Spatial Appropriation

Spatial Appropriation Urban Experience on Street Space in Tokyo and London

Kosuke Ino

Contents - Introduction thesis hypothesis methodology - Urban Experience - Street Space - Spatial Appropriation morphological Appropriation behaviourological Appropriation - Conclusion bibliography image references

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Introduction

An intermediate space is a buffer zone and interface between opposite entities such as interior/exterior and public/private, and this concept was particularly argued in both Japan and Europe as a criticism of modernist architecture. In most cases, this space has been examined and developed with domestic and residential scales which have the proximity to human scales. On the one hand, the concept of an intermediate space in Japan is derived from 'engawa' which is a space beneath the eaves in traditional Japanese houses. (fig. 1) This space is recognised as the extension of interior space,

fig. 1

in other words, an intermediate space between interior and

'engawa' in Japanese Traditional house ‘Engawa’ is the traditional notion of space in Japan, and it is associated with the concept of intermediate space between interior and exterior.

exterior, and it provides an opportunity for a communication with neighbours. While, in Europe, an intermediate space was proposed focusing on dwellings which promote communication in the local area. (fig. 2) Therefore, the discussion of an intermediate space has focused on residential scale which involve interactions with neighbours or local communities.

Although the concept of an intermediate space has been argued with regard to domestic scales, this might be reflected on larger urban context. The Dutch architect, Aldo van Eyck expresses that ‘‘a house must be like a small city if it’s to be a real house, a city like a large house if it’s to be a

fig. 2

Golden Lane Project (1952) by Alison and Peter Simithon This is a project by Alison and Peter Smithson in London, which offers high density accommodation as part of post war reconstruction. The concept of ‘streets in the air’ which brings pedestrian circulation was introduced in order to create community. The streets were connected to each cluster of flats.

[1]

real city’’ Here, he introduces dialectic relationship between different scales of house and city. In this sense, the argument of an intermediate space could be applied to both residential and urban scales.

1. Aldo van Eyck, Essay: Steps Toward a Configurative Discipline.

4

website http://iplusi.exblog.jp(top) image from Team 10 in search of a utopia of the present (bottom)

The research on an intermediate space in urban environment

The investigation specifically focuses on street space in the

is beneficial dealing with the complexity of the city and spatial

city in which the regeneration and rescaling are profound.

potential to accommodate multi function. The cities are

In urban environments, travelling from one place to another

expanding in both Japan and Europe, especially metropolitan

accompanies the contact with a diversity of people and

areas, as constructing skyscrapers and infrastructure along

materials in the city.

with the growth of economy and consumption. The buildings

significant role in urban experience. Historically, Japanese

and urban spaces in cities are regenerated in response

traditional street space was utilised and appropriated by

to demanded functions as megalopolis. A considerable

people as a part of living environment as well as the use of

number of people are living surrounded by complex urban

access, as an extension of interior space.

environments. The regeneration and rescaling create the

European context, Alison and Peter Smithson point out the

‘chaotic’ environment, in other words, the complexity of the

capability of street space for communication discovered from

city. This urban environments might affect experiences that

children's play on the street. (fig. 3)

[2]

In this sense, the street space plays a

[3]

Similarly, in the

[4]

people would have in the cities.

Here, it is speculated that street space as an intermediate The essay questions how urban environments in metropolitan

space becomes a place which provides urban experiences

areas provide urban experiences within the concept of an

through people’s appropriation of the space.

intermediate space.

fig. 3

Life on the Street by Nigel Henderson (1951) Children's unregulated expression on the streets Nigel Henderson illustrates multi functional space on the streets by photograph of children playing. Shown in Team 10 meetings in 1953 by Alison and Peter Smithon.

2. Jen Jack Fieseking et.al. The People, Place, and Space Reader. Section 7 3. Kisho Kurokawa, Kisho Kurokawa, 'Intermediary Space', The Philosophy of Symbiosis online book on Kisho Kurokawa website 4. Alison and Peter Smithson, Urban Structuring.

5

Cities as objects of investigation have chosen from both

Following by an investigation on Shinjuku, London is examined

Japan and Europe in order to compare similarities and

as an instance of European Megalopolis, which has a potential

dissimilarities of street patterns, spatial appropriation, and

to contain an intermediate space within complex urban

urban experiences.

context. Two areas of London has particularly selected, namely Elephant and Castle and Soho. These areas consist of larger

Shinjuku, Tokyo is picked up as an extreme example of the

scale constructions, or there are constant transformations,

city in which the regeneration and large scale construction

which results in people's appropriation of the space and urban

are taken place, therefore, an intermediate space and

experiences. (fig. 7)

appropriation of space could be discovered in urban context.

Shinjuku considerably lacks ‘breathing space’ because of the

The essay explores street space and people's appropriation

juxtaposition of large scale buildings. As a result, the public

within urban context by comparing different areas in Japan

has initiated to create breathing space by appropriating street

and the UK, Shinjuku, Elephant and Castle and Soho. The

space. (fig. 6)

street spaces in each areas are observed, investigated, and photographed, and similarities and dissimilarities of spaces and people's appropriation are described. Consequently, urban experience influenced by appropriations are investigated in response to urban theories.

fig. 4

fig. 5

Shinjuku, Tokyo city scape

London city scape

images from https://ja.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E6%96%B0%E5%AE%BFhttps:// wallpaperscraft.com/download/london_skyscrapers_river_boat_ quay_25518/2560x1024

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Tokyo

Shinjuku

Shinjuku station

fig. 6

The location of Shinjuku, Tokyo

Soho Elephant and Castle

fig. 7

The location of Elephant and Castle and South Bank, London

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Urban Experience

The environment in metropolis, and urban experience became

In addition to this, Lefebvre offered tripartite spatial

distinctive as mega scale buildings and infrastructure have

productions which dialectically exist: spatial practice,

been generated. As mentioned in introduction, the essay

representations of space, and representational space. 'Spatial

speculates that the urban spaces in the context of regeneration

practice' refers to physical space in which everyday acts are

and rescaling are adopted by city dwellers through spatial

'perceived'. 'Representations of space' are 'conceived' by

appropriation. Here, the investigation is initiated with the

architects, planners, and engineers in order to systematise

understanding of the relationship between people and

through codes and maps. 'Representational spaces' are ‘lived’

environment in the city, which leads to spatial appropriation.

spaces through change and appropriation.

