Rubensbulletin 2012 by KMSKA

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rubensbulletin KONINKLIJK MUSEUM VOOR SCHONE KUNSTEN ANTWERPEN

Jg. 4, 2012

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RUBENSBULLETIN 4e jaargang, 2012 Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten Antwerpen Copyright © 2012: KMSKA en de auteurs All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording or any other information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publisher. Coördinatie Valérie Herremans Eindredactie Paul van Calster

Beeldverantwoording/Photographic Acknowledgements De beeldrechten voor deze publicatie berusten bij de collecties die het werk in bezit hebben, met uitzondering van de hieronder vermelde specifieke copyrights. All works of art are reproduced by kind permission of the owners. Specific acknowledgements are listed below. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum, Rijksprentenkabinet p. 10 Antwerpen, KMSKA pp. 3, 5, 19, 51, 58, 62 Antwerpen, Museum Plantin-Moretus/Prentenkabinet pp. 12, 16, 20, 23, 83 Brussel, Koninklijk Instituut voor het Kunstpatrimonium, ACL pp. 78, 88, 89 Edinburgh, National Galleries of Scotland p. 79 Hamburg, Kunsthalle, Graphische Sammlungen p. 83 Kopenhagen, Statens Museum for Kunst p. 81 Lille, Palais des Beaux-Arts pp. 35–37, 39, 40, 42 Londen, The British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings pp. 65, 79 Mainz, Mittelrheinisches Landesmuseum p. 67 Oxford, Ashmolean Museum p. 63 Parijs, Musée du Louvre, Département des Arts graphiques p. 65 Potsdam, Stiftung Preußische Schlösser und Garten Berlin-Brandenburg, Schloss Sanssouci, Bildergalerie pp. 70, 72–73, 74, 84, 85, 88, 89 Sint-Petersburg, Hermitage p. 62

Triumph in Antwerp. Rubens’s oil sketch 2 The Triumphal Chariot of Kallo (II) Ank Adriaans-van Schaik Zelfstandig kunsthistoricus Jordaens and the Rubens Descent from the Cross in Lille 34 Nico Van Hout Conservator Oude Kunst, KMSKA Christus en de ongelovige Thomas. Iconologische opmerkingen bij enige afbeeldingen van na de Reformatie Alexander Mossel Zelfstandig kunsthistoricus, Amsterdam

Rubens en Brueghel, bondgenoten in de slag om de gordel van Ares Christine Van Mulders Wetenschappelijk onderzoeker, KMSKA

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Rubens en Brueghel, bondgenoten in de slag om de gordel van Ares Christine Van Mulders Wetenschappelijk onderzoeker, KMSKA

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Triumph in Antwerp Rubens’s oil sketch The Triumphal Chariot of Kallo (II) Ank Adriaans-van Schaik Introduction In 1638 Rubens made an oil sketch representing the Triumphal Chariot of Kallo (figs. 1, 2). It resulted from a commission by the Antwerp city council and was related to the victory of the Spanish armies over the Dutch troops in the Battle of Kallo.1 Rubens’s oil sketch is, in fact, a design, combining the depiction of a triumphal allegory and the construction plan of a chariot. This chariot was destined to be one of the floats in the annual procession, the Ommegang. The central question that arises is to what extent Rubens’s inventio of the triumphal chariot was rooted in the pictorial tradition of Antwerp festive ceremonies. We shall first take a look at the earliest representations of the triumphal chariot in the Low Countries and at the pictorial tradition of the triumphal chariot as a political allegory during the Eighty Years War. After that the focus will be on the personifications of virtues in Rubens’s design and the representation of maritime creatures in traditional Antwerp imagery. Finally, Rubens’s baroque chariot will be compared with earlier examples of triumphal imagery in Antwerp.

See ‘Triumph in Antwerp’, my contribution to the last issue of Rubensbulletin (Adriaans-van Schaik 2011). The present contribution, which focuses on the iconography of Rubens’s oil sketch, is the sequel to that article. It is based on my research preceding the documental presentation ‘Rubens Revealed. Victory on a Roll. Oil sketch for the Triumphal Chariot of Kallo’ (Museum Rockoxhuis, Antwerp, 2012) and on chapter 4 of my master thesis, ‘Rubens’s oil sketch The Triumphal Chariot of Kallo. Ancient triumph and Antwerp festive tradition’ (Utrecht University, 2011). 1

Fig. 1 Peter Paul Rubens, The Triumphal Chariot of Kallo, 1638, KMSKA. Detail

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Fig. 1 Peter Paul Rubens, The Triumphal Chariot of Kallo, 1638, KMSKA. Detail

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Rubens’s oil sketch of 1638 Rubens staged the allegory on the victory at Kallo on a triumphal chariot in the shape of a ship whose mast was replaced by an enormous trophy; the boat shape refers to Felicitas or Happiness. The military trophy consists of armour, standards, banners and armorial bearings, taken as spoils from the enemy. Affixed above them are a laurel wreath, flags, Habsburg coats of arms, a cardinal’s hat, a golden crown and, at the top, a laurel tree. The text on two scrolls explains the origin of the war booty; it reads: ‘de gallis capta fugatis’ (Seized from the fleeing French) and ‘caesis detracta batavis’ (Seized from the defeated Dutch). The two Victory figures on either side of the trophy symbolize the triumph. The glory of the victory is underscored by the presence of two personifications of Fama (Fame) with trumpets. The text to the right of the trophy reads: ‘Inde vaenen vande Trompetten van Fama’, ‘victor io’ and ‘io triumphe’ (In the banners of the trumpets of Fama; Long live the victor; Long live the triumph). It was with these acclamations that, in antiquity, Roman conquerors were hailed during their triumphal entries. Guiding the chariot is Providentia Augusta (Imperial Providence or Prudence), who is identified by the inscription next to her head. Providentia Augusta, who symbolizes the foresight of the Spanish king, wears a laurel wreath as a symbol of victory; she is depicted with two faces, one looking forward to the future and the other looking back to the past. She is modelled on Prudentia (Prudence or Wisdom), one of the Cardinal Virtues. On the ground beside her is a flaming grenade. Behind her, on a raised platform, kneel the city maidens of Antwerp and Saint-Omer, identified by the inscriptions – Antverpia and Audomarus [Sanctus] – above their heads. Both wear a crenellated crown. Antverpia’s is decorated with a wreath of roses and she is dressed in the city colours of Antwerp, red and white. The city maiden of Saint-Omer, in a yellow cloak, rests her hand on a heraldic shield. The stance and gestures of the city maidens appear to express their joy at the victory gained. The personifications of Virtus (Virtue, as well as Valour and Resolve) and Fortuna (Fortune, as well as Coincidence or Luck) stand at the stern of the ship. They, too, are connected to the triumph: Virtus, symbolizing 4

Fig. 2 Peter Paul Rubens, The Triumphal Chariot of Kallo, 1638, KMSKA

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Fig. 2 Peter Paul Rubens, The Triumphal Chariot of Kallo, 1638, KMSKA

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military power, wears a helmet and holds a sword and a thunderbolt; Fortuna is the symbol of fortune, her inconstancy comparable to that of the wind that puffs up her garment. With her hand resting on a ship’s rudder, she likewise represents safe passage. At the foot of the trophy are three seated prisoners of war, who represent the Dutch and French Fig. 3 Gillis Hendricx and Hieronymus Cock, taken prisoner after the victories at The Ship Victoria, or The Ship of State and ‘Plus Kallo and Saint-Omer. Ultra’, 1559, etching and engraving The triumphal chariot is decorated with festoons and swirling ornaments ending in lobe-like motifs. Sea creatures, such as the dolphin with a putto astride its back and the triton blowing his conch shell, ride the waves and appear to be guiding the ship, referring to the victory on the river Scheldt and its banks. The shaft of the chariot disappears into the gaping maw of a fire-spewing sea monster. Placed above the ship’s stern is the coat of arms of Antwerp, with the double eagle over the city walls and the outspread hands. Antwerp’s commission of the design for a triumphal car can be seen as a form of city propaganda, the design being a token of loyalty to the Spanish governor, whose order to repel an attack on Antwerp had had such a successful outcome.

upon the death of King Ferdinand of Aragon, he was asked to design a triumphal chariot for the memorial procession in Brussels.2 He also accompanied Philip of Burgundy to the ceremonies.3 No visual source of the chariot is known. However, the design has been reconstructed, based on the various contemporary eyewitness accounts.4 The symbol ism of the funeral chariot was that of a triumph by conquest, showing a trophy, pieces of armour and Ferdinand’s coats of arms. In the middle of the platform the king himself was represented by a statue of a warrior in antique armour brandishing a sword. On the rear end of the car was the king’s vacant throne. Scheller has indicated traces of Gossart’s invention in the colossal float of Charles V’s funeral procession in Brussels (1558; fig. 3). The general content of the float and the empty throne seem to have been taken directly from its predecessor. Charles V’s funeral float in the form of a ship, referred to as the ‘Ship Victoria’ or the navis triumphalis, survived into the seventeenth century, featured in the Joyous Entry of Archduke Albrecht in Brussels (1596) and played an important role in the Procession of Our Lady of the Zavel in honour of Archduchess Isabella in 1615.5 Both Albrecht Dürer’s Small Triumphal Car ordered by Maximilian I and Gossart’s funeral car were designed in the year 1516. Yet it is unlikely that the artists have influenced one another. Both chariots seem to have been created independently as an individual interpretation of the triumph, inspired by the same classical visual language. In Northern European art, the idea of a triumphal procession became a framework for allegorical and moralistic admonition. The con cept of the triumph inspired by Petrarch’s fourteenth-century poem Trionfi and translated into a Christian moralistic idiom, fused Italianate style with

Triumphal chariots in the Low Countries Jan Gossart (1478–1532) designed a funeral car that belongs to the earliest triumphal chariots created north of the Alps. After starting his career as a guild member in Antwerp, Gossart went into the service of Philip of Burgundy, Admiral of Zeeland and illegitimate son of Duke Philip the Good. In this capacity he joined Philip of Burgundy’s diplomatic delegation to Rome in 1508–09. Gossart was one of the first artists to introduce the art of the Italian Renaissance in the Netherlands. In 1516, 6

