Édition N˚1, 2020-2021

LUNDI 23 NOVEMBRE 2020 / MONDAY NOVEMBER 23RD, 2020

SCIENCES PO PARIS, CAMPUS DE MENTON

PAGE #26-29 |

FROM A DISTANCE

24 | DONALD TRUMP, JOE BIDEN ET LE SOPHISME

40 | LE MAL DU PAYS

NËš1

2020-2021

NOTRE ÉQUIPE

Celeste Abourjeili Santosh Muralidaran

Head of Staff Writers

Rédacteur en chef / Editor-in-Chief

ANNÉE SCOLAIRE / SCHOOL YEAR 2020-2021

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Saad Semlati Head of Staff Writers

OUR TEAM

Eliana Seroussi Designer

Maêlle Liut Website Manager

Ada Baser Designer

Emma Pascal Designer Selma Sisbane Communications Manager

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CONTENTS Embracing your nationality in Menton

by Barbara Kuza-Tarkowska p. 6-7 Gender fluidity in Brazil

by Daniel Santana p. 8-9 The Women Left Behind: WAP, a Critical Feminist Perspective

by Madeline Wyatt p. 10-11 The Sciences Po 2020 Elections

by Jade Quinn-McDonald p. 12-13 Le problème identitaire chez les binationaux maghrébins dans les banlieues françaises par Samy El Maloui p. 14-17 Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité—except if you are Muslim

by Ismaeel Yaqoob p. 18-19 Citizenship and the public debate

by Philipp Frank p. 20-23 Donald Trump, Joe Biden et le Sophisme par Issey Baravian (La Fabrique Politique) p. 24-25

From a Distance: Interview with remote learners par Lucille Milligan p. 26-29 Armenia-Azerbaijan Conflict from a Local Perspective

by Caroline Soegaard p. 30-31 18 days for 11 years of absence

by Morgane Abbas (Arab Student Organization) p. 32-33 La situation congolaise par Noa Chasles p. 34-35 Why I want to write for Le Zadig in Arabic

by Audrey Kost p. 36-37 The Failure of the Community of Values

by Stanislaw Naklicki (European Society) p. 38-39 Mal du pays par Mariem Ben M’rad p. 40 An ode to platonic love

by Yusef Bushara p. 41

EMBRAC

BARBARA KUZA-TARKOWSKA

COLUMNIST

NATION IN ME

In his inaugural times into an existential crisis. history. speech to the 1As, Frederic Nevertheless, when each one Mion laid out the essence of of us thinks about who we are, In the past few years, I perwhat the university experience there are most probably three sonally strayed away from will teach a Sciences Po stu- things that immediately come letting my nationality define dent, and how it will change to our minds: a name, an age, me. At times I felt haunted them. He mentioned by the actions of the Getting plunged into a that each one of us will ruling party and felt embark on a journey completely new environment ashamed that their during which we will spurs you to cling to what’s policies are, in most discover the answer to familiar, grasping at the last cases, the only lens straws of home... the question, who am through which the I, really? — a phrase rest of the world sees and a nationality.

The latter that can easily send any young Poland and its nation. After adult living in these turbulent might help us to place our- all, the July presidential elecselves as part of a large com- tion proved to me that I catmunity with shared values or egorically disagree with the

“

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majority of voters. Even while spending time abroad, I preferred not to reveal myself as Polish when bumping into my compatriots, especially after overhearing snippets of their conversations that were oftentimes pretty embarrassing.

From time to time, I still battle the idea of whether I feel more European than I do Polish, and I have never considered myself to be much of a patriot — that is, of course, until I came to Menton.

Getting plunged into a com-

CING MY

NALITY ENT N PHOTOS BY BARBARA KUZA-TARKOWSKA GRAPHICS COURTESY OF CREATIVE COMMONS

pletely new environment spurs you to cling to what’s familiar, grasping at the last straws of home. Meeting so many people from different cultures and countries is exciting but may also be overwhelming at

iera. Consequently, when that feeling of being overwhelmed slowly started fading into homesickness, I find myself longing for Polish dishes and customs I never felt particularly attached to before. Three weeks in, I ...perhaps, apart from being a was making certain nationality, each one pierogi, arguof us will sooner or later grow ing that Polto call ourselves Mentonese. ish spirits are better tasting times. There are people from than Russian ones (although all around the world concen- truthfully, I do not have much trated in one little town by expertise in that subject), and the seaside of the French Riv- feeling slightly offended upon

”

hearing Poles.

stereotypes

about

It soon dawned upon me that, while in France, I have fully embraced my national identity.

Therefore, in answer to who am I, really? I can now say, more than ever, that I am Polish. But after coming back to Warsaw for the midterm break, it did not take long for me to start missing Menton and feeling inexplicably torn

between the two places. It can be said that the Sciences Po community in Menton, to some extent, shares the same values and a history that we are currently creating during our time here. So perhaps, apart from being a certain nationality, each one of us will sooner or later grow to call ourselves Mentonese.

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GENDER FLUID I T Y

DANIEL LEAL DE MORAES SANTANA

COLUMNIST

B

ehind the exotic Brazilian stereotype, according to which everyone is open to everything and everyone, there is a controversial cultural, social, and even economic background. As you may already know, one of our most famous holidays is the Carnival. The week, expanded by two more week-ends, the pre-Carnival and the post-Carnival, represent a month of intense festivities all around the country: public parties in the middle of the street 24 hours a day; men and women constantly wearing costumes and makeup; a lot of alcohol, music, and openness towards the LGBTQ community. Nevertheless, Brazil is also known as the most transphobic country in the world, leading the position with 129 reported deaths in 2019, whereas the second one, Mexico had only 63, followed by the United States with 30. So, how can a country have the largest Pride event of the world, breaking the Guinness Record in 2019 with 4 million people in SĂŁo Paulo, and at the same time hold that much hate and intolerance towards gender interpretation?

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During the Carnival it is not unusual to see foreigners choked with the majority of men using makeup in the street, LGBTQ speeches and music being played and danced with an enormous frequency, in my experience at least once a day, and transsexuals walking in the street with the respect and dignity that they deserve. The conception of gender during this time of the year becomes quite nebulous and flogging, and no one can distinguish if you are using male or female clothes, shoes, and makeup. Therefore, it is perceptible an admirable gender fluidity preceded by the openness of mind and mouth with ease. Yet, in the middle of March, the parties and openness of mind end, and everything gets back to normal. But why? Why is it so hard for a population to embrace such a vivid difference in their everyday life?

Okay, maybe I should start with something lighter: what defines you as a woman or a man? Until which point imposed abstract characteristics, such as, sensitiveness, delicacy, or virility, are going to predict your identity?

IN

BRAZIL

Throughout the past few centuries, the idea of man and woman was built as a structural component of society, based on cis-gender conjugality. However, all of us know that the problem is not in cis heterosexual intercourse, but in its normalization. By not discerning a difference between sex and gender, we consatruct a social instruction that people are and will always be attached to the social characteristics related to their sex. Consequently, as we live in a sexist LGTBQphobic society, we perpetuate an identity intrinsic with social norms from this toxic society, until there would be no liberty in interpreting the way your body and soul identifies within the world. Men are supposed to be viril, strong, and emotionless. Women are designated as delicate, sensitive, and fragile. If you don’t feel a little disturbed with these affirmations, I may question your sense of fluid identity. What is unquestionable, though, is the function of gender rigidity to an intolerant and sexist society. If people are constantly being labelled according to their femininity, or masculinity, its connotation enters the paradigm of sexual pleasure. And once you enter the world of sexuality, things can get quite messy and confusing, Freud himself would say, with his Oedipus complex.

On the whole, my point here is not only to talk about the importance of separating sex from gender but also to celebrate our pride of being whoever we are, no matter the connotation society gives to our gender interpretation. Men being sensitive and woman, strong. Nonetheless, we must never forget to bring all these ideas into practice. If there is something that the Brazilian example can teach us is that it is very convenient to stay in your comfort zone. Criticizing the sexist conceptions of gender but mistreating or not reacting to someone mistreating a feminine boy or a masculine girl, is not only hypocritical and unacceptable but also convenient in a society that judges their allies. Staying in theory does not change reality. Not reacting feeds the oppression. And being yourself in your comfort zone does not change the world. ■

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The Women Left Behind

“WAP” - A Critical Feminist Perspective MADELINE WYATT

COLUMNIST

The 2020 music awards season is upon us, a time of celebration and reflection on the year in music. Among the contenders for top awards is “WAP,” the hip-hop hit by Bronx-based artist Cardi B, featuring Megan Thee Stallion.

A provocation of prudes, conservatives, and Ben Shapiro alike, The Guardian hails it claiming, “the [song] is unapologetic in celebrating the sensuality and sexuality of women.”

“WAP” should be remembered not only for the streaming records it broke or even the milieu of sexual graphicacy, but principally as a commentary on the double standard pervasive in dogmatic male-female dichotomic sexuality— especially within the entertainment media. The meta-criticism of the double standard prevalent in gendered sexuality was significant as it nominally succeeds in celebrating women’s sexual agency, Black female liberation, and upending the stereotypic male-female power dynamic.

ploit for sexual gratification. The female is the ultimate holder of power simply because she is the one who “make[s]” the male “feel” like “he [is] cheatin[g].”

Of course, stereotypical masculinity is manifested through means other than a show of virility with cheating. Another common depiction is through physicality, which is expressed in the lyrics, “never lost a fight, but I’m lookin for a beatin.” While admittedly a double entendre, it has far more violent roots, referencing the physiological differences men exploit in order to control women. What is especially intriguing about those lyrics specifically is that the independent clause, “but I’m lookin for a beatin,” references male-on-female violence, yet the dependent clause, “never lost a fight,” implies the female’s power, subverting the conventionally understood male-on-female violence of the “beatin[g]” with the additional deft inclusion of the subsequent clause’s verb, “lookin[g].” When taken as a whole, the woman is in fact the one in control of any violence inflicted upon her, as her aforementioned history of strength permits

The most provocative aspect of the song is that it ostensibly challenges the patriarchy through its objectification of the male in ways conventionally seen in male-ren- We explicitly see the reversal of gendered media’s portrayal of women. The song dered relations in the lyrics, “put him on is oblique in its objectification of men: veiled his knees, give him some’ to believe in,” by their feminine charms and wiles, Cardi B elevating the female into metaphorical and Megan Thee Stallion dupe the male into and literal positions of dominance. submission by manipulating him into a ‘complacent’ role of power, hoodwinking him into believing he her to seek out an aggressive man (conceivably the ‘toxic,’ controls the power dynamic. stereotypical misogynist) with little to no risk to her person The two rappers explicitly reference a superior/inferior rela- as she is in constant control, allowing her to maximize her tionship with the phrase, “your honor” while simultaneous- pleasure. Taken in short, her wiles allow her power over the ly addressing implicatively entrenched normative masculin- historical oppressor, reducing them to mere sexual objects ity through lyrics, “make him feel like he cheatin’.” The line unbeknownst to them. is referencing the social expectation of men to be disloyal to their partners — in fact, cheating often marks a successful, We explicitly see the reversal of gendered relations in the powerful male. In her seduction, she places the male into a lyrics, “put him on his knees, give him some’ to believe in,” ‘submissive’ position of power, creating the illusion for his elevating the female into metaphorical and literal positions benefit that he has achieved deferential status in society, all of dominance. By all accounts, the song works overtime the while the female is in fact the true beneficiary of such an to center itself on the oft-debated ‘female gaze’ through its illusion as the male is subject to her will— which she can ex- conspicuous objectification of men, but it does so at the