This relationship between human body and environment was

categorisations help to understand the relationship between

discussed in philosophical discourse by the French philosopher

people and space, and the investigation on actual urban space

and sociologist, Henri Lefebvre in 1960s. He introduced the

in Tokyo and London.

[7]

These three

'production of space' in relation to human body, and he points out that the space means not only the physical and objective

Shnjuku is an initial example in which spatial productions

extension separated from human body but it involves the

proposed by Lefebvre are prominently discovered. If applying

internal relationship in which human possesses and creates

these theories into Shinjuku, firstly, this city includes spaces

spaces.

[5]

Therefore, the space could be produced and

where everyday activities of buying, walking, and working

appropriated associated with human body and scale rather

take place as ‘spatial practice’,(fig. 8) and secondly, as for

than just physically existing.

‘representations of space’, there are repetitive buildings with similar shapes, and regulations on activities in the public space

Based on the theory of space as a product, Lefebvre stresses

by the government. (fig. 9) Finally, the lived space is produced

the 'abstract space' which emerged after 1910s. In the cities,

by adding physical objects and being behaved informally.

the separation of micro architectural production and macro

This will be particularly examined in the section of 'spatial

urban planning led to the disappearance of ''commonplaces''

appropriation'.

and the space of ''common-sense'', meaning that the capitalism created repetition and social patterns, as a result, the 'abstract space' was dominated in the cities.

[6]

This was

described within the context of capitalism, and it is linked with urbanisation which is a contemporary condition that this essay focuses on. As Lefebvre suggested that the space is produced according to social patterns, the environments in metropolis contain abstract space due to systems such as grids and planning, and the space is reproduced and perpetuated.

5.Henri Lefebvre, The Productioin of Space 6. ibid p25

8

7. Jen Jack Gieseking et.al. The People, Place, and Space Reader. Section 9 The Social Production of Space and Time

fig. 8 'spatial practice' in Shinjuku Many activities are taken place in Shinjuku due to the feature of multifunctionality. Shinjuku contains a variety of social characters such as commercial, residential, and political places.

1

3

6 4 5

2

the restriction on the street space in Shinjuku

fig. 9 1.

Don’t play instruments on the street 2. Don’t enterthere are quite a few restriction on activities on the street In Shinjuku, conducted government in order to ‘protect’ the street environment.

3. Dont’t parkbybikes on the street 4. Don’t litter 1. Don’t play instruments on the street 2. Don’t enter on the street 5. Don’t smoke 3. Don’t park bikes on the street 6. Don’t solicitations 4. Don’t litter 5. Don’t smoke 6. Don’t do solicitation

image from cdn.amanaimag(top) taken by athor (bottom)

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Exemplified in Shinjuku, Japanese metropolis promotes spatial

The spatial composition in Shinjuku is not the exception, for

appropriation and produces the complicated environments.

example, the street pattern is according to local geography.

This might be because there is particular correlation between

Nevertheless, the introduction of systems influenced by

space and city dwellers in Japan and its culture.

European strategy is combined into traditional environments in the city nowadays. (see section of street space) This friction

Augustin Berque is the French philosopher and geographer

between traditional and modern/European notions of space

who is influenced by the theory of spatial relationship by

might result in chaotic environment and extreme spatial

Lefebvre, and he explored it in the context of Japan. He

appropriations.

explains that the unique relationship between space and people in Japan is attributed to its culture. In Japanese culture,

In order to analyse the relationship between people and space,

the subject is less significant than European culture, and the

both Henri Lefebvre and Augustin Berque were interested

environment is more important.

[8]

Berque elaborates this by

in street space in which the relationship is embedded.

using the structure of Japanese language. For instance, the

Lefebvre observed street life in Paris from the window of

word samui ('I am cold' and 'it is cold') contains meanings of

his apartment. He attempted to capture ''the interaction of

both subject and environment, and the meanings should be

tradition and creation, of the active and the inactive Paris''

speculated from the environment or ambience, thereby, the

from the street view.

[9]

[11]

He expresses his observation as ''the

subject does not need to be articulated in the sentence. The

rhythms of a street'', and this 'rhythms' implies that the street

subject is expressed through the relationship with surroundings

accommodates multiple activities of motor vehicles and

instead of absolutisation of the subject.

people, simultaneously, it has a certain repetitive cycles. The cycles are determined by social pattern created by capitalism

This linguistic structure is reflected on composition of the

society.

space in the city. Berque claims that Japanese cities are reluctant to have a general coordination, instead, it is defined by specific local surroundings and nature. Even the grid system is based on topography, and spontaneous organisation is [10]

taken place in the city.

8. Augustin Berque, The Sense of Nature and Its Relation to Space in Japan, p101 9. Moreover, ‘I’ as the subject in English do not change its form as ‘I’ in any situation, however, ‘watashi’ (‘I’ in Japanese) could transform into the different forms such as ‘boku’, and ‘ore’ etc. depending on the situations. Hence, in Japanese culture, ‘’what must be defined in the first place is not the subject, but the environment.’’ (ibid p102) 10. ibid p107

10

11. Kurt Meyer, Rhythms, Streets, Cities, Space, Difference, Everyday Life p153

On the other hand, Berque focused on street associated with [12]

the significance of 'liminality' in Japanese spatial notion.

This

refers to ambiguous space which exists in two entities, in other words, an intermediate space. Furthermore, Berque stressed the importance of the crossing as a node. (see street space) As Japanese spatial notion does not put the significance on absolutisation of the subject, the nodes in the process are emphasised.

Considering the significance of street space in terms of the relationship between space and city dwellers, the investigation continues to explore the street space. As discussed in this section, the space could be produced by people, and in European cities, the productions are taken place according to the social patterns and repetitions. On the other hand, in Japan, the subject/people are determined by the environments as Berque explains. However, the complexity of metropolis encompasses both European and Japanese spatial notions.

Particularly, urban space in Shinjuku consists of both Japanese traditional and Western-influenced spaces. In the next chapter, the street space in different area in Tokyo and London will be discussed from two different angles of spatial relationship.