King Ferdinand of Aragon was the grandfather of the future emperor Charles V. In the absence of the dead body, the triumphal carriage was the climax of the procession. Blockmans and Donckers 1999, pp. 90–91. 3 Ainsworth et al. 2010, pp. 11–12. 4 Mensger (2002, p. 106 n. 20) refers to contemporary reports of the funeral by Remy Dupuis and Gerardus Geldenhauer. 5 Scheller (1983, p. 236) refers to Denis van Alsloot’s painting of the Procession of Our Lady of the Zavel, The Triumph of Isabella (1616; Victoria and Albert Museum, London, inv. 5928–1859), commemorating the 1615 procession, which shows an image of the float. 2

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imagery derived from the work of Hieronymus Bosch.6 Petrarch’s poem describes six victories of the personifications of Love, Chastity, Death, Fame, Time and Faith. Each personification triumphs over the preceding one and in the end Faith conquers them all. Early representations of the allegorical religious triumph in the Low Countries can be found in tapestry series and stained glass. The Antwerp artist Pieter Coecke van Aelst (1502– 1550), for instance, made cartoons for a series of tapestries representing the Triumphal Chariot of Lust, the Triumph of Venus (c. 1532–33) and he designed the Triumph of Faith, an example of a moralized triumph for stained glass (c. 1550).7 Engraved versions of moralized themes appeared in Antwerp in the second half of the sixteenth century. Pieter Bruegel the Elder’s Triumph of Time and Triumph of Death were engraved and published by Philip Galle in 1574. Such prints had a major impact on the artistic imagery, representing and disseminating the new visual language. In Antwerp however, the motif of the triumphal chariot gained popularity in the civic parade of the Ommegang as well as in prints. The prints and drawings of the ancient triumph and its revived images originating in the Italian Renaissance had come north through travelling artists. Rubens, after his training in Antwerp, had spent several years in Italy and Spain. Returning to Antwerp in 1608, he took home a large number of copies, drawings and sketches.8 But even before that, he must have come into contact with Italian Renaissance imagery. Taking into consideration that his second teacher, Adam van Noort (1562–1641), was involved as one of the major painters in the decorations for the Joyous Entry of Archduke Ernest of Austria in 1594, it seems plausible that Rubens by that time was familiar with allegorical imagery.9 The greater part of

the allegorical figures on the stages and arches of Ernest’s entry had been designed by Marten de Vos (1532–1605) according to the descriptions and instructions in Cesare Ripa’s Iconologia (1593).10 Rubens’s third and last teacher Otto van Veen (1556–1629) painted a series of religious triumphs, depicting Christ and the personifications of religious principles riding on a triumphal chariot.11 Van Veen was a learned painter, a real pictor doctus, who had been to Italy, where he studied the art of antiquity and the Renaissance. His classicism was inspired by Raphael. His religious triumphs seem to have had an impact on Rubens, and more in particular on his Eucharist series, in which Rubens depicted three scenes staging the Church, Catholic Faith and Divine Love on triumphal cars.12 In contrast to his predecessors who focused on the religious dogma, Rubens brought new life into the genre by conveying the religious message through an abundance of decoration.13

Pinson 2007, pp. 203, 204. Pieter Coecke van Aelst, The Triumph of Faith, c. 1550, stained glass, diam. 28.5 cm, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam. 8 Rubens owned five reduced copies after Andrea Mantegna’s cycle of the Triumphs of Caesar. He combined two of them in his Roman Triumph (National Gallery, London). Three copies are in the collection of the Národní galerie, Prague. See Antwerp 2004, pp. 224–27. 9 Rubens had been trained as a painter in the workshops of Tobias Verhaecht in 1591, Adam van Noort in 1592 and continued his training at the workshop of Otto van Veen in 1594–95.

Triumphal chariots as political allegories related to the Eighty Years War The visual allegory of the triumphal chariot had been used in the conflict between the Southern and the Northern Netherlands during the Eighty Years War (1568–1648). The Pacification of Ghent, a peace treaty aimed at restoring unity among the Seventeen Provinces and dealing with future religious clashes by negotiation, was signed by the States General on 8 November 1576. It was ratified on 12 February 1577 by the Perpetual Edict, signed by the new governor Don Juan in agreement with Philip II. These démarches gave rise to an optimism that was expressed in the Triumph of Peace of 1577, an engraving by one of the Wierix brothers after Willem van

6 7

Mielke 1970, pp. xii–xiii. The series of Triumphs by Otto van Veen – Triumph of Verbum Dei and Ecclesia Dei; Triumph of Fides and Caritas; Religious Triumph; and Triumph of Ecclesia Christi, with Universitas Successio and Vetustas – is in the Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen, Bamberg. See De Poorter 1978, p. 200 and figs. 71–74. 12 De Poorter 1978, p. 204. 13 Ibid., p. 209. 10 11

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Haecht.14 Peace is seated on a triumphal chariot, accompanied by Agreement while Charity is holding the reins. The chariot is drawn by three mules, indicating the slow pace of the peace process. Under the wheels a bunch of weapons and the personification of Envy are to be crushed. Self-Interest tries in vain to stop the progress of 4 Elias van den Bossche, Allegory on the Peace. The Seventeen Provinces Fig. Treaty Negotiations between Spain and the kneel to welcome Peace. In the Northern Netherlands, c. 1609, etching, Amsterdam, background allegories represent Rijksmuseum various aspects of the political situation in the Netherlands. Unfortunately, the positivity voiced by this print was soon to be shattered by the political reality. More than thirty years later, the Twelve Years’ Truce (1609–21) gave new cause for optimism. The allegorical print by Elias van den Bossche presents a triumphal car carrying the personifications of Pax (Peace), Iustitia (Justice), Misericordia (Compassion), Veritas (Truth) and of the Seventeen Provinces. The triumphal car is riding down to the Archdukes Albrecht and Isabella, seated on the left, suggesting that peace was at hand (fig. 4).15 Both images express the hope for peace at a crucial moment in the civil war that divided the Northern and the Southern Netherlands. This belief in the restoration of peace appears again in Rubens’s Triumphal Chariot of Kallo of 1638. The war had brought about the closing of the river Scheldt and the decline of the city’s commerce overseas. The victory at Kallo once again strengthened optimism about the recovery of the city’s prosperity. Rubens’s design for the chariot differs from the prints by Wierix

and Van den Bossche by its dramatic staging of the allegorical figures and by the rich decoration of scrolls, waves and sea creatures.

14 15

See Tanis and Horst 1993, pp. 114, 115. See Dlugaiczyk 2005, p. 335.

Antwerp maritime allegories and the Chariot of Neptune The images of sea creatures that once decorated ancient sarcophagi had been rediscovered by Renaissance artists and reached Antwerp through engravings and drawings. A frieze depicting the Gods of the Sea designed by Bernard van Orley (1488–1541) applied as a decoration in the tapestry series of the Hunts of Maximilian (c. 1530) can be considered as an early Northern example, where the sea creatures typically found a place in a decorative context.16 In Antwerp, however, maritime symbolism had a special function in expressing the bond between the city, the river and the passage to the sea. A case in point is the monumental Antwerp City Hall (1561–65). The avant-corps of the façade presents an iconographic programme of three coats of arms, three statues, two sea centaurs and two obelisks (figs. 5, 6). The two sea centaurs fighting dangerous creatures, as yet unaware of the disastrous consequences of the future closing of the city’s passage to the sea, symbolize Antwerp’s supremacy in the overseas trade. The sea centaur, or ichthyocentaurus, is a fabulous creature with the head and torso of a human and the forequarters of a horse, whose body ends in the Fig. 5 Antwerp City Hall, avant-corps of the façade, 1561–65 Fig. 6 Sea Centaur, detail of the façade of Antwerp City Hall, 1561–65

Balis 1992, p. 119.

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and Van den Bossche by its dramatic staging of the allegorical figures and by the rich decoration of scrolls, waves and sea creatures.

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See Tanis and Horst 1993, pp. 114, 115. See Dlugaiczyk 2005, p. 335.

Balis 1992, p. 119.

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serpentine tail of a fish.17 Motifs of water creatures frequently appeared in Antwerp prints, paintings and festive decorations from the sixteenth century onwards. The illustrated books commemor ating the Joyous Entries are a useful source for the analysis of Antwerp maritime imagery.18 The sixteenth- and seventeenthcentury prints reveal that the theme of the Fig. 7 Pieter van der Borcht, city’s relation to the sea had been expressed Chariot of Neptune, 1599, engraving, Antwerp, Museum Plantin-Moretus/ in the Antwerp festive tradition time and Prentenkabinet again. The prints of stages and arches and prints of the Ommegang cars decorating the Antwerp streets and squares during the various Joyous Entries display a vast spectacle of allegorical images. Part of this imaginary world consisted of marine creatures such as sea and river gods, whales, tritons and dolphins. The whale already had had a long career as a symbol of Antwerp maritime power. Thanks to its popularity as a companion to Jonah in medieval mystery plays, the whale gained an important place in the Antwerp Ommegang.19 Due to Renaissance influences its company became mythological instead of biblical. The Whale was carrying either Neptune, or Oceanus referring to the desired restoration of Antwerp maritime power on the oceans.20 In the Joyous Entry of 1582 the whale guided by Neptune accompanied a maritime tableau vivant

staging Scaldis (River Scheldt), Merchandise and Navigation, symbolizing the Antwerp overseas trade. Twelve years later, in the entry of 1594, the whale carrying Oceanus was placed next to the Stage of the Liberation of the Scheldt at the Sint-Jansbrug. The Chariot of Neptune, or the Currus triumphalis Neptuni, pre sented to Albrecht and Isabella at their Joyous Entry (1599), announced the legend about the future victory of the Archdukes on the sea (fig. 7).21 Neptune and Amphitrite were presented on a chariot drawn by two hip po campi with putti riding astride.22 The chariot is preceded by mermaids modelled on medieval examples who comb their long hair and look in convex mirrors, and surrounded by tritons who blow their conches.23 Neptune and Amphitrite themselves are seated on a throne under a canopy supported by two dolphins, while fishes are dangling down from the canopy’s frame. Balis indicated that from 1599 onwards, the Chariot of Neptune participated in the annual Ommegang and left traces in the visual arts.24 He pointed to the various representations of the Sea Triumph of Neptune and Amphitrite by Frans Francken II (1581–1642).25 Francken’s sea chariot of Neptune and Amphitrite with its crowned canopy and dangling fishes, has obviously been derived from the Antwerp festive float, the Currus triumphalis Neptuni. It is clear from the number of copies, in which Francken relied on the same repertoire of sea creatures in various arrangements around Neptune’s chariot, that sea gods were a popular theme in seventeenth-century Antwerp. Around the same time Rubens carefully studied the sea creatures. He owned a drawing after Cornelis Bos representing a frieze with Neptune and his retinue that he retouched thoroughly, so much so that experts disagree on the status of the sheet: is it or is it not to be considered an

