by the participants at the training session about the session, task and experience were also gathered at the day. 2.5. Data analysis Data collected during the exploratory and confirmatory study from two groups of participants were analyzed. In the exploratory phase, the performance of students was taken in to consideration. To construct a holistic knowledge about the direction adopted in planning academic exercises through the experiences gained by the participants at the training programme, a generative task based on paintings was planned, conducted and analyzed in depth. The processes and outcomes are as shown in Table 2, were explored, analysed and evaluated based on the in depth understanding of the framed tasks, thinking skills, processes and outcomes. 2.5.1. The exploratory phase Responses to questionnaire comprising of both the open and close ended questions were consolidated to interpret the students’ perspectives on the framed tasks, the experiences and knowledge constructed through active participation in the sequentially framed tasks. The informal activities were introduced prior to the formal task primarily to encourage the novices

Table 3. Students’ score expressed in percentage.

Table 4. Framed task in a nutshell.

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to explore various values through a play way mode. The novices were motivated to maintain their initial sketches, still pictures of the initial models which were composed separately and were presented to the jury. Each and every task had a complementary task, design processes and the final outcomes. We interacted, discussed and facilitated in evolving and developing each one’s idea. The outcomes of both the informal as the design tasks and the creative processes were continuously evaluated by two intra raters on a ten point scale. Pearson’s correlation coefficient between the continuous and the final assessment is 0.72 establishes a strong relationship. The overall performance of the students is categorised as in Table 3 and nearly forty five percent of the students performed well. 2.5.2. The confirmatory phase The intention for introducing a generative task was to encourage the faculty members to internalise the experience and knowledge constructed through documenting the design process while evolving appropriate ideas in creating the three dimensioned outcome collectively through active participation as in Table 4. Closed ended questionnaire (See Appendix C) was pre designed with the knowledge constructed and experience gained through conducting the basic design studio. Pre and post tests were conducted before the session titled ‘Art of facilitating basic design studio’ in the morning by 10:00am and at the end of the practicum by 5:00pm in the evening. The questionnaire had six sub sections as in appendix B with sixty eight items. We adopted a five point Likert scale corresponding to ‘strongly agree’, ‘agree’, ‘neutral’, ‘disagree’ and

‘strongly disagree’ with scores five, four, three, two and one respectively. We evaluated the emergent processes and the outcomes at the training programme qualitatively. For this, we considered three parameters, ability to interpret the essence of the given painting, the degree of seamlessness to translate the essence and the level of content portrayed by both processes as well as the outcomes. A group of five skilled assessors with a minimum of twelve years of experience from the Department of Architecture, evaluated the outcomes along with the brief on ‘principles of art’, translation of ideas from 2D to 3D, content expressed in three dimensional form, type of connections and the relationship between the process and the outcome on a seven point scale. Teaching experience, sensitivity to Cubism paintings, evaluating skills were the parameters considered in identifying the skilled assessors. For assessing the total creativity on a ten point scale, the outcomes were shown sequentially twice, giving an opportunity to recheck the rating. The score on the ten point scale was converted to a seven point scale to examine the correlation adopting pearson’s coefficient, a modified method by Dorst & Cross (2001). To evaluate the essence of the decoded content from the paintings, the processes and outcomes sequentially, two skilled assessors with arts as the background were identified. Five to seven minutes were allotted to read each brief, fifteen minutes to interpret the design process and five minutes to evaluate each emergent outcome. Finally fifteen minutes were allotted for analysing the essence of the painting exhibited in all the models.

Table 5. Percentage of agreement about the framed tasks from the students’ perspective.

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Table 6. Novices’ perspectives on creativity and the process.

Table 7. Coefficient of stability (Pearson’s correlation coefficient).