12. Augustin Berque, The Sense of Nature and Its Relation to Space in Japan, p106

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Street Space The street space is interpreted as an intermediate space between buildings in the city, and it plays a significant role in urban experience by accommodating multiple aspects of the city. As the importance of street space has been argued in urban planning and theories, the function of street has been evolved. The evolution and features of street space in Europe and Japan share some similarities and dissimilarities, and in this section, they will be explained with case studies in Tokyo and London. The appropriation of the space will be examined

fig. 10

Le Corbusier’s modern city of three million in habitants (1922) This is a utopian city by Le Corbusier illustrating mega highway for automobiles and skyscrapers. The cities should be designed considering the significance of motorised traffic.

in relation to different types of street and environments.

The Danish architect and urban planner Jan Gehl focused on

Before 1920s, the different types of activities and traffic

multi-functionality on the street, and he explained that, before

were taken place in one unified space. This made the street

modernism, street space offered multiple values such as

space vibrant and interactive. (fig. 11) However, in 1920s, the

‘’meeting place, market place and traffic space’’ as the network

automobile was recognised as a significant contributor to the

[13]

was consisted within the city.

Nevertheless, after modernism,

future of the cities as the demand for automobile increased.

mega scale construction and regeneration have dominated the

Along with this idea, Le Corbusier introduced city planning

cities, and it led to absence of communication and interaction

for automobile including the segregated highway.

spaces due to the separation of traffic. Furthermore, the ideas

10) Subsequently, the different transportations have been

of zoning and construction of vehicle roads led by modernism

separated by systematising pedestrianised streets, lanes for

and functionalism were prioritised over street space in the city.

bicycles, and high ways for motorised traffic.

Presently, the street space is reevaluated and reintroduced in

the separation of traffic might limit the use of street by

addition to dominant vehicle roads in the city.

designating the functions which the users should follow. The

[15]

[14]

(fig.

Nevertheless,

Smithsons claimed that ‘’all we know is that the street has In the western countries, the street space has been developed

been invalidated by the motor car, rising standards of living

from unplanned shared space before modernism, the

and changing values’’.

[16]

segregation of traffic after modernism, to the shared space as urban planning in current term.

13. Jan Gehl and Lars Gemzoe, New City Spaces, p7

12

14. Le Corbusier, City of Tomorrow and Its Planning 15. Particularly, in 1960s, Colin Buchanan supported the idea that heavy traffic flow and social interaction should be separated in order to rationalise traffic movement (fig. 12) 16. Alison and Peter Smithson, Urban Structuring: Studies of Alison and Peter Smithon, p10

Currently, although mixed use street space is considered as unplanned feature before modernism, the traditional shared street space is reevaluated and introduced as a new urban strategy. The idea is that the different types of transports and activities are shared in an unified space as active environment.

This idea was introduced from the criticism of traffic [17]

separation.

A novel idea for street space is to bring all types

of traffic flows and people into one space as ‘shared space’, and keep safety by drivers’ and people’s expectations instead of regulation by systematised traffic signs or segregated roads.

[18]

Hence, the shared space aims to be more personal

fig. 11

and unpredictable, and prompts a variety of activities without

traditional shared street in San Francisco / film: A Trip Down Market Street in 1906.

This film recorded the vibrant market street in San Francisco before modernism as all traffic are in one space. There is no order here, but, there is a kind of ‘common sense’.

heavy regulations. (see fig. 13)

fig. 12

separation of traffic in Traffic in Towns by Colin Buchanan This drawing shows the strategy of the separation of the increasing car traffic and social interaction. This led to the signs and overbridges which are familiar with current urban environment.

fig. 13

17. For example, Jane Jacobs argued that the large scale infrastructure caused from segregation of the street space eliminates communication and relationship with neighbours. She proposed the benefit of sidewalks and street as the public realm which is culturally defined and constantly changing on everyday life (Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities) 18. Ben Hamilton-Baillie, Shared Space: Reconciling People, Places, and Traffic

the shared space in New Road, Brighton by Gehl Architects This is a project of the shared street in Brighton. The street utilised by both pedestrians and vehicles was designed in order to create viable atmosphere in cultural area in Brighton.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8Q5Nur642BU(top) https://pricetags.wordpress.com(middle) http://www.landezine.com/(bottom)

13

If looking at actual street space in Elephant and Castle, the strategy of traffic segregation was exemplified.

Elephant and Castle, located in South London, plays a significant role as traffic node connecting to major parts of London. The centre of the area consists of the roads for car traffic radially spreading to five directions, and also five sectors which are divided by these roads. (fig. 14) Because of radial street development, the irregular shape of districts were created, consequently, open spaces are created from surplus space of the buildings and blocks. fig. 15

underpass in Elephant and Castle in 2012 image taken by author

As the street formed, the segregation of traffic and pedestrians as the main urban planning was introduced after 1940s [19]

influenced by urban sprawl and modernist strategies.

Based

on this strategy, the separated pedestrian overpasses and subways under the roundabout became prominent in this area. (fig. 15) Currently, the segregated subways are eliminated, and new urban planning aims to regenerate the area as mixeduse major town centre by introducing new open space and integrated traffic network system.

Due to the radial street pattern and the implementation of fig. 14

the transformation of street network in London

the new strategy, the centre of Elephant and Castle seems

The radial street pattern is reflected from the principle of London’s street development as ‘tree-like’ structure. This represents that main roads are radically spread as a core network in the city, and minor streets lie between main roads creating local network.

According to historical development of street patterns in London , the main roads illustrated in red and blue remain from 1786, [1] while the main transformation is the growth of minor streets.

to contain decent amount of open space as pedestrianised area, particularly around shopping centre. (shown in Black, fig.

16) However, the shared space between pedestrianised and vehicle roads lacks in Elephant and Castle due to the clear zoning. These features of open space creation and radial street

1. A. Paolo Masucci et.al. Limited Urban Growth: London’s Street Network Dynamics since the 18th Century, online article PLOS One, 2013

pattern are significantly different from space in Japan.

image from PLOS ONE

19. David Littlefield, Elephant and Castle, London (re)generation, Architectural Design 2012, 82-1

14

shopping centre

Elephant and Castle national railway station

pedestrianised area shared area motorised traffic roads fig. 16

the types of street around the station in Elephant and Castle There are considerable amount of open space / pedestrianised area in black.

This is resulted from the radial street pattern which creates surplus area from buildings’ occupation. Some open spaces are utilised and occupied by the public, but others are empty at some degrees.