detriment of equality for monolithic feminism. As culture to a transactional scheme in which men are once again objects operates within a patriarchal construct (evidenced by the to receive gain from— in this case, financial. They even go so song’s attempt of criticizing said patriarchy), and patriarchy far as to say “[if] he [has] got some money then that’s where is the ideological premise of the male gaze, it has inequality I’m headed.” The lyrics consequently allude to the idea that indivisibly entrenched in a system where patriarchal ideol- the only desirable males are the wealthiest ones. Ideologically ogy unilaterally controls cultural institutions overtly or dis- regressive, such an implication leaves society in a hyper-comcreetly — thus every cultural norm is inherently patriarchal. petitive conservative state where communal action is seen as Therefore, as this piece originates countAgents within the feminine identity are not in a patriarchal system, it must still be understood from the male gaze. equal (in terms of interests, identity, and preferences) and should not be treated as The very idea that this song should such— to do so strips their autonomy and be understood from the male gaze individuality. “WAP” merely gives an errois rightfully controversial, as it pu- neously narrow solution— claiming sexual tatively seeks to challenge the pa- agency— to a systematic problem. triarchal double standard through feminine sexual agency— better known as the female gaze. er-productive to self-interests and women are simply in the The lyrics and music video seem to suffer from dissonance as market for a male who can care for them. While critics may lyrically it espouses women claiming control of their sexual- argue that because the woman is the one who can control ity through adroit manipulation of power relations, yet the which man she chooses to use, said action is valid from a entirety of the music video is dedicated to women writhing feminist perspective; however, a prison of your own choosand dancing in explicitly objectifying and submissive man- ing is still a prison. ners. And while it would seem that the video is an attempt to take control of their own objectification, the end result is Signaling men as a financial object to profit from, while still objectification. This can’t be understood as a zero-sum problematic in other ways, is principally detrimental to the game where objectifying themselves validates the fact that women who are not conventionally attractive or do not conobjectification occurs at all, because their self-objectifica- form to stereotypical femininity. “WAP” only offers attraction presupposes for men that all women are potential ob- tive female bodies as a mode to controlling the patriarchy, jects of sorts. It does not matter to hegemonic society the but such a solution leaves flagrant inequalities across the means to the end, the only significant part is the end itself. female identity inherent. Only the most sexual women are As such, “WAP” does little, if anything, in advancing the able to control the patriarchy, leaving behind the millions of feminist movement. women who do not identify as such. If we are simply trading one oppressive mode of thought for yet another, we have In crediting the song for empowering female sexual agen- solved nothing. cy, it therefore assumes women are capable of objectifying themselves at equal rates of incidence; it assumes that a It is here that we find “WAP” in a strange limbo of conseshared gender can be extrapolated to shared sexual abilities quence and significance. Derision of the lyrics for its explicit and preferences. Agents within the feminine identity are not nature, while valid to a degree, cannot be done without also equal (in terms of interests, identity, and preferences) and acknowledging that male-dominated entertainment regularshould not be treated as such— to do so strips their auton- ly employs equally explicit lyrics with far more demeaning omy and individuality. “WAP” merely gives an erroneously connotations. In that same vein however, we also cannot narrow solution— claiming sexual agency— to a systematic praise the song for its messages because it condones power problem. through sexuality, which forgets the women who are simply not sexual. The goal of feminism should not be to balance Hidden within the lyrics of the song are references to other the male gaze with a female gaze, or to replace the male gaze paradigmatic aspects of patriarchy, namely men as the finan- with the female gaze, rather it should work to eliminate a cial earner. They sing, “pay my tuition just to kiss me/now gaze at all, and in doing so, build an inclusive and equitable make it rain, if you wanna [explicit]” which reduces sex down distribution of power in society for all identities.

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The Sciences Po 2020 Elections JADE QUINN-MCDONALD

COLUMNIST

Since last month, I’d been mulling over ideas about what to do for my parcours civique this summer. Over 100 hours, full-time, four to six weeks long. I’d had no inkling of a theme. It just so happens that a couple of weeks ago I had the privilege to vote in my first election – regional representatives for the west coast of Canada. And what a thrill it was. Mailing in my ballot felt gratifying and I look forward to voting in future elections.

However, after jumping through hoops to register to vote, receive and complete my voting package, I found myself wondering how many 18-year-old kids would go through the same. As students of Sciences Politiques I would like to think that we strive to stay well-informed and motivated and involved in politics, but how engaged are our friends studying microbiology, marketing and music theory? I would like to find out.

However, after jumping through hoops to register to vote, receive and complete my voting package, I found myself wondering how many 18-year-old kids would go through the same.

That is what gave me the idea to seek out opportunities to promote youth involvement in politics. I don’t know in what shape or form this will come, still, I would like to start by informing you, dear reader, about the 2020 Sciences Po elections.

In 2016, Sciences Po adopted a new governance structure and renewed its governing bodies. In 2020, all the electoral colleges, except the adjunct faculty, were invited to vote for their representatives. Sciences Po’s statutes are unique in France in that they combine principles of public and private law, giving the institution the freedom to develop an innovative educational model within the French public higher education system. The reform of January 2016 maintains this Three groups represented by Sciences Po Menton students were in the running:

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1) NOVA represented by Alexandre Kuhn 2) Solidarité Étudiantes represented by Maria Garriga Zamora 3) UNEF represented by Abhinav Shetty.

The post exposes Science Po faculty, accusing council members of violating the verdict of the ballot box: “The Council decided to elect the NOVA candidate, against the candidate from the UNEF-SPES list

structure while making it more transparent.

We, as students of the undergraduate college, were able to vote for the representatives of the Student Life and Education Committee, or Conseil de la Vie Étudiante et de la Formation (CVEF) which has a decision-making role with regard to student life matters and advises on educational matters. Three groups represented by Sciences Po Menton students were in the running: 1) NOVA represented by Alexandre Kuhn 2) Solidarité Étudientes represented by Maria Garriga Zamora 3) UNEF represented by Abhinav Shetty.

In a message for first-year students, Abhinav Shetty said: “[Elections] help build representation for Menton/International students with these unions, and thus with the governing bodies of Sciences Po.” Shetty continues with examples of actions, including: “campaigns for reduction of tuition fees, compensation for expensive flights during the first wave of the pandemic […] financial support if [students] stay in France over summer for [their] parcours civique,” etc. He concluded with: “Any individual problems you may face with communication with the administration student unions can ensure you get a response on time and [don’t] get bamboozled by the admin as usual.” Regrettably, after campaigning and encouraging student voters to participate, UNEF has not been selected by the Council.

The NOVA candidate will be our student representative. In a recent update by UNEF titled “Denial of Democracy at the CVEF”, we read that the candidate was elected against the popular vote that put UNEF in first. The post exposes Science Po faculty, accusing council members of violating the verdict of the ballot box: “The Council decided to elect the NOVA

candidate, against the candidate from the UNEF-SPES list […]. Beyond the contempt shown for student democracy, this decision will have major implications for the entire Sciences Po community.” Although it is not mandatory for the council to select a popularly elected representative, it is easy to see how this choice counters democratic principles; it has not happened since the 1960s. UNEF’s chagrin over their inability to deliver on their agenda is evident: “Your choice has not been respected. We can legitimately doubt the capacity of the new President to represent the students in these bodies. […] We are therefore deprived of the means to implement the programme for which you elected us.” In light of the situation, the party has decided to boycott the next CVEF. The choice of student representatives directly impacts us.

This election was a rare opportunity in which a relatively small pool of voters had an influence. I hope these results do not defeat those of you who voted, but motivate you to continue to be involved in the (expectedly) democratic process of election. Politics move the world. It is our privilege to be part of an institution that values its students’ opinions, and our obligation to speak up when we are misrepresented. As Rousseau says: “The very right to vote imposes on me the duty to instruct myself in public affairs, however little influence my voice may have in them.”

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Le problème identitaire chez

les binationaux maghrébins

dans les banlieues françaises «Tu préfères ici ou là-bas?»

Cette question entendue partout lors de retours au pays, de Tunis à Marrakech en passant par Alger, à l’apparence anodine et totalement innocente, symbolise en réalité tout un problème. Elle implique de faire un choix immédiat pour une catégorie de personnes, les binationaux, pour qui la question est bien

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plus complexe et nécessite un long et tortueux cheminement spirituel. Qui suis-je en réalité ? Est-ce que je me revendique d’ici où j’ai grandi ou de là-bas, terre de mes ancêtres ?

Pour comprendre ce problème contemporain, il est nécessaire de revenir dans le passé, au temps de la colonisation.

Une histoire commune conflictuelle et sensible

La colonisation

Au 19e siècle, on assiste au début de la ruée européenne vers l’Afrique du Nord, avec notamment la conquête de l’Algérie par la France en 1830, avant que suivent la Tunisie en 1881 et le Maroc en 1912.

Cette histoire coloniale commune, est le principe fondateur du syndrome de la crise identitaire chez les binationaux franco-maghrébins en France. D’une part, c’est une histoire douloureuse, marquée par le conflit et des bles-

SAMY EL MALOUI

CHRONIQUEUR

sures lourdes. En 1845, en pleine conquête de l’Algérie, le maréchal français Thomas Bugeaud déclarait dans un discours à la Chambre des pairs: « J’entrerai dans vos montagnes ; je brûlerai vos villages et vos moissons ; je couperai vos arbres fruitiers, ne vous en prenez qu’à vous seuls. ».

Les mots sont extrêmement durs et témoignent de l’état d’esprit des troupes françaises vis-à-vis de la campagne d’Algérie. Les exactions françaises au Maghreb sous l’occupation continuent encore aujo-

urd’hui de marquer les esprits tations réprimées dans le sang, et il devient alors difficile de elles ont été obtenues à la suite s’identifier à l’histoire et à la de négociations et d’un accord culture d’un pays qui jadis, « à l’amiable », sans réel concommettait les pires atroc- flit armé. ités sur ses ancêtres et leurs La question semblables. Les chiffres des algérienne pertes humaines sont inexacts, mais suite à de nombreuses Dans le cas algérien, il a fallu recherches, il a été retenu que un long et lourd près des milliers de Tunisiens conflit opposant le colonisé au ainsi que des centaines de colonisateur, la controversée milliers de Marocains périront guerre d’Algérie, sujet chargé pendant l’occupation française d’une empreinte émotionnelle (selon les estimations de dans les deux camps. Si nous Daniel Rivet, historien français n’allons pas rentrer dans les spécialiste du Maghreb et de la détails de ce conflit, étant doncolonisation). Pour l’Algérie, le né que ce n’est pas le sujet princhiffre fait controverse mais il cipal ici et qu’il faudrait des s’élèverait entre 500 000 et 1 pages et des pages pour saisir million de morts selon les esti- toute son importance, il est mations et les travaux des his- nécessaire de retenir quelques toriens. S’il est hors de ques- éléments. Cet tion de hiérarchiser l’horreur affrontement va s’étendre sur de la répresComment expliquer à un sion, force Maghrébin qu’il doit se sentir est de confrançais quand dans le même stater qu’il est temps ses grands-parents furent nécessaire de torturés ou victimes de so ldats combattant sous le faire de l’Aldrapeau tricolore ? gérie un cas à part. Déjà, son statut n’était pas le même 8 ans, de 1954 à 1962 et va : si le Maroc et la Tunisie aboutir aux accords d’Évian, étaient des protectorats, c’est- qui vont affirmer l’autodéterà-dire un régime juridique car- mination de l’Algérie. Il opactérisé par la protection qu’un pose des rebelles nationalistes État fort assure à un État faible algériens qui vont se regrouper en vertu d’une convention au sein d’un mouvement poliou d’un acte unilatéral et où tique luttant pour l’indépence dernier garde une certaine dance, le Front de Libération autonomie, l’Algérie était con- National (FLN), à la France. Il sidéré comme un département représente, encore aujourd’hui, du territoire français. L’attache un traumatisme dans l’histoire n’était pas la même, ce qui ex- franco-algérienne. D’une part, plique la difficulté qu’a rencon- cette guerre n’a longtemps pas trée l’Algérie pour obtenir son été reconnue comme tel par indépendance, près de 6 ans la France, où l’on parlait alors après ses voisins et dans des d’ « événements d’Algérie », conditions différentes. S’il ne comme pour amoindrir son faut pas retirer le fait que l’in- importance symbolique. L’exdépendance du Maroc et de la pression « guerre d’Algérie » Tunisie a été obtenue par des a été adoptée en France 37 ans revendications et des manifes-

après la fin du conflit, le 18 octobre 1999. D’autre part, elle a été marquée par une violence inouïe : près d’un million de morts selon les estimations, d’importants mouvements de populations, des procédés utilisés particulièrement inhumains comme la torture et des exécutions sommaires.

Le spectre de cette période continue donc à rôder sur les deux pays qui n’ont toujours pas tourné la page et il faudra encore de longues années pour arriver à un dialogue apaisé et un travail sur les mémoires.

Les conséquences

En bref, cette difficile histoire coloniale constitue un paramètre non-négligeable dans le processus du développement du problème identitaire chez les jeunes franco-maghrébins. Les récits de leurs grands-parents ou arrière-grands-parents sur les lésions qu’a laissées cette période ainsi que la riche documentation qu’il est possible de faire aujourd’hui sur Internet renforce ce sentiment de non-reconnaissance dans l’histoire du pays où l’on peut être né ou avoir passé l’ensemble de sa vie, la France. Comment expliquer à un Maghrébin qu’il doit se sentir français quand dans le même temps ses grands-parents furent torturés ou victimes de soldats combattant sous le drapeau tricolore ?