Sea centaurs are often referred to as tritons who, however, have no horse legs. Balis 1992, p. 115. Le triumphe d’Anuers, faict en la susception du Prince Philips, Prince d’Espaign[e], Antwerp 1550; La ioyeuse & magnifique entrée de monseigneur Françoys, fils de France, et frere unicque du roy, par la grace de Dieu, duc de Brabant, d’Anjou, Alençon, Berri, &c. en sa tres-renommée ville d’Anvers, Antwerp 1582; Johannes Bochius, The Ceremonial Entry of Ernst, Archduke of Austria, into Antwerp, June 14, 1594 (= Descriptio publicae gratulationis, spectaculorum et ludorum, in adventu sereniss. principis Ernesti archiducis Austriae, ducis Burgundiae, comitis Habspurgi, aurei velleris equitis, Belgicis provinciis a regia majestate catholica praefecti), engravings by Pieter van der Borcht, after designs by Marten de Vos; to which is added a suppl. of plates from the royal entry of Albrecht and Isabella, Antwerp, 1599, Antwerp 1595, reprint New York 1970; Jan Caspar Gevartius, The Magnificent Ceremonial Entry into Antwerp of His Royal Highness Ferdinand of Austria on the fifteenth day of May, 1635, reprint ed. 1642, Antwerp 1971. 19 McGrath 1975, p. 181. 20 Ibid., p. 182. 17

Ibid. The hippocampus, a sea monster, half horse and half fish, whose body ends in a serpent’s tail, drew Neptune’s chariot. Richard Barber and Anne Riches, A Dictionary of Fabulous Beasts, Woodbridge 1996, p. 83. 23 The medieval type of mermaid is described in Balis 1992, p. 123. 24 Balis 1992, p. 124. 25 See e.g. Frans Francken II, Triumph of Neptune and Amphitrite, oil on panel, 53.7 × 74.1 cm, Braunschweig, Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum. See also Balis 1992. 21

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original Rubens drawing?26 An interesting detail of the drawing is Neptune’s chariot ending in the head of a sea monster, which is reminiscent of the Chariot of Kallo ending in the figure of a triton. It seems that in depicting sea creatures, both Rubens and Frans Francken II have been influenced by visual sources, such as the Ommegang floats, the decorations of previous Antwerp Joyous Entries and the printed illustrations in commemorative books. Maritime allegories had been staged as early as 1549 on the occasion of the Joyous Entry of Prince Philip II. Here Amphitrite, flanked by two river gods, is riding a dolphin and holding an anchor on top of the Genevan Arch. The ten feet tall river god Scaldis seated in a golden boat twice as long and accompanied by tritons blowing their conches decorated the Triumphal Arch of the City. Negotiatio and Mercuria accompanied by representations of the trades were presented on a platform above. According to the text in the commemorative book, Antverpia is supposed to be seated in the boat.27 However, in the print illustrating the text only Scaldis seems to be present in the boat. It seems plausible, therefore, that Antverpia was acted out as a life character, while the print may have been made after the structure of the arch. In that case the life figure of Antverpia must have been much smaller than the ten foot figure of Scaldis, which according to McGrath and Balis would have been a statue.28 The river god Scaldis in chains as a tableau vivant was presented to Archduke Ernest at the Sint-Jansbrug in 1594. On the archduke’s arrival, the nymphs untied the bonds that held the river and suddenly the river god Scaldis poured out a quantity of water from his urn. The scene expressed the optimistic belief that the new governor would at once reopen the river Scheldt and restore the city’s commerce.29 The Ship, one of the Ommegang cars brought in by the guild of the merchants, had been placed close to the Stage of Scaldis and represented the rich fruits of the overseas trade.

According to Bochius’s description of the entry, the sailors of The Ship raised the sails in order to prepare the voyage, because the ship of the Antwerp commerce was to cross the seas once more, in order to let the urn of the river god flow again.30 Five years later the allegory of Oceanus and Thetis, presented to the Archdukes Albrecht and Isabella at the SintJansbrug, alluded to the liberation of the river Scheldt as well. The gods of the waters, reclining on urns, from which issued water and wine, again symbolized the passage to the sea. The image of Albrecht and Isabella being crowned with garlands of seaweeds by Neptune and Amphitrite on top of the stage, referred to the expectation that these new governors would restore Antwerp’s maritime power. According to McGrath, Rubens must have remembered the stages of the 1594 and the 1599 entries, when he designed his Stage of Mercury for the Joyous Entry of Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand in 1635.31 However, in 1635 Rubens did take another approach in designing the decoration at the Sint-Jansbrug. Though he used some of the former imagery, instead of depicting a hopeful liberation of the river Scheldt, he confronted Ferdinand with the decline of commerce as a negative consequence of the blockade. Rubens designed the Stage of Mercury as a heavily rusticated triple portico, resembling the portico of his house on the Wapper. The large central canvas, Mercury Departing from Antwerp, executed by Theodoor van Thulden (1606–1669) after Rubens’s design, is now lost, but Van Thulden’s etching of the stage has been preserved (fig. 8). The three arches were decorated with the following subjects: Mercury Departing from Antwerp in the centre, Abundance and Wealth to the left, and Poverty to the right.32 Mercury Departing from Antwerp depicts the moment when the god of commerce, holding a caduceus and a purse in his upraised hand, is about to leave. One of the two winged putti tries to prevent him from leaving by clutching at his mantle. Scaldis, seated on a pile of nets, is slumbering while his feet are fettered in irons and his left arm is resting on an urn that

After Cornelis Bos, retouched by Rubens, Frieze with Neptune in a chariot drawn by two seamonsters with tritons playing conch shells and horns and sea nymphs, Paris, Musée du Louvre, Département des Arts Graphiques, inv. 20.275. See Belkin 2009, vol. 1, pp. 183–84. 27 McGrath 1975, p. 184. 28 Balis 1992, p. 120. 29 Martin 1972, p. 179; Von Roeder-Baumbach 1943, p. 166. 26

Transcription of Bochius in McGrath 1975, p. 182. ‘Rubens a dû certainement se souvenir de ces décorations antérieures, quand il a créé son chefd’œuvre allégorique du Départ de Mercure.’ McGrath 1975, p. 183. 32 Van Thulden’s etching (fig. 8) shows an expansion of Rubens’s first design. Two more niches have been added and probably the stage was executed like that. 30 31

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Fig. 8 Theodoor van Thulden, The Stage of Mercury, etching in Gevartius, Pompa Introitus Ferdinandi, Antwerp 1642

has run dry. Another putto tries in vain to loosen his fetters. The crown of reed and the fish beside Scaldis on the floor, refer to the river Scheldt in the background. A pleading Antverpia is holding one hand to her breast, pointing at Mercury, whom she cannot stop. Antverpia is kneeling next to an unused anchor, an upturned boat and a sleeping sailor, all symbols of the loss of activity on the river. The decorations above the central panel represent the good old times, when the boats on the river did have free entrance to the sea. An image of Oceanus, the god of the waters, with the globe of the world on his head adorns the central arch. Dolphins spouting jets of water represent the eastern and western seas. Neptune and Amphitrite are on the top of the stage next to a ship’s mast, he holding a trident and a rudder and she holding a cornucopia and a ship’s prow. The rudder symbolizes good Navigation and the bow of the ship represents Felicitas, or happiness. On both sides of Oceanus’s head, the water gushing from urns held by putti symbolizes the free running water of the river Scheldt. Abundance and Wealth, to the left 16

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of the central panel, point at the prosperity of the past, whereas Poverty, on the other side, represents the city’s present decline. The expanded niches display the allegorical figures of Comus and Industria. The god of revelry, Comus, standing in the niche next to Abundance, reinforces the image of prosperity, while next to Poverty, her daughter Industria emphasizes the loss of wealth and Antwerp’s turning to the manufacturing of cloth and other goods, after the closing of the Scheldt.33 If we compare Rubens’s design for the Stage of Mercury to the preceding stages, it is obvious that he borrowed motifs from the Antwerp tradition. However, he changed the mermaids, the herms with fish-like tails and the dolphins of the earlier decorations into more decorative and more playful sea creatures. And instead of the monsters which were held in check by the sea centaurs on the City Hall (figs. 5, 6), Rubens gave his sea centaurs on top of the stage the more festive attributes of the conch and the standard. Some of the sea creatures so well-known in Antwerp’s pictorial tradition, such as the dolphins and the triton, appear once again in Rubens’s design of the Triumphal Chariot of Kallo, decorating the sides and the back of the chariot. The Chariot of Antverpia The allegory symbolizing the bond between Antwerp and its river has a long tradition. The city maid Antverpia surrounded by river gods, symbolizing the prosperity of the city, can be found as an illustration in Guicciardini’s Descrittione di tutti I Paesi Bassi (Antwerp 1567).34 Abraham Janssen’s Scaldis and Antverpia (1609)35 represents the personification of the river Scheldt as the city’s main source of prosperity while he offers Antver pia several fruits with which she fills the cornucopia. The picture symbol izes Antwerp’s optimism at the beginning of the Twelve Years’ Truce.