15

Japanese large cities followed the urban strategy of traffic segregation to some extents, at the same time, historical Japanese street space exits in urban space. Kurokawa states that ‘’Japanese cities do not have open space’’, and this ‘open space’ refers to ‘piazza’ (Italian cities), ‘plaza’ (Spanish cities), and ‘square’, which are seen in European cities.

[20]

The lack

of open space led to the utilisation of street space as living environment. Particularly, the crossings (tsuji in Japanese) traditionally played a role in everyday life in the city as a node, and the shops, stalls, and street performers emerged in the [21]

space, and this made the city vibrant.

It is said that Japanese

cities do not consist of centripetal and general structure, while the crossing focally works as an equivalent for a square.

fig. 17

[22]

This is distinguished from a clear central structure symbolised in a monument at the centre. Notably, irregular and organic crossings created by the original geography improve the quality of space by taking advantage of the existing forms [23]

and patterns of streets.

The crossings become lived space

because of complexity (fig. 17, fig. 18) Modern Japanese cities contain the mixture of westerninfluenced separated streets and remaining traditional forms of streets. These two aspects of street space are discovered in Shinjuku.

20. Kisho Kurokawa, Urban Design 21. Jun Aoki, All Buildings Have Evolved from Streets. Runners info websites 22. Yoshiaki Sakauchi, Naoto Nagajima, City Planning, The structure of Urban Space. p112 23. ibid

16

fig. 18

the crossing in Shibuya, Japan This is the largest crossing and the largest number of people cross the roads at the same time in Japan. The enormous amount of traffic are moving, and high commercial buildings as landscapes enclose the crossing. Moreover, vast array of activities such as walking, stopping for traffic lights, are taken place, and people, cars, and bikes cross the roads. Due to this, the space is perceived as one space by the public, and this is recognised as a substitute for the square in Europe.

http://cdn.amanaimages.com/ (top) taken by author (bottom)

Shinjuku is one of the largest city in Tokyo, and it contains

In Shinjuku, the separation of street space is discovered in

immense roads and highways for motorised traffic to form

order to manage the traffic flow, however, the pedestrianised

transport network. Additionally, there are smaller backstreet

areas and vehicle roads are located next to each other,

connected to roads for cars. The investigation focuses on the

therefore, they are not completely independent. Additionally,

area around Shinjuku station, particularly, east side, which

shared areas are prominent in backstreet areas, and they

accommodates shops, cinemas, and restaurants. (west side:

are not planned spaces but emerge as urban environments

hotels, companies) Historically, Shinjuku experienced two major

develop.

devastations from the Great Kanto earthquake and the Second World War, and most areas were destroyed and regenerated [24]

In comparison with Elephant and Castle, open space

In spite of this, the street patterns seem

considerably lacks in Shinjuku. This might be attributed from

to remain as they formed in the past eras. For instance, Koshu-

different ways of open space creation. In Shinjuku, all blocks

Kaido (fig. 20) is a road to Koshu area (western area from

are filled by buildings, in other words, the shape of blocks

Tokyo), which was constructed by the feudal government in

and buildings are almost the same. As a result, street for

1716, and still keep its location and function as connection

pedestrians are narrow, and vehicle roads, pedestrianised

by new buildings.

[25]

Moreover, this road was created based on

area, and buildings are closely juxtaposing. In spatial street

geography in the area, the ridgeway of plateau rather than city

composition in Shinjuku, people’s lives are compelled to

planning. Likewise, other street and road patterns in the east

extend to street space because of a lack of open public space.

to Koshu area.

area of Shinjuku station are irregular due to land forms. As the construction of streets in the past, Shinjuku became an area [26]

for temporary settlement for travellers,

sha

red

nevertheless, these

streets transformed into vehicle roads due to the influence of

are

a

pri

vat

modernism strategy from western countries. pe

de

Not only for cars, street spaces are categorised into

str

ian

ise

ea

rea

da

rea

pedestrianised streets and underpasses, and mixed areas for both pedestrians and vehicles. (fig. 19, fig. 20) roa

df

fig. 19

or

au

tom

ob

ile

s

the different types of streets in Shinjuku The high rise buildings are closely located inside of blocks due to a lack of lands, and it establishes private areas. The street network consists of heavy traffic roads which form the main street structure, and narrow backstreets for people, bikes, and cars spreading among buildings. The pedestrianised areas exist on the edge of blocks, juxtaposing to buildings.

24. Shinjuku City official homepage. History of Shinjuku.

25. ibid 26. Shin-Juku - 新县 - literally stands for 'new ledgings'

17

Shinjuku Station

Shinjuku Station

hway)

ig ido (h a i a K u

Kosh

fig. 20

pedestrianised area

underpass

shared area

gates to public space

roads for vehicles

gates to private spac

the classification of the street around Shinjuku station This map shows that the different types of street in Shinjuku, pedestrianised, shared, and roads for vehicles respectively. The pedestrianised areas are lied besides the roads for motorised traffic, on the other hand, the shared areas are dominant in backstreet. The pedestrianised area in backstreet seems to be defined by the width of the street rather than planning. Generally, there is no coherent street patterns and utilisation.

18

Shinjuku Station

underpass gates to public space gates to private space

fig. 21

underground network in Shinjuku This illustrates that the underpass network, and the black circle shows the entrance to the public area, while the entrance to the private area is shown in white circles. The underpasses are separated from urban environments over ground although transport network is connected to public and private areas above.

19

Instead of having an open space, the crossings as a part of

1

street space work as an important node of the city. Apart from the function as the traffic intersection, the crossing has two features: ‘node’ and ‘boundary’ of the city.

[27]

The crossing as

‘node’ implies that the crossing is utilised as a part of everyday life, and multiple urban activities are taken place. The spatial composition is similar to square due to enclosure by buildings.

Additionally, the crossing has the feature of ‘boundary’ because the crossings are usually located between different areas of the city. This adds the visual and spatial complexity to

fig. 22

the crossing 1 in Shinjuku / the illumination of billboards

fig. 23

the crossing 1 in Shinjuku / the view to skyscrapers in the west side of Shinjuku

the intersection.