3. Findings 3.1. The exploratory phase The percentage of agreement on the factors like ‘thought provoking’, ‘enjoyment’, ‘curiosity’, ‘playfulness’, ‘peer learning’ and ‘challenging’ (See Appendix A) represented is displayed in table 5. It is observed that the task ‘Tan-a-morph’ was rated as most enjoyable task; ‘grids’ followed by the task on ‘nature’ was thought provoking. We observed a mixture of responses from the students. The percentage of ‘peer learning’ was high with respect to the task based on paintings. Interpretation of ‘creativity’ and the ‘process’ from the novices’ perspectives are consolidated as in Table 6. With the experiences gained through participation in the framed tasks, students accept that each and every planned task is observed to be loaded with the identified aspects and exhibit the knowledge constructed by the individuals through problem structuring. The responses to ‘creativity’ and ‘creative process’ were the outcomes of the processes which were unravelled during the ideation phase. Responses to the listing of ‘experiences’ in Design studio I is observed to be ‘involvement’, ‘joyful’, ‘concentration at the micro level is

important’, ‘curious’, ‘interesting’, ‘wonderful’, ‘to think out of the box’, ‘interactive’, ‘give respect to multiple perspectives’, ‘challenging, ‘need to manage time’, ‘learning is a process’, ‘determination’, ‘aesthetically sensitive’, ‘presentation’, ‘understanding the task is mandatory’, ‘hard work counts’ etc portray various ways through which they perceived the framed tasks. Feedbacks from the final jury members reveal the adopted methodology i.e. informal activities as well as the design tasks to be effective as the students were able to discuss the approaches along with the design process and the outcomes easily, effectively and dynamically. Pearson’s correlation coefficient calculated between the continuous evaluation considering both the ‘process’ as well as the ‘outcomes’ and the total creativity converted on a ten point scale is 0.72 and this establishes a strong reliability as in Table 7. 3.2. The confirmatory phase 3.2.1. Pre and post test The mean score for each item in the questionnaire for the twenty one subjects provided to the staff is summated for both the pre as well as the post tests. The coefficient of stability using Pearson’s correlation is worked

Table 8. Number of responses expressed in percentage.

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out and the values are as in Table 8. The reliability coefficient for the ‘skills to be fostered’ and ‘the classification of tasks’ is observed to be ‘moderate’, whereas the other factors like ‘source of inspiration’, ‘characteristics’, ‘exuberance’ and ‘evaluation’ show a strong relationship. Responses for each item under the five sections which address ‘classification of tasks’, ‘various channels to frame tasks’, ‘characteristics of the framed tasks’, ‘outcomes’ and the ‘evaluation criteria’ on a Likert scale with five classes were consolidated to determine the percentage agreement for each item for both the pre and post test respectively. The values are displayed in Table 8. Under the ‘strongly agree/ agree’ category, the percentage of responses in ‘post test’ is more when compared to the ‘pre test, which gives an insight to the construction of knowledge on the ideals of constructivism in a basic design studio. 3.2.2. The emergent models Pearson’s correlation coefficient between the various parameters and total creativity focusing on the emergent outcomes is displayed in Table 9. The values display a strong relationship with the parameters like ‘principles art in 2D’, ‘2D to 3D’, ‘content in 3D’, ‘process and the outcome’. With respect to the parameter ‘connections’, the calculated coefficient falls under the ‘moderate’ category as the spirit of the task was in the translation of fourth dimension of the painting three dimensionally.

3.2.3. Informal feedbacks The opinions shared by the faculty members during the feedback session are consolidated in Table 10, under four categories namely, ‘lecture’,’ experience’, ‘problem formulation’ and ‘collective task’ with the knowledge gained at the end of the day. The comments confirm that the method adopted in the studio tasks follow the essence of constructivism. 4. Conclusion A study on ‘constructivist approach’ in architectural pedagogy reveal that self awareness, self motivation, provide experience to students; facilitate the young minds to find alternative solutions, process owner learning strategies are the key aspects. In this context, perceiving the ways through which the students arrive at solutions and defend the emergent outcomes, we planned a series of tasks along with related informal activities with an increase in the degree of complexity from one to another. Tasks were framed with an intention to foster thinking skills, creativity, interpret and internalize the spirit of translation and transformation from 1D to 3D, 2D to 2D, 3D to 2D and 3D to 3D. We planned tasks integrating the principles of ‘borrowing’ and ‘transformation’ from paintings, geometry and nature sequentially. Decoding of the cubist paintings and abstraction of impressionist paintings, followed by the creation of a three dimensional model with wires inspired from one of the paintings was the next task. Material, colour, thickness

Table 9. Pearson’s correlation coefficient between intra and inter raters evaluation.

Table 10. Feedbacks by the teachers at the training programme.