Martin 1972, pp. 180, 181. L. Guicciardini, Descrittione di tutti I Paesi Bassi …, Antwerp 1581. 35 Panel, 174 × 308 cm, KMSKA, inv. 212. 33

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Fig. 8 Theodoor van Thulden, The Stage of Mercury, etching in Gevartius, Pompa Introitus Ferdinandi, Antwerp 1642

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Martin 1972, pp. 180, 181. L. Guicciardini, Descrittione di tutti I Paesi Bassi …, Antwerp 1581. 35 Panel, 174 × 308 cm, KMSKA, inv. 212. 33

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Antverpia had appeared on stage in the ceremonial entries since Prince Philip’s (1549). Welcoming the new sovereign was her role in the ceremony from 1582 onwards. She even climbed down from her throne to recite a Latin poem of wel come to the new governor in the 1599 and 1635 entries. Traditionally, Ant verpia was seated on a trium p hal car, the Fig. 9 Chariot of the Alliance, Joyous Entry of François d’Alençon, Duke of Anjou, 1582, etching in La ioyeuse Currus triumphalis.36 She was [et] magnifique entrée de monseigneur Francoys, etc., waiting for François d’Alençon, Antwerp 1582 Duke of Anjou, in front of the city gate, dressed in the red and white colours of the city and seated on the Chariot of the Alliance (fig. 9). She was holding a laurel branch and wearing a crown of the same as symbols of the victory over the Spanish tyranny. The city’s virtues were expressed by Religion, dressed as a sibyl, Justice, holding a balance and a sword, and Concordia. Twelve years later, when the city of A ntwerp was again under the rule of the Spanish king, Antverpia welcomed the new governor Archduke Ernest and offered him a laurel wreath as a symbol of loyalty to the Spanish ruler (fig. 10). This time the Spanish coat of arms decorated the Triumphal Chariot in addition to the arms of Antwerp resting at Antverpia’s feet. Loyalty, symbolized by the dog on her shield, and Religion with a cross and a book, accompanied her on the chariot, together with the personifications of Obedience, Respect, Remembrance of the Charity and Kindness, the latter depicted with a standard showing a heart held by two hands.37 The virtues were flanked by two men in Roman costume wielding

standards that displayed the Penates crowned with the arms of Antwerp.38 The flowers of the branch of golden lil ies that Antverpia offered to Albrecht and Isabella in 1599 were decorated with white enamel, and the heart sur rounded by golden flames in its calyx according to Bocchius sym bol ized pure affection (figs. 11, 12).39 Rubens considered the staging of live actors in tableaux vivants to be outdated. According to John Rupert Martin, the tableau vivant had been gen erally discarded in favour of a purely pictorial mode of decoration and Rubens would certainly not have been inclined to revive such archaism.40 In all his designs for the Joyous Entry of Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand, he re placed the live figures with painted allegories. The traditional ceremony Fig. 10 Pieter van der Borcht, Triumphal of the time-honoured Currus trium Chariot, 1595, etching, KMSKA, Print Room phalis from which Ant ver pia de s cended to welcome the new governor was the only decorative object in the route staging live people. Concerned by the increasing decline of the city, Rubens transformed Antverpia’s traditional representation of loyalty and prosperity. Mercury Departing from Antwerp (1635) confronted the new governor with a desperate personification of the city. Kneeling in a subordinate pose, her

Mielke 1970, p. xv. The Remembrance of the Charity (or Beneficii recordatio) was symbolized by an image of Androcles and the Lion on her shield. 36 37

The Penates were worshipped as protectors of the individual household and as protectors of the Roman state. Offerings might be food, wine or incense, and more rarely, blood sacrifices. The state as a whole worshipped the Penates Publici. This state cult played a significant role as a focal point of Roman patriotism and nationalism. 39 Huet and Grieten 2010, pp. 155, 156. 40 Martin (1972, p. 44) refers to Von Roeder-Baumbach 1943. 38

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Mielke 1970, p. xv. The Remembrance of the Charity (or Beneficii recordatio) was symbolized by an image of Androcles and the Lion on her shield. 36 37

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the outstretched arms and hands of the personification of Roma, and the gestures of Belgica in the Advent of the Prince on the one hand and Antverpia in the Triumphal Chariot of Kallo on the other hand. This suggests that Antverpia’s outstretched hands are to be considered a gesture of welcome, a symbol of the city of Antwerp welcoming Ferdinand, the conqueror of Kallo.44 The virtues in the allegory of Kallo

Figs. 11–12 Chariot of Antverpia, 1599, etching, Antwerp, Museum Plantin-Moretus/Prentenkabinet

gestures expressing helplessness, Antverpia seems to be begging the god of commerce to stay. Three years later, however, after the victory at Kallo, the optimism returned and Rubens depicted Antverpia as a proud and glorious woman. She is riding on a festive chariot, guided by Providentia Augusta accompanied by Virtue and Fortune, while the Victories and Fama symbolize the triumph benefiting the city. As a gesture of welcome Antverpia’s outstretched arms and hands resemble Belgica’s attitude as she welcomes Prince Ferdinand in the Advent of the Prince.41 In connection to this gesture it may be interesting to point to Scipio Welcomed outside the Gates of Rome, the copy of a drawing by Giulio Romano which was extensively retouched by Rubens (private collection).42 The original drawing was one of Giulio’s tapestry designs for the Scipio cycle, woven for François I in the early 1530s. According to Jeremy Wood, Giulio Romano added the figure of Roma, who welcomes the triumphal procession into the city.43 A remarkable relationship may be noticed in particular between

Pompa Introitus Ferdinandi, pp. 11a–b. Martin 1972, pp. 46–49. Sale London (Sotheby’s), 1 September 2008, lot 16. Wood 2010, p. 350. 43 Wood 2010, p. 339. 41

Traditionally, personifications of virtues representing the qualities of the sovereign and/or the city were displayed on the temporary structures of Joyous Entries. Accordingly, the figures of Providentia Augusta, Virtus and Fortuna staged on the Triumphal Chariot of Kallo, personify the virtues related to the victor of Kallo. Rubens had incorporated a personification of Providence as Providentia Regis three years before, in one of the decorations of the Arch of Ferdinand. She was holding a large globe balanced on the post of a rudder and wearing a diadem with an all-seeing eye. Martin points to the fact that the far-seeing eye as an emblem of Providence appears to have been invented by Rubens, who applied it to Providentia on the Arch of Philip as well.45 It is remarkable that three years later Rubens replaced the emblem by the Janus head he borrowed from Prudence. In view of the political situation, it may have been deemed essential to keep an eye on the past. The combination of the orb and rudder as attributes conveys the idea of direction or guidance for the entire world. Martin indicates that both attributes appear on a coin of Titus with the legend ‘Providentia Augusta’. The coin shows Vespasian and Titus holding between them a globe over a rudder.46 Providentia

Martin (1972) suggests that Antverpia’s outstretched hands might be a pun on the name of the city (the ‘ant’ in Antwerpen sounds like ‘hand’). In fact, the two hands in the city’s coat of arms refer to the legend of its origin, according to which the giant Antigoon, who exacted a toll from all river travellers (and cut off their hands if they failed to pay), was slain by the hero Brabo, who cut off the giant’s hand and threw it in the Scheldt. 45 Martin 1972, p. 162. 46 Martin (1972, p. 113) refers to H. Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum, II 44

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Figs. 11–12 Chariot of Antverpia, 1599, etching, Antwerp, Museum Plantin-Moretus/Prentenkabinet

Pompa Introitus Ferdinandi, pp. 11a–b. Martin 1972, pp. 46–49. Sale London (Sotheby’s), 1 September 2008, lot 16. Wood 2010, p. 350. 43 Wood 2010, p. 339. 41

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Augusta on the triumphal chariot differs from the traditional Prudence because Rubens changed the usual old man’s face looking backwards, into the face of a young person. Providentia Augusta might be a Rubens invention. Within the restricted scope of this study, I did not find any other comparable example of Providentia with these two faces. Rubens owned a drawn copy of Raphael’s Prudentia in the Stanze della Segnatura and retouched it thoroughly, enlarging the sheet in the process. The reworked drawing is now in the National Gallery of Scotland, Edinburgh. According to Wood, the drawing is so distinctive and close to Raphael’s style that it must have come from his workshop.47 The seated Providentia Augusta on the Triumphal Chariot of Kallo resembles Raphael’s Prudentia: her arm holding a whip is comparable in pose to Prudentia’s right arm in the drawing after Raphael. The personifications Virtus and Fortuna, placed on the stern of the naval chariot, connect the victory at Kallo to strength and fortune. Analyzing the allegory on the victory at Kallo, it is important to grasp the full implication of the word virtus or virtue. Mielke describes ‘virtue’ as a central concept of the ancient world and later of the Renaissance and Baroque age. The concept of virtue meant a fusion of all the manly qualities in which excellence of character and intellect is matched by physical strength and courage.48 Hercules can be considered the perfect representative of virtue in this sense. Rubens intensively studied the Farnese Hercules. He made many drawings after the antique statue and chose Hercules as a model for the strongest, most solid and masculine form of the human body, embodied by the Christian hero Samson or by St Christopher.49 According to the combination of good-naturedness, strength and courage, Rubens’s depiction of the allegorical figure of Virtue with helmet and sword on the triumphal chariot probably refers to the victor of Kallo as a ‘virtuous hero’.50