In Shinjuku, the crossings are the dominant element of street space due to the forms of street. (fig. 25) This is prominent by comparing with the radial street pattern of Elephant and Castle. For example, the crossing in north east side of the station (illustrated in fig. 25 as 1) plays role in boundary of different characters of Shinjuku. This crossing connects from the station, and the most remarkable appliance shop, to north and east sides of Shinjuku. Due to this feature of boundary containing different aspects of the city, the visual of this space is varied, which makes this space lived. The neon signs and advertisement of appliance shop illuminates, and the skyscrapers and office buildings of the east area stand out

2

from the area. (fig. 22, fig. 23) Additionally, as it is mentioned, this space is utilised by pedestrian, bikes, motorised traffic, and many activities are promoted.

If looking at the crossing in the backstreet area, the space is constructed from high rise buildings, it has a sense of enclosure like square. (fig. 24) This crossing consists of streets which is not completely straight line, and this results in the prevention of open view, and enhance the sense of enclosure.

Therefore, the crossings significantly work as ‘node’ and

fig. 24

the crossing 2 in Shinjuku / enclosed space by high rise buildings

‘boundary’ in urban space in Shinjuku, and share similar spatial quality and visuals with square in Europe.

27. Kentaro Goto, City Planning, The structure of Urban Space. p115

20

images from / https://i.ytimg.com (top,middle) google street view(bottom)

1

2

Shinjuku Station

Kosh

fig. 25

ay)

highw

ido ( u-Kaia

the location of crossings in Shinjuku The crossings in the main vehicle roads are large and it is illustrated in border lines on the ground as it is on the map. Additionally, small crossings in the backstreet area can be seen without signs on the ground but appeared as indicators on the street.

21

Although the crossing is traditionally significant aspects of Japanese cities, this might be applied to European contexts, and be able to bring a new perspective to analysis of European street space. Soho / Chinatown area in London shares some similarities with Shinjuku in terms of street pattern and a multifunctionality. Soho is a district in west end of London, and one of the fashionable area containing cloth shops, restaurants, and cafe. Unlike Elephant and Castle which has clear characters as a traffic node and residential area, Soho accommodates a variety of aspects as entertainment, residential, commercial, and cultural city, which is similar with Shinjuku. Moreover, the street pattern is not necessarily radial, but it is an irregular lattice. The street space has common features with Shinjuku which are narrow and labyrinthian. In this sense, the crossings in Soho could work as ‘node’ and ‘boundary’, and it could be equally important as a square, or more beneficial to urban environment in the area.

[28]

When it come to the street space in Soho, the most remarkable feature is incoherent street patterns, and this is attributed from different ownerships and estates of the area. (fig. 26) This irregularity is reflected on the street types, meaning that pedestrianised and shared street are randomly laid. In fact, the shared street space with people and vehicles is dominant in the area. (fig. 27, pedestrianised street in black, shared street in grey)

fig. 26

the division of street patterns in west and east in Soho The district is mainly divided by Wardour Street: the east side is a parish of St Anne, Soho, while the west side is in the parish of St James, Westminster. Due to this, the street patterns are slightly different, specifically, the streets of east side are wider and more regularly laid than that of west side. In the west side, the area was originally owned by the private Baker and Pollett Families, thereby, the area had developed without coherent planning, which resulted in irregular street patterns. (City of Westminster, Conservation Area Audit: Soho and Chinatown) image from the Survey of London

In addition to this, the irregular street form and small plots created the numerous crossings in the area. These crossings play an significant role as ‘node’ and ‘boundary’ of complexity of social characters and activities on the street. This is expressed through spatial appropriations. (see next chapter)

28. Soho has been transforming its social characters. The area was a residential area in the 17th and 18th centuries, city for artists in late 18th century, commercial and entertainment areas from 19th century to the current term. Additionally, the area contained international community due to the influx of immigrants, and this developed into Chinatown. This multi-functional feature led to the regeneration of the area, which is similar with Shinjuku and Elephant and Castle. (City of Westminster, Conservation Area Audit: Soho and Chinatown, p9)

22

Soho Square Garden

et

tre

rS

u rdo Wa

Golden Square

fig. 27 the street pattern and the crossings in Soho The area is divided into east and west by Wardour Street. The east area is more regular street pattern developed from Soho Square Gardens, and streets are wider and the houses are better quality. On the other hand, the irregular street pattern is laid in the west area due to complex owner ships in the past. Because of this, the forms of streets include cross shape and T-shape.

Additionally, both pedestrianised streets and shared streets by people and vehicles randomly appears as you walk in this area.

pedestrianised area shared area motorised traffic roads Soho boundary Chinatown boundary

23

In Shinjuku, the crossings are interpreted as an equivalent space for European square in which many activities and everyday life are taken place and promoted, while in Soho, both squares and the crossings are contained. There are two significant squares in Soho, namely Soho Square garden in the east side, and Golden Square in the west side. (fig. 29) Historically, both square was the centre of each area, and the development of the city was implemented around squares.

These squares are originated from the idea of ‘garden square’ in the UK. In the 18th and 19th centuries, the garden squares were privately owned and became open to the public, currently, it is expected to be used as the focus of the city, and [29]

encourage a variety of activities.

However, the space seems

less attractive and vibrant as compared with the crossings in Soho, as it observed simply from the occupation of two spaces. (fig. 28, fig. 29) This might be because the crossing has the sense of spontaneity, improvisation, and irregularity, on the other hand, the squares are designed to be ‘open space’.

The crossing is essentially space for travelling from one place to another, but this space must contain ‘chaotic’ elements, in other words, the complexity of the city. Nevertheless, the square seems to have the characteristic of ‘destination’ for people to do something. Hence, the similarity is found between Soho and Shinjuku with regard to ‘messiness’ in which gives more opportunity for spontaneous and unexpected activities.

29. City of Westminster, Conservation Area Audit: Soho and Chinatown, p21

24

fig. 28

the crossing at Regent Street

fig. 29

Soho Square Gardens

25

Spatial Appropriation The street space is regarded as a space in which irregularity

products. Taking an example of ‘cine-bridge’, the void space

and complexity of the city are emerged, and this lead

under the bridge produced the underpass, stalls, and cinema

to informal and spontaneous activities and unexpected

as by-products. (fig. 31)

encounters. Within urban contexts which constantly transform its environment, scales, and social characters, people adapt those changes through actions. These actions are regarded as ‘spatial appropriation’.