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of the wires as well as the techniques adopted for joining, interlinking and interlocking were explored retaining the spirit of the chosen painting addressing decoding, abstraction, translation and transformation. In order to foster the relationship between the size and proportion, a task addressing two dimensional planes with rectangular profiles varying in sizes were interlocked to create a three dimensional model was introduced to the students. The idea revolving around translating the grammar in a three dimension element or a part of creature in nature two dimensionally and then transforming it three dimensionally in to a structure enclosing a space was the final task. Strategies and approaches unravelled by the students followed by the features exhibited by the outcomes as observed during the studio hours, reviews from ours’ as well the students’ perspectives are as consolidated in Table 11.

The novices were finding it very difficult to comprehend the essence of the tasks which revolved around translation of 2D to 3D and the vice versa. Even though the basic of problem structuring was discussed in the class, the students were finding it difficult as each one was given the freedom to select a painting for decoding, abstracting, model making; sizes of the planes, natural element etc. Duration was not fixed and it varied depending on the individual’s knowledge. Motivating the students to explore the processes involved and to come up with the outcomes was challenging and time consuming. It was observed the efforts by the young minds as well as us were directly related. In design education the outcomes are the primary focus of assessment, students’ experiences and design processes are neglected (Cikis & Cil, 2009). However, in our approach, the informal activities were planned

Table 11. Intention behind formulation of the tasks and the features of the outcomes.

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Table 12. Classification of the emergent outcomes.

intentionally and the documentation of the design process by each student was enforced. Pagan (2006) posited that in studios which adopt the principles of constructivism, the ways the responses are derived and defended is the focus and the outcomes need to be analyzed with context based techniques. We were able to establish a strong relationship between assessments by us as well as the as the invited jury members. As differential learning and flexible duration was allowed it was very difficult to structure evaluation processes for all the tasks The emergent processes, outcomes at the training programme were investigated in detail which can be

extended to the studio tasks by the novices also. While analysing the emergent outcomes by the participants at the training programme, we adopted ‘content – rich/bound/ free’ (Moore & Karvonen, 2008) for describing the outcomes. For assessing the ‘processes’, we have used ‘seamless’ with degrees of variations as put forth by Christaens (2013). The emergent outcomes are observed to fall under the nine descriptive scales as in Table 12 which can be extended to the basic design studio. The scales revolve around the approach and the content. The variety of outcomes displayed that both the groups i.e. novices and staffs were able to think beyond the

Table 13. Interpreting the processes and outcomes generated by the participants at the training programme.

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brief; documentation of the processes enabled a deeper understanding on the ideas evolved; experienced several other skills including presentation during the documentation process. The qualitative analysis of the outcomes at the faculty training programme is interpreted in Figure 4. The task formulated for the faculty members adopted the principle of ‘borrowing’ from paintings and falling under the ‘4D to 3D’. It was about interpreting the fourth dimension predominant in ‘cubism’ art movement, translating and transforming in to a three dimensioned output. The process, outcomes exhibiting fourth dimension, the analysis by a pair of intra raters as well as ours based on the process and content are consolidated in Table 13. It was observed that the outcomes were classified as very seamless and content rich, very seamless and content bound, medium seamless and content bound which fall under very good, good and above average respectively. Among the sixty eight items in the questionnaire (See appendix B), critical thinking, problem structuring, learning from peers under the skills to be fostered in basic design studio; 1D, 2D to 2D, 3D to 2D,

Figure 4. Decoding the process and the outcomes.

3D to 3D, 4D to 3D falling under the classification of tasks; puzzles, poems, dance, movies categorised under the sources of inspiration for framing tasks; dexterity and pragmatic grouped under the characteristics of the tasks; meticulousness under the evaluation are observed to be crucial. The calculated mean score for each item in post score display a stark increase when compared to the pre test score, an outcome of the lecture as well as active participation in the framed task. The overall performance of the students and the findings from diverse perspectives posit that

Table 14. Fit of data integration.