La crainte d’être perçu comme un traître (La hantise d’un Algérien : être insulté de « harki », du nom des Algériens ayant combattu pour la France) en s’assumant comme français

dans le cercle familial ou des semblables dans la même situation de double nationalité et de ne pas être considéré comme intégré en étant trop fier de ses origines ou en les revendiquant pleinement par d’autres agents de socialisation externes, comme les amis ou d’autres individus est crucial. Le regard des autres joue donc un rôle important chez les binationaux, qui sont alors tiraillés entre deux « mondes », le monde familial, où est souvent parlé la langue d’origine et celui du monde extérieur, de l’école, des amis, où l’on apprend les valeurs républicaines et de laïcité. Si nous avons vu l’une des raisons fondamentales de ce problème, il est nécessaire de comprendre comment nous en sommes arrivés là.

La diaspora maghrébine en France

Pour cela, il faut s’attarder sur l’histoire de l’immigration nord-africaine en France.

Si l’on avait pu assister à un premier flux lors des deux premières guerres mondiales avec des centaines de milliers de Maghrébins réquisitionnés pour combattre au sein de l’armée française.

L’immigration s’accélère après 1945 avec un fort besoin de main d’œuvre pour la reconstruction, le malthusianisme ayant réduit la natalité en même temps que la guerre a détruit une grande partie du pays. Les travailleurs marocains, algériens et tunisiens seront encouragés à rallier la France pour travailler sur les chantiers et dans les mines. Il

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y aura ensuite une reconnaissance au droit au regroupement familial par le décret n°76-383 du 29 avril 1976 qui diversifie l’immigration. Cette génération de premiers Maghrébins installés en France va subir de nombreuses discriminations, en écho à l’esprit colonial encore frais dans les consciences.

Elle devra se battre pour s’intégrer dans la société française, pour ses droits notamment dans les mines de Lorraine où le combat sera long pour obtenir les mêmes droits syndicaux et le droit à la dignité (pour approfondir cette notion, il existe un excellent livre sur le sujet : « Mineurs algériens et marocains, une autre histoire du charbon lorrain » de P. Galloro, T. Pascutto et A. Serré). De cette génération traumatisée et fracturée (de nombreux immigrés gardent un attachement très fort à leur pays) naîtra alors un sentiment dont hériteront ensuite leurs enfants, puis les enfants de leurs enfants et ainsi de suite jusqu’à nos jours, un sentiment de trouble identitaire. Déjà, à l’époque, lorsque les premiers immigrés rentraient rendre visite à leur famille au pays, ils pouvaient ressentir une sorte de gêne, comme s’ils se sentaient quelque peu étrangers, au sein même de leur village ou leur ville. Les descendants de ces premiers immigrés, vivent dans un autre contexte : ils sont nés en France, fréquentent l’école de la République et n’ont parfois jamais mis les pieds dans leurs pays d’origine.

Un climat social et politique qui tend à la division

parole donnée sur des chaînes à grande écoute à des théoriciens de la haine et la diffusion de doctrines violentes comme Nous pouvons alors nous de- le « grand remplacement » mander pour quelle raison la incite le binational à se poser question du problème identi- des questions sur son identité taire est alors si ancrée aujo- profonde. urd’hui dans la communauté Les individus vont alors se franco-maghrébine. Si nous tourner vers leurs racines, avons vu que les mémoires mais là encore, un problème coloniales jouent un rôle, le va se poser. Lors de retours racisme et la discrimination dans leurs pays d’origine, ils présents en France participent vont subir le regard des « loà se sentir coupé de la commu- caux » (ici, le sens n’est pas nauté nationale. L’exemple de péjoratif, la sémantique est la discrimination à l’embauche seulement une appellation sur des critères ethniques peut des Maghrébins vivant au créer un sentiment de dégoût Maghreb.), pouvant s’avérer aboutissant parfois à la haine assez lourd. Ils ne seront alors et au rejet du sentiment d’ap- pas considérés comme de « partenance national. La poli- vrais » Maghrébins, mais autique française des années ront toujours cette étiquette 70 de construction massive d’immigré, de « Français », d’HLM formant de véritables ce qui peut être dur à encaisscités au sein de la banlieue qui er psychologiquement pour un individu Ils ne seront alors pas conse sentant sidérés comme de « vrais » déjà coupé Maghrébins, mais auront toude la société jours cette étiquette d’immigré, de « Français », ce qui française. Le peut être dur à encaisser psy- terme péjorachologiquement pour un indivi- tif « zmagri » du se sentant déjà coupé de la (immigré) en est un exemsociété française. ple frappant. va participer à détacher les Alors oui bien sûr, cette défipopulations modestes d’orig- ance des uns envers les autres ine maghrébine et créer une peut s’expliquer par le comdéfiance envers la France, par portement condescendant, un manque d’opportunités voire outrageux de certains professionnelles, une très franco-maghrébins , mais le forte pauvreté et un sentiment combat ici est double et vise d’abandon. Le climat social en à arrêter cet affrontement inFrance joue également un rôle. utile entre deux communautés La montée de l’extrême-droi- aux histoires certes différentes, te et sa politique favorisant mais faisant finalement parti cette fracture, les luttes in- d’un socle commun. cohérentes contre un séparat- Ainsi le sentiment du « nulle isme religieux abstrait qui crée part chez soi » se développe alors des discours à la limite peu à peu ce qui peut alors de l’apologie de la discrimi- favoriser une chute dans l’exnation dans le débat public, la trémisme, d’un côté ou de Une société française fracturée

l’autre. Un être-humain a besoin de connaître son identité, d’être dans un groupe. Bismarck disait « celui qui ne sait pas d’où il vient, ne sait pas où il va ».

Les dérives de la recherche identitaire L’obscurantisme religieux

Ce trouble peut s’avérer particulièrement destructeur psychologiquement et possède des risques. C’est dans ce cadre que l’individu peut tomber dans des idéologies dangereuses. L’organisation terroriste État Islamique compte de nombreux binationaux maghrébins au sein de ses effectifs. Pourquoi ? Dans sa politique de recrutement, elle s’attaque à des personnes fragiles mentalement et désorientés, des individus simples à manipuler puis à enrôler. La propagande intégriste promet de devenir membre d’une communauté forte et soudée, la « Oumma » en Islam, où les individus peuvent passer de pestiférés en France et dans leurs pays d’origine à quelqu’un d’actif et considéré.

Cela constitue une réponse tombée du ciel à des personnes qui souffrent de problèmes liés à l’identité. En réalité, c’est une utopie. Une fois arrivés sur place, le premier ressenti est souvent la déception face à une réalité bien différente de la propagande hollywoodienne qui circule. Ils sont même parfois stigmatisés en tant que franco-maghrébins de banlieue et sont affectés à des postes peu importants et particulièrement mortels, en étant alignés en première

ligne. Le livre « Les revenants de l’assimilation, terme am» de David Thompson mon- bigu qui désignerait l’intégratre bien ce sentiment de hon- tion dans un pays en adoptant te et de regret par des témoi- ses coutumes et sa culture nognages d’ex-jihadistes revenus tamment par le changement en France.

Mes discussions avec Parfois, la « différentes connaissances solution » dans ce cas de figure m’ont peut donc se montré qu’un sentiment est matérialiser commun : l’attachement par l’affranprofond, affectueux à ses racchissement ines et une difficulté à des deux aps’affirmer comme français. par tenances de base pour s’accaparer une troisième qui de son prénom et de son comtendrait à annuler les deux portement. Ses sorties sont premières. Cette prétendue souvent polémiques notamsolution amène dans cet exem- ment vis-à-vis de l’Islam et il ple à la mort, la haine de l’autre avait notamment déclaré que et l’obscurantisme. l’assassin de Samuel Paty était un « musulman en colère », Le nationalisme des propos dont se sont désolidarisés le RN, parti qu’il finira Si le problème identitaire par quitter en novembre 2020 peut amener à tomber dans sur des questions de désacla radicalisation religieuse, cords idéologiques vis-à-vis elle peut conduire à d’au- de la question de l’identité. tres phénomènes comme to- Cet individu illustre bien ce talement renier ses origines risque de basculer dans l’obou alors les revendiquer de scurantisme et l’intolérance manière abusive. Le premier envers la différence, qui fait cas de figure consiste à couper la singularité de notre pays. Il totalement avec ses racines exprime, certes dans un autre en revendiquant un senti- registre que l’adhésion à un ment d’appartenance total à la groupe terroriste, ce sentiment France et un rejet de son pays de trouble identitaire. Le déd’origine, pouvant tendre à sir, presque maladif, d’absolula xénophobie. Un exemple ment s’intégrer dans la société frappant du paysage politique française par des biais exfrançais reste Jean Messiha. Né trêmes représente donc un risau Caire, il arrive en France à que pour les binationaux tout l’âge de 8 ans avant d’être nat- comme celui de revendiquer uralisé à 20 ans tout en chan- âprement et de manière abugeant de prénom, passant de sive ses origines pouvant conHossam à Jean. Il rejoint fin- duire au nationalisme, une exalement le Rassemblement altation du sentiment national National en 2016. Adepte de en défiance aux autres cultures, la théorie du “grand remplace- qui peut clairement aboutir à ment”, il adopte un discours la haine de l’autre dans des cas souvent xénophobe à la limite extrêmes. de l’apologie de la haine ra- Ainsi, le problème identiciale. Il est un grand partisan taire peut mener à des dérives

périlleuses où l’individu peut rapidement tomber dans des doctrines mortifères ou conflictuelles, dans le cadre de sa recherche identitaire. Les individus doivent faire attention à ne pas tomber dans ces pièges idéologiques, et ce, par l’éducation et le dialogue, qui peuvent représenter des solutions.

Benjamin Constant disait « Tout est moral chez l’individu, mais tout est physique dans les masses ». Le binational doit sortir de sa condition collective et entamer une réflexion purement personnelle pour ne pas être en conflit avec lui-même et les autres. Le problème identitaire est aujourd’hui une grande problématique dans notre pays, symbole de la pluralité de son histoire.

Elle est ravivée chaque année par cet incessant débat qui revient dans l’espace de discussion public: «Qu’est-ce qu’être français ?».

Une question épineuse aujourd’hui tant l’identité française peut se percevoir différemment, par la richesse de son histoire. Mes discussions avec différentes connaissances dans ce cas de figure m’ont montré qu’un sentiment est commun : l’attachement profond, affectueux à ses racines et une difficulté à s’affirmer comme français.

La colonisation et ses traumatismes sont une zone d’ombre dans l’histoire des franco-maghrébins, et la solution semble être aujourd’hui le dialogue et les excuses, n’en déplaise à Jean Castex qui avait déclaré sur le plateau de TF1 que la France n’avait pas à s’ex-

cuser pour la colonisation. Et pourtant, elle devrait.

Elle doit s’excuser pour les crimes commis à l’encontre de nos ancêtres, pour la faible reconnaissance envers ces Africains morts pour la France et ses valeurs, tous ces paramètres fondateurs de cette douleur, celle de se sentir nulle part chez soi. Bien sûr, les binationaux sont aussi importants dans ce processus.

Nous devons dialoguer avec nos parents, nos grands-parents, pour réaliser ce travail de mémoire indispensable aujourd’hui, se battre pour être reconnu comme des citoyens à part égale et revendiquer avec fierté cette double appartenance. Alors bien sûr, rien ne sera simple et le chemin sera semé d’embûches. Mais l’enjeu est de taille et mérite un effort de tous. Au final, nous devons prendre cette appartenance à deux cultures comme une chance et non un poids, même s’il ne faut bien sûr pas nier l’importance de ce problème. C’est une chance, car ainsi, elle permet d’avoir deux points de vue, deux visions des choses différentes d’un sujet, une plus grande ouverture d’esprit et à mon sens, il faut tirer le meilleur de nos deux cultures pour ne plus être dans ce malaise constant et peu à peu, s’épanouir et s’émanciper intellectuellement.

ÉDITION N˚1 | NOVEMBRE 2020

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Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité— ISMAEEL YAQOOB

COLUMNIST

As a Muslim who has spent all my life in Europe, although not always fully knowingly, I have been aware of the branding issues my faith has in this part of the world. Much in the same way as many of you would have probably picked up your early understanding of ‘Muslims’ and ‘Islam’ through the lens of so-called ‘Islamist extremism’, ‘Jihadis’, and ‘terrorists’, these words would commonly frequent my mind as a child. Only later on in my life was I able to draw the clear and necessary distinctions, despite what I saw on TV being so far removed from my personal reality.

I have early memories of my mum switching the channel whenever there had been another attack, not wanting to endanger our internal narrative for a religion which had always been a source of positivity and warmth. I had, however, always been too curious for my own good, already deep into that day’s Evening Standard edition looking for those same arabic words that I’d uttered earlier in my Zuhr prayer.

‘Before launching his rampage on,’- I could already feel the lump in my throat as I prepared myself for the coming days’ attacks on my identity, and what would become a constant need to justify my existence.