T h e s p a t i a l a p p ro p r i a t i o n c a n b e d i s c o v e re d f ro m morphological and behaviourological ways. The morphological appropriation is a physical consequence of people's adaptation to urban space, while behaviourological appropriation is people's response to urban space through behaviour. This section examines how each types of appropriation is carried out in street space and patterns in three areas; Shinjuku, Elephant and Castle, and Soho. fig. 30

Morphological appropriation implies that architectural or non

washing hangings in Italian street The washing are hung between buildings in the streets in Italy. This appropriation might be caused from the lack of hanging space and the adaptability of street space. This action provides visual complexity other than just street scape for travelling, moreover, it leads to communication with neighbours when washing hangings are connected.

architectural forms and materials are added by the public or individuals in order to appropriate the urban spaces. This could happen when the urban spaces do not respond to people's needs due to the conflict between the regeneration / scale change and people’s everyday life. The feature of morphological appropriation is to promote the visual and social communication in urban context.

Atelier Bow Wow describes morphological appropriation as ‘by-product’ through the investigation on urban space in [30]

Tokyo.

Urban by-products are emerged from a mismatch of

the aim of the main-products and people’s lives in Tokyo. They explain that mega scale construction creates the voids, and

fig. 31

'cine-bridge' observed by Atelier Bow Bow in Made in Tokyo

the utilisation of the void space results in the creation of by-

30. Atelier Bow Wow, Made in Tokyo. p30

26

images from https://www.pinterest.com/charmainebabine/laundry/ Made in Toky by Aterier Bow Wow

Shinjuku is an extreme example in which morphological

which morphological appropriations emerge. For example,

appropriation is observed because of the density of mega

space with the extreme height is mitigated by awnings, and

structure and street compositions. As it is discussed in the

transformed into different quality of urban space. (photo. 1)

last section, the buildings are squeezed in blocks, and the

This semi-enclosed space is utilised as an illegal parking for

urban space in the city offers little open space for activities.

bikes and place for abandoned trolleys and rubbishes as well

This results in the utilisation of street space, which encourages

as the passage to the main street. Particularly, backstreet

spatial appropriation.

might be a favourable space for these activities because of strict prohibitions of activities on street spaces. In addition to

The main feature of morphological appropriation in Shinjuku

this, the perpendicular space in backstreet and the surfaces of

is ‘filling gaps’ in urban spaces. The gaps are created by a

hight-rise buildings are infilled by billboards, advertisement,

random distribution of mega-scale buildings, and the users of

and signage. This creates the sense of occupation and

urban space in Shinjuku attempted to fill these gaps by adding

influences people’s perception as urban experiences.

physical forms in order to appropriate the space for them. One of the most significant space in Shinjuku is backstreet between

Hence, morphological appropriations are conducted by filling

high storey buildings which consist of an extraordinary

the gaps, and objects exist as a part of street space which

proportion of width and height. Due to the density and height

emerged from immense scale constructions.

of buildings responding to high demands as a large city in Tokyo, the backstreet space arose with narrow widths and tall heights. (diagram. 1) This space became multi functional space,

diagram. 1

awnings, billboards, and bikes The space with extreme proportion is created from high rise buildings in backstreet. This amplifies the sense of out of scale in urban space. This is appropriated through the occupation of physical objects. The familiar objects such as billboards with texts, bikes, and trolleys reduces the sense of large scale.

diagram. 2

vending machines, advertisement boards The juxtaposition of individual buildings creates subtle gaps between public and private areas (diagram. 2), and this gaps are filled by vending machines, advertisement boards, and store shelf for display. (photo. 2) Atelier Bow Wow calls these products ‘pet architecture’, referring to small size physical elements for the urban scale like pets of the city. This was produced specifically from [1] the sense of scale in Japanese cities. The regeneration and rescaling of urban environments created the spatial gap with strange scale (not too big but not too small), and objects are produced to fit these gaps.

1. Atelier Bow Wow, Made in Tokyo. p25

27

photo. 1 The objects are added on the street and the surfaces of the high rise buildings. The awnings were extended to reduce the sense of out of scale from the height of the space, or simply, creates semi-open space. The boards of the name of the store put the visual value to the space. The words which are familiar with people’s lives adds connotative meanings in the space. The bikes was temporally left because of its complex ambience here.

28

photo. 2 The backstreet space. The boards of name of restaurant occupies the street, while circulation space remained. This sense of occupation make people stay temporally for phone calling, or smoking. The texts and colours on the boards are highlighted as clear as the buildings.

29

In Elephant and Castle, the station and its surroundings are

Through discovered morphological appropriations, urban

the centre of the area, which is similar to Shinjuku, and in

experience is offered to the public. The morphological

this area, morphological appropriation is highly discovered.

appropriations could provide perceptional experiences such as

Particularly, there is an interstice space enclosed by large scale

visual impacts on people, or they could lead to some activities

buildings and footbridges. (photo. 3) This space plays a role as

in the city as urban experiences.

an intermediate space between interior of shopping centre / station and exterior of urban environments. Many stalls, which

When it comes to visual experience, the physical objects which

are relatively small sizes, are inserted in this space like filling

are embedded in street space, for instance billboards and

the gaps of urban space. It is a community-based project

awnings in Shinjuku, and signs, stalls, and rugs in Elephant and

which aims to turn the area into vibrant street market. They are

Castle, give the sense of occupation and visual complication to

physical adaptations to immense scale structure in urban area,

the urban space. If focusing on sings and billboards which are

and some stalls are located by taking advantage of the space

observed in both Shinjuku and Elephant and Castle in different

under the footbridge. (photo. 4) Subsequently, spontaneous

degree, they have a significant impact on street scape and

morphological appropriation is emerged in the area. For

urban experience. Extremely in Shinjuku, the advertisement

example, the rugs and advertisement boards are hung on the

posters, screens, and signages are added on street space and

railings which are barriers of different level of pedestrian roads,

building surfaces. Although skyscrapers and infrastructure

and this became a space for display. (photo. 5)

in metropolis are out of human scale and they reduce the reciprocal relationship between people and buildings, these immense constructions are appropriated by adding texts, images, and illustrations which are familiar in everyday life.