On Roman coins, Virtus is a feminine figure, her gown draped over her shoulder leav ing one breast bare, yet she symbolizes man liness and courage. Traditionally, Virtus was depicted in the company of Honos (Honour), who bears the horn of plenty. There is a notable similarity be tween Rubens’s Virtue on the Triumphal Chariot of Kallo and his drawing of Virtue and Honour in the Museum PlantinMoretus, Antwerp (fig. 13).51 Rubens’s drawing of Virtue and Honour refers to the ancient Roman Temple of Honos and Virtus. In this drawing Rubens depicted Virtue holding her attributes, the lance and a Fig. 13 Peter Paul Rubens, Virtue and Honour, drawing, short sword or parazonium, similar to the Virtus Antwerp, Museum Plantinin the Roman temple and on Roman coins. Moretus/Prentenkabinet In Antwerp, Virtue and Honour had been displayed before as flat painted wooden figures placed on top of the Porta Caesarea or Sint-Jorispoort, flanking Brabo, the legendary founder of the town, as decoration for the Joyous Entry of Archduke Ernest in 1594. The fact that Virtue stepped on the globe of Fortune meant that it was completely independent of blind and ignorant change, and that material prosperity and honour would follow inevitably in its wake.52 The same type of Virtus, but constructed in the round, was standing at the very top of the Florentine Arch. The figure of true Religion showing Ernest the Temple of Virtue and Honour was depicted on the rear side of the arch. Contrary to a long-time tradition, Rubens replaced Honour with Fortune as Virtue’s companion, apparently to suggest that the courage of Virtue was related to chance or good luck at the battle of Kallo. Fortune’s dress is puffed up by the wind and her hand is resting on a rudder. She

(London 1930) and to the Pompa Introitus Ferdinandi, citing the coin. 47 Wood 2010, p. 152. 48 Mielke 1970, p. xv. 49 Muller 2004, pp. 20–21. 50 Elizabeth McGrath pointed out to me that in the allegory of Ferdinand as Hercules on the last arch of the 1635 Joyous Entry, Ferdinand is destined for the temple of Virtue and Honour. Three years

later, the triumphal chariot implies that, with his victory at Kallo, Ferdinand has reached it. 51 Van der Meulen 1994, vol. 1, fig. 38. 52 Mielke 1970, p. xv.

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later, the triumphal chariot implies that, with his victory at Kallo, Ferdinand has reached it. 51 Van der Meulen 1994, vol. 1, fig. 38. 52 Mielke 1970, p. xv.

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seems to emphasize that luck is dependent on a tail wind blowing in the right direction. Considering that both the heroic attack and a stroke of luck, or a tail wind, had played a role in the battle on the river Scheldt and its banks, the symbolism seems to be appropriate for the victory at Kallo.

his tapestry design of the Triumph of the Church from the Eucharist series (Prado, Madrid). Comparing the traditional prototype of the Triumphal Chariot of Antverpia to Rubens’s sketch for the chariot of Kallo, it is obvious that the earlier Antwerp examples differ from Rubens’s design, with regard to the style of the design and the staging of the figures. The traditional Antwerp triumphal chariot staged the allegorical figures in a rather schematic way, placing the figures in a row, just standing there to represent the virtue concerned without taking on a meaningful pose. The personifications are recognizable by their name on a scroll or by their attributes. Comparing the personifications on the stages and arches for the entry of CardinalInfante Ferdinand in 1635 to the preceding ones, Rubens has transformed the motionless allegorical personifications into lively figures enacting the allegory as a theatre play. Rubens modified the concept of an ancient triumph into a festive float three years later, in designing the Triumphal Chariot of Kallo, by mingling personifications and maritime symbolism, well known in the Antwerp pictorial tradition, and transformed them into a new lively allegory expressing the optimism about the city’s expected revival.

Baroque splendour Werner Weisbach extolled Rubens’s design for the Chariot of Kallo and praised the fact that Rubens transformed the classical triumph fit for court circles into a chariot confronting the crowds with an example of baroque splendour.53 Comparing the design to former Antwerp triumphal chariots, some distinctive features of Rubens’s chariot illustrate this baroque style. The whole scene seems to come to life thanks to the dynamic movement of the car, the dramatic and direct expression of emotion of the city maidens and the triumphant joy of the Victories. Standing on the chariot, the figures seem to be about to move, while their pose and broad gestures resemble the style of theatre or opera. The display of the chariot can be considered a Theatrum Mundi metaphor, reflecting the theatrical aspects of the seventeenth-century visual arts. The concept refers to the action and emotion of the figures as well as to the convincing rendering of cloth and skin textures. The palette of bright colours and handling of paint might also be regarded as a baroque feature contributing to intensity and immediacy. The exuberant decoration of the chariot with the scrolls, shells, festive banners, laurels and rose garlands even surpasses in its richness Rubens’s reworked Triumph of Scipio Africanus (private collection),54 and Weisbach 1919, p. 150: ‘So hat der festliche Trionfo hier im Norden, wenn zwar für höfische Kreise berechnet, so doch auch auf weitere Massen mit dem barocken Pomp seiner vor aller Augen gestellten überwältigenden Prachtentfaltung ausgewirkt.’ 54 Anonymous drawing after Giulio Romano, retouched by Rubens, Scipio Welcomed outside the Gates of Rome, pen and wash, chalk, private collection (Wood 2010). Rubens’s collection included quantities of drawings after the designs by Giulio Romano (1499–1546), probably from the latter’s studio in Mantua. Among these were 21 large copies after the triumph of a Roman emperor for the Camera degli Stucchi of Palazzo Te in Mantua and three copies after the small cartoons for the great series of tapestries on the life of Scipio Africanus that were woven for François I of France. Wood indicates a parallel between these groups of copies after Romano and 53

Conclusion Considering the tradition of depicting triumphal chariots in the Nether lands, Gossart’s design of a memorial chariot at the death of King Ferdinand of Aragon was the first of its kind in the Low Countries. The triumphal float of the Ship Victoria, participating in the memorial procession in Brussels after the death of Charles V, partly reminiscent of the descriptions of Gossart’s design, was a chariot taking the form of a ship. Two prints about the conflict between the Northern and the Southern Netherlands depict a triumphal chariot illustrating the expectation of peace. The above survey of the pictorial tradition leads to the conclusion that in both its boat shape Mantegna’s Triumphs. The copy of the tapestry design depicting Scipio Welcomed outside the Gates of Rome was very extensively retouched by Rubens (Wood 2002, p. 16; Wood 2010, pp. 336–40).

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and concept as an allegory of peace Rubens’s oil sketch of the Triumphal Chariot of Kallo was anticipated by sixteenth-century examples. Prints in the illustrated accounts of Antwerp Joyous Entries show a range of various allegorical figures as decorations of the stages and arches. Many of the Antwerp allegories had been inspired by Renaissance art that came from Italy by prints and drawings. Rubens obviously adapted the Antwerp pictorial tradition, mingling the Antwerp imagery with his knowledge of antiquity and turning the conventional motifs into new inventions. The sea centaurs designed by Rubens on the top of the Stage of Mercury would seem to be an adaptation of the sea centaurs on the façade of the Antwerp City Hall, traditionally symbolizing the interdependence of Antwerp’s commerce and its passage to the sea. The mythological sea creatures, popular subjects in seventeenth-century Antwerp, reappeared in the decorations for the Joyous Entry of the Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand (1635) and the design of the Triumphal Chariot of Kallo (1638). The carved aquatic decorations of the triton, the dolphin and the water symbols on the design for the chariot of Kallo that refer to the battle on the river, may be seen as an allusion to the traditional Antwerp issue of reopening the passage to the sea. Regarding Antverpia’s traditional modest representation of loyalty, Rubens transformed her into a vibrant character, by casting her in a principal role as the triumphant city maiden. Contained in the pictorial tradition, Rubens’s oil sketch of the Triumphal Chariot of Kallo can be classified as a specific Antwerp allegory of triumph.

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Pompa Introitus Ferdinandi J.C. Gevartius, The magnificent ceremonial entry into Antwerp of his Royal Highness Ferdinand of Austria on the fifteenth day of May, 1635, Antwerp 1971. Reprint of Jean Gaspard Gevaerts, Pompa introitus honori serenissimi principis Ferdinandi Austriaci Hispaniarum infantis … a S.P.Q. Antverp. decreta et adornata … ann. MDCXXXV / arcus, pegmata, iconesque à Pet. Paulo Rubenio inventas et delineatas inscriptionibus et elogiis ornabat, libroque commentario illustrabat Casperius Gevartius; accessit Lavrea Calloana eodem auctore descripta, Antverpiae: apud Ioannem Meursium, Antwerp 1642. Pray Bober and Rubinstein 1986 P. Pray Bober and R. Rubinstein, Renaissance Artists and Antique Sculpture: A Handbook of Sources, London 1986. Prims 1927 F. Prims, ‘Rubens’ Antwerpen geschiedkundig en economisch geschetst’, in F. Prims et al., Rubens en zijne eeuw, Antwerp 1927, pp. 47–52. Prims 1949 F. Prims, ‘De Antwerpsche Ommeganck op den vooravond van de beeldstormerij’, Mededeelingen van de Koninklijke Vlaamsche Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schoone Kunsten van België, Antwerp and Utrecht 1949, pp. 5–21. Saunders Magurn 1955 R. Saunders Magurn (transl. and ed.), The letters of Peter Paul Rubens, Cambridge, Mass., 1955. Scheller 1983 R. W. Scheller, ‘Jan Gossart’s Triomfwagen’, in A.-M. Logan (ed.), Essays in Northern European Art Presented to Egbert Haverkamp-Begemann on his Sixtieth Birthday, Utrecht 1983, pp. 228–236. Tanis and Horst 1993 J. R. Tanis and D. R. Horst, Images of Discord: A Graphic Interpretation of the Opening Decades of the Eighty Years’ War – De tweedracht verbeeld: prentkunst als propaganda aan het begin van de Tachtigjarige Oorlog, Bryn Mawr 1993. Thøfner 2007 M. Thøfner, A Common Art: Urban Ceremonial in Antwerp and Brussels during and after the Dutch Revolt, Zwolle 2007.