The concept of ‘racism’ is currently something most, usually white, people are hell-bent on distancing themselves from.

In practise, however, it is clear that there is a very selective approach to anti-racism, which seems to be denied to the 6,000,000 Muslims living in France. Following the beheading of school teacher Samuel Patty by a so-called ‘Islamist’ extremist a few weeks ago, President Macron was quick to throw French Muslims under the bus in his interestingly chosen and deliberately coded messaging. ‘Islam is in crisis all over the world,’ a need to create a state approved ‘Islam of France,’ and of course the doubling down of extremely offensive and unnecesarily provocative charicatures of the

Prophet Muhammad (pbuh), a figure highly respected in the Islamic tradition. It was clear that Macron, in all his talk of ‘la fraternité, nous la vivons avec intensité,’ no doubt knowingly excluded the French Muslim community which has become the target of an alienating and dehumanising national discourse. Just two weeks ago, Minister of the Interior Gerad Darmier attended an interview where he blamed ‘communautarisme’ on the visible presence of halal meat in supermarkets. Education Minister Jean Michel Banquer a few days ago accused universities of spreading ‘Islamo-Leftism’ and proclaimed that theories of ‘intersectionality’ are responsible for so-called Islamism and the ‘fragmentation of French society’. It was only a matter of time before anti Muslim sentiment manifested itself in an act of violence; in Paris, two women wearing hijabs were stabbed whilst being the subject of an onslaught of racist verbal abuse, and in Avignon a Maghrebin shop owner was shot by a far right extremist from the terrorist organisation ‘Generation Identitaire.’

Whilst Muslims are walking through streets plastered with posters of Marine Le Pen, being fined more for wearing a burqa than they would for not wearing a mask, policemen holding a gaze at us whilst we are just getting on with our day, being stopped for ‘random’ document checks and raising suspicion when a European nationality is coupled with a Muslim-sounding name. This all became my new normal when I moved to France. As someone who has as much to do with what happened to Samuel Patty as you reading this, it is clear that the republic is making a mockery out of its founding principles — clearly there is no Liberté, no Egalité, no Fraternité for the Muslims.

It is incumbent on all of us, as members of an esteemed academic and social community, to not just stand up in defence of a white, Europeo-centric freedom of expression

—except if you are Muslim when the French Muslim’s relative rights are strained to a sphere defined by the white man. French Muslim women have their literal bodies policed by the state in this country in the name of an ideology that is meant to see everyone as an equal, whilst the privilege of the white man is vindicated in their ability to use ‘creative license’ to pit minorities against the major itarian culture and put Muslims in harm’s way.

re-

Only a few months ago we were posting black squares to show our commitment to anti-racism and reposting infographics on critical race theory and white supremacy.

Clearly this commitment was short-lived and suspicions of performativi ty have been confirmed because a basic understanding of the reality of existing as a minority still lacks. The truth is that race and therefore racism doesn’t have any empirical backing, and exists off the back of a world order and power dynamic informed by the ‘scientific’ European conception of the human species stemming from the Enlightenment. Thus, when it is refuted that Islamophobia is a form of racism, it is difficult for me to understand how, when, and who defines the parameters of this social ill, as in many ways I have felt it operate much in the same way as the racism I experience as a result of the colour of my skin. Those looking for a more informed definition of Islamophobia I would direct to the All Party Parliamentary Group (UK) on British Muslim’s definition: “Islamophobia is rooted in racism and is a type of racism that targets expressions of Muslimness or perceived Muslimness.”

The definition in full, as well as examples relevant to contemporary Islamophobia, particularly pertinent to a western setting can be found at: https://www.islamophobia-definition.com

ÉDITION N˚1 | NOVEMBRE 2020

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CITIZE CITIZE and

PUBLIC PUBLIC

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ENSHIP ENSHIP the

DEBATE DEBATE PHILIPP FRANK

COLUMNIST

ÉDITION N˚1 | NOVEMBRE 2020

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In mid-October, struggling with a surging second COVID-19 wave, France was, within a matter of two days, hit by two brutal attacks on three of its citizens. On 16th October, history & geography teacher Samuel Paty was killed and decapitated in Conflans-Sainte-Honorine while on 18th October, two Muslim women were stabbed and severely injured near the Eiffel tower. The former had shown satiric caricatures of prophet Muhammad to his class in order to teach the right of free speech and expression, while the latter had not actually done anything besides living out the right of religious freedom. The former fell victim to an Islamist and religious-fundamentalist, the latter to a xenophobic, racist, and Islamophobic attack. Clearly, these attacks differ in their circumstances and unfolding, yet what is more important is the reactions they evoked: in both of these events, politicians and newspapers reacted furiously.

Rather than only condemming the attacks, many were declaring war on a supposedly evil social group or movement that was apparently oppressing or threatening these very civil rights, be it Islamism (although most people seemed to have either understood or meant it as an attack on Islam), the media, or the police.

This is really concerning: when two of the most fundamental civil rights were cruelly violated, freedom of speech and expression, as well as the freedom of religion and creed, the reactions of many people in the public debate were aggressive and divisive, claiming nothing but the absolute truth

and moral superiority to no tive behaviour that is right now one but themselves. The pub- dominating? lic debate, not only in France, So far, this sounds very vague, but everywhere in the world educational, and too abstract where a free public debate can to seriously propose. Theretake place, is polarized like fore, a set of rules, a playbook, never before in modern histo- a definition of what is actury. Unsurprisingly, populism ally meant by the word “cithas been on the rise for several izen” and the etiquette that years now, showing no signs of comes along with it, is needed. weakness or cooling-off.

Whenever an excursus into the Obviously, the polarization of meaning of something is conthe public debate is a serious ducted, a glance to philosophy challenge to free societies and is generally useful. The followdemocracy. Hence, the ques- ing two famous pieces might tion arises: what can be done be of help in this endeavour: against it?

Firstly, starting with what is An idea arguably worthy of “What is more importone of, if ant, though, is the fact a discusnot the sion is the that they all shared a most, common respect for the reconsidfundaeration of importance of civil rights m e n t a l c i t i z e n - because they knew that work of ship. This a free and healthy soWestern is to say ciety is only possible if philosoeveryone is allowed to that if one phy, Plastops see- speak their minds and to’s Apolworship whom they like.” ing others ogy of primarily Socrates, as representatives of a (hos- from which some first ideas tile) political or social group relevant from the individual’s or movement, but rather starts perspective, concerning one’s seeing them first and foremost very personal set of values as equal and serious citizens, and approach to things can his or her mindset, if shared be drawn. Generally, Socrates’ on a grand scale, will intro- concept of a citizen is all about duce a greater degree of re- integrity and virtue. Regardspect, decency, and dignity in less of the situation or agenthe public debate. Despite old da, a good and faithful citizen and new differences, it is still should carry these two in his relatively safe to say that most or her heart and mind: people, evidently in countries where those norms are already a given, share a common be- “[I] sought to persuade every lief in civil rights, in a liberal, man among you that he must open debate and in the con- look to himself, and seek virstitution - so why not honour tue and wisdom before he this bond, this very basic set of looks to his private interests, rules composing the unity of and look to the state before society, by distancing oneself he looks to the interests of the from the heated, hate-filled, state; and that this should be unprofessional, and destruc- the order which he observes in

all his actions.”

Clearly, this is a commitment to constant reflection, seeking to ensure one refrains from acting impulsively, short-sighted, reck- and ruthlessly. Moreover, this advice seems to cultivate a certain humbleness, leading to the realization that one’s opinion is not automatically right, neither morally nor in the matter, just because it is you expressing it. In the Apology, Socrates has put this devotion to reflection quite radically in the words: “The unexamined life is not worth living” Why is this relevant? On the first glance, thinking twice about what you say and making sure that you act with good intentions does not appear to be a sensational discovery on Socrates’s part.

However, few people can actually and truthfully say of themselves that they are always reacting soberly, reflecting calmly, and putting aside prejudices, especially when it comes to dealing with the media or engaging in political discourse. This inability is not a shame to admit. Most people have it, and the author of this article is certainly included. In fact, it is a very natural human trait, it therefore makes no sense to deny one’s susceptibility to it. But it also proves the timeless relevance of Socrates’ advice for us and the concept of citizenship.

Secondly, taking a look at the Politeia, the most important work of state philosophy by Aristotle, Plato’s most famous student and equally influential philosopher, provides a view

on the relationship between the citizen and the state, as well as the relationship of the citizen with the realm of politics in general: “Hence it is evident that the state is a creation of nature, and that man is by nature a political animal. […]

He who has the power to take part in the deliberative or judicial administration of any state is said by us to be a citizen of that state; and, speaking generally, a state is a body of citizens sufficing for the purposes of life.”

As Aristotle’s thoughts are quite straightforward, it might be important to remember that the political system and society as a whole, both in its structure, but also in its values, were very different at his time than they are at ours.

This quickly becomes evident when reading his comments on slavery and women, which really are not worth a discussion, let alone admiration or internalization. Moreover, the way he understood participation in politics is constitutionally impossible for us today.

This is not intended to open a debate on whether the work of some philosophers should be condemned because of their, from a modern perspective, illiberal or unfashionable moral standards and also not intended to vilify Aristotle (Plato certainly had some very, to put it lightly, questionable ideas, too); it is rather to clarify that, even though it is impossible, as a consequence of the changes in society and the political system, to apply his ideas today in the exact same way he imagined them, one can still

discover a both timelessly relevant and applicable hidden truth in them.

This hidden truth in Aristotle’s writings consists of the fact that humans truly are political animals and should understand themselves, as citizens, as naturally capable of taking part in politics. This is to say that one should have confidence, confidence in his or her ability to make use of the civil rights, confidence in his or her wit and reason to understand the actions and arguments of other political agents, be it politicians or journalists or other fellow citizens, confidence in his or her right and responsibility to engage. Of course, not everyone is made for a political career – one probably does best in understanding Aristotle in warning of passivity and encouraging everyone to have the confidence to engage openly as citizens, not only, but particularly in the political realm.

To briefly con-

sibility to engage. Cooling the public debate will only be possible when this concept of citizenship is embodied by its participants.

I personally saw this working in real life when I attended the vigil for Samuel Paty in Menton. The most diverse set of people came together to commemorate a man whom they had never heard of before, and who had, objectively speaking, only done his job and nothing particularly heroic. They probably disagreed with one another on many things, including topics of the public debate. It is likely that they would have disagreed with Samuel Paty on such topics, if they had had the chance to speak with him. What is more important, though, is the fact that they all shared a common respect for the importance of civil rights because they knew that a free and healthy society ...The public is only possible if everyone is allowed to debate, not only speak their minds in France, but everywhere in the world and worship whom they where a free public delike. bate can take place, is When they polarized like never heard that those before in modern civil rights were unhistory... der attack, tragically clude symbolized by the fate t h i s of Samuel Paty, they came philosophical excursus and together to show their solipresent a definition of citi- darity and support for these zenship, Socrates and Plato, ideals. All these people came respectively, asked to always in all their apparent differenccheck on moral integrity first, es, together at the town hall before judging and acting on square, listening to the local others, while Aristotle con- politicians’ speeches, firms the ability and respon-

bowing their heads or folding their hands, deeply moved and passionately singing the Marseillaise. A moment of unity in

a country we had just declared deeply divided over the exact same event.

These Menton moments proved to me that our best answer to the growing polarization of our public debate, and our best way to preserve and strengthen a liberal, respectful civil society, is a reconsideration of our status, our rights, and our duties as citizens.

When entering the public debate, or engaging with people in general, we should always have in mind that we are first and foremost equal citizens.

Before we discuss our differences on any topic, we should remind ourselves that we are all united in the fulfilment of and respect for our common citizenship and civil rights. If we all have this in mind, we can hopefully combat the polarization and ideologization of the public debate. In the end, we want to naturally have a greater deal of personal virtue and respect for each other and get all of us, as a society, closer together.

ÉDITION N˚1 | NOVEMBRE 2020

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Donald TRUMP, Joe BIDEN...

“The fact is everything he says so far is simply a lie”

Cette phrase prononcée par Joe Biden sur Donald Trump aurait pu être professée par Socrate lors d’un des discours de Gorgias ou de Protagoras. Le sophisme naît en même temps que la démocratie athénienne.