Robert Venturi explains the differences between sings and architectural elements through an investigation on Las Vegas, ‘’a sign on a building carries a denotative meaning in the explicit message of its letters and words. It contains with the connotative expression of the other, more architectural elements of the buildings.’’

[31]

In this sense, the connotative

constructions in megalopolis are appropriated through denotative features of sings in order to comprehend the city. Additionally, the lightings and flashing images on signs contribute to the instant transformation of city scape, and these objects are perceived as much as buildings by people.

Atelier Bow Wow mentions that the transfiguration of urban space by signs is interpreted as contemporary architectural

31. Robert Venturi, Learning from Las Vegas, p100

30

expression as the letters as a symbol gain the volume like buildings and neons are flashing and moving.

[32]

Hence,

morphological appropriation, especially signs, contribute to the mitigation of the friction between people and mega structure due to its connotative characteristic, and this amplifies the visual perception and urban experience in the city.

The appropriation in the city influences not only perceptional experience, but also associated with certain activities e x p e r i e n c e d i n u r b a n e n v i ro n m e n t s . E x c h a n g e a n d consumption are one of the dominant activities driven by spatial appropriations in the context of consumptive metropolitan. Henri Lefebvre defines the capitalist society as [33]

‘’a bureaucratic society of controlled consumption’’,

and this

is attributed from mass production and mobility of goods and service. The signs in Shinjuku are the expression of consumer society. They promote goods and service by utilising urban space, and people passively receive information. However, Lefebvre claims the ‘productive and creative activity’ in the city by introducing the concept of ‘oeuvre’.

[34]

The notion of

‘oeuvre’ explains the city as a totality, which is ‘’beyond the realm of commodified space’’.

[35]

Lefebvre emphasises the

significance of everyday life, and it is associated with people’s active creation although modern societies is dominated by ‘economic-technological imperatives’.

[36]

In Elephant and

Castle, the railings, which regulates people’s behaviour with the idea of pedestrianisation, are appropriated by the creativity of hanging the rugs, and turn into display area. This lead to activity of exchanging, but in reciprocal way rather than in passive way of consumption.

32. Atelier Bow Wow, Made in Tokyo, p31 33. Henri Lefebvre, The Right to the City, 34. Klaus Ronneberger, Space, Difference, Everyday life: Reading Henri Lefebvre. Henri Lefebvre and Urban Everyday Life, p135 35. Simon Parker, Urban Theory and the Urban Experience: Encountering the City, p20 36. Klaus Ronneberger, Space, Difference, Everyday life: Reading Henri Lefebvre. Henri Lefebvre and Urban Everyday Life, p135

31

photo. 3 The small stalls are installed in the void space between the shopping centre and large roads. The roof of the stalls were added to extend the space beneath. The trolley for stalls is abandoned on the street.

32

photo. 4 One of the stall was put by taking advantage of the space under the foot bridge.

The new value is added by the community to the void space caused by urbanisation.

The informal activities are promoted in this space because it is an intermediate space between the station and the area, and not necessarily has forms which accommodates particular functions.

33

photo. 5 The space with the ramp and railings became the space for displaying the lugs. As the people pass this space, these rugs works as interventions for communication. The form of the railings met the needs for a display, and this action is completely spontaneous.

34

photo. 6 The objects such as goods, furniture, and signages are extended to street space under the highway. The goods and boards attract people visually, in addition to the spatial quality of semi-open space created by the form of the highways

35

While morphological appropriation is observed as physical elements of the city, behaviourological appropriation is discovered as an adaptation to urban spaces through people’s behavioural reaction. For example, it can be often seen that people sit in steps other than designed benches in the city.

Here, a new value is added to the space for circulation by people’s behavioural appropriation as sitting. (photo. 7) This phenomenon is referred as ‘affordance’ by psychologist James J. Gibson in 1977. This concept was introduced within psychological discourse and human perception, and it suggests that the spaces gain its values and meanings through the exploration of life by agents such as people and animals [37]

who are living in and interacting with spaces.

Likewise, in architectural discourse, Herman Hertzberger explained the flexibility of space by utilising the linguistic terms of ‘competence’ and ‘performance’. ‘Competence’ implies the original knowledge that a person originally have, and ‘performance’ is to utilise knowledge in particular situations.

To translate this into spatial concept, ‘‘ ‘competence’ is form’s capacity to be interpreted, and ‘performance’ is the way in which form is/was interpreted in a specific situation’’.

[38]

These theories of affordance, and competence/performance suggest the reciprocal relationship between spaces and people’s behaviours, in other words, spaces and environments provide opportunities of actions, however, actions are carried out depending on people’s perception to the environment [39]

rather than regarding persons as passive agents.

The more space and form have capacity to be interpreted by people, the more people could appropriate the space.

37. James J. Gibson, The Ecological Approach to Visual Perception.

38. Herman Hertzberger, Lessons for Students in Architecture. p93 39. Oliveria, F. and Neto, A Street affordances: Human-environment Interaction in the Design Process of Urban Space.

36

photo. 7

37

In Shinjuku, a range of behaviourological appropriation is

In Soho, people’s behaviourological appropriation is notable

found on the street. The first instance is discovered around

even though morphological appropriation is also discovered

Shinjuku station, specifically, on the edge of pedestrianised

such as billboard, advertisement, and awnings. Unlike Shinjuku,

street in front of station gates. (photo. 8, photo. 9) From a

Soho has less restriction from the power, but the spontaneous

wide angle, this space is regarded as an intermediate space

activities are encouraged on the street. The dominant activities

between interior space of the station and exterior space of the

are smoking, phone calling, and chatting in a group. If looking

city. In this space, people are temporally sitting on railings to

at (photo. 12), two males sitting on the threshold of the

wait for their friends. Although the railings are designed as a

theatre, looking at their phones. This space is definitely not

barrier between pavement and vehicle road, it is appropriated

designed for sitting, but the space and the forms of a step and

by people as an object to sit due to its form.

roof are interpreted as a space for sitting. Therefore, the new value to the space is added by them.