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Triumphelijcke incomst … 1881 Triumphelijcke incomst van den doorluchtighen ende hooghgheboren Aertshertoge Matthias binnen Brussele, 18 Januarij 1578, samengesteld door de Maskerade-Commissie Utrecht, Utrecht 1881. Vandenbroeck 1981 P. Vandenbroeck, Rondom plechtige intredes en feestelijke stadsversieringen, Antwerpen 1594–1599–1635 (exh. cat. KMSKA), 1981. Van der Meulen 1994 M. van der Meulen, Copies After the Antique, 3 vols. (Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard, XXIII), London and New York 1994. Van de Velde and Vlieghe 1969 C. Van de Velde and H. Vlieghe, Stadsversieringen te Gent in 1635, voor de Intrede van de Kardinaal-Infant, Ghent 1969. Van Hout and Balis 2010 N. Van Hout and A. Balis, Rubens Unveiled. Notes on the Master’s Painting Technique, Antwerp 2010. Van Marle 1971 R. van Marle, Iconographie de l’art profane au Moyen Age et à la Renaissance et la décoration des demeures, New York 1971. Vervaet 1990 J. Vervaet (ed.), P. P. Rubens: Paintings – Oil Sketches. Catalogue Royal Museum of Fine Arts: documental presentation [KMSKA], Antwerp 1990. Vienna and New York 2004 Peter Paul Rubens (exh. cat. Albertina, Vienna; Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York), 2004. Vlieghe 1998 H. Vlieghe, Flemish Art and Architecture 1585–1700, New Haven 1998. Vlieghe 2008 H. Vlieghe, ‘De voorgeschiedenis tot 1816’, in L. de Jong (ed.), Het Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten Antwerpen. Een geschiedenis 1810–2007, Antwerp 2008, pp. 12–28. Von Roeder-Baumbach 1943 I. von Roeder-Baumbach, Versieringen bij blijde inkomsten gebruikt in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden gedurende de 16e en 17e eeuw …, Antwerp 1943.

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Watanabe-O’Kelly 1992 H. Watanabe-O’Kelly, Triumphal Shews. Tournaments at German-speaking Courts in their European Context 1560–1730, Berlin 1992. Weisbach 1919 W. Weisbach, Trionfi, Berlin 1919. Wisch and Scott Munshower 1990 B. Wisch and S. Scott Munshower (eds.), ‘All the world’s a stage …’, Art and Pageantry in the Renaissance and the Baroque; Part 1, Triumphal Celebrations and the Rituals of Statecraft, Pennsylvania 1990. Wood 2002 J. Wood, Rubens drawing on Italy, Edinburgh 2002. Wood 2010 J. Wood, Rubens Copies and Adaptations from Renaissance and Later Artists: Raphael and his School (Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard, XXVI, 2), London 2010.

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Jordaens and the Rubens Descent from the Cross in Lille Nico Van Hout In the wake of the famous Descent from the Cross in Antwerp Cathedral (1611–14), Rubens produced a number of Descents for churches in Lille (after 16 October 1616),1 Kalisz, Poland (c. 1619),2 Saint-Amand-les-Eaux (c. 1620),3 Arras (two paintings, c. 1620),4 Lier 5 and Saint-Omer (1621–22).6 Several of these altarpieces were commissioned by the Capuchins in the Southern Netherlands. Because of the high costs, this artistic ‘package deal’ caused quite a stir with the head of the order in Rome, Paolo da Cesena. In a letter of 10 March 1617, he complained that ‘for Cambrai an image has been ordered to be made by a famous painter, which is worth 400 ducats, without other ornaments. Another one is present being made for Lille, for the same price and maybe larger still; another one for Antwerp, almost of the same value …’ 7 But despite the admonitions of their bookkeepers, the Capuchins

Canvas, 425 × 295 cm, Lille, Palais des Beaux-Arts, inv. P.74. See Jaffé 1989, no. 433; Judson 2000, no. 48, pp. 192–94, fig. 166. Painted for the Capuchins at Lille. 2 Panel, transferred to canvas, 320 × 312 cm, formerly in Kalisz (Poland), St Nicholas. See Judson 2000, no. 53, pp. 203–04. Bought by Piotr Zeromski for Ladislas IV (?) of Poland. Burnt on 17 December 1973. 3 Canvas, 338 × 194 cm, Valenciennes, Musée des Beaux-Arts, inv. 46.1.15. See Jaffé 1989, no. 275; Judson 2000, no. 52, pp. 201–03, fig. 173. After the French Revolution stored in the church of St Géry from 1803 to 1886 and then acquired by the museum. 4 (1) Canvas, 280 × 205 cm, Arras, St Jean Baptiste. See Judson 2000, no. 54, pp. 204–05, fig. 176. (2) Canvas, 264 × 186 cm. Presented in 1650 to St Géry, Arras, by Jean Widebien of Arras and his wife Marie de Douai; Arras Cathedral since 1792; destroyed in the First World War. See Judson 2000, no. 56, p. 207. 5 Canvas, 297 × 200 cm, St Petersburg, Hermitage, inv. 471. See Jaffé 1989, no. 435; Varshavskaya and Yegorova 1989, pp. 73–77; Judson 2000, no. 55, pp. 205–07, fig. 180. Painted for the Capuchins in Lier. 6 Canvas, c. 400 × 300 cm, Saint-Omer, Cathédrale Notre-Dame. See Judson 2000, no. 57, pp. 207–09, fig. 181. Presented to the Cathedral by Canon Camicel in December 1623. 7 ‘Che si è fatta fare un’ imagine da un famoso pittore per il luogo di Cambray, che vale quattrocento ducati, senza altri ornamenti. Un’ altra se ne fà hora per il luogo di Lilla, del mismo prezzo e forse maggiore. Un altra per il luogo d’Anversa, quasi del medesimo valore.’ See P. Hildebrand, ‘Rubens chez les Capucins. Un témoignage de 1617’, Études franciscaines XLVII (1935), pp. 726–29. 1

Fig. 1 Peter Paul Rubens, The Descent from the Cross (detail), Lille, Palais des Beaux-Arts

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Fig. 1 Peter Paul Rubens, The Descent from the Cross (detail), Lille, Palais des Beaux-Arts

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Fig. 3 Peter Paul Rubens, The Descent from the Cross, modello, Lille, Palais des Beaux-Arts

Fig. 2 Peter Paul Rubens, The Descent from the Cross, Lille, Palais des Beaux-Arts

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Fig. 3 Peter Paul Rubens, The Descent from the Cross, modello, Lille, Palais des Beaux-Arts

Fig. 2 Peter Paul Rubens, The Descent from the Cross, Lille, Palais des Beaux-Arts

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as well as other religious orders must have been confident about the fact that Rubens was a brand that guaranteed delivery and value for money. Inevitably, such a vast commission must have put extra pressure on the production in the Rubens studio. Apart from the aforementioned Descents, many more large-scale pictures were created under the master’s direction between 1616 and the early 1620s.8 For Rubens, his assistants and his subcontractors it certainly was a challenge to produce half a dozen new variations on the same theme – a group of people supporting a lifeless body – and it would not be easy to equal, let alone to surpass, the Descent in Antwerp, which had made his reputation. Taking the workload into account, it seems more than likely that Rubens had to leave not only the execution of the compositions to assistants, but their invention too, as I previously tried to demonstrate in a case study on the Coup de Lance in Antwerp.9 This view on Rubens and teamwork is also argued in the present contribution, which deals with the creative process that led to the Descent from the Cross in Lille (fig. 2). As with some other major Rubens paintings, surprisingly few preliminary studies can be connected with the altarpiece in the Palais des Beaux-Arts. We know of the painted modello (fig. 3) in the same mu seum, which formulates the division between lights and shadows of the composition.10 In addition, two model drawings by Rubens have been linked with the painting. The first one, a study for St John the Evangelist in Rotterdam, shows a naked man from the back.11 A second one, a drawing in the Victoria and Albert Museum, is thought to be a sketch for Nicodemus, who is standing on the lower part of the ladder on the right of the picture.12

For a list of altarpieces painted by the Rubens studio before 1620, see Van Hout 2011, appendix II, pp. 32–35. 9 See Van Hout 2011. 10 Panel, 54.5 × 41.5 cm, Lille, Palais des Beaux-Arts, inv. P.66. See Judson 2000, no. 48a, pp. 194–95. That the Rubens drawing in Rennes (Burchard and d’Hulst 1956, no. 71, pp. 118, 119, fig. 71) was a preparatory study for the altarpiece in Lille, as propounded by d’Hulst 1974, does not seem very plausible. 11 Nude Man partially seen from the back, black chalk with white highlights, on bluish grey paper, 280 × 262 mm; Rotterdam, Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen, inv. V.26; Judson 2000, no. 48b, p. 196. 12 Man turned to the left and holding a piece of drapery, black chalk with white highlights on brownish paper, 435 × 337 mm; London, Victoria and Albert Museum, inv. Dyce 523; Judson 2000, no. 48c, 8

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For the 1610s it is taken as a standard scenario that Rubens pre pared the modelli for his compositions by one or more quick ly drawn pen sketches. A good example of this prac tice can be seen in the genesis of the altar wings of the Descent in Antwerp. The conception of the Visitation on the left wing started with three pen studies on a large sheet, followed by two oil sketches.13 The Presentation in the Temple on the right wing was planned in two pen studies on one sheet and in an oil sketch.14 It is assumed that such a pen drawing by Rubens for the Lille Descent originally existed, but did not survive. In this context we have to men tion a pen sketch by Jordaens of a Descent, which Roger-A. d’Hulst con sidered to be a free copy after the Lille altarpiece (fig. 4).15 The sketch certainly renders the scheme of that composition,

Fig. 4 Jacob Jordaens, The Descent from the Cross, pen and wash, Lille, Palais des Beaux-Arts

pp. 196–97: ‘Burchard has suggested that this study might possibly be for the figure (Nicodemus) standing on the lower part of the ladder on the right in the Lille Descent. Whether or not this is the case is highly debatable, as there are many differences between the drawing, the modello and the altarpiece. The greatest difference is the placement of the shroud, which falls over the figure’s right shoulder in the two paintings and over his left in the drawing.’ 13 Studies for the Visitation, 265 × 360 mm, Bayonne, Musée Bonnat, inv. 1438; Held 1959, no. 27, pl. 33; Held 1986, no. 71, pl. 72. For the related oil sketches in the Musée des Beaux-Arts in Strasbourg and the Courtauld Institute in London, see Held 1980, nos. 356 and 357, pls. 352 and 353. 14 Studies for the Presentation in the Temple, 214 × 142 mm, New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, inv. 52.214.3; Held 1959, no. 28, pl. 34 and fig. 50; Held 1986, no. 72, pl. 73. Studies for the Presentation in the Temple, 242 × 237 mm, London, Courtauld Institute, Princes Gate Collection, inv. D.1978.PG.56; Held 1959, under no. 28; Held 1986, no. 72, pl. 73. For the related oil sketch in the Courtauld Institute, see Held 1980, no. 358, pl. 354. 15 Pen and brown ink and brown wash over black chalk, 195 × 123 mm, Lille, Palais des Beaux-Arts, inv. W3272; d’Hulst 1974, I, no. A40, p. 133; III, fig. 45.