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Figure 5. The interpretation.

the constructivist methodology, experimental in nature adopted in the studio is a directive to foster logical thinking skills and creativity in basic design studio as in Table 14. 5. Discussion Examining the outcomes along with the processes and the total creativity improved the reliability between two groups of skilled assessors, reducing the degree of subjectivity. It is observed that appropriate problem structuring right from decoding the task yield task specific creative outcomes. Findings from skilled assessors and the novices display the principles of constructivist pedagogy reinforcing ‘levels of participation in learning process are inextricably linked to their teachers’ level of participation in their own learning processes’ (Cormu & Peters, 2005). In this design studio, the design tasks were planned sequentially. The tasks in the initial phases were predominantly two dimensional, whereas the degree of complexity was very high. In addition we also observed the importance analyzing the knowledge constructed for both the learners as well as ourselves. From the study, we posit that the methodology adopted at the studio to be an effective method to foster creativity and thinking skills. The approach adopted is observed to be student or learner centred as well as teacher centred as interpreted in Figure 5. Framing informal activities in association with the design task serve as the base to explore new directions. We posit that with the experienced constructed in this approach, the tasks can be integrated with the architectural

drawing as well as the art studio. The outcomes display a deeper understanding of design principles, construction of knowledge through participation and an insight to the inner potentials; the documented processes enabled the novices as well as the participants at the training programme to present the ideas effectively and dynamically. Logical reasoning with preliminary mental imageries of the emergent outcomes plays a significant role in framing and sequential planning of design tasks in a basic design studio. While adopting the principles of constructivism in pedagogy, one has to be cautious as it yields poor results if not taken in an appropriate direction. We observed that the levels of inputs given and the students in the studio are directly proportional to the emergence of unique outcomes. Findings display that ‘constructivism’ has numerous potentials to develop new directions in architectural education. We strongly posit that introducing an informal activity prior to the formal task is recognized as a direction which adopts principles of constructivism in basic design studios. In future, design tasks based on music, movies, dances and association with other arts can be explored and experimented to augment the thinking skills and creativity studios. References Alter,F. (2010). Using visual arts to harness creativity. Unesco Observatory, University of Melbourne Refereed journal, 1(5) Accessed on 21sty March 2017. Anoniades, C.A. (1992). Poetics of architecture: Theory of design. Van Nostrand Reinhold. Asasoglu,A.A., Gur,S.O. & Erol,Y. (2010). Basic design dilemmas in architectural education, Scientific research and essays, 3538-3549, www. academic journals.org/ SRE/article/1380627687, Accessed on 29th June 2016. Bashier, F. (2014). Reflections on architectural design education: The return of rationalism in the studio. Frontiers of Architectural research, 3(4), 424-430.

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Contributors Yiğit ACAR Yiğit Acar is Instructor in Department of Architecture, Bilkent University. His research practice is shaped around the concept of mapping, both physical and conceptual. He has been exploring theory of architecture and urban design to gather insights on our way of thinking through the production of conceptual maps and atlases. Seden ACUN ÖZGÜNLER Associate Professor Dr Seden Acun Özgünler has participated in several international workshops, conferences, research and revolving fund projects. Her research works and writings have been published nationally and internationally. Dr Özgünler’s research interests lie within a wide spectrum of areas from architecture to building material science. She has published and edited several papers on traditional and contemporary building materials; experimental methods, performance tests, characterization, damage assessment and conservation methods. She has also give advisory support as building material specialist for construction industry. Joko ADIANTO Joko Adianto receives PhD degree from the University of Tokyo. He is a lecturer in Department of Architecture, Universitas Indonesia with the housing policy and urban informality as research fields. He is a member of the Research Division in the Institute of Indonesia Architect (2014-2021) and Jakarta Research Council (2019-2021). İpek AKPINAR Ipek Akpinar is an associate professor at ITU, and conducting architectural design studio, lecturing graduate courses on the relations of architecture with urban, political and cultural context, and collective memory. Following her bachelor and Master of Science studies at ITU, she has received her doctoral degree from UCL.