Pour persuader l’Ecclésia, on fait appel à ses experts de l’émotion et de la séduction. Électriser une assemblée, provoquer un engouement irrépressible, annihiler la raison par la séduction, voici le sophisme. Avancer des arguments ayant l’apparence de la vérité avec mauvaise foi pour faire illusion. Plutôt que de sophisme, on parlerait aujourd’hui de populisme. Ce même populisme qu’on décrédibilise en dénonçant les fake-news, les généralités quand lui-même professe des discours sur la conspiration, le mensonge régnant au sein de l’élite internationale. La cristallisation du discours politique se fait autour de cette notion de vérité, de détention et de rétention de la vérité. Dans un monde d’une complexité affolante où les électeurs sont abondés d’informations, les médias dénoncent la bassesse de discours politiques volontaire-

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ment clivants et simplistes, de politiques qui se traitent de “clown”. The Economist dépeignait une ère de “post-truth” alors même que Protagoras cité dans Gorgias exprime l’impossibilité du discours faux : « Dire, c’est dire quelque chose, c’est donc dire ce qui est. » Sophisme et démocratie, deux composantes inextricables de la politique ?

Tout d’abord, nous devons au sophisme les techniques discursives et l’art oratoire.

Analysons certaines avec à l’appui des citations des derniers débats entre Joe Biden et Donald Trump. Le sophisme de la généralisation hâtive et celui de la caricature permettent de modifier la position de l’interlocuteur pour la discréditer et l’attaquer plus facilement. Joe Biden accuse ainsi Trump: “like for everything else, he doesn’t have a plan” et à Trump de répliquer “You see, it’s all talk no action with those politicians.” L’emploi de l’adverbe “all” et de la négation excluent toutes nuances et tendent à simplifier le choix des électeurs avec une opposition manichéenne. Trump est “the

worst president America has ever had”, Biden “Will destroy our whole country.” Les deux candidats se construisent des images en opposition: Biden se place comme le politicien expérimenté face à un clown de télé-réalité, quand Trump se définit comme l’outsider qui a une connaissance du “vrai” monde du business et qui ne trempe pas dans le remugle d’une élite politique corrompue et désuète. Un autre ressort du sophisme est le faux dilemme. On affirme deux possibilités dont l’une est inacceptable, par comparaison, l’autre est la seule valide. Trump affirme ainsi “ We are learning to live with it (covid), we have no choice.

We cannot lock ourselves in a basement like Joe does.” Un autre sophisme célèbre est celui de la “pente fatale”. Le but est de décrédibiliser une mesure en décrivant son résultat catastrophique par un enchaînement de causes à effets impossibles. Trump affirme “we can’t close up our nation or you are not going to have a nation”, présentant le confinement comme une déconstruction de la nation quand le lien logique entre les deux sem-

ble inexistant. Ce sophisme du lien causal douteux se retrouve dans l’affirmation suivante: “I ran because of you, because of Barack Obama, because you did a poor job.” En effet, la mauvaise foi est aussi caractéristique du sophisme.

Sartre considère la mauvaise foi comme un stratagème de l’homme pour simplifier sa conscience et la réduire à l’état d’une chose aisément appréciable. La mauvaise foi, au sens où elle facilite l’appréhension des choses par une essentialisation, est un outil sans doute nécessaire à la communication politique. De même, la réduction d’un adversaire à son air endormi ou l’usage du faux-dilemme sont, sinon essentiels, au moins caractéristique d’un discours qui veut persuader.

Le sacrifice de la vérité sur l’autel de l’élection, de la popularité est-il inévitable ? L’étymologie du terme sophisme est assez révélateur, dérivé du grec sophia, la sagesse, ne sous-entend-il pas une forme de nécessité au sophisme ?

Le sophisme est comparé par Luc Ferry à un discours amoureux ou poétique: si il n’est crédible, il est au

...et le SOPHISME. ISSEY BARAVIAN

CHRONIQUEUSE INVITÉE

AU NOM DE

LA FABRIQUE POLITIQUE

moins séduisant. Socrate, dans sa tentative de décrédibiliser les sophistes, se faisait un point d’honneur à arriver en retard aux discours de Protagoras pour en demander le résumé. Protagoras qui venait d’exalter la foule avec son récit du mythe de Prométhée se retrouvait désemparé: un discours sophiste ne peut être résumé. L’histoire de la philosophie est donc divisée autour de deux appréhensions du discours: le discours comme porteur de vérité pour les héritiers de Socrate, le discours comme outil de séduction pour les adeptes du sophisme. Platon place dans la bouche de Protagoras cette formule célèbre “L’Homme est la mesure de toute chose”.

La connaissance de l’homme est donc déterminée par la sensation et donc la subjectivité. Affirmant que l’Homme est l’unique juge de lui-même, il est ainsi le seul détenteur de la notion de bien et de mal. Le sophisme en politique comme perçu par Critias ou Caliclès part du postulat que l’Homme décidant du bien, la loi est l’expression à un moment donné des conceptions du bien des détenteurs du pou-

voir. La cité est un compromis artificiel entre les hommes à un moment donné, l’homme ne naît pas politicien, il le devient. Et, qu’est-ce qu’être un politicien en démocratie ?

L’émergence conjointe de la démocratie et du sophisme pousse à une réflexion sur le rapport à la parole dans le gouvernement dit du peuple. Un politicien, pour exercer le pouvoir doit convaincre, persuader, une majorité de personnes. Dans la mesure où le sophisme est autant au service de la droite que de la gauche, des nationalistes que des communistes, la parole en politique est donc avant tout une parole de la séduction que du vrai.

Les sophistes formaient des politiciens en quelques jours; Socrate déplorait la longue éducation pourtant nécessaire à l’exercice de la politique. Plus que le politicien démagogue, c’est sur l’électeur, le récepteur du discours qu’il faut se pencher. Pour décortiquer un discours politique, une bonne connaissance institutionnelle, économique et historique est nécessaire. Néanmoins, à l’écoute d’un discours, cher-

che-t-on vraiment à s’assurer de la véracité des propos ou voulons nous être séduits ? A une époque où l’émotion décomplexée est reine et où la colère, la tristesse, se hurlent sur la place publique, les électeurs hyper-sensibles cherchent des figures politiques qui les enfièvrent. Le discours devient un talk-show où la foule partisane acclame et les opposants commentent. Si la démagogie athénienne se heurtait à une Ecclesia aux avis multiples, les meetings à l’américaine se font entre gens du même bord, de la même opinion, le but étant de renforcer ses positions et non de les confronter à d’autres.

Dans tous les cas, la vérité unique et absolue est détenue par le politicien, figure messianique, que l’on acclame.

Enfin, ce sophisme à l’américaine prend même un nom sous la plume de Hofstadter: le “style paranoïaque” décrit comme une “exagération enflammée, de suspicion et de fantasmes de conspiration”. Il résume ainsi à merveilles les discours des sophistes modernes: « L’Amérique leur a été en grande partie volée, à

eux et aux leurs, même s’ils sont déterminés à en reprendre possession et à empêcher un acte subversif final et destructeur. [...] Le porte-parole paranoïaque décrit la portée de cette conspiration en termes apocalyptiques, en naissance et en mort de mondes entiers, d’ordres politiques entiers, de systèmes entiers de valeurs. Il campe en permanence sur les barricades de la civilisation. Il vit sans cesse à un tournant : pour organiser la résistance au complot, c’est maintenant ou jamais. » ■

LE BILLET POLITIQUE PAR LA FABRIQUE POLITIQUE

ÉDITION N˚1 | NOVEMBRE 2020

25

Left to Right: Kavya Peri, India.

Lucille Milligan, New Jersey, US. Yasmine Karimi, Dubai, UAE. Batu Buyukbezci, California, US. Wang Di, Singapore.

FROM A D 26

An Inte Lea

PHOTO BY LUCILLE MILLIGAN COVER PHOTO BY WANG DI

LUCILLE MILLIGAN

COLUMNIST

DISTANCE:

Interview ernational arners

with Remote

ÉDITION N˚1 | NOVEMBRE 2020

27

When I began studying at Sciences Po, I started the school year like most students, logging on to Zoom orientations, following Facebook group chats, and becoming adjusted to university lectures. Except, unlike most students, my school days would start — and end — in the dark, beginning at 2am and ending before dawn. From my home in New Jersey, USA, I was six time zones away, metaphorically and literally quite far from the campus community.

After my mid-semester move to Menton, it became easy to forget about the portion of the student body simultaneously living in a very different reality. I was honored to gather a group of remote students to speak about the unique experience of international distance learning.

LM: Why did you choose (or not choose) to complete this semester off campus?

BB: I applied for my visa in late July, which was enough time to get my interview and have it processed, but California went into lock down around that time which meant that Visa Facilitation Services (VFS) shut down. This happened three days before my appointment and it took more than a month for them to reopen... by then it was September and classes already started so I could just fly over on a weekend, otherwise I would fall behind. I decided to wait it out: fly to Turkey on one of my three-day weekends, lose the jet lag, get tested, then move to France from there.

WD: As of October, the Singaporean government was still discouraging general travel and strongly encouraged all LM: First, what is your name students to remain in Singaand where are you completing pore if our universities abroad school from? offer online classes. That’s why I’ll be completing at least this WD: Wang Di, Singapore. semester off campus, but I’m YK: Yasmine Karimi, hoping that the situation imDubai, UAE. proves sufficiently in France BB: Batu Buyukbezci, such that Singapore can California, US. change its travel advisory and KP: Kavya Peri, India.

I can complete the rest of my studies on campus!

KP: School started when cases were “It’s a more gradreally starting ual intrduction to to rise in Inthe university. I get to dia, and observe and get used t h e r e to the way that my classw e r e mates participate in class travel while still being in the comfort a d of my home. And once I get visoto campus, everyone will ries here be able to help me and too. By the answer my questions time the caswith their experies in India had ences.” - KP died down, they were going up in

France again. I was planning to come to campus in November, but that is not possible now.

YK: The main reason why I stayed in Dubai is that I thought I’d be more comfortable staying with my family and at home.

LM: What have been the greatest difficulties you have faced completing the semester remotely?

BB: Obviously the biggest difficulty was waking up in the middle of the night to “go to class,” but another difficulty was trying to find time to sleep.

I would go into class then take a short power nap that would keep me going throughout the night, I would also stay awake during the day to finish up on readings, do chores that I couldn’t do or finish at night. I also had to work from my garage... it’s a super Silicon Valley thing to say, but it was the only place in the house where I could talk freely without waking my parents up at night.

WD: The time zone difference and technical difficulties over Zoom at the beginning of the semester were difficult.

YK: One thing is the loneliness, I feel a bit isolated at times. The second thing is that I got rejected from a lot of initiatives and associations because I was not on campus.

KP: That’s a challenging question. Because I think some part of the difficulty I face I attribute to myself, you know, my lack of being very social on social media and just generally being shy. But it is also difficult to engage in classroom conversations, and in most in person classes you just can’t hear the other students. Professors try to repeat the questions that are

being asked but if it’s a highly engaging class and there are multiple questions being asked and multiple answers being given I also don’t expect the professor to have repeated everything. But it’s disappointing because that’s where you get the chance to hear different perspectives and benefit from the differences in students’ backgrounds.

LM: Were you expecting these challenges?

WD: Yes and no. The time zone difference was expected as I knew that I would end late — past midnight — a couple of days a week due to Sciences Po’s curriculum. However, some of the technical difficulties over Zoom classes were unexpected but they were largely resolved in the following weeks.

KP: Yeah, I was expecting the issues with being separate and on the different time zones but not as much the struggles of following discussions. If the professors and students are at the other side of the classroom from the mic, then you just have to use pdfs and powerpoints to try to follow along.

YK: I wasn’t expecting the difficulty with joining associations or the isolation.

LM: Right, it is easy to imagine how you would be isolated from the students on campus, but I also found myself isolated from my friends and family at home due to the time zone difference. It’s hard to stay connected living a nocturnal life.

BB: One thing I definitely didn’t expect to be difficult was trying to find time to sleep. At night, I would take 2-3 hour naps between classes as my means of sleep, which techni-

cally only gave me 1.5 hours of tionships. I consider myself a deep “REM” sleep. social person but I just wasn’t able to connect online or on Facebook with any associaLM: Have there been any ad- tions or clubs. Although I saw vantages to completing the se- posts on Facebook, there were mester at home? barriers since most of the first few meetings were in person, BB: I was able to stay connect- and there were specific aped to my friends for longer, plications or a due date that I stay in a familiar environment. didn’t notice. But on a lighter, I definitely had more hours on positive note with regards to my hands, but I felt like I was other students I definitely feel less efficient with that time. I connected to the community! would have to eat at night and Social media has really been day so I would practically eat helpful in connecting me with 4 meals every 24 hours, all of students. And might I just say which takes time. everyone is very helpful, genYK: Yes, I think the only real erous, compassionate, and caradvantage has been being able ing — this is a fantastic group to stay with family. of students that I personally WD: The time zone difference think one wouldn’t find anycan be a blessing in disguise, where else. where 8am classes are basi- WD: Well, it’s hard to explain. cally 3pm classes for me. So Personally the transition bein a sense I never really have tween classes with schoolan early morning class and I mates in France and back to can occupy my morning with normal life in Singapore withother commitments. Another in a single day is quite abrupt, advantage is probably the abil- where I feel that I’m not expeity to still be able to meet up riencing a proper “college life” with my friends in Singapore, as many of us had hoped for. many of whom are in a similar As the semester progressed, situation as I am, whereas un- I started to build interactions der normal circumstances we and relationships with my would be all over the world. schoolmates and I’m more KP: It’s a more gradual intro- than grateful for all the help duction to the university. I get rendered to me in times of to observe and get used to the need. I can say now that even way that my classmates partici- though I’m not with the school pate in class while still being in community in person, I am the comfort of my home. And definitely with them in spirit; once I get to campus, everyone this has really made me feel will be able to help me and an- belonged to the ummah even swer my questions with their though I’m continents away. experiences.