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Fig. 4 Jacob Jordaens, The Descent from the Cross, pen and wash, Lille, Palais des Beaux-Arts

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rather than any other Rubens or Jordaens Descent. The friends of the Lille museum bought this drawing from a Mrs Bostrom in London in 1963. The earlier provenance history of the drawing is unknown.16 To my knowledge, its authorship by Jordaens has never been challenged. In fact, the curvilinear pen handling and the application of wash is quite similar to Jor daens’s compositional study of The High Priest Refusing Joachim’s Offering in Ottawa, made around the same time.17 More questionable is the status of this pen sketch. Is it merely a drawn copy? Why then is it loosely underdrawn with black chalk? Moreover, the number of differences between the drawing and the altarpiece are more substantial than noticed at first sight. Christ’s left arm in the pen sketch is not Fig. 5 Peter Paul Rubens, supported by the man on top of the right The Descent from the Cross, ladder as in the altarpiece, but is lying next to Lille, Palais des Beaux-Arts. his body. In the altarpiece, the helper on top of Detail of fig. 2 the ladder on the left is grabbing the shroud with his left arm. In the drawing, the same man is stretching out his right arm and is leaning his head much more forward. Standing on the same ladder, the accomplice in shadow is positioned higher up in the drawing than in the picture. In the canvas, the man sitting on top of the ladder to the right holds Christ’s lifeless arm, whereas in the drawing he rests his arm on his bended knee. The Magdalene in the drawing occupies less space. Finally, it should be noted that the outlines of the shroud in the pen sketch are undefined and even unresolved. On the basis of these obser

Information kindly provided by Mrs Cordélia Hattori of the Cabinet des Dessins in Lille. Pen and brush and brown ink over black chalk, 244 × 146 mm, Ottawa, National Gallery of Canada, inv. 9983; d’Hulst 1974, I, no. A36; III, fig. 40. d’Hulst dates this sketch for an unknown composition around 1617. 16

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Fig. 6 Jacob Jordaens, Two studies of an old woman, Nancy, Musée des Beaux-Arts

vations one is tempted to categorize the pen sketch as a first draft for a composition, rather than an imitation of one. Jordaens is not just copying here. He is searching for a satisfactory design. This would imply that Jordaens was – at least partly – involved in the creative process preceding the Lille Descent. On the left side of the Lille altarpiece is an elderly woman, rendered in profile (figs. 1 and 5). This figurante is present in the pen sketch by Jordaens, but is missing in Rubens’s modello. Her face mirrors the right head in a double head study by Jordaens in the Musée des Beaux-Arts in

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Fig. 6 Jacob Jordaens, Two studies of an old woman, Nancy, Musée des Beaux-Arts

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Fig. 7 Peter Paul Rubens, The Descent from the Cross, Lille, Palais des Beaux-Arts. Detail of fig. 2: Maria Cleophas

Fig. 8 Peter Paul Rubens, The Descent from the Cross, modello, Lille, Palais des BeauxArts. Detail of fig. 3: Maria Cleophas

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Nancy (fig. 6).18 That same profile is recognizable in paintings produced by the Rubens studio in the early 1620s, such as the Adoration of the Shepherds in Neuburg an der Donau,19 the Adoration of the Shepherds in Soissons,20 and Tomyris and Cyrus in the Louvre.21 These observations and the fact that there is a drawn copy of this profile head in the Copenhagen Print Room may suggest that the Nancy oil study or a copy of it was part of the Rubens cantoor until the 1620s.22 The same elderly woman, seen from other angles, can be observed in Jordaens’s own paintings, namely in The Daughters of Cecrops Finding Erichthonius of 1617 in Antwerp,23 and in his Satyr and Peasant in Brussels from about 1620–21. A frontal view of her physiognomy is also preserved in a Jordaens drawing in the Antwerp Print Room.24 In the modello for the Lille Descent, Maria Cleophas shows her grief by the gesture of her right hand, while on the altarpiece, her hand is omitted and her face is looking up in a three-quarter position (figs. 7 and 8). On closer inspection, it can be observed that the angle of view and the tilt of her head closely resemble – albeit in reverse – those of the model on the right in Two studies of a young man (fig. 9) in the Shickman Collection (currently stored at the Metropolitan Museum in New York).25 It should not come as a surprise that this youthful tronie was borrowed for both male and female characters. Up till now, this study was considered an autograph work by Rubens, but the viscous paint substance, the strong plasticity and the orange flesh tones with their dark shadows rather seem to point to Jordaens.26 Jordaens seems to have used the tronie for the fisherman in the right foreground of the Calling of St Peter at St James in

Two studies of an old woman, panel, 63 × 63 cm, Nancy, Musée des Beaux-Arts, inv. 203. Jaffé 1989, no. 536, c. 1619–20. 20 Soissons Cathedral; Jaffé 1989, no. 675; c. 1621–22. 21 Jaffé 1989, no. 666; McGrath 1997, no. 4, pp. 33–37. McGrath dates the picture to c. 1625. 22 Copenhagen, Statens Museum for Kunst. See Ottawa 1968–69, no. 133, p. 152; d’Hulst 1974, I, no. A52; III, fig. 59; d’Hulst 1982, p. 103, fig. 70. 23 KMSKA, inv. 842. 24 Antwerp, Museum Plantin-Moretus/Prentenkabinet, inv. 718, 360 × 270 mm; d’Hulst 1974, I, no. A37. 25 Held 1980, no. 446; Jaffé 1989, no. 405. 26 The Shickman sketch was attributed to Jordaens by Arnout Balis in an oral communication. After having examined this head study at the Metropolitan Museum in 2011, I can only share his view. 18

Fig. 9 Peter Paul Rubens (here attributed to Jacob Jordaens), Two studies of a young man, Shickman Collection (on loan to the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York)

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Fig. 7 Peter Paul Rubens, The Descent from the Cross, Lille, Palais des Beaux-Arts. Detail of fig. 2: Maria Cleophas

Fig. 8 Peter Paul Rubens, The Descent from the Cross, modello, Lille, Palais des BeauxArts. Detail of fig. 3: Maria Cleophas

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Fig. 9 Peter Paul Rubens (here attributed to Jacob Jordaens), Two studies of a young man, Shickman Collection (on loan to the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York)

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Antwerp (c. 1616).27 Nevertheless, the tronie also appears as St John the Evangelist on the left wing of Rubens’s Adoration of the Magi in Mechelen (c. 1616–19).28 In Rubens’s modello for the painting in Lille, the corpse of Christ visually merges with the white shroud, as it did in the Antwerp Descent. Through this masterly solution the viewer’s attention is focused on the centre of the drama. A deep fold in the shroud casts a sharp-edged shadow that links the stretched arm of the man on the upper left via Christ’s dead body to the leg of St John and the ladder on the lower right. In this way, a striking diagonal is created, resulting in a triangular composition. The modello already hints at the intended colour scheme of the draperies, in line with convention. The simplicity of composition and the focus on drama as expressed in the modello was abandoned in the altarpiece. These observations support the hypothesis that Jordaens actually made the first design and that Rubens adapted it in his modello, after which Jordaens put the old woman in again and got away with it. The fact that the artistic brainstorming session was resumed in a masterful Rubens modello and the existence of two model drawings by Rubens in preparation of the altarpiece do not exclude a participation by Jordaens in the process of invention. By omitting the shadowed fold in the shroud, Rubens’s powerful diagonal was interrupted. The eyes of the viewer are distracted from the tragedy by the boldly coloured draperies of the protagonists. Under his red cloak, St John is wearing an olive-green tunic. Wearing a simple yellow garment in the modello, Mary Magdalene seems rather overdressed in the altarpiece, where she is given a sumptuous attire in yellow silk and pink lining, covering a light purple-blue dress. This mother-of-pearl outfit is rather out of place and reduces the impact of the main subject of the altarpiece. The rich purple drapery and yellow turban of Nicodemus are

overly present. The reintroduction of the elderly woman on the left could be called quite unnecessary too. All these deviations from the original concept must have been decided by Jordaens, an artistic personality with a penchant for the narrative and the spectacular, lacking subtlety and avoiding empty spaces. The extras in the Lille Descent from the Cross can only be described as plump. We see a solid and capable hand that loves to paint shiny fabrics and that is not afraid of strong contrasts, vividly coloured half shadows and reflections; a painter who smoothly unites his thick paint, but who does not – unlike Rubens in these years – bother about transparent glazes.29 In my opinion, these elements point in one direction: Jordaens. Archival documents that give us information on Jacob Jordaens’s life and activities before 1620 are scarce.30 Only a handful of his earliest paintings are signed, dated or documented.31 On the whole, assuming that Jordaens was active as an independent artist from 1612 onwards, his artistic output in the second decade seems surprisingly modest. In all likelihood, our understanding of the artist’s production in those years is obscured by his share in the production of pictures that are labelled as Rubens. However, the list of these works is growing. The Flight of Lot and his Daughters from Sodom in Tokyo was added to this category by d’Hulst with good reason.32 Equally convincing is Balis’s reattribution to Jordaens of the portraits of Archduke Albert of Austria and The Infanta Isabella in

d’Hulst 1982, p. 67, fig. 36; d’Hulst, De Poorter and Vandenven 1993. In this context, a similar double use of study material in the Rubens orbit can be mentioned. It should be remarked that the man on top of the ladder in the upper right of the Descent has the same facial features as the male nude appearing in a series of model studies in Darmstadt and Düsseldorf. Difficult to attribute, these drawings reflect positions of figures in paintings by Jordaens, Vinckenborch and Rubens. See Vlieghe 1987a and my article in Brussels 2012, pp. 55–59: ‘Jordaens of geen Jordaens? Over het gebruik van modelstudies in de zeventiende eeuw.’ 27