Hakan ANAY Hakan Anay is an Associate Professor of Architecture in Department of Architecture, Eskisehir Osmangazi University. He is interested in architectural theory, architectural design, and design education. He edited a number of architectural theory books, as a part of an ongoing series project: “Architecture Theory Library.” Alp ARISOY Alp Arısoy received his bachelor degree in MSGSU in architecture and his master degree in Politecnico Di Milano in Urban Landscape. He is a Ph.D. candidate in ITU. His research areas are focused on “urban revitalization” and “urban sociology”. He is the coordinator of Urban Studies Department of Cekul Foundation. Simona AZZALI Dr Simona Azzali is a lecturer and researcher at JCU Singapore where she coordinates the Master of Planning and Urban Design. She is a member of JCU’s Tropical Urbanism and Design Lab, an interdisciplinary team interested in tropical urbanism, and JCU’s Centre for International Trade and Business in Asia (CITBA). Ratiba Wided BIARA Trained as an architect, Ratiba Wided BIARA is passionate about architecture and urban planning in the Saharan context. Phd of architecture, she devotes her professional life to teaching, and her research work to the study of the architectural/urban space in the Sahara. She has been teaching at the University of Bechar in Algeria since 2007. Gökçen ERKILIÇ Studied architecture at Middle East Technical University and holds masters degree from Istanbul Bilgi University. Worked as an architect in Teget, involved in exhibitions and studios. She was a research fellow in Istanbul Studies Center and her doctoral research in ITU explores the shaping of the waterfront in Istanbul.

Rossa Turpuk GABE Rossa Turpuk Gabe obtained her M.Arch from Department of Architecture, Universitas Indonesia with her interest in urban settlement and housing. She is a junior lecturer in Department of Architecture, Universitas Indonesia. Her current research takes particular interest in relationship between demographic factors and housing pathways, particularly for low-income people. Elmira Ayşe GÜR Associate Professor Dr Elmira Ayşe Gür has received her PhD Degree in Architectural Design in 2001, from ITU with a thesis entitled “A Changeable/ Transformable/Flexible ‘Physical Environment Model’ for Child Development Centers.” She has been Visiting Scholar in North Carolina State University (NCSU) and Carnegie-Mellon University between 1998 and 1999. She has participated in several international workshops and conferences. She had prizes at several architectural design competitions and her research works and writings have been published nationally and internationally. Dr Gür’s research interests lie within a wide spectrum of areas from architecture to urban development. She has published and edited several papers and books on affordable housing, squatter settlements, housing development and typology in Istanbul, design studio’s physical environment, design education, child development centers, post-disaster temporary shelters and urban transformation. Associate Professor Dr Elmira Ayşe Gür is also the Vice Dean at the Faculty of Architecture ITU. Malika KACEMİ I am Kacemi Malika Doctor of Architecture and Urbanism of the University of Mohamme boudiaf usto ORAN where I teach today. My research interests focus on legislation and planning instruments.

Soraya KADRİ I am Kadri Soraya, i studied architecture at bechar university and i followed PhD at Usto University, Department of Architecture. I am currently working at Tahri Mohammed University, Department of Architecture as Assistant Master My research interests are centered on the design of urban public spaces. Jothilakshmy NAGAMMAL Dr. Jothilakshmy Nagammal has done the Bachelor of Architecture from College of Engineering, Thiruvananthapuram in 1990; Masters in Town and Country Planning from Anna University in 2000. Her research was on “Evaluation of Form Based Codes and the Image of Chennai”. Meltem ÖZTEN ANAY Meltem Özten Anay is an Assistant Professor at Anadolu University, the School for the Handicapped, Department of Architecture and City Planning. Her areas of interest are; design research, issue of user in design education, vocational education of hearing-impaired students, hearingimpaired students in design education, inclusive-universal design education, and qualitative research in architecture. Ülkü ÖZTEN Ulku Ozten is an Assistant Professor Dr. at the Department of Architecture in Eskisehir Osmangazi University. Her research and writings concern architectural design history, theory, criticism and epistemology. She is currently working with Hakan Anay as the editor of a publication project called “Architectural Theory Library”. Nurbin PAKER Nurbin Paker received her bachelor, master and Ph.D. degrees in ITU. She has been a visiting scholar at University of Newcastle upon Tyne and at University of Cincinnati-DAAP. Her research areas are focused on “architectural and urban design”, “design theory”, “architectural design education”. She is an Associate Professor at ITU, Faculty of Architecture.

Arulmalar RAMARAJ Arulmalar Ramaraj has done the Bachelor of Architecture and Masters in Town and Country Planning from Anna University in 2001 and 2002 respectively. She is currently pursuing her research at Sathyabama University under the supervision of Dr. Jothilakshmy Nagammal.

Ezgi YAVUZ Received her PhD degree from Middle East Technical University Architectural History Program in 2015. Currently works at Gebze Technical University, Department of Architecture. Major research fields are the 20 th century arts and architecture, postwar architecture, collaboration of arts and architecture, architecture in postwar Turkey.