YK: I feel isolated sometimes and this is a tough situation, but it’s a situation that afLM: At this moment, how fects everyone because of the would you describe your re- COVID crisis. lationship to the rest of the KP: In terms of relationships school community? in the classroom, it’s a lot more difficult to engage in discusBB: In terms of extracurricu- sions when you are one of the lars, I absolutely have no rela- only people online and it can

feel like you are not in sync with the rest of the class. I would not call myself a social media person, I am not active at all on social media, so it is very difficult for me to get in touch with people online and start a conversation.

LM: And it’s hard to understand on campus how social media for remote learners isn’t just for fun or extracurriculars, it’s really the only lifeline you have to the rest of the student body. It can truly “make or break” your experience.

LM: Is there anything else you’d like the school community to understand about your experiences?

change with all students using zoom.

BB: Right, and overall just that I love this ummah and wouldn’t change anything about it!

KP: Another positive is I think the Google surveys really help because if nothing else it feels like you’re being listened to, and that there is some acknowledgement of the issues you are going through and they are leading to some changes. I was also really delighted when I was invited to do this interview because, again, I think having some amount of acknowledgement of the different situation you’re in makes you feel a lot better.

WD: I’m just looking forward to seeing everyone soon!

YK: These are tough, difficult times with COVID and I truly hope that they are over soon.

BB: Not to underestimate the struggle. I guess this relates to the difficulties, but it’s just very hard to join in on class discussions especially if the seminar is held in class and you’re not there. Online you try not to be rude when chiming in on a discussion because you can’t “raise your hand” on Zoom, so you have to interrupt the teacher or a student in the middle of a discussion to make a comment.

LM: As France has moved into a lockdown too, it will be interesting to “I wasn’t see how expecting things the difficulty with joining associations or the isolation.”

- YK

ÉDITION N˚1 | NOVEMBRE 2020

29

ATTENTION, ATTENTION:

The Armenia-Azerbaijan Confl CAROLINE SØGAARD

COLUMNIST

INTRODUCTION:

On the 27th of September, Laura Avetisyan, a close friend, woke up to sirens of “attention, attention, air emergency” and shelling in her hometown Nagorno Karabakh, the highly disputed region between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Direct contact was impossible and I could only reach her through text messages with her friend in Armenia, who would send messages to her international friends, reporting that she was ok. After hours, Laura’s Instagram account awoke too with the stories of “I am okay,” and “The shootings don’t stop. Happening right now.” The next stories as she arrived in Armenian territory sounded “Honestly I have not opened any news from international media.

This can not be objective. There is no two-side story. Azerbaijan and Turkey carry full responsibility for the sh*tshow we are living in right now.” Since Laura’s stories more than a month ago, the shellings have not stopped. In fact on Monday the 9th of November, a deal was signed between Armenia and Azerbaijan that gives 7 areas and 2nd biggest city in Nargono Karabakh to Azerbaijan, forcingly displacing Armenian in these 7 areas. So why can’t the ongoing events starting from September 27th be a two-side story? Why is the current war unfair? Why is it crucial that justice is brought to Artsakh? An uneven war and incomplete narrative need to be changed before any progress can be made towards justice.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT:

Laura grew up in Nagorno Karabakh. Internationally, the region has been recognized as an Azeri territory since Stalin, in a 1921 agreement with Turkey, gifted Artsakh to the Azerbaijani Soviet republic, removing it from the Armenian Soviet Republic. At this point, Karabakh had a population of 96 % Armenians. While the condition was that Artsakh would be allowed self-determination, Azerbaijan annexed the territory during Stalin’s fall and claimed the territory in 1991. In a referendum, the region claimed independence from Azerbaijan with the wish to reunite with Armenia. This led to the Armo-Azeri war of 1992-1994, resulting in Armenian control over the region as a ceasefire was drafted.

However, on the 27th of September, Azerbaijan initiated, with Erdogan’s support, the offensive not only against Artsakh but also the Republic of Armenia.

AN UNEVEN WAR?:

“When people say Azerbaijan’s response was reactionary to shelling by Armenia, it is to accuse a country of an action it has no capacity, and no standing in the international arena, to carry out. And in all honesty, neither can Azerbaijan. The only reason they are able to attack is that, for the first time in history, they have explicit military and diplomatic support from Turkey,” Laura says.

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“Honestly I have not o international media. Th There s no two-sde sto key carry full responsi we are living in right n - Laura Avetisyan

AIR EMERGENCY!

flict from a Local Perspective

opened any news from his cannot be objective. ory. Azerbajan and Turibility for the sh*tshow now.”

MILITARY CAPACITY: 2-3 months prior to the September attacks, Turkey had been present on Azeri ground.

With the Armenian genocide carried out in 1915, killing approximately 1.5 million Armenians, Turkey, and Armenia today have hostile foreign relations. Because of this, Erdogan is supporting Azerbaijan both militaristically and economically in the war, meaning that Azerbaijan is equipped with a military budget 33 times larger than Armenia’s. In addition to this military budget, international media has confirmed that Turkey has sent more than 4000 Syrian mercenaries to Azerbaijan to fight against Armenia. Media further explains that mercenaries have been promised up to 1000 pounds a month, a salary significantly higher than in Syria, and that death rates are much higher among Syrian soldiers as they are at the front lines.

FREEDOM OF SPEECH: Since the events of September 27th, Azerbaijan has refused entry to international journalists and has specifically only allowed Turkish and local journalists. Meanwhile, Armenia is welcoming foreign journalists to cover current events. Since 1993, the UN has attempted to send in monitoring groups to Nagorno Karabakh. Azerbaijan has repeatedly refused entry on claims that it violates their territorial integrity.

AN INCOMPLETE NARRATIVE OF NAGORNO KARABAKH: “World powers are satisfied with voices coming from around it, but never from inside.”

While Armenians are indigenous to the land of Karabakh and have wished to be part of Armenia, the people of Karabakh are “this invisible group of people. We are people who live, create, and study, just without recognition.” And rightly enough, like many other territorial conflicts, the president of Nagorno Karabakh, Arayik Harutyunyan, has not been invited to any talks or negotiations involving the region itself. Even in the defining peace deal, giving away large areas of Nagorno Karabakh to Azerbaijan, the only missing person was Harutyunyan himself. Justice for Artsakh does not only start with understanding the highly unequal war and war crimes taken place. As Laura points out in a paper responding to conflict, “If there was ever a genuine desire for a solution to the Nagorno Karabakh conflict, a close look at the inside of Nagorno Karabakh would have to be the place to start.”

ÉDITION N˚1 | NOVEMBRE 2020

31

18 days for 11 years of absence :

a spiritual discovery that changed my vision of the Middle East

MORGANE ABBAS

GUEST COLUMNIST

ON BEHALF OF

ARAB STUDENT ORGANIZATON (ASO)

11 years after, I finally reconnect with a land that is as familiar as unknown to me. Maybe I underestimated the power of time. What do 11 years represent on the time scale of our humanity ? It’s a grain of sand in a restless dune, a grain that, indeed, was enough to make the country of civilizations, history, poetry, music, wealth, the one of blood, tears, pain and incomprehension.

On my way, I deeply ask myself what I’m about to see, which Syria I’m about to discover. The one shown in the media, a pile of rubble that burns the soul alive ? Or the one where hope and courage take over fear and despair, the Syria I dreamed about ? As a high number of middle eastern countries that saw their destiny impacted in such a radical way , I could describe Syria as a volcano where intertwine chaos, courage, resistance and last but no least resilience. Yes, resilience …

“We defer to God” I was subjugated by the way people continued leading their way of life: dancing, singing, laughing, loving and living, transiting naturally from a funeral to a wedding, not reacting anymore to the sounds of shells and missiles as long as they don’t land on their heads. All that, despite the war, the normalization of death, the exorbitant prices, and a lot of other factors that show the ambivalence between the conditions of a bruised country and the intrinsic and surprising spirit of humanity that get used to everything. Because yes, it would have been erroneous from me to reduce a nation to those facts. The depth, the authenticity and the wealth of a nation have their roots in several centuries of history , in the plurality of civilizations that all participated in the construction of its multidimensional identity, in the societal mixtures that have led to a diversity of consciousness and communities (not necessarily in a negative sense), in the succession of politic and economic schemes that forged in a more or less exacerbated way the societal landscape.

Mâloula, one of the last villages where Aramaic, the language of Christ, is spoken, is the perfect example of an ethnic and religious rainbow: a myriad of Christian monasteries of different branches meet in harmony. Meeting one of the nuns that was abducted by Al-Nosra in 2013 make me realize that this episode did not change in any way the serenity of this place or the benevolence of the religious, it may have been strengthened. But here again, the ambivalence between visible and invisible is felt: inside, a spiritual power witnessing

the historical weight of the place, outside, a war field reminiscent of human stupidity and its destructive tendency.

The village of Mâloula, in the West side of Syria Damascus, oldest capital in the world, cultural and religious centre by excellence, has been home of an impressive civilizational diversity: Arabs, Romans, Greeks passing by Assyrians, Persians, Seleucids or Aramaeans. While visiting the imposing Umayyad Mosque, I realize the presence in the same place of the Saint Jean-Baptiste tomb, as its name indicates the Umayyad legacy through this magnificent architecture, but also a wall of an ancient temple dedicated to Jupiter. This shows that seeing Middle East or the Arabic world in general (the term “Arabic” can also be nuanced) as a monolithic bloc is equivalent to essentializing it and ignoring its particularities and specificities which actually make its authenticity.

When I first arrived with my brother, the emotional power of reuniting with people who were almost unknown to me but who paradoxically were part of my being all this time, I knew their existence and they knew mine, was such, that silence said more than words could have. Everything was expressed in the overwhelmed and deep looks, in the tears that couldn’t stop flowing, in such a grateful attitude. Because this time, the dune stopped for a few moments, this is what we call a moment of pure happiness out of time.

But any moment of happiness is fleeting so 18 days after , in this same place and in this particular context, saying goodbye to your loved ones is a hurtful and difficult ordeal, because it suddenly reminds the fragility of this goodbye that can turn into a nod to a farewell: the power of time in a war country… They are dreaming of a better life too but they are caught in a spiral without exit : they can’t leave, maybe they don’t want to, because they are the actors of change, they are the essence of the country, they are sources of hope and sources of testimonies for the rest of the world… Yet we tried, and my grandfather just said: “Homeland is like your wife, when she’s not well you do not abandon her to look elsewhere” So, once again, they appeal to their resilience so that the grain of sand doesn’t fly away.

Morgane Abbas, 28/10/2020 The Umayyad Mosque, Damascus

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LA SITUATION

NOA CHASLES

CHRONIQUEUSE

#CongoGenocide, #FreeCongo, #CongoIsBleeding… la multiplication de ces hashtags sur Twitter durant le mois d’octobre a brièvement mis en lumière la question épineuse des conflits qui déchirent la République Démocratique du Congo depuis près de vingt-cinq ans.

Le 8 octobre dernier, Anne Hidalgo remettait au gynécologue congolais Denis Mukwege la citoyenneté d’honneur de la ville de Paris, lui démontrant son soutien face aux multiples tentatives d’intimidation dont il fait l’objet et appelant à un renforcement de sa protection. Si le docteur a d’abord été connu pour son combat contre les mutilations génitales et les violences sexuelles, c’est sa lutte pour la reconnaissance des crimes et exactions commis dans les années 90 dans la région du Nord-Kivu à l’Est de la RDC qui lui vaut aujourd’hui son lot de menaces.

Fin juillet, il dénonçait notamment les massacres du village de Kipupu dans la province du Sud-Kivu durant lesquels 200 personnes auraient été tuées : « Ce sont les mêmes qui continuent à tuer en RDC. Les comptes macabres de Kipupu

» et la nécessité de mettre fin à l’impunité des instigateurs des massacres décrits dans le Rapport Mapping afin de briser le cycle de violences qui meurtrit le pays depuis deux décennies.