On the street space in Shinjuku, many people’s activities are restricted by the government’s strategies such as smoking, bike

These informal activities are particularly prominent in

parking, and live performing. These restriction are objectified

Soho because the area might offer opportunities for

on the street, and one of them is the railing which prevents

behaviourological appropriation. As mentioned in the section

people from crossing the road. Ironically, this object became

of street space, Soho accommodates vast array of aspects and

an intervention of other activities of sitting, leaning or parking

characters, and the environments are constantly regenerated.

bikes. The restrictions do not always mean the restriction of

This led to a wide range of space and forms which people

people’s behaviour, but the capacity of space and forms could

could openly interpret. The street space in Soho are formed

promote or limit it.

by different types of buildings and characters, such as theatre and a makeshift. The complexity of the area gives more opportunity for actions, which is common with Shinjuku.

38

photo. 8

photo. 9

39

photo. 10 Behaviour is observed in narrow backstreet space. This photo illustrates that male is sitting on a step for drainage and lean on the building’s wall. He chose the space which is away from building entrance, and does not disturb walking flow on the street, but at the same time, found an appropriate space to smoke and have a break from his work.

40

photo. 11 People are gathering and smoking in the shaded space created by the building. In these examples, the street space becomes the amenity space for a temporal stay through behaviourological appropriation by using objects in urban spaces.

41

photo. 12 Two men is sitting on the threshold of the theatre. This is an intermediate space between main street and backstreet. The form of facade and a step of threshold were appropriate for them to sit and check their phones.

42

photo. 13 A man is staying in the entrance of the makeshift facade. He is calling and eating in a tiny space. It is suspected that he was unconsciously enter this space while he is talking on the phone because the semi enclosed space met his needs for a temporal stay.

43

The spatial appropriation was discovered in ‘chaotic’

In this sense, the chaotic environment in Shinjuku and some

e n v i ro n m e n t . I n S h i n j u k u , b o t h m o r p h o l o g i c a l a n d

areas of Elephant and Castle and Soho have a capacity of

behaviourological appropriations are taken place in street

ingenuity, and it is expressed as spatial appropriation.

spaces which are disorganised and irregular environments.

Koolhaas’ thoughts has developed that ‘within the context of Conversely, in Elephant and Castle and Soho, there are a few

the hyperdevelopment, the traditional architectural values –

spaces, as opposed to chaotic space, which do not seem

composition, aesthetics, balance – are irrelevant. The speed

to promote spatial appropriations. Although Elephant and

of international demands is completely out of pace with the

Castle has a lived space around the station, there are vacant

ability of traditional designers to respond; construction has left

‘open spaces’ with trees and benches. (photo. 14 - photo. 16)

architecture on the sidelines.’’

Likewise, two squares in Soho might not encourage activities

architecture tends to lose its value in constantly regenerating

as much as the crossings in the same area. (photo. 17, photo.

cities. This could explain the vacancy of open space and

18) These spaces are too ‘clean’, and hardly have a capacity

squares in Elephant and Castle and Soho. Again, these spaces

to adapt many aspects of the city, especially where the

have poor ability for ingenuity as compared with street space.

[41]

In other words, the traditional

regeneration is extreme. The messiness embedded on street / crossings creates opportunities for vibrant visual atmosphere and spontaneous behaviour.

The Dutch architect, Rem Koolhaas explores the value of ‘chaos’ in the city through an investigation on Lagos. Lagos was ‘the ultimate dysfunctional city’ without governance from the state, thereby, people create their own environment out of the existing environments. (fig. 32) Koolhaas claims the ability for ingenuity in chaotic environment, ‘‘in terms of all the initiatives and ingenuity, it mobilised an incredibly beautiful, almost utopian landscape of independence and agency.’’

[40]

fig. 32

the railway in Lagos from the film Lagos Wide and Close Their ingenuity can be seen from the railroad. It was frequently used by trains, but the railway created the community as the utilisation for trains declined. The area was transformed into market place as the train was not driving. Additionally, the goods were exchanged to passengers when the train was coming, which gave the opportunity for communication.

40. Rem Koolhaas, the Interview with Kunlé Adeyemi on Gurdian Cties website.

44

41. Gary Wolf, Exploring the Unmaterial World. the explanation of Rem Koolhaas' theory in Wired magazine.

photo. 14

photo. 15

photo. 17

photo. 18

photo. 16

45

Conclusion The investigation focused on the street space in Shinjuku,

irregularity of the streets and the diversity of the area made an

Elephant and Castle, and Soho, with the question of how

environment for ingenuity, which resulted in behaviourological

urban environments in metropolitan areas provide urban

appropriation. In two areas, the messiness of the space is

experiences within the concept of an intermediate space.

newly interpreted by people, and the new value were added through appropriations.

It is found that the morphological and behaviourological appropriations are taken place in which ‘chaotic’ environment,

On the other hand, some spaces such as open space in

in other words, the complexity of the city is embedded. In

Elephant and Castle and squares in Soho did not work as

Shinjuku, this phenomenon was extreme. Judged by street

much as the street space in terms of people’s appropriation.

patterns and organisation of the streets, the traditional

This might be attributed from the ‘clean-ness’ of the space

street formation based on geography and separated roads

which is designed to do something. Instead, the investigation

influenced by European countries are integrated, and the types

discovered that the crossings in Soho is a significant aspect

of street whether it is pedestrianised or shared are randomly

of the area in which visual attractions of different parts of the

lied rather according to planning. These incoherent and

area are created, and a variety of activities are taken place as a

irregular spaces are taken advantage of spatial appropriations

node.

which are the actions to comprehend and mitigate the complexity of the city. These actions were objectified in street

Although the designed space successfully works in some

space as physical forms of signs, billboards, and awnings, and

cases, it might not promote ingenuity with regard to the cities

informal behaviour as sitting on the railings and smoking on

where regeneration and rescaling are conducted. The chaotic

the backstreet. Particularly, the traditional space, the crossing

environments provides on the street could give an opportunity

was still remarkable in the urban context because it plays

for certain urban experience through spatial appropriations.

a significant role in the city’s node which has a potential to response to the regeneration and rescaling of the city due to its multi functionality. Therefore, the chaotic environments could be interpreted as opportunities for visual complexity and spontaneous behaviour.

This relationship between environment and people is reflected in some parts of two cities in London, Elephant and Castle and Soho. the narrow space enclosed by large scale shopping centre and the footbridges in Elephant and Castle promoted morphological appropriation, such as advertisement boards, awnings, and rugs on the railings. Through these objects, the space became vibrant market place. Likewise, in Soho, the 46

47

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