Or, as d’Hulst characterized Jordaens’s style: ‘de figuren zijn korter en daardoor minder sierlijk, een sterke golving verleent de omtreklijnen een dynamischer karakter, terwijl bovendien het koele en felle coloriet waarin heliotroop, lila, scherp geel en giftig groen een belangrijke rol spelen, alsmede de kordate toets …’ (d’Hulst 1982, p. 44). 30 He was baptized on 20 May 1593 in Our Lady’s Church in Antwerp. In 1607–08 he is known to have been a pupil of Adam van Noort (1562–1641). In 1615–16 he became master in the Guild of St Luke where he was registered as waterschilder (painter of watercolours on canvas or paper). On 15 May 1616 he married Catharina, the eldest daughter of his master. In 1620–21 a certain Charles du Val is registered as Jordaens’s pupil. 31 Among these, we should mention an Adoration of the Shepherds (1616, New York, Metropolitan Museum); a Crucifixion for St Paul’s Church in Antwerp, paid 150 guilders by Magdalena Lewieter in 1616–17; The Daughters of Cecrops Finding Erichthonius (1617, KMSKA); and finally an Adoration of the Shepherds (1618, Stockholm, Nationalmuseum). 32 d’Hulst 1967; d’Hulst and Vandenven 1989, no. 5 copy 2; Jaffé 1989, no. 266: 1614; Vlieghe 1993, p. 161; Nakamura 1994; Liedtke 1993; Balis 1994, p. 112. 29

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Vienna.33 In the case of these paintings, the role of each artist is well defined and can be resumed conveniently as ‘Rubens invenit, Jordaens pinxit’. In other paintings, Jordaens seems to have participated in even closer symbiosis. According to an old inventory description, the Latin Church Fathers, formerly at Stoneyhurst College in Blackburn, Lancashire, was ‘made by Rubens and Jordaens’, although nobody attempted to separate hands in this shared activity.34 Michael Jaffé considered Rubens’s Christ in the House of Simon in St Petersburg to have been painted in a joint effort by Jordaens and Van Dyck.35 That author detected Jordaens’s hand in number of other Rubens paintings as well.36As another candidate, Balis suggested Christ’s Charge to Peter in the Wallace Collection, London.37 On looking at the rubber-like flesh tones and poisonous colours in Christ Giving the Keys to St Peter in the Berlin Gemäldegalerie, one also thinks more of Jordaens than of Rubens.38 I am convinced that among the growing list of Rubens pictures painted by Jordaens, the Descent from the Cross in Lille should feature prominently as a great artistic achievement, even if it did not quite eclipse its illustrious predecessor. This will be confirmed by any visitor to the Palais des Beaux-Arts.

Glück 1921; Oldenbourg 1921, p. 27; K. Schütz, in Vienna 1977, nos. 13–14; Vlieghe 1987b, nos. 68–69, figs. 20–21; Jaffé 1989, nos. 245–246; Balis 1994, pp. 112–13. 34 The inventory of Herman de Neyt of 15–22 October 1642 lists ‘Een groot stuck op doeck in lyste inhoudende de Vier Doctoren van de Heylige Kercke gemaect door Rubbens ende Jordaens’ (Duverger, V, p. 24). See Vlieghe 1972, no. 60, fig. 104; Ottawa 1968–69, no. 69; R.-A. d’Hulst, in d’Hulst, De Poorter and Vandenven 1993, no. A40. 35 St Petersburg, Hermitage, inv. 306; M. Jaffé, in Ottawa 1968–69, p. 41. The attribution of the figures on the right of this picture is based upon the fact that two Apostles sitting next to Christ were prepared in study heads by Van Dyck, now in the Gemäldegalerie, Berlin (inv. 933), and in the Staatsgalerie, Neuburg an der Donau (Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen, inv. 1248); Barnes, De Poorter, Millar and Vey 2004, p. 91, no. I.95; Gritsay and Babina 2008, pp. 245–48. 36 These include St Peter Finding the Stater (Dublin), Tomyris and Cyrus (Boston), The Council of the Gods from the Medici Cycle (Paris) and Salome with the Head of St John the Baptist in Castle Howard (Yorkshire) (see Jaffé 1989, nos. 506, 508, 510, 737, 882). 37 Inv. P 93; also known as the Damant epitaph; Freedberg 1984, no. 17. In my view, the attribution of this painting to Jordaens by Balis 1994 (pp. 103–04, nn. 71 and 72) must remain tentative, certainly when it is compared to the Four Evangelists by Pieter Soutman in Stockholm (Nationalmuseum, inv. NM 343). That Rubensian picture is dated 1615 and its style is remarkably close to Jordaens’s idiom, though its palette seems more bright than gaudy. 38 Freedberg 1984, no. 23, pp. 91–94. 33

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Bibliography Balis 1994 A. Balis, ‘“Fatto da un mio discepolo”: Rubens’s Studio Practices Reviewed’, in Nakamura 1994, pp. 97–128. Barnes, De Poorter, Millar and Vey 2004 S. J. Barnes, N. De Poorter, O. Millar and H. Vey, Van Dyck. A Complete Catalogue of the Paintings, New Haven and London 2004. Brussels 2012 J. Vander Auwera and I. Schaudies, Jordaens and the Antique (exh. cat. Musées Royaux des Beaux-Arts de Belgique, Brussels, 2012–13), Brussels 2012. Burchard and d’Hulst 1956 L. Burchard and R.-A. d’Hulst, Rubens Drawings, Antwerp 1956. d’Hulst 1967 R.-A. d’Hulst, ‘Drie vroege schilderijen van Jacob Jordaens’, Gentse bijdragen tot de kunstgeschiedenis en oudheidkunde 20 (1967), pp. 71–74. d’Hulst 1974 R.-A. d’Hulst, Jordaens Drawings (Nationaal Centrum voor de Plastische Kunsten van de XVIde en XVIIde Eeuw, Monographieën, 5), 4 vols., London and New York 1974. d’Hulst 1982 R.-A. d’Hulst, Jacob Jordaens, Antwerp 1982. d’Hulst and Vandenven 1989 R.-A. d’Hulst and M. Vandenven, The Old Testament (Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard, III), London and New York 1989. d’Hulst, De Poorter and Vandenven 1993 R.-A. d’Hulst, N. De Poorter and M. Vandenven, Jacob Jordaens (1593–1678) (exh. cat. KMSKA), 2 vols., Brussels 1993. Duverger 1991 E. Duverger, Antwerpse kunstinventarissen uit de zeventiende eeuw (Koninklijke Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten van België), vol. I.5, Brussels 1991.

BULLETIN

Freedberg 1984 D. Freedberg, The Life of Christ after the Passion (Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard, VII), London, Oxford and New York 1984.

Ottawa 1968–69 M. Jaffé, Jacob Jordaens 1593–1678 (exh. cat. National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa, 1968–69), Ottawa 1968.

Glück 1921 G. Glück, ‘Rubens’ Bildnisse des Erzhertogs Albert und der Infantin Isabella’, Bildende Künste 4 (1921), pp. 49–54.

Van Hout 2011 N. Van Hout, ‘On the invention and execution of the Coup de Lance’, Rubensbulletin (2011), web publication, appendix II, pp. 32–35.

Gritsay and Babina 2008 N. Gritsay and N. Babina, State Hermitage Museum Catalogue. Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century Flemish Painting, New Haven and London 2008.

Varshavskaya and Yegorova 1989 M. Varshavskaya and X. Yegorova, Peter Paul Rubens, Paintings from Soviet Museums, Leningrad 1989.

Held 1959 J. S. Held, Rubens: Selected Drawings, 2 vols., London 1959.

Vienna 1977 Peter Paul Rubens 1577–1640 (exh. cat. Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna), 1977.

Held 1980 J. S. Held, The Oil Sketches of Peter Paul Rubens, A Critical Catalogue, Princeton 1980.

Vlieghe 1972 H. Vlieghe, Saints (Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard, VIII, 1), Brussels, London and New York 1972.

Held 1986 J. S. Held, Rubens: Selected Drawings, 2nd edn., New York 1986. Jaffé 1989 M. Jaffé, Rubens. Catalogo Completo, Milan 1989. Judson 2000 J. R. Judson, Rubens: The Passion of Christ (Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard, VI), Turnhout 2000. Liedtke 1993 W. Liedtke, ‘Tokyo, “Lots” of Rubens’, The Burlington Magazine 135 (1993), pp. 718–19. McGrath 1997 E. McGrath, Subjects from History (Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard, XIII, 2), London 1997.

Vlieghe 1987a H. Vlieghe, ‘Rubens’ beginnende invloed: Arnout Vinckenborch en het probleem van Jordaens’ vroegste tekeningen’, Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 38 (1987), pp. 383–96. Vlieghe 1987b H. Vlieghe, Rubens: Portraits of Identified Sitters Painted in Antwerp (Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard, XIX, 2), London and New York 1987. Vlieghe 1993 H. Vlieghe, ‘Rubens’s Atelier and History Painting in Flanders. A Review of the Evidence’, in P. C. Sutton (ed.), The Age of Rubens (exh. cat. Boston and Toledo 1993–94), Boston and Antwerp 1993, pp. 158–70.

Nakamura 1994 T. Nakamura, ‘The Flight of Lot and his Family from Sodom: Rubens and his Studio’, in T. Nakamura (ed.), Rubens and his Workshop. The Flight of Lot and his Family from Sodom (exh. cat. The National Museum of Western Art, Tokyo), 1994. Oldenbourg 1921 R. Oldenbourg, P. P. Rubens. Des Meisters Gemälde (Klassiker der Kunst), Stuttgart 1921.