Ce rapport, publié en 2010 et élaboré par le Haut-Commissariat aux droits de l’homme des Nations unies, vise à décrire de manière chronologique et thématique les horreurs de dix années de violences (entre mars 1993 et juin 2003) mais également à déclencher un processus de vérité et à pointer la nécessité d’une réforme des mécanismes judiciaires congolais, sans lesquels aucune tentative de reconstruction ne pourra voir le jour. Il a par ailleurs été mal accueilli par les gouvernements des pays concernés, le Rwanda n’ayant eu de cesse de faire pression afin de stopper sa publication, notamment en menaçant de retirer ses 3000 casques bleus du Darfour.

Pour comprendre la complexité de la situation actuelle, il est cependant indispensable de revenir sur l’histoire du conflit congolais et celle du génocide rwandais.

Si (Denis Mukwege) a d’abord été connu En 1994, le Front Patriotique rwandais dipour son combat contre les mutilations rigé par Paul Kagame met fin à l’exécution génitales et les violences sexuelles, c’est sa généralisée des tutsis, conduisant plus lutte pour la reconnaissance des crimes et d’un million de Hutus à fuir de l’autre côté exactions commis dans les années 90 dans de la frontière, dans l’est du Congo. Parmi la région du Nord-Kivu à l’Est de la RDC qui eux, se trouvaient d’anciens génocidaires, lui vaut aujourd’hui son lot de menaces. notamment des membres de l’ancienne armée rwandaise et des milices, qui prensont dans la ligne droite des massacres qui frappent la RDC nent le contrôle des camps de réfugiés établis à la frontière. depuis 1996 ». Dans une tribune publiée dans Le Monde et Soutenu par l’Ouganda et par un groupe rebelle congolais, co-écrite avec Louise Harbour, ancienne haut-commissaire l’AFDL (Alliance des forces démocratiques pour la libéracanadienne des Nations unies aux droits de l’Homme, il tion du Congo), le gouvernement rwandais envahit le Conréaffirme sa volonté de mettre en place « un tribunal inter- go en 1996, allant même jusqu’à renverser le Président de national pénal pour la République démocratique du Congo l’époque, Mobutu Sese Seko, pour son soutien envers les ex-

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CONGOLAISE trémistes Hutus. Leur passage est marqué par des attaques nombre d’internautes, est également remise en question par extrêmement violentes envers les réfugiés Hutus et « l’ap- certains spécialistes. Tumba Shango Lokoho, professeur en parente nature systématique des massacres de survivants, littérature, histoire et civilisations africaines à la Sorbonne, dont des femmes et des enfants, après avait ainla prise des camps pourrait indiquer les Cette mobilisation soudaine sur les si déclaré nombreux décès ne sont pas imputables réseaux sociaux qui a embrasé la Toile qu’ « il aux aléas de la guerre ou assimilables à le temps d’un Top Tweet a été vite dif- y a une des dommages collatéraux. » (Rapport fusée et aussitôt oubliée, laissant li- sorte de Mapping des Nations Unies). Le mas- bre cours à des publications erronées sacre systématique des Hutus congolais ou invraisemblables. durant cette période, qui n’avaient pourtant aucune responsabilité dans les évènements de 1994, in- surenchère autour du mot pour aborder la situation en Réterroge par ailleurs sur le caractère ethnique des exécutions publique démocratique du Congo. Pour beaucoup de RD et sur la potentielle reconnaissance d’un génocide Hutu. A Congolais, les massacres dans l’est du pays sont vus comcela s’ajoutent les crimes commis par des groupes rebelles me un génocide. Je pense qu’ils confondent deux notions : congolais mais également les forces armées du pays et celles celles de crimes de guerre, de crimes contre l’humanité, et de de ses voisins, à l’instar de l’Ouganda, du Burundi, de l’An- génocide. Ni hier ni aujourd’hui, je ne parlerais de génocide, gola, du Tchad ou encore du Zimbabwe, sur fond de lutte mais plutôt de crimes. » Selon la charte des Nations Unis, pour contrôler l’accès aux ressources naturelles de la région. un génocide correspond à des « actes commis dans l’intenMalgré la signature d’un traité de paix en 2002, les violences tion de détruire, en tout ou en partie, un groupe national, contre les civils dans cette région n’ont jamais cessé, nota- ethnique, racial ou religieux. », volonté d’extermination qui mment les violences sexuelles (plus de 300 femmes et filles ne correspondrait pas à la réalité du conflit congolais aujoont été violées à Walikale dans l’est du Congo en août 2010), urd’hui. Cette mobilisation soudaine sur les réseaux sociaux et l’ONU a compté 1400 victimes d’exécutions au cours de qui a embrasé la Toile le temps d’un Top Tweet a été vite la première moitié de l’année 2020. diffusée et aussitôt oubliée, laissant libre cours à des publications erronées ou invraisemblables. Le footballeur conBien loin des 18 millions évoqués sur Twitter, le nombre golais Yannick Bolasie a par exemple partagé la photo d’une de décès s’élèverait à 5,4 millions entre 1998 et 2007 selon petite fille posant face à une fosse commune, assortie de la l’ONG Internal Rescue Committee, dont une large majorité légende « voir mon peuple souffrir ainsi me fend le cœur », due à la malnutrition et au manque de soins, en faisant le bien que celle-ci ait été prise par une photojournaliste près conflit le plus meurtrier depuis la Seconde Guerre mondi- de Kigali, au Rwanda, lors du génocide des Tutsis vingt-cinq ale. Néanmoins, une évaluation précise est rendue impossi- ans auparavant. C’est là que réside l’incroyable avantage mais ble faute de registre fiable et les comptages varient énormé- aussi tout le danger des nouvelles plateformes : la possibilment, certains rejetant la possibilité d’un nombre de morts ité d’un partage infini de données qui se heurte à un risque aussi élevé. Les démographes Louis Lohlé-Tart et André de désinformation et de sources hasardeuses, quand elles ne Lambert ont ainsi réalisé une étude aboutissant au résultat sont pas tout simplement inexistantes. Ne jeter la pierre qu’à final de 200 000 morts entre 1998 et 2004. des internautes mal renseignés serait cependant injuste : la faiblesse de la couverture médiatique sur le sujet joue égaleLa pertinence du terme « génocide », utilisé par un grand ment un rôle important dans la facilité avec laquelle des informations amplifiées ou inventées peuvent circuler.

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‫أن ُيكملوا تعليمهم أو دراستهم بعد التخرج‪.‬‬

‫أظن أنّ املنهاج األكادميي املُ َّت ّبع يف سيانس بو هو‬

‫أعرف أنني يف احلقيقة جزء ًا من املشكلة أيض ًا‪،‬‬

‫أساس املشكلة‪ .‬ينبغي علينا أن ندرس اللغات‬

‫وأنه من واجبي أن أتعلم أكثر عن الشرق‬

‫شهادتنا ستثبت أننا متخصصون يف العلوم‬

‫الشرق أوسطية املتوفرة يف اجلامعة منذ البداية وأن‬

‫السياسية‪ ،‬االقتصاد ‪ ،‬أو التاريخ ‪ ،‬باإلضافة‪،‬‬ ‫ّ‬

‫موجه للطالب الذين‬ ‫املتوسط‪ .‬ولكن هذا املقال ّ‬

‫نتعلم أكثر عن املجتمعات املعاصرة‪ ،‬فإن صف‬

‫لتخصصنا يف إقليم الشرق األوسط‪ .‬ولكن‪،‬‬

‫جاؤوا للدراسة إلى سيانس بو مع معرفة لغو ّية‬

‫واحد مع األستاذ سيمينو ال يكفي ألن نصبح‬

‫معظم الطالب هنا اختاروا الدراسة يف مونتون من‬

‫متخصصني يف الشرق األوسط‪.‬‬

‫يتحمس‬ ‫وثقافية قليلة بالشرق األوسط‪ .‬أريد أن ّ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫معظم الطالب يف ‪-‬سيانس بو مونتون‪ -‬يريدون‬

‫أجل طقسها اللطيف وبحرها اجلميل‪ .‬أنا‬

‫الطالب لتع ّلم لغات وثقافات الشرق األوسط‬

‫االجتماعية‪،‬وأن يشعروا‬ ‫باإلضافة إلى العلوم‬ ‫ّ‬

‫أفهمهم‪ ،‬فمونتون مدينة جميلة بالفعل‪ ،‬ولكنني‬

‫جزء من املشكلة يقع على عاتق إدارة اجلامعة‪،‬‬

‫بأهمية ذلك بتحقيق جناحهم املهني باملستقبل‪.‬‬

‫لست متأكدة إن كانوا مهتمني بالفعل يف التعرف‬

‫ولكن يف نفس الوقت‪ ،‬يجب علينا أن نخلق‬

‫على الشرق األوسط وثقافته وتع ّلم اللغات‬

‫نحن الطالب ثقافة طالبية أفضل ُت َق ِّدر أهمية‬

‫اجلامعية يف‬ ‫نغير نظام الدراسة‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫قد ال نستطيع أن ّ‬ ‫سيانس بو‪ ،‬ولكنني واثقة بقدرتنا على تغيير‬

‫أوسطية‪ .‬على‬ ‫معرفة الثقافات واللغات الشرق‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ثقافة حرمنا اجلامعي يف مونتون‪.‬‬

‫املتحدثة يف املنطقة‪.‬‬

‫ِ‬ ‫العربية‬ ‫ة‬ ‫ملاذا أريد أن أكتب جلريدة 'لو زاديغ' باللغ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫أنا واثقة من أن زمالئي سيصبحون مفكرين‬

‫سبيل املثال‪ ،‬إن منظمة الطالب العرب لم تكن‬

‫مهمون يف املستقبل‪ ،‬ولكنني أخاف‬ ‫وسياسيني ّ‬

‫موجودة قبل عامني‪ ،‬واملقال العربي الوحيد‬

‫ّأل يفهم زمالئي املجتمعات والثقافات التي‬

‫الذي نُشر يف جريدة لو زاديغ العام املاضي كان‬

‫نكرس‬ ‫يعملون ألجلها‪ .‬أعتقد أننا يجب أن ّ‬

‫عبارة عن قصيدة قصيرة كتبها جيمس كيتيل‪.‬‬

‫الوقت واجلهد لنفهم املجتمعات والثقافات‬

‫ولكنني متأكدة من أن كل ما يعرفه الطالب عن‬

‫املختلفة ولنتعلم بعض لغات املنطقة‪ ،‬عندها‬

‫الشرق األوسط هو كلمات أغنية‪ ،‬تل أبيب‪،‬‬

‫سنصبح سياسيني ومفكرين وناشطني أفضل‪.‬‬

‫مونتونية'‪.‬‬ ‫'مونتونية‬ ‫باإلضافة إلى قول‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫‪GRAPHIC COURTESY OF CREATIVE COMMONS‬‬

‫أدري كوست‬

‫صحافية‬

‫‪AUDREY KOST‬‬

‫‪COLUMNIST‬‬

‫“‬

‫‪The most engagement‬‬ ‫‪I see with the entire‬‬ ‫‪student body is chants‬‬ ‫‪at parties. Even if the‬‬ ‫‪academic curriculum is‬‬ ‫‪fixed, we as students‬‬ ‫‪can choose to take our‬‬ ‫‪studies more seriously‬‬ ‫‪and pursue education‬‬ ‫‪and opportunities to‬‬ ‫’‪learn about our campus‬‬ ‫‪specialization outside of‬‬ ‫”‪the classroom.‬‬

‫‪36‬‬

Every student at Sciences Po Menton walks away after 3-4 years of education able to say that they studied politics, humanities or economics, and that they specialized their studies to the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). But when I ask people why they came to the Menton campus specifically, many people tell me “because of the beach” or “because of the great weather.”

There’s no harm in enjoying

politicians, activists, and intellectuals, I think it is important to understand the language and societies as well.

Our academic curriculum is narrowly focused on politics.

However, if we are specializing in the Moyen Orient, we should all be learning MENA languages from the very beginning of our time at Sciences Po. Our ability to communicate in Arabic, Persian, Hebrew, or Turkish should be a priority. Additionally, our specialization should con-

dent in our student life. I was surprised when I learned that the Arab Student Organization only formed two years ago. And how is it that the only Arabic article in Le Zadig last year was an A2 Arabic student’s simple poem? It’s true that there aren’t many people that would read Arabic articles in Le Zadig, but I think it’s disappointing that Arabic is advertised as a “campus language,” while we don’t encourage each other to use it more often. The most engagement

learn about our campus’ specialization outside of the classroom.

Lastly, I recognize that I don’t speak Arabic very well and I don’t have a lot of cultural understanding of the Middle East. I am absolutely part of the problem. This article is mostly aimed at students like me, who entered Sciences Po with little to no cultural and linguistic background. I want people to be excited to study the Middle

WHY I WANT TO WRITE FOR LE ZADIG IN ARABIC the French Riviera, but sometimes I worry about our academic and career intentions.

I am afraid that my colleagues will become future politicians and intellectuals, foreign policy makers and human rights advocates around the world — and they will go about their jobs making impactful decisions without understanding anything beyond the MENA political landscape. To successfully analyze the political or economic institutions of a region, and to be successful

sist of more than just Arab Civilisations with Cimino and a couple of elective options. Modern MENA studies should be a requirement. Intro to Sociology should highlight MENA. 19th Century History shouldn’t examine Europe exclusively. How can we fully understand political institutions in the Middle East if we do not understand the society nor the culture?

Additionally, the lack of Middle Eastern focus is also evi-

I see with the entire student body is chants at parties.

Even if the academic curriculum is fixed, we as students can choose to take our studies more seriously and pursue education and opportunities to

East beyond its political systems. We might not be able to change curriculum, but that doesn’t mean we shouldn’t change campus culture.

“

To successfully analyze the political or economic institutions of a region, and to be successful politicians, activists, and intellectuals, I think it is important to understand the language and societies as well.”

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37

The Failure of Community of Values Poland’s Abortion Law and the Role of the EU STANISLAW NAKLICKI

GUEST COLUMNIST

ON BEHALF OF

EUROPEAN SOCIETY

The Treaty on the European Union, one of two treaties providing a constitutional basis for the functioning of the EU, is a curious, albeit hopeful case. Unlike other documents of its kind, it names seven common values (respect for human dignity and human rights, freedom, democracy, equality and the rule of law) as the only founding element of the constituted entity, as opposed to common language, national identity, and history in other cases. This, in writing, fulfills the ideal of peoples getting together solely because of shared beliefs and promises a region actively fighting with the religious and nationalist bigotry. However, the enforcement of these values has been left at the discretion of the nation-states, and their often-conservative governments, with underwhelming effects.

On 22nd October, the Polish Constitutional Court ruled it unconstitutional to perform an abortion in virtually all instances, except for pregnancy resulting from rape threatening the mother’s health. It’s never redundant to reiterate that this is a serious breach of human rights. Moreover, it violates one of the values the EU claims to protect: gender equality. And even though one of the EU’s biggest member states just published a court ruling that together with the earlier violations of the rule of law brings it closer to a fundamentalist regime, Brussels does not have any effective tools to respond to that. The European Union is hardly a community of values anymore, and it will take more The European Union is hardly a than implementing its existing procedures to change that. community of values anymore, Those who drafted the Treaty of Lisbon documents and it will take more than implementing its existing procedures to change that.

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rural areas. The government, which exercises full control over were too optimistic about the future of the Union. Perhaps the allocation of funds, is likely to resign from less-publicized, they were still carried by the wave of the “End of History” less-monumental projects, thus hurting the citizens. One may that peaked in the 90s. Nonetheless, it broke and rolled back ask if this would not cause the government to lose legitimacy shortly after. The European Council has no adequate means in the eyes of the constituent. It has to be remembered, though, of punishing unruly members. Article 7 from the mentioned that the states under scrutiny are endowed with beyond- demtreaty describes the procedure of responding to states violating the fundamental values. It is the only codified mechanism of ‘punishing’ the members of the organization. The Polish abortion ban was not a However, the long process that the procedure needs to be warning issued for the EU dignitarimplemented will not even reach its final stage in the cur- ies. It is yet another detrimental derent political climate in Europe. Unanimity is needed in the feat of the ‘community of values’ in European Council for it to undertake any real action, and this decade, after dismantling Hunthe two states that are bound to be punished by their disre- garian rule of law, failure of the ausgard for the rule of law, Poland and Hungary, have a strong terity policy, and Brexit, to name a alliance, and so the possibility to veto council’s decisions. few.

Furthermore, it would not be a surprise if they were joined by yet another state soon. ocratic means of persuasion, such as propaganda. As a conseLet’s look at article 7 itself. In the end, after reaching unanimquence, the burden of financial sanctions may be used by the ity, it allows for the Council to “suspend certain of the rights government to antagonize society against the EU. In Poland, deriving from the application of the Treaties to the Member the Union’s biggest benefactor, high-ranking officials have been State in question, including the voting rights of the represendenouncing the western-European tolerance and progressivism tative of the government of that Member State in the Counfor years now. Such a vast limitation of member’s rights could be cil”. This is worryingly vague. Besides the suspension of vottreated as an act of war. ing rights, what can the Council do? Can it, for example, limit The need for the European Union to go beyond its existing prothe states’ funding? The full measures have never been used cedures is indisputable. The Polish abortion ban was not a warnyet, and it almost seems as if the lawmakers never seriously ing issued for the EU dignitaries. It is yet another detrimental considered that triggering article 7 may be necessary at one defeat of the ‘community of values’ in this decade, after the dispoint. mantling of rule of law in Hungary, the failure of the austerity Recently, on the occasion of passing its new budget, the Union policy and Brexit, to name a few. In this perspective, the Polish has tried to fix these oversights by the proposal to, in simple protests following the abortion ban and yellow vests’ strikes in terms, link the funding to the rule of law. The results of that France are not so far apart. Both are a reaction to the EU’s inabilhave been unsurprising, albeit deeply disturbing. Both Poity to create a welfare region free of human rights violations. This is not simply a call for strengthening the competences of EuroThe full measures have never been pean authorities in national matters. As the EU has continuously used yet, and it almost seems as failed to prevent new crises, we have to rethink the fundamental if the lawmakers never seriously treaties underlying the organization, so that its politics finally reconsidered that triggering article flect the values it has been built on.

7 may be necessary at one point. land and Hungary have announced that they would veto the budget, with Polish PM delivering a fiercely anti-EU speech in the parliament, his boldest statement against the organization yet. Such opposition from the two states puts in jeopardy the implementation of crisis recovery fund, which affects every member state. Even if the EU will manage to slightly condition the vast funding on prevalence of the rule of law, it will be in no way a guarantee of success. First, it is doubtful whether cutting the funding will affect more the ruling class or the citizens. EU money is spent on everything, from building highways to providing equipment to primary schools in

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39

L

oin de vous, ô morts que je pleure, Des flots noirs j’écoute le glas ; Je voudrais fuir, mais je demeure, Hélas ! (...)

Pourtant le sort, caché dans l’ombre, se trompe si, comptant mes pas, Il croit que le vieux marcheur sombre est las. - Victor Hugo, Exil.

Par choix ou par obligation, nous sommes souvent amenés à quitter notre terre natale. Étant à un âge où le changement nous apparaît comme une opportunité rêvée, on est surpris malgré tout d’être

parfois envahi par la nostalgie de cette terre. Échapper aux codes sociaux qui nous sont familiers, à nos connaissances qui peuvent nous étouffer, nous sommes plein d’espoir le jour du départ puis, très vite, cette nouvelle composante de notre existence prend plus de place. • L’avion prend son envol et on regarde par le hublot. La terre de notre enfance se déroule sous nos yeux avec sa lumière si singulière ; douce et intense à la fois, cet angle discret du continent africain selon Kamel Daoud.

On réalise alors subitement le charme singulier de ce que l’on laisse derrière soi. Installé dans une nouvelle existence, ce sentiment de la première fois se ravive parfois et une douce nostalgie, comme un souvenir d’enfance, nous envahit.

La peur du changement : Tout est là, c’est l’unique question. Ce grand départ vers l’inconnu est synonyme de changement : par rapport à ceux qu’on connaissait mais aussi ceux qu’on connaîtra. En effet, ce sentiment se caractérise d’abord par un changement de ce qu’on est face aux autres, face aux nouvelles personnalités qui nous entourent. Rempli d’a priori, le premier contact est rarement naturel et, définir ce que l’on veut être dans cette nouvelle ambiance, marque un terme avec celui ou celle que nous étions. Confronté à cette altérité nouvelle, la nostalgie du pays se confirme et s’intensifie ; elle nous rappelle cette société dont nous connaissions parfaitement les codes et dans laquelle nous ne remettions pas en question notre identité. A cette peur du changement intérieur s’ajoute la peur de ne plus reconnaître son pays lors du retour. En effet, ceux laissés derrière nous changent, avancent, et trouvent un équilibre indépendamment de notre présence. Ainsi, nous sommes confrontés à la nécessité d’acquérir de nouveaux codes, de s’insérer dans cette société tout en craignant d’y perdre son identité initiale et la compréhension mutuelle dans laquelle on se trouvait avec notre société originelle. Le pays devient alors une quête, parfois une illusion et la nostalgie semble être une manière de rendre hommage à son pays, de montrer qu’il ne tombera pas dans l’oubli du cœur.

MAL DU PAYS Ce sentiment du mal du pays est d’autant plus exacerbé lorsqu’on sait que notre pays a mal, que de l’autre côté de la Méditerranée les conditions ne sont pas les mêmes et que nous sommes totalement impuissant du fait de notre absence. La peur de partir et de ne jamais vouloir revenir persiste, c’est en cela que le mal du pays est important, il nous rappelle d’où l’on vient et pourquoi nous sommes là.

Je ne peux plus vivre qu’en m’arrachant de moi-même, qu’en arrachant de moi-même mes points de rupture et de suture. Là où je me fragmente pour revivre dans d’incalculables ailleurs : terre, racines, arbres d’intensité, effervescence grenue à la face du soleil.

Quand l’indifférence s’évanouit. Quand tout me parle. Quand ma mémoire devient houleuse et que ses flots viennent se fracasser contre les rivages de mes yeux.

Abdellatif Laabidi - chronique de la citadelle d’exil Ce magnifique texte de Marcel Khalifa retranscrit pour moi parfaitement le sentiment de nostalgie lié à l’éloignement de sa terre et de sa patrie. Par l’analogie de sa mère “Ommi” pour représenter son Liban, l’artiste traduit son manque et met en valeur l’ambiance dans laquelle il a grandi. Son plus grand souhait est de retrouver cette terre, la terre de son enfance, ce pays qui est le sien :

40

J’ai la nostalgie du pain de ma mère Et du café de ma mère Et de la caresse de ma mère Et en moi, grandit l’enfance Un jour sur la poitrine d’un jour Et j’adore ma vie car Si je mourrais, J’aurais honte des larmes de ma mère Fais-moi (Oh mère), si je revenais un jour Un fard pour ta paupière Et couvre mes os avec l’herbe Baptisée par la pureté de tes talons Et attache-moi Avec une mèche de tes cheveux Avec un fil délié au pan de ta robe Peut-être deviendrais-je un Dieu Un Dieu je deviendrais Si j’atteignais le fond de ton cœur Fais de moi, si je revenais un jour Un combustible dans ta fournaise enflammée

MARIEM BEN M’RAD

CHRONIQUEUSE

Et une corde à linge sur la terrasse de ta maison Car je ne peux plus me tenir debout Sans la prière de ta journée Me voilà vieilli, rends moi les étoiles de l’enfance Pour que je puisse partager Avec les oiselets Le chemin du retour Au nid de ton attente.

Voyageur déchiré, Bruno catalano, cité Berryer (rue royale) Paris Chaque voyageur laisse une partie de lui-même dans son pays d’origine

AN ODE TO

PLATONIC LOVE YUSEF BUSHARA

COLUMNIST

The untaught harmony of falling into friendship is the most honest romance When true, it chooses not to deceive, For what’s the point of leading the heart astray It supersedes the impermanence of sexual love, with limitless intimacy.

Finding eternity in its companions is remarkably the only course it sets.

Sometimes, it wallows in the lukewarm poverty of intentions, to be starkly reminded that intentions alone have never satisfied.

The criteria for true platonic love is invariably defined by its constant pouring of itself into you, by itself It is solitude’s wildest dream, and mine too, whose imperceptibility intimidates the onlooker.

Its fibres stretch between two, through many Such an infatuation as its outlines the most beautiful half-crescent stamp placed squarely between the cliff ’s edge and mountain’s summit atop every face.

The sensation it arouses is the most pleasurable delight found on this side of heaven, found on this side of death.

But just like divinity, its truth tip-toes delicately above.

Those who have walked to its cadence and sung to its melody know well the fact that its song never once goes out of tune.

So, rejoice ! while its lyrics intoxicate every dancing blood cell, while your heart perpetually plays copy-cat with its rhythm, and with the adornment of that half-crescent stamp upon your face.

May platonic love remedy a world ailing, hearts misaligned, and curious voids awaiting the best type of friendship. ■

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